r^Qz ■ £crii , cticrnavv fccL caim" iLk^ manci ^ %jJk\ IK^bSl^ BISHOP RIDLEY ON THE LORD'S SUFFER A BRIEF DECLARATION OF THE LORD'S SUPPER WRITTEN BY/ NICHOLAS 'RIDLEY Bishop of London Reprinted, with Introduction, Notes and Appendices, AND prefaced BY A LiFE OF THE WRITER H. C. G. MOULE, D.D. PRINCIPAL OF RIDLEY HALL, AND FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE / TviZI never aenye my Lorde God, and His kncwen truthe I Goddes will bee dotie in iw.— Nicholas Ridley, Oct. i6, 1555 LONDON SEELEY AND CO., Limited, Essex Street, Strand NEW YORK : THOMAS WHITTAKER 1895 CAROLO GUALTERO MOULE, A.M., coLLEGii Corporis Christi apud Cantabrigienses SOCIO seniori, OPTIMO FRATRI, GUI ET CANTABRIGIAM NOSTRAM DEBEO, FRATER GRATUS, OBSERVANS, AMANS, LIBELLUM DICO CONTENTS PAGE BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ^ "A BREFE DECLARATION" PREFATORY NOTES ... ... ••• ••• ••• 75 TEXT ... .-. ••• ••• ••• ••• 9"^ ADDITIONAL NOTES ... ... ••• ••• ••• ^74 APPENDICES I. "THE BOOK OF BERTRAM" ... ... ••• 197 II. ABRIDGED RENDERING OF " BERTRAM " ... 223 III. lavather's "historia" 249 IV. Ridley's eucharistic doctrine at large 273 V. WYCLIF ON the EUCHARIST 294 VI. ferus on spiritual eating 296 ADDENDA ... ... ••• ••• ••- ^99 INDEX 311 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Portrait of Bishop Ridley. From Holland's Hemdlogia. The signature is from a document in the Treasury of Pembroke College, Cambridge ... Frontispiece Bird's-eye View of Pembroke Hall (now Pembroke Col- lege). Reduced from Loggan's Cantabrigia, 1690. The Chapel was an early work of Sir C. Wren's ; and some other buildings here shewn are later than Ridley. But the main Front, the Dining- Hall, the Buildings between them, and the Gardens, appear here on the whole as in his time ... ... ... ... ... 4 The Gate, Pembroke College, Cambridge. From a drawing by R. Serle ... ... ... ... ... 6 Ridley's Walk in the Garden of Pembroke College, Cambridge. From a photograph by Mr L. J. Causton, Pembroke College ... ... ... ... ... S Interior of the Divinity School, Oxford. From a photo- graph by Messrs Gilman and Co. ... ... ... 60 The Martyrs' Memorial, Oxford. From a photograph by Messrs Gilman and Co. ... ... ... ... 66 The First Page of the " Brief Declaration." From the copy at Pembroke College, Cambridge ... ... 75 Willimoteswyke, the Birthplace of Bishop Ridley. From a photograph by Mr J. Pattison Gibson, Hexham ... 299 PREFACE The plan of the present work needs little ex- planation. The motive and centre of the book is the Treatise on the Eucharist written by Bishop Ridley, in prison at Oxford, probably some time in 1554. Besides the matter more immediately connected with this Treatise, the " Biographical Sketch" which fills the first pages of the volume will be found to refer to it, so far as the " Sketch " brings out the history of Ridley's convictions on eucharistic doctrine and illustrates their bearing upon his labours and his sufferings. The importance of the Brief Declaration is con- siderable. It is the longest and most deliberate of Ridley's extant writings. It seems to have been composed soon after the Disputation at Oxford, when the whole argument had turned for life or death upon the very problems reviewed and dis- cussed in the Declaration. And it is the work of X PREFACE the man who was confessedly the leader of the English Reformers in their movement away from the medieval doctrine. The taunting words of Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester, are well known, when, speaking to Ridley at Oxford, Oct. i, 1555, he said that " Latimer leaneth to Cranmer, Cranmer to Ridley, and Ridley to the singularity of his own wit." ^ The reference was not to the work of the Reformation in general but to the fact that in the matter of Transubstantiation Ridley, privately convinced in the course of his own reading, had brought Cranmer over, and that Cranmer in his turn, in 1547, had drawn Latimer into agreement with his brethren. Ridley's last and most complete exposition of his convictions has thus an interest peculiar to itself This recognized importance of the Brief Declar- ution prompted the numerous reprints which ap- peared after those first and almost secretly printed issues of which one is here reproduced. The London reprint of 1688 - expressly appeals to " the great and eminent authority of the author," who " may justly be considered as the standard of the doctrine of the Church of England at that time," as the reason for reproducing the Treatise just then, at a crisis of controversy. The same estimate 1 Works, 283. 2 See below, 86, 309. PREFACE xi appears in the course of an important passage in the late Dr Wordsworth's ^ well-known compilation, Ecclesiastical Biography, ii. 547 : It will be satisfactory and useful to the reader to see all the main points of this great controversy enumerated, and placed before him in one view, as they are stated with great care, distinctness and ability by Ridley, in his valuable Treatise on the Lord's Supper, written in prison, and a very short time before his martyrdom. One reference to Wordsworth's Biography may suggest another. The student of the writings and examinations of the Reformers is conscious often of a terrible paradox as he watches the fight- ing of a mortal battle over propositions of belief some of them as abstruse as possible. And the question has been often asked whether the con- fessors and sufferers did well to treat such pro- blems as matters of life or death. Wordsworth takes the question up, and quotes a characteristic passage from Fuller {Holy and Profajie State, pp. 279, 280), who contrasts the reverence for the Re- formers in which he was bred with the altered tone of many in his later days, in the Laudian time, when, Making a coroner's inquest upon [the martyrs'] death, they have found them little better \.\vzxi felones de 1 Chr. Wordsworth, D.D., brother of the Poet ; Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1820— 1841. xii PREFACE se, dying in their own blood, for a mere formality, de modo, of the manner of the Presence, and of the sacri- fice in the Sacrament. ... By such the coronet of martyrdom is plucked off from their memories ; and others, more moderate, equally part their death between their enemies' cruelty and their own over-forwardness. Thus the prices of martyrs' ashes rise and fall in Smith- field market. However, their real worth floats not with the people's fancies . . . S. Paul is still S. Paul, though the Lycaonians now would sacrifice to him, and presetitly after would sacrifice him. Wordsworth follows the quotation out by " a remark or two in illustration of the grounds on which our martyrs were ' content ' ' to give their bodies to be burned.' " He points out how far the Reformers were from making a death-question of their own convictions, however deliberate and Scrip- tural ; and quotes (pp. 94, 95 notes) amply to that effect. But the question was forced upon them by their opponents. They were commanded to accept the medieval theory as de fide, and in general to bow without appeal to the ruling of the papal Church. They were to accept, on pain of death, as divinely true and necessary, " many doctrines and practices . . . either unwarranted by the Word of God, or actually contrary to it." They were required to believe, and to profess their belief, where the things required . . . were not exacted PREFACE xiii as being in themselves either reasonable or Scriptural, but only as grounded on the despotic and infallible decrees and authority of the Church ; which authority therefore . . . they must further submit to accept . . . as a power, on the same grounds, illimitable, and capable of extension indefinitely to all cases . . . How was it possible to admit into the life such obedience, and into the mouth such a confession, and into the heart such a . . . slavery as this ; and . . " who was he that would not, or could not, find in his heart in this cause to be content to die " ? Ridley arrived at that conclusion caln:ily, soberly, with a noble modesty of spirit, but so as to abide in it, by the grace of God, even to the fire. His deep conviction, the conviction of one who had been born and bred in medievalism, and had read as widely perhaps as any Englishman of his time, was that the two main points of medieval error were the claims of the Papacy and the tenet of Transubstantiation. He never said that to bow to those claims and hold that tenet was a necessary bar to salvation. But he would die rather than say that to do so was helpful to it, much less requisite. Hooker, a generation later, penetrated perhaps yet deeper into the matter when he pointed ^ to the Roman doctrine of Justification as the inmost error of the system. But it is almost needless 1 A Discourse ofjustijicatmi^ § 5, &c. xiv PREFACE to say that the Reformers had that doctrine constantly in view in their opposition to the more conspicuous articles of the medieval creed. I cannot omit from these prefatory words some expression of the thoughts with which my study of Ridley and of, I think, all his