0t tte ®llPnlogira/ PRINCETON, N. J. CT 1502 . H54 1874 Higginbotham, J. J. Men whom India has known MEN WHOM INDIA HAS KNOWN. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/menwhomindiahaskOOhigg MEN WHOM INDIA HAS KNOWN: BIOGRAPHIES OF EMINENT INDIAN CHARACTERS, J. J. HIGGINBOTHAM. SECOND EDITION. WITH EMENDATIONS AND CONSIDERABLE ADDITIONS. Pates : HIGGINBOTHAM AND CO. 1874. MADRAS: PRINTED BY HIGGINBOTHAM AND CO., 165, MOUNT ROAD. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. In issuing the Second Edition of this book the Compiler feels it his duty to state his conviction that it is still far from being complete. There are many names, as familiar as household words, of men who have played a distinguished part in India, but for the compilation of whose biographies no materials appear to exist. It is, moreover, to be regretted that several in India, who probably have it in their power to contribute valuable information and help, have not res- ponded to the call made in the First Edition. Several of the additional biographies (about forty- five) in this Edition are of men who are still alive but who have retired from active service. This is quite compatible with the title of the book. It should, however, be understood that biographies of distinguished men still in India are purposely omitted. Bangalore, ) April 1874. ] J. J. H. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. Every Author or Compiler has a certain object in view in issuing a book, with which the Reader, in order fairly to judge of it, should become acquainted. This work lays no claim to originality, but it lays claim to furnishing many Memoirs which do not appear in English Biographical Dic- tionaries, and supplying particulars of the Indian careers of remarkable men, which are not elsewhere obtainable in a condensed form, or are only meagrely sketched. The works — several hundreds — which have afforded the Com- piler material, are too numerous to make a list of. Where- ever long and important quotations are made, the authority is given. The Reader must bear in mind that the career, apart from India, of men, whose Memoirs are contained in this work, is but scantily traced. It was not the Compiler’s original intention to issue the book in parts, but several reasons have induced him to adopt the plan. He began it about two years ago, and as he has only been enabled to devote his leisure hours to it, and as it demands a great deal of laborious reading and research, the progress has necessarily been slow. A great part of the work has been already completed in MS., and the com- pletion of the remaining portion under the circumstances abovementioned, will occupy a twelvemonth, by which time, the Compiler trusts, the book will be finished in 8 or 10 parts, of about 50 pages each. He, moreover, hopes the Vlll PKEFACE, first part will be productive of criticism, which may be of benefit to him, and elicit suggestions whereby he may be guided in the issue of forthcoming parts ; and he would be thankful for contributions of Memoirs which he may have omitted, or for the compilation of which no materials, as far as he is aware, exist. Another advantage in issuing the work in this form is, that, not being alphabetically arranged, fresh Memoirs, not originally contemplated, but adopted whilst the work is going through the Press, will always find a fitting place in its pages, and it would thus be rendered more complete. Should a Second Edition ever be called for, the book could then be easily arranged alphabetical^. In this work will be found incorporated the names of all writers on Indian subjects, and their works, taken from “ Dr. Buist’s Index to books and papers on the physical geography, antiquities and statistics of India,” revised; of most of these no materials exist for compiling Memoirs, but their works speak for them. “ Buist’s Index” is now exceedingly scarce, and the portion here re-printed will, the Compiler trusts, prove useful for reference. It is requested that contributions or suggestions may be addressed to the Compiler of “Men whom India has known,” care of Higginbotham and Co., Madras. Memoirs not consi- dered suitable will not be retui'ned, unless specially requested by the contributors. Madras, ) THE COMPILER. October 1870. i MEN WHOM INDIA HAS KNOWN. A ABUBEKR TOGHLAK, vide Toghlak. ABUL HASSAN, vide Mah- mood op Guzni. ABUL RASCHID, vide Mah- mood of Guzni. ADAM, the Honorable John, the eldest son of the Right Honorable William Adam, Lord Chief Com- missioner of the Jury Court for Civil Causes in Scotland, was born on the 4th of May 1779. — On his mother’s side, he was connected with the Elphinstones. In 1794, he was presented with a civil ap- pointment in Bengal, and in Feb- ruary 1796 arrived at Calcutta, along with his cousin tbe Honor- able Mountstuart Elphinstone. After occupying various important Government posts, Mr. Adam, while Senior Member of Council at Calcutta, had to act as Provi- sional Governor-General during the interregnum of Lord Hastings and Lord Amherst’s administra- tion, 1822-23. His brief admin- istration of seven months was marked by great energy, several good measures, and an attempt to gag the press. Mr. Adam had, for several years, been suffering from dysentery, to assuage which, lie had taken many temporary changes, which proved of no avail ; so, soon after Lord Amherst took up the reins of Government, he proposed proceeding to England. He accord- ingly embarked in March 1825, but the disease was too firmly rooted in his constitution, and he succumbed to it on the voyage. His remains were committed to the ocean, on the 4th of June, off Madagascar. A tablet is erected to his memory in Saint John’s Church, Calcutta, and a full length portrait by Chinnery, was placed in the Town Hall. Mr. Adam served the E. I. Company thirty years, and the Directors remarked, that he left behind him “ the reputation of exemplary integrity, distinguished ability and indefati- gable zeal.” ( Vide Buckingham.) AHMED, vide Mahmood of Guzni. AHMED SHAH DURANI, vide Durani Dynasty. AHM-ALB AHMED SHAH, vide Tamer- lane. AINSLIE, Dr. Sir Whitelaw, was a Madras Medical officer, and well known as the author of the “ Materia Medica Indica,” a most important and useful work. It was first published in Madras in 1 vol., 4to., and a 2nd Edition after- wards appeared in London, in 2 vols., royal octavo, 1826. He also wrote Observations on the Cholera Morbus, 1 vol., 8vo. On atmos- pherical influence. Loud. As. Trans., vol. I, p. 378 ;— On the climate of Seringapatam. As. Jl., 1835, vol. XIX, pp. 25—34;— Remarks on climate and diseases of Eastern Regions. Lond. As. Trans., vols. II, p. 13 ; III, p. 55. Ainslie died in London, aged 70, on the 29th of April 1836. AKBAR, vide Tamerlane. AKBAIl PADSHAH, vide Tam- erlane. ALA-U-DIN, vide Ghor. ALA-U-DIN, vide Khilji. ALA-U-DIN MASOOD, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. ALBUQUERQUE, Alfonso de, adescendant from a bastard branch of the Royal Family of Portu- gal, was born in 1453, near the town of Alhandra, about 20 miles from Lisbon. He was first known in Indian History in 1503, when he conducted a fleet to India and defeating the Zamorin of Calicut, secured the king of Cochin on his throne. After building a Fort at Cochin, which was considered the foundation of the Portuguese Em- pire in India, ho returned to Lis- bon in 1504, and was , again sent out to India in 1506, in command of a squadron of five ships, form- ing a part of a fleet under the or- ders of Tristan da Cunha. Albu- querque was detached to command in the Arabian Seas. After reduc- ing most of the chief trading towns between the Red Sea and the Per- sian Gulf, he captured Ormuz, but was eventually obliged to evacuate it. In 1508 being joined by some other ships he proceeded to the Malabar Coast, having received a secret commission to supersede Don Francisco d’Almeida, Gover- nor of the Indies. Almeida on be- ing informed of this imprisoned Albuquerque, but ere three months had elapsed, he was set at liberty by the arrival of the Grand Mar- shal of Portugal, Coutinho, with a powerful fleet. Almeida returned home, and Albuquerque, was ap- pointed General and Commander- in-Chief in India. In an affray with the Zamorin, the Marshal was killed and Albuquerque while going to his rescue was desperately wounded. Against the original designs of the Court of Portugal, Albuquerque laid siege to and captured the Island of Goa, on the Malabar Coast, about 23 miles in circumference. But he was driven from it, by its owner, a Moor named, Idalcan, in 1510. In the same year, three months after, (25th November), Albuquerque, with strong reinforcements sent out from Portugal, attacked Goa and carried it by storm, and firmly established the Portuguese Government there. A detach- ment of the fleet was ordered to proceed to Malacca, under the command of Diego de Vasconcellos, but Albuquerque’s ambition led him to seize the appointed com- mander and send him back to Portugal, while he himself under- ALE took the expedition and captured Malacca, Here lie erected a strong fort, coined money, established laws, conciliated the natives and founded the Portuguese power as strongly at Malacca as he had done at Goa. He returned to Goa in 1512, having had a most tem- pestuous voyage on which he was shipwrecked and nearly lost. During his absence, Goa was again besieged by the Zamorin and idal- can, but Albuquerque soon estab- lished his sway again and fixed the Portuguese influence on a sure footing from Cape Comorin to Goa. The desire of the Portuguese Court was still to prosecute the war in the Red Sea, with the object of destroying the existing Indian trade with Egypt and monopolise it. In 1513, Albuquerque sailed for Aden, in trying to reduce which place he was repulsed. He then entered the Red Sea, com- manding the first European fleet which ever entered it, but various disasters compelled him to return to India without accomplishing his designs. Albuquerque after this failure, vowed never to cut his beard till he had regained Ormuz, and it is said that he wore it till he could knot it to his girdle. He made a second attempt in 1515 with success. He here fell sick, and on his return to Goa, the ti- dings of his recall reached him, which accelerated his disease. He died on the 16th of December 1515, in the sixty-third year of his age. His body was buried at Goa, in the Church of ‘ Our Lady,’ which he had built. Fifty years after, his bones were conveyed to Portu- gal. His tomb used to be fre- quented by the natives, who loved his just and humane rule and prayed for help against the injus- tice of his successors. ALEXANDER THE GREAT, King of Macedonia, son of Philip, by Olimpius, daughter of Neopto- lemus, King of Epirus, was born B. c. 356. He was educated under Lysimachus and Aristotle, and while very young gave proofs of his unconquerable spirit, one of which was the breaking in of his fiery steed, Bucephalus. Alexan- der was devotedly attached to his mother, and took her part when the disputes arose which led to her divorce from Philip. Philip was assassinated, when making preparations for an invasion of Asia, and Alexander succeeded to the throne in his 20th year. After subduing a rebellion in Greece, which arose on his succession, and winning several other victories, he marched against Persia and de- feated Darius, its king. He next formed the vast design of conquer- ing India, and after a perilous march, reached the Indus, B. c. 330, which he crossed at Attock, after having subjugated Cabool. India was at this time ill-prepared to contend with this mighty con- queror’s legions, for it was divided into a host of petty principalities. Alexander sent envoys into the Punjaub to demand the submis- sion of her princes. Abissares sent his brother with rich presents to conciliate him. Taxiles enter- tained him at his capital, Taxila, most hospitably, but Porus, who ruled countries extending as far as Hustinapore, or Delhi, made a most determined resistance to try and check the onward career of Alexander, and massed his forces on the banks of the Jelum. The hostile camps were planted on each side — that of Porus present- ing a most formidable appearance, with a long line of elephants. The river, swollen with the periodical 4 ALE freshes, checked Alexander for a short time, but he discovered an island ten miles above the camp, and taking advantage of a dark and stormy night, he crossed to the opposite bank with 11,000 men. The main body of his army in the meantime was drawn up in its ori- ginal position. Thus Porus was lead to believe that only a small brigade had effected a crossing. He sent a detachment to meet it, which was speedily routed, and only then did Porus know of the reality of his position. He pre- ared to meet him with 4,000 orse and 30,000 foot, but Alexan- der’s small army was composed of veterans, who never knew what defeat was, and they were led by that invincible Chief himself. Porus obstinately contested the field, but the greater portion of his troops deserting him, he was compelled to yield. Alexander most magnanimously admired his courage, and not only restored his kingdom, but added to it, and Porus ever after remained faithful to his generous victor. Alexander’s next onslaught was on the Cathians, who fought des- perately. After great slaughter they were defeated and their ter- ritory was given to Porus. Alexander continued his con- quering career to the banks of the Sutlej, where he heard of the great Gangetic provinces ruled by Mu- gudu, who it was said could bring 30.000 cavalry, 600,000 foot, and 9.000 elephants into the field. Alexander was anxious to measure himself with him, and decided upon advancing on his magnifi- cent capital Palibothra, (for an interesting account of the site of which, see Asiatic Journal, vols. IV to VII), but his troops, wearied out with the hardships of eight campaigns, refused to proceed fur- ther. He then retraced his steps to the Jelum, on the banks of which he had built two cities, Nicaea and Bucephala, (the latter named in memory of his famous horse, who died there of age and wounds), constructed a fleet and sailed down the Indus. The voy- age occupied nine months, as he had to contend with enemies at certain points. In one of these fights he was wounded, by an ar- row entering his chest. He built a city and harbour at the estuary of the Indus and fitted out a large fleet, which he entrusted to his admiral Nearchus. While a por- tion of his troops were conveyed in it to the Persian gulf, Alexan- der marched with the remainder to Babylon. At Susa, he rested his army and endeavoured to ce- ment a permanent union between the conquered and the conquerors by inter-marriage. He himself married a daughter of the defeated Darius, and 80 of his officers and 10,000 soldiers took Asiatic wives. After having quelled a mutiny in his army, and dismissed 10,000 of his veterans who wished to return home, he marched on to Babylon, where he began to make prepara- tions of great magnitude for fur- ther undertakings in Arabia and Persia, but he was cut off by a fever in the 13th year of his event- ful reign and the 33rd of his life, May 323, B. c. His body was embalmed and taken to Alexan- dria, a city he had founded, which is at this lapse of time still the high road from Europe to the East. Plutarch, Arrian, Curtius, Diodo- rus. Justin and many others, all make mention of his wonderful exploits. “ Alexander the Great. On the route of. Lond. As. Trans., vol. i, ALI-ALM 5 148 — 199. — Court on exploits of, on western bank of the Indus. Bl. As. Trans., vol. viii, 304. — March of. As. Jl., 1837, vol. xviii. — Battle betwixt and Porus. Abbot on. Ibid, vols. xvii, xviii. — Expedition of, into the East, illustrated from the campaigns in Afghanistan. H. T. Prinsep on. As. Jr. 1843, 628. — Reputed descendants of, in the valley of the Oxus. Sir A. Burnes on, Bl. As. Trans., vol. ii, 307.” AL1M-GIR, II, vide Tamerlane. ALIVERDI, a general of Sujah Khan’s, succeeded him on his death, as Nabob of Bengal, after defeating Suffraze Khan, the only surviving son of the late Nabob. At the instigation of Nizam-ul- Mulk, a Mahrattah force of 80,000 attacked Aliverdi, with a view of checking further conquests. By a treacherous assassination, Aliver- di put an end to the life of its general and the army retired. But after a series of continual incur- sions which were harrassing his subjects and exhausting his trea- sury, he in 1751 agreed to pay chout to the Mahrattahs to the extent of 12 lacs of Rupees (£120,000) a year. He died on the 9th of April 1756, and was succeeded by Suraj-a-Dowlah. ALMEIDA, Francisco, was the first Portuguese Viceroy of India. On the 25th March 1505, he sailed from Lisbon to fill this important post. Barros says, “ His embarka- tion was the most brilliant that had ever taken place in Portugal . H is force consisted of 1,500 men, all belonging to very respectable fami- lies ; many of them were noblemen of the king’s household, all anxious to serve under so distinguished a leader.” He reached Quilon on the 22nd of J uly of the same year. Though his intentions were peace- ful, Ibrahim the Moorish king of that city fled, so Almeida gave the crown to Mahommed Anconni. He next proceeded to Mombaza, which he destroyed, and then to Cannanore, where he received an embassy from the king of Bijia- nugger, who proposed a treaty of alliance, and offered his own daughter in marriage. He here erected a fortress and made a shipment of spices, in eight vessels, which on their way home dis- covered the Island of Madagascar. His son, Lorenzo (vide Almeida, Lorenzo) was engaged in the naval expedition against the Soldan of Egypt ; his defeat and death induced Almeida to avenge the Portuguese cause, and though re-called, he sailed to Onar, burnt some vessels of the king of Calicut, took the town of Dabul and des- troyed it, and then engaged the Egyptian fleet, near Diu, in the kingdom of Cambay and gained a complete victory over it. Almeida surrendered his government to Albuquerque (vide Albuquerque) in 1509, and returned to Portugal. In an affray with the natives at Jaldanha Bay on the coast of Africa, where he stayed to get a supply of water, he was killed by the thrust of a spear into his throat by a native. ALMEIDA, Lorenzo, the son of Don Francisco Almeida, was a Naval Commander, who served under his father, the first Portu- guese Viceroy in India. He made the first establishment in Ceylon, and took the Maidive Islands. He next distinguished himself in an encounter with the Egyptian squadron in 1506 in the port of Chaul. The two squadrons fought equally and bravely, and when 6 AMH night came, some of Lorenzo’s officers advised him to cross the bar and put to sea, but though wounded, he refused to do so, as he considered it a cowardly act. On the Portuguese squadron sail- ing out next morning, Lorenzo’s vessel was the last, and the enemy directed their fire against her in particular. She got separated from the squadron and the enemy fired on her mercilessly. Though urged by his men to save himself in a boat, the gallant Lorenzo would not abandon them. A shot carried off one of his legs ; he then ordered his men to tie him to the mast, where he continued to cheer and encourage them till another shot blew away the left side of his chest. The vessel then stranded, was easily boarded by the enemy, and the crew were carried away captives. AMHERST, William Pitt, Earl, was born in 1773. In 1816 he was sent as Ambassador extraordinary to China, where he refused to submit to the degrading cere- monies insisted on by the Court of Pekin, and thus caused his mission to be fruitless. He was appointed Governor-General of India in 1823, and assumed the reins of government in August of that year. The chief events of his administration were the Burmese war, the mutiny at Barrackpore, and the capture of Bhurtpore, his policy through which will here be briefly detailed. For several years before the first Burmese war arose, the Burmese were extending their conquests towards the British territories of Bengal, and their menacing atti- tude culminated in the seizure of Shahpoore at the southern bound- ary of the Chittagong district, a barren island which had always been considered a part of the E. I. Company’s territories. On this island, the Burmese put to death and drove off the survivors of a feeble detachment of the Com- pany’s sepoys who had been placed there to assert their rights. Lord Amherst remonstrated, after hav- ing sent a force, who dislodged the Burmese. The remonstrance made for the continuance of peace, was considered by the Burmese Government as a symptom of fear and dread on the part of the British to encounter their troops. The insults became aggravated. An army was sent ( vide Muha Bundoola) to Arracan “ with orders to expel the English from Bengal.” Lord Amherst finding that all attempts to maintain peace were unavailing, declared war on the 24th of February 1824. The details of this campaign so disas- trous at first, belong to history. It is not the declaration of the war, but its conduct that deserves censure. It was the most ill-ar- ranged and reckless campaign that was ever attempted in India, and to the military authorities then in office the blame must be attach- ed. Thousands of British troops fell, — not on the battle field, but in camp, from the effects of bad accommodation, scanty and un- wholesome provisions and miasma. After a duration of two years the war endpd in the entire defeat and subjugation of the Burmese at a cost of thirteen crores of Rupees set off by the cession of Assam, Arracan and Tennasserim, and the payment of one crore of rupees. A great outcry was unjustly raised in England against Lord Amherst, and he had to draw up an elaborate defence of his proceedings, but the greatest statesmen in India pro- AMI— AUC nounced the -war to be “ not only just and necessary, but absolutely and positively unavoidable-” Sir Charles Metcalfe declared it “ the clearest case of self-defence and violated territory.” The mutiny of Barrackpore in 1824, was consequent upon the Burmese war — and the military authorities acted to tvardsthe muti- neers with undue severity. The dispute about the succession to the Raj of Bhurtpore gave rise to the siege and capture of that fortress ( vide Ochterlony and Combermeee.) Notwithstanding the general discontent that prevailed in Eng- land regarding the gross misman- agement of the Burmese war, its successful termination brought the Governor General a step in the peerage, as Earl Amherst of Arra- can. The Court of Directors also gave a vote of thanks for “ his active, strenuous, and persevering efforts in conducting to a success- ful issue the late war with the king of Ava.” The financial result of Lord Amherst’s administration was cala- mitous. The surplus revenue which had been left in the Treasury by his predecessor was converted into a deficit, and an addition was made of ten crores of Rupees to the public debt. Shortly after his arrival Lord Amherst removed the restrictions of the press imposed by his prede- cessor {vide Adam), and on his departure from Calcutta in Feb- ruary 1S28, he was complimented by the journals “ on the liberality and even magnanimity, with which he had tolerated the free expression of public opinion on his own individual measures, when he had the power to silence them with a stroke of his pen.” Earl Amherst died on the 13th of March 1857. AMIR SING, vide Shajee. A FUND ROW, vide Gaikwae Family. ANWAR-O-DEEN, vide Car- natic Nabobs. APPA SAHIB, vide Bhonslay Rajahs. ARAM, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. ARSLAN, vide Mahmood of Guzni. ASOPH-U-DOWLAH, vide Oudh, Nabob-Vizers of, AUCHMUTY, Sir Samuel, an English officer, who, after serving with great distinction in North America under Sir W. Howe, went to India and took part in the siege of Seringapatam under Lord Corn- wallis. He retired to England in 1803, and served in South America in 1806. In 1809, he was appoint- ed Commander-in-Chief of the Carnatic, and in 1811, reduced to the dominion of Great Britain, the rich settlements of J ava and Bata- via, for which he received the thanks of both Houses of Parlia- ment. He died of apoplexy on the 11th August 1822, in the 66th year of his age. His remains, after lying in state at Kilmainham Hospital ten clays, were interred in the royal vault in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. AUCKLAND, George Eden, Earl of, son of William Eden, Lord Auckland, was born on the 25th of August 1784, called to the 8 AUC bar in 1809, and succeeded liis father in 1814 as Lord Auckland. He was appointed President of the Board of Trade and Master of the Mint in November 1833, and in July the following year, he became First Lord of the Admi- ralty. He vacated that office a few months after and went out to India as Governor-General, into which office he was sworn on the 20th March 1836. Perhaps no Governor-General of India ever took up his post with more pacific and benevolent intentions than did Lord Auckland, yet, less than two years saw him plunged head- long into a war to which he was secretly averse, and which has been stamped as the most unjust, ill- advised and unnecessary that ever the British name or reputation was risked on. The dread of a Russian or French invasion with the alliance of Persia and Afghanis- tan, induced Lord Auckland, in defiance of the protests of the Court of Directors, though by the advice of Her Majesty’s Ministers and his own official advisers, to take the initiative in this Afghan war. Dost Mahommed was at this time the reigning sovereign at Cabool, and Shah Sujah the de- throned one, a pensioner on British bounty at Loodiana. Lord Auck- land and his official advisers enter- tained an inveterate distrust of Dost Mahommed, and conceived a favorite policy of their own in opposition to that recommended by Sir Alex. Burnes, the Persian Envoy, the result of which was Burnes’ summary recall in 1838. Then came the famous siege of Herat, so ably defended by the experience, skill and courage of Major Eldred Pottinger. Lord Auckland instead of conciliating Dost Mahommed, and entering into an alliance with him against Russian aggression and Persian ambition, resolved upon dethron- ing him and re-instating Shah Sujah, the longdethroned Monarch of Afghanistan, without any real deference to the wishes and aspi- rations of the people most interest- ed in the matter. A manifesto was set forth on the 1st October 1838, announcing this new policy, Runjeet Singh being an ally of the British. Early in the following month, news arrived of the retire- ment of the Persians from Herat ; but this did not effect the political programme determined upon, beyond the reduction of the British force. Sir Henry Fane, Commander-in-Chief, took this opportunity of withdrawing from the personal command of the ex- pedition, the policy of which he had never approved and Sir John Keane filled his place. The army advanced — Candahar and Gliuzni were captured. Dost Mahommed was put to flight and Shah Sujah re-instated at Gabul on 6th August 1839 on a throne from which he had been exiled thirty years. The English army was reduced to a moiety by the return of nearly the whole of the Bombay and a portion of the Bengal division to India. Sir Willoughby Cotton was left in chief command with about 10,000 troops distributed over a wide extent of country. The two years’ policy which follow- ed in trying to keep Shah Sujah safe on his throne, was remarkable for the activity of our political officers. ( Vide Todd, Burnes, Pottinger, Conolly,Macnaugh- ten.) So far the military suc- cess of the expedition was brilli- ant, but the prophetic warnings of the Duke of Wellington began soon to loom in the future, and ANS 9 culminated in the Cabul massacre in November 1841 and almost total annihilation of our army. Though Lord Auckland was advanced a step in the peerage in 1839 for the military success of the Afghan ex- pedition, when the news of the Cabul disasters reached England, his policy was denounced, and he was recalled, being succeeded by Lord Ellenborough. He died in his sixty-fifth year, on the 1st of January 1849, at the Grange, Hants — unmarried. ( Vide Dost Mahommed.) ANSTEY, Mr. Chisolm, was born in London, 1816, and educated at University College, London. He was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple, 1839. He was an early contributor to the Dublin Review , the Law Magazine, dec., and being of the Roman Catholic faith he took an active part in all political measures affecting the interests of that body. In 1854, he was ap- pointed Attorney-General, Hong- kong, which post he resigned in 1858 owing to differences, with the Governor and Law-Officers of the colony. While there, a baker at- tempted to poison the European inhabitants by putting arsenic in all the bread in the ovens of the Settlement, and Anstey was one of those who with great difficulty escaped the effects of the poison. His health received a severe shock, and he never considered himself the same man, in constitution again. He next tried Calcutta, but did not succeed, as he said “ He did not like Calcutta and Calcutta did not like him.” He went to Bombay in 1860, where his success was amazing. His (intellect, legal lore and eloquence soon brought him into prominent notice. From 1862 to 1865 he occupied a leading position in all the cases that went before the High Court, and in the middle of the latter year, when Bombay was most demoralized in the speculative-share-mania, the Government of Sir Bartle Frere, elevated Anstey to the Bench oi the High Court, during the tem- porary absence of Sir Joseph Ar- nould. His decisions were dealt out with the extreme penalty of the law allowed by the Penal Code, The natives got up a monster peti- tion to Government, 16tli Decem- ber 1.865, praying for the removal of Anstey from the Bench. “ The reply of Government, based upon a Minute written by Sir Bartle Frere in January 1866 up- held the dignity of the Judge and silenced the clamour of the peti- tioners by its avowed appreciation of his talents, learning, and fear- less determination to do his duty. Sir Bartle Frere said he had no doubt in his own mind that Mr. Anstey’s presence on the Bench had tended greatly “ to maintain strict and regular procedure in the Court and materially aided the Court in the arduous task which, but for his assistance, it would have been very difficult to perform. To render this service, Mr. Anstey sacrificed, I believe, the largest and most lucrative private prac- tice at the bar : and this sacrifice and these services constitute, I conceive, a substantial title to the gratitude of the Government and community which it would require something more than infirmity of temper to neutralize.” In the early part of 1866, Sir Joseph Arnould returned and Anstey retired and resumed his practice at the Bar, when a com- bination among the Attorneys left him briefless for a while ; this, however, fell to the ground as TO BAB-BAI the persecuted barrister accepted briefs from his clients direct. In 1867, he went to England, and in 1868, in the Bridgewater Com- mission, with two other revising barristers conducted the inquiry in such a style, that they were dubbed, “ The World, the Flesh and the Devil,” the latter being Anstey’s special designation. The result of the affair was that Lord Chief J ustice Cockburn spoke of Anstey’s conduct in the most se- vere terms. Anstey replied in a pamphlet bringing several serious charges against Lord Cockburn, and on hearing that His Lordship was about to file a criminal suit against him, he returned to Bom- bay. Here he continued to prac- tice with great success, till his death, 17th August 1873. Three times during the last six months of his life, he had determined to take a trip to England, and three times he was induced to remain and take up important cases, the last being that of the “ Towers of Silence.” He had been suffering from diarrhoea, for two or three weeks, and against the advice of his medical attend- ants persisted in indulging in cold baths, taking no less than five the day before his death. He came out of his last bath on the morning of his death and sank in a few minutes from exhaustion. He was twice married, his second wife being Miss Strickland, a sister of Miss Agnes Strickland, the authoress, who on account of his irascible temper had lived apart from him for many years, at Leghorn. His temper was unparalleled and continuously led him into quarrels professionally and in social circles and during his last stay in Bombay he was almost ostracised. AURUNGZEBE, vide Tamek- LANE. AYLAH BYE, vide Holkar Family. AYUB, vide Durani Dynasty. AZIM JAH, vide Carnatic Na- bobs. AZIM-UL-OMRAH, vide Car- natic Nabobs. B BABER, vide Tamerlane. BAILEY, Rev. Benjamin, “ This venerable Missionary, during forty years of untiring service in the cause of the Church Mission in Travancore, endeared himself to all classes both of the European and native community. To the sound and liberal attainments of a Churchman, he added the talents of a linguist and a botanist of the highest order. He was the author of that comprehensive Dictionary of the Malayalum tongue which will ever make him dear to the memory of every scholar in, and friend of, Travancore. He was a true and consistent friend of the Syrian Christians about him, and though he avoided mixing himself up with sectarian disputants, his BAI 11 merits are known by tradition to almost eveiy Syrian child in Tra- vancore even of the present day.” At the time of his death, which occurred at the ripe age of eighty, in the early part of 1871, he was rector of Sheiton, Salop. BAIRD, General Sir David, was born in 1757 and commenced his military career in 1772 in the second regiment of Foot. In 1779, he went out to India as Captain of the 73rd. During the Carnatic wars he happened to be with the unfortunate detachment of Colonel Baillie and at the affair of Perambaucum {vide Lindsay, Hydee) was wounded in four places, and was left as dead for a whole day and night on the battle field. But on becoming conscious he walked into the French camp, and was there made prisoner by the officers, who sent him to Hyder. Eventually Hyder sent him on to Seringapatam, where he dragged through a weary imprisonment of three and a half years in one of its miserable dungeons. After the Treaty of M angalore in 1784, Baird with the other surviving prisoners was released, and he was spared to avenge on a future occasion the frightful cruelties perpetrated by Tippoo on hundreds of his companions in arms. In 1787, Baird was made Major of the 71st, and after his return to England, was made Lieutenant Colonel of the same regiment in 1790. In the following year he returned to India, and under the Mar- quis Cornwallis served with great distinction in the capture of Sa- vendroog. In 1797, he arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where he was appointed Brigadier-Ge- neral, and placed on that staff in command of a Brigade. In 1798 he returned to India as Major-General, and led the storm- ing party at the siege of Seringa- patam, 4th May 1799, exclaiming as he stepped out of the trenches with uplifted sword, when all his arrangements were completed, ‘ Come, my brave fellows, follow me, and prove yourselves worthy the name of British soldiers !' The result is well known. ( Vide Tippoo, Wellesley, Welling- ton, Harris.) Before proceeding further it must be noticed that when the army was being organized for this war, Colonel Wellesley was ap- pointed at the Nizam’s request to the command of the Hyderabad Contingent in February 1799. Wellesley being Baird’s junior in the service, the selection caused the latter great dissatisfaction, although there were three officers* senior to him, who might have taken umbrage with more justice. Baird thought fit to write a letter to General Harris, the commander- in-chief, commenting upon his imaginary grievance. The Appendix No. IV shews how the affair ended. After the capture of Seringapatam, Baird who had led the storming party applied to be relieved. General Harris immediately communi- cated with Major Turing, the De- puty Adjutant-General, and asked wdio was the next officer for duty — “Colonel Roberts,” said Major Turing. “ Then put him in orders to go,” replied General Harris. A little while afterwards, Major Turing said, “ no, Sir, I have made a mistake ; Colonel Welles- ley is the next for duty, not Co- lonel Roberts.” Then let Colonel * Major-General Floyd, Major-Gene- ral Bridges, Major-General Popham. 12 BA I Wellesley be put in orders for the relief,” said General Harris. So Wellesley went, and on the 6th of May 1799, General Harris re- ceived a letter from Colonel W el- lesley, stating that it was abso- lutely necessary that he should appoint a permanent garrison and a commanding officer to the place. He added, “ Till that is done, the people will have no confidence in us, and everything must be in confusion. That which I arrange this day, my successor may alter to-morrow, and his the next day, and nothing will ever be set- tled.” General Harris imme- diately appointed Wellesley in command and gave him a more permanent garrison. Baird remon- strated at what he considered favouritism and received a rebuke which recalled him to a more correct sense of military discipline. The correspondence is printed in the Appendix No. V. Baird hav- ing borne the brunt of the assault, it is not to be wondered at that he considered himself entitled to the high post which was now con- ferred upon Colonel Wellesley, and notwithstanding all that has been urged in defence of the appointment, by Lord Harris’ bio- grapher, the Right Hon’ble S. R. Lushington, it is questionable whether Baird would not have received the post of Governor of Seringapatam, taking all circum- stances into consideration, had the Marquis Wellesley not been Gov- ernor-General of India at the time, for the following correspondence shews how exactly Harris under- stood the Governor-General. Lord Harris in a despatch from Camp Milgottah, dated 28th June 1799, to the Marquis, writes : “ 111 inten- tioned people talk nonsense, I hear, of your brother's appoint- . rnent to command in Seringa- patam***** He was afterwards (after Baird had requested to be relieved) permanently appointed by me, from my thinking him more equal to the particular kind of duty than any other officer in the army.” The Marquis’ reply was, “ My opinion, or rather know- ledge and experience, of his (Co- lonel Wellesley) discretion, judg- ment, temper and integrity, are such, that if you had not placed him in Seringapatam, I would have done so of my own authority, because I think him in every point of view the most proper for that service.” Baird, however, received an appropriate reward for his valuable services, as will be seen by the following extract from General Harris’ Journal. “ June 6th. — Delivered to Major- General Baird the sword voted to him by the Prize Committee, i had directed officers commanding wings, brigades, and corps to meet me at my tent, when I addressed them nearly as follows : — “ Gentlemen, I have assembled this very respectable meeting on an occasion which I have no doubt will give equal pleasure to us all. The Prize Committee, of which Major-General Floyd is President, have requested me to present to Major-General Baird, in the name of the army, the sword of Tippoo Sultaun, found in his bed-chamber on the day the tyrant fell, with an extract 1 then read, and, taking the sword from Scott (my aide-de- camp) said, ‘ Major-General Baird, I have now the pleasure to present you the sword you have so honour- ably obtained, and most sincerely wish you long to wear it.’ He was j too agit at ed to make any connect - i ed answer. A suitable reply was I sent in writing a few hours after. BAJ— BAR 13 Thus closed the differences be- tween Baird and Harris, and it is said by the latter’s biographer that from that time to the year in which they died (1829) neither said an unkind word nor did an unkind deed towards the other. The following characteristic anecdote is told of Baird and Lieutenant Lambton at the last siege of Seringapatam. On the 4th April 1799, Baird received orders to scour a tope during the night, where it was supposed that Tippoo had placed an advanced post. Lambton was on his staff, and finding no one in it, Baird resolved to return to camp, and was proceeding, as he thought towards head-quarters. The night was clear, and the constellation of the Great Bear was near the me- ridian, and Lambton noticed that instead of proceeding South — they were going North, on Tippoo’s whole army. He apprised the General of this, who having no knowledge of astronomy replied, that he knew very well where he was going without consulting the stars. Presently the detachment fell in with one of the enemy’s outposts, which was soon dispersed, and this led Baird to apprehend that Lambton’s observation might be correct. He ordered a light to be struck and on consulting a pocket compass it was found (as Lambton used humourously to say) that the stars were right ! In 1801, Baird assisted the Bri- tish army in Egypt. In 1804, he was appointed Lieutenant-General, and commanded an expedition to the Cape of Good Hope, and made the Dutch surrender the colony. In 1807 he returned to England, and removed from the colonelcy of the 54th which he then had, to the colonelcy of the 24th, and was placed on the foreign staff under Lord Cathcart, with whom he served at Copenhagen, where he was slightly wounded. In 1808 he was in Spain and commanded the first division of the army in the battle of Corunna, where he lost an arm, and for his gallantry on this occasion he was created a baronet. He died at Femtower, Perthshire, on the 18th August 1829. BAJEE ROW, vide Peishwas. BALAJEE WISWANATH, vide Peishwas. BARLOW, Sir George Hilaro, came out to India as a civil servant on the Bengal establishment, and by a meritorious service of twenty- eight years, rose through the gra- dations of office to a seat in the Council. No officer in the coun- try had acquired a greater fund of knowledge and experience than he. For liis industry and official quali- fications, he had been praised by three successive Governors-Gene- ral. He had worked under Lord Wellesley, and assisted in carrying out his grand views to such an extent, as to induce that noble- man to obtain the reversion of the Governor-Generalship for him, though the ministry in England had resolved never again to place any local official at the head of the government. He so fully approved of Wellesley’s policy, that when it was condemned, be lost the pros- pect of succeeding him. When Lord Cornwallis arrived in the country to fill the post of Gover- nor-General for the second time, he communicated this fact to him, which it is not at all improbable led him to become the firm advo- cate of the new and conciliatory 14 BAR policy of the India House towards the rebellious Mahrattah Chiefs. As stated in Lord Lake’s life, the remonstrance Lake made against this policy arrived when Corn- wallis was no more, and it devolv- ed upon Barlow to reply. He an- nounced his determination to fol- low the footsteps of his predeces- sor, and to sever the alliances with the native princes which he had assisted Lord Wellesley in estab- lishing. As he described it, his policy was “ directed to the divest- ing ourselves of all right to the exercise of interference in the af- fairs of the native princes where we possessed it almost to an un- limited extent by treaty, and to the withdrawing from all concern whatever in the affairs of every state beyond the Jumna.” He further remarks, that this course was “ in conformity with the prin- ciples laid down by parliament, with the orders of their honour- able masters, and with his own convictions of expediency.” In fact, in the opinion of Barlow, the tranquillity of our dominions would be as well promoted by anarchy prevailing beyond our frontier, — by native princes hav- ing their hands quite full in fight- ing with each other — as it would be by Lord Wellesley’s policy of establishing it by British supre- macy over them. Metcalfe, sub- sequently, provisional Governor- General, himself, described the policy as “ disgrace without com- pensation, treaties without securi- ty, peace without tranquillity.” However, by the firmness and decision of Lord Lake, Sindiah had been compelled to sue for peace — and Holkar, pursued to Uraritsur, surrendered also. Wel- lesley’s grand scheme was accom- plished by the General in the field, but utterly overthrown by the Council Board. The treaties which Lake had made Sindiah and Hol- kar sign, surrendering certain dis- tricts to the Company, Barlow re- fused to ratify. Gohud and Gwa- lior were yielded to Sindiah, and Barlow actually guaranteed that the British Government would make no treaties with any of Sin- diah’s tributary states in the Raj- poot territory without the consent of their feudal lord ! As to the concessions he made to Holkar, they were to such an extent as to restore to him almost all his do- minions, Rampoora, Tonk and Boondee. This left two of our allies, the Rajahs of Jeypore and Boondee, whom Wellesley, Corn- wallis, and Lake had successively promised protection, for the un- varying assistance they had always afforded us, entirely to the merci- less cruelty of the Mahrattahs and Patans. The result of this policy was that twelve years of anarchy followed, and it fell to the lot of Hastings to accomplish the settle- ment of Central India, in 1817-18, which might have been done by Lord Wellesley’s plans in 1805, with greater ease and at less cost. It was after the withdrawal of British protection from the west of the Jumna, that a conflict occurred tinged with a ray of romance, but producing great misery to the people, between the Rajahs of Jeypore and Joudhpore, for the hand of Krishna Koo- maree, the lovely daughter of the Rana of Oodypore. The highest honour that a Rajpoot prince could attain wras an alliance with this ancient and illustrious house — “ the sun of Hindoo glory.” This princess had been betrothed to Bheem Sing, the Rajah of Joudh- pore, who died before the marriage BAR 15 took place. Her hand was then solicited by Juggut Sing, the Ra- jah of Jeypore ; • but Maun Sing, the successor of Bheera Sing, maintaining that she was his, as she was betrothed to the throne and not its occupant, attacked the convoy sent to convey her to Jey- pore. The contest between these two houses so weakened them, that they were scarcely able to offer any resistance to the Mah- rattahs and Patans. It was in the power of the British Government alone to stop the feud. The Go- vernor-General had but to speak the word : he was asked but re- fused to interfere, as such inter- ference would be contrary to the policy of the India House. A fear- ful tragedy restored peace to the distracted state of Rajpootana, and this was no less than the beau- tiful princess, only seventeen years of age, consenting to put an end to her existence, at the suggestion of her father, who had been urged to this course by Ameer Sing. The poisoned bowl was presented to her by Chand Bye, the Rana’s sister, who urged the princess to sacrifice her life, to save the honour of the house of Oodypore. Meekly bowing her head, she said, “ This is the marriage to which I was foredoomed,” and drank off three successive doses. This event created an immense excitement in the capital. One of the nobles galloped there in haste, unbuckled his sword and shield, laid them at the feet of the Rana, and said, My ancestors have served yours for thirty generations, but never more shall these arms be used in your service.” In the case of the Nizam, who evinced some sympathy with Sin- diah and Holkar, the Governor- General showed greater firmness, than in dealing with Rajpootana and Malwa, which by his policy were cruelly abandoned to anarchy and desolation. His policy with regard to Poona also was praiseworthy. The Court of Directors wished to leave all to the Peishwa and have nothing to do with the Mahrattahs, but Bar- low maintained the supremacy of the Company, and rejected the claims of the Peishwa to interfere with the other Mahrattah Chief- tains. Barlow was superseded by Lord Minto on the 31st July 1807, and transferred to the Government of Madras, which had become vacant by the recall of Lord William Ben- tinck after the mutiny of Vellore {vide Bentinck, .Gillespie.) Un- fortunate as his administration had been in Bengal, it was equally so in Madras, where he became very unpopular. Tiie most memo- rable occurrence during his Go- vernorship was the mutiny of the European officers of the army, in 1809. Barlow has been in some measure blamed for having pro- duced this feeling of discontent by his violent and arbitrary spirit ; but the true cause of the mutiny is attributable to the practice of conferring all posts of command and dignity to officers of the royal army, and an invidious distinc- tion being made between the pay of the European officers in Bengal and Madras. Moreover, before the Vellore mutiny, a seat in Coun- cil, with an additional allowance, had always been attached to the office of Commander-in-Chief, but on the dismissal of Sir John Crad- dock {vide Bentinck), it was re- fused to his successor, and the vacancy was filled by a civilian. The General did not conceal from the officers his exasperation, who 1C BAR sympathised with him, as they were deprived of a representative at the Council Board. The Court of Directors also, mad on ‘ re- trenchment,’ ordered the abolition of the Tent Contract, which fur- nished the officers in command of regiments with a fixed monthly allowance for camp equipage for their men. Sir John Craddock and Lord William Bentinck had determined to abolish the contract, when they were suddenly recalled, and it fell to the lot of the already unpopular Governor to carry out the resolution. It increased the resentment of the officers. Violent correspondence arose between the Commander-in-Chief and the Go- vernor— the former was on the eve of retiring ; he had gone on board the vessel that was to convey him home — the resignation of officers is always sent in by the last boat leaving the ship, but Barlow de- posed General Macdowall, and also suspended Major Boles, De- puty-Adjutant-General, for having in his official capacity, signed a general order issued by the Gene- ral before embarking, protesting against the interference of Govern- ment. Letters of condolence pour- ed in upon Major Boles, and a sug- gestion was made to raise a sub- scription to compensate for his loss of salary. The ship Macdowall sailed in foundered at sea, but in the excitement of these proceed- ings, a memorial had been drawn up to the Governor-General, repre- senting the grievances of the Mad- ras army ; and though it was never sent, and the agitation had mode- rated, Barlow on the 1st May 1809, issued an order suspending four officers of rank, and removing eight others from their commands, for having promoted the memorial. Thus he blew the dying embers into a flame — the whole army was in a blaze of mutiny. The officers at Hyderabad had taken no part in the memorial, and Barlow com- plimented them officially for their fidelity, but they repudiated the exclusion. A hundred and fifty- eight officersof J aulna and Hydera- bad signed an address to Govern- ment, demanding the repeal of the order of the 1st of May, and the restoration of the officers, so as “ to prevent the horrors of civil war, and the ultimate loss of a large portion of the British possessions in India ; and the dreadful blow it would inflict on the mother coun- try.” A European regiment at Masulipatam broke into open mu- tiny, and arranged to join the Hy- derabad and Jaulna divisions and usurp the Government of Madras. Several officers of high standing and great experience among whom were Malcolm and Montresor, ad- vised Barlow to bend to the storm, but he became very firm — he had been Secretary to Sir J ohn Shore when he was placed in similar circumstances, and saw the ill- effects of his timidity — he had before him the example of Clive, and in the same spirit he dealt with the mutiny. His energetic proceedings staggered the officers and induced them to pause. The Hyderabad brigade was the first to submit, followed by all the others, except at the single station of Seringapatam, where the native regiments commanded by discon- tented officers, refused to submit, and were fired upon by the King’s troops and 150 killed and wound- ed. Lord Minto had now arrived from Bengal. All the Hyderabad officers were pardoned ; of the others some were cashiered, and some simply dismissed and again restored to the service. BAR— BAS 17 The mutiny was the subject of angry debates at the Indian House which after many protests termi- nated in the recall of Barlow, 1810. No information is to be had of his after career. BARTOLOMEO, FRA PAOLI- NO DE SAN, or John Philip Werdin, was born near Manners- dorf in Austria, 25th April 1748. Having studied philosophy and theology at Prague, he joined the Carmelites at Rome in 1769, and learned some of the Oriental languages. He went to the coast of Malabar in 1774, remained there fourteen years, and was suc- cessively appointed vicar-general and Apostolic visitor. He return- ed to Rome in 1790 to superintend the religious works then being printed by the Propaganda for the use of the Missionaries in India. Bartolomeo was one of the earliest Europeans who studied Sanscrit, but being in the south of India, he had not the same advantages as some of his countrymen in Bengal. His Sanscrit Grammar was published in the Tamil char- acter, instead of the Devanagiri, in Rome in 1790. When the Erench invaded Italy in 1798, he removed to Vienna ; but he re- turned to Rome in 1800, and was patronized by Pius VII. A se- cond edition of his Grammar ap- peared in 1804, but the work is entirely superseded, by later, more accurate and complete Grammars. Bartolomeo also wrote an account of his travels and wrote and edited other works, the chief of which are ‘ Systema Brahmanicum liter- gicum, mythologicum, civile, ex monumentis Indicis, &c., disser- tationibus historicis illustravit,’ Rom., 1791 ; ‘India Orientalis Christiana, continens Fundationes Ecclesiarum, Seriem Episcoporum, Missiones, Schismata, Persecu- tiones, Viros illustres’, Rom., 1794 ; ‘ Viaggio alle Indie Orientali,' Rom., 1796; ‘ Amarashinha, seu Dictionarii Samscrda mici sectio prima de Caelo ; extribus ineditis Codicibus Indicis Manuscriptis, cum Versione Latina/ Rom., 1798 (the whole of this dictionary, of which Paulinus has edited the first part, was printed at Serampore, in 1808, under the care of Cole- brooke) ; ‘ De Antiquitate et Affi- nitate Linguae Zendicae et Sans- crdamicae germanicae Dissertatio,’ Rom., 1708, Padua, 1799 ; and ‘De Latini Sermonis Origine et cum Orientalibus Linguis Connexione,’ Rom., 1802. Bartolomeo died in Rome in 1806. BARUKZYE FAMILY, (The) in Afghanistan. Poyndah Khan, the able min- ister and supporter of Teimoor Shah — head of the “ Barukzye” family, was murdered by his mon- arch. Futteh Kiian, his son, avenged his death by deposing Shah Su- jah and setting up Shah Malimood — but he was murdered by the lat- ter, and Prince Kamran and his family avenged his death by seiz- ing the throne in 1818. After the murder of Sultan Ali and the flight of Ayub, Dost Mahommed became chief of the Barukzyes in 1823 {vide Dost Mahommed). Shere Ali seized the throne on Dost Ma- homed’s death, and through vary- ing changes of fortune still retains it. He was recognised as Ameer of Cabool by Lord Mayo in I860 {vide Lawrence, Mayo). BASE VI, Captain James Pal- ladis a martyr to science, 18 BAS was a son of the celebrated Archi- tect, George Basevi, who designed the Fitz-William Museum at Cam- bridge, and several other buildings of importance, and was attaining great eminence in his profession, when he was killed by a fall from the tower of Ely Cathedral. This unfortunate accident excited the sympathy of the Queen, who con- doled with the family and offered to assist in providing for the sons. Basevi first entered at Rugby, then at Cheltenham College, and afterwards at Addiscombe. He won a high position and in De- cember 1851 left as the first Cadet of his term, obtaining the first in Mathematics, the sword for good conduct, the Pollock Medal, and a commission in the Hon’ble E. I. Company’s Corps of Engi- neers. His first services in India were in the D. P. W. of the Bengal Presidency, but in 1856 he was appointed to the Great Trigono- metrical Survey of India, in which he continued to serve up to the time of his death. “ He took a prominent part in each of the various branches of the operations, the triangulation, topography, linear measurements, and astronomical observations, but more particularly in the prin- cipal triangulation, of which he completed two chains of an aggre- gate length of nearly 300 miles. In 1860 he rendered valuable assistance in a military recon- naisance of the country of the Mahsood Wuzeeris, on the Trans- Indus Frontier, which was made when an expedition was sent, under General Sir Neville Cham- berlain, K.C. B. , to punish that tribe for repeated raids and aggressions. In 1862, while employed on the east coast of the Peninsula, he wTas deputed on an operation of a similar character, though unat- tended by any of the pomp or circumstance of war ; single-hand- ed he completed a valuable recon- naisance of the wild mountain tracts and forests of Jeypore and Bustar, to the west of Vizaga- patam, which, though, bordering on districts that had long been held by the British Government, were so sparsely inhabited and so malarious and deadly, that they were still little known and had never been surveyed.” “In 1864, he was selected to undertake certain operations which had been proposed by the Presi- dent and Council of the Royal Society for the determination of gravity at the stations of the great meridional arc of triangles mea- sured by Lambton and Everest, which extends from Cape Comorin to the Himalayan Mountains. The investigations were to be effected by measuring the number of vibra- tions which would be made in a given time by certain invariable pendulums when swung at the several stations. The pendulums were the property of the Royal Society, and they had been used by General Sabine in his cele- brated operations, extending from the equator through the Atlantic to the Arctic Ocean. Similar observations had been made by various persons in other parts of the world, but in almost all in- stances on islands or coasts, and not in the interior of continents ; thus further observations were needed in order to ascertain to what extent the results might be affected by differences in the con- ditions of the earth’s crust under oceans and continents. By the combination of pendulum obser- vations with the astronomical and geodesical measurements of BAS 19 the Indian Survey a very favour- able opportunity would be pre- sented for acquiring informa- tion of great value towards the solution of many problems of high scientific interest. These consi- derations induced the Indian Go- vernment to accede to the proposals of the Royal Society, and the circumstance that the Russian Go- vernment intended to have pendu- lum observations made at the principal stations of the Great Russian arc was doubtless not without its influence also on the Indian authorities. Captain Basevi entered on the pendulum observations with his character- istic ardour and devotion. Fully impressed with the conviction that the utmost accuracy and precision humanly attainable would not be more than his work demanded of him, he spared no pains to attain the high standard of accuracy which he set before himself. He carried his observations of pen- dulum and clock coincidences over at least 12 days at each station ; for 10 hours daily — from 6 P. M. to 4 p. M. — he never left his pendu- lums for more than a few minutes at a time, taking rounds of obser- vations at intervals of an hour and a half apart ; then at night he would devote a couple of hours to star observations for determining time. Thus he voluntarily under- took an amount of work which few men would care to perform continuously, and he carried it through without flinching or at all relaxing his programme of opera- tions during the five years that the work lasted. He also made very elaborate and laborious inves- tigations of the corrections for temperature and pressure to be used in the reduction of his obser- vations. For this purpose it was I frequently necessary to raise the experimenting room to a very high artificial temperature, 40 to 50 deg. above the temperature of the external air, and to sustain the heat at a constant point for several days together. The room was in- tensely stiffling, and of the many visitors who went to watch the operations there was scarcely one who would remain in it for more than a few minutes, or who cared to visit it a second time ; but Captain Basevi carried on his ob- servations in it just as at his ordi- nary stations for weeks together, with a pertinacious devotion which was the surprise and admiration of all who knew what he was doing, but which, as will be seen from the sequel, may possibly have tended to undermine his consti- tution.” “His observations of the pen- dulums on the Indian arc showed that the local variations of gravity which are superposed on the great law of increase from the equator to the poles, though apparently irregular when examined singly, are subject to laws which are highly interesting and curious, and are well worthy of investi- gation. At the northern extremity of the arc the results indicate a deficiency of density as thestations approach the Himalayan moun- tains, while at the southern ex- tremity they indicate an increase of density as the stations ap- proach the ocean ; thus both groups of results point to a law of diminution of density under mountains and continents, and an increase under the bed of the ocean. To test this point still further, after the completion of the observations on the arc the pendulums were taken to an island in the latitude of Cape Comorin, 20 BAS about 250 miles from the main- land, and to several stations on the east and west coasts of the Peninsula, in the same latitudes as certain of the stations in the middle of the continent. In all cases it was found that gravity at a coast station is in excess of gra- vity at a corresponding inland sta- tion, and that at the ocean station it is greater than at Cape Comorin, thereby corroborating the law of local variation which the previous operations had indicated.” “ Thus far, however, observa- tions had not been taken at any very great altitudes, the highest station in the Himalayas being under 7,000ft. ; arrangements were therefore made to swing the pen- dulums on some of the elevated tablelands in the interior of the Himalayas, which rise to altitudes of 1 4, 000ft. to 17,000ft. It was ex- pected that this would be sufficient to complete the work in India, and then the pendulums would betaken back to England to be swung at the base stations of Greenwich and Kew, and en route at Aden and at Ismailia on the Suez Canal, places which are in the same lati- tudes as some of Captain Basevi’s stations. Thus gravity at Aden would be directly compared with gravity at certain of the coast and continental stations of the Indian Peninsula, and similarly the plains of Egypt would be compared with the Himalayan Mountains.” “In the spring of the present year, (1871) as soon as the snows of the winter were sufficiently melted to permit of the opening of the passes over the southern ranges of the Himalayas into Kashmir and Ladak, Captain Basevi proceeded to Kashmir on his way to the high tablelands in the interior. He was furnished with letters from the Secretary of State and the Govern- ment of India to insure his obtain- ing from the Maharajah of Kash- mir the help which he needed for the successful prosecution of an arduous enterprise. Without this assistance it would have been im- possible for him to carry out his operations, for before he could reach the tablelands on which observations were to be taken he would have to cross some of the most difficult mountain passes in the world, and traverse highly elevated and quite uninhabited regions in which food for man is wholly unprocurable, fuel very scarce, while in many parts neither water is to be met with nor grass for the beasts of burden. He required a large number of men to carry his instruments and camp equipage, and several mules or ponies to convey sufficient food for 30 or 40 days’ consumption. The Maharajah of Kashmir ap- pears to have responded with his usual cordiality to the calls which were made upon him, and to have done all in his power to assist Captain Basevi, supplying all his requirements at the outset, and sending with him a confidential agent, with instructions to carry out his orders, and with full powers to act under any emer- gency.” “ Early in June he reached Leh, the Capital of Ladak, where a stock of provisions had to be laid in and arrangements made for supplying the depots in advance. He then proceeded to the Khiangchu table- land in Rukshu, about 80 miles to the south of Leh as the crow flies, where he found a suitable station, which also afforded the necessaries of water, fuel, and fodder for an encampment. There, at a spot called More, in lat. 30° 16' and BAS 21 long. 77° 54' and at an altitude of 15,500 ft., he completed a satis- factory series of observations, which show a very gross deficiency of density. After applying the usual reductions to sea level, Ac., it was found that the force of gravity at More did not exceed the normal amount for the pa- rallel of latitude 6° to the south, as determined by the previous observations with the same pen- dulums.” “ Wishing to have one more in- dependent determination at a high altitude, Captain Basevi proceeded to the Chanchenmo Valley, which lies due east of Leh, across the newly proposed trade route be- tween the British province of La- houl and the States of Eastern Turkestan. Near the eastern ex- tremity of that valley, on the con- fines of the Chinese territories, he found a suitable position in lat. 34*10 by long. 79-25, at an altitude which is not exactly known, but must probably have exceeded 16,000ft. He hoped to complete his observations in ten days, and then commence the journey back to India. But he did not live to carry out his intentions ; already the hand of death was upon him, and, all unconsciously to himself, the over-exertion to which he was subjected in a highly rarefied at- mosphere, and under great vicissi- tudes of climate, was rapidly un- dermining a constitution which, though vigorous, had already been sorely tried.” “ He reached his last station on the 15th of July, and on the next day — which was devoted to preli- minary operations — he had a bad cough and complained of pains in the chest ; no medical aid was within hundreds of miles, nor any European within some day’s jour- ney, for he had just sent away his European assistant to the nearest depot in order to economize the expenditure of provisions in the camp. Thus no one was with him but his native servants and attend- ants. From their accounts it ap- pears that he tried to relieve the pains in his chest by a mustard poultice, and afterwards by fomen- tation and inhaling steam through the funnel of a camp kettle. Sub- sequently he retired for the night with apparent composure, giving orders for everything to be in readiness to commence work early next day. He rose at 5 o’clock on the following morning (the 17th), but while in the act of dressing became suddenly very ill, lay down on his bed, and died almost immediately ; a little blood exuded from his mouth and eyes and ears, indicating that a blood vessel had probably burst in his lungs.” “ Some weeks previously, on crossing the Takalung pass be- tween Leh and his station at More, he had suffered much from the extreme rarity of the atmosphere, the height of the pass being nearly 18,000ft. ; his pony had died a short time before, and meanwhile he had not got another, and so he walked over the pass. Writing to a friend on the 29th of June, he says, ‘ I found crossing the Taka- lung very trying ; I could scarcely walk for more than a hundred yards at a time for want of breath. I had to enlarge all the air holes in the hand lamps (at More) before they would burn. I feel as if I had not air enough to breathe.’ Subsequently, on the 13th of July, in the last letter he is known to have written, after mentioning that the weather had been very bad, with a good deal of rain and 00 BEH-BER heavy snow storms, he simply says, ‘ I shall be glad to get out of this country but this was much for him to say who was so brave and uncomplaining, so silent about everything which concerned him- self. His assistant reports that the vicissitudes of climate at the time were very great, the thermo- meter falling below zero (of Fah- renheit) at daybreak, and rising to 70 or 80 deg. in the afternoon.'’ “ It is clear that, in addition to the risks entailed by severe exer- tion in an exceedingly rarefied atmosphere, Captain Basevi was exposed to very inclement wea- ther, to great extremes of cold and heat, to frequent rains and heavy snow storms, which, in a bleak and highly elevated region almost wholly devoid of fuel, must have caused much privation and suffer- ing. With the devotion of a soldier on the battle-field, he has fallen a martyr to his love of science and his earnest efforts to complete the work he had to do ; in a hard struggle with the phy- sical difficulties which he had to encounter — and nature too often opposes such difficulties to those who would investigate her secrets — he succumbed at the moment that the prize was almost within his reach and his work all but completed, and he was looking forward to a speedy return to England and to his wife and chil- dren.” The above extracts are taken from the London Times, written by Colonel J. T. Walker, E. E., Superintendent, Great Trigono- metrical Survey of India. BEHLOL LODI, vide Lodi. BEHRAM, vide Mahmood of Guzni. BENZ A, Dr. P. M., Madras Medi- cal Service, was the author of the following notes on the geology of country betwixt Madras and Neil- gherries, vid Bangalore. Mad. Lit. Trans., vol. iv, 1. — On the geology of the Neilgherry and Khoondah mountains. Ibid., 241 — Notes on the geologyof the Northern Circars in 1835. Ibid., voL v, 43. — Notice of. Ibid., vol. x, 440. He was a native of Italy and committed sui- cide in 1839. BERNADOTTE. Charles XIY, a French General, and afterwards King of Sweden, was born in 1764. He enlisted in the French Army in 1780, and became Ge- neral in 1793, but not before he had gone through active service in India. Wilks gives the follow- ing anecdote of his presence at the siege of Cuddalore in 1783. “ Among the wounded prisoners was a young French serjeant, who so particularly attracted the notice of Colonel Wangenheim, com- mandant of the Hanoverian troops in the English service, by his interesting appearance and man- ners, that he ordered the young man to be conveyed to his own tents, where he was treated with attention and kindness until his recovery and release. Many years afterwards, when the French army under Bernadotte entered Hano- ver, General Wangenheim, among others, attended the levee of the conqueror. You have served a great deal, said Bernadotte, on his being presented, and as I understand in India. — I have served there. At Cuddalore"? I was there. Have you any recol- lection of a wounded serjeant whom you took under your pro- tection in the course of that ser- vice ? The circumstance was not BER 23 immediately present to the Ge- neral's mind, but on recollection, he resumed, 1 do indeed remember the circumstance and a very fine young man he was ; I have entirely lost sight of him ever since, but it would give me plea- sure to hear of his welfare. That young serjeant, said Bernadotte, was the person who has now the honor to address you, who _ is happy in this public opportunity of acknowledging the obligation, and will omit no means within his power, of testifying his grati- tude to General Wangenheim.” Bernadotte served under Na- poleon in his campaigns, and on the establishment of the Consu- late was created Prince of Ponte Corvo. In 1810, Bernadotte accepted the Governor-Generalship of the Roman States. About this time Gustavus IV was forced to abdi- cate the throne of Sweden, and his uncle assumed the reins of Government, as Charles XIII, but being childless, the States chose Augustus of Holstein- Augusten- burg to be heir to the throne. This prince died in 1810, and Charles XIII proposed to the Swedish Diet that Bernadotte was the proper person to be appointed Prince Royal of Sweden. The choice was approved of on condition of his accepting the commission of Augsburg, which he did. From 1812 to the fall of JS3 apoleon, Bernadotte was in arms against him in defence of the rights of the country of his adop- tion. In 1814, Sweden and Nor- way were united under Charles XIII, and Bernadotte approved as the Prince Royal. Charles XIII died in 1818 and Bernadotte was proclaimed King of Norway and Sweden under the title of Charles XIV. He died on the 8th of March 1844. BERNIER, Francis, the great French traveller, was born at Angers in France, but in what year it is uncertain. Voltaire supposes it was in 1625. He was educated for the medical profes- sion, and after taking his degree of Doctor of Physic at Montpel- lier, he states in his book of travels, that he had a great desire to travel, and first gratified it by going to Syria in 1654, from whence he proceeded to Egypt, and resided for more than a year at Cairo, where he was attacked with the plague. Being fortunate enough to recover from this scourge, he sailed from Suez for the purpose of exploring every part of the Red Sea, but on arriv- ing at Mocha, he found it unsafe to go to Gonda, so he embarked on board a vessel bound to Surat, in India. Here he remained twelve years, during eight of which he acted as physician to Aurungzebe, andaccompanied this prince in his expedition to Cash- mere. On his return to France, he published his work of Travels, which has been repeatedly re- printed and translated into most of the European languages. The English translation by Mr. Irving Brock, was published in London in 1826, 2 vols., by Pickering. A modern French edition was print- ed in Paris, in 2 octavo volumes, 1830. Bernier was intimate with Ra- cine, Boileau, Saint Evremont, Ninon de L’Euclos, Madame de la Labliere and Luillier Chapelle, and rejecting all Christian doc- trines embraced their speculative impieties. He visited England in 1685 and died at Paris on the 24 BES 22nd September 1688, of a broken heart, as the younger Racine states, caused by a “cutting stroke of raillery on the part of the First President De Harlay at the festive board.’’ BESCHI, Constantius Joseph, “ was a native of Italy, and from an early age was dedicated to the service of the Church. He was educated at Home, and in due time became a Professed Brother of the Order of J esuits. His great natural endowments, and extraor- dinary facility in the attainment of languages, soon pointed him out as a fit person to be employed in the Indian Mission : and in “ holy obedience” to his vows, he embarked for the East, and arrived at Goa in the year 1707. In this place, rendered sacred to his mind by the memory of Fran- cis Xavier, Beschi lost none of that zeal for his Order and for the Church, with which previous asso- ciations had imbued him. Brought for the first time in immediate con- tact with heathen idolatry, he was eager to commence his duties as a Christian Missionary. He lost no time therefore in proceeding to Madura. Scarcely a century had elapsed, since Bobert de Nobili, a Brother of the same Order, and nephew to the famous Cardinal Bellarmin, had landed at the same spot, and, directing his steps southward, hacl established the Mission at Madura. The peculiarities of the people amongst whom he found himself, and the little progress made in their conversion by his predeces- sors, led him to reflect deeply upon the probable causes for those diffi- culties, which, in India alone, ap- peared to obstruct the reception of the True Faith. With this view he studied thoroughly the lan- guage, customs, philosophy and religion of the Hindoos ; and with the approbation of his Provincial, and the benediction of the Arch- bishop of Cranganore, he proceed- ed to put in practice the plan he had devised. Avoiding the socie- ty of Europeans, he adopted the customs and dress of the Brah- mins ; declared himself of an illus- trious caste ; assumed the name of Tatouva Podagar Swami ; and, by adapting himself to the preju- dices and traditions of the people, he soon acquired their reverence and respectful attention. By such means, De Nobili was wonder- fully successful in ingrafting an outward profession of Christianity upon the stock of heathenism : in a short time, seventy Brahmins had been baptized and become fol- lowers of the new Gooroo. In spite of the expressed disapproba- tion of many influential members of his own Church, and “ a letter full of reproaches” from his uncle, the cardinal, he still persisted in the plan he had entered on ; and after having, according to some authorities, converted “ nearly one hundred thousand” persons to the Faith, he died, “ venerated as a saint” at the age of seventy-six.* Stimulated by this extraordi- nary example Beschi, after full consideration, determined to pur- sue the same method. He studied the languages, science, and reli- gion of the people : familiarised himself with their modes of thought ; entered into their pre- judices; and, after full prepara- tion, assuming the name of Vira- mamuni, he adopted their habits, and imitated their customs and • Vide Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical His- tory, Vol. v, p. 11. BES 25 costume. As regards the latter, well knowing the influence of out- ward impressions on simpleminds, he affected a showy and imposing magnificence. His dress was of a light purple color, with a waist- band of the same ; his turban was white, veiled with purple ; embroi- dered Turkish slippers covered his feet ; in his hand he carried along cane, which aided him in display- ing a mysterious ring, composed of five metals, which he wore upon his finger. His earrings, of rubies and pearls, were beautiful and costly. When he travelled, his palanquin was preceded by a man bearing an umbrella of purple silk, surmounted by a golden ball ; at each side ran men with magnificent fans of peacock’s feathers ; the holy man reclined in the midst of all this splendour upon a tiger’s skin, remarkable for its beauty, which, when he alighted, was placed upon the ground for him to sit upon. Beschi was highly skilled as a linguist. In addition to Italian, his mother tongue, he had mas- tered Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Por- tuguese, Spanish and French ; and of the Indian languages, he was learned in the Sanscrit, Tamul, Teloogoo, Hindostani and Persian. The two latter he is stated to have acquired in the short space of three months for the express purpose of obtaining an interview with Chundah Sahib the Nabob, who was so astonished at his genius, that he presented him with a palanquin ; bestowed on him the name of Ismatti Sun- nyasi ; and gave him, for his main- tenance, the four villages, Boka- lum, Malwai, Arasur and Nullur, in the Trichinopoly District, which yielded a revenue of twelve thou- sand rupees per annum. In ad- dition, the Nabob made him his Dewan ; in which character Beschi occasionally made official jour- neys ; on which occasions he rode a white or black horse richly capa- risoned, and was accompanied by men with silver staves, an escort of thirty horsemen, camels, drums, fifes, elephants bearing his tents, &c., &c. Inconsistent as all this worldly magnificence was with the humble character of a Christian Missionary, Beschi’s indefatigable energies enabled him to render it conducive to the end he had in view. He was liberal to the poor ; attentive to the education of youth ; and always ready to pro- mote the temporal welfare of his dependents. He found time also to write vari- ous works in the Tamul language, with the view of promoting the interests of his Faith. Amongst these may be named, 1. Temba- vani, a fabulous, mythological poem in 30 Cantos, on Scriptural Subjects ; 2. Tirucdlavar Coluvi- bacum, ; 3. AdeikalaMalei ; 4. Ca- livenba — Thee three are in honor of the Virgin. 5. A nnei Azhengal Andadi — TheDolorsof the Virgin. 6. Kitteri Ammal Ammanei — The life and death of a Spanish Virgin and Saint. 7. Veythe Orelook- kura — Instruction to Catechists. 8. Vedha Vilaccum — Illustration of Beligion : published, 1728. 9. Pedagamaruttal ; 10. Gnana Un- errttcd — Instruction of Wisdom. 1 1 . Tiruchabei Canidam — On A s- tronomy. 12. Tamul Grammar of the High Dialect ; 13. Claris llumaniorum Tamidica Idioma- tis, in MS. ; 14. Vamen Cadei — A Story, with a Latin translation, in MS. ; 15. Paramarta Guru Cadei — A Tale in Low Tamul. 16. A Tamul and English Diction- ary ; 17. Do., Portuguese , Latin 4 BES-BHO 2G and Tamu I ; 18. Do., Tamul and Latin; 19. A vital oginm Tamu- lica ; 20. A Latin Translation of the two first parts of the Cural ; 21. Tonnul Vilaccam — Tamul Grammar of the High Dialect. 22. Sadur Agaradi—A Dictionary of the High Dialect. 23. A Gram- mar of the Common Dialect in Latin, 1728. Beschi continued to exercise the office of Dewan, until in 1740, the Mahrattah army under Nather Sing, besieged Trichin opoly. The success of the besiegers and the subsequent capture of Chundah Sahib, put an end to the political power of the J esuit ; but he retired in safety to Manapar, and there continued his labors in the service of his Church. Two years after- wards, however, his constitution, broken by the effect of climate, and by his extraordinary habits and exertions, gave way, and he died at Manapar in the year 1742. His Grammar of the Common Dialect of the Tamul Language, has proved an invaluable aid to the Protestant Missionary, and indeed to all students of that tongue. It was printed in Latin at Tranque- bar in the year 1739. An edition, likewise, in the original Latin, was issued from the College Press of the Madras Government in 1813. An English Translation was made a few years earlier by Mr. Chris- topher Henry Horst, who had been employed by Gerickb as a Header ; and who having been ordained in 1807 by the Lutheran Missionaries, died, after a brief but faithful service as a Mis- sionary, in 1809 or 10. This Eng- lish Translation was printed in 1831, at the Press of the Christian Knowledge Society at Yepery, Madras, and the impression hav- • ing been expended, it appeared desirable to meet the demands of the Public by issuing a second edition,” which was edited by the Revd. G. W. Mahon, Chaplain, Madras, in 1848, and the above is extracted from his Preface. BEST, Captain, was a distin- guished officer of the Madras En- gineers, who entered the service in 1826. He planned the fortifi- cations of Singapore, and was ap- pointed Superintendent of Roads in the Madras Presidency in 1845. It was from this date that Road- making in the Presidency assum- ed a perfect system under Best’s energetic management. His prin- cipal works are the Southern Trunk Road, and the Goolcheroo Pass, connecting the town of Cud- dapah with the southern talooks of the District, and forming part of lines of communication with Madras and Bangalore. He was also departmentally connected with the Perambady Ghauts on a new line between Seringapatam and Cannanore, the Coleroon Bridge at Trichinopoly, and the Cavary Bridge at Bowany. He contributed many valuable papers to the Madras Literary Transac- tions and the Madras Engineering Papers, among which the follow- ing are the most important. Ac- count of the Guntoor famine of 1833. hi ad. Lit. Trans., 1844. — Embankments of the Godavery. Blue Book, 1851 — On rain gauges, and the registration of river freshes. Mad. Lit. Trans., 1844, No. xxx, 178. After a trip to the Yailagherry Hills he was attacked by jungle fever, to which he suc- cumbed at Chittoor on the 5th October 1851. BHONSLAY RAJAHS at Nag- pore. BHO-BLA Parsogee Bhonslay was allow- ed by the Mahrattah rajah, Salioo to farm the revenues of Berar. Raghojee Bhonslay succeed- ed him in the same office. He in- vaded Bengal, and the Peishwa Balajee Wiswanath allowed him to levy “ chout” in Bengal and Berar. He died 1755. Janajee Bhonslay succeeded and ruled well. He died without issue in 1772. He adopted his nephew Raghojee Bhonslay, who, how- ever, did not come into real power till his father’s death, 1788. His father Madajee Bhonslay quar- relled with and killed his brother Sahajee, who with Janajee’s ranee had been appointed regents for Raghojee. The latter sided with Sindia against the English in 1803. He surrendered Cuttack when de- feated in 1804. He died in 1816. Appa Sahib strangled Ragho- jee’s son and successor and seized the throne. He attacked the Eng- lish in 1817, but was defeated and pardoned. He was again, however, about to attack them when he was disarmed and thrown into prison. He escaped and fled, and was not heard of again till he died at Jodhpore in 1840. The Governor- General then directed that the only remaining relation on the mother’s side, to Raghojee Bhons- lay, should be installed. He was nominated Rajah in 1826, and governed under British protection till he died in 1853, when the Bri- tish Government assumed autho- rity. ( vide Dalhousie.) BHOPAL, The Begum of. The Bhopal family was founded about 1720 by Dost Mahomed, an Aff- glian in the service of the cele- brated Aurungzebe. The Bhopal State is situated in Malwa, and comprises a territory of 6,764 sq. miles. It has a population about the same as Bombay island, 263,000, and a revenue of 13f lacs of rupees. After enduring the vicissitudes of the period of tur- moil affecting all the States in Central India, the State of Bhopal fell into the hands of the present reigning family which was found- ed by Vizeer Mahomed, son of a former Nawab’s cousin. He was unsuccessful in a rebellion against the power of the minister, which he headed when a youth, and in which’his father was killed. He afterwards returned to Bho- pal, as a soldier of fortune, and had many petty contests with the Mahrattas, but re-conquered most of the territories which had been lost to Bhopal. He died in 1816, and was succeeded by his second son Nuzzur Mahomed who was the husband of Qoodsia Begum whose grand-daughter is the reign- ing Begum of Bhopal. Her High- ness the present Begum who was recently married to her Prime Minister, has become celebrated for her attainments, and she has done much in her own territories towards promoting the education of her people and giving them good Government. Her mother, the famous Secunder Begum, went on a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1863, and when she returned she wrote an account of her travels. She died in 1870, and her daughter succeeded her. The Bhopal force consists of 723 horses, 3,428 foot and 73 guns, with 223 artillery- men. BLACKLOCK, Dr. Ambrose, was the son of a retired Medical Officer of the Royal Navy. He BLA 28 was born at Dumfries in 1816. He was qualified for the Diploma of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, and in 1838 pub- lished a treatise on Sheep, which won for him the prize that had been offered for the best Essay on the subject by one of the Agri- cultural Societies. This work reached the twelfth edition in 1853. Its scope may be gathered from the following headings of the Chapters “ History of the Sheep, Wool, British Wool Trade, Im- provement of the Breeds, Manage- ment of Sheep, Accidents and Operations, Diseases of Sheep.” On the 8th February 1840, he received his Commission as an Assistant Surgeon on the Madras Establishment, and landed at Madras on the 16th of June 1840. He served the usual probationary period with the Artillery at St. Thomas’ Mount, and, at that early period of his career, was known among the medical subordinates and soldiers, for those many esti- mable qualities which made him so popular in after-life. In 1851, he was appointed Pro- fessor of Surgery and Surgeon of the General Hospital, Madras. “ During his incumbency of the chair of Surgery, he lectured gra- tuitously, for several sessions, on Military Surgery and Medical Jurisprudence. His lectures on the latter subject were charac- terised by a charming originality, which fascinated, instructed and amused his hearers. In 1858, he was appointed Professor of Medi- cine and Physician of the General Hospital. In this position, his original and powerful mind was much exercised with the various puzzling problems presented by the Science of Medicine. * * * In his practice at the General Hospital, he was no mere follower of routine. Although a great believer in the restorative powers of nature, as shown by his often simply ordering nourishing food and stimulants lor his sick, he did not undervalue those aids that medicine often affords. While glad to use remedies sanctioned by experience, he was, ever and anon, testing the effects of reme- dies, and as evidence to show how careful he was not to cany his experiments beyond the limits of safety, he was often known, in cases of doubt, to take certain medicines himself before he pre- scribed them to others. * * * In 1867, while on furlough to Europe, he vacated his appoint- ment at the General Hospital and College by prolonging his leave beyond the prescribed time.* * * Dr. Blacklock returned to Madras in 1868 much improved in health, and was appointed Gar- rison Surgeon of Cannanore. On 4th August 1870, he was promoted to the office of Deputy Inspector General of the Presidency Circle and Northern Division. For the last two and a half years, he was engaged in making frequent in- | spections of the various hospitals ! under his supervision, and, we fear, overtaxed his energies in his zeal for the public service. He died of Enteritis, at Chittoor, while on a tour of inspection, on the 11th of February 1873, and was buried at that station. By the unanimous desire of his brother medical officers and in accordance with public feeling, his remains were brought down to Madras and were re-interred with every mark of respect and j amid many tokens of regret, beside his wife, in the London Mission ' Cemetery, at Pursewalkum, on BOP-BOS the evening of Saturday, the 22nd February 1873. * * * “ The generous promptings of his own nature were influenced by a deep sense of religion which bade him do unto others as he would be done by. This happy combination of inclination and principle made him what he was known to be, throughout a long career of more than thirty-three years, the poor man’s friend, the kind and attentive physician, the considerate superior and the libe- ral supporter of charitable insti- tutions. His was the religion of daily life which bore fruit in kind- ness, gentleness, consideration for the feelings of others and charity. During his sixteen years’ connec- tion with the General Hospital, he was often known to present money, clothes and comforts to those who were leaving hospital, after they had been benefitted by his skill, soothed by his kindness and care, and comforted by his tender sympathy. * * * “His own cheerfulness was catching. When, in the course of his visits, he came across any one, whose face bore traces of worry or fatigue from over-work, the reci- tal of some anecdote or of his per- sonal experience, in his own humorous way, served to dispel anxiety and infuse fresh energy into those whose happiness it was to be associated with him. * * * Few have done so much unos- tentatious good in their day and generation, as Ambrose Black- lock. BOPP, Professor Franz, was born atMentz in 1791 and received the greater portion of his educa- tion at Aschaffenburg. Having a great taste for the study of lan- guages, chiefly to understand their 29 organism, he went to Paris in 1812, and devoted the next five years of his life to the acquisition of Sans- crit, and reading largely in the great Sanscrit epics, especially the Maha-Bharata, from which he sub- sequently published several of the most interesting episodes, both in the original and in translations. He removed from Paris and resid- ed in London in 1817. In 1821, he was raised to an extraordinary Professorship of Oriental Litera- ture and general Philology at the University of Berlin. In 1825, this was elevated into an ordinary Professorship which he held until his death. Bopp was a man of great gentleness and simplicity of character, devoted to his special studies, and taking no part in the world of politics. He died, on October 23rd, 1867, at the age of seventy-six. He was the author of the fol- lowing ; “ On the system of con- jugation in Sanscrit, compared with that used in Greek, Latin, Persian and German “Annals of Oriental Literature an elaborate article, the credit of which, it is said, partly gained his appoint- ment of 1821 — “Analytical com- parison of the Sanscrit, Greek, and Teutonic, showing the original identity of their Grammatical Structure finally his great work, “ The Comparative Grammar”— 1833 to 1852. BOSCAWEN, Edward, British Admiral, the fourth son of Hugh, first Lord Viscount Falmouth, was born 19th August 1711. He en- tered the Navy early in life and distinguished himself in several engagements with the French in European waters. He was sent to India in 1747 as Commander-in- Chief of sea as well as land forces 30 BOU to undertake the siege of Pondi- cherry. He had received orders also on his way thither to capture the Mauritius, where the French had settled as early as 1675. The ileet consisting of one ship of 74 guns, one of 64, two of 60, two of 50, one of 20, a sloop of 14 guns, a bombketch with her tender, and an hospital ship, after a long pas- sage sighted Mauritius on the 23rd June 1748. Though the conquest of the Mauritius was quite practi- cable, yet there were innumerable difficulties in the way, and as the attempt would have retarded the chief object of the expedition, viz., the bombardment and capture of Pondicherry, Admiral Boscawen resolved to proceed on the most important part of his mission without any delay, and left the island on the 27th of June arriv- ing at Fort St. David, Cuddalore, j on the 29th of July, where Admi- ral Griffin resigned the command of the squadron to him and pro- ceeded home. On the 8th of Au- gust the army began to march. The siege was an utter failure. Admi- ral Boscawen was quite inexpe- rienced in the management of land forces, and trusted to un- qualified Engineers, who blunder- ed in every operation. The mon- soon had set in three weeks earlier than usual, and in consequence it was thought prudent to raise the siege, so the land and sea forces simultaneously retired, while the French sang Te Deums, and Du- pleix imagined himself on the pin- nacle of fame. Admiral Bosca- wen himself remained with the land forces at Fort St. David. A month later, hostilities between France and England which had ceased in the preceding April, were made known in India, but still Admiral Boscawen was order- ed to remain there till the gene- ral peace was concluded. Ac- cording to an article in the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the French were compelled to restore Madras, and Boscawen, in August, took possession of it. On tiie 21st of v October, he sailed with his fleet for England. After several suc- cessful expeditions in North Ame- rica, and against the French in Europe, he received a pension and was made a Privy Counsellor. He died on the 10th January 1761, and lies interred in the parish Church of St. Michael, at Pen- kivel, in Cornwall, where a monu- ment stands erected to his me- mory. BOURDONNAIS, M. DeLa, was born in 1699 at St. Malo. He went to India at the age of ten, and returned again as captain of a ship in 1719, 1723, and 1724. He took a fancy to Indian life and remaining in Pondicherry, applied himself to the study of Civil En- gineering. His force of character and energy were soon discovered there. In 1733, he returned to Europe, and in 1735. was ap- pointed Governor of the Mauri- tius. His term expired in 1740, but in 1746, when the English and French were at war, he equipped a squadron and sailed to the coast of Coromandel. Orme says that the squadron consisting of nine ships, was scattered by a hurri- cane soon after weighing anchor, but it sought refuge in Mada- gascar, Bourdonnais “ overcoming “ the greatest difficulties with such “indefatigable perseverance and “ activity, as entitles him to a re- futation equal to that of the “ ablest Marine Officer his country “has produced.” In June 1746 J Bourdonnais’ F rench squadron had BOU 31 an engagement with Peyton’s English squadron in the Bay of Bengal between Madras (Fort St. George) and Cuddalore (Fort St. David). The number of men in the French service were double that of the English, with also an excess of three ships, but the latter had the advantage of heavier can- non, and greater speed in sailing. This first engagement only lasted a few hours and the English sailed away, one of their best ships being in a leaky condition. On the other hand, one of the 30-gun French ships was dismasted in half an hour after the engagement commenced, and the loss on the French side was 300 men, while the English only lost 35. In the following month, each squadron having better equipped itself, they met again, but the English avoided several engage- ments by sailing away. On the 18th August the French squadron appeared opposite Madras and cannonaded the town without any effect, but it must be remembered that Bourdonnais at this time was lying ill at Pondicherry. On the 3rd Sept. 1746, Bourdon- nais’ squadron again appeared opposite Madras with troops, artil- lery, and stores, fully prepared for a siege. The English fleet, whose duty was to prevent the French bombarding Madras, was nowhere to be seen ; the last that was heard of it was on the 23rd of August, when it appeared near Pulicat, and wTas reported to have sailed away into the Bay. This apparent neglect on its part to ren- der assistance to Madras, terrified the inhabitants, while the French squadron was in the roads prepar- ing for an attack. On the 7th Sep- tember, Bourdonnais set on shore his land forces, wdio bombarded the town, while the squadron, approaching as close to the shore as the depth of water would permit, cannonaded it. On the following day, two English de- puties were sent to the French camp, to treat with Bourdon- nais, who demanded that the town should be delivered to him on his own terms. The deputies retired, on which the bombard- ment recommenced, and continued till sunset, when another confer- ence took place, after which the bombardment was continued dur- ing the whole night. On the 10th September, the deputies went to the French camp again and accept- ed the terms of capitulation dic- tated to them at first, viz., that the English should surrender themselves prisoners of war ; that the town should be immediately delivered up ; but that it should afterwards be ransomed. The capitulation was signed the same day and Bourdonnais entered the town at the head of a large body of troops and taking possession of it, hoisted the French colours. Dupleix, then Governor of Pondi- cherry, was highly displeased with these terms, as in his opinion, Madras should have been razed to the ground, and his objections to ratify the treaty were so prolong- ed that the French squadron was exposed to the monsoon prevalent on the Coromandel Coast in Octo- ber and November, Bourdonnais had shipped all the effects he had secured at Madras, but refused to quit till the Governor and Coun- cil of Pondicherry had approved of the treaty, although he was aware of the danger of remaining on the coast, at anchor, during this stormy time of the year. On the 3rd October a furious hurricane arose, and almost ruined the 32 BOY French squadron ; three ships foundered, while all the others were thoroughly disabled. Bour- donnais then made his way to the Mauritius in one of his disabled ships rigged with jury masts. After his departure, Dupleix re- fused to ratify the terms of the treaty and treated the English in a most ungenerous way. The day before Bourdonnais left, the arti- cles of treaty were signed, by which the English agreed to pay <£440,000 as the price of the ran- som. Recent controversy and research have shown up Bourdon- nais’ motives in a very unfavor- able light. In addition to the abovenamed amount to be paid as ransom, it has been indisputably proved that Bourdonnais was pro- mised by bond ,£40,000 as a per- sonal bribe. It was this that in- duced him in opposition to Du- pleix’s views to carry out his own. From Mauritius, Bourdonnais pro- ceeded to France, where upon his arrival, the friends of Mr. Dupleix had sufficient influence to get him confined in the Bastile for three years. However his trial resulted in his release, but he died of a broken heart soon after. Orme refers to his abilities thus, “ His knowledge in mechanics rendered him capable of building a ship from the keel ; his skill in navi- gation of conducting her to any part of the globe ; and his cour- age, of defending her against any equal force.” BOYD, Hugh, the reputed Junius, was a school-fellow of Grattan, and a protege of Flood. Left nearly destitute by the death of his father at an early age, he chose the law as his profession and went to London, where he became acquainted with Goldsmith, Gar- rick, Armstrong, and the cele- brated Mrs. Macauley, (the his- torian, as she facetiously called herself, of the Stewarts). He was most familiar with Mr. Lauglilin M’Lean, the accredited agent of Mahommed Ali, Nabob of Arcot, and with this convivial character frequently heard the chimes of midnight at the celebrated Devil Coffee House, afterwards known by the name of Dick’s, near Temple Bar. “It was a place that might be said, as far back as Queen Anne’s time, to be ‘ native to famous wits or hospitables.’ ” M’Lean instructed him in the details of the dispute between Mahommed Ali and the East India Company, and Boyd took up the Nabob’s cause in a series of letters that appeared in Wood- fall’s Public Advertiser , in 1777, and this led to his accompanying Lord Macartney to Madras, as second Secretary in 1781. Soon after, M’Lean embarked for India with a view of adjusting the dis- pute between the Nabob and the E. I. Company, and had he ar- rived there, no doubt he might have been of inestimable use to Boyd, in advancing his fortunes, but the ship he sailed in, was never heard of after she left the Cape. Before Boyd left England, the Junius controversy was at its height, and his letters referred to above, gave rise to a widely-in- dulged opinion that he was Junius. Boyd met Dr. Johnson once or twice at the house of Sir Joshua Reynolds, and very plainly shewed the reverence he felt for his wis- dom and virtue. But Johnson had attacked the political char- acter of Junius, and had severely handled his style and diction in “ Thoughts on the Falkland Is- BOY 32 lands” and because Junius main- tained a profound silence, it was concluded that Boyd must be Junius, inasmuch as it was respect and admiration only for Johnson that could suppress a reply from so bitter a writer. Again ; in the gallery of the House of Commons, Boyd fre- quently sat near Pitt, who was not then a Member of the House. The two became intimate, and one night after a long debate upon the affairs of Ireland, they had a late dinner at a Coffee-house, and over their -wine jointly wrote the sub- stance of the debate, which was sent to Ireland. On the dinner bill being presented, Boyd had not cash enough to pay his share, and borrowed of Pitt. When it became positively asserted that Boyd was the author of Junius’ letters, Pitt, “ stated his strong belief in it, by recounting the incident of their having jointly written the Irish debate, and of his attention being singularly called to Boyd’s report of what had been said by Colonel Barre, which, he observed, in spirit, point, and sarcasm, reminded him, as he read it over, so strongly of Junius, that he should always retain the conviction, that a piece of writing so remarkably tinged with the colour and complexion of Junius, could have proceeded from no other pen.” So, Boyd landed in Madras, with the reputation of being the author of Junius, and as before mentioned, second Secretary to Lord Macartney. On his arrival he devoted himself to Oriental Politics, and he accompanied Sir Edward Hughes’ Expedition against Trincomallee, was present at its storming and then set out as an ambassador to the King of Kandy, who refused to treat, with the E. I. Company. He returned and embarked in a vessel from Trincomallee, which was soon after captured by Suffrein’s fleet, and Boyd was taken to the Mauritius where he was kept a close pri- soner for several months. On being liberated, he went to Calcutta, where everybody was charmed with the talents, wit and humour of the supposed Junius. In a short time Boyd was recalled to Madras, having been appointed Master- Attendant there. It is strange that he never positively contradicted the con- jecture that he was the real Junius. Whenever the subject was mooted in the course of con- versation, he appeared to shrink from the discussion. On one occasion, a blundering Irishman sent him a letter addressed “ Ju- nius Boyd, Esq.” Boyd’s feelings were far from those of anxiety not to be taken for Junius, and among other coquetries he was wont to play off was, a copy of ‘ Junius’ superbly bound, flung carelessly on his table, and its pages were filled with pencil marks and references to living names and characters. In 1792, Boyd started a paper called the Madras Courier and the style of the principal articles was so framed as to confirm the general opinion of the writer’s identity with the nominis umbra. In the following year he com- menced a series of periodical Essays, under the title of the Indian Observer. They have been republished in a collection of Boyd’s works, and a straining after the frame and structure of Junius’ sentences is visible throughout them. The Indian Observer did not languish for 5 34 BRI— BRO want of encouragement. With its second number it could boast of the names of 700 opulent sub- scribers. In spite of his Master- Attendantship which brought him 200 Star-pagodas a month, and of the profits of his literary work, poor Boyd became involved and was in continual perplexity, on account of his convivial habits, and want of prudence. He died at Madras in 1799. BRIGGS, General, was the au- thor of the following, Letters on India. Loud. 1828, 1 vol.— Maho- medan power in India. Transla- tion of Ferishta. Loud. 1829, 4 vols. — A short account of the Sheilly family. Lond. As. Trans., vol. vi, 77. — Description of a Per- sian painting. Ibid., vol. v, 314.— Extract from his work on the land- tax of India. Ibid., vol. i, 292. BROOKE, Colonel Robert, the author of the history of St. Hel- ena, was a native of Ireland, where he was born about the year 1746. When eighteen years old he came out to Bengal, was present at the battle of Buxar, and all our early conflicts in that province. He planted the English colours on the fort of Calpee in the remarkable engagement with the Mahrattahs on the banks of the Jumna in 1765, when he commanded the Advance-guard. When the offi- cers resigned on account of the batta in 1766, under Lord Clive’s Government, Brooke marched with the 8th battalion, which he commanded, with surprising cele- rity from Surajeepoor to Allaha- bad, and arrived in time to pre- vent a serious mutiny. In the fol- lowing year he accompanied the detachment sent from Bengal to the relief of Madras, then pressed by Hyder, and served on the coast, lie distinguished himself by his gallantry in the Mysore war, espe- cially at the storming of Mulwa- gul, which is described in a very picturesque manner by Wilks in his History of South India. For this Colonel Smith, his Com- manding Officer, presented his sword to Brooke in front of the army, and the Bengal Govern- ment as a mark of its special ap- probation gave Brooke his Cap- tain’s Commission (December 1767) although there was no vacancy. He was the bearer of several despatches to Hyder from time to time, and defended Cud- dalore for several days when sur- rounded by Hyder’s whole force. He next rendered most import- ant services in the Mahrattah and Rohilla wars, not the least among which was raising and dis- ciplining the Bengal Light In- fantry, with which he subdued the hill robbers and petty Rajahs. In 1775, his health being greatly shattered by hard service, he left India. He settled in Ireland and estab- lished a Cotton Manufactory in the county of Kildare, with phil- anthropic rather than mercantile view's, his object being to afford employment to the poor of the neighbourhood. The project fail- ed and he lost his entire fortune. He begged the E. I. Company to allow him to return writh his rank to Bengal, but it was against the rules of the service, owing to the length of time he had been absent. The Governorship of St. Helena happening soon after to become vacant; the Court without hesita- tion conferred it on Brooke. Slavery then existed on this Island and he induced the Company to issue a Code of laws respecting BRQ 35 Master and Slave. It was an in- novation which could not be ex- pected to be popular, but not long- after, under Governor Walker, the slave-owners even outstripped the views of their first reformer, and slavery was abolished. Besides this, Brooke carried out vast im- provements on the Island. During his administration he forwarded 1,200 picked soldiers to Madras, as reinforcements in the arduous contest with Tippoo Sultan. In 1795, intelligence arrived that Holland had been overrun by the armies of France, and that the Dutch would be compelled to join the war against England. The quick-sighted mind of Gover- nor Brooke at once conceived a project for securing the Cape of Good Hope, before this informa- tion should reach that colony. After holding the Government of St. Helena fourteen years, he returned to Europe on account of severe illness in March 1801, and resided in Bath where he died in January 1811. BROUGHTON, a Surgeon in charge of one of the E. I. Com- pany's ships in the Indian Seas, 1636, well deserves a niche in every Biographical Dictionary. While English Settlements were prevented from being formed, the daughter of the Emperor Shah Jehan, then encamped in the Deccan, was taken seriously ill. The Vizier despatched an express to the English factory at Surat, for the services of a surgeon. Broughton was sent, and succeed- ing in restoring the Princess to health, was asked to name his re- ward. With the noblest patriot- ism he stated that the only remuneration he would accept was the privilege of allowing his countrymen to trade in Bengal free of duty and plant factories in the interior of the country. This request was at once granted. Two years later, he was called in again while on a visit to the Em- peror’s second son, Soojali, one of the ladies of whose seraglio was ill, in which case he was also suc- cessful, and had a second oppor- tunity of advancing the interests of his country. At his request, the prince granted letters patent to the English to establish fac- tories at Balasore and Hooghly. BROWN, Rev. David, was born towards the close of 1762, near Hull in the East Riding of York- shire. While on a journey, when about eleven years of age, he fell into the company of a minister, who, struck by his intelligent questions and remarks enquired of the friends accompanying him as to what pursuit in life they intended he should be educat- ed. They answered that as he had no inclination to take up his father’s calling, a farmer, they would probably apprentice him to some country tradesman. The clergyman replied, l’I think he is destined to a higher and more important profession, and if you will entrust him with me for a year or two, I will give him the preparatory attention necessary to his passing through a Grammar School, which may fit him for College, and lead to his entering the Church.” This liberal pro- posal was accepted, and Brown resided under the private tuition of his new friend at Scarborough, till removed to the Grammar School at Hull, then under the care of the Rev. Joseph Milner. Brown next proceeded to the University of Cambridge and was 3(5 BRU entered at Magdalen College. Though much interrupted by severe illness, he prosecuted the usual studies, preparatory to entering the Church, but from which he was most unexpectedly called away by an offer made to him of going to India. After being ordained with much diffi- culty, he married and sailed for Calcutta where he arrived on the 18th of June 1786, and entered upon his charge as Chaplain of the Military Orphan Establishment, an institution formed by the Officers of the Bengal Army for the purpose of supporting, educat- ing and introducing into life the orphans of both sexes belonging to indigent deceased officers of that Settlement. Into this work he threw himself with all his zeal, perseverance and affection. A few days after his arrival, he was also nominated Chaplain to a Brigade in Fort William, and besides, voluntarily undertook the duties of the Mission Church. In addi- tion to all his heavy work, in 1794 he was appointed Chaplain of the Presidency. He gave great pecu- niary aid to the Serampore Mis- sionaries, and also to private individuals among them. The Auxiliary Bible Society was sug- gested and organized by Mr. Brown, of which he accepted the office of Secretary gratuitously. He also raised a fund for earnest ministers, to preach at the Mis- sion Church, as the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge had ceased to support it. Always delicate, the climate and work broke down his constitution in 1812, after twenty-five years’ sojourn in the country, when he was prevailed upon to take a sea voyage. The vessel he embarked in, struck on a sand bank on her way down the Bay to Madras. The anxiety and disadvantageous way in which he was taken back to Calcutta, increased his weak- ness, and he died peacefully on the 14th June 1812. A tablet was erected to his memory in the old Mission Church, Calcutta. BRUCE, John, Historiographer to the E. I. Company, was born in 1744. He was the representa- tive of the ancient family of Bruce, of Earls’ Hall, and his patrimonial Estate of Grange Hill was a por- tion of a larger Estate which his family had acquired by inter-mar- riage with that of the celebrated Kirkaldy of Grange. He was edu- cated at the University of Edin- burgh, and so distinguished him- self that he was appointed Profes- sor of Logic at an early age. Upon obtaining a grant of the reversion (conjointly with the late Sir James Hunter Blair) of the patent of King’s printer and stationer for Scotland, he resigned his chair at the University. The office, how- ever, did not fall to the reversion- ists for fifteen years afterwards. Lord Melville who had procured the above also procured for him the appointments of keeper of the State Paper Office, and Historio- grapher to the E. I. Company. Bruce was for some years a Mem- ber of Parliament and held for a short time the post of Secretary to the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India. His methodical arrangement of the State Paper Office afforded con- siderable assistance to the various departments of Government re- sorting to them for information or precedents. He died at Nu thill, April 16th, 1826, aged 81. Besides having left at the State Paper Office, in MS., several Memoirs BEY 37 relating to that department, his printed works are as follows — “ Elements of Ethics” — “ Plans for the Government of B. India” — “ Report on the Renewal of the E. I. Company’s Exclusive Privi- leges,” 1794 — “Review of the Events and Treaties which estab- lished the balance of power in Europe, and the balance of Trade in favour of Great Britain,” 1796 — “Report on Conjunct Expedi- tions to frustrate the designs of the enemy, by attack on his Foreign possessions, or European Ports,” 1798 — “ Report on the In- ternal Defence of England against the Spanish Armada in 1588, with a view to the Defence of Great Britain in 1798” — “ Report on the Union of England and Scotland, with a view to the Projected Union -with Ireland,” 1799 — “ An- nals of the East India Company,” 3 vols., 4to., 1810.” BRYDON, C. B., Surgeon W. died at Westfield, 20th March 1873. He was a very remarkable man in his way, being the one solitary in- dividual of the 13,000 soldiers and camp followers, composing the army of General Elphinstone, who •was neither killed nor taken pri- soner in the terrible disaster of January 1842 in Afghanistan. The Hour gives the following account of Dr. Brydon’s escape. When the retreat commenced he was attached to the 6th Regiment of Shah Shoojah’s Hindustani In- fantry, which, like the rest of the Sepoy force, became completely disorganised before the first day’s march from Cabul was completed. Having thus ceased to have any particular duty to perform, he united himself to the other Eng- lish officers similarly situated, and kept alongside of the 44th Foot, and the glorious gunners of the 1st Troop, 1st Brigade, of the Ben- gal Horse Artillery. Without tents, without bedding, without fuel ; the snow deep irpon the ground, and the road — if road it can be called — the roughest in the world, this unhappy remnant found themselves, on the night of January 12, in the middle of the Jugdulluk Pass, naturally the most difficult portion of the route, and, to make the assured destruc- tion doubly sure, barricaded at the narrowest point by a breast- work of trunks and boughs of trees. The fingers of the soldiers were so benumbed and frost- bitten that they were unable to open or shut the pans of their firelocks, still less to remove this formidable obstacle ; and imme- diately they halted, the savage enemy came down upon them like ravening wolves among a helpless flock of sheep. At the beginning of the troubles at Cabul, Dr. Bry- don had cured a Hindustani whose lower jaw had been shat- tered by a round shot. This man had particularly attached himself to his preserver, who had taken him up behind him on his horse. Directly the struggle began the native was cut down, as was Dr. Brydon himself immediately after- wards, by some one from behind. The blow cut through his forage cap, as well as a number of the Bengal Magazine , which he had inside it, and injured the bone below. He regained his feet, and picking up a soldier’s cap to pro- tect his wounded head from the biting cold, he struggled through the abattis as best he could, and plodded his weary way on foot. At daybreak he found himself at the outlet of the Pass, in the midst of a crowd of heart-broken, worn- 38 BRY out men. He himself had given up all hope of life, when a native follower of the Commissariat, who wras seated on the ground besides a galloway, called to him faintly, and said, “ Sahib, I have been hit in the belly, and nothing can save me ; you are unwounded. Mount my horse, and perhaps you may escape. There are bullets and pow- der in the holsters.” Brydon re- monstrated for a time with this generous man, but seeing that he was mortally wounded and tho- roughly in earnest, he at last mounted the pony and proceeded on his way. They were still more than thirty miles from J ellalabad, and, uncertain whether even this distant refuge had not been evac- uated by Sir Robert Sale, in obe- dience to the orders which they knew the Afghan leaders had com- pelled General Elphinstone to send to him. Every quarter of a mile some of the doomed party sunk from fatigue or from wounds, and their dwindled number was still further diminished by four officers, better mounted than the others, pushing on in advance. At last 1 >r. Brydon found himself absolutely alone, and approaching a sort of low gorge in the midst of some cultivated land, on each side of which were posted some five or six lads, who had come running from the fields to intercept him with loud shouts of “ An infidel ! an infidel !” They were only arm- ed with slugs to frighten birds from the grain, and Brydon saw his best chance was to draw his sword and ride straight at them. They flung huge stones at him as he passed, sorely bruising his horse’s sides and breaking his sword off close to the hilt, but he himself got through uninjured, and met with no other obstacles until he came within about four miles of J ellalabad, when in the far distance he saw some horse- men coming towards him. As they came nearer he recognized two of their horses as having be- longed to the officers who had ridden on ahead, and edged away from the road in the hope of pass- ing unobserved. They had seen him, however, and sent one of their number to dispose of him. As the man rode up, the dauntless doctor threw the fragment of his sword at his head and made the horse swerve clean away. The man came on a second time, and got close enough to cut the back of the doctor’s bridle hand with the extreme point of his sword. Some of the tendons were severed, and the hand fell helpless on the holsters. The horseman, not be- ing aware, perhaps, that he had wounded him, and mistaking the action of the hand for the drawing of a pistol, at once galloped straight away to join his compan- ions. Within ten minutes Dr. Brydon fell in with a foraging par- ty from Jellalabad, and was soon within the walls of the fort, the centre of a crowd of his bewilder- ed and horror-stricken country- men. The friend to whose hut he asked to be taken was absent at some distant part of the fort at the time, and has often been heard to describe the strange scene which he witnessed on his return. Some food had been hastily pre- pared, which the doctor was eat- ing ravenously, helping himself with his right hand, while one medical man was dressing the helpless left, and another was sponging his head, and taking out small splinters of bone from the wound. All this time he was giving clear and quiet answers to BUG 39 a string of liurried and confused questions. The bloody 44th cap was on the table by his side, and his horse was lying down dead beat at the door of the hut, where he was found stark and stiff the next morning. Dr. Brydon went through the rest of the siege of Jellalabad with the “illustrious garrison,” as Lord Ellenborough called them ; and it was his sin- gular fate to be again shut up with Sir Henry Lawrence at Lucknow, and to pass uninjured through that long and trying be- leaguerment. He was a man of modest and retiring ways, and much loved by those who knew him well. Under Providence, he owed his marvellous escape to his dauntless heart, his calm self-pos- session, and (not the least impor- tant of the three) his extremely light weight. Few soldiers have ever gone through greater perils. BUCHANAN, Dr. Francis, was born at Branziet, in Stirlingshire, on the 15th of February 1762. His father was a doctor and his mo- ther Elizabeth Hamilton, heiress of Burdowie, near Glasgow. As a younger son he took up a profes- sion— that of his father. After receiving his diploma he took his degree at Edinburgh in 1783. He was next appointed surgeon on board a man-of-war, but ill-health compelled him to retire. On his recovery, in 1794 he was appointed surgeon in the E. I. Company’s service, on the Bengal Establish- ment. His first service on arrival in India was a Mission to the Court of Ava, an opportunity by which he was enabled to make valuable additions to our know- ledge of the plants of the Anda- mans, Pegu, and Ava. He was stationed, on the return of the Mission, at Luckipore, near the mouth of the river Bramaputra, where he wrote an admirable des- cription of the fishes of the river. At the recommendation of Dr. Eoxburgh, then Superintendent of the Botanic Garden, he was employed by the Board of Trade at Calcutta, to proceed to Chitta- gong and its vicinity, part of the ancient kingdom of Tripura, which opened a wide field for his botani- cal and zoological enquiries. In 1800, he was appointed by the Go- vernor-General of India, the Mar- quis Wellesley, to travel through and report upon “ the dominions of the then reigning Rajah of Mysore, and the country acquired by the Company in the late war from the Sultan, as well as to that part of Malabar which the Company annexed to their own territories in the former war under Marquis Cornwallis.” On this journey Buchanan set out on the 23rd of April 1800, completing it on the 6th of July 1801. He wrote his valuable report day by day, while travelling, in the form of a journal. The Directors of the E. I. Company, on receiving it, were so pleased with the work, that they ordered its publication. It accordingly made its appear- ance, in 3 quarto volumes, in 1807, styled “A Journey from Madras, through the Countries of My- sore, Canara and Malabar, per- formed under the orders of the Most Noble the Marquis Welles- ley, for the express purpose of investigating the state of Agri- culture, Arts and Commerce ; the Religion, Manners and Customs ; the History, Natural and Civil, and Antiquities in the dominions of the Rajah of Mysore, and the Countries acquired by the Honor- able E. I. Company, in the late 40 BUC and former Wars, from Tippoo Sultan.” The author in his Preface apo- logises for the verbosity of the work in the following manner : il Soon afterwards, my duty hav- ing unexpectedly brought me to England, I was agreeably sur- prised to find that my journal had obtained a reception so favour- able. It is true I wished to have abridged the work before publi- cation, and alter its arrangement ; but as the printing had com- menced before my arrival, and as my stay in England was likely to be very short, I could not under- take such alterations. * * * I hope, however, that the Index will enable the reader to under- stand the greater part of the Indian terms, and at the same time will, in some measure, supply the want of method, in which I am sorry the work is so deficient.” The work is a valuable one, and a second edition was publish- ed in Madras in 2 volumes, royal octavo, under the patronage of Government, 1870. Before proceeding to England in 1806 with Lord Wellesley, Buch- anan was nominated to accom- pany the embassy under Captain Knox, to Nepaul, in 1802. While thus engaged, he made large ad- ditions to his collection of rare plants, and accumulated materials for his History of Nepaul. On his return from this country, he was appointed surgeon to the Gover- nor-General. He had not been many months in England, when he was again sent out to India to make a statistical survey of the Presidency of Bengal. “ His inquiries were directed to commence in the district of Ilung- poor, and to be continued thence westward through each district on the north side of the Ganges, to the western boundary of the Com- pany’s territories ; thence proceed- ing to the south, until all the dis- tricts on that side of the great river were examined, and after- wards to Dacca and the other dis- tricts towards the eastern frontier, till the -whole of the territories then immediately subject to the presidency were surveyed. The inquiries were also to be extended (without quitting the Company’s territories) to the adjacent coun- tries and the petty states with which our Government had no regular intercourse. The subj ects of more particular inquiry were as follows : 1. A full topographi- cal account of each district ; its climate and meteorology ; its history and antiquities. 2. The number and condition of the inhabitants ; their food, habits, diseases, &c. ; education, and re- sources for the indigent. 3. Reli- gion ; the different sects or tribes ; the emoluments and power of their priests and chiefs ; their feeling towards our Government. 4. Natural productions, animal, vege- table,and mineral ; fisheries, forests, mines and quarries. 5. Agricul- ture, in the most comprehensive sense of the term, including the state of the landed property and tenures. 6. The progress made by the natives in the fine arts, the common arts, and manufactures. 7. Commerce.” “ This prodigious undertaking was continued with persevering industry for upwards of seven years, at a cost of about .£30,000, and closed when only a portion of the territories had been surveyed, namely, the districts of Behar and Patna, Shahabad. Bhagulpoor, Dinagepoor, Paraniya, Rungpoor, and Assam, containing upwards of BUG 41 sixty thousand square miles, and fifteen millions of people. The materials collected at this great outlay of labour and money were forwardedby the Supreme Govern- ment of Bengal to the Home au- thorities in 1816, and were deposit- ed in the East India House, where they were suffered to re- main for twenty -two years without being permitted to see the light —either, we presume, because they were deemed of no value, or because they contained matter which it would be dangerous to publish.” On the retirement of Ur. Box- burgh in 1814, Buchanan succeed- ed him as Superintendent of the Botanic Garden. But the state of his health compelled him in the following year to return to his native country. On his arrival in England, he presented his large and fine collection of plants, ani- mals, coins, MSS., &c., to the Court of Directors. On the death of his elder bro- ther, whom he had relieved from pecuniary difficulties by discharg- ing debts to the amount of ,£15,000, he succeeded to the en- tire estate and adopted his mo- ther’s name. He then fixed his residence at Leney, and contri- buted largely to various literary and scientific societies, and was elected F. B. S., L. and E., F. S. A., L. and E., and M. B. A. S. In 1819, he published his History of Nepaul, at Edinburgh, and his Genealogy of the Hindoo Gods, and in 1822, his account of the Fishes of the Ganges. Also, in Calcutta, 1833, there appeared his geogra- phical and statistical description of Dianapore. He was appoint- ed Deputy-Lieutenant for Perth- shire in 1826, married late in life, and died on the 15th of June 1829, in the 67th year of his age. BUCHANAN, Bev. Claudius, D.D., vice-provost of the College of Fort William in Bengal, was born on the 12th of March 1766 at Cumbuslang, a village near Glasgow. At the age of twenty- one, and quite friendless, he made his way to London, where he met with and attracted the attention of the Bev. John Newton, by whose influence he was sent to Cambridge, where he was educated at the expense of Henry Thorn- ton, Esq., whom he afterwards repaid. Buchanan went out to India in 1796, as one of the E. I. Company’s chaplains, and on the establishment of the Col- lege of Fort Wiliam in Ben- gal in 1800 (vide Wellesley), he was made Professor of the Greek, Latin, and English Class- ics, and vice-provost. During his residence in India, he made great efforts in promoting an ecclesiastical establishment, and strongly supported missionary and philanthropic labours. He also published a work called “Christian Besearches in Asia,” which attracted considerable at- tention at the time, and has gone through a number of editions. He gave various sums of money to the universities of England and Scotland in 1804-5, to be awarded as prizes for essays on the diffu- sion of Christianity in India. He returned to England in 1808, and during the remainder of his life, continued through the medium of the pulpit and the press, to for- ward his views. He replied to Charles Buller, Esq., M. P., on the worship of the idol of Juggernaut, and it was laid on the table of the House of Commons in 1813 and printed. Buchanan died at Brox- bourne, Herts, on the 9th of Feb- ruary 1815, and was at the time 6 42 BUC engaged in superintending an edition of the Scriptures for the use of the Syrian Christians on the Malabar coast. BUCKINGHAM, James Silk, was born about the year 1784, in the village of Flushing, near Fal- mouth, Cornwall. His life was one of extraordinary vicissitudes, for he was jailor, printer, book- seller, traveller and editor, suc- cessively. In 1813, he offered his services to the Pasha of Egypt to examine the Isthmus of Suez, to trace as far as practicable the course of the ancient canal. His offer was accepted and he traced it from Suez as far as it had not been filled up and obliterated, but the Pasha before he returned had changed his mind about the canal. He gave him a commission to purchase ships and establish a trade between India and Egypt, but the Bombay merchants dis- trusting the Pasha were unwilling to trade with him. He next made several abortive attempts to trade without the license of the E. I. Company, and was ordered to return to England, but remained in Egypt, and after another inter- view with the Pasha, with the as- sistance of a firman, he travelled overland to India vid Syria, Meso- potamia and Persia, dressed in Turkish costume and speaking the Arabic language. His life from this time is shrouded in obscurity till the year 1818, when under the liberal administration of Lord Hastings, he established the “Calcutta Journal.” Marsh- man writes, “It was the ablest newspaper which had ever ap- peared in India, and gave a higher tone and a deeper interest to jour- nalism. A knot of young men in the public service, of brilliant talents, headed by Mr. Henry Me- redith Parker, ranged themselves around the paper and contributed by their poignant articles to its extraordinary success and popu- larity. The editor, availing him- self of the liberty granted to the press by Lord Hastings, com- mented on public measures with great boldness, and sometimes with a degree of severity which was considered dangerous. But the great offence of the journal consisted in the freedom of its remarks on some of the leading members of Government. They had been nursed in the lap of des- potism, and their feelings of offi- cial complacency were rudely dis- turbed by the sarcasms inflicted on them. Madras, as a rule, has been unfortunate in its Gover- nors ; no fewer than six have been recalled — one of them unjustly — and, with the exception of three or four, the rest have been very second-rate men. One of these, Mr. Hugh Elliot, then filled the chair, to the regret of the public, and the journal affirmed that he had obtained an extension of his term of office, which was an- nounced to the community in a circular with a black border. This innocent pleasantry was register- ed among the offences of the paper. The Calcutta Secretaries had about this time taken to wear a green coat, and the journal styled them the ‘ gangrene of the state.’ Mr. Adam had systematically opposed the liberality shewn towards the press by Lord Hastings, and only waited for his departure to impose fetters on it, and to make an example of the obnoxious journal. A Regulation was accordingly passed in April 1823, which com- pletely extinguished the ‘ freedom of unlicensed printing,’ but the BUI 43 Calcutta Journal continued to write with the same spirit as before. The senior Presbyterian minister, of the name of Bryce, a zealous partizan of Government, had set up a rival Tory paper, and indulged in invectives against M r. Buckingham, which, when indict- ed in the Supreme Court, were pronounced to be libellous. Not only was no check imposed on him by the Government, but he wras nominated to the well-paid office of Clerk to the Stationery office. The appointment, when an- nounced at home, was condemned by his own Church, and revoked by the Court of Directors. The Cal- cutta Journal ridiculed the incon- gruity of this union of offices, which obliged the reverend gen- tleman to employ himself in count- ing bundles of tape and sticks of sealing wax, when he ought to be composing his sermons. For this venial offence Mr. Adam came down at once on Mr. Buckingham, revoked his license, banished him from India, and ruined his pros- pects.” For a re-print of this ar- ticle, vide Appendix No. IX. On his arrival in London, a libe- ral subscription was raised to re- imburse him for the losses he had sustained in the suppression of his journal. In London he lectured against the monopoly of the E. I. Company, and established the “ Oriental Herald.” Between 1822 and 32, he published his “ Travels in Palestine,” “ Travels in Ara- bia,” “ Travels in Mesopotamia,” and “ Travels in Syria and Media.” He then went abroad, travelling on the Continent, and all over North America, and published his “ Tra- vels in Belgium, The Rhine and Switzerland,” “ Travels in France, Piedmont and Switzerland,” and “ Travels in America,” the two for- mer comprising 2 volumes each, and the latter 10 volumes. Mr. Buckingham was elected Member of Parliament for Sheffield in 1832, and retained his seat for nearly five years. In 1849 he published a work en- titled “ National Evils and Prac- tical Remedies,” and in 1855 the first 2 volumes of his “ Autobio- graphy,” but death cut off his career before he could finish what he intended, the 3rd and 4th volumes. He died on the 30th of June 1855. His last years were solaced by a pension from the Directors of the E. I. Company, as amends for theill-treatmenthehad received in Calcutta. ( Vide Adam.) BUIST, George, was a distin- guished geologist, and scientific writer who spent a great portion of his life in India, and was asso- ciated with the chief scientific So- cieties of the day. He wrote the following : Report of Meteorological Obser- vations at Bombay in 1842-44, 1 vol. — On the Saltness of the Red Sea, Bom. Geo. Trans., vol. ix, 39. —Catalogue of Remarkable Hail- storms in India, Ibid., 184 ; Rep. Brit. Ass., 1850. — Notice of re- markable Meteors in India, Bom. Geo. Trans., vol. ix, 197 ; Rep. Brit. Ass., 1849-52. — Outlines of the operations of the British Troops in Scinde and Afghanis- tan, Bombay, 1843, 1 vol., 8vo. — Annals of India for 1848-49, Bom- bay, 1849, 1 vol., 8vo. — On floods in India, in 1849, Edin. Phil. Jl. (Jameson’s), 1851, vol. li, 52. — On the incrustations of steam-pipes and boilers in marine engines — occasional deposits of electro-type on copper, Bl. As. Trans., 1850. — On the evidence of the general upheaval and depression around 44 BUR the sea-shores of India and North- ern Europe, Ibid.. 1851 ; Edin. PI. Jl., 1851 ; Bom. Trans., 1850-51 ; Rep. Brit. Ass., 1851. — Geology of Perthshire, Prize Essay of the Highland Society, 1838 (See Lyell’s Principles of Geology, 4th and subsequent edition).— Reports of the Fifeshire Literary Society, London Naturalist, 1839. — On the aneroid as a survey instrument in India, Loud. Geo. Trans., 1851. — On the visible appearance of the seasons in Western India, without reference to instrumental observa- tion, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1851. — Desul- tory remarks on the Oriental sculptures on the Runic stones of Scotland, Bom. As. Trans., vol. ii, 43 ; Bl. As. Trans., 1851. — On gates, and wire fences for gardens and compounds in India, Bom. Agri. Trans., 1842. — On a cheap form of thrashing mill employed in England and well suited for India, Ibid. — On the various methods of grafting young and full grown trees, Ibid., 1849-1852 ; Bombay Times , November 1849. — On arcades in the vicinity of hospitals, for the use of convales- cents, Ind. Jr. of Med. Sc., 1845, 725. — On the various forms of windmills in use in Europe and Egypt, with water-raising ma- chines made use of in the East, Bombay, 1848, folio.— On the con- nection betwixt Oriental and Scandinavian antiquities, Bl. As. Trans., 1852.— On the volcanoes, volcanic phenomena, hot springs, &c., betwixt the line and 32° N., Bom. Geo. Trans., 1852, vol. x. — On the Geology of Bombay and the adjoining islands. Index to the books and papers on the phy- sical geography, antiquities and statistics of India. BURNES, Sir Alexander, was born on the 16'tli of May 1805 at Montrose, in Scotland. He was a connection of the family of Robert Burns, the poet, whose father was the first to omit the letter e in the family name. He left school when sixteen years old, and having through the influence of Mr. Joseph Hume, obtained a cadetship in the Bombay army, started for Bombay where he ar- rived on the 21st of October 1821. His natural talent as a linguist soon enabled him to master the Hindustani and Persian lan- guages, his proficiency in which laid the foundation of his success- ful career, for when only twenty years old he was made interpreter to a large force equipped for the invasion of Sind in 1825. Three years later he was appointed Quartermaster-General of the Army, and transferred to head- quarters at Bombay, on a salary of 800 Rupees (,£80) a month. He here met Malcolm, and proposed an expedition to explore the Indus, from where it is joined by the Punjaub down to the ocean. At the end of 1829, Burnes started on this hazardous undertaking, and had got half through when it was recalled by Lord Bentinck, who thought it would have in- volved political difficulties. He was next appointed Assistant to the Resident in Cutch. In the early part of 1830, he was selected to proceed to Runjeet Sing in Lahore, with a batch of horses as a present from the King of Eng- land, but the ostensible object of the journey was to survey the Indus. Though meeting with much opposition from the Ameers of Sind he eventually reached Lahore, and was most cordially received by Runjeet, on the 18th of July 1831. The mission re- BUR 45 turned on the 14th August, and Burnes proceeded to Simla, and gave an account of his embassy to the Governor-General. While on this journey he conceived the idea of a still grander explo- ration— one which eventually brought him fame and fortune. He writes to his family at Mont- rose, “ I have a great ambition to cross the Indus and Indian Cau- casus and pass by the route of Balkh, Bokhara and Samarcand to the Aral and Caspian seas, to Persia, and thence to return by sea to Bombay.” After commu- nicating the results of his journey to Lahore, the Government were prepared to encourage an enter- prise on a grander scale. Writ- ing to his sister on the 23rd Sep- tember 1831, he said, “ The Home Government have got frightened at the designs of Russia, and de- sired that some intelligent officer should be sent to acquire some information in the countries bor- dering on the Oxus and the Cas- pian ; and I, knowing nothing of all this, came forward and volunteered precisely for what they want. Lord Bentirick jumps at it, invites me to come and talk personally, and gives me comfort in a letter.” About the end of December he received his passports at Delhi, and on the 3rd of January 1832 crossed the British frontiers on his long and perilous journey. He was accompanied by a Mr. Gerard, a young assistant surgeon, and two natives, Mahomed Ali, a surveyor, and Mohun Lai, a moonshee, or secretary. Crossing the Indus near Attock in the middle of March, the travellers reached Cabool, from whence Burnes wrote to his mother, 10th May, “Never was there a more humble being seen. I have no tent, no chair, or table, no bed, and my clothes altogether amount in value to one pound sterling. You would disown your son if you saw him. My dress is purely Asiatic, and since I came into Cabool, has been changed to that of the lowest orders of the people. My head is shaved of its brown locks, and my beard dyed black, grieves — as the Persian poets have it — for the departed beauty of youth. I now eat my meals with my hands, and greasy digits they are, though I must say, in justi- fication, that I wash before and after meals I frequently sleep under a tree, but if a vil- lager will take compassion upon me, I enter his house. I never conceal that I am a European, and I have as yet found the char- acter advantageous to my com- fort. I might assume all the habits and religion of the Maho- medans, since I can now speak the Persian as my own language, but I should have less liberty and less enjoyment in an assumed garb. The people know me by the name of Sekunder, which is the Persian for Alexander, and a magnani- mous name it is. With all my assumed poverty, I have a bag of ducats around my waist, and bills for as much money as I choose to draw. I gird my loins, and tie on my sword on all occasions, though I freely admit I would make more use of silver and gold than of cold steel. When I go into company, 1 put my hand on my heart, and say with all humi- lity to the master of the house, ‘ Peace be unto thee/ according to custom, and then I squat myself down on the ground. This fami- liarity has given me an insight into the character of this people which I never could have other- 46 BUR wise acquired. I tell them about steam-engines, armies, ships, me- dicine, and all the wonders of Europe, and, in return, they en- lighten me regarding the customs of their country, its history, state factions, trade, &c. I all the time appearing indifferent, and convers- ing thereon ‘pour passer le temps! .... The people of this country are kind-hearted and hospitable ; they have no prejudices against a Christian, and none against our nation. When they ask me if I eat pork, I of course shudder, and say it is only outcastes who commit such outrages. God forgive me ! for I am very fond of bacon, and my mouth waters as I write the word. I wish I had some of it for breakfast, to which I am now about to sit down.” After being generously entertained at Ca- bool, by a Nawab, named Jub- bur Khan, the English travel- lers made their way to the fort of the Hindoo-koosh, and tra- versed that immense range to Koondooz, Khooloom and Balkh. Burnes on this route found many traces of those unfortunate travel- lers, Moorcroft and Trebeck. Af- ter a sojourn of three days at Balkh, Burnes made his way to Bokhara which he reached on the 27th June. Here he resided for nearly four weeks, entertained most hospit- ably by the Vizier, who on his de- parture said, “ Sekunder, I have sent for you to ask if any one has molested you in this city, or taken money from you in my name, and if you leave us contented1?” Burnes replied that he had been treated as an honored guest and had not a single cause for complaint. From Bokhara the traveller’s route lay across the great Toorkooman de- sert to Merve and Meshed, thence to Astrabad and the shores of the Caspian. The Vizier instructed the conductors of the Caravan with which Burnes was to travel, and a Toorkooman chief who ac- companied it with an escort, to guard the lives and properties of the Feringhees, declaring that he would root them from the face of the earth should any accident be- fall the travellers. Burnes reach- ed the shores of the Caspian safe- ly, and from thence proceeded to Teheran, down the Persian Gulf, took ship there to Bombay and from thence to Calcutta. Here he laid before the Governor-Gene- ral, an account of his journey, and was sent home to communicate to the authorities the information he had obtained. He arrived in Eng- land in the early part of Novem- ber 1833, where he was perfectly lionized. He writes at this time, “ I have been inundated by visits from authors, publishers, societies, and what not. I am requested to be at the Geographical Society this evening, but I defer it for a fort- night, when I am to have a night to myself All, all are kind to me. I am a perfect wild beast. ‘ There’s the traveller,’ ‘ There’s Air. Burnes,’ ‘There’s the Indus Bumes,’ and what not do I hear.” King William the Fourth had an inter- view with him, which is amusing- ly recorded in his journal. The time spent in England was occu- pied in writing his “ Travels into Bokhara,” the copy-right of the first edition of which Mr. Murray the publisher, purchased for £800. The demand for it was immense, 900 copies being sold the first day, and it was also translated into German and French. Burnes was elected Member of the Royal Asia- tic Society, and being made M em- ber of the Royal Geographical BUR 47 Society, received a gold medal and a premium of 50 guineas “ for the navigation of tlie Indus, and a journey by Balkh and Bokhara across Central Asia.” He also received a medal from the French Geographical Society. He return- ed to India in the spring of 1835, and resumed his duties as Assis- tant to the Resident in Cutcli. A few months after his arrival he was deputed on a mission to the Ameers of Sind. Lord Auckland, who had met Burnes in England, and had form- ed a high opinion of his energy and ability, when he assumed the reins of Government, as Governor- General, selected him to proceed on a mission to Cabool, viz., the opening of the navigation of the Indus, but the commercial cloak had soon to be thrown off for poli- tical designs to check-mate the progress of Russia in the east. Lord Auckland became alarmed at the designs of Russia. Herat was besieged by the Persians. Russian officers were in their ranks, and it was believed that both those powers were in consort to gain that great frontier city. Lord Aucklandentertained a great distrust of Dost Mahommed, the reigning sovereign of Cabool, and had determined upon deposing him and reinstating the exiled Shah Sujah, which act he consid- ered would form such a ground of friendship between the Afghans and British, as would prove a per- petual barrier to Russian aggres- sion, but he little dreamt that Shah Sujah was an imbecile and unpopular sovereign, and that the very act of reinstating him was to the Afghans, what applying a match to gunpowder is. So Burnes left Cabool and repaired to Simla, where he was asked by the secre- taries not to dissuade Lord Auck- land from following out his aggres- sive policy. Though Burnes’ opin- ions were entirely averse to the policy, as a public servant, he re- conciled himself to it. The l' Ar- my of the Indus” as it was styled was equipped to carry out Lord Auckland's views, and Burnes was bitterly disappointed at being ac- corded a subordinate post with it, but it was mitigated by the receipt of intelligence that he had been knighted with the military rank of Lieutenant Colonel on account of his services. The British army entered Afghanistan. Dost Ma- hommed was driven out of the country, and Shah Sujah reinstat- ed on the throne of Cabool, 6th August 1839. Sir W. H. Mac- naughten was Envoy to the Court of Shah Sujah, and Burnes was his assistant. In November 1841, the former was appointed to the Go- vernorship of Bombay, while the latter was to succeed him in the soon-to-be-vacated post at Cabool. But while preparations were being made for this change the country was ripening for the revolt which burst out into a flame, culminat- ing in the Cabool massacre. Burnes had ample warning of the ap- proaching insurrection and might have easily escaped. His servants and the Afghan minister, Oosman Khan, all advised him to make away, but he rejected their advice. On the 2nd of November 1841, the city was in a state of ferment. Burnes’ house was besieged. His brother, Charles, was with him as well as his friend Broadfoot. The latter was shot dead. Burnes then offered a large sum of money if the insurgents would allow him and his brother to escape. But they called upon him to leave off firing and come down to the gar- 48 BUS den. A Cashmere Mussulman swore to protect them if they went with him — the brothers agreed to this, but as soon as they faced the mob, the treacherous guide cried out, “ This is Sekunder Burnes !” and botli were instantly butchered. Thus fell Burnes, at the early age of thirty-six, a victim to a poli- cy to which he was secretly averse, but had to perform as a public duty. ( Vide Macnaugten, Auck- land, Shah Sujah, Dost Ma- hommed). BUSSY, M., shone as a most dis- tinguished French officer in the wars of the Carnatic between the years 1750 and 1783. As describ- ed in the life of Chundah Sahib, Bussy accompanied Mirzuffir Jung in his expedition against the in- surgent Afghan chiefs, in which the latter was killed. Through his influence, Salabut Jung was placed on the vacant throne of the Nizam in 1751. The details of his career in the court of Salabut Jung is more a subject of history than biography. Suffice it to say that he had an immense influence over it— an influence and ascend- ency which raised many enemies, even among men who were under the greatest obligations to him. During his absence in January 1753, at the coast, recruiting his health, the Minister at the Court withheld the allowances due to his troops, with a view of breaking up the force. Bussy had to return speedily, though still in ill-health, and marched with a body of 4,500 men to Aurangabad, where the Court was held. This terrified the Minister — he sought a reconcilia- tion, to which Bussy was by no means averse. But to avoid all future discord about the payment of his troops, which amounted to £400,000 a year, he obtained the IS' orthern Circars, which yielded an annual revenue of ,£500, 000. The disastrous expedition of 1755-56, of Salabut Jung against Mysore to extort tribute, plunged him into great debt, and com- pletely drained his treasury. The following year he marched against the Nabob of Savanore, who re- fused to acknowledge his autho- rity. It was at the siege of Sa- vanore that Bussy’s military skill astonished the enemy, who sent immediate proposals for a sur- render. His continued influence and success conspired to inflame the hatred of the Nizam’s M inis- ter more than ever, and Bussy was at length ordered to quit the territories of the Nizam. He began his march to Masulipatam, at the same time applying to Pon- dicherry for reinforcements. The Nizam in the meantime had ap- plied to the English for assistance to drive out the French, which was about to be granted, when affairs in Bengal {vide Surajah Dowlah) gave their troops a different bent. Salabut Jung at- tacked Bussy on his march to the coast near Hyderabad, where he made a gallant resistance for nearly two months. His position was most critical, when Law, with reinforcements, formed a junction with him. Salabut J ung alarmed, sent proposals of peace, and Bussy’s authority again became establish- ed in the Deccan. Bussy then returned to his territories on the coast, where in 1757, he received an invitation from Surajah Dow- lah to aid him against Clive ; but Clive’s successes, and the imbeci- lity of Surajah Dowlah, induced him to remain where he was. On war being declared between F ranee and England in Europe in 1758, CAM 49 Bussy attacked Vizagapatam and other English factories on the coast, but treated the officers with great liberality. He was well repaid for this, when taken pri- soner by Coote at the battle of Wandewash, where he defeated Lally. Coote liberated Bussy in consideration of his generous con- duct towards the English in the Northern Circars. Bussy had been seven years founding the interest of his nation in the Deccan, when Lally’s advent destroyed his power. He was recalled from his territories to carry out Lally’s views and operations further south, in 1758. With this thesun of French prosperity may be said to have set. But for Lally, India’s destiny might have been very different. It is probable that the Empire would have been divided between the two nations. Bussy after an absence of 24 years re- turned to India in 1783 during Hyder’s last war, where, at the siege of Cuddalore, intelligence was received from Europe of peace between the belligerents, and all military operations imme- diately ceased. It was during his absence in France that Orine, the great historian, made his acquaintance. ( Vide Oeme). Of the last days of Bussy we have no account. Dupleix entertained a high opinion of Bussy. It was his habit to remove a commander after defeat. From 1752 to 1754, six had been removed, but his treatment of Bussy was different. To quote the words of Orme, “ the only man of distinguished capa- city who served under him was M. Bussy, and his conduct to this officer shewed that he knew the value of merit, and was capable of employing it to the utmost advan- tage, for although M. Bussy had by his expedition to the northward acquired much reputation, and a great fortune, he beheld his suc- cesses without the least envy, and implicitly followed his advice in all affairs of which M. Bussy, by his situation, might be a better judge than himself.” Bussy acquired a large fortune in India and , on returning to France, married a niece of the Due de Choisel. c CAMOENS, Lurs de, the celebrat- ed Portuguese poet, was born at Lisbon, 1517, and was educated at Coimbra. On leaving this Uni- versity he appeared at Court, where his amours with a particu- lar lady far above his rank, led to his banishment. The particulars are unknown, but he describes this misfortune in some of his son- nets to love. He then took part in the naval engagements against the Moors, and lost his right eye in action off Gibraltar. He had begun writing poems during his exile in Spain, but some of his most beautiful sonnets were writ- ten in Africa, while, as he ex- presses it One hand the Pen, and one the Sword employ’d. By his valour he acquired suffi- cient fame to obtain permission to return to Lisbon, but owing to the excessive jealousy of some of the nobles and courtiers, Camoens 50 CAN thought it prudent to leave his native country. He sailed for India in 1553, with a determina- tion never to return, exclaiming as the ship left the Tagus, “ Ingrata patria, non possidebis offa mea !" “ Ungrateful country, thou shalt not possess my bones.” In India he displayed his usual bravery in the early struggles of the Portuguese on the Western Coast. At Goa, however, he im- prudently wrote some satires which gave offence, and the Portuguese Viceroy, Francisco Barreto ban- ished him to China. Though un- der the disgrace of banishment he soon found friends by his ac- complishments and manners and received an appointment in the island of Macao, a Portuguese set- tlement in the bay of Canton, which he held for five years, and having acquired a small fortune, he sailed for Goa, where Don Con- stantine de Braganza was now Viceroy. Unfortunately he was shipwrecked near the mouth of the river Mehon, on the coast of China, and lost his wealth. His poems which he held in one hand, while he swam with the other were all he found himself possessed of on being stranded here. The na- tives, however, received him kind- ly and he continued writing his Luciad. By the first opportunity he returned to Goa and was well received by the Viceroy above- mentioned, but when Count Re- dondo assumed the Government, old clamours were raised against him again and he was thrown into prison. In a public trial Camoens fully refuted all the accusations brought against him. When at liberty he again sought the profes- sion of arms with the allowance of a gentleman volunteer. After an absence of 16 years and further misfortunes, Camoens returned to Lisbon in 1569, when the plague was raging there, which prevented his publishing his Luciad for three years. It appeared eventually in 1572 and was subsequently trans- lated into most of the languages of Europe. Soon after this the king- dom of Portugal fell into utter ruin in the weak hands of Henry. The degeneracy of the Portuguese was much lamented by Camoeus and his observation of it was im- puted to him as a crime. Entirely neglected by Henry, this, the most illustrious poet of Portugal died in extreme poverty in 1579 in his 52nd year, after the fatal defeat of Don Sebastian. A faithful ser- vant, a native of Java used to beg bread for him in the streets of Lisbon during his last days. Camoens was the greatest literary genius ever produced by Portugal, and as one of her heroes, his mar- tial courage and spirit of honour was unrivalled. A very striking part of his great poem the 4 Luciad’ is his description of the departure of Vasco de Gama and his crew from Lisbon on his first voyage to India. Vide Asiatic Register, 1800, Char., p. 39 ; also Quarterly Review, vol. xxvii, p. 1 and Pickings from Old Indian Books, vol. i, p. 2. Mickle, Fanshaw and Musgrave have translated the 4 Luciad’ into English. CANNING, Charles John, Earl and Viscount, was the third son of George Canning, and was born at Brompton in 1S12. He was educated at Eton and Oxford, and entered Parliament in 1836 as member for Warwick. He suc- ceeded to the peerage soon after, on the death of his mother, the CAN 51 Viscountess Canning. He was appointed Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in 1841, and held the office for five years. He was then created Chief Com- missioner of Woods and Forests, with a seat in the Cabinet. He retired from office with Sir Robert Peel ; was Post Master General in 1853, and succeeded Lord Dalhousie as Governor-General of India in 1856, assuming that office on the 29th February. Lord Dalhousie, on his depar- ture thought he was leaving his successor a legacy of peace, but scarcely had a twelvemonth elapsed, when Canning had to guide the helm of the state vessel through the hour of her darkest trial. The material progress of India during Lord Dalliousie’s ad- ministration was rapid — too rapid, and was unintelligible to the na- tives in general. They could not understand the scope of railways, telegraphs, roads, canals, Ac., nor could they recognize the vast be- nefit that would be derived from the march of education by both male and female. They imagined these things to be aimed at the destruction of their national faith, caste and customs — that they were all to be made Christians ; and a general feeling of uneasiness per- vaded the minds of natives of all ranks and creeds. Coupled with this, the strange prediction made by Brahmin astrologers that the rule of the E. I. Company was to be overthrown exactly a century after the battle of Plassy, had a singular effect upon a people drenched in superstition, and who consult a favourable conjunction of the planets in the most trivial actions and circum- stances of life. Now had arrived the Hindoo ! ‘ Sumbut,’ 1914 (1857-58), the hun- dredth year after Plassy had been won, and Hindoo almanacs pre- dicted fatal auguries to ruling powers. It had been predicted that the precursor of this event would be a terrible scourge, floods and inundations, and the literal fulfilment of this took place in 1856-57, in no small degree strengthening the belief that these were the indices of what was to come. A terrible visitation of cholera had swept away thou- sands, and tremendous floods had occurred in Bengal. Early in 1857 many English- men were warned by native friends of impending danger. In- trigues had been going on at Delhi. Nana Sahib’s emissaries had been actively employed in exciting disaffection. Azim Oolla Khan, the agent he sent to Eng- land, had lately returned after having visited the Crimea. He told the Nana that England’s power was on the wane, and that all the British troops in India would soon be withdrawn to carry on the Russian war. Enfield rifles had lately been sent from England for the sepoy regiments ; and a rumour had spread, which was believed to have originated among the Brahmins of Calcutta, that the cartridges of these rifles were greased with cow’s and pig’s fat, the use of which was intended to deprive the sepoys of caste, as a preliminary to their conversion. On the 19th February 1857, the 19th regiment refused to receive the cartridges served out on parade and broke into open mutiny. They were marched down to Bar- rackpore on the arrival of H. M.’s 84th from Burmah, and dis- banded on the 31st March, and forwarded to their homes in Oudh 52 CAN and Bundlecund. On the 29th March, two days before the dis- bandment of the 19th, Mungul Bandy, a private sepoy of the 34th, broke into open mutiny on the parade ground at Barrackpore, and shot two officers in the pre- sence of the quarter-guard, who did not interfere. He was tried and hanged on the 22nd April. The discharged men of the 19th, as they proceeded homewards, spread exaggerated rumours of these occurrences, which flew like wild fire from station to station in Upper India. Lord Canning, on the 16th May, addressed the people, warning them of false reports, and dis- claiming any attempt at depriving them of caste. Incendiary fires occurred at numerous stations which defied detection, and from the Ganges and Jumna, all over Central India, to the frontiers of Berar, chuppaties (baked flour cakes) were distributed with amazing rapidity, an ominous sign of warning or of preparation. Thus commenced the first open show of disaffection, and the wide- spread mutiny which followed is a voluminous history in itself. A bare enumeration of events and dates alone can here be given, and the prominent part that Havelock, Neill, Outram, Inglis, Nicholson, Wheeler, and Clyde, acted in these dreadful scenes, is referred to in their respective memoirs. To briefly detail the events which followed, on the 10th May, the Native 3rd Cavalry and 11th and 20th .Regiments of Native Infantry at Meerut rose in open mutiny, shot down Colonel Finnis and other officers and some ladies, set fire to their lines and houses, and went off to Delhi in a body, where an advance party of the cavalry arrived on the following day after hard riding. The tur- bulent and lawless people of this city rose at once, and butch- ered most of the European men, women and children. The famous arsenal, which contained military stores for the whole of the North- West Provinces, held out for a while, defended with desperate courage by Lieutenants Willough- by, Raynor, and six other English- men. When no longer tenable they blew it up. Willoughby and some of his companions escaped, but the former only reached Mee- rut to die of the injuries he had sustained. In the meanwhile the Nana and his agents were moving about encouraging the spread of rebel- lion. On 2nd May, the 7th local Native Infantry mutinied at its station, a few miles from Luck- now, the cause of which, even baffled the investigations of Sir Henry Lawrence, who had just before been appointed Commis- sioner of Oudli. On the 6th May, the 34th Native Infantry at Bar- rackpore was disbanded by orders of the Governor-General in Coun- cil, and these men, 500 in number, acted no small part in swelling the discontent as they retired to Ouclh. At Lahore all the native troops were disarmed, and at Mur- dan the 55th Regiment mutinied, and was terribly punished by Nicholson. But for these decided measures, and the premature out- break at Meerut, the mutiny would have been more difficult to suppress ; for, with the excep- tion of the 21st at Peshawur, all the old Bengal sepoy regiments were tainted, and there is little doubt that a general rising had been fixed upon for the 3 1st of May. The Commander-in-Chicf, Gene- CAN 53 ral Anson, on hearing of the out- break, hurried down from Simla to make preparations for an ad- vance on Delhi ; but he died of cholera at Kurnaul on the 27th May. Sir Henry Barnard suc- ceeded to the command, and was within twenty miles of Delhi on the 4th of June, where he was joined by Brigadier Wilson with reinforcements. But in the meantime the muti- ny was spreading in other locali- ties— Aligurh, Mynpoorie, Nusser- abad, Bareilly, Moradabad, Sahar- unpoor, Shahjehanpoor, Badaon, Almorah, Nowgong, Banda, Chut- terpoor, Futtehpoor, Humeer- poor, Julown, Jhansi, Futtehgurh, Cawnpore, and all the stations in Oudh. All this occurred between the 10th of May and the 6th of June. The events at each station form an episode in itself. On the 30th June, the Residency at Lucknow was invested by the mutineers, and it was not reliev- ed till the 22nd September. But the most anxious eyes were cast upon Delhi, where strong rein- forcements were required by Sir Henry Barnard, who had to con- tend against hordes of lawless and undisciplined soldiery in their final attempt to re-establish the ancient Mogul dynasty. Help was looked for from the North- West Provinces. The state of the Punjaub was at one time trem- bling in the balance, but there was a Lawrence, an Edwardes, and a Nicholson there, who pre- served order and supplied troops. Lawrence trusted the Sikhs, and in turn the Sikhs trusted Law- rence. Several native regiments in the Punjaub were disarmed, and Sikh reinforcements were daily arriving at Delhi, where Barnard had made the first step to its investment on the 8th J une. The mutineers were also adding to their numbers by the arrival of more malcontents from mutinous regiments. Delhi seemed to be the chief rendezvous. On the 4th July Sir Henry Barnard died of cholera, and was succeeded by Brigadier Archdale Wilson. Con- stant attacks and skirmishes oc- curred till the 6th September, when the long expected siege train arrived from Ferozepoor, and the siege-operations commenced in earnest on the following day, and on the 20th Delhi was cap- tured, but with the loss of many a gallant spirit. ( Vide Nicholson.) It may be as well now to diverge and cast a glance at the progress of events at the seat of Govern- ment. Lord Canning had filled his high office a little more than a twelvemonth when this avalanche of trouble rolled over Upper In- dia. He was naturally ignorant of the sepoys, their alarms, and the existing state of native feel- ing. He was surrounded by offi- cials in Calcutta whose apathy and indifference alone were suffi- cient to quiet any alarm he may have entertained of the impend- ing crisis. He was blamed for being slow at first, but when the electric telegraph flashed Law- rence’s message from Lucknow on the 16th May of the storm that had broken there, he was not slow to act. He rose immeasurably above those who surrounded him. Bombay and Madras were order- ed to send up all the troops they could spare, and Lord Elgin and General Ashburnham were re- quested to spare every available soldier from the Chinese war. From Burmah also British troops were withdrawn. In every way he evinced xalmness, sound judg- 54 CAN ment, self-possession, determina- tion, and foresight. The troops were not forwarded up-country with the expedition that he could have wished, as means of trans- port were not rapidly available, and the railway extended only to Raneegunj. Neill arrived at Cal- cutta on the 23rd May, and Have- lock on the 17th June, and were soon acting vigorously against the mutineers at Benares, Allahabad, Cawnpore and Lucknow. On the 14th June Brigadier Hearsey dis- armed the native regiments at Barrackpore, which had shown signs of mutiny, and a disgraceful panic ensued at Calcutta, notwith- standing the cool and staunch be- haviour of Lord Canning. Urged by the Council he passed an act of restriction on the press, which, however, increased the general alarm, and the subsequent impri- sonment of the ex-king of Oudh in Fort William was a poor equiva- lent to allay it. The year dragged out, each month seeing decided advantages gained by the English as rein- forcements continued to arrive. The tragedy at Cawnpore had been avenged, Benares and Alla- habad saved, and the Mogul capi- tal re-captured. On the 27th Jan- uary 1858, the king of Delhi, Ma- homnied Bahadoor Shah, was tried, and after twenty days’ proceed- ings, was found guilty and sen- tenced to death for having order- ed the murder of forty-nine Chris- tians at Delhi ; for waging war against the English, and for excit- ing the people of India to extir- pate them. The sentence was, however, commuted to transpor- tation, and Lord Canning’s cle- mency in this matter raised afresh the clamours against him. Jn self-defence he reviewed his own I acts in a Minute to the Court of Directors in such a spirit of fair- ness and justice to the people of India as to silence his worst ene- mies. In March 1858, Lord Canning issued a proclamation in Oudh. confiscating the possessions of all the Talookdars (land-owners), with the exception of six, who had been loyal. Sir James Outram remonstrated with Lord Canning, and he was allowed to soften the terms of the proclama- tion to a certain degree, but its chief purport was not altered. The proclamation was repudiated in England by LordEllenborough, the President of the Board of Con- trol, but the new terms of settle- ment had already been going on well, chiefly through the influence of Outram’s personal character, and the judicious measures of his successor, Mr. Robert Mont- gomery. ( Vide Lord Lawrence.) By the end of the year rebellion was fast being stamped out, and on the 8th July 1859, Lord Can- ning proclaimed peace, and the 28th July was fixed as a day of general thanksgiving, ‘ a humble offering of gratitude to Almighty God for the many mercies vouch- safed.’ With the close of the mutiny, the E. I. Company became extinct. An Act of Paiiiament was passed on the 2nd August 1858, transfer- ring India to the British Crown ; and on the 1st of November, the Queen’s Proclamation was issued by the Governor-General at Alla- habad, translated into all the ver- nacular languages, and read in every native court in India. It was so appropriately worded that a feeling of security was soon es- tablished throughout the country. The remaining events of Lord CAR 55 Canning’s administration were the amalgamation of the Company’s with the Queen’s troops, in the carrying out of which the discon- tent in a portion of the Company’s army threatened very serious con- sequences. The men asked for a small bounty to re-enlist. The Government was obstinate, and by an unwise economy lost 10,000 veterans, whose passages had to be paid to England, costing far more than the amount of the bounty had it been granted. As soon as the war ceased, all public works were resumed with spirit. In 1860-1861 a terrible famine occurred in the North-West Pro- vinces, and notwithstanding the benevolent exertions of Govern- ment, individuals, and large re- mittances from England, 500,000 human beings perished. Lady Canning died in Novem- ber 1861, and Lord Canning pre- pared to return to England. His last splendid durbar was held at Allahabad, where he conferred the order of the Star of India on the native princes of the North- West who had been loyal to the British during the mutiny. These were Sindiah, the Sikh chief of Puttiala, the Begum of Bhopal, and the Nabob of Rampoora. The same decoration was forward- ed to the Nizam, and valuable gifts were forwarded to Salar Jung, his prime minister, who afterwards was created a Knight of the Star of India; and to the Nabob Shumsh-ool-Oomra, chief of the Hyderabad nobles. Honours were also conferred upon numerous individuals who had done good service during the mutiny. Lord Canning left India in March 1862, the last Governor- General of the Company, and the first Viceroy of the Queen, and who during his term of office, had to encounter one of the severest hurricanes that had threatened the British power in India. On his departure addresses from all sections of the community, Euro- peans and natives, poured in on him, bidding him an affectionate farewell. He died in England on the 17th June, only about two months after his return from India. CAREY, Dr. William, one of that noble band of Serampore Missionaries, was born on the 17th of August 1761, in the vil- lage of Paulerspury, in North- amptonshire, where his father was a Schoolmaster. His education was necessarily limited to the scanty instruction of a village school. There are few recollec- tions of his early days, but it was remarked that he read with relish all the scientific and historical works within his reach, and also works of travel. A taste for na- tural history and botany also soon developed itself, but every pros- pect of intellectual improvement was quenched by liis being ap- prenticed to a shoemaker at Hackleton when fourteen years old, as his parents were too poor to assist him in pursuit of know- ledge. His master died in the second year of his apprenticeship, and Carey was transferred as a journeyman to a Mr. Old, whose house, the Rev. Thomas Scott, the well-known Commentator, used to visit. Here he met Carey, whose intelligent look and ques- tions struck him so much, as to lead him to predict that he would prove no ordinary character. Years after, when Carey had at- tained the position he did in India, Mr. Scott, one day passing Mr. Old’s house, remarked to a friend, 56 CAR “ That was Mr. Carey’s College.” It was here that Carey was first brought under strong religious impressions, and though educated as a strict Churchman, he changed his views about baptism, and was baptised by immersion in the River Nen, Northamptonshire, by Dr. John Ryland, on the 7th Oc- tober 1783, and he preached his first sermon when 19 years old. On the death of his second master Mr. Old, he married his sister, and took over his stock and busi- ness. It was an imprudent union, for his wife was a most illiterate person, and during twenty-five years never possessed a single feel- ing in unison with his. He relinquished his business, and after preaching and taking up a school, he was obliged to return again to trade, to keep him- self from starvation. It is said of him at this time, “ once a fort- night Carey might be seen walk- ing eight or ten miles to North- ampton, with his wallet full of shoes on his shoulder, and then returning home with a fresh sup- ply of leather.” Thirty years after this date, while dining with Lord Hastings, Governor-General of India, at Barrackpore, he over- heard a general officer enquiring of an Aide-de-Camp, whether Dr. Carey was not once a shoemaker. Carey stepped forward and said, “No, Sir, only a cobbler.” Carey about 1789 suggested the forma- tion of a Mission for the spread of the gospel among the heathen ; but he met with no encourage- ment even from his own minis- terial brethren, who looked upon the scheme as quite Utopian. He was appointed to the charge of a small congregation in Leicester, where he still continued to urge the mission cause. At length a Society was formed at Kettering in 1792, and on the 13th June the following year, he embarked for India in a Danish vessel, arriving at Calcutta on the 11th Novem- ber. His pecuniary embarrass- ments during his first years in Bengal were very distressing. Funds from the Society were not forthcoming. His wife who had accompanied him to India with great reluctance was incessantly upbraiding him with their wretch- ed circumstances. Driven to dis- traction he settled upon the Soon- derbunds and began to cultivate a farm. From this unenviable and malarious spot he was happily rescued by a Mr. Undy offering him the charge of one of the indigo factories that he had re- cently erected. He received this offer through the influence of Mr. Thomas, his colleague, and gladly accepted it, for it saved him and his family from starvation. He took charge of the factory of Mud- napatty, 30 miles distant from Malda in June 1794, on a salary of 200 Rs. a month, which relieved him from all pecuniary embar- rassments, and of this amount he devoted one-third to mission pur- poses. He preached in the vil- lages around and established a school for native children — the first that had ever been set up by a European in India. During a residence of five years at this place, he employed all his spare moments in translating the New Testament into Bengallee. Mr. Undy presented him with a print- ing press, which is still preserved at the Serampore College, as the press at which the first sheet of the Bible was printed in Northern India. In 1799 Carey was joined by Marshman and Ward, and he threw up his secular employment. As the E. I. Company’s Govern- ment objected to missionaries settling in their territories, they sought the protection of the Dan- ish Hag and founded the mission in its settlement, Serampore, in 1800, much encouraged by the liberality of the Danish Governor, Colonel Bie, and on the 18th of March the same year Ward pre- sented to Carey the first sheet of the New Testament in the Ben- galee language, the types of which had been set by his own hands. It was completed on the 7th Feb- ruary 1801. On the establish- ment of the college of Fort Wil- liam at Calcutta, by the Marquis Wellesley, Carey was appointed teacher of Bengallee on a salary of 500 rupees a month, the greater portion of which he devoted to mission purposes. In 1807, he was made professor of the Sanscrit and Mahrattah languages, and his salary was increased to 1,000 rupees a month. He then began to translate from the Sanscrit, and one of the first books was the Ramayana. He also prepared a Mahrattah grammar and diction- ary. The Mission about this time received bequests by the death of Mr. W. Grant, viz., £2,000 and £1,000 to assist the translations. Mrs. Carey died in December 1807, and in June 1808 Carey married Miss Charlotte Emelia Bumohr, daughter of the Countess Alfeldt, of a noble family in the Duchy of Sleswick. In 1812, the Mission sustained the loss of its printing office by fire, estimated at £7,000. This amount was soon made up by public subscriptions in India and in England, and the press was again established. In 1817, an unfortunate dispute took place between the Serampore Mission- aries and the Baptist Society, which severed a connection in 1826, that had existed for upwards of twenty years. In May 1821, Dr. Carey lost his second wife, and married again in 1823, a Mrs. Hughes, a widow of forty-five. He died on the 9th June 1834, in the seventy-third year of his age. He enjoined on his executors that the inscription on his tomb should only be, William Carey, Born August 1761 ; Died — A wretched, poor, and helpless worm. On Thy kind arms I fall. The Serampore Missionaries in 1818 commenced the publication of a monthly magazine, the Friend of India , a name which has now been associated with Se- rampore for more than half a cen- tury. Dr. Carey could speak Sanscrit fluently, and six different dialects. Professor Wilson sums up his character in these words, “ Dr. Carey was a man of no ordinary powers of mind ; he was endowed with prompt and acute apprehen- sion, and capable of vigorous and enduring application ; his tastes were varied, and his attainments vast, and he perseveringly and zealously devoted all his faculties and acquirements to the intel- lectual and spiritual improve- ment of his fellow-creatures in the East.” CABEY, Felix, the son of the Bev. Dr. Carey, was born in 1787, and accompanied his father to India, while quite a boy. By early study he became one of the best Bengallee scholars among his countrymen, especially in his knowledge of the idioms and con- struction of that language. He 8 5S CAR was the author of the following Avorks : — “ A Burman Grammar ; a Bur- man Dictionary in Manuscript ; part of the Burman New Testa- ment ; a Palee Grammar with a Sungskrit Translation, nearly finished at press ; Vidyahara- Vulee, in Bengallee, a work on Anatomy, being the first volume of a Bengallee Encyclopaedia, in octavo, with plates ; a large Ben- gallee Dictionary in the press, edit- ed by Air. Carey and Sliree Bam Komul Sen ; a work on Law, in Bengallee, not finished at press ; Translation into Bengallee of an Abridgment of Goldsmith’s His- tory of England, printed at the Serampore press, for the School Book Society ; the Pilgrim’s Pro- gress translated into the Ben- gallee, and printed at Serampore ; Translation into the Bengallee of a Chemical Work, by the Bev. John Alack, for the students of Serampore College : the work is partly brought through the press ; Translation into Bengallee of an Abridgment of Mill’s History of British India, for the School Book Society, now in the press.” He had also for some years been assisting his venerable parent in various Biblical Translations. While thus engaged, he was cut off in the prime of life at Seram- pore, aged only 36 Jmars — 10th Alay 1S23. CABNATIC NABOBS. Zulfikar Khan was made Na- bob, by Aurungzebe, subject to the Subahdar of the Deccan. Daud Khan succeeded him and ruled till 1710, when he was made Commander-in-chief at Delhi. Sadatulla, 1710—1732. Dost Ali, his son, succeeded. He was killed in a battle against Baghojee Bhonslay in 1737. Chun- dah Sahib married his daughter. Sufder Ali, a minor, succeed- ed. Nizam-ul-mulk appointed Anwar-o-deen his guardian. Suf- der Ali was soon assassinated, 1740, and Anwar-o-deen was nominated Nabob. He always sided with the English against the French. His capital was Arcot. He was killed in a battle against Chundah Sahib in 1749. ( Vide Chundah Sahib, Clive, Dupleix.) AIahommed Ali, son and succes- sor, made Nabob by the English. He was always dependent on the English, and was a great spend- thrift. His were “ The Nabob of Arcot’s debts.” He died in 1795, and was succeeded by Omdat-ul-Omrah, who was as great a spendthrift, and not as faithful to the English. He died without issue in July 1801. Azim-ul-Omrah was placed in office by Lord Wellesley, on con- dition that he should give up ali real power to the Company. He died in 1819. Another prince suc- ceeded to the nominal title of Na- bob, and died in 1825, when AIahommed Ghouse succeeded and died in 1853, childless. Aziin Jah, his uncle, then claimed the right to succeed him. On the 12th April 1871, His Highness receiv- ed Her Alajesty’s Letters Patent, conferring upon him and his heirs the title of Prince of Arcot, a bonus of Bupees 1,500,000 to pay off his debts, and a stipend of Bupees 25,000 per mensem, of which, half will at his death be settled in perpetuity on his lineal CAU-OHA 53 male descendants in shares, ac- cording to their age and position. ( Vide Dalhousie.) CAUTLEY, Colonel Sir Proby Thomas, K.C.B., entered the Ben- gal Artillery in 1819. He was em- ployed in the field during the years 1820-21, in the reduction of numerous forts in the kingdom of Oude. In 1825-26, he served at the siege of Bhurtpore. He was subsequently employed as a Civil Engineer on the Eastern Jumna Canal in the North-West Pro- vinces of India, and was the pro- jector and executor of the great Ganges Canal Works, which were opened in April 1854. Cautley carried on extensive re- searches, in conjunction with Dr. Falconer, in the .fossil remains in the Sewalick Hills. He presented to the British Museum an exten- sive collection of fossil Mammalia from the Punjaub, duplicates of which are in the Museum at the East India House. Cautley con- tributed the following papers to various learned Societies ; On a submerged city 20 feet under ground, near Behut in the Doab, Bl. As. Trans., 1834, vol. iii, 43 ; .Ibid., 1844, 127. — On fossil quad- rumina, Ibid., vol. vi, 354. — Use of wells, &c., in foundations, as practised in the Northern Doab, Ibid., vol. viii, 327. — Structure of the Sewalick Hills, Bond. Geol. Trans., 1840, vol. v, part ii, 267. — Notice of a fossil monkey from the Sewalick Hills, Ibid., part iii. 499. — Coal and lignite in the Hima- layas, As. Bes., 1820, vol. xvi, 387. — Description of Sivatherium gi- gantum, As. lies., vol. xix, 1 ; fos- sil crocodile, Sewalick Hills, 25 ; fossil ghurial, 32 ; fossil hippopo- tamus, 29 ; fossil camel, 115 ; fos- sil tiger, 135 ; fossil bear, 193, — Gold washings in the Goointi river, in the Sewalick Hills, be- tween the J umna and Sutlej rivers, Bl. As. Trans., vol. iv, 279. — On a new species of snake, Ibid., 217. — - Mastodonta dentetroites, Ibid., vol. v, 294. — Mastodons of Sewa- licks, Ibid., 768. — Manufacture of tar in the Sewalick Hills, Ibid., vol. ii, 249. — Pancliukki, or Corn Mill, Ibid., 359. — Fossil giraffe, Ibid., vol. vii, 658. — Dam sluices, Ibid., vol. i, 454. — Remarks on the fortress of Aligurh. — Parlby’s Mili- tary Depository , Ibid,, vol. iii, 86. — Caramnassa bridge. — Gleanings in Science, vol. iii, 297. He died at his residence in Sydenham in his 69th year, January 1871. CHARNOCK was the first Eng- lishman who made a conspicuous figure in the political theatre of India. He was the founder of the British Settlement of Calcutta ; and may be said to have laid the first stone of the mighty fabric of our Indian Empire. When peace was established be- tween the great Emperor Aurung- zebe and the English Company, Job Ckarnock, the Company’s Chief at Hooghly, twice removed the factory, and in the year 1689-90, finally formed an English Settlement at Calcutta, which ere one century terminated became a mighty city — the magazine of trade — the arbitress of kingdoms — and the seat of empire. Mr. Orme saysa “ Mr. Charnock was a man of cour- age, without military experience ; but impatient to take revenge on a Government from which he had personally received the most igno- minious treatment, having been imprisoned and scourged by the nabob.” The sense of such an indignity was, doubtless, deeply rooted in 60 CHU the mind of Charnock, and, per- haps, was one of the reasons forthe severe usage of the natives ascrib- ed to him by Captain Hamilton. Before, or about the year 1678-79, Mr. Charnock, smitten with the charms of a young and beautiful Hindu, who decked with her most pompous ornaments, and arrayed in her fairest drapery, was at the point of sacrificing an innocent life of (perhaps) fifteen summers on the altar of Paganism, directed his guards to seize the half-unwill- ing victim ; the obedient guards rescued her from an untimely death, and Charnock conducted her to his house. They lived to- gether many years. She bore him several children, and dying short- ly after the foundation of his new city, was interred at the Mauso- leum, which to this day stands entire, and is the oldest piece of masonry in Calcutta. If we are to credit Captain Ha- milton (who had the story from existing authorities), his sorrow for the loss of this lady was un- bounded, and the public method he took of avowing his love, was carried to an unusual though in- nocent excess. So long as he lived, he, on the anniversary day of her death, sacrificed a fowl in her mausoleum. We now, through the veil of time, cannot trace his reasons for this extraordinary ceremony. From an oral tradition still pre- valent among the natives at Bar- rackpore (now an established Mili- tary Cantonment, fourteen miles distant from Calcutta), we learn that Mr. Charnock built a bunga- low there, and a flourishing Ba- zar arose under his patronage, be- fore the settlement of Calcutta had been determined on. Bar- rackpore is at this day best known to the natives by the old name of Chanock , and Captain Hamilton, misled by their method of pronun- ciation, invariably writes the name without the letter r. Governor Job Charnock died on the 10th of January 1692 ; and if ' C the dead knew any of the living, and could behold with mortal feel- ings this sublunary world, with what sensations would the Father of Calcutta glow to look down this day upon the city. — Bengal Obituary. CHUNDAH SAHIB. The Na- bobship of the Carnatic was an office held in allegiance to the Nizam of the Deccan, that office in its turn being under the juris- diction of the Mogul at Delhi. Certain dissensions caused the Nizam, then Nizam-ul-Mulk on the assassination of the reigning descendant of Sadatulla Khan (Sufder Ali’s infant son) the first acknowledged Nabob, to set up in his place an officer of a totally different family. This was An- war-o-deen. Thus by succession and preferment there were two claimants for the Nabobship, which eventually led to intrigues and alliances with the two con- tending European powers in In- dia, viz., the French and English. Chundah Sahib was a distant re- lation of the family of Sadatulla Khan and the only remaining one, as all the others had been assassi- nated. Consequently with the people he was very popular, which excited such apprehensions in the mind of Sufder Ali, that he enter- ed into an arrangement with the Mahrattahs to extinguish his power. In 1741, they came down on him, laying siege to his strong- hold Trichinopoly. After bravely defending it he was obliged to CHU 61 capitulate. It was while thus a prisoner in the hands of the Mah- rattahs, who were induced by An- war-o-deen to keep him in capti- vity that the war broke out be- tween the French and English, (1744) and Dupleix began to in- trigue with the Mahrattahs for the release of Chundah Sahib. This was affected by a ransom of 7 lacs of rupees (.£70,000.) The patriarchal Nizam-ul-Mulk, died at the age of 104, and there were two claimants for his throne — his second son Nazir Jung, and his favourite grandson Mirzaffir Jung. Chun- dah Sahib released after eight years’ imprisonment at Sattara, formed a confederacy with Mir- zaffir Jung and Dupleix was the life and soul of it. The plan was that the united forces should take the Carnatic, make Chundah Sa- hib Nabob, then take the Deccan, and make Mirzaffir Jung Nizam. The consequence was a tremen- dous battle in which Anwar-o- deen was killed, andthe best hopes of the confederates were gratified. But one impediment still lay be- fore them. All the Carnatic was at their feet, except Trichinopoly, which was occupied by Mahom- med Ali, son and successor of An- war-o-deen, and Dupleix urged its immediate capture. While the army, crippled for want of funds, was trying to extort from the Ka- jah of Tanjore, partially succeed- ing, news arrived that Nazir Jung was already on the frontiers of the Carnatic at the head of a large army. The English had espoused the cause of Nazir Jung and Ma- homed Ali. Dupleix sent an army commanded by D’Auteuil against the invading force. They met at Gin gee, but untoward circum- stances put the French and their allies to flight, while Mirzaffir Jung surrendered to Nazir Jung, and was made a prisoner in irons. Thus defeated, Dupleix opened a negotiation with Nazir Jung, and also with some Afghan chiefs in his army, who were dissatisfied. The treaty was concluded without the French officer’s knowledge, Latouche, who was in command of the French force sent against Nazir Jung. The Afghans appeal- ed to Latouche to aid them against their master : he at once co-operated. He marched his army against Nazir Jung ; the Af- ghans refused to fight against the French, and Nazir Jung reproach- ing them for their cowardice was shot dead on the spot. His head was taken to Mirzaffir Jung, who was immediately freed, and made Nizam of the Deccan. Mirzaffir Jung soon after went in pursuit of the insurgent Afghans who were not satisfied with the rewards they received for assisting the French by rebelling against Nazir Jung. He was accompanied by the cele- brated Bussy. On approaching the Afghans, he found they had assembled in some defiles to stop his progress. Without waiting for his French allies, the infuriated Mirzaffir Jung rushed against the enemy and was killed by a javelin piercing him through the head. At the instigation of Bussy, Sala- but J ung, brother of the deceased Nizam, was placed on the vacant throne. Mahommed Ali was still holding out at Trichinopoly and Clive’s attack on Arcot, was his deliverance. His success was fol- lowed by the surrender of Chun- dah Sahib to the Tanjorine Gene- ral who put him to death at the instigation of Mahommed Ali in 1752, and his head, bound to the neck of a camel was paraded five times round the walls of the city. 62 CLA The Mahrattahs and Mysoreans not receiving the promised re- wards for assisting Mahommed Ali, deserted him and joined the French. Another attempt was made to recover Trichinopoly, which after being continued for two years ended in the signal defeat of the confederates by the superior strategy of Stringer Law- rence. The French though unsuc- cessful in the Carnatic were gain- ing solid advantages at the Court of Salabut J ung, where Bussy at the head of a F rench contingent had established himself. The Home Authorities seeing the anomaly of the French and English fighting with each other in India, while at peace in Europe, led to the recall of Dupleix in 1754. Mr. Godheu succeeded him and con- cluded a peace with the Governor of Madras. The English candi- date Mahommed Ali was declared Nabob of the Carnatic, Sadatulla Khan’s family claims were set aside and concessions of territory ■were made much to the advantage of the English. ( Vide Carnatic Nabobs.) CLARKE, General Tredway, of the Madras Artillery, was born in July 1764, and died at his residence in London, 1858, in the ninety-fourth year of his age. His commission was dated in 1779, and he thus attained to a greater length of service (seventy-eight years) than any other servant of the E. I. Company. He embark- ed as a cadet for India in 1780, and immediately on his arrival at Madras was actively employed, under General Sir Hector Munro and Sir Eyre Coote, in defend- ing the Carnatic, and repelling the Mahometan hordes who were commanded by Hyder Ali. In 1781 he was severely wounded by a musket shot in the storming of the fortified pagoda of Cliil- lumbrum, and carried the ball in his side to his grave. He was appointed in 1783, by Lord Macartney, to the command of the artillery in Fort St. George ; but, on the breaking out of the war with Tippoo Sultan in 1790, General Clarke joined the army under General Sir William Me- dows, and continued with it, under Lord Cornwallis, until his Lord- ship compelled Tippoo Sultan, in 1792, to sign a treaty of peace beneath the walls of Se- ringapatam. Clarke was also pre- sent at the sieges of Bangalore, Seringapatam, and Pondicherry, together with those of most of the principal hill forts which were captured during the memorable campaigns of 1791-92 in the My- sore country. In 1798 he was appointed Head Commissary of the Ordnance and Stores at Fort St. George, which important office he held under Lords Hobart, Wel- lesley, Powis, and W. Bentinck ; but severe illness, resulting from his wound, compelled him, in 1811, to return to England. In 1820 he was offered by the Chairman of the Court of Directors the com- mand of the Artillery at Madras, with promotion to the general Staff of the Army on the first vacancy ; but this high post he was obliged, on account of his feeble health, to decline ; and he continued in England during the rest of his life. From his remark- able memory (which he retained unimpaired almost to the day of liis death), and his extensive ser- vices, he was probably the greatest living chronicle of the varied His- tory of our Indian possessions in olden times. CLI 63 CLIVE, Lord Robert, the eldest son of. a respectable but poor fa- mily in Shropshire, was born in the county parish of Moreton Say near Market Drayton, on the 27th September 1725. For reasons un- known, he was placed under the care of an uncle, by his parents in his third year, who first per- ceiving the indications of that hot, impetuous and courageous temper which characterised Clive’s whole career, writes of him in his seventh year, “I am satisfied that his fighting (to which he is out of measure addicted) gives his temper a fierceness and imperiousness, that he flies out on every trifling occasion.” A few years later, Clive’s education was thought of, and he was sent to school, and from school to school, with no appreciable results, gaining credit only for being the ringleader of every kind of mischief. At Dray- ton he got a reputation for daring intrepidity and a spirit of com- mand : he once made a banditti of all the disreputable lads of the town, and putting himself at the head of it, perpetrated numerous outrages on the trades people, only discontinuing the nuisance when paid to do so. Strange to say, one of his masters, Dr. Eaton, was so struck by him, as to predict, that “ should he live long enough, and opportunity occur, he would distinguish himself but his fa- mily were of a different opinion, and expecting nothing good from him, took the opportunity when it occurred, of obtaining for him a writership in the service of the E. I. Company and shipped him off to Madras, where he arrived after a long and tedious voyage of twelve months, 1744, Very much disgusted with his position, and being of a proud, irritable and constitutionally melancholy temperament he made no friends and lived in almost total seclusion. The depression of spirits from which he suffered at times often prompted him to be his own des- troyer : in this humour he one day shut himself in Writers’ Build- ings, and a companion calling a short time afterwards, found him sitting in the corner of the apart- ment with a pistol lying close by. “ Take it and fire it over the win- dow” said Clive ; his friend did so, and as soon as the report was heard, Clive exclaimed, “I feel that I am reserved for some end or another. I twice snapped that pistol at my own head and it would not go off.” It is very remarkable that Clive, though while a boy shewed so little natu- ral affection for his family, pined for his home during his first years in Madras. When in 1745-46, the war of the Austrian Succession broke out in Europe, England and France were pitted against each other. The ani- mosity extended to India, where both nations held possessions. La- Bourdonnais, then Governor of Mauritius, sailed to Madras with a fleet, which place, after a little re- sistance, capitulated conditionally. But Dupleix, then Governor of Pondicherry, refused to ratify the treaty made by LaBourdonnais, and took the English prisoners. Clive escaped in disguise and took refuge in Fort St. David, (Cuclda- lore). Here, after a short time spent in idleness, he obtained an Ensigncy in the E. I. Company’s Army, and was engaged in the expedition commanded by Admi- ral Boscawen, with sea and land forces against Pondicherry. This attempt pushed on at an unsea- sonable time of the year, and un- 64 CLI der the direction of a General who was quite unacquainted with the management of land forces proved abortive. A cessation of hostili- ties in Europe put an end to the war between the rival Companies in India, and Clive returned to his peaceful vocation in Writers’ Buildings. But in 1749, when an expedition was fitted out for the purpose of reinstating to the throne of Tanjore, an exiled Ra- jah, Clive’s love for a military life led him to join it, and he fleshed his maiden sword at Davecotta in the Tanjore District, in the sub- jection of which place he distin- guished himself, for 30 out of the 34 Europeans who accompanied him fell. After a ratification of a treaty at this place, Clive again assumed his civil functions at Madras, on the same rank as he had held it previously. In 1748 died Nizam-ul-Mulk, viceroy of the Deccan, who was succeeded by Nazir Jung, his son. The most extensive part of his kingdom was the Carnatic, govern- ed by Anaverdy Khan alias An- war-u-deen. But there were other claimants for the government of both the viceroyalty and its dependent provinces. Mirzafhr Jung claimed the former, and Chundah Sahib the latter. Com- bining their forces they invaded the Carnatic and applied to the French for assistance. Nothing could have suited Dupleix’s views better. He allied himself with them, and sent 400 French soldiers and 2,000 disciplined sepoys to their assistance. A battle was fought, in which the French were successful. Anaverdy Khan alias Anwar-u-deen was kill- ed, and his son Mahommed Ali sought refuge inTrichinopoly with a small remnant of his army. 1 Clive now saw that the intrigues of the French with native princes, would ultimately end in the ex- pulsion of the English from India, unless some decisive blow was struck. He therefore proposed a plan to the authorities, which was approved of, and he was appoint- ed to carry it out himself. His scheme was — that as the English were not strong enough to fight Chundah Sahib and his French allies under the walls of Trichi- nopoly, they should endeavour to withdraw the greater portion of their forces from that place, by attacking Arcot ; and well and nobly, with a mere handful of men, did Clive successfully carry out his plan. On the 26th of August 1751, he left Madras at the head of his little band, and continued his march to Arcot, through a most fearful storm and rain. Nothing daunted Clive, and the enemies’ spies having reported the indefatigable way in which the English were prosecuting their scheme, struck such terror into the possessors of Arcot, that on Clive’s arrival they evacuated the town without any resistance, 31st. Easy was the victory, but to retain Arcot, Clive foresaw would be a desperate struggle. He at once set about preparations to resist a siege. He stored provisions, re- paired the fortifications, and such was the regard with which the in- habitants and their property were treated that though neutral, they were prevailed upon to assist the English in various ways. Clive, on ascertaining that the enemy who had evacuated Arcot were encamped only six miles off, made two attacks upon them — the second being rather a sharp affair. His operations afterwards were entirely defensive. The enemy, CLI 65 taking courage at this, approached with 3,000 men to within three miles of the ramparts, but a night attack routed them without the loss of a single English soldier. Clive’s conjectures were true enough, for no sooner was he pos- sessed of Arcot, than Chundah Sahib drew largely from the corps with which he was blockading Trichinopoly, and with the rem- nant of the fugitives, headed by Rajah Sahib, (the son of Chundah Sahib) for fifty days besieged Ar- cot. Terrible was the enemy’s fire, which swept the ramparts day and night. Clive never quailed for a moment, though contending against such odds, and it was during this siege that an instance of faithfulness and devotion oc- curred on the part of the native soldiery which is unparalleled in history. When the. supply of rice began to fail, the sepoys urged Clive to lessen the daily quan- tum to his English soldiers, that they (the sepoys) for their part would be content with the drain- ings thereof, viz., what is called in India, congee-water. Such is the influence of a commanding mind. Various were the attempts made by Rajah Sahib to recover his father’s capital — negotiations, threats, bribes, but all in vain. Clive at last put himself in com- munication with Morari Row, a Mahrattah chief, who admiring his bravery agreed to assist him. Ac- cordingly on the 9th of Novem- ber, his scouts were seen in the neighbourhood of Arcot. This occurrence led Rajah Sahib to risk a general assault. He chose a day commemorated by the Ma- homedans in honour of the mur- der of Hassan and Hoosein, two of their illustrious martyrs. In- spired by the combined influence of religious zeal and intoxication (produced by bang, a drug which either stupifies one altogether or produces temporary madness), the army made the assault in the grey dawn at four different points. Ele- phants, with their foreheads shod with iron points, were driven for- ward impetuously, with a hope of bursting open the gates. But the elephants, riddled with bullets, fled, trampling upon those who were trying to urge them on. The assailants, in attempting to cross the ditch on a raft, were cleared off it by a field piece directed by Clive’s own hand. In fact, the enemy was repulsed in every point of attack within an hour, and they fled, leaving 400 dead bodies on the field. They nevertheless kept up a desultory fire all day from a distance. Atmidnight, discouraged by their failure, and fearing Mora- ri Row’s Mahrattah army in the rear, they disappeared. Imme- diately after this, Clive took Timery, Arnee and Conjeveram. But in the meanwhile Rajah Sa- hib, assisted by the French, marched upon Poonamallee and destroyed the place. Clive was again in pursuit of him, but such was the effect produced upon the enemy’s mind by their late defeat, that they retreated as he advanced. However he forced them to give battle at a place called Coverspak and after a severe engagement routed them. On his way back to Fort St. David, he razed to the ground a town, which Dupleix in his vanity had founded and called after his name. Clive was next engaged in the repulse of the ene- my blockading Trichinopoly, and relieving Captain Gingen and Ma- hommed Ali, then besieged within the fort. During several' engage- ments in connection with the at- 9 66 CLI tempt, he had some marvellously narrow escapes, and was once wounded in the thigh. In 1752 Clive returned to Madras, where he married a lady to whom he was most sincerely attached, and which union seems to have afforded him almost all the real happiness he enjoyed in life. But his health had been so shattered by the hardships of the late cam- paigns, that, seeing the Carnatic in a prosperous state, he had no hesitation in applying for leave to proceed to Europe, which was readily granted him. Accordingly in 1753, he embarked for England with his wife. His reception in London was such as rarely falls to the lot of any one, however great may have been his deeds and valour, at so early an age as twenty-eight. In 1755, however, the relations between England and France were very unsettled. Every politician looked for a rup- ture, which if once begun in Europe would soon extend to India. The Court of Directors therefore felt it an imperative necessity to establish their army on the Coromandel Coast on a better footing. Clive, having lived extravagantly and spent an im- mense amount of money in a con- tested election in which he failed, offered his services, which were readily accepted, and he quitted England for a second time in 1755, with a small force. On reaching Bombay, he joined Ad- miral Watson in an expedition which extirpated a band of pirates on the western coast. Clive then sailed for Fort St. David, which he reached on the 20th June 1756, the very day which witnessed the capture of Calcutta by Suraj-a- Dowlali, and the frightful tragedy of the Black Hole. ( Vide Appen- dix VIII.) When the news of the fall of Calcutta reached Madras, Mr. Saunders and his council at once determined upon avenging the cruel tyrant who had so abus- ed his power, and to recapture the factory. Major Lawrence was ill, so Clive was selected to command the expedition. Admiral Watson lay in the roads, with a small fleet, on board of which were shipped 900 European Infantry, 1,500 se- poys, and a few field pieces. It sail- ed from Madras on the 11th Octo- ber, arriving at Fulta on the 22nd December. Though the squadron had suffered much by a gale, and 2 ships had separated with 250 Euro- peans, 400 sepoys, most of the guns and military stores, Clive did not delay an hour in commencing operations. Success crowned his efforts; and Calcutta submitted on the 2nd January 1757. But when Suraj-a-Dowlah heard of the arri- val of the English squadron in the Hooghly, he assembled all his available troops at Moorshedabad, and began his march upon Cal- cutta. In the meantime, Clive and Watson had captured the town of Hooghly with a booty of .£15,000. Suraj-a-Dowlah arriv- ing, with 40,000 men, virtually placed Calcutta in a state of siege. On the 5th of February Clive at- tacked the Nabob’s camp. This encounter, though not free from military errors, ended in a com- plete rout of the enemy. The Nabob then sued for peace, which was acceded to, as French hosti- lities had begun, and a conjunc- tion of the French and Nabob’s troops was greatly feared. But the treaty was no sooner signed than Suraj-a-Dowlah recommenc- ed his intrigues with the French. This came to the knowledge of Clive and Watson. They deter- CLI 67 mined, therefore, to attack Clian- dernagore, a French settlement in Bengal, and so strike a decisive blow against the French power in Bengal. Watson directed the ex- pedition by water, and Clive by land, and the place fell into the hands of the English, with 500 French prisoners and all military stores. The ensuing events of Clive’s career in Bengal may be told in a few words. Suraj-a-Dowlah’s own subjects disliked him, for his de- mands upon the wealthier portion were enormous and constant. A conspiracy was formed to depose him and set Meer Jaffeer, his minister, in his place. Clive pro- mised his support. As the plot was ripening, Omichund, a wealthy Hindoo contractor, became cog- nizant of the negotiations and demanded as the price of his secrecy, the sum of twenty lacs of Rupees (£200,000). Here was a dilemma for Clive — with a mere handful of men he had to con- tend with 60,000— and 60,000 who might soon be assisted by the French. To pay such a large sum to Omichund was not only revolt- ing to his feelings, but ruinous to the interest of the Company. He made up his mind, though his previous engagements with Eu- ropeans and natives had been strictly honourable, to deal with this native as anative. He rivalled him in deceit. Two treaties were drawn up ; the genuine one, which contained no promise — and a ficti- tious one, which contained the promise of twenty lacs of rupees to Omichund. Admiral Watson signed the real treaty, but refused to sign the false one. On being asked if he had any objection to any one else signing for him, he replied, “he left them to do as they pleased.” Clive then wrote Watson’s name on the false treaty, and thus succeeded in si- lencing and deceiving Omichund. ( Vide Omichund). This was not a forgery, for by his own words, all Watson wished was that the res- ponsibility should be thrown off his shoulders. But that it was de- ceit, there is no question. Never- theless there were extenuating circumstances to justify Clive’s conduct in this affair. Omichund took an unfair advantage of gra- tifying his avarice at a time when the British power was not only in its infancy in Bengal, but on a very weak and insecure footing. Not one of all who have blamed Clive for this fault, can say decid- edly what he should have done under such circumstances ! The famous battle of Plassey was the upshot and crisis of this confederacy to dethrone Suraj-a- Dowlah and set up Meer Jaffeer — Clive with 3,000 men fought against an army of 60,000. On the eve of the battle, (22nd June) contrary to Clive’s expectations the conspirators with Meer Jaffeer at their head did not come over to his assistance, nor did they, till the victory was gained. Suraj-a- Dowlah fled, and Clive proclaim- ed Meer Jaffeer, Nabob of Bengal. The treasury at Moorshedabad fell into Clive’s hands. A few months after, fresh troubles began in Bengal. Meer Jaffeer’s funds were at a low ebb — his troops became clamorous for pay, and he saw no other way out of his difficul- ties than to exact from his wealthy subjects. The result was that many of the Rajahs rose in arms against him. But Clive checked all quarrels with a masterly hand. Meanwhile French arms were gaining an ascendency in Southern 68 CL I India, so Clive sent an expedition, under the command of Colonel Forde, to invade the newly ac- quired possessions of the French in the Northern Circars, which proved successful. But ere long, matters began to assume a serious aspect in another quarter. The Mogul was a captive at Delhi. His son Shah Alum formed a design to overthrow Meer Jaffeer; but when his forces reached Patna and heard of Clive approaching by forced marches, they all fled. On his return to Calcutta, the joy of Meer Jaffeer was such that he be- stowed upon Clive for life the revenues of a Zemindary amount- ing to ,£30,000 per annum. But Meer Jaffeer was of a very suspi- cious turn of mind, and heard that Clive who had set him up, might as speedily put him down again. The French power in Bengal had been crushed. But there was Chinsurah, a small Dutch settle- ment. Intrigues were carried on between the Nabob’s court and the Dutch Government of Batavia, the result of which was a sudden ap- pearance of seven large ships in the Hooghly. At this turn of events Clive was placed in a most awkward position. A great por- tion of his small army had been sent to oppose the French in the Carnatic. He mistrusted Meer Jaffeer. Holland and England were on a friendly footing in Eu- rope and English Ministers would have strongly disapproved of a war with Holland ; while one was simultaneously being carried on with France. Moreover, it would be to Clive’s own interest to avoid a quarrel, as he had recently re- mitted a great part of his fortune to Europe through the Dutch East India Company. But, never- theless, he was determined not to allow the Batavian squadron to pass up the river and join the garrison of Chinsurah, for he fear- ed that Meer Jaffeer would form an alliance with them, and that the English power in Bengal would suffer much by such a course. The Dutch attempted to force a pas- sage but were repulsed both by land and water. Their ships were taken and almost all the Euro- peans forming the main strength of the army were taken or killed. Three months after this Clive left for England, where honours and rewards awaited him, though not equal to his expectations. He was created an Irish Peer : his wealth was such as to enable him to vie with the richest in the land. His whole annual income was £40,000 a year, but he made a most creditable use of his riches. His generosity to his family and his old commander Lawrence, whose means were slender, was unbounded. In England he sought Parliamentary interest ; his heart and soul was bound up in the in- ' terests of the country in which he had distinguished himself as a commander and a politician. He failed, and raised enemies among the Court of Directors. Sulivan, whoeyed Clive withgreatjealousy, now gaining his point, attempt- ed to take his revenge. The Direc- tors unjustly sought to confiscate the rental of the zemindary which Clive had received from Meer Jaffeer. But a thunder cloud again began to overcast British prospects in India. During the five years of Clive’s absence, a number of revo- lutions among petty chiefs had occurred ; the administration was disorganized, the natives were plundered, and yet the Company remained unbenefitted. And now came the cry, that Clive alone CLI G9 could save the Empire he had so successfully founded. Previous feuds amongst the Directors were forgotten, and trembling for their interest in the Company, they suggested that the proceedings against Clive’s estate should be dropped, and that he should be entreated to return to India. He accepted the post of Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Bengal, on condition that Sulivan, his enemy, should no longer be Chair- man of the Company. Clive triumphed, and sailed for India for the third and last time. On his arrival in Calcutta in May 1765, he found a state of govern- ment far more disorganized than he anticipated. The lust of gree- dy gain was the main spring of every action on the part of the English. Clive set himself to work to check these abuses and create a thorough reform ; and on this part of his life, he afterwards looked back with honest pride, as having established one of the most im- mense, laborious, and beneficial reforms that ever was accomplish- ed by a statesman. He prohibit- ed the receiving of gifts from na- tive princes and private trading. At the same time, he raised the salaries of his employes, which was undoubtedly the true remedy of the evil, though the measure was strongly opposed by both the military and civil classes at the onset. The opposition of the mili- tary was in fact treasonable ; but the courageous, headstrong, deter- mined Clive was inexorable : the leaders of the plot were tried, and cashiered : the ringleaders he dealt severely with, the younger ones, he treated leniently. Order was at length established, and the Go vern - ment placed on a secure and bet- ter footing. Moreover, his arri- val in India was the harbinger of peace. The very name of Clive was dreaded. He placed the salt monopoly in the hands of a joint stock company, and the collection and administering of the revenues of Orissa, Behar and Bengal, on Clive’s application, was delivered over to the Company by the Mo- gul. Meer JafFeer, who had died during Clive’s absence, left him in his will ,£60.000, which Clive made over to the Company in trust for officers and soldiers in- valided in their service. This was the origin of the still existing Lord Clive’s Fund. After a stay of eighteen months, he returned to England, thorough- ly broken down in constitution. Five years afterwards, his admin- istration in India was made a sub- ject of severe criticism in Parlia- ment. The charges presented to the House were most serious ; and on the 22nd of May 1773, the mo- tion made by Colonel Burgoyne was, “ That in the acquisition of his wealth, Lord Clive had abused the powers with which he was entrusted.” This was rejected, and at sunrise next morning a resolu- tion was passed, “That Lord Clive had rendered great and praise- worthy services to his country.” Of these proceedings Macaulay well says, “ it was in truth not for his dealings with Meer Jaffeer, nor for the fraud which he had practised on Omichund, but for his deter- mined resistance to avarice and tyranny, that he was now called in question.” Though honorably acquitted, the trial, which extend- ed over such a length of time, broke down his proud spirit, and suffering under a painful malady, he cut his throat on the 22nd of | November 1774, at his house in 70 CLO-CLY Berkeley Square, with a pen-knife, which a few minutes previously he had used in mending a pen for a lady. CLOSE, Sir Barry, came out as a Cadet in the E. I. Company’s service, and to detail his military services during a residence of nearly forty years in India would be to write a volume. As early as 1784, and in 1787, when but a young lieutenant, he was chosen on account of his talents and ex- traordinary attainments, for poli- tical negotiations with commis- sioners from Tippoo Sultan for the adjustment of disputed terri- tory, and in both instances the force of talent brought about an amicable settlement. He acted as Deputy Adjutant-General during the Mysore war of 1790-2, in which capacity his distinguished services were highly appreciated by Lord Cornwallis. It is not widely known that be- tween the signature of the pre- liminary treaty (14th February 1792) and the definitive treaty (18th March 1792), when the British army was dwindling away by disease, and was rapidly ap- proaching a state which would render a renewal of hostilities ab- solutely impossible, that Close requested a private interview with Lord Cornwallis — awakened him to the consequences of the pro- crastination to which he had so long submitted, and induced him to name a precise hour for the alternative of war or peace, which saved a British army, and estab- lished an advantageous peace. ( Vide Cornwallis, Tippoo). For these services he was appointed Adjutant-General, and in the final and brilliant campaign against Tippoo in 1799, the Commander- in-Chief had the magnanimity to avow, in his public dispatches, that his successes were chiefly to be attributed to his Adjutant-Ge- neral. ( Vide W ilks’ History, A p- pendix III). The Court of Di- rectors presented Close with a sword, the only poor distinction in their power to bestow. The Governor-General (Wellesley) dis- tinguished him by the appoint- ment of Political Resident with the new Government of Mysore. He was next appointed Resident at Poona when the Mahrattah court was in a most distracted state, and held the post till the close of Lord Wellesley’s adminis- tration, when he intimated a wish to return to his native country. The shortest and best comment on the value in which his ser- vices were held, is the fact that two successive Governors-General (Barlow and Mir.to) solicited his continuance in office as a public benefit and personal favour. He closed his Indian career by a campaign in Candeish and Malwa. Close was an intimate friend of Wilks, who dedicated his “His- tory of Mysore” to him. The town of Closepett in Mysore, was so named in honour of him. CLYDE, Lord, Colin Campbell, Field Marshal, Commander-in- Chief in India, was born at Glas- gow in 1792. His father was a cabinet maker named Macliver, but Colin assumed the name of Campbell atthe request of an uncle on the mother’s side. He entered the army in 1808, and first served in the Peninsular war, where he caught a severe fever from which he suffered for thirty years, and was also severely wounded at the unsuccessful assault on S. Sebas- tian in July 1813. He was again CLY 71 wounded at the passage of the Bidassoa, and became a Captain by brevet soon after. In 1814, he served in the American war in the West Indies, and was subse- quently employed in Ireland. He was appointed Lieut. -Colonel in 1832, and in 1842 was sent to China and was present at the attack on Chusan, his services receiving honourable mention in the Gazette. On the breaking out of the second Sikh war, he was transferred to India, where he served with great distinction at the battles of Chillinwallah and Goozerat. He next commanded in the Peshawar district against the hill tribes, where he showed himself not only brave on the field but merciful after victory. On the breaking out of the Crimean war in 1854, Sir Cohn Campbell was appointed to the command of the Highlanders, and distinguish- ed himself at the battle of Alma, where he had a horse shot under him while leading a successful charge, and received the thanks of Lord Raglan, Commander-in- Chief. He was also entrusted with the defence of Balaklava. It was there with his regiment, the “ thin red streak topped with a line of steel” that he gallantly re- pulsed a charge of Russian cavalry on the 25th October. It was a memorable event. The crisis of the battle hung upon it, and Sir Colin could see it. He addressed his soldiers, “Remember there is no retreat from here men. You must die where you stand.” “ Ay, ay, Sir Colin ; we’ll do that” was the quick and simultaneous an- swer. As the squadrons were charg- ing down on them, they became hot for the first stroke of battle : they shewed a disposition to burst forth and advance to meet them with the bayonet, but Sir Colin’s voice wTas heard crying fiercely, “ Nine- ty-third ! Ninety-third ! damn all that eagerness.” The line steadied, and at the right moment dealt the squadrons a tremendous death blow. On the death of Lord Rag- lan, Campbell was generally look- ed upon as his most fitting succes- sor, but General Simpson was the fortunate individual selected. Af- ter a brief and ingloxious rule, he resigned the command, and Camp- bell was again passed over, by the appointment in his room of Sir William Codrington — a man who “knew little of war, and had known nothing previous to his arrival in the Crimea.” He was a Colonel of the guards, and gain- ed the position “by one of the pieces of good fortune to which guardsmen are especially liable.” This stirred Campbell’s anger, and he requested to be allowed to re- sign his command, and return to England. The authorities, though they did not scruple to insult, could not afford to lose the ser- vices of such a man, “ and it is said, that the highest authority of the realm made it a personal fa- vour with Sir Colin, that heshould return to the Crimea and resume his command. Such a request calmed the old soldier’s indigna- tion, and brought him back to duty.” But in the meantime Sebasta- pol had fallen and peace followed. Campbell received the thanks of Parliament, was made a Grand Cross of the Bath, was presented with the freedom of the City of London, and the honorary degree of D.C.L. from the University of Oxford, was appointed Aide-de- Camp to Her Majesty, and on the 4th June 1856 wTas appointed a Lieutenant-General. CLY His period of inactivity in Eng- | land was but short, for the sum- mer of 1857 bore to England the terrible news of the Indian mu- tiny, and Campbell was appoint- ed Commander-in-Chief. Within twenty- four hours after receiving the appointment he started for Marseilles and caught the steamer about to leave for Calcutta, which place he reached on the 15th Aug. He left Calcutta on the 27th Oc- tober, and started with a small escort, travelling day and night for Cawnpore, and was nearly captured by a body of mutineers of the 34th Native Infantry. On the 9th of November Campbell advanced for the relief of Luck- now to Buntara on the Lucknow road, where he was joined by other troops on the 12th and 14th, which brought his force up to 5,000 men, with thirty guns. Ka- vanagh, who carried news from Outram to Campbell through the rebel forces, was rewarded with the Victoria Cross and a donation of ,£2,000. On the 14th the Dil- koosha Park and Martiniere were occupied after a short skirmish ; on the 16th he assailed the Se- cunder Bagh, an enclosure of ma- sonry carefully loop-holed and held in great force, and carried it after three hours hard fighting. On the 17th, he captured the Shah Nujjeef which brought him into communication with Outram and Havelock. “We must, however, linger for a moment to describe the capture of the Shah Nujjeef, for Campbell himself was the hero of the fight, and it was a fight that has never been surpassed either in the gal- lantry or deadliness of its nature. Held manfully by its garrison, our heaviest artillery could not subdue its fire, and yet if it remained un- | captured, it would becomethetomb ■ into which our army must fall. \ Campbell saw this, and seeing it, gathered around him the 93rd, and told them what artillery failed to do, they must perform with their bayonets. The place must be taken , and he himself would lead them to the capture. Placing himself in front, he bid them come forward, and the regiment, “ excited to the highest decree, with flashing eyes and nervous tread, rolled on in one vast wave. The grey haired veteran of many fights rode with his sword drawn, at their head ; keen was his eye, as when in the pride of youth he led the stormers at San Sebastian. His staff crowded around him. Hope too. with his towering form and gentle smile was there, leading as ever was his wont, the men by whom he was loved so well. As they approached the nearest angle of the enclosure, the soldiers began to drop fast ; but without a check they reached its foot. There, however, they were brought to a stand. The wall per- fectly entire was nearly twenty feet high and well loop-holed ; there was no breach, and there were no scaling ladders. Unable to advance, unwilling to retire, they halted and commenced a musketry battle with the garrison ; but all advantage was with the latter, who shot with security from behind their loops ; and the High- landers went down fast before them. At this time nearly all the mounted officers were either wounded or dismounted. Two of Peel’s guns were then brought up to within a few yards of the wall. Covered by the fusilade of the infantry, the sailors shot fast and strong ; but though the masonry ' soon fell off in flakes, it came down so as to leave the mass CLY 73 behind perpendicular, and as in- accessible as ever. Success now seemed impossible. Even Hope and Peel, those two men, iron of will and ready of resource, could see no way. Anxious and care- worn grew Sir Colin’s brow. The shades of evening were falling fast, — the assault could not be much longer maintained. Then as a last resource Adrian Hope, collecting some fifty men, stole silently and cautiously through the jungle and brushwood to the right to a por- tion of the wall on which he had, before the assault, perceived some “ injury to have been inflicted.” Here a narrow fissure was dis- covered, up which a single man was first thrust, followed by Hope and others, who were pushed on as the opening was extended by the sappers, until their numbers were sufficiently strong to allow them to seize the gate and open it for their comrades. And so Camp- bell, concealing a slight wound that he had previously received, rode in to the Shah Nujjeef, as its irresistible conqueror.” Though a second time relieved, the Residency of Lucknow was not tenable, for the rebels still held the city, and much to the disappointment of the gallant de- fenders, Campbell, as soon as lie had rescued the Europeans, gave orders for a retirement on Cawn- pore within twenty-four hours. On the 19th the treasure was secured, and the ladies sent on to the Secunder Bagh, Campbell’s head-quarters. Campbell’s next movement was masked by a heavy cannonade on the Kaiser Bagh, which he hoped would assume the “ character of a regular breaching and bombardment.” It was en- tirely successful. He burst the artillery he could not transport with him, and retired to the Dil- koosha on the night of the 22nd and 23rd. He left Outram with 4,000 men in the Alum- bagh, and continued his retreat on Cawnpore on the 27th, and arriv- ed there just in time to relieve General Wyndham from the coils that the enemy (Gwalior Contin- gent) were rapidly weaving around him. The sick and wounded, Campbell sent to Calcutta on the 5th December, and the plan of attack on the enemy on the 6th, “is regarded as a feat worthy of comparison with any of the greatest efforts of the greatest masters of the art of war.” Their defeat was a total and headlong rout, and on the 7th, not a man of the great rebel army could be seen for miles round Cawnpore, and yet the British loss was only 13 killed, and 86 wounded. Camp- bell next started a column under Brigadier Hope Grant to Bithoor, which swept away eveiy vestige of Nana Sahib’s property, and totally routed the rebels at Serai ghat, capturing thirty two guns. In December, campaigns were opened against the rebels in Oudli, Rohil- cirnd and Bundlecund by separate columns under Grant, Seaton, Walpole, Kinleside, Rose and Whitlock. Campbell, early in January 1858, took the field by a march to F uttyghur, and proposed to advance and complete the sub- jugation of Rohilcund, “ but Lord Canning conceived the political effect of leaving Lucknow in the hands of the rebels would be so mischievous that the city should be taken ere Rohilcund was in- vaded.” Then came the neces- sary delay at Futtygliur to get a siege train from Agra and else- where. On the 1st February, Campbell fell back on Cawnpore, 10 V 74 CLY and crossing the Ganges on the 4th, began to feel his way towards Lucknow, with 18,700 European and native troops. He was further delayed by having to wait for a junction with Jung Bahadoor’s Goorkha troops, 10,000 in number. He chafed under the delay, and at last Lord Canning consented to the advance being made with- out them. On the 6th, Outram who had been holding the Alum- bagh since the 23rd November 1 857, was withdrawn, sent across the Goomtee, and ordered to push along its left bank to turn the first line of the enemy’s works abutting upon the river. He was here to hold the Iron Bridge, and prevent the escape of the enemy. By the 9th he accomplished his object. On the same day Camp- bell assaulted and carried the Mar- tiniere. The Secunder Bagh was seized on the 11th, and it was arranged to assault Begum Kothie, when news arrived of the approach of Jung Bahadooi', so final opera- tions were for a time stayed. The following description of the scene is by Dr. Bussell, who was an eye- witness : — “ Four o’clock came, no signs of Jung Bahadoor. A quarter of an hour passed by ; the Chief walked up and down with one hand be- hind his back, and the other work- ing nervously, like one who is im- patient. At half-past four, the regular cannonading close at hand ceased, and up rose a startling heavy rolling fire of musketry. We all knew what it meant. The assault on the Begum Kothie was being delivered. Sir Colin listen- ed as a hunter does to the distant cry of the hounds. Louder and louder rang the musketry. Come quickly Sir Jung, or you will find an empty tent !' Just at this mo- ment, however, the agitation among the crowd of camp-fol- lowers, and the ‘Stand to your arms !’ warned us that the Ma- harajah was at hand, and in a minute or so, he made his ap- pearance at the end of the lane formed by the guard of honour, and walked up towards the tent in a very slow and dignified sort of strut, followed by a staff of Goorkhas, and accompanied by his brother and Captain Metcalfe. Our eyes were fixed on him, but our ears were listening to the raging of the fight. Sir Cohn walk- ed to the door of the tent, met the Maharajah, took him by the hand and led him inside. Then took place a good deal of bowing and salaaming as the Maharajah intro- duced his brother and great offi- cers to the chief ; and it was some time before the latter was com- fortably seated, with the Goorkha chief on one side, and his brother and the officer in attendance on him on the right hand side ; the British being on the left. The durbar was open.” In the midst of this assembly a messenger burst in andannounced that the Begum Kothie was taken. The Imambarra and Kaiser Bagh werenext seized, on the 14th Luck- now was laid at the mercy of the British and the rebels forced to fly. The greatest rush was close to Outram’s position, the Iron Bridge, and it should have been stopped, but by strict compliance to orders he would not cross. Campbell had told him “ not to cross if he thought he should lose a single man.” It was a blot upon the day’s proceedings, and Campbell blamed himself for having bound Outram’s hands so tightly, “ but in spite of all self-condemnation he could not bring himself to be- COL 75 lieve that the spirit of his order had been acted up to as well as the letter.” Campbell next retraced his steps to Rohilcund, and on the 5th of May attacked Bareilly. On the 7th it was captured. By the month of June not a city or fortress of any significance remain- ed in the hands of the rebels, and the only work left for Campbell to perform was to reduce Oudh. This was commenced after the hot season in November, and by January 1859 the rebels, 150,000 armed men, had been driven into the Nepaul hills, and thus ended the great Indian mutiny. During it Campbell was so careful of his troops, never unnecessarily risk- ing their lives, that he was nick- named ‘ Kuberdar’ — Take care. On the 18th of January 1859 he returned to Lucknow, ancl soon after went to Simla. His health had broken down completely, by the enormous fatigue he had un- dergone, and from a severe shock he received, resulting from a fall off his horse during almost his last skirmish against the rebels. On the termination of the spring campaign in 1858, he was created a peer, and chose his title as Baron Clyde of Clydesdale. He return- ed to England in July I860, and met with a most enthusiastic re- ception, and was honoured with a cordial invitation to the royal table. In 1862 he was made Field Marshal, and received an annuity of T2,000 a year from the East India Company. He was also a Knight of the Star of India, and a grand officer of the Legion of Honour. He had long been neg- lected and kept in the back ground, and when the honours came he meekly bore them, for he ■was as modest as he was brave. He was very much hurt at having been made the subject of an epi- sode in ‘ Kinglake’s Crimea,’ and in his Avill expressed a wish that no memoir should be written of him, or if one, that it should be simply of his military career as a plain soldier. His last deed of arms was a review of the Volun- teer Force at Brighton on the 21st April 1862, where, when the London Scottish regiment of which he was Colonel, march- ed past him, adorned with his own national emblems, he was much affected : “ He stooped eagerly forward over his horse’s neck, and then leaning back, slap- ped his saddle-bow in tune to the gay strathspey which the band paid in compliment both to the rifles and himself. It was alto- gether a most interesting incident, and would have been complete if the pipers of the corps had only had wit enough to strike up the pibroch as they passed the flag- staff.” It is said that on his re- turn home from Brighton he shav- ed off his moustache, as a sign that he had for ever retired from active service. On the 14th Au- gust 1863 this lion-hearted old soldier with a pure and gentle soul, died at Government House, Chatham, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, though he particularly requested a private interment. A bronze statue of Lord Clyde was erected at Glas- gow in 1866 — His Lordship was never married. COLEBROOKE, Sir Henry Thomas, was born in London in 1765. His father, Sir George Colebrooke, Bart., was several times Chairman of the East India Company. As a boy, he was of a quiet, retiring disposition ; was distinguished for an extreme fond- 76 COL ness for reading ; and had a wish to be placed in the church. He pursued his early studies under a tutor, at his father’s house, till the age of fifteen ; at which time he was as far advanced as many are when they leave the universities. At seventeen, he was appointed to a writership in the civil service of Bengal ; and embarked at Ports- mouth soon after the sinking of the Royal Georye at Spithead, which melancholy circumstance he witnessed. On his reaching India, he was placed in a subordinate capacity in the Board of Accounts, which he held during the remainder of his stay at Calcutta. It is sin- gular that one who ultimately became master of perhaps the most difficult of all Oriental tongues, should have told his father, in a letter written during his first year’s sojourn in India, that there was no danger of his applying too intensely to lan- guages ; that the Persian was too dry to entice ; and that he sought the acquisition of that and the Hindustani very leisurely. Mr. Colebrooke’s first letters from India expressed something of discontent at his situation. The discussions which were then going on at home relative to the constitution of our Indian empire, and the general opinion which obtained that the Company would be deprived of their political pat- ronage, seem to have led him to think of returning to Europe, and seeking a new profession ; for a while he entertained thoughts of turning farmer, and settling in the country. In one of his letters, he remarked that it was easy to make oneself comfortable in India ; but that it was seldom done, because of the notion of re- turning early to Europe. He ob- served, also, that India was no longer a mine of gold ; every one was disgusted ; and all, whose affairs permitted, abandoned it as soon as possible. In a subsequent letter, however, he retracts some of his complaints against the country, his situation, &c., and admits that the only solid objec- tion to India is its great distance from Europe. In 1786, he was appointed As- sistant Collector of Revenue in Tirhoot, in which department he remained for nearly nine years. While there he acquired a great taste for field sports, and prided himself on being an excellent shot ; nor did he relinquish those animating pursuits till he was re- moved to a station where no game was to be found. While at Tir- hoot, his sporting and official avo- cations left him little time for literary pursuits ; and although his father constantly pressed him for information regarding the lit- erature and religion of the East, the son as constantly pleaded want of time for such investiga- tions. Some of the excuses given in his letters, at this period, are remarkable, as coming from one who was afterwards so zealous an Orientalist. He styles Wilkins, “ Sanscrit mad the Asiatic Mis- cellany, “ a repository of non- sense and the Institutes of Ak- bar, “ a dunghill, in which perhaps a pearl or two might be found.” The bent of his mind, at this tune, inclined towards the politics of India. In 1789, he was made Assistant Collector at Purneah ; his effi- ciency and assiduity in this office soon brought him into notice ; and not long afterwards, he was appointed by the Government one COL of a deputation for investigating the resources of that collectorate, in reference to the permanent set- tlement. His first scheme of au- thorship was a work on the Agri- culture of Bengal ; and one of his letters, dated 1790, details the ob- jects of inquiry on that subject to which he had directed his atten- tion. In this work he was assisted by Mr. Anthony Lambert ; but the greater portion of it was writ- ten by Mr. Colebrooke. The pro- duction contained some severe strictures on the commercial policy of the Company ; and it was not without considerable hesitation that Mr. Colebrooke consented to its appearance. It was not till the eleventh year of his residence in India, that he embarked on a course of study which, with the exception of his public duties, engaged the largest share of his attention till his re- turn to England. But the diffi- culties he encountered in his first attempts to acquire the Sanscrit language were such, that he had twice abandoned the attempt be- fore he finally succeeded. In 1794, while collector of the station of Nattore, he undertook the trans- lation, from the original Sanscrit, of a copious Digest of Hindu Law,* which had been compiled under the directions of Sir Wil- liam Jones. This task cost him two years of unremitted exertion, and fully stamped his reputation as a Sanscrit scholar. A letter to his father in 1797, discloses the ambition he then had for a seat in the Supreme Council. In opening his views on this sub- ject, he modestly remarks, that lie must betray some self-conceit, which he would not exhibit to any one but his indulgent parent, * Recently re-printed in Madras. who, he says, will have learned from the ^occasional thanks be- stowed upon him in the progress of his official duties, and from other channels, that he stood high in esteem both with the members of the Government and with the public at large. However, after his appointment, in 1801, to the office of chief Judge of the High Court of Appeal at Calcutta, he no longer manifested the same eager- ness to rise to the higher post ; and even declared himself satis- fied with the situation he then held, and which, being of a judicial nature, furnished employment of all others the most congenial to his tastes and pursuits. He had studied civil and Hindu law throughout his whole life ; and as his judicial duties recurred at stat- ed times and for specific periods, his leisure could be more regularly devoted to literature and science than while holding the office of collector of revenue. Towards the close of 1805, he was elevated to the situation to which he had looked during the past ten years with alternate hope and indiffer- ence ; holding at the same time his office as chief judge of the Sud- der Dewanny. Agreeably to the rules of the service, he vacated his seat at the Supreme Council at the end of five years. In 1798, he was nominated by the Government to proceed on an embassy to Nagpoor, where he remained about two years ; during which time he lost no opportunity of pursuing a varied and extensive course of study in Oriental litera- ture and the natural sciences. He had already contributed many pa- pers on these subjects to the Asia- tic Researches. The religious cere- monies of the Hindus had espe- cially attracted his attention. 78 COL On the establishment of the col- lege for the education of the civil servants at Calcutta, Mr. Cole- brooke received the appointment of Sanscrit Professor. The office was honorary in its nature ; nor did he deliver any oral instruc- tion ; but the circumstance of his connexion with the college led to the compilation of his Sanscrit Grammar. The first volume of this work was published in 1805 ; but in consequence of the appear- ance of two other grammars of the same language, one by Dr. Carey, and another by Dr. Wilkins, the further prosecution of the work was abandoned. In 1810 he published his trans- lations of the two celebrated trea- tises on the Hindu Law of Inhe- ritance— a work which he himself valued as much as (if not more than) any other of his literary labours of a legal nature, but which, it appears, was never in much request by the public : a circumstance at which he express- ed some surprise.* During the last few years of his residence in India, he was much interested in the inquiries which the doubtful question of the height of the Himalaya moun- tains had given rise to. The sub- ject had, indeed, engaged his at- tention for some time ; and the body of evidence by which he sought to determine the problem was the accumulation of twenty years. He had always considered that the height of these mountains had been greatly underrated. Sub- sequent surveys and admeasure- ments confirmed his assumptions, and demonstrated that one of the high peaks seen from the plains * The work is in great demand now, and has been re-printed in Madras, also bis Miscellaneous Essays. of Goruckpoor was of the amaz- ing height of 27,550 feet. Mr. Colebrooke took a very lively in- terest in the progress of these in- vestigations ; and the final estab- lishment of the fame of the Himalayas was to him a continued source of satisfaction and delight. In 1810 he married Miss Eliza- beth Wilkinson. Their union, however, was of short duration. The loss of one of their children, and the constant anxiety Mrs. Colebrooke suffered during its long illness, injured her health, and occasioned a predisposition to fever, which eventually car- ried her off. This severe blow, which marred the happiness of his remaining days, fell upon him | just at a time when his family were about to proceed to Europe. Mr. Colebrooke arrived in Eng- land early in 1815 ; and went to reside with his mother near Bath ; from whence, in the next year, they removed to the neighbour- hood of Loudon ; and the metro- polis became the chief place of his abode for the rest of his life. He was there better enabled to follow up his literary and scientific pur- suits than a residence in India would permit ; and he could now enjoy more fully the society of per- sons of taste congenial to his own. Having become a member of al- most every scientific institution in London, he passed a consider- able portion of his hours of relax- ation in the society which they afforded. At this period, his mind certainly disposed him far more towards the pursuit of science than it had hitherto done. He wrote more largely upon scien- tific subjects, occasionally giving essays to the Transactions of the scientific societies, and being a frequent contributor to the Quar- COM 79 terly Journal of Science. He be- came very much attached to che- mical experiments, to which he would turn for relaxation from severer stirdies. He was one of the founders of the Astro- nomical Society, in the proceed- ings of which he took the great- est interest, having from early youth acquired a fondness for mathematical pursuits. Indeed, he appears to have always held science in far higher estimation than Eastern literature ; and when his son, the writer of the Memoir under our notice, went out to In- dia, his father never expressed a wish that he should devote his time to Oriental studies, any fur- ther than they might be connect- ed with his duties as a member of the civil service. It may interest many linguists to know, that he was strongly in favour of the mode of instruction by transla- tions, being that which he had himself adopted. He was ever anxious to see systematic plans of study ; and it was his constant practice to task himself to a cer- tain course every day ; and the task soon became a pleasure. His memory was so good, that it was irksome to him to take up any literary work a second time. When young, his deeper studies were usually pursued at night. He told his son, that it was no unfrequent occurrence for him to read himself stupid ; and that during the last half hour or so of his vigils, his brain would become confused , but on waking in the morning, he usually found the subject of his reading fresh in his mind. Shortly after his arrival in this country from India, Mr. C'ole- brooke presented to the E. I. Company his library of Sanscrit MSS., a collection the growth of many years, and which, it is thought, cost him, from first to last, about £10,000. He said that he felt such a collection ought not to be kept entirely to himself ; and he deemed it more likely to be beneficial to Oriental sci- ence, as well more convenient to himself, if it coidd be placed in a library like that of the East India House, where it might be easily accessible.* — Asiatic Journal. Colebrooke died on the 10th March 1836, at York Terrace, Re- gent’s Park, London. COMBERMERE, Stapleton Cotton, the eldest son of Sir R, S. Cotton, was born at Llewenny Hall, Denbighshire, in 1769. He received his education at West- minster School, entered the army in 1790, and served in Flanders, under the Duke of York, in the campaign of 1793-94. In 1795, he sailed to the Cape of Good Hope, under Sir Thomas Craig, in command of the 25th Light Dragoons, and took part in the conquest of that Colony. He then sailed to India and went through Tippoo’s last war, 1799, taking part in the battle of Ma- lavelly, and the siege of Serin- gapatam. In 1808, he accompa- nied the Duke of Wellington to the Peninsula, throughout which wars he distinguished himself, and was on one occasion severely wounded. He received the thanks of Parliament twice and was raised to the peerage in 1814. In 1817 he was appointed Governor of Barbadoes and Commander of the forces in the West Indies, and * His bust has been placed at the In- dia House, a wood-cut of which forms a frontispiece to the Madras Edition of his “ Miscellaneous Essays.” iii 1822 Commander-in-Chief in India, where he distinguished himself at the siege of Bhurtpore, 18tli January 1826, a formidable fortress, which was fruitlessly as- sailed by Lord Lake four times in 1805. The success of Comber- mere’s operations was mainly owing to mining. A great breach in the wall of the fortress was open- ed by igniting a mine charged with ten thousand pounds of gunpow- der. Combermere headed one of the storming parties himself and two Officers alongside of him on the breach were killed. ( Vide Welsh’s Military Reminiscences, vol. ii, p. 240.) Though this war was undertaken in an honorable cause, viz., restoring the throne to the rightful prince, “yet all the State treasures and jewels found in the citadel, to the extent of 48 lacs of Rupees, (£480,000) were unscrupulously pronounced by the Military authorities to be a lawful prize, and at once distri- buted among the officers and men. Six lacs (£60,000) fell to the share of Combermere. This procedure was defended by the sophism that ‘as Doorjun Saul had been in quiet possession of the throne, and acknowledged by all parties as the Maharaja, no individual either openly or secretly supporting the claims of Bulwunt Sing, naturally gave the former the full right to all the property in the fort, and deprived the latter of any claim which he might be supposed to have to it.’ This stipulation was denounced by Sir Charles Met- calfe, in terms of indignation. ‘ Our plundering here,’ he wrote, ‘has been very disgraceful, and has tarnished our well-earned honours — until I can get rid of the prize agents I cannot establish the sovereignty of the young Raja, whom we came professedly to pro- tect, but have been plundering to the Iasi lotah — waterpot — since he fell into our hands.” Combermere was raised to a viscounty for his Indian exploits. He was married three times, and died at Clifton on the 21st of February 1865. CONOLLY, Captain Edward, 7th Bengal Cavalry. (Killed in Affghanistan, October 1841 ;) brother of Captain Arthur, ( vide Conolly) kept captive till his death at Bokhara, in 1842, and of Captain John, killed at Cabool in 1842. These three distinguish- ed brothers perished in Afghanis- tan within a year of each other. Edward was killed at Toolian Durrah, October 1840 ; Arthur, the celebrated traveller, went on a mission to Bokhara in August 1840, and is believed to have been murdered in prison with Colonel Stoddart ; John was killed at the Capture of Cabool in July 1842. Edward Conolly was the writer of the following, Physical geogra- phy of Seisthan, As. Jl., 1839, vol. ix, 710. — Figures of gems and coins, Bl. As. Trans., 1842, vol. xi, 137. — Account of city of Oujein and its environs, ibid., 1837, vol. vi, 831. — Journal kept while tra- velling in Seisthan, ibid., 1841, 319. CONOLLY, Captain Arthur, was the third of six sons of a gentle- man who had acquired a large fortune in India. He was born in Portland Place, London, in the year 1807, and was educated at Rugby. In 1822, he was sent to the Military Seminary of the East India Company. His father had large “interest at the India House” and sent all his sons to India. Arthur Conolly was offer- ed a commission in the Bengal CON 81 Cavalry ; he accepted it and sailed for Calcutta on the 16th of June 1823, in the Company’s ship Gren- ville, which also carried Bishop Heber to India. After serving in India for some years, in the same manner as most young officers do, he obtained his lieutenancy in 1825— but two years after was compelled to return to England on account of ill-health. After recruiting himself a year and a half in Europe, he returned to India “really by the Over- land Route.” Travelling through France and the north of Germany to Hamburg, he embarked in a steamer at Travemunden on the 1st of September 1829 for St. Petersburg, from whence he tra- velled to Moscow, then to Tiiiis, and Tabreez in Persia. Here he spent the winter, and in the eai’ly spring of 1830, proceeded to Te- heran. At Teheran he conceived the idea of going to Khiva, and started on the adventurous jour- ney assuming the character of a Merchant, taking with him a quantity of goods — but he and his guide were robbed, and narrowly escaped being murdered or sold into captivity. They were oppor- tunely saved by a party of Persian merchants, with whoifi they re- turned in safety to Asterabad. After a short stay here, Conolly went to Meshed, and from thence at the latter end of the year, he followed the wake of an Afghan army, under the command of Yar Mahomed for Herat. He next journeyed to Candahar, Quettah, and through the Bolan Pass to the country of the Ameers of Sind. From here he reached the British frontier through Bahawulpore and across the Great Indian desert in January 1831. At Delhi he met the Governor-General, Lord Wil- liam Bentinck, and after giving him an account of his wanderings, he proceeded to Calcutta by river. When stationed at Cawnpore, on military duty, Conolly formed the acquaintance of Joseph Wolff, the great Missionary traveller, and both were ever afterwards fast friends. The year 1834 saw Co- nolly employed in the Political Department. He was appointed an Assistant to the Governor-Ge- neral’s Agent in Rajpootana, where he remained till 1838, when he went to England on furlough, not from ill-health, but with the view of marrying a young lady to whom he was engaged before her departure from India, but in this he was disappointed. His bio- grapher states, “The whole his- tory of it lies before me as written by himself, but it is not a history to be publicly related. There was no fault on either side.” About this time the great Central Asian question was uppermost in the minds of the Cabinet. The de- signs of Russia and Persia must be checked — and Conolly was de- puted to proceed on a political mission : so on the 11th February 1839 he left London and travel- ling through the Continent, reach- ed India in November of the same year. At Vienna and Constan- tinople he met the Envoys of the Shah of Pei'sia and Khokund, upon whom he made a most fa- vourable impression by explain- ing the policy that Britain was about to pursue regarding Af- ghanistan. In the early part of 1840, after expounding his views to the Governor-General, Lord Auckland, he proceeded to Cabool, engaged heart and soul in the in- tricate politics of this frontier Province. On reaching Khiva he journeyed to Khokund, at which 11 82 CON place lie received .1 letter from Colonel Stoddart, inviting him to that city at the request of the Khan of Bokhara, who, after treacherously inveigling him thi- ther, cast him and Stoddart into prison. Here from about Christ- mas 1841 to June 1842, he remain- ed in close captivity without a single change of clothes, in a cold, damp dungeon. His privations and sufferings were awful, but he bore all with true Christian resig- nation. Kaye says, “ The last scene of this sad tragedy is believ- ed to have been performed on the 17th June. It has been described by different persons. I am still inclined to think that the most trustworthy story is that of the Akhond-Zadeh Saleh Mahomed. * * * He said that he derived his information from one of the exe- cutioners, and that he had seen the graves of the murdered men. On that 17th of June 1842, it is said, they (Conolly and Stoddart) were taken out of their miserable dungeons, and conducted into an open square, where a multi- tude of people were assembled to witness the execution of the Fe- ringliees. With their hands bound before them, they stood for some time, whilst their graves were made ready for them. Stoddart was first called forth to die. Crying aloud against the tyranny of the Ameer, he knelt down, and his head was cut off with a huge knife. Then Conolly was told to prepare himself for death ; but life was offered to him if he would abjure Christianity and adopt the reli- gion of Mahomed. To this he is said to have replied indignantly, ‘ Stoddart became a Mussulman, and yet you have killed him — I am prepared to die.’ Then he knelt down, stretched forth his neck, and died by the hand of the executioner. Another version of the closing scene is this : “ When Joseph Wolff, afterwards, moved more than ought else by the strength of his love for Arthur Conolly, journeyed to Bokhara to learn the history of his fate, if dead, or to endeavour to rescue him from captivity if alive, he was told, that ‘ both Captain Conolly and Colonel Stoddart, were brought with their hands tied, behind the ark, or palace of the king, when Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly kissed each other, and Stoddart said to Mek- ram Saadut, ‘ Tell the Ameer that I die a disbeliever in Mahomed, but a believer in Jesus — that I am a Christian, and a Christian I die.’ And Conolly said, ‘Stoddart,’ we shall see each other in Para- dise, near Jesus.” Then Saadut gave the order to cut off, first the head of Stoddart, which was done ; and in the same manner the head of Conolly was cut off.” On Conolly’s capture, his effects were all sold — the only thing he managed to save was a prayer book, whose margins and blank leaves bore a record of his prison life. After his execution it was purchased in a Bokhara Bazaar by a Bussian prisoner who consigned it to General Ignatieff, when the mission under that officer visited Bokhara in 1 858. It was origin- ally intended to be presented to the Geographical Society of Great Britain, but as it was of a personal and not a scientific character, it was presented to the family of the deceased owner, twenty years after his death ! CONWAY, Brigadier, Thomas Henry Somerset, C.B.. “ the father of the Madras Army,” was coo S3 appointed Cadet of Infantry in 1793. After beingdetained on duty at Calcutta, lie arrived at Madras on tlie 5 th October 1795. Few officers of the Indian Army have seen more field service than he did. The various battles and sieges that he was engaged in may be thus summed up : — Expedition to Cey- lon in 1796, under Colonel J. Stuart ; Expedition to Manilla in 1797, under Major-General Sir James Craig ; the last Mysore Campaign, under Major-General Harris, in 1799 ; Campaign in the Ceded Districts, under Major-Ge- neral Dugald Campbell, in 1801-2 ; the Mahratt&h wars of 1803-4-5, and part of 1806, under Wellesley; Campaign against Eajah Mahopet Earn, who rebelled against the Nizam, in 1807 ; with the army of Eeserve assembled on the Toonga- budra under the command of Sir T. Hislop, in 1815 ; Campaign against Holkar and the Pinda- rees, under the same Commander, 1817-18. In 1809, he was appoint- ed Adjutant-General of the Army, (Madras) having previously held the Deputy Adjutant-Generalship of the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force for four years. In 1812, he intro- duced into the Army and organ- ized, under the auspices of Sir S. Auchmuty, the Eifie and Light Infantry corps. On the 19th June 1819, he received the distinction of the third class of the Order of the Bath. In October 1828, Con- way was deputed on a special mis- sion to Bengal to enquire into the comparative state of the armies of the three Presidencies and return- ed 2nd April 1830. In November 1831, he was appointed to inspect and report on the Silladar Horse of the Mysore Government. He next received the rank of Briga- dier and was appointed to the I command of the Hyderabad Sub- I sidiary Force. On his way thither, at Bompechurlah on the 12th of May 1837, he complained of feel- ing a little unwell and as a timely precaution took eight grains of calomel ! He ate a hearty break- fast. He suffered severely from the effects of the medicine during the day and all that night, but felt well enough to continue his journey the following morning. He arrived at Nackrykul, weak and exhausted, having ridden the latter part of the march, and re- ceived from the Apothecary at- tending him a draft to stop the effects of the medicine. He break- fasted at 10. and soon after was attacked with cholera, which ter- minated fatally at 6 P. M. He was buried at 12 o’clock the fol- lowing day (14tli). A subscrip- tion was raised in Madras to erect a tablet in St. George’s Cathedral to his memory and of placing a tomb over his remains at Nackry- kul. The sum immediately sub- scribed was Es. 3,135 at a Meet- ing held at the College Hall, 20th May. Conway’s pride as a man and a soldier was gratified by many flattering testimonials of service in every part of his career and from the most distinguished Command- ers of the day — Sir Arthur Wel- lesley, Sir A. Campbell, Sir J. Abercrombie, Lord Hastings, Sir John Malcolm, &c. COOTE, Sir Eyre, a descendant of a noble Irish family, was born in Ireland in 1726, and having a desire to join the army, he served in the King’s troops in the rebellion of 1745. His regi- ment was ordered to India in 1754, where three years after, being a captain, he was ordered by 84 COO Admiral Watson, on the surrender of Calcutta by Surajah Dowlali, to take possession of it, and was appointed Governor, but was soon superseded by Clive, as his su- perior officer. He distinguish- ed himself in the reduction of Hooghly and Chandernagore in Bengal, and played an active part on the field of Plassey, under Clive, so much so as to be entitled to a share of the honour of the victory. Coote next had com- mand of the troops in Southern India, engaged in a war with the French, Lally being their com- mander. He captured Wande- wash, which Lally tried to re take, but failed, and after the seizure and relief of many active import- ant fortresses, in one of which (Perinacoil) Coote was wounded in the knee, a decisive engage- ment took place on the 10th January 1760, in which the French were entirely routed, and sought refuge with Lally at their head, in Pondicherry. The war still con- tinued for twelve months. Pon- dicherry was invested by sea and land, and was compelled to sur- render on the 16th of January 1761. (Vide Lally). Thus was given the final blow to the French power in India. Sir Eyre Coote, on his return to England, was pre- sented with a diamond mounted sword, as a memorial of his im- portant services, and in 1771, was invested with the order of the Bath. On the death of Clavering in 1777, Coote was appointed a member of the Supreme Council at Bengal, and Commander-in- ( ffiief of the British Troops. When Hyder commenced his second war with the English and devastated the Carnatic, Hastings and the other members of Government decided on putting forth all their energies to defeat Hyder, and sent Coote to conduct the war, as Sir Hector Munro’s operations had been unsuccessful. He arrived at Madras on the 5th of November 1780, and as- sumed command of the army. His military operations are detailed in Hyder’s life. ( Vide Hyder). Soon after the skirmish at Arnee, 8th June 1782, thedeclining health of Coote compelled him to resign the command of the army to Ma- jor-General Stuart, and take a sea voyage. He proceeded to Bengal, and during his absence affairs were dreadfully mismanaged by the Madras Government. The chief blame is attributed in the imbecile general in command of the army. An event occurred which gave him a golden oppor- tunity of terminating the war at a single blow. Hyder was dead — Tippoo on the Western Coast — Seringapatam undefend- ed, and all Mysore at his feet, and yet 60 days elapsed after Hyder’s death before he could be prevail- ed upon to move, and when he did move, he destroyed three forts which Coote had been most anxious to preserve. Such was the fate of a splendid army liberally supplied, but wanting an efficient commander to lead it on. But it was anxiously awaiting the arri- val of its venerated and beloved Coote, who, though bowed down with feeble health, embarked from Calcutta on the armed ship Reso- lution for Madras. Towards the close of the voyage she was chased by some F rench ships for two days and two nights, during which time Coote’s anxiety kept him con- stantly exposed on deck, which produced a relapse of the com- plaints which the change to Ben- gal had oidy palliated. The ship COR 85 escaped, but its precious freight l was lost to the State. Coote ex- ; pired two days after his arrival at j Madras, on the 26th of April 1783. ( Vide Tippoo). His body was taken to England and interred in the Parish church of Rockwood in Hampshire, and a fine monu- ment was erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey. The following is an extract from Wilks : “ Nature had given to Colonel Coote all that nature can confer in the formation of a soldier ; and the regular study of every branch of his profession, and experience in most of them, had formed an accomplished officer. A bodily frame of unusual vigour and acti- vity, and mental energy always awake, were restrained from ex- cessive action by a patience and temper which never allowed the spirit of enterprize to outmarch the dictates of prudence. Daring valour and cool reflection strove for the mastery in the composi- tion of this great man. The con- ception and execution of his designs equally commanded the confidence of his officers ; and a master at once of human nature, and of the science of war, his rigid discipline was tempered with an unaffected kindness, and con- sideration for the wants and even the prejudices of whom he com- manded, which won the affections of the European soldiers, and rendered him the idol of the na- tive troops” “ His portrait is hung up in the Exchange at Madras ; and no sepoy who has served under him ever enters the room without making his obeisance to Coote Bahauder This likeness in life- size now ornaments the walls of the Banquetting Hall, Madras. CORNWALLIS, Charles, se- cond Earl and first Marquis of Cornwallis, was born on the 31st of December 1738. He served during the Seven Years’ War abroad, as Lord Broome, aide-de- camp to the Marquis of Granby. On the death of his father in 1762, he assumed his title ; in 1766 he was appointed Colonel of the 33rd Foot, married in July 1768, a daughter of Colonel Jones of the second Regiment of the Guards, and was made Governor of the Tower in 1770. The King was very partial to him, and made him his aide-de-camp, but yet he exercised an independent judg- ment, and though a general sup- porter of the administration, he on several occasions opposed the ministers, more especially in the steps which led to the American War, though he sailed with his regiment when ordered to America in 1776 and served with great distinction there. Lady Cornwallis took to heart very much his de- parture to America ; he returned, however, in January 1778, with a commission to communicate the general conduct and progress of the war. His domestic happiness with his wife and children was of short duration, for the month of April saw him embark again for America. Lady Cornwallis never recovered from the effects of this second separation. She pinedaway and said she was dying of a broken heart, and made a strange request that a thorn tree should be planted over her grave. Not a word was to be engraved on her tomb. A dis- agreement with Sir H. Clinton, first in command, induced Corn- wallis to resign and return to Eng- land. He arrived in December but no hope of his wife’s recovery was entertained. She died on the 16th 86 COll February 1779, and her request was complied with. In 1855 the thorn tree was removed in con- sequence of some alteration to be made in the church, and planted in the churchyard, where it died three years after. Cornwallis again returned to America in the following year, and eventually, besieged in York town on York River, by the French and Ameri- can forces, he was compelled to surrender after an obstinate de- fence, on the 19th of October 1781. This event proved a deathblow to the English cause, and led to the peace of 1782, when Cornwallis re- turned to England. On the retire- ment of Warren Hastings in 1785, Mr. Macpherson, afterwards Sir J ohn, who had been second mem- ber of Council at Calcutta, acted as Governor-General for twenty months. The post was then offer- ed to Lord Macartney, but the demands he made, were objected to by the ministers, and as it had for sometime become a popular idea that Lord Cornwallis was the proper man to be sent out to In- dia, he was offered the appoint- ment. But having before him the bitter experience of Hastings’ ad- ministration— the thwartings and factious opposition he had to con- tend with in the Council, he re- quired as a condition of his ac- ceptance of the office, an extension of the powers of the Governor- General, by which he would be free on great occasions to act on his own responsibility, and, if need be, against the votes of the majority of the Council. This was consented to by Pitt and Dundas, and on the 24th Febru- ary 1786, Cornwallis was appoint- ed Governor-General of India by an unanimous resolution of the Court of Directors. He wrote on I the 23rd to Colonel Ross, “ The proposal of going to India has been pressed upon me so strongly, with the circumstance of the Gov- ernor-General’s being independ- ent of his Council, as intended in Dundas’s former Bill, and having the supreme command of the Mili- tary, that, much against my will, and with grief of heart, I have been obliged to say, yes, and to ex- change a life of ease and comfort, to encounter all the plagues and miseries of command and public station.” On the 11th of Septem- ber 1786, the Swallow anchored in the Hooghly landing Lord Cornwallis and staff, and on the following morning he took the oaths of office. The first three years of Cornwallis’ administra- tion were devoted to the checking of abuses. The Company’s ser- vants were engaged in private trade, — their salaries were far too low to induce them to resist the great temptations which surround- ed them of rapidly acquiring wealth. This had been pointed out to the Directors by Sir Thomas Roe nearly two centuries before, but it was not heeded. Cornwallis at length convinced the Directors of the truth, which Clive and Hastings had tried to do, that “ it was not good econo- my to put men into places of the greatest confidence, where they have it in their power to make their fortunes in a few months, without giving them adequate sa- laries.” The salaries of the public servants were augmented, placing them beyond the reach of tempta- tion, and at the same time afford- ing them a prospect of acquiring a moderate fortune out of their allowances. Cornwallis rooted out frauds in every department and abolished jobbery, contracts con 87 and sinecures, and the example he set tended to improve the so- cial morality of the English in Bengal, which was then at a very low ebb. Petitions for place and patronage poured in on Cornwallis from all sides, but all were refused. It dis- tressed him very much, but he would not stake his reputation, or sacrifice his honour. He refused his nearest friends. Men bearing letters of recommendation from the Prince of Wales, afterwards George IV, were refused. Of one of these, a Mr. Bisto, Cornwallis writes, “ He is now writing in the Secretary’s office for 200 or 250 lls. a month, and I do not see the probability of my being able to give him anything better, without deserving to be impeached.” He was so besieged rvith applications, that lie had a formula, which he used himself to address to the men. “ If I was inclined to serve you, it is wholly out of my power to do it without a breach of my duty. I most earnestly advise you to think of returning to Eng- land as soon as possible. After the 1st of January next, I shall be under the necessity of sending you thither.” Solicitations from the Directors also, for snug berths for their pro- teges, elicited only threats of re- signation ; and yet he lived down the unpopularity which attended this cleansing process in the pub- lic service. In August 1787, Cornwallis started on a tour to the Upper Provinces. Invested as he was with the double office of Governor- Generaland Commander-in-Chief, he inspected the troops at the different stations, not forming a very favourable opinion of any, except th e Artillery. What made him more anxious on this score, was the probability of another war with Tippoo, for vague ru- mours were afloat of his hostile designs. On his return journey to Calcutta, Cornwallis visited Oudh, the affairs of which State were in a wretched condition. When Cornwallis first landed, the Nabob Asof-ul-Dowlah begged that the expenses which the Eng- lish Government had imposed on him for the maintenance of a British contingent for the pro- tection of his territories, might be reduced. The troops he could not withdraw, on account of the rapid encroachments of Scindiah, and the growing power of the Sikhs. He, however, reduced the payment from 74 to 50 lacs of rupees (*£500,000), though con- trary to the advice of the Resi- dent, who represented the Nabob as a profligate and a spendthrift. Cornwallis also cancelled the office of the private agent of the Governor-General at the durbar, which reduced the Nabob’s expen- ses by another 10 lacs (.£100,000), of which *£20,000 was his own share, and refused to recognise any of the private claims of the harpies and jobbers surrounding the Nabob. In December 1788, the expect- ed storm broke in the Carnatic. Tippoo attacked our faithful ally, the Rajah of Travancore, and Cornwallis made immediate pre- parations for war. Mr. Holland was then President at Madras, and his government was marked by gross corruption. Cornwallis knew that he was not tobe depended upon ; so he determined to pro- ceed to Madras, and take charge of the civil government, as well as command of the army ; but in the meanwhile, he heard that his friend 8S con General Medows, who was then Governor of Bombay, had been appointed Governor and Coin- mander-in-Chief at Madras. He received this intelligence with mingled feelings of pleasure and regret, and wrote on the subject as follows Under the impressions which I have described, I thought myself called upon by a sense of duty to the Company, as well as by an at- tention to the general interest of my country, to stand forth and endeavour to avert the misfortunes with which negligence and mis- conduct, or jealousies between the civil and military departments, might be attended. With that view, and upon the ground of state necessity, it was my inten- tion to take the responsibility of an irregular measure upon myself, and to propose that the Board should invest me with full powers to take a temporary charge of the civil and military affairs at the presidency of Fort St. George, by exercising the functions of Gover- nor, as well as those of Command- er-in-Chief. * * * * It is, however, with great satisfaction that I con- gratulate the Board on the arrival, in the meantime, of the advices by the Vestal frigate, by which we have been informed that the Com- mission appointing General Me- dows to be Governor of Fort St. George, was on board that vessel ; and as the Vestal proceeded from Agengo to Bombay on the 3rd ultimo, there is every reason to hope that he will be able to take charge of the Government before, or at least as soon as, it would have been possible for me to have reached Madras. The grounds upon which I formed my first re- solution, are, therefore, in a great measure entirely done away. For, as it would have been incompati- ble with the station which I hold in this country, to have rendered myself in any way subordinate to the Government of Madras, and as General Medows is a man of acknowledged ability and charac- ter, and regularly invested by the Court of Directors with the offices of Governor and Commander-in- Chief at the Presidency of Fort St. George, I will not venture to say that, by relinquishing the im- mediate direction of the Supreme Government after a knowledge of the appointment of General Me- dows, I should not be justly ex- posed to blame and censure for executing a determination which had been made a few days before under the belief of the existence of different circumstances.” The unsuccessful operations of General Medows against Tippoo, culminating on the drawn-field of Sattemengulum, roused Corn- wallis, and induced him to take the field in person. ( Vide Medows). He landed at Madras on the 12th December 1790, and at the end of January 1791, met Medows at Vellore, where he assumed com- mand of the army, and marched on Bangalore from Vellore on the 5th February. Bangalore was in- vested on the 5th March, and on the 21st was taken by assault. Tippoo withdrew his army, and fell back upon Seringapatam. Cornwallis was not in a fit state to follow. He had already lost a large number of his carriage cat- tle— great numbers of his draught bullocks had been killed to supply food for his European troops, and many had died of disease. After being joined by 10,000 of the Nizam’s cavalry, in accordance with the treaty of alliance, Corn- wallis determined upon an ad- COJEfc 89 vance on Seringapatam. On the 13th of May, he came on Tippoo a few miles from his capital, where lie had drawn up to give battle, and here was fought the battle of Arikera, by which Tippoo was entirely discomfited. With this, the success of the campaign ter- minated. The junction which Cornwallis had hoped to form with the Bombay division of the attack- ing forces, under General Aber- cromby, was not practicable for want of cattle to move his heavy guns. An epidemic broke out among his remaining cattle — grain was scarce — the cavalry horses, for want of fodder, were reduced to skeletons and could not carry their riders ; so Cornwallis decided upon returning to Bangalore, and after bursting his heavy cannon, bury- ing the shot, throwing the powder into wells, and destroying all be- sieging materials, the army began its melancholy march bade on the 26th. Major Dirom, writing of the scene, says : “ The ground at Camiambuddy, where the army had encamped but six days, was covered in a circuit of several miles with the carcases of cattle and horses ; and the last of the gun-carriages, ca rts, and stores of the battering-train, was a melan- choly spectacle, which the troops passed as they quitted the deadly camp.” They had scarcely accom- plished the first day’s march, when they met the Mahrattah army, which, by the coalition treaty, the Mahrattah cabinet had engaged to supply for the prosecution of the war against Tippoo. But instead of being only 10,000 in number, it amounted to 32,000. Had Corn- wallis been aware of their proxim- ity a week earlier the campaign might have terminated differently. They were laden with plunder, and had splendid bazaars, which afford- ed great relief to the half-famish- ed British soldiers — but yet plead- ed poverty, and demanded a loan of 14 lacs (,£140,000). Cornwallis well knew that a refusal would, only lead to a transfer of their alliance to Tippoo, so without questioning the morality of the request, granted it. The Mah- rattah army then moved to the north-west, plundering the Mysore districts, but under a solemn pro- mise from its leader, Pureshram Bhao, to return w’henever required, which he never fulfilled. The Nizam’s army went north-east and laid siege to Goorumconda. Corn- wallis was engaged after his re- tirement in May 1791, in re- ducing the forts in Baramahal. This accomplished, Nundidroog, Savendroog, and several other im- portant fortresses were captured, the possession of which was abso- lutely necessary to ensure an unin- terrupted communication with Bangalore, during the contemplat- ed second advance on Seringapa- tam. About the end of January 1792, the arrangements were com- pleted, and Cornwallis, joined by 8,000 of the Nizam’s army, and a small body of Hurry Punt’s Mah- rattahs, moved forward with a force the like of which had never before been seen in the Deccan, and elicit- ed from Tippoo the remark, “ It is not what 1 see of the resources of the English that I dread, but what I do not see.” On the 5th of Feb- ruary, Seringapatam was again in sight, and Cornwallis made prepar- ations for an immediate attack. Tippoo’s army w'as posted outside the walls of Seringapatam, under shelter of its guns and batteries, and Cornwallis determined upon dislodging it by a rapid and vigor- ous movement. A night attack 12 90 COR was made on the 6th, General Medows commanding the right, Colonel Maxwell the left, and Cornwallis in person the centre division of the force. The centre and left divisions were successful, but the right failed to accomplish its work. Cornwallis received a slight wound in his hand during this night. A lodgement effect- ed on the island, more fighting occurred during the day, and Tip- poo withdrew his army behind the walls of Seringapatam. Tippoo now tried a foul attempt on the life of Cornwallis, imagining that if rid of him, the English army would be thrown into utter confusion and afford him an opportunity of driv- ing it back. Some horsemen were engaged on the morning of the 8th to gallop up to Cornwallis’ tent and cut him down. At dawn on the morning of the 10th, drugged to the point of fury with bang* they rode into the English camp to carry out their desperate enter- prise, but a small body of Bombay sepoys turning out with great alacrity, fired into the horsemen, who immediately retreated. After this Cornwallis reluctantly con- sented to allow a captain’s guard of Europeans to mount over his tent every night. The operations for the siege were being pushed on vigorously, and were so far ad- vanced as to enable Cornwallis to calculate with certainty on open- ing his breaching batteries on the 1st March, when Tippoo sued for peace, and his vakeels were re- ceived in camp on the 14th of February. A preliminary treaty was sent out of the fort, “ signed and sealed by Tippoo,” on the 23rd * The leaf of the Cannabis sativa (hemp), used in various forms, green and dry, and sold as an intoxicating sub- stance in every bazaar in India. February, whereby Tippoo agreed to the cession of one-half of his dominions, the payment of three crores and thirty lacs of rupees, equal to thirty millions sterling, one-half immediately, and the re- mainder in three instalments of four months each — the release of all prisoners from the time of Hyder Ali — and the delivery of two of his sons as hostages for the due performance of the conditions. “ Everything that the most deli- cate consideration could suggest was observed in the reception and treatment of the hostages ; one, a boy of ten, and the other eight years old.” After much negotia- tion, and many hitches and threat- ening failures, the definitive treaty was signed on the 1 8th of March, and received by Corn- wallis on the following day under a salute from a park of British ar- tillery, and from the guns of Ser- ingapatam. ( Vide Close.) Corn- wallis returned to Madras, and in July following sailed for Cal- cutta. His share of the prize money of Seringapatam amount- ed to ^50,000, and though his income was scarcely adequate for the maintenance of his title, he gave it up to the army serving under him. He was made Marquis after the termination of the cam- paign. At Calcutta he again turned his attention to the civil administration of the country. He drew up a Code of laws, aided by Mr. Barlow, then Secretary to Government, or as he called them, “Regulations,” 1793, which on being submitted to Sir William Jones, were pronounced by him to be worthy of Justinian, and Mr. Advocate-General (afterwards Sir William) Boroughs, said that they were “ worthy of every praise which can be bestowed upon 91 them, and would do credit to any legislator of ancient or modern times.” Cornwallis is said to have in- troduced the Zemindary system into Bengal, but the originator was Mr. Thomas Law, a brother of the first Lord Ellenborough, and Collector of Behar, long be- fore Cornwallis ever thought of it, but he strongly supported the sys- tem. Cornwallis left India, resigning his seat to his old friend Sir John Shore, at the latter end of 1793, and arrived in England in the early part of February 1794. In 1798, he was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and successfully quelled the Irish rebellion. After the termination of the last Mysore War, the army mindful of his generosity in foregoing his prize- money, and of his military exploits upon the same scene many years before, presented him an address, with the sword and turban of Tippoo Sultan. In 1801, Corn- wallis was appointed plenipoten- tiary to France, and negotiated the peace of Amiens. In 1805 the Court of Directors, alarmed at the territorial growth of their Indian possessions, under the administration of Marquis Wel- lesley, looked out for a man who, in their opinion, would carry out a more safe and judicious policy, to act as Governor-General of India, and the man selected was Cornwallis, who at the age of 65, in a feeble state of health, reluc- tantly accepted the appointment. It was a hazardous attempt at his time of life, to venture again into a tropical climate with the onerous duties which such an appointment required him to perform, but he seemed to live and die for duty, and so he sailed from England, and for the second time filled the high post of Governor-General of India on the 30th of July 1805. Finding the British still at war with Hol- kar, he determined at once upon proceedingto theUpper Provinces, as he said, “ to endeavour, if it can be done without the sacri- fice of our honor, to terminate by negociation the contest, in which the most brilliant success can af- ford us no solid benefit, and which if it should continue, must involve us into pecuniary difficulties, which we shall be hardly able to surmount.” On his way thither, his constitution began to break up. Day by day he grew more feeble, and he died on the 5th October 1805, at Ghazapore, in the pro- vince of Benares, only about two months after his arrival in India. A cenotaph has been erected to his memory on the Mount Road, half-way between Fort St. George, Madras, and St. Thomas’ Mount. A fine colossal statue of the Mar- quis was also erected in 1805, in the Fort. The figure was execut- ed in London by Thomas Banks, R. A., who was rather peculiar in some of his sentiments, an example of which he exhibited in the de- sign of this statue. Cornwallis had a cast outwards in his right eye, and while the work in question was in the model, a brother Acade- mician visited Banks, and express- ed his surprise that he should think proper to make the statue commemorate this obliquity of vision. Banks contested the point on these grounds, “ If,” said he, “ the cast had been inwards, it would, I conceive, have convey- ed the impression of a contracted character, and I would have cor- rected it ; but as eyes looking to the right and left at the same mo- men t would impart the idea of an 92 COR enlarged and comprehensive mind, I have thought it due to the illus- trious Governoi’-General to con- vey to posterity this natural indi- cation of mental greatness, which I am convinced all must be sen- sible of, on observing the pecu- liarity referred to.” Amusing as is the eccentricity of such an idea, the marble confirms that it was carried out. Banks laboured under a mistake in supposing that the cast was a natural one. While at Eton, Cornwallis received, by a sad mischance from a school-fel- low, such a severe blow on his eye from a hockey-stick, that for atime his sight was considered in dan- ger ; it however only produced “ a slight but permanent obliquity of vision.” The boy who struck the blow was Shute Barrington, after- wards Bishop successively of Llan- daff, Salisbury, and Durham. CORRIE, Bishop, Daniel, was bom in England in the year 1777, and was appointed a Chaplain on the Bengal establishment, 1806. He arrived at Calcutta in his thir- tieth year and there met those ear- ly Mission labourers, Martyn, Brown, Carey, Marshman and Ward. On his voyage out Corrie studied Hindustani, so after a few months’ residence at Calcutta, being appointed to Chunar, he began to preach to the natives in that language. In 1810, he was removed to Cawnpore where a serious illness obliged him to pro- ceed to sea. The vessel was driven back to Calcutta by a storm and almost made a total wreck. Corrie embarked in another, bound to the Mauritius, which also met with severe weather and put in at Vizagapatam. The sea air had so benefited his health, that instead of continuing the voyage, he re- turned to his station. He married a Miss Myers in November 1812, a union which was not dissolved till within six weeks of his own death. He was appointed in the following year to Agra, but a severe attack of liver compelled him to repair to England, where he remained two years. Return- ing to India in 1817, he was ap- pointed Presidency Chaplain (Cal- cutta) ; and in 1823, Archdeacon. While holding this post, he thrice filled the vacant See, on the deaths of Bishop Heber, and his two im- mediate successors. He went to England again in 1835, and was consecrated Bishop of Madi’as, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of Litchfield, Carlisle and Bangor. The Uni- versity of Cambridge conferred upon him the degree of L.L.D. ; and after a short stay he sailed back to India, landing in Madras in October 1835. On the 28th of the same month he was installed in St. George’s Cathedral. On the following Sunday he preached his first sermon, from Galatians, vi, 14. Mrs. Corrie died after his visitation tour, on the 21st De- cember 1835 — and Bishop Corrie on the 4th of February 1836. He established many Schools in In- dia and was universally beloved. He built a beautiful church at Chunar in 1818, and a small cha- pel at Buxar. He suggested the organizing of the Calcutta High School, which Bishop Turner es- tablished, and his name will be handed down to posterity in the Madras Presidency in connection with the school which bears his name, Bishop Corrie’s Madras Grammar School. CORYAT, Thomas, the “ Odcom- bian leg-stretcher,” as he used to COR 93 call himself, was the first Euro- pean traveller who ever came out to India on a tour of pleasure. His father was rector of Odcombe, in Somersetshire, where young Corvat was bom in 1577. He was educated at Westminster school, and afterwards at Gloucester Hall, Oxford. On leaving the univer- sity he appears to have obtained a post in the household of Prince Henry, where his eccentricity be- came marked, and the position he held was talked of as being analo- gous to that of court-jester, for he had in his composition a mixture of wit, learning and buffoonery. On the death of his father in 1606, he felt himself at liberty to gratify a “ very burning desire,” Avhich he says had long “ itched in him, to survey and contemplate some of the choicest parts of this goodly fabric of the world.” So in May 1608, he left Dover, and travelled through France, and as far as Venice, returning by way of Ger- many, with very little money in his pocket. During the five months he was absent, he travelled 1,977 miles, of which he had walked 900, and the same pair of shoes lasted throughout the journey. He hung these shoes up in Odcombe Church for a memorial, and they remained there till 1 702. He published his travels in a bulky quarto volume on his return, under the strange title of “ Coryat’s Crudities, hast- ily gobbled up in 5 months’ Tra- vels in France, Savoy, Italy, Rhe- tia, commonly called the Grison’s country, Helvetia alias Switzer- land, some parts of High Ger- many, and the Netherlands ; newly digested in the hungry air of Odcombe in the country of So- merset, and now dispersed to the nourishment of the travelling members of this kingdom.” To the volume some sixty sets of verses were attached, written, among others, by P»en Johnson, Chapman, Drayton, Donne, Har- rington, Ignio Jones and L. Whit- aker. They were all very quizzical, some scarcely so, and proved the most attractive part of the volume. The verses were afterwai’ds re- printed in a separate form under the title of “ The Odcombian Ban- quet,” with an advertisement pre- fixed, intended evidently to render poor Coryat ridiculous. Some have supposed that he published this volume himself, but it was not so, for in his “ second course” of his “ Crudities,” the “ Cramb or Col- wart twice sodden,” he makes an energetic attack on it, and express- ly states that he was commanded to print the verses by Prince Henry. So he was quite aware of the pur- pose. The fact was, poor Coryat had the weakness to desire to as- sociate with the wits of the day, and they made him their butt. The year following the publica- tion of the “ Crudities,” 1612, he departed on a more extended jour- ney. He visited Constantinople, where he made a brief stay, went over various parts of Greece, and was much delighted in exploring the vestiges of Troy. He then went to Jerusalem, and visited all the sacred historic localities in Pales- tine. ThencehewenttoAllepo,and so through Persia to Agra, the seat of the Mogul’s court, “ spending” he says, in his “journey betwixt Jerusalem and the Mogul’s court, fifteen months and odd days, all of which I traversed afoot .... the total distance being 2,700 English miles,” and expended only “ three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonable well every way.” From Agra he sent his friends an account of all he saw on the way, and of 94 COR the Mogul Court, which was pub- lished with a portrait prefixed, representing Coryat riding on an elephant. At this court he met Sir Thomas Roe, to whose chaplain, the Rev. Thomas Terry, we are indebted for a further account of Coryat’s career in India. He had great aptitude for acquiring lan- guages, and had learned to Use col- loquially, Italian, Arabic, Turkish and Persian, which no doubt con- tributed to his easy and economic progress. He remained some time at the Mogul Court acquiring Hindustani, and Terry gives a quaint account of the exercise of his linguistic powers in silencing a loquacious washerwoman of Sir Thomas Roe’s household. “After this he having got a great mastery in the Industan, or more vulgar language, there was a woman, a landress, belonging to my Lord Embassador’s house, who had such a freedom and liberty of speech, that she would some- times scould, brawl, and rail from the sun-rising to sun set ; one day he undertook her in her own language, and by eight of the clock in the morning so silenced her, that she had not one word more to speak.” Having acquired a sufficient knowledge of the language, he hoped to continue and extend his wanderings and to explore “ Tar- taria in the vast plains thereof, with as much as he could of China, and those other large places and provinces interposed betwixt East India and China,” after which he intended not only to search for Prester John in Ethiopia, but to “ cast his eyes upon many other places.” He set out for Surat, though ill before starting, with a presentiment of his death being near at hand ; in fact he feared that he would die on the road. He, however, arrived there safely, and Terry says, “but being over kindly used by some of the English who gave him sack , which they had brought from England, he calling for it as soon as he heard of it, and crying, 1 sack, sack, is there any such thing as sack ? I pray you give me some sack,1 (a Span- ish wine properly called Vin de Xeque, according to Mandelses) and drinking of it, though I con- ceive moderately (for he was a very temperate man) it increased his flux (dysentery) which he had upon him, and this caused him, within a few days after his very tedious and troublesome travels, (for he went most on foot) at this place to come tohisjournies’ end : for here he overtook Death in the month of December 1617, and was buried (as aforesaid) under a little monument, like one of those as are usually made in our Church- yards.” Coryat made full notes on this journey, but they were all lost. The ‘ Crudities’ has become a very scarce book, and fetches a high price at book-sales, though of lit- tle or no value for its descriptions of buildings and cities— the bulk of the book ; it, however, contains many curious illustrations of the state of society at that time, and here and there odd scraps of in- formation are to be found on un- looked for subjects. Fryer, in his account of India, says “ not far from whence (Surat) on a small hill on the left hand of the road, lies Tom Coriat, our English Fakier (as they name him), together with an Armenian Christian, known by their graves lying east and west ; he was so confident of his perfection in the Indostan tongue that he ventured COT 95 to play the orator in it before the Great Mogul. In his return from him he was killed with kindness by the English merchants, which laid his rambling brains at rest.” Coryat’s name incidentally oc- curs in Boswell’s Johnson. COTTON, George Edward Lynch, D.D., Bishop of Calcutta, was the son of Captain Cotton of the 7th Fusiliers, who was killed at the head of his brigade, in the battle of Nivelle in November ]813. Cotton was born only a fortnight before — in October 1813 at Chelsea. He was thus in early childhood thrown much upon him- self. At twelve he was sent to Westminster School, where he be- came a Foundationer, three years after. The horrid system of fag- ging was still in force there, and Cotton’s gentle and retiring man- ner made him a peculiarly tempt- ing subject for butt and ill-usage. He had, however, a vein of quaint humour, which often saved him, and he also succeeded in relieving others from cruelties by the out- flow of his good natured banter, a quality he took care to cultivate. One of his school companions, recalling these early days, says : ‘ His quaint and grotesque humour was more demonstrative at that time than in after-years ; and it soon formed on him, I think, as a sort of shell, by which he pro- tected himself from intrusion, and vindicated some independency for himself, amongst companions who were stronger and more resolute than himself, but whom he did not care to follow, and wished to keep at a certain distance.’ He was, however, very kind to the wretched juniors — was in fact their ‘good angel.’ In 1832, Cot- ton went up to Trinity College, Cambridge, where his course of study was quiet and successful, and during his residence there was a teacher in the ‘ Jesus Lane Sun- day School.’ On leaving the university he became one of Dr. Arnold’s Assist- ants at Rugby, where he got much insight into the character of the boys during fifteen years’ resi- dence. From thence he went to Marlborough College as head- master, and completely and suc- cessfully re-organized that insti- tution. Here he spent six years, remaining till 1858, when he was raised to the bishopric of Calcutta, where he arrived on the 13th No- vember. “In 1866, when fresh out of a fever, at Kooshteah, he had gone to a consecration service, and was returning to the vessel in the river just as night was setting in. Owing to currents, churs (sandbanks), and the precipitous nature of the banks, it was impossible to bring any vessel up close. The Rhotas was lying in the full stream \ an intervening flat was at anchor between it and the shore, and this flat the bishop prepared to reach. . . Somewhere on the perilous cause- way of planks bridging the waters his foot slipped, he fell and was never more seen. The increasing darkness, an unsteady platform, his near sight, the weariness of a frame enfeebled for a time by fever, had all doubtless a share, humanly speaking, in the great calamity.” A memoir and his correspond- ence appeared in 1871, edited by Mrs. Cotton. Ere the Ganges with its treach- erous current swept the good Bishop Cotton from human view and aid, he had established, be- sides ofher useful works, various CUB 96 Schools in Bengal for educating the middle classes. To extend this boon to Southern India, the Schools in Bangalore which bear his name, were founded in the year which preceded his death, by those interested in education, in accord- ance with Bishop Cotton’s scheme, and with the approval of the Su- preme Government. The design of the Boy’s School and College is to impart a sound English and general education, on Church of England principles, to the children of European and Eurasian parents. The education is specially adapted to the circumstances and wants of each pupil. CUBBON, Sir Mark. “ Sir Mark Cubbon came to this country only one year after the defeat and death of Tippoo and the capture of Se- ringapatam, and when the first Napoleon had only just been ap- pointed First Consul. During the sixty-years which have since passed away, Sir Mark Cubbon has filled many high appointments, but to the present generation he is chiefly known as having for nearly thirty years ruled over Mysore with a power almost approaching to a despotism. How the country has flourished under his administra- tion is known throughout India. During the previous period it had been gradually sinking into debt and anarchy ; whereas it now ex- hibits a prosperity which can scarcely be seen elsewhere, whilst its finances show a yearly surplus which would gladden the heart of any Chancellor in the world. Strange to say that during the whole sixty years which had elapsed since Sir Mark Cubbon first landed at Madras, he had never once visited Europe ; and there- fore it is not surprising that even in his old age he should have turned a wistful eye towards Eng- land. Unfortunatelythe wish was not destined to be gratified. The change was not the one best adapted for lengthening his days ; and he expired at Suez in his seventy-seventh year, 23rd April 1861. Upon his many public and private virtues it is needless to dilate. H is liberality bordered on profusion without being unjust ; and many will regret that his bones did not find their last resting place in this country rather than amongst strangers in a foreign land. From private sources, how- ever, we learn that Dr. Campbell, who accompanied the deceased soldier and statesman, had resolved on carrying his remains to Eng- land, where we trust that they will find a tomb fitted for one Avho will ever be remembered in the annals of Mysore.” Sir M ark Cubbon belonged to an Isle of Man family, and was never married. He appears how- ever to have regarded all young officers who were stationed at Bangalore as members of his own family ; and there were few who had not received from him at one time or other the present of a horse or a gun. One anecdote may be related as an instance of the large hearted generosity of the noble race of Indian statesmen which have passed away. A young officer had got into some sort of scrape about a matter of four hundred rupees. Sir Mark Cub- bon quietly pressed the money upon him, and said, — ‘ There, I shall not ask you to return the money to me ; but when you are an old man, be sure you help a young fellow in the same way.’ An equestrain statue has been erected to his memory at cun 97 Bangalore, in the Mysore district. It was originally placed on the parade ground and was subse- quently removed to opposite the New Public Buildings. When the statue was first unveiled in public, the forehead was seen daubed with the three Brahminical marks— the handy work of some young En- signs. It was a most ridiculous sight, and formed the subject of that amusing piece, named “ The Painting of the Statue” in the 2nd Series of “ The lays of Ind” by Alif Cheem. CUNNINGHAME, Captain Joseph Davey, of the Bengal Engineers, a distinguished anti- quary, statist, and geographer, was the son of Allan Cunning- haine, an eminent poet, novelist and miscellaneous writer. He accompanied Sir Claudius Wade, in forcing the Khyber Pass in 1839, was subsequently sent on a mission to Chinese Tartary, and rewarded by the Political Resi- dency of Bhopal, on a salary of Rupees 1,500 (,£150) a month. He contributed articles to various journals, the chief of which are as follows : “ Description of Kuna- war in the Bengal As. Trans., vol. xiii, part i, 1844” — “ On the ruins of Purtharee, Ibid., 1848, vol. xvii, part i, 305” — “ On the lingam of Bhojpur, Ibid., 154” — “Notes on the antiquities within the districts of the Bhopal Agency, &c., Ibid., 1847, 739” — “ History of the Sikhs, London, 1829 ; Calcutta Review, No. xxii” — “ On the ruins of the Buddhist city of Sumkassa, Lon- don As. Trans., vol. vii, 241 ; As. Trans., vol. vii.” Cunninghame’s history of the Sikhs appeared in London in 1849, and is a book of standard authority. “ Unfortunately, in the last chapter of this work when treating upon our Sutlej campaign” writes the Friend of India of the time, “ he avail- ed himself of the public docu- ments, which had been officially entrusted to him, and lifted up the veil of secrecy, which had pre- viously covered these transactions, and gave us a glimpse of the truth. His disclosures are said to have given umbrage to those whose reputation is associated with this campaign, and the Court of Directors were prevailed upon to direct him to be removed from his political office, and remand- ed to his corps ; that is to re- duce his allowances by the sum of Rupees 1,000 a month. So signal an example of the displea- sure of the Directors has given a permanent importance and a high official authenticity to the statements in this work regard- ing the campaign of the Sutlej, which might otherwise have escaped notice. They now belong to the accredited facts of this in- teresting period, and will be incorporated with every future history of India. It was an act of singular indiscretion in those who considered themselves injured by Captain Cunninghame’s observa- tions, to give them a character of such value by publicly announc- ing to the world that they had been drawn from official sources, and were therefore entitled to the highest credit.” Sir Henry Law- rence, however, in a letter to Mr. J. W. Kaye, says, “ Let me in op- position to Cunninghame, Smyth, and the whole Indian Press, dis- tinctly state that Ferozeshuhur, Sobraon, and the road to Lahore, were not bought ; that at least there was no treachery that I ever heard of ; that though I was with 13 98 DAL the army as Political Agent twenty days before the battle of Sobraon, 1 had no communication whatever with Tej Singh until we reached Lahore j and that Lai Singh had an Agent with me, he (Lai Singh) sent me no message, and did nothing that could dis- tinguish him from any other leader of the enemy.” Lord Hardin ge also in a personal interview with Mr. Kaye emphatically and indig- nantly denied the assertion. D DALHOUS1E, James Andrew Broun Ramsay, tenth Earl and first Marquis of, was born on the 22nd April 1812, elected M. P., for East Lothian in 1837, and on the death of his father in the fol- lowing year, took his place in the House of Lords. In 1843, he was appointed Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and President in February 1845. He was next appointed Governor-General of India, arriving at Calcutta and taking his oaths and seat in Coun- cil on the 19tli of January 1848, when only in his thirty-sixth year. He had scarcely been four months in his high post when the war-note again sounded across the Sutlej. Moolraj succeeded to the gover- norship of Mooltan, on the assas- sination of his father, Sawan Mull in 1844. He was compelled to pay a large sum as nuzeer, or suc- cession fine, to the minister at Lahore, amounting to 18 lacs (,£180,000) and soon after offered to resign his government. His resignation was accepted by the British Resident, Sir Frederick Currie ; Khan Sing was appointed in his stead, and Mr. Vans Agnew, a Bengal Civilian, and Lieutenant Anderson of the Bombay army were deputed to accompany the new Governor to Mooltan, as envoys of the British Govern- ment. They arrived before the fortress on the 18th of April 1848. On the 19th they had a conference with Moolraj, and on the 20th the officers entered the fort, to take possession. Moolraj requested them to dismiss a portion of their guard, which they did without making a similar request of him. As they were leaving the fort, Moolraj’s followers fell upon them, wounding them severely with spear thrusts and sword cuts. The wounded officers were then conveyed by their attendants to their own camp. The insurgents next opened a deadly fire on the camp, and their Sikh escorts, con- sisting of Goorkha soldiers, left them in a body and went over to the enemy. The officers were then hacked to pieces, and their bodies frightfully desecrated. In the Edagah, or House of Prayer, a marble slab is inserted in the west wall, bearing the following inscription : “ Within this Dome, on the 19th of April 1848, were cruelly murdered, Patrick Vans Agnew, Esq., Bengal Civil Service, and Lieutenant William Anderson, 1st Bombay Fusiliers, Assistant to the Resident at Lahore.” DAL 99 When the news reached Calcutta, Lord Gough, the Commander-in- Chief, instead of acting promptly- postponed Military operations till the cold season, and Dalhousie agreed with him. But in the meanwhile Lieutenant, afterwards Sir Herbert Edwardes, an officer employed in the Revenue Settle- ment of Bunnoo, across the Indus, with great energy collected a force and took the initiative in crush- ing the revolt. In co-operation with Colonel Cortlandt and the Nabob of Bhawulpore, who was a faithful ally of the English, Edwardes engaged Moolraj, and defeated him on the 18th of June (1848) at Kineyree on the Chee- nab, after a hard fought battle of nine hours. The victory won, Edwardes strengthened his forces and Moolraj alarmed at his in- creasing power, moved his whole force against his opponents and gave them battle at Sudoosain on the 1st July where he was again defeated and fled to Mooltan. Edwardes’ prompt and decisive action checked the spread of the rebellion and paved the way for others to crush entirely the power of Moolraj. The British Resident at Lahore, determined to back up the successes of Edwardes, on his own responsibility, sent General Wliish to assume the command with re-enforcements in August. Shere Singh also, one of the most influential of the Punjaub chiefs went forth to co-operate with the English forces, but before Mooltan, he went over to Moolraj with his force and the spirit of revolt began to show itself more openly. Chutter Singh, the father of Shere Singh, governing the Ha- zara district, joined the standard of insurrection. The whole Pun- jaub was in a blaze , the paltry outbreak at Mooltan now took the shape of a tremendous war. Dost Mahommed also formed an alliance with the enemy. At length in October, Dalhousie moved to the scene of operations. At a farewell entertainment given him at Barrackpore, he said, “ un- warned by precedent, uninflu- enced by example, the Sikh na- tion has called for war, and on my word, sirs, they shall have it with a vengeance.” A large army was concentrated at Ferozepore under Lord Gough, and was immedi- ately sent forward to oppose Shere Singh, who had taken up a posi- tion at Ramnuggur on the Chee- nab. The campaign was opened on the morning of the 22nd Nov- ember and this attack proved unsuccessful. The English had to retire under a most frightful shower of shot and shell from the Sikhs. One gun and two waggons were left behind. A large body of the enemy rushed to gain the abandoned gun, when Colonel William Havelock,* one of the most gallant officers of the Queen’s service, and who had distinguished himself in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, injudiciously charged, at the head of the 14th Dragoons. The enemy were soon cleared from the bank, but the charge was car- ried too far into the sandy bed of the river which was swept by eight guns from the opposite bank. The horses sinking deeper and deeper, became exhausted, and they had to retire with severe loss. Colonel William Havelock and Colonel Cureton were killed in the action. The next action took place at Sadoolapore on the 3rd Decem- ber, when the Sikhs retired. The British forces on this occasion Elder brother of Sir Henry. 100 DAL were commanded by Sir Joseph Thackwell. From this date to the middle of January 1849, the Bri- tish forces were in a state of inactivity. Lord Dalhousie in- terfered with the action of the Commander-in-Chief up to the 22nd December, but after that date the responsibility of the de- lay rests upon the military autho- rities. On the 11th January an advance was made, and on the 13th the sanguinary and indeci- sive battle of Chillianwalla was fought. Lord Gough had no in- tention of attacking that day, as his troops were fatigued by march- ing, and the position of the enemy had not been reconnoitred. He wished to defer the engagement till the morrow, but a small party of Sikhs advanced and fired a few shots. It was three o’clock in the afternoon and only two hours of daylight remained, when the impetuous Gough immediately ordered the attack. Some of the divisions were successful, others suffered tremendous loss, and the defeat of the Lancers, the Dra- goons and native cavalry with the exception of the cavalry under the command of Sir J osepli Thack- well, was most humiliating. Chil- lianwalla was a drawn battle, closed by darkness, and from which the Sikhs retired that night. The loss of the English was four guns, the colours of three regi- ments, 2,357 men and 89 officers killed and wounded — all within three short hours. The Sikhs fought like demons — but suffer- ed enormous loss in killed and wounded, and lost twelve guns. A profound gloom was cast over both England and India after this indecisive action, but it was not long before it was dispelled. General Whish reinforced from Bombay, after a severe cannonad- ing of about a fortnight, captured Mooltan, and Moolraj surrendered, on the 22nd January. Moolraj was sentenced to death for the murder of the British officers, but the punishment was afterwards commuted to imprisonment for life. General Whish with his forces then joined the Comman- der-in-Chief, who had been su- perseded in the command by Sir Charles Napier, on account of his ill-success at Chillianwalla, but ere his successor arrived the great battle of Guzerat had been fought. (22nd February 1849.) It was justly described ak “ the battle of the guns,” for it was gained almost entirely by our artillery. The Sikh army became a complete wreck, with the loss of its camp, its standards and fifty-three pieces of cannon, and the relic of it, now reduced to 16,000 were hotly pursued across the Indus. The Sikh chiefs surrendered on the 12th March and “ the Khalsa soldiers advanced one by one, and after clasping their arms for the last time, cast them on the grow- ing pile, with a heavy sigh.” On the 29tli M arch the Punjab was annexed to British territory. ( Vide Gough). The Court of Directors fully approved of Lord Dalhousie’s measures. Runjeet Singh’s em- pire was no more, and the great Kohinoor diamond was taken to grace the Crown of England. In the same year Lord Dalhousie annexed Sattara, in the Bombay Presidency, as the Raja had no heirs to succeed — allowing at the same time a liberal pension to the Sattara family. Ere Lord Dalhousie had settled the necessary arrangements for the Government of the Punjaub, a second war with Burmah began to DAL 101 loom in the future. The Gover- nor of Rangoon had unjustly op- pressed two English commanders, and had shown himself by numer- ous other acts hostile to the in- terests of the English. Lord Dalhousie sent Commodore Lam- bert to seek redress. The Go- vernor of Rangoon treated him •with marked contempt, when he addressed, with the authority he had, a letter to the Court of Ava. The offending Governor was recalled and another placed in his stead, who, however, behaved in a more insolent manner than his predecessor. Commodore Lam- bert accordingly declared Ran- goon and the adjacent Burmese ports in a state of blockade, and seized a ship belonging to the Bur- mese monarch, lyingintheRangoon river. When the blockade com- menced, the Burmese opened fire upon the Commodore, but were silenced speedily. Lord Dalhousie was at this time in the North-west provinces and seeing the Govern- ment drifting into a war, hastened down to Calcutta by a most un- comfortable means of conveyance, attended by only one servant, to avert hostilities if possible. _ It was not until the third application for redress was refused by the Burmese authorities, that Lord Dalhousie declared war. The way in which he organized the cam- paign especially as the Command- er-in-Chief was in Sind, showed great military genius, for the task was a most difficult one, and it was solely through his exertions that the troops, to a great extent, were spared the dreadful privations which befel those engaged in the first Burmese war. ( Fide Amherst). As the fleet entered the Rangoon river, a flag of truce was sent up by the “ Frosperine ” steamer, to receive the Burman Monarch’s re- ply to the last letter of the Gover- nor-General, but all hopes of an amicable settlement were crush- ed by the third stockade opening fire upon her. Martaban was immediately cap- tured, and Rangoon, after a severe struggle, was carried by assault on the 14th of April 1852. The state of the town immediately after its capture is scarcely paralleled in history — the inhabitants who had deserted on the arrival of the fleet, now rushed in occupying their houses and shops, — provi- sions poured in— the river became crowded with boats and shipping — trade revived— the people were overjoyed at being relieved from the vengeance of their oppressors. Bassein was captured on the 17th May — and Pegu in June. Lord Dalhousie himself went to Ran- goon in September to aid General Godwin in counsel. Prome was captured on the 9th October, and on the 20th December Lord Dalhousie issued a proclamation annexing the province of Pegu to the British Territories. Thus end- ed the second Burmese War. The country has since been under Bri- tish administration, in a most prosperous state, yielding yearly a large surplus revenue, filled with a loyal people grateful for the blessings of British rule. On the 11th December 1853, the Rajah of Nagpore died, leaving no issue and without having adopted a son. So Lord Dalhousie annex- ed the territory of Berar, and the Ranees and dependents of the ruling house were pensioned off. In the same year, the Nabob of the Carnatic, Mahomed Ghouse, died childless, and his uncle, Azim Jah, claimed the right to succeed him. Lord Harris, the Governor 102 DAL of Madras recorded a Minute on the subject, objecting to the per- petuation of the nabobship, for very good reasons. He suggested that Azim Jah’s debts, amounting to fifty lacs, (,£500,000) should be settled by Government, that a liberal allowance should be made to him, that he should be allowed the privilege of keeping a small guard of horse, but that lie should be stripped of all the royal privi- leges hitherto conceded to the family of Arcot. Lord Dalliousie was at this time at Madras on his way to Rangoon, and gave his en- tire concurrence to the opinion of the Governor and Council. The Court of Directors approved of this measure, and the Nabobship of the Carnatic became extinct. From this time to 1867, Azim Jah incessantly demanded justice at the hands of Parliament, before whom his case was laid six times within eight years. He became so importunate, that in January 1867, Sir Stafford Northcote di- rected Lord Napier, Governor of Madras, to propose an arrangement with His Highness, on the under- standing that he should abandon his claim as heir and successor of the late ISlabob. His Lordship persuaded him to receive in lieu of his claim to the musnud, the hereditary title of Prince of Arcot, a stipend of Rupees 25,000 per mensem (of which half will at his death be settled in perpetuity on his lineal male descendants in shares, according to their age and position), and a bonus of Rupees 1,500,000, to enable him to clear himself from his pecuniary embar- rassments. On the 12th April 1871, His Highness received in Durbar, from the hands of Lord Napier, at Madras, Her Majesty’s Letters patent, conferring upon him and his heirs the title of Prince of Arcot. In November 1854, the Rajah of Jhansi, in Bundlecund died, leaving an adopted son, but Lord Dalliousie objected to any suc- cession by adoption and annexed the territory. The Ranee conse- quently acquired an intense hatred of the English, and played a most prominent part in the sepoy mu- tiny of 1857. The same year (1854) saw a fresh treaty concluded with the Nizam, in whose country the contingent force of the British troops was irregularly paid, in violation of the treaty of 1801. About this time also Dliundu Punt (Nana Sahib) the adopted son of Bajee Row, who had died in 1853, claimed the princely pen- sion of his foster father, amounting to eight lacs of Rupees (£80,000) a year. This was not admitted, as the pension held by the ex- Peishwa was only granted for Life, and not to descend to heirs. For this disappointment the Nana re- venged himself by committing fearful atrocities during the sepoy mutiny of 1857. ( Vide Nana Sahib, Malcolm.) In 1855, the Sunthals, a half- savage tribe in the Rajmahal Hills of Bengal, numbering many thou- sands, broke into open rebellion, committing dreadful depredations and massacres. They were sub- dued after seven months of mili- tary operations, and the ringleaders were executed in February 1856. Early in 1856, the Rajah of My- sore, Krishna Raj Wadeyar, peti- tioned Lord Dalliousie to allow the government of the country to be restored to him. Lord Dalliousie in refusing the request followed the example of his four predeces- sors. ( Vide Krishna Raj.) The last important measure of DAL 103 Lord Dalhousie was the annex- ation of Oudh. This territory had been for years the scene of mal- administration, oppression and anarchy, unparalleled in any other Native State in India. The Nabob Yizier, or King, had been repeatedly warned by several Governors-General, through the British Resident at his Court that unless a decided change took place, it would be incumbent upon the British Government to deprive him of his sovereignty — but to no effect. Lord Dalhousie at length deputed a commission to enquire into and report upon the state of the coirntry. The report was a black record of crimes, misery, tyranny, licentiousness and cor- ruption. So in 1856, Lord Dal- housie decided with the concur- rence of the Court of Directors to transfer the ownership of Oudh to the East India Company. The Nabob was invited to conclude a friendly treaty, and place himself as the Mysore Rajah had done, a dependent upon the British boun- ty. This was rejected. Troops •were moved up to the frontier, and a proclamation was issued declar- ing Oudh a part of the British Empire in India. The Nabob still refusing to sign the treaty, in- dulged in an undignified burst of tears and placed his turban in the lap of the Resident. An allowance of 15 lacs of Rupees (=£150,000) a year was allowed him, and Oudh has since been under British ad- ministration. (Vide Sleeman.) The administration of Lord Dal- housie extending over a period of eight years was marked by the great progress and welfare of India. His keen eye peered into every branch of the service to its minutest details. Public works, railways, canals, telegraph lines were rapidly pushed on. Educa- tion was encouraged. The revenue of India was considerably advanc- ed. Cheap postage was introduc- ed, and Lord Dalhousie prided himself that “ the Scotch recruit at Peshawar might write to his mother at John O’Groat’s house for sixpence.” He left Calcutta on the 6th of March 1856, for England, amidst the regret of the whole people of India. His con- stitution was thoroughly broken down by anxieties and incessant toil in the service of his country, and after a lingering illness of four years, he died on the 1 9th of December 1860. Lord Dalhousie had scarcely quitted India a twelvemonth, when she had to pass through the dreadful crisis of 1857. When news of the sepoy revolt reached England, the whole nation was aroused and was in- dignant at the atrocities of the sepoys and the chance of losing India. Ignorance and prejudice traced the causes of the mutiny to Lord Dalhousie’s “ annexation policy.” This was the echo through- out the land. All his services were forgotten and he was made a na- tional victim. The imputation was unjust, which investigation and the lapse of time have proved. British troops were withdrawn from India for the Crimean and Persian wars, much against the advice of Lord Dalhousie, and there were only left twenty-one battalions of infantry at all the Presidencies and only two regi- ments between Calcutta and Agra, a distance of 800 miles, contain- ing a population of fifty millions, when the mutiny broke out. In a Minute on the subject, he stated that “ the withdrawal of Euro- pean troops from India to Europe would weaken the essential ele- 104 DAL ment of our strength ; if European troops were further withdrawn for service in the Persian Gulf, he could no longer feel, or express the same confidence as before, that the security and stability of our position would remain un- assailed.” His annexation policy was forced upon him. He had no other course to adopt without disregarding the interests of his country and the safety of India. In the case of the Punjaub and Bur- mah, war had twice occurred, and constant danger, expense and an- noyance might have been expect- ed, if Lord Dalhousie had adopt- ed any other policy than that of annexation. In the case of Sat- tara, Jhansi and Nagpore, failure of legitimate heirs justified his proceedings, and the annexation of Oudh as explained before was adopted for the benefit of its people. Had his “ annexation policy” sown the seeds of the Mu- tiny, it would have been a federal war, waged by annexed native states to expel the English from India, but Sattara, Sindiah and Nagpore were tranquil. The peo- ple of Burmah were so content with British rule, that European troops stationed there, were with- drawn with perfect safety and confidence to assist in quelling the rebellion — and soldiers of the once famous Khalsa army whose power we had crushed at Guzerat — children of the soil of “ annex- ed” Punjaub, fought side by side with British soldiers to restore our authority. No greater autho- rity can we have for the real cause of the Mutiny, than Lord John Lawrence who said, “ The mutiny had its origin in the army itself ; it is not attributable to any ex- ternal or antecedent conspiracy whatever, although it was taken advantage of by disaffected per- sons to compass their own ends ; the approximate cause was the cartridge affair, and nothing else.” DALRYMPLE, Alexander, the hydrographer, was the seventh son of a family of sixteen, all of whom he survived. He was born on the 24th July 1737, at New Hailes, near Edinburgh, the seat of his father, Sir James Dalrymple, Bart. Owing partly to the troubles of the times, and partly to the early death of his father, his education was very limited, and in 1753, Dalrymple went to Madras as a writer in the East India Com- pany’s Service. Here, his deficient education was a bar to his ad- vancement, and he was first placed under the store-keeper, where, not only was there nothing to be learned, but the post kept him entirely in the background and secluded from the notice of his superiors. One of his letters of recommendation, however, secur- ed for him the liberal patronage of Lord Pigot, who succeeded to the Government of Madras in 1775. Lord Pigot took young Dal- rymple in hand and taught him to write ; Robert Orme, the histo- rian, taught him accounts, and gave him access to his library. He was next placed in the Secretary’s Office, and while qualifying him- self for the post of Secretary, he discovered that the commerce of the Eastern Archipelago was an object of great consideration with the Company, and this became his fixed study ; he proposed to Lord Pigot the undertaking of a voyage to extend thht commerce. Per- mission was granted, and in the course of the voyage, he concluded a commercial treaty with the Sultan of Sooloo, but no beneficial effects DAM-DAY 105 resulted from the enterprise. How- ever, this pursuit first turned his attention to nautical studies. In 1763, he returned to England, and when it was determined to send an expedition to the South Sea, to observe the Transit of Venus, Dalrymple would have been em- ployed to conduct it, had he not insisted on having the chief com- mand of the vessel engaged. As none but a naval officer, according to the rides of the Admiralty, could be appointed to such a command, the affair terminated in the ap- pointment of Cook. In 1769, Dalrymple was present- ed by the Court of Directors with £5,000 as an equivalent for the emoluments he had relinquished as Secretary at Madras. On the appointment of Lord Fi- got to the Government of Madras, Dalrymple was appointed a mem- ber of Council, in 1775, and nomi- nated one of the Committee of Circuit, and consequently repaired thither, where he remained till 1777, when he was ordered home, with Messrs. Stone and Latham, to have their conduct inquired into. Nothing appeared against it, and in April 1779, Dalrymple was appointed Hydrographer to the East India Company, and in 1795, when the Admiralty estab- lished the like office, it was given to Dalrymple. This appointment he held till May 1808, when the Admiralty having called for his resignation on the ground of su- perannuation, he refused to resign and was dismissed. He died on the 19th of June following, the immediate causeof his death being, in the opinion of his physicians, vexation at his dismissal. His works amount to 59 in number. Many were never printed, and others only in a limited number for private circulation, being of a personal and transitory character. His most important publications are — “ Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean” — “ A collection of South Sea Voyages, 2 vols” — “ A relation of Expeditions from Fort ‘ Marlborough' to the Islands of the West Coast of Sumatra”—" A collection of Voyages in the South Atlantic Ocean” — “A Memoir of a map of the land round the North Pole” — “ Journal of the Expedi- tion to the North of California, 2 vols” — various charts and many Historical and Political Papers on the affairs of the East India Com- pany. A paper of his relative to the imprisonment of Lord Pigot at Madras, was printed by the East India Company, 1777, but not for sale.. DAMAJEE GAIKWAR, vide Gaikwar Family. DAUD KHAN, vide Carnatic Nabobs. DAY, Francis, the founder of Madras, was a servant of the East India Company, sent out to make a trading settlement in Southern India. Masulipatam and Arma- ghaum, were the first places — oppressions from the native go- vernor at Masulipatam compelled a removal to the latter place which being found unsuitable for trade, Day was appointed by the Court of Directors at home to find a spot more favourable. Day proceeded to the Portuguese set- tlement of St. Thome, where he met with unexpected success. Though the surf was heavy and dangerous, he found the place well situated for obtaining coast goods. He received every en- couragement from both the 14 % 106 DEA Natives and the Portuguese and I through the influence of the Naick i of the district, obtained a grant of land from the Rajah of Chandra- gherry, with permission to build a fort. The extent of land grant- ed was five miles along the coast and one mile inland. Thus was formed the first settlement in : Madras, 1639. Day also founded a Factory at Pipley in 1635, and at Balasore in Orissa, 1642. DEALTRY, Thomas, D.D., third Bishop of Madras, was born near Pontefract in Yorkshire, in the year 1795. He was educated at St. Catherine’s Hall, Cambridge, and afterwards he held the Curacy of St. Peter’s Church in that town. His earnestness and abil- ity as a preacher soon attracted the notice of the Rev. C. Simeon, who induced him to accept a Chaplaincy in the Hon’ble East India Company’s service. He came to India early in the year 1829, and was at once appointed to the charge of the old, or Mission Church in Calcutta. He held this appointment during the whole of his service as Chap- lain, rarely being absent even for a day. The influence which he gained as a pastor has never been sur- passed, even if equalled, in this country. Many of the most in- fluential inhabitants of Calcutta were members of his congrega- tion. The average number of his communicants was from three to four hundred. His zeal and success did not escape the observation of Bishop Wilson, who conferred on him the Archdeaconry of Calcutta in 1835, rendered vacant by the pro- motion of Archdeacon Corrie to the See of Madras. As Archdea- con. he won the lasting friendship of Bishop Wilson, with whom he became closely associated, as well as the regard and esteem of the clergy of the Diocese. He did much for the promotion of the cause of Missions for many years, filling the office of Honorary Sec- retary to the Church Missionary Society. In the year 1848, he re- signed the ministerial charge he had so long held, and returned to England amid the regrets of the congregation of the Old Church. On hisarrivalinEnglandhewasap- pointed incumbent of St. John’s, Bedford Row, which had become vacant by the secession of the Hon’ble and Rev. Baptist W. Noel. He only held this charge for about a year, for in 1849, he was offered the Bishopric of Madras, and immediately return- ed to India. In his higher office he set an example to the clergy of unsparing labour in the cause nearest his heart. His liberal and genial disposition won for him widespread esteem and affection. In the year 1856, at the urgent request of his now aged and infirm friend Bishop Wilson, he undertook the visitation of the vast Diocese of Calcutta. Dur- ing the latter half of that year and the former portion of 1857, he was journeying from station to station in Bengal and the Up- per Provinces. Scarcely had he completed his tour and returned to his own Presidency, when the mutiny broke out, desolating so many places which he had lately visited, and turning scenes of peace to scenes of bloodshed and horror. Several of the Churches he had consecrated were destroy- ed, and many an old friend with whom he had recently renewed his intimacy, perished. These DE B sad events came home to his heart with peculiar force, and though he was never laid aside from duty, yet the effects of his grief were evident to those who knew him best. In theyear 1861, while on visit- ation in the North-Eastern part of his Diocese, he injured his foot, and soon after his return to his house in Madras, the injury as- sumed a fatal character. He peacefully breathed his last on the 6th of March 1861. DE BOIGNE, Count, was born at Chamberi, in Savoy, on the 8th of March 1751, and entered the French army when only seventeen years of age. After five years in the French service, during a year and a half of which De Boigne served at the Mauritius, with the Regiment of Lord Clare, he quit- ted it, and proceeded to Turin, where he obtained letters of in- troduction to the Russian Ad- miral, Orloff, who commanded the sea and land forces of Russia in the Grecian Archipelago. At Paros he was appointed a Captain in a Greek regiment in the ser- vice of the Empress Catherine, forming part of a division of the Russian army destined for the siege of Tenedos. He was taken prisoner in a sortie and sent to iScio where he was kept seven months, till peace was concluded. He then left the Russian service and embarked for Smyrna, where he met with some Englishmen from India, whose account of the country inspired him with the resolution of trying his fortune there. He went to Constanti- nople and thence to Alleppo, where he joined a caravan for Bussorah, but was obliged to re- turn on account of the unsettled 107 state of the country on the line of march — not discouraged, he proceeded to Alexandria and on his voyage from thence to Rosetta, was wrecked and thrown a friend- less stranger, on the mercy of some Arabs, who afforded him all the aid he required and en- abled him to reach Cairo. Through the assistance of Mr. Baldwin, the British Consul at Cairo, he push- ed on to Suez, embarked there and reached Madras in the early part of 1778. Here he obtained a commission in the E. I. Com- pany’s service, as Ensign, 6th Madras Native Infantry. This Regiment formed part of the de- tachment of Colonel Baillie which was almost annihilated on the fatal field of Perumbaucum, Sep- tember 17S0, De Boigne escap- ed, if not death, a lingering confinement in the dungeons of Seringapatam, by having been detached with two Companies to escort a convoy of grain to the army. Fancying himself neglected by the Company, he determined upon returning to Europe overland, by crossing India and Persia to the Caspian Sea. He went to Cal- cutta in 1783 with letters of re- commendation from Loi'd Ma- cartney, Governor of Madras, to Warren Hastings, who to facili- tate the adventurer’s bold scheme, gave him letters to the English authorities in Northern India and to several native princes in alli- ance with the Company, and to the Great Mogul. He next pro- ceeded to Lucknow, where Asopli- ul-Dowlah gave him letters of credit on Cabul and Candahar to the amount of 12,000 Rs. (£1,200). He arrived at Delhi, August 1783. On his journeyings he heard of the distracted state of Central India, 108 DE B and the idea suddenly occurred to him of abandoning his intention of returning to Europe and offer- ing his sevices to one of the native princes. After several disappoint- ments through the treachery and imprudence of several of them, his services were at length secured by Sindia, at Bs. 1,000 (£100) a month, and from that time till 1796, he was a firm and able Ge- neral of this prince. He raised and disciplined large bodies of troops for him, and though offered heavy bribes to desert his cause, refused. In June 1788, De Boigne, by the capture of Delhi, re-instat- ed Sindia. as the paramount ruler of India. Strange to say, how- ever, after De Boigne's first three years’ service with Sindia. he left him, in consequence of the lat- ter’s prejudice in favour of cavalry and natural prejudices amongst his officers against Europeans. De Boigne then went to Lucknow where he met General Claude Martin, who persuaded him to turn his attention to commercial pursuits. He followed the advice and with the sum he had already saved, speculated in indigo and other products with great success. Though commerce soon began to extinguish De Boigne’s military zeal, this event was a happy turn for him. Sindia, surrounded with enemies, Moguls, Afghans, Raj- poots and otherMahrattah powers, soon discovered that he could not do without the sendees of one who had pulled him through such a sea of difficulties previously, and he pressed De Boigne to re- enter his service, granted all his terms, and left to him the entire organization and management of the troops. His pay was fixed at Rs. 4,000 (£400) a month and he met Sindia at Muttra, who reciev- ed him most cordially. Difficul- ties soon thickened round Sindia. The field of Patun, 21st June 1790, sealed the victory for Sindia, and it was accomplished solely by De Boigne’s brigade.* Next came the dreadful field of Mairta, 10th September of the same year, of which, the “ Calcutta Chronicle ” wrote at the time “ De Boigne’s battalions have certainly all the merit of this victory ; De Boigne has shown such ability and cour- age, that the corps seem to act as if they thought themselves invul- nerable.” Sindia seeing all his ambitious views and projects of aggrandize- ment more than realized, lavished honours and rewards upon De Boigne. He was invested vith pompous titles, and a large share of the contributions levied upon the poor Rajpoots was assigned to him. His reuown spread through- out India, and he even became an object of considerable notice in Europe. Sindia increased his pay to Rs. 6,000 (£600) a month, gave him the personal control of a tract of country between Muttra and Delhi, and East of the Jumna, con- sisting of 52 Pergunuahs. produc- ing an annual revenue of twenty- two lacs of rupees (£220,000), and in addition to his salary, De Boigne enjoyed the profits arising from bazaars and other allow- ed sources, which doubled that amount. Clothed with this almost unlimited power, he made Coel, in the Dooab, his head-quarters, and at Sindia’s request raised two additional brigades of infantry, and also organized the Grand Army, which, with Shah Alum's sanction, * Vide Tod's Annals of Rajast'han, 1st F.d., Vol. 1, p. 761 : 2nd hd., Yol. I, p. 650. DE B 109 was dignified with the title of “ Imperial.” In 1792, events in the Deccan drew Sindia away from his Nor- thern acquisitions, and Holkar took advantage of this opportu- nity to raise hostilities by march- ing towards Rajpootana, but De Boigne,by forcedmarches checked him at Lukhari, of which action, Capt. Grant Duff in his History of the Mahrattahs, says, “ the attack was planned by De Boigne, and the conflict was the most obstinate ever witnessed by that officer.” In the same year he also suppressed the unloyalty of the Rajah of Jey- pore. In 1793, the army De Boigne had raised, consisted of three en- tire brigades of regular infantry, to each of which were attached, 1,000 Rohilas — the total amount was 30,000 men, and he also estab- lished manufactories of arms and founderies for cannon. An Eng- lish writer in the Bengal Journal of September 10th, 1790, says, “it is not the least merit of General De Boigne, as a Military man, to have tempered, by admirable per- severance, the ferocious and almost savage character of the Mahrat- tahs ; he subjects to the disci- pline and civilization of European armies, troops hitherto deemed barbarians ; and licentiousness and rapine, formerly so common amongst them, have now become infamous in the estimation of the meanest soldier.” On the death of Madhajee Sindia in February 1794, Dowlut Rao Sindia, his great-nephew, suc- ceeded him, whose first object was to secure the continuance of De Boigne’s services, and though the General received most tempting offers by other princes, he did not hesitate to reject them. He left him in full control of his northern possessions and turned his atten- tion to the affairs of the Deccan. Meanwhile, the toils, fatigues and the burning climate of India began to tell upon De Boigne’s health, and he solicited leave to retire. It was not for two years, when it was rendered absolutely necessary that he should leave the country, that Sindia granted the leave, and that after obtaining a pledge that the General should return as soon as his health became re-established. He left Sindia, in February 1796, for Calcutta, with his private regiment of Persian Cavalry (600) which Lord Cornwallis bought for the Company for 3 lacs of Rupees (£30,000.) ' He remitted his vast fortune to England and arrived there in January 1797. The disturbed con- dition of the Continent at that time offered him poor prospects of repose, and finding his health re-established, he contemplated re-visiting India in the follow- ing year, but the ascendency of Buonaparte deterred him from doing so, notwithstanding the pressing invitations of Sindia. He settled in his native place, built a magnificent chateau, plant- ed elegant gardens and plant- ations, and lived in splendid and peaceful retirement for thirty years. He received several honours from his Sovereign, Victor Emanuel, and also from Louis XVIII of France. They were respectively, Count, rank of Lieutenant-General, Grand Cross of the order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus, Marechal de Camp, Cross of St. Louis and that of the Legion of Honour. Reli- gion, age and penury shared his pious generosity. During his life-time the charitable insti- tutions of Chamberi, which he 110 DEN— DOS created or assisted, received from him upwards of 3,678,000 francs (,£‘150,000). De Boigne died in the eightieth year of his age, 21st June 1830, and his marble bust was placed by the King’s order in the public library of Chamberi. He left an only son Count Charles De Boigne, who inherited from him fifteen to eighteen millions of francs, not very far short of a million sterling. De Boigne had an Indian servant who for 30 years, and until his death, was the major clomo of his Es- tablishment. Tod, in his Annals of Rajast’han, writes, “ Three years ago I passed two delightful days with the conqueror of the Rajpoots, in his native vale of Chamberi. It was against the croix blanc of Savoy,* not the orange flag of the Southron that four thousand Rajpoots fellf martyrs to liberty ; and although I wish the Comte long life, I may regret that he had lived tobringhis talents and his courage to their subjugation. He did them ample justice, and when 1 talked of the field of Mairta, the remembrance of past days flitted before him, as he said “ all appears as a dream.” DENISON, Lieutenant-Gene- ral Sir William Thomas, K.C.B., R.E., born 1804. He was educated at Eton and entered the service in March 1826 ; became Lieutenant in June 1830 ; Cap- tain in November 1841; Major in June 1854; Lieutenant-Colonel in December 1854 ; Colonel in December 1857 ; Major-General in November 1868 ; and Lieute- nant-General in November 1870. • His Indian battalions carried the same flag. t The fatal field of Mairta. He was appointed Governor of vanDieman’s Land in June 1846 ; Governor-General of New South Wales in September 1854 ; Gov- ernor of Madras, from November 1860 to March 1866, and acted as Viceroy of India from the death of Lord Elgin to the arrival of his successor (Lord Lawrence), in January 1864. He returned to England in April 1S66, and died of an epileptic fit on the 19th January 1871, at the Observatory, East Sheen, aged 66. He never took kindly to India or its people, and in a work which proceeded from his pen shortly before his death, Varieties of Viceregal Life , 2 vols. — he made public his nar- row estimate of the native char- acter. He was not popular as a public man ; he was charitable to a fault, bluff and injudiciously frank and outspoken, which in itself invited hostility. All his measures and even his faults were characterised by sterling honesty of purpose. His private life was unimpeach- able. and he was singularly happy in his domestic relations. DOST ALI, vide Carnatic Nabobs. DOST MAHOMMED, ruler of Afghanistan, first figures in In- dian history in 1833, when he defeated Shah Sujah, who made an attempt during that year while an exile, to recover the throne of Afghanistan. While he was en- gaged in repelling the invasion of Shah Sujah, Runjeet Singh had captured Peshawar aud had in- cluded the province with the Sikh dominions. This loss rankled in the mind of Dost Mahommed, and he proclaimed a religious war against the Sikhs, but Runjeet DOS 111 Singh by intrigue threw Dost Ma- hommed’s army into inextricable dismay and confusion, compelling the Dost to return to Cabul mor- tified. On the arrival of Lord Auckland as Governor-General of India in 1836, Dost Mahommed requested him to settle the diffi- culties existing between him and Runjeet Singh, but despairing of British aid, he appealed at the beginning of 1837 to the Shah of Persia, and before there was time to receive a reply, he sent his son Akbar Khan to wipe out the dis- grace inflicted upon him at Pesha- war, by the cowardice and infide- lity of his troops. The Sikhs were entirely defeated in a battle fought at Jumrood on the 30th April 1837, with the loss of their ablest General, Hurree Singh, but Runjeet Singh, pushing on rein- forcements with almost incredible marches, drove the Afghans back. Dost Mahommed besides applying to the Shah of Persia in 1837, applied to the Emperor of Russia, claiming his protection against Sikh encroachments. The Russian Government immediately sent an Envoy to his court, who arrived there on the 19th December 1837, while a British Envoy Sir Alex- ander Burnes, had put in his appearance three months before. The latter strongly irrged upon Lord Auckland the advisabi- lity of favoring Dost Mahom- med, forming a friendly alliance with him,' so as to checkmate the supposed designs of Russia, France and Persia, and to keep within bounds the grasping am- bition of Runjeet Singh, but he urged in vain. Lord Auckland entertained feelings of distrust and aversion towards the Dost, and finally resolved upon dethron- ing him and re-instating Shah Sujah on the throne. This was suc- cessfully accomplished in August 1839. Dost Mahommed fled to Khooloom beyond Bameean and thence to Bokhara, where after being hospitably received by the Ameer at the onset, he was sub- jected to a painful captivity, being eventually released at the intercession of the king of Persia. He then returned to Khooloom, where he raised an army of Oos- begs, and began to march on Ca- bool, but was defeated by Briga- dier Dennie before arriving there, on the 18th September 1840. He next moved into Kohistan, where he was partially successful against Sir Robert Sale. His last scene of action was in the Nijrow Dis- trict, where he gained a victory, but finding himself unable to keep up the unequal contest, proceeded to Cabool, where he met the British Envoy, taking a ride, on the 3rd November. He imme- diately dismounted, placed his sword in Sir W. Macnaghten’s hands and claimed his protection. The Envoy returned the sword, treating him with great consider- ation. The officer in charge of the Dost’s family had sui'rendered them some months previous to the British by whom they rvere most generously treated. The Dost was then escorted to Calcut- ta, where he became a guest at Government House, and the cor- diality with which he was treat- ed may be judged from the fact of his often testing the skill of Miss Eden (Lord Auckland’s sis- ter) at chess. He was here given an allowance of two lacs a year (i>20,000.) After the Cabool mas- sacre, and the recovery of the surviving English prisoners, by the army of retribution under Sir G. Pollock, and the subsequent 112 DOW— DUB close of the Afghan war, Dost Mahommed was allowed to return to his country. On departing, Lord Elleuborough, the Gover- nor-General, asked the Dost what opinion he had formed of the English after all he had seen of them 1 He replied, “ I have been struck with the magnitude of your power, and your resources, with your ships, your arsenals, and your armies, but what I can- not understand, is, why the rulers of so vast and flourishing an Em- pire should have gone across the Indus to deprive me of my poor and barren country.” During the second Sikh war 1848-49, he joined the Sikhs on being promised the restoration of the long coveted Peshawar — but the Afghan army was driven back in disgrace. The Dost then enter- ed into a treaty “ to be the friend of the friends and the enemy of the enemies of the Company,” to which he abided with fidelity during the Persian disturbances of 1856, and the Indian mutiny. Dost Mahommed died on the 6th of May 1863, at Herat. DOWLUT ROW SINDIA, vide SlNDIA. DUBOIS, The Abee J. A., an eminent secular priest, who hav- ing escaped from one of “the fusillades of the French Revolu- tion,” sought refuge in India, and for seventeen years laboured among the Hindoos in the My- sore kingdom. He compiled a work on the characters, man- ners, and customs of the people of India. The MS. is in French in two massive folio volumes written by the Abbe himself. The E. I. Company purchased it in 1806. for the sum of 2,000 pagodas | (,£700), and had it translated and ' published in English in 1816. A second edition, edited by Dr. G. U. Pope, appeared in Madras, 1862, and contains a photograph of the Abbe, taken from an oil- painting in the Madras Literary Institute. The work, though re- lating chiefly to Southern India, is “ the most comprehensive and minute accouut extant, in any European language, of the man- ners of the Hindoos.” The Abbe, writes : — “ During the long period that I remained amongst the natives (between seventeen and eighteen years.) I made it my constant rule to live as they did, conform- ing exactly in all things to their manners, to their style of living and clothing, and even to most of their prejudices. In this way I became quite familiar with the various tribes that compose the Indian nation, and acquired the confidence of those whose aid was most necessary for the purpose of my work.” He acquired a wonderful influ- ence over the natives. Wilks, writ- ing of him, says, “ of the respect which his irreproachable conduct inspires, it may be sufficient to state that when travelling, on his approach to a village, the house of a Brahman is uniformly cleared for his reception, without interfer- ence, and generally without com- munication to the officers of Gov- ernment, as a spontaneous mark of deference and respect.” On his return to Europe, he published his “ Letters on the state of Christianity in India,” in which he declared his conviction that the conversion of the Hindoos was impossible. They produced replies from Townley, (a Bengal Missionary) and Hough. (Chaplain DUE 113 to the E. I. Company) on the I Madras Establishment. Though the Abb6 left India discouraged and with the opinion that it was a hopeless mission field, “ when going on board he cast his eyes back towards the shore and exclaimed with emotion that he hoped to return. This he did not do ; but became the head of the French Institution, Missions Et- ranqeres, Paris, from which several eminent Missionaries of the Ho- man Catholic Church have come out to India. There he laboured with zeal and energy for some years, and died, universally res- pected, in 1853.” DUFF, Rev. Alexander, D.D., LL.D., the chief agent of the Free Presbyterian Mission in Calcutta, was born near Pitlochry, in Perth- shire, in 1806. He studied for the Christian Ministry at St. Andrew’s University, and there displayed a great interest in the cause of foreign Missions. He was ordained by the Presbytery of Edinburgh and appointed to un- dertake the important office of the first Missionary to India from the Established Church of Scotland. He sailed from Portsmouth, in the “ Lady Holland ,” East Indiaman in the middle of October 1829, which was wrecked near Cape Town, 13th February 1830, the passengers and crew barely escap- ing with their lives, (wi'cfe Dltrand, who was also on board). Duff arrived in Calcutta in May 1830. From this time to 1843, when he joined that portion of the clergy which seceded from the Church of Scotland, he continued with un- remitting zeal and earnestness to promote the moral and spiritual welfare of the people of India. The Institution he founded at j Calcutta, the year in which he ar- rived has long been the largest in India, and where, in addition to elementary instruction, the higher branches of literature, science, philosophy and Christian Theo- logy are taught. In 1836, he re- visited his native land and was unremitting in his efforts to dif- fuse a Missionary spirit through- out the Churches. In the follow- ing year he received the degree of D.D. in acknowledgment of his valuable labours in the east. He returned to India in 1839, and on the disruption above alluded to he associated himself with the Free Church of Scotland, and suc- ceeded in establishing and carry- ing on -with increased efficiency new educational and religious in- stitutions for the benefit of the native populations. Schools attended by hundreds of pupils, asylums for orphans, col- leges and other similar schemes were brought by his zeal into successful operation. On a second visit to Scotland in 1850, he was chosen Moderator or President of the General Assem- bly of the Free Church, May 1851, was examined before a committee of the House of Lords on Indian affairs in 1853, and contributed valuable materials for the famous Education Despatch of 1854. Duff is the author, among other works, of the folio wing : “ .N ew Era of the English language and litera- ture in India,” Edinburgh, 1837 ; “India and Indian Missions,” 1839; “Missions, the chief end of the Christian Church “ The qualifications, duties and trials of an Indian Missionary,” 1839 ; “Letters on the Indian Rebellion,” 1858 ; various articles in the Cal- cutta Review, which he had the principal part in establishing, and 15 114 DUN— DUP for several years edited it with great ability. After more than thirty years of Missionary labour, he left India in July 1863. DUNCAN, Jonathan, was born at Wardhouse, in the county of Forfar, Scotland, on the 15th May 1756 ; came to India at the age of sixteen, was Governor of Bombay from 1795 to 1811, and after 39 years of uninterrupted service died there 11th August 1811. A beautiful marble monument is erected to his memory at St. Thomas’ Church. The principal design of the monument repre- sents an urn on a pedestal under a Banyan tree. On the right is seated a beautiful figure of J ustice with her arm raised inscribing on the urn the following words : — “He was a good man and a just.” — At her feet are two volumes in- scribed, “Malabar” and “Benares,” and three scrolls marked, “Ju- dicial and Revenue,” — “ Gwico- war-Treaty,” — and “ Travancore- Treaty.” On the left of the pedes- tal, is an erect figure of a Brah- min, four feet high, contemplating with pious reverence, the urn of one who was so truly the Hindoo’s friend. Beneath the inscription on the monument, are two infants, supporting a scroll, inscribed with the following words : “Infanticide abolished in Benares and Katty- war.” At the base of the monu- ment is the following : “ Several of the British inhabitants of Bom- bay, justly appreciating his dis- tinguished merits, in public and private life, have raised this mo- nument, as a tribute of respect and esteem — 1817. DUPLE1X, Joseph Francois, was born in January 1697. He received a good education and was intended for a mercantile life. In 1715, he made several voyages to America and the Indies. His father being a farmer — general of the French Revenues and a Direc- tor of the French E. I. Company, had sufficient influence to procure him the situation of a Member of Council at Pondicherry, then the seat of the French Government in India. Dupleix landed there in 1721. The declining state of Chandernagore, one of the Com- pany’s settlements in Bengal, pointed to Dupleix as the proper person to restore it ; a change immediately came over the place by the ability and talents Dupleix displayed. Trade increased, colo- nists multiplied, and during his administration of about ten years, French commerce was widely ex- tended in Bengal. His success here brought upon him the ap- pointment of Governor of Pondi- cherry in 1742. Dupleix married at Chandernagore on the 17th April 1741. On the breaking out of war be- tween France and England in 1744, the French proposed that India should be considered neutral ground ; but the English having already sent a fleet to India, re- fused to comply with the proposal, so war became inevitable. The capture of Madras by Bourdon- nais and Dupleix’s differences with him are mentioned in the former’s life. ( F?'c/p Bourdonnais). The paramount object of Dupleix’s career was to extirpate the Eng- lish from India, and found a French colony. How near his dreams were being realised, his- tory tells. His fertile genius rais- ed him high in the estimation of the native Princes. He raised Mirzaffir Jung to the Subadarship of the Deccan, and Chundah Sahib DUR 115 to the Nabobship of the Carnatic, in opposition to the claimant whose cause the English had espoused, (Amvar-o-deen, and on his death, his son and heir, Mahom- med Ali). Success had attended the French arms and their native allies. Their territories had in- creased enormously, while those of the English were dwindling away. Their ally, Mahommed Ali, was driven to his last stronghold, Trichinopoly, and was just on the point of submitting, when that master-stroke of Clive’s, the attack of Arcot, {vide Clive) changed the tables, and brought tottering to the ground the grand schemes which Dupleix had been engaged in for six years. Though Dupleix’s reverses continued for two years longer, he bore up with wonderful courage and perseverance, till re- called in 1754. Despair seized him at the ruin of his mighty projects. He sued unsuccessfully the French E. I. Company for vast sums of money, which he had expended on its account, and died of grief on the 10th November 1764, nine years after his recall — as Voltaire says, “II en mourut bientot de chagrin.” On the 16th July 1870, a statue was erected to his memory at Pon- dicherry. “ Dupleix is represent- ed as a man of commanding sta- ture with a countenance indicative of the indomitable ambition which marked his career. In the large nose and massive under jaw, some resemblance may be traced to Oliver Cromwell, as commonly represented in his portraits. In the statue, Dupleix wears a Court dress with bag, wig and long rid- ing boots ; in his right hand is a plan of Pondicherry, his left re- posing on the hilt of his sword. The attitude is well chosen, the right leg being advanced and the X>ose one of great dignity and ani- mation combined. The support consists of an allegorical design, possibly symbolical of the wealth of the East Indies. The pedestal, which is the work of the depart- ment of the Fonts aux Ghausse.es of Pondicherry, is formed of In- dian sculptured stones, and har- monises admirably with six carv- ed pillars which surround the square, facing eight of a similar design at the entrance to the pier ; all of which were presented to Dupleix by the Rajah of Gingi. These columns ■were fortunately saved from the ruins of Dupleix’s palace when it was destroyed by fire, and form now a most fitting orn am ent to the square, which bears his name and contains his statue.” DURAND, Sir Henry, was born in 1812, and was educated at Ad- discombe, where he was a cotem- porary of Lord Napier of Mag- dala, who proceeded to India two years before Durand. He entered the army as second-lieutenant in the Bengal Engineers, June 1828. The ship he sailed in also carried that great Missionary, Alexander Duff. It was wrecked on Dassen Island, and the friends were sepa- rated. But only a few months before his death, when all India congratulated him on his well- earned nomination to the Lieu- tenant-Governorship of the Pun- jaub, he wrote to a friend in reply to a letter expressing pleasure at his promotion, that he “ consider- ed his career to be ‘ a mere flash in the pan,’ when he contrasted it with the enduring and admirable work of Dr. Duff.” The anecdote is worth preserving, as illustrative of that modest appreciation of merit which always accompanies T 16 T)UI true greatness. He was chiefly employed in the North-west Pro- vinces, and from 1834 to 38, held the office of Superintendent of Feroze Shah’s Canal. Meanwhile he acquired an intimate know- ledge of the productive capacities of the North-west Provinces, and for Iris abilities was appointed Secretary to the Agra Board of Revenue, an unprecedented ap- pointment for a military officer. When Lord Auckland deter- mined upon sendingaBritishforce into Afghanistan to re-in state Shah Sujah, Durand resigned his civil appointment, and accompanied the force. The Bolan and Kojuck passes were ascended without op- position, and Candahar was occu- pied on the 25th April 1839. Ten weeks after, the army set out on its march to Cabool, the Com- mander-in-Chief intending to cap- ture Ghuzni on the way. Ghuzni was ninety miles from Cabool, and 230 from Candahar, and had always been considered an impreg- nable fortress. Sir John Keene was told by all the officers whom he had consulted that it would not be defended, and as there was a deficiency of cattle, he did not bring his battering train on with him. On the arrival of the army before its walls, it was discovered that it was garrisoned by 3,500 Afghans, commanded by Hyder Khan, a son of Dost Mahommed. After reconnoitring Ghuzni on the 22nd July, Sir John Keene saw the impracticability of battering down the walls with his field- guns, and adopted a plan which Captain Thomson of the Bengal Engineers had proposed the pre- vious day. The Commander-in- Chief in his report, says, “Instead of the tedious process of breach- ing (for which we were ill-prepar- ed), Captain Thomson undertook, with the assistance of Captain Peat, of the Bombay Engineers, Lieu- tenants Durand and Macleod of the Bengal Engineers, and other officers under him (Thomson) to blow in the Cabool gate, the weak- est point, with gunpowder ; and so much faith did I place in the success of this operation, that my plans for the assault were imme- diately laid down, and the orders given.” From Abdool Bashed, a nephew of Dost Mahommed, who was bribed by Mohun Lai to turn trai- tor, Thomson gained the informa- tion that all the gates had been built up except the Cabool gate. At midnight, 22nd July, the “ ex- plosion party.” consisting of Cap- tain Peat and Lieutenants Durand and Macleod, accompanied by three serjeants and eighteen men of the native Sappers, carrying 300 lbs of powder in twelve sand bags with a hose of 72 feet and portfire, moved off. Captain Thom- son in his Report, says, “ The ex- plosion party marched steadily on, headed by Lieutenant Durand.” On him devolved the critical task of laying the bags and lighting the portfire. Through a chink in the gate, he saw that there was a light and a guard immediately behind it, and there were no interior ob- stacles of importance to deaden the force of an explosion. Hough, says, “ Durand was obliged to scrape the hose with his finger nails, finding the powder failed to ignite on the first application of the portfire.” Immediately the tr.ain was fired, the carrying party retired. The effect was as fright- ful as it was sudden. Not only was the gate destroyed, but a con- siderable portion of the roof of the square building in which it DUP 117 was placed was brought down. The bugle sounded the advance, and the advance companies led by the gallant Colonel Dennie, who subsequently fell at Jellala- bad, rushed into the gateway, where they met with a determin- ed resistance from the Afghans. After a desperate attack, Ghuzni was won. After a furlough in England, Durand was engaged in the second Sikh war of 1 848-49. He was not present at the actions of Ram- nuggur and Sadoolapore, but join- ed Lord Gough’s army before the field of Chillianwalla, and took a part in the crowning victory of Guzerat. For his services, he was raised to the rank of Brevet-Major, 7th June 1849, and received the war medal and two clasps. He was next appointed political agent at Sindia’s court at Gwalior, and his management of the delicate complications of Mahrattah poli- tics was characterised by “con- summate skill.” While holding this post he contributed an able and exhaustive essay to the Cal- cutta Review , Vol. XIV, on Cen- tral India Politics. He was next transferred to Bhopal, and in 1843 was promoted to the Resi- dency at Nagpore, from whence he contributed largely to the Cal- cutta Review. In the latter part of 1853, he went to England, and returned again to India in 1856, having attained his Lieirt.-Colo- nelcy on the 29th April. Shortly before the mutiny broke out, Du- rand was appointed acting Politi- cal Agent at the court of Holkar at Indore, where his position be- came a difficult one on account of the doubtful fidelity of the Mah- rattah chieftain. On the 1st July 1857. Indore became the scene of massacre and arson, and Durand wrote to Colonel Platt, command- ing at Mhow, fourteen miles dis- tant : “ Please send the European battery over sharp. Holkar has attacked us at the Residency.” Colonel Platt immediately dis- patched Captain Hungerford with his battery of artillery, who receiv- ed a counter-order on the road, stating that the Europeans had been massacred, and that Durand had retired with a small body of Sikh cavalry of the Bhopal con- tingent. The news was only too true — thirty-four men, women and children had been murdered in cold blood. Durand escaped with his wife, Captain and Mrs. Shakespear, and thirty-one Euro- pean officers, civilians, ladies and children, who made their way to Bombay in the second week of July. He here used every exer- tion in inducing the Government to send a force to restore order and check the contagion of insur- rection. Some blame has been at- tached to Durand for having left Indore so precipitately, but he had no other course open when he be- lieved that the Maharajah was dis- affected. It turned out afterwards, however, that Holkar was loyal, and as a proof of his sincerity, he sent his treasure, amounting to 24 lacs of rupees (,£240,000) into the fort of Mhow, and also sent the balance (some £40,000, or £50,000) belonging to Government, left at the Residency, to the same place of safety. But his troops were en- tirely beyond his control. On the 2nd August, Durand accompa- nied the moveable column, known as the Mhow Field Force, under Brigadier Charles S. Stuart. The Europeans in Mhow, where muti- ny had broken out also, were res- cued, and after the reduction of ' the followers of the Rajah of Dhar 118 DUR and other military operations at Neemuch and M undisore, Durand was summoned to Calcutta, as Sir Robert Hamilton, for whom he was acting as the Governor-Gen- eral’s Agent in Central India, had returned from furlough to Europe. In recognition of Durand’s ser- vices, the India Mutiny medal, and aC.B. ship, was conferred upon him, and he was promoted to a Brevet-Colonelcy. On the trans- fer of India from the E. I. Com- pany to the Crown, Lord Can- ning sent Durand to England to confer with the authorities regard- ing the re-construction of the In- dian army. In connection with this, it is well known that Durand did not approve of the cumbrous and costly Staff Corps of the three Presidencies. In England lie ob- tained a seat in the Council, pre- sided over by Lord Stanley, the first Secretary of State for India, and held it for three years. In 1861, he generously resigned it to make room for the war-worn old soldier, Outram. Mrs. Durand died from the shock caused to her nervous system by the terrible events of the Indian Mutiny, and Durand, on this his last visit to England, married the widow of the Rev. H. S. Polehampton. In 1862, he was again out in India filling the post of Secretary to Lord Canning, which was an unprece- dented appointment fora military officer, but Durand’s performance of his responsible duties amply justified the selection. In 1865, he -was promoted to the office of military member of the Governor- General’s Council, on the appoint- ment of Sir Robert Napier to com- mand of the Bombay Army. On the 5th of May 1870, Durand was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Funjaub. “On the 31st December 1870, Sir Henry Durand reached Tonk in the Dera Ismail Khan district on the extreme western border. His intention was to inspect the new chain of outposts which had been constructed beneath the hills to overawe the Waziris who, dur- ing the last year, had given some trouble by frequent petty raids and plundering expeditions into British territory.” “ At five in the afternoon he left camp to inspect the Tonk fort, and to visit the town and gardens of the Nawab outside the walls. After inspecting the fort, the Lieutenant-Governor mounted his elephant, on which he invited the Nawab of Tonk to seat him- self. On a second elephant, 'were Brigadier-General Keyes, C.B., Commanding the Frontier Force ; Lieutenant-Colonel Black, [Mili- tary Secretary ; Lieutenant- Colo- nel Graham, Commissioner of the Deraj at Division ; Colonel Mac- lagan, R.E., Secretary to Govern- ment, Department Public Works ; and Major Kennedy, Command- ing 2nd Punjab Cavalry. The Lieutenant-Governor proceeded towards the town, and at the gate was asked by the NawTab whether he would not first see the gardens, to which he agreed, and having passed through them, returned to the town, which is a small poverty- stricken place, surrounded with a mud wall. The entrance con- sists of a double covered gateway, one door being at right angles to the other, and the enclosure hav- ing buildings above it. The first gateway was about 13 feet in height, and was just able to admit the elephant, without the persons in the howdah having to stoop. But within the enclosure the ground rose rapidly, and the height DUE. 119 of the second doorway was not more than 10^ feet, or not suffi- cient to allow the elephant with an empty howdah to pass. The Nawab of Tonk states that he told the Lieutenant-Governor more than once on approaching the entrance that the gateway was too low to admit an elephant, but this Sir Henry Durand could not have heard. Half way through the enclosure it became evident that there was not room to pass, and Sir Henry Durand called to the mahout to take care. The man seeing there was barely space to turn round, tried to force the elephant to sit, but at this moment, the top of the howdah touched the centre beam of the enclosure ; the elephant feeling a pressure on his back, stepped quickly forward. His driver being unable to stop him, the howdah caught the lintel of the doorway, and Sir Henry Durand was thrown violently out, falling on his face on a low mud wall just outside the gate. The Nawab of Tonk was struck by the howdah and the beam, and fell back in the howdah, but was not thrown out. Sir Henry Durand was taken up insensible, with blood pouring from his mouth and nose, and was placed on a bed and carried into camp, distant about a mile and a half. Thither the Na- wab was also brought. It was im- possible at first to ascertain the extent of the injuries which the Lieutenant-Governor had receiv- ed. All night he remained un- conscious or almost so, and his lower limbs were completely pa- ralyzed. Towards morning he be- came sensible, and was able to swallow, but the symptoms were otherwise most unfavourable. His breathing was difficult and chok- ed, and the paralysis which was complete in the lower part of the body, partially extended to his upper limbs, which he was scarcely able to move. Dr. Holmes, of the Sikh Infantry, and Dr. Skeen, in Medical charge of the Camp, were in attendance on Sir Henry Du- rand ; and Dr. Courtenay, the Civil Surgeon of Dera Ismail Khan, who had been summoned immediately the accident took place, arrived early in the morn- ing of the 1st January 1871. Some hope was at first entertained that the paralysis might pass away, be- ing only the result of the shock of the fall, and that no dangerous or fatal injuries had been caused ; but about 2 p. M., the Lieutenant- Governor became rapidly weaker ; his breathing became more diffi- cult, and it was evident that he was sinking fast. The medical men considered it right to tell him that there was no hope of his re- covery, and that Im probably would not live out the night. This an- nouncement did not appear to disturb Sir Henry Durand, whose first thought was of his work, and of sending information to the Government of India, of his state. About eight in the evening he died with out pain, having been conscious till within a short time of his death.” “ The grave of Sir Henry Dur- and is at the east end of the Dera Ismail Khan church, and is the only grave in the church enclo- sure,” and a statue was erected to his memory about the latter end of 1873. His widow has been granted a pension of ,£400 a year. Sir Henry Durand died in the zenith of his fame. He was a Christian in the highest sense of the word, a gal- lant soldier, a keen statesman, and a man universally respected. 120 DUR— EDW “ DURANI” DYNASTY, OF AFGHANISTAN. Ahmed Shah Durani rose un- der Nadir Shall. He conquered Delhi in 1757, fought the great battle of Panniput with the Mah- rattahs, and retired to Afghanis- tan, 17G1. Teimoor Shah. He was chiefly supported by the “ Barukzye” family, whose chief, Poyndah, he assassinated. ( Vide Barukzye Family.) Zemaun Shah kept the English in continual dread by his hostile attitude. In 1801, Futteh Khan, son of the murdered “ Burukzye” chief, rebelled and proclaimed Mahmood Shah. He was success- ful, and Zemaun was captured, blinded and deposed. Shah Sujah. ( Vide Shah Su- jah.) Mahmood Shah. In 1808 he wrested the throne from Shah Su- jah, and ruled till 1818, when the “ Barukzyes” seized the throne, in consequence of Mahmood Shah and Kamran having murdered their leader, Futteh Khan. Mah- mood Shah fled to Herat and died there. Kamran made some unsuccess- ful attempts to seize the throne from Shah Sujah, and then retire to Herat, and took up his resi- dence with Firuz, who had cap- tured it when Shah Sujah was driven out in 1808. He succeed- ed Firuz and made Herat almost independent. He sustained a long siege by the Persians there in 1840. ( Vide Eldred Pottinger.) Sultan Ali was next set up by the Barukzye, Dost Mahommed, in 1818, but was murdered by Ayub, who was set up by the Barukzye, Azim Khan. He was, i however, soon deposed and fled to Lahore. ( Vide Barukzye Fa- I MILY.) E EDW A RDES, Major-General Sir Herbert Benjamin, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., was born on the 12th November 1819, at Frodesley, in Shropshire, where his father was rector of the parish. The father died while Edwardes was quite a child, and he was left to the care of his uncle. His education commenced at Richmond, and xvas concluded at King’s Col- lege, London, with a view of his entering the legal profession, but his uncle, Sir Henry Edwardes, of Ryton Grove, Shrewsbury, pro- cure d him a cadetship, and he was examined and passed on the 26th August 1840. He landed at Cal- cutta in January of the following year, and was attached to the 1st European Regiment. He was next appointed aide-de-camp to Lord Gough, and was present at the battle of Moodkee, 18th Decem- ber 1845, where he was wounded. On his recovery, he resumed his duties, and was actively engaged at the battle of Sobraon, Febru- ary 10th, 1846. From the date of his arrival in the country, he be- gan the study of Persian and Hin- dustani, and in April 1846, was declared qualified to act as Inter- preter, when he was appointed EDW 121 third assistant to the Commis- sioners of the Trans-Sutlej terri- tory, and in January 1847, first assistant to Sir Henry Lawrence, the Resident at Lahore. He w7as next engaged in the Revenue Settlement of the North- west of the Eunjaub, and here he began that series of skilful and en- ei’getic operations, described in his book, ‘ A year on the Punjaub Frontier, in 1848-49,’ published in 1851, 2 vols., 8vo. He states that his object in writing the first part of his book “is to put on record a victory, which I myself remem- ber with more satisfaction than any I helped to gain before Mool- tan — the bloodless conquest of the wild valley of Bunnoo. It was gained neither by shot nor shell, but simply by balancing two races and two creeds. For fear of a Sikh army, two warlike and independ- ent Muhommudan tribes, levelled to the ground at my bidding the four hundred forts which consti- tuted the strength of their country ; and for fear of these same Mu- hommudan tribes, the same Sikh army, at my bidding, constructed a fortress for the crown, which completed the subjugation of the valley.” The circumstances by which Edwardes first obtained his cele- brity are detailed elsewhere ( vide Dalhoitsie and Gough), and his operations formed the base of the second Sikh war. He saw to what a magnitude the revolt would ex- tend if unchecked at the onset, and so with energy and unweary- ing zeal, he did his utmost. Men rallied round him as by magic ; such was the extraordinary attrac- tion and power of ascendancy with which he was gifted. He was left entirely to himself — cut off -from all communication with head- quarters— but he was equal to himself in all his hazard and dan- ger. On the 18th June 1848, at great odds and risk, he engaged with Moolraj at Kineyree and defeated him after nine hours’ fighting, and he was heard to say, “ but then, was it not on the an- niversary of the battle of Waterloo, when an Englishman was invin- cible 1” Again, Edwardes defeat- ed Moolraj at Sudoosain on the 1st of July, and drove him to seek refuge behind the walls of Mool- tan. Thus did he pave the way for the subsequent operations of Dalhousie, Gough and Whish, and at the early age of twenty-eight gathered laurels in India and among his countrymen at home, which would have afforded suffi- cient glory to our oldest and bravest commanders. He met, however, with a serious accident in the month of July. While thrusting a pistol into his belt, it exploded, and the contents passed through his left hand, shattering it in such a manner as to render amputation necessary. On the conclusion of the war, he received the local rank of Major in the Lahore territories, and re- turned to England, married and went out to India again in 1851, and was appointed Commissioner at Peshawar, where he adminis- tered the Government with the greatest ability. He was not, how- ever, slow to see the little cloud that was soon to over-spread Northern India, and burst upon it in the Sepoy War. He was about this time asked by a friend, “ Why all these bastions and out- posts 1 Why these patrols of irre- gular horse traversing the country, and why this jealousy of crossing the lines without a pass, while not a shadow anywhere dims our au- 16 EDW i22 tliority 1” “ Oh,” he replied, laugh- ing, “ without these precautions, here, the slumbers of our friends down in the Ditch (Calcutta), would be brief enough.” When in 1857, his worst appre- hensions were realised — at the sound of the first thunder-crash, all eyes were anxiously directed to the North-west Provinces. It was argued in council, “ If only the province of which he (Edwardes) -was Commissioner could be held passive, if not in allegiance, it would have an immense moral effect not only upon our country- men everywhere beleaguered and struggling for existence, and upon the rebel hosts in arms against them, but upon those populations of the North-western Provinces, which, though still subject, were only watching for the issue to shape their conduct. And then as to Delhi, what an impetus it would be to our countrymen before it, if they could be released from apprehensions in their rear. As- sure them of the safety of the frontier, and they could devote all their energies to the reduction of that capital, upon which not only our prestige, but the existence of our Indian rule depended.” But it was asked, was it possi- ble 1 Yes! Herbert Edwardes, confident of his influence over those he ruled, and those he held in check, would answer for the safety of his position. He had providentially returned from Cal- cutta where he had been on a visit, in the very “nick of time.” He was ready to do or die. Not only did he ensure safety — he and Ni- cholson raised a body of movable troops from the very desperadoes who thronged the district (ready to rush against us if opportunity offered') to co-operate against the mutineers, and these very men accompanied their gallant chief (Nicholson) to Delhi, and took part in that conflict of arms which restored to us the Mogul capital, and gave the death-blow to trea- son throughout India. He returned to England in 1860, much shattered in health. His naturally delicate frame and ex- tremely sensitive disposition suc- cumbed to.the wear and tear, anxi- ety, excitement and responsibility of the stirring, trying and terri- ble scenes he had moved through. After a four years’ furlough, he again landed in India, but over- wrought nature compelled him back to England in 1865. His leisure hours were henceforth de- voted to preparing for the press a Biography of Sir Henry Lawrence, with whom he had been very in- timate, and he died in December 1868, when his task ■was all but done.* A monument is erected to his memory, in Westminster Ab- bey, by the side of that of Warren Hastings. It would dim the lustre of Ed- wardes’ character to be silent on the subject of religion. He was mainly instrumental in establish- ing the Mission at Peshawar, and to him may be attributed mainly, the Bible in Pashtoo. He encour- aged every Christian movement. The Bible was his text book through life, and his last words on his death-bed were “Jesus— tri- umphant Jesus.” On the 20th October 1849, he was appointed an extra Member of the Companion of the Order of the Bath. He received a pension for a wound received at the battle of Moodkee, but none for the loss of his hand, as it was not received in • It was concluded hy Merivale, 2 vols. ELG— ELL 123 action. The E. I. Company, voted him an annuity of ,£100, and the Court of Directors struck a gold medal in his honour. ELGIN, James Bruce, eighth Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, and Baron Elgin in the Peerage of the United Kingdom, was born in London, in 1811. Studying at Ox- ford, he took a first class in class- ics in 1832. Here his fellow-col- legians were Gladstone, Canning and Dalhousie. In 1841, he enter- ed parliament, and in the follow- ing year, on the death of his father, the great collector of the Elgin marbles, for the removal of which antiquities from Athens, he was severely censured by Byron and others, James Brace succeeded to the earldom. His first public ap- pointment was to the Governor- ship of the Island of Jamaica in 1842, which he held for four years. In 1846, he was appointed Gover- nor-General of Canada, where his rule was prosperous and beneficial to the colony. He held this post for eight years, and then returned to England. In 1857, Lord Pal- merston sent him out as Plenipot- entiary to China to insist upon the due performance of the demands of the British Government. On hearing of the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, while at Singa- pore, he immediately, on his own responsibility, detached the force under his command to proceed to Calcutta. He then proceeded to Canton, and ordered Sir M. Sey- mour, in concert with the French admiral, to attack the city, as the Commissioner still refused to make peace on the terms proposed. Can- ton was captured, and the Treaty of Tein-tsin signed by the Chinese. Earl Elgin next sailed to Japan, and made a treaty with the Ty- coon’s Government to open cer- tain ports to trade, and to admit foreigners into the country. He then returned to England and held the post of Postmaster-General in Lord Palmerston’s cabinet. In 1860, in consequence of the viola- tion of the Tein-tsin treaty by the Chinese Government, he was again deputed to insist upon its obser- vance. This was successfully per- formed by the re-capture of Peiko and also Pekin. Canning having retired in 1862, Earl Elgin was appointed Viceroy of India. His administration in this country was a brief one of only twenty months ; while on a tour of inspection, the crisis of a heart disease of some standing, cut short his career. He lingered for three weeks, carefully tended by two doctors and Lady Elgin, and calmly met his end on the 20th of November 1863, at Dhurmsala, 6,000 feet above sea level, and 140 miles from Lahore. At his own particular request, his remains were interred where he died, privately. Lady Elgin se- lected the spot under an oak tree in Dhurmsala church-yard. ELLENBOROUGH, Edward Law, First Earl of, and eldest son of Lord Ellenborough, was born in 1790, and succeeded to the Peerage on the death of his father, in 1818. He was appointed Go- vernor-General of India, which office he took on the 28th Fe- bruary 1842, the month following the miserable retreat of our army from Cabool. ( Vide Pottinger, Sale). This appointment brought to a close the melancholy admin- istration of Lord Auckland, which “ comprised a single series of events — the conquest, the occupa- tion, and the loss of Afghanistan.” The despondency in which Lord 124 ELL Auckland was engulphed led him simply to desire to get the rem- nant of our army out of Afghan- istan. He cared not to retrieve its honor, and to punish the Af- ghans on the theatre of their recent successes. He was bewildered by the magnitude of the calamity, and would have been content to have simply withdrawn from the scene, notwithstanding the dis- grace and tarnish that would be imposed on the British arms by such a course ; but fortunately there were two officers in the North-west who were equal to the crisis, — Mr. Robertson, formerly the Commissioner in Burmah, and afterwards Lieutenant-Governor of Agra, and Mr., afterwards. Sir George Clerk. They determined to push on reinforcements. The first Brigade under Colonel Wilde failed in its object. By the indo- mitable zeal of Mr. Clerk a second brigade was pushed across the Sutlej on the 4th January 1842. The officer in command of it was General Pollock, who had had forty years of active service and experience in India. When it be- came known that the entire Ca- bool force had been destroyed, Mr. Clerk met the Commander- in-Chief at Thanesur, where they discussed the measures which it would be advisable to adopt at this crisis. The latter was of opinion that after this catastrophe, it would be useless to push further reinforcements on to Cabool, and that the only thing to be done was to withdraw under protection, the force at Jellalabad, as the reten- tion of that village fur the safety of Cabool -was no longer required. But Mr. Clerk maintained that the garrison holding out there so nobly should be strengthened, that an army should march upon Cabool, inflict a signal retribution on the Afghans, and not till then withdraw from Afghanistan. Pol- lock arrived at Peshawar on the 5th February, where, owing to nearly half his force being in hos- pital, and the other half in a state of mutiny, he had to delay till fresh reinforcements arrived, and till he could improve both the discipline and health of his troops. The Sikh troops who were to march with the British force dreaded the Khyber pass, but by the offer of Jellalabad, to their Commander, Golab Sing, as an independent principality, and the masterly arrangements and deter- mined bearing of General Pollock, all difficulties were overcome, and on the 5th April, the troops com- menced the entrance of the Khy- ber lJass, and on the 15th, reached Jellalabad, where they found that the illustrious garrison had achiev- ed its own relief. ( Vide Sale.) On the 15th March, Ellenbo- rough issued the following notifi- cation : ‘’The British Government was no longer compelled to peril its armies, and with its armies, the Indian Empire, in support of the tripartite treaty. Whatever course we may hereafter take must rest solely on military consider- ations and regard to the safety of the detached bodies of our troops, to the security of those now in the field from all unnecessary risk, and finally to the establishment of our military reputation by the in- fliction of some signal and deci- sive blow upon the Afghans, which may make it appear to them, and to our own subjects, and to our allies, that we have the power of inflicting punishment upon those who commit atrocities, and vio- late their faith, and that we with- draw ultimately from Afghanistan ELL 125 not from any deficiency of means to maintain our position, but because we are satisfied, that the king we have set up, has not, as we were erroneously led to ima- gine, the support of the nation over which he has been placed.” He soon after proceeded to the North-west to be near the Com- mander-in-Chief, and on the jour- ney received intelligence of the success of General .Pollock, and of the defeat of Akbar Khan. He issued a brilliant proclamation referring to the garrison of J ella- labad, as “ illustrious,” but his spirits were quite damped on hear- ing of the defeat of General Eng- land at Hykulzye, and the fall of Ghuzni, and he suffered the suc- cesses of Pollock and Sale to be almost forgotten in contemplat- ing this trumpery check, and told the Commander-in-Chief on the 19th April that he had determin- ed to withdraw the troops of Gen- erals Nott and Pollock. Nott was ordered to evacuate Candahar, and Pollock was ordered to fall back on Peshawar. The order fell like a thunder-bolt on both officers. On the 13th May, Pollock replied that his retirement would be con- sidered tantamount to "a defeat — that the release of the pri- soners was an object which could not be repudiated — and that for want of cattle he was not in a position to move back for some months. He was then ordered to remain at Jellalabad till October. General Nott had begun to make preparations, with a heavy heart, to withdraw his force. But the oi’ders of the Governor-General, though they enjoined great secre- cy, soon became known through- out the country, and raised a burst of indignation through the length and breadth of it. For nearly four months he continued to reiterate his determination to withdraw, but his official correspondence bore signs of a vacillating mind. At length, on the 4th J uly, he wrote to Nott himself, suggesting that it might be possible to withdraw from Afghanistan after advancing on Ghuzni and Cabool. He said “ I know all the effect it would have on the minds of our soldiers, of our allies, of our enemies in Asia, and of our own countrymen, and of all foreign nations in Eu- - rope. It is an object of just am- bition which no one more than myself would rejoice to see effect- ed ; but I see that failure in the attempt is, certain and irretriev- able ruin, and I would inspire you with the necessary caution, and make you feel that, great as are the objects to be obtained by suc- cess, the risk is great.” Thus Lord Ellenborough with- drew from all the responsibility of the proposed advance, leaving it entirely to General Nott. A copy of the communication was for- warded to Pollock, and it need hardly be said that both Generals were only too happy to take the responsibility on their own should- ers of liberating the Cabool cap- tives and restoring our military character in the eyes of the world. Pollock’s force re-occupied Ca- bool on the 15th September 1842, and brigades were immediately sent off to rescue the English cap- tives and hostages, whom Akbar Khan had removed above the Hin- doo Koosh. ( Vide Sale, Pollock and Shakespeare.) The day after Pollock’s arrival at Cabool, Gene- ral Nott arrived from Candahar. In his letter of the 4th July, Ellenborough instructed General Nott, if he choose to retire by way I of Ghuzni and Cabool, “ to bring 126 ELL away from the tomb of Mahmood, his club which hangs over it, and the gates of his tomb which are the gates of the temple of Som- natb, which will be the just tro- phies of your successful march.” They were carefully packed and brought to Cabool. The object of the Afghanistan expedition now being accomplish- ed it was determined to withdraw the force. To leave, however, a permanent mark of retribution, the Great Bazaar of Cabool was blown up, and notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts to pre- vent plunder, our soldiers rushed in and pillaged houses and shops and set the city on fire in several places. For three days it was subjected to the wildest passions of men heated by a remembrance of the fold and treacherous mur- der of their comrades. Never was such vengeance wreaked on a city in India. On the 12th October 1842, the English colours were hauled down from the Balia Hissar and the armies marched from Ca- bool. Lord Ellenborough issued a most bombastic proclamation, con- taining reflections upon the policy of the previous administration. The proclamation of the gates ap- peared next. They were to be restored to India with a grand flourish of trumpets. In his ad- dress to the natives the Governor- General said, “ My brethren and friends, our victorious army bears the gates of the temple of Soin- nathin triumph from Afghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of Mah- mood looks on the ruins of Ghuz- ni. The insult of eight hundred years is avenged. To you, princes and chiefs, of Sirhind, of iiajwara, of Malwa and Guzerat, I shall com- mit this glorious trophy of success- ful warfare. You will yourselves. with all honour, transmit the gates of sandal-wood to the restor- ed temple of Somuath.” The gates were pronounced to be only a fac simile of the original gates, by Ma- jor Rawlinson, a great authority on questions of Oriental archaeology. The Hindoos would have nothing to do with them, for even if genuine, they had been desecrated by hav- ing been fixed in a Mahomedan Mosque. No temple of Soranath remained, and it was not likely the Government of India were going to endow one. They were brought as far as Agra, at consi- derable cost — and there they re- mained— soon after being “ con- signed to a lumber room in the fort.” The closing scene in con- nection with this expedition was a grand review" held by Lord El- lenborough at Ferozepore of our troops, amounting to 40,000 in number. This wais done partly ivith the object of overawing the Sikhs. The next important event dur- ing the administration of Lord Ellenborough was the conquest of Sind, which forms one of the darkest pages in the history of British India. ( Vide Napier.) The state of Gwalior next de- manded the attention of the Go- vernor-General. On the death of Junkoojee Sindia (who had been .adopted by Baiza Bye, Doulut Laos widow) in 1843 without issue, his second wife Tara Bye, whom he had married in 1838, adopted a boy eight years old and styled him Gyajee. Most of the influential men at the Gwalior Durbar wished the Government to be continued under the exist- ing Council of Ministers, but Lord Ellenborough deemed it neces- sary that the management of the State should rest upon the res- ELL 127 ponsibility of one individual as Regent. Mama Sahib, the uncle of the late Rajah was selected, in opposition to the young queen and the ladies of the court, who desired that that office should be filled by Dada Khasjee, the here- ditary chamberlain and keeper of the jewels. So court influence was brought to bear against Mama Sahib’s administration, and every effort was made to throw it into confusion. The state of the army in Gwa- lior was a soui'ce of great disquie- tude. It consisted of 30,000 in- fantry and 10,000 horse, with 200 pieces of cannon. It was out of all proportion to the requirements of the kingdom, and consum- ed two-thirds of its revenues, and no attempt of the Govern- ment could disband a single corps — in fact the army was too strong for the State. One of the batta- lions had committed great ex- cesses in Malwa, when Lord El- lenborough urged upon the Regent the necessity of dealing vigorously with this spirit of rebellion, offer- ing a British force to assist him. This was declined. The intrigues and _ opposition in the zenana continued to increase, till at length, the young Ranee dismissed the Regent, notwithstanding the earnest remonstrances of the Re- sident. Lord Ellenborough lost all confidence in him and wrote to him thus, “you have proved yourself unfit to manage men or women, and a minister at Gwalior must manage both.” The mi- nister was violently expelled, and it wms only through the interven- tion of Lord Ellenborongh that he escaped with his life. The Dada then assumed the reins of Govern- ment, declared himself hostile to the British Government, and the whole state was thrown into con- fusion. On the 1st November 1843, Lord Ellenborough issued a Minute on the state of affairs at Gwalior, which is one of the ablest State Papers on the records of the Council, in which he referred to the folly of allowing a state like Gwalior to expel a Regent, nomi- nated with the concurrence of the Governor-General — to allow it to be managed by his rival — to allow it to have the command of such an army as it possessed, within a few marches of the capital of the North-west Provinces, and at a time when a conflict with the Sikhs was imminent. Lord Ellenborough arrived at Agra on the lltli December 1843, and after friendly negociations failed, he ordered the British force under Sir Hugh Gough to advance on Gwalior. A deputation from the Ranee and Rajah met him to arrange an interview. He con- sented to meet them at Hingona, 23 miles distant from Gwalior, but they did not keep their engage- ment, and the Gwalior troops per- ceiving the advance of the British force to be a hostile movement, marched out to meet them. The Commander-in-Chief and officers of his Staff appeared to despise the enemy, and the progress of the army was like a military promen- ade, for the Governor-General and the wives of the chief officers accompanied it on elephants. They intended to breakfast at Maharaj- pore on the morning of the 29th December, where on their arrival masked batteries of the Mahrat- tahs opened fire upon them sud- denly. Everything was in confu- sion, and the day was won sherely by the irresistible gallantry of our soldiers of whom a thousand fell killed and wounded. Lord Ellen- ELP 1-28 borough distinguished himself on this field, moving about with the greatest intrepidity amidst a show- er of bullets, distributing money and oranges to the wounded. The decisive battle of Punniar was also fought on the same day. These victories placed Sindia’s dominions at the feet of the Go- vernor-General. Pie made a new treaty by which the Ilanee was deposed, receiving a pension of three lacs (£30,000) a year. The majority of the Rajah was fixed at eighteen, and the administration was entrusted to a Council of re- gency, consisting of six Sirdars who were to be guided by the advice of the British Resident. The army was reduced to 9,000 men with thirty-two guns. Many of the dismissed soldiers enlisted into the British contingent which was increased to 10,000. These were the men who butchered their Officers during the Mutiny of 1857, crossed the Jumna and joined the rebellious comrades of the Bengal army, while Sindia remained faithful to the British Govern- ment. The wisdom of the policy of breaking up this insubordinate force at Gwalior was fully appre- ciated two years after when 70,000 Sikh soldiers rose against the English. If at this crisis the Gwa- lior force had been in existence and co-operated as it undoubtedly would have done with the Sikhs, nothing short of a miracle would have saved India. Lord Ellenborough retired to Calcutta in March 1844, and was recalled by the Court of Directors in direct opposition to the Eng- lish Cabinet on the 15th June, and he embarked for England on the 1st August. He. however, was rewarded with an elevation of his parental title to Earl, and an additional title of Viscount Southam. He also almost immediately received the post of First Lord of the Admi- ralty. He again became President of the Board of Control during Lord Derby’s second administra- tion, and was very nearly being appointed the first Secretary of State for India. Much has been said about his acerbity of temper and there was reason for it in his domestic life. “ Ilis wife was the talk in years gone by, of Alex- andria, Cairo, and the P. and O. Steamers, and he was not believ- ed to be upon the most affec- tionate terms, with the successor to the title.” Lord Ellenborough died in the early part of 1872. ELPHINSTONE, Mount- sttjart, the fourth son of John, eleventh Lord Elphinstone, was born in Scotland, in 1779, where the first fourteen years of his life were spent, most of them in Edin- burgh Castle. After a two years’ residence in England, under the educational charge of Dr. Thom- son, of Kensington, one of his uncles, (Mr. Adam, father of John Adam, who acted as Governor-Ge- neral during a brief inter-regnum, vide Adam), procured him an Indian writersliip. He left Eng- land in July 1795, with his cousin, John Adam, as a fellow-passenger, and landed in Calcutta, when Sir John Shore was Governor-Gene- ral of India. The first noteworthy incident in Elphinstone’s Indian career, is his escape by hard riding from Benares, one day in 1799, when the followers of the deposed prince Vizier Ali, fell on the Bri- tish officers at the Residency and massacred all within their reach. ELP 129 When Lord Wellesley was ap- pointed Governor-General in 1798, the state of India was most unset- tled. In Southern India Tippoo was to be subdued, and in Central India the Mahrattahs. In 1801, Elphinstone was appointed As- sistant to the British Resident (Sir Barry Close) at Poona — the Court of the Peishwa — the great- est of the Mahrattah princes. The first Mahrattah war breaking out in 1 803, Elphinstone was appoint- ed Interpreter to Colonel Arthur Wellesley, brother of the Gover- nor-General, with whom he rode at the battle of Assaye, flank to flank. Such was his coolness and courage, that at the close of the campaign the Colonel told him that he had “ mistaken his calling, for he was certainly born a sol- dier.” On the conclusion of peace, Elphinstone, after a residence at the Court of the Rajah of Berar where he represented British in- terests, was appointed the first British envoy to the King of Cabool in 1809, Lord Minto being then Governor-General. The Ca- bool Mission failed. One good resulted from it, viz., “Elphin- stone’s History of the kingdom of Cabool,” a work, of which a third edition was called for thirty years afterwards, when the disasters of 1838-42, in that country, excited a painful interest in the minds of all Englishmen. Elphinstone, re- turned to Calcutta and remained there throughout the year 1810, and in the following year was appointed Resident at Poona. Henry Martyn was a fellow-pas- senger on the voyage from Cal- cutta to Bombay, and the soldier- statesman and the priest were on very friendly terms. The year 1817 heralded in the fourth Mah- rattah war, when the Peishwa en- deavoured to throw off the British yoke, which ended in a complete defeat of his troops at the battle of Kirkee, in November 1817, though the Residency at Poona, containing all Elphinstone’s jour- nals, notes and materials for future literary works was burnt. In the following year, Elphin- stone’s administrative abilities were called into play in the set- tlement of the Peishwa’s ceded districts, which was done in a most masterly way. It is said to have been “one of the greatest administrative successes which the British have ever accomplished in the East.” But there were still some malcontents, who were striv- ing to re-establish the sovereignty of Bajee Row. A plot was on the tapis , insti- gated by certain Mahrattah Brah- mins to murder all the Europeans at Poona and Sattara. At this juncture, Elphinstone displayed as much firmness and daring, as he had shown mildness and con- sideration in the general adjust- ment of affairs. The ringleaders were blown away from the mouth of a gun. Sir Evan Nepean, then Governor of Bombay, though ap- proving of his measures, was startled by their boldness, and advised Elphinstone to ask for an Act of Indemnity, in reply to which he said, “ If I have done wrong, I ought to be punished ; if I have done right, I don’t want any Act of Indemnity.” On the retirement of Sir Evan Nepean, Elphinstone succeeded him as Governor of Bombay, which post he held for eight years. This period of his career was his- torically uneventful, but he en- deared himself to the people, by h i s legislative and j udicial reforms, 17 130 ESD and the advancement of educa- tion. Elphinstone may be justly regarded as one of the pioneers of State education, at a time when “ Old Indians” were horrified at the idea of educating natives. Spurred on by his advanced and liberal views, the wealthy natives of Bombay by public subscrip- tions founded an institution, named in honor of him ‘ Elphin- stone College.’ While in the capacity of Governor he visited each part of the Presidency twice a year, and on these tours he in- dulged very much in the plea- sures of the chase. He was a dar- ing rider, and pig-sticking was his favourite sport. He quitted Bom- bay on the 14th of November 1827, amidst the regrets of all classes of the community. Having no near family ties at home, he loi- tered a great deal on the way, journeying slowly through Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Greece and Italy. In the spring of 1829, he reached England at the age of fifty, after having spent more than thirty years in India, with the result of such a prolonged residence — a shattered constitution. Twice the Governor-Generalship of India was offered him, and twice refused, on the score of ill-health. Though away from India, up to the last days of his life, lie took a heart- felt interest in her, and his advice and opinions were eagerly sought on all Indian affairs. Elphin- stone had long been collecting materials for writing a history of India of the Hindoo and Maho- medan periods, and it appeared in the early part of 1841, publish- ed by Murray — a work of great research and value. Elphinstone was never married. He died at his favorite residence, Hookwood, on the Surrey Hills, on the 20th of November 1859, in the eighty-first year of his age. ESDAILE, Dr. James, a Bengal medical officer, the eldest son of the Rev. Dr. Esdaile, afterwards of Perth, was born at Montrose on the 6th February 1808. He studied and graduated in the Uni- versity of Edinburgh. In 1837, the facts of mesmerism began to be copiously and clearly presented to the British public, and becom- ing assured of its truth, he devoted himself to its study. His first re- sults were published in the ‘ In- dian Medical Journal ’ for June, 1845. His first trial was casual. Seeing a felon in agony after a surgical operation, he thought he would try tomesmerisethesufferer who presently exhibited the very phenomena which were witnessed- in England — went to sleep, was pinched, had pins and nails thrust into him, sat on the edge of a chair with the nape of his neck resting against its sharp back ; had fire ap- plied to his knees, inhaled strong ammonia for some minutes, and drank it like milk, without any uneasiness, and bore the exposure of his eyes to the sun without winking or contraction of the iris. After this time Dr. Esdaile per- formed a very large number of surgical operations-— some of them absolutely gigantic— without pain. Enormous tumours are common in India, and Dr. Esdaile cut many of them away with perfect success, the patients knowing nothing about the matter till on awaking they saw their tumours lying upon the floor. In 1846, he removed 21 tumours — some weighing 30 lbs., one 40 lbs., and one 112 lbs. ; in 1847, eight — one of 40 lbs., and another of 100 lbs. in weight ; in I 1848, 34— some of very great size EYli 131 and weight. In 1848, he removed I 10 — some very large. In 1849, we learn that he performed 62 capital operations. In one place we read that after 100 capital operations with insensibility, only two pa- j tients died within a month — one from cholera, and the other from lock-jaw. Persecution, he of course, experienced ; but the edi- tors of the newspapers took up his cause. A mesmeric com- mittee was appointed by Govern- ment to investigate his facts. He satisfied them, and was placed at the head of a mesmeric hos- pital. After his return from India, where he spent many years, he lived in privacy, first in Scotland, and as he found the north too cold, ultimately in Sy- denham, where he died in 1859. H e was the author of the follow- ing works : “ Mesmerism in India, and its application in Surgery “ Natural and Mesmeric Clairvoy- ance.”— Balfour’s Cyclopaedia. EYRE, Sir Vincent, -was born on the 22nd of January 1811, and was descended from a very old Derbyshire family. His direct ancestor was Colonel Thomas Eyre, who was engaged on the field of Alarston Moor, and who died of wounds received in three personal encounters with Oliver Cromwell. Eyre was educated at the Royal Grammar School, Nor- wich, and among his contempo- raries were JRajah Brooke of Borneo, Sir A. Wilson of Delhi, and poor Stoddart who met an untimely end at Bokhara. He completed his course at Addis- combe in December 1828, and received his commission as second Lieutenant in the Bengal Artil- lery, and landed in Calcutta on the 21st May 1S29. These were, however, times of rigid economy, and with the extensive reductions going on in the Artillery, Eyre had little prospects of promotion. In 1831, he made the acquain- tance of Henry Lawrence, which ripened into intimacy. In 1837, he was promoted to first Lieutenant in the Horse Artillery. In 1840, the Commandant recommended him to Lord Auckland, as the fit- test person to proceed to Cabool as Commissary of Ordnance. The first stage of the Afghan war had just closed, {vide Auckland, DostMa- hojimed, Shah Sujah, Burnes, Ac.) and it was considered neces- sary to maintain always in readi- ness for immediate service in the chief Arsenal at Cabool, a small movable siege-train of 9-pounder iron guns for breaching purposes, and thither Eyre marched from Ferozepoor, together with mor- tars, ammunition, and miscella- neous military stores, and an escort of a Native Infantry .Re- giment and a Detachment of H. M.’s 13th Foot. With the convoy were General Elphinstone, whose weak policy has been much con- demned. and also the twice famous Henry Havelock. On the 2nd N o- vember 1841, the Cabool mas- sacre took place, and from that date to the recovery of the cap- tives by Pollock, Eyre went through all the trying scenes of that eventful period. On the 22nd November 1841, he was severely wounded. When fresh hostages were demanded by Akbar Khan, and among these four mar- ried with their wives and chil- dren, certain officers were invited in an official circular to undertake the risk. The following were the replies, given in Lady Sale’s Jour- nal, “Lieutenant Eyre, said, if it was to be productive of great 132 EY. good, he would stay with his wife and child. The others all refused to risk the safety of their families. One said, he would rather put a pistol to his wife’s head and shoot her ; and another, that his wife should only be taken at the point of the bayonet ; for himself, he was ready to perform any duty imposed on him.” The JVaval and Military Gazette comments thus on this passage, “ Ghanning in his elegant and philosophic analysis of the character of Napoleon, has felicitously defined three orders of greatness, in the last of which he assigns a place to the great conqueror of Europe. Following the spirit of that great thinker, we cannot but recognize in Lieu- tenant Eyre’s noble reply a higher tone of feeling than can be trac- ed in the answers of either of his gallant comrades. Therefore, while we may award to the latter niches in the same order with Napoleon, our acquiescence in the sentiments of Doctor Channing leads us to hail in Lieutenant Eyre’s conduct on this occasion, the lineaments of that first order — moral greatness — through which the soul defies all peril, reposes an unfaltering trust in God in the darkest hour, and is ever ready to be offered upon the altar of his country or of man- kind.” Eyre, with his wife and child, emerged safely through the Khoord Cabul pass ; the latter being strap- ped to the back of a faithful Afghan servant, but Akbar Khan was still on the track of the fugitives, and fresh hostages were again demand- ed, and he was one of the fresh batch, which completed seventeen British officers, as hostages in the hands of the Afghan chiefs ! Then came the weary captivity. The K earthquake referred to in Sale’s life, nearly cost Eyre his life while confined in the fort of Buddeea- bad, in the district of Lughman. A mass of a lofty wall fell, under which he was standing, tending to a horse which he had been allowed to retain. The longer a settlement was delayed with Pol- lock, the further the captives were removed, and the sequel is told in the lives of Pollock, Sale, Shakespear, Pottinger. Eyre returned with Pollock’s force tolndia, and while atMeerut originated what is believed to have been the first ‘Soldier’s Club’ in India, the object of which was the suppression of drunkenness by relieving the soldier from ennui , the value of which has now been universally recognised. When Eyre heard of Joseph Wolff’s in- tention of proceeding to Bokhara to ascertain the fate of Stoddart and Conolly, and that he wranted some officer to accompany him, he volunteered his services, but the letter did not reach him in time. In December 1844, Lord Ellenbo- rough appointed Eyre as Com- mandant of Artillery in the new Gwalior Contingent, raised after the dispersion of Sindia’s army in the battles of Maharajpore, &c. These very troops turned against us during the Mutiny of 1857-58, and succeeded in turning Wynd- liam’s flank at Cawnpore, by the accurate fire of their guns ! While at Gwalior, Eyre’s sympathies were enlisted on behalf of the Portu- guese Christians, who became des- titute after the disbandment of the Mahrattah force. He made an appeal to the public, and suc- ceeded in raising £600. With this sum, and the liberal support of the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-west Provinces, he EYE 133 started a small Christian colony in the valley of Dehra Doon, at the base of the Himalayas, 300 miles from Gwalior. F orty fami- lies numbering 120 souls went thither, under the guidance of Father Felix, an Italian Monk of the Franciscan Order. Each fami- ly received 14 acres of land, besides a plough and yoke, a pair of bul- locks, a cow, two pigs, a sheep and a small stock of fowls. In a short time a neat village sprang up, with its church and school room, and Father Felix, thus wrote to Eyre “ JSTous avons determine, de commun sentiment , de nommer cette nouvelle colonie, cm pays , ‘Eyre-town.’ Je vous prie done de ne pas vous y opposer.” Eyre did oppose it and suggested the name of ‘ Esapore,’ or the ‘ Abode of Christians’ which was adopted. Owing to fever and a murrain among the cattle, the settlers moved to the hills, and the spot afterwards changed hands, and became a flourishing tea planta- tion. The pretty gothic church at Gwalior was of Eyre’s design and execution. In 1854, Eyre accom- panied Sindia on his travels in the North-west, and witnessed the opening of the Ganges canal. In May 1855, he went to England on sick leave. In February 1857, he returned to Calcutta, and found a general feeling of uneasiness re- garding disaffection among the sepoys. Sindia happened to be on a visit to the Governor-General at the time, and closely questioned Eyre, as to public opinion in Eng- land with reference to the an- nexation of Oudh. He replied that our public men were not agreed upon the subject, and that a large party thought it would disturb the minds of native princes. Sindia replied, “ Ah ! that is the truth, they reason rightly.” Just the year before, at a public table cl’hote in England, Eyre heard a native of India dis- cussing on the subject, who was of opinion that ere a twelvemonth should elapse, the whole of Oudh would be in open insurrection. This was probably the Nana’s agent, Azim Oolla Khan. Eyre was posted to a horse-field bat- tery at Thyetmyo, in Burmah, which he reached on the 20th March. In May, Eyre received a telegram, summoning his battery to Calcutta, to assist in suppress- ing the mutiny which had broken out at Meerut and Delhi. He anchored off Calcutta, 14th J uner the very day on which the Gwa- lior Contingent had risen against their officers ! Eyre rendered great service during the mutiny. He advan- ced to the relief of Arrah, after gaining the brilliant victory of Beebeegunge on the 2nd August. The defence of Arrah is a remark- able feat in Indian history. It was held by sixteen European Civi- lians, and fifty of Battray’s Sikh police against the attacks of 3, 000- rebels of threemutineer regiments. The position had been mined, and a few hours delay would have ensured their destruction. The gallant Arrah field force was dis- persed on the 21st August, and it had done wonders during its short campaign of three weeks — besides having effected the relief of Arrah, it kept open the river communication between Bengal and the Upper Provinces, defeat- ed twice, and dispersed the Dina- pore mutineers — put to flight Koonwar Singh, and restored order and tranquillity in the dis- trict of Shahabad. On the night previous to the force being broken 134 EYR up, Eyre was suddenly roused from sleep to listen to some spi- rited verses composed by Dr. Halls, embodying the feelings of the Arrah garrison. General Outram thought so highly of Eyre’s services that lie recommended that they should be rewarded by the Victoria Cross. On the advance from Allahabad to Cawnpore, he was entrusted with a small expeditionary force to intercept and destroy a party of insurgents from Oudh, who had crossed the Ganges to operate in Outram’s rear, and cut off his com- munications with Allahabad, and he fulfilled Outram’s instructions to the very letter. Outram con- sidered this blow to have pre- vented a general insurrection in the Doab. Eyre did further good service in the advance on Luck- now, and was honourably men- tioned in the Despatches. At the final siege of Lucknow, his artil- lery was mainly instrumental in repelling an attempt of the enemy to break through the position at the Alumbagh, but somehow, the affair was hushed up, and when Sir A. Wilson referred to Eyre’s conduct in his final Despatch, it was returned for erasure 1 as the Alumbagh had nothing to do with Lucknow’!! With this Eyre’s field services terminated. His next appointment was at the gunpowder manufactory of Ishapore, and afterwards Inspec- tor-General of Ordnance in Cal- cutta. While here he strongly ad- vocated the establishment of Mili- tary colonies over the Himalayas in the columns of the Friend of India. He also designed some me- tallic floating waggons for pontoon purposes on the rivers of India. Two of these lashed together and floated on the Hooghly, carried a nine-pounder field gun and its full proportion of gun- ners. In 1861, lie was selected by Lord Canning as a member of the Army Amalgamation Com- mission. Early in 1863, Eyre’s health compelled him to retire to England on the full-pay list, and he was recommended to the Home Government for fur- ther honours, but it was not till May 1867, that Eyre was nomi- nated Knight Commander of the Star of India. His “ successful march on Arrah acquires greater lustre from the fact, that it followed immediately upon the defeat of double the number of European soldiers under another leader ; that it was made in the face of men trained in our school, whose hands were yet red with the victory they had achieved over a larger force, who knew that with the defeat of Eyre, they would gain possession of Behar — would be in a position to march upon Bengal * * * * * at the time it was regarded as the turning point of the mutiny, as the death-blow to rebellion in Behar, as so strengthening the hands of government, as to enable it to turn its undivided attention to affairs in the N orth-west. What, if Eyre had not succeeded 1 Where, then, would have been Havelock % Where, the beleaguered garrison of Lucknow 1 In what position would have been the Commander- in-Chief, with the whole country between Allahabad and Calcutta in insurrection 1 Who can doubt that Ghazeepore would have gone, that Patna would have gone, that Calcutta itself would have been sorely threatened 1” 135 F FALCONER, Dr. Hugh, a Ben- gal Medical Officer, and distin- guished Palaeontologist, was born at Torres, in the county of Moray in 1808. He came to India in 1829, and was for some time Su- perintendent of the Botanical Gardens at Saharunpore and Cal- cutta. He returned to England in 1856 or 57, and died there on the 31st of January 1865. He de- voted much of his time during the latter half of his life to the study of Mammalian Paloeontology. After his death, his work appeared in 2 vols.,Paloeontological Memoirs and notes edited by Dr. Charles Murchison. Falconer, and Sir P. Cautley devoted much of their time to examine the fossils of the Sewalik Hills, the results of which are described in the abovenamed book. Falconer was also author of Account of Fossil Bones at Hurdwar, Bl. As. Trans., 1837, vol. vi, 233 ; On Elastic sand- stone, Ibid., 240 ; On the Geo- logy of Perim Island, Gulf of Cambay, Lond. Geol. Trans., 1845, vol. i, 365 ; Fauna Sivalensis, or the fossil fauna of the Sewalik Hills, Cautley and F alconer, Lond., 1846, folio. FAROKSHAD, vide Mahmood of Ghuzni. FERISHTA, Mohammed Kasim, the celebrated Persian historian, was born at Astrabad, on the borders of the Caspian Sea, in 1570. His father Gholam Ali Hindoo Shah, a clever man, tra- velled into India when Ferishta was very young, settled at Ahmed- nugger in the Deccan, during the reign of Murtuza Nizam Shah, and was appointed to teach his son, Miran Hossein, Persian. On his death, which took place soon after his appointment, Miran Hos- sein patronised his son, Ferishta, who through his influence was ad- vanced to high honours in the court. In the troublous times which followed the assassination of Murtuza, Ferishta left Ahmed- nugger (1519, vide the Preface to his history) and went to Bejapore, where he was welcomed by the Regent and Minister, Dilawur Khan, who introduced him to Ibrahim Adil Shah II, the reign- ing monarch. He spent the re- mainder of his life at this court, sometimes being engaged in mili- tary expeditions, and devoting his leisure hours to the composition of his great work. He is supposed to have died soon after 1611, at the age of forty-one. In his his- tory he mentions the English and Portuguese factories at Surat, 1611. Colonel Briggs translated his history into English, and it was published in London in 1829, in four vols., 8vo. Portions had been translated previously. Colonel Dow published a translation of the first two books, in his ‘ His- tory of Hindoostan,’ but it is not considered to be accurate. ‘ A translation of the third book was made by Mr. Jonathan Scott in his ‘ History of the Deccan.’ ‘ A descriptive catalogue of the libra- ry of the late Tippoo Sultan of Mysore,’ by Mr. Stewart, gives an account of the contents of the history, p. 12 ; and also a transla- tion of the tenth book, with the Persian text, pp. 259-267. Ferishta’s history is in twelve 136 FER-FLO books, with an Introduction giving a brief and imperfect account of Hindoo history before the Ma- homedan period, and also a short account of the conquest of the Arabs on their way from Arabia to India. Book I, contains ‘ an ac- count of the Kings of Ghizni and Lahore, 997-1186 ;’ II, ‘The kings of Delhi, 1205 to the death of Akbar, 1605 III, ‘ The kings of the Deccan, 1347-1596 ;’ IV, ‘ The kings of Guzerat V, ‘ The kings of Malwa VI, ‘ The kings of Kandeish VII, ‘ The kings of Bengal and Beliar VIII, ‘ The kings of Mooltan IX, ‘ The rulers of Sind X, ‘ The kings of Cashmere ;’ XI, ‘ An account of Malabar ■’ Xil, 1 An account of the European settlers in Hindoo- stan.’ The work concludes with a short account of the geography, climate and physical condition of Hindoostan. Ferishta is considered one of the most impartial unprejudiced and trustworthy of Oriental histo- rians. His work shows great re- search in consulting authorities. He appends to his Preface a list of thirty-five historians to whom he refers, and Colonel Briggs in his English translation adds the names of twenty more who are quoted. FEROKSHE11E, vide Tamer- lane. FIRUZ TOGHLAK, vide Togh- LAK, FLOYD, General Sir John, was a distinguished officer, who passed nineteen years of his military life in India, during its most stirring times. Having lost his father when only eleven years of age, he was patronized by his father’s in- timate friend the Earl of Pem- broke, who procured him a cor- netcy in Elliot’s Light Dragoons. In 1760, he accompanied that re- giment, when only twelve years old, and was present at the battle of Emsdorf, in which he had a horse shot under him, and had a miraculous escape. In 1778, he was appointed Major to the 21st dragoons ; and in the year follow- ing, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 23rd Dragoons (afterwards the 19th.) With this corps he soon after went to India, and greatly distinguished himself in the wars with Tippoo in 1790 and 1799. At the siege of Bangalore, March 1791, a musket ball entered his cheek, and passed through both his jaws. He immediately fell, and was left on the field supposed to be dead, but his orderly dra- goons returning and discovering him still alive, remounted him, and he was enabled to return to his camp. Notwithstanding the painful wound, Floyd courted the most active and dangerous ser- vices, and drew forth the public admiration of Lord Cornwallis. His cavalry fought with great gal- lantry during this campaign, and on many occasions saved Floyd’s life by hazarding their own. In 1795, he obtained the rank of Ma- jor-General, and in the last war with Tippoo, was second to Gen- eral Harris in command of the army. At the battle of Mallavely, his cavalry destroyed a whole cushoon of Tippoo’s infantry. On the 14th April, he formed a junction with the Bombay division of the army, by most judicious movements, and shared in the glory and dan- ger of the storming of Seringapa- tam, 4th May 1799. In 1800, he returned to England I to enjoy a well-deserved retire- FOR 137 ment, where he had several sub- stantial marks of royal favour be- stowed on him. Besides the co- lonelcy of the 8th Dragoons, he was appointed Governor of Tilbury Fort, and of Gravesend, and in 1816, he was raised to the dignity of a Baronet of the United King- dom. He died on the 16th of January 1818, full of years and of good fame. FORBES, James, F.R.S., lineally descended from the Earls of Gran- ard, was born in London on the 19th of May 1749. About the age of sixteen, lie obtained the appoint- ment of writer in the Bombay Presidency. After having filled several important situations in different parts of India, Forbes returned to England in 1784, and in 1787, married Rosee, daughter of Joseph Gaylard, Esq., by whom he had one daughter, married to the Count de Montalembert, Peer of France. Forbes had a great taste for travel, and went to dif- ferent parts of Asia, Africa and America, studying the manners and customs of the people, the natural productions of the coun- tries, &c., which are delineated in manuscripts filling 152 folio vol- umes, containing 52,000 pages. In 1796, he left England with a learned friend, and travelled through Italy, Switzerland and Germany. He arrived in Paris in 1803, not being aware of hostili- ties having commenced between France and England. Here he was detained a prisoner, and only obtained his liberty in June 1 804 through the influence of M. Car- not, President of the National In- stitute at Paris, and of Sir J oseph Banks, President of the Royal Society. He first appeared as an author in 1 804, by the publication of “ Letters in France, written in 1803 and 1804, containing a parti- cular description of the English at Verdun,” 2 vols., 8vo. He after- wards published “ Reflections on the character of the Hindoos, and on the Importance of converting them to Christianity,” in 8vo., 1810. His most important work is “ Oriental Memoirs ; a narra- tive of seventeen years’ residence in India,” a second edition of which appeared in 1834, 2 vols., 8vo. In 1816, he accompanied his family to Paris where he remained two years. He again quitted Eng- land in 1819, and died at Aix la Chapelle, in August of the same year. FORSTER, George, an English traveller, was engaged in the Civil Service of the E. I. Company, and well known for having accom- plished a journey in 1782, over- land from India to Russia. He left Lucknow in December of that year for the Punjaub, avoiding Lahore, a country possessed by the Sikhs. Thence he went to Cashmere, which had been visited by only one European traveller before him, Bernier. He then proceeded to Cabool, crossing the Indus, about twenty miles above Attock, from which place he reach- ed the Southern Coast of the Cas- pian Sea, via Candahar and Herat, tie sailed across the Caspian and reached Baku and Astrakhan, from whence he journeyed to Moscow and St. Petersburg^, where he ar- rived in the spring of 1784. He published on his arrival in Eng- land some sketches of Hindoo Mythology. He afterwards return- ed to India, and during Tippoo’s second war, was sent as an envoy to the Mahrattab Court in the 18 138 FRA Deccan. He died at Allaliabad in 1792. While at Calcutta, in 1790, he published his “ Journey from Bengal to England, through the most northern parts of India, Cashmere, Afghanistan and Per- sia, and into Russia by the Cas- pian Sea.” A second volume, the sequel of his journey followed soon after, and the whole work was translated into French by Langles : “ Voyage de Bengale a Petersburgli,” 3 vols., 8vo., Paris, 1802. His work contains an in- teresting account of the Sikhs and Rohillas. FRANCIS, Sir Philip, the son of the Rev. Dr. Philip Francis, and reputed author of Junius’ Letters, was born at Dublin on the 22nd of October 1740. He was descended on his mother’s side from Sir Thomas Roe, who came out to India, as Ambassador to Jehangire, in 1614. In his 13th year, he was placed at St. Paul’s School, London. Through the interest of Henry Fox, afterwards Lord Holland, he obtained, when only 16 years of age, a small place in the Secretary of State’s Office. In 1758, on the recommendation of Mr. Pitt (Lord Chatham), he was appointed Private Secretary to General Bligh, and while in this capacity was present at the cap- ture and destruction of Cher- bourgh. In 1760, he was appoint- ed Secretary to the Earl of Kur- naul, Ambassador to Lisbon. In 1763, he obtained a permanent post as a clerk in the War Office, where he continued till 1772, when he resigned in consequence of a dispute with Lord Barrington, the Secretary at War. He spent the remainder of this year in travel- ling on the Continent. On the passing of the Regulating Act in ] 1773, three gentlemen, Vansittart, Grafton, and Ford were sent out i to Calcutta to act as Members of Council, but the ship they sailed in, was never heard of after leav- ing England. Another Committee was appointed, the first place in which was offered to Mr. Edmund Burke, which he declined. Fi- nally, Clavering, Monson and Phi- lip Francis were selected, who embarked in the same ship, ac- companied also by the Chief Jus- tice, Sir Elijah Impey, and three Puisne Judges of the newly con- stituted Supreme Court at Cal- cutta, where Francis seems to have landed in a frame of mind well calculated to give and take offence, and from that moment to the termination of the impeach- ment of Warren Hastings, he did all he possibly could to ruin that great man. He hated him with all the rancour, and opposed him with all the energy of J unius. He was a man of unquenchable am- bition, and he was jealous of the high post which Warren Hastings filled. The same trait in his char- acter was apparent while a clerk in the War Office. He hated Lord Barrington as his official superior, he hated him for having promoted Mr. Chamier to a post, he, in his estimate of his own worth, consi- dered himself entitled to, and hence arose those violent letters of abuse, written under different signatures, against Lord Barring- ton, Chamier and others. How, from a poor War Office clerk, he suddenly rose to be a Member of Council at Calcutta with a salary of id 0,000 a year, is still a matter of conjecture ; and it is equally uncertain whether the appoint- ment, obtained by Burke’s influ- ence or otherwise, was bestowed on him for his abilities, or to get FRA 139 rid of such a malignant writer by transferring him to another sphere. It is alleged that a condition was attached to it, namely, that Francis should submit to a certain sub- traction from his salary, but who benefited by this arrangement, or what the amount was, is not on record. Cherishing feelings of hatred and animosity against Hastings and all his measures, he led Clavering and Monson to side with him. Forming a majority, the triumviri carried everything before them, as detailed in War- ren Hastings’ life. But the death of Monson restored Hastings to power again. The critical state of affairs in India at this time in- duced Francis to cease his oppo- sition to Hastings, and Harwell, who had long entertained a wish to return to Europe, took the op- portunity of this lull. When he had gone, Hastings lost a powerful supporter. Francis still continued to be Francis — the truce was hol- low, his opposition was renewed, and Hastings, exasperated by the perfidy of Francis, publicly taxed him with dishonesty. “ I do not,” he wrote in a reply to Mr. Francis’ Minute, on the 14th of July 1780, “trust to Mr. Francis’ promises of candour, convinced that he is incapable of it. I judge of his public conduct by his pri- vate, which I have found to be void of truth and honor.” The Minute containing this remark was en- closed in a note to Francis, by Hastings. Francis challenged Hastings, the challenge was ac- cepted, they met on the 17th of August, to bring to an issue by a duel the fierce struggle which had raged between them for many years. Francis was wounded, but recovered. A minute account of this affair was drawn up by Co- lonel Pearse, which is given in the Appendix to this work, (No. II). Francis acted dishonourably ; he took advantage of the absence of Barwell to renew his opposition ; he was well aware that but for an existing compact, Barwell would still have been in the country. Francis had consented “ not to oppose any measures which the Governor-General shall recom- mend for the prosecution of the war, in which we are supposed to be engaged with the Mahrattahs, or the general support of the pre- sent political system of his Gov- ernment.” But this was a verbal compact, and Francis denied it afterwards. That in flinging the charge of private baseness so publicly in the face of Francis was unjustifiable, Hastings’ greatest admirers must be forced to concede. The duel was a necessary sequence of the insult — a satisfaction which the conventional code of honour de- manded. Francis took his departure from Bengal, in December 1780, and Hastings writes of it thus: “Yet though I have not the fairest pros- pect before me, Mr. Francis’ re- treat will certainly remove the worst appearances of it ; I shall have no competitor to oppose my designs ; to encourage disobedi- ence to my authority ; to write circular letters, with copies of in- struments from the Court of Di- rectors, proclaiming their distrust of me aud denouncing my remov- al ; to excite and foment popular odium against me ; to urge me to acts of severity, and then abandon and oppose me ; to keep alive the expectation of impending charges ; to teach foreign states to counter- act me, and deter them from form- ing connexions with me. I have 140 FRA neither his emissaries in office to thwart me from system, nor my own dependents to presume on the rights of attachment. In a word, I have power.” Before fol- lowing Francis to the new arena of his political life, where his ma- lignity was as bitter and his ener- gy as untiring in defaming the characters of Warren Hastings and Sir Elijah Impey, — it will be as well to notice a domestic epi- sode of his Indian life, which ter- minated in a manner not calcu- lated to allay the resentful feelings he had always entertained towards them. This is the crim. con. affair of which a full account will be found in the Appendix (No. Ill) .attached to this work, penned by the injured husband. Francis seduced Mrs. LeGrand, a young lady, 16 years old, and scarcely a year married. LeGrand challeng- ed him — he refused the challenge. The only other course left open for LeGrand was an action at law, which was commenced. He was tried by three Judges, Impey, Hyde and Chambers. Hyde fixed the damages at one lac of Rupees, („£10,000). Chambers thought no damages should be given, but find- himself in the minority, named 30,000 Rupees. Impey took a middle course, and fixed 50,000 Rupees, which was the verdict of the Court, and while delivering judgment for that amount, Hyde, much to the amusement of by- standers, sung out, “ Siccas, bro- ther Impey — Siccas !” which are worth 10 per cent, more than the current rupees. Accordingly the verdict was fixed at 50,000 sicca rupees. Strange to say, in 1801, while Impey was in Paris, he met the ci-devant Mrs. LeGrand, who had lately been married to M. de Talleyrand, then Minister for For- eign Affairs. He renewed his ac- quaintance with her, and at one of her assemblies, the following persons met : Air. and Mrs. Fox, Sir Elijah and Lady Impey, M. and Madame de Talleyrand, Sir Philip Francis, and LeGrand ! The object of M. LeG rand’s visit to Paris was to obtain an appoint- ment through the interest of his fair divorcee , whom he addressed by letter as his “ (Jhere et ancienne amie,” and by whom, as well as her husband, he was politely re- ceived. Sir Elijah Impey’s son, in his Memoirs of his father, states he was present at the meeting, but Mr. LeGrand denies it, stating that he never saw his wife again after she left India. Reaching England, in N ovember 1781, Francis was graciously re- ceived by the King and Queen, but in society, with marked dis- courtesy. He soon appeared be- fore the Court of Directors and presented to them a terrible pic- ture of the disorder and misrule of the Government in Bengal. Shortly after Francis’ arrival, a work appeared in London, enti- tled, “Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa, &c., by Mackintosh,” which reeked with abuse of Hastings, highly commended Francis, and contained throughout a most gross perversion of facts. After its publication, Captain Prise did not hesitate to give Francis the credit of having written a considerable portion of it himself. In 1784, Francis was elected Member for the Borough of Yarmouth, in the Isle of Wight. In the following year Warren Hastings returned to Europe, but before his arrival, Francis, with the aid of Edmund Burke, had set everything in train for the impeachment. It was proposed in 1786, that Francis FRA— FRE 141 should be appointed one of the Managers of the impeachment of Warren Hastings, but as he had had a personal quarrel with him, the motion was negatived twice by large majorities of the House. It was, however, voted that he should assist in the prosecution, and in this congenial work, he busied himself for many years with a perseverance and energy worthy of a nobler cause. The result, however, was a notable fail- ure. On the breaking out of war with France, Francis sided with the party of Fox and Grey, and was one of the most active mem- bers of the Association of the Friends of the People. He stood as a member for Tewkesbury in 1796, at the new election, but failed. In 1802, he was returned for Appleby, by Lord Thanet. He took an active part in the abo- lition of the slave trade, though such a course was greatly opposed to his private interests. He was made a Knight of the Bath in Oct. 1806, on the recommendation of Lord Granville, and it is believed that at this time he had great hopes of being appointed Gover- nor-General of India, hopes which were doomed to disappointment. Though Francis had charged War- ren Hastings in Bengal of ob- taining money by dishonourable means, charges, utterly false, he took home a fortune far larger in amount than his official earnings could have enabled him to save. When challenged by Major Scott in Parliament to account for his wealth, he was silent, and Captain Prise charged him in print, of being possessed of more money than he could have honestly ob- tained. Francis retired from Par- liament in 1807, but continued to take an interest in public affairs by writing occasional political pamphlets and contributions to the newspapers. He expired on the 22nd of December 1818, at St. James’ Square, after a long and painful illness, occasioned by a disease of the prostrate gland. He was twice married, the second time at the age of 70, to a young lady, Miss Watkins, the daughter of a clergyman, and left two daughters and one son by his first wife. FRASER, Lieutenant-General, John, served throughout the Pen- insular war, came to Ceylon in 1814, and was employed in the field throughout the whole of the Kan- dian rebellion in Ceylon in 1817-18 as aide-de-camp to the Com mander of the F orces. During a period of forty-eight years, he never left the island but once, on six months’ leave to the Cape of Good Hope. He had considerable landed pro- perty in Ceylon, and his name will always be associated with the to- pographical labours which result- ed in the first really good map of Ceylon. Pie died at Kandy, Cey- lon, while holding the post of Col- onel of the 37th Regiment, on the 29th of May 1862. FRERE, Sir Bartle, descended from a family who settled in Nor- folk and Suffolk at the time of the Conquest. When twelve years old, he was sent to King Edward the Sixth’s Grammar School at Bath. He entered Haileybury in 1832, and on passing his exami- nation, he was appointed as a Civilian in the Bombay Presi- dency. He at once applied to be allowed to proceed thither by the Overland Route, which was not even established at that time. Pie left Falmouth for Malta in May 142 FEE 1834, where he remained some weeks with his uncle, Mr. Hook- liam Frere. Here he also met Dr. Wolff, who aided him in his studies in Arabic, and finally pro- nounced him “ fit to scold his way through Egypt.” Proceeding in a Greek brigantine to Alexandria, he met four gentlemen there bound for India. With them he made his way to Cairo under great difficulties, and from thence to Cossier on camel back, and from thence to Yambo, Jeddo and Mocha, in open boats. F rom the latter place they started in an Arab ‘ buggalow’ which was con- veying pilgrims to Surat, and so wholly destitute was it of con- veniences that they were forced to cook for themselves. Although the ‘ buggalow’ ran short of pro- visions, she landed the travellers safely at Bombay on the 23rd September 1834, after a voyage of nineteen days. At first the authorities would not credit his identity, for the idea of a young civilian in those days proceeding to India by the Overland Route, was startling ! Within three months of landing in India, Frere passed, success- fully, an examination in Hindoo- stani, following it up by acquir- ing the Mahrattah and Guzerat languages. Lord Clare was then Governor of Bombay, and Frere asked to be sent to Belgaum, as he had heard that there was good bison shooting there ! The Gover- nor, however, thought more of his learninghis work than sport, and replied that he thought it better he should go to Poona, under Mr. Mills, a distinguished Revenue Officer. Here his work was of a very elementary kind, and he learnt from the first civilian he met, the discouraging remark, that it was impossible he could gain a step of promotion for ten years ! But nothing daunted him, and in 33 years, he reached the summit of promotion, though he had then a longer list of men above him, than has ever been above a young civilian. In the early part of 1835, Mr. Goldsmid, Assistant Revenue Commissioner of the Bombay Presidency, was deputed to enquire into the land Assess- ment of Indapore, one of an intri- cate nature, and he begged that Mr. Frere might be sent to assist him. This training, for one des- tined to govern the country, was excellent, for he had to study every nook and corner of the dis- trict, living in the monsoons in temples, chuttrums, or in a tent roughly thatched over, and so acquiring an intimate acquaint- ance with the people, their habits, thoughts and feelings. Subse- quently he succeeded Air. Gold- smid as Assistant to the Revenue Commissioner, and travelled over almost every portion of the Bom- bay Presidency, where he had also ample opportunities to indulge in his great passion for field sports. He was a most bold and intrepid shikaree. For five years, Frere had been engaged in assisting the Revenue Commissioner to reform the As- sessment of other Provinces be- sides the Deccan. Tbe rough As- sessments fixed by those who succeeded Mr. Mountstuart El- phinstone in the territories con- quered from Bajee Rao II, in 1818, bore with undue severity on the people. In despair they abandoned the cultivation of their lands, and the native subor- dinates of Government filled their pockets, under the pretext of col- lecting revenue by means of a \ FRE 143 tyranny little short of torture. The plan for the survey and settle- ment of the Government lands in the Mahrattah territory was deputed to Mr. Goldsmid, aided by Captain Wingate and Mr. Frere, and it was drawn up on the most philanthropic principles — “ recognising existing rights and conferring them where they did not exist ; of fixing a separate Assessment for each property, however small, and recognising in the occupant of that property at the time of settlement the actual owner, with complete liberty to sell, mortgage, transfer, or use it for any purpose whatever ; of fixing the first Assessment for thirty years, but declaring the right of the occupant to the land to be permanent, subject only to the payment of the Assessment ; of allowing every occupier on the close of each year to give up to the State any portion of his pro- perty, subject to a previous inti- mation of his intention so to act ; and above all, of rating the As- sessment according to the actual value of the land.” So well did the plan succeed in Indapore, the first district of which the Assessment was revised, that the system was afterwards extended throughout the whole of the Bom- bay Presidency, Sind, Berar and Mysore; and Mr. Frere, writing of the results to Mr. W. Ramsay in 1849, in a letter read before the Committee of the House of Com- mons, read by Sir George Wingate in 1858, said, “From the most wretched, depressed state in the Deccan, they (the agriculturists) have become thriving indepen- dent fellows, thoroughly grateful for what has been done for them.” It was a grand object to have co- operated in bringing about. In 1842, Frere was appointed Private Secretary to Sir George Arthur, Governor of Bombay. In 1844, he married his second daughter, and the following year took his furlough to Europe. On his return, he was appointed Re- sident at Sattara ; he was very much averse to the annexation of Sattara, 1819, and though it mili- tated against his prospects, for he was appointed Commissioner, he ventilated his views. He con- tinued to govern Sattara for two years and a half with great success, and introduced the Re- venue system which has answered so admirably in other parts of the country. Mr. Frere made the first tunnel ever done in India. It was through a portion of the Ghaut-ridge which separated the town of Sattara from a very fer- tile valley. In December 1850, he was ap- pointed Chief Commissioner of Sin d. The widening and deepening of the Bigarree Canal, and the Ivur- rachee harbour were mainly his own work. The trade increased rapidly, and Sind figured as one of the thriving provinces of the empire. In the early part of 1856, Frere had to go to England on account of ill-health, and returned in March 1857. He had scarcely set foot in Kurrachee when he re- ceived a telegram announcing the revolt of Meerut, 10th May ! He saw at once that a crisis had arrived which would test to the utmost British resources, and he saw also that the fate of the coun- try must depend upon the attitude of the Punjaub. The first thing he did was to send his strongest regiment, the Bombay Fusiliers to Mooltan, and he dared to trust the Maliomedan population he 144 FEE ruled ! Nothing shows more strongly the firmness and strength of his character than this act, and he did it on his own responsibi- lity without waiting to consult the Bombay Government. Mool- tan, one of the keys of India, was garrisoned chiefly by native troops, and he was determined to secure that key, even at the risk of Sind, and he succeeded. That corps which he sent, held Mooltan and Ferozepore during the worst days of the Indian Mutiny. Addi- tional troops were sent off to the southern Mahrattah country, and the 1st Beloochee regiment to the Punjaub. When the latter were sent away, Frere, writing to Lord Elphinstone, said, “when the head and heart were threat- ened, the extremities must take care of themselves.” Had he look- ed simply to his own interests, he would have been only too glad to have kept them at Kurrachee. In 1848, Frere received the thanks of both Houses of Parlia- ment for his services in Sind. In the following year, he was nomi- nated a Civil Knight Commander of the Bath. In 1859, he was nominated a member of the Su- preme Council of India. He left Sind and reached Calcutta during the winter of 1859-60, when the Imperial Finances were in great disorder — the Military expendi- ture, one-half greater than it had been before the Mutiny, the Of- ficial, the European non-Official, and the native, on the worst pos- sible terms one with the other, and Lord Canning at the height of his unpopularity. It was all chaos. First, as to finance, Mr. Janies Wilson had arrived just two months before Frere, and received most hearty support from him though lie saw difficulties and even risk in his schemes, but he considered these “as nothing compared with the certain ruin of drifting into bankruptcy by remaining as we are.” At this time, Lord Canning was absent from Calcutta, and the Governor of Madras, Sir Charles Trevelyan protested openly against the In- come-tax, which led to his recall. Sir George Arthur, though he con- sidered the Income Tax unneces- sary, supported it, as its imposi- tion had been decided upon. Towards the end of 1860, the death of Mr.. Wilson threw on Sir Bartle Frere, temporarily, the duties of the Financial Department, when he had to superintend the reform of the Military expenditure, en- trusted toa Commission, the prime mover of which was Sir George Balfour. The result of the ser- vices of this Commission was an annual saving of three millions, and its firmest supporter was Sir Bartle Frere. He also gave Wil- son’s successor, Mr. Laing, his cordial support, and when that gentleman was obliged to return to England within six months of his arrival in Bengal, Sir Bartle Frere was again placed in the vacated position, and helped to carry out the remedial measures, which planned by Laing, set the Indian Exchequer on a safer basis. In the question of the amalga- mation of the Indian army with the British, Sir Bartle Frere took an interest in seeing so novel a measure carried out with the least injury to the interests of the officers concerned. The support and advice he gave Lord Canning in all his measures during the last two years of his administration, tended, in no small degree, to change the bad feeling that existed against him. FUR— FUT 145 In 1862. Sir Bartle Frere was appointed Governor of Bombay, soon after Lord Canning had left Calcutta, who, on hearing of the appointment on his way Home, wrote to him from Aden, 6th April 1862. “ I have barely time for one line, but it must be writ- ten. I have just seen in the Over- land Mail your appointment to Bombay * * * * I do not know when I have read anything with such unmixed pleasure. It has given me a fillip, and a new start in the interest for India which I carry with me. God grant you health and strength to do your work in your own noble spirit •” and again, from Alexandria, he wrote, “I did not say half of what was in my mind when I wrote from Aden. I do hope that now that you have got the chief burden on your own shoul- ders, you will take more care of yourself, and not run risks from overwork. It will be inexcus- able, with the help of Poona and Mahableshwar, if youdo not so hus- band yourself as to be able to work out your full line of usefulness.” As Governor of Bombay, he did his best to encourage education, and to Lady Frere is to be attri- buted the great advance made in the civilisation and education of the native female community of Bombay. It was she who first threw open the doors of Govern- ment House to the female rela- tives of the Parsees and other na- tive gentlemen of the Presidency, and it was she who visited them in their houses, and induced them to adopt a more liberal training. The great works undertaken by Sir B. Frere, were the building of the Deccan College, the Poona Engineering College, the Elphin- stone College, and the Sassoon College. During his tenure of office, the Bhore Ghaut, the Tull Ghaut Incline, and the Ahmeda- bad Railways were opened : the ramparts of Bombay were demol- ished, and a municipality organiz- ed, which was the means of reduc- ing the mortality from an average of 35’04 per 1,000, in 1864, to an average 19’20 per 1,000, in 1868. Sir B. Frere had to meet a com- mercial crisis — which was brought about by over-trading and specu- lation and the sudden termination of the American war. He passed the Cotton Frauds’ Act and the Time Bargains’ Bill, which were strongly opposed by the commer- cial community— and as early as the 16th November 1864, he pub- licly warned officers of Government against share speculations. The crash came in 1866, but it was of such a nature that Government could not be held responsible. Taken, altogether, he is the ablest man that the Indian Civil Service has ever seen. After a service of thirty three years, he left with the universal esteem and affection of the people, in 1867. In 1873, he was sent by the British Government on a mission to Zanzibar to suppress the slave trade, and although at one time it seemed likely to turn out a failure, it has upon the whole, been thoroughly success- ful. The Sultan signed the treaty before the ships of war reached his possessions, and by the treaty he promised to give up trading in slaves, and to abolish slavery in his dominions. FUR KUNDEH A LI, vide Ni- zam. FUTTEH JUNG, vide Nizam. I FUTTEH KHAN, vide Bartjk- I zye Family. 19 146 G GAIK WAR FAMILY, ruling at Guzerat. Vilajee Gaikwar was the nephew of Danajee Gaikwar, and succeeded him as second in com- mand of the Mahrattah armies. He made himself chief of exten- sive tracts in Guzerat. In 1721, the Peishiva made him Command- er-in-Chief of the armies. He died in 1732, and his son Damajee Gaikwar succeeded, and considerably extending his father’s possessions, threw off his allegiance to the Peishwa, 1768. Siyajee was recognised by the Peishwa, though he was a weak and irresolute prince. By a heavy bribe, Futteh Sing, his brother, in- duced the Peishwa to recognise him as Regent. He died in 1792, and was succeeded by another brother Govind Row, who was unsuc- cessful in his struggle for the throne, owing to the support which Raghoba and the other Mahrat- tahs, and the English gave to Fut- teh Sing. His minister was Ra- vajee — no issue. A nephew Anund Row, succeeded in 1800, with the same minister employed. A rebellion occurred, raised by Mulhar Row, a relative of Govind Row’s wife, which the English .aided in suppressing. His Arab mercenaries seized Baroda and threw him into prison. He was rescued and made a subsidiary treaty with the English. H e died in 1819. Siyajee succeeded, but was reckless and ran much into debt. Part of his territory was annexed j to Bombay to secure payment of I the subsidy. In 1838, the Resi- dent had to make strong remon- strances with the Gaikwar, and his demands were complied with. He abolished “ suttee,” and raised the “ Guzerat Irregular Horse” for the Company’s service. GAMA, Vasco or Vasquez de, an illustrious Navigator, was born at Sines, in Portugal, of a noble family ; and to him belongs the merit of having discovered the route to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. Having under his command three vessels, manned with 160 marines and sailors, Gama set sail, July 9, 1497 ; in the beginning of the next year reached the eastern coast of Africa, and holding his course straight towards the coast of Ma- labar, arrived in May at Calicut, where the ruler over the country, called the zamorin , or king, had his residence. He returned to Lis- bon in two years and two months from the time of his setting out ; and the result of this expedition promised such great advantages, that, in 1 502, he went out with 20 ships, but he was attacked by an opposing fleet on the part of the Zamorin, which he defeated, and returned the following year with 13 rich vessels which he had cap- tured in the Indian Seas. John III of Portugal appointed him Viceroy of India on the death of Albuquerque, in 1524 ; on which he went there a third time, and established his government at Co- chin, where he died in 1525. The Luciad of Camoens, who accom- panied Gama, is founded on the adventures of his first voyage. ( Vide Camoens). GHA-GIL 147 GHAZIR-U-DIN HYDER, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, GHEIAS-U-DIN, vide “ Ghor.” GHEIAS-U-DIN BULBUN, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. GHEIAS-U-DIN TOGHLAK, vide Toghlak. “ GHOR,” House of, ruling at Ghuzni. Ala-u-din seized Ghuzni from Behram, to avenge the death of his brother, Seif-u-din, in 1152, and established himself as an in- dependent king. He died in 1 156. He was succeeded by his son Seif-tj-din, who havingmurder- ed an offending chief, the deceas- ed man’s brother slew him, 1157. Gheias-u-din succeeded and lived a very quiet life at Ghuzni, leaving all the work of conquest to Shahab-u-din, his brother. He died a natural death in 1202. Shahab-u-din succeeded. In 1157 he had been made command- er of the armies of Gheias. He conquered Khorasan — destroyed Khusru II, the last of the house of Ghuzni at Lahore in 1176 — took Sind in 1181 — Delhi and Ajmeer in 1193 — Canouj and Benares in 1194— came to the throne in 1202, and was murdered while on an expedition to Kharism in Transoxiana in 1206. — He was succeeded by his nephew Mahmood, who was not strong enough to save the kingdom from internal dissensions. Eldoz, a fa- vourite slave of Shahab, seized it, and the kingdom fell to pieces, and the decayed and desolate Ghuzni gave birth to the great- ness of Delhi. GILCHRIST, John Borthwick, LL.D., a distinguished Oriental- ist, was born at Edinburgh, in 1759. He came out to India at an early age, and when scarcely twenty-eight years old, published his English and Hindustani Dic- tionary. For many years he was Pi-ofessor of Hindustani and Per- sian at the College of Calcutta. It is not certain when he left India, but judging from the fact that no book of his was published in Cal- cutta bearing a later date than 1804, and that his first work plant- ed in England bears date 1806-8, it maybe concluded that he returned thither in 1805. It is said that he acquired a large fortune in India. On his return he taught Hindu- stan i and Persian in Ed inb urgh and London, and his works detailed below gave a great impetus to the study of Eastern tongues. Gilchrist died in Paris, in 1841, where he had resided for many years. “ British Indian Monitor ; or the Anti-Jargonist, Stranger’s Guide., Oriental Linguist and other works on the Hindustani Language compressed,” Edinb., 1806-8; “ English and Hindustani Dictionary,” Calcutta, 1787-90 ; Second Ed., Edinb., 1810 ; Third Ed., Lond., 1825 ; “A Grammar of the Hindustani Language,” Calcutta, 1796 ; “The Oriental Linguist,” Calcutta, 1798 ; “The Anti-Jargonist,” Calcutta, 1800; “A new Theory and Prospectus of the Persian Verbs, with their Hindustani Synonymes in Per- sian and English,” Calcutta, 1801 ; “ The Iiindee Manual, or Casket of India,” Calcutta, 1802 ; “Stran- ger’s Infallible East Indian Guide, or Hindustani Multum in Parvo, Calcutta, 1 802, Edinb. , 1 808, Lond. , 1820 ; “ Dialogues, English and Hindustani,” Edinb., 1809, Lond., 148 GIL 1820; “The Hindee Roman Or- tho-epigraphical Ultimatum,” Cal- cutta, 1804, Lond., 1820 ; “ Hindee Moral Preceptor,-’ Calcutta, 1803; “ Hidayut-ool-Islam, in Arabic and Hindustani,” Calcutta, 1804; “ Oriental Fabulist,” Calcutta, 1803 ; “ The General East India Guide and Vademecum,” Lond., 1825; “ Hindee Story-Teller,” Cal- cutta, 1802-3. A scholarship bearing his name ■was founded in Calcutta. Gilchrist’s services to Oriental Literature consist in his reducing to a uniform system the popular unwritten dialect now called Hin- dustani. Before his time every- thing was unsettled in it. He re- duced it to a system, and thus furnished one of the most power- ful means of civilizing Northern India. His works have been en- tirely superseded by the labours of Forbes and Garcin de Tassy, but he must always be remem- bered as a benefactor of India. GILLESPIE, General SirRoLLO, a gallant E. I. Company officer. The causes which led to the Vel- lore Mutiny of 1806, are men- tioned elsewhere in this volume. ( Vide Bentinck). After the fall of Seringapatam and Tippoo’s death, his family, with 1,800 of their adherents and 3,000 Mysoreans were removed to Vellore, where the Princes were treated liberal- ly and little personal restraint were imposed upon them. The troops in the Garrison amounted to 370Europeans and 1,500 sepoys, many of whom had been in the service of Tippoo. At three in the morning of the 10th July, the sepoys rose in re- bellion, joined by many of the followers of the Mysore Princes. The main -guard and t he powder magazine were secured, and the mutineers poured in a murderous fire upon the sleeping European soldiery, through the Venetians, till 82 had been killed and 92 wounded. The sepoys then broke off into parties, butchering the sick Europeans in the hospital and attacking the officers’ quar- ters. Thirteen officers fell victims to their treachery. Sir John Fan- court (then Colonel) was in com- mand of Vellore, and General Sir R. Gillespie (then Colonel also) commanded at Arcot, 16 miles distant. These two officers were old friends, for they had been quartered together in St. Domingo. Gillespie had been asked to dine and sleep at the quarters of Sir John Fancourt at Vellore on the very night of the mutiny, so little was there suspicion of the fidelity of the sepoys. Fortunately, just as he Was about to start on the morning of the 9th, public Des- patches were put into his hands, which compelled him to defer his journey, and when he did proceed there, under what different cir- cumstances was his visit paid ! At day break on the morning of of the 10th, he mounted his horse to gallop over to Vellore in time for breakfast, and was scarcely in his saddle when tidings arrived of the frightful massacre. A troop of the 19th Dragoons was at the time ready for parade. Gillespie ordered them to get ready for action and follow him. On went this gallant little band to the rescue of their countrymen. The 16 miles were soon covered. Gil- lespie had out-stripped his escort, and was attracted by the sound of musketry to a lofty gateway and bastion, where the remnant of the English still struggled for their lives. Here they stood at GIL 149 bay, their last cartridge almost expended when Serjeant Brodie, who had known Gillespie at St. Domingo, saw a horseman spur- ring across the plain, and turning round to his comrades, said, “ If Colonel Gillespie be alive, here he is at the head of the 19th Dra- goons ; and God Almighty has sent him from the West Indies to save our lives in the East)!” A rope was let down the ramparts made of soldier’s belts knotted together, and Gillespie dragged up amidst a shower of balls. The Dragoons, with their galloper guns (light field pieces used by cavalry regi- ments in those days) blew open the gates ; an English huzza was heard, accompanied by the rat- tling of horse’s footsteps over the drawbridge, and the mutineers were charged. Some three or four hundred were cut to pieces, many were taken prisoners, and others escaped by dropping from the walls. The brave Eancourt only lived to see the Loyal Ensign of Mysore cut down, and the British Standard once more float on the ramparts of Vellore. He died that very afternoon, having been shot down by some sepoys, when try- ing to join Brodie’s main-guard. Thus met these two old friends on the memorable 10th July 1806, the one wounded and in a dying state, the other after a brilliant rescue of the survivors, unscathed. Lady Fancourt and her two chil- dren escaped through the faithful- ness of their servants andthe timely arrival of Gillespie. Before proceeding further with Gillespie’s career, it may not be out of place to state that the mem- bers of Tippoo’s family were re- moved to Calcutta, and their pen- sions were not curtailed, though they fomented this outbreak. It became important to the in- terests of British commerce on the subjugation of Holland by Napoleon to occupy the Dutch settlements in the East, and ac- cordingly, in 1809, an expedition was sent to the Spice Islands, which proved successful. Noth- ing then remained to the Dutch but Java, and the Mauritius hav- ing been subdued, an expedition was sent against it, in 181 1, carry- ing the largest armament which the Eastern Seas had ever floated. Since the occupation of the Island by the French, Napoleon had been indefatigable in improving its for- tifications. The capital of the Island was occupied without any resistance, and after the subju- gation of Weltevreden, a military post, the British army marched against Cornelis, which it was re- solved should be carried by coup- de-mam. The daring enterprise was entrusted to Gillespie, 26th August. ( Vide Mijsto). His suc- cess was complete ; 6,000 of the French troops, chiefly Europeans, were made prisoners, but the vic- tory cost the British 900 killed and wounded, of whom 85 were officers. A revolt of the native chiefs next occurred, which Gil- lespie subdued by storming their capital. The object of the war was solely to extinguish the power of the French and to obtain secu- rity for British ships and com- merce. And notwithstanding the instructions of the Court of Di- rectors to level the fortifications to the ground, to distribute the arms and ammunitions among the natives, and evacuate the is- land, the Governor-General, Lord Minto, who accompanied the ex- pedition, refused to abandon the Dutch Colonists undefended, to a set of barbarians; retained the 150 GOU island, appointing Gillespie in command of the army, and Mr. .Raffles to the Government, under whose administration it continued to flourish for many years. The last scene in which Gil- lespie acted was the Nepaul war, during the administration of Lord Hastings. The campaign against the Goorkhas, it was determined, should be carried out simultane- ously in four different points. Gillespie’s division was the first in the field. All his military actions were characterised by a bold and reckless daring. Lord Hastings had advised him to avoid storming works where the use of artillery was required, but heed- less of this admonition, when he came upon the first fortified posi- tion, Kalunga, he ordered the commander to surrender late in the day. The cool answer was that as it was late, a reply would be sent the following morning. Gillespie determined at once upon an assault, but his men reeled under the tremendous fire of the Goorkhas. Exasperated by the re- pulse, Gillespie placed himself at the head of three companies of Eu- ropeans and advanced to the gate with a rush, but while waving his hat to his men to follow him, was shot through the heart, 31st Oc- tober 1814. The other divisions were led by General J. S. Wood, General Marley, -and Sir David Ouchterlony. The last of these was the only successful one. ( Vide Ouchterlony.) The following lines were com- posed and sung ex-tempo?'e, in a favourite room which the General had erected at Bangalore, by a lady after her return from a visit to the beautiful but fatal valley of Boon : — “ Ye banks and braes of bonny Doon How late your scenes so peaceful smiled ; How sweetly bloomed your mountain In spotless white so soft and mild ! [rose But now ensanguined be thy flower, And fatal be thy banks, fair vale ! While sad among the blooming braes, Resounds the soldier’s mournful wail ! How lately burned our hero’s soul In glory’s fatal, bright career ! Ah ! Doon, thy bosom now entombs The heart that never knew a fear ! Ye banks and braes of bloody Doon Ah ! woe the while, ye’re Rollo’s tomb ! But with his sacred blood imbrued Your glens shall know immortal bloom!” GOUGH, Lord Hugh, wasborn at Woodstown, in the county of Limerick, on the 3rd of Novem- ber 1779. He was the son of a gentleman of English descent, who was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Limerick City Militia, and in whose regiment he obtained a Commission when 13 years of age. He was transferred from thence into the Line, on the 7th August 1794. He was present at the cap- ture of the Cape of Good Hope and of the Dutch fleet in Sald- hana Bay. He next served in the West Indies, and was present at the attack on Porto Rico and the capture of Surinam, and in St. Lucia. In 1809, he was sent to the Peninsula to join the army under Wellington, during which campaigns he was severely wound- ed twice, once had a horse shot under him, and distinguished him- self by his bravery. He was pro- moted to the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel, and received the order of St. Charles from the king of Spain. On the conclusion of the war, after a residence in the South of Ireland, where he was sent to take command of the 22nd Foot, as well as discharge the duties of a Magistrate during a period of great excitement and disturbance, Gough was appointed in 1837 to GOU 15.1 take Command of the Mysore di- vision of the British Army in India. He had not been long in India when the first British war in China broke out, and his ser- vices were required in that coun- try. An army of 4,500 soldiers was put under his command, which, assisted by the fleet of Admiral Sir W. Parker, defeated the Chinese in repeated engagements, captur- ed several populous cities and was about to attack Nankin, when peace was made. On the conclu- sion of the treaty of Nankin in 1842, Gough was created a Baronet and invested with the Grand Cross of the Bath. In August 1843, he was appointed to the post of Commander-in-Chief in India, where he arrived in most troublous times ; but having gain- ed the important victories of Ma- harajpore and Punniar, Lord El- lenborough was enabled to dictate terms of peace under the walls of Gwalior. Gough was next engag- ed against the Sikhs in the Pun- jaub, who had long shewn signs of mischief, and in 1845, crossed the Sutlej in vast numbers. The result was the battle of Moodkee on the 18th of December, and Fe- rozeshuhur on the 21st, where, though the military strength of the English reeled and staggered under the tremendous fire of the Sikhs, he carried by assault, the intrenched camp of the enemy, with ammunition, stores and seven- ty pieces of cannon. This was followed up by the third and more decisive victory of Sobraon on the Sutlej, which resulted in the total rout of the Sikhs, and a peace dictated on our own terms before Lahore. But in 1848, the Sikhs rebelled again, and Gough once more was forced to take the field against them. Ramnuggur, Sa- doolapoore and the sanguinary and indecisive battle of Chillian- walla followed. The plan of this campaign has been denounced by the highest military authorities as extremely defective. When news reached England of Chillianwalla — of British standards lost — of British cavalry flying from the field — of British guns captured, it was decided a change should be made in the command. Gough was recalled and the Duke of Wellington asked Sir Charles Na- pier to go to India as Command- er-in-Chief, but ere he reached, the victory of Guzerat (22nd Feb. 1849,) had turned the Punjaub into a British province. The cap- ture of Guzerat, completely crush- ed the Sikh power and the fugi- tives were pursued beyond the Indus, by Sir Walter Gilbert — Gough was created a Peer in April 1846 as Baron Gough of Chinkin- foo, in China and Maharajpore and the Sutlej, and on his return to England, he was created Vis- count Gough of Guzerat, with a pension of £2,000 a year for him- self and his two next successors in the peerage, and also received the thanks of both Houses of Par- liament. The E. I. Company fol- lowed the example of the Impe- rial Legislature settling on him a pension. In 1855, Gough suc- ceeded Lord Raglan as Colonel of the Royal Horse Guards, and in the following year was sent to the Crimea to represent Her Majesty at the investure of Marshal Pelis- sier and a number of our own and the French officers with the In- signia of the Bath. He was in- stalled a Knight of the Order of St. Patrick, in 1857 ; in 1859, he was sworn a Privy Councillor ; in 1861. he was nominated a K.C.S.I., made Honorary Colonel of the 152 GOV— GRA London Irish Rifle Volunteers, and in November 1862, received a Field Marshal’s baton. He died at St. Helen’s, near Dublin, in the 90th year of his age, 2nd March 1869. ( Vide Hardinge and Dal- HOUSIE. ) GOVIND ROW, vide Gaikwar Family. GRANT, Charles, Esq., one of the senior Members of the E. I. Court of Directors, was born in the neighbourhood of the scene of the celebrated battle of Culloden, in April 1746. He was appointed a writer upon the Bengal estab- lishment in 1772. Three years later he was selected for the office of Secretary to the Board of Trade at Calcutta, and in 1781, as Com- mercial Resident at Malda, then one of the most important posts in the service. The local govern- ment, in a Despatch to the Court of Directors, on this occasion men- tioned him as “ a very deserving servant.” In addition to a liberal salary at Malda, Grant received a considerable commission on arti- cles purchased for the Company by him. At the end of two or three successive years, he found he was making money very fast, and being a man of the most scrupu- lous integrity, he sent all his books down to tlie Governor-General (Cornwallis) at Calcutta, and begged that they might be care- fully examined. The Governor- General returned the books un- examined, and expressed a wish that all the servants of the Ho- nourable Company were equally scrupulous. He was further pro- moted in 1787, as a Member of the Board of Trade, having immediate superintendence of all the com- mercial concerns of the Company in Bengal. Family circumstances in 1790, compelled Grant to re- turn to England, and in 1794, he declared himself a candidate for the Direction, when he was elect- ed a Director, two months after, 30th of May, and took an active part in the business of the Court. In 1802, he was elected M. P. for Inverness, and in 1804-5, filled the situation of Deputy Chairman, succeeding to the office of Chair- man in the following year. A fa- vorite project of Grant’s, which was now brought forward, was the establishment of a College in India for the education of young men destined for the Company’s Civil Service. He framed a plan which was ultimately adopted, and from the establishment of the institution to the day of his death, he watched over it with anxious solicitude. In his Parliamentary career, Grant took a prominent part in connection with all the E. I. Com- pany’s affairs, the renewal of the Charter, — the trade with China, — Indian Missions, — E. I. ship- ping,— restrictions on the Indian Press, &c. On the latter subject, he strongly deprecated the intro- duction of an uncontrolled press at that time. In 1815-16, Grant was for the third time, elected Chair- man of the Court of Directors. When Parliament arraigned the administration of Marquis Wel- lesley, Grant took a leading part in the discussions, and on one of these occasions Philip Francis made the following remark in al- lusion to him — “ On the facts in question there cannot be a more competent witness ; nor any hu- man evidence less tobesuspected.” In 1818, Grant was appointed Chairman of the Commissioners for the Issue of Exchequer Bills, GRA 153 which honorable and responsible post he held till the day of his death. Amidst all his public duties, he always found time for acts of public and private benevo- lence, and was an ardent support- er of literary and scientific institu- tions. He was also a warm sup- porter of Missions, and when in 1787, the Sheriff's Seal was placed upon the doors of a Mission Church at Calcutta, Grant stepped for- ward, paid the sum it was ap- praised at, Rs. 10,000 (,£1, 000) and restored it to the use for which it was built. ( Vide Kiernander). He died at his house, in Russell Square, London, on the 31st of October 1823. GRANT, Sir John Peter, was born in Scotland, on the 21st Sep- tember 1774. Little is known of the events of his early life. In February 1802, he was called to the Bar, at Lincoln’s Inn, having previously taken the degree of M. A. at Cambridge. He became a Member of Parliament in 1812. In 1828, he was Knighted and nominated Puisne Judge of Bom- bay. At the time of his arrival there, Sir Harcourt Chambers and Sir Edward West were his col- leagues. “ Not over favourably impressed with the administration of justice by the Company’s Courts ; con- ciliating the natives within the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court by the exhibition of the difference between complicated law as dis- pensed by men thoroughly edu- cated in it, and independent of executive interference, and a simple code as administered by those who were not generally so educated, and wdio were depen- dent on the favour of the local Government for promotion ; read- ing in the character of that Su- preme Court, no limit to its juris- diction afforded by the collateral jurisdictions of the Company’s Courts — it is not to be wondered at, that the Bench of Bombay should have been inclined to ex- tend what they considered their aegis, when occasion offered to protect the Bombay Mofussilites from tyranny and informality. Within the year, after Sir John’s arrival in the country, two cases occurred of this nature which led to a memorable rupture be- tween the Government and the Supreme Court, and ultimately to the transfer of Sir John’s labours to the Bengal Presidency.” The Government interfered, and with the aid of Military force, prevented the decrees of the Su- preme Court being carried out ! Before the death of Sir Harcourt Chambers, the two Judges had been contemplating an appeal to the Privy Council, on the subject of Government interference, and while it was in preparation, the Chief Justice died. Grant pre- ferred the appeal himself, but pre- viously sent a copy of it to the Government, categorically de- manding to be informed distinctly — First, “ whether it was their in- tention, as Governor and Council of Bombay, to resist, or cause to be resisted, by means of the Mi- litary force at their disposal, or otherwise, the execution of the Writs of the King, or any other Process which the Supreme Court of Judicature of Bombay should issire, and which it would deem to be lawful within any part of the territories, subject to the Government of Bombay. Se- condly, whether it was their in- tention, in any case of the issu- i ing any such Writ or Process, to GKA 154 withhold their best aid and as- sistance in the execution thereof, when the same should be de- manded under authority of the Court.” The Government replied, that they adhered to their origi- nal determination. On the 21st April 1829— affairs came to a dead-lock. Grant in- formed the public and the Bar that the Supreme Court had ceased to exist — refused to per- form the functions of a Judge, until the Court received an as- surance that its authority would be respected, and its Processes obeyed and rendered effectual by the Government of the Presi- dency. He then appealed to the Governor-General of India in Council (Ellenborough), who de- clined to interfere, as an appeal had already been made to Caesar. The Supreme Court was again opened on the 17th June, when Grant gave a close resume of the dispute in an address to the Grand Jury. At the same time a letter arrived from Lord Ellenborough to Sir John Malcolm, which, after briefly stating that the law-officers of the Crown had not given their opinion upon the difference, went on to say, “ I believe there is but one opinion in this country as to the conduct of the Supreme Court. Their law is considered bad law ; but their errors in law are consi- dered as nothing in comparison with those they have committed in the tenors of their speeches from the Bench. In the mean- time, the King has, on my recom- mendation, made your Advocate- General, Mr. Dewar, Chief Jus- tice. I advised this appointment, because that gentleman appears to have shewn ability and dis- cretion during the late conflict j with the Supreme Court, and be- cause he appears to take a right view of the law, and to be on terms of confidence with you. I thought the putting him over Sir John Grant’s head would do more to notify public opinion than any other measure I could at once adopt ; and you have him in action two months sooner than you could have any other sent from here.” Next comes a fore- shadowing of Ferozepore festi- vities and embroidered coats, “as it will not be right that the Chief Justice alone shoidd not be knighted, we must consider in what manner that can best be effected. I believe it may be done by patent ; but my present idea is to empower you as Governor, to confer the honour of knight- hood on Mr. Dewar. This will evidently place the Governor above the Court. It will mark you out as the King’s represen- tative. You may make the cere- mony as imposing as you please .” As to the point in issue, the Pre- sident writes, “Perhaps the opi- nions of the Law-officers, and those which I may obtain of the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Justice, maybe sufficient to in- duce Sir John Grant to revise his notions of Law. At any rate no more mischief can happen, as he will be like a wild elephant led between two tame ones.” This letter was read out to a large party at Sir John Malcolm’s breakfast table, and afterwards, it is affirmed, sent to the wild elephant for his special edifica- tion ! It found its way into the papers, and was the theme of com- ment, both to the Press of India and that of England. In September 1829, Sir Wil- liam Seymour arrived from Eng- land to fill the place of Sir H. GRA 155 Chambers, and at the same time Sir James Dewar was installed. Within three months, the former fell a victim to the climate, and the odds on which Lord Ellen- borough had calculated, were di- minished. In the meantime, Grant had sent in his resignation and applied for early relief— a natural step under the circum- stances of his supercession. The intelligence, however, of his hav- ing closed the Court, had pre- viously reached England, and he was recalled, pending a formal inquiry into his conduct. This indecorous conflict be- tween the executive and judicial authorities in Bombay attracted the attention of Parliament, espe- cially as the termination of the E. I. Company’s Charter was ap- proaching. The conclusion seem- ed generally to be — that the Judges were strictly conscien- tious in their interpretation of the law, though not correct in it, nor consequently justified in pushing matters to such extremity as they did. On the other hand, the Go- vernment of Bombay was cen- sured for acting in the way it had done — tending to exasperate the hostility between the authorities. Though, Grant was considered to have committed an error of judg- ment, he received the tribute of high conscientiousness and intre- pidity. In July 1830, it was reported that Grant was about to retire from the Bombay Bench and prac- tice at the Calcutta Bar. Public feeling evinced itself strongly gii the occasion, and he received an address from the native popu- lation, with 4,500 respectable sig- natures. In September, he closed his official career at Bombay. A full length portrait was subscrib- ed for, to be placed in a public situation. At this moment fol- lowed, a Government Notification : “ In consequence of the tenor of an Advertisement published in the public Newspapers, con- vening a Meeting of the Native inhabitants of Bombay, to present an Address to Sir J. P. Grant, ‘ on the occasion of his resignation of his office of J udge of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Bombay/ the Honorable the Governor in Council deems it proper to notify, for the information of the natives of the Presidency and the Pro- vinces, that Sir John Peter Grant has been recalled from Bombay, by an order of the King in Council to answer complaints made against him by the Honor- able the E. I. Company.” Another ^Notification appeared manifesting painful accuracy in denying the allegations of the Address, as far as they alluded to the want of confidence reposed in the Company’s Courts by the natives ! On the 21st, Grant sailed from Bombay in the H. C. Steamer Enterprise. More than 7,000 per- sons assembled at the Pier-head, and many boats with natives accompanied him to the vessel. He arrived at Calcutta, 16th Oc- tober, and his career there was if less eventful not less useful. On his voyage Home, on board the Ship Earl of Hardwick , 17th May 1848, Grant died, and was buried at sea. v.i 1 1 156 H H ALII ED, Nathaniel Brassey, was an eminent Orientalist, who received his education at Harrow School, and afterwards became a civil officer in the E. I. Company’s service in Bengal. He published “ A Code of Oentoo Laws on or- dinations of the Pundits, from a Persian translation,” 1776, 4to. ; “ A Grammar of the Bengallee lan- guage,” printed at Hooghly in Bengal, 1778, 4to., the types for which were cast by Sir Charles Wilkins ; and “ A narrative of the events which have happened in Bombay and Bengal relative to the Mahratta Empire since July 1777,” 1779, 8vo. Halhed’s Ben- gallee grammar is a very remark- able work in this, that he was one of the first to draw attention to the similarity between Sanscrit and European languages, in the Pre- face. After this he returned to England and obtained a seat in Parliament as a Member for Lym- ington. In 1793, he produced his “ Imitation of the Epigrams of Martial,” in four parts. He de- fended the lunatic prophet, Bich- ard Brothers, whose confinement in Bedlam, he denounced in Par- liament .as an instance of tyranny and oppression, and he went so far as to attempt to vindicate and explain the nonsensical reveries of this crazy enthusiast, by publish- ing his “ Testimonies to the au- thenticity of the prophecies of Bichard Brothers, and of his Mis- sion to recall the Jews,” in 1795. Halhed died in 1830, at the age of 79. He sold the valuable col- lection of Oriental manuscripts which he had brought from the East Indies, to the trustees of the British Museum. HABDINGE. Henry, Viscount, the son of a clergymen was born in Wrotham, Kent, on the 30th of March 1785. He entered the army at the age of thirteen, and served throughout the Peninsula War, in which he was wounded four times, and had four horses shot under him. Among the numerous bat- tles at which he was present, may be named, Vimeira, Corunna, Al- buera, Vittoria, Badajoz and Sala- manca. He won his brightest laurels at Albuera, the success of which battle was attributed chief- ly to his gallantry and skill, a great historian referring to him “ as the young soldier of twenty- five with the eye of a General and the soul of a hero.” He took an active part in the Campaign of 1815, under the Duke of Welling- ton, and two days before the bat- tle of Waterloo, -when serving as Brigadier-General with the Prus- sian Army at Ligny, he was wounded in the left arm in a skirmish, and it had to be imme- diately amputated, which depriv- ed him of an opportunity of taking part in that glorious victory. H e was rewarded with the dignity of K.C.B., and a pension of £300 a year for the loss of his arm. On the return of peace, he entered Parliament, and on two occasions filled the post of Secretary at War, and was twice, for brief periods, Chief Secretary for Ireland. On Lord Ellenborough’s recall from India, Hardinge was appointed his successor as Governor-General in 1844, and arriving in Calcutta on the 23rd J uly of that year, as- sumed the reins of Government. The death of Bunjeet Sing, (June 1839) was followed by six HAR 157 years of anarchy and bloodshed in the Punjaub. Klmrruk Sing, Nao Nihal, Chand Kowur, Shere Sing, Ajeet Sing, all in succession grasp- ed at the sovereignty, and with one exception were assassinated. On the execution of the latter, Duleep Sing, then five years old, the son of Runjeet, by the Ranee Jhindun, was proclaimed Maha- rajah, and Heera Sing became Mi- nister. Heera Sing was also soon put to death, as his measures were very unpopular with the army. The management of affairs then fell into the hands of Juwahir Sing, the brother of the Ranee Jhindun. Juwahir Sing was also put to death for the murder of Peshora Sing, another of the sons of Runjeet, who had raised the standard of revolt at Attock. The Ranee Jhindun then sat at the durbar transacting business, and in November 1845, appointed Lall Sing, Minister, and Tej Sing, Gen- eral-in-Chief— but the army was the supreme power, and every measure was made subservient to its interests by its committees, calle&panches, a council or jury of five. This anarchy led the Govern- ment to make better provision for the protection of our frontier. Lord Auckland had established a new cantonment at Ferozepore. Lord Ellenborough, increased the frontier force to 17,600 men with 66 guns, for he considered a Sikh war inevitable. As soon as Har- dinge arrived, he cast a soldier’s eye on the state of affairs on the Sutlej, and finding that it was one of great peril, he quietly massed troops in that direction till our frontier army was augmented to 40,500 men and 94 guns. He also brought up from Sind to Feroze- pore 56 large boats, which Lord Ellenborough had constructed to serve as a pontoon. It has been supposed that this large concen- tration of troops in front of the Punjaub, raised the suspicions of the Khalsa army, who to antici- pate our designs invadedthe Com- pany’s territories. But the fact is that the army had completely overpowered the State and to pre- vent the sack of Lahore, the Ra- nee and Lai and Tej Sing hurled the Sikh battalions on our terri- tories, which if successful, would lay Delhi and Benares open to them for plunder. On the 17th November 1845, the Lahore Dur- bar issued a General Order for the invasion of the British dominions, but for three weeks the troops hesitated as the eagerness of the Ranee to hasten their advance, roused their suspicions. On the 23rd, the order was made known to the Governor-General and Com- mander-in-Chief, and the former still clinging to the hope of peace, directed Major Broadfoot, the Po- litical Agent on the frontier, to send another remonstrance to the Lahore Durbar, to which no reply was received, and an order was issued to the troops to advance without any further delay. In the short space of four days, the Khalsa army of 60,000 soldiers, and 40,000 armed followers with 150 guns, crossed the Sutlej. The spirit of enthusiasm which fired them, was astounding. Whatever labour of- fered itself, the soldiers threw heart and soul into it — from lend- ing a hand for the transport of guns, to driving the very bullocks, and on the 16th December, the whole force encamped a short dis- tance from Ferozepore, a fort which was held by Sir John Lit- tler with 10,000 troops and 31 guns — and why he left the passage 158 HAE of the river undisputed, is an enig- ma. A ball was to have been held at the State tents of the Com- mander-in-Chief at Umballa on the 11th, when news arrived of the Sikh advance. It was instantly abandoned, and hasty preparations were made that night for a march on Ferozepore, to relieve Sir John Littler, who was encompassed by an army six times the strength of his own and with a powerful and superior artillery. On the 13th, Hardinge issued a Declaration of war, and confiscated all the terri- i tories belonging to the Sikh crown, south of the Sutlej. Major Broad- foot had provisioned the line of march and at Bussean, which was close to the ford the Sikhs had crossed, a large quantity of stores had been collected. Hardinge who had preceded Gough, on reaching this depot, saw its im- portance and how open it was to attack. He instantly rendered it secure by ordering in a force of 5,000 men from Loodiana. On the arrival of the Sikh force at Fero- zepore, Littler marched out and offered battle, but the enemy de- clined it, and on the following day a large portion of the Khalsa ar- my advanced to Ferozeshuhur, ten miles distant and entrenched it- self there, leaving Tej Sing to watch the movements of Littler. Why the enemy did not attempt with its 60,000 men to crush this force before it could be relieved, is another riddle of this campaign. Lai Sing’s scouts at length in- formed him that the Governor- General and Commander-in-Chief were advancing to attack the Sikhs with only a slight force, so he im- mediately pushed on with 20,000 men and 22 guns to Moodkee, where, under cover of a jungle, he awaited the arrival of the British. They encamped on an arid plain on the 18th December, after a fa- tiguing march of twenty-one miles, without having broken their fast since the preceding night, and were just preparing to cook a meal, when a cloud of dust announced the approach of the Sikh horse. It was nearly 4 o’clock in the afternoon, and now came the first desperate conflict between the na- tive sepoy and the Khalsa batta- lions raised by Runjeet Sing. One native regiment turned and was brought back with the greatest difficulty by the Commander-in- Chief and his staff, and even a European corps was staggered by the Sikh fire for a few moments, and in the confusion of the mo- ment one of our regiments fired into another. The first to fly from the field was Lai Sing with his ca- valry— then retired the infantry undercover of night leaving seven- teen guns in the hands of the Bri- tish, whose loss amounted to 872 in killed and wounded. It had been the practice for sixty years in India to unite the office of Com- mander-in-Chief with that of the Governor-General, when the latter happened to be of the Military profession, but after the battle of Moodkee, Hardinge most magna- nimously offered to take the post of second in command under Sir Hugh Gough. After a repose of two days at Moodkee, during which time the dead were buried, and the army reinforced with two European and two Native regiments, it was re- solved that the entrenched camp of the Sikhs should be attacked. The force started on the morning of the 21st for Ferozeshuhur, where it was joined according to instructions, by Littler (who had evaded Tej Sing) with 5,500 men HAH 159 and twenty -two guns. At four in the afternoon after some hours had been wasted, the first shot was fired. The Sikhs were most strongly posted, and Gough, accord- ing to his usual practice, deter- mined upon charging right up to the muzzles of the guns and carry- ing the batteries by cold steel. He commanded the right, Har- dinge, the centre, and Littler, the leftdivision. It fell tothelot of the latter to attack the strongest posi- tion of the enemy, and after a gal- lant charge, he was obliged to re- tire under the terrific fire of the Sikhs, leaving seventy-six men and seven officers wounded within fifty paces of the entrenchments. The other divisions encountered an equally unexpected and stout resistance. The 3rd Dragoons performed a feat, as gallant as it was useless. Without orders they charged the batteries beyond a deep ditch, and mown-down men and horses, formed a living bridge for the followers to cross on. “ This gallant band, after having silenced the battery in its front, faced the Khalsa army within the entrenchments, swept through the camp with loud huzzas over tents, ropes, pegs, guns, fires and maga- zines, and never paused till it emerged on the opposite side and rejoined their companions.” Seve- ral parts of the enemy’s camp were on fire, but they continued to keep up a continual discharge on our soldiers. It has been well styled, a “ night of horrors.” Har- dinge moved about from regiment to regiment encoirraging the men. Within 300 yards of his position, a large Sikh gun threw a most destructive fire on the reposing and exhausted ranks, and it was necessary to silence it. About micl-night. he led the 80th Foot and 1st Europeans, who charged and spiked the gun. On the fol- lowing morning, the attack was renewed by the .British with a very weak force. The opposition was trivial — there had been stormy counsels, mutiny and desertion in the Sikh camp during the night, though unknown to the English Commanders. Lall Sing’s mili- tary chest had been plundered by his own troops, and the legions who had so courageously defended the encampment during the night, were now in full flight to the Sut- lej. The British had scarcely oc- cupied the ground won, when a new enemy appeared. Tej Sing, finding that Littler had eluded his vengeance, pushed on to Fero- zeshuhur, on the morning of the 22nd, with 20,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry and seventy guns, where on his arrival, he found that the camp at Ferozesliuhur had been lost, their standards and muni- tions of war in the hands of the English and the Sikhs in full re- treat. It is well, he was not aware that the British troops had not tasted food for thirty-six hours, and that their ammunition was ex- hausted ! He withdrew his force to the Sutlej after a brief cannon- ade, which at once dismounted our artillery. This battle was one of the severest struggles through which the British had ever passed in India. Their casualties amount- ed to 2,415, including 103 offi- cers. Hardinge had five aides- de-camp killed and five wounded. His son Arthur, who fought by his side throughout the action, was the only officer of his staff who escaped. The historian of the Sikhs, referring to the first day at Ferozeshuhur, writes, “guns were dismounted and the ammunition was blown into the air ; squad- 160 HAR rons were checked in mid-career : battalion after battalion was hurl- ed back with shattered ranks, and it was not till after sunset that portions of the enemy’s position were finally carried. Darkness and the obstinacy of the contest, threw the English into confusion ; men of all regiments and arms were mixed together ; Generals were doubtful of the fact or of the extent of their own success, and Colonels knew not what had be- come of the regiments they com- manded, or of the army of which they formed a part.” A brief season of repose follow- ed as the British were waiting for reinforcements and ammunition, which were expected from Delhi, more than 200 miles distant. The Sikhs attributing the delay to fear, in January 1846, re-crossed the river under Runjoor Sing and threatened Loodiana, whence fol- lowed the battle of Aliwall, on the 28th instant. ( Vide Smith.) The Sikhs fought with unflinching cou- rage, but were driven back with a loss of sixty-seven guns, and many of them found a watery grave in the river. It is stated that con- sequent upon this defeat, one of the Sikh chiefs, Golab Sing, put himself in communication with Hardinge, the result of which was that for a “ suitable considera- tion,” the Sikh chiefs in the next engagement should desert their soldiers. To quote from Marsh- man ‘ The truth of this assertion, which was an article of faith in the camp, has never been distinct- ly substantiated, but it was strong- ly corroborated by the conduct of the Sikh Generals in the subse- quent engagement, and it was strengthened in no small degree by the harsh measure of remov- ing from his political appointment the accomplished historian of the Sikhs, who was the first to an- nounce it in print.” ( Vide Cun- NINGHAME.) During; the delay of the British in following up the victory of Fe- rozeshuhur, {vide Sir H. Smith) the Sikhs erected one of the strongest works which troops had ever been led against in India, at the fort of Hureekee. It formed a series of semicircular entrench- ments, with the river for their base, and a deep ditch formed the outer line two and a half miles in circumference from the eastern to the western point. On the ram- parts were 35,000 Khalsa soldiers and sixty-seven pieces of heavy ordnance. This encampment was connected with another across the river by a bridge of boats, where heavy guns completely swept the left bank. At length on the 8th February 1846, the siege train and ammunition arrived, and on the following day the British force of 15,000 men of whom 5,000 were Europeans began preparations for the assault. On the morning of the 10th the guns opened on the encampment under Tej Sing. The Sikhs replied flash for flash rapid- ly, and by 9 o’clock the British am- munition began to run short and Gough saw that the issue of the struggle must be settled by mus- ketry and the bayonet. Charge after charge was made at the point of the bayonet under a most ter- rific fire which made our men stag- ger repeatedly, till the Sikh en- trenchment was pierced in three directions, and when the Sikh soldiers could no longer fire, they drew their swords and were bay- oneted by the side of the guns they had so bravely handled. Tej Sing was the first to fly, and, whether accidentally or purposely, HAR 161 broke the bridge. The Sikh troops were rallied by the Veteran chief, Sham Sing, who met his death by rushing on the British bayonets. Still the troops continued to con- test every inch of ground till forced to the bridge, which being found broken, they plunged into the stream, where hundreds met a watery grave, and as many were killed by the cannonading of the horse artillery which had been planted along the river during the action. Not an un wounded Sikh remained on the British bank of the Sutlej by eleven in the morn- ing. Their loss amounted to 8,000, with all their artillery, standards and vast munitions of war. The loss on the side of the English, was 2,383. “ The con- querors,as they beheld the trenches filled with the bodies of their iron- hearted defenders, and the fords of the Sutlej, choked up with thousands of corpses, and the river itself exhibiting in every di- rection the wreck of a great army, did not fail to pay a tribute of admiration to the gallantry and devotedness of the noble Khalsa army.” Thus was fought the battle of Sobraon. In the meantime, Major Abbott had constructed a bridge of boats across the river at Fero- zepore. Immediately after the victory, though suffering much from a fall off his horse, Har- dinge rode twenty-six miles to Fe- rozepore, and the same night en- camped six regiments in the Pun- jaub, and in three days the whole army crossed over without a single accident. The march then con- tinued to Lahore, where Hardinge demanded a crore and a half of Rupees, (,£1,500,000) the expenses of the war, from the Lahore State, but the impoverished trea- sury could only meet fifty lacs (.£500,000), and the Governor- General determined to take over the province of Cashmere and the highlands of Jummoo in lieu of the remaining crore, in addition to the Cis-Sutlej districts which he had confiscated by a proclama- tion when the Sikh army first in- vaded our territory. He also an- nexed the Jullunder Dooab, a district lying between the Sutlej and the Beeas. Golab Sing, the powerful Rajah of Jummoo, was called to act as Minister at Lahore, but he recovered his possessions by the payment of one crore of Rupees (£1,000,000.) A treaty was drawn up on the 9th March which provided that the Sikh army should be paid up and disbanded, and that in future the regular army should be limited to 20,000 infantry and 12,000 ca- valry, and that their guns, thirty- six in number which had been pointed at the British, should be surrendered. A long procession was formed of all the cannon cap- tured, and they were taken to Cal- cutta with great pomp. The Dur- bar asked the Governor-General to allow a British force to remain till the end of the year for the security of the Maharajah, Duleep Sing. This was granted. Major Lawrence (afterwards Sir Henry) was appointed Resident at Lahore, and Lall Sing, Prime Minister ; but the latter having acted treach- erously, was conveyed to British territories, and pensioned off with Rupees 2,000 (£200) a month. As the time drew near for the with- drawal of the British force from the Punjaub, the Durbar and the most influential chiefs stated that without British support, they could not prevent the restoration I of the Khalsa supremacy. So on 21 EAR 162 the 16th December a new treaty was drawn up which provided that a council of regency should be formed composed of eight of the leading chiefs who were to be under the control and guidance of the British Resident, until the Ma- harajah, Duleep Sing, attained his majority, and a British force was to be stationed in the principal fortsand stations of the country, for the maintenance of which twenty- two lacs of Rupees (£220,000) was to be set aside from the revenues of the State. Hardinge, for his valuable ser- vices, received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament with a pen- sion of £3,000 a year, and he was advanced to the Peerage as Vis- count Hardinge of Lahore. The E. I. Company also conferred upon him a further pension of £5,000 a year. In March 1848, he left Calcutta and was succeeded by Lord Dalhousie. In England, numerous honours were showered upon him, and in 1852, he suc- ceeded to the post of Commander- in-Chief, on the death of the Duke of Wellington, which post he held through the eventful epoch of the Russian war, having in the mean- while been advanced to the rank of Field-Marshal. In 1821, he married the Lady Emily Jane Stewart, daughter of Robert ; first Marquis of Londonderry, and widow of J ohn James, Esq. Har- dinge died on the 24th September 1856, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Charles Stewart, who had been his Private Secretary while Governor-General of India. HARDY, Rev. Robert Spence, was born at Preston, in Lan- cashire, on the 1st of July 1803. He joined in early life the Methodist Society, and entered the ministry in connection with it in 1825, embarking for Ceylon the same year, where he laboured among the heathen. At intervals he spent twTenty-three years in the Ceylon Mission, and in 1862, was appointed General Superinten- dent of the South Ceylon Mis- sion. While thus engaged, he carefully studied the copious li- terature of the Buddhists, in the several languages in which it is preserved, and the results of his researches were published in Eng- lish and Singhalese. His works on “Buddhism” and “Eastern Monachism,” gained him great popularity among the learned ; and unsolicited, the Council of the R. A. Society conferred upon him the high distinction of hono- rary Membership. He was a great linguist, being thoroughly ac- quainted with Latin, Greek, He- brew, French, Portuguese, Sing- halese, Pali and Sanscrit, and while preparing his last work, a treatise on “ Christianity and Buddhism compared,” he was cut off by the hand of death. During his life he published in three lan- guages upwards of 4,000 pages. He breathed his last, after a pain- ful illness at Headinglev, near Leeds, on the 16th of April, 1868. HARRIS, General Lord George, the son of a poor curate, was born in 1745. His father’s numerous and increasing family made it a subject of great anxiety as to how he should provide for his son George. When he arrived at the age of fourteen, a promise recurred to him, made by Lord George Sackville many years before, to provide for one of his family, out of gratitude for the protection Mr. Harris (who was a remarkably powerful and active man) had af- HAR 163 forded him, from the hands of a notorious bully at Cambridge. His Lordship was at that time Master-General of the Ordnance, and Mr. Harris applied to him on behalf of his son, who granted him a warrant of cadet in the Royal Artillery, in 1759. Thus do trivial incidents turn the current of men’s lives. He was next ap- pointed to the 5th Regiment, with which he embarked for Ireland in 1763. Here a most singular oc- currence befel him, his conduct through which shewed that even at that early age, he could never act in an unbecoming manner in whatever danger or difficulty — that he had a perfect confidence in himself, and a complete com- mand over his passions and tem- pei\ His commanding officer, a Captain Bell, with whom he had formed a most intimate friend- ship, suddenly grew distant and cool, and at length in the year 1765, challenged Harris to a duel. It was accepted, but with the offer of an apology, should Captain Bell point out that Harris had done anything to offend him. N o reason was given, except that he wished to fight the duel. Several balls missed Harris, who refused, after being fired at, to fire him- self ; it being insisted upon, he fired wide. A few days after, a second challenge was sent by Bell, requesting Harris “to bring a number of balls, as one of us must fall.” Soon after Bell sent for him, and told him that his offence had been staying away from bar- racks one night without leave. Harris explained that a heavy snow-storm was what had detain- ed him, and Bell accepted the apology, and soon after died, mad, in confinement in London ! He, however, did ample justice to Harris through Sir William Me- dows, the result of which was the formation of a warm friend- ship between Medows and Harris, which, as the latter himself said, “ led me to fame and fortune.” In May, 1774, the 5th Regiment was unexpectedly ordered off to America. Thither Harris accom- panied it, and in June 1775, in the attack upon Bunker’s Hill, Harris was desperately wounded in the head. Lord Rawdon (after- wards Marquis of Hastings), his lieutenant, had him carried off the field. Three of the soldiers, out of the four deputed for the work, were wounded while carry- ing him. Harris was trepanned and sent to England, but again returned to America. He had the curiosity after this accident, to see his brain, by an arrangement of looking-glasses ! In 1779, he obtained leave of absence and pro- ceeded to England in a Dutch vessel, and was taken prisoner by a French privateer, but was, how- ever, released on parole after land- ing in France. He soon after married in England, then served in the West Indies, and again in Ireland, and tried to sell his com- mission, with the intention of settling in Canada with his fa- mily ; but while effecting the sale in London, he accidentally met Sir William Medows, who, on hearing of his intention, said, “ Harris, you shan’t sell out — you shall go with me as Secretary and Aide-de-camp : I am just ap- pointed Governor of Bombay, and you will be a host to me. I’ll go directly to the agent and stop the sale.” Harris consented, and was thus reserved for another and a higher destiny. Medows and his brother, Earl Manvers, ad- vanced ,£4,000 to insure Harris’ 1G4 HAR life for the benefit of his wife and family, whom he was about to leave behind, and 1788 saw him in Bombay. He was present with Medows during the whole of the campaigns of 1790, 1791, and 1792, against Tippoo. He embarked for England in August 1792, and “had the gratification of mani- festing his grateful sense of the affectionate attachment and un- bounded confidence which his gallant chief had always reposed in him. by placing at his disposal more than £40,000, which had been accumulated by his daily care of the General’s financial concerns. This sum was the re- sidue of his allowances as Com- mander-in-Chief and Governor, after providing liberally for all the expenses of his high station, and there are some yet living who remember the ample hospitality of Sir William’s table. Those of Sir William’s friends who well knew his careless habits about money, and his indifference to everything, but military fame, were surprised at the amount of his savings ; and when they en- quired how he had contrived to get such a sum, he replied with his characteristic brevity and truth, ‘ Harris knows how he scraped it together, but I don’t.’ ” The above is an extract from Lushington’s Life of Lord Harris. He returned again to India, in October 1794, and was appointed to the command of Fort William, Calcutta. In January 1797, he re- ceived the unexpected intelligence of his appointment to the com- mand of the Madras army, with a seat in the Council, and the rank of Lieutenant-General, which he had scarcely held a twelvemonth when he was appointed to take charge of the civil government of Madras ; and in February 1798, he succeeded to the President’s chair. From this post, he was re- lieved by Lord Clive, son of the hero of Plassey, on the 21st August 1798. This year witnessed vigor- ous preparations being made for a war with Tippoo, the command of the expedition being entrusted to Harris. All the preparations and arrangements being nearly completed, and the ti'oops assem- bled in the vicinity of Vellore, Harris and his staff left Madras on the 26th January 1799, and joined the army on the 29th. The army consisted of 2,678 cavalry (of which 912 were Europeans), 576 European artillery, 4,608 Eu- ropean infantry, 11,061 native in- fantry, 2,726 gun lascars and pio- neers, forming altogether a force of 21,649 men, with sixty field pieces and forty heavy guns, and a proportionate quantity of stores of every kind. This with the Nizam’s contingent, oommanded by Colonel Arthur Wellesley, was the army of the Carnatic. The army on the Malabar coast, most efficiently equipped, commanded by General Stuart, was to act under Harris when he approached Seringapatam, and a considerable force was assembled to the south- ward under Lieutenant-Colonel Browne, to join the detachment of Colonel Read in the Barahma- hal engaged in bringing the army supplies during the siege of Se- ringapatam through the Cavery- pooram pass. From the 3rd of February to the 4th of March, the Madras army was occupied in passing through the Company’s territories to Tippoo’s frontiers. Tippoo, in his first attempts at stratagy, attacked the Bombay division of the army approaching through Coorg, but was defeated. HAR 165 Malavelly was the next field of action, on the 27th of March, where Tippoo, entirely routed by Harris and W ellesley, in command of the Nizam’s contingent, fled to his capital, Seringapatam. Harris now, by a masterly move, crossed the Cavery at Soossilly, a point thoroughly unexpected by Tippoo, who was looking out for him at a distance on the direct road to Se- ringapatam. This was a time of great anxiety to Harris. He suf- fered, as most of our early com- manders did, from want of good carriage cattle. From the 11th of February to the 4th of April, five miles a day was the only progress that could be made ; but at length the whole army arrived within three miles of the ground taken up by Harris for the siege of Se- ringapatam. The first operations of the siege are detailed in the lives of Baird and Wellington. The hour appointed by Harris for the storming of the fort, was one o’clock, 4th of May, and as the time approached, he was sitting alone in his tent, anxiously think- ing of the course he had resolved upon, should Tippoo succeed in beating off the first assailants, when Captain (afterwards Sir John) Malcolm entered the tent, and seeing Harris so full of thought, merrily exclaimed, “ Why, my lord, so thougthful 1” “ Mal- colm,” said the General, sternly, “ this is no time for compliments ; we have serious work on hand : don’t you see that the European sentry over my tent is so weak from want of food and exhaustion, that a sepoy could push him down — we must take this fort, or perish in the attempt. I have ordered General Raird to persevere in his attack to the last extremity ; if he is beat off, Wellesley is to pro- ceed with the troops from the trenches ; if he also should not succeed, I shall put myself at the head of the remainder of the army, for success is necessary to our ex- istence.” Happily, Raird succeeded in the work entrusted to him. Seringa- patam was captured, and Tippoo was slain in the assault. Other details in connexion are mention- ed in the lives of AVellesley, Raird, Wellington and Tippoo. Harris soon after embarked for England, and before doing so, had the sat- isfaction of receiving “ the thanks of the House of Commons and of the Court of Directors, for the whole of his able and meritorious conduct in the command of the forces of His Majesty and the E. I. Company, during the late glorious and decisive war with the Sultan of Mysore, and particularly for the ability, judgment, and energy with which he planned and di- rected the assault of Seringapa- tam, the success of which bril- liant achievement had highly con- tributed to the glory of the Rritish name, and to the permanent tran- quillity of our possessions in the East.” The Indian authorities at home, however, not only neglected to confer upon him any substantial mark of favour, but also persecut- ed him for a restitution of his share of prize-money honorably obtained at the fall of Seringapa- tam. They filed a suit in Chan- cery against him ; it was dismiss- ed, and they intruded it upon the Frivy Council, “ where, after a solemn hearing, the General’s ho- nourable character was vindicat- ed, and his property confirmed.” Harris next appealed for a mark of approbation and honour for his services from the Crown, and in 1C6 HAJl— HAS June 1815, received from the hand of the Prince Regent, the honour which had been withheld from him sixteen years. He was raised to the peerage by the style and title of Lord Harris, of Belmont, in Kent, and of Se- ringapatam and Mysore, in the East Indies, and took as his motto, “ My Prince and my Country.” The last act of grace and favour which he received from the Crown, was the government of 1 lumbar- ton Castle. He died on the 19t,h of May 1829, in his eighty-fourth year, and according to his own desire, written some two years before his death, his remains were put into a plain coffin, made of oak felled on his own grounds, and carried to the grave by his servants. A monument was raised to his memory in St. George’s Cathedral. Madras, and also in Trowby Church, England. HARRIS, Lord, grandson of the famous General who took Serin- gapatam, 1799, and Governor of Madras, from 1854 to 1859, was born in 1810, and educated at Christ Church, Oxford. In .1846, he was appointed Lieutenant-Go- vernor of Trinidad, which post he held, till he received the Gover- norship above alluded to. The period of Harris’ Governorship will always be memorable, from the fact that Madras went for- ward so gallantly to the assistance of Bengal and the North-west Provinces, during the great mu- tiny of 1857. Madras was denud- ed of troops to an almost reckless extent to aid our suffering coun- trymen in the North, and had the mutiny extended to this Presi- dency, there would probably have been more sacrifice of life in the South. The Government of the day placed implicit reliance in the Madras sepoys, and right well did the sepoys justify that trust. In the face of the great danger that threatened the empire, all local considerations were forgot- ten, and to Lord Harris, as head of the Government, must be awarded what praise is due to Madras for her well-timed assist- ance. Harris did not appreciate the Indian Press, and carped at its criticisms in a narrow minded spirit. His famous Minute against Newspapers ; of which there is an extract below, was written when the mutiny was impending : “ I have now been three years in India, and during that period have made a point of keeping myself acquainted with the tenor of the larger portion of the British Press throughout the country ; and I have no hesitation in assert- ing my impression to be that it is, more particularly in this Pre- sidency, disloyal in tone, un-Eng- lish in spirit, and wanting in principle, seeking every oppor- tunity whether rightly or wrongly of holding up the Government to opprobrium.” At this very time Mr. John Bruce Norton — a man whose opi- nions of India, or the Indian Press, stand second to none, was one of the ornaments of Madras Jour- nalism ! Harris died in England, in 1872, at the comparatively early age of 62. HASSAN ALI,Mrs., was an Eng- lish lady who married a Mussul- man of Lucknow, of respectable family, and was domesticated in, and confined to, Jlahomedan so- ciety for a period of twelve years. She published a work, entitled HAS 167 “ Observations on the Mussulmans of India, descriptive of their man- ners, customs, habits and religious opinions, made during a twelve years’ residence in their imme- diate society,” in which she was greatly assisted by her husband’s familiarity with the literature of the East, and the experience and theological knowledge of her father-in-law, Meer Hadjee Shah, whom the authoress describes as a correct model of the true Mussul- man— an example of the Patri- archs of the Bible ! HASTINGS, Warren, a conspi- cuous character in the History of India, sprang from an ancient and illustrious race, the descendants of which lost their possessions in Daylesford, Worcestershire, dur- ing the Great Civil War. Thus ruined, the last Hastings of Day- lesford presented his second son to the rectory of the parish where the ancient residence of the family stood, who, in turn, was ruined, by continual law-suits with the new lord of the manor, and the small- ness of the living. This poor clergyman had two sons, Howard and Pynaston. Pynaston married before he was sixteen, and dying two years after in the West In- dies, left to the care of his dis- tressed grandfather, the subject of the present memoir, Warren Has- tings, who was born on the 6th of December 1732, his mother dying a few days after his birth. At eight years of age, his uncle Ho- ward took charge of him with a view of giving him a liberal edu- cation, and after being sent for a short time to a school at New- ington, to the hard and scanty fare at which Warren Hastings, in after life, attributed his smallness of stature, he was placed at West- minster school, under the care of Dr. Nichols. He progressed well, but an event occurred which changed the whole course of his life. Howard Hastings died, con- signing his nephew to the care of a distant relation, named Chis- wick, whose sole efforts on his behalf were to get the responsibi- lity off his own shoulders as soon as possible, and though Dr. Nic- hols offered to send Warren Has- tings to Oxford at his own private expense, as he thought him a pro- mising youth, Chiswick was inexo- rable. He had the power, and ob- tained for Warren Hastings a writership in the service of the E. I. Company, and in January 1750, at the age of 17, Warren Hastings sailed for Bengal, arriv- ing there in the following Octo- ber. His first two years were spent in keeping accounts at Cal- cutta ; he was then sent to Cos- sim-bazzar, a town lying a mile away from Moorshedabad, on the banks of the Hooghly, where he was engaged in commercial busi- ness for the Company. While thus engaged, Surajah Dowlah succeeded to the government of Bengal, and the Black-hole tra- gedy occurred at Calcutta. War- ren Hastings escaped from Cos- sim-bazzar, and joined Clive on his arrival ; and during the earlier operations of the war, carried a musket. In 1756, Hastings mar- ried the widow of a Captain Camp- bell, by whom he had two chil- dren, who died in early life. His wife also died a few years after- wards, and was buried at Cossim- bazzar. When Meer Jaffeer was proclaimed Nabob of Bengal after the battle of Plassey, Clive ap- pointed Hastings to reside at the Court of the new prince, to act as Agent to the Company, which 168 HAS was at Moorshedabad. Here he | remained till 1761, when he be- came a Member of Council and 1 resided at Calcutta. Three years later he had realized a moderate fortune, and returned to England, where, after spending a part of it in praiseworthy liberality to his poor relations, and losing the re- mainder by mis-management, he was overtaken by pecuniary em- barrassments, which induced him again to apply to his old masters, the Directors, for employment, who, in recognition of his abili- ties and integrity, appointed him Member of Council at Madras ; so in the early part of 1769, War- ren Hastings embarked on board the “ Dulce of Grafton,” the inci- dents during the voyage of which furnish sufficient spice and rom- ance to interest the most inveter- ate novel reader. Among the passengers, was a person who styl- ed himself Baron Imhoff ; he was in distressed circumstances, and was going out to Madras to have a shake at the Pagoda tree. The Baron had also his wife on board, a young woman of agree- able person, cultivated mind, and engaging manners. She detested her husband, and an intimacy sprung up between her and War- ren Hastings, which, after a course of tender nursing on her part, when he was ill on board, ripened into love. The Baron was conci- liated ; it was arranged that a di- vorce should be obtained, the Ba- ron affording every facility in the proceeding, and that during the years which might elapse before the sentence should be pronounc- ed, they should continue to live together. Hastings also promised to bestow upon the Baron some very substantial marks of favor, and when the marriage was dis- i | solved, make the lady his wife and adopt her children by the I Baron ! At Madras, Hastings found trade in a most disorganized state, and affected such reforms to the benefit of the Company, that the Directors decided upon placing him at the head of the Govern- ment of Bengal, and in 1772, he filled the highest office in their service, President of the Supreme Council of Bengal. Thither the Imhoffs accompanied him still un- divorced, and living on the same plan as had already been followed for more than two years. ! On his arrival at Calcutta, Has- tings found Bengal being still go- verned under the system devised by Clive ; in fact thei’e were two governments, the real and the ostensible, the Mogul and the Company, the latter as vassals to the former, but possessing su- preme power. The infant son of Meer Jaffeer was Nabob of Bengal, and his guardianship had been entrusted by Clive to Mahommed Reza Khan, who had now held the office seven years. This post was much coveted by Nuncoomar, a wealthy Brahmin. The Direc- tors in England entertained most extravagant ideas of the wealth of India, and being disappointed at the revenues of Bengal not yielding such a surplus as expect- ed under the administration form- ed by Clive, ordered Hastings to arrest Mahommed Reza Khan with his family, and institute a strict enquiry into the adminis- tration of the province. To this course, they were strongly urged by the agents of Nuncoomar in England. Hastings had no good opinion of Nuncoomar ; he was too powerful and dangerous a man, he thought, to be placed in HAS 169 any position of influence, for he had often been detected by the Company’s servants in criminal intrigues. Nevertheless Hastings executed the instructions of the Company to the letter. Mahommed Reza Khan was made a prisoner, and at the trial, though Nuncoomar appeared as an accuser, with the hope of build- ing a fortune, and gaining a posi- tion on the ruin of the fallen Mussulman, he was acquitted. But the main result was the de- molition of the double govern- ment of Bengal. The Nabob was no longer to have an ostensible share of the government. A cer- tain allowance was accorded to him, and being an infant, he was placed in charge of Mumy Be- gum, a lady of his father’s harem. Nuncoomar’s son, Goordas, by way of conciliation, was made treasurer of the household, but he himself remained as before. Thus, Hastings became to him an object of the most intense hatred. After the execution of Nuncoomar for forgery, the Directors, being con- vinced of the innocence of Ma- homed Reza Khan, and the infamy of his accuser, ordered his resto- ration. He filled Goordas’ place, who received another appoint- ment. The embarrassed state of the finances now occupied Has- tings’ attention, and he was de- termined to remedy matters. The Directors were clamorous for money. They did not wish Has- tings to be inhuman or cruel, but every exhortation to this effect was nullified by a request of money. He reduced the allowance of the Nabob immediately from £320,000 to half that sum. Hastings feared the Mahrattahs, to whom the Mo- gul, Shah Alum, who was paid £260,000 per annum by the Com- pany, had ceded the districts of Allahabad and Corah which the English had conquered and given to him, and the Mogul was accus- ed of the basest treachery and in- gratitude. The Nabob- Vizier of Oudh, Sujah Dowlali, an ally of the English, applied for assistance to prevent the Mahrattahs from settling so close to the Company’s territories. Hastings instantly threw a British force into the city of Allahabad : a force received with great welcome, the Mogul’s deputy Governor declaring that the Mogul was completely under the power and influence of the Mahrattahs. The tribute paid by the English was then rescinded. Hastings next undertook to sup- press the inroads of a horde of men, named Senassie fakeers, who were in the habit of wandering through India, plundering, mur- dering and committing all kinds of atrocities. After the disap- pearance of these marauders, Has- tings, at the request of Sujah Dow- lah for a personal conference, set out on a visit to Oudh, where he arrived on the 19th of August 1773. Their deliberations and agreements were as follows : I. — The chiefs of Rohilcund re- cently attacked by the Mahrat- tahs had agreed to pay the Nabob of Oudh £400,000 for his assist- ance to drive them out. Half this sum was to be given to the Company for British troops and sepoys. The work was accom- plished by them, but the Rohilla chiefs refused to pay the money. The Rohillas were a turbulent, barbarous and predatory race, and a dangerous enemy to the Nabob of Oudh. He could only keep his territory by English assistance — no other troops could face them in the field, so it was agreed that 22 170 HAS for the payment by the Nabob, of .