extant writings has filled me towards him. Not many characters in Christian history, so I venture to think, bear scrutiny as his does. Sans peur et sans reproche may fairly be written over his whole life. A luminous, penetrating mind ; a temperate and steadfast will ; a heart pure, strong and gentle ; a faith laying firm and quiet hold " within the veil " ; all these gifts of God met in Nicholas Ridley. Sit aninia mea cum Ridleio. As chief sources of my information for the Life, I may mention the edition of Ridley's collected Works, by the Rev. H. Christmas, forming one volume of the Series of the Parker Society (a book referred to in this volume as Works) ; the Rev. Glocester ^ Ridley's careful and ample Life of Bishop Ridley (London, 1763), referred to in this volume ' So he spells his own name on his title-page. It is sometimes written Gloster. PREFACE XV as " G. R." ; Foxe's Acts and Momanents} in the edition published (in eight volumes) by the Religious Tract Society, with a Preface by the Rev. Dr Stoughton ; Strype's Works, in the Oxford Edition completed 1828; and the AthencB Cantabrigienscs and Annals of Cambridge, by the late learned Town-Clerk of Cambridge, Mr C. H. Cooper. Mr Cooper's accounts of Cranmer and Ridley are models of biography in their way, the compressed result of much hterary and antiquarian labour. And they are interesting as giving the estimate of the Reformers' characters arrived at by a careful and independent student, who, in Cranmer's case at least, began his study with no strong prejudices in their favour. I have to thank many friends and corre- spondents for valuable help in detail. Among them I may be allowed to name Miss Taylor, of Humshaugh House, in Tynedale ; Mrs Kendal, of Humshaugh ; the Bishop of Liverpool ; the Rev. Dr Sinker, Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge ; the Librarian to the University, Mr F. J. H. Jenkinson ; the Registrary, Mr J. W. Clark ; the Rev. F. S. Ranken ; the Rev. C. H. R. Harper ; Mr ^ See Dr Chr. Wordsworth's high estimate of Foxe's general accuracy, in the Preface to Ecclesiastical Biography. XVI PREFACE W. F. Wright, of Ridley Hall ; Mr L. J. Causton, of Pembroke College ; my brother, Mr H. J. Moule, and my nephews, Mr H. W. Moule and Mr A. C. Moule. I owe particular thanks to the Master and Fellows of Pembroke College for their courteous kindness in trusting me with the copy of the Brief Declaration preserved in their Library, and in allowing a transcript of it to be taken for this book. The Rev, Dr Searle, Master of Pembroke, besides helping me with much valuable information, kindly placed in my hands his copy of Plolland's Heroologia (1625), that the portrait of Ridley there engraved, probably a contemporary likeness, might be reproduced for this book. Ridley Hall, Cambridge, Michaelmas, 1895. ERRATUM. P. 48, line 15, For Hadley read Hadleigh, in Suffolk. NICHOLAS RIDLEY A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH I Nicholas Ridley, second son of a father of the same name/ was born in Northumberland, at Willimoteswick,- a fortified mansion, of which part is still standing, at the confluence of the Allon with the South Tyne. The ancient family of Ridley, Ridle, or Riddle, still a distinguished house, was power- ful among the English Borderers. Sir W. Scott preserves in his Border Minstrelsy a rough, vigorous ballad. The DeatJi of Featherstonhaiigh'^ which within the last century was sung, " till the roof rang," in Northumbrian cottages ; the Ridleys are the heroes of it, and it mentions their seats of Willimoteswick, ' Cooper, Atlience Cantab.^ i. 135. But see below, 300. - That is, the haunt of the willowmont, guillemot, or rock duck. So Turner, Ridley's friend and countryman, derives the word in his letter to Foxe ; Works^ 492. But see below, 299. ^ See below, 70. B 2 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ l. Hardriding, Howden and Waltown, and the family names, Richard, Hugh and Wilham. Ridley, in his first Letter of Farewell, written within a fortnight of his death, greets by name many of his kinsfolk ^ ; his " well-beloved and wor- shipful cousins, Master Nicholas Ridley of Willi- mountswick," head of the family, and his wife (a daughter of the house of Dacre-) ; his "well-beloved" brother " John Ridley of the Waltown, and you my gentle and loving sister Elizabeth, whose favour- ite I ever was," and Elizabeth, " their meek and gentle daughter " ; and a brother-in-law, George Shipside,'^ second husband of his sister Alice ; and the widow of his brother Hugh of Unthank, with her three children ; and his " young cousin, Ralph Whitfield." Of his older relatives, one uncle was a knight, another, Robert Ridley, was a considerable theolo- gian, Doctor in Divinity of Paris as well as of Cambridge ; " known, through the writings of Toly- dore Vergil, throughout all Europe " ^ ; "a little man but a great divine." He saw the ability of his nephew, and provided for the expenses of his education at Cambridge and on the Continent. ^ Works^ 395, &c. 2 It is said (G. R., 595) that Lord Dacre at the last hour offered ^10,000 to the Crown to buy the Bishop's pardon. 2 For this name see below, 71. ^ Works^ 492. See below, 71. §1.] J BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 3 Ridley was born probably in 1502 or 1503, so that he was about ten years old when the battle of Flodden was fought, some forty miles away to the north. Indeed his boyhood was full of the sound of border w^arfare, carried on under the conditions immortalized in the Lay of the Last Minstrel, where the incidents are dated within his lifetime. In his " Conferences " with Latimer, in the Tower, in 1553 or '4, he recalls these early memories : In Tynedale, where I was born, not far from the Scottish borders, I have known my countrymen watch night and day in their harness, such as they had, that is, in their jacks, and their spears in their hands, (you call them northern gads,) especially when they had any privy warning of the coming of the Scots. And so doing, although at every such bickermg some of them spent their lives, yet by such means, like pretty men, they defended their country. And those that so did, I think that before God they died in a good quarrel, and their offspring and progeny, all the country, loved them the better for their fathers' sakes. And in the quarrel of Christ our Saviour, in the defence of His own divine ordinances, by the which He giveth us life and immortality, yea, in the quarrel of faith and Christian religion, wherein resteth our ever- lasting salvation, shall we not watch ? Shall we not go always armed, ever looking when our adversary (which, like a roaring lion, seeketh whom he may devour,) shall come upon us by reason of our slothfulness ? Yea, and 4 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ i. woe be unto us, if he can oppress us at unawares, which undoubtedly he will do, if he find us sleeping.^ Ridley was sent to Newcastle School, where " he learnt his grammar with great dexterity'"^; and about 15 18 he entered Cambridge, as a member of the already distinguished College (or Hall, as then and long afterwards it was called) of Pembroke.^ Erasmus' residence at Cambridge (1511 — 151 4) had given a powerful impetus there, from the intellectual side, to ideas of enquiry and reform ; and the more positive religious influences of the German Re- formation were soon felt also ; the White Horse Inn, near St John's College, came to be called "Germany,"^ as the rendezvous of men who watched Luther's early efforts with sympathy. But I see no hint that Ridley was found among these during his earlier Cambridge time. He took his first degree in 1522,^ and was made Fellow of his College in 1524; having declined an invitation to a Fellowship in University College, Oxford. ^ A little later he was appointed " Master ^ Works, 145. See 398 for an interesting parallel passage. ^ Foxe, vii. 406 ; Works, p. v. ^ Pembroke gave three martyrs to the Reformation, college friends, Ridley, Bradford, and Rogers. * G. R., 59; Cooper, Annals, i. 311. And see below, Addendum i. ^ See below, Addendum 2. « G. R., 62. Tanner {Bibl. Britt. Hibern., ed. 1748, 631) says that he resided awhile at Oxford. § I.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH $ of Glomery," magister glomericE, in the University ; an office which originated when the *' schools of grammar " had not yet given way to the college- system ; the Master was the head and represent- ative of the old order.^ By Ridley's time the main function of the office had come to be the instruc- tion of new students in Latin. In 1534 he was Senior Proctor, and Chaplain to the University, In 1540 he was chosen Master of Pembroke Hall. About 1527 his uncle, then a resident Fellow of Queens', had sent Ridley to read at Louvain, and at the Sorbonne, which may be called the Theological School of Paris. Long after, when writing the story of his own trial for heresy, in 1554, he recalled the " Sorbonical clamours," - Sorbonici clamores, and pronounced them almost moderate compared with the storm that had raged round his own head in the Oxford Schools. The passage is interesting, and I do not think its significance has been seen by the biographers. He speaks of the Sorbonne and its tumults, and then says that at Paris papismiis inaxinic regnat, " popery bears full sway " ; as if that fact was a condition of the scenes he had witnessed. This ^ Mullinger, Hist, of the University, i., 139, 140, 226 ;/., 340. The office disappeared in the next century. - See below, 37. 