£400,000 into the empty treasury of Calcutta, and the entire ex- penses of the war, Hastings should employ British troops to do the work. II. — Allahabad, Corah and the Dooab, which the Mogul could not maintain, were made over to the Nabob for the sum of £500,000, of which £200,000 was to be paid on the spot, and £300,000 to be paid in two years. III. — That no Europeans should reside in Oudh without the sanction of the Com- pany. IV.— Benares was geogra- phically included in the province of Allahabad ; the Nabob wished to put aside its young Rajah, Cheyte Singh ; but as the English, by previous treaties, were bound to support him, Hastings insisted that he should be protected. Financial embarrassments de- terred the Nabob from an imme- diate invasion of Rohilcund, and Hastings retired to Calcutta agree- ing to its postponement. Has- tings and the people now experi- enced the benefit of his policy. A change had come over the country in the short space of two years — a change repulsive to gran- dees, but welcomed by the people, who revered his name and looked upon him as their benefactor. Early in 1774, the Nabob, Sujah Dowlah, determined upon the in- stant invasion of Rohilcund, and applied to Hastings for the British Brigade, which marched forth under the command of Colonel Champion. On the 25th of April they encountered the Rohillas in vastly superior numbers, who fought gallantly but were com- pletely routed, leaving their chief, | Hafez Ramet, and 2,000 men, dead I on the field. The Nabob held J back with his troops till he saw the Rohillas retreating — then he I let loose his rabble, who commit- ted terrible cruelties, against the remonstrances of Colonel Cham- pion and also of Hastings when the news reached him. Yet all these crimes have been laid by many orators and historians to the charge of Hastings ! The fugitive Rohillas massed in the northern frontiers of the country, underFyzoola Khan. The Nabob opened negociations with him. The English brigade worn out, and Colonel Champion and his officers disgusted with their ally, a hurried treaty was concluded, by which Fyzoola Khan gave up half his treasure and half of all his effects to the Nabob, only re- taining the small district of Ram- pore, in Jagheer. Thus the Af- ghan race was rooted out of Ro- hilcund and the war brought to a close. Just on its conclusion, the new constitution, framed by Parlia- ment, came into operation. The Regulating Act was passed (1773), placing the control of the other possessions of the Company in India under the chief of the Pre- sidency of Bengal, who was to be styled Governor-General, and be assisted by four Councillors ; and establishing a Supreme Court of Judicature, consisting of a Chief Justice and three Judges, at Cal- cutta, intrusted with a civil and criminal jurisdiction, independent of the Governor-General and Council. The period of office was to extend for fivevears. H astings was appointed Governor-General, and thus his unity of power ceas- ed. Mr. Barwell, an experienced servant of the E. I. Company, was made one of the Councillors ; and the other three, General Claver- ing, Mr. Monson, and Mr. Phillip Francis, the reputed writer of Ju- _ HAS 171 nius’ Letters, were sent out from England. Sir Elijah Impey, who was at school with Hastings at Westminster, was appointed Chief J ustice, assisted by three Puisne Judges. Hastings was opposed to the new form of government and entertained no high opinion of his co-adjutors, of which they came to hear. They landed under a salute of seventeen guns when they expected twenty-one, and were received by Hastings ; but a quarrel soon commenced which well-nigh ruined India. Barwell sided with Hastings, but Claver- ing, Monson and Francis formed the majority. The government was wrested from the hands of Hastings. The English agent from Oudh was recalled and replaced by an appointment of their own. The army which had assisted the Na- bob-Vizier was ordered to return ; the affairs of Bombay were thrown into utter confusion ; the whole internal administration, with their inexperience of Bengal, was upset, while Hastings still continued to live in Government House, draw- ing the salary of Governor-Gene- ral, taking the lead at the Council Board in the transaction of ordi- nary business, settling many hope- lessly puzzling questions on which his opponents were thoroughly ignorant, but yet deprived of the higher powers of Government. Here let it be said that Phillip Francis hated Hastings with an inveterate hatred, and easily led Clavering and Monson to fall in with his views. The natives finding this out, took advantage of the oppor- tunity, and amidst the numerous charges that began to pour in against the Governor-General, Nuncoomar figured prominently. By him Hastings was accused of putting offices up to sale, of re- ceiving bribes, of suffering offen- ders to escape, and of dismissing Mahommed Reza Khan in consi- deration of a large sum of money. Then came a violent altercation in the Council-room — it was desired that Nuncoomar should appear to support his assertions. Hastings objected, declared the sitting at an end, and left, followed by Bar- well. The other members remain- ed, put Clavering in the chair, called Nuncoomar in, who sup- plemented his previous charges with fresh ones, voted that the charge was made out, that Has- tings had received between thirty and forty thousand pounds, and that he ought to be compelled to refund. An appeal was made to higher authority. Hastings placed his resignation in the hands of his agent in Lon- don, Colonel Macleane, but with the proviso that it should not be presented, unless it should be fully ascertained that the feeling at the India House was against him. In the meantime Nuncoo- mar’s triumph was well-nigh com- plete. This villainous Brahmin’s house was the rendezvous for the lodging of all kinds of complaints, which he induced the wealthiest men of the province to send in. But he little dreamt of the peri- lous ground he was treading. He little knew that the Supreme Court was, within the sphere of its own duties, independent of the Government. The Judges, espe- cially the Chief Justice, were op- posed to the majority of the Council. Five years previously Nuncoo- mar had been brought up on a charge of forgery before the old Mayor’s Court, but through the in- strumentality of Hastings was re- 172 HAS leased ; on the arrival of the new I Judges, the forged instrument was rescued from the archives of the old Mayor’s Court, and returned by them to the prosecutor. Mohun- persad, some time before Nuncoo- mar brought his charge against the Governor-General, who now took the opportunity which offered of .renewing the charge. On the 6th of May 1775, two months after he had laid before the majority his charges against Hastings, Nuncoo- mar was arrested on a charge of forgery, under a warrant issued by one of the Judges, Mr. Le Maistre. He was thrown into prison, but treated with great consideration ; on the 8th of June, he was tried before the Chief Justice and the three Puisne Judges and a jury of twelve British subjects. The jury returned a verdict of guilty, with- out any recommendation to mercy. The Judges were unanimous, and the Chief Justice passed sentence of death upon him, according to English law at that time, and strictly in accordance with the Regulating Act, which included forgery as a capital offence pun- ishable by death. Several natives had been hung previously in Cal- cutta as stated by Mr. Harwell, and Dr. Dodd had been hung in England two years previously for the same offence. Not a voice was lifted in Nuncoomar’s behalf, either European or native, not even by the majority to whom he looked for deliverance to the last moment — so universally was he detested. He addressed a peti- tion to the Council on the 4th of August : it was left at the private residence of Clavering on that day, who would not open it for fear that it “ might contain some request that he should take steps to intercede for him.” Nuncoo- mar was hanged on the 5th Au- gust. On the 14th, the petition was produced in Council, and on the 16th, after a revised transla- tion was read in the Secret De- partment, Hastings moved that a copy of it should be sent to the Judges of the Supreme Court. Francis objected, considering it to be a libel against them, and proposed that it should be burnt publicly by the common hang- man : it was accordingly burnt, but not before Hastings had taken a copy of it. ( Vide Appen- dix No. I.) While all this was transpiring in India, intelligence of the Ro- hilla War, and the disputes be- tween Hastings and his colleagues, had reached London. Lord North urged the removal of Hastings. The voting ended in a small supe- riority of the opponents of Has- tings. A ballot was demanded, and Hastings triumphed by a hundred votes. Lord North grew furious, and threatened to con- voke Parliament and to bring in a bill to deprive the Company of all political power ; whereupon Colonel Macleane, thinking it bet- ter that Hastings should make an honorable retreat, rather than run the chance of being turned out with parliamentary censure, ten- dered the resignation with which Hastings had intrusted him. It was accepted by the Directors, and orders were sent out that Clavering should act as Governor- General, and Mr. Wlieler, one of their own body, whom they pro- posed to send out, should succeed to the vacated seat of Clavering in Council. But before this order reached India, a great change had taken place in Bengal. Monson was dead. Of the remaining members of Government, four were left, Clavering and Francis on one side, Hastings and Barwell on the other. Blastings having the cast- ing vote, suddenly recovered the power of which he had been de- prived for two years, and reversed all the measures of his adversaries. While instituting and meditating great designs, intelligence arrived that Hastings’ resignation was ac- cepted by the Directors, and that Clavering was ordered to fill his post. Hastings refused to quit his high place, affirming that his agent had not acted in confor- mity with his instructions. Cla- vering attempted to seize the supreme power by violence, and by this imprudent act Hastings gained a great advantage. He offered to submit the case to the Supreme Court, and to abide by its decision. This court decided in favour of Hastings. It was about this time news arrived that a divorce was decreed between Imhoff and his wife. Imhoff left Calcutta with sufficient money to buy an estate in Saxony. Has- tings married the Baroness. The event was celebrated with great festivities. Clavering excused himself from the splendid assem- bly, but Hastings went in person and persuaded him to attend. Broken down by mortification and disease, the exertion proved too much for him. and he died a few days later. Wheler arrived, took Ins seat in Council, and generally sided with Francis. Every at- tempt at opposition now ceased, even by the Directors and Minis- ters of the Crown ; and when the original term of five years expired, Hastings was re-appointed ! The truth is, that the crisis England was going through at the time both in American and European hostilities, made Lord North and the Company unwilling to part with a Governor whose talents and experience were so well known, and it was well for England at this con- juncture that such a man as Has- tings held the helm in India. About this time the Mahrattah confederacy was in a most disor- dered state. The succession to the title of Peishwa was disputed. Raghoba, the aspirant, was assailed by other Mahrattah chiefs. He appealed to the British Govern- ment for assistance, which was readily granted ; and while the army was on the march, news ar- rived of the declaration of war between England and France. Hastings adopted all the measures required for this crisis. All the French factories in Bengal were seized, and orders were sent to Madras to occupy Pondicherry. A formidable danger in another quarter now arose, a danger which prevented Hastings from carrying out his plans respecting the Mah- rattah empire. Hyder Ali had risen in arms for the second time against the English. Sir Eyre Coote ( vide Coote and Hyder) was ordered to conduct the war, 1780-1782. After several minor engagements, the battle of Porto Novo, in 1781, decided the fate of Hyder. He was completely de- feated, and his death in the fol- lowing year brought the war to an end. The dangers of the Indian Empire appeared in great magni- tude to the Governor-General and Council at Calcutta. F rancis was induced to desist from opposing Hastings, and harmony seemed to prevail among them. Barwell then left for England. But the truce proved hollow after Bar well’s departure, and Hastings assailed Francis as being devoid of can- 174 HAS dour, truth and honor, both in his public and private conduct. Fran- cis thereupon challenged him, and a duel was fought on the 17th August 1780, in which Francis was wounded. He left India a few months after. A full account of the duel will be found in Fran- cis’ life, and the Appendix No. II attached to this work. The Regulating Act of 1773 had placed the judicial and political powers of the country independ- ent of each other, and with no limits defined to either. This led to a quarrel between Hastings and Impey. The former considered the people oppressed, and was de- termined to remedy matters. It is unquestionable that inconceiv- able outrages were committed in the name of the Supreme Court by its myrmidons, but unauthor- ized by the Judges. Appeals to the authorities at home for a re- modelling of the Hegulating Act were made in vain ; they were quietly shelved. Thus the breach between the Go vernor-General and the Chief Justice continued, till the former, sensible of the disast- rous consequences attending a struggle between the Government and the Supreme Court, in Sep- tember 1780, proposed “that the Chief J ustice should be requested to accept of the charge and super- intendence of the Sudder Dewany Adalut, under its present regula- tions, and such other as the Board shall think fit to add to them, or to substitute in their stead ; and that on his acceptance of it he be appointed to it, and styled the Judge of the Sudder Dewany Adalut.” And this measure was resolved upon by the majority of the Council on the 24th of Octo- ber. Impey accepted the post, but nothing was said about salary. On the 22nd of December, it was decided by the Council that Im- pey should receive a salary of ,£5,000 a year, and the Court of Directors were advised of the ap- pointment. This was refused by Impey, who stated “ that he should decline appropriating to himself any part of the salary an- nexed to the office of Judge of the Sudder Dewany Adalut, till the pleasure of the Lord Chancellor should be known.” In the mean- time he worked hard, compiling rules, orders and regulations for the Sudder Dewany Adalut, for which he received the warmest thanks of the Council. Francis’ departure was hailed with great pleasure by Hastings, for it left him unfettered, but the rancorous spirit of Francis was occupied in another arena, to promote the downfall and ruin of Hastings. The war with Hyder and Tippoo, with the French, the Dutch and the Mahrattahs, had nowimpover- ished the treasury of Bengal, and it remained for the fertile brain of Hastings to raise money, by what- ever decent means lay in his power. India must be saved. As Macfar- lane forcibly expresses it, “ Has- tings would have coined his own body and soul into rupees, had such a process been practicable, at the moment of crisis, when the Mahrattahs, Hyder Ali and the French had their talons on the Carnatic.” Cheyte Sing, the Ra- jah of Benares, owed his existence as a prince to Hastings. He had secured him in possession upon the condition of his paying the Company a fixed sum ; it was through British power alone he could keep it, therefore he was a vassal of the Bengal Empire, and Hastings in the exigencies of the times called upon him for an HAS 175 “extraordinary contribution” of ,£50,000. The Raj ah pleaded pov- erty and tried to evade the pay- ment of the full amount, but the sum was ultimately paid as the first year’s subsidy. The second year’s subsidy came forth only when a military force was put in motion to enforce its payment. The third year was the same. Two thousand horse was next demand- ed. The Rajah did not comply. Hastings viewed his conduct as a crime, and said he was resolved “ to draw from his guilt the means of relief to the Company’s dis- tresses.” He proceeded accord- ingly to Benares. Cheyte Sing advanced to meet him with every mark of respect. On arriving at Benares he sent Cheyte Sing a paper containing the demands of the British Government, who re- fused to comply with them, at- tempted to clear himself from accusations brought against him, and was ordered to be arrested by Hastings. All Benares was in a blaze. The Rajah in the confu- sion escaped. Hastings and thirty English gentlemen with him were in extreme danger, the small guard brought up from Calcutta having been cut to pieces by the insurgents. The fugitive Rajah from the other bank of the river still sent apologies and liberal offers, which Hastings did not even reply to. Hastings at length escaped in a boat by night and reached Chunar, from whence he managed to send information se- cretly to the English cantonments of the danger he was in. Impey was the one of the first who re- ceived the information, as he was travelling towards Benares at the time. Major Popham, who had dis- tinguished himself in the Mahrat- tah war, advanced in command of the army. Cheyte Sing’s army was put to rout, and he himself fled from his country for ever. His dominions were confiscated ; a relation of his was appointed Rajah, but he was nothing more than a pensioner. Two hundred thousand pounds a year was added to the revenues of the Company, but the immediate result was not as had been expected. The trea- sure laid up by Cheyte Sing turn- ed out to be about a fourth of what it was estimated at, and this was seized by the army and dis- tributed as prize money. Disap- pointed in his expectation from Benares, Hastings turned his at- tention to Oudh. Asoph-ul-Dow- lah was then Nabob- Vizier ; his rule was unpopular ; everything was in disorder and confusion ; the British Brigade which he had asked for, and promised to pay the expenses of, as the only means of security from the aggression of neighbours, he now considered a burden ; his revenues were falling off, and he could no longer afford to support it. Hastings justly re- fused to withdraw it, for he knew the province would fall into anar- chy, and be probably overrun by the Mahrattahs. The Nabob-Vi- zier met Hastings at Chunar, re- presented that he had no means to pay what he already owed — one million and a half sterling. Has- tings insisted that money must be forthcoming. It was money alone that was required to prevent the triumph of the French in the Carnatic and the loss of India. Asoph-ul-Dowlah then proposed that his mother and her late hus- band’s (Sujah Dowlah) mother should be made to meet the re- quirements of the State ; he repre- sented that they had enormous 176 HAS wealth— that they were not en- titled to it ; that there were great doubts as to the validity of Sujah Dowlah’s testamentary bequests, as the Will had never been pro- duced ; that their wealth should by right have descended to the successor on the musnud ; and that the Begums had promoted the insurrection in Oudh. Has- tings consented to these ladies be- ing deprived of their domains and treasures. The lands were resum- ed, but the treasure was not easily found. Force was necessary. The two eunuchs whom the late Nabob had taken into his confidence were arrested, imprisoned, and subject- ed to the worst barbarities by Asoph-ul-Dowlah, not by Has- tings, till £500,000 had been wrung out of the Princesses, and they were then released. Not- withstanding these alleged tor- tures, Lord Valentia, a quarter of a century after, found one of these eunuchs at Lucknow, Almas Ali Khan, in good health, fat and enormously rich ; and the younger of the Begums was also found to be very rich ! Impey was at this time journeying for the sake of pleasure, the benefit of his health, and the inspection of the different local Courts subject to the Sud- der Dewany Adalut. Mrs. Has- tings and Lady Impey were with him. Hastings met the party at Benares, and all went on to Oudh, where Impey was requested to re- ceive the written affidavits which Hastings was collecting to corro- borate his narrative of the trans- actions at Benaras and Oudh. In- telligence of these proceedings reached England ; Impey was re- called. Two committees of the Commons sat upon Eastern affairs, Edmund Burke taking the lead in one, and Henry Dundas in the other. Hastings’ conduct was severely criticised, and it was re- solved on the motion of Dundas that the Company should recall Hastings. This the proprietors of India Stock refused to do, so Hastings remained at the head of the Government till early in 1785. Mrs. Hastings, from ill-health, preceded hi in to England by a few months. He left Bengal amidst the universal regret of Europeans and Asiatics, and within a week of his arrival in England, Burke gave notice in the House of Com- mons of a motion seriously affect- ing him. Hastings at first was not aware of the danger of his posi- tion. The King had received him kindly. The Company was on his side, and he had many influ- ential friends, but nevertheless he was persecuted. He was made the subject of the keenest sar- casms in print ; but this was not sufficient to appease the wrath of Francis and Burke. Hastings’ champion was a Major Scott, who certainly acted most injudiciously in forcing matters to a conclusion. At the first Session in 1786, Major Scott reminded Burke of the notice given the previous year. The opposition had no alternative than to prosecute, and then came the memorable impeachment of Warren Hastings. Burke’s charge against Hastings’ measures in the 1! oliilla war was first brought for- ward, but he was absolved by 119 votes against sixty-seven. It is said that as Burke was about to open the charge, the following epigram in Latin, supposed to have been written by either Has- tings or Lord Ellenborough, was enclosed in a cover and presented to him. Nulla venena olim y guides bribed by Hyder, passed Ryder’s army by a most danger- ous and skilful manoeuvre, un- perceived, and joined Baillie on the 9th, who thus reinforced, in- stantly prepared to move towards his Chief, marching six miles towards him under incessant attacks of Tippoo’s cavalry and artillery, but he made a fatal halt the same night only eight miles from Munro, against the advice of Colonel Fletcher. Had Sir Hec- tor Munro made a corresponding movement, in all probability Bail- lie would not have suffered the disastrous defeat which followed. Ryder seeing his army placed between two fires, moved off and joined Tippoo, and on the follow- ing day (10th), Baillie sustained an attack which annihilated his brave force, who fought heroical- ly against overwhelming odds till an accident, which no human fore- sight could have prevented, snatch- ed from them a well deserved victory. Ryder, after a three hour’s cannonade, ordered opera- tions to cease, as he feared that Sir Hector Munro could not be far off — but just at this moment two of the tumbrels in the English camp in the centre of their square, 1 exploded, carrying death and des- j truction, and threw the English i into utter confusion. Their am- munition was destroyed and guns dismounted, thousands of bullets whistled into their ranks, follow- ed up by charges from hordes of Hyder’s cavalry. The unequal conflict continued for an hour and a half, when, reduced to 400 men, Baillie resolved to surrender, though his men still wished to be led on and die sword in hand, j Hyder promised quarter, but as soon as the English had laid down ! their arms, the cavalry rushed upon them hacking to pieces the defenceless and the wounded. The exertions of the French offi- ! cers put a stop to this massacre — but only 200 remained alive, most j of them wounded. Fletcher lay dead upon the field ; Baillie was severely wounded, and the 200 HYD 205 survivors, mostly Highlanders, were doomed to die lingering deaths in the dungeons of Serin- gapatam. ( Vide Lindsay). Hyder’s barbarity, and an in- stance of English fortitude, de- serves here to be mentioned. The extract is quoted from the pages of Wilks : “ Among the prisoners was a son of Colonel Lang, who commanded Vellore, a child rather than a youth born in India, who was serving as a volunteer. He sent for the boy and ordered him instantly to write a letter to his father, offering him a splendid establishment, on the condition of surrendering the place, and an- nouncing that his own death would be the result of refusal. The boy at first received the pro- position with a cool rejection ; but on being pressed with direct threats, he burst into tears, and addressing Hyder in his own lan- guage : “If you consider me (said he) base enough to write such a letter, on what ground can you think so meanly of my father ? It is in your power to present me before the ramparts of Vellore, and cut me into a thousand pieces in my father’s presence ; but it is out of your power to make him a traitor. The threats were, how- ever, renewed by the attendants in a separate tent, but being found ineffectual, the child was remand- ed to the quarters of the other prisoners.” It is time now to ask, where was Sir Hector Munro, while Hy- der with his choicest troops in im- mense numbers was overwhelm- ing one of his detachments only a few miles from him 1 At day- break on the 10th, he moved to- wards Perambaucum, 14 miles distant from Conjeveram where he was encamped, and after march- ing a few miles he saw the smoke of the battle scene, and moved in that direction ; soon after he saw a great smoke, which is supposed to have been the explosion of the tumbrels. Then a desultory fire of musketry was heard, followed by a lull, when Sir Hector jumped to the conclusion that the silence intimated a victory gained by Baillie. A most absurd supposi- tion,—for it might as well have been supposed to be the result of Baillie’s defeat, as was actually the case. Sir. H. Munro was not more than two miles off, and had he advanced, Baillie’s defeat would probably have been converted into a victory. He, however, moved back to Conjeveram, and only heard of the disastrous defeat of Baillie from a wounded sepoy on the way. He continued his march thither “ for the recruiting of his army,” and deeming himself still unsafe there, as the grain in store barely amounted to one day’s con- sumption, threw his heavy guns and stores into the tank and mov- ed towards Chingleput, on the 11th, where he was fortunately joined by the important detach- ment from the south, (Cosby’s) previously alluded to. The com- bined forces then marched to Madras, and arriving there on the 14tli, took up their position at Marmalong, a few miles distant, with a river covering its front. Thus terminated a campaign of twenty-one days, eveiy recollec- tion of which is associated with sorrow, even at this distance of time. Intelligence of this fearful disaster was now sent to Calcutta, where the energetic Warren Has- tings held the reins of Government. On receiving the sad news, he de- clared that “unless Sir Eyre Coote would atthis crisis, standforth and HYD 206 vindicate in his own person, the rights and honor of the British arms,” there was no hope. This distinguished veteran at that time was Oommander-in-Chief of India, and also a Member of the Supreme Council, and though advanced in years, and weighed down by pre- carious health, he readily obeyed the summons to the scenes of his early glory. Arriving at Madras on the 5th of November, invested with the sole direction of the war, a spirit of hope, vigour and emu- lation succeeded to the torpor and despondency then prevailing throughout the presidency. Ily- der, meanwhile intoxicated with victory, had laid siege to Arcot on the 19th, and after six weeks open trenches, he effected an en- trance. The English and their native allies about 7,000 in num- ber retired into the citadel after the town had fallen — the citadel so famous for Clive’s successful defence of it for fifty days with an inferior garrison. But Hyder, by means of the Governor, liajali Beerbur, whom he had taken pri- soner, exercised an influence on the native troops within the cita- del, which left the English no alternative but to surrender on favourable terms — the English were sent to Seringapatam, where many of them were engaged in drilling the new levies, formed for the most part of the native prisoners taken by Hyder during the campaign. After the capture of Arcot, Hyder simultaneously laid siege to Vellore, Amboor, Wandewash, Permacoil and Cliin- gleput, but on the 19th of Ja- nuary 1781, hearing that Coote had left Madras the previous day with a large force to wrest from him the mastery of the Carnatic, he raised the siege of the place he was attacking, and collected his forces, intending to accept a gene- ral engagement. But Coote, after storing with supplies the strong places held by the English in the Carnatic, marched towards Pon- dicherry, whither a French fleet which had anchored off Madras a few days before had preceded him. Hyder followed, and on the 8th of February both armies were moving in parallel lines, near Cuddalore within cannon range of each other. Pressed for sup- plies, which were cut off on the one side by the French fleet, and on the land side by Hyder, Coote, on the 10th, offered him battle, but was refused. The British Gene- ral was thus left in a desperate situation ; and had the co-opera- tion of the French fleet in cutting off supplies by sea been continued, the campaign, and the existence of the British Army, in the opi- nion of its Commander-in-Chief, and according to all human cal- culation, would have been brought to a fatal close. But suddenly an unexpected relief occurred, well depicted in the following brief Despatch from Coote to the Madras] Government : “ The French fleet under sail, standing to the eastward ; there is not a moment to be lost in sending me provisions— that supplied, 1 will answer for the rest.” Five weary months dragged along before Coote at Cuddalore received any supplies, while Hyder occupied the passes which communicated with the interior, — sent his son Tippoo with 30,000 men to resume the siege of Vellore — and he him- self marched with the bulk of his army south of the Coleroon, re- alizing an enormous booty in the Tanjore territory. At length, Coote, on the 16th of J une, moved HYD 207 towards a strongly fortified pago- da called Chillumbrum, near Por- to Novo, 26 miles from Cudda- lore, wliich Hyder had materially strengthened for the double pur- pose of arresting his enemy’s pro- gress to the southward, and to serve as a depot for the eventual use of his own army and that of his French allies. Being misin- formed of itsgarrison and strength, the. small party Coote had de- tached for assailing it was repul- sed with loss, so he drew off his army, and re-crossing the Vellore river, encamped near Porto Novo. Hyder, on receiving this intelli- gence, remassed his forces, crossed the Coieroon, and after a march of a hundred miles in two days and a half, interposed his army between the English and Cudda- lore, just as Coote was on the eve of attacking Chillumbrum by sea and land. Coote called a council of war, and it was resolved to fight. The action is thus describ- ed in Malleson’s Indian Historical Essays : “ At seven o’clock on the morning of the 1st July, he (Coote) moved out his army, consisting of 8,476 men, of whom 2,070 were Europeans. Arriving in front of the enemy, computed to be about 40,000 of all arms, inclusive of tributaries, he spent a long hour in reconnoitring his position. He found him very strongly posted, occupying three villages. The ground on his front and on his flanks vras intersected in every direction by deep ditches and water-courses ; his left was cover- ed by a range of sandhills which followed the direction of the coast. Embrasures for his artillery had been cut in mounds of eai’th, formed from the hollowing of the ditches. Behind these lay, motion- less, the main body of the army.” “ The English general soon made up his mind. Iiis army was formed in two lines. The second line, under General Stuart, was broken into column, and moved to the right under cover of the first line, and afterwards of the sandhills before mentioned. The column advanced in this direction, following the coast, and thus turn- ing the enemy’s left, until they reached an opening in the sand- hills, which H yder had delayed for a day to fortify, in order that he might first make it stronger. Ge- neral Stuart at once formed his men up and led them to this opening. Twice repulsed, he suc- ceeded the third time though not till four o’clock in the afternoon, in driving the enemy before him. The first line had meanwhile con- tented itself with a strong demon- stration against the enemy’s left front, but, no sooner were Gene- ral Stuart’s guns heard, than the feigned attack was converted into a real one, and this line also made good its position on the plateau.” Meanwhile, Hyder, who was seated cross-legged on a stool on an eminence behind the centre of his line, witnessed with astonish- ment and dismay the success of the advance. He instantly order- ed a charge of cavalry on both lines. That on the first line was repulsed only after a most despe- rate encounter ; that on the second was never made. Just as its com- mander, Meer Sahib, was about to give the order to charge, he was struck dead by a round shot, and almost immediately afterwards, an unexpected broadside from an English schooner making terrible havoc amongst the chiefless squad- rons, a panic ensued, and they re- treated behind the sandhills. Hy- der, furious, refused to leave his 208 HYD stool ; he would not believe that he was beaten, and declared that the heads of his generals should suffer for their failure. At last, a favourite groom, one of his pri- vileged servants, seized him by both legs, and mounted him on his horse. Hyder then hastened from the field and set to work to rally his beaten army, of whom 10,000 killed and wounded had fallen on this fatal day. He did not, however, lose a single gun. The English loss was 30G.” Hyder retreating in a north- westerly direction, joined his son, Tippoo, near Arcot, and the com- bined force moved to Perambau- cum, the scene of success the pre- vious year. Hyder considered this aplace’of good omen, and resolved to give his old antagonist battle here again. This movement of Hyder’s enabled Coote to march northwards along the coast, and unite himself with reinforcements expected from Bengal, which he met at Pulicat on the 2nd of Au- gust, thus augmenting one-third to his strength. On the 19th, he moved towards Tripasore, only a few miles from Perambaucum. On the 22nd, he assaulted it, and in the presence of Hyder approach- ing to relieve it, its garrison sur- rendered. Hyder became furious, and turned back sending a mes- sage to the English general to put to death the prisoners he had taken, as they had behaved as traitors to their master. Coote, however, released them on parole. He was now anxious to bring on an immediate action with Hyder, and on the 27tli August, advanced to Perambaucum, where he found him very strongly fortified, with an army 70,000 strong. Coote’s numbered little over 12,000. A battle raged with great fury near- ly the whole day and ended inde- cisively at nightfall. Hyder left the battle field abandoning only one gun out of the 80 he brought with him and marched to Conje- veram. Coote two days after re- tired to Tripasore. The loss of the English is variously estimated from 421 to 600, and that of Hy- der 1,500 to 2,000. Hyder, then with redoubled en- ergy, invested Vellore on every side, and he also commenced to fortify Sholingur to prevent the advance of the English to its relief. Coote, however, on the 27th Sep- tember, suddenly took him by sur- prise. Hyder retreated with the loss of 800 men. Coote not only relieved Vellore, but re-took Chit- toor. Want of provisions, however, drove Coote back to Madras, and Hyder taking advantage of this, resumed the blockade of Vellore with more severity than ever, and the Madras Government was in- formed at the beginning of De- cember, that with strictest eco- nomy, the place could not hold out beyond the first week of Ja- nuary. Coote’s state of health at this time was most precarious, but at the earnest solicitation of Government, he made a final effort for provisioning Vellore. On his way thither, he was struck down by an attack of apoplexy on the 5th January 1782, but so far recovered as to be carried in a palanquin with the army on the following day, and under great military difficulties, crossed the Palar lliver, and a swampy mo- rass in front of Hyder’s army on the 10th, threw three months pro- visions into the town on the 1 1th, re-crossed the morass and river on the 13th, threatened on all sides by Hyder’s cavalry and under an incessant cannonade, HYD 209 Coote in vain endeavoured to bring him to battle on the 16th ; so he quietly retired to Tripasore. Hyder then sent Tippoo against the British detachment covering the country south of the Coleroon, under the command of Colonel Brathwaite who, after an unequal contest of three days, had to sur- render,— the prisoners were sent to Seringapatam loaded with chains, and Colonel Brathwaite was de- tained in Hyder’s camp. Hyder was elated at the success of Tippoo, and soon after, hearing of the arrival of a French division at Porto Novo, speedily effected a junction with it, took Cuddalore i on the Sth of April, Permacoil a few days after, and then invested Wandewash. Coote at once ad- vanced to its relief, and offered battle on the 24th of May, but the allied forces being instructed by Bussy not to fight till his arrival, retired to Arnee. Coote marched against Arnee, but ere he reach- ed it, Hyder divining his move- ments despatched Tippoo and M. de Lally to its defence. On the 3rd of j une the two armies came in contact, but no pitched battle was fought, though in manoeu- vring and skirmishing, Coote cap- tured one of Hyder’s guns and 11 tumbrels. Five days later, how- ever, Hyder by drawing the Eng- lish into an ambuscade, by the display of a drove of cattle, in- flicted a loss upon them of two guns and 166 men. This was the last encounter of the two Com- manders— they soon after quitted this world. Hyder had long been ailing, and he died at Arcot on the 7th of December 1782, in his 61st year, of a carbuncle on the back of his neck. Intelligence of his death was hid from the army by Poorneah till his son, Tippoo, who was then engaged on the Western Coast, arrived to carry on the war. His body was embalmed, convey- ed to, and deposited in, the tomb of his father at Colar, but was afterwards removed by Tippoo’s orders to the superb mausoleum at Seringapatam. Wilks’ words best describe Hyder’s person and character : “ In person he was tall and robust ; his neck was long, and his shoulders were broad : in his youth he was peculiarly active, in later years disposed to corpu- lence : for a native of India, in- clining to a complexion fair and florid. With a prominent and rather aquiline nose, and small eyes, there was in his countenance a mixture of sternness and gentle- ness ; but the leading impression on the minds of those who de- scribed it, was that of terror ; an inference resulting, perhaps, as much from experience as from physiognomy. His voice was mel- low and musical, and on ordinary occasions, he spoke in a subdued tone. In dress, he exhibited rather an extravagant mixture of the soldier and the fop ; a turban of brilliant scarlet, projecting by means of a cane frame, and almost overshadowing his shoulders, was the great peculiarity of his dress ; and it has been stated, perhaps, without much exaggeration, that one hundred cubits of fine turban web were rolled up in its various involutions. The other parts of his dress were (excepting in the i field) studiously splendid, and he delighted to see his public officers magnificently attired. His toilet was performed in the manner of the brahmins, his eyebrows and whiskers being shaved away, or the hairs pulled out, so as to leave a line scarcely visible.” 210 I1YD “ He was fond of show and parade, and on great occasions Avas attended by a retinue of one thousand spearmen splendidly clothed and armed, preceded by bards, Avho sung his exploits in the Canarese language.” “He Avas a bold and skilful horseman, and delighted chiefly in that simple mode of convey- ance. His efficiency as a SAvords- man was highly estimated in his youth ; and as a marksman he Avas perhaps unrivalled. It was scarcely ever known that his ball missed the mark ; and volunteers engaged in single combat with the royal tiger in the public sIioavs, Avere confident of being preserved in tlie last extremity by the fusil of Hyder, from the balcony.” “ He could neither read nor write any language ; but exclu- sively of Hindostani, his mother tongue, he spoke Avitli entire flu- ency the Canarese, Mahratta, Te- legoo. and Tamil languages.” “He possessed the talent as- cribed to some other eminent men, and perhaps to all with some ex- aggeration, of attending to several subjects at once : dictating to a moonshee, hearing and answering the report of a spy, and following the recital of a complex account, at one and the same time, and giving to each individual his ap- propriate instruction.” “ A harem of six hundred wo- men might seem to constitute in itself, evidence of the absence of particular attachment.” “ But Hyder, in his intercourse with the harem, had no feeling distinct from animal instinct. To a person Avho should exclusively have observed this part of his character, his Avhole soul would have seemed absorbed in a passion to which he brought no portion of mind ; the animal, not the man, Avas sunk in sensuality ; the mind Avas never permitted to Avander from the most rigid attention to public business ; everything Avas examined both in abstract and detail, and no business was ever delayed from the indolence or self-indulgence of the sovereign. From sun rise till past the noon, he was occupied in public durbar ; he then made his first meal, and retired to rest for an hour or two. In the evening, he either rode out, or returned to business, in which he continued to be engaged till near midnight, when he made his second meal ; sometimes drank largely, but secretly, of European liquors, and retired to rest.” “ Of his temper as of his coun- tenance, he possessed the most disciplined command ; his appa- rent bursts of anger were not the effect of mental disturbance, but of the alleged necessity of ruling with a sceptre of iron ; and keep- ing for ever present the terror of his poAver. In an humble sphere, he would probably have been deemed a man of ay it, but he tem- pered a natural facetiousness with the gravity belonging to his ex- alted station ; and though reserv- ed from a sense of propriety and from habit, no person could relax more agreeably in social inter- course, and even in public audi- ence ; but on ordinary occasions, the principle of terror was ever predominant ; and he sunk from dignity to inspire fear. On occa- sions apparently trivial, he Avould pour forth a torrent of that ob- scene abuse, in Avhich he excelled, on persons of whatever rank ; and there Avere, moreover, in his whole court, perhaps, not six persons aat1io had not, on some one occa- sion, sustained the actual lash of HYD 211 the corla (long whip). The same use of the tongue and whip in his subordinate officers, recommend- ed them to his notice as zealous servants, exercising an efficient command ; and it was a common trick of Aboo Mohammed, his chief chobdar, when his master appeared displeased at some sup- posed relaxation, (or as he chose to interpret, was in ill temper,) to bring him into good humour, by the sound of the corla at the gate, and the cries of an innocent suf- ferer, seized casually in the street for the purpose. On the conquest of a new country, it was his inva- riable habit to inflict some me- morable severities, not only for the purpose of extorting money, but with the avowed object of impressing his new subjects with a salutary terror of his name. On the same avowed principle, of in- spiring terror into all descriptions of men, whether absent or present, he availed himself of a police too horribly perfect, to punish with boundless cruelty, the slightest levity of observation, made in the confidence and seclusion of do- mestic intercourse, that had any reference to his public or private conduct : and thus, where it was worse than death to blame, un- qualified applause became the ne- cessary habit of public and of private life.” “ In spite of this reputation, and the notorious system of exac- tion and torture applied to every individual who had to render an account ; men of almost every country were attracted to his court and standard, by brilliant prospects of advancement and wealth ; but a person, once en- gaged in his service, and deemed to be worth keeping, was a pri- soner for life ; he would hear of no home but his own standard, and suffered no return ; but the summary severity, cruelty, and in- justice of his character were di- rected rather to the instruments than the objects of his rule ; offi- cial men had cause to tremble ; but the mass of the population felt that the vigour of the Govern- ment compensated for many ills, and rendered their condition com- paratively safe.” “ In action, Hyder was cool ancl deliberate, but enterprising and brave when the occasion demand- ed. In his early career, and in his wars with the native powers, he was far from sparing of his per- son, but opposed to Europeans, it was observed that he never per- sonally encountered the heat of action. His military pretensions are more favorably viewed in the conduct of a campaign than of a battle ; and if the distinction can be allowed, in the political, than in the military conduct of a war. In the attack and defence of places, he and his son were equally un- skilled ; because in that branch of war, no experience can compen- sate for want of science.” “ In council he had no adviser, and no confidant ; he encouraged, on all occasions, a free discussion of every measure suggested by himself or by others, but no per- son knew at its close, what mea- sures he would adopt in conse- quence.” “ Hyder was of all Mohamme- dan princes the most tolerant, if, indeed, he is himself to be consid- ered as a Mussulman. He neither practised, nor had ever been in- structed how to practice, the usual forms of prayer, the fasts, and other observances. He had a small rosary, on which he had been taught to enumerate a few 212 HYD of the attributes of God, and this was the whole of his exterior re- ligion. It was his avowed and public opinion, that all religions proceed from God, and are all .equal in the sight of God ; and it is certain, that the mediatory power represented by Runga Sawmey, the great idol in the temple of Seringapatam, had as much, if not more of his respect, than all the Imaums, with Ma- hommed at their head.” “ In common with all Sovereigns who have risen from obscurity to a throne, Hydcr waded through crimes to his object ; but they never exceeded the removal of real impediments, and he never achieved through blood what fraud was capable of effecting. He fixed his steadfast view upon the end, and considered simply the efficiency, and never the mo- ral tendency of the means. If he was cruel and unfeeling, it was for the promotion of his objects, and never for the gratification of anger or revenge. If he was ever liberal, it was because liberality exalted his character and aug- mented his power ; if he was ever merciful, it was in those cases where the reputation of mercy promoted future submission. His European prisoners were in irons, because they were otherwise deemed unmanageable ; they were scantily fed, because that was eco- nomical ; there was little distinc- tion of rank, because that would have been expensive : but beyond these simply interested views, there was, by his authority, no wanton severity ; there was no compassion, but there was no re- sentment ; it was a political ex- penditure, for a political purpose, and there was no passion, good or bad, to disturb the balance of the account. He carried merci- less devastation into an enemy’s country, and even to his own, but never beyond the reputed utility of the case : he sent the inhabi- tants into captivity, because it in- jured the enemy’s country, and benefited his own. The misery of the individuals was no part of the consideration, and the death of the greater portion still left a residue, to swell a scanty popula- tion. With an equal absence of feeling, he caused forcible emigra- tionsfrom oneprovince to another, because he deemed it the best cure for rebellion ; and he con- verted the male children into mi- litary slaves, because he expected them to improve the quality of his army. He gave fair, and occasionally brilliant, encourage- ment to the active and aspiring among his servants, so long as liberality proved an incitement to exertion, and he robbed and tor- tured them, without gratitude or compunction, when no farther services were expected : it was on account of profit and loss, and a calculation whether it were most beneficial to employ or to plun- der them.” “ Those brilliant and equivocal virtues which gild the crimes of other conquerors, were utterly unknown to the breast of Hyder. No admiration of bravery in re- sistance, or of fortitude in the fallen, ever excited sympathy, or softened the cold calculating de- cision of their fate. N o contempt for unmanly submission ever ag- gravated the treatment of the abject and the mean. Everything was weighed in the balance of utility, and no grain of human feeling, no breath of virtue or of vice was permitted to incline the beam.” IBR— IMP 213 “ There was one solitary ex- ample of feelings incident to our nature, affection for an unworthy son, whom he nominated to be his successor, while uniformly, earnestly, and broadly predicting, that this son would lose the em- pire which he himself had gained.” IBRAHIM, vide Mahmood of Ghuzni. IBRAHIM LODI, vide Lodi. IMPEY, Sir Elijah, the first Chief Justice of Calcutta, was bom at Hammersmith, on the 13th of June 1732. When seven years old, he was placed at Westmins- ter School, which he quitted in 1751. He here formed a friend- ship with Warren Hastings which lasted through life. At the lat- ter end of 1751, he entered Trinity College, Cambridge, where in 1759, he became Senior Fellow. In the meantime he had been called to the bar, and in 1766-67, made an extensive tour on the Continent. Impey married a daughter of Sir John Reade, Bart., of Shipton Court, Oxfordshire, on the 18th of January 1758, and began his career as a barrister. Having followed this profession for 17 years with a good practice, he was selected to fill the new and important post of Chief Justice of Calcutta on the passing of the Regulating Act, 1773. He re- ceived the Order of Knighthood from George III, and sailed for India, in April 1774, the same ship carrying the three Puisne Judges, Chambers, Hyde, and LeMaistre, also the newly-appointed Mem- bers of Council, Sir P. Francis, General Clavering, and Colonel Monson. On their arrival at Cal- cutta, Impey and his brother Judges proceeded to open the King’s Commission, and to or- ganize and establish the Supreme Court. Combined with many other measures, the records of the old Mayor’s Court had to be re- ceived, authenticated, registered, and put in order, and the pro- cesses pending or dormant in that Court, to be prepared for trial and decision. Among them was found a document which was alleged to have been forged by Nuncoomar who had been acquitted at his trial in the Mayor’s Court, through the influence of Warren Hastings, five years before. This document was now returned by the Judges to Mohunpersad, the prosecutor, who was, of course, immediately in a position to proceed against Nuncoomar, and such was the course he took, two months before Nuncoomar preferred his charges against Hastings, encouraged by Francis, Clavering and Monson, who forming themselves into a majority, were hostile not only to Hastings and Barwell, but to the newly constituted Court. Two months after Nuncoomar had pre- ferred his charges against the Governor-General, he was arrested in consequence of the party in- jured by the forgery having re- produced his charge. On the 8th of June 1775, his trial began ; he was convicted by a grand jury, composed of some of the most 214 IMP respectable ancl worthy British inhabitants of Calcutta, and was sentenced to be hanged by Sir Elijah Impey, with the entire con- currence of the other three Judges. Nuncoomar put implicit reliance upon the majority to avert his frightful doom, but not an effort was made, nor could they do so. He addressed a petition to them the day before his execution, which was delivered at the house of Cla- vering, who did not open it till after Nuncoomar’s execution. In fact, the majority of the Council chuckled over the event as afford- ing them an opportunity, how- ever false, of implicating Has- tings. On the 5th of August 1775, Nuncoomar was hanged, twenty days after sentence of death was passed on him. The reader’s attention must here be directed, for the other Indian in- cidents of Impey’s life, to the memoir of Hastings and Francis, in this work. It would be need- less repetition to recount them here. On F rancis’ arrival in Eng- land, in 1781, his hostilities against Hastings and Impey commenced, and the question of the acceptance of the Sudder Dewany Adalut, which Impey and Warren Has- tings had frankly and openly an- nounced, was brought under dis- cussion by the Court of Directors. At first they highly approved of the appointment, i. e., w'itliout a salary being attached to it ; but taking umbrage at Francis’ false report of the acceptance of a salary, the Directors took legal advice. The three eminent lawyers con- sulted, were J. Dunning, J. Wal- lace, and J. Mansfield, who agreed that the appointment was not illegal. The latter retracted his opinion three days after, and Mr. ltous, the Company’s standing counsel, also objected to the ap- pointment with a salary. But F rancis had inculcated the belief not only among lawyers and Di- rectors, but also in Parliament and in general society, that Impey had accepted the appointment with a salary — a statement not only false, but which he knew himself to be false. When the salary was offered to Impey some time after the appointment had been made by the Council, he re- fused to accept it till the sanction of the Lord Chancellor was re- ceived, and the Court of Directors broadly asserted, in a “Memoran- dum,” registered and preserved among their numerous “Bengal Consultations” in Leadenhall Street, that— “ It could hardly have been ex- pected that the Chief Justice should give up his few hours of relaxation and enter on a fresh scene of labour and perplexity without compensation. The offer of a salary was at once necessary, and a judicious sacrifice ; but the property of the Company has, by no means, been wantonly lavished : £8,000 bore no proportion to the sums which must eventually be saved. Perhaps they were ten times the amount; and of this sal- ary we are yet to learn that a single shilling has ever been received , though the appointment was passed in Council, in October 1780.” “ Whatever plan might be adopt- ed for the better arrangement of the judicial office in Bengal, it may be affirmed, that consider- able advantage will still be derived from the professional assistance afforded by the Chief Justice to the Sudder Dewany Adalut. His regulations and instructions ( for he has already proposed many ) will p>robably continue the stand- IMP 215 ard of practice ; his decisions will form precedents for f uture judges , and his example stamji respectabi- lity on the office. No weak , indo- lent or undignified character ivill readily find admission into the vacant seat of Sir Elijah lmpey." No doubt the Directors would have acted in conformity with the opinions above expressed but for Burke and his party getting into office, on the overthrow of Lord N orth’s administration. The Bock- ingham Ministry which succeeded committed the whole control and management of Indian affairs to Burke, the result of which was the recall of lmpey, on the 3rd December 1783. lmpey with his family embarked for England, and after a disastrous voyage arrived there in June 1784. Hastings ar- rived exactly a year after, when Burke and Francis were vigorous- ly pushing forward the impeach- ment of both. Between the recall of lmpey and the resignation of Hastings, Mr. Pitt’s famous India Bill passed into law. On the 12th December 1787, Sir Gilbert Elliot was deputed to present to the House, six articles of charges against lmpey, though the chief stress lay upon the first — the execution of Nuncoomar, in which he, closely linked with Burke and Eox, tried in a very impressive speech, to criminate conjointly the Chief Justice and the Governor-General. He de- clared that Nuncoomar had been hanged, not by the four Judges collectively, but by lmpey alone, in order to screen the Governor- General. The charges came in the following order : — I. — The trial and execution of Nuncoomar. II. — The conduct of Sir Elijah in a cause, called the Patna cause. III. — The extension of jurisdic- tion, illegally and oppressively, beyond the intention of the Act and Charter. IV. —1 The Cossijurah cause, in which the extension of jurisdic- tion had been carried out with peculiar violence. V. — The acceptance of the office of Judge of the Sudder Dewany Adalut, which was affirmed to be contrary to law, and not only re- pugnant to the spirit of the Act and Charter, but fundamentally subversive of all its material pur- poses. VI. — The conduct of Sir Elijah in Oude and Benares, where, it was declared, the Chief Justice became the agent and tool of Has- tings. It is clear that it was from Francis that Sir Gilbert Elliot de- rived the information on which he based his accusations. The charges being received, a commit- tee was appointed, who sat on the day fixed — 4th February 1788 ] but before they proceeded to business, lmpey presented a pe- tition praying to be heard before the House proceeded any further. The prayer was granted, and Im- pey was called to the bar, where he made a triumphant defence, orally delivered, attended by his counsel, the Solicitor-General, and his son, Archibold Elijah. This able and effective defence was shortly after printed from very ac- curate short-liand notes, taken by a competent person, and filled an octavo volume of 423 pages. “ It was published by J ohn Stockdale, Piccadilly, and bears the date of 1788, in the month of February, of which year the defence was spoken at the bar. Either a small edition was printed, or care was taken by the calumniators of Sir 216 ING Elijah Impey to buy it all and destroy the copies. It is now among the rarest of books.” After the delivery of the defence which occupied two days, the prosecu- tion was dropped ! Impey sur- vived his defence at the bar of the House of Commons, and his virtual acquittal of all charges, for nearly quarter of a century. He died in his 77th year, on the 1st of October 1809, and his re- mains were interred in the family vault at Hammersmith. Till 1844, when his son, Elijah Barwell, produced the Memoirs of his father, Impey was one of the ogres of Indian History — a traditional monster of iniquity. Thousands have gone down to their graves in the firm belief of his official turpitude. Burke, as conductor of the Annual Register, unreservedly adopted the charges against Impey, and Mill having- transferred them to his pages, they became invested with the authority of history. Thornton and Macaulay, without any in- vestigation, followed in the foot- steps of Mill. While Thornton was publishing his History of India by periodical instalments, the son and biographer of Sir Elijah Impey paid him a visit at the India House, and offered to place at his disposal, all the family papers, manuscript letters, books, and other documents in his pos- session, regarding his father’s ca- reer. “Politely, but coldly enough,” writes Mr. Impey, “he declined accepting my offer. I spoke of the difficulty of finding any copy of Sir Elijah Impey’s defence, and of the importance and conclusive nature of the vouchers contained in that volume. But he wanted not the loan of my book, and I left him upon receiving his assur- ance that 1 full justice would be done by him to Sir Elijah with- in a short space of time his pai-t came out. The justice which M r. Thornton had done my father had been, to take upon trust the charges of his persecutors, to re- peat the slanders of Mr. Mill, and to modulate his abuse in the man- ner of Mr. Macaulay.” Mr. Impey spoilt a good book and a good cause. Had he, in- stead of writing a biography, full of resentful feelings towards the calumniators of his father, written a narrative of the times of Warren Hastings, and Sir Elijah Impey, simply convincing the world of the falsehood of the charges then laid against them, the work would have become very popular, and a standard au- thority. In the year 1841, the Edinburgh Review produced a brilliant arti- cle on the career of Warren Has- tings, written, as all the world knew, by Macaulay, which was af- terwards embodied in his volume of “ Essays,” which has run through many editions, and is to this day published, unedited, and without any refutation of the cal- umnies and slanders it heaps upon the memory of Impey, though enough has been written, based on the clearest documentary and cir- cumstantial evidence, to explode them. ( Vide Wakken Hastings, Fkancis.) INGLIS, Sir John, the heroic defender of the Residency of Lucknow, was the son of the Right Rev. John Inglis, the third Bishop of Nova Scotia, and was born in that colony, on the 15th Novem- ber 1814. He joined the 32nd Foot as an ensign, at the age of nineteen, and served with that JAC 217 regiment till his death. He was engaged against the rebels in Ca- nada, in 1837, and afterwards went to India, where he distinguished himself in the Campaign of 1849 in the Punjaub, and also at the battle of Guzerat, and having- risen through every grade, became Colonel of his Regiment in 1855. On the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, he, in conjunction with Sir Henry Lawrence, had to de- fend the Residency of Lucknow against the attacks of thousands of ferocious rebels, and on the' death of Lawrence, the whole con- duct of the defence devolved on Inglis, and for eighty-seven days till relieved by Havelock on the 24th September 1857, the garrison held out bravely through terrible dangers, suffering, and privations, closely invested and exposed to incessant fire of musketry, cannon and exploding mines. Inglis was promoted to be Major-General for his splendid achievement, and named K.C.B. He returned to England on the suppression of the mutiny, and there met an enthu- siastic reception. In 1851, he married the Hon’ble J ulia, daugh- ter of Lord Chelmsford, who bravely shared with him all his dangers and privations at Luck- now. He was next appointed Commander of the Forces in the Ionian Islands, but his health was so shattered that he had to visit the baths at Homburgh, and there he died on the 27th September 1862. The United Service Maga- zine says, “ through life he was remarkable for amiability of dis- position, and whilst his M ilitary services justly classed him as the bravest of the brave, he was equally entitled to admiration for his unassuming demeanour, his friendly warmth of heart, and his sincere desire to benefit by all means in his power every one with whom he came in contact.” JACOB, Brigadier-Genl. John, wTas an artillery officer, having- been appointed to the Horse Bri- gade in 1827. He raised theScinde Horse, and during the great In- dian Mutiny he held Seinde and the entire frontier in his grasp. The wild tribes regarded him with mingled feelings of fear and super- stition, and even the rudest of their chiefs respected his autho- rity and obeyed his mandates. He was a complete soldier, and had mastered all the details and duties of his profession. It was he who invented the Jacob-shell. He died at Jacobabad, Seinde, on the 5th of November 1858, of brain fever. It is to be regretted that material it not at hand to give a more detailed sketch of the life of this gallant officer. JACQUEMONT, Victor, was born in Paris, in the year 1801. He received an excellent educa- tion, but an untoward accident while performing some chemical experiments, injured his consti- tution so far as to change the whole tenor of his scientific career. He travelled a great deal in France and Switzerland, pursuing his favorite studies, Botany and Zo- 28 218 JAM olo'gy which eventually whiled him i to the plains of India and the slopes of the Himalayas. An un- fortunate attachment induced him to leave for America in the autumn of 1826, and from there to Haiti, where he received a letter from the Jardin des Plantes, proposing that he should undertake a sci- entific journey to India to study its ethnology, geology and botany. After some hesitation he accepted the offer, returned to France, after travelling through the north of the United States, and went to Calcutta during the administra- tion of Lord W. Bentinck, who, as well as all classes of Anglo- Indian Society, received him with much kindness and hospitality. He travelled a great deal in the upper part of India, completed his expedition, and on his way homewards, just as he reached the seashore, fell a victim to the climate at the early age of thirty- one. His disease was an abscess in the liver. Jacquemont pos- sessed an extraordinary gift for correspondence. The letters writ- ten to his friends which he never intended to appear in print have appeared : l' Oorrespondance de Victor Jacquemont pendant son voyage dans l’lnde, 1828-32,” (Paris — Levy, 1869). Corres- j pondance in^dite de Victor Jac- quemont, 1824-32,” (Paris — Lbvy, 1869.) Plied at Bombay, Decern- 1 ber 1832. Vide Asiatic Journal , Vol. XV, N. S., 1834, p. 180. JAMSETJEE JEJEEBHOY, Sir, Bart., the Parsee merchant prince, was born at Bombay on the 15th July 1783. He was of poor but respectable parents, and commenced business as a mer- chant at the early age of eighteen, and made five successive voyages to China betwixt this and the year 1806. His parents died while he was quite a child, and he was at the outset of his career, in partnership with his father-in-law, Framjee Nussurwanjee, under wiiose charge he passed the greater part of his youth. He was wond- erfully successful in all his enter- prises, and never did riches fall to a more worthy possessor. He was distinguished for his boldness and sagacity in all commercial specu- lations ; he feared no risks how- ever great, where the balance of chance was in his favor, and he seemed to know, with almost in- tuitive sagacity, where commerce might be most largely extended. Nor did he confine himself to any particular branch of trade or class of countries, for he dealt exten- sively in the provinces of Bengal, Madras, Penang, Malacca, the Peider coast, the west coast of Sumatra, Singapore, Siam, Ma- nilla, China, Suez, Smyrna, Alex- andria, the Archipelago and Eng- land. In transactions of such magnitude, and in the grasp of one so capable of taking advant- age of every turn of trade, it is not to be wondered, that munifi- cent returns were speedily realiz- ed, at a time rendered peculiarly favorable for commercial specula- tion, by the great political events occurring in Europe from the peace of Amiens to the battle of Waterloo, and the new position under which the E. I. Company was placed, which in four years, betwixt 1814-1819, raised the im- ports from Europe from £870,000 to £3,052,000. Within twenty years of his entrance on business he had realized an ample fortune, but he was not the man to with- draw from active life so long as lie could exert himself — to hoard JAN— JEL 219 penuriously, or to be lavish on personal luxury ancl display. With generosity unparalleled, he devoted an immense share of his gains to the public good and the benefit of his fellow-creatures. He was never appealed to in vain, in behalf of any real work of charity, or undertakings of gene- ral utility, and he cared not for creed or party. His public dona- tions alone amounted to ,£300,000, the greater portion of which was devoted to public charities, pub- lic works, and buildings in the Bombay Presidency, among which may be named the Causeway from Mahim to Pandora, the Poona waterworks, and the Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy Hospital, which will hand his name down to posterity as a benefactor of the human race. Holding the influential position he did, he was of infinite service to the British Government in India, whose beneficial rule he never ceased to maintain from the outset of his career until his death, with all the energy in his power. During the terrible mu- tiny of 1857, he wrote his eloquent letter of adherence to the Crown, which is in the recent memory of all, and Her Majesty was not slow in recognising the merit of this patriotic and noble spirited mer- chant. He and his sons were placed on the Commission of the Peace. On the 2nd March 1842, he was created a Knight Bacheloi’, by patent, and on the 6th August 1857, was advanced further to the dignity of a Baronet of the United Kingdom, and was the first native of India who received title and arms from British authority. His coat of arms consisted of “ a handsome shield in the form of the shield used by the Knights of St. John at the defence of Malta, beautifully emblazoned by scrolas of gold. At the lower part of the shield is a landscape scene in India, intended to represent a part of the Island of Bombay, with the Is- lands of Salsette and Elephanta in the distance. The sun is seen rising from behind Salsette to de- note industry , and in diffusing its light and heat, displaying liber- ality. The upper part of the shield has a white ground to de- note integrity and purity, on which are placed two bees repre- senting industry and perseverance. The shield is surrounded by a crest consisting of a beautiful peacock denoting wealth) grandeur and magnificence ; and in its mouth is placed an ear of paddy, denoting beneficence. Below the shield is a white pennant folded, on which is inscribed the words ‘ Industry and Liberality,' which Avas Sir Jamsetjee's motto.” Sir Jamsetjee married on the 1st March 1803, AAvabaee Framjee, daughter of Framjee Pestonjee, merchant of Bombay, and by her had three sons and a daughter, all of whom married and survived him. Besides receiving a baro- netcy, he AAras presented with the freedom of the City of London. He died on the 14th April 1859, at the age of seventy-six, and be- queathed a large fortune to his family. He was succeeded in his baronetcy by his eldest son, Cnr- setjee. JANAJEE BHONSLAY, vide Bhonslay Rajahs. JEHANDER SHAH, vide Ta- merlane. JEHANGIR, vide Tamerlane. JELAL-U-DIN KIIILJI, vide Khilji. 220 JES-JON JESWUNT BOW HOLKAll, vide Holkar Family. JONES, Sir William, was born in London on the 28th of Sep- tember 1746. His father was an eminent mathematician, and an intimate friend of Sir J. Newton, and the author of several mathe- matical works. He died when his son was only three years old, and consequently the care of the child’s early education devolved upon his mother, who was a re- markably intelligent and sensible woman. An anecdote is related by LordTeignmouth which proves what a really clever woman she was. During her husband’s last and fatal illness, an injudicious friend wrote a letter sympathising with him in his painful and dan- gerous state. Perceiving the na- ture of its contents, and naturally supposing it would have a bad effect upon the patient, she began to read to him — but quite an ima- ginary letter, of her own compo- sition, as she went along, in which she introduced topics both cheer- ing and suited to His taste. She initiated Jones into the mysteries of letters when he was three years of age, and he could read any English book freely at four, and was able to recite some of the most popular pieces of Shakespear. The answer he re- ceived to every inquisitive ques- tion, was “ read and you will /enow,” and “ to the observance of this maxim, he always acknow- ledged himself indebted for his future.attainments.” In his sixth year, he began the study of Latin, but as it was distasteful to him at the time, his mother judiciously allowed him to give it over tem- porarily. At the age of seven, lie was sent to the Grammar-School at Harrow', and notwithstanding two accidents which befel him in succession— the one a broken thigh bone by a fall from a tree, and the other an affection of the eyes, which suspended his studies for a twelvemonth, — he surpassed all his school-fellows in learning. He was treated with great seve- rity by one' of his teachers, who was jealous of the abilities with which Jones was gifted, but the head-master at the time, Dr. Thac- keray, had a high opinion of him, and used to say that “if Jones were left naked and friendless on Salisbury Plain, he would never- theless find the road to fame and riches.” Dr. Sumner succeeded Thackeray, and had an equally high opinion of Jones; he de- clared “that Jones knew more Greek than himself, and was a greater proficient in the idiom of that language.” During his last two years at Harrow', besides de- voting a considerable portion of his time to composition in Latin, Greek and English, he learned the Arabic characters, and made some progress in Hebrew’. Some of his juvenile pieces have been printed in the fragment of a work which he began at school, named ‘Limou.’ He devoted the vaca- tions to the study of French and Italian. In his seventeenth year, he was removed to the university of Ox- ford, where, after the residence of a fewr months at the university, on the 31st October 1764, Mr. Jones was unanimously elected one of the four scholars on the foundation of Sir Simon Bennet, to wdiose munificence he was ever proud to acknowdedge his obliga- tions. Having met with a Syrian in London named Mirza, Jones persuaded him to remove to Ox- JON 221 ford, lie himself becoming respon- sible for his support, though then almost entirely dependent on his scholarship, and from this period he added the study of the Arabic and Persian languages to the or- dinary duties of the university, making rapid progress in them. Here during his vacations, he read the best authors in Italian, Span- ish and Portuguese. Jones had been little more than two years at Oxford when he received an offer from the family of Earl Spencer, to become tutor to Lord Althorpe, which appointment he accepted after some hesitation. He held it up to 1768, and it afforded him many opportunities of visiting the continent, by which he was fully prepared to derive every possible benefit. About the end of 1766, he began his Commentary on Asiatic Poetry * written in Latin, which he completed by the following summer, during which he also copied an Arabic manu- script on Egypt and the Nile, and the keys of the Chinese lan- guage. At last the time arrived when he was to appear before the world as a distinguished Oriental scholar. The king of Denmark, on a visit to England, in 1768, brought with him an Arabic manuscript, con- sisting of a “ Life of Nadir Shah,” and, through the Secretary of State, applied to Jones to translate it into French : this translation was published in 1770, with a treatise on Oriental poetry, in which he translated several of the Odes of Hafiz into French verse. In the following year, he brought out a Grammar of the Persian language, which has since been re-published * It was re-printed by Eichkorn, at Leipzig, 1776. with many additions and improve- ments by the late professor Lee, of Cambridge. Jones replied anonymously to Anquetil du Per- ron, in French, 1771, who had at- tacked the University of Oxford and some of its members in his In- troduction to the “ Zend-Avesta.” The reply was written in such ex- cellent French, that Biorn Sthal, a Swedish Orientalist, says, “that he had known many Frenchmen so far mistaken in the writer as to ascribe it to some bel-esprit of Paris.” Jones had, some time before leaving the Spencer family, devot- ed himself to the study and prac- tice of the law, and on the 19th September 1770, was admitted into the Temple. He was suc- cessful as a barrister, but never gave his whole heart to the pro- fession. His first great ambition was to get into Parliament, but he failed. In the 8th vol. of his works (8vo. ed.) will be found the following articles shewing his opinions on political subjects ; ‘ Enquiry into the legal mode of suppressing Riots ;’ ‘ Speech to the assembled inhabitants of Middle- sex, &c. ;’ ‘ Plan of a National Defence;’ ‘Principles of Govern- ment.’ Having failed to enter Parlia- ment, his next great ambition was to obtain a judicial appointment in India, where he would be able to prosecute his Oriental studies under the most favourable cir- cumstances, and acquire a fortune by which he might be enabled to get into Parliament and devote his whole time to politics, aban- doning the distractions of a fo- rensic life. In 1780-81, J ones translated the I MoaUalcat, or seven poems sus- i pended in the Temple of Mecca, 222 JON which were compiled previous to Mahommed’s time, and are the chief literary records of the ante- Mahommedan state of Arabia. Through the influence of Lord Ashburton, Jones received the much coveted appointment of a Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court of Fort William, Calcutta, in 1783, where he arrived in Sep- tember of the same year, with Lady Jones, (Miss Shipley, the eldest daughter of the Bishop of St. Asaph, whom he became much attached to early in life, and married on receiving his Indian appointment and Knighthood). He was welcomed in India by all Oriental scholars, for his reputa- tion had preceded his arrival, and his first great work was the organ- ization of the Asiatic Society, which has been the means of col- lecting an enormous amount of valuable and interesting informa- tion regarding the languages, man- ners, history, geography, chrono- logy, zoology, geology, archoeolo- gy and botany of India and Asia generally. Jones was the illus- trious founder of this Society, and he contributed the following trea- tises to the first four volumes of the “ Asiatic Pesearches.” Eleven ‘Anniversary Discourses on the different nations of Asia, ifcc. ‘ A Dissertation on the Orthography of Asiatic words in Roman letters ‘ On the Gods of Greece, Italy and India ‘On the Chronology of the Hindus ‘ On the Antiquity of the Indian Zodiac ‘ On the second classical Book of the Chinese ‘ On the musical modes of the Hindus ‘ On the Mystical Poetry of the Persians and Hindus con- taining a translation of the Gita- govlnda by Jayadeva, which is a Pastoral Drama of “ the loves of Krishna and Radha, or the reci- i procal attraction between the di- vine goodness and the human soul.” ‘ On the Indian game of Chess, or Chaturanga in which the Brahmins of Bengal formerly excelled. ‘ The design of a trea- tise on the plants of India.’ During the first three or four years of liis residence in Calcutta, the study of Sanscrit principally engaged his attention. No ex- pense or labour was spared. He paid his Pundit, Ram Lochan, a Vaidya, rupees 500 a month for teaching him Sanscrit. When he had attained a sufficient know- ledge of the language, he propos- ed to the Government to publish a copious digest of Hindoo and Mahommedan law, offering to su- perintend the compilation, and to translate it. He laboured for many years at this work : it re- mained unfinished at the time of his death, and Mr. Colebrooke completed it. Jones was one of the first to throw open the portals of Hindu Law to Englishmen, and also to remove the stigma that “ litera- ture in India is to Europeans an exotic,” and since then Hal- lied, Wilkins, Wilford, Gladwin, Harrington, Leyden, Colebrooke, Lumsden and others have emulat- ed his example, and form a bril- liant posse of Orientalists. The laws of Manu were trans- lated by Jones from the Sanscrit and published separately in 1794. The last edition was published in Madras in 1 863, edited by the Rev. P. Percival. Jones trans- lated Sakoontala, or the Fatal Ring, a Hindu drama by Kalida- sa, who has not been inaptly term- ed the Shakespear of India. It first appeared in Calcutta in 1789. The Hitopadesa was also trans- lated by J ones ; and it is now JON 223 translated into more than twenty- languages. His voluminous and erudite writings was a Herculean task, of which Campbell makes the following remark : “ In the course of a short life, Sir W. J ones acquired a degree of knowledge which the ordinary facilities of man, if they were blessed with antediluvian longevity, could scarcely hope to surpass.” But while engaged in this indefati- gable pursuit of literature, he never neglected his duties as a judge, and Lord Teignmouth remarks, “the inflexible integrity with which he discharged the solemn duty of this station, will long be remembered in Calcutta both by Europeans and natives.” Lady Jones went to England on account of ill-health, in 1793, and Jones hoped to follow her shortly. His work on Hindu law was what detained him in India. He wished to finish it, and he could only do so in the midst of his Pundits — but it was otherwise ordained. He called on Lord Teignmouth on the 20th April 1794, and stated that he was re- turning home to take some medi- cine as he was not feeling well. He did not suppose himself to be as ill as he really was, and a me- dical attendant was not called for several days. On the 27th, Lord Teignmouth was sent for, just in time to see him die. “ He was lying on his bed in a posture of meditation : and the only symp- tom of remaining life was a small degree of motion in the heart, which after a few seconds ceased, and he expired without a pang or groan.” Jones was an adherent of the old classical school, and was unfortunately not a follower of Bentley ; it is not too much therefore to say that all his la- bours are at present completely obsolete. His translation of Manu is an authority in Indian Law Courts, because there is no other ■, it is entirely uncritical and follows servilely a commentator whose object was not to put his text in its true light, but to explain away contradictions and state- ments which did not agree with the Hinduism of his own day. His views about the relations of India and Egypt and about Indian chronology, now-a-days, excite a smile and only serve to prove the futility of mere learning unaided by the critical spirit. He did much in his day to advance the study of Sanscrit, and his name will always, for this reason, preserve a title to respect. His chief scientific achievements are — the introduction of an accu- rate and scientific system of trans- literating Oriental languages, and his identification of Sandracoptus with Chandragupta, a fact which has become the foundation of Indian chronology. His system of spelling Hindu names is now adopted by the Asiatic Societies of London, Calcutta, Bombay, and almost all the Continental Socie- ties. Professor Wilson remarks of it, “though Sir W. Jones’ sys- tem does not express sounds as well as Gilchrist’s, it is construct- ed on more philosophic principles, is more easily comprehended by the Orientalists of continental Europe, and is more accurately adapted to the analogies of the Devanhg&ri alphabet.” In addition to the works al- ready mentioned, Jones translated Isseus, and two Mahommedan law tracts, ‘ On the Law of Inherit- ance, and of Succession to the property of Intestates ;’ ‘ Tales and Fables by Nizami ‘ Two 224 JUD Hymns to Pracriti ‘ Extracts from the Vedas.’ A complete edition of Jones’ works was published in 6 vols., 4to., 1799, and in 13 vols., 8vo., 1807, with a memoir by Lord Teignmouth. The following anecdote with re- ference to Jones at Harrow is taken from the Annual Obituary, 1817 : “A rumour having lately prevailed that his name, cut with his own hand on a pannel, was still extant, Dr. Butler, the pre- sent (in 1817) Archididascalus, offered a prize-book to any boy who should discover it. This was at length effected by a youth of the name of Platt, after having long eluded the search of others, from the modesty of the form, and size of the letters. It is now protected by a square, which, like the name, is coloured black for the purpose of designation.” JUDSON, A don ir am, was the founder of the American Baptist Mission in Burmah. He was born on the 9th August 1788, at Mal- den, Massachusetts, where his father was a congregationalist minister. Having passed through the Brown University where he took honours, he entered the Andover Theological Seminary, where he chanced to meet with a sermon by Dr. ClaudiusBuchanan, which turned his attention to Mis- sionary enterprise in India. A few other fellow-students also be- came similarly impressed, and in- formed the college authorities of their wish to devote themselves to the Missionary office. There was no Missionary Society in America, at that time, but a “ Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions” was at ortce formed. In the meanwhile Jud- son proceeded to England in 1811, to consult with the Directors of the London Missionary Society, and on his voyage the vessel lie embarked in was captured by a French privateer and carried into Bayonne, but after a short deten- tion Judson was released at the intercession of some of his country- men. He only received qualified promises of aid in London, but the American Board, though yet without funds, decided upon founding a Mission in Burmah, to which Judson and three other young students were appointed as Missionaries. On the 5th February 1812, Jud- son married Miss A. Hasseltine, and on the 17th embarked with her for his new field of labour. They reached Calcutta in four months, where they received a warm welcome from Dr. Carey and the Serampore Missionaries, but the Bengal Government or- dered Judson and his companions to return immediately to Ameri- ca, by the same ship in which they arrived. Judson, however, was not in- clined to give up his object so easily. He took a passage to the Mauritius ; from thence proceed- ed to Madras, and from there to Bangoon, where he arrived on the 14th July 1813. Judson ’s views on the subject of baptism had undergone a change before leaving Calcutta, and he was re-baptized by immersion, by Dr. Carey. He then disconnected himself with the Board of (Mis- sions, and when he landed at Bangoon, he was not connected with any Society and was with- out any means of future support. He, however, set to work arduous- ly to acquire a knowledge of the Burmese language, which he was JUD 225 able to speak with some degree of fluency in about two or three years. When the Baptists of Ame- rica heard of his devotion, they promptly formed a Missionary Society to support him, and sent him some assistants, among whom was a printer, and aid came from the Serampore Missionaries also, in the shape of a printing press and a fount of Burmese type. Judson now began not only to teach and preach to the natives, but drew up in Burmese for the benefit of those, who could not hear his voice, a ‘ Summary of Christian Doctrine,’ which was the first work turned out of the Rangoon press. Portions of scrip- ture and tracts speedily followed. When the Mission was fairly es- tablished, Judson visited other towns, and Ava, where he had an interview with the king. Having obtained permission, he set about establishing schools, in which Mrs. Judson was a valuable help, as she had mastered the Burmese language also, and took a deep interest in the work. Everything connected with the Mission was progressing favourably when the king of Burmah provoked the English to declare war. ( Vide Amherst and Muha Bundoola). The Missionaries thereupon, were seized and put into prison, where they remained nearly two years, subjected during the greater part of the time to most cruel treat- ment. In her narrative of the impri- sonment of her husband, Mrs. Judson says : — “ He was confined in the death prison with three pairs of iron fetters, and fastened to a long pole to prevent his moving.” “ The continual extor- tions and oppressions to which he is subject, are indescribable.” “ Sometimes, for days and days together, I could not go into the prison till after dark, when I had two miles to walk in returning to the house. Oh, how many, many times have I returned from that dreary prison at nine o’clock at night, solitary and worn out with fatigue and anxiety.” “ It was at the commencement of the hot season. There were above a hundred prisoners shut up in one room, without a breath of air, except from a crack in the boards. I sometimes obtained permission to go to the door for five minutes, when my heart sickened at the wretchedness exhibited. The white prisoners, from incessant perspiration and loss of appetite, looked more like the dead than the living. I made daily applica- tion to the Governor, offering him money, which he refused.” An English officer, who had been taken prisoner by the Bur- mans, and been imprisoned with Dr. Judson, thus writes of the ex- ertions of Mrs. Judson : “ She was the author of those eloquent and forcible appeals to the Government, which prepared them by degrees for submission to terms of peace, never expected by any one who knew the hauteur and inflexible pride of the Bur- man Court. And while on this subject, the overflowings of grate- ful feelings compel me to add a tribute of public thanks to that amiable and humane lady, who, though living at a distance of two miles from the prison, and with- out any means of conveyance, and very feeble in health, forgot her own comfort and infirmity, and almostevery day visited us, sought out, and administered to our wants, and contributed in every way to alleviate our misery.” 29 226 JUD When, the successes of the Eng- lish were beyond question, Mrs. Judson was sent to the British camp to mediate, and Judson was employed to act as translator for the Burmese. On the conclusion of peace, 24th February 1826, the Missionaries were released and permitted to resume their labours. Judson returned to Rangoon, where worn out with toil and anxiety, Mrs. Judson died in Oc- tober, while Judson was away on a visit to Ava. About eight years after he married a second time, the widow of a fellow-Missionary named Boardman. Very soon after Judson’s arrival in Burmah, he regarded the trans- lations of the Bible into Burmese as the great work of his life ; after being engaged in it for many years, it at length appeared, to liis great pleasure, at the end of 1835, in 3 royal octavo volumes. He, however, soon saw many im- perfections in it, and at once began to revise the whole, with such as- sistance as he could obtain. This 2nd revised edition appeared in the autumn of 1840, in a thick quarto volume. It has since been carefully corrected by various Ori- ental Scholars, and holds a high place among Eastern Scripture Translations. Soon after the 2nd edition appeared, J udson was re- moved to Moulmein, where with characteristic energy he com- menced the preparation of a Bur- mese Dictionary, but his ill-health interrupted the work, and as his wife’s health began to fail also, he decided upon a trip to America, in the hope that the change might restore both of them to vigour. H e arrived at Boston, in October 1845, alone, Mrs. Judson having died off St. Helena, on the 1st September. His reception in America by all classes of religions societies was most enthusiastic. His stay, however, was brief, for he had determined to return, and if possible, end his days in Burmah. While enquiring for some one qualified to write a memoir of his second wife, (a me- moir of the first had already been written) he was introduced to Miss Chubbuck, an accomplished young lady, whose writings under the pseudonym of Fanny Forester, were very popular and obtained an immense circulation in reli- gious circles. This lady under- took to write a memoir of the second Mrs. Judson, and .also con- sented to become the third. The marriage took place in June 1846 ; in the following month they em- barked for Boston, and in Decem- ber, landed at Moulmein. Here Judson devoted himself to his Dictionary, but did not live to complete it. The first part only was printed in 1849. His health failed, and he was ordered to pro- ceed to the Isle of Bourbon to recruit, but grew rapidly worse and died at sea on the 12th of April 1850. From his papers, his Burmese and English Dictionary, was completed by Mr. E. A. Ste- vens, and printed at Moulmein in 1852. This work and his Bible translation into Burmese was gi- gantic for one individual to ac- complish, coupled with the labours of founder and director of an Indian Mission. As a Christian Missionary, Judson is held in the greatest respect by all sects, but with special reverence by the Baptists. Several lives have ap- peared of him, of which the chief are by Clements, Gillesse and Wayland, and memoirs of each of his wives have also been publish- ed. One, ‘Lives of the three KAM— KIE 227 Mrs. J nelsons,’ has run through several editions. Each of these ladies was an authoress. The first Mrs. Judson wrote a ‘History of the Burman Mission,’ besides va- rious papers for the Burmese con- verts ; the second had a fair talent for poetry ; and the third, besides, ‘memoirs of Mrs. B. Judson,’ wrote as Fanny Forester, the ‘Re- cords of Alderbrook,’ a most po- pular work in America, and often re-printed in England ; ‘The great Secret ;’ ‘ Missionary Biography ;’ ‘ The Kathayan slave,’ &c. She died on the 1st of June 1854. K KAMDI ROW HOLKAR, vide. Holkar Family. KAMRAN, vide Durani Dynas- ty. KEI KOBAD, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. KHILJI, House of, Jelal-u-din Khilji began his reign in 1288. He made his nephew, Ala-u-din Khilji, Governor of Oudh, who soon after planned an invasion of the Deccan, and car- ried it out with great cruelty. On his return, while the king was embracing him, he plunged a dag- ger into his heart. Ala-u-din Khilji, after also putting to death thelatemonarch’s widows and sons, succeeded. In 1297, he took Guzerat — in 1300, Chettore in Mewar. In 1 306, he sent an expedition into the Dec- can, under Malik Cafur. In 1309, another into Telingana under the same general, who jii the follow- ing year overran the whole of Southern India, and erected a mosque at Cape Comorin to com- memorate the extent of his con- quests. Ala-u-din possessed a most ferocious disposition, and the people at length became furious at his tyranny. He died of a fit of apoplexy, after a violent out- burst of temper, in 1316. Malik Cafur tried to seize the throne, but was murdered. Mobarik Khilji, the king’s third son, succeeded. He blinded his three brothers — murdered the two principal officers, who secured him the throne — disbanded the army— imagined himself perfectly secure, and indulged in the most degrading debaucheries. He made a slave, named Khusen Khan, his vizier. Khusen conquered Mala- bar in 1319 — returned the next year — murdered the king and all the survivors of that house — and prepared to govern the kingdom himself. A large army, however, arrived from the Bunjaub, com- manded by Gheias-u-din Toglilak, governor of that province. Khu- sen was murdered, Delhi sacked, and Gheias-u-din Toghlak became king and founder of the house of Toghlak, which ruled over Delhi for one hundred years. KHUSRU, vide Maiimood of Ghuzni. KIERNANDER, Rev. John Za- chariah, was born at Akstad in Sweden, on the 21st November 1711. He received the first rudi- 228 KIE ments of education at Linkoping and completed his education at Upeal. In 1735, he went to Halle, where he remained four years, and was just thinking of returning to Sweden, when a circumstance oc- curred which prevented his visit- ing his native land for ever. The Society instituted in London, for Promoting Christian Knowledge, wrote to Dr. Franke of Halle, requesting him to recommend a suitable person to send out as a Missionary to Cuddalore, and Dr. Franke made the proposal to Kier- nander, who, after some deliber- ation accepted the offer, was or- dained for the Ministry on the 20th November 1739, and arrived at Cuddalore, in the Indiaman Colchester on the 28th August of the following year. Ilis labours were soon rewarded by flourish- ing Hindu and Portuguese con- gregations, and his uprightness, unselfishness and humility, won universal love and respect. Kier- nander here married a Miss Wen- dela Fischer, a lady of some pro- perty. When Lally took Cudda- lore in 1758, he insisted upon Kiernander leaving the place, giv- ing him a passport to go to Tran- quebar, where he arrived stripped of all property except a few articles of wearing apparel. In September 1758, he turned his eyes to Bengal, and on arriving at Calcutta on the 29th of that month, he declared his intentions to Government of establishing a Mission there, and the Govern- ment approved of and favoured his propositions. On the 9th of May 1761, Kiernander lost his wife, and on the 10th February 1762, he married a Mrs. Anne Wolley, by which connection he acquired great wealth. Kiernan- der in 1767, was obliged to leave the house left him by the Com- pany, for the use of his Church and School, and so resolved to purchase land and build a Church at his own expense, and in May of that year he laid the foundation stone of the Mission Church. De- cember 1770 saw it completed, consecrated and named Beth Te- philla, signifying in the Hebrew, The House of Prayer. The build- ing cost Kiernander 60,000 Sicca Rupees (.£7,000), Rupees l,818only of which were presented as sub- scriptions In 1773, Kiernander lost his second wife, who left all her jewels for the benefit of Beth Tephilla. Kiernander, with the amount produced, founded a Mission School on his own ground, large enough to con- tain 250 children. It was com- pleted in 1774. Hitherto all had gone well with Kiernander, but in his old age an unexpected misfortune occurred. His sight began to fail, and he had to sub- mit to a painful operation on his eyes. During this time (three years) his son, Mr. Robert Kier- nander, had charge of all his father’s affairs. He was young and inexperienced, and was drawn by several persons, some of them natives, into building specula- tions. They turned out a failure. The venerable father then in his 76th year, injudiciously signed some bonds to raise the money required for the exigencies of the case. This caused a panic among the young man’s creditors ; his whole property, with that of his fa- ther, was attached by the Sheriff and sold at a ruinous loss. Father and son resigned all they had, and retired to Chinsurah. The Sheriff’s seal was placed even upon the doors of Beth Tephilla, but it was saved and restored to KIR 229 the purposes of religion by Charles Grant, £. I. Director, who paid the amount it was appraised at, viz., Rs. 10,000 (£1,000). The property was then transferred to three trustees, of which Grant formed one. At Chinsurah, Kier- nander remained till the English captured it from the Dutch, in 1795. He was taken prisoner of war, but was after some time per- mitted to go to Calcutta. Here, during his last illness, while rising from a chair, he fell and broke his thigh, and died in 1 749, at the advanced age of eighty-eight, after a residence in India of nearly 60 years. His liberality through life was conspicuous, and the poor always found in him a friend and a helper. In the cause of religion, he gave largely out of his private purse, and shortly before his death, in a letter to his native place, he blessed the day he left it to preach the Gospel in India. At the close of his life he was in poverty, but not in destitution, for the property settled on his daughter-in-law was saved from the general wreck, and afforded him means of support and com- fort. A reproach has rested on the character of this devoted Mis- sionary, on account of the misfor- tunes over which he had not the slightest control, that befel him in his old age, and it has been by no means ameliorated by Pastor Fenger, who, in his history of the Tranquebar Mission, accuses Kier- nander of having been “ one of the richest capitalists in Bengal,” of “ his wealth bringing him too much in contact with many rich and fashionable people,” of his mind being “ set upon earthly things, while his grandeur and extravagance exhausted his pro- perty,” and numerous other mis- statements. Pastor Fenger seems to have been a most rigid judge of other people’s failings, for in another portion of his book, while writing of that universally res- pected Missionary, Schwartz, he says, “ He died a rich man,” “had accumulated considerable proper- ty by degrees,” and “ I was not at all satisfied with his having left his property to the Mission and to the poor, because, why should he have had it at all 1” ! After the operation on his eyes, above referred to, he was enabled to read with strong magnifying glasses, and the light wits of Cal- cutta amused themselves by mi- micking Kiernander’s air and manner, when reading through his glasses, he exclaimed in his foreign accent, “We will magnify thy name, Oh Lord !” KIRKPATRICK, Lieutenant- Colonel James Achilles, the son of an officer, formerly in the E. I. Company’s service, was bom in August 1764, and after receiving a liberal education, he proceeded to Madras, as a cadet in the same service in 1779-80. Ill health com- pelled him to return to England in 1788-89, where he remained but a short time. He was back before the conclusion of the first war with Tippoo Sultan, in the second campaign of which he took part. In 1793, he was appointed to the charge of the garrison of Vizianagrum, which he soon re- linquished for the appointment of Persian translator to the detach- ment serving with the Nizam. In 1795, he became Assistant at the Residency at Hyderabad, which was filled by his brother, Colonel William Kirkpatrick,* who in the • Author of the Kingdom of Nepaul. 230 KOE early part of 1797, being obliged to proceed to Bombay and subse- quently to the Cape of Good Hope, for the benefit of his health, trans- ferred charge of the British inter- est at the Court of Hyderabad to the subject of this memoir. It was while thus acting as Resident under the direction of Wellesley that he concluded that important treaty with the Nizam which crushed the power and influence of France in the Deccan, and made that prince a faithful ally of the British. This eminent ser- vice was rewarded by his being confirmed in the post. The good result of this alliance was fully appreciated in Tippoo’s last war, when the Nizam’s contingent co- operated with the British. The partition treaty of Mysore, after the fall of Seringapatam, ( vide Malcolm) called for a new treaty with the Nizam, which after a long and arduous negotiation, Kirkpatrick succeeded in conclud- ing in October 1800, for which he was highly commended by the Marquis Wellesley. In Decem- ber the same year, he was promot- ed to the rank of Major. In April 1802, he concluded a treaty of Commerce between the E. I. Com- pany and the Nizam, which gave the merchant a degree of security never known before in these ter- ritories and established a trade advantageous to both countries. Kirkpatrick’s exertions as Resi- dent, during the Mahrattah war of 1803, proved eminently useful and contributed in no small de- gree to its speedy and glorious termination. Lord Wellesley di- rected the following letter to him in appreciation of his services : “ Lord Wellesley desires me to add, that as soon as the British troops are withdrawn from the field, and are returned to their usual stations, it is his intention to afford you a public testimony of his approbation of your con- duct during the late crisis of affairs, and to recommend your services to the notice of the Court of Directors, and of His Majesty’s Ministers. His Lordship will not lose sight of your claim to some mark of distinction from His Ma- jesty’s Government in England, and will not fail to urge your pre- tentions in the manner most likely to obtain for you those honors, to which he is of opinion you are entitled for your public services under his Lordship’s administra- tion ; which he recommended strongly to Government in Eng- land some years ago ; and which, in his judgment, have been with- held from you unjustly.” This mark of distinction Kirk- patrick never received. In De- cember 1804, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and in September of the follow- ing year, he proceeded to Calcutta with the permission of the Go- vernor-General, Lord Cornwallis, partly for the benefit of his health, but chiefly for the purpose of con- ferring with his Lordship on poli- tical affairs. While on the voy- age, he was attacked by an alarm- ing complaint, of which he died at Calcutta on the 15th of Oc- tober 1805, in the 41st year of his age. KOENIG, Johann Gerard, a physician of Courland, in Li- thuania, was born in 1728. He was a pupil of the celebrated botanist, Linnaeus. He visited various countries, especially Ice- land and India, keeping up a regular correspondence with his old preceptor. While in India, KOR-KRI 231 he formed the friendship of Sir Thomas Munro in 1780, who, in one of his early letters to his father writes of him thus : “ After having travelled through most parts of Europe, he came out to Lidia in search of natural curio- sities ; he has been over most part of the country from the Ganges to the Indus, and from Delhi to Cape Comorin ; he was upon the list of Company’s servants in the year 1778, when he was sent by the Governor and Council to Siam, and the Straits of Malacca, in search of plants and minerals, from which he is but lately re- turned.” The late Sir Joseph Banks purchased several manu- script works of this philosopher, respecting the natural productions of the countries he visited. On his return from Ceylon, while tra- velling along the coast to Calcutta, he was attacked with diarrhoea and dysentery, under which he sank on the 26th of June 1785. KOROS, Cosma De, a celebrat- ed Hungarian traveller, and Thi- betan scholar. He died in 1842, on the Himalayas, Memoir of Bl. As. Trans., 1842. ; Bequeathed Rs. 5,000 to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Ibid. ; Resided in Kuna- war, and on the frontier, from 1828. for the sake of studying the language of the country. Ger- rard’s interview with, Gleanings in Science, 1829, Yol. i, 110 ; Geo- graphical notice of Thibet, Bl. As. Trans., 1833, Yol. i, 121. KRISTNA RAJ WADfER, the late Maharajah of Mysore. On the fall of Seringapatam and the death of Tippoo Sahib, it was in- cumbent upon the British Govern- ment to make some definite ar- rangement about the conquered territory of Mysore. Thirty -eight years had elapsed since the right of the old Hindoo house of My- sore had been usurped by Hyder Ali, but still some of its descend- ants were alive, and it became a question whether the whole ter- ritory should be annexed by the English and the Nizam (their ally), or whether the descendants of Tippoo, or the old Hindoo house of Mysore should succeed to the government of this province. The following extracts taken from Wellesley’s Despatches, will shew his reasons for slicing the ter- ritory into three divisions, one for the Nizam, one for the Mah- rattahs, and one for the E. I. Com- pany, and acknowledging as Ra- jah, a descendant of the old Hin- doo house of Mysore, a child six years old, named Kristna Raj Wadier, to whom each Govern- ment surrendered a portion of their territorial spoil. ( Vide Krishna Raj). “ It would certainly have been desirable that the power should have been placed in the hands of one of Tippoo’s sons ; but the hereditary and intimate connec- tion established between Tippoo and the French, the probability that the French may be enabled to maintain themselves in Egypt, and the perpetual interest which Tippoo’s family must feel to un- dermine and pervert a system which had so much reduced their patrimony and power, precluded the possibility of restoring any branch of the family of the late Sultan to the throne, without ex- posing us to the constant hazard of internal commotion, and even of foreign war.” “ Between the British Govern- ment and this family, (the old Hindoo house of Mysore) an in- 232 KM tercourse of friendship and kind- ness had subsisted in the most desperate crisis of their adverse fortunes.” (Vide “ Wilks' Histo- rical Sketches of Southern India,” 1st edition, vol. II, p. 488-500 ; 2nd edition, vol. II, p. 76-78). “ They had formednoconnexion with your enemies. Their eleva- tion would be a spontaneous act of your generosity, and from your support alone could they ever hope to be maintained upon the throne, either against the family of Tip- poo Sultan, or against any other claimant. They must naturally view with an eye of jealousy all the friends of the usurping fami- ly, and consequently be adverse to the French or to any other states connected with that family in its hereditary hatred of the British Government.” “ In addition to these motives of policy, moral consideration and sentiments of generosity and hu- manity, favored the restoration of the ancient family of Mysore. Their high birth, the antiquity of their legitimate title, and their long and unmerited sufferings, rendered them peculiar objects of compassion and respect; norcould it be doubted that their govern- ment would be both more accept- able and more indulgent than that of the Mahomedan usurpers, to the mass of the inhabitants of the country composed almost en- tirely of Hindoos.” A Commission, consisting of General Harris, the Hon’ble Co- lonel Wellesley, the Hon’ble Henry Wellesley, Lieutenant-Co- lonel W. Kirkpatrick, and Lieute- nant-Colonel Barry Close, was ap- pointed by the Governor-General for the constitution of the new Government of Mysore. Tippoo’s sons were provided with liberal pensions, and removed to Vellore on the 18th of June 1799. The Commissioners then explained their views to the Mysore family, of whom ten were found in Seriu- gapatam, and paid a visit to the young Rajah, KristnaRaj Wadier. The joy of the family was un- bounded at the generous and spontaneous offer of deliverance, and on the 30th of June, a day fixed upon by the Brahmin astro- logers as auspicious for such a ceremony, he was installed in Mysore, to the inexpressible joy of the Hindoos, under a royal salute from the batteries of Se- ri ngapatam, and three volleys of musketry from the troops pre- sent ; the Commander-in-Chief delivered into the young Rajah’s hands the seal and signet of the kingdom ; Poorneah, Tippoo’s Brahmin Finance Minister, was appointed Dewan ; Colonel Barry Close, British Resident, and the Hon’ble Colonel Wellesley retain- ed his post as Commander of Se- ringapatam. The partition trea- ties were concluded, the Mahrat- tahs refusing to accept the offer made them, as they could not assent to conditions which would check their plundering propen- sities ; so the territory reserved for them was divided between the other allies. A subsidiary treaty was afterwards concluded and ra- tified by the Governor-General on the 8th of July, by which the English Government was charged with the duties of external de- fence, receiving for the same, seven lacs of star pagodas per annum (^385,000). An express proviso was entered in it that in case of mal-administration, or the funds failing to meet the subsidy, the Company might take posses- sion of such portion of the terri- KIR 233 tories as they might deem suffi- cient to provide the requisite an- nual sum. Kristna Raj Wadier, on attain- ing his 16th year in 1811, pro- claimed his own majority, dis- missed the faithful Poorneah, and assumed charge of the Govern- ment himself. Under the influ- ence of favorites and flatterers, his instability and infirmities of character rendered him thorough- ly unfit for the management of the country, and the Government steadily deteriorated, in spite of the admonitions of the Madras Government, whose head, Sir Thomas Munro, went to Mysore in 1825, and personally cautioned the Rajah that if a reform in his administration did not take place instantly, the British Government would have to interfei’e. The Resident at M ysore from time to time renewed these expostulations, but in vain. So things went on till 1830, when the people in some parts of the Mysore dominions broke into open revolt. A large British force was sent to quell the rebellion, after wdiich the British Government assumed the man- agement of the country, taking advantage of the stipulations con- tained in the treaty above alluded to. Lord William Bentinek in- formed the Rajah of the inten- tions of Government, and His Highness peaceably delivered over the seals of his Government into the hands of the British Resident on the 3rd of October 1831. The administration of Mysore then passed into the hands of British officers, which was the origin of the Mysore Commission. The Rajah was allowed a pension of 70,000 Rs, a month, (£7,000) as well as the balance of the fifth share of the net revenue, and a lac of star pagodas (^55,000) at the end of each year. This mea- sure of Lord William Bentinck’s received the entire approbation of the Court of Directors. The Ra- jah begged that the administra- tion might still be carried on in his name, but the Court refused. Lord W. Bentinek soon after ap- pointed a commission to enquire into the causes of the recent out- break which required British in- terference, and it was found that the representations of the Rajah's oppression and mis-rule had been greatly exaggerated, so he propos- ed to the Court, in accordance with the terms of the treaty, to take over in perpetuity a portion of the country sufficient for the pay- ment of the subsidy and to re- store the remainder, subject to certain conditions, but the Court of Directors refused to sanction the proposal. General Cubbon was appointed at the head of the administration, who conducted it for twenty-five years with such success as even to surprise the Government of India. The Rajah made applications to be reinstated, to five successive Governors-General, but they were all negatived. He died in 1868, in the seventy-third year of his age, having a short time before, and under great opposition, adopt- ed an heir, named Cham Raj Wadier, who is now under the tutelage of an English officer at Mysore. This treaty ought to have be- come extinct on the Rajah’s death even if he had left natural heirs, for in the draft drawn up by Colonel Kirkpatrick, the 5th Ar- ticle ran thus : “ The contracting parties mutually and severally agree, that the Districts in Schedule C shall be ceded to the Maharajah, 30 234 KUT and his heirs and successors, for ever, and shall form the separate government of Mysore.” Welles- ley struck out the words heirs and successors, noting- in the margin, “ this is unnecessary and dan- gerous.” In the fair copy he wrote “ this clause is approved with the omission of the words struck out with the pen, attaching his signa- ture, Mornington.” The guaran- tee clause of the treaty was also struck out, as it would have placed the Raj all in the same position as the Nizam regarding heirs and successors, if allowed to remain. In the original draft of the subsi- diary treaty it was stated that “ it should be binding on the contract- ing parties, and their heirs and successors as long as the sun and moon should endure.” Leaving untouched the oriental flourish about the sun and moon, Welles- ley again struck out the words ‘heirs and successors.’ There is not the slightest doubt that his in- tention was, that the settlement made upon the Rajah was a pure- ly personal one, and implied no right of hereditary succession, and yet a late Secretary of State, Sir Stafford Northcote, over-ruling all the decisions of the Govern- ment which preceded him, as well as of five successive Governors- General, decided upon the re-es- tablishment of a native sovereign- ty in Mysore, and the restoration of the country to the child, Cham Rajah Wadier, on his coming of age. KUTB-U-DIN, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. KUTCH, The Rao of. The Jha- rejas of Kutch, a semi-Rajpoot race, are said to be a branch of the Samma tribe, and to have emi- grated from Sindh in the 15th century. The title of Rao was conferred by the King of Ahme- dabad about the year 1540 on the son of Jam Humeer, the rightful ruler, w7ho had been murdered by his kinsman, and who succeeded in recovering his father’s posses- sions by the help of the King of Ahmedabad. This title of Rao has been held ever since. The British Government first formed treaty relations with the Chief of Kutch in 1809. The British Go- vernment has been obliged to in- terfere two or three times in the management of the internal affairs of Kutch owing to the violent con- duct of some of the Bhyads, and the lawless state of the country. Infanticide was for a long time a very prevalent crime, and especial provision was made for its sup- pression by treaty in 1819 and again in 1840, and renewed in 1846. Since then the crime has greatly diminished. The present ruler succeeded in 1860 to his father, Dessaljee. He is called Rao Pragmul and is styled Maha- raoshree Pragmuljee, G.C.S.I.,and he has received the right of adop- tion. The population of Kutch is 409,000, and the estimated area is 6,500 square miles, exclusive of the Runn of Kutch which covers 9,000 square miles. The revenue amounts to 15 lacs, (£150,000) of which about half belongs to the Chief and half to the State. The State pays a tribute of Rs. 1,86,949 to the British Government which may be reduced to a minimum of Rs. 88,000 in the event of the re- duction of the subsidiary force. 235 L LAKE, Gerard. Lord Viscount Lake was born at Ashton Clin- ton, in the county of Bucking- hamshire on the 27th July 1744, and shewed a taste for the mili- tary profession at an early age. When scarcely fourteen years old, he entered the army, and was ap- pointed an Ensign in the First Regiment of Foot Guards, and made his first campaign in the Seven Years’ War in Germany, in the latter portion of the Ameri- can War, and under the Duke of York in liis campaign against re- volutionary France in 1793. In 1798, he was employed in crush- ing the rebellion in Ireland. At the age of fifty-six, in the year 1801, during the Wellesley administration, we see Lake Com- mander-in-Chief of the King’s and Company’s troops in India. Lake arrived at Calcutta in March, and proceeded almost immediate- ly to Cawnpore, then our frontier station. The events which led to the second Mahrattah War, bringing Lake and Wellington to co-operate in the field, the one in the north of India, and the other in the Deccan, are briefly detailed in Marquis Wellesley’s life. Lake entered the Mahrattah territories in August 1803, with an army of 5,000 infantry, 2,500 cavalry, and the usual proportion of artillery, and met Sindia’s divisions officered by Frenchmen. The French General, Perron, he defeated at Coel on the 28th Au- gust, and on the 4th September, an attack was made upon Aliy- gliur, which after a stout resist- ance was carried by the 76th Highlanders, under Captain Mac- leod, after blowing open the gates under a most destructive fire from the enemy. Perron immediately resigned Sindia’s service, and was allowed a safe exit through the Bri- tish territories. Bourquin succeed- ed him, and on the 11th September attacked Lake at Jelina Nullah, six miles from Delhi, where the British force had just arrived after a fatiguing march — the men were all undressed and scattered, but Lake with his usual alacrity, got together his light dragoons and native cavalry, and began to re- connoitre, when a horse was shot under him. He found the enemy very strongly intrenched, but by a well conducted feint of retreat, he got them to advance, and by a brilliant and decisive charge, gained the day. The enemy were pursued to the Jumna, in which many of them perished. Their loss Avas enormous, and all their artillery and stores fell into our hands ; besides, the imperial city of Delhi, within sight of which the battle had been fought, was occupied by the conqueror two days later. Bourquin and four other French officers surrendered the day after the action to the English General. On the 17th September, Lake entered Delhi, and liberated from confinement the unhappy, blind old Emperor, Shah Alum, who had been so long subjected to French and Mahrat- tah oppression and insult. Lake then determined to capture Agra, which was considered the “ key of Hindoostan.” The operations commenced on the 10th October and terminated by the capitula- tion of the garrison on the 17th. The fort was evacuated on the 23G LAK 18th, and 25 lacs, (.£250,000) and ; 162 pieces of cannon fell into our hands. Before the siege of Agra, twelve battalions of Sindia, with some cavalry and guns had taken up their position on the Delhi road. After the fall of Agra, Lake followed them, and came upon them on the 1st November at Las- warrie, where a terrible battle was fought, and the last remnant of the disciplined battalions of Sindia, raised by De Boigne, was utterly destroyed. In this memorable engagement, Lake headed every charge during one of which his horse was shot under him, and his son also was shot by his side and severely wounded. The his- torian of the period, writes : — “ From the commencement of the conflict early in the morning to the close of the general action in the evening, the enemy displayed a firmness of resolution and con- tempt of death which could not fail to command the admiration of their opponents.” While Lake was thus successful in the north, Wellington was equally so in the Deccan against another division of Sindia’s troops and the .Rajah of Berar. After the battles of Assaye and Argaom, the Rajah of Berar deserted Sindia, who sign- ed the treaty of Anjengoam in December 1803, which terminated hostilities. But Holkar was still at large, and as his movements indicated an intention to plunder the territories of the Rajah of Jeypore, Lake, with his army after the defeat of Sindia in the north, encamped at Biana, near the pass leading into the territories of the Rajah, and warned Holkar of the consequences of attacking any ally of the English nation. But Holkar resolved to fight, and summoned three Englishmen in his service to join in the fight against their countrymen, Vick- ers, Tod and Ryan, who, on de- clining, were beheaded, and their heads fixed on lances were parad- ed in front of Jeswunt Rao’s camp. On the 9tli February 1804, Lake advanced into the territories of Jeypore, and Holkar quietly be- gan to retreat. Lake ordered Colonel Monson, with a portion of his forces to follow him, and observe his movements, while he himself should move upon Agra and Cawnpore. Hitherto Holkar had shewn but one desire — to retreat, and there was not the smallest idea that he would attack Colonel Monson’s force, but he suddenly retraced his steps and encamped with a strong force on the river Chumbul, covering the town of Rampoora. Monson, wThen he received this information, was at Peeplah, some 25 miles distant, whither he had moved on his own authority, far beyond the limits intended by the Comman- der-in-Chief. So. on the 7th July, he marched to Gooree, within 8 miles of the enemy, and hearing that Holkar had crossed and re- crossed the Chumbul and was now on the left bank with the udiole of his army, and two lacs, (£20, 000), instead of pursuing his forward movement, he took the advice of Bapoojee Sindia, who, being in secret correspondence with Hol- kar, advised him to retreat. He made up his mind to do so, though Lieutenant Lucan begged him on his knees to attack Holkar, offer- ing to encounter that chief with his own few levies. Monson’s in- fantry had scarcely left their ground three hours before the Mahrattah cavalry of 20,000dashed upon the Anglo-Indian horse, who LAK 237 were overpowered though they fought desperately. In the en- gagement Lieutenant Lucan was wounded and taken prisoner, and died soon afterwards at Kotah. The traitor Bapoojee Sindia then went over to the enemy. Monson in the meantime had marched 29 miles to Soonara, and the second day 20 miles to the entrance of the Mokundra Pass, whither he was followed by the enemy and attacked, but after a contest of seven hours, he repulsed them. Monson then retreated to Kotah, leaving Colonel Don with one bat- talion to defend the pass till morning. The re-unitecl forces, after three days heavy marching reached Kotah, the Rajah of which place proving hostile, they moved further to Gunneas ghaut on the C’humbul, and still further till they reached the fort of Ram- poora* on the 30th July, after a most fatiguing march through an inundated country, pouring rain, without food and assailed by in- cessant attacks from the enemy. At Rampoora, Monson determin- ed to wait till he should receive the reinforcements which his earnest appeal to the Commander- in-Chief had led him to expect. It arrived on the 14th August, but without supplies. Monson might have made a successful stand here, as the fort was very strong, and the Tonk country conld furnish abundant supplies for the army, but to use his own words, “ his mind was so distract- ed” that he could not reflect calm- ly on any point. On the 20th August, he decided upon retreat- ing to Kooshalgurh, informing the commanding officers that it would be for them to make their way to Agra as best they could. The force reached Kooshalgurh on the 25th, after being severely handled by Holkar on the march. Unfor- tunate as Monson had been hither- to, he was still more so now. He met with a detachment of Sindia’s from which he expected aid, but it proved hostile. The town was surrounded by the enemy, and in the dead of night our troops made an attempt to move off, — whither, they knew not. The retreat was soon known, and 20,000 Mahrat- tah cavalry were immediately on their track. Harassed in this man- ner— living on hard grain which they had no time to cook — defend- ing themselves against overwhelm- ing odds, still fighting — they con- tinued to retreat, till on the 28th the survivors struggled into the Biana Pass, which they had march- ed through but four months be- fore with the highest hopes — but now a disorganized rabble, with almost every semblance of disci- pline vanished. Thus they reach- ed Agra. Far better would it have been had Monson attacked Holkar at Rampoora, even if his army had been destroyed, than to suffer this slow and ignominious defeat and loss of life. When Lake heard of this dis- aster, he sent instructions to all the troops he could spare, to con- centrate at Agra, which place he reached on the 27th September, at the head of the 8th, 27th and 29th regiments of dragoons, the flank companies of the 22nd Re- giment, the 76th Regiment, and some artillery. Holkar in the meanwhile was encamped at Mut- tra, and thither Lake proceeded, arriving close to it on the 3rd Oc- tober, but on the 11th, Lake re- ceived information that Holkar had sent his infantry on to attack * Not the town previously alluded to. 238 LAK Delhi, while he himself was re- treating with his cavalry, avoid- ing any engagement with Lake, but with the sole view of detain- ing him. So on the morning of the 12th, Lake took the road to Delhi, beforewhich place Holkar’s infantry and some cavalry had ap- peared on the 7th. This city was defended by the gallant Sir David Ochterlony and Lieutenant-Colo- nel W. Burn, whose vigilance baf- fled the besiegers, till Lake arriv- ed on the 18th and relieved it. Holkar’s next move was a raid into the Doab, and Lake pursued him. Meanwhile General Fraser, who had been left with a small garrison in charge of Delhi, at- tacked the infantry and heavy artillery near Deeg, which Hol- kar had not taken with him, and committed great havoc. Lake received this information on the night of the 15th November, just as lie was starting to surprise Hol- kar at Furruckabad. The Mah- rattah camp was found quiet and awoke only by the roar of Lake’s artillery. Holkar previously hav- ing heard of the disaster at Deeg had fled, and his cavalry was now pursued ten miles by the British and cut up. Lake, on discovering that Holkar had made for Deeg, pursued him thither. Deeg was taken by a night attack, the enemy deserting fell back on Bhurtpore, whose Rajah, though nominally an ally of the British, had been detected in carrying on secret correspondence with Hol- kar, and was now affording pro- tection to his troops. Our troops entered the citadel of Deeg on Christmas morning 1804, and after its defences were repaired, Lake marched on Bhurtpore, arriving there on the 2nd January 1805. Four unsuccessful assaults were made, during the course of two months, which cost our army 103 officers and 3,100 men in killed and wounded. Much blame has been thrown upon Lake for this loss of life, but in his Despatches he accuses the engineers of having misled him, and of their being totally ignorant of the defences and the peculiarity of the ground around Bhurtpore. Lake in his last attack on this fortress was in a worse position than when he commenced the siege, for his siege- guns had become useless, and his supply of ammunition had dimi- nished. So he determined to convert the siege into a blockade. The Rajah seeing that it even- tually must fall, and finding the allies a burden on him, sued for peace, which was granted on the condition of his paying 20 lacs, (£200,000) towards the expenses of the war in four instalments. Lake broke up from Bhurtpore on the 21st April and went in pur- suit of Holkar, who besides having been joined by Ameer Khan, a famous partisan Rohilla, threw himself on the protection of Sin- dia. So Lake threatened the ter- ritories of both Mahrattah rulers. Sindia alarmed, detained Mr. Jen- kins the English resident at his court, and fled with Holkar in the direction of Kotah. This conduct led to negotiations being entered into with the Supreme Government while Lake returned to Agra. It was at this unsettled time that the great Marquis Wel- lesley ceased to govern. Lord Cornwallis succeeded with the in- tention of gaining peace at any price almost. Sindia’s conduct was overlooked, Gwalior and Go- hud were to be restored to him, and all Holkar’s possessions were also to be restored to that chief- LAL 239 tain. Lake sent a remonstrance I to Cornwallis and detained the ! letters containing these offers till he could receive a reply, but before his remonstrance was re- ceived, the hand of death was up- on Cornwallis. Sir George Bar- low succeeded ad interim. The concessions he made and his con- ciliatoiy advances towards two chieftains who were our greatest enemies, even exceeded those determined upon by Cornwal- lis. Lake’s repeated remonstrances were in vain, but he determined as long as the war lasted to perform the part of Commander-in-Chief. He procured the release of Mr. Jenkins by a threatening letter to Sindia in July, and hearing that Holkar at the head of a numerous rabble and 60 guns was moving on the Punjaub, he went in pur- suit. He arrived at Loodhiana on the 2nd of December, the first Bri- tish officer who had ever crossed the Sutlej. The banks of the Beas was reached on the 9th, where intelligence was received that Holkar was at Umritsur very much perplexed, as the Sikh na- tion, dreading Lake’s pursuit, had refused to assisthim. Unbefriend- ed, hopeless of aught but his life, Holkar surrendered throwing him- self upon the clemency of his vic- tor, stating that the whole of his country lay upon his “ saddle’s bow.” This chieftain, who had waged war against us with such fierce animosity, found himself to his great surprise, according to the instructions of the Supreme Government, “ reinstated in do- minions to which he never had any right, and which, even if he had, he deserved to have for- feited.” The treaty being concluded, Lake retired to Delhi, then to Cawnpore, and at the latter end of 1806 to Calcutta, from whence he sailed to England in February 1807, amidst the regrets of all classes of the community. In England he was received with a most flattering welcome, was creat- ed by his sovereign a Viscount, and was appointed Governor of Plymouth. He did not live long to enjoy the sweets of repose in the bosom of his family, for a short illness cut him off on the 21st of February 1808. Lake was married on the 3rd July 1770, to Elizabeth, the only daughter of Edward Barker of St. Julian's, Herts, and had a family of three sons and five daughters. His wife died, July 20th, 1788. LALLY, Thomas Arthur, was the son of a very distinguished Irish officer, a Roman Catholic, who emigrated to France after the expulsion of James II. His fa- ther, a few years after his arrival in France, married a French lady of noble family, the result of which alliance was the birth of Thomas Arthur Lally in January 1702. Lally was barely nine years old when present at the siege and cap- ture of Gerona, in Spain. In early life his father impressed upon his mind the bitter, unrelenting ha- tred which the exiles carried with them, by which he was influenced throughout his career. His mili- tary exploits upon the fields of Europe must be passed over brief- ly. He was in the trenches be- fore Philipsbury, and distinguish- ed himself at the battles of Det- tingen, Fontenoy, Laffeldt, and at Bergenop — Zoom, where he was taken prisoner, and finally at Maestricht, where he was severe- ly wounded. Thus was he suc- cessful in Europe. France looked 240 LAI. upon him as a rising genius, when events occurred which removed him to a distant land, and how far his European knowledge and experience availed him in this new scene, the pages of Indian History too sadly tell. In 1756, war was declared between France and England, and Lally was ap- pointed Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of the ex- pedition to the East. It was in- tended that it should leave in three detachments — the first un- der Chevalier de Soupire, which reached Pondicherry on the 0th September 1757 — the second, un- der d’Aclffi, which after much de- lay attributable to his timidity, took twelve months to perform the voyage, and after all was per- fectly unserviceable, and the third under Lally, who arrived on the 2nd of May 1758, almost simul- taneously with the English fleet. The guns which fired off a salute at Pondicherry in honor of his arrival happened to be loaded with ball, and three shots hit the ship which had on board the new Governor, whiletwo went through the rigging. The unwelcome news of the capture of Chandenagore and Mah6 greeted Lally on his landing, so three hours after, he marched to Cuddalore with 800 men and the place fell, invested by sea and land, on the third day. He then took Fort St. David after seventeen days in the trenches. Da- vecottah wasnext taken, abandon- ed at the approach of the French troops, and Lally, on the 10th of June, returned to Pondicherry in triumph. Successful as Lally had been, hehad sown the seeds of dis- content and hatred among the in- habitants of the country, to which he had come, to drive out the English. Against the advice of the Council, Lally violated all native prejudices. Brahmins and Pariahs were yoked together to draw carts The bad effects of his policy were first felt when in want of funds, he determined up- on the siege of Tanjore, as its Ra- jah refused to pay a bond for five crores and a half of rupees then in the possession of the Govern- ment of Pondicherry. Provisions and means of transport failed. The whole expedition was a fail- ure. Tally’s retreat on hearing of the defeat of the French fleet was disastrous, though while retreat- ing he eventually repulsed the enemy (August 1758.) On return- ing to Pondicherry, Lally decid- ed upon attacking Madras ; but dAch£ failed him. He had been worsted by the English fleet, and fearing another encounter, sailed for the Mauritius on the 2nd Sep- tember 1758, against the earnest remonstrance of Lally. Left to his own resources, Lally was de- termined to persevere in his de- signs against Madras, and in this he was encouraged by the depar- ture of the English fleet to Bom- bay. Towards the expenses of the army he advanced thirteen thousand rupees, (£ 1,300) induc- ing many of his officers to contri- bute also. After a stay of about three weeks at Pondicherry, he marched upon and captured Arcot on the 4th October 1758. Here he was joined by Bussy whom he had calied from the Northern Sm- ears. Enraged at finding no re- sources at Arcot, and the English having thrown a garrison of 850 men into Chingleput, the capture of which place instead of Arcot would have been of far greater advantage to him in the reduction of Madras, he returned to Pondi- cherry where with the aid of his LAL 241 officers having raised 94,000 ru- pees, (,£9,400) he put his army in motion, consisting of 2,700 Euro- peans, 300 Cavalry and 5,000 Na- tive Infantry. The 14th December 1758 saw his army occupying Black Town and Madras, without strik- ing a single blow. Here he was —supplies had failed, his officers were discontented, and he him- self was accused of being the cause of every failure. The climax to his ill fate was the appearance of an English fleet, with reinforce- ments, which induced him to fall back on Pondicherry, February 1759. Hated by both the French and the natives — they rejoiced at his discomforture. The probabi- lity of having to defend Pondi- cherry now loomed in the future - — D’Ache had returned to the In- dian seas with a reinforcement of three ships, but having been beaten by the English squadron and being severely wounded in the thigh, he refused to remain at Pondicherry to afford any assist- ance to Lally. He landed 450men of his crew, of whom Lally writes thus, “ the scum of the squadron : that 200 deserted to the English ; many ended their lives by the exe- cutioner ; fifty who garrisoned W andewash, let the enemy into it, and the rest abandoned their post in front of the enemy at Pondi- cherry.” Added to the desertion of D’Ache, the French cause in the north after the withdrawal of Bussy, was at stake. The officer, Couplans, who had taken Bussy’s place, suffered a total defeat from Colonel Forde, and was obliged to capitulate. L ally’s troops at Pon- dicherry mutinied for want of pay, clothing and provisions ; but they were pacified by the payment of six months’ arrears and the pro- mise of an amnesty. Lally then took the field, and though successful with his division of the army near Trichinopoly, the other was in difficulty. It had allowed the English to capture Wandewash and threaten Arcot. Lally immediately combined all his troops, marched against and carried Wandewash, sword in hand, on the 1 0th of January 1 760, and on the 21st wms about to carry the Fort, when Coote ad- vanced to its relief. Lally march- ed out to meet him. His troops were numerically less than the English by 550 Europeans and 1,300 sepoys. His sepoys desert- ed him at the onset. His French division broke the English line, under a terrible fire, but was im- mediately beaten back, by an at- tack on both flanks. Lally as a last hope, put himself at the head of his cavalry with his usual gal- lantry and ordered them to charge, but not a man would move. The confusion caused in the left wing of his troops at this moment by the bursting of a tumbrel was taken advantage of by the Eng- lish, who attacked it. Bussy brought up the Regiment deLally to recover the day, but in leading the charge his horse was shot un- der him and he wras taken prison- er. The retreat then became general ; Lally and his troops were driven from fort to fort till they reached Pondicherry, which was invested by sea and land, May 1760. For nine weary months the siege continued, Lally hoping to the last. On the 14th January 1761, ill, harassed and opposed, wdth all provisions and resources exhausted, the inhabitants sub- sisting on elephants, horses, camels and dogs, Lally offered to capitulate. The English refused to grant him terms, and on the 31 24 2 LAI 15th January 17G1, lie was com- pelled to surrender at discretion. As before stated, Lally was uni- versally hated, and when leaving the citadel he was hooted and hissed — in fact at one time his life was in danger from the fury of the populous. Pondicherry was razed to the ground. He was sent to Madras where he was de- tained for two months, subject as he states, to most unworthy treat- ment by the English Governor and Council. He was then sent to England as a prisoner of war in a small merchant ship, where he learnt that his enemies had charged him Avith “ treason, in- competency, correspon deuce Avith the English, peculation and tyran- nical administration.” He Avent to France caring more for his honor than his safety. For twelve months he remained there, invit- ing enquiry into his conduct, Avhen his accusers Avere thickly studded around him, and a des- potic government plunged into mortification at the news of the loss of the French Indies de- manded a victim. He was con- fined in the liastile. During this time, a Jesuit priest, Lavour, had prepared tivo accounts of past events in the east, in one of Avhich he praised, and in the other con- demned the administration of Lally. lie intended to use the one or the other as best suited his circumstances, after the result of Daily’s trial Avas made known ; but death cutting him off, his pa- pers Avere searched by the ene- mies of Lally. The one condemn- ing Lally Avas made public, the other was Avithheld. This decid- ed his sad fate. Proceedings Avere commenced against him, and after the trial lasting more than tivo and a half years, a decision Avas arrived at. Brought before his J udges, he was required to give up his red riband and cross, when, he clasp- ed his hands and exclaimed, “ Is this then the reward of fifty-fHe years’ service V’ On the 6th of May 1766, Lally Avas “ convicted of having betrayed the interest of the King and the India Company, of abuse of authority and exac- tions against the subject of the King and the foreign residents of Pondicherry,” He Avas ordered to be deprived of all titles, honors and dignities, all his property to be confiscated, and his head to be severed from his body. When the sentence Avas read to Lally, he Avas tracing a chart of the Coro- mandel Coast, and hearing the Avords “he had betrayed the in- terests of the King,” he said, “that is not true, never, never” and snatching up the compasses, he tried to strike them into his heart. The wound though severe Avas not mortal, and his enemies fearing he might escape their foul hopes of vengeance hastened his execution by six hours. Thus the brave and gallant, though head- strong and rash Lally, — the Lally who had won such distinction at Fontenoy and Laffeldt — who Avas trvice promoted on the field of battle by the same king Avho noAv convicted him, was thrown into a common dung cart, with his mouth gagged and hurried to the place of execution. On arrival there the gag Avas with- drawn, and he Avas blindfolded. While this Avas being done, he said to the Commissaries of the Parliament, “Tell my Judges that God has given me grace to pardon them ; if I were to see them again, I might no longer have the forbearance to do it.” He then laid his head upon the LAW 243 block, which was severed from his body by two strokes of the executioner’s axe. In 1783, his son Lally Tollendal, exerted himself to retrieve from obloquy the memory of his father. France annulled the unjust sen- tence and restored to the son his paternal estates. LAWRENCE, Lieutenant-Colo- nel Alexander William, a dis- tinguished officer in the service of the E. I. Company. He went out to India as a volunteer, hoping to receive a commission, but was disappointed. He eventually pur- chased into the 77th Foot, and served in different parts of India ; and in Tippoo’s third war, was severely wounded at the famous siege of Seringapatam, when he was rewarded by a gift of a Com- pany in the 19th. Having recov- ered from his wounds, he went to Ireland and married a Miss Knox, the daughter of a Protestant cler- gyman, from which union sprung the great family of the Lawrences, so well known in Indian history. In 1815, at the time of the Water- loo campaign, Lawrence was a Lieutenant-Colonel in command of the Veteran Battalion, and Governor of Ostend. He retired from active service about the year 1821, and died in 1835 at the age of 72. LAWRENCE, General Strin- ger, an officer highly distinguished for his services in India. He was born in 1697, and was employ- ed during a period of twenty years on the Coast of Coromandel, in extending the British posses- sions. Clive’s first battles were fought under Lawrence as his commander. On a visit to Eng- land, Clive, when presented with a handsome sword by the Direc- tors of the E. I. Company, refus- ed to accept of it, unless a similar mark of honor was presented to his veteran commander, Lawrence. Later on, Clive, on finding Law- rence doomed, as has been the fate of so many heroes to spend his declining years unnoticed and in poverty, insisted upon settling A500 a year on him. Lawrence died in 1775. Plis statue has been placed in the India House, and a line monument was erected by the Company to his memory in Westminster Abbey. LAWRENCE, Sir Henry, the son of General S. Lawrence, was born at Maturah, in Ceylon, on the 20th of June 1806. This place is rather famous for its gems, so his mother often used to call him her ‘ Maturah diamond.’ Edu- cated at Addiscombe, he was ap- pointed to the Bengal Artillery and arrived in Calcutta in 1822. Before proceeding further, amemo- rable instance in Lawrence’s early life must be mentioned. While bathing near Addiscombe one day, he was seized with the cramp ; a brother cadet, Maj or Robert Guthrie Macgregor, for- merly an officer of the Bengal Ar- tillery, dashed into the water and brought safe to land, the sinking Lawrence. On the breaking out of the second Burmese war, in which Lawrence took part while a Lieutenant, he was stricken down with the deadly fever of Arracan, which so shattered his health that he was compelled, after many partial changes, to go to England in 1827. He retufned to India with health renewed, and having qualified himself for staff employment, by passing the Native I languages, he was appointed to 244 LAW the great Revenue Survey of India in 1833. He was so ener- getic, and so quick in most of his operations that Mr. JamesThoma- son, afterwards Lieutenant-Gov- ernor of the North-west Provinces, nick-named him “ Gunpowder.” About this time he married his cousin, Honoria Marshall. Law- rence accompanied the force under General Pollock in Afghanistan, with a contingent of Sikh troops, “ nominally to be the medium of intercommunication between the British and Sikh Commander ; in reality to hold the latter to his allegiance and virtually to com- mand the force.” After the re- turn of the army, Lawrence was appointed Resident at the Court of Nepaul. While here he contri- buted to the Calcutta Review , and those articles were filled with such fresh and clear information upon the state of the Punjaub, that the Governor-General (Sir Henry Hardinge) saw at once that he would prove amost invalu- able help, at the anticipated outbreak with the Sikhs. It was not long before Lawrence’s ser- vices were required. In 1845, he was appointed Resident at Lahore. In 1846, the Punjaub was in a blaze, and Lawrence was selected to supply the place of the two Political officers, Nicholson and Broadfoot who had been killed. The battle of Sobraon brought the war to a close, and in search of health he accompanied Lord Har- dinge to England, whither his wife had proceeded previously. He was here appointed a Knight Commander of the Bath. But the second Punjaub war broke out in 1848, which shortened Law- rence’s stay at home, and with health still in a precarious state, j against the urgent advice of his physicians and friends, he was soon on the field of battle. His presence rendered great service to the State, especially by his influ- ence in staying a retrograde move- ment which was contemplated by the British Commander, after the drawn battle of Chillianwalla. The great battle of Goojerat in 1848, in which the Sikhs were completely routed, with the loss of all their guns, ammunition, baggage, &c., decided the fate of the Punjaub. It was annexed to the British dominions and ruled by a Board of Administration, at the head of which Lawrence was placed. Notwithstanding that in a short space of time this admin- istration had done much good, Lord Dalhousie did not quite ap- prove of Lawrence’s policy, and certain members of the Board agreed with the Governor-General. It was at last decided that the Board should be abolished, and the administration of the Punjaub be conducted by John Lawrence, (brother of Sir Henry and one of the Board) whose views fell in entirely with Lord Dalhousie’s. Sir Henry was then appointed to represent British interests in the States of Rajpootana. He chafed very much under the idea of being ‘ shelved’ from his post in the Punjaub — and Lord Dalhousie’s attempt to smooth matters by telling him that he had chosen a civilian as the work was more of the nature of civil administration than military or political Govern- ment, only aggravated his wound and made it rankle and fester more than ever. His feelings at this time are best described by his own words, “ I am now, after twenty years of civil administra- tion, and having held every sort of civil office, held up as wanting LAW 245 civil knowledge. . . As for wliat Lord Dalliousie calls training, I had the best sort. I trained my- self by hard work, by being put into charge of all sorts of offices, without help, and left to work my way. 1 have been for years a Judge, a Magistrate, a Collector, for two years a Chief Commis- sioner, for five years President of the Board. I am at a loss to know what details I have yet to learn.” In 1856, he began to think of wending his way homewards, once more — but this was not to be — circumstances occurred which led to his being appointed Commis- sioner of Oudh. The administra- tion of affairs in this district, for some time previous had caused intense dissatisfaction to the people, and had Lawrence receiv- ed his appointment a year sooner, the conciliatory measures he adopted, would in all probability have been of great avail, and might have nipped the rebellion of 1857 in the bud. But it was too late, and Lawrence’s best ef- forts were futile — all confidence in the British had been destroyed by a deep-rooted prejudice and hatred of their rule, the aggressive measures of which produced an outbreak in an irregular regiment posted near Lucknow. So well did Lawrence grapple with the difficul- ty, that he won the admiration and confidence of not only Lord Canning, the Court of Directors and the Home Government, but also the whole public of India, and in the event of Lord Canning succumbing to any unforeseen ac- cident, Lawrence was the man into whose hands the authorities had decided to put the helm. In fact he was provisionally elected as Canning’s successor should cir- cumstances have rendered the ap- pointment of a new Governor- General imperative. It is not ne- cessary to go into the details of the siege of Lucknow, so well known, beyond mentioning that Lawrence’s health suffered much owing to the turmoil and anxie- ties of his position, and while wearied in body and mind lying on a sofa in an upper room of the Lucknow Kesidency, a shell burst into the apartment and shattered his thigh on the 2nd of J uly. The ghastly wound was pronounced by the Doctors as fatal, and at 8 a. m. on the 4th J uly, he calmly breath- ed his last. It is here worth quot- ing a few extracts from the writ- ings of those who witnessed the closing scene of this Christian warrior. “ He bade an affection- ate farewell to all, and of several he asked forgiveness for having at times spoken harshly and begged them to kiss him He expressed the deepest humility and repentance, for his sins, and his firm trust in our blessed Saviour’s atonement, and spoke most touchingly of his dear wife, whom he hoped to rejoin. At the utterance of her name his feelings quite overcame him, and he burst into an uncontrollable fit of weep- ing which lasted some minutes. . . . He spoke to several pre- sent about the state of their souls, urging them to pray and read their Bibles, and endeavour to prepare for death, which might come sud- denly, as in his own case. . . . There was not a dry eye there, and many seemingly hard, rough men were sobbing like children.” In the midst of this trying scene, he had to select his successor to carry on his work in the future defence of the beleaguered garri- son. On this subject, he said, “ Let every man die at his post ; 246 LAW but never make terms. God help the poor women and children.” He referred to his epitaph, wish- ing it to be “ Here lies Henri/ Lawrence, who tried to do his duty” and added, “ 1 should like, too, a text, ‘ To the Lord our God be- long mercies and forgiveness, though we have rebelled against him.’ “ It was on my dear wife’s tomb.” His corpse was buried on the same evening, in a grave with the corpses of four others who fell on the same day. It was a parti- cular request of his that he should be buried in this manner and “ without any fuss.” Hot was the firing of the enemy, too hot to permit of any officer attending his funeral. All were at their posts, as he himself had directed them to be. in concluding this memoir, it must be mentioned that the name of this great man is imperishably associated, with the “ Lawrence Asylums,” the founding of which charitable institutions was ever the dearest wish of his heart. From the day he landed in India, he saw the pernicious effects of the climate and the moral atmos- phere of the Barrack room upon the children of the European sol- diery, and he determined that should he be permitted by God’s blessing to gain wealth, he would consecrate a portion to form an asylum for the rescue of these children, on some Hill station, where they would enjoy the ad- vantages of a fair education and a European climate. How his life was spared and means grant- ed to carry out his intentions, India and many of her sons can thankfully bear testimony to. A considerate Government has car- ried on the scheme at the public expense, and every Lawrence Asy- lum erected in India is a lasting monument to the memory of the originator of the Institution, the great, the good Sir Henry Law- rence. A statue has been erected to his memory in St. Paul’s. LAWRENCE, Lord. John Law- rence was the son of an old E. I. Company officer, ( vide Stringer Lawrence) and was the sixth, of a family of twelve children. He was born at Richmond, in Yorkshire, on the 4th of March 1811. When twelve years old he was sent to a school at London- derry, and after two years, re- turned and completed the first portion of his education at a school at Bath. When sixteen years of age, an old friend of his father, an East India Direc- tor, offered him an appointment in the Indian Civil Service, but when he was young, his elder brothers were out in the world so his father made him a kind of companion, and the boy was never tired of listening to the interest- ing stories told him of the father’s Indian career, and was bent on following his steps. The return to England, however, of his brother Henry, on sick leave from India, induced him to change his deci- sion, by his pointing out to him the superior advantages of a civi- lian’s career. So John Lawrence went to Haileybury. Here he re- mained till May 1829, and took prizes in History, Bengallee, Law, “ and was returned as highly dis- tinguished in other departments.” He left England in September of the same year, in company with his brother Henry, and landed at Calcutta on the 9th of February 1830, where he remained ten months. Frequent illness gave him such a distaste for the country LAW 247 that it is probable an offer of .£100 a year would have taken him home again ! After passing his examinations he was at his own request appointed to the Delhi territory. Though six months was the time allowed for joining, Law- rence accomplished the journey (900 miles) by palanquin in 18 days — an extraordinary perform- ance in those days. For the first four years, lie held the office of Assistant Judge, Magistrate and Collector of the city and its en- virons, under the .Resident of Delhi — its area embracing 780 square miles, with a population of 506,689 souls. Next he was selected for the charge of the Northern division of this territory, the chief station of which was Paniput, twenty miles from Kur- naul. and [over which, with a turbulent and disaffected popula- tion of 486,000 and an area of 1832 square miles, he ruled as the only officer in the district, for two years, and brought it into perfect order. After having per- formed this, he “ was pronounced to be far too junior to draw the full salary attaching to the per- manent charge * * * reverted to his 'substantive office of Assistant Magistrate and Collector of Delhi, whilst the district which he had brought into order was made over to a civilian of long standing, who having failed as a Judge, was therefore considered qualified to undertake a far more difficult duty !” In this apprenticeship, however, he may be said to have completed his training as a civil officer, and he never had reason to regret the severe ordeal, for it laid the foundation of all his sub- sequent labours. Three months later on, he was made Joint-Ma- gistrate and Deputy Collector of the Southern division, and to act as Magistrate of the city of Delhi itself. Six months after he joined his substantive appointment in the Southern division and man- aged it under great difficulties, without the assistance of a single soldier for IS months. He was next selected to be settlement officer of Etawali adjoining Agra and Mynpoorie on the left bank of the Jumna, where a scientific sur- vey was being carried out, and on Lawrence, assisted by native officials, devolved the labour of superintending the details on which the revised settlements were to be founded. It tried his constitution severely. He was prostrated with jungle fever in September 1839, and for a month his life was in great danger. At one time he was given up, but he rallied and by the kindness of three friends, he so far recovered as to proceed to Calcutta by boat, and after another relapse from which he also recovered, he left for England on the 28th February 1840, on a furlough of three years, and after a service of ten years. He left England for India by the Overland route, October 1st, 1842, and his wife accompanied him. During his absence the Ca- bool Insurrection had taken place, and now just two years after his re- turn, and while holding the ap- pointment of Magistrate and Col- lector of Delhi, another crisis loomed in the distance culminat- ing in the battles of Mooclkee, Ferozepore, Ferozeshuhur and So- braon. {Vide Hardinge.) On his way up country Sir H. Har- dinge made the acquaintance of Mr. Lawrence. Thelatter was dur- ing the Sikh war busily engaged in collecting carriage for the army and in sending on supplies. After 248 LAW the battle of Ferczeshuhur these had been reduced to so low an ebb, as scarcely to be equal to the re- quirements of another fight. The great difficulty was to secure a supply of carriage, and Sir H. Hardinge made a personal appeal in his own handwriting to Law- rence to do his utmost to aid the army in this crisis. By his per- sonal influence and proper pay- ments, he collected 5,000 carts, and sent them off laden with Commissariat and Ordnance stores, which reached the army in time to be made available for the crowning defeat of the enemy at Sobraon and the occupation of Lahore. Lord Hardinge stated before the House of Commons some years after that it was his expe- rience of Lawrence’s qualities in 1845-6, that had induced him to give him an important political appointment a little later on, and this was the charge of the newly acquired Trans-Sutlej territory. For three years, 1846 to 1849, Lawrence was Commissioner of the Jullundhur Doab and the ad- jacent hill-territories, where he introduced most important re- forms. 1st, The substitution of the payment of the land-tax in cash for its payment in kind, by which the agriculturists derived a benefit of 15 to 30 per cent, on each man’s payments : 2nd, A pro- per administration of justice, by the introduction of a system of penal law, andthese were followed by the abolition of State mono- polies, which had weighed with crushing power upon trade — a re-adjustment of the excise sys- tem—the introduction of a police system, and the construction of roads and bridges. He materially assisted his bro- ther, Sir Henry, while Resident of Lahore, in addition to his other duties, and twice received the thanks of the Government of India for having done so. On the latter’s departure for England in 1847, the acting appointment was offered to him, but he refused it, and it was conferred on Sir Fred- rick Currie. The first act of the Acting Commissioner’s was the deputation to Mooltan of Vans Agnew and Anderson, {vide Dal- housie, Gough) whose murder by the troops of Moolraj led to the second Sikh war. Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes’ prompt action shows how much might have been done to nip the rebellion in the bud at an early period. ( Vide Ed- wardes). Passing over the mili- tary events which followed — the siege of Mooltan— the doubtful victory of Chillianwalla — the crowning victory of Guzzerat, glance at the ordeal Lawrence had to go through, as Commissioner of Jullundhur. Insurrection was rife around him. Shere Singh and Chutter Singh were up in arms — the Afghan cavalry joining the Sikhs, had occupied Pesha- war, and was advancing upon Attock — almost every Sikh chief- tain was ready to join the insur- gents, and Maharajah Goolab Sing ( vide Hardinge) was only watching the course of events, to shape his line of conduct. There was only one European regiment at Jullundhur and the bulk of this was moved to suppress dis- affection. What if Jullundhur had risen? If it had, the second Punjaub war might have proved a fearful thing to our prestige. But its people were loyal and con- tent, and the British Government was saved from such consequences not by the number of its troops. LAW 249 nor by the successful moves of its commanders, (but by the energy, courage, forethought and activity of Lawrence. By the presence of this one man rebellion was crush- ed on its first appearance, and assured by this tranquillity on their flank, our military leaders were enabled to carry their plans to a triumphant conclusion. ( Vide Hardinge, Gough.) The Pun- jaub was annexed, a frontier force was formed out of the Sikhs them- selves, who have been faithful since — aided us in the terrible days of 1857, and even bore the British flag triumphantly in China and Abyssinia. The system of government was changed. A Board of Adminis- tration was formed, composed of three members — H enry Lawrence, John Lawrence and Charles Man- sel. The details of its working would occupy many pages, and we can only glance at those of leading interest. Tranquillity was maintained to an extent unknown befoi'e. Highway robbery extir- pated, Thuggee suppressed, infan- ticide rooted out, jails built, trade freed, roads made, canals im- proved and dug out, justice brought to the doors of the poor, and the revenues increased, though direct taxation was re- duced. On the 4th February 1853, it was deemed expedient to abolish the Board, in consequence of the two brothers holding op- posite views as to the mode of dealing with the great fief-holders, and generally with the lands which contributed no revenue under the former government. Sir Henry wished to maintain the native aristocracy to a much greater de- gree in the possession of their fiefs and grants, than John Lawrence deemed expedient. They both saw the incompatability of work- ing together, and almost simul- taneously tendered their resigna- tion. Sir Henry was appointed Agent to the Governor-General in Rajpootana, and John Law- rence was gazetted Chief Commis- sioner of the Punjaub. Sir Her- bert Edwardes thus describes his five years’ tenure of the office : “ This post of Chief Com- missioner lasted more than five years. Four of them were spent in perfecting the organization of the civil government and in im- proving the military and political relations of the frontier. They were years of Herculean labour, not only to the Chief Commis- sioner, but to every man under him, high or low. Alone in res- ponsibility, alone in power, J ohn Lawrence bent the full force of his character and energies to the elaboration of a complete ma- chine. Sure Coachman never sat firmer on the box, or held reins tighter, drove straighter, or lash- ed his team more unflinchingly to speed, in this weary world of man- driving and evil roads ! Alas for the toil and the sweat ! Alas for the kicking, and jibbing, and panting, and mud-flying every- where ! Alas for the ceaseless cracking of whips ! Alas for the friction of hearts ! But we need only pity the rulers— the whites. Well was it for “the darkies”— the people. We doubt if India has ever seen a province with a civil government so strong, so simple, so wise, so moderate, so pure, so good to live under, as that of the Punjaub. Honour, all honour to Coachman John ; and honour too, to the team who pulled the coach.” Lawrence was also fortunate in his external frontier policy, and 32 this policy of non-interference, adhered to by successive viceroys is a subject of growing interest at this time. In 1854, he refused to aid the Khan of Khpkan against a Russian advance. In 1855, he concluded a treaty with Dost Mahommed— the Ameer engaging to be the friend of our friends and the enemy of our enemies, and it was clearly settled that there should be absolute abstention from all interference in the af- fairs of the Afghans. In 1856, Lawrence was made a K.C.B. We must now glance at him as he was in the ter- rible days of 1857-58. Under his able administration, perhaps there was no district or province throughout India more peaceful, more prosperous than the Pun- jaub at the beginning of 1857, and yet when the mutiny broke out it was no easy work for him to pre- serve order. Had the Punjaub risen, every station throughout the length and breadth of India would have had to tell a tale similar to that of Cawnpore. In the beginning of 1857, there were in the Punjaub 59,656 native troops, about 20,000 of which were natives of that country and 40,000 came from Hindustan. The Eu- ropean troops amounted to nearly 10,500 men, and the civil and mi- litary administration of the whole country was carried out by some of the ablest men, watched by the keen glance of Lawrence. Every- thing seemed quiet on the surface when the crisis came. Commenc- ing in February with an outbreak at Berhampore, it was followed by an open shew of mutiny at Bar- rackpore, and culminated on the 10th of May, in the insurrection of Meerut and the capture of Delhi ! Lawrence at this time was on a tour, and had scarcely reached P.awill Pindee, when the news was flashed tojliim by telegraph. It came on him with the suddenness of an earthquake. He telegraphed his advice to the Commander-in- Chief and Lord Canning, and lost not a day, in calling, first on the two greatest Sikh chieftains of Puttiallaand Jheend, and after- wards the minor ones, to arm their contingents, as feudatories of the British, and to employ them to support British authority. “ N ever was an appeal more nobly res- ponded to. The Rajah of Jheend was actually the first man, Euro- pean or native, who took the field against the mutineers. He openly declared at once that he should decide with the British, under whom he had lived happily for 50 years.”* Prompt measures were also taken by officers under- Lawrence. The disaffected troops (3,000) at Lahore were disarmed. The fort of Govindgurli, the ar- senal at Ferozepore, the magazine at Pliillore, were instantly secured against attack.! The Hindustani troops at Peshawar shewed a most mutinous spirit, and Lawrence di- rected them to be disarmed, which was successfully carried out by Herbert Edwardes and Brigadier Cotton, 22nd May. The border- tribes next cast in their lot with the English, and Lawrence’s policy in gaining the aid of the Punjaubees was a matter of very great satis- faction to the whole empire. This point gained, Lawrence mov- * Punjaub Administration Report for 1856-58. j- To shew the immense importance of this arsenal, together with that of Ferozepore, it is sufficient to observe that from them were derived the means of taking Delhi.