6 NICHOLAS RIDLEY \%\. must mean that the discussions so stormily con- ducted were not merely academical ; they rose direct from the great Controversy of the time ; in fact it would appear that he had been present when a Re- former was on his trial. And the dates of French religious history bear this out. Ridley was on the Continent till 1529 ; and it was in April 1529 that the gifted de Berquin, the friend of Erasmus and of Margaret of Navarre, was strangled and burned at Paris, in the Place de Grcve, brought to death at last, after repeated encounters and delays, by his old enemies the doctors of the Sorbonne.^ It may well be that the young Englishman not onl}' was disgusted by a scene of injustice but owed some mental and spiritual suggestions to the " mouth and wisdom " given in such an hour to the confessor of primeval truth. This can be but a conjecture however ; Ridley makes no further reference in treatise or letter to his life and thought in France. At Cambridge he made a great reputation as an accurate scholar and teacher, Latin and Greek ; and as a logician he stood equally high.- Friends and foes in after days united in their witness to his wide and thorough reading and argumentative ^ See D'Aubignc, Hist, de la Ref. an temps de Calvin., liv, ii. ch, xvi. - Works., 49:;. The Gate, riiMBROKE College, Cambridge. ? I.] A; BTOCRAPHTCAT. SKETCH 7 strength and skill. Sooner or later, probably after his visit to the Continent, he came more and more to apply his knowledge and training to the study of Holy Scripture itself, in the quiet of his College life. In Pembroke Garden, amidst many modern changes, a walk is still shewn called Ridley's Walk ; tradition says that there he paced up and down committing Scripture to memory, a memory famous for its grasp. I^et him speak again for himself, as he bids a last adieu to University and College : Farewell, Cambridge, my loving mother and tender nurse ! If I should not acknowledge thy manifold benefits, yea, if I should not for thy benefits at the least love thee again, truly I were to be accounted ungrate and unkind. What benefits hadst thou ever, that thou usest to give and bestow upon thy best beloved children, that thou thoughtest too good for me? Thou didst bestow on me all thy school degrees ; of thy common offices, the Chaplainship of the University, the office of the Proctorship, and of a common Reader ; and of thy private commodities, and emoluments in colleges, what was it that thou madest me not partner of? First, to be Scholar, then Fellow ; and after my departure from thee thou calledst me again to a Mastership of a right worshipful College. I thank thee, my loving mother, for all this thy kindness ; and I pray God that His laws, and the sincere Gospel of Christ, may ever be truly taught and faithfully learned in thee, 8 NTCHOLAS RTDLEY [§ I. Farewell, Pembroke Hall, of late mine own College, my cure and my charge ! What case thou art in now, God knoweth ; I know not well. Thou wast ever named, sithens I knew thee (which is now a thirty years ago,) to be studious, well-learned, and a great setter forth of Christ's Gospel and of God's true Word : so I found thee, and, blessed be God, so I left thee indeed. Woe is me for thee, mine own dear College, if ever thou suffer thyself by any means to be brought from that trade. In thy orchard (the walls, butts, and trees, if they could speak, would bear me witness,) I learned without book almost all Paul's Epistles, yea and I ween all the canonical Epistles, save only the Apocalypse. Of which study, although in time a great part did depart from me, yet the sweet smell thereof, I trust, I shall carry with me into heaven ; for the profit thereof I think I have felt in all my lifetime ever after ; and I ween of late (whether they abide there now or no I cannot tell,) there was that did the like. The Lord grant that this zeal and love toward that part of God's Word, which is a key and a true commentary to all Holy Scripture, may ever abide in that College so long; as the world shall endure.^ II Before his election to the Mastership of his College, Ridley, as he has just told us, had ceased to reside in it. Cranmer had taken notice of ^ Works, 406. § II.] A BTOGRAPinCAT. SKETCH 9 his sympathies with the cause of Reform ^ ; and in 1539 he made him one of his chaplains, and nearly at the same time gave him the vicarage of Heme, in Kent. There for several years he principally resided, even when he was Master of Pembroke, and he did not resign the vicarage till after his consecration to Rochester. The times were not easy for a parish priest who wished for reform ; the reactionary Six Articles date from the year after Ridley's institu- tion at Heme, and while he was still Vicar Ann Ayscough was burned in London for denying the bodily Presence in the pAicharist. But Ridley was undisturbed, though he was criticized, when he caused the Tc Dcmii to be sung in English, and when he strove to fulfil his ministry, so he says in the Farewell,'- " not after the popish trade but after Christ's Gospel " ; so preaching that people flocked to Heme Church from all the Kentish countryside.^ He mentions "the lady Phines," or Fiennes, as a parishioner to whom under God 1 In 1534 Ridley, with almost the entire Senate of the University, had signed the decree against the Papal Supremacy. But he must have been known as a friend to reformation by signs more distinctive than this. - JVor/cs, 407. ' G. R., 142. We have ample witness to Ridley's power as a preacher. But not even a fragment of a sermon remains. lo NTCIIOr. AS RIDLEY [§ ii. his pastoral labour had brought a divine message. Meanwhile he was reading, and among the books he studied was a short treatise on the holy Eucharist, written in the ninth century but not printed till the sixteenth ; the work of a French monk, Ratramnus, commonly called Bertram in Ridley's time, On the Body and Blood of the Lord} Nothing is known for certain of the circumstances under which he met with the book. For some years it had circulated among the foreign Reformers, and in 1545, the year when Ridley first read it, the grave controversy on the Eucharist, in which Luther and the Swiss had now long opposed each other, had come to a crisis - ; almost certainly this would draw his attention, and dispose a man so reverent and also so candid to examine a book often appealed to in the dispute, and which was written by an ancient. However, he did examine it, and the result was important. His belief, hitherto unbroken, that the tenet of Transubstantiation was primitive and for all the first ages universal was now shaken, and at last dispelled ; for here was an orthodox teacher, appealed to as an authority in his day, who did not indeed refute Transubstantiation in its mature 1 See Appendix i. for the contents and history of the book. - See below, 264. §11.] A BTOGRArilJCAT SKETCH ii form, for that form was developed long^ after his time, but who criticized and exposed as an inno- vation a theory which was to all intents the same. Evidently in the ninth century a man was not abhorred as a heretic for denying that the conse- crated elements " are" in literal fact the Body and Blood of the Lord. " Bertram " argued that they " are " indeed the sacred Things, yet " not in verity but in figure " ; and Bertram posed not as a suspected theorist but as a representative theo- logian, consulted by king and prelate on the great problems of the faith. " This Bertram," he said at Oxford, nine years later, "was the first that pulled me by the ear, and that brought me from the common error of the Romish Church, and caused me to search more diligently and exactly both the Scriptures and the writings of the old ecclesiastical Fathers in this matter." ^ Ridley left the retirement of his vicarage not only convinced that Transub- stantiation was not Scriptural nor primitive, but armed for discussion by a special study of early Christian literature ; where he found certainly not always one type of sacramental language but always reason to think that the foundation-thought of the Fathers was not that 1 See Appendix i. for Ridley's other testimonies. 12 N/CIIOLAS K/DLEY [§ ii. of the subtle would-be literalists of the medieval Schools. The "Body" and the "Blood" of the Christian Sacrament were not identically the Body and the Blood of the Passion ; they effectually represented them to faith, and so borrowed their sacred names. And reverence quite as much as reason demanded that that profound distinction should be remembered and enforced. This momentous change did not terminate in Ridley's mind and personal teaching. He went with it to the Archbishop, who had hitherto not only held the current theory but held it with a jealous dread of change. In 1537 Cranmer, already the friendly correspondent of foreign Reformers, had received from Joachim Vadian, of St Gallen,! a learned layman, a copy of his Aphorisms, in which the case against Transub- stantiation was stated. Cranmer replied with courtesy, but with a certain sternness of regret that Vadian should thus meddle with a fundamental. " Your argument altogether displeases me," he writes, arguvientum tuum in toto mild displicet ; and he will have nothing to say to it in concession.- But the weight of Ridley's mind and character induced him, now eight years later, to review ^ See below, 261. - Cranmer, Works {Remm'ns^ i homo, et sic dc pane illo edat et calice bibat. That is, " Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of the bread and drink of the cup." After that he asked Doctor Weston, Cicjus generis homo est ? what gender man is ? He answered. Communis generis. " Ergo^" said Master Latimer, " there is mention made that a woman should receive the Communion by the Scriptures." And Doctor Weston replied by reprehending the translation, that it had homo for vir, and brought this argument, that Paul gave that same that Christ gave to His disciples ; but Christ gave the Communion to no woman ; therefore the same Scriptures ought not to be so large understanded. tie denied his minor, saying that Christ gave it to His xii. Apostles, which did represent the Church, wherein were women as well as men. Finally Doctor Weston exhorted him to leave his heresies, saying it would do him no good to see his beard burned with a faggot ; and so ended Wednesday's work. It seemed to me and a number more that they caused him to be brought forth for nothing else but to laugh at him and mock him • such was their behaviour in the schools that day. Doctor Ridley came not forth to oppose, and I can- not tell the cause why, but I think he would have been too good for them. Upon Friday the Commissioners sat in Saint Mary's church, as they did the Saturday before, and Doctor Weston used particularly dissuasions with every of them, and would not suffer them to answer in 44 NICHOLAS IKIDLEY [§ vi. any wise, but directly and peremptorily (as his words were) to say whether they would subscribe or no. Ridley's logical power evidently staggered some of the judges. " If there were an Arian," cried Tresham, Canon of Christ Church, *' that had that subtle wit that you have, he might soon shift off the authority of the Scriptures and the Fathers." ^ One other reminiscence of that April day is pre- served,- in a passage from a forgotten book, A Discourse of Peter's Life, Peregrination and Deaths by Chr, Carlile, Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge ; London, 1582. The writer says that he once heard " Dr Smith," one of the Oxford Commission of 1554,^ preach "in Whittington College Church in London, standing in the street called Tower Royal, a little above the Three Cranes in the Vinetree " ; and Smith gave an account of his battle with Ridley, in which the sublime legend of the Domine quo Vadis is dragged into a coarse and futile argumentative application : " He whom Christ met at Rome, was at Rome. But Christ met Peter at Rome : ergo Peter was at Rome. By this argument I prove two things and singular mys- teries of our faith. First that Peter was at Rome, against 1 Works, 245. 2 poxe, vi. 765. 3 He was Master of Whittington College, and Regius Professor of Divinity at O.xford. §vi.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 45 them that clatter that Peter was never at Rome. Secondly, that if Peter met Christ bodily, as Abdias reporteth, and which I am sure is true, or else such an ancient and holy Father would never have written it ; then consequently He may be as well bodily in the blessed Sacrament as He was met bodily. To this Ridley stood like a block, and, feeling himself convicted, answered nothing. Then said I, Cuf' no7i respondes, hcBretice hmreiicorinn hcereiicissime ? Did I not handle him well? "And thus I confuted Ridley in the audience of a thousand, that he had not one word to say : yet you say that Christ was never on earth since the Ascension bodily : believe with me that He is, under form of bread and wine. Let this argument of mine confound you, as it did Ridley your chief champion." ^ Sentence was pronounced Friday, April 20 ; the " scholar " quoted above gives the sequel : The Bishop of Canterbury first speaketh, " From this your judgment and sentence I appeal to the just judgment of God Almighty, trusting to be present with Him in heaven for whose presence in the altar I am thus condemned." Doctor Ridley. " Although I be not of your company, yet doubt not I but my name is written in another place whither this sentence will send us sooner then we should by the course of nature have come." ' See Works, 220, for Ridley's account of this passage with Smith. 46 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vi. Doctor Latimer. " I thank God most heartily that He hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind of death." Doctor Weston's answer unto Latimer. " If you go to heaven in this faith, then will I never come thither, as I am thus persuaded." After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from the other: videlicet, my Lord of Canterbury was put in Bocardo, D. Ridley was carried to master Shrive'si house— master Latimer in master Bailiffs. On Saturday we had Mass, with ora pro nobis, with great solemnity. Dr Cranmer was caused to behold it out of Bocardo -, Dr Ridley out of the Shrive's house. Latimer also being brought to see that, from the Bailiffs house, thought that he should have gone to burning, and spake to one Augustus Cooper, a catchpole, to make a quick fire. But when he came to Karfox [Carfax] and saw the matter, he ran as fast as his old bones would carry him to one Spenser's shop, and would not look towards it. Last of all. Doctor \Veston carried the Sacrament, and four Doctors carried the canopy over him. Weston's triumph was great no doubt in his own eyes. At the close of the Disputation with Ridley he had cried, in Latin, " Here you see the stubborn, the glorious, the crafty, the unconstant mind of this man ; here you see this day that the strength of the truth is without foil. Therefore I beseech you * By "master Shrive" (Sheriff) must be meant the Mayor. §vii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 47 all most earnestly to blow the note." "And he began, and they followed, ' Verity hath the victor}-, Verity hath the victory,' Vicit Veritas, Vicit Veritas" ^ VII A LONG silence, as to contact with the outer world, followed for the three Confessors. The Commissioners left the next day. Glyn, an old Cambridge friend of Ridley's, (now President of Queens', and afterwards Bishop of Bangor,) who had been violent with him in the Disputation, called before he set out and asked for his forgiveness.- Weston departed, without keeping his promise to give Ridley a sight of the notes of his defence (taken by John Jewel, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury) ; and from a halting-place half-way to London he sent back the solemn protest which Ridley had entreated him, before witnesses, to deliver to the Bishops.^ Not long afterwards Hethe, Bishop of Worcester, whom Ridley had treated with much kindness of old, passed through Oxford, but did not ^ Works, 252. - See below, 306, for Ridley's notice of this. ^ G. R., 513. 48 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. see the prisoners ; they remarked that the severity of their ward increased after that day, and the English Prayer Book was taken from them. University and town " bore them heavily " ; so they heard through their jailors. Jewel was forced to fly ; he would have fared ill if Augustine Berneher, mentioned often by the martyrs with love and honour, had not contrived to bring him,^ half dead with exhaustion, to the house of " Mistress War- cup " ; an active helper of the sufferers in London.- The hours were cheered however by the frequent exchange of letters, which somehow were conveyed to and fro, mainly but not only by Berne- her's skill and courage. Rowland Taylor, Vicar of Hadley, Northumberland-born like Ridley, heard in the King's Bench of their confession and sentence, and wrote a letter ^ worthy of one of the noblest of the Reformers, a man of heroic mould, himself ere long to meet the fire on his own church-green with a faith so triumphant that it broke into jests and pleasantry by the way : ^ 1 Strype, M. E., III. i. 227. 2 Mrs Wilkinson and Mrs Warcup are often named in the martyrs' letters. See Strype, ut supra, 224, for a list of such "favourers." 2 Preserved by Strype, Cranmer, i. 486. * See Green, Short History, ch. vii. § 2 (vol. ii. 723 — 725, illustrated edition). § VII.