— Temple's Report , 25th May 1858. LAW 251 eel troops, European and Sikhs, towards Delhi, contributing for the siege five battalions of Euro- pean Infantry, one regiment of cavalry, a large body of artillery, seven battalions of Punjaub In- fantry, three regiments of Punjaub cavalry, a corps of pioneers, a contingent of Sikh artillery men (many of them old gunners who had fought against us in 1848-49) two siege-trains, one auxiliary corps from Puttialla, Jheend, Na- blia, Cashmere and minor rajahs amounting to 8,000 men. This much was done in the early days of the rebellion. It has been offi- cially computed that Lawrence actually raised for service during the mutiny 47,351 Punjaubees. All he did, however, simply en- abled the besieging General to maintain his position before Delhi ; at one time abandoning the siege was seriously talked of. What would have been the result 1 The Punjaub would have been in a blaze. What did Lawrence do at this crisis ? All communication was cut off from Calcutta. He had to act on his own responsibi- lity. He came to a decision — a decision which saved the empire. Delhi was the heart of the rebel- lion. Delhi must be captured even at the risk of losing the Pun- jaub. Pie sent all his available troops forward, leaving the Pun- jaub almost unprotected ! ( Vide N icholson ). In the early part of September, affairs in the Punjaub were in a most fearfully critical state. Lawrence received infor- mation that if Delhi did not fall by the 10th, the Hazara was to rise, numbering 125,000 men. Here again he acted with foresight and quick decision. Any hesita- tion would have been disastrous. Within three hours he sent all he could send — one company of Eu- ropean Infantry, 200 Sikh Cavalry and three guns in the direction of the head-quarters of the insur- gents. The rebellion collapsed. With the complete re-occupation of Delhi, all the anxieties of Law- rence for the safety of the Pun- jaub were at an end. The district of which Delhi was the capital was transferred to the territories already under him. The entire population was disarmed, and before April 1858, 225,000 stand of arms, besides 40 camel loads were delivered to the police. Lawrence was busy during 1858 in reconstituting all the mutiny had overthrown, and in remedying evils which the outbreak had re- vealed, and then left India never intending to return to it, univer- sally regarded as the statesman who had saved not only the Pun- jaub, but Upper India. In clos- ing this part of his career, we may add the following anecdote appro- priately. Strongly impressed with the idea that the fate of the empire depended upon the early fall of Delhi, he one day saidtoRajahTej Singh, the most influential of Punjaub chieftains, ‘ I think I ought to go there myself.’ Tej Singh replied with emphasis, ‘ Sahib, send the best man you have, or any number of them, but don’t go yourself. So long as you stay here, all will go well ; but the moment you turn your back, no one can say what devilry may not take place.’ For his services in 1857-58, lie was created a baronet with a pen- sion of ,£2,000 per annum. We must now turn to his vice- regal career. On the death of Lord Elgin, Sir William Denison, the Governor of Madras, acted as 252 LAW Viceroy, and recognized Sliere Ali, the third surviving son of , Dost Maliommed as successor to | the throne of Cabool. ( Vide Dost Mahommed). Lord Lawrence ar- rived in Calcutta as Viceroy in January 1864, and for four years during his administration there raged in Afghanistan a desperate and bloody civil war. The rival claimants for the throne each in turn had appealed for British aid, but with the exception of Sir t W. Denison having granted two requests of Shere Ali when he re- 1 cognized him as Ameer, all inter- I ference with the internal affairs I of Afghanistan was strictly avoid during these years of anarchy. Non-interference was Lawrence’s policy and it was one of incalcu- lable benefit to the Empire. Our resources being husbanded, vast public works were carried out in the shape of railways, roads, irri- gation, 70) being the subsistence of my troop, and which, it immediately struck me, would be the means of preserving my life.” “ I therefore looked around me to observe the different counte- nances of the horsemen, and, thinking that I had distinguished one whose look was less ferocious than the rest, I pulled out my bag of pagodas, and beckoned him to LIN 255 approach me, which he instantly did, put up his sword, and dis- mounted. I immediately deliver- ed him the bag ; he seemed much surprised and pleased at the mag- nitude of its contents, which gave me the most sanguine expecta- tions. After he had put it up, he demanded my accoutrements, which I instantly took off and pre- sented to him ; I now thought he would have gone no farther, but (one after the other) he stripped me of every thing except my breeches and one half of my shirt, — having torn off the other to tie up my other things in a bundle. Though much concerned at being thus stripped naked after the part I had acted towards him, I, how- ever, made no doubt but that he would grant me his protection, especially when I saw him mount his horse ; which he, however, had no sooner done, than he drew his sabre, and, after giving me two or three wounds, instantly rode off, leaving me stung rvith rage, and laying the blame upon myself for having called him to- wards me. After some minutes, what with the loss of blood and the intense heat of the sun, I fainted away, fully convinced that I was expiring, and pleased to think my last moments were so gentle.” “ I do not know how long I re- mained in this situation, but I was roused from it by a dreadful pain in my left shoulder-blade. I now found that I was nearly driven into the centre again, and that a dead man was lying upon me, and a pike that had passed through his body had penetrated into my shoulder, and caused me the severe pain.” “ In this manner I lay for some minutes, when John Kelman, of my Company, called out, upon observing me, that I was dead ; upon which I answered, “Not yet, but near about it.” At this moment he observed three French hussars, and desired me to go to them ; I answered him that I was so weak I could not walk, and, besides that, I was so jammed in the crowd that 1 could not move myself ; upon which, being a very strong man, he reached out his hand towards me, and, my head being the only part he could touch, he dragged me out by the hair, and carried me to the French, when I once more fainted ; how- ever, one of them put some arrack into my mouth, which soon reviv- ed me, and I told them in French I was an officer, and requested that they would protect me, which they assured me in the strongest manner they would do. They ac- cordingly drew their swords to keep off the horse, who were every moment endeavouring to cut me down. At this time my preserver, J ohn Kelman, was by some acci- dent separated from me, and I afterwards found he was cut to pieces.” “ The hussars now carried me to their commander, Lally, who was at some distance with his corps. He immediately came up to me, and expressed his concern at my situation, ordered my wounds to be bound up, and placed me upon one of his elephants, and they told me that, as Hyder every moment expected General Mun- roe to arrive on the field of battle, he was going to fall back to his old camp.” “ Though extremely feeble, I could not help considering myself exceedingly fortunate at having- got into such humane hands, and the thought of the treatment I might afterwards undergo was entirely absorbed in thankfulness at the danger I had escaped. From the top of the elephant, the first thing that 1 cast my eyes upon was six wounded men of my company, with ropes about their necks, and beat on in the most inhuman manner by a Moor- man who was leading them." “ I at this moment had a dis- tinct view of Hyder’s army, his infantry, marching in the most regular manner to English music, in the centre, and his cavalry on the flanks. Hyder Ali himself was riding at the head of one of his battalions, upon a small dun horse, and dressed in a blue silk jacket and a red turban. He came riding up to Lally, with whom he conversed in the most familiar manner, and appeared vastly pleased, bursting out into fits of laughter. In this manner 1 arrived in the camp, after a march of ten miles, and was ex- tremely weak and fatigued ; but Leroy, one of the French hussars who had saved me from being cut down by Hyder’s horse, gave me some soup and a shirt and long drawers, which I had great want of, as my skin was in one entire blister with the scorching heat of the sun.” “ As this was now the sixth night 1 had passed without sleep, notwithstanding the great pain I was in, I did not awake until morning, when I found that four officers, severely wounded, had been brought in during the night, and in the morning I found two of them lying dead by my side.” “ On the 11th, in the morning, some of the French officers came and told me that Hyder had sent them orders to deliver up to him all their prisoners. They express- ed their grief at it, but declared that Hyder would inflict con [dign 1] punishment upon them if they did not instantly comply.” “ At this instant the guards came in, and in a thundering man- ner, drove us before them, like a flock of sheep, and loading us with blows because our wounds prevented us from walking fast. In this manner we were conduct- ed before Hyder, who, after look- ing at us all, and taking down our names, desired us now to go to our quarters, and to eat, drink, sleep, and be happy. This speech gave us ail great comfort, and we were taken out of his presence. When I came out, a figure, cover- ed all over with blood, came limp- ing up to me and called me by my name, which from the voice I soon discovered was my old friend David Baird ; this was a most welcome meeting to both of us.” “His fortune had not been quite so good as mine, for he had been, like me, stripped — worse wounded — and had lain all the day and the following night on the field of battle, every horseman thinking him so badly wounded that they would not be at the trouble of conducting him into the camp ; he had, however, made a shift to come in of him- self, and now declared that the only pain he felt at that time was violent hunger. I informed him of Hyder’s speech to us, which much pleased him.” “ I then perceived some men of my company at a distance, and, forgetting that I was a prisoner, I went towards them, being de- sirous of speaking with them, but I had not gone more than two or three steps before the guard saw me, and a shower of blows which I received all over me soon made LIN 257 me recollect that I was not my own master.” “We were now conducted to a tent, where about twenty wound- ed officers had been brought be- fore us, and presented a sight that would have struck any other enemy with pity, except the one whose hands we had fallen into ; few of them had less than six wounds ; every moment they were bringing in more from the field of battle, but great numbers, both of officers and soldiers, being strip- ped and severely wounded, were left to perish on the scene of action.” “ Towards the evening Colonel Baillie and fifty-eight officers were collected together at this tent, and some infamous provisions were flung upon a large cloth upon the ground and we were desired to eat that or want. Two French surgeons were then permitted to come and dress our wounds, who, as soon as they saw our numbers, declared that it was impossible for them to dress so many with- out some assistance ; accordingly, after tying up the wounds of about twenty of the worst, they went away, and said that they would apply to Hyder for more assistance.” “ On the 12th, in the morning, it was discovered that three offi- cers had died during the night, and vast numbers were delirious. Colonel Baillie, who was badly wounded himself, now requested that they would send for the sur- geons and some provisions, but all the answer he received was, that the army was just going to march twelve miles nearer Arcot, and that when we came to the ground we should obtain every- thing we wanted.” “ A few minutes afterwards the grand Nagar beat (which is a great drum mounted upon a camel), as a signal for the army to begin their march. A strong guard came and informed us that there were conveyances for twen- ty of the worst of us, but that all the rest were to walk. It was in vain for us to attempt to reason with them that we were unable to walk ; abuse and blows were all we gained by it. Numbers at length threw themselves upon the ground, and declared that they could not move a step further, and, by every kind of abuse, en- deavoured to provoke the guard to put them to death.” “ In this manner we arrived at the new encampment late in the evening, and it was found that four more officers had died upon the road. Three tents were now pitched upon a low sandy ground, barely sufficient to contain thirty of our number ; but the guard declared that Hyder would grant us no more. In the evening we had some of the same kind of provisions as the day before spread out before us, and on the morning of the 13th the stench of our wounds infected the air around us.” “ Hyder [now] for the first time inquired after his prisoners, and being informed of our dreadful situation,. at the earnest entreaty of the French officers, he permit- ted some of them to come and give us assistance. He now sent us some surgeons, but not suffi- cient, and likewise ordered every officer a piece of cloth to cover himself, and Colonel Baillie one thousand rupees, (,£100) to distri- bute as he thought proper, and which, being divided among both officers and soldiers, gave every one five.” 33 258 LIN “ The French officers, who were all very badly off for money and clothes themselves, subscrib- ed, however, together four hun- dred pagodas, (.£140) which they gave to Colonel Baillie upon his bond, and which was a most pro- vidential supply, and enabled us to buy what things were absolutely necessary for our existence ; but still our evils were now becoming hourly more insupportable, — the wounds of every one were full of dirt and sand, as we had nothing to rest our bodies upon but the bare ground, and the market people, who were permitted to come and sell things to us at a most exorbitant price, found the air so offensive that they would come no longer. Several died in this miserable state, and a very few days would have been fatal to us all, if Hyder had not resolved to send awTay his prisoners to his own country." “ On the morning of the 16th the guards came in and informed Bail- lie that all the prisoners were to be sent away except himself and offi- cers next in rank to him. Of these, Colonel Baillie kept myself and my friend Baird, and, as a very great indulgence, we were per- mitted to go and see the men of our companies to bid them fare- well. They had been still worse treated, if possible, than ourselves, and, thinking that we might have sufficient influence to get their situation altered for the better, they determined, -when an oppor- tunity offered, to complain to us. But -when they saw that we wrere in as deplorable a situation as themselves, they burst into tears, and only hoped that the day would come that would give them ample revenge for our sufferings. After having been with them a few minutes, and ad vising them to keep up their spirits and look for better days, we were obliged to leave them, and were separated from the rest of our brother offi- cers, and carried to another part of the camp.” “ My wounds had not yet been dressed since I received them, as the surgeons had always been oc- cupied with those that were worse wounded than myself, but the change of provisions and extraor- dinary heat of the sun, and the complicated hardships that I had undergone, threw me into a vio- lent fever. We were now put into a tent, the first shelter I had been under since I was taken. I thought myself particularly fortunate, at this time, in meeting one of my old servants, who likewise, on his part, expressed his joy ; and told me he had not tasted victuals for two days. As I was extremely ill, I gave him all my treasure, amount- ing to fifteen rupees, (£1-10) to take care of for me, and desired him to go to the bazaar, and buy something for himself and me. He promised to return immedi- ately, but the treacherous villain, as soon as he had got my all, left me, and I never saw him after- wards. Baird, likewise, had been plundered of his wealth in much the same manner, but Baillie was so generous as to give us, out of what little he had remaining, a pa- goda each.” “ On the morning of the 18th, we were informed that Hyder was going to besiege Arcot, and that he meant to carry us along with him ; and, not many minutes afterwards, eight palanquins were brought to us for our conveyance. This behaviour, so different from the former, surprised us extreme- ly. and we were given to under- LIN 25S stand that our situation would now be in every respect altered for the better ; but we soon found out that this outward magnifi- cence was a political trick of Hy- der’s, for, while we marched along with his army in this manner, escorted by a iarge body of horse, our pittance of provisions was so small, and so bad of its kind, that it was barely sufficient for our ex- istence.” “On the 19th, on the line of march, my old housekeeper, Moo- too, came up to me, and appeared to be extremely concerned at see- ing me so very ill, and said that he was determined to stay with me, — at which I was very happy, but took care to keep my remain- ing pagoda in my own possession.” “ On the 20th, Hyder’s army came in sight of Arcot, which be- gan to fire at his advanced par- ties, and a shot from the fort wounded one of our guard ; upon which the principal body of the army moved off, and took posses- sion of Walajanagar, a town near two miles distant from Arcot, and our guard conducted us there likewise. A n old tent was pitched in one of the streets, and we were put into it, but we found it so ex- tremely hot, that we beseeched them to put us into one of the houses on either side, which, how- ever, they refused to do. We were now surrounded on all sides by strong guards, and a procla- mation was sent round that any stranger who should be seen near -our guards would have his nose and ears cut off.” “ As Kistnarow, the Behauder’s prime minister, used frequently to come and see us, we determined to pay our court by every kind of submission ; he was continually asking us questions about the strength of the English army and the customs of our country, all of which we answered with a servi- lity of manner which the misery of our situation alone could ex- cuse.” “ Finding now that there was no chance of any more surgeons being allowed to come near us, we were obliged to trust to nature for our cure. The violent fever that I had had now for a long time turned into a severe flux, and I found that, from having no method of cleaning myself, and the want of clothes, I was covered with vermin, and, as my circum- stances would not admit of my purchasing a comb, my servant Mootoo shaved my head with a piece of glass bottle.” “ As the health of us all was still very indifferent, we came to a resolution of requesting that they would permit us to write into Vellore, which was sixteen miles distant, for a surgeon. Colonel Baillie made this application to Kistnarow, who asked if we were sure that a surgeon would come out to us upon such a request ? and, upon his being answered in the affirmative, he said, “ If you can have interest enough to pro- cure a surgeon, the same power will enable you to desire the com- manding officer to deliver up the fort to my master, and I desire that you will accordingly write to that purpose and, upon our re- fusing to comply with this de- mand, he said “ that we could not expect that any favour would be granted us.” “ On the 27th, Hyder sent for us to his durbar , and Captain Burnley, who spoke the Moorish and Persian languages extremely well, had a long conversation with Hyder, and told him the severe 260 LIN treatment we had met with. He seemed to be very sorry for it, and, after we had been some time with him, he desired us, as he did on a former occasion, to “ go home, and to eat, drink, sleep, and be happy,” — and Kistnarow, who was displeased with what we had said to Hyder, ordered that we should get no victuals that day.” “ On the 28th, they, to our great ioy, brought into our tent eight baskets of liquor, with a letter from a French correspondent of Baillie’s in Pondicherry, desiring that he would sign a receipt for the liquor, that he might know if we got it ; therefore, upon pen and ink being brought, Baillie signed the receipt. Some time after, Kistnarow came and asked, “ if we liked wine V’ and upon our answering that we did, he ordered the guard to take the baskets away, saying that he would take care of it for us, but we never saw the wine afterwards.” This behaviour, joined with our former treatment, made us almost desperate, and we deter- mined to treat him ever after- wards with the most pointed con- tempt. Accordingly, the next time he came, instead of getting up and saluting him in the ser- vile manner we had hitherto done, we sat still upon the ground, without taking the least notice of him. He therefore soon went away, seemingly much displeased; we amused ourselves with the idea of treating him with the most mortifying contempt, and some days elapsed before wre saw any- thing more of him.” “ On the 22nd of October, a fresh guard came, and desired Baird, myself, and two others, to S repare immediately to go to eringapatam. I represented to them my weak situation to un- dertake so long a journey, but we had just time to bid adieu to Baillie and the rest, when we were shoved out of the tent, and on the outside I met Kistnarow, and again repeated to him the im- possibility of my performing the journey ; but he flew into a vio- lent passion, shook a cane over my head, “ and said better people than us were kept all their lives in iron cages,” “ We were now delivered over to a guard of matchlock peons, who received strict orders to keep a good look-out that we did not run away. The palanquins that we formerly had were brought again to us, but without any car- pet or bedding, which made them a most painful conveyance. In the evening we halted at Timery, a small fort, ten miles distant from Arcot, where my complaints soon began to be much worse, being without the smallest as- sistance.” “ On the 23rd, we continued our march, and arrived at Arnee in the evening. At this place all the worst of the wounded prisoners of Baillie’s army were kept, and we strongly begged of the Kellidar to allow us to go and see them, which favour we could not obtain. My disorder had now become so vio- lent, and had rendered me so feeble, that I could not stand, and my own money, as well as Baird’s, had long been expended, so that, being unable to purchase any me- dicines, and the provisions which they served out to us being ex- tremely bad for my disorder, I had in consequence not tasted anything since I left Arcot.” “ On the 24th, we arrived at Polore, which is a fort, after a severe march of twenty miles, and LIN 261 my complaint now became so violent and painful as almost to deprive me of speech, and the violent fatigue I had undergone without susten ance, began to affect my senses. The nearer we ap- proached Hyder’s country the less kindness we had shewn us, and the cattle of the village were here driven out of their shelter, and we were substituted in their place." “The time of the day our guards chose to march contributed like- wise greatly to our miseries, for they never started till the sun had risen, and the heat of it, from be- ing without any refreshment, was truly insupportable." “ On the 27th, we arrived, after a very long march, at Shangerna- gore, a fort near the pass of the Carnatic into the Mysore country, and the bullocks, as usual, were driven out to make way for us. This last march completely over- powered me, and violent spasms and a strong hiccough seized me. It was evident that I was now in the last stage of my disorder, and Baird and the rest of my compa- nions did all in their power to force me to take a little rice to sustain me, but without effect.” “ At this time a sepoy of our guard came up to me, and, after standing by me for some minutes, told me that he would prepare me some medicine if I would take it. I told him that I would thankful- ly take anything that he would give me, but that I had no money to pay him for it. He said that he did not want any money from a prisoner, and then went away. In a few minutes he came back, and brought with him three green pomegranates and a large bowl of sour milk, and after mixing the fruit with his hands in the milk, having previously mashed them into a ball upon a stone, he de- sired me to drink it. In any other situation I would certainly have refused to take such a medicine, but, as it was, I took it and with great loathing drank it off, it having a most dreadful taste. He then desired me to endeavour to sleep, which I did, and in a few hours afterwards I awaked much better, my fever having abated, and my flux was not near so severe ; and, for the first time since I left Arcot, I eat a little boiled rice.” “The next morning the sepoy came to see me, and was much rejoiced at seeing me so much better. I told him that I owed him my life, that, although I was poor here, I had plenty of money in my own country, and that I would reward him for it if ever I returned. He then told me that he was not very rich himself, as his pay was only a pagoda and a half month, — and, at the same time, drew out his little purse and offered me a rupee. This generous behaviour, so different from what I had hitherto experienced, drew tears from my eyes, and I thanked him for his generosity, but would not take his money." “ On the morning of the 28th, we continued our journey, and crossed the pass through the mountains, and arrived at a large camp of Hyder’s that was station- ed there for the purpose of send- ing provisions to his army in the Carnatic. I was still very ill, and, upon the commandant coming to see us, I asked him to permit us to stay a couple of days in his camp to refresh ourselves, for that I should die before I got to Se- ringapatam, if I did not get some rest. He answered me in a rage, that “ I might die and be damned — that he had received the Na- 26-2 LIN bob’s orders to send me to his ca- pital, and that if I died on the road, he would tie a rope round my neck and drag me there.” After this answer I abandoned myself to my fate, and saw that 1 could gain nothing from their humanity.” “ I, however, from this time, re-gained my health every hour, and now felt no other pain than that arising from severe hunger, for our allowance was very scanty, and, although we always marched early in the morning, our guard never gave us any provisions until they had eaten their own victuals and taken a sleep, so that it was generally ten at night before we had anything brought us to eat.” “ On the 30th, we arrived at a fort called Periapattam, and the inhabitants of the country came flocking around us, as if we were a parcel of wild beasts, and our guards even took money from them for shewing us. Indeed, we were most miserable-looking crea- tures. I was with my shaved head and a dirty shirt and trow- sers, which were those I had got from the French, and which I had now had on six weeks without washing. In this situation I pre- sented a most ludicrous figure, but I was now too much accus- tomed to their treatment to be much concerned at their making themselves merry at our expense. We were at this place put into a house for the first time, and, in rummaging the room, we found a large pot of fine milk, which we immediately made free with, and made a most excellent meal of it with rice ; however, in the morn- ing, an old scolding woman came and abused us in the severest manner for stealing her milk, and in a few minutes the whole village was collected about us, abusing us, and the commandant declared, if we were ever detected in thiev- ing again, he would flog us all round.” “ On the 1st of November, we arrived at a fort called Caurapa- tam, and were lodged in the usual manner. I here had a narrow es- cape from the fury of an enraged Rajpoot, for, happening to ap- proach his fireplace when he was dressing his victuals, and putting my foot within the circle in which all his cooking utensils were placed, he no sooner perceived it than he drew his sword and ran after me. Seeing my danger, I made off, and sheltered myself behind a tree, whilst some of the guard came and asked the Raj- poot what I had done, — who, with all the signs of loathing, said that I had come and polluted his vic- tuals by putting my feet within his hallowed circle. I protested that I did not mean any harm, and said that I was unacquainted with their customs ; and it was with great trouble I escaped a severe chastisement. As there was a pond of w’ater near our lodging that day, I, for the first time, took my shirt off my back, and sent my man, Mootoo, to wash it, as it was as black as a coal, and, upon his bringing it back, I gave my trowsers to un- dergo the same ablution.” “ Nothing happened material to us from this to Hyder’s capital, except my having very near sus- tained a relapse of my disorder, from my having one day, upon our halting, in an orange-grove, plucked a quautity of the fruit, although they were quite green, and, being very hungry, I imme- diately eat them, which brought on a violent return of my com LIN 263 plaint, which lasted several days and then went off, principally, I believe, owing to the poorness of my diet. My severe sickness, however, gained me one advant- age, for my wounds were by this time quite healed, and without the smallest assistance of medi- cine.” So the inarch continued till on the 6th of November, the priso- ners arrived at Serin gapatam. They were instantly thrown into a dungeon, where they dragged out three and a half weary years, and in proportion to the successes of the English army the worse treatment the prisoners were sub- jected to. The prison journal of John Lindsay is very interesting, recounting the tortures the cap- tives suffered, the hunger and scanty fare they had to endure, the various devices and inventions they contrived, to while away the monotony, among which were, chess-boards and cards made of aper and cloth pasted together, ackgammon boards made of bamboo, dice of ivory, got in by stealth and cut into shape with an old knife, ingenious rat-traps, for the dungeon swarmed with rats and mice, &c. During the whole of this time the prisoners were kept in per- fect ignorance of the progress of the war, but on the 8th of March 1781, Colonel Baillie arrived with two other officers who had been kept in Hyder’s camp, and though lodged separately, communication was established through their servants, who informed the cap- tives that Sir Eyre Coote was in the field against the enemy, which in their dark prison gave them a ray of hope. On the 10th of May 1781, the captives were all putin irons, except Captain Baird, who was not subjected to such treat- ment till the 10th November. On the 13th November 1782, Colonel Baillie died in irons, having been treated with marked severity. On the 6th February 1783, they heard of Hyder’s death and looked for- ward to a termination of the campaign and their release, but they had yet to wait and suffer. On the 1 7th April, Colonel Braith- waite arrived, who had been cap- tured by Tippoo. On the 20th June, General Ma- thews arrived a prisoner and was put into irons, and from him they heard of the operations at Bednore and Mangalore. On the 9th Oc- tober they heard that some few days before Mathews had been poisoned. By the treaty of Man- galore, the surviving prisoners were released, with their limbs free of the irons which had been their companions for years. LINSCHOTEN, John Hugh Van, was a Portuguese traveller of the 16th century. He was born in 1553, and in 1583 voyaged out to India. He wrote an ac- count of his travels, “ which are chiefly interesting from the light they throw upon the character of Portuguese administration in Goa, and upon the domestic life of the Portuguese in this country in the days when their power and wealth were still very great, though fast fading away before the suicidal bigotry of the successors of Charles the Fifth. The Portuguese lived like grandees, whilst freely inter- marrying with the ladies of the . country ; and, judging from our author, the lives of both sexes were luxurious and vicious in the extreme. A new Portuguese Vice- roy was sent out every three years, but during that period a 264 LOD-MAC very considerable treasure could be hoarded. Every household had a number of slaves ; and ignor- ance, superstition, and arrogant pride prevailed everywhere. Con- versions went on largely, for the priests seem to ha ve accommodated themselves pretty well to the tastes of their flocks, provided, only, that no man or woman who had been once christened, fell back into heresy and heathenism. Duels were frequent, and affronts were often revenged by assassina- tion in the open streets ; whilst the ladies are said to have indulg- ed themselves with as many lovers as they pleased. But then they were all religious after their own bigoted fashion, and any one who imbibed false doctrine was hand- ed over to the Goa Inquisition, there to be dealt with as seemed most meet for the good of his or her soul. Linschoten’s descrip- tions of the natives are also ex- ceedingly life-like, and will be found interesting as referring to a part of India which is still far from being generally known.” Linschoten’s voyage, and his ac- count of the Town and Island of Goa (originally published in French at Amsterdam, 1638) was re-printed from time to time in the Calcutta ‘ Englishman' in 1863, and was afterwards printed in book form with “ Purchas’s Pilgrimage,” under the name “ Early Travels in India.” Lins- choten also visited the coast of Guinea, Congo, and Angola. He died in 1633. LODI, House of, at Delhi. Behlol Lodi seized the throne of Delhi in 1450. The Rajah of Jounpore attacked Delhi in 1452, and a war ensued which lasted 26 years, ending in the total defeat of the Rajah and the annexation of his country by Behlol Lodi. He greatly enlarged the kingdom of Delhi. He died in 1488 and was succeeded by his son Skcunder Lodi, who reigned well and re-annexed Behar. He died in 1506, and was succeeded by his son Ibrahim Lodi, who was a great tyrant. He murdered all the chiefs at Court in order to prevent the chance of any opposition to his rule. The Governor of Punjaub, in fear for his life, called in the aid of the Moguls. They came, led by the great Baber, and con- quered Delhi and the whole of Northern India. At the first battle of Panniput, 1526, Ibrahim was killed, and the family of Ta- merlane became established at Delhi. M MACARTNEY, George, Earl of, was born near Belfast, 1737. He was educated at Trinity Col- lege, Dublin, and afterwards tra- velled on the continent. He was appointed chief secretary for Ire- land, in 1769, and after holding several other offices in succession, was made Governor of Granada, in 1775. In June 1781, he suc- ceeded Sir Thomas Rumbold as president of Madras. His first MAC act was to reduce the Dutch set- tlements in Southern India. Ne- gapatam was stormed and razed to the ground ; it was a harsh measure, and it is supposed that Macartney acted under the secret orders of the Court of Directors, who were jealous of the ever in- creasing trade of the Dutch. It was during his administration of the Government of Madras, that Hyder died. The veteran Coote had also died, and the command of the army devolved on General James Stuart, through whose di- latoriness and indecision, the weakness of Macartney and his council, and the frequent disputes between these Civil and Military authorities — Tippoo who was en- gaged in hostilities on the West- ern coast, had ample time to march back to Seringapatam, his capital, and assume the govern- ment. Tippoo then marched upon Bednore, which had been occu- piedby the Bombay division of the British army and retook it. He next invested Mangalore, which place only capitulated after a no- ble defence of nine months under Colonel Campbell, when further resistance was impossible. Ma- cartney considered this a favor- able opportunity for negotiating with Tippoo. The arrangements Avere conducted with great want of diplomacy. His council ad- vised him to arrange a meeting with Tippoo’s officials half way, but he neglected the advice, and sent his commissioners to Tip- poo’s camp at Mangalore, where they were treated with the great- est indignity and the disgraceful treaty of Mangalore was conclud- ed, which so increased the arro- gance of Tippoo, that another war soon broke out, which necessitat- ed greater loss of life and blood- 265 shed. ( Vide Tippoo, Stuart, Cornwallis). Macartney returned to England in 1786 ; he there had a duel with Stuart and was severely wounded. In 1792, he was sent as ambassa- dor to the Emperor of China, with a view of extending our commerce there. Sir George Staunton ac- companied him as Secretary, and published an account of the mis- sion. On the return of the em- bassy in 1794, Macartney was sent to Louis xviii, then Monsieur at Verona. He was next appoint- ed Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, which post he was obliged to resign on account of ill-health. During his retirement in Surrey, he wrote “ The State of Russia in 1767,’ and “The State of Ire- land in 1773.” He died in 1806, and his life has been published in two vols. MACKENZIE, Colonel Colin, C.B., of the Madras Engineers, from an early period of his resi- dence in India, superadded to his professional duties an extensive enquiry into the antiquities of the East. His surveys in South- ern India contributed materially to the improved geography of that part of India, and most of the MSS. were sent to the Court of Directors and thus became available to the geographers at home. The fullest acknowledg- ment of his labours in this branch rests in his having received the high appointment of Surveyor- General of British India. The result of Mackenzie’s anti- quarian researches were made public chiefly through the medi- um of the Asiatic Society, of which he was an old and zealous member. Description of the Pa- goda at Perwuttum near the south 34 266 MAC bank of the Kistna, and its In- scriptions, vol. V ; Remarks on some Antiquities on the West and South Coasts of Ceylon, vol. VI ; An article on the Jains , vol. IX. Soon after, the Asiatic Society was deprived of their able co-ad- jutor by the temporary transfer of his services to the island of J ava. On his return he was nominated Serveyor-General of British India, which interrupted the prosecution of his favourite studies, and de- prived the Asiatic Researches of his further aid. But he instigat- ed others to perform what he had not the leisure to do himself, and the last volume contains many communications which he was in- strumental in bringing forward. This was not the only journal which benefited by Mackenzie’s published literary labours. The Asiatic Register for 1804 contains the following original and curious communications from his pen — A Sketch of the life of Hyder Ali Khan ; History of the Anagoon- dy Rajahs ; History of the kings of Veejnagur or Beejnagar ; Ac- count of the Madda Gooroos, or the teachers of the Madheva Vaish- navas ; An account of the Batta Rajahs, the Bhats , or Indian Bards. He also contributed to the Batavian Society, but to what extent is not known. A long and interesting account of the ruins of Brambanam, originally published in that work, was afterwards re- printed in the Asiatic Journal. “ The literary productions we have thus enumerated may seem to bear a small proportion to a whole life devoted to similar in- quiries. It was the character of Colonel Mackenzie, however, to be diffident of sending anything forth to the. world whilst theie seemed to be any part of the sub- ject susceptible of more complete elucidation ; he was therefore chiefly employed in collecting ma- terials for future works ; these consisted of the remains of an- cient art, as statues, sculptures, and coins, and of facsimiles of inscriptions, and copies of manu- scripts. He employed, at an im- mense expense, various individ- uals to collect objects of antiqua- rian research throughout all parts of India, but more especially of the peninsula. The proceedings of these persons were regularly reported to him in English, and as they were mostly men of supe- rior shrewdness and activity, and as their employer had the singu- lar art of inspiring them with a portion of that zeal which ani- mated his own mind, their reports are in general highly interesting and replete with much valuable statistical as well as antiqua- rian observation. The inscriptions which they discovered were trans- lated either by these men, or learned Hindoos in the Colonel’s service. Some thousands have been thus prepared, and convey a vast body of historical informa- tion, of a more or less authentic character. The translations of the manuscripts would have been a more arduous undertaking, and has not therefore been in general attempted : but several of pecu- liar interest have been either wholly or partially rendered into English, and tabular abstracts of their substance have been arrang- ed. The collections thus made through a long series of years, and with the most unremitting perseverance, it may well be ima- gined, are as extensive as import- ant. Their application to pur- poses of public utility, it is to be feared, may be frustrated by the MAC death of their owner, but of their fitness for such a purpose an opi- nion may be formed from the use to which they have been applied by Colonel Wilks in his History of Mysore. The early Chapters of his valuable work are composed principally from the contents of the Mackenzie collection ; and, as we have had an opportunity of knowing, often in the words of the Colonel’s own unpublished com- positions, Colonel Wilks has ful- ly acknowledged his obligations to this source, and has borne tes- timony to the high value of the collection and the liberal spirit of its proprietor.” Mackenzie died in the neigh- bourhood of Calcutta on the 8th May 1821, aged sixty-eight years. A biographical sketch and literary career of him, by Sir Alexander Johnstone, was given in the Lon- don Asiatic Transactions, vol. I, 333,304. MACNAUGHTEN, Sir Wil- liam Hay, the second son of Sir Francis Macnaughten, for many years a Supreme Court Judge at Calcutta, was born in August 1 793. He came to India as a Cavalry Cadet on the Madras Establish- ment, in September 1809, and did duty with the Body Guard of the Governor of Madras, with whose family he continued to re- side for some months. From the very beginning of his Indian career his mind was eagerly bent upon the pursuit of Oriental literature, and so the leisure hours of his easy appointment were devoted to the study of Hindustani and Persian. In May 181 1, he obtain- ed a prize of 500 Pagodas, (,£175) for passing a successful examina- tion in Hindustani. There was no reward appointed at that time 207 for the study of Persian, but the Political Department holding out bright hopes for junior officers, Macnaughten was one of the num- ber who aspired to enter it, with which object in view, he studied and passed a most satisfactory examination in Persian. Soon after, he was appointed to a Cor- netcy in the 4th Cavalry, station- ed at Hyderabad, where he re- mained a year, during which time having opportunities of visit- ing the Nizam, in company with the Resident, Mr. Henry Russell, he eagerly became acquainted with the policy and feelings of Native Courts. About a twelve- month after, Government held out a prize of 500 Pagodas for emi- nent proficiency in Persian, when Macnaughten passed a second ex- amination in it and secured the reward. He had in the meantime made considerable progress in Tamil and Teloogoo. About the middle of 1813, he accompanied the escort of Mr. Cole, Resident of Mysore, in which country he took the opportunity of gaining a knoAvledge of Canarese and Mah- rattah. He was at this time employed by Mr. Cole, as Politi- cal Assistant, though not formal- ly recognized as such by Govern- ment. In 1814, Macnaughten was ap- pointed to the Bengal Civil Ser- vice, and arrived at Calcutta in October, with most flattering tes- timonials from the Governor of Madras and the Resident of My- sore. In the College of Fort Wil- liam, he applied himself with greater ardour than ever to the study of Oriental literature, and on the sixteenth anniversary of the Institution, Lord Hastings, in noticing Macnaughten’s exertions, stated, that “ there was not a lan- MAC 268 guage taught in the College in j which he had not earned the highest distinctions which the Government or the College could bestow.” In May 1816. he was appointed Assistant to the Regis- trar in the Sudder DewannyAdaw- lut. the highest Court of Appeal in the Presidency ; in November 1818, he was deputed to officiate as Joint Magistrate of Malda. In February 1820, he was appointed Judge and Magistrate of Shaha- bad. In January 1822, he return- ed to Calcutta as Deputy Registrar of the Sudder Court, when he re- quested that a Committee might be appointed to examine him in Hindoo and Mahomedan Law ; this was granted and the report of the Committee spoke in the warmest terms of the extraordi- nary proficiency he had evinced during a very searching examina- tion. The Marquis of Hastings, in his last address at the College of Fort William, said. “ For these distinctions a successful candidate has recently presented himself and enrolled a name already honorably familiar in the Annals, and associated with the best eras and efforts of the Institution. Mr. William Macnaughten has shown in his bright example, and even amidst the engrossing duties of public station, that industry can command the leisure, and genius confer the power, to explore the highest regions of Oriental litera- ture and to unravel the intrica- cies of Oriental law. The Com- mittee of Examination appointed to report on that gentleman’s proficiency in the study of Ma- homedan and Hindoo Law, have expressed a very high opinion of his attainments, and have pro- nounced him eminently qualified to consult, in the original, any work on the subject. It is time, indeed, that his iabours have been prosecuted beyond the walls of this Institution ; but within them was the foundation laid on which Mr. Macnaughten has reared so noble a superstructure.” On the 5th September 1822, within a fortnight of this commendation, he was gazetted as Registrar of the Sudder Dewanny, which appoint- ment he held for eight and a half years, and during that period in addition to the daily labours of the Court, he carried through the press three volumes of the Re- ports of Decided Cases, more than two-thirds of which were report- ed by himself. They are of stan- dard authority on all legal ques- tions to which they refer, and enjoy the same reputation in In- dian Courts as the most esteemed and authentic reports do in Eng- lish Courts. Two other works also emanated from his pen dur- ing this time, “ Considerations on Hindoo Law” and “ The Prin- ciples and Precedents of Mahom- medan Law the latter is now in its fourth edition. At the close of 1830, Lord William Ben- tinck determined to make a tour through the Upper and Western Provinces of India, to look into many questions of great interest and importance relative to the revenue, the police and judicial systems, and more particularly to expedite the survey and settle- ment of the N orth-western Pro- vinces. He chose as his Secre- tary to accompany him, Mac- nanghten, and from this date his political career may be said to have commenced. He was pre- sent at the meeting of his Lord- ship with Runjeet Sing at Roo- pur, where he obtained his first insight into the mysteries of La- MAC 269 Lore policy, and on his return to the presidency at the beginning of 1833, he was entrusted with the Secret and Political Departments, a post he continued to occupy for four years. Lord Auckland succeeded to the Government of India in 1836, and in October of the following- year, proceeded on a tour to the North-west Provinces, taking with him as his predecessor had done, Maenaughten. It is necessary here to direct the reader’s atten- tion to the dangers which appear- ed to menace the Indian Empire from the machinations of Russia and Persia, briefly explained else- where. ( Vide Auckland, Dost Mahommed, Pottinger, Burnes, Conolly, Shah Sujah.) From Simla, Maenaughten was sent on a mission to Iiunjeet Sing and Shah Sujah, the object of which was to depose Dost Mahommed and re-instate Shah Sujah on the throne of Cabool, the expedition being assisted by contributions of money, the presence of an envoy and a sufficient body of officers to discipline and command the troops, by the English Govern- ment. Maenaughten returned with the tripartite treaty to Simla on the 17th of July 1838, and found that during his absence there had been a further develop- ment of the expeditionary project. It had been decided that a British army should cross the Indus and plantitself in the centre of Afghan- istan. In November the army of the Indus as it was called as- sembled at Ferozepore, on the banks of the Sutlej andMacnaugh- ten accompanied it, as envoy and M inister at the Court of Shah Sujah. Ere the army marched, news arrived that the siege of Herat had been raised and as there was no necessity to proceed thither, its strength was reduced by one-half. A more delicate or difficult office had never been be- fore conferred on a subordinate functionary, such as Maenaughten was now appointed to. There was a long and dreary march be- fore the army, through mountain defiles and sandy deserts, into an unknown country. He accompa- nied a prince, who was very un- popular, and a prince, who, even if restored to the throne of his ancestors, could only retain it by the gleam of British bayonets and gold. The diplomatic arrange- ments were placed in one hand and the military in another, the sad sequel of which will be related further on. Military history has told with what brilliant success this enter- prise opened, and how disastrous- ly it ended, but it is Macnaugh- ten’s conduct throughout it, in his difficult and responsible post that this memoir must deal with. Candahar was taken, Ghuznf, Mahmood’s celebrated fortress was captured, and Cabool, the key to India was occupied (2nd August 1839), and Shah Sujah installed in the Bala Hissar on the 7th August 1839. Half the forces were sent back to India, Honors were showered on Lord Auckland, Sir John Keane, Mac- naughten, Pottinger, Willsliire and Wade. Maenaughten was created a baronet. Dost Mahommed sur- rendered on the 3rd November 1840, by riding up to Macnaugh- ten and giving him his sword and claiming his protection. The next course the Government adopted, was retrenchment. The stipends allowed to the Afghan chiefs for relinquishing the im- memorial practice of levying con- 270 MAC tributions on tlie highways in their respective districts were re- duced. These stipends were guar- anteed to them on our entering the country, and they had per- formed their portion of the con- tract with exemplary fidelity. Now they all rebelled, pillaged, plundered convoys of every de- scription and blocked up the passes — in fact the whole country was soon in a blaze of rebellion. Macnaughten had been rewarded for his services by the Governor- ship of Bombay and was making preparations to leave in Novem- ber 1841, but while all seemed calm and unruffled on the surface of the Afghan race, a general con- federacy was being organized for the expulsion of the British. In- formation of this movement pour- ed in from all sides, but the envoy indulged in a false security, and believed it was a mere local emeute which might easily be suppressed, and not a national revolt. On the 1st of November Sir Alexan- der Burnes called on Macnaugh- ten whom he was to succeed in his Political appointment, and congratulated him on leaving Af- ghanistan in a state of profound tranquillity. On the following day Sir Alexander Burnes was as- sassinated ! The adjoining house, Captain Johnson’s, the paymaster of the Shah’s forces, was next at- tacked and plundered of Bs. 1 70,000, (£1 7.000). The insurgents were scarcely a hundred in num- ber at this time, while a British force of 5,000 men was lying idle within a mile and a quarter of the spot, and yet no active measures were taken to nip the revolt in the bud. The General-in-Chief was General Elphinstone, a gal- lant old Officer, but weighed down by physical infirmities, who had ' I been pitch-forked into this post | by Lord Auckland, contrary to the advice of Sir Jasper Nicholls, the Commander-in-Chief. The ! envoy had received a note at seven on the morning of the 2nd November from Sir Alexander Burnes ; he instantly called on the General, but made light of the emeute, and the General was only too glad to acquiesce in his views. The procrastination and inactivi- ty of the authorities encouraged the small band of insurgents and swelled their ranks to immense numbers, and after a succession of military blunders. Macnaugh- ten was informed that the only course left open to him was nego- tiation. Akbar Khan, one of the sons of Dost Maliommed, next ar- rived upon the scene, and was at once accepted as the leader of the national confederacy. Cut ofi'from supplies by the energetic mea- j sures of this fiery and impetuous ■ young man, starvation stared the i garrison in the face, and on the lltli I December when only sufficient food was left for one day’s consump- tion, the envoy was compelled to negotiate. A conference was held, the salient points of which were “ that the British troops at Canda- harandCabool,at Ghuzni and Jel- lalabad, should evacuate the coun- try, receiving every possible as- sistance in carriage and provisions, and that Dost Mahommed and his family should be set at liberty. Shah Sujah was to be allowed the option of remaining in Afghanis- tan with a pension of a lac of rupees a year, (£10,000) or of ac- companying the British troops to India. The army was to quit the cantonments within three days, and in the meantime to receive ample supplies of provisions, for which due payment was to be MAC 271 made, and four officers were to be delivered up as hostages for the performance of the stipulations.” Macnaughten’s own explanation of this disgraceful transaction, is this : “ The whole country as far as we could learn had risen in re- bellion ; our communications on all sides were cut off ; we had been fighting forty days against superior numbers under most dis- advantageous circumstances with a deplorable loss of life, and in a day or two must have perished of hunger. I had been repeatedly apprized by the military autho- rities that nothing could be done with our troops. The terms I secured were the best obtainable, and the destruction of 15,000 be- ings would little have benefited our country, while the Govern- ment would have been almost compelled to avenge our fate at whatever cost.” The historian of the Afghan war describes the po- sition of the envoy thus, ’l Envi- roned and hemmed in by difficul- ties and dangers, overwhelmed with responsibility which there was none to share — the lives of 15,000 men resting on his decision — the honor of his country at stake — with a perfidious enemy before him, a decrepit General at his side, and a paralyzed army at his back, he was driven to negotiate by the imbecility of his compa- nions.” There is no doubt that the entire blame rests with the two military commanders, who were quite unfitted for their posts, General Elphinstone, by bodily infirmity and constitutional im- becility, and Brigadier Shelton, by a perverse temper and obstinacy. The treaty made with the Af- ghans was violated by them. The aid offered was refused, though the envoy had fulfilled his part of the contract to the letter — and he was drawn into a mesh which re- sulted in his death, thus related in Marshman’s History of India, “ It was at this critical juncture, while Sir William Macnaughten was tossed upon a sea of difficul- ties and bewildered by the ap- palling crisis, which wasapproacli- ing, that he was drawn into the net which Akbar Khan spread for his destruction. On the even- ing of the 22nd December 1841, the wily Afghan sent two Agents with Major Skinner, who was his prisoner, to the envoy, with a proposal, to be considered at a conference the next day, that Akbar Khan and the Ghilzyes should unite with the British troops outside the cantonment, and make a sudden attack on Mahomed Shah’s fort and seize the person of Ameenoolla, the most hostile and ferocious of the insurgent chiefs, whose head was to be presented to the envoy for a sum of money, but the offer was indignantly rejected by him. It was further proposed 'that the British force should remain till the spring : and then retire of its own accord ; that the Shah should retain the title of king, and that Akbar Khan, should be Vizier receiving from the British Government an annuity of four lacs of Bs. a year, and an immediate payment of thirty lacs. In an evil hour for his reputation and his safety, the envoy accept- ed this treacherous proposal in a Persian paper drawn up with his own hand. When this wild over- ture was communicated to Gene- ral Elphinstone and Captain M ac- kenzie the next morning, they both pronounced it to be a plot, and endeavoured to dissuade Sir 272 MAC William from going out to meet Akbar Khan. He replied in a hurried manner, “ Let me alone for that, dangerous though it be ; if it succeeds, it is worth all risks ; the rebels have not fulfilled one article of the treaty, and I have no confidence in them, and if by it we can only save our honor, all will be well. At any rate, I would rather suffer a hundred deaths than live the last six weeks over again.” At noon he directed the General to have two regiments, and some guns ready for the at- tack of the fort, and then proceed- ed with Captains Trevor, Mac- kenzie and Lawrence, with the slender protection of only six- teen of his body guard to the fatal meeting. At the distance of six hundred yards from the cantonment, Akbar Khan had caused some horse cloths to be spread on the slope of a hill, where the snow lay less deep. The sus- picions of the officers, as they dis- mounted, were roused by the ap- pearance of Ameenoolla’s brother at the conference, and the large number of armed followers who were present. Akbar Khan ad- dressed a haughty salutation to Sir William, and immediately after, on a given signal, the offi- cers were suddenly seized from behind, and placed separately on the saddle of an Afghan horse- man, who galloped off to the city. Captain Trevor fell off the horse, and was hacked to pieces. Akbar Khan himself endeavour- ed to seize Sir William, who struggled vigorously, exclaiming in Persian, ‘ For God’s sake.’ Exasperated by this resistance, the fierce youth drew forth the pistol which Sir William had pre- sented to him the day before and shot him dead, when the ghazees rushed up, and mutilated his body with their knives. If his own re- peated declaration be worthy of any credit, Akbar Khan had no intention of taking away the life of the envoy, but was simply anx- ious to obtain possession of his person as a hostage for the Dost. Thus perished Sir William Mac- naughten, the victim of an un- sound and unjust policy, but as noble and brave a gentleman as ever fell in the service of his country.” MACRAE, James. Mr. James Macrae was born in Ayrshire about the latter part of the reign of merry King Charles. His par- ents were of the very lowest class, and he himself, whilst a boy, is said to have been employed in looking after cattle. His father, however, died whilst James Mac- rae was still very young ; and his mother then removed with her son to the town of Ayr ; where they lived in a little thatched cot- tage in the suburbs, and where the poor widow gained her living as a washerwoman. Here young Macrae added something to his mother’s earnings by running messages ; but at the same time seems to have picked up some little education by means only known to Scotchmen. He ap- pears, however, to have grown tired of this monotonous life whilst still a boy. Ayr was a seaport, and it is easy to under- stand how a young man, endowed with the energy which Macrae subsequently proved himself to possess, should have imbibed a keen desire to embark in the ad- venturous trading of the time, and finally have turned his back upon the poverty of home and run off to sea. MAC 273 Forty years passed away before Macrae returned to bis native land ; and it is generally believed that throughout the whole of that period lie held no communi- cation whatever with his relations or his home. Meantime his sister married a carpenter named Mac- Guire, who was also in great re- quest as a violin-player at kirns and weddings, and was conse- quently known as “ Fiddler Mac- Guire.” The poverty of these people may be gathered from the fact that the children of MacGuire were on one occasion seen crying for bread, whilst their mother had left the house to try and borrow a loaf. But we shall have more particulars of this family to relate hereafter. For the present we must confine ourselves to the career of Mr. Macrae. The early events in the seafar- ing life of the young runaway must we fear for ever remain un- known. We can learn nothing of him till about 1720, when he must already have been thirty years in India, and is simply al- luded to as Captain Macrae. Most probably he had risen to the com- mand of a vessel in the country trade, and had undertaken voy- ages to Sumatra, Pegu, and China. It appears, however, that he had been successful in gaining the confidence of his Honorable Mas- ters, for he was subsequently sent on a special mission to the Eng- lish settlement on the West Coast of Sumatra, to reform the many abuses which prevailed at that settlement. Here he acquitted himself in such a manner as to ensure his appointment to a high post. He effected savings to the extent of nearly 60,000 pagodas, or about .£25,000 per annum ] and at the same time carried out such reforms as promised a very large increase in the supply of pepper. Accordingly the Directors order- ed that on leaving the West Coast he should be appointed Deputy Governor of Fort St. David, and thus stand next in succession to the Government of F ort St. George. The retirement of Mr. Elwick led to Mr. Macrae’s advancement to the latter post sooner than could have been expected. He returned from the West Coast towards the end of 1724, and without proceed- ing to Fort St. David, at once took his seat as second Member of Council at Fort St. George. At last on the 18th of January 1725, the son of the poor washer- woman of Ayr took his place as Governor of the Madras Presiden- cy. The proceedings on that oc- casion are thus recorded in the consultations. “Monday, 18th January 1725. The President (James Macrae, Esq.,) opened this consultation by telling the Board that, as this was the first time of their meeting since his taking the chair, he thought it would not be impro- per to acquaint them of his reso- lutions ; of which the principal was, that he would prosecute the Company’s interest to the utmost, and endeavour to retrieve the abuses that had crept into the management of their affairs. He added that he was determined not to interrupt in any manner the commerce of the place, but that all the inhabitants both Whites and Blacks, the Free Merchants as well as the Company’s Ser- vants, should have free liberty of trade, and that he should expect the same freedom from interrup- tions in what he should under- take ; that he would endeavour to be as agreeable to the gentle- 35 274 MAC men as any of his predecessors, but that lie was determined to maintain the privileges and im- munities belonging to the Presi- dent ; and he concluded by say- ing, that he expected a ready as- sistance from them in the pursuit of the above resolutions, which was accordingly promised.” On the 14th May 1730, George Morton Pitt, was made Governor of Madras, and Macrae retired. “ On the 21st January 1731, Governor Macrae set sail for Eng- land, after an absence of some forty years. Without a wife, and without of course any legitimate child, he appears to have returned to his native land, laden with a fortune popularly estimated at above a hundred thousand pounds. Accordingto a tradition published a few years back in the Ayr- shire Observer, the vessel in which Mr. Macrae returned to England, was captured on its way by a privateer ; and the shrewd ex-Governor, knowing the vessel to have on board a valuable cargo of diamonds, had the address to get the ship ransomed for a com- paratively small sum. We are also told by the same authority that the East India Directors were so pleased with the Gover- nor’s conduct in India, that on his return they enquired how they could reward him. He is said to have replied that if he had done anything meritorious, he would leave the reward to them. We have not, however, succeeded in discovering what was the value of the reward conferred on the ex- Governor, or if indeed any pecu- niary reward was conferred at all. The story in itself is quite in keeping with the character of Mr. Macrae. In the matter of his allowance for table expenses already noticed, it is recorded that Governor Pitt had frequently desired his predecessor to give in some account of his expenses, but that Mr. Macrae declined doing anything of the sort, and left the Board to allow him whatever they thought proper. On Mr. Macrae’s arrival in Eng- land, his first object appears to have been to enquire about the fortunes of his family. It seems that his mother had been dead some years, and that his sister, who was still living at Ayr, had married a man named MacGuire, who gained a livelihood partly as a carpenter and partly as a fiddler at kirns and weddings. Mr. Macrae accordingly wrote to his sister at Ayr, enclosing a large sum of money, and engaging to provide handsomely for herself and family. The surprise of Mr. and Mrs. MacGuire was of course unbounded ; and they are said to have given way to their delight by indulging in a luxury which will serve to illustrate both their ideas of happiness, and the state of poverty in which they had been living. They procured a loaf of sugar and a bottle of brandy ; and scooping out a hole in the sugar loaf, they poured in the brandy, and supped up the sweetened spirit with spoons, until the ex- cess of felicity compelled them to close their eyes in peaceful slumber. The grand object which Sir. Macrae appears to have had in view during the remaining years of his life, was the elevation of his sister’s family, the four daugh- ters of Mr. and Mrs. MacGuire.* The eldest married Sir. Charles * The information here given has been derived from descendants or connexions of the family who are still living. MAC 275 Dalrymple, who was Sheriff Clerk of Ayr, and received the estate of Orangefield. The tradition is still preserved of a large box of tea, a great rarity at that time, having been presexrted to Mrs. Dalrym- ple by Governor Macrae ; and this box proved so large that the doors at Orangefield would not admit it, and it became necessary to haul it up on the outside for admission at a large window. This box strongly bound with brass is still in existence, and is used as a corn chest by Dr. White- house of Ayr. The second daugh- ter married Mr. James Erskine, who received the estate of Alva ; and was afterwards elevated to the Bench under the title of Lord Alva. The third married William, the thirteenth Earl of Glen cairn. In this match Governor Macrae took the liveliest interest, but it did not come off till the year 1744; and then the old Nabob was so seriously ill that the doc- tor could not assure him of living until the solemnization of the nuptials. On this occasion Gov- ernor Macrae gave his niece as “ tocher” the barony of Ochiltree, wdiich had cost him £25,000, as well as diamonds to the value of £45,000. But the marriage did not prove a happy one, for the Earl had no real affection for his wife, however much he may have respected her wealth. The Earl, however, was not inclined to sub- mit to any taunting allusions to his wife’s family, for when Lord Cassilis reproached him at a ball with having so far forgotten his rank as to marry a fiddler’s daugh- ter, he at once replied, — “ Yes, my Lord, and one of my father-in- law’s favourite airs was “ The Gipseys cam’ to Lord Cassilis’s yett,” — referring to the elopement of a Countess of Cassilis with the Gipseys, celebrated in the old song of “Johnny Faa.” The second son of this Earl of Glen- cairn by the niece of Governor Macrae, succeeded to his father’s title as James, fourteenth Earl of Glencairn, and is known as a benefactor of the Poet Burns. This Earl died in 1791, when Burns wrote his “ Lament for James, Earl of Glencairn,” con- cluding with the following pathe- tic lines : — “ The bridegroom may forget the hride, Was made his wedded wife yestreen ; The monarch may forget the crown That on his head an hour has been ; The mither may forget the bairn That smiles sae sweetly on her knee ; But I'll remember thee, Glencairn, And a’ that thou hast done for me !” The fourth daughter of the MacGuires married a yoirng gen- tleman of suspicious origin, who went by the name of James Macrae. This young man was said to be the nephew of the old Governor, but he is generally sup- posed to have been a natural son. The barony of Houston was con- ferred upon the pair, but the sub- sequent career of this branch of the family was far from fortunate. A son known as Captain Macrae became a reputed bully and pro- fessed duelist at Edinburgh ; and is represented in one of the cari- catures of the time as practising with a pistol at a barber’s block. In 1790, Captain Macrae fought a celebrated duel with Sir George Ramsay, in which the latter was mortally wounded. It seems that whilst both gentlemen were es- corting some ladies out of the Theatre in Edinburgh, their ser- vants quarrelled as to whose car- riage should be drawn up at the 276 MAD-MAH door. Each of the gentlemen took his servant’s part, and the result was the duel, which occasioned the death of Sir George Ramsay and the exile and outlawry of Captain Macrae. In conclusion we must notice the very few recorded events which are still preserved of the last years of Governor Macrae. The old Anglo-Indian appears to have passed some fifteen .years in his native country prior to his death in 1746. In 1733, he was admitted as a burgess of the old town of Ayr, when his name was entered as “James Macrae, late Governor of Madras.” In 1734,he presented the citizens of Glasgow with the metallic equestrian statue of King William which still adorns that city. How he employed him- self during the latter years of his life is nowhere stated, beyond the bare fact that he lived and died at Orangefield. We can easily, how- ever, imagine the old man busy in promoting the advancement of his nieces, and in superintending the estates which he purchased from time to time. One of his last recorded acts occurred in De- cember 1745, when he lent A‘5,000 to the community of Glasgow, to meet the sum which had been levied from them by Prince Charles. He died somewhere about the year 1746, and was buried in Prestwich Churchyard. Such is the eventful story of Governor Macrae, the son of a washer- woman of A yr. — Extracted from Wheeler’s ‘ Old Madras’ Foradditional information about Macrae, refer to Chambers’ Do- mestic Annals of Scotland, vol. Ill, p. 586 ; and in particular an ac- count taken from the Historical Register for 1721, p. 253 of his, gallant fight with two pirate ships, | 8tli August 1720. The E. I. Com- pany seem to have been greatly gratified with the report of this exploit, and it doubtless led to his promotion. MADHAJEE SINDIA, vide SlNDIA. MADHOO ROW, vide Peishwa. MAHMOOD, vide “Ghor.” MAHMOOD, vide Toghlak. MAHMOOD OF GIIUZNI, House of, Sebektegin was an ennobled slave and succeeded Alptegin as Governor of Ghuzni. He died in 997 A.D. Mahmood, of Ghuzni, was the son of Sebektegin and succeed- ed to the sovereignty of Khora- san and Bokhara, in 997 at the age of thirty. From his earliest years he had accompanied his father in his numerous expedi- tions and thus acquired a taste for war. According to the precepts of the Koran, he considered him- self bound as he asserted, to pro- pagate the religion of Islam, and so after consolidating his govern- ment west of the Indus, he car- ried fire and sword into Hindoo- stan. His first crusade against the Hindoos commenced in August 1001 when he defeated Jeypal, who afterwards impaled himself on the funeral pyre in regal state. He made no less than twelve in- cursions into Hindoostan, acquir- ing great wealth by plundering towns, temples and all their costly images most of which blazed with jewels. The last and most celebrated expedition in which Mahmood was MAH 277 engaged w as tlie capture and I plunder of Somnath, which the Mahomedans consider the model of a religious crusade. It was the most celebrated and wealthy shrine in India, containing an establishment of 2,000 brahmins, 300 barbers to shave the pilgrims after their vows were performed, 200 musicians and 300 courtesans. Mahmood had to cross a desert 350 miles in extent with his army. In 1024, he reached it, and found that it was situated on a peninsula connected with the main land by a fortified isthmus well manned with soldiers. He attacked, and after three days hard fighting, during which the Mahomedans sometimes wavered, the place was captured. The following story is a pure myth, and it is surprising how many historians have credited it and embodied it in their works. Vide ‘ Garratt’s History of India ‘ Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities j’ 1 Pickings from old Indian Books,’ Vol. I, p. 4. “ On entering the temple, Mah- mood was struck with its gran- deur. The lofty roof was support- ed by fifty-six pillars, curiously carved and richly studded with precious stones. The external light was excluded, and the shrine was lighted by a single lamp, sus- pended by a golden chain, the lustre of which was reflected from the numerous jewels with which the walls were embossed. Facing the entrance stood the lofty idol five yards in height, two of which were buried in the ground. Mah- mood ordered it to be broken up, when the brahmins cast them- selves at his feet and offered an immense sum to ransom it. His courtiers besought him to accept the offer, and he hesitated for a moment ; but he soon recovered himself, and exclaimed that he would rather be known as the destroyer than the seller of im- ages. He then struck the idol with his mace ; his soldiers fol- lowed the example ; and the figure, which was hollow, speedily burst under their blows, and poured forth a quantity of jewels and diamonds, greatly exceeding in value the sum which had been offered for its redemption. The wealth acquired in this expedition exceeded that of any which had preceded it ; and the mind is be- wildered with the enumeration of treasures and jewels estimated by the maun. The sandal-wood gates of Somnath were sent as a trophy to Glmzni, where they re- mained for eight centuries, till they were brought back to India in a triumphal procession by a Christian ruler.” ( Vide Ellen- borotjgh.) Every one who has read “ Lalla Rookh” must be fa- miliar with the following lines : — “ Land of the Sim ! what foot invades Thy Pagods and thy pillar'd shades — Thy cavern shrines, and Idol stones, Thy monarchs and their thousand [Thrones ! ’Tis He ofGAZNA — fierce in wrath He comes, and India’s diadems Lie scatter’d in his ruinous path. His blood-hounds he adorns with gems, Torn from the violated necks Of many a young and lov’d Sultana ; Maidens, within their pure Zenana, Priests in the very fane he slaughters, And choaksup with the glittering wrecks Of golden shrines the sacred waters !” His power reached its culminat- ing point two years after by the conquest of Persia. He expired soon after, his return from this ex- pedition in the year 1030 in his sixtieth year. A day or two be- 278 MAH fore his death, he had arrayed be- fore him all the gold, silver and jewels of which he had despoiled India, and then burst into tears, and he also held a grand review of his army. Mahmood’s court was the most magnificent in Asia ; he had a great taste for architecture and erected a mosque of granite and marble which he called the Celes- tial Bride, and his metropolis, which was once a mere collection of hovels, became a prosperous and flourishing city ornamented with mosques, porches, fountains, reservoirs, acqueducts and palaces. He was avaricious and rapacious in acquiring wealth, but general- ly employed it nobly and judi- ciously. He greatly encouraged learning and founded a university at Ghuzni which he furnished with a large collection of valuable manuscripts. He also founded a museum of natural curiosities. Men of learning were attracted to Ghuzni by his munificence, for he set aside a lac of rupees a year, (.£10,000) for their pensions. A new epoch of Persian poetry, of which the Shah-Nameh is the most eminent and imperishable monument, was fostered and en- couraged by Mahmood. During his reign of thirty years, he ex- tended his dominions from the Persian Gulf to the sea of Aral, and from the mountains of Cur- destan to the banks of the Sutlej. He delighted to be designated as the “ Image-breaker.” His tomb is still preserved and stands some three miles from the modern city of Ghuzni. Mahommed, his son, succeeded him, but was blinded and thrown into prison, after reigning amonth, by his brother M asood, who was a courageous and energetic monarch. He was deposed after his defeat by the Seljuks, and murdered in 1041, by his nephew, Ahmed, who with all his family was murdered immediately on ac- cession, in revenge for Masood’s death, by Mohud, who then became Sul- tan. He lost most of his Indian possessions, but annexed Ghor, and died in 1053. Abul Hassan succeeded him in 1050. He owned nothing but Ghuzni itself. In 1051, he was deposed by his uncle, Abul Raschid, who was soon after murdered by a rebel chief named Togral, and with him end- ed the immediate line of Mah- mood. (No issue.) Farokshad was found in pri- son on Abul Baschid’s death, and being connected with the house of Sebektegin, he was placed on the throne. He reigned peaceful- ly, and died a natural death in 1058. Ibrahim succeeded and reigned very peacefully. He is supposed to have died in 1089 and was suc- ceeded by Masood II, who died a natural death in 1 1 14. Arslan, his son, succeeded and imprisoned his brothers. He was, however, deposed in 1118, with the aid of the Seljuks, by his brother, Behram, who had es- caped. Behram, after a quiet reign, was driven out by a Ghorian Prince, Seif-u-din, whom he de- feated and murdered. The Gho- MAH-MAL 279 riaiis in revenge came and drove off Behram and utterly destroyed Ghuzni. The royal family fled to Lahore, and Behram died on the journey, 1152. Khusru I, reigned at Lahore and died a natural death in 1163. Khusru II, at Lahore from 1163 to 1176, and with him ended the Ghuznevid dynasty. MAHMOOD SHAH, vide Dura- ni Dynasty. MAHOMED ALI, vide Carnatic hi abobs. MAHOMED ALI SHAH, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, MAHOMED BAHADOOE, the last Padshah of Delhi — taken pri- soner after the Mutiny of 1857. ( Vide Tamerlane.) MAHOMED GHOUSE, vide Carnatic Nabobs. MAHOMED KHAN, vide Togh- LAK. MAHOMED SHAH, vide Tam- MALCOLM, Sir John, was born in Langholm, Scotland, on the 2nd of May 1769. His father was a farmer, but a man far above his station, for he had been train- ed for the Church. John Mal- colm obtained a cadetship in the E. I. Company’s service, and arrived at Madras in April 1 783, when only fourteen years old, but an amusing incident on his enter- ing this service must here be told. His youthful appearance led one of the Directors, on his applica- tion, to address him thus, “ What would you do if you w7ere to meet Hyder Ali V’ “Do?” he replied, “ why, Sir, I would out with my sword and cut off his head.” This show of pluck was sufficient, and he was passed as a cadet in spite of his youth. When in 1784, a treaty of peace was signed between Tippoo Sultan and the English, an exchange of prisoners was made, and John Malcolm was appointed at the head of a detachment to go and receive the English prisoners on our frontier, whither they were to be brought by Major (Sir Thomas) Dallas, who, when he saw Malcolm approaching mount- ed on a pony, said to him, “Where is your Commanding officer 1” “ I am the Commanding officer” was the reply, and a friendship sprung up between them which only death cut short. In 1786, Tippoo, on various pretexts, having at- tacked our ally, the Rajah of Tra- vancore, a second war was the consequence. Malcolm’s regiment with the Nizam’s army was on its march to Serin gapatam, to join the other British troops, and it was then that he became acquaint- ed with two great diplomatic offi- cers, Sir John Kennaway and Mr. Greeme Mercer, which event had the effect of turning Mal- colm’s attention from a regimen- tal to a political and diplomatic line of life. He therefore began the study of Persian and Indian History in good earnest. A re- markable incident occurred about 1791 in Malcolm’s life. A post of Assistant to the Resident at a Native Court became vacant ; he longed and applied for it, but was too late. This grieved him sorely, but he soon had cause to be thank- ful that events had turned out as they had done, for the officer who obtained the appointment was 280 MAL imirdered on the first occasion where duty demanded his pre- sence. The first active service in which he was to be engaged was not far distant, for in 1 792, he was under Lord Cornwallis at the siege of Seringapatam, and his conduct attracted this nobleman’s notice. Referring to this period of his life, Malcolm proudly writes, “ I served as a regimental officer, with European and Native corps (without ever having one week’s leave of absence) for nine years^. In 1792, when at Seringapatam, 1 was appointed Persian Interpreter to the detachment serving with the N izam by the Marquis Corn- wallis, on the express ground of being the officer with that corps best qualified for the station.” In 1794, his health began to fail, and at the earnest request of his friends .and physician he returned to his native land. In the follow- ing year, he again returned to In- dia, as Aide-de-Camp to the Com- mander-in-Cliief, General (after- wards, Sir Alured) Clarke. On the voyage out, they found the English and Dutch at war at the Cape of Good Hope. Malcolm was present at the wresting of this settlement, and its transfer to the English. Soon after his arrival in India, General Clarke was removed to the command of the army in Bengal, and General Harris who succeeded him, re- tained Malcolm as his Secretary and Interpreter. He was next ap- pointed Town Major of Madras. On Lord Wellesley’s route to India, he touched at Madras, where he met Malcolm, who sent his lordship several reports on our relations with the Native States, the result of which was that he was appointed Assistant to the Resident at the Nizam’s Court. In 1798, the political ho- rizon of Mysore was fraught with portentous difficulties. A war was anticipated with Tippoo Sul- tan, which dictated the necessity of a most strenuously careful po- licy with neighbouring Native powers. The Nizam had allured into his service a number of French officers who had organized a large body of troops and disciplined them according to European ideas of military efficiency. Lord Wel- lesley had determined to destroy this French influence, and deput- ed Kirkpatrick, the Resident, and his assistant, Malcolm, to accom- plish his object, and the latter dispersed the French corps per- sonally. Lord Wellesley called Malcolm to Calcutta, whither he went with the colours of the dis- banded corps. The year 1799 saw Malcolm accompanying the Hy- derabad troops, which, according to engagements made with the Nizam, -were to co-operate with the English in the conquest of Mysoi'e and the capture of Serin- gapatam, Tippoo’s stronghold. All was accomplished, and Malcolm writing of it, says, “ on the 4th of May all our labours were crowned by the completest victory that ever crowned the British Annals of India. A state that had been the rival of the Company for nearly thirty years, wras on that day wholly annihilated.” A com- mission was appointed to settle the new government of which Malcolm was appointed one of the secretaries. ( Vide Ivristna Raj Wadif.r). So well had Malcolm done his duty, that he was sent on a mission to the Persian Court in 1800. On his arrival in Persia, after many interruptions, he was presented to the Shah at Teheran, before whom, prior to entering MAL 281 upon political business, he laid the magnificent presents from the British Government. Two treaties were negotiated, a commercial and a political one, and Malcolm, after establishing a good understand- ing between the Persian and British Governments, returned to India, and was summoned by the Governor-General to Calcutta, by whom he was most cordially re- ceived, and appointed Private Secretary to his Lordship. But in July 1802, the Persian Ambassa- dor, Hajed Hulleel Khan, who had come to India about the rati- fication of the treaties, having been accidentally shot in an affray at Bombay, Malcolm was sent to that Presidency to palliate as much as possible such an unfor- tunate occurrence. Arriving at Bombay by land in October, Mal- colm propitiated the Shah and his ministers by letters explanatory and condoling, made them liberal grants of money, and so amicably settling matters, returned again to Calcutta about the end of Novem- ber. The second Mahrattah war broke outin 1803, and Malcolm was for the second time appointed to the Residency of Mysore, the claim to which, on the first occasion, he had yielded to a civil officer, Mr. Webbe, to induce him to remain longer in India. He proceeded straight to the head-quarters of the army, under General Welles- ley, which was to attack the lower part of the Mahrattah dominions, while Lord Lake was conduct- ing operations against the upper. After the restoration of the Peish- wa, Bajee Rao, whose authority had been usurped by Holkar, Malcolm fell ill, and had to leave camp and recruit his health on the sea-board. He was not long away, but during his absence, the battle of Assaye in Berar was fought and won, and it galled him to think that he was away from General Wellesley at such a glo- rious event. Sindia, the powerful Mahrattah chief who had rebelled against the Peishwa and joined the Rajah of Berar, Raghojee Bhonslay, after many defeats, at length sued for peace ; according- ly arrangements were made, and a treaty signed at Deoghom, in De- cember 1803, which Malcolm had drawn up. But Holkar was still in arms, and had plundered the territories of Jeypore and of other English allies. After several conflicts, he hastened to the Punjaub with the hope of gaining the assistance of the Sikhs and Afghans, but being cut off by Lord Lake, he sent his envoys to the British camp to sue for peace, which was granted. The following amusing incident is told in connection with Mal- colm’s drawing up the treaty : “ Malcolm vTas giving an audience to two or three of these agents, vdien his friends Gerald Lake and Norman Shairp suddenly entered his tent, and. regardless both of ceremony and of business, told him that there were two large tigers in the neighbourhood. The interruption came at a moment when Malcolm was in some per- plexity with respect to the answers to be given to the envoys, so the interruption w7as imt unwelcome. Starting up and seizing his ever- ready gun, he cried out to the astonished Sikhs, ‘ Baug ! Baug 1’ (‘ A tiger ! a tiger ! ’) and, order- ing his elephant to be brought round, rushed out of the tent ; joining his friends, and two or three others, he went in pursuit of the game, shot the tigers, re- turned with the spoil, and then, 36. 282 MAL replacing las gun in the corner of his tent and resuming his seat, took up the thread of the conver- se tion as if nothing had happen- ed. The envoys, in the mean- while, had been declaring that the English gentleman was mad. ' But there was method’ it has been said, ‘ in such madness.’ He had done more than shoot the tigers. He had gained time. He had returned with his mind fully made up on an important point, which required consideration. And the envoys received a differ- ent and a wiser answer than wrould have been given if the tiger-hunt had not formed an episode in the day’s council. The Honorable Arthur Cole and the late Sir W. JR. Gilbert were of the hunting party.” In 1805, Malcolm was again in Calcutta engaged in political duties, making treaties of alliance with several Indian princes. In the cold season of 18C6, Malcolm returned to his post of Resident of Mysore, where, on the 4th July 1 807, he married Charlotte, daugh- ter of Colonel Alexander Camp- bell (afterwards Commander-in- Chief of the Madras Army). In the early part of 1808, he was again sent on a mission to Persia, which ended in a total failure, owing to the French influence which had been established at the Persian court. He repaired to Calcutta, with a viewr of confer- ring with Lord Minto (then Gov- ernor-General) and it was decided that Malcolm should return to Persia with a small force and dic- tate terms, but the Court of Di- rectors having sent a special em- bassy from England to the Per- sian court, clashed with these ar- rangements, and .Malcolm, after having sailed a short distance down the Hooghly, wras recalled. He then again took up his old post of Resident of Mysore, where just on his arrival the mutiny of the Madras officers took place. The seeds of dissension were most strongly disseminated at Ma- sulipatam, where the Madras Eu- ropean Regiment wTas garrisoned ; so in July 1809, Malcolm was sent there. He adopted with the discontented officers a conciliatory policy, too conciliatory as consid- ered by the Government, so he returned to Madras. He had not been long here when he was again ordered by the Governor-General to proceed to Persia ; so in Janu- ary 1810, Malcolm sailed for the Persian Gulf, and was received by the Shah with the greatest cordiality, who conferred upon him the Order of the Sun and Lion, on his departure, in conse- quence of the appointment of Sir G. Ouseley as Ambassador at the Persian Court. After a short stay at Bombay, during which he was occupied in completing the finan- cial accounts of his Persian mis- sion and writing his History of Persia, he sailed to England with his family, where he landed in July 1812. His History was finished and published in London in 1814 the same year in which he was knighted ; and on the 17th of March 1827, Malcolm again set foot upon the shores of India, and was attached as the Governor- General’s Political Agent, with the rank of Brigadier-General, to the army under Sir T. Hislop. The whole of Central India at this time was in a most unsettled state. The Pindarees, a band of robbers (originally mercenaries in the employ of the Mahrattahs), were in open insurrection, invad- ing and plundering the Com- MAL 283 pany’s territories. The whole British army was put in motion, and dispersed these desperadoes. Chettoo, their famous leader, while seeking safety in flight, was killed by a tiger in the forests of Asseer- ghur, and this terminated the Pindaree war. But as was ex- pected, this war was a precursor of another with the Mahrattahs, who had again thrown off the British yoke. After several en- gagements, the battle of Mahid- pore decided the fate of the Mah- rattahs. Malcolm commanded two leading brigades in this bat- tle, and made himself conspicu- ous by his bravery. He was always in the front, where the firing was the hotest, so much so, that at one time he got between the cross fire of the enemy and his own troops to rectify some blunder, and came out of it un- scathed after having done his work. Holkar’s power was now completely crushed, and he sued for peace ; the soldier-statesman, Malcolm, drew up the treaty, known as the treaty of M unde- sore, by which a large tract of country was made over to the English, and a subsidiary force placed in Holkar’s Dominions. But Malcolm had to deal with another native prince also, Bajee Rao, the Peishwa, who had violated a previous treaty made at Bassein in 1802. This was attended with many difficulties, but he successfully accomplished it in 1818, though not in ac- cordance with the views of Lord Hastings. ( Vide Nana Sahib.)-* He was next appointed to the settlement of Central India — a territory long suffering from an- archy and confusion. Writing at this time, he says, “No business, however urgent, and no meal, how- J ever hungry I am, is allowed to prevent the instant access of any human being, however humble. He is heard and answered, either at the moment or at an hour ap- pointed by myself. First impres- sions are of too much importance to be hazarded by leaving applica- tions to the common routine of moonsliees, mootasardees, jema- dars, chopdars, and hurkarahs. I employ all these ; but they step aside when any one, from a rajah to a ryot, pronounces my name, with the expression of a wish to see me either from a motive of respect, curiosity or business.” About 1819, Malcolm was sub- jected to two very severe disap- pointments, first the loss of the governorship of Bombay, and secondly that of Madras. He expected deservedly one or the other, but Mountstuart Elphin- stone and Sir Thomas Munro were appointed to the respective posts. In the early part of 1822, he re- turned to his family in England. Five years later, after further dis- appointments he was appointed Governor of Bombay, taking the oaths of office on the 1st of Nov- ember 1827. After serving in this capacity for three years, he left the shores of India for the last time. On his arrival in Eng- land, he plunged deeply into politics, entered Parliament, and strongly opposed the Reform Bill as a Conservative. But eventually in June 1832, it was passed, and Malcolm withdrew from the con- test. While recovering from an attack of epidemic cholera, he w*as struck down by paralysis, and died on the 30th of May 1833. A monument has been erected to his memory in W estminster Abbey. He was the author of the follow- ing works : Th e History of Persia ; MAR 2S4 Life of Lord Clive ; Memoir of Central India ; Sketch of the SHchs ; Government of India ; Politiccd History of India, from 1784 to 1823. It is said Malcolm sent his old schoolmaster, Archi- bald Graham, a copy of his ‘ His- tory of Persia,' with the words "Jock is at the bottom of it,” written on the title page, words this worthy Dominie used to be continually applying to him un- der the supposition that he was the ring-leader of every mischief at school. MARSDEN, William, a cele- brated Oriental scholar, was born in Dublin on the 16th of Novem- ber 1754. His family originally came from Derbyshire and settled in Ireland at the end of the reign of Queen Anne, and his father es- tablished himself in Dublin as a merchant on a large scale. Wil- liam was his tenth child, who after going through the usual course of education in the schools of Dublin, was about to be entered at Trinity College with a view to the Church, when his eldest brother, who had proceeded as a civil servant in the £. I. Company’s service to Ben- coolen, sent a very favourable ac- count of his prospects, which in- duced the father to apply for another appointment in the same quarter. He was successful, and young Marsden embarked for India in 1771, arriving at Bencoo- len in May of the same year. The establishment and community there being small, his assiduity, intelligence, and integrity soon attracted attention. He became first sub-Secretary, and soon after- wards Secretary to the Govern- ment, and as the duties of these offices were not very laborious, he had ample leisure for study and inquiry. He set himself to mas- tering the Malay language, and gained that large stock of local knowledge which, being embodied in his publications afterwards, laid the foundation of his fame as a writer. In the summer of 1779, he quit- ted Sumatra, with the hope of be- ing able to push his fortunes in England. His income at the time was only a few hundred pounds a year, and his first attempt was to procure a small post under Go- vernment. He failed in this, and resolved on literary retirement and the exercise of a prudent eco- nomy. He soon made the ac- quaintance of Sir Joseph Banks, and at his house met and acquir- ed the friendship of some of the most eminent men of the day, So- lander, Maskelyne, Dalrymple, Rennell and Herschel. He next becameafellow of the Royal Socie- ty, and eventually of almost every learned society of note in England. In 1782, his “ History of Sumatra” appeared and insured his literary reputation. It has been translat- ed into German and French, and has maintained its name as a standard work to the present time. For fourteen years after his re- turn to England, Mardsen wholly devoted his time to literature and science, and it was his intention thus to pass the remainder of his life. When Sir Hyde Parker sail- ed for India in 1782, he resisted the temptation of accepting the offer of the lucrative office of Se- cretary ; and also in 1 787, the certainty of becoming an East India Director, under the auspices of the leading parties at the India House. He. however, in 1795, in- vited by Earl Spencer, on the recommendation of his friend. MAK 285 Major Rennell, a celebrated geo- grapher, accepted the situation of second Secretary, and eventually became Chief Secretary to the British Board of Admiralty, with the war salary of £4,000 a year. He held this post during the most glorious and eventful period in the history of the British Navy, when the victories of Cape St. Vincent, Camperdown, Nile and Trafalgar were added to the long- scroll. In 1807, Marsden, with failing health, resigned the secre- taryship of the Admiralty, and retired on a pension of £1,500 per annum. The fruits of his leisure were the publication of his Gram- mar and Dictionary of the Malay language, the most difficult, ela- borate, and enduring of all his literary labours. He had brought a portion of the materials with him from Sumatra, for he had commenced the compilation of the Dictionary as far back as 1786. Consideringthatthirty-three years had elapsed after he quitted Su- matra, before these works were published, and that consequently the greater portion was perform- ed without the assistance of native instructors, they afford the highest proofs of his industry, abilities, and acuteness. They have been translated both into the French and Dutch languages. He pub- lished his translation of the Tra- vels of Marco Polo in 1817, and the first part in 1823, and the second part in 1825, of his ‘ Nu- mismata Orientalia, or Descrip- tion of Eastern Coins’ a valuable collection which he had obtained by purchase. In 1832, when se- venty-eight years old, he publish- ed his last work, comprising three Essays, the most important of which is on the Polynesian or East Insular languages, which was a favorite object of study with him — in fact he was the first to point out the existence of a large number of Sanscrit words in all the cultivated Polynesian lan- guages, and the singular connec- tion that exists among these lan- guages, extending from Madagas- car to Easter Island. In 1831, Marsden voluntarily relinquished his pension to the public — a rare act of liberality. In 1834, he gave his rich collection of coins and medals to the British Museum, and his extensive li- brary of books and Oriental manu- scripts to King’s College, London. He had a slight apoplectic attack in 1833, and in 1834-35 a second and a third, which greatly pros- trated him, though not affecting his memory. The last attack took place on the 6th October 1836, when he expired hardly uttering a groan, in the eighty-second year of a prosperous and well-spent life. According to his own in- structions, he was interred in the cemetery at Kensal Green. Short- ly after quitting the Admiralty in 1807, Marsden married the eldest daughter of his old and valued friend Sir Charles Wilkins. She survived him, and became the ac- complished Editor of his ; Auto- biographical Memoir.’ MAKSHMAN, Joshua. D.D., one of the Serampore Missionaries, was born at Westbury Leigh in Wiltshire on the 20th of April 1768. After being apprenticed to a bookseller, he eventually settled at Westbury Leigh and became the Deacon of a Baptist Church. The perusal of Carey’s labours in Bengal, induced Marshman when he came to know that the Society i was in quest of labourers for that ! field, to offer his services, which 286 MAE were gladly accepted ; and in 1799, lie arrived in India. By diligent and unremitting study be acquired a complete knowledge of tbe Bengallee, Sanscrit and Chinese languages. He translated the following works into the Chinese language : “The Four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul to the Romans and to the Corinthians and the Book of Genesis “ The works of Confucius,” containing the ori- ginal text also, and prepared the following works in the same lan- guage ; “ A dissertation on the characters and sounds of the Chi- nese language pirblished in 1809, “ Clavis Sinica ; Elements of Chinese Grammar, with a prelim- inary Dissertation on the charac- ters and colloquial medium of the Chinese,” 1814. He assisted Carey in the preparation of a Sanscrit Grammar in 1815, and a Bengallee and English Dictionary in 1825, an abridgment of which he pub- lished in 1827. He visited Eng- land in 1826, on the subject of the disagreement between the Seram- pore Brethren and the Baptist Missionary Society, which led to their separation. He returned to Serampore in June 1829 where he remained till his death, which took place on the 5th of Decem- ber 1837, a few days previous to which arrangements were con- cluded in London for the re-union of the Serampore Mission and the Parent Society. Dr. Marshman’s name is well known by his con- troversy with Rammohun Roy. His letters first appeared in the Friend of India and were pub- lished in London in 1822, in a separate volume, entitled “ A de- fence of the Deity and Atonement of Jesus Christ, in reply to Ram- mohun Roy, of Calcutta.” He died, having led a life of priva- tions during which, in conjunc- tion with Mrs. Marshman, he de- voted a sum little short of ,£40,000 to the Mission. MARTIN, General Claude, was the son of a silk manufacturer at Lyons. Disliking his father's in- active profession, he chose one more congenial to his disposition by enlisting at an early age in the French army, in which he distin- guished himself so much that he was moved from the Infantry into the Cavalry, and on the appoint- ment of Lally to the Governor- ship of Pondicherry in 1758, he was appointed a trooper in his body-guard, a small corps of select men. Lally’s stern discipline in- duced many of his troops to desert to the English at the siege of Pondicherry. Martin was among the number when Lally’s own body-guard went over to the Eng- lish in a body, with their horses, arms, &c. With the permission of the Madras Government after the surrender of Pondicherry he raised a company of Chasseurs, from among the French prisoners, of which he was appointed Ensign, and with whom, a few weeks after he was ordered to proceed to Bengal. The ship in which they sailed sprung a leak and founder- ed near the Godavery Delta, and Martin, by great fortitude and perseverance, saved himself and most of his men in the ship’s boats. Surmounting many dan- gers and hardships, Martin and his men reached Calcutta in the same boats. Here he rose to the rank of Captain, and being an able draftsman, was employed in the survey of the North-eastern part of Bengal and Oudh. While employed in the latter province, he resided chiefly at Lucknow. MAR 287 where the Nabob- Vizier, Sujah- ud-dowlah seeing his ingenuity and skill in several branches of mechanics and gunnery, made him a tempting offer to enter his service. With the permission of the English Government, he entered the Vizier’s service, re- linquishing his pay and allow- ances, but retaining his rank From this date his prosperity commenced ; he possessed an im- mense influence over the Vizier and his Ministers, who were entirely guided by his advice. Besides a large salary, with ex- tensive emoluments attached to it, he used to receive presents of considerable value. He made a large sum of money by encourag- ing the Prince’s taste for Euro- pean productions, which he im- ported. Another source of gain to him was the large system of credit which he established. No public loan could be made with- out his having a share in it. Every one had the utmost confi- dence in him and in times of com- motion when personal moveable property was at risk, he would take charge of it, receiving 12 per cent, per annum on its full value and guaranteeing its return on demand. After residing twenty- five years at Lucknow, he attain- ed by regular succession the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. On the breaking out of the war with Tip- poo in 1790, Martin presented the E. I. Company with a number of horses, sufficient to mount a troop of Cavalry. Soon after this he was promoted to the rank of Colonel, and in 1796, Major-Gene- ral. Some years after this he finished a curious house in the building of which he had long been employed and which is de- scribed thus : “ This curious edifice is con- structed entirely of stone, except the doors and window frames. The ceilings of the different apart- ments are formed of eliptic arches, and the floors made of stucco. The basement story comprises two caves or recesses within the banks of the river, and level with its surface when at its lowest de- crease. In these caves he gene- rally lived in the hot season, and continued in them until the com- mencement of the rainy season, when the increase of the river obliged him to remove. He then ascended another story, to apart- ments fitted up in the manner of a grotto ; and when the further rise of the river brought its surface on a level with these, he proceed- ed up to the third story, or ground floor, which overlooked the river when at its greatest height. On the next story above that, a hand- some saloon, raised on arcades, projecting over the river, formed his habitation in the spring and winter seasons. By this ingenious contrivance he preserved a mode- rate and equal temperature in his house at all seasons. In the attic story he had a museum well sup- plied with various curiosities : and over the whole he erected an ob- servatory, which he furnished with the best astronomical instru- ments.” Besides this house he possessed a beautiful villa at Lucknow on the high bank of the Ganges, sur- rounded by a domain about 8 miles in circumference. In the latter part of his life he began to con- struct a Gothic castle called the Martiniere , which he did not live to finish. Within, he built a splen- did Mausoleum, in which he was interred ; and on a marble tablet over his tomb is engraved the fol- 288 MAH lowing inscription, written by himself some months before his death : — Here lies Claude Martin : He was born at Lyons, A. D. 1732, He came to India a private Soldier, Anddied a Major-General. During the Mutiny of 1857-58, the mutineers occupied this build- ing, and they opened his tomb and scattered his bones. Some of the bones were afterwards found and re-interred. For the last fifteen years of his life he was greatly troubled by stone, and contrived a most inge- nious mode of reducing it, by the use of a very fine thin M ire cut at one end like a file. He succeeded by great perseverance and excru- ciating pain in twelve months. Some yearsafter, however, thegra- velly concretions again appeared , — but he did not choose to resume the same cure and succumbed to the disease about the end of the 1 year 1800. He was not generous during his life-time. His chief object seems to have been to ; amass wealth, and on his death he left it for the support of pious in- stitutions and public charity. His Will was a most singular produc- tion and as eccentric as most of the actions of his life. His for- j tune amounted to 33 lacs of ru- pees, (£330,000). He bequeathed to his relations at Lyons, £25,000 and £25,000 each to the Munici- palities of Lyons, Calcutta and Lucknow, for the benefit of the poor. £15,000 each to the Church at Chandenagore, and the Homan Catholic Chapel at Calcutta, | £15,000 to endow an alms house for poor children at LucknoM7. The remainder of his fortune, about half, he left in legacies to the M’omen of his zenanah and his principal servants. The Will con- cludes by expressing his regrets for his sins which “ were very great and manifold,” and seeking forgiveness of God through this sincere confession. MA11TYN, Rev. Henry, came of a humble stock. His father was a simple miner, at Gwennass in Cornwall, and through industry and talent raised himself to the position of a clerk in a Merchant’s office at Truro, M’here Henry Mar- tyn was born in 1781. Having felt the want of a good education himself, his father determined to do his best for his children. After a few years at a Grammar School in Truro, Henry Martyn M7ent to Oxford to try for a scholarship in Corpus Christi College — where although passing an excellent ex- amination. he failed. He return- ed to the Truro Grammar School, much disappointed, where after remaining another year or two, he entered St. John’s College, Cambridge, 1797, and came out senior Wrangler in 1801, though the study of Mathematics was most distasteful to him at the commencement. He had a weak and sickly constitution producing as it often does, a fretful and irri- table state of mind. This was most strongly developed during his stay at Cambridge, where, one day, for some slight offence, he flung a knife at a friend, an un- dergraduate, Mr. Cotterill, after- wards minister of St. Paul’s, Shef- field. In his blind rage, he for- tunately missed his mark, and the knife entered the opposite wall, and remained there quivering with the force of the concussion. The same ebulitions of temper occurred at his home during the vacations, but the death of his father in 1800 affected his mind MAR 289 very much, more especially as he felt that he hacl failed in filial duty and respect towards him, and from this date came the dawning of piety, under the guid- ance of an old friend whom he had known at Truro, whose name is shrouded in the obscurity of the letter K. Plis thoughts were now turned into a different chan- nel, being directed towards the great truths of Revelation, en- couraged by an intimacy with the Rev. Charles Simeon, the celebrat- ed Evangelical preacher in the University of Cambridge. Pie be- gan to study for the ministry, and on the 23rd of October 1803, Henry Martyn was ordained a deacon of the Church of England, and assisted Mr. Simeon iir his duties. But while thus engaged, a zeal for Missionary adventure fired his enthusiasm, which was strengthened by a sermon preach- ed by Mr. Simeon, on what good might be done by a single Mis- sionary, who quoted as an illus- tration, the work begun in Bengal by Dr. Carey. He was then ordain- ed, and through the influence of William AVilberforce and Charles Grant, Martyn obtained an In- dian Chaplaincy, and finally em- barked for India in 1805. Be- fore leaving England, was a most painful period of his life, for he was strongly attached to a young lady, named Lydia Grenfell. The spirit and the flesh struggled for mastery, and through morbid, per- verted and austere views of re- ligion, he relinquished the hope of marrying, though the last words he addressed to the young lady were, “ if it should appear to be God’s will that he should be mar- ried, you must not be offended at receiving a letter from me.” On arriving in India, however, he changed his mind, and wrote to the young lady making an offer of marriage. The letter was worded in a most peculiar style, which with other reasons, induced the lady to send him an unqualified refusal. It cut him to the heart. His affection for her burnt bright- ly all through his life for he never ceased corresponding with her in the most loving terms. Martyn was appointed Military Chaplain at Dinapore on the 14th of Sep- tember 1806, and in 1809, at Cawn- pore on a salary of ill, 000 a year. He devoted himself as soon as he arrived in India to the study of Hindustanee, into which language he translated the New Testament, Failing health compelled him to leave Cawnpore for Calcutta. While here he obtained permis- sion from the authorities to jour- ney to Persia for “ improving his knowledge of its language, to ob- tain assistance in the translation of the Scriptures, and to dispute with the Moollahs,” and for the benefit of his health. On his voy- age round the Coast in 1811, he landed at Goa, and visited the monument of Xavier. At Bom- bay, he met Malcolm and Mack- intosh, where he made a favorable impression on the former, who gave him a letter of introduction to Sir Gore Ouseley, British Mi- nister at Persia. Travelling in Persia in his state of health was next to madness ; it accelerated his disease. But he was enabled to finish the translation of the New Testament into the Persian language. Aboirt May 1812, he started from Shiraz, hoping to reach England through Constan- tinople and the Continent, but the attempt brought on a fever and ague, which with consump- tion terminated his career speedi- 290 MAY ly. He died at Tokat, in Asia Minor, about 250 miles from Con- stantinople, on the 16th of Octo- ber 1812, in the 32nd year of his age. Though a Military Chap- lain, he was a Missionary at heart. He was a thoroughly pious, zea- lous man in the cause of Christi- anity, but he took a morbid view of life, induced probably by indiffer- ent health. His portrait is to be seen in the Library of the University of Cambridge, and a monument al tab- let was erected to his memory in the chancel of Trinity Church. MAYO, Earl. The Right Hon- ourable Richard Southwell Eourke, was born in Dublin on the 21st of February 1822, and was educated at Trinity College. He was Chief Secretary for Ire- land during Lord Derby's first administration in 1852 and was made Privy Councillor ; he con- tinued to hold the same office during Lord Derby’s second ad- ministration, 1858-59, and again, with a seat in the Cabinet, during Lord Derby’s third administra- tion in 1866. In August 1847, he was returned in the Conservative interest, Member for Coleraine in the House of Commons, from March 1852 to March 1857, when he was returned one of the Mem- bers for Cockermouth. In August 1867, he succeeded his father as sixth Earl of Mayo, and arrived in Bombay, 19th December 1868, as Viceroy and Governor-General of India. After a stay of ten days spent in making himself acquaint- ed with everything connected with Ihe high office he was selected to fill, he proceeded to Madras via Beypore, where he was met by Lord Napier, then Governor of the Presidency. Leaving behind him the same impression as he had done at Bombay, of his energy and ca- pacity for business, he reached Calcutta and assumed the Vice- royalty on the 12th of January 1869. No Viceroy ever took his seat under such a torrent of op- probrium from the Indian press, as did Lord Mayo, and yet within a few months he proved himself so equal to his high and responsible office, that both the press and public opinion arrived at vastly different conclusions. He was a worthy successor of his worthy pre- decessor. He immediately threw himself into international and political questions of vital im- portance to India, to England and to Russia — questions which had foi’med the study of Lord Law- rence for a series of years, and by whose views, Lord Mayo doubtless was in a great measure guided. The first great public duty the Viceroy had to perform was the interview with Sliere Ali at Umballa at the end of March 1869. It is explained in Lord Lawrence’s life at what juncture he saw fit to assist Sliere Ali, how £70,000 had been given — and the balance due had been promis- ed, and now it remained for Lord Mayo to carry out what Lord Lawrence had begun. Thebalance, with an additional present of a heavy battery of artillery, a mountain train battery and 10,000 stand of arms, followed the inter- view, and though Sliere Ali re- turned to Cabul not having ac- quired all he asked for, he return- ed a contented man, for not„only did he carry with him material assistance in money and arms, but an assurance of warm support, such as no ruler in Afghanistan had ever received before, and this assurance was couched by Lord Mayo in the following terms : — MAY 291 I earnestly trust, that on your Highness’ return to your own country, you may be enabled speedily to establish your legiti- mate rule over your entire king- dom, to consolidate your power, to create a firm and merciful ad- ministration in every province of Afghanistan, to promote the in- terests of commerce, and to secure peace and tranquillity within all your borders.” “ Although as already intimat- ed to you, the British Govern- ment does not desire to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghan- istan, yet, considering that the bonds of friendship between that Government and your Highness have lately been more closely drawn than heretofore, it will view with severe displeasure any attempts on the part of your ri- vals to disturb your position as rider of Cabul and re-kindle civil war ; and it will further en- deavour from time to time, by such means as circumstances may require, to strengthen the Govern- ment of your Highness, to enable you to exercise with equity and with justice your rightful rule, and to transmit to your descend- ants all the dignities and honours of which you are the lawful pos- sessor.” “ It is my wish, therefore, that your Highness should communi- cate frequently and freely with the Government of India and its officers on all subjects of public interest, and I can assure your Highness that any representation ■which you may make will always be treated with consideration and respect.” “ By these means and by the exercise of mutual confidence, I entertain well-grounded hopes that the most friendly relations between the British Government and that of your Highness may ever be maintained to the advan- tage of the subjects both of Her Majesty the Queen and of your Highness.” The next important question Lord Mayo was called on to deal with, was the policy to be pursued towards the savage frontier tribes. Within a week of his assumption of office, serious raids had occur- red in Hill Tipperah, the lower villages of Sylliet, and in the fol- lowing -week on tea plantations east of Cachar. Though he fully admitted the necessity for expe- ditions against these tribes under certain circumstances, he trusted more to rvhat he himself called, a policy of “ vigilant, constant, and never-ceasing defence on all those parts of our frontier, which are, by their position, liable to be attacked by foreign tribes,” and in a letter written by his orders to the Punjaub Government on the subject, on the 7thNovenrber 1870, after reviewing the causes of the Mahomed Kheyl outrages, approv- ing certain steps proposed by that Government for the punishment of the offenders, and suggesting measures for the improvement of the frontier administration gene- rally, Lord Mayo added ; “ But the Governor-General in Council will not conceal from his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor his ap- prehension that this and all other palliatives will fail unless the frontier officers, from the Commis- sioner downwards, will make it one of their first duties to acquire a thorough knowledge of their districts, and to cultivate easy and friendly intercourse with the leading and influential men ; un- less they move freely and con- stantly about their districts in all 202 MAY seasons ; unless they are easily accessible to all classes of the peo- ple, ancl are well versed in the vernacular languages and local dia- lects ; and unless they are taught to regard it to be their paramount duty to secure the confidence and affections of the people committed to their charge.” With the feudatory chiefs, Lord Mayo was very popular, for his genial, frank and manly bear- ing inspired confidence. He was deeply impressed with the fact that ignorance is the real cause of the backwardness and mis-go- vernment of many Native States, and on his visit to Rajpootana, these considerations induced him to found the College at Ajmere, which is associated with his name, for the education of the chiefs and Thakoors. The princes and nobles of the Rajpoot States con- tributed liberally, and he hoped it would be a model for the founda- tion of similar institutions in other parts of India. Every native prince who met Lord Mayo looked upon him as the ideal of an Eng- lish Viceroy. The question of Railway exten- sion had engaged the attention of Lord Lawrence, and just before he vacated, he wrote an elabo- rate [Minute on the subject includ- ing its past history. He recom- mended the adoption of a differ- ent system for the future, as the Government guarantee plan might end in grave financial disaster. The plan he proposed was that the Government should raise directly by loan all money for Railway construction, and gain for the revenues of India the full benefit of any profits that might remain after paying the interest on bor- rowed capital. Lord Mayo went ; into the subject energetically and concurred with Lord Lawrence’s views, but added that cheap rail- ways must be had or no railways at all. He suggested the narrow guage which on an average costs two-thirds less per mile than the old broad guage, and when it is considered that the latter costs £17,000 per mile, the saving ef- fected in some thousands of miles is enormous, and to Lord Mayo we owe this great change in our railway system, and the preven- tion of an inevitable financial pressure. Besides acquainting himself with the details of many useful projects, in some of which, work was actually set on foot, he intro- duced an Act which was his own — the Land Improvement, (Act XXVI of 1871). The object of this measure was to extend and regulate the system of giving ad- vances of public money to land- lords and tenants for the con- struction of minor works of agri- cultural improvement — such as wells, tanks, and subsidiary chan- nels for irrigation. He had. taken a great interest in the practical working of the Irish and Eng- lish Land Improvement Acts, and while Viceroy wrote thus regard- ing it : “ It is a system under which money may be lent with perfect security for the great end of mak- ing two blades of grass, where one only, or more likely in India, none ever grew before.” It was little that he was able to accom- plish in agricultural reforms, but the time will come when the be- nefit he inaugurated will be a lasting memorial to his honour. The financial difficulties which beset Lord Mayo’s administration were of a most alarming nature, and at the risk of a great deal of unpopularity and a great deal of MAY 293 abuse, he adopted vigorous mea- sures to counteract them. “ I don’t care” he used to say during the first year of his government “ if I stop every public work and sus- pend every improvement in India, but I will have the public expen- diture brought within the public income.” Much as he valued ma- terial and social process, he valued financial safety more. The In- come-tax and Salt duties were increased in the middle of the financial year 1869 and immense reductions of expenditure were or- dered. The finances of 1869-70 were improved by £1,700,000. "When reviewing these important transactions eighteen months after, he said, “We thought that the honour and credit of the empire were at stake. We took the severe and, in most cases, the ob- jectionable course of ordering ex- tensive reductions in expenditure and of increasing the burdens of the population in the middle of the year.” Remember, “ he used to say to those around him,” you have played your last card • such a step as this can never be taken again.” The great result obtained by these measures was that the surplus on the ordinary account of the three years of his govern- ment amounted to £4,300,000, and including the extraordinary ex- penditure for irrigation works and railways, the outgoings have ex- ceeded the income of the State by less than £150,000. Two months after his arrival the estimates pre- sented to the Legislative Council showed for 1868-69 a deficit on the ordinary account of £970,000, and including the extraordinary expenditure of £2,800,000. For 1869-70, they showed a sur- plus on the ordinary account of £53,000, and a deficit, including the extraordinary expenditure of £3,500,000. As regards finance, Lord Mayo’s reputation deserves to rest on the Provincial Services’ Scheme, not that it was an original measure, for it was one which the highest authorities had long advocated, but to him belongs the credit of having had the courage and en- terprise to cany it into execution, and it has more than answered the hopes of its promoters. When Lord Mayo became Viceroy, he found a system in force by which the Local Governments had no financial control over the affairs of their respective provinces, and no financial responsibility. Every- thing was rigorously centralized in the Supreme Government, which took upon itself in detail the provision of funds for every branch of the service in India. The increasing demands from the Local Governments for the means of providing every kind of im- provement in their respective pro- vinces, were unlimited. The Su- preme Government could not check them, nor could it deter- mine how much ought fairly to be given to each province’s wants. Major-General R. Strachey (the original author of the Provincial Provinces’ Scheme) wrote, “ The distribution of the public income degenerates into something like a scramble, in which the most vio- lent has the advantage with very little attention to reason. As local economy leads to no local advantage, the stimulus to avoid waste is reduced to a minimum. So, as no local growth of the in- come leads to an increase of the local means of improvement, the interest in developing the public revenues is also brought down to the lowest level.” 20 4 MAY Besides, there were constant differences between the Local Go- vernments and the Supreme Go- vernment, regarding questions of provincial administration of which the former were the best judges and the latter could know little of. This brought about serious evils which were felt throughout the public service. The commencement of the offi- cial year 1871-72 saw the remedy applied. A certain income was made over to the Local Govern- ments by which they were to re- gulate their local expenditure, subject to certain rules and condi- tions. They accepted the arrange- ments with alacrity, appreciating the large increase of power accord- ed to them. So far, experience lias proved that the measure was a most beneficial one. It has sometimes been spoken of as the “ De-centralization Scheme.” Lord Mayo, whenever he heard that term applied, immediately pro- tested, “I thought we were never to use that word.” In his opinion the Supreme Government had not given up any control that it could usefully exercise. “ The Local Governments were not to be al- lowed to act otherwise than as administering provinces of an Empire one and indivisible.” The dearness and scarcity of Salt, in Central India called forth Lord Mayo’s attention, the result being that treaties were made with the rulers of Jeypore and Jodhpore, by which the British Government obtained a lease of the Great Salt Lake of Sambhur, with the complete control of its management. There were many reforms that Lord Mayo had at heart, which financial difficulties prevented him from introducing. If he had done no more than restore our finances to a sound condition, it was sufficient to gain him a place among Indian Governors. He saw and gained more knowledge about India in the three short years of his administration than most mendoin alifetime. Inhisoflicial capacity alone he had travelled over twenty-thousand miles, mak- ing himself personally acquainted with the greatest native chiefs, noticing men of mark, opening mines, railways and colleges, in- specting cotton fields and model farms, salt mines and frontier out- posts, and all works of public im- provement. Most of his journeys were performed on horseback, and with his physical energy it was no uncommon thing for him to ride 60, 70 and 80 miles a day. Lord Mayo took a deep interest in jails and jail discipline, and he had brought with him to India great personal experience on the subject. It was this interest that took him where that foul deed was committed which has made the Andaman Islands infamous for ever, on the 12th February 1872. The Viceroy had gone there to inspect the penal colony. Late in the evening while stepping into the boat from off the landing place to return to the steamer, lie was stabbed twice in the back by a convict, Shere Ali. Lord Mayo simply said, “I am hit!” and fell into knee-deep water. He never spoke again, and died before the boat could reach the steamer onboard of which Lady Mayo was. The news when telegraphed sent a thrill of indignation throughout the land. The assassin was a N ortli- ern India Mussulman, fearless and passionate. He had commit - cd murder before and was under sentence of death, but this was commuted to transportation for life on account of good services he had rendered the English dur- ing the mutiny. The act of as- sassinating the highest authority in the land was a pure act of revenge, and had no political significance. He was hanged at Port Blair, and was bold and fear- less even on the gallows. Lord Mayo’s body was taken to Cal- cutta where after being laid in State for a few days, it was taken to Ireland and interred within the ruins of the ancient church of Johnstown, 26th April 1872. When Lord Mayo received his appointment, he said, “ Splendid as is this post, and difficult as will be my duties, I go forth in full confidence, and hope God will give me such strength and wisdom as will enable me to di- rect the Government of India in the interest and for the welfare of the millions committed to our care. In the performance of the great work, I ask no favour ; let me be judged according to my actions ; but I know that efforts honestly made for the mainten- ance of our national honour, for the spread of civilization, and the preservation of peace, will always command the sympathy and sup- port of my countrymen.” He was cut off in the full vigour of a bright career and the nation has passed upon him the judgment he asked and deserved. Lord Mayo wTas the author of a work, entitled “ St. Petersburgh and Moscow.” M’LEOD, Sir Donald Fkiell, was a son of the late General M’Leod, of the Bengal Engineers, and grandson of a Scottish laird, Donald M’Leod, of Boss-shire. He was born in 1810, in India, and was sent home for his educa- tion. It is partly owing to this circumstance that he was able in after life to acquire the rare ac- complishment of speaking the native language with faultless idiom and pronunciation. He was educated first at the High School, Edinburgh, and subsequently in private institutions in England, until the year 1826, when he ob- tained an appointment in the In- dian Civil Service, and proceeded to Haileybury where he worked hard, and took high honours in the native languages, mathema- tics, and drawing. During the first three years of his career in India he was employed at Mon- ghyr, in the province of Bengal ; then for twelve years in the Saugor and Nerbuclda territories, where his name is still held in affec- tionate remembrance. F or a short time afterwards he assisted the late Colonel Sleeman in the un- dertaking which has immortalized his name — the suppression of Thugee ; and then for six years filled the office of Magistrate of Benares. His success as Magis- trate of Benares led to his promo- tion, in 1849, to the important post of Commissioner of the ter- ritory, then recently acquired from the Sikhs, and known as the Trans-Sutlej States. Here his rare powers of conciliation had ample scope in smoothing the difficulties and allaying the ani- mosities incidental to the succes- sive domination of Sikh over Kaj- poot and Englishmen over Sikh. In 1854, he became Financial Com- missioner of the IJunjaub,and dur- ing the crisis of 1857 was, in com- mon with Sir Kobert Montgo- mery, one of the trusted council- lors of Sir John Lawrence, who has borne generous testimony to the 29 G M’L value of his service, and his serene and resolute bearing in that trying time. In 18G5, he w as appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Pun- jaub, and shortly afterwards re- ceived the honour of Knight Commander of the Star of India, the Companionship of the Bath having been already granted him in recognition of his services in 1857. After holding office for five years and a half as Lieute- nant-Governor, he handed over the reins of government to ano- ther great statesman of the same school, the late Sir Henry Durand, and returned to England after a service of upwards of 40 years, during the whole of which period he only visited England once. Throughout his long career of Indian service, whether in the capacity of Magistrate of a dis- trict, or Commissioner of Division or Lieutenant-Governor of a Pro- vince, the distinguishing charac- teristic of Sir Donald MLeod was a warm sympathy with the people, and an earnest desire so to regu- late the system of administration as to be in harmony with their feelings, and thus, by enlisting their confidence, to win them over to better ways. He heartily advocated and acted on the policy of making over to the native populations so much of the business of administration as could be prudently confided to them, and his regime as Lieute- nant-Governor was signalized by the passing of a Municipal Act for the Punjaub, which led to the establishment and formal recog- nition of upwards of 300 native Municipalities, with graduated powers of self-government — a measure which, after six years’ trial, has been recently pronounc- ed a great success. He advocated in eloquent terms a more liberal encouragement of Oriental studies, and a modification of the exclu- sive system of the Calcutta Uni- t versity, which then required a i thorough knowledge of English as a preliminary even to Matricu- lation. His educationalpolicy was received with enthusiasm by the native population ; but the Cal- cutta Syndicate was immoveable. An appeal was then made to the people ; subscriptions poured in from every side, and eventually, with the liberal assistance of Lord Mayo’s Government, a University j College was established in the Punjaub, of which the distinguish- ing features were the promotion of the acquisition of Western know- ledge through the medium of the vernacular, the encouragement of Oriental learning, and the secur- ing to the native population a fair representation in the govern- ing body of the institution. In like manner, during the great controversy regarding the rights of tenants which agitated the Punjaub during the four years of his administration, and resulted in the passing of the Punjaub Ten- ancy Act, two years before a simi- lar measure was passed for Ire- land, Sir Donald M’Leod while, perhaps from national instinct, a stout champion of proprietary rights, throughout supported the principle, which was ultimately adopted, of awarding compensa- tions to tenants of long standing for disturbance and unexhausted improvements. He was honour- ably connected for twenty years with the chief administrative measures canned out in the Pun- jaub, of which a few may be named — the suppression of female infanticide — the promotion of education — the extension of irri- MED 297 gating canals — the development of tea-planting in the Himalayas — the encouragement of trade — the establishment of local hospi- tals— the conciliation of frontier tribes — the appointment of native honorary magistrates, the collec- tion and publication of vital sta- tistics, possessions now re- maining in the hands of the Dutch subjects of Napoleon in these seas, were the island of Java and some settlements on the far richer and larger island Sumatra. Sir Stam- ford Baffles suggested to Minto the reduction of these settlements. During a short residence on the coast of Malacca, he had acquired a vast amount of information con- cerning the Indian Archipelago, and when Minto started with the expedition in person, Raffles ac- companied him and materially aided those intrusted with com- mands. About the middle of May 1811, the whole of the expe- dition reached Malacca, the place of rendezvous. Thence, on the recommendation of Baffles, the fleet took the south-west passage between Carimata and Borneo and successfully reached Batavia. Our land forces were under the command of General Sir S. Auch- muty, divided into four brigades amounting to 12,000 men. The troops suffered fearfully from the climate ; at one time there being 5,000 men on the sick list. Bata- via, which the Dutch called the “ Queen of the East,” surrender- ed on the 8th of August, the gar- rison having retreated to Wel- tevreden and thence to Oornelis, where Gillespie defeated them MIR— MOL 305 ( Vide Gillespie). The final cap- itulation of the island was signed on the 18th September, and Minto, in one of his Despatches to the authorities in England, said, “ An empire which for two centuries has contributed greatly to the power, prosperity, and grandeur of one of the principal and most respected states in Europe has been thus wrested from the short usurpation of the French Govern- ment, has been added to the dominion of the British Crown , and converted, from a seat of hostile machination and commercial com- petition, into an augmentation of British power and prosperity.” Raffles was appointed Lieutenant- Governor of Java and its depen- dencies, “ as an acknowledgment of the services he had rendered, and in consideration of his pecu- liar fitness for the office.” Another most important mili- tary event during the administra- tion of Minto was the capture of the Mauritius and Bourbon, Nov- ember 1810. At the peace of Paris, 1814, Bourbon was restored to the French. Macao, a small Portuguese set- tlement, it was feared would be occupied by the French, when Bonaparte in 1808, seemed on the point of subduing Spain and Por- tugal ; so a small armament was sent to the Canton river. The Chinese always looked upon Macao as belonging to their own empire, and considered the Por- tuguese as mere tenants at will. The landing of the British troops led to a quarrel with the Chinese, which by the unaccountable con- duct of Admiral Drury, led to the humiliating convention of Macao in December 1808 in conformity with which he sailed away with his troops to Bengal. Minto intimated to the Direc- tors his wish to resign early in 1814, but the Prince Regent, anxious to bestow the appointment on the Earl of Moira, the favourite of the day, induced the Board of Control to recall Minto. But circumstances prevented Lord Moira coming out to India earlier than within a few months of the period Minto himself had fixed for his departure. In the mean- time Minto was raised to the peerage, and towards the close of the year 1813, took his passage to England. MIRZAFFIR JUNG, vide Ni- zam. MOBARIK KHILJI, vide Kiiil- ji. MOIZZ-U-DIN BEHRAM, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. MOLESWORTH, J. T., was the author (with the assistance in the first edition of Thomas and George Candy) of the Ma- rathi and English Dictionary so greatly appreciated in India, that by competent judges it is held to be by far the best lexico- graphical work which has yet been produced in this country. Molesvvorth came to India as a military cadet when only about sixteen years of age. For some time he was in the Commissariat Department of the service ; but during the administration of Mr. Elphinstone he was set apart for the preparation of the great work above named, for the execution of which he was ad- mirably qualified by his early classical training, and by his high attainments in Marathi and Hin- dustani, and his respectable pro- 39 MON-MOO 306 ficiency in Sanscrit and Persian. The great work which he under- took was with his and his accom- plished helpers, a labour of love, prosecuted with entire devotion, as he tells us, to the highest in- terests of India. To the revision, amplification, and publication of its second edition he devoted six entire years, spent principally at Poona and Mahableshwur. This admirable volume was printed un- der the superintendence of Mr. Firth, and was published in 1857. On its appearance it was reviewed in an article in the Bombay Quar- terly Review , which has been more than once re-printed. Moles- worth, after his return to England, desired to drop his title of Major, which had nothing to do with his distinctive work in the world, and he never took up the designation of Honourable to which he was entitled as the brother of Viscount Molesworth. His Marathi Dic- tionary was really a great work, judged even by cosmopolitan standards, and he is well deserv- ing of a place among the departed worthies of the Bombay Presiden- cy. He died at Clifton, August 1872, aged 77. MONTGOMERIE, Sir Patrick, Iv.C.B., Colonel Commandant of the Royal Madras Artillery, was born in 1793 and entered the service in 1810. He was educat- ed in the Royal Military College at Woolwich and rose to be second in the list of officers of the Artil- lery. General Patrick Montgomery was employed in the Mahrattah campaigns under General Dove- ton in 1814, 15 and 16, and with the 3rd division of the Army of the Deccan in the Mahrattah war in 1817 and 1818, was present at an affair with the Pindarees in 1816, at the battle of Nagpore, 16th December 1817 — siege of Nagpore 1817 — siege and storm of Chandah, May 1818 — was with the expedition to Ava in 1824, 25 and 26, present at the capture of Rangoon, 11th May 1824. Attack on stockades, 28th May 1824, and 3rd June 1824, repulse of an at- tack on the lines of Rangoon, 1st July 1824, defence of Dagon Pa- goda, December 1824. Command- ed the Artillery witli Major Sale’s column of attack, 5th December 1824. Commanded the Artillery witli the force which stormed entrenched position at Kokayne, 15th December 1824, siege of Do- nabew, March 1825 — attack on the enemy’s entrenched position at Prome on the 1st, 2nd and 5th December 1825 — attack and storm of Meloun, 18th January 1826, affair at Paghan Mew, 9th Febru- ary 1826 — was employed with the expedition to China in 1840, 41 and 42 — present at the capture of Chusan, 5th July 1840— night at- tack upon Ningpo, 20th March 1842— attack upon the enemy’s entrenched position on the heights of Segona Tsekee, on the 15th March 1842 — capture of Chapoo, 18th May 1842 — capture of Woo- sung, 16th June 1842 — capture of iShanghee, 19th June 1842, assault Chingkeang-foo, 21st July 1842 — operations before Nan- kin, August 1842 — wounded in the sortie from Ningpo by a matchlock ball on the 10th March 1842. He was created a K. C. B., in 1865 for his distinguished services in the East.” He died in the latter end of 1872. MOOR, Major Edward, E.I.C.S., F.R.S., the well-known author of the Hindoo Pantheon — came out MOO— MUN 307 to India in the army, early in life. He was with the British contin- gent under Captain Little, which acted with the Mahrattahs against Tippoo in 1790-91, and he was afterwards at Poona, Hyderabad and Bombay, where he lived ap- parently on terms of great intimacy with the various Native Chiefs of Western India. He is supposed to have returned to England shortly before the publication of his Hin- doo Pantheon, which appeared about 1810. The book having be- come exceedingly scarce, a new edition appeared in Madras in 1864, with additional plates, con- densed and annotated. In 1861, the plates alone, illustrating the principal deities with their Sactis, Incarnations, &c., were re-printed in London. Moor was also the author of ‘ Suffolk Words and Phrases,’ published in 1823. The first book he ever bought with his own money was an imperfect copy of Theobald’s edition of Shakes- pear at Madras in 1783, which he made very good use of, for many illustrations of the great dramatic poet are to be found in his collec- tion of “ Suffolkisms.” He usually resided at Great Bealings, Suffolk, where for many years he was a very active Magistrate, and uni- versally respected. He died aged seventy -seven, on the 26th Feby. 1848, in George Street, West- minster, MQORCROFT, William, an English traveller, -was born in Lancashire, and was educated as a Surgeon at Liverpool. He en- tered the service of the E. I. Company in 1808, and went to Bengal as Inspector of the Mi- litary studs. Very soon after he was sent on a difficult journey beyond the Himalayas. In 1819, he set out on another venture- some journey through the Pun- jaub, Thibet, Cashmere, to Can- dahar and Bokhara, and after braving the greatest perils in these wild and inhospitable re- gions, he fell ill with fever and died at a small town near Bokhara in 1825. Burnes, on his memo- rable journey from Lahore to Bok- hara, 1831-33, visited his tomb ; and a narrative of his expedition rvas edited from his papers by Wilson in 1841. MUHA BUNDOOLA, a Burmese General who led the troops against the English during the first Burmese war. He \Aras killed at Prome on the 1st of April 1825, by the bursting of a shell. His death heralded negotiations of peace — but not being able to come to terms the Burmese made one more desperate attempt to expel the English from Prome, which failed, in December 1825. Another onslaught Avith that in- domitable perseverance the Bur- mese had maintained throughout the whole Avar, Avas made in Fe- bruary 1826, in which the Bur- mese Avere totally routed. The treaty of Yandaboo was signed on the 24th of February 1826, and the European Missionaries who had suffered a cruel captivity for tAvo years were released. ( Vide Judson.) MULHAR ROW HOLKAR, vide Holkar Family. MUNRO, Sir Thomas, Avas born at GlasgOAv on the 27th of May 1761. His father was a respect- able merchant, trading chiefly with America, and it was his Avish that his son should folloiv his own commercial career ; but the 308 MUX American war by reducing him to bankruptcy crushed these hopes, and young Munro was destined to a totally different one. Though pas- sionately fond of all kinds of manly sports, Munro as a boy was quite as ardently attached to reading. Having been told that the reading of Don Quixote could not be sufficiently relished with- out a knowledge of Spanish he applied himself most assiduously to acquire that language. He succeeded, and it brought to him very soon a proof of the value of mental labour. A Spanish prize, captured by one of the privateers fitted out by a mercantile house in Glasgow, among numerous others, arrived in the “ Clyde.” Xo member of the firm could read or understand the papers she con- tained, and Munro’s services were in immediate requisition. He translated the papers faithfully, and received as a reward a Bank Post Bill, which he presented to his mother. Before the crisis in his father’s affairs happened, he was offered a Lieutenant’s com- mission by the Corporation of Glasgow, and to his bitter disap- pointment, was instructed to de- cline it ; but after the ruin of his father’s commercial prospects, ne- cessity led him into a course of life suited to the bent of his in- clinations. His father obtained for him a midshipman’s berth in the Mercantile Marine of the E. I. Company, and he set out to join his ship, the “ Walpole ,” at Dept- ford, on the 20th of February 1779, but his father having reach- ed London before the ship sailed, managed to get the midshipman’s rating changed for a cadet’s war- rant. Xo money, however, was forthcoming to meet the expenses, so young Munro offered to work his passage out, as a man before the mast, and arrived at Madras on the 17tli of January 1780. He came out with several letters of recommendation to various per- sons in Madras, at which place his published correspondence gives an account of the circum- stances attending his outward voyage and first year’s work in India. He here formed a friend- ship with Dr. Koenig. His pay was five pagodas a month, an allowance which in these days makesonewonderhowhe managed to subsist at all. He gives a humorous account in his early letters of how on his first landing at Madras, a venerable old native well backed with ‘ characters’ en- tered his service, and how he did- dled him out of all the clothes he had brought from England, as well as six guineas, which he had obtained on the pretext of pur- chasing such as suitable for India ; and concludes, saying, “ with all my economy, it was near six months before I could save money enough to buy me a few suits of linen.” It may not be uninterest- ing here to quote the following from one of Munro’sletters, to show what an Englishman’s life in In- dia was, in those days : “ You may not believe me when I tell you, that I never experi- enced hunger or thirst, fatigue or poverty, till I came to India— that since then, I have frequently met with the first three, and that the last has been my constant com- panion. If you wish for proofs, here they are : I was three years in India before I was master of any other pillow than a book or a cartridge pouch ; my bed was a piece of canvas, stretched on four cross sticks, whose only ornament I was the great coat I brought from MUN 309 England, which, by a lucky inven- tion, I turned, into a blanket in the cold weather, by thrusting my legs into the sleeves, and drawing the skirts over my head. In this situation I lay like Falstaff in the basket — hilt to point — and very comfortable, I assure you, all but my feet ; for the tailor, not hav- ing foreseen the various uses to which this piece of dress might be applied, had cut the cloth so short, that I never could, with all my ingenuity, bring both under cover ; whatever I gained by drawing up my legs, I lost by exposing my neck ; and I generally chose ra- ther to cool my heels, than my head. This had served me till Alexander (a brother) went last year to Bengal, when he gave me an Europe camp couch. On this great occasion, I bought a pillow and a carpet to lay under me, but the unfortunate curtains were condemned to make pillow-cases and towels ; and now for the first time in India, I laid my head on a pillow. But this was too much good fortune to bear with moder- ation ; I began to grow proud, and resolved to live in great style : for this purpose I bought two table-spoons, and another chair — for I had but one before — a table, and two table cloths. But my prosperity was of short duration, for, in less than three months, I lost three of my spoons, and one of my chairs was broken by one of John Napier’s companions. This great blow reduced me to my original obscurity, from which all attempts to emerge have hitherto proved in vain.” “ My dress has not been more splendid than my furniture. I have never been able to keep it all of a piece ; it grows tattered in one quarter, while I am estab- lishing funds to repair it in another ; and my coat is in dan- ger of losing its sleeves, while I am pulling it off to try on a new waistcoat.” “ My travelling expeditions have never been performed with much grandeur or ease. My only conveyance is an old horse, who is now so weak, that in all my journeys, I am always obliged to walk two-thirds of the way ; and if he were to die, I would give my kingdom for another, and find nobody to accept of my offer. Till I came here I hardly knew what walking was. I have often walked from sunrise to sunset, without any other refreshment than a drink of water ; and I have tra- versed on foot, in different direc- tions, almost every part of the country between Vizagapatam and Madura, a distance of 800 miles.” Munro commenced his career as a soldier when Hyder had com- menced his second war in con- junction with the French against the English. He took a personal part, though only a subordinate actor in the events, throughout the campaign. His conduct was such that he was appointed Quarter-Master of Brigade to the left division of the army in November 1781, and in this capacity he acted as aide-de- camp to the officer in command of the second attack of Cuddalore on the 13 th June 1783. On the cessation of hostilities with France in July 1783, the army before Cuddalore broke up, and Munro joined his regiment, the 21st battalion, at Madras, and in January 1785, he passed into the 3rd battalion at Tanjore. In the following year he was pro- moted to a lieutenant and was at- tached for a short time to the 310 MUN European Regiment in Madras it- self. From the day of Munro’s arrival at Madras, lie devoted him- self to tRe study of the Vernacu- lars, and with a view of extend- ing his exertions, he solicited a removal into the 1 1th battalion of Native Infantry, then at Cassim- cottah, near Vizagapatam. In January 1787, he was again trans- ferred to his old corps, the 21st, at Vellore. In the following year his acquirements were recognised by the higher powers, and he was placed on the general staff of the army. During the second war with Tippoo in 1790, Munro acted with the force under Colonel Read, and was particularly noticed by Lord Cornwallis, who conducted the war in person. He was afterwards nominated as Assistant to Colonel Read in settling the conquered territories, and on the fall of Se- ringapatam in 1799, Munro was appointed one of the Commis- sioners for the adjustment of the affairs of the Mysore kingdom, and for investing the young Rajah of the old dynasty. Munro was decidedly opposed to this mea- sure, of which he writes, “ Had I had anything to do in it, I cer- tainly would have had no Rajah of Mysore, in the person of a child dragged forth from oblivion, to be placed on a throne on which his ancestors, forthree generations, had not sat during more than half a century. I would have divided the country equally with the Ni- zam, and endeavoured to prevail on him to increase his subsidy and take a greater body of our troops ; but whether he consented or not, I would still have thought myself bound by treaty to give him his fair half of the country. I would have given the Mahrattahs a few districts, provided they consented to fulfil their last treaty with him ; but not otherwise.” Soon after, Munro was deputed to administer the province of Canara, and in 1800, was chosen by the second Lord Clive, then Go- vernor of Madras to fill the im- portant post of Collector in the territories ceded by the Nizam. These provinces were then in a state of complete anarchy and disorganization, and in a very few years he restored them to perfect order, in fact, order and tranquil- lity -were for the first time intro- duced there. A proof of the able manner in which he governed, is, that while the revenues under the Nizam amounted to twelve lacs of pagodas (,£490,000), they amount- ed to eighteen lacs under his man- agement, and these results were not obtained by any arbitrary or despotic rule, but by equitable, judicious and conciliatory mea- sures. So much so that his me- mory was cherished by the natives, and he was known throughout the country by the appellation of the “ Father of the People? Wilks verifies this, as will be seen by the following extract from his History of Southern India : “ I will not deny myself the pleasure of stating an incident re- lated to me by a respectable native servant of the Government of My- sore, who was sent in 1807 to as- sist in the adjustment of a disput- ed boundary between that terri- tory and the district in charge of this Collector. A violent dispute occurred in his presence between some villagers, and the party ag- grieved threatened to go to Anan- tapore and complain to their Father. He perceived that Colonel Munro was meant, and found upon enquiry that lie was gene- MUN 311 rally distinguished throughout the district by that appellation.” In 1804, Munro was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and in 1 808, he left India on furlough for England, having been in the country now twenty-eight years. As the period drew near for the renewal of the E. I. Com- pany’s Charter, discussions and enquiries were introduced ; infor- mation on Indian affairs was re- quired from competent men, and Munro’s presence in England at the time was most opportune. During his long stay in India he had amassed an immense amount of knowledge not only of the na- tives and the country but of every branch of the administration. So in 1813, he was examined before a Parliamentary Committee : the examination lasted several days, and his evidence constitutes a valuable legacy to the country. He made the following remarks on the close of the examination : “ I am afraid I have not been able to give full answers to the ques- tions put to me on such a variety of subjects. I have felt myself incompetent to give the answers I would wish to have done to all kinds of points, embracing the quiet habits of the European tra- ders, the civil wars of the Bengal Indigo planters, the oppressions of the E. I. Company, and in short to questions comprehend- ing almost every subj ect from the coarse blanket of the Hindoo to the feudal system.” The celebrated Fifth Report on the affairs of the E. I. Com- pany came out in the same year as Munro was examined, and it became necessary to devise mea- sui’es for the correction of a sys- tem, the inefficiency of which was undeniable. The Court of Direc- ! tors appointed a Commission with Munro at the head of it, in con- sideration of the high esteem in which his knowledge and judg- ment of Indian affairs was held. The Commission was to enquire into the real merits of the case, and re-model the revenue and judicial departments under the presidency of Fort St. George. In March 1814, Munro married Miss Jane Campbell, of Craigie, in Ayr- shire ; on the 12th June embarked with her at Portsmouth and arrived at Madras on the 16th September. The result of Munro’s measures as a Commissioner forms one of the most remarkable events of his political life — it led to the adoption of theRyotwarry Revenue System in the greater portion of the Madras territories, and it is a fact that Madras never produced a surplus revenue till his time. In 1816, Munro was appointed to the superintendence of the Dooab on the cession of the Southern Mahrattah country by the late Peishwa. When the Pin- darry and Mali rattah war (1817-18) broke out, Munro resumed his military functions, which had merged into those of a civil nature for nearly twenty years. With very imperfect means he accomplished great results. Mr. Canning in moving a vote of thanks in the House of Commons, March 4th, 1819, to Lord Has- tings and the army in India for their services in this war, said of Munro : “ At the southern extremity of this long line of operations, was employed a man who, I should indeed have been sorry to have passed over in silence. I allude to Colonel Thomas Munro, a gen- tleman, whose rare qualifications ! the late House of Commons had 312 MUN opportunities of judging when he was examined at their bar on the renewal of the E. I. Com- pany’s Charter ; and than whom Europe never produced a more accomplished statesman, nor In- dia, fertile as it is in heroes, a more skilful soldier. This gentle- man, whose occupations for some time past, have been rather of a civil and administrative than a military nature, was called early in the war, to exercise abilities, which though dormant had not rusted from disuse. He went into the field with not more than 5 or 600 men, of whom a very small proportion were Europeans ; and marched into the Mahrattah ter- ritories to take possession of the country which had been ceded to us by the treaty of Poona.” “ The population he subdued by arms, he managed with such address, equity and wisdom, that he established an empire over their hearts and feelings. Nine forts were surrendered to him, or taken by assault, on his way ; and at the end of a silent and scarcely observed progress, he emerged from a territory, hitherto hostile to the British interests, with an accession, instead of a diminu- tion, of force, leaving everything secure and tranquil behind him. This result speaks more than could be told by any minute and extended commentary.” The war being over, Munro, whose health had suffered severe- ly from fatigue, hastened to Ban- galore where Mrs. Munro’s was residing, and proceeding to Mad- ras with her, applied for leave to resign. They embarked from Madras in the “Warren Hastings,” j on the 24th of January 1819, fully ! determined never to return to India again. They had scarcely arrived, when news was received that Munro was again wanted to fill a high station in India. The rank of Major-General was con- ferred upon him, he was invested with the insignia of K.C.B., and appointed Governor of Madras. The post was unsolicited. He took the oaths at the India House on the 8th of December 1819, and Madras welcomed Munro back again, accompanied by Lady Munro, on the 9th June 1820. A son was born to them on their voyage home, but was left behind under the care of Lady Munro’s father. Sir Thomas Munro’s Govern- ment was distinguished for its mildness, and the admirable sys- tem with which all its details were managed. The revenues con- tinued to improve, tranquillity reigned throughout the Madras Presidency, and it supplied 20,000 men for the Burmese war. In September 1823, Munro ex- pressed a wish to resign his office, but in consequence of the Bur- mese war, he intimated to the ! Board of Control and the Court of Directors, his desire to hold his post till the arrival of his successor. The Court gladly avail- ed itself of the extension of his services. M hile on one of his journeys to the Ceded Districts, the early scene of his astonishing success, he was suddenly seized by that scourge of India, the cholera. Upon arriving at Puttaconda, a village twenty miles north of Gooty, where the cholera was raging, he was taken ill at break- fast, and left the table ; and though lie appeared to rally a ! little at intervals during the day, I the disease increased rapidly towards evening, and he breathed his last at 9-30 p. m., 6th July 1827, only twelve hours after being attacked. Even in death, it is astonishing the consideration he showed towards others. He repeatedly requested various mem- bers of his staff to quit him, say- ing, “ It is not fair to keep you in an infected chamber.” His body was moved to Gooty within an hour and a half of his death, and interred the same evening in the graveyard of that station. A gentleman present described the scene thus : “ There was some- thing solemn and touching in the funeral : — the situation of the churchyard, the melancholy sound of the minute guns reverberating among the hills : the grand and frowning appearance of the for- tress towering above the Gom — all tended to make the awful ceremony more impressive.” The ship in which he intended embarking to England in August, was lying in the Madras Roads. Lady Munro had quitted India in March 1826. Intelligence of his death caused a profound sensation both in England and India. In personal appearance Munro was striking — he was very tall, upwards of six feet, and his frame sinewy. He was rather reserved in society, but this arose from a slight deafness to which he had been subject from boyhood. He was brought up in the communion of the Church of Scotland, and led a sincere Christian life. Tb e people of the Ceded Districts erected a Chutrum (a restinghouse for poor travellers) by public sub- scription among themselves, and called it after his name. A sub- scription was also raised in India and England to the amount of £9,000;for the purpose of erecting an equestrian statue of Munro on the parade ground of Madras. The work was executed by Chantrey. “ The living bronze has already survived the greater number of those who contributed to its exist- ence, but it still speaks, and will long continue to speak, to coming generations of the past ; telling how talent, industry, honour and devotion to public service, carry men from the humblest to the highest situations, and ensure for their memories the lasting respect of mankind.” A full length oil painting of Munro hangs in the Banqueting Hall, Madras. On the 21st April 1831, his remains were removed and interred in St. Mary’s Church, Madras. MUNSTER, George Fitzcla- rence, Earl of, was the eldest son of the Duke of Clarence (afterwards William IV) and the celebrated Mrs. Jordan. He was born on the 29th of January 1794. Till twelve years old he received the elements of instruction at Sunbury, under Dr. Moore, and was then removed to the Royal Military College at Marlow. He went through the Peninsular War and was severely wounded at Toulouse in heading a charge against cavalry. In January 1815, Captain Fitz- clarence sailed for India as Aide- de-camp to Lord Hastings, and while there closely studied the Oriental languages and literature. During the Mahrattah war of 1817-18, he had many opportuni- ties of distinguishing himself, and on the conclusion of peace with Sindia, he was intrusted with carrying home the overland Des- patches from India. In 1819, he published his “ Route across India through Egypt to England 40 314 NAD in the years 1817-18,” with 19 maps and coloured plates, “ a lively and interesting narrative.” By the influence of his friend the Duke of Wellington, he received the Brevet of Lieutenant-Colonel, and soon after married Miss Mary Wyndham, a natural daugh- ter of the Earl of Egremont, by whom he had seven children. His royal father had scarcely been on the throne a year when he created his eldest son, Earl of Munster, Viscount Fitzclarence and Baron Tewkesbury. Dodd, in his Annual Obituary, says, “ No person who has observed the career of Lord Munster, can overlook the fact, that he felt himself continually urged, by his peculiar position, to both mental and physical exertions, which were perhaps beyond his strength. The ill-consequences of every tem- porary indisposition were aggra- vated by his sensibility,” and on the evening of the 20th March 1842, he shot himself . N NADIR SIIAH was born on the | 11th November 1688 in the pro- vince of Khorassan. His original name was Nadir Kouli. He was I of low origin being the son of a cowherd, but possessing a very bold and intrepid spirit, he col- lected a band of freebooters, and began life as a brigand. His force soon became a very formidable one, with which he freed Kho- rassan in 1727 from the Abdalee Afghans who had overrun it. Nadir dethroned the reigning king and raised Tamash to the throne, but oidy nominally. The sole power was in his hands, for after driving out the Afghans, the Turks and the Russians, he ascended the throne himself, apparently with much reluctance. The scene is described as having taken place on a vast plain where upwards of 100,000 persons requested Nadir Shah to do so. He, however, made it conditional that the established religion should be changed, which destroyed the power and influence of the Sheah sect who had sup- ported the dynasty he had over- thrown. Nadir himself appears to have possessed no religion, and the Koran and the Gospel were subjects of great ridicule to him. In 1737, he invaded Afghanistan, and while thus engaged, he sent a messenger to Delhi asking for the surrender of some of his fugitive Afghan subjects. The Court be- ing distracted at this time with internal dissensions, neglected the request, when a second messenger was sent, who was assassinated at J ellalabad. Nadirthereupon cross- ed the Indus on a bridge of boats, with 65,000 troops, invaded the Punjaub — and continued to pro- ceed against Delhi. The Emperor Mahommed Shah, advanced to meet him, but received a signal defeat at Kurnaul, and threw him- self on the mercy of the conqueror. It was stipulated that Nadir should retire on the payment of 2 crores of Rupees, but Saadut Khan, the Soobadar of Oudh, owing the Em- peror a grudge, set Nadir up to demand more, as his province alone could pay that amount. Nadir upon hearing this, decided NAN 315 upon levying the exactions under his own eye, and entered Delhi in March 1739 with the Emperor, and took possession of his palace. In consequence of a report the following day that Nadir was dead, the inhabitants fell upon the Persian soldiery and massacred about a thousand of them. Nadir in trying to quell the tumult, was assailed with missiles from win- dows, one of which caused the death of a favorite officer by his side. Aggravated by this he was unable to restrain himself, and ordered a general massacre of the inhabitants. Thousands fell under the swords of the infuriated soldiery, but such was the disci- pline of his army that the instant Nadir ordered it to desist, every sword was sheathed. Delhi was next given up to plunder for fifty- eight days. All the treasures and jewels of the Emperor and his nobles were taken away, every house was searched and sacked. Saadut Khan on being demanded what he said his province alone could furnish, poisoned himself — and Nadir re-seating Mahommed Shah upon his throne, andcaution- ing the surrounding princes and nobles not to rebel against the Em- peror, took his departure with 32 crores of Rupees ! ! ! at the same time having annexed all the coun- tries west of the Indus to the crown of Persia. On his return to Persia in 1740, he punished the Sove- reign of Bokhara, who had made an incursion into Khorassan dur- ing his absence. The king of Khaurizm refusing to submit to Nadir was taken prisoner in battle and put to death. The peace of Persia was entirely secured by these conquests. The latter end of Nadir’s reign was characterized by great cruelty, tyranny and sus- picions of his own subjects. The change of religion above referred to made him very unpopular, and he at length ceased to trust any of the Persians in his service be- longing to the Sheah sect — in fact it is said he formed a design to put to death every Persian in his army. Some of his Generals hear- ing of this and anticipating pro- scription formed a conspiracy and assassinated him in his tent on the night of the 20th June 1747. His life was written by his own Secretary in Persian, and was translated into French by Sir W. Jones. Malcolm, in the second volume of his History of Persia, also gives a detailed account of . Nadir’s life. NANA SAHIB, the fiend of the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58, was the son of a Brahmin from the Deccan, born about 1820, and his real name was Dhundu Punt. He was adopted as a son by the childless and pensioned Peishwa of Poona, Bajee Rao, in 1827, and educated as a Hindu nobleman — was taught English, and asso- ciated much with Europeans, in whose amusements and sports he was particularly fond of indulg- ing. It was necessary for the bo?id-Jide termination of the Mah- rattah war of 1818, that Bajee Rao should surrender, and Sir John Malcolm was deputed to treat with him. By skilful nego- tiation and his own personal in- fluence, he induced Bajee Rao to do so, to give up all his preten- sions, and become a pensioner of the British Government. It was stipulated that eight lacs of rupees (£80,000) a year should be his life- pension. Lord Hastings con- sidered the grant far too liberal, as Bajee Rao had violated the 316 NAP treaty of Bassein, 1802, and on Bajee ltao’s death in 1853, Lord Dalhousie directed that the pen- sion should be discontinued, as the claimant, Nana Sahib, was only an adopted son. The Nana then sent an envoy to London to appeal to the Court of Directors, but he was unsuccessful. He was, however, allowed to retain some of the State of a native prince — a retinue of 200 soldiers, three field pieces andthejageer and fortified residence of Bithoor. The imaginary injury he suffered under, rankled in his breast, and he gratified his long-wished-for revenge, when the Mutiny of 1857 broke out. Offering his aid to the English, he treacherously placed himself at the head of the mutineers, and perpetrated un- paralleled deeds of atrocity. The tragedy of Cawnpore — the way in which some hundreds of English men, helpless women and inno- cent children, exposed to a broil- ing sun, were obliged to seek pro- tection behind intrenchments and guns from the fury of the inha- bitants of a country, ruled by England — the way at length in which they were after intense sufferings induced to believe by the Nana that they would be safely sent down the Ganges in boats to Calcutta, — the way in which they were mercilessly fired upon, when they boarded these boats — the way in which the wo- men were spared only to meet with dishonour and a worse death, is well-known and told in fright- ful detail in various works of the period. ( Vide Neill.) After a series of engagements, in which Nana Sahib was continually the loser, he was driven beyond the English frontier into Nepaul. A large reward was offered by Gov- ernment for his capture, but with no result. Vague rumours of his death have floated about from time to time, but it is still un- certain whether the monster is dead or alive. NAPIER, Sir Charles James, G.C.B., the eldest son of Colonel the Hon’ble G. Napier, Comptrol- ler of Accounts in Ireland, was born at Whitehall on the 10th of August 1782. He obtained his first commission as Ensign in the 22nd Foot, when twelve years old, and first saw active service during the Irish rebellion, 1798, and again in the insurrection of 1803. Hav- ing obtained his company in 1806, he joined the British forces in Spain, and commanded the 50th Regiment of Foot, during the ter- rible retreat on Corunna under Sir John Moore, on which occa- sion he received five wounds and was taken prisoner. He was allowed to return to England on parole, where he found his friends in mourning for him and admin- istering his effects ! He again joined the British army in the Peninsula in 1809, as a volunteer, and had two horses shot under him at Cao, and was severely wounded at Busaco : he also took part in the battle of F uentes de Onoro, and in the second siege of Badajoz as well as in a number of smaller skirmishes. In 1813, he joined the floating expedition on the Coast of the United States. He returned to Europe too late to witness the battle of Waterloo, but took part in the storming of Cambray and accompanied the British army to Paris. Soon after this he was appoint- , ed Governor of Cephalonia, and joined Lord Byron in a scheme for the deliverance of Greece. He NAP 317 was eventually superseded, an event which he considered a great affront and indignity. After a short command in the North of England in 1838-39, Napier, now a Major-General, was ordered to take command of the army in Bengal. He arrived in Sind on the 9th September 1842, invested with full diplomatic as well as military power. Sind consisted then of three distinct independent principalities, Upper Sind, Meerpore, and Lower Sind, governed respectively by the Ameers of Khyrpore, of whom Meer Roostum was the chief, Shere Mahommed and the Ameers of Hyderabad. With all of these, separate treaties had been entered into by Lord Auckland in 1839, but now the officers commanding in Sind resolved that they should be treated as one body, which consequently made all the Ameers responsible for the default of any one of them. During the three subsequent years when Sind was made the basis of our operations against Afghanistan, — even dur- ing our first reverses, the Ameers rendered material aid in supply- ing food, cattle, &c. Two or three of the Ameers, however, mani- fested some feeling of hostility, and Major Outram, the political Resident, brought it to the notice of Lord Ellenborough in the form of distinct charges, who referred them to Napier for investigation, with a strict injunction that he should not proceed against them without the most complete proof of their guilt. Moreover the Governor-General had particu- larly instructed the British Agents in Sind to treat the Ameers with courtesy and regard. This wise admonition was thrown away upon Napier, who landed in Sind with a strong prejudice against them, and in the first interview at Hyderabad produced a most unfavorable impression upon their minds, by discarding all those amenities, which they not only naturally expected should cha- racterise the intercourse of all the Company’s functionaries, but which they had hitherto experi- enced. Of the charges brought forward all were dismissed but three, and regarding these it became a ques- tion whether a letter sent to a petty chief, and another sent to the ruler of the Punjaub was genuine, and whether the minis- ter of Meer Roostum had helped a malcontent to escape. Napier, without calling upon the Ameers for an explanation, informed Lord Ellenborough that the letters were authentic, the charges sub- stantiated, and that the treaty of 1839 had been violated. The best authorities in India consid- ered the evidence of the authen- ticity of the letters as very doubt- ful, and the seals appeared to have been forged. When Major Outram submitted the charges against the Ameers to Lord Ellenborough he included the draft of a new treaty also, the object of which was to substitute a cession of territory for the annual tribute, and to punish those Ameers who shared hostile designs during the Afghan crisis, by depriving them of some of their districts. When the treaties were sent to Napier on the 12thNovem- ber 1842, Outram found that the lands intended to be sequestered amounted in value to nearly four lacs (,£40,000) in excess of what he had proposed, and the Ameers were to be deprived of the regal prerogative of coining money. 