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 49 Right Reverend Fathers in the Lord, I wish you to enjoy continually God's grace and peace through Jesus Christ : and God be praised again and again for this your most excellent promotion which ye are called unto at this present, that is, that you are counted worthy to be allowed amongst the number of Christ's records and witnesses. England hath had but a few learned Bishops that would stick to Christ ad igneni inclusive, even to the fire. Once again I thank God heartily in Christ for your most happy onset, most valiant proceeding, most constant sufferings of all such infamies, hissings, clappings, taunts, open rebukes, loss of living and liberty for the defence of God's cause, truth, and glory. I cannot utter with pen how I rejoice in my heart for you three such Captains in the foreward under Christ's cross, banner, or standard in such a cause and skirmish ; when not only one or two of our dear Redeemer's strong holds are besieged, but all his chief castles, ordained for our safe- guard, are traitorously impugned. This your enterprise in the sight of all that be in heaven, and of all good people on earth, is most pleasant to behold. This is another manner of nobility than to be in the forefront of worldly warfares. For God's sake pray for us, for we fail not daily to pray for you. We are stronger and stronger in the Lord, His name be praised. And we doubt not but ye be so, in Christ's sweet school. Heaven is all and wholly on our side. Therefore rejoice in the Lord alway, and again I say rejoice. Your assured in Christ, Rowland Taylor. 56 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. Ridley was constantly at work with his pen, or with a substitute for it; once he was reduced to use a strip of lead from the casement for a pencil.-^ Early in the long Oxford captivity he writes two noble letters to the prisoners for religion in London and elsewhere, " dispersed abroad, but knit together in unity of spirit and of holy religion," " embracing Christ with the Cross," Christum cum cruce^^ contending " not for any ceremony, but for the very substance of our whole religion, yea, even Christ Himself." He hears from Bradford that the happy fellowship of the imprisoned confessors ^ is imperilled by some rash speculators on the mysteries of election and the will, and he laments in reply "the devil's galtropes " (obstacles thrown in the path of cavalry) " that he casteth in our ways by some of his busy-headed younkers."'' He is eager that the prisoners who were also scholars should translate ; Grimbold, formerly his chaplain, but now, unknown to Ridley, playing a treacherous part, was to do such work if possible ; let him turn into English the work of Valla " against that false, 1 Foxe, viii. 35. - Works^ 342, 352. ^ See Strype, M. E., II. ii. 223 for notices of such fellow- ship. Bradford (Foxe, vii. 234) breaks off a letter " because our common prayer-time calleth me." * Ridley's essay on election, written at Oxford, is lost. For some remarks of his on the subject see Works, 368. §vii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 51 feigned fable forged of Constantinus Magnus and his dotation and glorious exaltation of the see of Rome, and . . vEneas Sylvius de gestis Basiliensis Concilii" and the Confession of the Waldensian Brethren ^ ; all to be found " in a book set forth by a papist called Ortwinus Gratius, entitled Fasciculus rerum expetendaviiin et fugiendani,m." ^ He reports gifts of sympathy which "the con- demned heretics at Oxford " receive from time to time ; " six royals, six shillings and eightpence " from " my lady's grace," Katherine, duchess of Suffolk^; "a golden token" from Bradford, re- ceived with affectionate protests : " what mean you, man ? . . . I was so moved with your token that I commanded it straightway to be had to Bocardo, which is our common gaol" ^; money and other gifts from Lady Vaux, and Lady Vane, Mistress Warcup, Mistress Wilkinson, and others. And again ; " From London we have had of late both meat, money and shirts " ; "I am sure you have heard of our new apparel, and I doubt not ^ The Nobla Leycon, once thought to belong to the eleventh century. The late Mr H. Bradshaw {Memoir^ 87, 88) has shewn that it must be placed in the fifteenth. But in any case it precedes the German Reformation by a long time. - Works^ 374. Gratius is a conspicuous personage in the Epistokv Obscuroriim Viroruin. ^ Works^ 382. ^ Works, 379. 52 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. but London will have their talk of it. Sir, I know that although this seemeth in our case most thank- worthy, yet have we not that apparel that we look for ; for this, in time, will wear, and that we look for, rightly done on, will endure, and is called stola irmnortalitatis." ^ To the faithful Berneher, who was always on the move between one prison and another, and sometimes, in his own words,-^ " so weary as any man can be," he writes repeatedly, and in a letter conveys to his " brother Austin " (Berneher) the gift of '^s. ^d., " a poor token of my good will, towards your charges." Early in the Oxford imprisonment he receives a letter from West, once his chaplain, beseeching him to retract and save his life,^ and replies calmly, kindly and immoveably : " It is a goodly wish that you wish me, deeply to consider things pertaining to God's glory ; but if you had wished also that neither fear of death nor hope of worldly prosperity should let me to maintain God's word and His truth, which is His glory and true honour, it would have liked me well. You desire me, for God's sake, to remember myself Indeed, Sir, now it is time to do so, for so far as I can perceive it standeth me in no less danger than of the loss both of body and 1 Works, 372. 2 Works, 381. '■^ West died a little before Ridley, it was said of remorse. § VII.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 53 soul. He that will not fear Him that threateneth to cast both body and soul into everlasting fire, whom will he fear ? With this fear, O Lord, fasten Thou together our frail flesh, that we never swerve from Thy laws." ^ A little later, he tells Bradford - that the imprisonment is severer. It was when, for a time, the three were together in Bocardo, " which now in Oxford may be called a college of Quondams " ; no one may visit them ; they may not take air " upon the wall " ; and it was reported that they had made a desperate attempt to escape, all because a drunkard " chanced to multiply words, and for the same was set in Bocardo." and a coal had fallen from the hearth of their chamber, and burnt a hole in the floor, " the bailiff's servants sitting by the fire." Again and again he speaks of his own writings as in progress, particularly of a tractate dealing with the Papacy and of one on Transubstantiation ; this latter is the Brief Declaration reprinted in this volume ; he appears to have written it some time in 1554. Then he has something to say of Edmund Irish and his wife, in whose house he was almost " continuously imprisoned. To a fine nature, used to the highest i Works, 338. 2 Works, 358. " He was in Bocardo in the spring of 1 554, and again in the spring of 1555 ; so the internal evidence of the letters shews. Bocardo and the Mayor's house were close to each other. 54 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. places and interests, it must have been a long minor martyrdom to lie week after week in the hands of such persons, no doubt of the narrowest thought and education, and of whom the wife was a religious bigot. But Ridley speaks of his lot with patience, and with touches of characteristic humour. In a long letter to Grindal, written in May I555>^ ^le draws (prudently in Latin) a sketch of the position : " Of all us three at Oxford I am kept most strait and with least liberty, perhaps because the man in whose house I am imprisoned (although he is mayor of the city !) is ruled by his wife ; a little old lady, {imilier vetula,) peevish and very superstitious, who prides herself on being reported to guard me closely, and with the utmost care. Her husband, one Irish, {IriscJiius nomine') is mild enough indeed to every- body, but to his wife more than most obsequious, {plusqtiam obsequentissimus) You know I never had a wife ; and from my daily intercourse with this pair I seem to see in some measure how great a calamity and how intolerable a yoke it is to be married to an evil wife. Rightly says the wise man, 'A good wife is the gift of God.'" But Ridley did not only satirize, however gently. Evidently his holy patience told in the end on Mrs 1 Works, 391, 392. §VTi.] A BTOGRAPHTCAL SKETCH 55 Irish, We shall see how she wept on the eve of his death, and what he said to her. And the civic records of Oxford have an entry, dated four months after the martyrdom, in which Margaret Irish appears before the city council, as an offender against the King's and Queen's majesties. May not this mean that the " little old lady " had spoken out her mind against the persecutors of her martyred inmate } ^ Meantime execution of the sentence was delayed. The reason lay in the state of the law ; it was not till January 1555 that Pole absolved the English Parliament of the sin of schism, and imposed as the penance the restoration of the old legislation. That done, the martyrdoms could begin. Rogers suffered in January, and now Ridley heard that the beloved Bradford was to be carried to his native Lancashire to die, and wrote what he thought was the last adieu "' : O dear Brother, seeing the time is now come when it pleaseth the heavenly Father, for Christ our Saviour His sake, to call upon you and to bid you to come, happy are you that ever you were born, thus to be awake at the Lord's calling. Enge, serve hojie et fidelis, quia super pauca fnisfi fidelis, super iiiulta te constituet, et i7i trains in gaudium Domini. O dear brother, what meaneth this, ^ I owe this detail to the kindness of my friend the Rev. C. H. R. Harper. See below, 72. 2 lYorks, 377. $6 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. that you are sent into your own native country ? The wisdom and policy of the world may mean what they will ; but I trust God will so order the matter finally by His fatherly providence that some great occasion of God's gracious goodness shall be plenteously poured abroad amongst His, our dear brethren in that country, by this your martyrdom. Where the martyrs for Christ's sake shed their blood and lost their lives, oh what wondrous things hath Christ afterward wrought to His glory and confirmation of their doctrine ! If it be not the place that sanctifieth the man, but the holy man doth by Christ sanctify the place, brother Bradford, then happy and holy shall be that place wherein thou shalt suffer, and shall be with thy ashes in Christ's cause sprinkled over withal. All thy country may rejoice of thee that ever it brought forth such a one, which would render his life again in His cause of whom he had received it. Brother Bradford, so long as I shall understand that thou art in thy journey, by God's grace I shall call upon our heavenly Father, for Christ's sake, to set thee safely home : and then, good brother, speak you and pray for the remnant that are for to suffer for Christ's sake, according to that thou then shalt know more clearly. We do look now every day when we shall be called on, blessed be God ! I ween I am the weakest many ways of our company ; and yet I thank our Lord God and heavenly Father by Christ that since I heard of our dear brother Rogers' departing and stout con- fession of Christ and His truth even unto the death, my heart (blessed be God !) so rejoiced of it, that since that time, I say, I never felt any lumpish heaviness in my §vii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 57 heart, as I grant I have felt sometimes before. O good brother, blessed be God in thee, and blessed be the time that ever I knew thee. Farewell, farewell. Your brother in Christ, N. R. Brother, farewell. Bradford had written just before (February 8) to the three at Oxford : I had thought that every one of your staves had stood next the door ; but now it is otherwise perceived. Our dear brother Rogers hath broken the ice valiantly, and as this day, I think, or tomorrow at uttermost, hearty Hooper, sincere Saunders, and trusty Taylor, end their course and receive their crown. The next am I, who hourly look for the porter to open me the gates after them, to enter the desired rest. God forgive me for mine unthankfulness for this exceeding great mercy that it pleases His mercy to chose me to be one in whom He will suffer. Is this thy wont, Lord, to send for such a hypocrite as I have been, in, a fiery chariot, as thou didst for Elias ? ^ Bradford and Rogers were Ridley's chosen Prebendaries at St Paul's ; he writes with joy, to Augustine Berneher, of the prospect of himself making with them "the trinity out of Paul's Church." " But an unlikely second obstacle hindered the execution still. Philip of Spain was not unwilling ^ G. R., 570. i Works, 381. 58 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ vii. to divert from himself to Mary some of the popular anger which the first burnings had manifestly awakened ; and a Spanish friar, of whom we would fain know more if he was not the mere tool of the bad King, preached at his command, in the spring of 1555, a sermon against the death-penalty for heresy.^ This put off Bradford's end a while ; and Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer lingered for months. Little remains to us of the correspond- ence of that time ; but one letter must be quoted, a letter already used above, to Grindal, at Zurich, a reply to a communication - in which among other things Grindal had said that the Brief Declaration was safe over the seas, and was to be rendered into Latin : Dearly beloved brother Grindal, I say to you, and all the rest of our brethren in Christ with you, Rejoice in the Lord ; and as ye love me and the other my reverend fathers and concaptives, (which undoubtedly 3xe gloria Clirisfi,) lament not our state ; but I beseech you and them all to give unto our heavenly Father, for His endless mercies and unspeakable benefits even in the midst of all our troubles given unto us, most hearty thanks. For know ye, that as the weight of the cross hath increased upon us, so He hath not nor doth not cease to multiply His mercies to strengthen us ; and I trust, yea, by His grace, I doubt nothing, but He will do so for Christ our Master's sake even to the end. To ' G. R., 543. 2 jvorks, 386. §vii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SA'ETCII 59 hear that you and our other brethren do find in your exile favour and grace with the magistrates, ministers, and citizens at Tigury [Zurich], at Frankfort, and other- where, it doth greatly comfort, I dare say, all here that do indeed love Christ and His true word. I ensure you it warmed my heart to hear you by chance to name some, as Scory and Coxe, etc. Oh that it had come into your mind to have said somewhat also of Cheeke, of Turner, of Leaver, of Sampson, of Chambers ; but I trust to God they be all well. And, Sir, seeing you say that there be in those parts with you of students and ministers so good a number, now therefore care you not for us, otherwise than to wish that God's glory may be set forth by us. For whensoever God shall call us home, (as we look daily for none other but when it shall please God to say, " Come,") ye, blessed be God, are enough through His aid to light and set up again the lantern of His Word in England. As concerning the copies ye say ye have with you, I wonder how ever they did wander, and could find the way to come to you. My Disputation, except you have that which I gathered myself after the Disputation done, I cannot think ye have it truly. If ye have that, then ye have therewithal the whole manner after the which I was used in the Disputation. . . . Blessed be God, we three at the writing hereof were in good health, and (in God) of good cheer. We have looked long ago to have been despatched ; for we were all three on one day, within a day or two of our disputa- tions, of Doctor Weston, (being the head commissioner,) condemned for heretics ; and since that time we remain as we were of him left. The Lord's will be fulfilled in us; as I do not doubt but by His grace it shall be, to 6o NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ viii. His glory and our endless salvation, through Jesus Christ our Lord. He closes, in Latin : I commend to you my most reverend fathers and fellow prisoners in the Lord, Thomas Cranmer, now truly right worthy the name of Chief Pastor and Arch- prelate, and that veteran of our English race, and Christ's true apostle, Hugh Latimer. Forgive me, brother, my letter's length ; for never hereafter, dearest brother, so I think, will you be disturbed by letters of mine.^ VIII In September 1555 Philip left England, never to return, and it was possible now to proceed with the burnings unhindered by his personal policy.- The sentence of April 1554 was void by the then state of the law, and another was to be pronounced, by new Commissioners.^ Three Bishops, White of Lincoln, Brookes of Gloucester (Master of Balliol), and Holiman of Bristol, carried Pole's legatine authority with them to Oxford, and the proceedings were soon completed. Cranmer 1 Worlds, 3S8- 394- " G. R., 399. ^ Works, 255, &c. §viii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 6i appeared separately, in St Mary's Church, about Sept. 12 ; his two brethren were summoned to the Divinity School at 8 o'clock in the morning of Sept. 30. On Ridley's entrance and examination a notable scene followed ; he respectfully took his skull-cap from his head whenever the Queen was named, and when Pole was spoken of as a member of the royal house ; but declined to raise it at the mention of the Pope, or of Pole as Legate. No threats or persuasions moved him ; at length one of the beadles of the Bishop pulled it from his head. Lincoln appears in the same narrative as acting and speaking more mildly than Weston, but he docs not spare an occasional insult. Altar and Table are mentioned, and Ridley's removal of the altars.