318 NAP whereupon he requested Napier to bring the subject before Lord Ellenborough again. Ten weeks elapsed before the reference was made. The Governor-General ad- mitted the error and directed that the necessary alteration should be made, but before his Despatch ar- rived, the battle of Meanee had been fought and the Ameers were ruined. Though the Governor-General had expressly instructed Napier to negotiate the new treaties with the Ameers, and not to carry them into effect until they had been concluded and ratified, he acted very impatiently. Two days after their receipt Napier invited Meer Roostum to a conference, but he failed to attend it, through the advice of his brother, Ali Morad. On the 1st December, after a fortnight having elapsed without any communication with the other Ameers, Napier announced to Meer Roostum and his associates that he had received the draft of a treaty signed by the Governor- General, and according to his in- structions he was about to occupy the territories indicated therein, and within three days, and before the Ameers had signed the treaty or had an opportunity of discuss- ing its obligations, Napier seques- trated all the territory from Boree to the confines of Bhawulpore, which included the lands Lord Ellenborough had unintentionally included in the draft of the treaty. Meer Roostum ineffectually re- monstrated against this whole- sale confiscation of territory, and an idle rumour reaching the Ge- neral, that the Ameers intended to make a night attack on his camp, he threatened to march on Meer Roostum’s capital, destroy it and deport its inhabitants. The Ameer meekly replied, “ God knows we have no intention of op- posing the English, nor a thought of war or fighting — we have not the power. Ever since my pos- sessions were guaranteed to me and my posterity by the British Government under a formal treaty, I have considered myself a depend- ent of theirs, and thought myself secure.” Ali Morad was the prime mover of these harsh proceedings. Meer Roostum, now in his eighty-fifth year, filled the office of Rais, or lord paramount. It was a post of the highest dignity in Sind, and the succession to this office, of which the Turban was the symbol, belonged by right to Ali Morad, but Meer Roostum was desirous of bestowing it upon his son, and to gain this object, he employed the most infamous means, to which may be traced Napier’s proceedings in Sind. Ali Morad induced Napier to believe that all the Ameers were hostile to British interests, except one of the Ameers of Hyderabad and himself, and succeeded in obtain- ing the promise of the Turban on Meer Roostum’s death. But being anxious to obtain it at once, he on the one hand tried to draw his brother into some injudicious course, while on the other hand, he inflamed the British General’s mind against Meer Roostum by continual misrepresentations. Three proud and threatening messages were sent to him in succession by Napier, through the influence of Ali Morad. Meer Roostum proposed to wait on him and offer a personal explanation — but this was refused, with the advice that, he should listen to his “ brother’s advice,” “ trust to his care.” “ If you go to him, NAP 319 you may either remain, or I will send an escort to conduct you to my camp.” Meer Koostum at once repaired to Deejee, Ali Morad’s fortress, and on the 20th Decem- ber, informed Napier that he had of his own free will resigned the Turban, the control of his army, his forts and his country to Ali Morad. Napier informed the Governor-General of this, but added that he suspected it had been obtained by fraud and vio- lence and that he intended to have a personal interview with the old Ameer. He imprudently com- municated this intention to Ali Morad, who rode over immedi- ately to Deejee, and rousing his brother at midnight urged him to flee as Napier was coming next day to make him a prisoner. The frightened old Chief made away at once to the camp of his rela- tions twelve miles distant. Na- pier on hearing of his flight issued a proclamation charging Meer Koostum with having insulted and defied the Governor-General by quitting his brother’s roof, and announcing his intention to main- tain Ali Morad as the Chief of the Talpoora family. Meer Koostum sent his minister to the General to explain how he had been deceived, but received a most arrogant reply. Ali Morad claimed lands of the value of six lacs of rupees ( ,£60,000) a year, as belonging to the Turban, which with the sequestrations Napier had made left an income of only six lacs out of twenty, for the support of eighteen Ameers, and their sons amounting to thirty in number, and all their feudatory chiefs. The Ameers of Upper Sind could offer no resistance, and to add to this wanton aggression, Napier determined upon attack- ing Emamgur, a fort in the desert, under the command of Meer Ma- homed, who had given no offence to the English. He considered it to be the “ Gibraltar of Upper Sind,” and said, he was determin- ed to show the Chiefs, that, “ neither their deserts nor their negotiations could intercept the progress of the British army.” With 50 horsemen, two 24-poun- ders and 350 Europeans mounted on camels, he traversed the arid waste and reached the fort on the 9th January 1843, which was abandoned on his approach. He blew up the fortifications with the powder they contained and retired. Napier had ordered the Ameers of Upper and Lower Sind to meet Major Outram at Khyrpore to consider over and sign the treaties, but Ali Morad contrived to pre- vent Meer Roostum and his bro- ther Ameers attending the con- ference, and only two of the agents of the Ameers of Lower Sind put in an appearance. Outram, with the concurrence of Napier, ad- journed the conference to the 28th January and named Hyderabad as the place of meeting. Two days later, the Vakeels of the A meers of Hyderabad appeared, with seals to sign the treaties. All differences might now have been brought to a peaceful solu- tion, but Napier directed them to return to Hyderabad, with the Ameers of Upper Sind, who were informed that they would be treated as enemies if they did not proceed thither. Ali Morad in- duced Napier to issue this order, for he knew that the Ameers of Lower Sind dreaded the appear- ance of the ruined princes at their capital, as it would excite 320 NAP the Beloochee Chiefs who were wending their way thither with their followers. When the conference was held at Hyderabad on Major Outram’s arrival, the Ameers denied that they had infringed the treaties, and repudiated the hostile corres- pondence. Meer Roostum again stated that it was by coercion that he had signed his deed of resignation. On the 12th Febru- ary 1843, all the Ameers affixed their seals to the treaties, although deemed harsh. On issuing from the fort afterwards, Major Outram and his staff would have been sacrificed to the fury of the soldiers and citizens, but for the protec- tion rendered by some influential chiefs, who, with their guards refused to leave them till they had conducted them safely within the gates of the city. The next day a deputation waited on Out- ram telling him that the contin- ued advance of Napier on Hyder- abad and the recent treatment of the Chiefs had so exasperated the Beloochee troops, that the Ameers could no longer control them, and that they could not be answerable for their conduct. They entreated him to move to a place of greater safety, but he would not. On the 15th an attack was made on the Residency, but the enemy was repulsed after three hours' fight- ing, and Outram with a loss of seventeen, killed, wounded and missing, went on board the armed steamer lying in the river, 500 yards distant. This is the truth, and not the account given on the authority of Napier in Lord Ellen- borough’s proclamation of the 5th March that “ the Ameers signed the new treaty on the 14th Feb- ruary, and treacherously attacked the residence of the British Com- 1 missioner with a large force on the following day.” After the attack on the Resi- dency, of course, there was no other course left open to Napier but an appeal to arms. On the 1 7th. February he came upon the Be- loochee army at Meanee, about 6 miles from Hyderabad. They numbered 20,000 men, and his own force only 2,700. They fought bravely — no quarter was asked or given. Their losses amounted to 5,000 in killed and wounded, while that of the British force only amounted to 257, owing to the admirable tactics of Napier. The next day another body of 10,000 men, arrived, who tendered a voluntary submission. It was as well for Napier that they did, for he had no battering train to lay siege to the fort of Hyderabad and would consequently have had to fall back and await its arrival. On the 20th February he entered Hyderabad, and took possession of the treasures and jewels of the Talpoora family, which were dis- tributed as prize among the cap- tors, of which seven lacs (,£70,000) fell to the share of the General. Major Outram refused to accept his share of the plunder, as he considered the war an unjust one, and he distributed it, amounting to 30,000 Rupees (£3,000) among the charitable institutions of In- dia. On hearing of the victory of Meanee, Lord Ellenborough issued a proclamation annexing Sindh, abolishing slavery and throwing open the navigation and commerce of the Indus to all nations. But Shere Mahommed was still in the neighbourhood of Hyderabad with about 20,000 men. Napier came upon him near the village of Dubba on the 22nd March, and NAS— NEI 321 gained another victory as complete as that of Meanee. Napier soon after informed the Governor-Gene- ral that the country was wholly subjugated. When the conquest was universally assailed as an un- just one, Napier made it the sub- ject of a pun saying, peccavi, “ I have sinned” (Sind.) This war was the result of Na- pier’s rash and impetuous conduct, encouraged by the villainous intrigues of Ali Morad, and it is well-known and admitted that had Lord Ellenborough been cog- nisant of the misdeeds of Ali Morad, and been put in full pos- session of the whole of the facts, the conquest of Sind would not have taken place. Napier’s own remarks condemn his conduct. At the commencement of his career, he said, “ We only want a pretext to coerce the Ameers” and after the treasonable letters were examined “ they have given a pretext, they have broken treaties. The more powerful Government will at no distant period swallow up the weaker, and it would be better to come to the result at once, if it can be done with hon- esty” * * * “We have no right to seize Sind, yet we shall do so, and a very advantageous, useful and humane piece of rascality it will be.” Napier returned to England in 1847, and met with an enthusias- tic reception, but he re-embarked for India in 1849, at the sugges- tion of the Duke of Wellington on the receipt of the news of our reverses in the Sikh campaign. ( Fic/e Gough.) Happily, however, the tide had turned before his arrival and his military services were not required. He returned to England in 1850, and died of a gradual decline at Oaklands, his seat near Portsmouth, on the 29th August 1853. He was twice married — first in 1827 to Eliza- beth, daughter of J. Oakley, Esq., of Deal, Kent, by whom he had two daughters ; and secondly in 1835 to Frances, daughter of W. Philipps, Esq., and widow of Cap- tain R. Alcock, R. N. A bronze statue of Napier has been erected in Trafalgar Square, London. NASIR-U-DIN M A II M 0 O D, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. NAZIK-U-DIN HYDER, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, NAZIR-U-D1N TOGIPLAK, vide Toghlak. NEILL, General James George, the eldest son of a Scotch family, was born near Ayr, on the 26th of May 1810. His very childhood denoted a fearless and independ- ent spirit, an instance of which occurred when he was only five years old. Having absented him- self one morning rather longer than usual from home, the house- hold became very anxious. A. few hours later, his father noticed him leisurely wending his way homewards across a dangerous embankment, which retained the water of Barmveill Loch, and on being spoken to of the risk he ran, young Neill replied that he wished to take a long walk to see if he could find his way back by himself, and added, proudly, “ I have done it, and now I am to have no nursery-maids running after me — I can manage myself.” His request henceforth was gra- tified. He was educated at an academy in his native town, and lastly at Glasgow University, and it was intended that he should be 41 NEI 322 trained for the law. But his incli- nation and tastes were quite averse to anything like a sedent- ary life, and as the Burmese war had about this time broken out, he became hot for military service in India. In January 1827, he sailed for Madras, when only seventeen years old — where on his arrival, he was kindly taken in hand by Sir Thomas Munro, then Governor, who had married a relative of his. He was soon appointed to a regiment which had earned distinction on many fields, and being one of the few European corps in India, it was likely to be sent to the front in any new disturbances. It was named the “ First European Re- giment,” of which Neill in 1843 published an “ Historical Record,” tracing the regiment from its very origin to the time when lie wrote. While Adjutant his character, conduct, and the interest he evinced on behalf of the soldiers, was such as to have caused him to be held in high esteem, and altogether to raise to a high stand- ard the happiness and morals of the regiment. Neill married in 1835 the daughter of Colonel Warde of the 5th R. B. C. Two years after, the climate of India began to tell upon his constitu- tion, so obtaining three years leave, he proceeded to Europe. When the Afghan war commen ced, Neill returned to India before the expiration of his leave in 1839, panting for active service. He more than once volunteered for service in Afghanistan ; his offers were refused. He eventu- ally obtained an appointment on the General Staff as “ Assist- ant Adjutant-General of the Ceded Districts.” After holding this appointment for some years, he was appointed Adjutant-Gene- ral of the Madras troops under Sir Scudamore Steele, on the breaking out of the second Bur- mese war in 1851. The exposures he underwent in this war nearly brought him to a premature grave. He received a sun stroke which shattered him greatly. Providen- tially he recovered so far as to be placed on board a steamer en route to England. The rest he antici- pated in his native country did not last long. On the breaking out of the Russian war in 1855, Neill was appointed, under Sir Robert Vivian (then General), second in command of the Anglo- Turkish force. But Neill was doomed to disappointment in this campaign : Sebastapol was taken and the war brought to a close without his taking the field. On this subject he writes from Yene- kale on the 9th of April 1856 : “ The play is now up, and it has certainly been provoking that we have been kept back and thrust out of the way ; however, we have the satisfaction of knowing that we have succeeded admirably in organizing this contingent * * * My object has been in coming out here, to gain rank, and if I have been debarred getting it in front of the enemy, it is no fault of mine.” He next returned to England, and after a brief period of happy home life, surrounded by his family and friends, he departed for India again on the 20th February 1857. On the 29th March he arrived in Madras. His intention was to proceed to the Persian Gulf and join his regiment, where the British ex- pedition under Havelock and Out- ram was operating, but a tele- gram arrived on the 9th of April announcing the Persian war at NEI 323 an end. The Fusiliers returned from this expedition to Madras, where their Colonel (Stevenson), whose health had broken down, handed over command of the regiment to Neill on the 28th April. A few days later came the terrible news of the mutiny of the Bengal army, and Neill, on the 16th May, received orders “ to hold his regiment in readi- ness to embark fully equipped — for service.” “ We embarked,” wrote Neill, “ early on the morn- ing of the 18th, and arrived at Calcutta on the afternoon of the 23rd.” From Calcutta 130 of his men went up to Benares by steamer, and the rest by train. And in accomplishing this jour- ney an incident occurred which proved Neill’s metal. His own words best describe the affair. “ The terminus is on the bank of the river, almost opposite the fort, at Howrah, There is a landing- place and jetty. The train was to start at 8-30 p. m. My men were all on board flats in the river, where they were cool and comfortable, and out of the way of mischief. When a party of 100 men were intended to go by train, the flat on which they were, Avas hauled into the jetty. On the night on Avhich the second party left, the flat was hauled in, but there Avas a squali and conse- quent delay. The railway people on shore gave no assistance. As Ave neared the jetty, a Jack-in- office Station-master called out to me very insolently that I was late, and that the train would not wait for me a moment. He would send it off without me. A little altercation ensued. Our men Avere landed by their officers and went making the best of their way up to the carriages. The fellow was still insolent, and threatened to start the train ; so I put him under charge of a Serjeant’s guard, with orders not to alloAv him to move until I gave permission. The other officials were equally threatening and impertinent. One gentleman told me that I might command a regiment, but that I did not command them ; they had authority there, and that he Avould start the train without my men. I then placed a guard over the engineer and stoker, got all my men safely into the train, and then released the railway people — off went the train — only ten minutes after time. * * * I told the gentlemen that their conduct Avas that of traitors and rebels, and fortunate it Avas for them that I had not to deal Avith them. The matter has been brought to the notice of Government. I haA- e heard nothing more than that Lord Canning thinks I did Avhat Avas right ; and the railway people are now most painfully civil and polite. It is given out that there never Avas an instance known of the railway officials being inter- fered Avith, far less made prisoners, except once in Ireland, in the Smith O’Brien affair, by Sir E. Blakeney.”" Neill arrived at Benares on the 3rd of June, and strongly protest- ed against any delay in disarming the native regiment stationed there. In an attempt to take by surprise and disarm the suspected 37th, it kept in its lines and fired a volley into the advancing Euro- peans. The artillery, hoAvever, silenced it, and it Avas completely routed, with also a body of Sikhs Avho had joined it in the melbe. Having made every possible pro- vision and security for the Avomen and children at Benares, Neill 324 NEI next turned his attention with great anxiety to Allahabad. The 6th Regiment there, whose beha- viour was such as to gain implicit reliance on its tidelity, fell sud- denly upon its officers, on the night of the 6th June, while d ining in the Mess house, and mas- sacred nearly the whole of them. The Jail was burst open next morning, and 3,000 ruffians let loose to aid the mutineers. The Fort, however, was still in the hands of the Europeans, threaten- ed within by the doubtful fidelity of the Sikh troops, and outside by the mutineers ; but Neill’s fore- sight and energy saved it. Be- fore he heard of the mutiny of the 6th Regiment, such were his suspicions that he despatched a party of fifty Fusiliers under Lieut. Arnold, who arrived at Benares on the 7th June. On the 9th another detachment arrived, and on the lltli Neill himself appear- ed with further reinforcements. He first recovered the bridge of boats which was in the hands of the enemy : on the 13tli he swept the rebels away, and on the 14th a further body of Fusiliers under Major Stephenson having arrived, the Sikh corps was removed from the Fort. Lord Canning wrote to the Chairman of the E. I. Com- pany. “ At Allahabad, the 6th regiment has mutinied, and fear- ful atrocities were committed by the people on Europeans outside the Fort. But the Fort has been saved. Colonel Neill with nearly 300 European Fusiliers is estab- lished in it ; and that point the most precious in India at this moment, and for many years the one most neglected, is safe, thank God !” Neill suffered much from exposure at this time. Writing to his wife, he says, “ I was quite done up by my dash from Benares, and getting into the Fort, in that noon-day heat, I was so exhaust- ed for days, that I was obliged to lie down constantly. I could only stand up for a few minutes at a time, and Avlien our attacks were going on, I was obliged to sit down in the batteries, and give my orders and directions. I had always the greatest confidence in myself, and although I felt almost dying from complete exhaustion, yet 1 kept up heart, and here I am, God be praised, as well as ever, only a little thinner. For several days I drank champagne and water to keep me up.” It was through Neills energy alone that Benares and Allahabad were saved. As stated in Have- lock’s life, Havelock arrived at Allahabad on the 30th June, and assumed command of the column which Neill had concentrated. It was the dearest wish of Neill’s heart that he should be left to finish the work he had begun — to rescue the besieged at Cawn- pore and inflict a signal punish- ment upon the rebels. But Have- lock’s arrival crushed these hopes. Neill followed and joined Have- lock at the Commander-in-Chief’s request on the 20th July, and ou the 25th Havelock left Neill in charge of Cawnporeand made his first move towards the relief of Lucknow. The events are detail- ed in his life. Neill no w left alone made strict enquiries into the cir- cumstances of the massacre of the poor women and children. These amounted in number to 122, who had been taken prisoners at the onslaught on the boats, 27th June, as detailed in Sir Hugh Wheeler’s life. They had been kept close prisoners from that date till the 15th July, when on Havelock de- NEI 325 feating the rebels at Pandoo Nad- dee on the same day they were massacred. The frightful scene is thus described in Trevelyan’s “ Cawnpore.” “ About half-an-hour after this the woman called “ the Begum” informed the captives that the Peishwa had determined to have them killed. One of the ladies went up to the native officer who commanded the guard, and told him that she learned they were all to die. To this he replied that, if such were the case, he must have heard something about it • so that she had no cause to be afraid : and a soldier said to the Begum : “ Y our orders will not be obeyed. Who are you that you should give orders 1” Upon this the woman fired up, and . hurried off to lay the affair before the Nana. During her absence the sepoys discussed the matter, and resolved that they would never lift their weapons against the prisoners. One of them after- wards confessed to a friend that his own motive for so deciding was anxiety to stand well with the Sahibs, if ever they got back to Cawnpore. The Begum pre- sently returned with five men, each carrying a sabre. Two were Hindoo peasants : the one thirty- five years of age, fair and tall, with long mustachios, but flat- faced and wall-eyed : the other considerably his senior, short, and of a sallow complexion. Two were butchers by calling : portly strapping fellows, both well on in life. The larger of the two was disfigured by the traces of the small-pox. They were Ma- hommedans, of course ; as no Hindoo could adopt a trade which obliged him to spill the blood of a cow.” “ These four were dressed in dirty-white clothes. The fifth, likewise a Mussulman, wore the red uniform of the Maharajah’s body-guard, and is reported to have been the sweetheart of the Begum. He was called Survur Khan, and passed for a native of some distant province. A by- stander remarked that he had hair on his hands.” “ The sepoys were bidden to fall on. Half-a-dozen among them advanced and discharged their muskets through the svindows at the ceiling of the apartments. Thereupon the five men entered. It was the short gloaming of Hin- doostan : — the hour when ladies take their evening drive. She who had accosted the officer was standing in the doorway. With her were the native doctor, and two Hindoo menials. That much of the business might be seen from the verandah, but all else was concealed amidst the interior gloom. Shrieks and scuffling acquainted those without that the journeymen were earning their hire. Survur Khan soon emerged with his sword broken off at the hilt. He procured another from the N ana’s house, and a few minutes after appeared again on the same errand. The third blade was of better temper : or perhaps the thick of the work was already over. By the time darkness had closed in, the men came forth and locked up the house for the night. Then the screams ceased : but the groans lasted till morning.” “ The sun rose as usual. When he had been up nearly three hours the five repaired to the scene of their labours over-night. They were attended by a few sweepers, who proceeded to transfer the contents of the house to a dry 326 NEI well situated behind some trees which grew hard by. “ The bodies,” says one who was present through- out, “ were dragged out, most of them by the hair of the head. Those who had clothes worth taking were stripped. Some of the women were alive. I cannot say how many : but three could speak. They prayed for the sake of God that an end might be put to their sufferings. I remarked one very stout woman, an half- caste who was severely wounded in both arms, who entreated to be killed. She and two or three others were placed against the bank of the cnt by which bullocks go down in drawing water. The dead were first thrown in. Yes : there was a great crowd looking on : they were standing along the walls of the compound. They were principally city people and villagers. Yes : there were also sepoys. Three boys were alive. They were fair children. The eldest, I think, must have been six or seven, and the youngest five years. They were running round the well, (where else could they go to 1) and there was noire to save them. No : none said a a word, or tried to save them.” “ At length the smallest of them made an infantile attempt to get away. The little thing had been frightened past bearing by the murder of one of the sur- viving ladies. He thus attracted the observation of a native, who flung him and his companions down the well. One deponent is of opinion that the man first took the trouble to kill the children. Others think not. The corpses of the gentlemen* must have been * Three who had been spared till the 15th July. All the others had been shot and cut down on the 27tli June. committed to the same receptacle : for a townsman who looked over the brink fancied that there was “a Sahib uppermost.” This is the history of what took place at Cawnpore, between four in the afternoon of one day and nine in the morning of another, almost under the shadow of the church- tower, and within call of the Theatre, the assembly Rooms, and the Masonic Lodge. Long before noon on the sixteenth July there remained no living Euro- pean within the circuit of the station.” Can it be wondered then that Neill wrote as follows : — “ I saw that house when I first came in — ladies and children’s bloody torn dresses and shoes were lying about and locks of hair torn from their heads. The floor of the room they were all dragged into and killed was satu- rated with blood — one cannot control one’s feelings. Mho could be merciful to one concerned 1 Severity at the first is mercy at the end. I wish to show the natives of India that the punish- ment inflicted by us for such deeds will be the heaviest, the most revolting to their feelings, and what they must ever remember. I issued the following order which, however objectionable in the esti- mation of some of our Brahmim- ised infatuated elderly gentle- men, I think suited to the occa- sion, or rather to the present crisis : — ‘ 25th July 1857. The well* in which are the remains of * Over that well, now enclosed by a rich Gothic screen, a marble angel stands, with folded wings and crossed arms, and round the base are carved the words, “ Sacred to the perpetual Memory of a great Company of Christian people, chiefly women and children, who near this spot were cruelly massacred by NEI 327 the poor -women and children so brutally murdered by this mis- creant, the Nana, will be filled up, and neatly and decently cov- ered over to form their grave : a party of European soldiers will do so this evening, under the super- intendence of an officer. The house in which they were butch- ered, and which is stained with their blood, will not be washed or cleared by their countrymen ; but BrigaAier-General Neill has determined that every stain of that innocent blood shall be cleared up and wiped out previous to their execution, by such of the miscreants as may be hereafter apprehended, who took an active part in the mutiny, to be selected according to their rank, caste and degree of guilt. Each miscreant after sentence of death is pro- nounced upon him will be taken down to the house in question, under a guard, and will be forced into cleaning up a small portion of the blood stain ; the task will be made as revolting as possible, and the Provost Marshal will use the lash in forcing any one ob- jecting to complete his task. Af- ter properly cleaning up his por- tion, the culprit is to be imme- diately hanged, and for this pur- pose a gallows will be erected close at hand.’ The first culprit was a Subadar of the 6th N. I., a fat brute, a very high Brahmin. The sweeper’s brush was put into his hands by a sweeper, and he was ordered to set to work. He had but half a sqirare foot to clean ; he made some objection, when down came the lash, and he yelled again ; he wiped it all up the followers of the rebel Dhimdu Punt (Nana Sahib) of Bithoor, and cast, the living with the dead, into the well below, on the loth day of July 1857.” clean, and was then hung, and his remains buried in the public road. Some days after, others were brought in — one a Mahome- dan officer of our Civil Court, a great and one of the leading men ; he rather objected, was flogged, made to lick part of the blood with his tongue. No doubt this is strange law, but it suits the oc- casion well, and I hope I shall not be interfered with until the room is thoroughly cleaned in this way.” The subsequent events till the arrival of Sir James Outram, and the advance on Lucknow from Cawnpore are detailed in Have- lock’s life. However, on the 20th September, the advance com- menced. After several skirmishes, Neill’s Brigade came upon the advanced posts of the enemy on the 23rd. On this day while his horse was plunging through a deep ditch of water, a round shot passed within a few inches of his back. Next came the attack on Lucknow, in speaking of which Neill never failed to say, “if it be God’s will that I should get there !” At the assault, at the very gates of Lucknow, he fell. The words of an officer on Neill’s staff, descriptive of his end, must here be quoted : “ The General was sitting on his horse quite coolly, giving his orders and try- ing to prevent too hasty a rush through the archway, as one of the guns had not yet been got out of the lane where we had been halting. He sent me back to see what was the delay in getting the gun on ; and these were the last words I heard him utter, as I rode off immediately to the lane, and in about three minutes returned with the gun, when to my great grief and horror, I was told that 328 NEW he was no more. He, sitting there quietly on his horse, had formed too prominent an object for the sure aim of the mutineer sepoys, who fired at him through a loop- hole above the archway, and the fatal bullet performed its mission but too truly, and in one instant closed the earthly career of our greatest and most noble soldier and beloved General, our only consolation being that he was at peace, and had died a soldier’s death, and had passed from a short lived earthly career of glory into one of glorious immortality. * * * He must have had his head turned towards the lane, watching proba- bly for the gun to make its ap- pearance round the corner, for the bullet entered the side of liis head behind, and a little above the left ear.” Thus fell one of the greatest Indian heroes. His remains were buried next day in the church- yard at Lucknow. A monument has been erected to his memory in his native town, and a statue also on the Mount Road, Madras, about a mile’s distance from that of Sir Thomas Munro, his first friend in India. The statue bears the following inscription : — James George Neill, C.B., Aide-de-Camp to the Queen, Lieut. -Colonel of the Madras Fusiliers, Brigadier- General in India. A brave, resolute, self-reliant Soldier, universally acknowledged as the first who stemmed the torrent of Rebellion in Bengal. He fell gloriously at the relief of Lucknow, 29th September 1857. Aged 47. XEWBOLD, Captain, 12th M. N. I., a distinguished geologist, and most accomplished Orientalist and scholar, Assistant to the Resident at Hyderabad, Ob., 1850 ; Beryl mine in Coimbatore, account of, Edin. New Phil. Jl., vol. xx, 241 ; Valley of Sondar, Mad. Lit. Trans., 1838, vol. viii, part 1, 128 ; Tem- perature of the springs, wells, and rivers in India and Egypt, Phil. Trans ; republished Edin. New Phil. JL, 1845-46, vol. xl, 99 ; Geo- logical notes on the South Mah- rattah Country, Bl. As. Trans., 1845, vol. xiv, part 1, 268 ; Osse- ous breccia and deposit in the caves of Billa Soorgum, Southern India, Ibid., 1844, vol. xiii, part 2,610 ; Visit to the bitter lakes, Isthmus of Suez, Lond. As. Trans., 1845, vol viii, 355 ; Geological Notes from Masulipatam to Goa. On the Alpine glacier, iceberg, diluvial and wave translation theories, with reference to the deposits of Southern India, Bl. As. Trans., vol. xiv, part 1, 217 ; Geological notes across the pen- insula of Southern India, from Kistapatam, Ibid., 398 ; History of the Persian Poets, Mad. Lit. Trans., vol. ii, 245 ; Summary of the geology of Southern India, Lond. As. Trans., 1845, vol. viii, 138,213 ; Essays on the metrical compositions of the Persian Poets with a notice of their poetry, Mad. Lit. Trans., vol. iii, 113, 232 ; On the code and historical MSS. of the Siamese ; on the progress of Bhuddism to the east- ward, Ibid., vol. vi, 117; Recent fresh-water deposits near Kur- noul, Bl. As. Trans., 1844, vol. xiii, 313 ; Account of the Maho- metan kings of Acheen, Ibid., vol. iv, 117 ; Notice of Malayan code, Ibid., 390 ; Site of Hai, or Ai, royal city of the Canaanites, Bom. Geo. Trans., vol. viii, 335 ; Biographical notice of, Bombay Times. May, 1850. NIC 329 NICHOLSON, Brigadier-Gene- ral John, the son of an Irish physician, was born in Dublin on the 11th of December 1821. At an early age an accident caused by the explosion of some gun- powder he was playing with, nearly blinded him. After ten days spent in total darkness, the bandages were removed from his eyes, and it was found that his sight was uninjured. In his 16th year, Sir James Hogg, (Mrs. Nicholson’s brother) who had in- fluence in India, procured him a cadetship in the Bengal Infantry. On his arrival, after spending a short time in Calcutta, he was appointed to do duty with the 41st ldegiment N. I. at Benares, and shortly after was permanently posted to the 27th Sepoy Re- giment at Ferozepore. A few months later, this regiment was warned to hold itself in readiness for service in Afghanistan. In the defence of Ghuzni in May 1841, Nicholson fought heroically. When at last his Colonel (Palmer) had to treat for terms, Nicholson three times drove back the enemy at the point of the bayonet, before he would listen to the orders he had received to make his Com- pany lay down arms. And when he had to give up his sword, the humiliating process was accom- panied by a flood of bitter tears. Next came a cruel imprisonment. The prisoners were moved to Cabool about the end of August, slung in panniers on the backs of camels. On the 17th September they were rescued by General Pollock. ( Vide Sale, Shakes- peae.) Nicholson was next em- ployed on duty in Cashmere in 1846, where at a critical juncture of affairs, he with Captain Broome (the only European resident) had to seek safety in flight. In the following year he was appointed Resident at Lahore. In 1848, though the Punjaub seemed in a most tranquil state, a rebellion arose, while Nicholson was at Peshawar, during which he first made his name famous. The bat- tles of Chillianwalla and Guzerat can never be re-called in the great drama of our Indian conquests, unassociated with the name, John Nicholson. The Punjaub was conquered and made a British province and Nicholson was appointed a Deputy Commissioner, but he had been in India ten years and with the double object, of recruiting his health and seeing again his widow- ed mother, who had lost two sons in India, he proceeded to Eng- land, arriving there in April 1850. The following year he returned to India and took up his former post. Here he had to deal with a lawless and savage race, on the remotest bounds of civilization. With wdiat success is best shown by an extract from Raike’s Notes on the Revolt in the North- Western Provinces of India. “ Of what class is John Nicholson V' writes Sir Herbert Edwardes. “ Of none ; for truly he stands alone. But he belongs essentially to the school of Henry Lawuence. I only knocked down the walls of the Bunnoo ports. John Nichol- son has since reduced the people (the most ignorant, depraved, and blood-thirsty in the Punjaub) to such a state of good oi’der and respect for the laws that in the last year of his charge not only was there no murder, burglary, or highway robbery, but not an attempt at any of these crimes. The Bunnoochees, reflecting on their own metamorphosis in the 42 330 NIC village gatherings under the vines, by the streams they once delighted so to fight for, have come to the conclusion that the good Maho- medans of historic ages must have been just like ‘NikkulSeyn !’ They emphatically approve him as every inch a Hakim. And so he is. It is difficult to describe him. He must be seen. Lord Dalhousie — no mean judge — per- haps summed up his high mili- tary and administrative qualities, when he called him a ‘ tower of strength.' I can only say that I think him equally fit to be Com- missioner of a division or Gene- ral of an army. Of the strength of his personal character, I will only tell two anecdotes. 1, If you visit either the battle field of Guzerat or Cliillianwalla, the country people begin the narra- tive of the battles thus : — ‘Nik- kul Seyn stood just there! 2, A brotherhood of Fakeers in Haza- reh abandoned all forms of Asia- tic monachism, and commenced the worship of ‘ Nikkul Seyn which they still continue ! Re- peatedly they have met John Nicholson since, and fallen at his feet as their Gooroo, (religious or spiritual guide.) He has flogged them soundly on every occasion and sometimes imprisoned them ; but the sect of the ‘ Nikkul Sey- nees’ remains as devoted as ever. ‘ Sanguis martyrorum est semen ecclesice.’ On the last whipping John Nicholson released them, on the condition that they would transfer their adoration to John Becher ; but arrived at their monastry in Hazareh, they once more resumed the worship of the relentless Nikkul Seyn.” In May 1857, news of the Sepoy Revolt reached Peshawar, where Nicholson was stationed. He im- mediately, suggested to Colonel Herbert Edwardes the formation of a movable column, to operate in any part of the province where danger was imminent. This pro- posal seconded by Edwardes was forwarded for the approval of Sir J ohn Lawrence. It was approved of and the column formed and Brigadier Neville Chamberlain was appointed to command it. Nicholson next accompanied, as political officer, the force com- manded by Colonel Chute of Her Majesty’s 70th, with the intention of disarming the 55th sepoy regi- ment, which had mutinied at Murdan. When in sight of this place, the 55th with the exception of a hundred men fled. Nicholson with a small number of horsemen gave chase, and with his own sword laid low many a rebel. On this day, the 23rd of May, he rode seventy miles, under a scorching sun. Colonel Chester having been killed in action, before Delhi, Brigadier-General Chamberlain was appointed Adjutant-Gene- ral, and Nicholson with the rank of Brigadier-General was selected to command the Punjaub movable column. He assumed command on the 22nd June and on the 25th by a clever move disarmed two suspected sepoy regiments. On the 5th of July he went to Umritsur. A revolt had occurred at Jhelum and Sealkote, and the rebels were en route to join the insurgents at Delhi. When Nicholson heard the news, he proceeded to inter- cept them. After two engage- ments, nearly the whole of them were killed. After returning to Umritsur, Nicholson proceeded to Lahore, from whence he came back with the communication to his officers, that “ it had been re- NIZ 331 solved by the authorities, that they should march with all pos- sible speed to Delhi.” On the 14th of August, Nicholson at the head of his column marched into the camp at Delhi. The assault was delayed in consequence of the non-arrival of the heavy guns which were daily expected. In the meantime the enemy attempt- ed to manoeuvre, and get into the rear of the British camp. Nichol- son was determined to resist this, for if they gained their object, they would be in a position to do much mischief. This action was crowned with success, the rebels were put to flight after losing a great many men and the whole of their guns, thirteen in number. The memorable 14th of Septem- ber came at last — the day which saw N icholson lead the storming party at the assault of Delhi — the day which saw him mortally wounded. To quote from “ Cave Browne’s funjaub and Delhi,” will best describe the assault. “ Nicholson saw the emergency. He pushed on the 1st Fusiliers, who answered to his call right gallantly. One gun was taken and spiked ; twice they rushed at the second ; the grape ploughed through the lane ; bullets poured down like hail from the walls and houses ; Major Jacob fell mortally wounded at the head of his men ; Captain Speke and Captain Gre- ville were disabled ; the men were falling fast ; there was hesi- tation ; Nicholson sprung forward, and whilst in the act of waving his sword to urge the men on once more — alas for the column ! — alas for the army ! — alas for India ! he fell back mortally wounded, shot through the chest by a rebel from a house window close by, and was carried off by two of the 1st Fusiliers.” He expressed a wish that he should not be carried away from the field till Delhi was captured, but as this result was apparently a long way off, he allowed himself to be carried into camp. Here he met his brother Charles, whose arm had been shot through, and they were laid on two couches, by the side of each other. Nicholson’s state varied — now better, now worse, but from the nature of the wound, he suffered great pain, till the 23rd September 1857, when he breathed his last. He was buried in the new burial ground, not far from where he fell, near the Cashmere Gate of the city. In Mr. Secretary Temple’s (now Sir Richard) Mutiny Report, it is stated, “ The chief commissioner does not hesitate to affirm that without John Nicholson, Delhi could not have fallen.” This opinion is confirmed by facts, for retiring was talked of, and N icholson mortally wounded after forcing the Cashmere gate sent from his dying bed the loudest and deepest remonstrances against any retrograde movement ! NIZAM, (The) or Subahdar of the Deccan, Dynasty of, Nizam-ul-Moolk rose to dis- tinction under Aurungzebe. His real name was Chin Killich Khan. He eventually became vizier to Mahommed Shah, under the name Asof Jah. He was acknowledged as the Subahdar of the Deccan in 1713, and became independent on the downfall of the Mogul dynas- ty. His descendants became the Nizams of the Deccan. He died at the patriarchal age of 104, in 1748. Nazir Jung, his second son, succeeded, allied himself with the 332 NOB English, and fought against his nephew, Mirzaffir Jung, who joined the French and claimed the Subahdari. He was shot by an Afghan in 1750. ( Vide Chun- dah Sahib.) Mirzaffir Jung succeeded on his death, and in the following year was killed in battle. Salabut Jung, his brother, at the instigation of Bussy, was placed on the vacant throne. In 1761, he was deposed and impri- soned by Nizam Ali. When he was declared to be the N izam, by the peace of Amiens in 1763, Nizam Ali put him to death. Nizam Ali fought generally with the English against the Mahrattahs and Mysoreans, but his alliance was of the most treacherous description. He died in 1803. Secunder Shah, his son, was next placed on the throne by Lord Wellesley. He ruled feebly and died in 1829. Fur Kundeh Ali ruled from 1829 to 1857 under the direction of a British Resident at Hydera- bad, but very badly. In 1853 the English deprived him of Berar to secure the regular payment of the subsidy. Futteh Jung, on the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, succeeded and proved faithful to the Eng- lish. He died in January 1869. His minister, Sir Salar Jung, a very able financier, now adminis- ters the government under the direction of a British Resident. NOBILI, vide Beschi. NOBLE, Rev. Robert Turling- ton, the son of the Rev. John Noble, the late Vicar of Fishy- on-the- Wreak, in the county of Leicester, was born in the early part of the year 1809. He received thefirst rudiments of education at the Grammar School at Oakham, Rutlandshire, then under the head- mastership of Dr. J. Doncaster, formerly Fellow and Tutor of Christ’s College. Cambridge. In 1827, heenteredSidney Sussex Col- lege, and having graduated there, entered Christ’s College, Cam- bride. His constitution here in his second year completely broke down under hard study and cer- tain religious impressions which produced a sickly and morbid state of mind. He had to leave college and place himself under the care of an eminent physician ; yet it took two years to recover his health, with the strictest at- tention to diet and exercise. Ivirke White at the same College succumbed under the influences of like impressions of religion at the early age of twenty -two. Impressed with the conviction that lie was called to be a Mis- sionary, Noble devoted the years 1831-1838 to preparation for the calling, while at the same time he acted as private tutor to the sons of Sir Thomas Blomefield, five of whom afterwards entered the Church. It was Noble’s opinion that as our Lord and St. John did not enter on their public ministry till they were thirty years of age, this was the proper time for all succeeding ministers to begi n their work, and hence he devoted seven years in preparation with a zeal and patience truly admirable. He was ordained in 1839, during which year and the whole of the followinghe successfully discharg- ed his high and holy duties in the Parish of Old Dalby, Leicester- NOB 333 shire. He had for many years conceived the idea of becoming a Missionary and going abroad, and a favorable opening presented it- self in 1841, which he cheerfully entered. The Telugu country in the Northern Circars of the Madras Presidency is an exten- sive tract containing a population of 12,000,000. Hitherto no efforts had been made to enlighten the people. Bishop Corrie, the Rever- ends James Hough, Joseph Penn, J. Tucker, and J. M. Strachan sounded the alarm — it reached the heart of Noble, and he volun- teered his services to proceed thither as Missionary and Educa- tionist : so on the 8th of March 1841, he embarked on board the Ship “ Robarts” for Madras, forsak- ing friends and country, home- connections and all worldly pros- pects. At the time of his decision to go out to India as a Missionary, the important subject of marriage occurred to him and he questioned himself as to whether the married or single state was best suited for one of his calling. He decided upon the latter course and led a life of celibacy, and often after was thankful for having been led to decide as he had done. Noble arrived safely in Madras on the 4th of July, and started by land on the 20th September for Masulipatam, the scene and field of his future labours, and where he closed his devoted life after twenty-four years of uninterrupt- ed Missionary labour. Hitherto, the state of the generality of the Natives of India, their disregard of truth, the treatment of their women, their superstitions and ignorance, were only known to him by hearsay, but now he lived and moved among such scenes, and no wonder that such a man as Noble was stirred to the inmost depths of his heart. Personal contact amidst these sights pro- duced no despair in him — on the contrary it only proved an incen- tive to be up and doing — to teach and guide and show the right way. The first difficulty to be overcome was the Telugu lan- guage, in the acquirement of which two years were spent. In August 1843, Noble and his col- league, Mr. Sharkey, at their own solicitation, were examined pub- licly in the vernacular, of which occun'ence Noble writes, Mr. Sharkey was pronounced “ an excellent Telugu scholar, and well qualified to begin Missionary work.” “ Our Examiner, Mr. Mor- ris, said, ‘ that, considering I had only been two years in the country, my attainments com- manded the highest admiration.’ Mr. Thomas, the other examiner, speaking of my translation from English to Telugu, said, ‘ it was justly termed an admirable trans- lation, being remarkably perspi- cuous throughout, and neat in its rendering, showing an advanced Telugu scholarship, with a com- mand of the idiom.’ ” Having obtained a public re- cognition of their proficiency in the Telugu language, Noble and Sharkey opened the Native Eng- lish School at Masulipatam on the 21st of November 184.3, for the education of the upper classes. Very discouraging were the first attempts. The first day, two teachers had to instruct two pupils ! A native gentleman, a staunch friend of the Mission, warned Noble not to expect more than 25 pupils— this friend in 1857 saw 300 crowd into the school room. An officer who had wasted his time and fortune in trying to 334 NOB reclaim and cultivate a swamp near Masulipatam, told him one day, that his labours on the natives of Masulipatam would prove as fruitless as his own on the swamp had turned out. About this time, a very tempting offer of a Chaplaincy with a salary of 700 Rs. a month (,£800 a year) was made to Noble, but he mag- nanimously refused it, and pa- tiently persevered in his school. What has been the result 1 It has been pronounced “ one of the two best grant-in-aid schools in the whole Madras Presidency” — its pupils have ramified themselves into every department of the Public Service, — they have be- come Deputy Collectors, Sherista- dars, Tahsildars, Sub-Magistrates, Schoolmasters, Catechists, &c. The following extract from a Minute of Sir Charles Trevelyan, dated October 1859, is a testimony of the value of Noble’s labours : ‘ Wherever I went, I visited and examined into the state of the schools, but the great source of satisfaction to me was the state of the educational institutions at Masulipatam.’ ‘ I had not been on shore a day before I became sensible of the great benefits which Mr. Noble, the Manager of the Church Mis- sion Schools at Masulipatam, has conferred upon the Northern Circars, by preparing so many intelligent and well-conducted natives for the public service. When I passed through Masuli- patam, early in the morning, I saw numerous groups of well- dressed youths going with their books in their hands to school.’ ‘Mr. Noble who has devoted for sixteen years, moral and intel- lectual attainments of a high order to the instruction of the rising generation, Mr. and Mrs. Sharkey, and Seshaya Sastre, the teachers in these schools, will be known hereafter as those who have planted the germs of an im- proved learning in this interesting and important part of the Madras Presidency.’ ‘ Masulipatam bids fair to be- come to the Northern Circars more than Oxford or Cambridge have been to the United King- dom.’ The following extract from an Address, composed by one of his native pupils, and read at the assembly of the Committee for the ‘ Noble Memorial Fund,’ a month after Noble’s death, wall indicate his wonderful success as a Christian Educationist, and the progress Christianity is making in India : — “ He looked not merely to the intellectual and spiritual training of those who were brought to him, but he did not overlook their bodily wants. He freely opened his purse to the poor, relieved the distressed, felt for the afflicted, cheered the downcast, comforted the mourner, &c. What has been said of Arnold, can truly be said of Robert Noble in this respect. ‘ Independently of particular oc- casions of intercourse, there was a deep undercurrent of sympathy, which extended to almost all his pupils, and which, from time to time, broke through the reserve of his outward manner.’ Mr. Noble not only gave out of his own pocket, but also persuaded his rich friends to do the same. In this way he was enabled to feed the very poorest, pay school fees for those not so very badly off, and give scholarships to the most deserving. By such means he enlightened the minds and NOB 335 relieved the wants of Ms pupils. His conduct was quite consonant with his name ; his name was most significant : he was noble by name, noble in mind, noble in action, noble in purpose ; he was altogether noble, made of noble stuff, and endowed with noble faculties : by his nobleness he was endeared to people of different ranks, creeds, and disposition ; he became the friend of the young and old, rich and poor, master and servant, high and low, enlightened and ignorant. His great motto seems to have been, “ Let us do good to all.” In his humble call- ing, by his singular devotedness and peculiar philanthropy, he be- came great — rose high in the es- timation of others. The highest authorities had the greatest res- pect for him ; Collectors and Judges paid the utmost deference to his word. His word, like that of Caesar, “ might have stood against the world.” We said, he gave his money and time : was that all? Nay, ho gave himself up entirely. After the Govern- ment examinations came in, he taught every day regularly ten hours ; so heavily did he tax his strong constitution and overwork himself, that his iron frame at last succumbed to the Herculean work, and he himself fell a victim to the cause of education. He taught while he was able to sit up, and worked till the very last atom of strength was exhausted. The school was his wife, the pupils his children ; its distinction was his life, and its destruction, which God forbid, his death ; at the cost of his own life he has left it at the pinnacle of glory. The wish of every friend will and ought to be that the glory bought with such a dear price should never sink, but become imperishable. The Church Missionary Society urged on him the necessity of a change to recruit his failing strength, and rest awhile his shat- tered nerves. Medical advisers promised to give sick certificates ; private friends offered to defray Ms expenses : no entreaty, no promise, no offer could or would in the least move him from his purpose. The frightfully anxious night of the cyclone, and the two subsequent dangerous attacks of dysentery and fever, failed to stir him from Bandar. When the Eu- ropean residents commenced leav- ing the place one after another, he assured the little band around him, that should the whole Euro- pean body desert the place he would not. Here was an example of self-sacrifice and sincere love. He loved Masulipatam and its inhabitants to his death — untime- ly death, at the premature age of fifty-six. Eveninhislastmoments, during his delirium, the school was at his heart ; his thoughts were about it. We rarely find a European Missionary spending twenty-four years of constant and arduous labour, without the slight- est idea of change or home, in a foreign land ; living for and dying in the cause of education ; cheerfully dying in the midst of his converts, out of the sight of relatives ; gladly burying his bones among native graves, far away from family cemetery, as the late Mr. Noble did. ‘ We might naturally suppose that he was the happiest of beings ; free from all annoyance ; nothing to disturb his peace of mind ; his path the smoothest. History and experience teach us that the greatest benefactors have still had enemies ; so was the case with 336 NOT Mr. Noble : lie had made some | his enemies, though many were j his friends ; he had many trials and troubles, straits and difficul- ties ; several times he was vio- lently opposed by Europeans and Natives. He had open enemies to contend with, and treacherous friends to guard against. The highest officials at one time became his bitterest foes ; began to in- trigue his downfall, cross his pro- jects, defeat his plans, throw obstacles in his way ; in short, they tried to drive him out of the country. All the Masulipatam authorities could be said to have been against him, and he against them. More than once he was reduced to such straits, that nothing was left him but to close the school and return to his native land. He might well have groan- ed under these difficulties and cried’ — “ My soul, with various tempests toss’d, Herhopeso’erturned, her projects cross’d, Sees every day new straits attend, And wonders where the scene will end.” But he was not to be overcome by such overwhelming powers and combinations. He had, with John Newton, “a frame of adamant and soul of fire.” He was not altogether helpless ; there were faithful friends to advise, encour- age, comfort, and aid him with all in their power : and all the time an Unseen Hand was sup- porting and delivering him, so that in the end he rose superior to every obstacle, trial, and trouble ; his enemies were van- quished and put to flight ; and he lived to see the desire of his heart accomplished. Thus he has left behind him a glorious name and imperishable fame ; it can truly be said in honour of his sacred memory, — “ Si Monumentum quarts, circumspice.” If you seek fur a Monument look around. ‘ There are living monuments — the results of his labour, to show the wonders he worked.’ During the terrible cyclone of Masulipatam, 1st November 1864, Noble had to endure much expo- sure, and soon after, his health began to fail — dysentery set in, and he gently breathed his last, after much bodily suffering, on the 17th October 1865. His fune- ral testifies to the fact that the citadel of caste can be battered down, for “it is a remarkable fact, though altogether undesigned, that those who were chosen with regard to correspondence in sta- ture to bear him to his grave, were Christians of as many former castes and creeds.” “ At the left foot was an Eng- lishman— at the right, a Mussul- man ; the centre was up- borne by a Pariah, on the left by a Shoodra ; while a Brahmin bore the right shoulder, and a V ellama the left. The service was read by a Shoodra and a Brahmin (Dea- cons, the first fruits of Mr. Noble’s minstry) and by an Eurasian and an Englishman.” NOTT, Major-General Sir Wil- liam, was the son of a farmer and inn-keeper and was born at Shobdan in Herefordshire, 20th January 1 782. His father appears afterwards to have become an extensive mail-contractor and pro- prietor of the Ivy Bush Hotel at Carmarthen. Placed in such a position by birth, he would proba- bly have passed his life as an agri- culturist, if the threatened inva- sion of Napoleon, while he was quite a boy, had not led to his enrolment in the Militia, from 1 which he soon afterwards stepped NUN 337 into a Bengal cadetship, arriving in India in the middle of 1800. In 1 805, he married Miss Letitia Swinhoe, a daughter of a Solicitor at Calcutta, and by whom he had fourteen children. Ill-health com- pelled him to re-visit his native country after a service of 26 years, where he purchased the seat called “Job’s Well” and resided a few years. The failure of the Calcutta Bank, in which he had invested most of his savings, compelled him to resume his active duties as a soldier, and at the age of fifty he returned to India. During the advance on Cabool in 1839 to re-instate Shah Sujah, Nott was attached to the Bombay Force under Sir John Keane, and when affairs were apparently ar- ranged satisfactorily, Nott, who was in command at Candahar, was ordered to return with the force under him, but the snow lay so thick upon the ground that he was delayed, and on the 14th November, a quill was put into his hands containing a note dated 3rd, informing him of the Cabool massacre, and requesting him to march up thither with all his forces, but the same cause which had delayed his return to India, prevented him from rendering any assistance to Cabool. He was attacked at Candahar twice, but defeated the enemy. Ghuzni, however, held bj Colonel Palmer, capitulated on the 6th March 1842. Pollock had formed a junction with Sale on the 15th April. The fall of Ghuzni, and the defeat of General England at Hykulzye, who had been sent up the Bolan Pass, from Sind to reinforce Can- dahar, depressed Lord Ellen- borough and orders were issued to Pollock and Nott to evacuate Jellalabad and Candahar. For the result vide Ellenborough, Pollock, Sale, &c. On Nott’s march to Cabool, he blew up the fortifications of Ghuzni, on the 30th August. Such had been the discipline he had preserved at Candahar that the people lament- ed his departure with tears, and embraced the British troops as friends, wishing them God-speed. Nott, in 1843, was appointed Envoy at Lucknow, and having- been a widower for five years, he married a second time and return- ed to England in 1844. He died at Carmarthen on the 1st of Jan- uary 1845 in his 63rd year. A statue has been erected to his memory there, and a monumental tablet in St. Peter’s Church, of the same place. NUNCOMAK, Rajah, a wealthy Brahmin of high rank in Bengal, whose villainous career brought him to the gallows on the 5th August 1775. For full particu- lars, vide Impey, Warren Has- tings, Francis. After his exe- cution, a casket was found in his house, containing counterfeits of the seals of all the richest men in the province ! 43 338 0 OCHTERLONY, Major-General Sir David, tlie eldest son of an American gentleman, was born at Boston, New England, on the 12th of February 1758. Although an Anglo-American by birth, he was of Scottish descent. His father lost his fortune in being loyal to the mother-country dur- ing the war of Independence, and young David Ochterlony went to India as a cadet in the Bengal establishment when eighteen years old ; in February 1778, was made Ensign, and became a Lieutenant in September of the same year. The 24th Bengal Native Infantry which formed part of the re-in- forcement sent to Sir Eyre Coote in the Carnatic, after the disas- trous defeat of Colonel Baillie in 1780, was the regiment to which Ochterlony belonged. The cam- paigns through which he went in the Carnatic were of the most arduous kind, and in a sally near Cuddalore in June 1782, he had the misfortune to be desperately wounded and taken prisoner. On the death of Hyder and the peace which followed in 1784, Ochter- lony was released, and in the early part of 1785, he returned to Cal- cutta, with the Bengal troops, and the staff appointment of Judge Advocate-general for one of the divisions of the army was con- ferred upon him, for his eminent services. The year 1796 saw him elevated to the rank of Captain, and 1800 to that of Major. In the early part of 1803, he was appoint- ed Lieutenant-Colonel, and ac- companied Lord Lake in his cam- paigns against the Mahrattahs. lie was present at the great battle of Delhi on tire lltli September 1803, after which he was nominat- ed Resident at the Court of Delhi. In the following year Holkar made a desperate attempt to recover Delhi, a siege which Ochterlony with Lieutenant-Colonel Burn sustained in such a manner as to elicit the highest approbation and thanks from the Commander- in- Chief. He was next appointed to the command of Allahabad, and then to the command of a force on the banks of the Sutlej, as a check on the hostile demonstra- tions of the Sikhs. He obtained his colonelcy in 1812, and was promoted to Major-General, 1814, at the latter end of which year, the encroachments and insults of the Ghoorkahs of Nepaid compel- led the Bengal Government to or- ganize an expedition against them. This was formed into four divi- sions, and the only thoroughly successful one was that under Ochterlony. ( Vide Gillespie.) The physical obstacles were many, but he drove his enemy from one position to another, until he hem- med him in, in the strong fortress of Malown, where he compelled him to surrender on his own terms — which placed a large por- tion of Nepaul at British disposal. The Rajah of Nepaul refused to ratify the treaties signed by his deputies, and the British troops again took the field. “ The suc- ceeding operations are still the theme of applause amongst mili- tary men : — the passage of the great Saul forest without the loss of a man — the turning of the cele- brated Cheeriaghaut pass, by a rugged, precipitous and frightful country, not unaptly compared to the Alps and Pyrenees — and the OMD-OMI 339 total defeat of tlie enemy in a des- perate action on the heights of Muckwanpore, which induced the Nepaulese Rajah to accept, with joy, the very conditions which a few weeks previously he had re- jected with disdain. The treaty which had been signed, 2nd Sep- tember 1815, was "ratified, 4th March 1816.” This is about the only Indian treaty that has never been vio- lated, and the Goorkhas rendered valuable assistance to the British during the Sepoy Mutiny, 1857-58. The conquered territory has fur- nished sites for sanitaria, at Simla, Massourie, Landour and Nynee Tal. On receipt of the intel- ligence of his services in England, Ochterlony was created a Knight Commander of the Bath (one of the first of the Company’s officers who received that honour) ; and in November 1815, he was raised to the dignity of a baronet. The Court of Directors on the 6th December of the same year granted him a pension of £1,000 per annum, “ in consideration of the eminent and most beneficial services rendered by him to the Company, in the war against the State of Nepaul.” In December of the following year, Ochterlony was created a Knight Grand Cross of the Bath, and besides the Blanks of both houses of Parlia- ment, the Prince Regent granted him “ certain honourable armo- rial augmentations.” In 1818, he was appointed Resident in Rajpootana, with the command of the troops, and in December of the same year to the Residency of Delhi, with Jeypore annexed, besides having the command of the third division of the grand army. He was afterwards made Resident and Political Agent of Malwa and Rajpootana, thus having the entire superintendence of the affairs of Central India. The subsequent portion of Och- terlony’s life is a subject of much contradiction both in history and biography. The political dissen- sions in the state of Jeypore in 1824, led Ochterlony to take the field on his own responsibility against Doorj un Saul, by attacking Bhurtpore. His conduct was severely criticised by the Gover- nor-General (Lord Amherst) and Council. The army was ordered back, and Ochterlony was super- seded in his post by Sir Charles Metcalfe. Some accounts say, he resigned his post before being superseded ; the gallant old sol- dier felt the thrust and died of a “ broken heart” at Meerut on the 15th July 1824, in the 68th year of his age, and before his successor, a great friend of his, had arrived to fill his post. A column was raised to his memory at Calcutta, and a most eccentric freak was perpetrated on it, in March 1831. ( Vide Appendix X.) OMDUT-OL-OMRAH, vide Carnatic Nabobs. OMICHUND, a wealthy Gentoo Merchant in Calcutta, whose in- trigues, treachery and deceit, would have baffled all Clive’s plans in the war in Bengal, 1756, butfor his treatment of him. ( Vide Clive.) When the circumstances were revealed to him. he fell into hopeless idiotcy, and died from the shock of disappointed avarice. Orme describes the scene thus : “ Clive and Scrafton went towards Omichund, who was waiting in full assurance of hear- ing the glad tidings of his good | fortune ; when Clive said, “ It is 340 ORM “ now time to undeceive Omi- “ cliund on which, Scraf ton said to him in the Indostan language, “ Omichund, the red paper is a “ trick ; you are to have nothing.” “ These words overpowered him like a blast of sulphur ; he sunk back, fainting, and would have fallen to the ground, had not one of his attendants caught him in his arms ; they carried him to his palankin, in which they conveyed him to his house, where he re- mained many hours in stupid melancholy, and began to show some symptoms of insanity. Some clays after, he visited Colonel Clive, who advised him to make a pilgrimage to some pagoda ; which he accordingly did soon after, to a famous one near Maul- da : he went, and returned insane, his mind every day more and more approaching to idiotism ; and, contrary to the usual man- ners of old age in Indostan, still more to the former excellence of his understanding, he delighted in being continually dressed in the richest garments, and orna- mented with the most costly j ewels. In this state of imbecility, he died about a year and a half after the shock of his disappoint- ment.” ORME, the great Indian Histo- rian, was born at Anjenga in the province of Travancore, in June 1728, when his father was a Sur- geon in the service of the E. I. Company. He was sent to Eng- land at an early age, and was placed at Harrow School, 1736. In 1742, he was sent to an academy in London, “ for the purpose of being instructed in the theory of commercial business ; with which, as he was designed for the Civil Service of the E. I. Company, it was deemed essential he should be thoroughly acquainted.” Though the work was uncongenial to his scholastic mind, he completed his course, and being appointed a writer in the Company's Service, he proceeded to Calcutta in 1744 or 45. He remained in Bengal till 1752, when he went to Madras, and in the following year to Eng- land, with Clive, whom he knew intimately. H e had scarcely been three years in England when he was appointed fourth Member in the Council at Madras. While serving in this capacity, the news of Surajali Dowlah’s atrocities reached Madras, and it is mainly through Orme’s influence and opi- nions that Clive was sent in com- mand of the force against this cruel prince. “ In the delibera- tions of the Council of Madras, relative to the military operations in the Carnatic, between the years 1755 and 59, Mr. Orme took an active part ; and, in some of the most critical conjunctures of that war, his abilities, as a politician and statesman, appeared particu- larly conspicuous.” During these years, Orme also held the office of Commissary General. At this time he lived on terms of great intimacy with Mr. Alexander Dalrymple, who was Under-store- keeper at Madras, and who after- wards acquired a great reputation for his hydrographical works. Orme tried to advance him to the post of Deputy Accountant, but failed. He returned to England with a broken down constitution in 1759, and there devoted him- self to his great work, “ A History of the military transactions of the British nation in Hindoostan, from MDCCXLV.” The first volume appeared in 1763, and a second edition was called for in OUD 341 1775, to which he prefixed a “ dis- sertation on the establishments made by Mahomedan conquerors in Hindoostan but this prefix is full of imperfections and mis- takes. Orrne’s original work, how- ever, which is a history of the wars in the Carnatic, 1748 to 1761, is celebrated for its “ faithfulness, impartiality and uniform accuracy of narration.” Orme began to prepare the materials for the second, volume of his History in 1770, and the Court of Directors appointed him historian to the Company, on a salary of ,£300 a year. With a view of gaining all possible information respecting the operations of the French in the Carnatic, he went to France and formed the acquaintance of Bussy, who was so pleased with the correctness and impartiality of his actions narrated in the first volume, that he invited him to his chateau, treated him with great hospitality, and furnished him with many authentic docu- ments. The 2nd volume appeared in 1778. The third volume is full of plates, maps and plans illustra- tive of the whole work. In 1782, Orme published his “Fragments,” “a work of great utility, as it contains within a narrow compass a variety of valu- able particulars, both with regard to the native governments and the European establishments in Flindoostan.” While engaged in his “ Fragments,” he studied the Portuguese language, so as to con- sult in the originals, the great Portuguese writers on India. Orme left London in 1792 for Ealing, much impaired in health, by con- stant application to literary la- bours, and died there on the 14th of January 1801 in the 73rd year of his age. Orme was never known to have been married, but he acknowledged his marriage in a letter to a particular friend, which was delivered according to his instructions after his death. The Court of Directors in conse- quence of the acknowledgment settled a small annuity on his widow. He left no children. A fourth edition of his work was re-printed in Madras, without the “Fragments” in 1861. OUDH, Nabob- Viziers of, Saadat Ali Khan was a Per- sian adventurer who attained high office under the Mogul Emperors, being made Nabob of Oudli. A daughter of his married Sufder Jung, who succeeded him in the Nabobship,andin 1747, he was made vizier to the Em- peror Mahommed Shah (then on the throne.) He died in 1756, and his son, Suja-u-Doavlah succeeded. Fie made himself independent in 1760, and declared himself so after the battle of Panniput, 1761. He was defeated by the English at Buxar. Shah Alum made him his vizier. In 1773, he received Co- rah and Allahabad from the Eng- lish. He died in 1775. ( Vide Warren Hastings.) Asoph-u-Dowlah succeeded, and was entirely dependent upon the English for protection. Money being required by them, and his treasury being empty, lie seized what was in the seraglio of the Begums ; a part of the charge against Warren Hastings was his connection in this affair. ( Vide Warren Hastings.) He made several subsidiary treaties with the Company. He died without issue in 1797, and a reputed son 342 OUT tried to gain the throne, ( vide Vizier Ali,) but the English upheld the claim of Saadat Ali, and placed him on it. The subsidy was increased in 1798 to 76 lacs (,£760,000). ( Vide Teignmoutii.) He ceded large districts to the Company in 1801. He died in 1814. Giiazir-u-din Hyder, King of Oudh. The Company gave him the Terai. With the consent of Lord Hastings, he declared him- self formally, independent king of Oudh in 1819. He assisted the English in the Burmese war. He died in 1827. Nazir-u-din Hyder, King of Oudh, was entii’ely dependent upon the English, reigned well, and died without issue in 1837. He was succeeded by his uncle, Mahommed Ali Shah, who made a treaty with the English ceding new districts, and promis- ing to rule well, but failed to do so. He died in 1842. Abunzaffer Maslah-h-din, or Wajid Ali succeeded, and under the direction of the Eng- lish made a few reforms. He, however, reigned badly and the English annexed Oudh in 1856. ( Vide Daxhousie, Sleeman.) OUTBAM, Lieutenant-General Sir James, Bart., G.C.B., K.S.I., the 1 Bayard of India,’ was born at Butterley Hall in Derbyshire in 1803. His father who was a Civil Engineer of celebrity, died when his son was two years old, leaving i him to the care of his mother, i who was the grand-daughter of an eminent Scotch Judge, Sir W. Seton, better known as Lord Fit- modden. Outram was educated at Marischal College, Aberdeen, where he attained marked distinc- tion, and went out to Bombay as a Cadet in 1819. He was after- wards appointed Adjutant to the 2.3rd Begin tent of Native Infantry. From 1828 to 1838, lie served in Candeish, and in the latter year organized a regular force in Guze- rat. He acted as aide-de-camp to Lord Keane in 1838, and took an active part in the capture of Ghuzni. He was subsequently, in succession, Political Besident at Guzerat, Commissary in Upper Sind, and British Besident at Hy- derabad, Sattara and Lucknow, in all of which duties he shewed great military vigour and admir- able administrative qualities. In 1842, he was appointed Commis- sioner to negotiate with the Ameers of Sind (vide Sir C. J. Napier), in which position he adopted views at variance with General Sir Charles James Napier, which led to a serious quarrel. On the ruin of the Ameers, Napier’s share of the prize money amount- ed to six lacs (£60,000). Outram’s amounted to Bs. 30,000 (£3,000), but he most conscientiously re- fused to take the money, as he considered the war an un- just one, and he distributed it among charitable institutions in India. After he quitted Sind, he published a work in which he severely criticised the conduct of Sir Charles in the conquest of that country. His views of the General’s policy afterwards re- ceived the approbation of the Directors of the E. I. Company. He went to England on fur- lough in 1843, and in the following year was appointed to a com- mand in the Makrattah coun- try. In 1847, he was appointed Besident at Baroda, and also at Bombay, where he sternly ex- PAL 343 posed tlie official venality then prevalent, and was instrumental in purifying the administration. In 1856, Lord Dalhousie nomi- nated him successor to Sir John Lawrence as Chief Commissioner of Oudh, and in the following year he conducted the Persian ■war and was created Lieutenant- General and C.B. These were not idle times. In May 1857, the Indian Mutiny broke out, and after Havelock’s second fall back on Cawnpore, while endeavouring to march to the relief of Inglis’ besieged garrison at Lucknow, Outram was appointed to succeed him. On his arrival, however, at Cawnpore, he most magnanim- ously refused to assume command until Havelock had attained the object for which he had been fighting so hard for several weeks. On the 25th September, Havelock entered the Residency of Luck- now, Outram accompanying in his civil capacity as Commissioner of Oudh, and on the following morning he assumed command. The relieving army, however, found that it was not strong enough to escort the ladies and children to Cawnpore, so they were in turn besieged till the final relief was accomplished by Sir Colin Camp- bell on the I7tli November 1857. The part he subsequently took in the mutiny is referred to in Lord Clyde’s life. After the mutiny, he was created a baronet and G.C.B. Greatly shattered in health, he returned to England in 1860, and died at Pau, lltli March 1863, at the age of 60. The greatest qua- lity which distinguished Sir James Outram was his spotless, sterling integrity. In 1835 he married his cousin, the daughter of James Anderson, Esq., of Bre- chin, and is succeeded in his title and estates by his son, Francis Boyd, B.C.S., who was born at Ahmedabad, in 1836. Outram was buried in Westminster Ab- bey, and a monument by Noble was erected to his memory there in 1866. In September 1871, a full length bronze figure of Out- ram was erected in the ornamental garden on the Thames Embank- ment near Charing Cross Bridge, London. P PALMER, John, the chief mem- ber of the great banking firm of Palmer and Co., was the younger of several sons of Lieutenant- General Palmer, confidential Pri- vate Secretary to Warren Has- tings, and who filled the highest offices in the diplomatic line in India for 20 years. The General entered the Bengal army from the King’s service in 1770, and all his children were born in the West Indies. He died at Ber- liampore, 20th May 1814. John Palmer was brought up for the navy, and was in one of the ships that engaged Admiral Suffrien in the Bay of Bengal. After the peace of Paris, 1783, he obtained leave and visited his father at Calcutta, where he met Mr. Bar- ber, (a partner in the house of Burgh, Barber and Co.) who in- duced him to quit the navy. He 344 PAL then became a clerk in the above- named firm, and it was during this period that by the greatest assiduity and self-denial that he discharged the debts of his father, who was at the Court of Lucknow on diplomatic employment. On the death of Mr. Barber, Palmer became possessed by his Will of some property, and a share in the firm and continued to act till its interests merged into other and more extensive associations, prior to joining which, he entered in- to partnership with Mr. Henry St. George Tucker, in the retail line, and at length renewed his partnership with the old house which at that time had taken the name of Cockerell, Trail and Co. He continued the prosecution of his business till the retirement of one of the partners left him the uncontrolled management. It became under his direction one of the leading mercantile houses of the world and acquired for its head, the proud title of “ Prince of British Merchants.” The house failed in 1830 and drew down several others with it. “ The great success which had for so many years attended the house of Palmer and Co., and the almost unparalleled credit which it commanded, have been justly ascribed more to liberality and kindness of heart in the head of that firm, than even to the extra- ordinary intelligence and enter- prizing spirit which swayed it ; unfortunately for himself, and for those who became afterwards associated with him, an excess of that generosity which had won for him the gratitude of so many, led in later times, and altered circumstances , to the unhappy result we have mentioned, and which proved the source of so much concurrent distress. Mr. Palmer’s inability to refuse appli- cations for pecuniary aid and his reluctance to question the integ- rity of others, from sheer absence of all suspicion in his own nature, were mainly instrumental in pro- ducing the failure ; an event, which Mr. Brownrigg’s attempts to retard by the adoption of an opposite course, we have undoubt- ed reason to believe, accelerated tenfold.” Such was the confidence the natives had in him that many came forward with liberal offers of assistance to retrieve the affairs of the firm, but the case was too desperate. Three years before his death, Palmer was enabled to re- establish himself in a business, which was in a most flourishing condition, and to his honour be it said, that out of the profits of this concern, he actually supported and assisted many distressed creditors of the late firm ! Palmer was one of the first to take Mr. Bucking- ham by the hand, and when he was banished to Europe he be- came with another gentleman a joint-trustee for the management of Buckingham’s property. ( Vide Buckingham, Adam.) A more benevolent man never lived. If ever a hand was open to the poor, that hand was his. He took a deep interest in Indian as well as European politics and was consulted by the illustrious Pitt on several measures of the highest significance. Palmer in- tended retiring at an early period of life, leaving Mr. Tucker in temporary charge of his affairs, when he re-visited England in 1801-2. Losses of no inconsider- able magnitude occurred during his absence and he was obliged to re-visit India. He came out PAR— PAT 345 with the expedition to the Cape, under the command of Sir David Baird. At the age of between sixty and seventy he manfully set about to repair the misery that his failure had entailed on the widow and the orphan, with a de- votion that Avould assuredly have succeeded had not death arrested the g’enerous purpose. He died of an attack of quinsey on the 22nd January 1836, and his fune- ral was the most largely attended that Calcutta had ever seen. Over his grave, in the North Park Street Burial Ground, a short tablet tells his history : “ J ohn Palmek, the Friendof the Poor.” A statuary marble bust was also erected in the Town Hall, raised by a numerous circle of friends, European and Native. ( Vide Lord Hastings.) PARSOGEE BHONSLAY, vide Bhonslay Rajahs. PATCHEAPPAH, Conjeveram, Moodeliae, the posthumous son of Vienanda Moodeliar, was born in the year 1754, at Pareapallium, a village situated forty miles west of Madras. His brother, losing by death the friendship and protec- tion of one Reddy Royer, a friend of the family, removed to Madras, where, through the influence of one Bony Naraina Pillay, Patche- appah while young entered into mercantile life as a broker. His charitable disposition shewed it- self in early life, for he spent most of his earnings in philanthropic causes. Leaving Madras, he en- gaged himself as a Dubash under a Mr. Nicholas, a travelling mer- chant in Southern India, in which employment he made some money, and returned to Madras, where he married his sister’s daughter, and erected some buildings in connection with the Conjeveram Pagoda. He next employed him- self as a contractor for the sup- ply of paddy, and acquiring con- siderable wealth, became a Du- bash under Mr. Joseph Sullivan, who was acting as Agent to H. H. the Nabob of the Carnatic, and was afterwards the chief civil au- thority in the Trichinopoly dis- trict. In this capacity, his profits were very large, through commer- cial transactions with the military authorities, the E. I. Company, and the Rajah of Tanjore. As his wealth increased, he contribut- ed more largely to charities, and to the religious objects of those of his own persuasion. All the sacred places of India benefited by them, even distant Benares. In June 17.92, his health began to fail, which several changes of scene and air only temporarily improved. He executed his Will on the 23rd of March 1794, and with a desire to die at Terooviar, he proceeded thither, where he breathed his last on the 31st of March 1794. Several disputes arose among his relatives regarding the property left, which a decree passed by the Supreme Court terminated, bringing into force Patcheappah’s Will and the perpetuity of his charities. A portion of Patcheappah’s wealth, was then appropriated to the erection, in 1843, of a large building in Madras, for the cause and advancement of education, and called after him, Patcheap- pah’s Hall. The following ex- tracts regarding Patcheappah and the Hall, are from the Honorable John Bruce Norton’s speeches delivered on the various anniver- saries of the Institution. 44 346 PEI “ The Hall itself is one of noble proportions, and I would mention, as you Sir* who have honoured us with your presence for the first time, that though at the time it was built, there was much dif- ference of opinion as to the wis- dom of devoting so large a portion of the funds to such an object, I think there can be but one opinion on the subject now. Not only does it afford us the space required for decently carrying out our ceremonials and examinations ; but it is often of use to the native public for social purposes, and the European population lias often had cause to thank the ready courtesy with which the trustees of this charity have placed the hall at their disposal, for legiti- mate, political, scientific and social purposes ; and so far supplied the want which Madras labours under, of public rooms or a town hall. But beyond this, it has given a local habitation to the cause of native education, and acted as a common centre of attraction to all the minor native educational seminaries.” . . . . “ I would seek to say a few words on the origin of this institution. It is peculiar in its nature, inasmuch as it is not dependent upon Go- vernment support, or upon that of the European or Native public. It is founded upon the benevo- lence of one individual, Patche- appah, whose portrait adorns these walls Some doubts hav- ing arisen as to the object of Pat- cheappali’s Will : a suit was insti- tuted by the Advocate-General, several decrees were passed, and in 1841, the Court approved the scheme reported by the Master, and, in conjunction with the Board * The late Sir William Denison. of Revenue, sanctioned the foun- dation of this charity.” .... “ It only remains for me to recall to your grateful recollection the memory of our founder, Pat- cheappah. It has been the fashion among some to say, that this Catholic-hearted man never con- templated such an application of his wealth as has been the cause of calling us here to-day ; that this school is not a correct appli- cation of the funds according to the intention of the testator. But it should be remembered that this particular charity is founded under the decree of the Supreme Court ; and though the direction to found this school may not have been expressed upon the face of the Will, the Court would not have decreed the application of any portion of the testator’s funds to a charity of this description, unless the general intention of the testator to dedicate a consi- derable portion of his wealth to the objects of native education had been apparent upon the Will. Sure I am that the wisest, the most beneficial use has been made of Patcheappah’s munificence ; and I believe that, could he stand among us here this day, his heart would glow with joy, and his eyes tremble with tears of irre- pressible emotion, at witnessing the benefits which his charities have conferred upon thousands of his fellow country-men. All honour, all respect, all gratitude be to the name and to the memory of our founder Patcheappah.” PEISHWAS, (The) Balajee Wiswanath, appoint- ed by Sahoo to govern in 1708. His head-quarters were at Satara, and he died in 1720. PER 347 Bajee Row I. his son, succeed- I ed, and usurped all the real power. Holkar and Sindia rose under him. Bajee Row overran Malwa and Bundelcund, and levied chout on all the country around. He 1 died in 1740. Balajee Row succeeded. He made peace with Aliverdi Khan of Bengal in 1751 : allied with the French, 1756, and died after the battle of Panniput, 1761, of grief. Madhoo Row I, succeeded his father, with the aid of Raghoba, but died of consumption, 1772. Narrain Row his brother suc- ceeded, but was at ouce murdered by Raghoba. Raghoba was the nest Peishwci. He was a dashing soldier, and captured Delhi after having ra- vaged the territories of the em- peror in 1755. In 1765, he defeat- ed Nizam Ali. In 1773, he assassinated Narrain Row and became Peishwa. Nana Furnu- vese ousted him in favour of Madhoo Plow II. He then nego- tiated with the English, and was pensioned by them. Madhoo Row IT, was a pos- thumous son of Madhoo Row I, and was set up by Nana Furnu- vese who aimed at the power. He was kept in retirement all his life, and committed suicide at the age of 20, in a fit of passion, by throwing himself out of a palace j window, 1793. Bajee Row II, succeeded, with Nana Furnuvese as his minister. He was a deceitful and cowardly man ; professing friendship with the English, he was incessantly plotting against them. Holkar drove him out of Poona in 1802. Wellesley re-instated him. In 1817, he signed a treaty giving up the sovereignty of the Mahrattaks to the English, by which the dynasty was extinguished. Nana Sahib, his adopted son, then received a pension from the English. ( Vide Elphinstone, Malcolm, Wel- lesley, Lord Hastings, Dal- housie, Nana Sahib.) PERRON, Genekal, came out to India as a petty officer on board a ship sometime before the arrival of Monsieur Suffrein. He travel- led into the Upper Provinces and entered into the service of the Rana of Gohud. He here married a Madamoiselle Deridan, whose family resided at Pondicherry. On the destruction of the Rana, Perron entered into the service of Madhajee Sindia as Quarter- Master-Sei’j eant on a salary of Rs. 50 a month. When Mr. Loftoneaux deserted Sinclia’s ser- vice, Perron received the Com- mand of a battalion. He was soon again out of employment in consequence of the battalion being reduced on the return of the army into cantonments. He next met De Boigne who gave him Command of the Berhampore battalion, of his brigade which he was forming for Sindia. He dis- tinguished himself at the battle of Patun, and soon after, while making some experiments with some hand-grenades, one of them burst in his hand, which was so much shattered, that he was obliged to submit to amputation. When De Boigne divided his corps into two brigades, Perron was appointed in command of one, and on De Boigne’s retirement to Europe, Perron succeeded him in command of the three brigades, and in the management of the 348 PER— PIG country assigned for paying them, j After the capture of Coel and Alighur, 29th August 1803 during the second Mahrattah War, Per- ron and his staff retired from Sindia’s service, ffom which date nothing is to be found on record of him. ( Vide De Boigne, Lake.) PERT A B SING, vide Shabjee. PIGOT, Lord George, came out to Madras in 1755, and after hav- ing risen to the post of President, returned to England in 1763 with a fortune of forty lacs of rupees (.£400,000) and obtained an Irish peerage, November 14th. In 1775, lie again returned to Madras as Governor, where corruption and peculation were rampant through- out the various branches of the public service. This he set him- self manfully to suppress, and consequently became very unpo- pular, and raised a formidable body of enemies in and out of council. During the previous ad- ministration (Wynch’s) the Rajah of Tanjore had been ousted from his throne by Mahommecl Ali, and the President acquiesced in the proceeding. Pigot in 1776 went in person to Tanjore, and with much ceremony re-instated the Rajah on the 11th April. He thus made a most bitter enemy of the Nabob, who induced his myrmidons at Madras to oppose the President in every action. Soon after, a certain Paul Benfield laid claim to an assignment on the revenues of Tanjore from the Nabob of sixteen lacs of rupees (.£160,000) and a claim on the growing crops for seven lacs, (.£70,000) monies lent to the ryots ; and yet this man only occupied an inferior post, receiving 2 or 300 Rs. a month ! Vouchers were called for by the council : they could not be produced: theiSabob, however, was prepared to admit the obligation, but desired to suit his own convenience. Undoubt- edly it was a trumped up claim to defraud the Company and the Rajah. The council on the 29th May 1776 rejected the claim, but soon regretted having done so, for most of them and other members of the civil service were creditors of the Nabob for a crore and a half of rupees (£1,500,000), and by rejecting Benfi eld’s claim, they impaired their hold on the reve- nues of Tanjore. They re-consider- ed the vote, and decided by a majority of seven to five that the assignments made to Benfield were valid, though Pigot and his friends vigorously resisted the proceedings. Both parties became excited, and Pigot, using his pre- rogative, suspended two members of the Council, and ordered Sir Robert Fletcher, the commandant, to be placed under arrest. He was an officer whom CJive ten years before had dismissed for fomenting the mutiny of the Ben- gal officers, but he was restored to the service by the Court of Di- rectors. The Government was then assumed by the majority of the Council, and Pigot was placed in confinement. Colonel James Stuart {vide Stuart) executed the order. He spent a day (24th August) with Pigot at his country seat, on apparently most friendly terms, and while driving out in his carriage in the evening, a sig- nal was given, when it was sur- rounded by troopers, and Pigot was hurried off to prison. George Stratton succeeded, but was sus- pended by orders from the Court of Directors, 11th June 1777, and Pigot was ordered to be restored, POL 349 and then resign his post ; but the aged President having been kept in close confinement, died from infirmity and excitement before the order arrived, on the 11th of May ] 777. The four violent mem- bers of council were subsequently tried in England, and fined .£1,000 each. During Lord Napier’s adminis- tration Lord Pigot’s family wrote requesting him to discover the place of interment, as they were desirous of raising a monument to their relative’s memory. Every effort proved fruitless. The books of St. Mary’s Church in Fort St. George showed that Lord Pigot had been interred in St. Mary’s Cemetery, but the exact spot could not be ascertained. POLLOCK, Field-Marshall, Sir George, Bart., of the Khyber Pass, was of Scottish extraction, being one of the three distin- guished sons of the late Mr. David Pollock, the eminent sad- dler of Charing Cross, and brother of the late Sir D. Pollock, the Indian Judge, and of the late Right Honourable Sir Fredrick Pollock, many years Chief Baron of the Exchequer. He was born in London, 4th June 1786 and entered the military service of the E. I. Company in 1802, receiving his commission as Lieutenant in the Bengal Artillery in the fol- lowing year. These were stirring times in India, for the second Mahrattah War had brought two great Gene- rals into the field, Lake in the North and Wellesley from the South. Pollock joined the Army under the former and was present at the battle, siege and capture of Deeg. It was a night attack and our troops entered the citadel on Christmas morning, 1804. The enemy (.Holkar) fell back on Bhurtpore, whither they were fol- lowed by Lake. He arrived before it, 2nd January 1805. Four un- successful attacks rvere made in the course of two months which cost our Army 103 Officers and 3,100 in killed and wounded ! The place at last yielded to a blockade. Pollock served through- out. He voluntarily accompanied the forces sent against Nepaul in 1815 — the same expedition in which Sir Rollo Gillespie fell. After holding some intermediate Regimental and staff appoint- ments, and a furlough to England on sick leave, he was selected in 1824 to command the Bengal Artillery in the Burmese War. He gained considerable distinc- tion here and for his services was nominated a Companion of the Order of the Bath. Next came his crowning exploit, and it was to Pollock more than to any one else we owed the safety of our Indian Empire during the Afghan revolt, 1842. It fell to his lot to retrieve our national honour, after the fatal policy of Lord Auckland had been carried out and termi- nated in such unfortunate results. In 1841, he was selected to com- mand the armies on the West of the Indus in the Afghan War. He reached Peshawar in February 1842 and found before him most formidable work. His own se- poys were on the verge of open mutiny, at the thought of enter- ing a country which had proved so fatal to their comrades, but Pollock was not to be daunted by any amount of obstacles and in a few weeks he restored discipline among the troops and infused some of his spirit into his officers. But, the Cabool massacre was a POL. 350 tiling of tlie past. (November 1841.) Tliere were captives, how- ever, to be recovered and tlie gal- lant Sir Robert Sale was still bolding out at Jellalabad. Pol- lock proved bis own Generalship by forcing the Khyber Pass by a series of skilful and brilliant ope- rations. He wisely cbose this, the scene of bis greatest exploit, as the name of the place whence he took his baronetcy. It was Sale’s vigorous retention of Jellalabad, in spite of orders to evacuate it, that prevented Akbar Khan from molesting Gene- ral Pollock more than he did, on the Khyber Pass, on bis ap- proach to Jellalabad, where he arrived on the 15th April, and found “ the illustrious garrison” in good spirits and robust health. On the 20th of August, Gene- ral Pollock with an army of 8.000 men marched out of Jellalabad to avenge the national honor. At Juddulluk, where the Ghilzyes had eight months before butcher- ed our troops, the Jellalabad gar- rison took the lead in the assault and defeated the enemy. Sale next took part in the battle of Tezeen, where again defeated, Akbar Khan fled, “and the Bri- tish army, after a triumphant march through the scenes of their humiliation, encamped on the Cabool race-course, on the 15th September, and the British en- sign again floated over the Bala Hissar.” The first object of Gene- ral Pollock after the re-occupa- tion of Cabool, was to recover our hostages and the unhappy prisoners who had surrendered during the retreat from Cabool nine 'months before. They con- sisted of nine ladies, twenty gen- tlemen and fourteen children, and were entrusted to Zemaun Khan, who treated them with every con- sideration. On the death of Shah Sujah, he was compelled to hand them over to the high priest of Cabool, with whom they remained till July, when Akbar Khan ob- tained supreme power over the city, and bought them from him for 4,000 lls. (£400.) As Pollock’s division approached, Akbar Khan deputed one of the British officers to negotiate with General Pollock, for the release of the prisoners, which he agreed to grant if the British force would evacuate the country without marching upon the capital ; in case of refusal he threatened to send them into Turkistan and give them to the Oosbeg chiefs. The request was peremptorily refused ! On the 25th August, Akbar Khan remov- ed the prisoners to Bameean, several thousand feet above the level of the sea, where they arrived on the 3rd September. Sir Richmond Shakespear and Sale were despatched with bri- gades to rescue the prisoners im- mediately after the re-occupation of Cabool. The prisoners were in charge of an Afghan escort, com- manded by one Saleh Mahomed, who previously had been a native commandant in Captain Hoskins local regiment. On the march to Bameean, he called aside on the 11 tli September, Captains John- son, Lawrence and Major Pottin- ger, showed them a letter from Akbar Khan directing him to take the prisoners to the higher regions of the Hindoo Koosh, and hand them over to the Oosbeg chief of Kooloom. He also showed them a letter from the Moonshee, Mohun Lai, at Cabool, promising on the part of General Pollock 20.000 Rs. (,£2,000) and an annui- ty of 12,000 Rs. (.£1,200), if he POL 351 would restore the prisoners to li- berty. He added “I know nothing of General Pollock, but if you three gentlemen will swear by your Saviour to make good to me the offer I have received, I will deliver you over to your own people.” All the prisoners then bound themselves by a deed to provide the requisite funds, ac- cording to their respective means. Pottinger immediately took the head of affairs. The services of the Afghan escort, were bought by a promise of four months’ pay on reaching Cabool. and on the 15th September, a horseman gal- loped in from Cabool announcing Pollock’s victory at Tezeen, the annihilation of the Afghan force, and the onward march of the Bri- tish force to the capital. The prisoners quite elated, quitted the fort on the following morning, and while asleep on bare rocks that same night, unconscious of fatigue or suffering they were aroused by a horseman with a note from Sir Pi. Shakespear, an- nouncing his approach, and the next afternoon he arrived. Sale arrived with his column on the 20t,h September, and met his wife and daughter. The object of the Afghanistan expedition now being accomplish- ed it was determined to withdraw the force. To leave, however, a permanent mark of retribution, the great Bazaar of Cabool was blown up, and notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts to pre- vent plunder, our soldiers rushed in and pillaged houses and shops and set the city on fire in several places. For three days it was subjected to the wildest passions of men heated by a remembrance of the foul and treacherous mur- der of their comrades. Never was such vengeance wrecked on a city in India. On the 12th October 1842, the English colours were hauled down from the Bala His- sar and the armies marched back from Cabool. Pollock could well have boasted that he had retrieved the honour of the British arms without a check or blunder. For these ser- vices he was nominated a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, and presented with a mag- nificent sword by the Government of India, who had accepted it for him from a Punjaub Ruler, Shere Sing. He also received the thanks of both Houses, at the following Session of Parliament, for the in- trepidity, skill and perseverance which he had shewn in his bril- liant operations, and the freedom of the city of London was confer- red upon him. The E. I. Com- pany voted him a pension of £1,000 a year, in 1847, and he received all the Medals and clasps that any Indian General could aspire to. Pollock’s services were not confined to the military de- partment. In 1843, he was sent as an Envoy to the Court of Oudh ; in 1844, he was a member of the Supreme Council of India ; in 1858, he was nominated a direc- tor of the E. I. Company upon the transfer of that body to the Crown : in 1868, he received the brevet rank of a General in the Army, and in June 1870, he was advanced to the rank of Field- Marshal and made a Knight of the “ Exalted Order of the Star of India.” He was installed as Constable of the Tower of Lon- don, on the death of Sir John Burgoyne, December 1871. This Office is one of the most ancient in the Kingdom, dating in un- broken sequence from the Nor- 352 POO man conquest, and is conferred i as a reward for eminent State ■ services. When the Tower was a fortress in reality, it was of the utmost importance that the fealty of its Constable should be beyond doubt, and afterwards when used as a State prison, his loyalty and integrity were of scarcely less con- sequence. The Tower though still nominally a State prison has not been put to such use since the Cato Street prisoners were sent there instead of to Newgate. Pol- lock’s name continues the modern list of Constables — a list in which are conspicuous, the names of Cornwallis, Wellington, Comber- mere and Burgoyne. Pollock was married twice ; his first wife was Miss Frances Bar- clay ; his second wife, whom he married in 1852, was Miss Hen- rietta Wollaston, daughter of the late Mr. George Hyde Wollaston. He died at W aimer on the 6th October 1872 ; his body was re- moved to his house at Clapham, and was buried on the 16th in Westminster Abbey close by the graves of two noble Indian Gene- rals of a later age— Clyde and Outram, and at the funeral — a most impressive one — were pre- sent two of the hostages given up by General Elphinstone to Akbar Khan and rescued in 1842 by General Pollock — probably the only survivors — Sir George Law- rence (brother of Lord Lawrence) and Major-General Airey, of the Coldstream Guards. It was not a State funeral, and Sir George — too modest to think of the hon- ours which others regarded as due to him — had expressed a wish to be buried quietly and unostenta- tiously beside his first wife at Kensal Green. For the Tower as a last resting place he was greatly averse. It was felt, however, by the Duke of Argyll and the Coun- cil of India that the old soldier well deserved a place near those illustrious dead who people “ The Abbey” with such glorious me- mories. POORNEAH was a Brahmin of the Madual sect , and descended from a family of the Coimbatore country. He took an active part in the affairs of the Mysore king- dom during the period of the Mahommedan usurpation. His- tory first introduces him as a trea- sury officer in the employ of Hyder, who evidently appreciated his talents and abilities, for he granted him the jaghire of Mara Hully. On the death of Hyder in December 1782, it was chiefly through Poorneah’s excellent ar- rangements that his army was kept together till Tippoo, who was engaged on the western coast, arrived. Tippoo afforded ami>le acknowledgments to the officers who had so faithfully managed the affairs of state at this critical time, particularly to Poorneah. He had great influence among the people, and enjoyed considerable power under the Sultan, though he is said to have been in no small danger from his master’s bigotry. On the death of Tippoo and the fall of Seringapatam, Poorneah, who had been the principal finance minister under the late Govern- ment, gave satisfactory proof of his willingness to serve the new one in the same capacity ; so he was appointed Dewan to Krishna Raj Wadier. A new era now dawned upon Mysore. The sword was laid by for the ploughshare, and arts of peace took the place of those of war. His was not an easy task. A large and unwieldy POO 353 government had decayed, and a new fabric had to be constructed out of very indifferent materials. But supported by Colonel W elles- ley and the British Besident, Poorneah successfully accomplish- ed the task. He spared no exer- tions to raise the revenue of the State, though at the expense of the ryots. “ The outstanding bal- ances being remitted, the ancient Plindoo method of assessment and taxation Avas restored, and the buttayee system, by which the Government shared equally with the cultivators in the produce of the lands, was vigorously pushed, and the Government share of grain either forced on the people at enhanced prices, or stored in granaries and sold when prices rose. The extensive sandal forests with which the country abounded, and which the pride of Tippoo would not permit him to dispose of, were also turned to good ac- count.” “ Shortly after his appointment, the minister made a tour through the territories, and on his way back to the capital, made arrange- ments for the erection of the pre- sent town of Closepett, then a den of tigers and robbers, named it in honour of the resident, and made it the head-quarters of a portion of his troops, called the bargeers.” Mr. Josiah Webbe procured for him, as a reward for this thrifty management, an allowance of one per cent, on the revenues in ad- dition to his salary. Asa mark of gratitude to the British repre- sentative, Poorneah erected a magnificent granite pillar to his memory, with a suitable inscrip- tion, on the north of Seringapa- tam. Near this pillar the Govern- ment troops came into collision with those under the disaffected officer, Colonel Bell in 1809 {vide Barlow), and since then the pillar has been strangely enough named “ Ranakambha,” or the bloody pillar. During Poorneah’s administra- tion, numerous works of irriga- tion, long since fallen into disre- pair, were restored. Chuttrums (way-side rest-houses) were built for native travellers, and bunga- lows for Europeans were erected along the principal roads, and avenues planted. In 1804-5 a rough survey was commenced, which was completed in four years, and a classification and as- sessment introduced into the taluqs of Mysore and Putten Ash- tagram, which limited the demand of Government to a third of the produce. For Poorneah’s assist- ance to Colonel Wellesley during the Mahrattah war he was reward- ed with the jagkire of the fertile and populous district of Yellun- cloor, on the borders of Coimba- tore, yielding twelve thousand pagodas per annum (^4,200), and the State benefited also by “ the great boon of the abrogation of the third article of the treaty, which imposed an indefinite amount of pecuniary liability in times of war, and the substitution of an article requiring the main- tenance of 4,000 horse in lieu.” In his sixteenth year, Krishna Raj Wadier became impatient at the rigid and parsimonious rule of Poorneah, and expressed to the British Resident a wish to govern for himself. Poorneah was in- formed of this by Mr. Cole, who gave him the option of taking part in the administi’ation, but as he was advancing in years, he pre- ferred retirement, and surrender- ed the seals of office in Deceni- • 45 354 POT ber 1811, with a treasury contain- ing about 75 lacs of pagodas, (£2,625,000) besides jewels, and all the various departments of state in an efficient condition. Soon after, he was brought to account for certain charges incur- red under his administration, and placed under some restraint. A portion of the amount was refund- ed, and at the intercession of the British Eesident, the balance was remitted. Poorneah then depart- ed for Seringapatam, where he re- ceived an offer from the Governor- General of a pension of 500 pa- godas a month (£1,750). He breathed his last on the 29th of March 1S12. Some of his de- scendants are to this day in Go- vernment service in the Mysore territories. POTTINGER, Major Eldhed — well-known as the Defender of Herat, was the son of an Irish gentleman, born on the 12th of August 1811. When young he evinced military instincts in boy- ish ways, “ nothing delighting him more in his play-hours than to erect mimic fortifications, and to act little dramas of ivarlike attack and defence,” and his favo- rite subjects of reading were foreign travel and military adven- ture. With these tendencies de- veloping at such an early age, it seemed that the Indian army opened a fine field for him, so an admittance into the Military Se- minary at Addiscombe was ob- tained for him at the age of four- teen. After two years at Addis- combe, he passed his final exami- nation and came out to India as a Cadet in the Artillery, choosing the Bombay Presidency, as his uncle Sir Henry Pottinger, then Colonel, was located there, and was rising fast to distinction. Eldred Pottinger, after serving some time in the ordinary regi- mental routine of a young officer, received an appointment in the Political Department, as assistant to his uncle, who then represent- ed British interests in Sind and ( Beloochistan, and under whose superintendence, he greatly im- ; proved his knowledge of Oriental j languages and literature. The re- lations between India and Persia about this time -were of such a nature that it behoved the British Government in the East, to obtain correct information of the state [ of affairs in Afghanistan. Eldred I Pottiugerseemed willingto under- 1 take the adventurous and danger- ous task of penetrating that country, and his uncle, the Eesi- dent, accepted the oiler. In the early part of the year 1S37, he started in the disguise of a Cutch horse-dealer, and later on he as- sumed the calling of a religious man. This perilous journey, after innumerable delays, imprison- i ments, suspicions of his being a Feeringhee, children, the survivors, surren- dered themselves prisoners. ( Vide Sale, Brydon, Macnaughten, Eyre.) Their captivity lasted for nine months, when they were rescued by Major-General Pol- lock. But in the meantime the Bills Pottinger had drawn against the Indian Government, in favour of the Afghans for the extrication of the British army had been re- pudiated, and this was a most cri- tical time for the unhappy pri- soner. But Pottinger put a very bold face on the matter, and when asked to draw fresh bills, “ he turned a stern, grim face upon 1 them, and said, you may cut off my head if you will, but I will never sign the bills.” After this bold expression the chiefs retired to consult with each other, in an apartment above the prisoners. Pottinger, learning there was a supply of powder in it, sug- j gested setting fire to a train land ! blowing up the place, the English- men taking their chance of escape, but his companions objected. When General Pollock’s army marched back to the British Pro- vinces, it was thought necessary that a Court of Enquiry should be appointed to investigate Pot- tinger’s proceedings in having POT— PR1 357 drawn bills on the Indian Govern- ment to such a large amount as nineteen lacs in favour of the Afghans for the evacuation of Cabool and the safe conduct of the army to the British frontier, and also regarding the treaty he had signed. The court fully exonerated him, as he was entirely opposed to these measures, and reluctantly carried them out at the request of the military authorities. The Court,” it stands on record, “can- not conclude its proceedings with- out expressing a strong convic- tion that throughout the whole period of the painful position in which Major Pottinger was so unexpectedly placed, his conduct was marked by a degree of energy and manly firmness that stamps his character, as one worthy of high admiration.” 2nd January 1843. After a brief residence in Cal- cutta, he paid a visit to his uncle, Sir Henry Pottinger, who was then at the head of the British Mission in China. Here Eldred Pottinger caught the Hong-Kong fever, which abruptly terminated a career of the greatest promise at the early age of thirty-three. He died on the 15th November 1843. POTTINGEE, Eight Honorable, Sir Henrv, G.C.B., a distinguish- ed soldier and diplomatist, was born in 1789, went to India as a cadet in 1804, and at an early age attracted the attention of the civil and military authorities there by his energy, information, and ready administrative powers. During his long sojourn in that country he was employed in almost every branch of the public service ; gradually rose through all the ranks of the service till he reached that of Major-General, and after the Afghan campaign, in 1839, was raised to the baronetage, as a reward for services which he had rendered in the discharge of his difficult duties. Early in 1841 lie was appointed Envoy Extraordin- ary, and Minister Plenipotentiary, to China, where his far-sighted- ness contributed in no slight degree to bring about the success- ful treaty which put an end to our protracted hostilities with the crafty Chinese in 1842. For his services on this occasion he re- ceived the Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. He was sub- sequently appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the island of Hong-kong, which post he held from April 1843, to the spring of the following year, when he returned to England, was sworn a member of the privy council, and received a pension of ,£1,500 a year. In September 1846, he was again chosen for active ser- vice, being appointed to the governorship of the Cape of Good Hope, and discharged that office with great address and energy through a very troubled period, until September 1847, when he was relieved by General Sir Harry G. W. Smith. In 1850, he went again to India, the scene of his early services, and held the post of Governor and Command- er-in-Chief of the Presidency of Madras until the year 1854, when he finally returned to Eng- land. He died in 1856. POYNDAH KHAN, vide Ba- rukzye Family. PEINSEP, James, was the seventh son of Mr. John Prinsep, who having made a considerable for- 35S PRI tune in India in the time of War- ren Hastings, and having married a sister of Mr. J. P. Auriol, Secre- tary to 'Government, returned to England in 1787, and engaged in business as an East India Agent and Italian Silk Merchant. In consequence of his old connection with India no fewer than seven of his sons obtained or sought employment in that country. James Prinsep was born on the 20th August 1799, and was dis- tinguished at a very early age for his habits of exactness and mi- nute observation of whatever at- tracted his attention. His educa- tion was far from being a liberal one. In 1809, he was put into a private school for two years, after which, all the information lie ac- quired was at home, with the oc- casional aid of his elder brothers and sisters, and from the latter he learnt music, in which he became a proficient in after-life. At the age of fifteen he shewed particular ingenuity and skill in design, so he was placed to study under an architect, with a hope of his being afterwards received by Mr. W. Wilkins, who had kindly offered to take him as his pupil and assist- ant. His eyes, however, sustain- ed such injury from close applica- tion to mechanical and other draw- ing, that this project "was aban- doned. His father then thought that an opening for him might be found in the Assay Department in India, so after attending the chemical lectures of Dr. Marcet, at Guy’s Hospital, he was appren- ticed to the Assay Master of the Royal Mint, London, from whom he received a certificate of profi- ciency, and in 1819, obtained the appointment of Assistant to the Assay Master of the CalcuttaMint. He arrived at Calcutta in the ship j “ Hooghly ” on the 15th September 1819. Professor Horace llayman Wilson, was then Assay Master, and Prinsep was placed under him, whose acquaintance had great influence upon the pursuits of his after-life. Before many | months had gone by, Wilson was sent on a special mission to re- model the Mint at Benares, and when that was done, Prinsep was nominated Assay Master in the Benares Mint. When Prinsep reached Benares, the foundations ! of the new Mint were already laid and portion of the structure had been erected. Its utter de- ficiency in decorative ornament, offended the taste of the young Assay Master, and as the building was to be his official and domes- tic residence he submitted amend- | ed plans to the Military Board at Calcutta, and undertook to complete them, at the estimated ; cost of the original design. His success in the construction of this edifice showed great archi- tectural talent, which led to his being employed upon several new works at the station, amongst which was the Church erected there at the joint cost of Govern- ment and the European residents. Though immersed in work, his active mind was not content with simple official duties ; he was earnestly devoted to science and especially prosecuted his chemi- , cal studies to keep pace with the progress of this science in Europe. He also established at Benares, in conjunction with M. Duvancel, | (a French Naturalist, connected with Baron Cuvier and others) a Literary Institution, and set up a press for printing the proceedings 1 of this society. In 1823, the I finance of India was “ considered ! to be in such a condition as to nu 359 afford the prospect of a permanent surplus of income over expendi- ture” and this led the Government to appropriate large sums of money for the improvement of the princi- pal cities of the Bengal Presidency, so they appointed public officers to apply the funds as required. Prinsep was appointed a mem- ber and secretary of the Benares committee. Pie constructed an arched tunnel from the lowest water-mark of the Ganges for con- ducting water to drain the lowest portion of the city of Benares. Pie was engaged in this rvork for two years, and though the tunnel was excavated in some places under seven storied houses, no accident occurred. Pie construct- ed and repaired several other permanent works successfully. Among them was the five arched- bridge of large span on the high military road to Benares, rvhicli has stood the test of entire sub- mergence by the river during several extraordinary inundations. While connected with these works, Prinsep prepared for publication his “ Views and Illustrations of Benares,” which appeared in Eng- land in 1825. His skill in me- chanics was also remarkable. He himself made a balance of such delicacy as to indicate the three- thousandth part of a grain, in assay operations. On his depar- ture, government purchased this balance to be retained for use in the Calcutta Mint. In 1830 the Benares Mint was abolished and the whole coinage of the Bengal Presidency was concentrated in the Calcutta Mint. Prinsep was re-called and appointed Deputy Assay Master in that Establish- ment, under Ms old superior, Dr. Wilson. In conjunction with Prin- sep, Major Herbert, a scientific officer of the Company’s army, started a paper named “ Gleanings in Science,” to which Prinsep con- tributed very extensively. In 1831, the conduct of this periodi- cal was transferred to Prinsep, owing to the departure of Major Herbert. He re-modelled it in the following year and called it the Journal of the Asiatic Society. When Horace Hayman Wilson left for England in 1832, Prinsep was appointed Secretary to the Asiatic Society, and began to fol- low in the wake of Jones, Cole- brooke and Wilson in the field of Indian antiquities. His labours, however, did not interfere with his duty as editor of" the ‘Jour- nal’ ; and he was also to a certain extent the engraver and lithogra- pher for it. He carried on an extensive correspondence in India and with Europe, besides contri- buting a number of valuable arti- cles on a great variety of subjects, especially chemistry, mineralogy, Indian numismatics and Indian antiquities. In the capacity of Assay Master, Prinsep submitted to government a project for re- forming weights and measures, which received its approval. He introduced a uniform coinage, the Ilupee to be styled the Company’s Paipee weighing “ 180 grains in- cluding 15 of alloy, so as to form the unit of his scheme of weights.” This was carried out in 1835 and proved eminently successful. By the coinage of 50 millions of pieces in one year the whole sicca currency of Bengal was entirely done away with. The seven volumes of the ‘Jour- nal’ from 1832 to 1838 contain the results of his inquiries and dis- coveries in archaeology and numis- matics. These have since been published, re-edited, as his Essays 360 PEI on Indian Antiquities. “ Tlie inscriptions on the pillars at Delhi and Allahabad, -which had been copied in facsimile and published in the volumes of the Asiatic Society’s proceedings in the time of Sir W. Jones, and the decipher- ing of which had baffled that ac- complished scholar, and his suc- cessors, Colebrooke and Wilson, yielded at last to Prinsep’s ingen- uity and perseverance. He dis- covered that the two inscriptions were identical, and had their counterparts on rocks at Girnar, in Gujerat, on the western side of India, and at Dhanli, in Ivatak, on the Eastern side ; the charac- ter of all being similar to that of inscriptions occurring among the old Buddhist temples, monas- teries, and topes of Sanclii and at Bhilsa, in South Bundelcuud, which afforded the key for deci- phering most of the letters. This of t-repeated inscription was found, when completely read and trans- lated, to contain edicts of the great king Piadasi, another name for Asoka, who lived in the third century before our era, and was the contemporaiy of the early Seleucidaj kings of Syria. The names of Antiochus, with those of Ptolemy, Magas, and Antigo- nus were found recorded or refer- red to in the body of the inscrip- tion at Girnar ; 'and the reading of these was confirmed ten years after, by the detection of the same names, with the addition of that of a fifth monarch, in another copy of these edicts, expressed in a different character, on a rock at Kapurdigiri, in Afghanistan, when that inscription, was deci- phered by Mr. Norris. These inscriptions .afforded the first verified connection of the history and archaeology of India with contemporary events and sove- reigns of the western world." Prinsep’s intense application to literary and scientific pursuits seriously affected his health, and in the course of the year 1838, he began to suffer from head-aches and sickness. This was first con- sidered a bilious affection, but the symptoms increased rapidly and the disease was traced to an affec- tion of the brain. A trip to Eng- land was deemed the only hope left of recovery. He sailed in the “ Herefordshire in October of the same year, but the change of scene and air proved of no avail. A softening of the substance of the brain had set in, impairing all its faculties. He reached England in a hopeless state, and after much suffering died on the 22nd of April 1840, at the early age of forty. The news of his death was received with sorrow by the Eu- ropean and Native communities of India, and it was the universal feeling at Calcutta that some tes- timonial should be raised to mark the esteem and admiration in which he was held. A ghat, or landing place, with a hand- some building, was erected below the fort of Calcutta which bears his name, and is a distinguish- ed ornament of the city. Prin- sep was married on the 25th April 1S35, to Harriett, eldest daughter of Colonel Auber, of the Bengal Army, by whom he had a son, who died in infancy, and a daughter, who with his widow survived him. Dr. Falco- ner, in a notice of his life in the Colonial Magazine, December 1840, writes, “ His powers of pre- ception were impressed with genius, they were clear, vigorous and instantaneous. The extent of his capacity, was wonderful, PRI 3G1 ancl the number and variety of his acquirements no less remark- able.” PRICE. Major David, was born near Brecknock in South Wales in 1762, where his father was a humble curate, but having at- tracted the notice of his diocesan, Dr. Moss, the Bishop of St. David’s, by his acquirements in the learned languages, he was pre- ferred to the living of Llanba- darn-vawr, near Aberystwith. His father died in 1775, leaving a widow and five children, of whom the eldest is the subject of the present memoir. He received a gratuitous education at the college school, Brecknock, and through the kindness of Mr. Jones, the tutor, obtained a scholarship at Cambridge. Previous to this, he lost his mother, and her little pro- perty was sold to equip her eldest son for the university. On arriv- ing in London, he was led into bad society by a lieutenant of marines, and became “ completely lost in a vortex of follies.” He spent all his money and soon found himself penniless. A dis- tant relative in Leadenhall-street was applied to, who received him kindly, and introduced him to another, who “ replaced in his purse the money he had so thoughtlessly squandered,” which enabled him. to proceed to the university. There he resided from Oct. 1779 to June 1780 ; and on the approach of the vaca- tion, the senior tutor told him plainly that as his previous educa- tion had been very imperfect, and his exchequer so low, his return to college could not be attend- ed with any advantage to him . On his journey to Wales his finan- ces failed him at Gloucester, but through the kindness of his land- lady and of a relation, he was enabled to reach his place of des- tination. Pie was received with kindness and hospitality, and in- duced his sister to give him the greater portion of her slender pittance— an act, which he says, he ever considered as the most reprehensible of his life, his only consolation being, that he atoned for it by a hundred-fold return — and on his arrival in London, he confesses that he again suffered himself to be “hurried down the stream of delirious folly and ex- travagance.” His despair increas- ed as his funds diminished, and after being reduced to the extre- mity of selling his father’s watch, he caught sight of an advertise- ment on the door of an obscure public-house, inviting “ spirited young men” to become recruits. He entered and was enrolled a volunteer in the E. I. Company’s service, under a fictitious name. This event fixed his destiny in life. He was cast into the lowest society, and was surrounded by scenes of vice and profligacy, but as he rightly observed, he was preserved from absolute ruin by “the eye of a benignant Provi- dence being upon him.” When with other recruits he was con- veyed on board the “ Queen” East Indiaman, at Gravesend, the chaplain to the Company’s ship- ping expressed his regret that a person of his appearance should have taken to such a course of life. The heart of the young Welshman, so long a stranger to the voice of sympathy, melted at this show of it. He burst into tears and made a ‘ clean breast’ of all that had occurred to him, informing the chaplain of his real name and that of his father. 46 362 Pill “ What was my surprise,” says Major Price, “ when this friendly individual informed me that he was my countryman, and had ac- tually been indebted to my father for liis education !” This bene- volent clergyman, finding him de- termined “ not to set foot in Eng- land,” exerted his influence with that of Price’s relations, and pro- cured him a cadetship on the P>ombay Establishment, and his removal to another ship, the “ Essex,” the surgeon of which was his old friend, Dr. Evans. So, on the 15th of March 1781, he set sail from England, the “ Essex” forming part of the mag- nificent fleet under Lord Howe, intended for the relief of Gibral- tar, which convoyed other fleets, some fifty sail of the line, and nearly three hundred merchant- ships and transports of the largest class. On the voyage, they fell in and had an action with a French squadron under Admiral Suffrein, and narrowly escaping a ‘ run down’ by one of the convoy, the “ Essex” arrived at Madras on the 24th August 1781, a voyage of 162 days. Price landed at Madras at the age of nineteen, and was indebted to his kind friend, Dr. Evans, for the means of commencing his course “ with the common decency of exterior,” and he also met with many kind friends in India, which was then the very abode of hospitality. H e was soon thrown upon severe field service. Hyder was at the time ravaging the Carnatic up to the very gates of Madras, and Price played an active part under the experienced veteran, Sir Eyre Coote. In April 1782, he joined the army under the unfortunate General Matthews in Bombay, but fortunately his appointment was changed, and he thus escaped the disastrous destiny of that ill- fated corps. ( Vide Tippoo.) He was then employed on detached operations, which laid the founda- tion of an excellent military edu- cation. At an unsuccessful attack on the fortress of Darwar under Captain Little in 1791, he was severely wounded. A bullet grazed the bone of his left wrist, and another passed through his right ancle just above the instep. On the 1st March, the wound in his ancle assumed so dangerous an aspect that the doctors in attendance informed him that amputation of his leg would be the only chance of saving his life. He asked to be allowed a few hours to prepare himself, and on the following morning the gan- grene having extended rapidly upwards, he submitted to the knife, and by noon, his right leg ■was taken of some inches above the knee. In his autobiography he says, “ the operation was cer- tainly appalling, but not by any means so unendurable as I had apprehended. At the same time it is probable that the quantity of opium which I had been taking may have considerably deadened the sensations of pain.” Price was next appointed prize agent of Little’s detachment, and then to a staff situation in Surat. From an early date of his arri- val in India, he had commenced the study of the Oriental lan- guages, especially Persian, and his residence at the delightful man- sion of Mr. Griffith, chief of Surat, enabled him to prosecute the study. He subsequently pur- chased some valuableMSS., which he bequeathed to the Koyal Asia- tic Society, amounting to 90 vols. He was appointed J udge Advo- RAF 363 cate to the Bombay Army in 1795, and in 1797-8 he accompa- nied Colonel Dow as military secretary and interpreter into Malabar, and afterwards acted as Persian interpreter and J udge Advocate to the army under Gene- ral James Stuart, which co-ope- rated with the armies of the Carnatic in the reduction of Seringapatam. The Bombay army appointed him their prize-agent for the booty acquired on the fall of the fortress. He then returned to Bombay, and renewed his Oriental studies with more ample means at his command for purchasing manuscripts. He ob- tained a majority in 1804, and in the following year, after a service of twenty-four years in India, he sailed for England, the Govern- ment of Bombay, in a public order, characterising him as an officer who had “meritoriously passed through a long course of service, with the full approbation of his superiors and the general respect of the service to which he belongs.” He retired from the service in 1807, having a few months before married the daugh- ter of the kind relation who, twenty-six years before, had helped him at Gloucester when penniless. He now applied his leisure to literary occupations, and brought out his excellent Maliomedan History in 4 quarto vols ; an “ Essay towards the history of Arabia, antecedent to the birth of Mahomet,” and seve- ral valuable translations, which have been published by the Royal Asiatic Society and the Oriental Translation Committee. He wrote his own autobiogra- phy with the unattractive title of “ Memoirs of the early life and services of a Field Officer on the retired list of the Indian army,” published by Allen and Co., Lon- don, 1839. The perusal of this work will afford a gratification to novel readers which they are often disappointed in finding in a work of fiction. His last words in his interesting autobiography were, “ my next journey will be to that undiscovered country, from whose bourne no traveller returns.” .He died on the 16th September 1835. R RAFFLES, Sir Stamford, the son of a captain in the West In- dia trade, was born off Port Mo- rant in Jamaica on the 5th July 1781. His early education was most imperfect, for he was re- moved from school at the age of fifteen, and commenced his public cai’eer as a junior clerk in the In- dia House, where, having shewn great talents and industry, he was selected by the Court of Directors in 1805 to fill the post of Assist- ant Secretary to the new Govern- ment formed by the E. I. Company at Pulo-Penang, now called Prince of Wales’ Island. Here he devot- ed his attention to the study of the Malay language, and soon be- came a valuable acquisition to the Government. ' In 1808, his health rendered it necessary for him to seek a change of scene, and he proceeded to Ma- lacca, where he gained such know- ledge of the importance of the 364 RAF settlement and its localities, that he drew up a report to Govern- ment, advising it to countermand the orders which had been issued for the demolition of the fortifica- tions. The advice was acted on and Raffles succeeded to the office of Chief-Secretary on the death of Mr. Pearson. This report so at- tracted the notice of Lord Minto, then Governor-General of India, that he sent for him to Calcutta, and was anxious to place him in the Government of the Malaccas. But Raffles suggested to the Go- vernor-General that great advan- tage would accrue to the English Government if the Dutch settle- ment of Java (Bonaparte having at that time annexed Holland to France) was conquered and an- nexed to the British possessions in the East. Lord Minto fully approved of the scheme, and when the expedition was fitted out, sailed with it in 1811. After its arrival at Malacca, it became a serious question as to which route the fleet should take, for the na- vigation of these seas was then but very imperfectly known : it was ultimately determined to fol- low that pointed out by Raffles, for he had previously ascertained the practicability of this passage by a voyage in a small vessel called the “ Minto In less than six weeks, the whole fleet, count- ing ninety sail, reached Batavia without a single accident. On the conquest of the island, Raffles was appointed by Lord Minto, Lieutenant-Governor of Java and its dependencies at the early age of thirty, and this post he held for five years, being re-called in 1816, before the island was res- tored to the Dutch. lie evinced great energy in his administration, and displayed an anxious desire to promote the welfare of the native population. He also abolished the system of slavery, made great alterations in the economy of the Government, and completely re- vised the judicial system of the colony. Some of his measures were considered impolitic by the authorities at home, and his youth made him an object of jealousy to some of his colleagues ; a num- ber of charges were brought against him, more especially by Gillespie, which led to his recall. On ar- riving in England, he submitted his appeal to the Court of Direc- tors in person. The result was that the Court issued the follow- ing decision : “ After a scrupulous examina- tion of all the documents, both accusatory and exculpatory, con- nected with this important sub- ject (the charges preferred by the late Major-General Gillespie and Mr. Blagrave against Mr. Raffles), and an attentive perusal of the Minutes of the Governor-General and of the other Members of Council when it was under consi- deration, we think it due to Mr. Raffles, to the interests of our service, and to the cause of truth, explicitly to declare our decided conviction that the charges, in as far as they went to impeach the moral character of that gentleman, have not only not been made good, but that they have been dis- proved to an extent which is seldom practicable in a case of defence. The purity, as well as the propriety, of many of his acts as Lieutenant-Governor, having been arraigned ; accusa- tions having been lodged against him which, if substantiated, must have proved fatal to his character, and highly injurious, if not ruin- ous, to his future pi'osyiects in life; RAF 365 liis conduct having been subjected to a regular and solemn investi- gation, and this investigation having demonstrated to our minds the utter groundlessness of the charges exhibited against him , in so far as they affected his honour , •we think that he is entitled to all the advantages of this opinion, and of an early and public expres- sion of it.” After adverting to one or two instances in which his judgment was deemed questionable, the Honourable Court express their “ firm pursuasion that he had stated, without equivocation or reserve, the reason which induced him to engage in those transac- tions, and that they do not at all derogate from those principles of integrity by which we believe his public conduct to have been uni- formly governed’’ This decision took place in 1817, and during Raffles’ residence in England, between July 1816 and September 1817, he brought out his History of J ava, a most valuable work, dedicated by per- mission to the Prince Regent, who conferred on him the honour of knighthood. Raffles lost his wife before leaving Java and married again in England in 1817. On this second marriage of Mr. Raffles the following impromptu appeared in the Morning Post : — “ If marriage a Lottery is call’d, As all calculation it baffles ; Think of one who risks unappall’d, All her future fortune in Raffles ! Bromptox, 1 II. K. February 24 tie, 1817. J In the year 1818, he was ap- pointed Lieutenant-Governor of Fort Marlborough, at Bencoolen, on the island of Sumatra, where he arrived in March. While holding this post the Marquis of Hastings appointed him to under- take an arduous mission, viz., to Acheen, and from thence to the Straits, with a view of fixing upon some station by the occupation of which we might not be excluded from that portion of the Eastern trade which the Dutch were making efforts to monopolize, and which would also afford supplies and succour to our ships on their route to and from the China seas. The result of this mission was the acquisition of Singapore, which has proved a most import- ant commercial station, but it gave rise to lengthened discus- sions with the Netherlands autho- rities, which were finally closed by the treaty of March 1824, the E. I. Company ceding Bencoolen, and acquiring Singapore and Malacca, with the Dutch settle- ments on the continent of India. At Singapore, Raffles founded a college for the encouragement of Anglo-Chinese and Malay litera- ture. Raffles, though distinguished for his administrative abilities, owes his reputation in a great measure to his researches into the natural productions of Sumatra, and his zoological discoveries. While journeying with Dr. Ar- nold, he discovered the gigantic parasitical plant which bas been called the ‘Rafflesia Arnoldii.’ In 1820, he sent to England a large collection of preserved ani- mals, which was deposited in the museum of the London Zoo- logical Society. In 1824, owing to ill-health, he resigned his. appointment, and embarked with Lady Raffles in the ship “ Fame” on the 2nd Feb- ruary. The vessel, however, took fire the same night, it is said, through the carelessness of the steward. With great difficulty 366 RAG— RAM the passengers and crew saved themselves in the boats, and Raffles was obliged to remain at Bencoolen till the following April. By this unfortunate event he lost his extensive collection of animals and plants, and many volumes of manuscripts and drawings relat- ing to the civil and natural his- tory of nearly every island in the Malayan Archipelago, and his own pecuniary loss by the burning of the ship amounted to £20,000. He landed in England on the 22nd August 1824. He there founded the present Zoological Society, of which he was the first president, and the Journal of a Mission to Siam was published under his direction. His health, however, never re- covered the shock it had sustain- ed, and he died on the 4th July 1826, of an apoplectic fit. His widow published his Me- moir in 2 volumes. RAGHOBA, vide Peishwas. RAGHOJEE BHONSLAY, vide Bhonslay Rajahs. RAJAH RAM, vide Sevagee. RAMMOHUN ROY, Rajah, the great Brahmin Reformer, was born in the district of Burdwan in Bengal about 1774. He de- scended from Brahmins of a very high order, his grandfather having filled some very important posts under the Moguls. Under his father’s roof Rammohun Roy re- ceived the elements of native edu- cation, and was also taught the Persian language. He was next sent to Patna to learn Arabic and lastly to Benares, to acquire a knowledge of Sanscrit. A Brah- min by birth, his father inculcated him in all the doctrines, obser- vances and rights of the sect, but Rammohun Roy at the early age of fifteen entertained sceptical ideas of the religious faith his an- cestors had held and in which he was being trained, and so left the parental roof, with a view of adopting another form of religious faith. He went to Thibet, and sojourned there two or three years, but found the doctrines of its in- habitants as idolatrous and frivo- lous as those of the Hindoos. When he returned to India his father received him with great consideration, and from this time he applied himself more ardently to the study of Sanscrit, and other languages, and of the ancient books of the Hindoos. Frequent controversies with Brahmins re- garding their idolatry and super- stition, and his interference with their custom of burning widows and other pernicious practices, again excited their animosity, and through their influence with Ms family, they persuaded his father openly to disregard him, though at the same time a limited pecu- niary support was continued. At the age of twenty-two, he commenced the study of the Eng- lish language, but not with much application for some five years. He was then employed as Dewan in the service of the E. I. Com- pany. Rammohun Roy’s father died about 1804 or 5, having pre- viously divided his property among his three sons. The brothers dying soon after, Rammohun Roy became the possessor of all the wealth, and from this period appears to have commenced his plans of reforming the religion of his countrymen, and spent large sums of money in gratuitously dis- tributing works he had published RAM 367 for the purpose. He next took up his abode in Moorshedabad, where lie published in Persian a work entitled “ Against the Idol- atry of all Religions The book was not refuted, but raised up against him, a host of enemies. In 1814, he purchased a garden house in Calcutta, in which he resided, applying himself to the study of the English language both by reading and conversation, acquiring a knowledge of Latin and Mathematics, and gathering around him a circle of enquiring and intelligent Hindoos, of rank and opulence, some of whom formed a Society in 1818 for a species of Monotheistic worship. Yyas, some 2,000 years ago drew up a compendious abstract of the Vedas, which are Brahminical writings of very high antiquity, one portion respecting the ritual, and another, the principles of religion, written in the Sanscrit language. Rammohun Roy trans- lated it into the Bengallee and Hindustanee languages for the benefit of his countrymen, and afterwards published an abridge- ment of it, for gratuitous and extensive circulation. In 1816, he published an English transla- tion of it, the title of which repre- sents the work as “ the most cele- brated and revered work on Brah- minical theology, establishing the unity of the Supreme Being, and that he alone is the object of pro- pitiation and worship." He after- wards published some of the prin- cipal chapters of the Vedas in Bengallee and English. His reli- gious views roused the hatred of the Brahmins, who commenced a suit to deprive him of caste. After many years of litigation, and a great deal of money spent, it was decided in favor of Ram- mohun Roy. His enquiries con- cerning Christianity, the various doctrines it embraces, and the diversity of opinion prevailing among Christian authors, plunged him into a sea of difficulties, so he set to work learning the Greek and Hebrew languages and studied the original Scriptures himself, the result of which was the pub- lication in 1820, in English, San- scrit and Bengallee, of a series of selections principally from the first three Gospels, which he enti- tled “ The Precepts of Jesus, the Guide to Peace and Happiness." At the close of the Preface, he writes thus, “ This simple code of religion and morality is so admi- rably calculated to elevate men's ideas to high and liberal notions of one God, who has equally sub- jected all living creatures, with- out distinction of caste, rank or wealth, to change, disappoint- ment, pain and death, and has equally admitted all to be par- takers of the bountiful mercies which he has lavished over nature; and is also so well fitted to regu- late the conduct of the human race in the discharge of their various duties to God, to them- selves, and to society ; that I cannot but hope the best effects from its promulgation in the present form." The work was published anony- mously and brought upon him some severe and unexpected cri- ticisms from. The Friend of India , alluding to Rammohun Roy as a heathen. He made a reply in de- fence under the designation of “ A Friend to Truth." Hr. Marshman published a series of animadversions on these anony- mous publications, which led to a remarkable reply from Rammo- hun Roy— the second appeal — 3GS RAM witli his name attached to it. The following extract from Dr. Lent Carpenter’s biography of Kammo- hun Roy, shows the doctrine he maintained in his second appeal to the public, in defence of “ The Precepts of Jesus.” “ The doctrine maintained in it respecting God, is thus stated by himself : — 1 That the Omnipotent God, who is the only proper ob- ject of religious veneration, is one and undivided in person that ‘ in reliance on numerous promises found in the sacred writings, we ought to entertain every hope of enjoying the blessings of pardon from the merciful Father, through repentance, which is declared the only means of procuring forgive- ness for our failures ;’ and that he leads ‘ such as worship him in spirit to righteous conduct, and ultimately to salvation, through his guiding influence which is called the Holy Spirit,’ ‘ given as the consequence of their sincere prayer and supplication.’ And respecting ‘ Jesus of Nazareth,’ he speaks as the ‘ Christ of God :’ he says he places ‘implicit confidence’ in his ‘ veracity, candour, and per- fection ;’ he represents him as ‘ a Being in whom dwelt all truth, and who was sent with a divine law to guide mankind by his preaching and example ;’ as re- ceiving from the Father ‘ the com- mission to come into the world for the salvation of mankind ;’ as judging the world by the wisdom of God ; as being ‘ empowered to perform wonderful works he speaks of his subordinate nature and receiving all the powers which he manifested from the Father ; but also of his being ‘ superior even to the angels in heaven, living from the beginning of the world to eternity ;’ and of the Father creating ‘all things by him and for him ;’ and he dwells with great satisfaction on the conclusion to which the instruc- tions of Christ had led him, that the ‘unity existing between the Father and himself is ‘ a subsist- ing concord of will and design, such as existed among his Apos- tles, and not identity of being.” This second appeal elicited a rejoinder from Dr. Marshman, to which Rammohun Roy published a reply in 1823, under the title of the Final Appeal. The Proprie- tor of the Baptist Mission Press who had printed all his previous works, refused to print this, and Rammohun Roy established a printing press for bringing out this and other of his books. In 1830, the king of Delhi engaged him to represent his grievances to the British Govern- ment, conferred on him by firman the title of Rajah and appointed him Ambassador to the British Court. He arrived in England on the 8th of April 1831 ; his negotiation was successful and added ,£'30,000 a year to the king. His embassy and title was recog- nized by the British Ministers, but was objected to by the Court of East India Directors. While in England, he associated with the Unitarians. He intend- ed returning to India again, but took ill with a fever at Bristol and died on the 27th September 1833. lie was buried at his own request in a shrubbery of Staple- ton Grove, Bristol, without any Christian observances, as such would have constituted losing caste, and deprive his children of their inheritance. The Brahmi- nical thread was also found after death across his shoulders, evi- dently for the same reason, for RAN— RHO 369 he had abandoned all eastern su- perstitions. An old friend of his, Dwarkanath Tagore, on a visit to England, out of respect for the memory of Rammohun Roy, re- moved his remains to the cemetery of Arno’s Vale, near Bristol, on the 29th of May 1843, and erected a handsome monument over them in the spring of the following- year. Rammohun Roy was a great linguist, being able to converse and write in ten languages. The Abbe Gregoire writing of him in 1818, says, “ The moderation with which he repels the attacks on his writings, the force of his ar- guments, and his profound know- ledge of the sacred books of the Hindoos, are proofs of the fitness of the work he has undertaken ; and the pecuniary sacrifices he has made, show a disinterested- ness which cannot be encouraged or admired too warmly.” The present Bramo Somaj, which has enlisted in its ranks so many en- lightened Brahmins and Hindoos, who have abandoned idolatry and look upon one God and Creator may be said to have originated with Rammohun Roy. RANOOGEE SINDIA, vide SlNDIA. RENNELL, Major James, was born at Chudleigh in Devonshire in 1742. He first entered the naval service as a midshipman, and served in India, but quitted it for the E. I. Company’s military service, and became surveyor-ge- neral of Bengal. He returned to England in 1782, and was elected fellow of the Royal Society, and commenced an extensive corres- pondence with men of learning at home and abroad. He next pub- lished his celebrated ‘ Memoir and Map of Hindostan,’ and assisted in the formation of the Asiatic Society. He was also author of ‘ Observations on the Topography of the Plain of Troy,’ Memoirs of the ‘ Geography of Africa,’ the ‘ Geographical system of Herodo- tus,’ and the ‘ Marches of the Bri- tish Army in the Peninsula of India,’ &c. He died in 1830. Major Rennell married into the Thackeray family. RHEEDE, Henry Adrian Dar- akensteinran, was a celebrated Dutch botanist, and governor of the coast of Malabar in the seven- teenth century. He went to India early in life, and acquired this position by distinguishing himself in the service of his country. He was extremely fond of Botany and devoted much of his time to its study, the result of which was the publication in Amsterdam, 1678-1703, in 12 folio volumes of his “ Hortus Indicus Malabaricus,” with 794 plates. From this work another emanated, under the title of “Flora Malaba- rica,” compiled by Gaspar Com- melin : and Sir John Hill, trans- lated the 1st volume into English. The period of the death of Rheede is uncertain, but he is supposed to have died between the years 1696-1703. RHODES, Alexander de, a French Jesuit Missionary, was born at Avignon in 1591. In 1618, he proceeded to India and resid- ed some time at Goa and Macao. He next proceeded to China from whence he was driven by perse- cutions to Europe. He afterwards engaged in a new Mission to Per- sia, in which country he died in 1660. He wrote several works 47 370 ROE relative to tbe propagation of the Gospel in the countries he had visited. ROE, Sir Thomas, an able states- man and diplomatist, was born at Low Layton, in Essex, about 1 580, and was educated at Mag- dalen College, Oxford. He was knighted in 1604, and soon after went to make discoveries in Ame- rica. In 1615, he was sent on an embassy to the great Mogul, Jehangeer, at whose court he remained three years. “ His journal is extremely curious and interesting ; and contains much valuable information upon the actual state of the country, the condition of the people, and the court life of Jehangeer, which excited the utmost astonishment in England, where the great Mo- gul was probably considered little more than a painted savage, and the civilised character of his country was entirely unknown. The paltry presents brought by the ambassador, though cour- teously received, yet caused pain in presentation, as the offerings of a poor nation ; for all the jewels of the British crown would have been of no account before those of the throne of Jehangeer, and the precious stones with which he was covered. Sir Thomas Roe resided at Jeliangeer’s court for nearly three years. He was ad- mitted, as Hawkins had been, to intimate association with the em- peror, and attended him in his private chamber, being present at his drinking bouts, and accom- panying him in his marches, wars, and excursions. He describes the royal princes ; the pity for Khoos- roo ; the gravity and self-esteem of Khurram, or Shah Jehan, and j the glory of the Empress. But it ! is impossible to folio w any por- tion of these interesting details with the peculiarity they deserve ; they should be read by the stu- dent of Indian history in then- entirety, not only for the remarks upon court and political affairs, but as regards the state of govern- ment, and its effects upon the people ; the latter were not favourable, and it may be pre- sumed that the strict administra- tion of Akbarhad relaxed.” One good story of Sir Thomas Roe’s will bear repetition. “ Amongst the presents for the emperor was a large picture of Venus and a Satyr, in which the goddess was represented as pulling the brute savage by the nose. This picture was a poser for his majesty, whose conscience inclined him to the belief that the painter was ridicul- ing himself for being led by the nose by the beautiful Noormahal. Fortunately, his majesty’s atten- tion was somewhat diverted by other matters, and especially by the promise of the ambassador to bring some bull-dogs next time he came : otherwise the royal wrath might have manifested itself in a disagreeable manner towards King James’ ambassador.” In 1621, Roe went as ambassa- dor to the Grand Seignior ; in which post he continued under Osman, Mustapha, and Amurath IV. He collected a number of manuscripts while there, and pre- sented them to the Bodleian Li- brary, and he also brought the Alexandrian MS. of the Greek Bible as a present for Charles I, from Cyril, Patriarch of Constan- tinople. Roe negotiated a peace between Poland and Sweden in 1629, and Gustavus Adolphus, by j his advice, entered Germany as ! leader of the Protestants in the ROS 371 Thirty Years’ War. The king sent him a present of ,£2,000 after the victory of Leipsic. In 1640, he was chosen to represent the university of Oxford in Parlia- ment. In the following year he was sent as ambassador to the diet of Ratisbon, and on his re- turn, was made Chancellor of the Garter and Privy-Councillor. He died in 1644. ROSE, Sir Hugh, entered the Military service in 1820, as Ensign in the 93rd Sutherland High- landers. His father at the time was envoy at the Court of Berlin — and it was on the continent that he received his early military training. He obtained his ma- jority by purchase after six years’ service, and was appointed as Major, to the 92nd Gordon High- landers with whom he served eleven years, and was much en- gaged in Ireland in suppressing the tithe and Monster Meetings in Tipperary and adjoining coun- ties. His services produced the most flattering acknowledgments from the highest authorities. In 1840, he was employed with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and Deputy-Adjutant-General in Sy- ria, with the expedition sent to res- tore that country, made over by French influence to Egyptian rule under Mahomed Ali, to the Porte. He here received two or three slight wounds, and his “gallant and dashingconduct” as it was des- cribed by Sir R. Stafford and Ge- neral Michell brought him the Turkish order of the “Nishan Iftihar” in diamonds ; he also re- ceived a sabre of Honour from the Sultan, and from the British Government the Military compa- nionship of the Bath. Soon after the termination of the War in the Levant, and the re-call of the offi- cers engaged, Rose received the special appointment of Consul- General in Syria. So well were his services appreciated that Lord Palmerston appointed him Secre- tary to the embassy at the Porte, and on the ambassador, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, going on leave, Rose succeeded him as Charge-d’affaires of the embassy at Constantinople. He soon saw that Russia was preparing a secret plan which would render her the real mistress of Constantinople. While Lord Ponsonby filled the post of Ambassador, the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi was concluded without his knowledge, notwith- standing his incessant vigilance. This treaty placed Constantinople in such a position, that Russia had but to speak the word and take possession of it. In 1853-54, the time appeared to have arrived in the opinion of the Emperor Nicholas to take such a course. A special embassy was despatched from St. Petersburgh, headed by Prince Menschikoff, an overbear- ing and insolent man. His first step was to demand the dismissal of a Minister whom he regarded as opposed to Russian interest. This was complied with. Pro- bably, taking advantage of Sir Stratford de Redcliffe’s absence, he went to work “ rather too in- cautiously” on the object of his mission. Rose watched him with as keen and penetrating a glance. Menschikoff continued to press the Sultan and made demands, which if complied with would have brought him completely under the power of Russia, and involved also a complete violation of the quadruple treaty of 1841, of which England was one of the guarantees. The Ministers of the 372 ROS Sultan represented to Rose that unless some positive and material guarantee were given them that England would support them in opposing Russia’s demands, they must succumb to Russian in- fluence— and they wanted Rose to order up the British fleet from Malta to the mouth of the Dar- danelles. It was a grave crisis and he had to act on his own res- ponsibility in the absence of his chief. He did not hesitate, but at once asked Admiral Deans Dundas. to proceed to Besika Bay. The Admiral though bound to obey an ambassador, was not so bound towards a Charge-d’affaires, and refused to quit Malta. In the meantime the Turkish Mi- nisters had gained confidence and replied in no submissive tone to the arrogant demands of Mens- chikoff. It was a surprise to him. He had always derided the idea that the Western powers would interfere and prevent the downfall of Turkey. “ He had believed that the English had thrown away their last trump-card when they permitted Lord Stratford to pro- ceed to England. His mortifi- cation, then, may be imagined, when, on leading the ace of his strong suit, he found that it was trumped by Colonel Rose.” The people of England fully approved of Rose’s conduct, and the continu- ed aggressive conduct of the Czar opened the eyes of the Ministry. The fleet was ordered to the Turkish waters, but too late for the result hoped for. The Czar had advanced too far to retrace his steps without loss of prestige. Lord Stratford returned and stamped with his emphatic ap- proval all Rose’s measures. The Czar saw that the English were prepared to fight, and the astute Emperor of the French, was re- solved to assist them. The Cri- mean War followed. Rose was appointed Queen’s Commissioner at the Head Quarters of the French Army, was promoted to Brigadier- General, recommended for the Cross of the Legion of Honour after the battle of Alma, was con- stantly mentioned in the Des- patches for distinguished conduct in the French trenches, and at the battle of Inkermann, where he had two horses shot under him. He received the Turkish order of the Medjidie, was made a K.C.B., and was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General “for distin- guished conduct in the field.” Not long after, Rose was called to test his reputation in a far different field — Central India — during the Indian Mutiny, and right well did he discharge the trust placed in his hands. Arriv- ing in Bombay in the autumn of 1857, he wrent toMhow and assum- ed command of the force acting in Malwa, afterwards termed the Central India Field Force. He arrived at Indore {vide Durand) on the 16th December, where he remained a short time to organise his force, which consisted of one troop of horse Artillery, one light field Battery, 2 eight-pounder guns, 2 eight-inch mortars, 2 five and a half-inch mortars, 1 eight- inch howitzer, a squadron of the 14th Light Dragoons, a troop of the 3rd Bombay Light Cavalry, a troop of Cavalry of the Hydera- bad Contingent, one European, one Bombay Native, and one Hy- derabad Contingent Regiment of Infantry, the latter supplying 2 six-pounder guns and detach- ments from two other Infantry regiments. There were also some Madras and Bombay Sappers and ROS 373 Miners attached to the force. It was Rose’s intention to co-operate with Sir George Whitlock who was marching up with the Madras column, but finding that this officer could not be in the field very early, and hearing that the necessities of the invested officers at Saugor were very great, he diverged from the original plan of the campaign and quitting Indore on the 8th January 1858 he commenced his march to the relief of Saugor. Passing through Bhopal he was warmly welcomed by the Begum and assisted by supplies and a contingent of 800 strong. On the 24th, he reached Ratgurh, a fort “ said to be larger and as strong as that of Mooltan,” 30 miles from Saugor near the high road from Indore, and which commands the neighbour- ing country. From the night of the 26th to the 28th a brisk fire was poured into it, and on the latter day the Rajah of Banpore moved forward to relieve it. Without relaxing his fire, Rose detached some troops, chiefly cav- alry to drive back his new enemy. They fled, without showing fight, and the disheartened garrison silently evacuated the fort the same night by a precipitous path. He followed the Rajah of Ban- pore some fifteen miles, driving him from all his positions and inflicting on him a loss of four or five hundred men. The English loss was two officers killed and six wounded. The enemy’s defeat was complete, and the immediate result was the relief of Saugor on the 3rd February, after the place had been invested nearly eight months. The next object of the cam- paign was to re-capture Jhansi and to punish those concerned in the barbarous and cold-blooded slaughter of our countrymen and countrywomen there. Jhansi lies 125 miles north of Saugor, and before approaching it, it was necessary to capture Gurrakotta, a strong fort 25 miles east of Sau- gor, held by rebel sepoys of the 51st and 52nd Native Infantry. “ So thick were its parapets, that, when the place was attacked by Brigadier Watson in 1818 wdth a force of 11,000 men and 28 siege- guns, he was unable, in three wreeks, to make a breach in them, and the garrison was allowed to evacuate the fort with all the honours of war !” Rose came up to it on the 11th February after surprising and cirtting up a rebel picquet on his way. The place was stormed, and on the following evening the fort was evacuated. The enemy were pursued by the Hyderabad Cavalry and cut up in great numbers. Barodia was taken on the 3rd March. The Mudanpore Pass was stormed and the enemy driven out under great resistance. The pass of Maltoun was given up without a blow, — every fortified place was aban- doned except the fort of Chan- daree on the left bank of the Betwa. The road now lay open for Jhansi, and to the fall of this place great importance was at- tached by the highest officers, for it was regarded as the strong- hold of the rebel powrer in Cen- tral India, the very holding of which by the Ranee was a defiance to the British, but it was so strong in comparison to the attacking forces under the command of Rose, that Lord Canning and the Com- mander-in-Chief wrote and gave him the option of proceeding in- stead towards Banda. It was an immensely strong fortress built 374 ROS on <1 high granite rook, surround- ed by a granite wall 25 feet high, loopholed and bastioned, garrison- ed by 1 1,000 men, and “ governed by a woman, who wanted only a good cause to be a heroine.” To add to Sir Hugh's difficulties, he heard that Tantia Topee had rais- ed a large force, which he called the army of the Peishwa, had taken the fort of Cliirkaru in Bundlekund and was moving to- wards .Jhansi to drive the English from its walls. With all these formidable prospects, he did not hesitate for an instant — refused the preferred means of an easier victory, and with greater determi- nation prepared to attack the rebels on their own chosen, strong- ly fortified position ! On his march thither he despatched General Stewart with his first brigade to attack the fort of Chandaree on the river Betwa. On the 17th March, after a desperate resist- ance, this fort was stormed with a loss on our side of 5 officers and 25 men killed and wounded. Sir Hugh arrived before Jhansi on the 21st March and at once invested it — a bold measure, to invest a place, four and a half miles in circumference, with so small a force. The Ranee was well aware that Tantia Topee, at the head of 12,000 men with twenty guns, was marching to her relief, and this threw nerve into the garrison. Our troops opened fire on the 25th from two points of attack, and for 17 days never took off their clothes, nor were the horses unbridled, but for watering. Shot and shell were continually poured in, and the enemy as incessantly thundered a reply. On both sides exertions were prodigious — while our rifle- men took up advanced positions near the wall to fire upon the enemy’s gunners, women and children were seen assisting in repairing the defences of the walls, and carrying food and water to the troops on duty. The Ranee herself constantly visited the troops cheering and encouraging them. Up to the 31st no breach had been effected, and the determi- nation of the enemy to resist was as strong as ever, and on the evening of the same day Sir Hugh received intelligence of the ap- proach of Tantia Topee’s army from the North. His position was most critical — a stubborn for- tress before him garrisoned by 11.000 men, — outside, close to him 12.000 men headed by a sworn enemy of the British, and “ one who had revelled in the slaughters of Cawnpore.” One false step would have ruined us, but Sir Hugh was equal to the occasion. While he determined to continue to press the siege with vigour, he marched in person at the head of all the men that could be spared from the actual duties of the siege, against his new enemy. By Sir Hugh’s strategy, a hand- ful against thousands gained the day. N ever was a victory more complete, and the triumphant little army retired to its position before Jhansi on the 1st of April. The garrison being depressed at the defeat of Tantia’s army, was an opportunity Sir Hugh took every advantage of, so he poured in a heavy fire all that night and the day following, and at 3 A. M. on the 3rd of April, the desperate storming of Jhansi begun. Some of the ladders were too short for the walls, others broke down with the weight of the stormers, and several officers who gained the ramparts were cut down before ROS 375 assistance could be rendered. But the breacli was carried — troops poured into the town fighting every inch of the way. The Palace had yet to be gained. The resistance was most obstinate — each room being contested for, and lastly the Ranee’s Bodyguard fought till every man had been cut down, and all the while the fort pouring in a fire amid friends and foes. Desultory fight- ing continued the whole night and throughout the following day, and on the night of the 4th the Ranee quitted the fort with all her remaining followers. On the following morning Sir Hugh occupied it and sent a party in pursuit of the enemy who cut up 200 of them. The loss of the English in the storm- ing of Jhansi and the action of the Betwa, amounted to 343 killed and wounded of whom 36 were officers. The enemy lost 5,000. The next object was to march on Calpee, but the Ranee of Jhansi, the Rajah of Banpore and Tantia Topee had united their followers and resolved to do bat- tle for that place at Koonch, about 40 miles south-west. Sir Hugh Rose moved against this position on the 6th May and defeated the enemy who were pursued 16 miles and Install their guns. The heat was terrific — 120° in the shade. Twelve men of the 71st Foot were struck dead by the sun. Sir Hugh himself was struck down thrbe times, and Dr. Lowe writes, “ while the action was going on, clhooly after dhooly was brought into the field-hospi- tal with officers and men suffer- ing from sunstroke, others pros- trated, laughing and sobbing in weak delirium.” This was well- known to the enemy, for a gene- ral order issued by the rebel com- mander on the subject, as follows, was intercepted : “ As the Euro- pean infidels either died or had to go into hospital from fighting in the sun, they were never to be attacked before 10 o’clock in the day, in order that they might feel its force.” After a desperate fight Calpee was gained and was entered on the morning of the Queen’s birth- day. It was found to contain in great abundance, cases of English rifles and swords unopened ; shot, shell, and every description of ordnance. The campaign was nowvirtually over, and Sir Hugh, worn out, was preparing to return to Bombay when he suddenly received in- telligence that the rebel army under Tantia Topee, the Ranee of Jhansi, and other chiefs had at- tacked Sindia at Bahadurpore, 9 miles from Gwalior, and that with the exception of his Body-guard, Sindia’s whole army had deserted in mass to the enemy ; that Sindia had fled to Agra, and that the rebels had taken possession of Gwalior with all its Artillery and munitions of war. Sir Hugh moved thither on the 6th of June — the thermometer being 130° in the shade. After the preliminary engagement of Kotah-ka-Serai, in which the Ranee of Jhansi fell fighting at the head of her troopers. Sir Hugh prepared for the final stroke. On the 18th the town of Gwalior was captured, and great numbers of the enemy were pur- sued and cut up. On the 19th the fort fell into the hands of the British though Lieutenant Rose lost his life by his gallantry in the attack. Thus ended the Central Indian Campaign, and the devo- tion, the discipline, the privations, 3T6 RUT the gallantry of the troops who went through it, indeed deserve the best gratitude of their country. Sir Hugh made over command of his force on the 29th June 1858 to General Napier and went to Bombay. On the departure of Lord Clyde, he was made Com- mander-in-Chief of India, which appointment he took up in June I860, and held till March 1865, when he returned to England. EOTTLER, John Peter, Doc- tor, the eminent Danish Mission- ary and Botanist, was born at Strasburg in June 1749. After receiving the rudiments of educa- tion at the Strasburg Gymnasium, under Dr. Lorenzo, he entered the University of Strasburg in his seventeenth year. Two new Missionaries being required for the Danish Mission in India, Dr. Lorenzo selected Rottler and his companion Gerlach. Having been ordained at Copenhagen on the 3rd of November 1775, they sailed for India, arriving at Tranquebar on the 5th of August 1776. Rot- tler here applied himself most assiduously to the study of Tamil, and is said to have preached his first sermon in that language after less than a twelvemonths’ study. While making his mis- sionary tours, he applied himself to the study of Indian Botany ; “ and his journals of these tours are said to abound with the tech- nical names of the plants which he met with.” About the year 1779, he married the widow of the Captain of a Dutch ship at Cochin. She died in Madras at the age of seventy-four, in 1827. He became known in Germany, in connection with his botanical researches about the year 1779, and corresponded with her great- est savans, continually sending them botanical specimens of South Indian flora. The Univer- sity of Erlangen conferred the degree of Doctor of Philosophy on Rottler in 1795. Extensive collections of Rottler’s plants exist to this day in various European Museums and Institutes. His scientific descriptions of the plants he sent to Europe were generally accepted by botanists, but in many cases, he was surpassed in this respect by those who had more favorable opportunities of studyingBotany, and who changed the names of many without any regard for Rottler. The first ten years of Rottler’s life in India, were years of suffering. Ill-health compelled him repeatedly to abandon temporarily his Mission- ary work and seek relaxation in change of scene, air, and occupa- tion. During one of these trips he wrote his -i Botanical notes on the journey from Tranquebar to Madras by Wandewask to Cudda- lore and Tranquebar from 29th December to 16th January 1800, with remarks on the plants ob- served during his stay at Madras in the Botanical Garden at Mar- m along under the charge of Mr. D. Berry,” which added much to his European reputation. When Lord North, first British Gover- nor of Ceylon, was appointed in 1795, by Government, to make a tour of inquiry through thelsland, his Secretary, Mr. Cleghorn, en- gaged the services of Rottler, as naturalist and interpreter, and met him by appointment at Jaffna on the 7th of January 1796. Mr. Cleghorn writes of him thus : “ My most worthy friend, Rot- tler, has found many curious and undescribed plants ; and the clas- sifying and preserving them, to- ROX 377 gether with his pious exhortations to such Malabar Christians as he meets with, innocently and pro- litably fills up the time of this truly primitive and good man.” The result of this journey was that eventually the collection of plants made by Rottler was in- corporated with the general Her- barium at King’s College, London. In 1873, it was transferred to Kew, and the catalogue of this Herba- rium was also at Hr. J. D. Hoo- ker’s request sent to Kew from the Madras Medical College. In 1803, Rottler, nominated by his colleagues at Tranquebar, took charge of the Vepery Mission, Madras, on the appointment of Mr. Psezold to the Professorship of Tamil at Calcutta, subject to the approval of the Home Com- mittee of the S. P. C. K., by whose Madras Committee he was appointed. He was also made Secretary of the Female Orphan Asylum. Mr. Psezold returned to his post in the following year, and in the meantime, Rottler, who had taken the appointment sub- ject to the sanction of the Mis- sionary College of Copenhagen, heard from its Directors, who declined to acquiesce in the arrangement and directed him to return to Tranquebar. This led to his disconnection with the Danish Mission, with the sanction and approval of the Danish Gov- ernor and the Danish Missionaries in India, and he continued to hold his appointment of Secretaryship of the Female Asylum. In 1813, he was appointed by Government to visit the Christian congrega- tions at Pulicat. On the death of Mr. Psezold in 1817, Rottler was put in charge of the Vepery Mission, which, with the other appointment above alluded to, he held for the last eighteen years of his life. In 1818, he was made an Honorary Member of the Madras Literary Society ; and in 1825, a Member of the Madras Medical Society. He died of paralysis on the 24th of January 1836. A tablet was erected to his memory in St. Matthias’ Church, Madras. He compiled a Tamil and English Dictionary, and translated the Prayer Book into Tamil, which is used by all the Native Chris- tians connected with the Church of England. ROXBURGH, William, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of the Royal and Linnsean Societies and late chief Botanist to the E. I. Com- pany, was born at Craigie, in Ayrshire, 3rd of June 1751. His parents were agriculturists, but perceiving in their son a growing taste for botanical research, he was sent at an early age to the University of Edinburgh, where he attracted the attention of the late Dr. Hope, then Professor of Bo- tany, through whose influence, at Roxburgh’s own desire, an ap- pointment was procured for him as Assistant Surgeon in the E. I. Company’s Madras Establish- ment. After serving with a regi- ment in this capacity for a few years in India, his occasional researches attracted the notice of the Government of Fort St. George, who thereupon established a Botanic Garden at Samulcottah, placing it under the immediate superintendence of Roxburgh, in the formation of which he was assisted by Koenig. It was during his stay at this Garden that Rox- burgh prepared his “ Coromandel Plants,” fvhich was published in London, with plates, 1795-98, in three folio volumes. The work 48 378 ROY is a description and classification, according to the Linnsean system, of all the most curious produc- tions of the vegetable kingdom, discovered during a residence of many years on the Coromandel Coast. Sir Joseph Banks said of it, “ it stamped the author’s char- acter, as among the first botan- ists since the days of Linnseas.” In 1793, Roxburgh was appointed keeper of the Calcutta Botanic Garden and chief Botanist to the E. I. Company. Here he formed the acquaintance of Sir W. Jones, Warren Hastings and Lord Teign- inouth, and enriched various periodical works with most valu- able contributions. In 1805, he went to England for the benefit of his health, but did not remain there long. At length in May 1814, he returned to England for the second and last time, and though in a dying state, was actively engaged in a new and important work, to be called, “ Flora Indica,” but the hand of death arrested its progress. He died at Edinburgh about the beginning of the year 1815, in the 04th year of his age. His other works are, “ A botanical descrip- tion of a new species of Swietenia, or Mahogany,” 1797 ; and an “ Essay on the natural order of the Scitamineas •” besides various papers in Dalrymple’s Oriental Depository, the AsiaticResearches, and the Philosophical Transac- tions. ROYLE, J. Forbes, M.D., F.R.S., the distinguished botanist, com- menced his career as a pupil of Dr. A. T. Thompson, was appointed Medical officer in the service of the E. I. Company, Bengal Estab- lishment in 1820, and performed military duty till 1823. As he had employed much of his time in the study of the vegetable products of the East, and having acquired an accurate acquaintance of botany in general, he was chosen as super- intendent of the Botanic Garden established by the Government at Saharanpore, at the foot of the Himalayas, where he had the opportunity of studying the indi- genous flora of Hindoostan. In 1 832, he retired to England, where he published his “ Illustrations of the Botany of the Himalaya Mountains,” in two folio volumes with coloured plates, 1839. There Royle was appointed secretary for the correspondence relating to the vegetable productions of India, at the East India House. It was under his direction, assisted by Mr. Fortune, the celebrated Chi- nese traveller, and Dr. Jameson, the superintendent of Tea farms, that the Chinese tea plant was introduced into Upper India. To the practical application of botanic science, no man has contributed more than Dr. Royle. He was called upon to fill the important post of Professor of Materia Medica at King’s College, London, in 1836, which he occupied for 20 years. Dr. Royle, in the Universal Exhibitions of 1851 and that of 1 855, in Paris, was actively engaged in arranging the department of each building allotted to India, the materials of which are now preserved in a large Museum, built for the purpose, in the pre- mises of Leadenliall Street. The arduous work of this classifica- tion drew him away from the labours of his Professorship, and during the last two years of his life, his friend Dr. Headland lectured for him. In 1856, Dr. Royle resigned. Dr. Headland also assisted him in his literary RUK— RUM 379 labours. For a short time he held the office of Secretary to the British Association for the ad- vancement of Science, and was Fellow of the Royal, Linnaean and Geological Societies. He died at his residence, Acton, on the 2nd of January 1858, suddenly, though he had been unwell several weeks previously. His other works are, Cotton cirlture in India ; Fibrous plants of India ; The Antiquity of Hindu Medi- cine ; The Productive Resources of India ; Geographical descrip- tion of the Flora of India, Rep. Brit. Ass., Part III, 74, and with his extensive knowledge of the Natural History of India, he was a valuable contributor to the Penny Cyclopaedia, Kitto’s Dictionary of the Bible, and other works. RUKN-U-DIN, vide Slave Kings of Delhi, RUMBOLD, Sir Thomas, landed in Madras on the 8th February 1778, and succeeded his prede- cessor, Lord Pigot, who had died in confinement. There was nothing particular to distinguish his offi- cial career from that of other Pre- sidents of the time, but the recent discoveries made by the able his- torian, Marshman, threw a new light on transactions distorted by previous history. It appears that Rumbold’s actions have been much misunderstood. He has been accused of many political crimes, but Mr. Marshman has been able by some new docu- mentary evidence to clear Rum- bold’s character of the aspersions that have been cast upon it, and represent him as a very ill-used man. Rumbold’s short official career of three years terminated in accu- sations having reference to his treatment of the Carnatic Zemin- dars, the system of bribery car- ried on at the Presidency towns, and his eventual retirement from office — thus enumerated : I. — That he needlessly cancelled the commission which had been previously appointed to enquire into the revenues of the circars which had passed into the hands of the English in 1765, with a view of injuring the individual members, and that he afterwards gave the zemindars great offence by compelling them to come down to Madras to answer charges brought against them. As the aristocracy of the country they considered this a great indignity. Mr. Marshman’s new docu- mentary evidence proves that Rumbold had sufficient reasons for his conduct. Far away from the seat of Government, the ze- mindars had many opportunities of baffling their investigations — in fact, to such an extent as to render any inquiry on the spot abortive. This was his reason for summoning them to head- quarters, and establishing a new commission to hear their expla- nations, and to make a report. His measures were fully approved of by the Court of Directors. II. — The second accusation was that Yiziram, chief Zemindari Rajah of the Circars, refused to come to Madras on the plea that his country would sustain injury by his absence, and that he was peremptorily treated as a rebel — turned out of his office, and his brother, Seetaram, (who bribed Rumbold heavily for the purpose) was placed in his post. Mr. Marshman explains that Seetaram, who was the rightful heir, being the elder brother of 380 RUM Viziram, the present owner had unlawfully ejected him, and Rum- bold interfered kindly — made up the quarrel, and persuaded Vi- ziram to make his brother De- wan of the District, who was satisfied with this position. It was true that bribes were offered and accepted, but not by Rum- bold. His secretary was the guilty party, and he was dis- charged as soon as the affair was discovered by Rumbold. III. — Rumbold was accused of peculation to an immense extent, and his having sent home to Eng- land the sum of £45,000 after a six months’ residence in Madras, was brought forward as a proof of it. Mr. Marshman states that this was the earnings of many years of industry when Rumbold had charge of a factory in India. During his absence in Europe it had been accumulating, and on his return he remitted the whole sum to his agents to invest. It is, therefore, no evidence that he received bribes. IV. — The fourth charge against Rumbold was, want of policy. Owing to his conduct in the case of the Guntoor Circar, he was stated to have been the chief cause of the hostility of the Ni- zam in 1779. The brother of the Nizam, Bassalat Jung had been made the Rajah of the Guntoor Circar, and when Hyder Ali was becoming dangerous to him, he applied to Madras for aid, promis- ing to rent the Guntoor Circar to the Company in exchange for military assistance, and though the Governor of Madras knew that the Rajah had no right to assign lands which he held only as a feudal inferior to the Nizam, he accepted the gift. A British force took possession, and the Nizam, on hearing of this, what he termed a “wanton aggression,” is alleged to have stated that the Company were evidently seeking a quarrel, and that their conduct in this instance was simply an excuse to bring matters to a head. He then expelled all British sub- jects from Hyderabad, and joined the “ General Confederacy.” It is an unfounded accusation to lay the animosity of the Nizam at the door of the persecuted Rumbold, for the Nizam had shown a partiality to the French for a long time, and though pre- tending to hold out the hand of friendship to the Company, he had been for years on the look out for some opportunity to drive them out of the country, “and the immediate cause of his defec- tion in 1779 is said to have been a letter from Warren Hastings to the Rajah of Nagpore, which was intercepted, and found to contain references of a questionable char- acter, as to some portion of the Nizam’s dominions.” V. — The fifth and last accusa- tion was, his departure from India. It is generally believed that know- ing how badly he had discharged his duties, and hearing that the Court of Directors had issued orders for his re-call, Rumbold deserted his post, and sailed for England. It is, however, proved that such was not the case — that the Court of Directors had always approved of his measures — and that his sudden resignation was on ac- count of medical advice, as his health was in a very bad state. For more full particulars on this subject, the reader is referred to an Appendix in the 1st Vol. of Marshman’s History of India and RUN 381 “A vindication of the character and administration of Sir Thomas Rumbold,” published by Long- man in 1868. He retired to Eng- land in April 1780. RUNJEET SING, Maharajah, the founder of the Sikh empire, (known as the Lion of the Pun- jaub,) was born at Gujaranwalla in Lahore on the 2nd November 1780. The Sikh commonwealth was divided into twelve principal fraternities, termed misils, the chief at the head of each being the leader of war, or the arbiter of peace. Runjeet Sing’s grand- father, Churut Sing, the least, of one of these, commenced a series of aggressions on his neighbours, which was continued by his son Maha Sing, who dying in 1792, left Runjeet Sing, his son, as suc- cessor. At the early age of seven- teen, he commenced his career of ambition and aggrandizement and soon established a power as great as Sevagee or Hyder had done. In 1799, Zemaun Shah of Cabool was assisted in an expedition by Runjeet Sing, and in gratitude for his services and loyalty, bes- towed upon him the town of La- hore, the ancient capital of the Punjaub. From 1803 to 1806, Runjeet Sing was engaged in ex- tending his authority over his weaker neighbours, till he found himself on the banks of the Sutlej, and cast a wistful eye on the plains beyond, occupied by about twenty independent Sikh principalities. This tract of country lying be- tween the Sutlej and the Jumna, was named Sirhind, which it was the ambition of Runjeet Sing to annex. He commenced his in- roads, but being anxious to know the views of the Governor-Gene- ral, addressed a letter to him stating his desire to remain on friendly terms with the Company, but adding “ the country on this side the Jumna, excepting the stations occupied by the English, is subject to my authority : let it remain so.” Lord Minto acting on his own responsibility, objected to his fine army being planted within the British frontier, sided with the Sikh chiefs and insisted uponRun- jeet Sing retiring to his own ter- ritories. To anticipate the sup- posed designs of France and Rus- sia, the Court of Directors decided upon contracting defensive alli- ances with the princes of Persia, Afghanistan and Lahore. Met- calfe was selected to proceed to the latter. Runjeet Sing looked with suspicion upon the envoy’s errand, but after much uncourteousness, prevarication and delay, he at length was persuaded that it would be suicidal policy on his part to incur the displeasure of the British, and withdrew to the western bank of the Sutlej, after the conclusion of a treaty drawn up by Metcalfe, on the 25th of April 1809 “ to establish perpetual amity between the British Go- vernment and the state of Lahore.” ( Vide Metcalfe.) The treaty was inviolably kept till Runjeet Sing’s death. But he organised an army under the guidance of European officers, the chief of whom were Allard and Ventura, which subse- quently shook the British em- pire to its foundation. ( Vide Hardinge, Gough and Harry Smith.) Runjeet Sing, after signing the treaty, continued his conquests in his own country, subdued all the chieftains, and brought the whole of the Punjaub under one do- minion. In 1810, he besieged 382 SAA— SAL Mooltan and retired after an exac- tion of 2 lacs of Rupees (iJ20,000). In 1813, he defeated Futteli Khan, who had deceived him in a joint expedition to Cashmere. Shah Sujah, the exiled Monarch of Cabul then sought refuge with Runjeet Sing. He brought with him the far-famed diamond, the Koh-i-noor, which Runjeet Sing got possession of, by artful and cruel means. The gem is now the property of the British crown. In 1818, he again captured Mool- tan and also Peshawar, but the latter was speedily recovered by the Afghans. In 1819, he invad- ed Cashmere. In 1823, Runjeet Sing again advanced on Peshawar, but though defeated by the Ma- liommedan fanatics, he was even- tually left master of the field, sacked Peshawar, and plundered the country to the mouth of the Khyber. In 1827, he defeated Ahmed Shah, a Mahommedan fanatic. Lord William Bentinck, Go- vernor-General of India, had a meeting with Runjeet Sing at Roopur in 1831, which was at- tended with great pomp and cere- mony. He here showed designs upon Sind, but relinquished them and signed a new treaty with the British. Not being able to read or speak English, Runjeet Sing sent the son of one of his chiefs to Loodiana to acquire a knowledge of the language, who, on returning to Court, was asked to point out to him, his territories. The lad produced a map of India, and was asked by Runjeet Sing, What are all these red circles I see between the Himalayas and Comorin 1 The reply was, These are British possessions. H e threw away the map in disgust, exclaim- ing, “it will all become red.” Runjeet Sing died in June 1839, at the age of fifty-nine, a victim to vicious excesses. The treasures he had accumulated amounted to ,£8,000,000, besides jewels, horses, elephants, &c., valued at a million more. His four wives and seven female slaves impaled themselves upon his funeral pyre. s SAADAT ALI KHAN, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, SADATULLA, vide Carnatic Nabobs. SAHUJEE, vide Shahjee. SALABUT JUNG, vide Nizam. SALE, Major-General, Sir Ro- bert, the Hero of Jellalabad, son of an old E. I. Company’s Officer, was born on the 2nd September 1782. His first Commission bears date 24th February 1795, as Ensign in the 36th Foot. Two years after he became a Lieute- nant and went to India, where he exchanged into the 12th and went through the last Mysore War, and subsequently the first Mahrattah Wars. In 1806, he obtained his Company, and in 1809, married the grand-daughter of Alexander Wynch, a Yorkshireman, who was Governor of Madras. Her father was a Civilian in the Company’s SAL 383 service. It need hardly be said what an object of interest she became to the whole civilised world during her severe and peril- ous captivity in Afghanistan, and with what eagerness her Journal of her trials and sufferings was read, after her unexpected deliver- ance. She proved herself worthy of the heroic individual with whom her lot in life was cast. Notwithstanding eighteen years of unremitting service, it was not till 1813 that Sale attained the rank of Field Officer. In 1818, the second battalion of the 12th having been reduced, he was laced upon half-pay, so in 1821, y paying the difference, he effected an exchange into the 13th Light Infantry, and in 1823 was actively engaged in the Burmese war. His gallant conduct through- out it obtained him honourable mention in the General Orders. On the 15th December 1824, he received a severe wound in the head while storming an intrench- ment, Koskien, “ making alto- gether four victories in the course of one month. Every one of them hard-fought battles.” On the 2nd June 1825, he obtained the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and at the close of this year distinguished himself at Prome. During the Nepaul war, he received a severe wound while storming Malown, 13th January 1826, on which occasion his gallantry was noticed by the Commander-in-Chief, who presented him with the badge and ribband of Companion of the Bath. We now approach the most interesting period of his life — the part he played in the disastrous expedition into Afghanistan. His Brevet rank as Colonel bears date, 28th June 1831, and in 1838, he commanded the first Bengal Bri- gade of the Army of the Indus. ( Vide Auckland, Macnaugh- TEN, PoTTINGER and BURNES.) For his services during the diffi- cult advance on Cabool, he was raised to the rank of Major-Gene- ral, and was made a Knight Com- mander of the Bath, and the newly installed Sovereign, Shah Sujah, conferred upon him the order of the Douranee Empire. At the capture of Ghuzni (vide Durand) he had a marvellous escape, thus related by Havelock, the historian of the campaign, “ One of their number (Afghans) rushing over the fallen timbers brought down Brigadier Sale by a cut in the face with his shum- sheer (Asiatic sabre). The Af- ghan repeated his blow as his opponent was falling, but the pummel, not the edge of his sword, this time took effect, though with stunning violence. He lost his footing, however, in the effort, and Bi’iton and Afghan rolled together amongst the fractured timbers. Thus situated, the first care of the Brigadier was to master the weapon of his adver- sary. He snatched at it, but one of his fingers met the edge of the trenchant blade. He quickly with- drew his wounded hand, and adroitly replaced it over that of his adversary, so as to keep fast the hilt of his shumsheer. But he had an active and powerful opponent, and was himself faint from loss of blood. Captain Ker- shaw, of the 13th, Aide-de-Camp to Brigadier Baumgardt, hap- pened, in the melee, to approach the scene of conflict ; the wounded leader recognized and called to him for help. Kershaw passed his drawn sabre through the body of the Afghan, but still the 384 SAL desperado continued to struggle with frantic violence. At length, in the fierce grapple, the Briga- dier lor a moment got uppermost. Still retaining the weapon of his enemy in his left hand, he dealt him, with his right, a cut from his own sabre, which cleft his skull from the crown to the eye- brows. The Mohammedan once shouted, ‘ Ue Ullah,’ (Oh, God), and never spoke or moved again.” Sale was next put in command of the force sent to Kohistan against Dost Mahommed, the dethroned monarch, but was not successful. The latter, however, seeing active measures being pursued and knowing his inability to keep up the unequal contest, surrendered himself to Sir W. Macnaughten on the 3rd November 1840. The new Sovereign kept his throne amidst the dissatisfaction of all his subjects, and when it was discovered that our withdrawal would lead to his dethronement, it was decided to hold Afghanis- tan. The first step taken after this resolution was, to retrench. The stipends we had agreed to allow the chiefs were reduced and the whole country soon broke into open revolt. Sale was actively employed against the Ghilzyes who were the first to break out. He reached Gundamuck early in November 1841, and to his surprise found that all communication with Ca- bool was cut off, and the inter- mediate country in a blaze of re- bellion. He then fell back on Jel- lalabad where he made the heroic stand which gave him the reputa- tion of being one of the most renowned of British warriors in India, and here let it be said, he was assisted by those splendid officers Colonel Monteitlx and Cap- tain Broadfoot. On the 13th No- vember with only two days’ pro- visions he entered Jellalabad, and found it in a most defenceless state. The inhabitants in the town and the country around were as hostile as the Ghilzyes, and 5,000 of them from the neighbour- hood, armed, advanced towards the walls with wild yells and im- precations against the F eeringhees. They were defeated by Colonel Monteith. The troops were set to work instantly to clear and strengthen the fortifications and the place in three months was converted into a fortress proof against anything but artillery. During all this time Sale was suf- fering much from a bullet wound in the ankle which he received in the Khoord Cabool pass, and had to be carried about in a litter, as he could not place his foot on the ground. The bullet had passed right through the ankle, shivering the bone and lodging itself in the skin on the other side from whence it was extracted. On the 19th January 1842, Sale received an order from Pottinger and Elphin- stone (written at the dictation of the chiefs) to evacuate Jellalabad. A Council of War was called. Sale was rather inclined to obey the order under certain specified conditions, but Broadfoot and Havelock vigorously opposed it and persuaded Sale to agree with them. The following day intel- ligence arrived that General Pol- lock was advancing with rein- forcements from India. On the 18th February a succession of earthquakes brought tottering to the ground in a few minutes the labour of three months, but the damage was so quickly repaired that the Afghans afterwards ima- gined that the earthquake could SAL 385 not have been felt there. On the 1 1th March Akbar Khan who had been approaching Jellalabad for some time, advanced to attack the town, but the whole garrison turned out and attacked him with such impetuosity as to drive him ignominiously from the field. Ak- bar Khan then determined to blockade the town and starve the force into submission. On the 1st April, however, the troops laid in ten days’ provisions by making a sally and driving into the town a flock of 500 sheep and goats which they had seen for some days from the ramparts, grazing in the plains. Akbar had been drawing nearer and nearer the town to cut off foraging parties, and at length pitched his camp within two miles of the ramparts. At the urgent request of Havelock, Sale deter- mined upon an energetic assault on the encampment. The troops issued forth at dawn on the 7th April, commanded by Sale in per- son. The enemy were completely repulsed after very severe fighting ; Akbar fled, and the neighbouring chiefs tendered their submission. The gallant Colonel Dennie was mortally wounded in this action. it was this vigorous retention of Jellalabad, in spite of orders to evacuate it, that prevented Akbar Khan from molesting General Pollock on the Klryber Pass on his approach to Jellalabad, where he arrived on the 15th April, and found the illustrious garrison in good spirits and robust health. On the 20th of August, General Pollock with an army of 8,000 men marched out of Jellalabad to avenge the national honor. At Juddulluk, where the Ghilzyes had eight months before butch- ered our troops, the Jellalabad garrison took the lead in the assault and defeated the enemy. Sale, next took part in the battle of Tezeen, where again defeated, Akbar Khan fled, “ and the Bri- tish army, after a triumphant march through the scenes of their humiliation, encamped on the Cabool race-course, on the 15th September, and the British ensign again floated over the Bala His- sar.” The first object of General Pollock after the re-occupation of Cabool, was to recover our host- ages and the unhappy prisoners who had surrendered during the retreat from Cabool, nine months before. They consisted of nine ladies, twenty gentlemen and fourteen children^ and were en- trusted to ZemaUn Khan, who treated them with every consider- ation. On the death of Shah Sujah, he was compelled to hand them over to the high priest of Cabool, with whom they remained till July, when Akbar Khan ob- tained supreme power over the city, and bought them from him for 4,000 Es. (A400.) As Pollock’s division approached, Akbar Khan deputed one of the British officers to negotiate with General Pol- lock for the release of the pri- soners, which he agreed to grant if the British force woirld evacu- ate the country without marching upon the capital ; in case of refu- sal he threatened to send them into Turkistan and give them to the Oosbeg chiefs. The request was peremptorily refused. On the 25th August, Akbar Khan removed the prisoners to Bameean, several thousand feet above the level of the sea, where they arrived on the 3rd September. Sir Richmond Shakespear and Sale were despatched with bri- gades to rescue the prisoners im- mediately after the re-occupation 49 386 SAL of Cabool. The prisoners were in charge of an Afghan escort, commanded by one Saleh Ma- homed, who previously had been a native commandant in Captain Hoskin’s local regiment. On the march to Bameean, he called aside on the 11th September, Captains Johnson, Lawrence and Major Pottinger, showed them a letter from Akbar Khan directing him to take the prisoners to the higher regions of the Hindoo Koosh, and hand them over to the Oosbeg chief of Kliooloom. He also showed them a letter from the Moonshee, Mohun Lall, at Cabool, promising on the part of General Pollock 20,000 lis. (£2,000), and an annuity of 12,000 Us. (£1,200), if he would restore the prisoners to liberty. He added, “ I know nothing of General Pol- lock, but if you three gentlemen will swear by your Saviour to make good to me the offer I have received, I will deliver you over to your own people.” All the prisoners then bound themselves by a deed to provide the requisite fmids, according to their respec- tive means. Pottinger immedi- ately took the head of affairs. The services of the Afghan escort, were bought by a promise of four months’ pay on reaching Cabool, and on the 15tli September, a horseman galloped in from Cabool announcing Pollock’s victory at Tezeen, the annihilation of the Afghan force, and the onward march of the British force to the capital. The prisoners quite elated, quitted the fort on the following morning, and while asleep on bare rocks that same night, un- conscious of fatigue or suffering, they were aroused by a horseman with a note from Sir R. Shakes- pear, announcing his approach, and the next afternoon he arrived. Sale arrived with his column on the 20th September, and met his wife and daughter. The follow- ing is an extract from Lady Sale’s J ournal : “ We had proceeded but a short way on our journey, when a horse- man arrived with a note inform- ing us that Sale was close at hand with a brigade. I had fever hang- ing about me for some days and being scarce able to sit on my horse, had taken my place in a kujava, (a pannier) the horrid motion of which had made me feel ten times worse than before I entered it. But the news re- novated my strength ; I shook off my fever and all ills, and anxi- ously awaited his arrival, of which a cloud of dust was the fore- runner. * * * It is impossible to express our feelings on Sale’s approach. To my daughter and myself, happiness so long delayed as to be almost unexpected, was actually painful, and accompanied by a choking sensation, which could not obtain the relief of tears. When we arrived where the In- fantry wrere posted, they cheered all the captives as they passed them, and the men of the 13th pressed forward to welcome us individually. Most of the men had a little word of hearty con- gratulation to offer, each, in his own style, on the restoration of his Colonel’s wife and daughter ; and then my highly -wrought feel- ings found the desired relief, and I could scarcely speak to thank the soldiers for their sympathy whilst the long with-held tears now found their course. On ar- riving at the camp, Captain Back- house fired a royal salute from his mountain-train guns ; and not only our old friends, but all the SAU 387 officers in the party came to offer congratulations, and welcome our return from captivity.” Sale was soon after created a K.C.B. and received the thanks of Parliament “ for the skill, in- trepidity, and perseverance, dis- played in the military operations in Afghanistan.” In December 1843, though but a Colonel in the service, he was honoured with the command of the 13th or Prince Albert’s Regiment of Light Infan- try, he being the only officer of the same rank upon whom such a command had been conferred. He returned to England with Lady Sale at the close of the Afghan war, but during the Sut- lej campaign was again in the field, and was killed by a grape- shot striking him on the left thigh at the battle of Moodkee, almost at the close of the action, 18th December 1845. SAUNDERS, Lieutenant Frede- rick J. G., late of the 84th Regi- ment, was the fifth son of Colonel Richard Saunders, and born in Ireland in 1829. He entered the army in 1847, and in 1848 joined his regiment in the East Indies. On the breaking out of the Rus- sian war several Indian officers joined the Turkish Contingent, Lieutenant Saunders among them. He bore the rank of Captain, serving with his regiment in the Crimea until the peace. Upon quitting the Crimea he proceeded to Madras, and, finding that we were at war with the Persians, volunteered to serve against them in any capacity. The mutiny in the Bengal army, however, break- ing out soon afterwards, he joined his regiment at Rangoon, pro- ceeded with his corps to Calcutta, and was with the first detachment that moved towards Cawnpore, where he was left with his com- pany, under General Wheeler. In the early part of the memo- rable siege he was "wounded in the left hreast by a grapeshot ; but, notwithstanding his sufferings, continued to take an active part in the operations ] and, when the council of war was held, is said to have raised his voice against put- ting any trust in the word of the rebels, and was for continuing the struggle to the last. The fate of the deluded garrison must be but too well remembered. ( Vide Neill, Wheeler.) Lieutenant Saunders proceeded with his com- panions to the boats ; but, pre- viously to embarking, concealed his revolver under his dress and girded on his sword. He was one of those who escaped the murder- ous fire poured upon the boats as soon as they reached the mid- stream, and he succeeded in get- ting to shore. Seized by the re- bels, he demanded to be carried before Nana Sahib, and his demand was acceded to, his sword being first taken from him. He •was followed by several of his men, who determined to share the fate of their commander, for he was the only officer of the re- giment there. Upon getting near the Nana he dashed forward through the guards by whom he was surrounded, shooting down five of them with his revolver, and firing the sixth round at the Nana, but unfortunately without effect. A few moments later and he was stretched upon the ground and crucified ; his nose, ears, hands, and feet, were cut off ; a body of cavalry then charged over him, each man of which cut at him as he passed, until he was literally hewn into pieces. Then follow- 388 SCH eel that hideous massacre which will make the name of Cawnpore a word of horror to the end of time. Lieutenant Saunders left a wife and two sons to mourn his loss, and a wide circle of friends to ! hold in honoured remembrance his terribly -glorious end. SCHMID, Doctor Bernhard, was born in Germany 1787, and came out as a Missionary in 1817, and whilst thus engaged devoted much of his time to the study of Botany and correspondence on the subject with such savans in Germany, as Baron von Hugel and Nees Von Esenbeck; with Sir William Hooker of Kew, and with Dr. Wight of Madras. After eighteen years spent in the plains, his health failed when he reluc- tantly had to leave his post for the Neilgherry Hills, where he commenced several vernacular works, and translated some into the Vernacular. But even in this cool region his health did not im- prove, so he proceeded to Europe in 1836. He returned in 1845, and resided at Ootacamund, devoting his leisure hours to the study of Cryptogamic plants. He made a list of Neilgherry ferns, which Professor Kunze described in the Linnsea, Vol. VIII, July 1851. He also made a list of Neilgherry Mosses. Both these lists have been re-printed in the Madras J ournal of Literature and Science, No. 5, new Series, October — December 1857. The latter he did not live to complete. Dr. Schmid died at Calicut on the 1st of October 1857, at the ad- vanced age of 70. SCHWARTZ, Christian Frie- drich, was born at Sounenburg, a small town in the electorate of Brandenburgh, now the kingdom of Prussia, on the 8th of October 1726. His mother died during his infancy, and on her death-bed expressed a wish that he should be trained for the ministry. After being educated at the schools of Sounenburg and Custrin, he, in his 20th year, entered the Uni- versity of Hull, where he became on intimate terms with Herman Fran eke, a great supporter of Mis- sions. He began the study of Tamil under the Missionary Schultz who was at that time su- perintending the printing of a new edition of the Bible in that language, which, however, was not carried out. This study naturally directed his mind towards the scene of his future labours. Hav- ing been ordained at Copenhagen, he embarked at London, J anuary the 21st, 1750, with two other mis- sionaries, Messrs. Poltzenhagen and Hutteman, arriving in July, at Tranquebar. Here Schwartz resided, labouring with the Danish Mission till 1766, when he devoted his services to the Society for Pro- moting Christian Knowledge, to which the Danish Mission was soon afterwards transferred. He next lived at Trichinopoly, where he founded a Church and School in 1765. “ At Trichinopoly he had much to do, with very narrow means. His whole income was ten pagodas per month, ox about ,£48 per annum ; and he had no other fund for making a new establishment. I must here, however, observe, that though, computing at the usual rate of exchange, one hundred and twenty pagodas must be allowed to be equivalent to £48, yet if we estimate it according to the effec- 1 tive value of money in India and SCH 389 in England, it will not be equal to half that sum. I mean that a European may live much better in England on £24 per annum than he could in India for one hundred and twenty pagodas. Let us see, then, how he managed wuth this income. He obtained of the Commanding Officer who, perhaps, wTas ordered to furnish him with quarters, a room in an old Gentoo building, 'which was just large enough to hold his bed and himself, and in which few men could stand upright. With this apartment he was contented. A dish of rice and vegetables dressed after the manner of the natives was what he could always sit cheerfully down to ; and a piece of dimity dyed black, and other materials of the same homely sort, sufficed him for an annual supply of clothing. Thus easily provided as to temporalities, his only care rvas to “ do the w'ork of an evangelist.” He preached to the natives incessantly both in the town and in the villages around, and was not long without a con- gregation of converted Hindoos ; and among them three or four who were capable of instructing others, whom he therefore entertained as catechists, and contrived to main- tain out of his little income.” Residing at Trichinopoly for many years, Schwartz made fre- quent visits to Tanjore and formed a friendship with the Rajah Tula- gee, who gave him permission to build a church there. The failure of funds brought the building to a stand-still ; Schwartz applied to the Madras Government for assistance, and received a reply, the novelty of which surprised him. He was requested to proceed immediately to the seat of Govern- ment, to fill an appointment which Hyder Ali himself had chosen for him, viz., that of English am- bassador for arranging a treaty for the continuance of peace. “ Do not send to me,” said Ryder, “ any of your Agents, for I do not trust their words or treaties ; but if you wish me to listen to your proposals, send to me the Mis- sionary of whose character I hear so much from every one : him I will receive and trust.” After asking for time to consider over it, Schwartz accepted the appoint- ment considering it his bounden duty to do so, as affording him the two-fold opportunity of secur- ing peace to the British, and spreading the gospel in his jour- neyings to and fro. The interest- ing details of this peaceful Mis- sion are too lengthy to insert in this memoir. They are contained in Pearson’s Memoirs of Schwartz, and Wilks’ History of Southern India. Suffice it to state here that Hyder received Schwartz well ; he remained with him three months, and when leaving, Hy- der’s parting words were, “ Very well ! Very well ! I am of the same opinion with you ; and my only wish is, that the English would live in peace with me. If they offer me the bond of peace and concord, I shall not withdraw mine, provided — ” * * * * * “ but of these mysteriousprovisos,” says Wilks, ‘’nothing can now be ascertained.” Hyder’s reply, to Sir Thomas Rumbold’s letter, through Schwartz, states that the faithful Missionary would inform the Governor of several matters with which he had charged him. But not a line appears on the records about this subject. All is a blank. It is conjectured that the entry was intentionally omit- ted, as Schwartz’s report of the 390 sen result of his Mission little coin- cided with the prevalent views of the Madras Government. Nor does the required information exist in any portion of Schwartz's papers, or correspondence, which Wilks accounts for in the follow- ing words, “ he seems to have deemed the political mission no farther worthy of notice, than as it tended to promote a particular object of spiritual pursuit.” But this, it must be remembered, ac- cording to his own words, was one of the motives which induced him to undertake the embassy. It must not be omitted here, that on entering his palanquin at Seringapatam, Schwartz found a bag containing 300 Rs., which Hyder ordered to be placed there to enable him to defray his tra- velling expenses. This offer the worthy Missionary wished to decline, but the officers would not presume to take it back, as their lives would be endangered by doing so, nor would they re-admit him into their master’s presence, or receive any written communication on the subject, as contrary to etiquette ; — they in- formed him, moreover, that Hyder knowing that a large present would offend him, had purposely limited it to the lowest amount of travelling expenses. On his ar- rival at Madras, says this disin- terested Missionary, “ Having been furnished with all necessaries by the Honourable Board, I delivered the bag containing the 300 Rs. sent to me by Hyder to them, who desired me to keep it. Thus urged, I requested their permission to appropriate this sum as the first fund for an English Orphan School at Tan j ore, hoping that some charitable people would increase it.” This design was at once commenced and was attended with great success. On his return to Tanjore, Government supplied him with materials to finish the Church he had begun, before pro- ceeding on his mission to Hyder. The prospects of peace soon va- nished, for in a few months, Hyder commenced hostilities against the English. In June 1780, hordes of his cavalry overran the Carna- tic spreading ruin and devastation everywhere. They destroyed all the sluice gates erected for irriga- tion purposes — the people fled to the towns for food and protection. In Tanjore numbers were dying of starvation. Schwartz’s foresight and benevolence saved the lives of many. The exactions of the Bri- tish and the Rajah were such, that though there were provisions in some parts of the country, the cultivators, having lost all confi- dence, would not bring them to the Fort. The Rajah said, “we have lost all our credit. Let us try whether Mr. Schwartz will be trusted.” Accordingly he was em- powered to treat with them. Such was the influence of this man that in two or three days a thousand bullocks were obtained, and in a short time a large quantity of grain, by which means the town was saved. During the continu- ance of the war, such was Hyder’s respect for Schwartz that he issued the following order to his officers : “to permit the venerable padre to pass unmolested, and to show him respect and kindness ; for he is a holy man, and means no harm to my government.” And so he was enabled to pursue his peaceful labours even in the midst of war, passing often through the midst of the enemy’s encampments without the slight- est hindrance. On the deatli of sen 391 Hyder at the close of the year 1782, Tippoo succeeded him and carried on the war with vigour, till reverses compelled him to sue for peace, and the war was brought to a close, by the treaty of Mangalore , previous to which the East India Government sent Schwartz on a mission to Tippoo Sahib, who, unlike his father, Hyder Ali, refused to see him. On his return to Tan j ore, another Church was built there, and in 1785, he was actively engaged in a scheme for the establishment of schools throughout the country, for the purpose of teaching the natives English, which was carried into effect successfully at Tan- jore and other places. Schwartz’s faith and good sense in this un- dertaking was the mainspring of his success, and he gained the utmost confidence and good feel- ings of the natives generally. In 1787, the Eajah of Tanjore, Tulagee, adopted a son as his suc- cessor, a minor aged 10, named Serfojee, and placed him under the guardianship and tutorship of Schwartz, — a step-brother of the llajah’s, named Ameer Sing, act- ing as regent. But the Govern- ment of Madras, after laying the case before some pundits who had been bribed by Ameer Sing to speak in his favour, set aside the adopted son, and placed Ameer Sing on the throne. This prince was guilty of gross mis-govern- ment, and treated the adopted son of the late Eajah, and his widows harshly. Schwartz represented the whole affair to the Madras Government, and through his care and influence Serfojee’s claims to the musnud were completely es- tablished, and he gained posses- sion of his inheritance. ( Vide Wellesley.) jo , t . Schwartz died on the 13th of February 1798, at the advanced age of 72. He was never married, and advocated celibacy among missionaries. He never left the country once, and was the most devout and zealous Missionary that the mission fields of India have ever seen. Serfojee, some years after, manifested his affec- tion for his tutor and protector, by erecting a monument to his memory in the Mission Church at Tanjore, in which the Eajah is represented as holding the hand of the dying Missionary and re- ceiving his blessing. The monu- ment is by Flaxman. In the Chapel garden in front of the altar, a granite stone covers the grave of Schwartz, on which are the following lines composed by the Eajah himself. It is the first attempt at English versification by a Hindoo prince. Sacred to the memory of The Reverend Christian Frederic Schwartz, Missionary to the Honourable Society for Promoting: Christian Knowledge in London ; who departed this life on the 13th of February 1798, aged seventy-one years and four months. Firm wast thou, humble and wise, Honest, pure, free from disguise ; Father of orphans, the widows’ support, Comfort in sorrow of every sort. To the benighted, dispenser of light, Doing, and pointing to that which is right, Blessing to princes, to people, to me ; May I, my father, he worthy of thee ! Wisheth and prayeth thy Serfojee. Such was the tribute to the memory of Schwartz by a heathen prince ! Serfojee died on the 8th March 1832, in his fifty-fourth year. 392 SEB-SEV Besides this monument, the Di- rectors of the E. I. Company erect- ed a mural tablet, surmounted by a beautiful piece of sculpture in St. Mary’s Church, Madras, to the memory of this truly worthy man. Bishop Heber writes of Schwartz’s pupil, Serfojee, thus : “ He is an extraordinary man,” and says that he quoted Fourcroy, Lavoisier, Linnaeus, and Buffon fluently, that he had formed an accurate judgment of the merits of Shakespear, that he wrote toler- able English poetry, and was “ respected by the English officers in the neighbourhood as a real good judge of a horse and a cool, bold, and deadly shot at a tiger.” Of Schwartz, Bishop Heber writes, “ he was one of the most active and fearless, as he was one of the most successful mission- aries who appeared since the Apostles. To say that he was disinterested in regard of money is nothing ; he was perfectly care- less of power, and renown never seemed to affect him, even so far as to induce an outward show of humility. His temper was per- fectly simple, open and cheerful, and in his political negotiations (employments which he never sought, but which fell in his way) he never pretended to impartiality, but acted as the avowed, though certainly the successful and judi- cious agent of the orphan prince committed to his care.” SEBEKTEGIN, vide Mahmood of Giiuzni. SECUNDER LODI, vide Lodi. SECUNDER SHAH, vide Ni- zam. SEIF-U-DIN, vide “ Ghor.” SERFOJEE, vide Shahjee and Schwartz. SEVAGEE, the founder of the Malirattah power, was born near Jooneer, in 1627. His hereditary jaghire consisted of twenty-two villages south of Satara. He was brought up a thorough Hindoo, and though he could not even write his name, he was conversant with all the mythological and legendary stories current among his countrymen. He was taught ail that it was considered neces- sary for a Mahrattah chieftain to know, and indulged in an in- tense hatred towards Mahomed- ans. When only nineteen years old he seized the hill fort of Tornea, 20 miles from Poona, found a large treasure there, which he spent in building another fort, which he called Raighoor. Aurungzebe used contemptuously to call him “ a mountain rat” from the circum- stance, that he was born in moun- tain fort, his greatness arose from his mountain forts, and he died in a mountain fort ! His progress in his contests with the KingofBeja- poor was now rapid, and the King’s suspicions being aroused, he sent for Shahjee (the father of Sevagee, who was in his service), built him up into a stone dungeon, leaving only a small aperture, which was to be closed, if Sevagee did not surrender himself within a certain time. Sevagee, intrigued: with Shah Jehan, the Mogul Emperor, through whose intercession Shali- jee’s life was saved. He was ad- mitted into the Mogul service, and Sevagee himself volunteered to command 5,000 horse in the same service. But in 1651 Sevagee availed himself of the disturbed state of affairs, and so far from SEV 393 fulfilling his promise, he carried his marauding expeditions into the Mogul territory. The Bijapoor Government, in 1659, made an attempt to crush Sevagee ; which lie frustrated by an act of treachery celebrated in Mahrattah history, — the mur- der of Afzal Khan. By Seva- gee’s pretended humility, he was induced to enter the wild country round Pertabghar, 41 miles from Poona. Afzal Khan’s Brahmin minister was bribed by Sevagee to get him to consent to a con- ference below the fort, where the jungle had purposely been cut away. Sevagee’s troops had form- ed a cordon in the thickets to crush the Bijapoor troops at a given signal. That morning Se- vagee was more than usually scru- pulous in performing his religious duties. He then put on complete armour beneath his cotton dress. He concealed a dagger called the hichiva, or scorpion, from its shape, in his right sleeve, and on the fingers of his left hand was a wagnuck, a steel instrument with three crooked blades, resembling the claw of a tiger. Afzal Khan approached him armed with a sword and with only one attend- ant, but noticing that Sevagee appeared timid, he dismissed liis attendant to encourage him. They met, and at the customary embrace Sevagee struck the wagnuck into the bowels of Afzal Khan, and despatched him after a slioi’t re- sistance. The signal was given and the Bijapoor troops were surrounded and cut up. By the end of 1662, after many campaigns, Sevagee became pos- sessor of the greater portion of the Concan. He next attacked the Moguls, and in 1663 sacked Snrat, an act which was most offensive to Aurungzebe, as pilgrims em- barked from that port to Mecca and hence it was called Bab-ul- Makkah, the gate of Mecca. He afterwards took to the sea, and even attacked several vessels con- veying pilgrims. His father Shah- jee died in 1664, possessor of Arnee, Porto Novo and Tanjore, which was the foundation of the Tanjore Kingdom. Soon after, the Emperor of the Moguls attacked Sevagee. He submitted, surrender- ing twenty of his forts, and retain- ing twelve as a jaghire from the Emperor, w'hile at the same time he was to have a certain assign- ment of revenues, called chout (or the fourth), which was the ground for Mahrattah claims years after, to plunder from every dis- trict they passed through. Se- vagee soon after joined the Im- perial army and so distinguished himself in the invasion of Bija- poor, that the Emperor compli- mented him and invited him to Delhi, whither he went in March 1666, with his son Sambajee. Finding himself almost a prisoner there, he escaped to Raighoor. H e then again declared his independ- ence, and in 1668, compelled the States of Bejapoor and Golconda to pay him tribute. In 1670, Se- vagee again sacked Surat, which was successfully defended by the English, wrho had a factory there. Four years later he was enthroned at Raighoor, was weighed against gold amounting to 16,000 pagodas (about ten stone) which was given to Brahmins. In 1677he undertook his celebrated expedition into the Carnatic, by which he gained from his half-brother Eckojee at Tan- jore a portion of the revenues of his whole territory to be paid to ' him annually. On his return he 1 plundered Jalnah. Sevagee died 50 394 SHA at Raighoor on the 5th April 1680 of fever. With his end, the Mah- rattah power may be said to have declined. Sambajee succeeded, and lost most of the possessions received from his father. He offended Aurungzebe, who seized and mur- dered him in 1689. Rajah Ram I, reigned for less than a year. The nominal Rajah was Sahoo, but he held all the power. He re-organized the Mah- rattah predatory bands and ravag- ed the Deccan. He died in 1700, and his son Sambajee seized Satara for himself. Sahoo was seized and kept a prisoner by Aurungzebe after the murder of Sambajee, 1689, till the death of Rajah Ram I. He seized Satara in 1708, and appointed a Peishwci to rule for him. He led an idle life, and the Peishwas be- came the real sovereigns. He died in 1749 without issue, and Rajah Ram II, was acknow- ledged his successor, but was al- ways kept in confinement, and had no power — all the government being carried on by the Peishwas. ( Vide Peishwas.) SHAHAB-U-DIN, vide “Ghor.” SHAH ALUM, vide Tamer- lane. SHAH-JEHAN, vide Tamer- lane. SHAHJEE OF TANJORE, The house OF, originated directly from the founders of the Mahrattah dy- nasty. Shahjee, the father of Seva- gee, obtained Tanjore as a jaghire. "Vencajee succeeded on his death in 1678, and on the decay of the Mogul Empire, Tanjore became an independent Raj. Sahujee was turned out by his brother Pertab Sing on the ground of imbecility. The Eng- lish aided him in 1749. Devicot- tah was stormed and attached to the Company. Pertab Sing bought his bro- ther off with an annuity of Rs. 50,000 (£5,000), and ruled with a firm hand. He died in 1767. Tuljagee, his son, succeeded. The Nabob of the Carnatic, Ma- hommed Ali, on the plea of some imaginary tribute due, attacked him with the aid of the English. ( Vide Clive.) Tanjore was taken, and the Rajah expelled. Lord Pigot re-instated him in 1776. He died in 1786. Amir Sing disputed the right of his adopted son, Serfojee, to succeed, and was placed on the throne, but as he governed badly, the English deposed him in 1798, and Serfojee was made Rajah. His territories were unfairly an- nexed in 1799, by the English, and thus terminated the independ- enceof the Raj. ( Vide Schwartz, Wellesley.) SHAH SUJAH, a ruler of Af- ghanistan, who received an Eng- lish embassy sent to him in March 1809, under the charge of Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone. An in- surrection occurring, headed by a brother of Shah Sujah, deprived him of his possessions, and on Elphinstone recommending the British Government to grant Shah Sujah pecuniary aid to enable him to restore his power, the em- bassy was re-called. Shah Sujah SHA 395 fled across the Indus, and while an exile in Cashmere, about the year 1814 sought refuge with Run- jeet Sing, who wheedled him out of the far-famed Kohinoor dia- mond. Ill-treated by Runjeet Sing, he escaped to Loodiana where the British Government allowed him a pension of Rs. 50.000 (,£5,000) a year. Shah Sujah made an unsuccess- ful attempt to recover the throne of Afghanistan in 1833. Dost Mahommed, then the ruler, de- feated him, and crushed his army and his hopes. Shah Sujah fled from Afghanistan in July 1834 into Beloochistan, andfrom thence returned to his old asylum, Loo- diana, in March the following year. In 1838, Lord Auckland deter- mined upon deposing Dost Ma- hommed and re-instating Shah Sujah on the throne of Cabool, which was successfully accom- plished on the 6th August 1839, Sir W. H. Macnaughten, acting as envoy to the Court of Shah Sujah. His short reign was brought to a tragic end after the Cabool massacre. On the 7th April 1842 he was shot dead by a son of his brother, Zemaun Shah, without the father’s consent. ( Vide Macnaughten, Auckland, Dost Mahommed.) SHAKESPEAR, Sir Richmond. He joined the Bengal Artillery from Addiscombe about the end of 1828. After ten years of dull regimental routine in a period of profound peace, during which his mind was gradually accumulating sound knowledge and his charac- ter becoming favourably devel- oped, the British invasion of Afghanistan suddenly offered a field well adapted to arouse the dormant energies of our officers, and he was fortunate enough to be selected to accompany Major D’Arcy Todd of the Bengal Artil- lery, as an assistant on a political mission to Herat. With an ar- dent and chivalrous spirit of ad ven - ture tempered by prudence, agenial and generous nature, and good average abilities, he proved him- self a most valuable acquisition to the mission. On the 14th of May in the following year, 1840, he was deputed to Khiva to carry to a successful issue the negotia- tions already begun by Captain James Abbot for the liberation of Russian captives, whose detention as slaves in Toorkistan had been made a convenient pretext by Russia for invading that country and thereby imperiling, as was supposed, at a critical period our prestige in Central Asia. * “ More fortunate than his gal- lant predecessor, who failed chiefly from want of the necessary cre- dentials, Shakespear, following closely in Abbot’s wake and armed with the requisite political powers from his own Government which the latter had lacked, reached Khiva on the 12th June, about three months after Abbot’s departure for St. Petersburgh. His efforts were speedily crowned with complete success. The Khan yielding to his urgent representa- tions, agreed to make a full sur- render of his human sport ; and the fiat went forth throughout the province of Khiva that all Russian captives should be brought into the capital by a given day. With a punctuality rarely experienced in Asiatic diplomacy, a large number of these unfortunates were duly made over to the British Envoy on the 5th of August, the very 396 SHA clay fixed for his departure for the Russian frontier. Others joined his camp on the line of march, and by the 14th August the whole, amounting to 416 souls, were transferred to his custody. But there lay still before him, the wild Toorkman desert with its lawless and turbulent tribes, where his friend Abbot had but recently reaped bitter experience of treach- ery on all sides ; he had, there- fore, still but too much cause for anxiety and caution. It was des- tined that he should reap nothing but success and glory. On the 15th September he reached the Russian fort of Nova Alexand- roffski. There, with his whole party of emancipated victims, he embarked for Oochuk, where he anchored on the 23rd, and on the 1st October finally delivered over his grateful proteges, to the Rus- sian Commandant of Orenburgh. What a proud and happy moment must that have been for the young Artillery officer ! How infinitely preferable such a triumph to the greatest of victories gained by human slaughter. His task thus nobly done, he hurried on to St. Petersburg, where a flattering re- ception awaited him from the Emperor. Not to be outdone in acts which grace humanity, the latter restored to the Khivans merchandize valued at one or two millions sterling, and — more valu- able than all besides — 640 prison- ers, among whom w-ere many belonging to the wealthiest fami- lies in Khiva. Seldom, if ever, has a negotiation been effected in the East so creditable to all parties concerned, nor, since the brightest days of chivalry, have the honors of Knighthood been more worthily won. Neither is it the least noticeable part of this remarkable drama, that the three chief actors therein were young officers of the Bengal Artillery, D’Arcy Todd, James Abbot, and Richmond Shakespear. “ On Sir Richmond’s return to India in 1841, a new field of dis- tinction lay open before him, and again his good star prevailed. During his absence the Cabul tragedy had been enacted. He was now to take no mean part in avenging it. Accompanying Sir George Pollock as Military Secre- tary with the Army of Retribu- tion, he shared in its glories on the victorious march to Cabul, and there it fell to his envied lot to take a distinguished part in the liberation of those British captives, in whose fate the anxious sympa- thies of the whole nation had, for upwards of eight weary months of prolonged suspense, been concen- trated. Putting himself at the head of 600 Kuzzilbash horsemen, to treat for whose active co-ope- ration he had been deputed by General Pollock, and rightly judg- ing that his personal example would operate as the most effec- tual stimulant to prompt exertion, he assumed the responsibility of command. With characteristic ardour, he urged an immediate advance to the rescue of his coun- trymen and countrywomen. These latter had fortunately contrived meanwhile to bribe their guards in the valley of Bameean, when on the very eve of being carried across the Toorkistan frontier in- to what seemed hopeless slavery. ( Vide Sale.) Escorted by these mercenary and still doubtful allies, they were hastening across the lofty mountain passes of Hindoo Khoosh to the British camp, in hourly peril of being intercepted ' by some of Mahomed Akbar’s SHA— SIN 397 scattered forces. They had just crossed theKaloo Mountain 14,000 feet above the sea, when Sir Rich- mond Shakespear’s unexpected appearance on the scene, with his gallant little band of horsemen, dissipated all remaining fears and bade the fugitives rejoice at their accomplished deliverance. A few more hours sufficed to restore Lady Sale to her gallant husband’s arms, and her heroine daughter- in-misfortune to the safe custody of British bayonets. Memorable indeed was that happy meeting of the rescuers and the rescued on the heights of Suffed Kak, crowned on either side by British soldiers whose exulting cheers rent the air. But the happiest actor in that exciting scene must, without doubt, have been the brave young knight whom Providence had thus, a second time, selected as an instrument of merciful deliver- ance to the captive. Henceforth he was a made man, and, having- chosen a political career as best suited to his genius and most con- genial to his feelings, he succes- sively filled the posts of Resident at the Courts of Gwalior, Jodpore, Baroda, and Indore. For a brief interval, during the second Sikh war, he rejoined his regiment and rendered good service in command of a heavy Battery in the hard fought fields of Chillianwalla and Goojerat. His honorable and use- ful cai’eer amply fulfilled the pro- mise of his youth, and when at last so prematurely arrest- ed by death, he occupied the distinguished post of Gover- nor-General’s Agent for Central India, and was still regarded as a rising man.” — Friend of India. He died of bronchitis at Indore in 1861. SHAMS-U-DIN ALTAMSH, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. SHERE ALI, vide Barukzye Family. SINDIA, House of, at Gwalior. Ranogee Sindia was a Sudra of the cultivator caste. He en- tered the service of the Peishiva, Balajee Wiswanath, as a menial, and by his talents rose to high office and received a Jaghire in Malwa. He died in 1750. Madhajee Sindia. On the death of the Peishwa in 1761, the dissensions at Poona gave Mad- hajee the opportunity of taking- all the territory about Gwalior, his capital. In 1780, the English took Gwalior, but gave it back. ( Vide Barlow). By the treaty of Salbye, 1782, lie was recognized as a sovereign. He took Agra and Delhi, and kept watch over the Emperor Shah Alum in 1788. He died without issue in 1794. Dowlut Row Sindia, his grand-nephew, succeeded, and aided in placing Bajee Row on the throne of the Peishwas. In 1803, he invaded the Nizam’s territories, and fought with the Mahrattahs against the English, but was entirely crushed by the battles of Assaye, Argoam and Laswaree, (vide "Wellington, Lake), and had to cede large territories. In 1817, he assisted Lord Hastings against the Pin- daries. He died without male issue in 1827, and was succeeded by his widow Tara Bye, who ruled through her ministers. The coun- try soon became a scene of anarchy, and the British had to interfere. ( Vide Ellenboroltgh). The Mah- rattahs were defeated in every 398 S1Y-SLA engagement, 1804. A treaty was made, and the country placed under British protection. The present Maharajah Ali Jah Jyajee Sindia succeeded on attaining his majority in 1853, and has ruled very well under the protection and guidance of the British Go- vernment. He was unflinchingly loyal during the Indian Mutiny, though his troops mutinied. S I Y A J E E, vide Gaikwar Family. SKINNER, Lieutenant-Colonel James, C.B. His father was an English subaltern officer who married the daughter of a Rajpoot Zemindar, and young Skinner was bornin 1778. The prejudice against colour, not yet extinct, proved a bar to his prospects in the regular army. At an early age he was apprenticed to a printer, and ran away. He w7as then transferred to his sister’s husband, a vakeel, who set him to copying papers — but this occupation was as repul- sive to him as the previous one. A military friend of his father, in 1796 gave him a letter to the French adventurer, General de Boigne, then in command of the Mahrattah army, and from that time till 1 803, he served with the Mahrattahs, who were engaged in continual warfare among them- selves and other native powers. When Lord Wellesley declared war against the Mahrattahs, two British subjects in their service solicited a discharge, declining to serve against their countrymen — in consequence, all the British officers were angrily dismissed. Skinner was among the number of those ordered to quit the Mah- rattah territory though his ideas and sympathies were all Indian. By accident he was introduced to Lord Lake, who patronised and employed him, and the famous ‘ Skinner’s horse’ was raised by him, for the Company’s service, of men trained in the Mahrattah wars. He continued to distin- guish himself during the wars under Lord Minto, and in 1816, his friends tried to obtain for him the decoration of the Bath ; but such a thing seemed impossible, as Skinner did not hold a commis- sion in the King’s army. Many years afterwards, however, he obtained the companionship of that order. His circumstances improved as his fame continu- ed to increase and his last years were past in content and comfort. He died in 1841 and was finally buried in a church which he had himself built at Delhi. Skinner had been accus- tomed to deeds of valour in early life— was a most intrepid soldier and rendered valuable services to his country. The following work has been published : “ Military Memoir of Lieutenant James Skin- ner, C-B.,for many years a distin- guished Officer Commanding a Corps of Irregular Cavalry in the service of II. E. I. C-,” by J. Baillie Fraser, Esq. SLAYE KINGS OF DELHI. Kutb-tt-din. On the dissolu- tion of the Kingdom of Ghuzni, in 1206, Kutb-u-din, an ennobled slave and Commander of the armies of Ghuzni, seized Delhi and the Indian possessions, and declared himself an independent king. He died in 1260, and was succeeded by his son, Aram, who was immediately de- posed by Shams-u-din Altamsh. who had married his sister. SLE 399 Shams-u-din Altamsh reigned well. In 1217, the Tartar Moguls made their first irruption into India under their famous leader, Ghengis Khan. They laid waste Sind and Mooltan, which Nasir- u-din, another slave of the house of Ghuzni, had seized on the dis- solution of that kingdom. _ After their retirement Shams-u-din took treacherous advantage of the help- less state of the country, and an- nexed it. In 1225 he reduced Behar and Malwa, and by the year 1232 he was acknowledged as king of all Hindustan-proper. He died in 1236, in the zenith of his power. Rukn-u-din, his son, succeeded him, but being a weak and foolish prince, his sister, the clever Sul- tana Rezia, deposed him the same year. Sultana Rezia possessed great talents. She, however, offended the nobles by her open partiality to an Abyssinian slave at her court. Altunia, chief of Batinda, revolt- ed, and the Sultana was taken prisoner, but afterwards fell in love with Altunia and married him. He led an army against Delhi, was defeated, and the nobles put the Sultana to death in 1239. Her brother, Moizz-u-dinBehram, succeed- ed, but being a terrible despot, he was soon murdered, 1241. Ala-u-din Masood, son of Rukn-u-din, succeeded. He was very licentious and powerless, and was assassinated in 1246. Nasir-u-din Mahmood, grand- son of Shams-u-din Altamsh and son of Moizz-u-din Behram, suc- ceeded. He was a very able prince. He had for his minister a slave named Gheias-u-din Bulbun who proved very able and energetic. He formed a powerful confederacy to repel the attacks of the Moguls. The king died in 1266, and Gheias-u-din Bulbun seized the throne. He was a strict as- cetic, and imposed many rigid laws on his subjects, even in mat- ters of eating, drinking and dress- ing. In 1279, an insurrection in Bengal called him into active ser- vice, and during his absence from Delhi, Togral the Governor, seized the throne. Gheias returned, de- feated him and put him and 100,000 prisoners to death. He died of a broken heart in 1286, in consequence of the death of his son and heir apparent, and was succeeded by Kei Kobad, his grandson. He gave himself up to intemperance of all kinds, became alienated from his friends and murdered his ambitious and hostile minister, Nizam-u-din, and was dethroned by the family of the ‘ Khiljies.’ They put him to death in 1288 and raised a new dynasty under Jelal-u-din Khilji, which, though of short duration, was an import- ant one. SLEEMAN, Major-General Sir W. H., was born on the 8th August 1788, at Stratton, Corn- wall. At an early age he evinced a predilection for the military profession, and when twenty-one years old, he was appointed an Infantry Cadet in the Bengal Army, through the influence of Lord De Dunstanville. He arriv- ed at Calcutta about the end of the year 1809, and was promoted suc- cessively to the rank of Ensign, 23rd September 1810 ; Lieuten- ant, 16th December 1814 ; Brevet- Captain, 24th April 1824 ; Cap- tain, 23rd September 1 826 ; Major, 1st February 1837 ; Lieut- enant-Colonel, 26th May 1843 ; Colonel, 24tli November 1853 ; and obtained the rank of Major- General on the 28th November 1854. The first important service he was engaged in was the Nepaul war, and when it became necessary in 1816 to investigate a claim to property as prize-money arising out of the war, Sleeman was selected to enquire into it. The Report was made by him in Feb- ruary 1817, which was designat- ed by the Government, as “ able, impartial and satisfactory.” In 1820, he was appointed Ju- nior Assistant to the Agent of the Governor-General at Saugor and with the exception of leave on sick certificate, remained in the Civil Department in the Saugor and Nerbudda territories for nearly twenty- five years. Here lie was so active in the suppres- sion of Thuggee, then so preva- lent, that in 1835, he was employed exclusively in the Thuggee De- partment ; his appointment in the abovenamed districts being kept open, .and his promotion going on. This department was organized and worked by him and he submitted several valuable papers on Thuggee to the Gov- ernor-General. In 1836, in con- sequence of ill-health, he was compelled to resign this appoint- ment, but on his return in 1839, he was nominated to the combined offices of Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee and Da- coity. In 1842, he was sent on aspecial mission to Bundlecund, to en- quire into the cause of the distur- bances there, where he remained with additional duties, as Resident at Gwalior, from 1844 to 1849, when he was appointed Resident at the Court of Lucknow. Slee- man held his office at Gwalior in very critical times — when we were about to engage in hostilities with the Sikhs, and the battle of Ma- harajpore was fought. “ But for a noble and unselfish act he would have received this promo- tion (Lucknow) at an earlier period. The circumstance was this : Colonel Low, the Resident at that time, hearing that his father was dangerously ill, tender- ed his resignation to Lord Auck- land, who immediately offered the appointment to Colonel Sleeman. No sooner had this occurred, however, than Colonel Low wrote to his Lordship that, since he had resigned, the house of Caunter and Co. of Calcutta, in which his brother was a partner, had failed, and, in consequence, every farth- ing he had saved had been swept away. Under this painful con- tingency, he begged to place him- self in his Lordship’s hands. This letter was sent by Lord Auckland to Colonel Sleeman, who imme- diately wrote to Colonel Low, begging that he would retain his situation at Lucknow. This gene- rous conduct of Colonel Sleeman was duly appreciated ; and Lord Auckland, on leaving India, re- commended him to the particular notice of his successor, Lord El- lenborough, who immediately ap- appointed Colonel Sleeman to Jhansi, with an additional ill, 000 a year to his income.” Sleeman held the appointment of Resident at Lucknow from 1849 to 1856, during which period he wrote his letters and diary which shew his unwearied efforts to gain the best information on all points regarding Oudh. His lettersclear- SMI 401 ly shew that his views were di- rectly opposed to its annexation. He possessed great administrative talents which he employed to the utmost to promote the best inter- ests of the Kingdom of Oudh. In August 1854, after forty-six years of incessant labour, his health began to give way, and he receiv- ed one of those terrible warnings which indicate the approach of paralysis. At the end of the year he went to the Hills, hoping the change of scene and air would have a beneficial effect — but it was too late. Notwithstanding the best medical aid, he gradually sank and died on his passage from Calcutta, on the 10th of February 1856, at the age of sixty-seven. He was the author of the follow- ing Avorks : “A journey through the Kingdom of Oude in 1849-50.” “ Kambles of an Indian Official.” SMITH, Colonel Baird, C.B., came out to India in 1838, joined the Madras Engineers, and in the following year the Bengal Corps. He was connected with the Canal .) / , Department of the North-ivest, ", under Sir. Cautley from 1840, for eighteen years. In 1848-49, he Avent through the Sikh Wars. On his arrival in England in 1850, he Avas sent by the Court of Directors to study the Irriga- tion works of Piedmont and Lombardy, the result of which was a work published by that Court named, “ Italian Irriga- tion.” He next visited North America and returning to India in 1853, joined Sir Proby Cautley, on Avhose retirement in the fol- lowing year, he Avas appointed Superintendent of Irrigation in the North-Avest. Colonel Smith rendered valuable services as an Engineer at the siege of Delhi during the Indian Mutiny. In 1858, he Avas appointed Master of the Calcutta Mint. He rendered great services to humanity by his Report on the Indian Famine of 1860-61. Colonel Smith died in the forty-fourth year of his age, on board the Candia, off Madras, at the close of 1861, on his way to England. SMITH, Sir Harry George Waklyn, was born in 1788 at Whittlesea, in the isle of Ely, where his father had a fair practice as a Surgeon. In 1805, he entered the Rifle Brigade as second-lieutenant and Avent through the Peninsula Wars. At the storming of Badajoz he saved the life of a Spanish lady, Donna Joanna Maria de los Dolores de Leon, Avhom, in 1814 he made his wife. She died in November 1872. In 1840, he came out to India and went through the Sutlej campaigns. During the delay which occurred in folloiving up the victory of Ferozeshuhur, liun- joor Sing re-crossed the Sutlej and threatened Loodiana, so Sir Harry Smith was sent by Lord Hardinge with four regiments of cavalry, three of infantry and eighteen guns to cover that station. In the meantime Runjoor Sing moved to Buddowal, a village betAveen Loodiana and the advanc- ing force, and contrived to envel- ope and out-flank it, and but for the admirable handling of our cavalry by Brigadier Cureton this division Avould have met Avith a fatal reverse. It Avas deemed pru- dent to clear the left bank of the Sutlej, as Runjoor Sing might attack the convoy expected fi’om Delhi, so Smith was reinforced, and he lost no time in attacking the enemy Avho had posted tliem- 51 402 SMY— STE selves 'ut Aliwal on the Sutlej, where an engagement took place on the 28th January 1846. The Sikhs fought bravely, till Cure- ton’s cavalry pierced their ranks thrice. They then took to the river and most of them met a watery grave, leaving sixty-seven guns in the hands of the British. This decisive victory restored the renown to Smith which he had lost at Buddowal. He was pre- sented with the freedom of the city of London and received the thanks of the E. I. Company, and soon afterwards was created a Baronet and advanced to the dig- nity of a G.C.B. In 1847, he was appointed Governor of the Cape of Good Hope and conducted the Kaffir war to a successful close in 1852. In 1854, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General and was appointed to the military command of the Midland districts of England. He died in London on the 12th October 1860, with- out issue, so the baronetcy is extinct. SMYTH, Sir Rowland, K.C.B., entered the army in June 1821, saw a great deal of service and went through some down-right hard fighting. He served with the 16th Lancers at Bhurtpore under Lord Combermere ; and in the Gwalior campaign of 1843, he commauded the advanced wing of the cavalry at the battle of Maharajpore. He also served in the Sutlej campaign in 1846, and commanded the 16th Lancers at the memorable battle of Aliwal, where he greatly distinguished himself by capturing eleven pieces of Artillery, and driving the Sikh force of Infantry completely off | the field after three distinct I charges, though severely wounded I in the thigh in the first charge. His yeoman’s service on this oc- casion gained him the C.B. He became a Major-General in 1860, and Lieut.-General in 1870. In 1868, he was appointed Colonel of the 6th Dragoon Guards. Sir Rowland Smyth succeeded Gene- ral McCleverty in command of the Central Division of the Mad- ras Army. It is singular, that notwith- standing his brilliant services, and manly courage, he was not a po- pular officer in Madras. Perhaps his open defiance of the conven- tional code of morality was the cause. He. moreover, did not ex- hibit himself to the best advantage by a quarrel with the Ootacamund Club about the cost of a pie, and with a Member of Council about a cook ! Had India required his services again in the field, there is not the slightest doubt that any force might have been placed under his command with perfect confidence. Sir Rowland died in England in 1873. STEUART.Major-Genl.CHARLES, C.B., served with the 13th Light Dragoons in the Punjaub in 1 848-49, and received a sword cut at Chillianwalla. He also took part in the battle of Guzerat. He receiv- ed a medal with two clasps for his services in connection with the pursuit of the enemy across the Jhelum, and of the Afghans through the Khyber Pass. He com- mauded a Cavalry Brigade during the Persian expedition of 1857, obtained a medal and was made a C.B. He commanded under Sir Hugh Rose, the second Brigade of the Central India Field Force in 1858, and was at the siege and capture of Ratghur, the relief STR 403 of Saugor, the capture of Gurra- kotta, the forcing of the Muddan- pore pass, the siege and captui e of Jhansi and the battles of Betwa and Koonch. He had a medal and clasp for the last. Hied after a long illness in England, 22nd May 1873. STRANGE, Sir Thomas An- drew, officiated as Chief Justice at Halifax, in British America, at an early period of a useful and valuable life. In 1798, he was appointed to the Recordership of Madras ; andtheRecorder’sCourt having been superseded by the Supreme Court in 1801, he was appointed Chief Justice, and presided there till the year 1816. To the advantages of a sound and discriminating-understanding, great application, an ardent love of literature in general, and an especial taste for juridical studies, were added that of a sound con- stitution, which enabled him to bear the fatigues of long and laborious sittings in a hot climate. He possessed an equable tempera- ment of mind and a native courtesy, which rendered him uniformlymildandpatient ; “and upon all occasions his demeanour to the bar, the attorneys, and witnesses of the court, combined the dignity of the English judge, and the politeness of the English gentleman.” He took a warm and affectionate interest in the rights and happiness of the natives of India, whom he calls “ by nature a gentle, and historically an inter- esting race.” He was of opinion that their rights could not be securely protected, nor their hap- piness sincerely consulted, but by the preservation of their public and domestic customs, endeared to them by antiquity, I and consecrated by religion. This fact endeared him to all the native classes living within the jurisdic- tion of the Court. Dwelling upon the policy of preseiwing invio- lable the law, municipal and religious, of the Hindoos, he observes : — “ It is the duty as well as the interest of Britain, to foster those whom it has become the unworthy fashion to abuse and undervalue. It were at least a more magnani- mous course, parcere subjectis. N or can it be a commendable one, in any point of view, to irritate, by insulting them.” Before leav- ing India, in 1816, he printed at Madras “Notes of Cases in the Recorder’s and Supreme Courts of that Presidency.” In London, 1830, he published his “ Hindoo Law.” A fourth edition appeared in Madras, 1864, with an intro- duction written by the Honorable J. D. Mayne, in which he says, “ Sir Thomas Strange’s treatise has done more than merely col- lecting the authorities upon Hindu law. It has settled the law. The references to original law books, still appear at the foot of his pages, but it is rarely that any consult them. We rely unhesita- tingly upon the assiduous ac- curacy which collected so many sources of information, and the exquisite judgment which evolved an orderly system from conflict- ing opinions. Few will search for themselves through Menu or the Mitacshara when they can find its substance brought out in the masterly English of the chief justice of Madras. Few will en- quire into the rival views of Sricrishna, or Yajnyavalkjct, when the balance between them has been struck by a single weighty sentence of Sir Thomas Strange. 404 STU Accordingly it would be difficult to find a second law book which at the end of thirty years could be re-printed verbatim , with any advantage to the public. Yet the present work hardly requires any re-editing. Statutory enactments have rendered obsolete some few portions. Doctrines have been illustrated and amplified by recent decisions, but little has been either doubted or overruled. The In- dian Courts are still governed as authoritatively by Sir Thomas Strange, as the old Philosophers were by Plato or Aristotle. The following is extracted from an article entitled “ The Bar in India,” Asiatic Journal, vol. xv, New Series, 1834. “ It was rather an amusing inci- dent, which happened in open court after the judges had come to the determination of wearing wigs, in addition to the costume which, in everything but the wig, was the ordinary judicial dress. ‘ In Calcutta, where the climate is much hotter, each judge had his wig, and it was the duty of the court to preserve its dignity by the exterior observances of the Bench, of which the wig had always been deemed an essential part.' The reasoning of the chief justice was conclusive with his brethren. The wigs were ordered from England, and in due course arrived, all carefully packed in boxes. Unluckily, the cock- roaches had found their way into the wig-box of Sir Thomas Strange, and fed, much to their satisfaction, upon each side of it. Unfortunately, after the judges had seated themselves, each with his new wig, the holes gnawed by the voracious insects began to make way for Sir Thomas’s ears, which, in a few minutes, were visible through them. The laugh- ter that ran through the court having attracted his attention to the circumstance that afforded so much amusement — in a moment, off went the wig indignantly over the heads of the prothonotary and his clerks, upon the area of the court. The example of the chief-justice was instantly fol- lowed by the other judges, and, one by one, like a leash of par- tridges, the three wigs flew across and lighted on the floor. This ludicrous circumstance so com- pletely unhinged Sir Thomas, that he adjourned the court till the following day, for it was found impossible to hush the merriment it occasioned.” He left Madras in the ship “ Larkins” in May 1817. STUAPtT, General James, was born at Blair Hall in Perthshire on the 2nd of March 1741, and after a preliminary education at the public schools of Culross and Dunfermline, was removed in 1757 to Edinburgh, where he entered upon the study of the law, which, however, not proving agreeable to his tastes, he quitted for the army. He went through the American war of Independence, and arrived in India during the early Carnatic wars. He joined the army in the field in Hyder’s last war, under the command of Sir Eyre Coote. In the last encounter between the two great commanders, Coote and Hyder, the latter drew a division of the English army into an am- buscade. ( Vide Hyder.) The officer in command previous to rushing into this dilemma inform- ed Stuart of his intention. Stuart on hearing of it, galloped off to stop the imprudence of the subal- tern, and arrived in time to see STU 405 the guard charged on all sides by clouds of cavalry, within the skirts of which he himself was en- veloped. Seeing there was no hope of rectifying the error, he set spurs, and escaped singly by leaping a ravine over which none of the enemy dare venture. To the noble horse which carried him, he ever afterwards testified the greatest affection, and on returning to England settled a liberal pension to maintain him and a groom. After the siege of Seringapatam in 1799, Stuart, on a short visit to Madras saw the horse, who ap- peared to recognise his old master, and gratefully accepted a loaf of bread from his hand. On the de- parture of Coote to Bengal for the benefit of his health in June 1782, the command of the army devolved upon Stuart. In De- cember 1782 Hyder died, and then was the time for Stuart to strike a decisive blow against the enemy. Tippoo was far away on the western coast. Seringapatam the capital of Mysore, lay unde- fended, but yet Stuart remained passive and affected to disbelieve in Hyder’s death for sixty days. Tippoo was informed of the event in nine days by a camel courier, and hastened to assume the reins of Government. After being un- ostentatiously installed, he pro- ceeded to Bednore and Manga- lore with the flower of his army, to check the progress of the Bom- bay division of the British army. Thus Stuart was left in the Car- natic with no enemy to contend with but the French, whom he attacked with no satisfactory re- sults at Cuddalore in June 1783, and as he was preparing for a last desperate assault on the Cudda- lore lines, news arrived of peace having been declared between France and England, and the army was withdrawn to Madras. The Governor of Madras (Macart- ney) and Council were extremely dissatisfied with Stuart’s conduct during the late war, and now that opportunity offered determined on depriving him of command. He was accordingly seized, in Madras, carried to the Fort and shipped to England. This was the same Stuart who eight years before was engaged in the “ clan- destine arrest of Lord Pigot, and among the epigrams to which his own arrest gave rise, that of the Nabob’s second son was by no means the least racy : ‘ General Stuart catch one lord, one lord catch General Stuart.’ ” Very soon after his return home (1786), he fought a duel with Lord Macart- ney and severely wounded him. The second war with Tippoo saw Stuart again in the field, serv- ing under Lord Cornwallis, in command of the right wing of the army. He led the storming party sent against the strong hill forts of Savendroog and Ostradroog, and was attached to the centre column in the night attack on Se- ringapatam, 6tli February 1792. Early in 1793, Stuart left for Eng- land on furlough, where he was graciously received by his So- vereign, and raised to the local rank of Brigadier-General. He arrived again in Madras in April 1794. Affairs taking a hostile turn in Holland, the Court of Direc- tors sent out orders to the Madras Presidency to secure and occupy the Dutch Establishments in Cey- lon. Stuart was selected to com- mand the expedition, and was accompanied by a squadron under Admiral Rainer. In August 1 795, Trincomallee surrendered by capi- tulation, after making a small 406 SUF— SUM resistance, and the surrender of Batticaloa, Manar, Mallatice and Calpentine followed, terminating the campaign of 1795 in Ceylon. Early in the following year Stuart was sent with another force to reduce the whole island, which he successfully accomplished before the end of February, and thus were transferred the important territories of the Dutch in Ceylon, to the British dominions. As soon as the news reached the Madras Government, it appointed Stuart, Governor of the Island, investing him with the chief, civil and military authority. During his tenure of office, he did a great deal for Ceylon, improving its defences and investigating its re- sources, and became greatly en- deared to the Dutch inhabitants. At the end of 1796, Stuart was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay army. When the last war with Tippoo broke out in 1799, Stuart co-operated in command of the Bombay army, with that of Bengal and Madras under General Harris, and receiv- ed the thanks of both Houses of Parliament for his meritorious and distinguished services. After the capture of Seringapatam, Stuart returned with the Bombay army to the Malabar coast ; and from thence proceeded to Madras in broken-down health, in the ship “ Suffolk,” commanded by his old friend, Admiral Rainer. In No- vember 1 799, he returned to Bom- bay, where increasing indisposi- tion compelled him to leave for England in the middle of 1800. He again sailed tolndiaforthelast time in the following year, having been appointed Commander-in- Chief of the army, and second in Council at Madras, and soon be- came engaged in the Mahrattah troubles of 1803, being personally in the field. He returned to England in 1805, and expired in London on the 29th of April 1815, aged 75. ( Vide Pigot). SUFDER ALI, vide Carnatic Nabobs. SUFDER JUNG, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, SUJAH KHAN succeeded his father-in-law, Jaffier Khan, as Nabob of Bengal. He took into his service two brothers, natives of Tartary, one of whom he ap- pointed to attend as a domestic on his person, the other, Aliverdi, to command a troop of horse. ( Vide Aliverdi). Sujah Khan died in 1739. SUJA-U-DOWLAH, vide Oudh, Nabob-Viziers of, SULTAN ALI, vide Durani Dynasty. SULTANA REZIA, vide Slave Kings of Delhi. SUMROO, Begum, or to give her titles at full length, Her Highness Furzaud Azwzai, Oom- dootul Urraikeen, Zeb-ul-Nissa (the latter name implying, orna- ment of the sex) was an extraor- dinary woman. She was by birth a Cashmerian, but by family Ge- orgian, with many personal at- tractions, fair complexion and lus- trous eyes. She had been brought up as a child in the company of nauchnies, i. e., dancing girls, but Fate decreed that she should make others dance for her amusement. In the course of her wanderings she fell in with Summers, alias SUM 407 Reinhard of Patna notoriety, who made her his favourite concubine. Summers, a man of obscure origin, entered the French army under the name of Walter Rein- hard, from which he deserted in 1760, and went to Bengal under the assumed name of Summers. Here he obtained an appointment as warrant-officer in a Swiss bat- talion ; from this he deserted to the French at Chandernagore, but not being well pleased with the change, he quitted them and en- tered the service of Zuffer Jung, a Lucknow prince, and from thence deserted into the service of Meer Cossim, who taking a spe- cial fancy to him raised a corps of infantry especially for his com- mand. The cruel tragedy he per- formed under Meer Cossim’s com- mands is detailed in the memoir of the latter. On the fallen for- tunes of Meer Cossim, Summers transferred his services to Suja-ud- Dowlah, and again in turn to seven or eight different masters, until at last to Neujif Khan, who in return for valuable services rendered, granted him the jaghire of Sird- hana. It was a valuable proper- ty 20 miles in length by 12 in breadth, yielding a revenue of 25 lacs of rupees (,£250,000) annu- ally, of which one-lialf was a net income after deducting its dues to the British Government, and the maintenance of its little army. About this time Zeb-ul-Nissa with her ambitious and enterpris- ing spirit wheedled Summers into marrying her, with all the arts of fascination she could employ, at the same time offering to embrace the Popish religion which he pro- fessed. This accomplished, she soon assumed the entire man- agement of the territory. She was a woman possessed of great avarice and love of command, and being of a tyrannical and heartless disposition, she allow- ed nothing to stand in the way of the accomplishment of her wishes. With the most consum- mate craft and policy, she manag- ed to carry out her plans and obtained possession of the jaghire, by a deep-laid scheme for Sum- mers’ destruction. Besides her ambition and avarice, there were other inducements which led her to try and get released from her husband. He led a low and debauched life which disgusted her, and what roused her jealousy most, was a passion which he had conceived for one of her slave girls. Having obtained the con- fidence of those of her household whom she could depend upon, she entered into a conspiracy remarkable for cunning, dex- terity and the most revolting barbarity. Summers about that time had some disputes with his master, Neujif Khan, and the Begum had little difficulty in persuading him that she had detected a plan by which he intended to murder them both and regain possession of the jaghire. She urged him to collect all the treasures, jewels and valuables that they could conveniently carry with them and fly for their lives. The Begum produced wit- nesses to accelerate her plans, who, with well-varnished tales confirm- ed these suspicions, and at length Summers acceded to her impor- tunities. She arranged that as the plan for their assassination was so far advanced that they should each proceed armed, for fear of being captured during their flight, and in the event of such a contin- gency, each was bound by a solemn vow to commit suicide, 408 SUR and for this purpose pistols were provided. They started in pa- lankeens late one night, under the pretence of paying a visit of cere- mony to a neighbouring Rajah, but had scarcely cleared.the boun- daries of their jaghire when they were attacked by a strong body of their own soldiers, under disguise. The report of a pistol was heard in the Begum’s palankeen, accom- panied by the cry from her at- tendants “ the Begum has slain herself.” Her clothes were also shewn to Summers covered with blood, so thinking of his vow and seeing the utter impossibility of resistance or flight, and dreading the tortures he might be put to by Neujif, in remorse and terror, he shot himself with the pistol his wife had given him. The scheme accomplished, the Begum returned, accompanied by her applauding retainers, and she concluded the tragedy of the day by an act which will cling with infamy to her character as long as her name is remembered. She that night buried alive in her own tent the poor slave girl who had been the object of her hus- band’s passion, and to place be- yond all doubt any chance of her rescue by any one more compas- sionate than herself, placed her bed over the grave and slept there until morning. It is said that this act preyed upon her conscience in after-life. Four or five years after this horrible affair, the Begum formed a laison with a Frenchman named L’Oiseau. His name was not inconsistent with his character, for he soon proved to be a bird of passage, and the Begum tiring of him, got rid of him by a payment of a round sum of cash. In her latter years she became extremely charitable. building churches, and endowing schools — in fact, on one occasion she sent a Bishop of Calcutta £15,000 to be expended in the pro- motion of charitable and other religious purposes. This libera- lity it is believed, was practised in the hope of expiating her former misdeeds ! A report exist- ed that she had a son by Sum- mers, but it is generally be- lieved that the Begum had no children. Her affairs were for many years conducted by an East Indian, named Dyce, who married one of her adopted daugh- ters, but he fell into disfavor and was dismissed, consigned to pover- ty, and neglect, and his son, David Ochterlony Dyce Sombre was in- stalled in his office. He was a great favorite of the Begum’s, and managed her affairs excel- lently, and when she died at the age of eighty-nine on the 27th January 1836 at Meerut, he came in for all her wealth valued at £800,000, independent of other legacies which she left to officers in her service, and for charitable purposes. The jaghire of Sirdha- na reverted to the British on the Begum’s death. There are va- rious accounts of Summers and the Begum, but the authority from which this has been drawn is “ Bacon’s first impressions and studies from Nature hi Hin- dustan,” which is the most re- liable as the author saw the B&r gum, attended and conversed with her at one of her levees, and gained all his information at her Court. The marriages of some distant relatives of Sombre are noticed hi the Asiatic Journal, vol. xv, N. S., 1834— p. 149. SURAJ-A-DOWLAH, the grand SUR 409 nephew of Alivekdi, succeeded him as Nabob of Bengal on his death in 1756. Calcutta was at this time a rising place, and the Eng- lish, anticipating a rupture with France, in obedience to orders received from home, began to impi'ove its defences. This exas- perated Suraj-a-Dowlah, who or- dered the authorities imme- diately to desist, and to destroy all the works which had lately been added to the fortifications. The reply he received was to the effect that “there being at present great appearance of another war between the two nations, the English were under apprehensions that the French would act in the same manner in Bengal,” as they had done in the late war at Madras; “ to prevent which, they were re- pairing their line of guns on the bank of the river.” This reached him on the 17th May 1756, while he was at Bajamahal on an expe- dition against Burnea. It enraged him greatly ; he ordered his army back, seized the factory at Cossim- bazaar, imprisoning and treating with insolence Mr. Watts, who was at the head of it. His next designs were against Calcutta, in spite of every conciliation on the part of the English regarding the levelling and discontinuance of all fortifications, in spite of the remonstrances of the richest native merchants and bankers in the land, who represented the English as a colony of inoffensive and useful merchants. Calcutta was besieged and fell on the 20th June 1 756, after a gallant resistance by the small number of Europeans in it. Many, however, had deserted on the previous night, and got on board two ships lying in the river. Had these ships rendered the assist- ance itwasintheirpowerto do, the terrible Black Hole tragedy would never have occurred. Though this event pertains more to history than biography, it must here be referred to as illustrating the cruelty which blackened the name of Suraj-a-Dowlah. Mr. Orme’s words best tell the frightful tale : “ It was the common dungeon of the garrison, who used to call it The Black. Role. Many of the prisoners knowing the place, be- gan to expostulate ; upon which the officer ordered his men to cut down those who hesitated ; on which the prisoners obeyed. But before all wrere within, the room was so thronged, that the last entered with difficulty. The guard immediately closed and locked the door ; confining 146 persons in a room not 20 feet square, with only two small windows, and these ob- structed by the veranda.” “ It was the hottest season of the year ; and the night uncom- monly sultry even at this season. The excessive pressure of their bodies against one another, and the intolerable heat which pre- vailed as soon as the door was shut, convinced the prisoners that it was impossible to live through the night in this horrible con- finement ; and violent attempts were immediately made to force the door ; but without effect, for it opened imvard, on which many began to give a loose to rage. Mr. Holwell, who had placed himself at one of the windows, exhorted them to remain composed both in body and mind, as the only means of surviving the night, and hi3 remonstrances produced a short interval of quiet ; during which he applied to an old Jemautdar, who bore some marks of hu- manity in his countenance, pro- mising to give him a thousand 52 410 SUR rupees in the morning, if he would separate the prisoners into two chambers. The old man went to try, but returning in afew minutes, said it was impossible ; when Mr. Holwell offered him a larger sum ; on which he retired once more, and returned with the fatal sen- tence, that no relief could be ex- pected, because the Nabob was asleep, and no one dared to wake him.” “ In the meantime every minute had increased their sufferings. The first effect of their confine- ment was a profuse and con- tinued sweat, which soon produc- ed intolerable thirst, succeeded by excruciating pains in the breast, with difficulty of breath- i nglittle short of suffocation. V ari- ous means were tried to obtain more room and air. Every one stripped off his clothes ; every hat was put in motion ; and these methods affording no relief, it was proposed that they should all sit down on their hams at the same time, and after remaining a little while in this posture, rise alto- gether. This fatal expedient was thrice repeated before they had been confined an hour ; and every time, several, unable to rear themselves again, fell, and were trampled to death by their com- panions. Attempts were again made to force the door, which, failing as before, redoubled their rage : but the thirst increasing, nothing but water ! water ! became soon after the general cry. The good Jemautdar immediately or- dered some skins of water to be brought to the windows ; but, in- stead of relief; his benevolence became a more dreadful cause of destruction ; for the sight of the water threw every one into such excessive agitations and ravings, that, unable to resist this violent impulse of nature, none could wait to be regularly served, but each with the utmost ferocity battled against those who were likely to get it before him ; and in these conflicts many were either pressed to death by the efforts of others, or suffocated by their own. This scene, instead of producing compassion in the guard without, only excited their mirth ; and they held up lights to the bars, in order to have the diabolical satisfaction of viewing the deplorable conten- tions of the sufferers within ; who, finding it impossible to get any water whilst it was thus furiously disputed, at length suffered those who were nearest to the windows, to convey it in their hats to those behind them. It proved no relief either to their thirst, or other sufferings ; for the fever increased every moment with the increasing depravity of the air in the dungeon which had been so often respired and was saturated rvith the hot and dele- terious effluvia of putrifying bodies ; of which the stench was little less than mortal. Before midnight, all who were alive and had not partaken of the air at the windows, were either in a lethargic stupefaction, or raving with delirium. Every kind of invective and abuse was uttered, in hopes of provoking the guard to put an end to their miseries, by firing into the dungeon ; and whilst some were blaspheming their Creator with the frantic ! execrations of torment in despair, Heaven was implored by others with wild and incoherent prayers ; until the weaker, exhausted by these agitations, at length laid down quietly and expired on the I bodies of their dead or agonizing SUE 411 friends. Those who still survived in the inward part of the dungeon, finding that the water had afford- ed them no relief, made efforts to obtain air, by endeavouring to scramble over the heads of those who stood between them and the windows ; where the utmost strength of every one was em- ployed for two hours, either in maintaining his own ground, or in endeavouring to get that of which others were in possession. All regards of compassion and affection were lost, and no one would recede or give way for the relief of another. Faintness sometimes gave short pauses of quiet, but the first motion of any one renewed the struggle through all, under which ever and anon some one sunk to rise no more. At two o’clock not more than fifty remained alive. But even this number were too many to partake of the saving air, the contest for which and life, continued until the morn, long implored, began to break ; and, with the hope of relief, gave the few survivors a view of the dead. The survivors then at the window, finding that their in- treaties could not prevail on the guard to open the door, it occurred to Mr. Cooke, the secretary of the council, that Mr. Holwell, if alive, might have more influence to obtain their relief ; and two of the company undertaking the search, discovered him, having still some signs of life; but when they brought him towards the window, every one refused to quit his place, excepting Captain Mills, who with rare generosity offered to resign his; on which the rest likewise agreed to make room. He had scarcely begun to l’ecover his senses, before an officer, sent by the Nabob, came and en- quired if the English chief sur- vived ; and soon after the same man returned with an order to open the prison. The dead were so thronged, and the survivors had so little strength remaining, thattheywere employed near half an hour in removing the bodies which lay against the door, before they could clear a passage to go out one at a time ; when of one hundred and forty-six who went in, no more than twenty-three came out alive, the ghastliest forms that ever were seen alive. The Nabob’s troops beheld them, and the havoc of death from which they had escaped, with indiffer- ence : but did not prevent them from removing to a distance, and wei’e immediately obliged, by the intolerable stench, to clear the dungeon, whilst others dug a ditch on the outside of the fort, into which all the dead bodies were promiscuously thrown.” “Mr. Holwell, unable to stand, was soon after carried to the Nabob, who was so far from shewing any compassion for his condition, or remorse for the death of the other prisoners, that he only talked of the trea- sures which the English had buried ; and threatening him with farther injuries, if he persist- ed in concealing them, ordered him to be kept a prisoner. The officers to whose charge he was delivered, put him into fetters, together Avith Messrs. Court and Walcot, who were likeAvise sup- posed to know something of the treasures ; the rest of the sur- vivors, amongst whom were Messrs. Cooke and Mills, Avere told they might go Avhere they pleased ; but an English woman, the only one of her sex amongst 412 SYK the sufferers, was reserved for the seraglio of the general Meer Jaffeer. The dread of remaining any longer within the reach of such barbarians determined most of them to remove immediately, as far as their strength enabled them, from the fort, and most tended towards the vessels which were still in sight ; but when they reached Govindpore in the southern part of the Company’s bounds, they were informed that guards were stationed to prevent any persons from passing to the ves- sels, on which most of them took shelter in deserted huts, where some of the natives, who had serv- ed the English in different em- ployments, came and adminis- tered to their immediate wants. Two or three, however, ventured, and got to the vessels before sun- set. Their appearance and the dreadful tale they had to tell were the severest of reproaches to those on board, who, intent only on their own preservation, had made no efforts to facilitate the escape of the rest of the garrison : never perhaps wTas such an op- portunity of performing an heroic action so ignominiously neglect- ed : for a single sloop, with fifteen brave men on board, might, in spite of all the efforts of the enemy, have come up, and, an- choring under the fort, have carried away all who suffered in the dungeon.” The army of retribution ( vide Clive and Watson) sailed from [Madras in October 1756 — and on the 23rd June of the following year Suraj-a-Dowlah was defeated on the field of Plassey, and the foundation of the British Empire was laid in Bengal. In his flight, Suraj-a-Dowlah was discovered by a man whose ears he had cut off the previous year. He reveal- ed Suraj-a-Dowlah, who -was stabbed and cut to pieces at the instigation of Prince Meerum, son of Meer Jaffeer, in July 1757. His mangled remains were ex- posed next morning on an ele- phant and buried in the tomb of Aliverdi. Thus he perished in the 20th year of his age and the 15th month of his reign. In Appendix No. VIII will be seen a copy of the inscription on the monument raised to the me- mory of the unfortunate suf- ferers in the Black Hole, with a list of their names. SYKES, Lieutenant-Colonel Wil- liam, Bombay Army ; Statis- tical Reporter for the Deccan from 1821 to 1834. From 1840 one of the Directors of the East Company ; a distinguished zoologist, meteor- ologist, geologist, antiquary and statist. He has written so much on each of so many subjects, that his papers are classed below : — Meteorology.— M ean tempera- ture of India at various eleva- tions, Rep. Biit. Ass., 1834, vol. iii, 567 ; On the measurement of heights by the thermometer, Ibid., 1835, vol. iii, 25 ; Lond. Geo. Trans. ; Bom. Geo. Trans., 1839 ; Jackson’s what to Observe, Ac. ; On the remarkable difference betwixt the fall of rain at Maha- bleshwar, and that at Bombay and at Poona, Ibid., 1S39, vol. vi, 16 ; On the meteorology of the province of Coorg, in the western Ghauts, Ibid., 1842, vol. xi, 22 ; On the fall of rain on the Coast of Travancore and table- land of Uttree, Ibid., 1846 ; On the fall of rain on the table-land of Uttree Mullee, Travancore, 1846 ; Ibid., 1848, 39 : On a remarkable storm at Bombay. SYK 413 6th April 1847, Ibid. ; On Indian hailstorms, Ibid., 1850, 43 ; On the atmospheric tides in the Deccan, Phil. Trans., 1840 ; On the meteorological observations in India, Phil. Trans., 1850. Z oology.- — Geographical range of certain birds common to va- rious parts of the world, chiefly to India, Hep. Brit. Ass., 1835, vol. iii, 69 ; Fishes of the Deccan, Trans. Lond., Zoological Soc., 1838; Catalogue of the mammalia of the Deccan, Zool. Trans., 1331 ; re-published, Bl. As. Trans., 1832, vol. i ; Birds of the Deccan, Zool. Trans., 1832 ; re-published, Bl. As. Trans., 1834, vol. iii ; Quails and homipoda of India, Lond., 1 vol., 4to. Statistics.- — Wages of labourers in the Deccan, Bep. Brit. Ass., 1835, vol. iii, 118 ; Special report on the statistics of the Deccan : extent, and physical circum- stances ; geology ; ghauts ; tor- rents ; escarpments ; climate ; botany ; zoology ; antiquities ; population ; education ; irriga- tion ; mountains, &c., Bep. Brit. Ass., 1837, vol. vi ; On the mor- tality of Calcutta, Ibid., 1844, vol. xiii, 88 ; On the statistics of hospitals for the insane in Bengal, Ibid., 89 ; Statistics of civil jus- tice in India for four years, from 1841 to 1844, Ibid., 1846, 94; Of charitable dispensaries in, Ibid., 96 ; Statistics of the Agra Go- vernment, or N. W. Provinces, Ibid., 1847 ; Statistics of civil justice in Bengal, to which Go- vernment is a party, Ibid., 1848, 116 ; Contributions to the statis- tics of sugar produced in India, Ibid., 1849, 108 ; Statistics of civil and criminal justice under the Bengal Government for the years 1844, 1847, 1849, Bep. Brit. Ass., 1836, vol. v ; Statistics of the educational institutions of India, 1848, 8vo ; On the fruits of the Deccan ; twenty-one kinds of ordinary wild fruits ; importance of communication for the intro- duction of plants of India. (Budi- ments of Indian exhibition of 1853 ; Bombay economic Mu- seum, Sir A. Johnstone on, Lond. As. Trans ; Dr. Buist on, Bom. Geo. Trans., 1848.) On the Dutch possessions of the East Indies, Bep. Brit. Ass., 1848, 112 ; Prices of cerealia and other edibles in England and India compared, Bep. Brit. Ass., 1847 ; Mortality in the jails of the 24-pergunnas, Calcutta, Bep. Stat. Survey of India, 1848 ; Catalogue of Chinese Buddhist works, Lond. As. Trans ; On the land tenures of the Dec- can, Ibid., 1834, vol. ii, 205 — 233 ; 1836, vol. iii, 350 — 376 ; On the state of India before the Maho- medan invasion, founded on the travels of Fa Hian, Ibid., 1836, vol. i, 248 ; On the proprietary right of the soil vested in the subject, not the sovereign, in India, Ibid., 1836, vol. vi, 246 ; Same subject as land tenures of the Deccan ; Mortality and chief diseases of troops under the Madras Government in 1851 com- pared wdth that in 1842, 1846, and 1849, Jl. of Lond. Stat. Soc., 1851 ; On expenditure of the Government of India on public works, Ibid., 1850. Geology of a portion of the Dec- can, Lond. Geol. Trans., vol. iv, second series, 4to ; On a fossil fish from the table-land of the Deccan, Lond. Geol. Trans., 1851, vol. vii. 414 T TAMERLANE, or TIMOOR, The family of, Ghengis Khan was bom in 1164. He was a chief of a small clan in the west, who paid tribute to the Khitan Tartars. Being ambitious, he joined several tribes together, became their leader, and invaded the Tartar country. He defeated the Tartars, and made them join his army. With an immense force he overran the country of East Mongolia and Northern China, and then Transoxiana and Kho- rasan. Eventually he conquered the Turki country, viz., Bokhara, Kharism and Persia, and after- wards invaded India. At this time his empire extended from the Caspian Sea to Pekin, north- wards to the sea and southwards to the Indian ocean and the Himalayas ; its western boundary including Astrachan and Kazan. On the death of Ghengis Khan in 1227, his empire was divided into four divisions, in one of which, Djaggathai, Tamerlane was born in 1336. He succeeded his father as Prince of Ivech ; then seized the Kha- nate of Djaggathai, overran Persia, Transoxiana, Tartary and Siberia, and in 1398 invaded India. He entered vi& Cabool, while his grandson, Pir Mahom- med, attacked Mooltan. The two armies then joined on the Sutlej and advanced on Delhi, ravaging the country on their way. Delhi was sacked, and the inhabitants ruthlessly massacred. Mahmood Toghlak fled, and Tamerlane left Khirz Khan to govern Delhi. He next ravaged Syria and Bagdad, conquered the Ottoman Turks on the Caspian, reduced Asia Minor, and marched to China in 1404, but died on the route. His empire broke up and his sons seized the pieces. Baber, the celebrated founder of the Mogul dynasty in Hin- doostan, born 14th February 1483, was the sixth in descent from Tamerlane. On his father’s death, being driven out of his paternal dominions by the Usbeg Tartars, he advanced into India, where, in the year 1526, he ultimately, after several incursions, defeated Ibra- him Lodi and became Emperor of Delhi. Previous to this, till his 23rd year, his career was a succession of attempts to regain Samarcand, Adijan, and other places thereabout, in which he alternately conquered and lost. In the year following his succes- sion to the throne, Sauga, King of Mewar, a Rajpoot prince, brought an army against Delhi. In a minor engagement he beat Baber, but the famous battle of Sikri, called the ‘ Indian Hastings,’ in which the Moguls gained a great victory, securely established Ba- ber’s power in India. The rest of his life was devoted to extending his dominions. He died at Delhi on the 26th December 1530 of a fever, brought on by anxiety for his son Humayun, who wTas dangerously ill, and from the fatigues of a recent campaign. He was buried in a spot chosen by himself at Cabool, in great splendour. Burnes gives an interesting sketch of the place in his Travels, vol. 1, p. 141. TAM 415 Baber’s writings clearly display his character ; he had great tal- ents as a poet, scholar and musi- cian. He had courage combined with prudence, but at times be- came very violent and was guilty of great cruelties. He was great- ly addicted to wine, but towards the close of his life abandoned it, and ordered all his drinking vessels to be destroyed. Humayun, the eldest son of Baber, having recovered from his illness, succeeded to the throne without opposition in 1530. His first act was to quell a rebellion in Jounpoor, and the next five years of his reign witnessed a war with Bahadoor Shah, king of Guzerat, who had to yield at length. In the following year, Humayun was engaged against Sher Khan, who was operating against Bengal. Bahadoor Shah took this opportunity and re-cap- tured Guzerat, and attacked Malwa(1537). Humayun attack- ed, and after a six months’ siege captured Chunar, the keystone of Sher Khan’s position in Bengal. With the rainy season operations ceased, and Humayun did not suppose that Sher Khan would rebel again ; but before he mov- ed his troops at the close of the monsoon, Sher Khan had seized Benares, Chunar and Canouj. Humayun, with his army reduced by disease and desertion, retreat- ed to Agra, but Sher Khan mov- ed by forced marches, and attacked him. The Imperial army was thoroughly beaten, and Humayun narrowly escaped a watery grave in the Ganges (1539.) Sher Khan then occu- pied Bengal, and Humayun was actively engaged in repairing his losses, In 1540, the latter took the initiative and marched on Canouj, but was again defeated and nearly drowned in his flight. He then evacuated Agra and Delhi, and removed his court, his family, and treasures to Lahore. He was pursued thither also, and fled towards Sind and then to Jodhpoor, whose rajah refused to entertain him, so he had to take to the deserts of Jesulmir. Some of the females of his court shar- ed the distresses and privations of their lord in these sandy wastes, where one of them, Hamida, a beautiful dancing girl of his harem, gave birth to a son, who was named Akbar, Thus was he born at the lowest ebb of their fortunes, and little was it thought that he would raise the Indian Empire to its highest eminence. After failing to reduce Sind again in 1542, and his brother at Candahar, Mirza Aske- ri, refusing him protection, Hu- mayun retired to Herat in Persia. In the meantime Sher Khan had seized the throne of Delhi and began to extend his conquests. He was killed by a stray cannon shot at the siege of Chitore in 1545. He was succeeded succes- sively by his two sons, Selim Shah Sur and Adil. The latter ruled so imperfectly, that the chief pro- vinces threw off all subjection, and Humayun hearing of these dissensions, gathered a large army and came to claim his throne. He captured Candahar from his brother Mirza Askeri, and though advised to put him to death, refused to do so. He then took Cabool, where Baber’s third son, Hindal, joined him. In 1548, Camran joined his standard after having been forgiven for rebel- lion. By kindness, Humayun brought together his brothers, 416 TAM and their combined efforts had now one object — to restore the fallen glory of their family. Camran, however, revolted, and was subdued in 1551, but as he turned troublesome again, Hu- mayun made him prisoner in 1553, and much against his will blinded him. Humayun set out from Cabool in January 1555 to regain his throne. He invaded the Punjaub, took Lahore, Delhi and Agra, and in July was restor- ed to his original grandeur and position. He, however, only lived six months to enjoy it, for he died of concussion of the brain in January 1556, caused by an accidental fall on some smooth marble. Akbar. As stated in Huraa- yun’s life, Akbar was born during his father’s exile, 14th October 1542. At the time of Humayun’s death, Akbar was only thirteen years of age, and was with his father’s Minister, Behram Khan, in the Punjaub. He was at once brought down to Delhi. The Minister was at first the actual governor, and carried out his duties with energy and faithful- ness, but while so engaged at Delhi, Cabool was captured by Mirza Soliman, king of Badak- shan, and a rebellion was also raised at the same time by Hemu, Minister of Shah Adil, who took Agra and began to advance on Lahore, when Behram went out to meet him. The result was the second battle of Panniput, 1556, and the hopes of the family of Sher Khan were for ever destroyed by the death of Hemu, caused by the hand of Behram himself. On Behram’s return to Delhi he became very despotic in his go- vernment, and the pressure of his rule became unbearable both to Akbar and the people, so by strategy Akbar threw off the shackles in 1560, and assumed the reins of government himself. Beh- ram withdrew to Nagore and re- volted. Akbarsentan armyagainst and defeated him, but in consider- ation of his services to Humayun, pardoned him, received him gra- ciously, and assigned him a hand- some pension ; he, however, soon had to pay the penalty for his crimes — a brother of one of the murdered nobles assassinated him in revenge. So Akbar at the age of eighteen was sole ruler of all the country around Delhi and Agra, with the Punjab. Akbar’s restless ambition prompted him to a career of con- quest, which extended his domi- nions in the fortieth year of his reign from the Hindoo-Coosh to the borders of the Deccan, and from the Bhramaputrato Candahar. His system of government in his newly acquired provinces was one of the finest ever known in the East, and the most efficient in the administration of justice, and regarding the rights and interests of the people. As a Mahomedan, Akbar was singularly and most praiseworthily tolerant of all re- ligions, which liberal spirit carried him so far as to have induced him to apply to the Portuguese govern- ment, who had formed a small settlement in Southern India, to send him a few missionaries, with whom he might converse about the Christian religion ; this was granted, but as may be supposed, in a general sense, no appreciable results followed. Besides establishing schools throughout the country, with his characteristic liberal views re- garding the prejudices of the TAM 417 various sects and creeds lie governed, he was a great patron of literature, and encouraged his two accomplished brothers, Faizi and Abu-1-Fazl, great linguists, in translating various Sanscrit works into Persian, especially the Vedas, and the great epics of the Mahabaratta and the Ramayana. The last named brother was the author of that great work, the “ Alcbar Nama,” the 3rd volume of which, the “ Ayin-i-Akbari” has been translated into English by Gladwin. Akbar was much beloved by the people he ruled over, for his humane and liberal views induced him to abolish all the iniquitous taxes imposed upon them by their previous haughty rulers, more especially the “ pilgrimage tax,” for he ob- served, “ it was wrong to throw any obstacle in the way of the devout or of interrupting their mode of intercourse with their JVI aker.” Contrary to Hindoo law, he ruled that widows may re- marry, and prohibited the burn- ing of Hindoo widows against their will. He encouraged com- merce, established a uniform standard of weights and measures, correct measurements of lands, fixed fair rates of taxation, form- ed an efficient police, and improv- ed roads in every part of his dominions. The least successful of his attempts was to promulgate a new religion. Akbar’s faith made no progress and expired with his death. His last days were embittered by the miscon- duct of his three sons, one of whom, Selim, (afterwards, Jehan- gir) repeatedly raised the hand of rebellion against his father. ' These circumstances, combined with the loss of several old friends, I began to prey upon his mind, and he died in the 64th year of his age, after a happy and pros- perous reign of 50 years. In per- son Akbar was well built, and possessed most agreeable man- ners. He was temperate in his habits, slept little, and would keep up whole nights in those philosophical discussions of which lie was so fond. Jehangie, Abdul, Muzaffer Nour-eddin Mahomed, son of the famous Akbar, succeeded him on his death in 1605, at the age of 37. In the following year, he put to death 700 of the adherents of Akbar’s son, Chusero,who, during the last days of Akbar’s life, were desirous of elevating him to the throne. Jehangir, in his father’s harem, which he occasion- ally visited with his mother, saw the beautiful Noor .Jehan, a descendant from a noble Persian family, and with whom he became enamoured ; but she was betroth- ed to Shere Afgun, a Turkoman, who had distinguished himself in the wars of Persia and India. J ehangir, on ascending the throne, disposed of Shere Afgun, and married his beautiful widow. She was a remarkable person, no less distinguished for lier talent for business than her personal charms, and played a most important part in State affairs during his reign. Noor Jehan had determined that her daughter by Shere Afgun should marry the emperor’s young- est son ; so to put away Shah J ehan, his successor, she persuaded Jehangir to send him against the Persians, who had recon- quered Canclahar. Shah Jehan saw that this move was against his interests, and began to stipu- late for securities, which conduct was viewed as treason and insub- 53 418 TAM ordination, and he was thus driven into rebellion. Mohabet Khan, a favorite General, was sent against him in 1623, who subdued his rebellion. Thus far Noor Jehan’s schemes had progressed favorably, but on discovering that Mohabet Khan did not fall in with her views of the succession of Shariar, she was bent upon his ruin. He was brought up on a charge of embezzlement, and his son-in-law was publicly disgraced by Jehan - gir. To avenge himself, Moha- bet Khan entered the emperor's tent and seized his person when on his march to Cabool, and behind his army with a very small guard. Noor Jehan joined the imperial army and made a des- perate attempt to rescue him, mounted on an elephafnt, but failed to do so. She yielded to the force of circumstances, joined Jehangir, and proceeded with him as a captive to Cabool, where her fertile genius managed to turn the tables against Mohabet Khan, who offered a reconciliation, which was accepted by Noor Jehan, on condition that Mohabet Khan should proceed at once against Shah Jehan, who had fled to Sind. But instead of doing so, he joined him. The empress on hearing of this offered a reward for his head ; her plans, however, were all frustrated by the death of Jehangir on the 28th October 1627, in the 60th year of his age. Noor Jehan then retired from the world with an annuity of 25 lacs of rupees (.£250,000) a year. Her favorite son, Shariar, was put to death by Shah Jehan in 1628. Noor Jehan, otherwise called Nourmahal, has been immor- talised, not only by the poets of Hindoostan, but by the love- making Irish bard, Tom Moore, in the following lines : — “ If woman can make the worst wilder- ness dear, Think, think what a hcav’n she must make of Cashmere ! So felt the magnificent son of Akbar, When from power and pomp and the trophies of war He flew to that valley, forgetting them all, With the light of the Haram, his young Nourmahal. When free and uncrown’d as the con- queror rov’d By the banks of that Lake, with his only helov’d, He saw, in the wreaths she would play- fully snatch From the hedges, a glory his crown could not match, And preferr’d in his heart the least ringlet that curl’d Down her exquisite neck to the throne of the world.” Shah Jehan succeeded his father, Jehangir, in 1627. It will be seen in Jehangir’s life what an important part he played dur- ing his reign, and also his conduct towards his brother Shariar. The first act of his reign was to sup- press a revolt raised by Khan Jehan Lodi, and reduce Ahmed- nuggur, Balkh and Golconda. He was taken seriously ill in 1657, when his four sons went to war for the succession, which is noticed in A.unmgzebe’s life. Shah Jehan, after having been kept a prisoner for seven years in Agra by Aurungzebe, died in December 1666 in the 74th year of his age. His reign was characterised by great pomp and splendour. He built the city of new Delhi, and the superb mausoleum, Taj Mahal, in memory of his favorite queen, Mumtaz Mahal, of which Elphin- stone gives the following descrip- tion ; TAM 419 “ ‘ Taj Mahal,’ is a corruption of Mumtaz Mahal, the name of Shah Jelian’s queen, whose sepul- chre it forms. It stands on a marble terrace over the Jumna, is flanked at a moderate distance by- two mosques, and is surrounded by extensive gardens. The build- ing itself on the outside is of white marble with a high cupola and four minarets. In the centre of the inside is a lofty hall of a circular form under a dome, in the middle of which is the tomb enclosed within an open screen of elaborate tracery, formed of marble and mosaics. The walls are of white marble with borders of a running pattern of flowers in mosaic The materials are lapis lazuli, jasper, heliotrope, or blood stone, a sort of golden stone (not well understood) with calcedony, and other agates, cornelians, jade, and various stones of the same description. .... The mosaics of the Taj are said, with great probability, to be the work of Italians.” Shah Jehan’s remains were also interred in this edifice, which is said to be unsurpassed in beauty and elegance of design by any in Europe. Aurungzebe, the last great governor who ruled over the Mogul empire during the latter portion of the 17th century, the third son of Shah-Jehan, was born on the 22nd October 1618. His greatest ambition in youth was to sit upon the throne of the Moguls, but he concealed these designs, and how far he gained his object by treachery and bar- barous cruelty so revolting to all kindred family ties is well des- cribed by his biographers. During the latter portion of his father’s reign, he held high offices in the State, both civil and military, in all of which he performed his duties with great ability. He had three brothers, Dara, Shuja and Murad, all of whom at the pros- pect of their father’s death were aspirants to the throne. Ere the opinion gained ground that his illness was likely to prove fatal, the brothers were up in arms and at open war with one another. Aurungzebe, by strategy, con- quered in the field, but in the meantime his father had recov- ered from his illness partially, so under the pretence of loyalty and wishing to obtain his blessing and pardon, he paid him a visit, while his son, Mohammed, with a body of troops under Aurung- zebe’s directions, took possession of the palace, and made Shah- Jehan prisoner. This unhappy victim to a son’s ambition, lived a prisoner till death ended his career seven years after. Aurung- zebe eventually secured his brothers and put them to death. Thus by craftiness and dis- honourable means, having worked his way so far as to be in the position of successor to the throne, he showed an assumed reluctance to accept it. Even- tually he yielded and near Delhi, in 1658, he took the reins of government, with the grandilo- quent title, “Alimgir,” or ‘ con- querer of the world.’ During Aurungzebe’s reign the Mahrat- tahs l’ose to power under their famous leader, Sevagee, who was recognised as .Rajah in 1667. The whole of the Deccan, and the Rajpoot States, were lost to Delhi by the close of the reign. At the commencement of his reign, Aurungzebe showed some very noble traits of character. During 420 TAM a very severe famine, he remitted the rents of ryots, purchased grain, sent it to parts of the country where its need was most felt, and sold it to the famine- stricken inhabitants at greatly reduced prices, while at his own court he insisted upon the most rigid economy being practised : but strange to say, as he advanced in years, his conduct towards the people he governed was entirely changed, and his former kindness and consideration was supplanted by great harshness and severity ; he laid heavy taxes upon them, offered every imaginary insult to their religious feelings, and thereby forfeited their affection and loyalty. Amongst the members of his court was one Amir Jumla, with whom he was connected in many exploits in the Deccan, and who rendered him great assistance in acquiring the throne. On his accession, Aurungzebe made Amir Jumla governor of Bengal, and by way of giving him something to do, suggested an invasion of Assam, whose ruler had made many incursions into Bengal, and yet remained unmolested. Jumla undertook the task, with the gleaming prospects of plunder and renown, but after several successes, he was compelled to return with his army much shat- tered by disease, owing to the inclemency of the weather, while he himself fell a victim. The emperor said to Jumla’s son on hearing of his demise, “ you have lost a father, and I have lost the greatest and most dangerousof my friends,” forfriendlyas he appear- ed to be, he dreaded Jumla’s power. The latter end of Aurungzebe’s life was a scene of abject misery, and as the curtain closed, he was subject to most depressing sus- picions of every one around him. The memory of his father, and the brothers whom he had put to death, haunted him continually. He died on the 21st of February 1707, in the 89th year of his life. Authentic details have been handed down, by Mohammed Hashim, who kept a private diary of all the events of his reign, which became known in Europe, through Elphinstone’s History of India being based upon it. Shah Alum, also named Moaz- aim, and Bahadoor Shah, suc- ceeded his father, Aurungzebe. in 1707, soon after which he had to contend with his brothers, Azim and Cambakhsh, who were dis- satisfied with the kingdoms of Bijapoor and the Deccan, be- queathed them by their father, and were defeated and slain. H is reign was very short, lasting only 5 years, in which the Sikhs assumed a warlike footing, over- running the Punjaub and ad- jacent provinces : but they were entirely defeated. Shah Alum died in his camp at Lahore, of a fit, on the 16th February 1712, at the age of 72, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Jehander Shah. Jehander Shah, the eldest son of Shah Alum, succeeded him on his death in 1712, after the defeat of his three brothers who were rival claimants for the throne. One of the first acts of his reign was to put to death all the princes of royal blood within his reach. Abandoning himself to most degrading pleasures, he gave the management of his king- dom to Zulfikar Khan, a powerful Omrah. Ferokshere, his nephew, having escaped the massacre of TAM 421 bis family, by being absent at : Bengal, of which province lie was Viceroy, advanced with an army of 70,000 men and defeating Jehander Shah, ascended the throne. Zulfikar Khan was basely strangled at the instigation of Ferokshere, and Jehander Shah was put to death after a reign of six months. Ferokshere ascended the throne, succeeding his uncle, Jehander Shah, in 1713, through the influence and exertion of two brothers, Hussain Ali, Governor of Behar, and Abdulah Khan, Governor of Allahabad, known as Sieads, from the popular belief of their having descended from the prophet. Hussain Ali was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Mogul Forces, but his growing power and influence excited the jealousy of Ferok- shere, which led to incessant schemes and plots against him. Hussain Ali seeing this, entered into a convention with the Mah- rattahs in 1717, marched against Delhi in the following year, and took the city with little opposi- tion. Ferokshere was dragged fi'om his seraglio, where he had taken refuge, and was privately assassinated in 1718. Mahommed Shah assumed that title when made emperor of the Moguls by the Sieads. His original name was Bustam Khan ; he was a grandson of Aurung- zebe. Soon after his accession he wished to release himself from the power of the Sieads, and de- signed a plot which ended in the assassination of Hussain Ali and the imprisonment of Abdulah Khan in 1720. [The inter-reg- num — 1718 and 1719 saw two princes on the throne of the i Moguls, raised by the Sieads, whom death cut off in a few months.] The profligate life and the unworthiness of Mahommed Shah, led Nizam -ul-moolk, his vizier, and Saadut Khan, Subah- dar of Oudh, to withdraw from his court. The former retired to the Deccan and made Hyderabad the seat of Government in 1 724, from which time may be dated the rise of the Nizam’s dominions. The latter founded the dynasty of Delhi, which was extinguish- ed in 1856. The Mahrattalis now overran the provinces of Malwa and Guzerat. While these internal dissensions weregoingon, Nadir Shah invaded upper India. Ahmed Khan, a General of Nadir’s, on his mother’s death, invaded Candahar and overran the Punjaub. Mahommed Shah sent his son, Ahmed Shah, who encountered him at Sirhind and routed his army of 15,000 men. This was the last effort of the Mogul dynasty, and the last event of Mahommed Shah’s life. He died in April 1748. Ahmed Shah, the son of Ma- hommed Sliah, succeeded him in 1748, when the whole of India was up in arms — the Roliillas, Duranees, and Mahrattahs. He was seized in 1754 by Ghazi-u- din, and was blinded and deposed. Alim-gir II, succeeded, and made Ghazi-u-din minister ; he ruled very badly. In 1757, Ahmed Shah Durani sacked Delhi, when Ghazi-u-din called in the Mahrat- tahs, and with their aid re-took Delhi. In the following year Raghoba took the Punjaub from Ahmed Shah Durani, and entered into a deceitful conspiracy with Ghazi-u-din to bring the whole of Hindoostan under Mahrattah rule, 422 TAY and in 1759 Ghazi-u-din murder- ed Alim-gir, the last Mogul Emperor, with any real sove- reignty. With this the Mogul Empire was extinguished. Shah Alum succeeded his father with the bare title, his real name being Ali Gohur, and Ahmed Shah Durani, and the Mahrattahs became aspirants for the capital, Delhi. The sequel was the third battle of Panniput, 6th January 1761. The Mahrat- tah army was crushed, but Ahmed Shah Durani’s force was so shat- tered by the contest that he retir- ed to the Punjab -without deriv- ing any benefit from his victory. The last vestige of the Mogul empire was thus destroyed. Shah Alum lived very quietly at Allah- abad under British protection. Sindia imprisoned him in 1771, and he was afterwards blinded by Gholam Khadir ; he was replaced on the throne by Lord Lake in 1803, and died in 1806. Akbar, the next prince, called himself “ Padshah.” He died in 1837. Mohammed Bahadoor was the next Padshah of Delhi ; he was pensioned by the English, and Lord Dalhousie made him leave Delhi in 1849. He acquiesced in the Indian Mutiny of 1857, and was found guilty of having ordered the murder of forty-nine English women and children in Delhi. He was sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to transportation, and he was sent to Rangoon, where he died, 1862. Major Hodson shot his two sons and grandson, near Humayun’s tomb, 22nd September 1857, and thus ended the house of Timoor. TAVERNIER. Jean Baptiste, Baron d’Aubonne, the celebrated French traveller, was born at Paris, 1605. Before his fifteenth year he left his father, who was the son of a Flemish engraver, and gratified his curiosity to travel. After visiting most of the countries in Europe, he accepted an offer to accompany two French noblemen to the East. This journey was begun in December 1 630 and led through Regensburg, Dresden, Vienna and Constan- tinople. Here he left them, and pursued his course to Exzeroum, Tabriz, Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, and Scanderoon, and thence by sea to Rome, 1633. The second ! journey was commenced in 1638, from Marseilles to Scanderoon, I across Syria to Ispahan, South Western Persia and India, ter- minating in 1643 — the third (1643 — 1649) through Ispahan, Batavia, and a great portion of the East Indies. His fourth and fifth journeys are involved in some uncertainty of dates, supposed to ! be between 1651 and 1658. The sixth journey was to Persia and India via Syria and the Arabian Desert, commenced in 1663, and terminating through Asia Minor in 1669. He generally travelled as a merchant, dealing chiefly in precious stones. On his return to Europe in 1669, he was gracious- ly received by Louis XIV, who presented him with “letters of nobility” in reward for his services to French commerce in India. Through political changes he was compelled to take refuge in Switzerland, and at length re- moved to Berlin, where he be- came a Director of an E. I. Company, projected by the elector of Brandenburg. He set out from Berlin in 1688, with a view of discovering a road to India TEI 423 through. Russia, but died at Mos- cow in July 1689. Tavernier had no literary qualifications. His work of travels, though contain- ing much information for the historian and geographer, and on the state of Oriental commerce, the chief marts and commercial routes and various systems of coinage, is a tangled, ill- arranged mass. His travels were originally published in three volumes, (two in 1676-77, and the third in 1679) — they have seve- ral times been reprinted, — last in seven volumes, 1810, and have been translated into English! 1678, 1684, two volumes), Dutch, 1682, and German, 1684. TEIGNMOUTH, Lord, John Shore, was born in Devonshire on the 8th of October 1751, though descended originally from a Derbyshire family. Having- finished his education at Harrow and Hackney, he obtained an appointment in the Civil Service of Bengal, through the influ- ence of some of his relatives in the E. I. Company. On his arrival at Calcutta in 1769, he was stationed at Moorshed- abad, as an Assistant under the Council of Revenue ; and in 1772, served as an Assist- ant to the resident of Rajeshaye. He applied himself on first landing in the country most assi- duously to the study of the Persian language, and attained such proficiency in it that he obtained the office of Persian translator and Secretary to the Provincial Council of Moorshed- abad in 1773. In the following year, he obtained a seat at the Calcutta Revenue Board, which he retained till the dissolution of the Board in 1781, when he was appointed second member of the general Committee of Reve- nue, established by the new Charter granted that year. This appointment led to an intimacy between him and Warren Has- tings, then Governor-General of India, and when Hastings return- ed to England in 17S5, Shore accompanied him. He married in March 1786, and in the follow- ing month set out again for Cal- cutta, having been appointed one of the members of the Supreme Council under Lord Cornwallis. Cornwallis, some time before resigning his high post, intimated to Mr. Dundas that “ nobody but a person who had never been in the service, and who was essentially unconnected with its members, who was of a rank far surpassing his associates in the government, and who had the full support of the ministry at home, was competent for the office of Governor-General.” But on Shore’s return from England, Cornwallis wrote again to Mr. Dundas thus : “ seeing how greatly Mr. Shore’s mind had been enlarged and improved by the visit, he desired to make an exception in his favour.” Mr. Pitt, who had taken a great interest in the revenue settlement, had been struck by the talent and industry exhibited by Sir John Shore, and recommended him to the King as successor to Lord Cornwallis. He accord- ingly received the appointment, and entered on the duties of his office on the 28th of October 1793. The first thing that tested the powers of Shore, was the politics of the Deccan. The treaty of alliance concluded with the Nizam by Cornwallis in 1790, sti- pulated, that “ if, after the con- 424 TEI elusion of peace with Tippoo, lie should attack or molest either of the contracting parties, the others shall join to punish him.” The treaty of guarantee was accepted by the Nizam with avidity, and Cornwallis tried to get the Mahrattahs to do the same, but they rejected it, having a long account against the Nizam. On the death of Maakajee Sindia in 1 794, his grand-nephew, Dowlut Row, a youth of thirteen, succeed- ed him, which event presented a favourable opportunity for the interposition of British influence to preserve the peace of India, instead of which Shore remained neutral, while the Mahrattahs and Tippoo were making every pre- paration to crush the Nizam — a line of policy which tarnished the reputation the British power had gained throughout India, by the prompt assistance Lord Corn- wallis had given our ally the Rajah of Travancore when attack- ed by Tippoo. The Nizam in- stantly looked to the French for assistance, with which nation the English were at war. Raymond, a French officer who had come out with Lally, raised a body of troops amounting to 18,000 in number, all of whom were trained and commanded by European officers. The Nizam met the Mahrattahs at Kurdla, where a battle was fought, and the former being defeated, had to affix his signature to a most humiliating treaty on the 13th of March 1795. The English battalions which Lord Cornwallis had established at Hyderabad were dismissed, and French influence became paramount, Raymond increasing his force as well as improving its discipline and efficiency. But even the peace-loving John Shore could not brook this insult, and he peremptorily ordered the Eng- lish battalion back. The death of the Peishwa, Madhoo Rao, gave a new direction to the cur- rent of events — the disputed suc- cession to the Peishwaship, which relieved the Nizam, and it was in this scene of confusion and intrigue that Lord Wellesley as- sumed the office of Governor- General, and shewed the native powers that the energy of Hast- ings and Cornwallis was restored to the British Government in India. There was another signal in- stance when Shore proved himself unequal to a crisis similar to that which Clive thirty years before had met boldly and successfully. AVhen the amalgamation of the King and Company’s armies was mooted, the officers of the latter evinced a mutinous spirit, culmi- nating on the 25th December 1795 in a plan of combined action to usurp the government by force if their demands were not imme- diately granted, which were as follows : — I. — The number of Company’s regiments was not to be reduced. II. — The Company’s troops were always to be employed in prefer- ence to the Royal Regiments in India. III. — Promotion in the service was to be given according to seniority, and not by purchase. IV. — “ Double-batta” was to be restored. Shore at once collected troops and ordered a fleet from Madras to Calcutta, and the Commander- in-Chief, Sir Robert Abercromby, was sent to Cawnpore, by whose courteous manner and the manly assistance of some of the officers at Cawnpore, the tide of the mutiny was temporarily stemmed. TEI 425 At length, in May 1796, the long expected regulations from the Court of Directors arrived and disgusted all parties, re-kindling the spirit of revolt. Shore modi- fied the regulations to such an extent that there was little of them left. The concessions were beyond what the army had asked, and the extra allowances entailed a permanent additional expen- diture of seven lacs (£70,000) per annum. In a letter to Corn- wallis immediately after this affair, “ Shore admitted that he was little qualified, by habit or experience, to contend with a discontented army.” Some blame is attached to the Com- mander-in-Chief, who seems to have been unqualified to meet the emergency. The last and chief event of Shore’s administration was the change which he made in the Oudh succession. On the death of Asoph-ul-Dowlahin 1797, Shore appointed his adopted son, (vide Vizier Ali) as his successor, and though the people all declared him to be illegitimate, no steps were taken for several months to depose him, till it was discovered that he exhibited not only great violence and unsteadiness of char- acter, but the most hostile feelings towards the British Government, when Shore, fully satisfying him- self of his illegitimacy, dethroned him and raised Saadut Ali, the brother of Asoph-ul-Dowlah to the throne, after making a treaty with him to this effect, that - — the defence of the Oudh domi- nions should remain exclusively with the British Government ; ten thousand British troops were to garrison Oudh ; they were to be maintained by an annual pay- ment of 76 lacs (.£760,000), and to have the fortress of Allahabad for their head-quarters and that the Nabob should not maintain more than 35,000 troops, and enter into no negotiation with any other power without the consent of the British Government. During this transaction Saadut Ali was residing at Benares, and Shore was encamped near Luck- now, and was exposed to no little peril from Vizier Ali, who, sur- rounded by desperate men, talked openly of assassination. Through- out this danger, Shore maintained the utmost calmness and com- posure and his escape was pro- nounced by his successor, a man of stronger nerve, to have been miraculous. On this occasion Shore manifested great vigour, wisdom and decision. Imme- diately after Saadut Ali had been placed on the throne, Shore was created Lord Teignmouth, re- turned to Calcutta, and embarked for England on the 25th of March 1798. In 1804, Lord Teignmouth published the “ Memoirs of the life, writing and correspondence of Sir William Jones,” and in 1807 he produced an edition, in 13 octavo vols., of Jones’s works, with his life prefixed. On the formation of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1804, Lord Teignmouth was elected its first president, and retained the post till his death, taking at all times the liveliest interest in the prosperity of the Society. On the 4th April 1807, he was ap- pointed a member of the Board of Control, and on the 8th of the same month he was sworn into the Privy Council. His career in England was one of philan- thropy and charity, and he died on the 14th February 1834, He 54 426 TEJL— THE is the author of various pam- phlets on religious subjects. A Memoir of his life and corres- pondence was published by his son in 1843. TEIMOOR SHAH, vide Durani Dynasty. TENNENT, Sir James Emerson, was born in England in the year 1 804. He was called to the bar in 1831, and in the following year entered Parliament. He was next appointed to the India Board, and afterwards was Government Secretary and Lieutenant-Gover- nor of Ceylon for five years. On his return to England, he became Secretary to the Poor Law Board, and later, permanent Secretary to the Board of Trade, and one of the Trustees to the Peabody Fund. He died suddenly on the 6th of March 1869, while apparently in good health. He is the author of the following interesting and valuable works : Travels in Bel- gium, 1841 ; History of Modern Greece, 1848 ; An account of Ceylon, physical, historical and topographical, 2 vols. ; Progress of Christianity in Ceylon ; Sketches of the Natural History of Ceylon, 1861, and other works. Tennent was knighted on proceed- ing to Ceylon, and was made a Baronet, February 5th, 1867. THACKWELL Sir Joseph, G.C.B., K.H., a distinguished British General, was born on the 1st of February 1781, and served in the latter part of the Irish re- bellion. He obtained a cornetcy, by purchase, in the loth Hussars, in 1800, and remained in that corps for thirty-one years, during the last seven of which he held command. He went through the Peninsular war, and at Waterloo he received several wounds, lost his left arm , and had two horses I shot under him. His conduct on that field is thus described, “ Sir J oseph was wounded in what the doctors call the fore arm of his left arm. This, one would sup- pose, would stop most men, but no, lie instantly seized his bridle with his mouth, and still dashed on at the head of his men — to charge the enemy. Another shot took effect luckily on the arm already wounded, about ten inches higher up,” and amputation be- came necessary. He served with great distinc- tion in India, commanding the cavalry in the first Afghan war, as well as at Gwalior and in the two Sikh campaigns. On the field of Sobraon, he discovered an opening in the Sikh entrench- ments under a heavy fire, and led the 3rd Light Dragoons in single file through it. He was second in command under Lord Gough at the battles of Ramnugger, Sadoolapore, Chillianwalla and Guzerat, and received the thanks of the House of Commons on three occasions. He died on the 8th of April 1859. He was the author of a Narrative of the Second Sikh war, 1848-49, pub- lished in 1851. THEVENOT, Jean de, the ne- phew of the great European traveller, Melchizedec Theveuot, was born at Paris in 1633. He received a good education at the College of Navarre, and coming in for a good fortune on the death of his father, he was enabled to gratify his love of i travelling. In 1652, at the early age of nineteen, he began his journeyings through the Conti- THO 427 nent of Europe and Egypt which occupied the space of seven years. He began his second tour in 1663. After visiting various parts of Syria and Persia, he went to India, and on his return through Persia, he died near Tauris, November 28th, 1667. The fol- lowing are the works he pub- lished : “Voyage de Levant,” 1664, 4to. ; “ Suit du meme Voy- age,” 4to., and “ Voyage con- tenant la Relation de lTndostan,” 1684, 4to., all of which works were afterwards collectively printed in 5 vols., 12mo., and were trans- lated into English and other languages. Thevenot is said to have introduced the use of Coffee into France. THOMAS, George, an Irish ad- venturer, was born in Tipperary, and came out to India between 1781-2, as a sailor on board a Bri- tish man-of-war, which he desert- ed on the Coromandel Coast. His first services were among the Poligars of the South. He then traversed the Peninsula and arriv- ed at Delhi about the year 1787. Soon after, he entered the service of the Begum Sumroo and mar- ried an adopted daughter of hers. He had several actions with the Sikhs defeating them and ex- tending the Begum's dominions. After six or seven years he was supplanted in her confidence by intrigue, and entered into the service of a Mahrattah chief, Appakandarao, who gave him the purgunnahs of Tajara, Topookara and Ferozepore. On the death of Madhajee Sindia, the chief and his general marched to Delhi to preserve order. After the instala- tion of Dowlut Row Sindia, Thomas had a quarrel with Ap- pakandarao, for want of funds to pay his troops. He then marched towards his own districts, laying under contribution that portion of the Begum Sumroo’s country which came within his route. The whole of his districts were very rebellious and it was only by great courage and hard fighting that he became in possession. He went through all the struggles of that time in northern India, and in 1798 set about to found a prin- cipality of his own in the country of Hurrianah. He succeeded and established his authority as far as the river Caggar, while he himself took up his residence at the town of Hansi, about 90 miles north of Delhi and nearly in the centre of his dominions. To quote his own words : “ Here I established my capital, re-built the walls of the city, long since fallen into decay, and re- paired the fortifications. As it had been long deserted, I at first found a difficulty in procur- ing inhabitants ; but by degrees and gentle treatment, I selected between five and six thousand persons, to whom I allowed every lawful indulgence. “ 1 established a Mint and coined my own rupees which I have made current in my army and country. As from the com- mencement of my career at Jyjur I had resolved to establish an independency, I employed work- men and artificers of all kinds ; and I now judged that nothing but force of arms could maintain me in my authority, I therefore increased their numbers, cast my own artillery, commenced making muskets, match-locks and powder ; and, in short, made the best pre- parations for carrying on an offensive and defensive war ; till at length having joined a capital 42S TIP and country bordering on the Sikh territories, I wished to put myself in a capacity, when a favourable opportunity should offer, of attempting the conquest of the Punjaub, and aspired to the honour of planting the Bri- tish standard on the banks of the Attock.” He continued to hold his dis- tricts till 1801, when intrigue accomplished what valour could not. During one of his last engage- ments he rode 120 miles in 24 hours on a Persian horse, retreat- ing. When gold had procured the desertion of all his men, he evacuated the fort of Hansi with the stipulation that he should be safely escorted to the English frontier, where he arrived in Jan- uary 1802. He then proceeded towards Calcutta with a view of returning to his native country, when he died near the military cantonment of Berhampore, 22nd August 1802, in the 46th year of his age. A monument was erected to his memory there. TIPPOO SULTAN, the son of Hyder Ali, was born in 1753, and his father having himself felt the want of a good education, deter- mined upon giving his son every advantage that lay in his power ; but Tippoo, though he acquired some taste for reading, made little progress, and showed a preference for military exercises. He was instructed in tactics by French officers in the service of his father, and while serving in most of his father’s early campaigns shewed that lie had profited by his European teachers. He so distin- guished himself in Hyder’s con- flicts with the Mahrattahs that the left division of the Mysore army was placed under his command, with which he acted in concert during Hyder’s second war with the English. (Vide Hyder and Coote.) Intelligence of Hyder’s death reached him on the 1 1th of December 1782, while engaged in Malabar against the English. He instantly abandoned his opera- tions there, and marched to Seringapatam, where he assumed the reins of Government without much display or ceremony, at the head of an army of 80,000 men, a treasury with 3 crores of rupees (three millions sterling), besides a booty of jewels and valuables to a countless amount. In the mean- while the Government of Bombay having heard of Tippoo’s large forces on the western coast, sent their provincial Commander-in- Chief, Brigadier General Mat- thews, with reinforcementsto Mal- abar, who, having heard at Goa of Hyder’s death and the withdrawal of Tippoo and his army, landed at Rajamundroog in the north of Canara, and carried the place by assault. Onore next fell. The Bombay Government having by this time received intelligence of the death of Hyder, sent on the 31st of December 1782, positive orders to General Matthews, “if the intelligence were confirmed, to relinquish all operations what- ever upon the sea-coast, and make an immediate push to take pos- session of Bednore.” This order quite deranged all General Mat- thews’ plans, for his object was to secure a strong occupation of the country in his rear to com- municate with the sea coast, be- fore the invasion of Bednore : but he fulfilled it to the letter, though remonstrating against the Govern- ment, and disclaiming all respon- sibility for consequences. On his fatiguing march to Bednore, TIP 429 assailed the whole way by the enemy, he persevered, overcom- ing all obstacles, and Bednore itself surrendered unconditionally. The Bombay Government now revoked their last order, and allowed the widest latitude of discretionary authority to the General, who though represent- ing the indispensable necessity of large reinforcements “ without which it would be a miracle if he could preserve his footing,” yet complacently stated that he was “ in possession of the whole country westward of the range of mountains, from Devasheghur to Mangalore ; beyond the passes, he possessed Bednore, Anantpoor and the fort of Cowlydroog, 15 miles east from Bednore, with their dependencies ; and a detach- ed body was seeking to obtain possession of the distant province of Soonda.” Thus he frittered away his means of defence, in- stead of concentrating at the point which he considered most defencible, the greatest possible number of his avowedly insuffi- cient force. Tippoo hearing of these successes, abandoned the Carnatic, and marched towards the capture of his western posses- sions ; and in April 1783, after a noble defence, the English gar- rison of Bednore was reduced to the necessity of capitulating. The men, on the 3rd of May instead of being sent to the coast as stipulat- ed, were marched off in irons to Seringapatam, where Gene- ral Matthews was eventually poisoned. Tippoo next laid siege to Mangalore, the principal seaport in his dominions, and after 56 days’ open trenches, intelligence arrived of peace between England and France. The French officers and troops aiding Tippoo were immediately withdrawn, but Tip- poo continued the siege, though witlr a short interval of an armistice ; till, worn out with fatigue, privation and disease, the brave garrison under Colonel Campbell surrendered condition- ally. The besieged were only 1,850 in number, and the besieg- ers amounted to 100,000, with 100 guns. While Tippoo was thus engaged in a siege which cost him half his army, the un- defended state of Mysore, com- bined with the peace with France, enabled the Madras Government to send a powerful force under Colonel Fullarton into the heart of Mysore, who, on the loth of November 1783, captured Pal- ghaut, and on the 26th occupied Coimbatore, and was on the eve of advancing on Seringapatam, which was within his grasp when he was ordered by Lord Macart- ney, President of Madras, to suspend all operations, and to abandon all the districts he had occupied. Lord Macartney had opened negotiations with Tippoo, and voluntarily agreed to a sus- pension of arms till a reply was received. After three months’ delay, Tippoo sent an officer to the Madras President and Coun- cil, who proposed that a Com- mission should be deputed to go to Tippoo and facilitate nego- tiations. The council jumped at the proposal, and stated that it exactly met their wishes. Tip- poo’s object was gained, and he represented that the commis- sioners were sent all the way from Madras to Mangalore to “sue for peace.” It was under these circumstances that Colonel Ful- larton’s operations were checked. Had General Stuart attacked the 430 TIP enemy when there was not a shadow of a doubt of Hyder’s death, before Tippoo joined it, or had the talented Colonel Ful- larton been allowed to carry out his plans, the war would have been brought to a speedy close. As it was, the Commissioners were leisurely marched through the country, subjected to every insult and indignity, till Manga- lore had surrendered. They were then allowed to approach the Mysore camp, where they were further insulted by three gibbets being erected in front of their tents, and at length signed a treaty, on the basis of a mutual restitution of conquests. The surviving English prisoners cap- tured by Hyder and Tippoo were liberated, amounting in number to 109 officers and 900 European soldiers. But the treaty was of such a disgraceful nature that it soon after entailed the necessity of another war to check the arro- gance of Tippoo, who wrote of it in these words : “ On the occa- sion of the signature of the treaty, the English commissioners stood with their heads uncovered, and the treaty in their hands, for two hours, using every form of flattery and supplication to induce com- pliance. The vakeels of Hyder- abad and Poona united in the most abject entreaties, and his majesty, the Shadow of God, was at length softened into assent.” The Treaty of Mangalore was followed by the forcible cir- cumcision of several thousand native Christians, and their de- portation to Serin gapatam. Coorg was next invaded, and a large portion of the population carried off to Seringapatam. The Coorgs in 1785 revolted, and were pun- ished by compulsory circum- cision of the men, while the women were received into the seraglio at Seringapatam. Tip- poo next turned his arms against theNizam and the Mahrattahs for the restoration of his father’s conquests. This war, carried on with dreadful outrages, he was obliged to conclude on disadvan- tageous terms of peace in 1787. He next destroyed the old town and fort of Mysore, so as to ob- literate all remembrance of the residence of the house which Hyder had conquered and set aside, and devoted the remaining portion of the year and 1788 to the subjection and conversion of the Nairs of Malabar, which he effected by inflicting forcibly the outward sign of Islam. On his wray back, an ambassador met him at Coimbatore, sent by Nizam Ali, with a view of form- ing an indissoluble union between the Mahommedan powers in the south of India. A splendid Koran was sent for the Sultan’s acceptance, and the return of a similar pledge was required to cement the alliance : but Tippoo replied that the preliminary to such should be an intermarriage in the families, at which the pride of the Nizam recoiled, who, frustrated in his intentions, formed a defensive alliance with the English. Although Tippoo had shown no open hostility to- wards the English, after the Treaty of 1784, he sent an em- bassy to France, consisting of three persons, in the beginning of 1787, with the object of forming an offensive and defensive alli- ance, and to urge on the court of Versailles a renewal of the war with England. The ambassadors returned to Seringapatam in May TIP 431 1789, disappointed. Hating Bri- tish power in India, Tippoo took every opportunity of annoying the native powers under its pro- tection. The Rajah of Travan- core had, by the Treaty of Mangalore, stipulated for the security of its territories, but Tippoo claiming the two forts of Cranganagore and Jaycotta on the northern boundary of the Rajah’s possessions as having belonged to his father, invaded and subjected the whole of the northern portion in April 1790. This aggression on an ally of the English was con- sidered tantamount by them to a declaration of war, and Colonel Hartley was sent with a consider- able detachment to the assistance of the Rajah. Tippoo hearing this, retired with his army to Seringa- patam, where, to his dismay, he heard that the English had enter- ed into an alliance with the Nizam and Mahrattahs to co-ope- rate against him. In June 1790, General Medows, in command of the British forces, entered the Sultan’s territories, capturing Caroor, Arnacowchy, Daharapoorum, and Coimbatore. Several other fortresses were cap- tured by detachments in com- mand of English officers, but still Medows made no headway ; so Lord Cornwallis, then Governor- General, decided upon taking the field himself early in 1791. ( Vide Cornwallis, Medows.) Tippoo, who had fled to Bangalore to pro- tect his harem, was followed by Cornwallis, who captured the place in March. Tippoo fell back on Se- ringapatam. Unfortunately, Corn- wallis here waited for a junction with the Nizam’s cavalry, which delayed him fully a month, ere which the rains had set in ; and though he attempted an advance, he was compelled to put back. In September, however, operations were resumed : Nundidroog, Sa- vendroog, and three other strong hill fortresses were captured, which ensured an uninterrupted communication with Bangalore, while the British army was on its march towards Seringapatam. This place was reached, and a night attack was made upon it on the 6th of February 1792. Tippoo’s army posted outside its walls under shelter of its guns and batteries, was beaten off, and Tippoo saw that the game must be played within the walls. It was now that Tippoo in despair made a foul and unsuccessful attempt on the life of the English commander. This failing, he en- tered into negotiations for peace, which was concluded on the 18th of March 1792, after many hitches and obstructions, which every now and then threatened a general breakdown. ( Vide Close.) Two of Tippoo’s sons were sent into the English camp as hostages for the fulfilment of the terms of the peace, and considerable acces- sions of territory to the British Empire in India were the result of this war ; also the release of prisoners and the payment of 3 crores and 30 lacs of rupees. N ot- withstanding a seeming tranquil- lity from 1792 to 1796, Tippoo was engaged in sending secret emissaries to the different native courts of India to form a coali- tion for the expulsion of the Bri- tish from India, (vide Kirk- patrick) but it was not till 1798 that the whole extent of his ma- chinations and intrigues became known. Embassies had been sent to Constantinople, Gabool, Arabia, Persia, Delhi, Oudh, Hyderabad 432 TIP and Poona, and at the commence- ment of 1798, to the Mauritius, the object of which was to renew the Sultan’s relations with France and to solicit the aid of troops. Bonaparte was also at this time engaged in operations in Egypt. These hostile demonstrations having been made known to the Governor-General, Lord Morn- ington, he proceeded at once to make warlike preparations with the ability and despatch which characterised all his measures. Lord Mornington’s letters to Tip- poo only elicited evasive replies, so he proceeded to Madras, and early in February 1799, the Bri- tish troops and their native allies were on the march for the inva- sion of Tippoo’s dominions. Hos- tilities commenced on the 5th of March, and the first battle was fought in Coorg, General Stuart commanding the Bombay forces. The Mysoreans were defeated, and in the meantime General Harris had crossed the Mysore frontier, arriving at Malavelly on the 27th of March 1799, within 40 miles of Seringapatam, where a general action ensued, and the Mysoreans put to route again, fell back on Seringapatam, which was soon after closely invested on every side. ( Vide Welling- ton.) After besieging it for some time, a general attack was made on the 4th of May, and the place was carried. ( Vide Baird.) Tippoo consulted astrologers, who pointed this day out as one of peril. He made them presents, solicited their prayers in his be- half, and had just sat down to his mid-day repast when he was informed that an actual assault had commenced. He immedi- ately sallied forth, and after directing some operations person- ally, he found his men failing in heart. Many were lying dead, and nearly all survivors flying in confusion, — he himself slightly wounded, mounted his horse and made for the palace, buoyed up perhaps, with the sanguine hope that he might there make an honorable capitulation. His fate is well told by Wilks : “ Among the conjectures of those who were chiefly admitted to the Sultan’s intimacy in the last days of his existence, was one founded on obscure hints which had escaped him, of the intention to destroy certain papers, to put to death his prin- cipal women, and to die in defence of the palace. He was destined to a fall more obscure and un- noticed ; no individual among the assailants was aware of his presence on the northern rampart, and he was entirely undistin- guished in the ultimate mass of fugitives : before he reached the gate, he had received a second wound, but did not fall. Fugi- tives from the body of the place, as well as the exterior rampart, were crowding in opposite direc- tions, and with various intentions towards this gate ; the detach- ment of the 12th had descended into the body of the place, for the purpose of arresting the progress of the great mass passing through the gate from the exterior works, to the interior of the place ; and the two columns of the assailants were now directing a destructive fire by regular platoons, into each side of the arch. In attempt- ing to pass through, the Sultan re- ceived a third wound from the in- terior detachment, his horse was at the same instant brought down, and his faithful attendants per- ceiving his situation, placed him TIP 433 in liis palankeen, but the space became so crowded, and choaked up by the dead and dying, that it was impossible to remove him ; and he appeared to have after- wards moved out of the palan- keen. While in this situation, some English soldiers entered the gateway, and a personal attendant proposed that he should make himself known for the preserva- tion of his life. The Sultan either suspected an opposite result from such a disclosure, or determined not to be so preserved ; and per- emptorily forbad it ; but one of the soldiers attempting to seize his sword-belt, the Sultan almost fainting from his wounds, seized a sword which lay near him, and made a desperate cut at the soldier, who shot him through the temple, and he instantly expired.” “His remains were deposited near those of his father, in the superb mausoleum of the Lall Baug, with all the splendour and distinction which the religious observance of Mohammedan rites, and the military honors of Euro- pean sepulture could bestow. Peals of thunder terrific* and extraordinary event in this dis- trict, burst over the Island of Seringapatam immediately after the funeral ; and the wanderings of a pious imagination might in- nocently deem this awful close intended to mark the termination of the ceremony, and the memory of the scene.” 