^ " A goodly removing, I promise you, to set an oyster-table instead of an altar, and to come from puddings at Westminster to receive ; and yet when your table was constituted you could never be content in placing the same, now east now west, until it pleased God of His goodness to place it clean out of the Church." "Your Lordship's unreverend terms," Ridley calmly answered, " do not elevate '^ the thing. Perhaps some men came ^ IVor/cs, 279. " Elcvarc^ to lighten, to depreciate. 62 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§viii. more devoutly from puddings than other men do now from other things." He began to read a statement : it was taken from him, inspected, pronounced blasphemous, and not returned. He asked to speak forty words ; Lincoln counted them on his fingers, and soon stopped him. Condemnation followed as a matter of course. The precise counts of the charge were that Nicholas Ridley " stubbornly defended certain opinions contrary to the word of God and the received faith of the Church, as in denying the true and natural Body of Christ, and His natural Blood, to be in the Sacrament of the altar ; second- arily in affirming the substance of bread and wine to remain after the words of consecration ; and thirdly in denying the Mass to be a lively Sacrifice of the Church for the quick and dead." A fortnight passed before the end. In that interval he wrote, among other pieces, the Farewell Letter, or properly Letters (there are two), so often mentioned in this narrative ; writings which may rank among the highest and strongest flights, so it seems to me, ever taken in our older English prose. They sweep the whole scale of feeling, ranging from pathetic tenderness and purest resignation to patriotic and far-seeing appeals, and those prophet- like denunciations of the sins of the nation and of § VIII.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 63 the portentous claims of the papal hierarchy with which the first Farewell ends. And the pages were written by a man who felt as we feel, and who was now face to face with the funeral pile. A few extracts poorly represent the whole, but are better than nothing : At the name of Jesus let every knee bow, both of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth ; and let every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is the Lord, unto the glory of God the Father. Amen. As a man minding to take a far journey, and to depart from his familiar friends, commonly and natur- ally hath a desire to bid his friends farewell before his departure ; so likewise now I — looking daily when I should be called for to depart hence from you, (O all ye my dearly beloved brethren and sisters in our Saviour Christ, that dwell here in this world,) having a like mind towards you all, and also (blessed be God) for this such time and leisure, whereof I right heartily thank His heavenly goodness, — do bid you all, my dear brethren and sisters, I say, in Christ, that dwell upon the earth, after such manner as I can, farewell." Then follow the adieux in detail, to his Tyne- dale kinsfolk, to his University, his College, his Parishes,^ his Sees ; to London, to the Nation. At the close of the second letter he turns in thought to the Church in its glorious ideal and secret reality : 1 He names Soham as well as Heme. 64 NICHOLAS RIDLE Y [§ vili. Farewell, Christ's dearly beloved Spouse here wander- ing in this world, as in a strange land, tar from thine own country, and compassed about on every hand with deadly enemies, which cease not to assault thee, ever seeking thy destruction ! Farewell, farewell, O ye the whole and universal Congregation of the chosen of God, here living upon earth, the true Church Militant of Christ, the true mystical Body of Christ, the very Household and Family of God, and the sacred TemjDle of the Holy Ghost ! Farewell. Farewell, O thou little Flock of the high heavenly Pastor Christ ! for to thee it had pleased the heavenly Father to give an everlasting and eternal kingdom. Farewell. Farewell, thou spiritual House of God, thou holy and royal Priesthood, thou chosen Generation, thou holy Nation, thou won Spouse ! Farewell, farewell ! On Oct. 15 Bishop Brookes and the Vicc- Chancellor, Marshall, came to the house to degrade him from the priesthood.^ The miserable process was at length over, and Ridley, self-controlling to the end, found thought and words for two things before the officials went away ; he urged the Bishop to give a candid reading to " the Book of Bertram," and he appealed to him to inter- ^ IVorks^ 2S6, &c. It is remarkable that no mention was made of degradation from the Episcopate, though he was re- cognized as a true Bishop so far as Rochester was concerned. Of London he was "pretensed Bishop." §vin.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 65 cede with the Queen that she would not deprive of their Hving his poor relatives and dependants. At his sister's name he wept. " This is nature that moveth me," said he, " but now^ I have done." So the last evening fell around him. It was no time of gloom and terrors : The night before he suffered his beard was washed, and his legs ; and as he sat at supper the same night at Master Irish's (who was his keeper) he bade his hostess, and the rest at the board, to his marriage ; " for," said he, " to-morrow I must be married " : and so shewed himself to be as merry as ever he was at any time before. And wishing his sister at his marriage, he asked his brother ^ sitting at the table, whether she could find in her heart to be there or no. And he answered, "Yea, I dare say, with all her heart " : at which word he said he was glad to hear of her so much therein. So at this talk Mistress Irish wept. But Master Ridley comforted her, and said, " O Mrs Irish, you love me not now, I see well enough ; for in that you weep, it doth appear that you will not be at my marriage, neither are content therewith. Indeed you be not so much my friend as I thought you had been. But quiet yourself: though my breakfast shall be somewhat sharp and painful, yet I am sure my supper shall be more pleasant and sweet," etc. When they arose from the table, his brother offered him to watch all night with him. But he said, " No, no, ^ His brother-in-law, George Shipside, husband of Alice his sister, F 66 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ viii. that you shall not. For I mind (God willing) to go to bed, and to sleep as quietly to-night as ever I did in my life." So his brother departed, exhorting him to be of good cheer, and to take his cross quietly, for the reward was great, etc. The stake was set not very far from Bocardo, "in the town-ditch," opposite Balliol, and the morning of Oct. i6 was not far advanced when the mayor (Master Irish's successor, John Waite) and the bailiffs brought Ridley and Latimer forth. Ridley had attired himself with care, as a Bishop in undress, and walked between the mayor and an alderman ; Latimer came after, " a pretty way off, ... in a poor Bristol frieze frock all worn, with his buttoned cap and a kerchief on his head, all ready to the fire." Cranmer was not there ; busy just then, says Foxe, "with Friar Soto and his fellows " ; but one account says that he gave a long gaze of farewell from a window to his glorious friends.^ Ridley kneeled at the stake, "kissed it, and effectually prayed"; and Latimer knelt behind him, praying too. Then they talked 1 Sleidan says that " Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was then brought out also, and at the stake openly implored the mercy of God ; but he was after this remanded to prison." This must be due to mere misinformation. Hist, of the Reform atio7J., Eng. Trans., ed. 1689, p. 619. The Mariyrs' Memorfal, Oxford. §viii.] A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 67 awhile, out of hearing ; for the agents of death had " removed themselves out of the sun "; Foxe could never learn one word of that conversation. Dr Smith, whom we have seen already,^ now preached on the ruthlessly-chosen text, " If I give my body to be burned, etc." ; the discourse was happily " scant ; in all but a quarter of an hour." The Martyrs made a final appeal to the chief officials for a brief hearing, but in vain ; and then they disrobed for death, Ridley gave away his outer clothing, and also a new groat, some nutmegs, and his " dial " ; " happy was he that might get any rag of him." Latimer gave nothing ; but as his poor dress was removed by the warder the people saw him, on a sudden, no longer withered and crooked but " as comely a person as one could lightly see " ; " as comely a father as one might lightly behold." Then gunpowder was brought, and the chain fastened. At that supreme moment Ridley, still mindful of others, called to Lord Williams of Thame, who was there to keep order, and asked him to intercede with Mary " for certain poor men " who had held leases of him as Bishop of London, but whose claims Bonner was disposed to ignore ; - the records shew that the appeal was granted by the courts. The next sound heard, amidst the rising'fire, 1 Above, 44. ^ See below, 72. 