1 Two officers and sevei'al men were killed in camp. + I liave repeatedly marked, from the adjacent heights, the course of the thunder-clouds ; there seemed to he a distinct tendency to hurst over the island of Seringapatam and its immediate vicinity ; and I do not think that imagina- tion had anything to do with this remark. Wilks further says of Tippoo : — “ In person, he was neither so tall nor so robust as his father, and had a short pursy neck ; the large limbs, small eyes, aquiline nose, and fair complexion of Hyder, marked the Arabic char- acter derived from his mother. Tippoo’s singularly small and delicate hands and feet, his large and full eyes, a nose, less prom- inent, and a much darker com- plexion, were all national cha- racteristics of the Indian form. There was in the first view of his countenance, an appearance of dignity which wore off on farther observation ; and his subjects did not feel that it inspired the terror or respect, which, in com- mon with his father, he desired to command. Hyder’s lapse from dignity into low and vulgar scolding, was among the few points of imitation or resemblance, but in one, it inspired fear, in the other, ridicule. In most instances exhibiting a contrast to the char- acter and manners of his father, he spoke in a loud and unliar- monious tone of voice ; he was extremely garrulous, and, on su- perficial subjects, delivered his sentiments with plausibility. In exterior appearance, he affected the soldier ; in his toilet, the dis- tinctive habits of the Mussulman; he thought hardiness to be in- dicated by a plain unincumbered attire, which he equally exacted from those around him, and the long robe and trailing drawers were banished from his court. He had heard that some of the monarclis of antiquity marched on foot at the head of their armies, and he would sometimes affect a similar exhibition, with his musket on his shoulder. But he was usually mounted, and at- 55 434 TIP tached great importance to horse- manship, in which he was con- sidered to excel. The convey- ance in a palankeen he derided, and in a great degree prohibited, even to the aged and infirm ; but in all this tendency, there was as much of avarice as of taste. He was a minute reformer in every department, to the extent of abridging, with other expenses of the palace, the fare of his own table, to the pleasures of which he was constitutionally indif- ferent ; and even in the dress of his menial servants, he deemed respectable attire to be a mark of unnecessary extravagance.” “ Of the vernacular languages, he spoke no other than Hindoos- tanee and Canarese ; but from a smattering in Persian literature, he considered himself as the first philosopher of the age. He spoke that language with fluency ; but although the pen was for ever in his hand, he never attained either elegance or accuracy of style. The leading features of his character were vanity and arrogance ; no human being was ever so hand- some, so wise, so learned, or so brave as himself, liesting on the shallow instruction of his scanty reading, he neglected the prac- tical study of mankind. No man had ever less penetration into character; and accordingly no prince was ever so ill-served ; the army alone remained faithful, in spite of all his efforts for the sub- version of discipline and alle- giance. Hyder delegated to his instruments a large portion of his own power, as the best means for its preservation. Tippoo seemed to feel every exercise of delegated authority as an usurpa- tion of his own. He would fami- liarly say to the soldiers, if your officer gives you one word of abuse, return him two. The revolutionary doctrine of equality imported from France, scarcely appeared to be a novelty. No person ought to be of importance in aState but the Sovereign alone; all other men ought to be equal ; the murder of the Sovereign was not an extraordinary incident in the history of any nation, and probably arose from laxity in command.” “ From constitutional or inci- dental* causes, he was less addicted than his father to the pleasures of the harem, which, however, con- tained at his death about one hundred persons.” “ From sun-rise until midnight he devoted his whole time to public affairs, with the interrup- tions necessary for meals, and for occasional exercise, seldom imitat- ing his father’s practice of a short repose in the heat of the day. But his occupation was not busi- ness : he was engaged in the invention of new machinery never finished, while the old was suffer- ed to decay. His application was intense and incessant ; he affected to do the whole of his own busi- ness, and to write with his own hand the foul draft of almost every despatch, however unim- portant ; and he suffered the fate familiarly known to attach to that absurd pretension : the machine stood still, because the master would not let it work. A secret emissary had been sent to Poona, he reported, and represented that his cash was expended : after the lapse of several months, Tippoo * Obstruct™ in urethra. One of the “ vitia obcaenarum partium,” which a medical friend tells me was unknown to Hippocrates, Galen, or Celsus. TIP 435 delivered a foul draft to the secre- tary— let this be despatched to A. B. at Poona. Here I am, said the emissary ! he had returned for some weeks from mere necessity : he had presented himself daily at the durbar, and could never before attract notice. The Sultaun for once hung down his head.” “ The ruling passion for innova- tion absorbed the proper hours for current business : and failures of experiments, obvious to the whole world, were the topics of his inces- sant boast as the highest efforts of human wisdom. Hyder was an improving monarch, and ex- hibited few innovations. Tippoo was an innovating monarch, and made no improvements. One had a sagacious and powerful mind ; the other a feeble and un- steady intellect. There was, (says one of my manuscripts,*) nothing of permanency in his views, no solidity in his councils, and no confidence on the part of the go- verned : all was innovation on his part, and the fear of farther novelty on the part of others ; and the order of to-day was ex- pected to be reversed by the in- vention of to-morrow. It may be affirmed of his principal measures, however specious, that all had a direct tendency to injure the finances, undermine the Govern- ment, and oppress the people. All the world was puzzled what dis- tinct character should be assigned to a sovereign who was never the same. He could neither be truly characterized as liberal or parsi- monious ; as tyrannical or bene- volent ; as a man of talents, or as * By the venerable Seved Hussein, who, with most of the native authorities, mentioned in the Preface to the first volume, have paid the debt of nature since I left Mysoor. destitute of parts. By turns, he assumed the character of each. In one object alone he appeared to be consistent, having perpetu- al]}’' on his tongue the projects of jehad — holy war. The most intelligent and sincere well-wishers of the house concurred in the opinion of his father, that his heart and head were both defec- tive, however, covered by a plausible and imposing flow of words ; and they were not always without suspicions of mental aberration.” “Tippoo, like his father, ad- mitted no associate in his coun- cils : but, contrary to his father, he first determined, and then dis- cussed ; and all deviation from the opinion which he announced, or was known to favor, was stigmatised as obstinacy or in- capacity.” “Asa Statesman, Tippoo was incapable of those abstract views, and that large compass of thought, embraced by his father’s mind. His talents as a soldier, exhibited the same contrast. He wras un- able to grasp the plan of a cam- paign, or the conduct of a war ; although he gave some examples of skill in marshaling a battle. Unlike his father, -whose modera- tion was ever most conspicuous in success, whose equanimity was uniform in every aspect of for- tune, and, who generally extracted some advantage from every dis- comfiture, Tippoo was intoxicated with success, and desponding in adversity. His mental energy failed with the decline of for- tune ; but it were unj ust to ques- tion his physical courage. He fell in the defence of his capital ; but, he fell, perfoi’ming the duties of a common soldier, not of a General. The improvement in 436 TIP his infantry and artillery, would have been considerable, had it not been marred by incessant dislocations, and unmerited pro- motions ; but, his army, as a whole gradually declined in effi- ciency, as it departed from the admirable organization received from his father. The success of the campaign of 1786, may, in part, be ascribed to the remains of that organization. His failure against the English, arose from the false policy of neglecting his most efficient arm — the cavalry.” “ During the life of Hyder, it was the fashion to indulge in high expectations of the qualities of the heir apparent, but it was the homage of disappointed, un- informed, and generally of un- worthy men. Hyder in his life- time was stigmatized as a tyrant ; comparison made him almost seem merciful : the English prisoners hailed the intelligence of Tippoo’s accession; and they learned to mourn for the death of Hyder.” “ The tolerant spirit of Hyder, reconciled to his usurpation the members of every sect : appro- priate talents regulated his choice of instruments, to the entire ex- clusion of religious preference ; and it may be affirmed that he was served with equal zeal by men of every persuasion. Hyder was seldom wrong, and Tippoo seldom right in his estimate of character : and it is quoted as a marked example that Hyder knew Seyed Saheb to be a tolerably good man of business, but neither a brave nor a sagacious soldier ; and, accordingly, never employed him in an important military trust. Tippoo in the campaign of 1790, had himself degraded him for incapacity, but in 1799, committed the post of danger, and the fate of the empire, into the same incompetent hands. A dark and intolerant bigotry ex- cluded from Tippoo’s choice all but the true believers ; and un- limited persecution united in de- testation of his rule every Hindoo in his dominions. In the Hindoo no degree of merit was a passport to favor ; in the Mussulman no crime could ensure displeasure.” “ In one solitary instance, the suppression of drunkenness, he promoted morals without the merit of virtuous intention : bigotry exacted the literal version of a text generally interpreted with laxity : arrogance suggested that he was the only true com- mentator : and the ruling passion whispered that the measure was uew. Both sovereigns were equally unprincipled ; but Hyder had a clear undisturbed view of the interests of ambition : in Tippoo that view was incessantly obscured and perverted by the meanest passions. He murdered his English prisoners, by a selec- tion of the best because he hated their valour : he oppressed and insulted his Hindoo subjects, be- cause he hated a religion which, if protected, would have been the best support of his throne ; and he fawned, in his last extremity, on this injured people, when lie vainly hoped that their incant- ations might influence his fate : he persecuted contrary to his in- terest ; and hoped, in opposition to his belief. Hyder, with all his faults, might be deemed a model of toleration, by the professor of any religion. Tippoo, in an age when persecution only survived in history, renewed its worst terrors ; and was the last Maho- medan prince, after a long interval of better feeling, who propagated TOD 437 that religion by the edge of the sword. Hyder’s vices invariably promoted his political interests ; Tippoo’s more frequently defeat- ed them. If Hyder’s punishments were barbarous, they were at least efficient to their purpose. Tippoo’s court and army was one vast scene of unpunished peculation, notorious even to himself. He was barbarous where severity was vice, and indulgent where it was virtue. If he had qualities fitted for empire they were strangely equivocal ; the disqualifications were obvious and unquestionable ; and the decision of history will not be far removed from the obser- vation almost proverbial inMysore, “ that Hyder was born to create an empire, Tippoo to lose one.” TOD, Lieutenant-Colonel James, was a native of Scotland, and was bom about the year 1782. At the age of seventeen he left England for India and obtained a commission in the 2nd Bengal European Regiment. From thence he volunteered for the Molucca Isles. In 1805, he was a subal- tern in the subsidiary force at Gwalior, where he was attached to the embassy of Mr. Graeme Mercer, which was sent ta the camp of Sindia in 1806, then seated among the ruins of Mewar. This beautiful country (Rajpoo- tana) became the scene of his future official labours. It was rich in those objects and recollec- tions which gratify the antiquary, so it suited him well, for he had a strong taste for geographical, historical and archaeological pur- suits. The country itself had been for years the scene of Mahrattah oppression. ( Vide Wellesley, Barlow, Hastings.) Almost im- mediately on his arrival there, lie began its survey andjjmade a map which was printed in 1815, and proved of vast utility to Govern- ment, being made one of the foundations of Lord Hastings’ plan of operations in 1817-18. He bestowed upon it the name of Central India, which it still retains. Previous to its publica- tion, Rajpootana was almost a total blank in the map of India. In 1817, Tod was appointed political Agent of Government, having the sole control over the five principal states of Rajast’han — Mewar, Marwar, Jessulmer, Dotah and Boondi. This high appointment gave umbrage to Sir David Ochterlony, who was surrounded by natives, who poured into his ears calumnies upon the purity of Tod’s political conduct, to which Bishop lleber in his Journal, though with ample concession, indiscreetly alludes, thus : “ His, (Colonel Tod’s) misfortune was that, in consequence of his favouring the native princes so much, the Government of Calcutta were led to suspect him of corruption ; they are, now, I believe, well satisfied that their suspicions were groundless.” The remark gave much pain to the sensitive mind of Colonel Tod. His Annals of Rajast’han* shew the results of his adminis- tration, as restorer of Rajpootana. The people were deeply attached to him, as Heber continues to observe, “ His name appears to be held in a degree of affection and respect by all the upper and middling classes of society highly honourable to him.” Speaking of Bheelwara, which Tod had * Second edition published at Madras) 2 vols., royal 8vo., 1873. 438 TOD almost re-created, be says, “ in fact, as one of the merchants who called on me said, ‘ It ought to be called Todgunge ; but there is no need, for we shall never forget him.’ The fact is that the place was called Todgunge , but the name was withdrawn at the instance of Tod himself. “ In the year 1822, after two and twenty years of service, eighteen of them spent amongst the Rajpoots of Western India, and five as Political Agent, Col- onel Tod’s shattered health called upon him imperatively to suspend his toils and quit the climate of India. But the ruling passion forbade him to proceed direct to the port of embarkation. In 1819, he had completed the circuit of Manvar, visiting its capital, Joud- poor, via Kornulnhr, thence returning by Mairta and Ajmer to Oodipoor. Next year, he visited Kotah and Boondi, the latter of which he re-visited in 1821, having received intelligence of the death of his friend, the Rao Rajah, Ram Sing, who had left Colonel Tod guardian of his infant son, the prince of the Haras. He returned to Oodipoor in March 1822, and took final leave of the valley in June of that year. He proceeded across the Aravulli to Mount Aboo, and inspected the wonders of that sacred place. He discovered the ruins of an ancient city in the skirts of Marwar ; explored the ancient city of Anhulwarra, the capital of the Balhara sovereigns ; crossed the peninsula of Saurash- tra to its extreme western point, visiting in his way Puttun Som- nath and its celebrated temple, and the Jain shrines of Girnar ; and embarked for England, at Bombay, in the early part of 1823.” This last journey he made the subject of another work, which he just lived to complete, “ Tra- vels in Western India.” Tod had been suffering for some time from a complaint in the chest. He wras seized with apoplexy on the 16th November 1835 while trans- acting business at his bankers, and after the first 15 minutes, lay speechless and unconscious for 27 hours, and expired on the after- noon of the 17th. He acted for some time as Secretary to the Royal Asiatic Society. He left a widow and a young family. TODD, Major Elliott DArcy, the youngest son of a Yorkshire gentleman of good family and fortune, was born on the 28th of January 1808, in Bury Street, St. James’. His father in specula- tions lost all he possessed, when Todd w'as three years old. His uncle, Mr. Evans, took charge of him and educated him. This gentleman had good interest with the Court of Directors, and ob- tained an Addiscombe cadetship for his nephew7, when he w’as only fourteen years old. After passing the examination he obtained a commission in the Artillery. At the beginning of the year 1824, he sailed for Bengal. He remain- ed at the station of Dum-dum till the rainy season of 1825, when he was posted to a Company of Foot Artillery at Cawnpore. After being with it for a short time, it was ordered to take part in the operations of the siege of Bhurt- pore, and here Todd first expe- rienced the realities of w’ar. After its surrender, he writes, “ I went round the ramparts directly after the storm, and to me who had scarcely ever seen a dead body before, the sight was most liorri- TOD 439 ble.” He was next appointed to a troop of Horse Artillery, sta- tioned at Muttra, of which he writes, “ From what I have ob- served of the different services, I now say that I would rather be in the Horse Artillery than any ser- vice in the world.” In 1831, Todd wrote, “ Having been nearly eightyears in the country, without being on speaking terms with the natives, I have at last determined to conquer the languages.” With this, he set to work and without any definite object applied his mind especially to the study of Persian, and he soon found of what importance his knowledge of this language proved. Persia at this time was in a tottering condition, and other European States having designs upon her downfall, it suggested itself to the British Government, that it should frustrate their hopes. Every assistance was rendered to the Shah to uphold his indepen- dence, and in 1832-33, large sup- plies of arms and accoutrements were forwarded to him. It was also determined that a party of officers should be sent to drill and discipline the Persian army, and among the officers selected was Todd, who was intended to in- struct the Persian gunners in the European use and management of artillery. He writes of his ap- pointment thus “ I look upon it as a grand opening for the development of whatever may be within me. Is it not strange that I should have been studying Persian for the last twelvemonths, without any definite object in view 1 If I receive 5 or 600 Rs. a month, I shall think the situation well worth the trouble of travel- ling so far for it ; but it is not the cash I think most about ; it is a grand opening from the apathetic and dull routine of In- dian life. There will probably be a good deal of fighting and abun- dance of opportunity of display- ing the stuff a man is made of.” Todd joined the Persian army in 1833, and was with it for five years. His last year is memorable for the siege of Herat, that bone of contention lying on the frontier between Persia and Afghanistan. After the death of the King of Persia, Shah Futteh Ali in 1835, a war of succession commenced, and Mahomed Shah, assisted by the English Government, was declared king. In the following year he determined upon the con- quest of Herat, claiming it as a Persian town. The Cholera and the Turcomans frustrated for a time his designs. But he did not relinquish his cherished desire, and in 1838, with a large army, he sat down before Herat. Todd was in the camp of the Persians whilst Pottinger was within the walls of Herat. Todd was trying to dissuade the Persians, from taking Herat, while Pottinger was within directing operations of de- fence. The object of British policy was to prevent Persia from extending her eastern conquests, as Russia was her neighbour. Todd writes on the subject thus, “ Our Government has been for many years fast asleep, and unless we take some decided steps to arrest the advance of Russian in- trigue towards the Indus, we shall awake, when too late, to find the paw of the Northern Bear upon our shoulder. Having seen Herat, and the country in its vicinity, I can understand its being the key of India.” The siege of Herat is briefly told in the memoir of Major Eldred Pottinger. Todd’s 440 TOD attempted negotiations failed, and lie was sent by Mr. M'Neill charg- ed witlx Despatches to Lord Auck- land, the Governor of India, showing the actual state of affairs. Todd never returned to the Pei- sian Camp, and a rupture also led to the departure from it of Mr. M "Neill, the British Envoy. In 1838, a declaration of war was made against the de facto rulers of Afghanistan. Shah Sujah was restored to his throne as ki ng of Cabool, and Todd was appoint- ed Political Assistant and Mili- tary Secretary to the Envoy and Minister at the Court of Shah Sujah. Todd appeared at Herat again, to conti'act engagements of friendship with Shah Kamran, and to strengthen the defences of the place. Everything progress- ed satisfactorily for a time, but the treachery and intrigues that were being carried on by Yar Mahomed, became apparent to Todd and the British officers who accompanied him. Yar Mahomed- became extremely exacting — and demanded large sums of money. The British wished to throw a con- tingent of troops into Herat, under English officers. Yar Ma- homed agreed to this if he was paid 2 lacs of Rupees, ( T 20,000) and the monthly contribution was largely increased. Todd saw from past events that he would never perform the engagement, and that the money would only be spent in hostilities against us, for the officers of the British Mission well knew that Yar Ma- homed was carrying on intrigues with the Persians and the re- bellious tribes in Afghanistan. So Todd refused the demand of money — and Yar Mahomed in return declared that the money must be paid, or the British Mission must depart from Herat. Under these circumstances, Todd thought his best course would be to withdraw the British Force, which he did on the 9th of February 1841. Lord Auckland became exasperated at Todd’s quitting Herat — quite lost his temper, removed Todd from the Political Department, and ordered him to join his Regiment immedi- ately. Todd felt this acutely ; he looked upon it as expressed in his own words, when writing to his brother, as “ held up to the scorn of men as a demented coward.” He next went to Calcutta, where he hoped by a personal interview with the Governor-General, to explain fully the difficult position he was in, and his motives for quitting Herat — but Lord Auck- land was not to be moved. He then joined his regiment at Dum- dum, and although he felt the great injustice that had been done him, he was perfectly resigned. On the 22nd of August 1843, he married Miss Marian Sundham, eldest daughter of the Surgeon Major of H. M ’s 16th Lancers. On the 9th of December 1 845, she died. The peace of India was again broken by the Sikhs— Todd’s troop was called into ac- tion—and he accompanied it, as he touchingly says, “from the open grave of his wife.” Through the perilous battle of Moodkhee, Todd passed unscathed, but at the battle of Ferozeshah, on the 21st of December 1845, he fell, fell as a bi’ave and noble soldier. A nine-pounder round shot from one of the enemies’ guns struck him full in the face, carrying his head clean off his shoulders. It is doubtful where he was buried, but it is supposed on the field of battle, wrapped in his cloak. TOG— TRE 441 TOGHLAK, The House of, at Delhi. Gheias-u-din Toghlak, was the son of Gheias-u-din Bulbun. He took the throne of Delhi in 1321, and was killed accidentally by the fall of a building in 1 325. Mohammed Khan, his son, whose real name was Juna Khan, succeeded. He attempted to carry out some wild schemes of univer- sal Empire — for instance, the con- quest of China. He sent 100,000 men to find a passage through the Himalayas. They all perished in the jungles of the “ Terai.” Find- ing his treasury empty by his absurd conduct, he taxed his people so heavily, that they sought refuge in the jungles, where they were surrounded by a cordon of troops, and were slaugh- tered in a grand battue , in which he took part. Rebellions broke out in all parts of his empire, and he lost all the possessions the Khiljies had. acquired. He died of fever at Tattah in Sind, 1351, and was succeeded by his nephew, Firuz Toghlak, who failing to recover Bengal, recognized its independence as well as that of the Deccan. He died at the age of 90 in 1388. Gheias-u-din Toghlak the Second, his grandson, succeeded, but was deposed by his cousins in favour of his brother, Abubekr Toghlak, 1389. As soon as he was comfortably set- tled, his uncle, Nazir-u-din, took Delhi and made him prisoner. Nazir-u-din Toghlak had at first been nominated successor to Firuz Toghlak and assumed the government, but was driven out by his nephews. In 1390, he brought a large army and regain- ed his power. He died in 1394, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Humayun, who only reigned 45 days, and died without issue. Mahmood, his brother, stepped into his place. His reign was most disastrous. Malwa, Guzerat and Kandeish threw off all sub- mission. Delhi was the constant scene of fights between the parties into which it wTas divided, and finally the Moguls, under the terrible Tamerlane, (or Timoor the Tartar) marched against Delhi in one vast host. Delhi was sacked, Mahmood fled, and Tamerlane left a Seiad to govern Delhi, 1398. Mahmood returned to Delhi and died there in 1414. TOKAJEE, vide Holkar Fa- mily. TOOLSI BYE, vide Holkar Family. TREVELYAN, Sir Charles Ed- avard, K.C.B., Avas the son of the Rev. George Trevelyan, Archdea- con of Taunton, and grandson of Sir John Trevelyan, Bart., of Nettlecombe, in Somersetshire. He was born on the 2nd of April 1807, and was educated, first, at Taunton School, and afterwards at the Charterhouse and Hailey- bury College. He sailed for India in the middle of 1826, and arrived at Calcutta in October of that year, having visited the capi- tals of the two other Presidencies on his Avay. Early in the follow- ing year, he Avas appointed First Assistant to the Resident at Delhi, at which station he remained for upwards of four years, during Avhich time he was employed on 56 442 TRE several duties of importance, re- ceiving the special thanks of the Government for the manner in which he conducted an inquiry into the limits of the Bickaneer territory, and being afterwards intrusted with the guardianship of the young Rajah of Bhurtpore. But that which gained for Tre- velyan the greatest reputation, was his fearless denunciation of mal-practices on the part of some whose power rendered the under- taking to expose them one of extreme difficulty and peril. Trevelyan was at this time only twenty-two years old, and, he accomplished his task, in the words of the official despatch. “ ably, honourably, and manfully,” and writh complete success. During a service of two more years at the Residency of Delhi, Trevelyan originated and carried out the inquiries that led to the abolition of the transit duties by which the internal trade of the country had long been fettered ; and for this service again he re- ceived the commendation of the highest airthorities. He was then appointed to Calcutta, where he served for upwards of four years as Deputy-Secretary to Govern- ment in the Secret and Political Departments, and again for two years as Secretary to the Sudder Board of Revenue. At this city, in 1834, he married a sister of Lord Macaulay, with whom he ■went on furlough to England in the beginning of 1838. Trevelyan was not destined, however, to return to his post at Calcutta. A vacancy having oc- curred in the Assistant-Secretary- ship of the Treasury by the retire- ment of Sir Alexander Spearman, whose health had broken down under the labours of that office, the Government of the day (that of Lord Melbourne) conferred the appointment on Trevelyan. He accordingly assumed the office on the 21st of January 1840, and held it until the 21st of January 1859, a period of nineteen years. In this important post, the chief permanent appointment at the Treasury, Trevelyan was not long in becoming known to the public in connection rvith mattersbeyond the ordinary routine of official life ; but it Avas not until the time of the great Irish Famine of 1845-6-7, that his remarkable powers Avei'e appreciated. In the measures of relief undertaken at first by the Government of Sir R. Peel, and afterwards by that of Lord John Russell, Trevelyan was, to use the words of the highest au- thority, “the keystone” of the system, the whole of the adminis- trative arrangements centering in him, from the first importations of Indian corn through all the period of what were knoAvn as the Relief Works, until, from the mode of relief by the direct dis- tribution of food, the business naturally passed, at the end of the year 1847, into the hands of the Poor-law Commissioners. The immensity of these operations may be judged of by the fact that in March 1847, no fewer than 734,000 men, representing, at a moderate estimate of the average number of each family, upwards of 3,000,000 persons, were daily employed on the Relief Works by the agency of the GoA7ernment. This remarkable sendee induced Her Majesty to confer upon Trevelyan, in April 1S48, the honour of a Knight Commander of the Bath. The superintendence of the Commissariat, which at that time TUC-TUR 443 attached to the office of Assistant Secretary to the Treasury, had suggested Trevelyan’s employ- ment on the occasion last referred to. The direction of that depart- ment, under the heads of the Government, continued with Sir Charles Trevelyan until December 1854. In November 1853, ap- peared the Report, signed by Sir Stafford Northcote and Sir Charles Trevelyan, on the “ Or- ganisation of the Permanent Civil Service,” which though rendering Trevelyan most unpopular has proved of immense benefit to the country at large. He was ap- pointed Governor of Madras, March 1859, and was re-called in consequence of his protest against the Income Tax, June 1860. Duringhis short administration, he made great improvements in the city, the chief of which was the ‘ Peoples Park ,’ now one of the lungs of a thickly populated part of it. He left Madras under the universal regret of all but the official community. TUCKER, Revd. John B.D., had at Oxford, for his contem- poraries, Arnold, Pusey, Keble, Newman and others. He became a Fellow of Corpus Christi, and was at Oxford “ at that most critical period in the history of the Church and University which has occurred since the Reform- ation.” He came to Madras in 1831, appointed by the Church Missionary Society as their Cor- responding Secretary. His learn- ing and piety made him extreme- ly popular, and great was the esteem in which he was held, and the influence he exercised. As Secretary of the Church Mission- j ary Society, he had charge of the English congregation of the 1 Church Mission Chapel, in which he ministered with little interrup- tion for fifteen years. He number- ed among the members of his congregation the most influential persons in society. His pulpit ministration was of the simplest and most effective land ; the great success of his ministration was his consistent life, and the deep interest he took in the education of the Eurasian children and of converts from heathenism. It is chiefly to him that Bishop Cor- rie’s Grammar School owes its successful start, and he watched its progress with the greatest solicitude. In the establishment of the Telugu Mission, he took an active interest, and when he left Madras he saw it fairly established and giving promise of much future good. After his return to Eng- land in 1846, a Colonial Bishop- ric could have been his, but the work of the Society was nearest to his heart, and while strength permitted, he was a Clerical Secretary of the parent Com- mittee. He never married, and a sister, Miss Sarah Tucker, the authoress of “ South India Sketches” and “ Rainbow in the North,” resided with him in India, and so thoroughly entered into Mission work in connection with her sex, that she identified her- self with her brother, and when they left together, was as much missed as he was. Tucker died in England in 1873 at the ad- vanced age of eighty-one, and “ Tucker’s Chapel” as it is called in Black Town, Madras, will last as long as the city itself. TULJAGEE, vide Shahjee. TURNER, Dr. John Matthias, was the third Bishop of Calcutta. 444 TUR He was a native of Oxford and distinguished himself highly at that University and was placed in the first class at the examination of 1804. He took the degree of M.A., 3rd December 1807, and became D.D. by diploma, 26th March 1829. Having lost his father when very young, Turner had to make his own way in life, and by his ability, perseverance and exemplary conduct he gain- ed many friends who took a warm interest in his success. After taking his degree of B.A., which he did at an earlier age than usual, he became a private tutor in the family of the Mar- quis of Donegal, and was after- wards for many years at Eton with Lord Belfast and Lord Chichester, and subsequently with Lord Castlereagh, with whose re- lations he rvas in great confidence, especially of his grandfather, the old Lord Londonderry. Though not in order of date, it may be mentioned here, that it was this connection AA’hich made him known to Lord Ellenborough, who, on the See of Calcutta becoming vacant by the death of Bishop Heber, without any hesitation, offered it to Turner, as the person Avhom he best knew fitted for it. He married in 1824, but just befoi’e leaving for India he lost his wife. He embarked from Ports- mouth, 14th July 1829. His epis- copate rvas very brief in India, After a return from an extensive visitation tour he began to ail. The disorders he suffered, appear to have been contracted in Eng- land, but excited into activity by the heat and fatigue to Avhich he had exposed himself in his journeyings. He expired at Garden Reach on the 7th July j 1831. TURNOUR, George, was bom in Ceylon in 1799. His father Avas the first earl of Winterton, and his mother, Emilie, niece to the Cardinal Due de Beausset. He was educated in England under the guardianship of the Right Honorable Sir Thomas Maitland, then Governor of Ceylon, and entered the civil service in 1818, in Avhich he rose to the highest rank. Besides acquiring the native languages, he extended his studies to Pali, the great root and original of the vernacular and Avritten Sin- ghalese, known but imperfectly even to the Buddhist priesthood. He was entirely dependent on his knowledge of Singhalese as a medium for translating the mean- ing of Pali terms, for no diction- ary then existed to assist him in defining them. In his pursuits, he had no sympathy or assistance, except from Major Forbes, Avho was then the resident at Matclle, whose “ narrative of Eleven Years in Ceylon , shows with Avhat ardour and success he shared the tastes, and cultivated the studies to which he had been directed by the genius and example of Tur- nour. So zealous and unobtrusiAre Avere the pursuits of the latter, that even his immediate connec- tions and relatives were unarvare of the value and extent of his acquirements, till apprised of their importance and profundity by the acclamation with Avhich his discoveries and translations from the Pali Avere received by the savans of Europe.” He trans- lated the Mahawanso, a Sin- ghalese Avork, Avritten in Pali verse, containing a dynastic history of the island of Ceylon \ for tAventy-three centuries, from I B.C. 543 to A.D. 1758. He TUR 445 likewise contributed amongst other able papers, on Buddhist History and Indian Chronology, in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, V, 521, YI, 299, 790, 1049, a series of essays on the Pali Buddhistical Annals, in 1836, 1837, 1838 ; Journal, Asia- tic Society, Bengal, VI, 501, 714, VII, 686, 789, 919. Me also pub- lished in the same Journal an account of the Tooth Belie of Ceylon, lb., VI, 856, and notes on the inscriptions on the columns of Delhi, Allahabad and Betiah, &c., and many notices of Ceylon coins and inscriptions. “ He had likewise planned another under- taking of signal importance, the translation into English of a Pali version of the Buddhist Scrip- tures, an ancient copy of which he had discovered, unencumbered by the ignorant commentaries of later writers, and the fables with which they have defaced the plain and simple doctrines of the early faith. He announced his intention in the Introduction to the Mahawanso to expedite the translation as ‘the least tardy means of effecting a comparison of the Pali with the Sanskrit ver- sion.’ ” His extensive correspon- dence with Prinsep was abruptly ended by the premature death of both. Tumour returned to Eu- rope in 1842 in a bad state of health, and died at Naples on the 10th April 1843. The first volume of his transla- tion of the Mahawanso, which contains 38 chapters out of the hundred which form the original work, was published at Columbo in 1837 ; to which, apprehensive that scepticism might assail the authenticity of a discovery so important, he added a re-print of the original Pali in Roman cha- racters, with diacritical points. He did not live to complete the task he had so nobly begun ; he died while engaged on the second volume of his translation, and only a few chapters, executed with his characteristic accuracy remain in manuscript in the pos- session of his surviving relatives. It diminishes, though in a slight degree, our regret for the inter- ruption of his literary labours, to know that the section of the Mahawanso which he left un- finished is inferior both in autho- rity and value to the earlier por- tion of the work, and that being composed at a period when litera- ture was at its lowest ebb in Ceylon, it differs little if at all from other chronicles written during the decline of the native dynasty.” (Vide Tennent’s Ceylon, vol. I, p. 312.) Tumour’s Epitome of the His- tory of Ceylon, extending from B.C. 543 to A.D. 1798, con- denses the events of each king’s reign, commemorates thefounders of the chief cities, and notes the erection of the great temples and Buddhist monuments, and the construction of gigantic reservoirs and works for irrigation, in ruins. “ He thus effectually demon- strated the misconceptions of those who had previously believed the literature of Ceylon to be destitute of historic materials.” This Epitome has since been expanded. ( Vide History of Cey- lon, published by Knighton, 1845, and the first volume of Pridham’s Ceylon and its Dependencies.) 4-16 VENCAJEE, vide Shahjee. VILAJEE GAIKWAR, vide Gaikwak Family. VIZIER ALI, was the adopted son of Asoph-ul-Dowlah, Nabob of Oudh, who kept a harem of 500 women, but had no legitimate children. It was his habit when- ever he saw a woman enciente, whose appearance struck his fancy, to invite her to the palace to lie in. Several women were delivered here in this way, and among them the mother of Vizier Ali, who was the wife of a menial servant of low description. The spright- liness of Vizier Ali, while quite an infant, so delighted the old Nabob, that he lavished all his affections upon him, adopted him, and gave him an education suit- able to a prince who was destined to succeed to his throne. At 13 years of age (1795), his marriage took place, and cost thirty lacs (.£300,000). An interesting ac- count of the magnificent scene is contained in Forbes’ Oriental Memoirs. On the death of Asoph- ul-Dowlah, in 1797, Vizier Ali ascended the throne without any difficulty, and as an adopted child by the Mohamedan law is entitled to all the privileges of legitimate bii’th, he was upheld by our Go- vernment ; but when it was dis- covered that he evinced treachery and ingratitude towards that Government, Sir John Shore de- posed him, and raised in his place Saadut Ali, brother of the late Na- bob. Vizier Ali was allowed a pen- sion of a lac and a half (£15, QUO) per annum, and was sent to reside in Benares, but the turbu- lence of his disposition soon ren- dered it necessary that he should be removed some distance from Oudh. He was therefore told by Mr. Cherry, the British Resident at Benares, of the intentions of Government. On the 14th Jan- uary 1799, Mr. Cherry invited Vizier Ali to breakfast, who came with an armed retinue. Mr. Cherry had been previously warn- ed that his appearance was hostile, and that he should be on his guard ; but the caution was un- heeded. Vizier Ali complained in very intemperate language of the harshness of this procedure. Mr. Cherry tried to calm his violence, and stated that he wTas simply carrying out the orders of his superiors, when the excited youth struck him with his sword, and his attendants rushed in and cut Mr. Cherry to pieces, besides murdering several other Eu- ropean gentlemen in the house. A general massacre of the Eu- ropeans in other parts of the city was then attempted, but on the arrival of a troop of horse, the insurgents fled. Vizier Ali took refuge with the Rajpoot Rajah of Jeypore, who, on the demand of Marquis Wellesley, surrendered his guest, on the condition that his life should be spared. He was brought down to Calcutta, and confined at Fort William, in a sort of iron cage, where he died in May 1817, aged thirty-six, after an imprisonment of seventeen years and some odd months. 447 w WAG HORN, Lieut. Thomas, the Pioneer of the overland route to India, was born at Chat- ham in 1800. He entered the navy as a midshipman at the age of twelve and passed his examin- ation in navigation for a lieute- nancy before he was 17, being the youngest midshipman who had ever done so. He was paid off in 1817, and sailed as a third Mate in a free trader for Calcutta. On liis return home, he was appointed to the Bengal Marine in 1819 — the pilot service of India — in which he served till 1824. He volunteered for active service during the Arracan war, and com- manded the H. E. I. Company’s cutter “ Matchless ” for years. During his service he became convinced of the possibility of establishing steam communica- tion between England and India, and he publicly advocated the project at Madras, Mauritius, the Cape and St. Helena. On his return home in 1827, he proposed the scheme in the principal cities of the United Kingdom, but with little encouragement. The Post Office authorities were doggedly opposed to steam navigation, as were also the Company’s Direc- tors, with the exception of Mr. Lock. An opportunity was, how- ever, at hand for Waghorn, and he was not slow to avail himself of it. In 1829, he was summoned by Lord Ellenborough, then Chair- man of the E. I. Company’s Directors, to go to India, through Egypt, with the Despatches for Sir J. Malcolm, Governor of Bom- bay, and report upon the practi- cability of the Red Sea naviga- tion. At that time all sorts of difficulties were thrown in his way, and after a perilous voyage clown the Red Sea in an open boat, he reached Bombay in tour months and twenty-one days — that being considered an extra- ordinarily rapid voyage in 1830. More convinced than ever of the practicability of his scheme, he went over India loudly advocat- ing it, but did not succeed in at- tracting the attention which he desired. On his return to Eng- land he was equally unsuccessful in his attempt to excite the interest of the Company’s Direc- tors, who had begun to regard him as a crazed and troublesome enthusiast, and who told him that “ the Governor-General and the people of India had nothing to do with the India House, and and that if he did not go back and join their pilot service, to which he belonged, he would receive such a communication from that House as would be by no means agreeable to him.” On the instant he penned his resigna- tion, and declared he would establish the overland route in spite of the India Hoirse. And so he did. He proceeded to Egypt not only without official recommendations, but, as he says, “with a sort of official stigma upon his sanity.” The Govern- ment officials solemnly pronounced the Red Sea unnavigable, and the E. I. Company’s officers as sagely declared that even if its long and tortuous reaches were navigable, the north-western and south-western monsoons of the Indian Ocean would swallow the steamers up, and the Company actually took the trouble to lay 448 WAG documents before Parliament showing that the scheme was im- practicable because coals cost £-20 a ton at Suez and took fifteen months to get there. Waghorn soon disproved this statement and removed this objection by carry- ing coals on camel-back to Suez at £4. 3 $. 6d. a ton. His enterprise gained the Pasha’s favour, and he established regular mails, keeping them in his own hands for five years. On one occasion his mail reached England from Bombay in the then unprecedented short time of forty-seven days, and the Government and the E. I. Com- pany, compelled to acknowledge their own miscalculations, united in starting an opposition. Little umbrage could have been taken at their conduct had they reward- ed Waghorn or compensated him for his outlay. They simply combined to drive him off the road, and so chary were they in the recognition of his merits that for ten years, from 1832 till 1842, he was kept knocking at the door of the Admiralty, and soliciting the rank of a lieutenant in the navy. In 1842, Lord Haddington did bestow upon him that im- mense honour ! Superseded in his mail traffic, Waghorn set about providing easier means of transit and more comfortable accommo- dation for the few travellers by the new route from east to west, and may be said to have created the passenger traffic. He established vans to supersede the camels which crossed the desert, and built hotels in Alexandria and Cairo, but again he was superseded by an influential Company under the patronage of the Government and the India House. Foiled in his every attempt, impoverished and in debt, oppressed by care yet conscious that he was a national benefactor, he applied for assist- ance to discharge the obligations which he had contracted in the public service. After wearisome delay the E. I. Company granted him a pension of £200 a year, and the Government did the same. But neither would pay his debts. | The pensions were therefore hand- ed over to his creditors. His constitution was shattered by his haivl and toilsome life, and his heart broken by the unmerited coldness with which he was treated, and he only survived to draw the first quarter of the Go- vernment pension and eighteen months’ of the Company’s. His widow was left in distress, but the E. I. Company, not willing actually to see her starve, granted her an annuity of „£50, while the Government gave her £25, which was afterwards increased to £40 a year. Waghorn’s debts, how- ever, were never paid. In 1872, his then aged and almost destitute sisters made an appeal to the public for support ! At the Red Sea entrance to the Suez Canal a statue commemora- tive of Waghorn has been erected by the French. It is a colossal bust in bronze on a handsome marble pedestal with a bronze bas-relief of Waghorn surveying the desert on a camel attended by a train of Orientals. The inscrip- tion on it is “La Compagnie Universelle du Canal Maritime de Suez au Lieutenant Waghorn.’' “ If there is a spot in the wide world where an Englishman has need to blush for England, it is surely in front of that statue — remembering how Waghorn laboured, how the fruits of his labour were taken from him, how his energy and courage triumphed \ WAJ— WAR 449 in opening a new high road to the East, and how lie died a heart-broken and bankrupt man.” WAJID ALI, vide Oudh, Nabob- Viziers of. WARD, William, one of the Se- rampore Missionaries — son of a carpenter and builder, was born on the 20th October 1769. After receiving the elements of educa- tion at a private school, he was apprenticed to a printing estab- lishment, where he soon rose to the grade of “ Reader,” in which occupation he had great opportuni- ties of storinghis mind with a large stock of knowledge. At the close of his apprenticeship, he under- took, successively, the editorship of three different newspapers. In August 1796, Ward joined the Baptist Society, was baptized at Hull, and began to preach in the villages round about. Mr. Fishwick observing his minis- terial talents, thought they should be encouraged and placed him, at his own expense, under the tuition of the Rev. D. Fawcett of Ewood Hall— the tutor of John Foster, the Essayist : from which period, Ward renounced all inter- est in politics and journalism, and devoted his time, talents and energies in communicating reli- gious truths to his fellowmen. Twelve months from this date, an inquiry was made for Missionary recruits to aid Dr. Carey. Carey on the eve of his departure for India, had met Ward at Derby and remarked that he would pro- bably need one of his calling to print the Scriptures, if the Bengal Baptist Mission proved successful. This remark now vividly flashed on Ward’s mind, and he offered his services to the society, which were accepted. He embarked with Marshman, and arrived in India in 1799 — where both joined Carey. To Carey he was of great assistance in working at the print- ing office — he set up in type nearly the whole of his Bengallee translation of the New Testament. On the burning of the Society’s printing office in March 1812, all the types were entirely destroyed, besides all its contents, but to the inexpressible delight of Dr. Carey and Marshman, Ward while em- ployed in clearing the debris , dis- covered the punches and matrices uninjured, with which under the superintendence of Ward, new types were cast, and the press was again in full operation within a few months. Ward was the author of a valuable work named “ A view of the History, Litera- ture, and Religion of the Hindoos; including minute description of their manners and customs, and translations from their principal works.” A fifth edition was pub- lished in Madras iii 1863. The state of Mr. Ward’s health com- pelled him to visit his native land again, after many temporary changes in the country not proving beneficial. He embarked on the 18th December 1818, arriving in England in May 1819, where he exerted himself much to heal the breach between the Serampore Missionaries and the Parent Society. Ward then visited Hol- land and America in the cause of Missions, in both of which countries he received a warm welcome, and great pecuniary aid. After returning to England, he embarked for India again in May 1821 in company with several Missionary labourers, and during the voyage employed his time in writing “ Farewell Letters” to his 57 450 WAT— WEL friends in England and America, which he was subsequently pre- vailed on to publish. The work has run through three editions. Ward had scarcely been sixteen months in India and resumed his labours with full vigour, when his career was suddenly terminated by an attack of cholera, to which he succumbed on the 7th of March 1823. ( Vide Dubois.) WATSON, Charles, Vice-Admi- ral, the son of the Rev. Dr. Watson, Prebendary of West- minster, was born in 1714. Hav- ing lost his father, when only nine years old he took to the sea, and his skill and bravery soon pro- cured him promotion. In 1738, he was appointed Captain of the Garland frigate, afterwards serv- ed under Admiral Matthews, in the Mediterranean station, and then in the West Indies, where his conduct elicited the admir- ation of even the French Admiral. In 1748, he was raised to the rank of Rear-Admiral of the blue. In 1754, he was appointed to the command of the squadron sent to co-operate with Lord Clive’s expedition in India, where, on his arrival, he was appointed Rear-Admiral of the red. The first exploit Watson was engaged in was on the Malabar coast which was infested with pirates, who had been increasing in power and audacity for fifty years. The chief among them was Conajee Angria. He had fortified numer- ous bays, harbours and creeks along the coast, the most import- ant of which was the noble port of Gheriah, a hundred and seventy miles south of Bombay. Watson happened to arrive at Bombay at the same time as Clive returned from England, and it was decided to take advantage of his large armament to root out the piratical power on that coast. A joint ex- pedition with the Peishwa was formed. The pirate fleet was set in a blaze in an hour, and while Clive attacked Gheriah by land, Watson cannonaded it from the sea. In half an hour the defend- ers capitulated, 1 3th February 1756. Two hundred pieces of cannon with large stores of am- munition, two ships on the stocks and twelve lacs of Rupees (,£120,000) were found. The money was distributed among the captors, and the fort and arsenal were eventually made over to the Peishwa. Clive and Watson sailed for Madras, arriving at Fort St. David on the 20th June 1756. The remaining portion of Watson’s career and his co-operation with Clive in Bengal is told in Clive’s life. ( Vide Clive.) Watson’s short but successful career was cut short by death on the 16th August 1757. He fell a victim to the unhealthy climate of Bengal. His loss was severely felt by his companions in arms, who admired his skill, bravery, moral qualities and amiable dis- position. On the 18th June 1763, a monument was erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey, by the E. I. Company. WELLESLEY, Richard Col- ley, Marquis, a distinguished British Statesman and diplomat- ist, was the eldest son of the first Earl of Mornington, and was bom at Dublin in June 1760. He was educated at Eton and afterwards at Oxford, where his superior classical attainments attracted the attention of his contempora- ries. On his father’s death in 1781, the young Earl of Mom- WEL 451 iugton took his seat in the Irish House of Peers. He afterwards entered the British House of Com- mons, as member first for Beeral- ston, and subsequently for New Windsor, where he had ample op- portunity for the development of his Statesman-like qualities. He was made a British privy-coun- cillor in 1793 — and in 1797, was raised to the British peerage by the title of Baron Wellesley. He succeeded Lord Teignmouth as Governor-General of India, ar- riving at Calcutta on the 26th of April 1798, a period which was most critical to British interests in that country. Tippoo, though humbled by past defeats, was by no means in such a state of mind as to forego any opportunity, should it offer, of levelling another blow at the British. A French party was paramount at the courts of the Nizam, the result of Lord Teignmouth’s neutral policy, (vide Kirkpatrick and Malcolm) and Sindia and Tippoo, it was discovered, had been intriguing with all the native courts of India to form an alliance to expel the British. Tippoo had also sent an Embassy to the Mauritius solicit- ing the aid of the French, and on the 18th June 1798, Wellesley re- ceived this news with astonish- ment. Having fully satisfied himself as to the truth of the in- formation, Wellesley wrote to the Court of Directors stating “ that an immediate attack on Tippoo ■Sultan, for the purpose of frustrat- ing the execution of his unprovok- ed and unwarrantable projects of ambition and revenge, appeared to be demanded by the soundest maxims of justice and policy.” When the army Was thoroughly equipped, Wellesley wrote to Tippoo, on the 8th November 1798, expostulating with him upon the nature of the connection he had recently formed with the French Government, and express- ing a hope that an amicable set- tlement would be the result of his reply. Considering that the French fleet had been beaten by Lord Nelson, that the Nizam had disbanded his French officers and corps, and had become an ally of the English, and the complete state of the army, Wellesley con- cluded that Tippoo would have acceded to his pacific proposals, but nevertheless he prepared for every event, and proceeded to Madras, where he arrived on the 31st December, and found Tippoo’s reply awaiting him. It evaded his negotiation, and on the 9th January 1799, Wellesley again addressed Tippoo, asking him to meet with cordiality his sincere advance to an amicable explana- tion, informing him at the same time that no further delays could be admitted, and that an answer was required a day after the receipt by him of this letter. It reached Tippoo on the 15th Janu- ary, and yet no reply was received till the 13th February. Tippoo’s answer is contained in the follow- ing passage : — “ Being frequently disposed to make excursions and hunt, I am accordingly proceeding upon a hunting excursion. You will be pleased to send Major Doveton, (about whose coming your friendly pen has repeatedly written,) slightly attended.” At the end of February, abandoning all hopes of an amicable settle- ment with Tippoo, Wellesley or- dered the British troops to ad- vance, empowering the Command- er-in-Chief to treat with the Sultan, should he evince a sincere desire for peace — the terms of 452 WEL course to depend upon the stage of the war at which negotiations commenced : — but in the event of any decided victory, or of the batteries against his capital hav- ing beep opened, the demands were to be the cession of one-half of Tippoo’s dominions, the pay- ment to the allies of two crores of rupees (,£2,000,000) and as hos- tages for the faithful performance of the conditions, four of his sons and four of his principal officers were to be given over. The mili- tary operations ending with the fall of Seringapatam are detailed in the lives of Wellington, Baird and Harris. The tri-partite treaty was concluded, and a descendant of the old Hindoo house of Mysore was raised to the position from which that dynasty had been hurled by Hyder 38 years before. In the life of Kristna Raj Wadier will be found extracts from a Minute of Wellesley’s, assigning his reasons for pursuing this line of policy. Wellesley was created a Marquis in 1799. Fearing the Mahrattahs, who had refused the offer of British arbitration for the settlement of their demands upon the Nizam, the Nizam proposed that the subsidiary force which had taken the place of the disbanded French corps, should be augmented, and that territory should be substitut- ed for the subsidy then paid in money for its maintenance. Wel- lesley welcomed the proposal. Districts yielding a revenue of 63 lacs of rupees (£630,000) annually, were handed over to the Company, and still go under the name of the ‘ Ceded Districts,’ and it was guaranteed that the British Gov- ernment should defend the re- maining territories of the Nizam against every aggression. Tuljajee, the Rajah of Tanjore, died in 1787, having previously adopted a minor, Serfojee, ten years old, placing him under the care of Schwartz, the missionary, while the half-brother of the de- ceased prince, Ameer Sing, acted as regent. By an act of treachery and bribery, Ameer Sing con- trived to get the Madras Govern- ment to set aside the adopted son, and place him on the throne. Having thus far succeeded, he broughtthehand of atyrantto bear irpon Serfojee and the widows of the deceased Rajah. The country also was grossly misruled, and on Schwartz’s representation of the state of affairs, the Government saw the injustice of Serfojee’s ex- clusion and re-seated him on the musnud. A commission was ap- pointed to enquire into the condi- tion and resources of Tanjore, and Wellesley on their report assum- ed the entire administration of the country, 1799, pensioning the Rajah off with an allowance of one lac of pagodas (£35,000) a year, and a fifth of its net revenue. Thus fell this little State, a hun- dred and fifty years after it had been founded by Shahjee, the father of Sevagee. There are no arguments, either of law or neces- sity, that can justify the conduct of the British Government in this case. In the same year circumstances occurred which led to the annexa- tion of the Carnatic. In 1792, a treaty was made by Lord Corn- wallis with Mahommed Ali, Nabob of the Carnatic, providing that an annual subsidy should be paid for the support of British troops who were to defend the I country, and certain districts were pledged to the Company. The Nabob died three years after, WEL 453 and was succeeded by his son, Omdut-ul-Omrak. The state of the Carnatic had been for many years the scene of peculation and "gross corruption. The Nabob was surrounded by a host of un- scrupulous and rapacious Eu- ropeans— he himself was a reckless spendthrift, and his greed was encouraged by the men advanc- ing him loans at exorbitant in- terest, receiving as security assign- ments on the revenue of districts, which naturally led to a cruel oppression of the wretched ryots. The prosperity of the country was on the decline, and the Court of Directors urged Lord Hobart, Governor of Madras, in 1795 to obtain a modification of the treaty of 1792 and to take over the Nabob’s mortgaged districts, in lieu of the subsidy. To induce the Nabob to accept this proposal, an offer was made to relinquish debts due to the Company to the extent of a crore of rupees (£ 1,000,000). The Nabob advised by his nefarious creditors, rejected the proposal, and Lord Hobart suggested a resort to coercion. Sir John Shore objected, and a correspondence arose, so bitter that the Court of Directors re-call- ed Lord Hobart. But they had by no means abandoned their inten- tions, and requested Wellesley on his way to Calcutta, to call at Madras and make a second effort. Induced by the same evil council the Nabob again refused to accede to the proposal. The treaty of 1792, however, bound the Nabob “ not to enter into any negoti- ation or political correspondence with any European or Native power, without the consent of the Company,” and also gave the Governor-General authority, in the event of war, on the Coro- mandel Coast, to assume the entire government and resources of the Carnatic, allowing the Nabob one-fifth of the revenue. When the last war with Tippoo was expected, the Court of Direc- tors urged Wellesley to take pos- session of the Carnatic, but he adopted a milder measure, in requesting a contribution of three lacs of pagodas (£ 105,000) for the army then about to engage in warfare. Wellesley next proposed that the English should for ever renounce the management of the Carnatic, in the event of war, if the Nabob would consent to transfer in perpetuity, territory yielding an annual revenue amounting to the subsidy which he was bound by treaty to con- tribute, while at the same time he would be allowed to benefit by whatever additional rents that might accrue under better management ; and Wellesley also offered a liberal arrangement for the liquidation of the debts due by the Nabob to the Company, amounting then to two crores of rupees (£2,000,000.) This also was rejected. On the fall of Seringapatam, documents were discovered among the secret records of the Sultan, containing the most conclusive evidence of a secret intercourse having been carried on between the Nabob and Tippoo, hostile to the inter- ests of the Company. After a careful examination of these docu- ments by Mr. Edmonstone, the Persian translator under the orders of Wellesley, the following conclusions were drawn : — 1st. — “ That, in violation of an express article of the treaty of 1792, the Nabob, Mahommed Ali Khan, by the agency and with the concurrence of his eldest son, 454 WEL Omdut-ul-Omrah, maintained a secret intercourse with Tippoo Sultan, through the medium of Gholaum Ali Khan and Ali lteza, Vakeels of that Prince ; that this secret intercourse was directed to objects hostile to the interests of the Company ; and was consequently subversive of the fundamental principles of his alliance with the Company.” 2nd.— “ That the Nabobs Ma- liommed Ali Khan and Omdut-ul- Omrah, had made communica- tions to Tippoo Sultan on politi- cal subjects of a nature calcu- lated to promote the interests of that Prince, and eventually to injure those of the Company.” 3rd. — “ That the Nabob had, both by communication from himself personally, and through Omdut-ul-Omrah to Gholaum Ali Khan and Ali Reza, mani- fested his marked disapprobation of the triple alliance of the Eng- lish, Nizam, .and Mahrattahs, which had reduced the power of the Sultan ; and that he had on such occasions stigmatized the Nizam as having acted contrary to the dictates of religion, which required that all true believers should join in support of that cause, of which he repeatedly stated he considered Tippoo Sul- tan as the chief pillar.” 4th. — “ That the evidence con- tained in the communications made to Tippoo Sultan by his Vakeels, of the treacherous nature of the intercourse subsisting between the Nabobs, Wallajah and Omdut-ul-Omrah. and Tip- poo Sultan, was confirmed by the discovery of a cipher, the key to which was found among the Sultan’s secret records ; and which was not only written in the same hand in which all the letters of the Nabobs, Wallajah and Omdut-ul-Omrah, to the Eng- lish Government are written, but noted at the bottom by Tippoo’s head Moonshy, as a paper from Omdut-ul-Omrah ; and several of the fictitious designations in this cipher were found to have been used in the correspondence. If the very circumstance of Omdut- ul-Omrah having transmitted a cipher to Tippoo Sultan was not of itself sufficient to establish the treacherous nature of his views, the names, which it was dis- covered by the key to the cipher were used to signify the English and their allies, removed all doubts upon this subject. The English were designated by the name of Taza Wareeds, or new- comers ; the Nizam by that of Fleech, or nothing ; and the Mah- rattahs, by that of Pooch, or contemptible.” 5th. — “ That Omdut-ul-Omrah continued this secret intercourse as late as the year 1796, as appears by a letter found in the Sultan’s records ; which, though it has neither seal nor signature, is written by the person who wrote all the Nabob’s letters to the Bri- tish Government, and has the name of Gholaum Hoossain upon the cover, which, it is established by incontrovertible documents, was the fictitious name under which the Nabob corresponded in his own handwriting with Gho- laum Ali Khan in 1794. The authenticity of this letter is also proved by its being found in the Sultan’s records, along with the other correspondence of the Nabob of the Carnatic, and its evident connexion with those letters in subject.” These were the principal points which appeared to be established WEL 455 by the documents found in Tip- poo’s palace. They were not only in violation of the spirit of the whole treaty of 1792, but in direct breach of the letter of one of its most important articles, the 10th, which expressly stipulates, “ that “ the Nabob shall not enter into “ any negotiations, or political “ correspondence, with any Eu- “ ropean or native Power what- “ ever, without the consent of “ the Company.” Wellesley considered himself justified in depriving the Nabob of the civil and military govern- ment of the Carnatic, allowing him a certain stipend for his support. He submitted his views to the Court of Directors, who sanctioned the measure, but ere the sanction arrived, Omdut-ul- Omrah was on his death-bed. On his death (15th July 1801), the Governor of Madras, under in- structions from Wellesley, inform- ed Ali Hoossain, the reputed son of Omdut-ul-Omrah, that the succession to the musnud was now a question of favour and not of right, pointing out in justifica- tion of the policy about to be adopted proofs of the infidelity of his father and grandfather, by which all claim to the consider- ation of the Company had been forfeited. These conditions were rejected. The Nabobship was then offered to Azim-ul-Omrah, the son of Omdut-ul-Omrah’s brother, who accepted it with joy. A fifth of the revenues of the Carnatic were allotted for his support, no mention being made of heirs and successors and the Carnatic was annexed. Thus was the Madras Presidency formed by Wellesley, of the annexed territories of Mysore, the Nizam, the Nabob of the Carnatic, and the Rajah of Tanjore — a presidency which has not seen the carnage of war for well nigh three-quarters of a cen- tury, and whose native troops proved loyal while those of Bengal and the North-West Provinces were seething in rebellion in 1857-58. In the year 1800, Wellesley sent an Embassy to Persia. ( Vide Mal- colm.) The same year impressed upon the serious consideration of Wellesley, the necessity of frus- trating the hostile projects of the French, and he determined upon sending the British fleet, under the command of Admiral Rainier, in the Bay of Bengal, to capture the Mauritius and Bourbon ; but the Admiral, from professional jealousy refused to obey orders without the express commands of his JMajesty. An expedition was sent about the middle of the year to Egypt, to assist the British forces and the Turkish army in driving the French out. The approach of this imposing force from India, coupled with the energy of Sir John Hutchinson, {vide Aber- cromby) induced the French to capitulate. This masterly con- centration of Indian troops on the shores of the Mediterranean, to aid the mother-country, gave the world an unexampled illus- tration of England’s power and resources. The affairs of Oudh next claim- ed the attention of Wellesley. {Vide Vizier All) Dreading the invasion of Ze- maun Shah, Wellesley looked to the state of the army in Oudh, which province would undoubt- edly first suffer spoliation. The troops of the Nabob were reported by the commandant of Oudh to I be a worthless rabble. Saadut 456 WEL Ali was bound by the treaty which kept him on his throne, to provide 76 lacs (£760,000) of rupees a year for the subsistence of 13,000 British troops employed in the defence of the country. This was now not deemed sufficient, in the opinion of not only the Governor-General, but the home authorities. The treaty, moreover, provided for this contingency being met out of the revenues of the country. The Nabob was re- quested to provide for the cost of additional troops, amounting to 50 lacs (£500,000) of rupees a year, and to disband his own. Rather than do this, he proposed to retire from the Government, with a liberal allowance for him- self and family. Wellesley accept- ed these terms, but would not consent to a removal of treasure amounting then to a crore of rupees (£1,000,000). But the Nabob never seriously contem- plated abdication, and when he found that his proposal was accepted, he intimated this to Wellesley, who became indignant at his shuffling delays and con- duct, and moved several regi- ments into Oudh at once, ■which the Nabob was compelled to maintain. |Tke Nabob, however, remonstrated, but was informed that “ if he should think proper again to impeach the honor and justice of the British Govern- ment in such terms, the Governor- General would consider how such unfounded calumnies and gross misrepresentations, both of facts and arguments, ought to be notic- ed.” The Nabob yielded, and in November 1800, a second demand was made of him to support more troops “ to complete the aug- mentation.” He pleaded his in- capacity, when the resident was instructed to propose that the Nabob should either surrender the entire civil and military government to the Company, an allowance being set apart' for himself and family, or that he should cede to the Company for ever a portion of territory yield- ing sufficient revenue to maintain the whole British force. The Nabob, under coercion, transfer- red, in November 1801, Allahabad, Goruckpore, and the Southern Dooab, yielding an annual revenue of one hundred and thirty-five lacs of rupees (£13,500,000), he himself retaining territory yield- ing only a crore of rupees (£1,000,000), but guaranteed against all invaders. The harsh measures adopted by Wellesley can only be justified by the peculiar position of the country —the uselessness of the Nabob’s troops, and the dread of Zemaun Shah’s invasion. His policy gave a solid defence to the whole country, by the cession of a part. A commission was appointed, with Henry Wellesley, brother and Private Secretary of the Go- vernor-General, at the head of ii, to settle the country, which was accomplished in a twelvemonth. In 1802, Wellesley sent in his resignation to the Court of Di- rectors, as his plans were so much interfered with, and his conduct criticised and censured. He, however, received a reply earnest- ly begging of him to remain till 1805, during which short period, little did the Court of Directors imagine that he would crush the great Mahrattah powers. On the Peace of Amiens in 1802, orders were sent out to Wellesley to reduce military establishments, and restore to the French all conquered territory. WEL 457 These he dared to disobey. Ere the treaty had been ratified, Bonaparte despatched an arma- ment to Pondicherry to re-establish that French influence in India which it was Wellesley’s most anxious wish to crush, and in which he had succeeded so well in the Deccan. On the arrival of the French Admiral, Wellesley directed Lord Clive, then Gover- nor of Madras, to refuse the restitution of the French Settle- ments till he could communicate with the ministry in England ; the French fleet returned to the Mauritius, and ere Wellesley could receive a reply, hostilities had re-commenced in Europe. Wellesley, in 1802, had to grap- ple with the rising power of the Mahrattahs. They were now the only powerful enemy of the English in India, and officered by Frenchmen ; they were divided into five parties : the Peishwa, Bajee Bow, the nominal Gover- nor of Poona ; Dowlut Row Sindia, at Gwalior ; JeswuntRow Holkar, burning with jealousy and hatred towards Sindia ; Raghoba Bhonslay, Rajah of Nagpore, and the Gaikwar of Guzerat. Wellesley’s firm con- viction was that the peace and tranquillity of India could only be secured by the extension of British supremacy over all these princes, by defensive and sub- sidiary alliances. Such was offered to Bajee in 1799, but was refused. In 1801-2, Sindia and Holkar went to war with one another, which terminated on the 25th October 1802 by the complete defeat of Sindia, the capture of Poonah by Holkar, and the flight of Bajee Row to Bassein. Here, poor and friend- less, Bajee Row accepted the proffered alliance of the English, and the Treaty of Bassein was concluded : the terms were, that the Peishwa was to maintain 6,000 British infantry, with guns, assigning to the Company for their support, territories yielding an annual revenue of 25 lacs of rupees (,£250,000). Sindia soon saw the danger of these conces- sions, and in 1803, formed a vast Mahrattah confederation to check the progress of the English. Thus commenced the second Mahrattah war. Wellesley at once ordered up troops, and his brother, General Wellesley, cap- tured Poona, re-instating the Peishwa. Ahmednugger, Allyghur, As- saye, Argoam, Deogaom, Delhi and Laswaree were the next victories, which crushed the power of Sindia. ( Vide Wel- lington, Lake, Malcolm.) The treaty of Anjengoam was concluded on the 4th December 1803, by which Sindia had to cede all his territories north of Jeypore and Joudpore, also Broach and Ahmednugger, and submit in all disputes to the arbitration of the Company. Wellesley then divid- ed the spoil. Berar was given to the Nizam, Ahmednugger to the Peishwa, and Cuttack was re- served for the Company. Treaties were also made with the Rajahs of Bhurtpore, Joudhpore, and Jeypore, the Rana of Gohud, and with Sindia’s General, Ambajee Inglia. Gwalior was given to the Rana of Gohud. ( Vide Bar- low.) This arrangement soon led to further disturbances. Sindia claimed Gwalior on the plea that his General had signed the treaty concerning it without orders ; but though General Wellesley declar- ed Sindia to be in the right, the 58 458 WEL Governor-General refused to re- store it to him. Holkar, who, during the late war, had been engaged in predatory expeditions towards the north of Sindia’s dominions, and augmenting his army, arose in rebellion in 1804, by plundering the territories of the Rajah of Jeypore. This brought Wellesley and Lake into the field again. Holkar retreated across the river Chumbul, and Colonel Monson was sent in pursuit. This brave officer, by an error of judgment advanced too far into the enemy’s country, and finding out the mistake too late, fell back on Agra. It was a most disastrous retreat. The British troops were harassed on every side by swarms of the enemy ; the country was entirely flooded ; and after fifty days of suffering, the survivors straggled into Agra. Guns, bag- gage, camp equipage and stores were all lost, and when mustered, a deficiency of 5 battalions of infantry was found. Holkar, flushed with victory, advanced on Delhi. ( Vide Ochterlony.) Failing here, he ravaged the country around till defeated at Deeg ; and after the possession of Bhurtpore by Lake, Holkar fled, but only to join Sindia, who was enraged at Wellesley’s refu- sal to restore Gwalior to him. Such was the state of affairs when Lord Wellesley left India, August 1805, before he coulcl mature and accomplish his plans. He was succeeded by Lord Corn- wallis, who, however, died a few months after his arrival. Sir George Barlow, senior member of council, then occupied the post of Governor-General, and Sindia was quieted by the resto- ration of Gwalior. During Wellesley’s administra- tion, some important administra- tive, educational and commercial reforms were introduced, which will be noticed, before cursorily referring to his career after re- turning to England. The Court, known as the Sudder Dewany Adawlut, had been established to supersede the Supreme Court, which had been regulated by the system of Cornwallis in 1793. The Governor-General and mem- bers of Council presided over it with closed doors. This appeared to Wellesley a most unsatisfactory mode of administering justice. He therefore instituted, in 1801, a separate Court, open to the public, presided over by appoint- ed chief justices, the first of whom was H . T. Colebrooke, the great oriental scholar. In the year 1800, Wellesley established the great college at Calcutta, called the “ College of Fort William.” At that time, boys of fourteen and fifteen years of age were sent out before they had received the rudiments of English education ; these were to become men who were, in time, to act as magis- trates, collectors, judges, political agents and ambassadors, without any opportunity to qualify them- selves for such- posts. Wellesley founded the institution to enable them to complete their education, and to study the laws, the litera- ture and languages of the people they were to govern. He did it on an expensive scale, which in- curred the displeasure of the Court of Directors, who passed a peremptory order on the 29th Jan- uary 1802, for its immediate abolition. Wellesley was dread- fully mortified at the blow level- led at one of his pet schemes. He appealed to his friends in the ministry and inqtosed anew tax on WEL 459 inland commerce, which he urged would obviate the objection of the Court of Directors on the score of expense. Their orders were qualified, the college was to exist, but on a reduced scale ; only native languages were to be taught, and at their own expense the Directors established a College at Haileybury. Wellesley strived his utmost to destroy the East India monopoly, and to throw open the ports of India to free trade. His views were far too liberal and advanced to suit those of the India House, and he met with most rancorous treatment in consequence. It was not till ten years after, that the monopoly ceased and India was thrown open to British en- terprise and capital. The Court’s interference with Indian appoint- ments was also a great thorn in Wellesley’s side. His brother’s appointment as president of the commission to settle the affairs of Oudh had been revoked, although he did not benefit pecuniarily by it ; — in fact, the affairs of the country were all settled, and he had resumed his former post of private secretary to the Governor-General, before the order for his recall reached India ! All this opposition led Wellesley in 1802, as before stated, to send in his resignation. During his administration of seven years, Wellesley accom- plished great things for India, and he left it after having estab- lished the English as the greatest military power there, for he had broken the power of every prince from Cape Comorin to the Sutlej. Arriving in England at the end of 1805, lie was received with every demonstration of respect and admiration by the Govern- ment and the E. I. Company, but there were complaints from vari- ous quarters of his expensive administration and of his being guilty of oppression towards the native princes. Articles of im- peachment were presented against him by a Mr. Pauli in the House of Commons. According to Ge- neral Wellesley, this man was originally a tailor, who had come out to India as an adventurer, where he amassed a large fortune, and returning to England in 1805, bought a seat in Parlia- ment. After the first charge was read, a dissolution terminated all proceedings ; the prosecution was again taken up successively by Lord Folkstone, and Sir Thomas Turton, with the same ill-success. The Court of Directors, however, condemned Wellesley’s proceed- ings by a vote of 928 against 195. This feeling of animosity can well be accounted for. Thirty years after the same Court pub- lished his Despatches in 5 vols., and assured him that in their opinion, his administration had been conducted “ by an ardent zeal to promote the well-being of India, and to uphold the interest and honor of the British Empire.” The sum of £100,000 was set apart for Wellesley on the fall of Seringapatam in 1799, but he voted it to the army. An an- nuity of £5,000 per annum was then given him, but being in pecuniary difficulties in England, the Court gave him £20,000, and his statue was ordered to be placed in the India House. After taking an active part in Parlia- ment, and filling the post of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on two occasions, he died at Kings- ton house, Brompton, on the 26th September 1842, aged 83. 460 WEL Wellesley was twice married. His first wife was Hyacintke Gabrielle Roland, whom he mar- ried on the 1st of November 1794. Several children were born to them, who died young, but none after marriage. The alliance was an imhappy one and they soon separated, never again being reconciled. The first Lady Wellesley died in 1816. The Marquis again married an American lady, the daughter of Mr. Richard Caton, and widow of Mr. Robert Patterson, on the 29th October 1825, by whom he had no children, and she sur- vived him. WELLINGTON, Duke of. Ar- thur Wellesley, the third sur- viving son of the second Earl of Mornington, was born on the 1st of May 1769. The exact locality of his birthplace is shrouded in some uncertainty. It was either in Dungan Castle, in the county of Meath, or in the city of Dublin. He was educated at Eton, from whence he was removed to the military Academy of Angers, in France, as he showed a decided taste for the military profession. Entering the army as an ensign on the 7th of March 1787, a short time after attaining his eighteenth year, he gradually rose till, in September 1793, he advanced by purchase to the Lieutenant-Colo- nelcy of his favorite regiment, the 33rd. He had also prior to this elevation, entered the Irish Par- liament, as member for Trim. His first active service was in the unfortunate campaign in the Netherlands, under the Duke of York, in 1794. He returned to England in the spring of the following year, where he busied himself in getting into order again his much reduced regiment, and a few months after, embarked with it for the West Indies. The fleet, however, having met with bad weather, and being seriously crippled, had to return to Eng- land. But in April 1796, the regiment was ordered not to the West, but the East Indies. Arthur Wellesley was detained at home by severe illness, but he managed to join his regiment at the Cape of Good Hope, and proceeded with it to Calcutta, where he arrived in February 1797. In April of the following year, his elder brother, the Earl of Morn- ington, arrived at Calcutta as Governor-General of India, and by a different line of policy to that pursued by his timid pre- decessor, Lord Teignmouth, found himself engaged in gigantic schemes in which he required clear heads, stout hearts and strong hands to assist. This was Arthur Wellesley’s first oppor- tunity in India of distinguishing himself in the field. The events which led to the last war with Tippoo are detailed in the life of Marquis Wellesley. General Harris ordered Arthur Wellesley, at the request of the Nizam with his 33rd, to join the Hyderabad Contingent and command it. In a hot engagement at Mallavelly in Mysore (27th March 1799), a body of Tippoo’s choice infantry was routed by the 33rd, finished off by a bayonet charge led by their gallant Colonel. General Hari'is then marched on Serin- gapatam, which Tippoo was cover- ing with 50,000 men, and 20,000 inside. The attacking force, Eu- ropeans and Sepoys numbered only 20,000. On the 5th of April, a night attack was made, in which Wellesley was ordered to assail a WEL 461 tope intended by Tippoo for rocketing. Between this tope and our camp the bank of a nullah, or watercourse ran, which command- ed the tope. Colonel Shaw was deputed to assail this. Both at- tacks were to be made simulta- neously, and both failed. Wel- lesley with only one company of his regiment, got separated from the rest, and while groping about in the dark, without a know- ledge of the ground, or the assist- ance of a guide, assailed by rockets and musketry, his career was well-nigh cut short. The siege, however, was renewed on the following day and was at- tended with success. After car- rying all the outworks, approaches were made, and heavy batteries raised against the fortress, Wel- lesley comman dingin the trenches, and performing most arduous duties. On the 3rd of May a breach was effected, and on the following day Seringapatam was captured, and Tippoo killed de- fending his capital. Wellesley was placed in command of the capi- tal, when plundering was being carried on to a great extent. He suppressed it with a rigorous hand, and the consideration and humanity he shewed towards the inhabitants, gained for him their affection and confidence. A few days after, a regular garrison was appointed to Seringapatam, and Wellesley was made Governor of that portion of Mysore under British protection and authority. ( Vide Baird, Harris.) It was at this time that his correspond- ence began, published in the “ Wellington Despatches.” While Wellesley was engaged in organiz- ing the civil and military admi- nistration of the country, he was called into the field again. Among Tippoo's prisoners, releas- ed by the English from the dun- geons of Seringapatam, was one named Doondiah Waugh. This Mahrattah freebooter had served in the armies of Hyder and Tippoo. During the war with Lord Cornwallis (1790), he had deserted the Mysoreans, and placed himself at the head of a fierce and numerous body of banditti in the wild country near the river Toomboodra. Tippoo by stratagem caught him, and immured him in irons. Now at large again, he returned to his old avocation of murder and plun- der, joined by some of Tippoo’s disbanded cavalry, and his old associates. He took possession of several strong positions in the fertile country of Bednore, in August 1799, but had been driven out by a light force sent against him, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Dalrymple and Colonel Stevenson. He soon, however, re-appeared on the Mysore frontiers stronger than before, with 5,000 horse, and assumed the title of the “ King of the Two Worlds.” Wellesley joined the forces sent against him in June 1800, and crossed the river Toomboodra. It was expected that the Mahrattah chiefs would resent this infringe- ment of their frontier, but it proved otherwise — they co-oper- ated with the British forces. The campaign was a regular hunt, which Wellesley describes in his Despatches in a humorous strain, although his operations exposed him to more personal danger than any of his cam- paigns against regular armies. The robber and his gang were chased about, across and re-cross rivers and streams, through 4G2 WEL forests and over mountains, their camps were continually being surprised, and their fortified towns captured, where treasure had been secreted. At last, on the 9th of September, Doon- diah Waugh unknowingly got into an awkward position, too near Wellesley, where an engage- ment took place, in which he was killed. Wellesley thus writes of it in his Despatches, from camp Yepulpurry : — “ After a most anxious night, I marched in the morning, and met the “King of the World,” with his army, about 5,000 horse, at a village called Conahgull, about six miles hence. He had not known of my being so near him in the night, and had thought that I was at Chinoor. He was marching to the westward, with the intention of passing between the Mahrattah and Mogul cavalry and me. He drew up, however, in a very strong position, as soon as he perceived me ; and the victorious army stood for some time with apparent firmness. I charged them with the 19th and 25th dragoons, and the 1st and 2nd regiments of cavalry, and drove them before me till they dispersed, and were scat- tered over the face of the coun- try. I then returned and at- tacked the royal camp, and got possession of elephants, camels, baggage, &c., &c., which were still upon the ground. The Mogul and Mahrattah cavalry came up about eleven o’clock ; and they have been employed ever since in the pursuit and destruction of the scattered fragments of the rebellious army.” “ Thus has ended this warfare ; and I shall commence my march in a day or two towards my own country. An honest Killadar of Chinoor had written to the “ King of the World” by a regular tappal, established for the purpose of giv- ing him intelligence, that I was to be at Vowly on the 8th, and at Chinoor on the 9th. His Majesty was misled by this information, and was nearer to me than he ex- pected. The honest Killadar did all he could to detain me at Chinoor, but I was not to be prevailed upon to stop ; and even went so far as to threaten many a great man sent to show me the road, who manifested any inclina- tion to show me a good road to a different place.” Doondiah’s body was found, and brought to our camp, on one of the guns attached to the 19th dragoons. The remnants of his followers were entirely cut to pieces, by Colonel Stevenson, as they were attempting to cross the Kistna. Among the baggage was found a son of Doondiah’s four years old. He was taken to Wellesley’s tent, where he was treated very kindly. On Wellesley's departure from India, he left him in charge of Colonel Symmonds, the judge and collector of Serin- gapatam, with some hundred pounds. Colonel Symmonds re- tiring, gave him in charge of the Honorable Arthur Cole, Resident of Mysore, who placed him in the Rajah’s service. He died of cholera in 1822. With the death of the “King of the Two Worlds,” peace and order were again restored in Mysore. The distracted state of the Mahrattah powers, and their attitude towards the British Go- vernment, referred to in the Marquis of Wellesley’s life, brought General Wellesley into the field again ; the Madras army was ordered to march on Poona, WEL 463 commanded by Wellesley. Poona was then in possession of Holkar, who had driven the af- frighted Peishwa, Bajee Row, to the sea-board. Receiving infor- mation that Holkar had decided upon burning Poona in the event of an attack, Wellesley pushed on with his cavalry, performing a march of sixty miles in 30 hours, reached the town on the 20th April 1803, and saved it from destruction. Holkar fled, with- out making any defence, and Bajee Row was re-instated the following month. Sindia and the Rajah of Berar were together in the field. Wellesley was ap- pointed to the chief command of all the British and allied troops in the territories of the Peishwa and the Nizam, with full poli- tical powers. Negotiation with Sindia proving fruitless, Welles- ley attacked the town of Ah- mednugger, then garrisoned by Sindia’s troops, and on the 29th August he entered Auran- gabad. The enemy wished to avoid a general engagement, and to carry on a predatory warfare, wearying out the British troops by incessant marches and occa- sional skirmishes. About the middle of September, Wellesley heard that Sindia had been strongly reinforced, had enlisted French officers, and that his whole force was assembled on the banks of the Kistna. After a conference, on the 21st September with Col- onel Stevenson, who had come up with the Nizam’s auxiliary force, Wellesley decided upon a com- bined attack, the armies mov- ing by two parallel routes round the hills between Budnapore and Jaulna, and so to fall on the Mah- rattahs together. A rapid march of 4 miles brought the Mahrattah encampment before Wellesley’s gaze. It consisted of 50,000 men on the north bank of the Kistna. Macfarlane writes : “ Wellesley resolved to attack the infantry on its left and rear, and for that purpose he moved his little army to a ford some distance beyond the enemy’s extreme left. Leav- ing the Mysore and other irregu- lar cavalry to watch the Mah- rattah cavalxy, and crossing the river with only his regular horse and infantry, he passed the ford, ascended the difficult steep bank, and formed his men in three lines, two of infantry, and the third of horse. This was effected under a brisk cannonade from the enemy’s artillery. Sindia, or the French officer, who directed his movements, promptly made a corresponding change in his line, giving a new front to his infantry, which was now made to rest its right on the river, and its left upon the village of Assaye and the Juah stream, which flowed in a direction parallel with the Kistna. The Mahrattahs’ numer- ous and well-served cannon did terrible execution among our advancing lines, knocking over- men and bullocks, and completely drowning the weak sound of our scanty artillery. At one moment, such a gap was made by a can- non-ball in our right, that some of the Mahrattah cavalry attempted to charge through it ; but the British cavalry in the third line came up, and drove back the Mahrattahs with great slaughter. Finding his own artillery of little or no use (the guns could not be brought up for lack of bullocks), General Wellesley gave orders that it should be left in the rear, and that the infantry should charge with the bayonet. His 464 WEL steady, resolute advance, in the teeth of their guns, had already awed the Mahrattahs, who would not now stand to meet the colli- sion of the bright English steel : their infantry gave way, and abandoned their terrible guns. One body of them formed again, and presented a bold front ; but Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell charged them with the British cavalry, broke and dispersed them, and was killed in the moment of victory. Wellesley’s sepoys having proceeded too far in pursuit, many of Sindia’s artil- lerymen, who had thrown them- selves down among the carriages of their guns, as though they were dead, got to their feet again, and turned their pieces against the rear of the advancing sepoys ; and at the same time the Mahrattah cavalry, which had been hovering round throughout the battle, were still near : but Maxwell’s exploit speedily led to the silencing of this straggling artillery fire, and to the headlong flight of Sindia’s disciplined infantry, who went off, and left ninety pieces of cannon, nearly all brass and of the proper calibre, in the hands of the conqueror. General Wel- lesley led the 78th British infan- try in person against the village of Assaye, which was not cleared without a desperate combat. It was near dark night when the firing ceased. The splendid victory cost General Wellesley twenty- two officers and 386 men killed, and fifty-seven officers and 1,516 men wounded, excluding the irregular cavalry, which remained on the other side of the river, and had not been engaged : the total number of killed and wounded amounted to nearly one-third of his force. The General himself had two horses killed under him, — one shot, and the other piked : every one of his staff officers had one or two horses killed, and his orderly’s head was knocked off by a cannon-ball as he rode close by his side. The enemy, who fled towards the Adjuntee Ghaut, through which they had passed into the Deccan, left 1,200 dead, and a great number badly wound- ed, on the field of battle. Colonel Stevenson, who had encountered some unexpected obstacles, did not arrive at As- saye until the day after the combat, when he was imme- diately despatched after the flying enemy.* While General Wellesley was defeating the Mahrattahs in the South, General Lake gained a complete victory at Allyghur, in the plains of Hindostan, over another part of their force, under M. Perron, which had occupied Delhi. The Mahrattah power was now broken, and after several marches and counter- marches, and desultory nego- tiations, Sindia asked and obtained a truce at the begin- ning of November ; but the Rajah of Berar still kept the field, and General Wellesley, coming up 'with him in the plains of Argaum, found Sin- dia’s cavalry, together with the Rajah’s forces, drawn up in battle-array. The battle of Argaum was fought on the 29th of November 1803. The British line advanced in the best order ; the 74th and 78th regiments were attacked by a large body of Persian mercenaries in the service of the Rajah of Berar, * ‘Wellington Dispatches,’ vol. ii, pp. 323-6. WEL 465 which was entirely destroyed. Sindia’s cavalry charged one of the Company’s regiments, and was repulsed, when the whole Mah- rattahline retired in disorder, leav- ing thirty-eight pieces of cannon and all their ammunition in the hands of the British. The British cavalry pursued the enemy for several miles, taking many ele- phants, camels, and much baggage. Colonel Stevenson, after, took by storm the strong fort of Gawil- ghur, and this exploit concluded the campaign. The Rajah of Berar now sued for peace, and General Wellesley drew up the conditions of the treaty, by which the Rajah ceded to the Company the province of Cuttack with the district of Balasore, and dismissed his European officers. Sindia was glad to follow the example, and on the 30th of December he signed a treaty of peace by which he ceded to the Company all the country between the Jumna and the Ganges, besides numerous forts.” In March 1804, Wellesley visited Bombay, where the Bri- tish residents presented him with an address, in which they stated that he was a commander “ great in the cabinet, as in the field.” They gave him a sword of the value of .£1,000, and the officers of the Deccan army presented him with a service of plate of the value of 2,000 guineas, with the inscription — “ Battle of Assaye, September 23rd, 1803.” On the 24th June 1804, Wellesley broke up the army of the Deccan, and in J lily, retired to Seringapatam. There he received from its inha- bitants a grateful and flattering address. The same month saw him in Calcutta, assisting in imporant military deliberations. During the course of the same year he was again in the Mysore and Deccan, and in March 1805, having obtained leave, he return- ed to England. Before embarking from Madras, his appointment to Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath was known in India and published in the general orders. In April 1S06, he married the Hon’ble Miss Pakenham. It is beyond the scope of this work to follow our hero on to the battle fields of the Peninsula, and to the crowning victory of Water- loo. Suffice it to say, his brilliant victories, and the glory he brought the British arms, made him the idol of the nation, and when that stroke fell upon him on the 14th September 1852, which had missed him on a hundred battle fields, the event was looked upon as a national calamity. On the 18tb, the body of the Duke, after lying in State in Chelsea for five days, was conveyed to St. Paul’s Cathe- dral, where it rests alongside of that of our great naval hero, Kelson. His wonderful successes in the Peninsula campaigns showered endless honours upon him. After the famous battle of Talavera, 28th July 1809, he was raised to the Peerage, and voted a pension of £2,000 a year for two gener- ations. On entering Madrid, 12th August 1812, he received the thanks of Parliament, and was raised to the dignity of a Marquis, and a sum of £100,000 was voted to purchase him an estate, and subsequently the Commons voted him £500,000 for the support of his dignity as a peer. In 1814, he was advanced to the dignity of a Duke, after the victory of Water- loo, and an additional grant of £200,000 was made to purchase 59 4C6 AY HE him a mansion. A subscription of .£100,000 was made up for the widows and orphans of the slain, the Duke giving towards it, half the parliamentary compensation due to him for the Peninsular prize-money. He took an active part in home politics, where some of his measures made him for a time very unpopular ; he was hooted in the streets, and at length was personally attacked, and was obliged to put iron blinds to his windows, to keep the stones out. After the Reform Bill which he opposed had passed, and the general excitement abated, the Duke was again recognized as the hero of the Peninsula and Waterloo, and hootings and grudges were turned into acclam- ations. He twice tilled the post of Commander-in-Chief, and died holding it. AA'HEELER, Major-General Sir Hugh M., K.C.B., was the son of Captain Hugh AATheeler of the Indian army, and grandson of Mr. Frank Wheeler, of Bally wire, county of Limerick, by Margaret, eldest daughter of the Right Hon’ble Hugh, first Lord Massy in the Irish peerage. He was born at Bally wire in 1789, and received his early education at Richmond, Surrey, and at the Grammar School, Bath. He received his first commission in the Bengal Infantry in 1803, and in the following year marched with his regiment under Lord Lake, against Delhi. He continued to rise steadily and became Colonel of the 48th Bengal Native In- fantry in 1846, and in the same year was appointed first class Brigadier, in command of Field Forces. He rendered valuable services to Sir Hemy Hardinge, Lord Gough and Sir Harry Smith in the Sutlej campaigns, and in 1848, received the order of the Douranee Empire. A few years after, he was honoured for his distinguished merits by being appointed one of the aides-de- camp to Her Majesty. In 1850, he was created a Knight Com- mander of the Bath, and held command of the district of Cawn- pore when the Mutiny of 1857 broke out. In the month of May, the tone and feeling among the native troops was unsatisfactory, and as every-day news continued to arrive of fresh outbreaks at other stations, the Europeans, Civil and Military, took posses- sion of a large barrack, and under the leadership of Sir Hugh Wheeler proceeded to form an intrenched camp, placing guns in position, and strengthening the place in every possible way to meet any attack. The sepoy corps were the 1st, 53rd and 56th Bengal Native Infantry, the 2nd Light Cavalry and two companies of Native Artillery. The only British corps there was one com- pany of European Artillery. A few troops arrived soon after, making the number of fighting men within the intrenchment 150, and there were 4 to 500 women and non-combatants against the native garrison. On the 5th June, the first open show of rebellion began. The Treasury was sacked, officers’ quarters and public buildings burnt down, and 400 prisoners released. That fiend incarnate, Nana Sahib, was present and active in fanning the flame of rebellion, and wherever a European, man, woman, or child was found, they were cruelly put to death. On the 6th, the firing was commenced on both sides. At WHI 467 desperate odds this devoted garri- son under their gallant leader kept up their spirits, and from time to time made sallies against the besiegers. Towards the end of the month, from confinement, insufficient food, exposure, fa- tigue, and from the frightful stench of numbers of unburied corpses, disease broke out and reduced the numbers of this heroic band. But for the women and children, most of the men could have cut their way to Alla- habad. On the 26th June, there were but two days’ provisions re- maining, and the ammunition was almost all spent. Gloomy indeed was the prospect. It was determined to make one grand assault on the enemy’s position. The half-starved despairing men bravely charged their treacherous and blood-thirsty foes. Wheeler was severely wounded, and with this event expired the last feeble efforts of the garrison. They had now to look stern and awful realities in the face. Remote from European succour, men’s hearts sank within them when they looked around on the poor women and children. Further re- sistance was useless. They had fought their last fight. A com- pact was come to between the garrison and Nana Sahib. They were solemnly guaranteed a safe voyage down the Ganges to Alla- habad, and they were to be allow- ed to pi’oceed armed. The treaty was duly signed and delivered, and English officers were deputed to go down to the river, and in- spect the boats. On the morning of the 27th June, means of carriage were supplied, and the garrison started for the boats, leaving in the intrenchments the bodies of eleven Europeans, “ on quilts on the floor, some of them still breathing, though dying from severe gun-shot wounds.” They reached the boats unmolested, but no sooner were they in the boats than the mutineers opened fire on them from both banks. The sequel is told in Neill’s life. ( Vide Neill, Saunders.) The brave, aged, infirm Wheeler came from the intrenchment in a palanquin, and while approach- ing the boat, said, “ Garry me a little further towards the boat.” A trooper said, “ No, get out here.” And as he put his head out fore- most, the trooper gave him a cut with his sword on the neck, and he fell into the water a corpse. At the time of embarkation the youngest daughter of Sir Hugh Wheeler, by a native mother, was taken away by a young Ma- homedan trooper, Ali Khan. She was about eighteen years of age. Only recently (1870) it was report- ed that she is still alive in one of the northern frontiers of India, and has no desire to . change her condition in life. WHITLOCK, ,Sir George Corn- ish, of a good Devonshire family, was born on the 3rd December 1798, at Ottery, St. Mary, Devon. Obtaining a cadetship in the H.E. I.C.S., he bailed for India in 1817, and arriving in 1818, was posted to the Rifle corps. On the breaking up of this corps, he was transfer- red to the 2/18th Regiment, (now 36th M. N. I.) rvas promoted to Lieutenant, 20th December 1818. Served in the Mahrattah cam- paign of 1819, and Avas present at the capture of Copal Droog. As Adjutant of his regiment, he pro- ceeded to Burmah and took part in the Burmese Avar of 1826 for Avhieh he received a medal. 4CS whi He was promoted to Captain, 16th July 1831, and appointed later on Assistant Adjutant-General of the Mysore Division under com- mand of Sir Hugh Gough. On his regiment being ordered on Field service, he obtained permission to rejoin it, and commanded the Light company of his corps during the campaign in Coorg in 1834, which formed part of the advance guard of a column under Briga- dier Stewart in crossing the Cau- very ; was present at the capture of the fortified works on that river, and commanded his regiment at the storming of Nunjuapetta. He became Major, 31st July 1840 ; Lieutenant-Colonel, 22nd September 1845 ; Colonel, 20th June 1854; and Major-General, 27th June 1857. He was Brigadier commanding at Bellary in 1855, and subse- quently Brigadier commanding at Bangalore in 1856. From his well- known reputation for handling large bodies of troops, he was, on the breaking out of the Bengal Mutiny in 1857, appointed to the command of the Kurnool moveable column by the Madras Government with the rank of Brigadier-General. This force having been considerably re- inforced, marched into Bengal, and subsequently became the Saugor Field F orce. ( Vide Bose. ) After several encounters with the rebels, and driving in the picqucts at Kobraie and Goerea, he fought the battle of Bandah on the 19th April 1858, defeating the Nawabs’ troops under Ali Bahadoor, con- sisting of 1,200 foot, 1,200 cavalry and 15 guns, with a force of 960 infantry, 450 sabres and 30 guns ; leaving800of the enemy dead, and capturing 8 guns — the next day he occupied the fort and palace. On 7th June, Ivirwec surrender- ed under Narrain RaoandMadha Eao, and the chiefs gave them- selves up as prisoners of war. The town and palace were occupied ; 2,000 stand-of-arms, 42 pieces of cannon and a large Arsenal were taken possession of. Also treasure amounting to upwards of 40 lacs in specie and an invaluable collec- tion of precious stones. After several minor engage- ments and encounters with the rebels, the General received infor- mation on the 21st December 1858, that Kirwee, in which a small detachment of troops numbering about 100 men under Captain Woodland, 1st M. N. I.,t was be- sieged and surrounded by a rebel force of 2,500 men under Radha Govind. hie immediately struck his camp at Mahoba and marched 86 miles in 37 hours to its relief with his guns and cavalry (reliev- ing his infantry at Bandah). On his approach the rebels retired to the heights of Punwarree, distant 3 miles from Kirwee. The Gene- ral having formed three divisions, attacked the heights on the morn- ing of the 29th, and completely defeated the enemy who fled in confusion and dismay, leaving upwards of 400 slain on the field, including Radha Govind and his two brothers — their guns also were captured. Whitlock received the thanks of the Governor-General, Lord Can- ning, and the Commander in-Chief, Sir Colin Campbell, in autograph letters, and his services were also acknowledged in general orders. The thanks of both houses of Par- liament were also awarded him, and in addition he received the order of extra Knight Commander of the Bath in 1859 for his emi- nent services in Central India. WIL 469 In further recognition of his dis- tinguished services, he was ap- pointed Colonel of H. M’s. 108th Foot, (formerly 3rd Madras Eu- ropean Regiment, which corps he raised at Bellary in 1853) when the several European Regiments of the Indian Army were amal- gamated with the Queen’s. On return to his Presidency in i860, he was appointed to the command of the Northern Divi- sion of the Madras Army, which, having held until 1863, he return- ed to England after an uninter- rupted period of 36 years’ service in India and settled down at Exmouth in Devonshire. Sir George Whitlock was pro- moted to Lieutenant-General in the Army on the 9th April 1864. He died at Exmouth on the 31st January 1867, after completing a service of nearly half a century. He married on the 19th Feb- ruary 1825, Harriet, third daughter of the late Sir Samuel Toller, Knight, Advocate-General of Madras, by whom he had several children. WILKINS, Sir Charles, was born in 1750, in the county of Somerset, and proceeded to Ben- gal as a writer in the E. I. Com- pany’s Service in 1770. His first em ployment was in the Secretary’s Office, and then at Malda, where the Company had factories, lie soon saw how essential it was for Government servants to ac- quire a knowledge of the native languages, and having studied and mastered Bengallee and Per- sian, he aimed at a higher ob- ject— to learn the sacred Sans- crit, and to revel in its myste- rious literature and science. In a few years his exertions were c owned with complete success, though at that time there was neither dictionary nor grammar to assist the student. The Governor- General, Warren Hastings, took a particular interest in Wilkins’ labours, and was anxious to see the result. Mr. Wilkins first sent him his translation of the Bhu- ejavad gitd , or dialogue between the incarnate god Krishna and his pupil Arjun — one of the many episodes of the great na- tional Hindoo epic poem the Mahdbdrata. Dir. Hastings was so pleased with this exquisite specimen of ancient Brahmin theology and metaphysics, that he sent it home to the Court of Directors, requesting that they should publish and make it known. They printed it in 1785 at their own expense, and dis- tributed numerous copies with their usual liberality. On Sir William Jones’ arrival in India, his ardour for Oriental studies re-kindled, and he ob- tained the assistance and advice of Mr. Wilkins. -Wilkins showed him his translation of the first four of the twelve books of the Institutes of Menu, and Jones was so pleased with it, that he asked him to discontinue the work, and allow him to finish it, as its objects were so much connected with his own legal pursuits. His request was gener- ously complied with. A great difficulty existed in bringing out vernacular works at that time for want of good founts of type. Encouraged by Hast- ings, Wilkins began to experi- ment in casting some. He suc- ceeded admirably, and Halhed’s Grammar of the Bengallee lan- guage was printed in 1778, with type cast by Wilkins himself. In fact, in the execution of the work, lie was “ obliged to charge himself with all the various oc- cupations of the metallurgist, the engraver, the founder, and the printer.” He soon after- wards prepared a Persian fount of types, which was used for printing the Company’s Regula- tions for many years. Ill-health compelled him in 1786 to return to England, where, soon after his arrival, he pub- lished his translation of the Hito- padesa, or Fables of Pilpay, from the Sanscrit. In 1800, theE. I. Com- pany decided upon having a Li- brarian for the large collection of MSS. which had fallen into their hands on the capture of Seringa- patam and from other sources, and Wilkins was appointed to the office, which he retained till the day of his death. In 1806, he was made a visitor to Haileybury College in the Oriental Depart- ment. and he examined twice a year the whole of the students in the various Oriental languages taught at that establishment, as well as at Addiscombe. For the benefit of the College he publish- ed his excellent Sanscrit Gram- mar, and from the same motive in 1806, edited the first volume of a new edition of Richardson’s Persian and Arabic Dictionary. The 2nd volume appeared in 1810. Wilkins’ Grammar was really the first, but Colebrooke’s and others appeared before it, as when he was printing it, his house was burnt down and he lost not only the impression, but also his type. This misfortune prevented him from printing his Grammar for several years. A few sheets of this first impression i arc in the Marsden Library, King’s College, London. His last work was published in 1815. the Roots of the Sanscrit lan- guage. He contributed several valuable papers to the Asiatic Researches, Dalrymple’s Oriental Repertory, and the Annals of Oriental Literature. He was a Fellow of the Bengal Society, a member of the Institute of France, and was admitted to the honorary degree of D. C. L. in the university of Oxford. In 1825, the Royal Society of Lit- erature presented him with the royal medal, bearing the follow- ing inscription : “ Carolo Wil- kins Literature Sanscrite Prin- cipi,” and soon after he was made a Knight of the Guelphic order. A cold, accompanied by influ- enza, terminated his valuable and active life on the 13th June 1836, at Baker Street, Portland Square, London. He was twice married, and left three daugh- ters. WILKS, Lieutenant-Colonel, Mark, the well known historian of Southern India, was a native of the Isle of Man. He received a highly classical education, with a view of entering the church, but in 1782, he was appointed a cadet in the E. I. Company’s Service ; in 1786, Deputy Secretary to the Military Board; in 1787, Secretary to a diplomatic mission under Sir Barry Close ; in 1 788, Fort Adju- tant at Fort Saint George, Madras ; in 1789, Aide-de-Camp to the Go- vernor; from 1790 to 1792, Brigade Major and Aide-de-Camp to General Janies Stuart, and served in the Carnatic Wars. In 1793, he was appointed Assistant Ad- jutant-General, and in 1794, Mili- tary Secretary to General James Stuart. From 1793 to 1799, he was on furlough from ill-health : WIL 471 and from the latter year to 1803 lie served successively as Military Secretary and Private Secretary to the Governor and Town Major of Fort Saint George ; in 1803, as Military Secretary to the Com- mander-in-Chief. He vTas ap- pointed Major, 21st September 1804. From 1803 to 1808, he serv- ed as Political Resident at the Court of Mysore. On the 4th April 1808, he obtained the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and was obliged in this year, from ill- health, again to go on furlough. On the 20th November 1812, he was appointed Governor of St. Helena ; the 4th June 1814, Colo- nel by Brevet. In 1816, lie retir- ed to England, and in 1818, was placed on the retired list. His death occurred whilst on a visit to his son-in-law, Major-General Sir John Buchan, K.C.B., on the 19th September 1831. “ Colonel Mark Wilks was for some years a Vice-president of the Asiatic Society, until increasing indis- position obliged him to resign that office. His works, which are in the hands of every one who takes an interest in whatever is connect- ed with the British Empire, must prove an enduring monument of his fame. One of his last efforts in the cause of oriental literature, was a masterly analysis and statement of the contents of the philosophical work of Nasir-ud- din, entitled Alchlak-i-Naseri, a metaphysical treatise of great difficulty, and borrowed from the system of Aristotle. This essay was printed in the transactions of the society. His £ History of My- sore’ displays a degree of research, acumen, vigour and elegance, that must render it a work of standard importance in English literature.” A second edition appeared in Madras, 1869, 2 vols., royal octavo. WILSON, Daniel, Bishop of Calcutta, was born in Spitalfields, where his father was a silk manu- facturer, on the 2nd July 1778. When ten years of age he was placed in a private school under the Rev. J. Eyre, who is reported to have said of him, “ There is no milk-and-water in that boy; he will be something either very bad or very good” In his fourteenth year he was bound apprentice to his uncle, a wealthy silk merchant in Cheapside, who was “ a strict churchman.” Young Wilson had always been brought up religious- ly, and could converse freely on theological subjects, but as he advanced to manhood, he found he had no practical hold on reli- gion. He became sensual and ap- peased his conscience with the excuse that “ it was out of his power to do anything.” He was extremely fond of controversy, and while thus engaged with a religious young man in the ware- house on the 9th March 1796, the latter made a remark which turned the whole current of his life. He became very uneasy about his state and took to earnest prayer. At first he had a strong leaning towards Calvanistic doc- trines, but afterwards entertained a salutary dread of them. He was from the beginning deeply im- pressed with the import of that awful word Eternity. It was ever present in his thoughts — engraved on his inmost soul — and lasted through life. Few men have had so vivid a sense of what the w'ord implies. He soon sought admission to holy orders, and though his parents and friends dissuaded him from tak- 472 WIL ing such a step, he was deter- mined on it, so, on the 1st May 1798, lie entered St. Edmond’s Hall, Oxford. In June 1801, he passed his B. A. examination, and was shortly after ordained to the curacy of Cobham, Surrey. He was re-transferred to Oxford again in 1803, where he Avon the Uni- versity prize for the English Essay ; — the subject of Avhich was “ Common Sense” — the Prize Poem that year was 1 ‘ Palestine.” ( Vide Heber.) In November 1803, Wilson married, and from 1804 to 1812, remained as tutor at St. Edmond’s Hall, Avhen he re- signed his tutorship and accepted charge of Bedford Roav chapel on .£300 a year, (,£200 less than his former post yielded.) In 1827, Mrs. Wilson died. In 1822, he Avcnt through a severe illness. On his recovery he was appointed to Islington. On the death of Bishop Turner in Calcutta, the bishopric Avas offered to several men of eminence, and was refused by all. It Avas a post Avhich had been left vacant by death four times during nine years ! Wilson in December 1831, intimated that “ if no one else could be found, lie was ready to go.” The bishop- ric was offered to him, March 27th, 1832. He left England in J une and arrived at Calcutta on the 5th November. All Avent on smoothly for the first year, but in 1834, Wilson got into a misunder- standing with the government on a question of “ prerogative.” In August of the same year, lie commenced his primary visitation, visiting Moulmein, Singapore, Ceylon, Madras, the Malabar Sy- rian Churches, Bombay, Delhi, Simla, and the intermediate sta- tions. The Avh ole journey by sea and land amounted to more than 13,000 miles, and Avas not fully completed till March 1837. His second visitation began in July 1838, Avlien he Avent to Singapore and then spent the summer of 1839 at Simla. He opened his third Ordinary, and first Metro- politan Visitation, in August 1842, Avhich took him again to Singapore, Madras, Colombo, Bombay and Simla. He spent the summer of 1844 at Simla, where he Avrote his Lectures on the Colossians. On his Avay back he Avas attacked with fever, accompanied with delirium, Avhich rendered a trip to England neces- sary. He embarked in May 1845, having first Avrittcn a letter to his children “ announcing his departure, and laying on them a solemn charge not to attempt either by word or deed to influ- ence his mind or persuade him to relinquish his conscientious pur- pose of returning to India.” He returned to Calcutta in Decem- ber 1846. He was chiefly instru- mental in erecting the neAv cathe- dral at Calcutta, which cost up- wards of seven lacs and a half. (£75,000.) Of this sum the Bishop contributed two and a quarter lacs (£22,500). His liberality was princely throughout his epis- copate. From November 1848 to March 1852, he travelled to Bombay, Allahabad, Debroglmr, Assam, Singapore and Borneo. In 1 855, he consecrated a Bishop for Labuan, after Avhich he began his sixth visitation, visiting Burmah and Singapore. His punctuality and business-habits remained to the last. In speaking to Lord Canning of him, Lord Dalhousie said, he Avas “the best man of business he had to deal with in India.” At the end of 1856, Wilson fractured his thigh by a WIL 473 fall, from the shock of which though he rallied, he never re- covered. On the 2nd January 1858, he breathed his last. A few hours before his death he scrawled the following lines to the Arch- deacon : — “ 1\ p. m., All going well, but I am dead almost, D. C. Firm in hope." He directed in his last Will that plain tablets should be put up in the Cathedra], in Bishop’s College Chapel, and in St. Mary’s, Isling- ton, recording his name, time of birth, when he was Vicar of Isling- ton, and Bishop of Calcutta, date of death, and that nothing more should be added but this text, “ God, be merciful to me a sinner.’’ WILSON, James, an able finan- cier, was born in 1805, com- menced life as a hatter, and at first failed. He next turned his attention to political economy, which afforded him ample scope for his great powers, and gain- ed him a high reputation. In 1839, he published a volume on “The influences of the Corn Laws,” which was followed by others, “ Fluctuations of Currency, Com- merce and Manufactures “ On Capital, Currency, Banking,” &c. In 1843, he started a nervspaper, named the “ Economist,” and in 1848, he was appointed Secretary to the Board of Control, and sub- sequently financial Secretary to the Treasury. In 1859, he went out to India as Finance Minister, where he immediately introduced many financial changes, the chief of which was the establishment of anincome-tax. ( Vide Trevelyan. ) His career, however, was soon cut short by an attack of cholera, to which he succumbed at Calcutta on the 11th August 1860, aged fifty-five. WILSON, Horace Hayman, F.R.S., was born in London in the year 1786, and after receiving a professional education, was appointed Assistant-Surgeon on the Bengal Establishment of the E. I. Company. He arrived at Calcutta in 1808, where his powers as an amateur actor, mu- sician, and his general knowledge and versatility of talent, soon made him very popular. He applied himself arduously to the study of Sanscrit, and in 1813, gave to the world the first fruit of his studies in an English tran- slation of the “ Megha-duta,” ‘Cloud Messenger,’ a poem highly appreciated by Hindoo scholars. In 1819, he published his greatest work — a Sanscrit and English Dictionary. In 1832, he brought out a second edition. These two works established his reputation as a Sanscrit scholar. He was selected Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1816, and in 1819, he was ap- pointed member of a commission instituted to reform and remodel the Sanscrit College at Benares. His contributions to Oriental literature continued to increase year by year. In the ‘ Asiatic Researches,’ appeared his History of Cashmere, compiled from Sanscrit authorities, and also an account of the Religious Sects of the Hindus. He next directed his attention to the Sanscrit drama, which had excited some curiosity in Europe after Sir William Jones’ translation of ‘ Sakoontala’ rvas made known there. Wilson published a trans- lation in prose and verse of six entire dramas under the title of the Hindu Theatre, with analy- i tical descriptions and speci- ! mens of twenty-three other dra- 60 474 WOL inatic compositions in 1826-27, which was received everywhere with the highest favour, and translated into French and Ger- man. In the same year, he also published a ‘ Descriptive Cata- logue of the Oriental MSS. collected by Colonel Mackenzie’ and an ‘Historical Account of the Burmese War.’ Amidst all these literary pursuits, his official position as Assay Master and Secretary of the Calcutta Mint entailed on him very responsible duties, and in 1830, he published a statistical work upon the ex- ternal commerce of Bengal, from the records of his office. In the early volumes of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, there are some valuable contri- butions from his pen. He sup- plied an ‘Analysis of the Pancha Tantra’ to the ‘Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,’ and superintended and revised the publication of many standard Sanscrit texts in Calcutta, as Se- cretary of the Committee of Pub- lic Instruction. To the ‘Calcutta Quarterly Oriental Magazine’ also, he sent a constant supply of articles. While yet in India in 1831, he became a candidate for the Boden Professorship of Sanscrit at Oxford. Three other candidates also appeared, but two withdrew'. Dr. Mill, then principal of Bishop’s College, was the third. Wilson was elected after a sharp contest, by a ma- jority of 207 against 200. He went to England in 1832, and succeeded Sir C. Wilkins as Librarian at the India House, and Sir E. T. Colebrooke as Di- rector of the Royal Asiatic So- ciety. He published a translation of the ‘Vishnu Purana’ in 1840, with copious notes and illus- j trations, “ which make it quite a mine of Hindu learning.” He next published his ‘Ariana Antiqua,’ shewing the results of the great discoveries of ancient coins and monuments in Afghanistan and the Punjaub. A valuable San- scrit Grammar was followed by a new edition of ‘ Mill’s History of British India,’ “ in which he has endeavoured, by means of notes, to correct many of the er- rors into which Mill had fallen from his prejudices against the Hindus, and his ignorance of their language and literature.” To this work, Wilson added three volumes, continuing the history from 1805 to 1835. His other works were an extensive ‘ Polyglott Glossary of the Tech- nical, Judicial, and Revenue terms used in different parts of India,’ and a translation of the Rig-veda, besides a variety of contributions on the religion, lit- erature, coins, inscriptions, and antiquities of India, to the Jour- nals of various learned Societies, more especially to that of the Royal Asiatic Society, of which he was elected President in 1834. Wilson married a daughter of G. I. Siddons, Esq., of the Ben- gal Civil Service, and grand- daughter of the celebrated tragic actress, Mrs. Siddons, by whom he had several children. He died in May 1860, at the age of seventy-four. WOLFF, Joseph, D.D., the cele- brated traveller, and missionary to the Jews, was the son of a Jewish Rabbi, and was born at Weilersbach, near Bamberg, in 1795. At a very early age he had a wish to become a Christian ; and after studying at Stuttgart and Bamberg, getting turned out WOL 475 ■of doors by his friends, and wandering about in South Ger- many teaching Hebrew for a living, he was received into the church of Rome at Prague in 1812. He had already become acquainted with Goethe and Voss ; and at Vienna, where he entered the Uni- versity, he made the acquaintance of Professor John, Von Hammer, Friedrich von Schlegel, Theodore Korner, and the General of the Re- demptorists, Hoffbauer. He was much influenced by his friend, Count von Stolberg, and Bishop Seiler. After continuing his studies at Tiibingen he went, in 1816, to Rome, meeting on his way the mystic Madame Kru- dener and Madame de Stael. Through the patronage of Nie- buhr, then Prussian minister at Rome, he was presented to the pope, Pius VII, and was received as a student in the Roman college, and then in the college of the Propaganda. During his stay at Rome he became a friend of the painter, Over- eck. In 1818, in consequence f his wide dissent from the opinions and practices of those about him, he was expelled from the Propaganda, and from Rome ; he then entered the Redemp- torist monastery of Val-Sainte, in Switzerland ; and in 1819, came to London, joined the church of England, and was sent to Cam- bridge to study the Oriental lan- guages under Dr. Lee, and thus prepare himself for the work of missionary to the Jews under the auspices of the London Society. At Cambridge his chief friend was the celebrated preacher, and pro- fessor of theology, Charles Si- meon. He set out on his first missionary journey in 1821, visit- ing Malta, Alexandria, Mount Sinai, Jerusalem, Cyprus, Bagh- dad, Ispahan, Tiflis, &c., and re- turning to England in 1826. The next year he married Lady Geor- giana Walpole, daughter of the second earl of Orford, who accom- panied him soon after on a second missionary journey as far as Malta : whence he went alone through Persia, Bokhara, India and Egypt. He returned to Eng- land in 1834 ; set out two years later for Abyssinia, Arabia, India, and the United States, where he was ordained deacon, and made D.D., and in 1838, was ordained priest. He made a second journey to Bokhara in 1843, to discover the fate and effect the liberation, if possible, of the English envoys, Stoddart and Conolly. On his return, in 1845, he rvas presented to the vicarage of Isle Brewers. His wife dying in 1859, he mar- ried again in 1861, and died at Isle Brewers, May 2, 1862. The most interesting of the writings of this extraordinary man is his Auto- biography, entitled “ Travels and Adventures of the Rev. Joseph Wolff, D.D.,” 2 vols., 1860 and 1861. His other works are — “ J ournal of Missionary Labours, 1827 — 1838;” “Mission to Bok- hara and a second series of “ Missionary Labours.” 476 X XAVIER, St. Francis, a cele- brated Spanish Missionary, was born at the Castle of Xavier, in Navarre, on tire 7th of April 1506. He was the youngest son of parents in a high position and received a good education. Hav- ing formed an acquaintance with Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, he became one of the earliest and most zealous of his disciples, and followed him into Italy. At the suggestion of Igna- tius, King John III, of Portugal, proposed to send him to plant the standard of the Romish faith in the Portuguese possessions of Asia. Receiving the benediction of the Pope, Paul III, he left Rome on the 15th March 1540, for Lisbon. While on the long and tedious journey by land, he passed close to the Castle of Xavier, and was pressed by the Portuguese ambassador who ac- companied him to go in and bid farewell to his mother and other relations. But he refused to do so fearing that it might tend to lessen his zeal in his sacred enterprise. He left Lisbon on the 7th of April 1541, and reached Goa outlie 6th of May 1542, having wintered on the coast of Mozambique. Here he resided six months giving spiritual instruction to Christians, the greater portion of whom con- tradicted Christian doctrines by their lives. He used to go from street to street with a bell in his hand, soliciting the inhabitants to send their children and slaves to him for spiritual instruction. He next went to the pearl fisheries extending from Cape Comorin to the Isle of Manar, preaching to the fishers and studying the Ma- labar language. After remaining fifteen months, he returned to Goa, taking back with him in 1544 to the pearl fisheries, assist- ants to prosecute the labour he had begun. The next scenes of his self- denying labour were at Travan- core, Ceylon, Malacca, the Molucca Islands and Japan. While me- ditating plans of entering China, as a Christian Missionary, a most hazardous attempt then, he took ill and died at the Island of Sancian, near Macao, in China, in acute suffering, which he bore cheerfully and with pious resig- nation, 2nd December 1552. His remains were brought over to Malacca in March 1553, and were then transferred to Goa on the 15th March 1554. He received the honour of Canonization in 1622. His festival is observed by the Church of Rome on the 3rd of December. Francis Xavier left the following works : “ A collec- tion of Epistles” in five books, Paris, 1631, 8vo. ; “ A Catechism” and “ Opuscula.” Xavier was an eminently pious, self-denying M is- sionary— -and a successful one if a long list in a baptismal register is a proof of true conversions, for he baptized thousands of numer- ous castes, Hindoos, Pariahs, I Cingalese, J apanese, &c. 477 Y YATES, Rev. William, D.D., was born at Loughborough, Eng- land, on the 15th of December 1792, and being ordained to the Ministry on the 31st of August 1814, he chose India as a Mission field, arriving there in the Ship “ Moira,” commanded by Captain Kemp, who generously gave him a free passage, on the 16th of April 1815. His first station was Serampore, but early in 1817, he moved to Calcutta, where he con- tinued to preach the Gospel and teach in schools, till failing health compelled him in 1827 to suspend his labours and recruit his ex- hausted strength, by a trip to his native land by way of America. In 1830, Yates again returned to India, and from this date made the translation of the Scriptures the one great business of his life, in addition to his ministerial work. The prodigious amount of work he got through was astonish- ing, especially as he was constitu- tionally weak, and was often laid up for weeks together by severe indisposition. Amidst this, he also had to bear domestic afflic- tion by the loss of his wife and child. Yates was deemed among the literati , one of the first lin- guists in India, especially in that most difficult language, the San- scrit. The Government of India, aware of his abilities, offered him 1,000 Rs. a month, (^1,200 a year) if he would devote himself wholly to their service in the preparation of books, which being refused, they offered him half that salary for only half his time. This was also refused as he preferred to labour in the cause of the Mission —a noble self-denial, considering his income at the time was 250 Rs. a month and house-rent free, out of which he had to support himself and family as well as pay for the education of a son in Eng- land. Failing health again threat- ened to hasten him back to Eng- land, a move he was very much averse to. His wish was to live in the country and die in the Mission service. As a Mission- ary, liis whole heart was engaged. While very ill and under medical treatment, he said, “ I should esteem it one of the greatest cala- mities that would befall me to have to go home,” and when the medical men ordered his return, he burst out into a fit of heart- rending weeping, and as soon as able to speak, said, “ They have condemned me to go home.” He, however, became reconciled to the measure, buoyed up with the hope that his absence from India would only be for a short time, and that he would return with renewed vigour to resume his duties, but it was willed otherwise by Provi- dence ; he died on board the steamship “ Bentinck. ” on his way to his native land, on the 3rd of July 1845, and his body was com- mitted to the deep in Lat. 19 N., Long. 39 E. His whole life was distinguished by elevated piety, eminent wisdom, great firmness, child-like humility, extensive eru- dition and unwearied diligence. The following is the result of his literary labours : — In English — Essays in reply to Rammoliun Roy ; Memoirs of Chamberlain ; Memoirs of Pearce ; Theory of the Hindoostani par- ticle ne ; Theory of the Hebrew verb, in the Christian Observer. 478 ZEI-ZIE In Sanscrit — A Grammar, which has passed through two Editions ; a classified Vocabulary : a Reader ; Elements of Natural Philoso- phy ; an expurgated Edition of the Hitopadesh the Nalodaya ; a Dictionary, containing about 900 pages ; the New Testament com- plete ; the Psalms ; Proverbs, Genesis, with 20 chapters of Exodus ; Isaiah ; and in MS. the whole Pentateuch ; J ob, the writ- ings of Solomon and Daniel. In Hindustani — An introduc- tion to the language ; Selections ; Spelling Book, Books I and II ; Reader, I and II ; Pleasing stories ; Student’s Assistant ; the whole Bible. In Hindi— Reader I, II and III ; Elements of History ; the New Testament. In Arabic — A Reader, being a Selection from some of the best Arabian authors ; An Edition of Martyn’s Persian Testament. In Bengallee — Pleasing Tales ; Elements of Natural Philosophy • Epitome of History ; celebrated characters of Ancient History ; Abridgment of Fergusson’s Astro- nomy ; an expurgated Edition of Hitopadesh; Sarsangraha, or Vernacular Class Book ; An in- troduction to the Language, with Selections ; the whole Bible ; Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress, Part I ; Baxter’s call to the uncon- verted. ZEIMAUN SHAH, vide Dura- ni Dynasty. ZIEGENBALG, Bartholo- maeus, a celebrated Protestant Missionary, was born at Pulsnitz, in Lusatia, Saxony, 24th June 1683. After going through the usual course of school education at Garlitz and Berlin, he removed to the University of Halle in 1703, where he applied himself closely to biblical literature. The King of Denmark about this time wished to send some qualified Missionaries to India, and Zie- genbalg was particularly recom- mended to him. He was accord- ingly ordained at Copenhagen and sailed for India the same year 1705, arriving on the 9th of July 1706, at Tranquebar, where he met with great opposition from the Danish authorities, who for a short time even confined him. He was also prevented from translating the New Testa- ment into the Malabar language, a work he had commenced. This he afterwards finished. Orders, however, arrived from Copenha- gen for the Danish authorities to protect the Missionaries, and with some pecuniary assistance receiv- ed from England and Germany, Ziegenbalg was enabled to visit Madras, and the territories of the Mogul in 1711. He sailed for Europe in October 1714 and reached Copenhagen the follow- ing year where he was received with great respect, and after completing a Dictionary of the Tamil language, which was printed at Halle, 1716, he proceeded to England, where he obtained ac- cess to George I and the royal family, and procured a passage to ZOR 479 India from the E. I. Company. Having married at home, he em- barked at Deal in March 1716, and arrived at Madras on the 10th of August, the same year. He at once went to Tranquebar and resumed his functions. His health began to decline in the year 1718, and he was seized with pains in the stomach and a severe cough, under which he sank on the 23rd of February 1719. He was buried on the fol- lowing day in the New Jerusalem Church, Tranquebar. His widow married again, and returned to Denmark the following year. Ziegenbalg' wrote a work in German called Genealogie der Malabarishen Gotter. Dr. W. Germann of the Leipsic Mission, edited and published it in the original German Text, Madras, in 1867. In 1869, Zie- genbalg’s “Genealogy of the South Indian gods, a manual of the mythology and religion of the people of Southern India, including a description of popu- lar Hinduism,” was fi'eely trans- lated into English and enriched with various new additions and an index, by the Rev. G. J. Metzger, and published at Madras. ZOROASTER or ZERDUSHT, the founder of the religion of the Parsees, is supposed to have been born at the city of Rai in Persia, and flourished in the reign of king Gushtasp, the Darius Hys- taspes of the Greeks, who em- braced and propagated the faith propounded by him. His parents were poor, but of a noble family, and some of the Eastern authori- ties trace the lineage of his father, Poroshusp, to Feridoon. “ In Pelhvi works, originally compiled by the disciples of Zurtosht, it is said that an angel presented Poroshusp with a glass of wine ; having drunk rvhich, his wife Doghdo soon after conceived and bore a son, destined to create a new era in Eastern history.” As usual with Eastern historians, they gave most extravagant ac- counts of his doings when a child, and of his divine mission, and many of these found their way into classical writings ; for in- stance, Pliny states that Zoro- aster laughed on the day he was born, and that his brain palpitat- ed so violently as to repel the hand when placed on it. (‘ His. Nat/ vii, c. 16 ; Lord’s ‘ Ac- count of the modern Parsees in India,’ c. 3.) It is further stated that he secluded himself from the society of mankind and passed twenty years in the deep caves of the mountain Elbrooz (Pliny states this with a slight alteration, ‘ His Nat.’ xi, c. 42) before he went to the court of Gushtasp, when he is supposed to have been only thirty years of age (Hyde, p. 330, on the autho- rity of Shahristani.) This is a fact corroborated by many inde- pendent authorities, and it was during this retirement that the will of the Supreme Being was made known to him. On this portion of Zoroaster’s life, the Parsees rest most of the evidence of his divine mission. It is thus related according to the Zer- dusht-nameh. “ It must be observed that Zo- roaster’s journey to the mountain Elbrooz is by the Parsee authors invariably called the prophet’s journey to heaven, where he received his instructions from Ormuzd, (i. e., the Zend-Avesta and the sacred fire.) Then (says the Zerdusht-nameh, c. 22) Bah- 480 ZOR man, radiant like the sun, and with his head covered by a veil, appeared before Zoroaster, by the command of Ormuzd, and said, “Who art thou 1 What dost thou want V’ Zoroaster answered, “ I seek only what is agreeable to Ormuzd, who has created the two worlds, but I know not what he wants with me. O Thou, who art pure, show me the way of the law/’ These words pleased Ball- man. “ Rise,” said he, “ to go before God ; There thou shall re- ceive the answer to thy request.” Zoroaster rose and followed Ball- man, who said, “ Shut thine eyes, and walk swiftly.” When Zoroas- ter opened his eyes, he saw the glory of heaven ; the angels came to meet him, and with them he approached Ormuzd, to whom he addressed his prayer. From him and the other six Amslias- pands (or heavenly ministers) he received the following instruc- tions ; Ormuzd himself said to Zo- roaster, “ Teach the nations that my light is hidden under all that shines. Whenever you turn your face towards the light, and you follow my command, Ariman (the evil spirit) will be seen to fly. In this world there is nothing supe- rior to light.” He then gave him the Zend- Avesta, instructing him to declare it before Gushtasp. According to Pelhvi books, “ In the fortieth year of his age, and in the thirtieth of* the reign of Gushtasp, he is reported to have appeared at the court of the king, bearing with him, into his presence, the sacred fire called “ Ader Boor- zeen Meher,” and a cypress tree. The monarch having demanded who he was and whence he came, the Persian lawgiver replied, “ The Almighty God has sent me to you, and has appointed me a prophet to guide you in the path of truth, virtue, and piety.” “ Firdousi, the Persian Homer, thus describes the first interview between Zurtosht and Gushtasp, “ learn” said Zardehusht to Gush- tasp, “ the rites and doctrines of the religion of excellence. For without religion there cannot be any worth in a king. When the mighty (or excellent) monarch heard him speak of the excellent religion he accepted from him the excellent rites and doctrines.” Zur- tosht was at first disbelieved, and persecuted by the courtiers of Gushtasp ; but having established his claim as a divine prophet, and convinced the king and his court by performing several miracles, he was taken into favour.” “ The new doctrine which Zoro- aster said had been revealed to him from above, spread rapidly in the province of Azerbijan (i. e., ‘the house of fire’). Gush- tasp introduced it into every part of his dominions, and ordered 12,000 cow hides to be tanned fine that the precepts of his new faith might be written on them. These parchments were deposited in a vault hewn out of a rock in Persepolis. He appointed holy men to guard them ; and it was commanded that the profane should be kept at a distance from the sacred book. (Malcolm, i, p. 45.) The powerful protection of the king enabled Zoroaster to in- troduce his doctrine farther than the kingdom of Iran ; we hear of his journeys into Chaldsea, and that Pashuran, the second son of Gushtasp, was sent by him into Varjamgherd in order to propagate his new religion. He also tried to gain proselytes in India, and succeeded in convert- ZOR 481 ing a learned Brahmin (Tchen- grighatchah ; according to Anque- til, Vol. i, c. 2, p. 70), who went back into his native country with a great number of priests. Temples of fire, or Atesh-gahs, were erected in all parts of the empire at the expense of Gushtasp, whose zeal in imposing the Zend-Avesta not only on his own subjects, but also on those of the neighbouring monarchs, at last engaged him in a war with Arjasp, king of Turan. Zoroaster was undoubt- edly the chief instigator of this war, which was protracted be- yond his life-time, and finally ended in a victory gained by As- fandiyar over the Turanians, who, in the exultation of a first success, had determined on put- ting to death all the followers of Zoroaster. The prophet died in the year B.C. 513, about seven- ty-six years of age, a few months before the general massacre of the fire-worshippers had been re- solved upon by Arjasp. Some airthorities quoted by Hyde, pp. 323 and 329, say that he was mur- dered during the persecution.” All that has been hitherto quoted or said has no claim to historical accuracy, and rests simply on the authority of eastern authors. “ The books produced by the Prophet, and generally called Avasta, contained twenty-one noosk, or volumes. The follow- ing table shows the Zend names of these volumes, with their cor- responding ones in Pehlvi : — ZEND. PEHLVI. 1. Yatha , . . . . Suttood-Yeasbt. 2. A-hoo Suttoodgnr. 3. Verio Vehest-Mathre. 4. A-tha Bug. 5. Katoos Davajdeh-Hamas, 6. Ussad N ado or. ZEND. PEHLVI. 7. Cliid . Pacbem. 8. Huoba., . Ituttoostide. 9- Vungeboos . . . , , .Burrus. 10. Dujda . Kussusroob. 11. Munungho . Visktasp. 12. Sieuthenanam. . ..Khesutk. 13. Ungehoos,, . Suffund, 14. Muzdal, , . J ursut. 15. Khusthremcbai. . Bugan-Teasht. 16. A-hoorai . . Neeyadoom. 17. Aa . Hoosparem. 18. Eem .Davasroosid. 19. Durregobio . TJshkarum. 20. Dadada,, . Vandidad. 21. Vastarem, . Hadukht, “The majority of these works are not in the possession of the Parsees of this day. They are supposed to have been destroyed either during the invasion of Persia by the Macedonian, Alex- ander, or immediately after the conquest of that country by the Arabs, who entertained so great a hatred for the ancient religion of Persia, that they sought out and collected all the works of Zurtosht and his disciples which they could find in Persia, and des- troyed nearly the whole of them.” “A few of the works above mentioned, however, survived destruction, and are now in the possession of the Parsees. They are the Yandidad, Yacna, or Izashne, and Yispard. These three together are designated Vandidad Sade. Ogum Decka, Khurdah- Avasta, and the Yeshts and fragments of Vistasp Noosk, Hadokht Noosk, and Dam dad Noosk are also to be found. The first, fourth, seventh, eighth, and ninth of these works are mostly _ filled with prescriptions for religious ceremonies and in- structions for the practice of the Zoroastrian religion. They also contain injunctions for the ad- oration of the Almighty, and 61 ZUL 482 abound with moral precepts. The lzashne, Yispard, Khurdah Avasta, and the Yeshts are books of prayers.” Manuscript copies of these works were deposited in the Im- perial Library, Paris ; in the Uni- versity Library, Oxford ; and in the British Museum, London. Richardson, Kennedy, Jones, and some other European authors, were of opinion that the Zend books of the Parsees were fabri- cated by their priests on their arrival in India in the 7 th cen- tury, but numerous other authori- ties have come to the conclusion that they are all, or mostly all, compositions that existed before the destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander. The Zoroastrian religion flour- ished from its foundation in the reign of Gushtasp till the subver- sion of the Persian dynasty by the Macedonian conqueror, when a great many of the religious books of the Parsees were destroy- ed. It then seems to have declin- ed until revived by Ardeshir Babekan in A.D. 226. He collect- ed the sacred books remaining, and had them translated into Pehlvi, the language then spoken in Persia, built fire-temples for the worship of God, and made great efforts to restore the ancient religion in its primitive purity. This reformation appears to have lasted for 416 years, in fact, till Persia was overrun by the Arabs in 641, who obliterated almost every trace of the religion of Zoro- aster. Many Zoroastrians for con- science sake fled into the moun- tains of Khorassan, and being persecuted there also, to the is- land of Ormus. and from thence to the western coast of India, and eventually settled at Guzerat. Undoubtedly, successive tides of emigration followed as the fanatic zeal and persecuting spirit of the Mahommedans continued to in- crease. The Parsees are a most interesting race, and are the most advanced of all the natives of India. It is erroneously supposed that they worship the elements— the ignorant among them may, but not the educated classes. The moral of the Parsee religion is pithily expressed in three signifi- cant terms, in the Zend-Avesta, viz., Homute, Hookhte, and Vur- uste, which mean purity of speech, purity of action, and purity of thought. Their religion is a simple theism. It teaches “ the unity of God ; Ilis omnipotence ; His goodness towards men ; a great veneration for fire, , t he visible type of the invisible divinity : and a great aversion for Ahriman, the evil principle, the instigator of evil thought, but not co-eternal with God. The morality contain- ed in the books of Zoroaster is very pure, and all founded on the love of our neighbour.” God, ac- cording to the Parsee faith, is the emblem of glory, refulgence and light, and so a Parsee, while en- gaged in prayer, is directed to stand before the fire, or to direct his face towards the sun, as the most proper symbols of the Al- mighty, but with no idolatrous motive. Several Fire-temples exist in Bombay. The one. erect- ed there by Framjee Cowasjee in 1844 cost £25,000. ZULFIKAR KHAN, vide Car- natic Nabobs. APPENDIX. No. I. Vide page 172. Fac-sihile Copy of the translation of the Petition of Nun- comar, delivered at the desire of the House, by Sir Elijah Impey, during his defence at the Commons’ bar. The original translation is printed in the common type ; the words printed in italics are inserted in the original in the hand-writing of Mr. Hastings. “ To the Governor-General and Council. “Within these three soubahs of Bengal, Orissa, and from have honor Bahar, A the manner in which I A lived and the character credit which I have possessed. — * all * Something' and reputation I enjoy. Formerly the Nizams of * these 18 wanting to „ , , . 7 . , , A complete the afforded attention and aid to my good name sense, soubahs upon my- good name bestowed some considora- presence of the received a tion and regard, and from the A king of Hindostan I have -a munsib of five thousand, and from the first of the com- administration in consideration of pany’s governments looking upon my good wishes to the had the direction of the affairs of this place, and at this king, the gentlemen who woro im power hero, and the time they prosont governor, Mr. Hastings, who is at the head of did hold and do hold me in affairs, respected me, and do respect me: — P-was never did occasion any loss to or efoleyal to the State, nor committed any oppression at this time a true of proceeded from me just upon the Ryots. A For the fault of representing A some in ii'smn lidcijr fact which i 'just made known for the interest of the the redress relief I in a small degree made lenown king, and welfare of the people, A many English gentle- men have become my enemies ; and having no other means of the highest to conceal their own actions, deeming it highly- politick my destruction of the utmost expediency revived for themselves to mako an end-ef-^ne. An old affair of 484 APPENDIX. formerly been found to he Mohun Pursaud’s 4" which had A repeatedly been dechu ed false ; and the governor, knowing Mohun Pursaud to be a notorious liar, turned him out of his house ; =4 they themselves becoming his aiders and abettors and have now it Tired, and granting bfm their aid and assist- ance, and joining with Lord Impey and the other justices, have tried me by the English laws, which are contrary to the customs of this country, in which there was never any such administration of justice before; and taking the evidence of my enemies in proof of my crime, have con- demned me to death. But, by my death, the king’s justice will let the actions of no person remain concealed ; and now that the hour of death approaches, I shall not for the sake of this world, be regardless of the next, but represent the truth to the gentlemen of the council. The forgery of the bond, of which I am accused, never proceeded from me. Many principal people of this country, who were acquainted with my honesty, frequently requested of the judges to suspend my execution till the king’s pleasure should be known, but this they refused, and unjustly take away my life. For God sake, gentlemen of the council, you who are just, and whose words are truth, let me not undergo this injury, but wait the king's pleasure. If I am unjustly put to death, I will, with my family, demand justice in the next life. They put me to death out of enmity, and from partiality to the gentlemen who have betrayed their trust; and, in this case, the thread of life being cut, I, in my last moment, again request that you, gentlemen, will write my case parti- cularly to the just king of England. I suffer, but my innocence will certainly be made known to him.” * * * The original petition was first laid before the Governor-General in Council by Sir John Clavering, August 14, 1775, nine days after the execution of the convict, and burned, by their order, under the inspection of the Sheriff of Calcutta, on the 21st, contrary to Hast- ings’ wish. No. II. Vide 'pages 139 and 174. Fort William, 4th October, 1780. To Lawrence Sullivan, Esq. Sir, On the present occasion I shall less apologize for troubling you than I should on any other, because it seems to me necessary that you should be informed of the particulars of a transaction that has passed here, and which will make some noise at home. I mean a duel between Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis, on which occasion I was one of the seconds, and therefore am fully acquainted with the par- APPENDIX. 485 ticulars which I shall relate as concisely as the nature of the subject will allow me. Late in the evening of the 15th August, I received a note from Mr. Hastings, desiring me to be with him next morning at breakfast ; in consequence of which I waited upon him. He introduced the subject of business by desiring me to give him my word of honor not to mention it till he should give me permission. Of course I gave it, and he then informed me that in consequence of a minute he had given in, Mr. Francis had challenged him on the preceding day ; that they had then agreed to meet on Thursday morning about half -past five near Belvidere, and he asked me to be his second. The next morning, Thursday the 17th August, I waited on Mr. Hastings in my chariot to carry him to the place of appointment. When we arrived there we found Mr. Francis and Colonel Watson walking together, and therefore soon after we alighted, I looked at my watch and mentioned aloud that it was half -past five, and Mr. Francis looked at his and said it was near six ; this induced me to tell him that my watch was set by my astronomical clock to solar time. The place they were at was very improper for the business ; it was the road leading to Allipore, at the crossing of it through a double row of trees that formerly had been a walk of Belvidere garden, on the western side of the house. Whilst Col. Watson went by the desire of Mr. Francis to fetch his pistols, that Gentleman proposed to go aside from the road into the walk ; but Mr. Hastings disap- proved of the place because it was full of weeds and dark : the road itself was next mentioned, but was thought by every body too public, as it was near riding time and people might want to pass that way ; it was therefore agreed to walk towards Mr. Barwell’s house on an old road that separated his ground from Belvidere, and before he had gone far, a retired dry spot was chosen as a proper place. As soon as this was settled I proceeded to load Mr. Hastings’ pistols ; those of Mr. Francis were already loaded ; when I had delivered one to Mr. Hastings, and Col. Watson had done the same to Mr. Francis, finding the Gentlemen were both unacquainted with the modes usually observed on those occasions, I took the liberty to tell them that if they would fix their distance it was the business of the seconds to measure it. Lieutenant-Colonel Watson immediately mentioned that Fox and Adam had taken fourteen paces, and he recommended that distance. Mr. Hastings observed it was a great distance for pistols ; but as no actual objection was made to it Watson measured and I counted. When the Gentlemen had got to their ground, Mr. Hastings asked Mr. Francis if he stood before the line or behind it, and being told behind the mark, he said he would do the same, and immediately took his stand. I then told them it was a rule that neither of them were to quit their ground until they had discharged their pistols, and Colonel Watson proposed that both should fire together without taking any advantage. Mr. Hastings asked, if he meant they ought to fire by word of command, 486 APPENDIX. and was told he only meant they should fire together, as nearly as could be. These preliminaries were all agreed to, and both parties presented ; but Mr. Francis raised his hand and again came down to his present ; he did so a second time ; when he came to his present, which was the third time of doing so, he drew his trigger ; but his powder being damp, the pistol did not fire. Mr. Hastings came down from his present to give Mr. Francis time to rectify his prim- ing, and this was done out of a cartridge with which I supplied him upon finding they had no spare powder. Again the Gentlemen took their stands, both presented together, and Mr. Francis fired ; Mr. Hastings did the same at the distance of time equal to the counting of one, two, three, distinctly, but not greater. His shot took place, Mr. Francis staggered ; and in attempting to sit down he fell, and said he was a dead man. Mr. Hastings hearing this cried out, ‘ Good God ! I hope not,’ and immediately went up to him, as did Colonel Watson ; but I ran to call the servants, and to order a sheet to be brought to bind up the wound ; I was absent about two minutes ; on my return I found Mr. Hastings standing by Mr. Francis but Colonel Watson was gone to fetch a cot or palanquin from Belvidere to carry him to town. When the sheet was brought, Mr. Hastings and myself bound it round his body ; and we had the satisfaction to find it was not in a vital part, and Mr. Francis agreed with me in opinion as soon as it was mentioned. I offered to attend him to town in my carriage, and Mr. Hastings urged him to go, as my carriage was remarkably easy. Mr. Francis agreed to go, and therefore, when the cot came we proceeded towards the chariot, but were stopped by a deep broad ditch over which we could not carry the cot ; for this reason Mr. Francis was conveyed to Belvidere, attended by Colonel Watson, and we went to town to send assistance to meet him ; but he had been prevailed on to accept a room at Belvidere and there the surgeons, Dr. Campbell, the principal, and Dr. Francis, the Governor’s own surgeon, found him. When Dr. Francis returned he informed the Governor that the wound was not mortal, that the ball had struck just behind the bend of the right ribs and passed between the flesh and the bone to the opposite side from whence it had been extracted. Whilst Mr. Francis was lying on the ground, he told Mr. Hastings, in consequence of something which he said, that he best knew how it affected his affairs, and that he had better take care of himself ; to which Mr. Hastings answered, that he hoped and believed the wound was not mortal, but that if any unfortunate accident should happen, it was his intention immediately to surrender himself to the Sheriff. Concerning the subject of the quarrel, not a word passed. Had the seconds been ignorant of the cause of the duel before they went into the field, they must have remained so. Ho other conversation passed between the principals or the seconds besides what I have related, unless the usual compliments of good morrow at meeting, or Mr. Francis’ admiring the beauty of Mr. Hastings’ pistols when I took APPENDIX. 487 them out, deserve to be noticed. When the pistols were delivered by the seconds, Mr. Francis said he was quite unacquainted with these matters, and had never fired a pistol in his life, and Mr. Hastings told him he believed he had no advantage in that respect, as he could not recollect that he had ever fired a pistol above once or twice ; this it was that induced me to say what I have before mentioned about the rules to be observed. Though what I have written may appear rather prolix, yet I had rather bear the imputation of dwelling too long upon the less important parts of the narrative than leave the world room to put in a word that did not pass. If, therefore, any reports different from what I have related should circulate, and you should think them worth contradiction, I hope you will not scruple to use this letter for that purpose. Both parties behaved as became Gentlemen of their high rank and station. Mr. Hastings seemed to be in a state of such perfect tran- quillity that a spectator would not have supposed that he was about an action out of the common course of things ; and Mr. Francis’ deport- ment was such as did honor to his firmness and resolution. As I could not take the liberty of writing so fully on this subject, without acquainting Mr. Hastings of my intention so to do, he knows of my letter ; but the letter itself he has not seen, nor any copy of it. Wishing you every health and prosperity, I remain, &c. &c. &c. No. III. Vide page 140. Here I must pause a little, to call my readers’ attention to contem- plate the instability of human happiness ! On the 8th December 1778, I went out of my house about nine o’clock, the happiest, as I thought myself, of men, and between eleven and twelve o’clock returned the same night to it, as miserable as any being could well feel. I left it prepossessed with a sense that I was blessed with the most beautiful as well as the most virtuous of wives, ourselves honored and respected, moving in the first circles, and having every prospect of speedy advancement. Scarcely had I sat down to supper at my benefactor, Mr. Barwell’s society, who required of his friends to join him every fortnight at this convivial meeting, than I was sud- denly struck with the deepest anguish andpain. A servant who was in the habit of attending Mrs. Grand, came and whispered to me that Mr. Francis was caught in my house, and secured by my Jemmadar (an upper servant, exercising a certain authority over other servants). I rose up from table, ran to the terrace, where grief, by a flood of tears, relieved itself for a moment. I then sent for a friend out, who I re- quested to accompany me, but the rank of the party, and the known attachment which, I was well aware, he held to him, however he execrated his guilty action, pleaded his excuse with me. I collect- 488 APPENDIX. ed myself as much as circumstances would admit, and dispatched the servant to acquaint the Jemmadar I was coming. On my way, I thought proper to call on my friend Major Palmer, and request the use of his sword, and to attend me as a friend, the purpose which I had in view being to have released Mr. Francis, and seeing him out of my premises, compelled him to have measured himself with me until one of us fell. Palmer approved of my determination, and we repaired to the spot. The porter hearing my voice, opened the gate, and in my lower apartments, my friend and I beheld with astonish- ment the present Sir George Shee, bound to a chair, and endeavouring to obtain from my servants his release, with Mr. Shore, now Lord Teignmouth, and the late Mr. Archdekin, companions to him, joining in the same prayer and entreaty. He complained of having been cruelly treated by them. My Jemmadar, on the contrary, told a plain tale. It was, that he had secured Mr. Francis, to meet the ven- geance of his master, until Mr. Shee, assisted by the other gentlemen , upon a loud whistle sounded by Mr. Francis, had scaled the walls of my compound, rushed furiously on him, and, in the scuffle, occa- sioned Mr. Francis to escape. I asked Mr. Shee, and his comrades, in the presence of Major Palmer, if they had seen Mr. Francis, and contributed to his rescue ; but finding I could only draw from them evasive answers, with a declaration, that, what had actuated their coming, was Mr. Shee’s running over to Mr. Ducarel’s house, which was opposite, in which they lodged, loudly calling for their aid, to prevent their friend Mr. Francis being murdered, they had, between a state of sleeping and waking, ran forward, without considering what they were doing. I ordered in consequence their release, and leaving my house to the care of my faithful Jemmadar and servants, I retired to Major Palmer’s. Seated on a chair, borne down with the deepest grief, I anxiously awaited the morning, to require, from the undoer of my happiness, the satisfaction which the laws of honor prescribe, as a poor relief to the injury committed. I wrote to Mr. Francis, that, void of every spark of principle and honor, as I deemed him, still, I trusted he would not deny me the meeting, which I summoned him to immediately, with any friend whom he might choose to bring. His reply was laconic and easy. It was couched in these terms : “ That, conscious of having done me no injury, and that I labored under a complete mistake, he begged leave to decline the proposed invitation, and that he had the honor to remain, my most obedient, ibc. &c.” I now returned home, sent for Mrs. Grand’s sister and brother-in- law from Chandernagore, occupied the lower apartments of my house, whilst Mrs. Grand remained in the upper, and on the Sunday follow- ing everything was arranged for Mrs. Grand’s returning with them to live under their mansion and protection, myself contributing what was requisite for her support, independent of the monthly allowance which I chose to allot to her own disposal. An interview was en- treated, and could not be denied. It lasted three hours, interrupted with the most poignant lamentations. I heard an unvarnished re- APPENDIX. 489 iation of the baseness of the arts employed for the seduction of a stranger, and attained only to her sixteenth year. I pitied her from my heart. I sincerely forgave her, and with a sorrow approaching to distraction we parted. After the addition of insult to injury, which I had suffered by Mr. Francis’ reply, a course of law alone remained open to identify the person and punish the crime. This I had re- course to, not without experiencing great difficulty, most of the com- placent advocates of the Supreme Court having either been retained by him, or intimidated from acting. At length, I succeeded with one who brought the process to a successful issue. By the testimony of Mr. Shee, Mr. Archdekin, and others, the trespass was fully proved, and the trespasser was condemned by the Bench of Judges in damages of fifty thousand Sicca Rupees, with costs of suit. Mr. Shee, the principal witness, on whose evidence every hope of crimination rested, had been induced to abscond, in the reliance which was placed, that he would thereby evade the jurisdiction, and save his noble patron from the disgraceful exposure and conse- quences wThich naturally followed ; and not until the Bench had pro- nounced such contumely conduct liable to corporal punishment, did he return, when the subpoena was regularly served on him, and most unwillingly was he compelled to appear before their tribunal. In the course of his examination, it was extorted from him and others, that he had lent his apartments for Mr. Francis to dress in black clothes to visit Mrs. Grand, at ten o’clock at night, accompanied with a ladder, ingeniously constructed under Mr. Shee’s superintendence, cut and framed out of a large split bamboo, which they applied to the walls of the compound for Mr. Francis’ conveniency to ascend ; and as some dread was entertained he might be interrupted in his villainous design, it was preconcerted that Mr. Shee, and others of his adherents and supporters in iniquity, should patrole around the house, in order to be within call of lending their assistance, in the event of their hearing the sound of the whistle, with which their patron had provided himself. To facilitate this means of aid, it was settled between them that the ladder should remain, and, from this resolution, unfortunate on their part, issued the discovery. My Hukahburdar coming to the chest which stood in a passage through which Mr. Francis had been obliged to pass, observed the ladder rest- ing on the wall, and frightened, he withdrew, and communicated his apprehensions to the J emmadar and other servants in the back court- yard, of thieves having got in to rob the house. In this conference, they resolved, as the best means of detecting the offenders, and prevent their carrying away the spoil, to pull the ladder in, and arm and post themselves by the door, ready to seize the first person attempting to come out. In this manner did my Jemmadar grasp Mr. Francis, who in vain offered for his ladder and release plenty of Gold Mohurs, which it was established in evidence during the trial, he had furnished himself and carried loose in his pocket for the insidious purpose of bribing a gentleman’s servant, if the emergency existed. Equally wras it adduced, that he 62 490 APPENDIX. had been lavish in his promises of promoting my Jemmadar, pro- claiming the high rank which he was vested with, and his certainty of succeeding to be Governor-General. But all his efforts of gold tendered, and promised favor, could not shake or corrupt the fidelity of the honest .Rajpoot, (a sect next to the Brahmins, and as remarkable for bravery as for attachment to those they serve) who persisting to detain him, until his master came home, reduced Mr. Francis to the shift of effecting his en- largement, by having recourse to the scene which I have above described. — No. IV. Vide images 11 and 165. Camp near Ryakottah, March 4, 1798. “ Dear General, — By a conversation this morning with Captain Young, I was happy to learn your present sentiments with regard to me, and that the reasons that induced you to appoint a junior officer to a higher command in this army than that which 1 hold, were such as would have been satisfactory to me had they been publicly known. I am perfectly sensible of your having the un- doubted right, without being obliged to assign your reasons to any one, to select such officers as you may think proper for any service that may offer, and I am the last person that would expect you to act inconsistently with your situation. It must, however, appear extraordinary that a Major-General, sent out expressly by his Majesty to serve on the staff in India, should remain in the com- mand of three battalions, whilst a colonel serving in the same army is placed at the head of seven, or rather thirteen, corps, and I may add a lieutenant-colonel (Browne), commanding a separate army, with the probability of having two of his Majesty’s corps under him. Meer Allum’s request to have the Governor-General’s brother in command of the troops under him is certainly a good reason on that head ; but this is only known to me privately, whilst, as the order now stands, I am apparently degraded in the eyes of the army and of my friends at home. Under these circumstances, I trust to your adopting such measures as to you may appear proper, in order that the real cause may be known of the appointment of Colonel Wellesley to a superior command. I have the honour to be, With much respect, Dear sir, yours, most truly D. Baird.” “ To Lieutenant-General Harris,