68 NICHOLAS RIDLEY [§ viii. was that immortal word of Latimer's ; " Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out." He, frail and worn, died almost without a pang, crying, " O Father of heaven, receive my soul," and as it were embracing the flame. Ridley, the vigorous man of fifty-three or so, fared otherwise. He met the flame with " a wonderful loud voice, /;/ maims ttias, Domine, commendo spiritum memn; Domine, recipe spiritum mewn "/ but the fire was ill made on his side of the pile, and he cried, " I cannot burn," suffering and struggling in a long agony, yet " forgetting not to call upon God still." At last the flame struck the powder, and the body moved no more, till what remained of it sunk down over the chain, at Master Latimer's feet. The annalist tells us that it was a season of great rains, from September to the following March. On that same sixteenth of October the serjeants-at- law held a feast in London. And at Derby two humble confessors, workmen, passed with the Bishops through the fiery trial. 69 By Faith the noble Army of Martyrs mounted in their firy chariots to heaven. J. C. Hare. The Vicfory of Faiih (ad fin.). How fast the Marian death-list is unrolled ! See Latimer and Ridley in the might Of Faith stand coupled for a common flight ! One (like those prophets whom God sent of old) Transfigured, from this kindling hath foretold A torch of inextinguishable light ; The Other gains a confidence as bold ; And thus they foil their enemy's despite. The penal instruments, the shows of crime, Are glorified while this once-mitred pair Of saintly Friends the murtherer's chain partake, Corded, and burning at the social stake : Earth never witnessed object more sublime In constancy, in fellowship more fair ! Wordsworth. Ecclesiastical Sonnets, xxxiv. NOTES TO THE BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH I. P. I. The Death of Featherstojihai/g/i. This truculent ballad begins : "Hoot awa', lads, hoot awa', Ha' ye heard how the Ridleys, and Thiriwalls, and a', Ha' set upon Albany Featherstonhaugh, And taken his life at the Deadmanshaugh ? There was Willimoteswick, And Hardriding Dick, And Hughie of Hawdon and Will of the \Va'." ^ Scott {Border JMiiistrclsy) quotes from the Border records the note of an inquest on another unhappy Featherstonhaugh : 24 Oct., izndo H. viii. "Alex. Featherstonhaugh, Gen., felonice interfectus 21 Oct. per Nicolaum Ridley de Unthank Gen., Hugon. Ridle, Nicolaum Ridle, et alios ejusdem nominis." In "36 H. viii" we find a Featherstonhaugh's outlawry {iitlagatio) for the killing of William Ridle " de Morale " {Murale ? Waltown ?). I am permitted to extract the following sentences from a private letter (Feb. 1895) from a leading member of the Ridley family : " We are the only descendants of the family holding any of the old family estate. . . We are descended from William, the brother of the Bishop. . . Chipchase [a fortified house near Humshaugh] is frequently in old deeds called ' Ships- house,' ' Shipside,' ' Sheepshouse.' . . Elizabeth Ridley, who ^ The lines reappear slightly altered in Maniiloii, i. xiii. NOTES TO BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 71 married [George] Whitefield, the preacher, was a daughter of one of my great-grandfather's tenants, Isaac Ridley of Glynhurst in Wark's Park. . . . She is buried at the east end of St Paul's Churchyard. . . Williamotswick was con- fiscated by the Roundheads. . . The Bishop's family did not all become what we call Protestants ; they were strong supporters of the independent Church of England ; in fact, Erasmus and they were of the same school. . . Williamotswick is the old seat of the Ridleys ; Ridley Hall," a house not far from it, " is a mere adjunct." ^ 2. P. 2. Polydore Vergil. This Italian man of letters, Polidoro Vergilio (1470— 1555), was resident in Englandfrom 1 501 to 1538, and among many other books wrote a Historia Anglicana. He made Robert Ridley's intimate acquaintance, and edited with him Gildas' Opus Novum., and in his de Pro- digiis., published in 1526, brings him in as the other person with himself in the dialogue. "The dialogue takes place" (between Polidorus and Robertus) " in the open air, at Poly- dore's country-house, near London. Polydore's duty is to state the problems and supply the historical illustrations ; his friend's to explain, rationalize and depreciate as best he can." {Encycl. Brit., ed. ix., s.v. Virgil, Polydore^) The third Book nearly closes with the following words, spoken by Robertus : Jam usque ad extrejuutn temp us dieicolloquuti, hinc intra discedamus, quum triduo in Jioc familiari sermone rite cousuinpto, mihi, ut scis, eras vieum iter ad Academiam Cautabrigiensein, qua: prope bidui abesf, conjiciendum sit. 3. P. 41. Latimer in Disputation. An interesting allusion to the Disputation at Oxford occurs in a Spectator of Addison's (No. 465, Aug. 23, 1712) : " It was thus that Latimer, one of the glorious army of martyrs who introduced the Reformation in England, be- haved himself in that great conference which was managed between the most learned among the Protestants and Papists 1 The present Bishop of Caledonia (N. W. America), Dr W. Ridley, is connected with the Northumbrian family. 72 NICHOLAS RIDLEY in the reign of Queen Mary. This venerable old man ^ knowing how his abilities were impaired by age, and that it was impossible for him to recollect all those reasons which had directed him in the choice of his religion, left his companions who were in the full possession of their parts and learning to baffle and confound their antagonists by the force of reason. As for himself he only repeated to his adversaries the articles in which he firmly believed, and in the profession of which he was determined to die." 4. P. 55. Margaret Irish. The minute of the City- Council runs as follows, shewing that Mrs Irish had to find bail for ^10 : "iS^March. " Bond given by Margaret Irysshe. "Rad'us Flaxney ) ,. .,., T,, /- [■ ^ quihbet Thomas Cogeym ) ^ " The condycon, that Margaret Irysshe, wyff of Edmond, do personally appere before Mr Wayxe, Mayor of the sayd Cytye, thaldermen and baylyes, uppon reasonable warnyng, yn the Guyld hall of the same cytye, then and there to answer to all such thyngs as to hur shall be objected on the behalf of the Kyng and Queen's maiestyes."- 5. P. ()T. Bonner. Great was the contrast in character between Ridley and Bonner. Bonner's letter (to his cousin Thomas Shirley, and others) on his restoration to the see of London is a curious example of vulgarity. He cannot spare a rude and clumsy jest on the name of George Shipside, whom Ridley had made keeper of Bushey Park : his correspondents must " not suffer sheep's-head or ship's-side to be any meddler there " (G. R., 429). 1 He was somewhat prematurely old, if, as Mr C.H.Cooper thinks (^///. Cant., i. 130), his birth year was 1490 or 1491. Others place it even twenty years earlier. But he was an undergraduate of Cambridge in 1509. ^ See Selections from the Records of the City of Oxford, by E. W. Turner, of the Bodleian ; edited under authority of the Corporation. A BRIEF DECLARATION OF THE LORD'S SUPPER Ccena] Dominica noii est tantum signum mutual benevo- lentia; Christianorum inter sese, verum potius est sacramen- tum nostras per mortem Christi redemptionis, atque adeo rite, digne, atque cum fide sumentibus panis quern frangimus est communicatio corporis Christi ; similiter et poculum benedictionis est communicatio corporis Christi. Panis et vini transubstantiatio in Eucharistia ex sacris litteris probari non potest, sed apertis Scripturae verbis adversatur, et multarum superstitionum dedit occasionem. Articuli xxix., XXX. M.D.Lil. MANY tfiVM^^ tf^nUmmu hicaU mmm^ : 2. feiy placed toiil toctcjljeD mn pzvcxauzt)^ f feere ro be fercijeu, iuljsrc it is cerrain t[je triif^c bp man, pt:ii num too^j, i»^pc(jc 0OD pat!) not reucalcD to bee |H0, ti man m^^pe ooubtcUnrfjauc mp^ ftcultc in C^o0.Cf);5{ile !$!! t^e tmtliz of Cdoo rcucales tjnto man from ^eauci? bp (pod t)pm f£lfc :, an^ rl)gtfo?e jn ftis IwojDe tije mitijt ib to be fonnota \X)W Che w to I'ecmbjaceD of a! t^at he f^is^ €i)m': U^^utt^ MB af fee? amm l§all |)ane:fcardie, ans tee l^all fmmi UnocUt, nm it ^ai be opcncD tjmg 130, ^()crfo?e our beaacnlv father, t^e ai!«» t\)o^ ana feiuitapnc of all truffje 5 1^ liottomlcffe feaof aUtJnficrdanOpiigj, ficnoe fioiesictoc bcfeclie tijc, ti)P Ww fpirrte mro oure feeatceu , sni5 ipgljteti iQurfindertani^pnge lottfi tS;e beamed 9f tl^p fieaucnlpe grace.Me af he tbre rr ^ ?.? i= f^i'g, £>merci>fnll if nt!?a-, nat ntre^f.rmar irpectof our defecttJiS, biit fo; tlj^bttt ^j. prave&' imm mm tau^mt 3!cfu0 Cfjipf ess * ^ fafe0» ^'l)0u fenobeil, £) ^eauenli? fa* as* Thk First Page of the "Ekief Declaration. PREFATORY NOTES I History of the Composition. A few allusions in Ridley's correspondence are all we have of informa- tion on this point. The first in time occurs in a letter ( Works, 366) to Bradford, written " From Bocardo," where, I take it, he was (temporarily) lodged in the spring of 1554^; this is the only clue to the date. He has been thinking much of those two " most perilous and most dangerous engines " against " Christ's verity, His Gospel, His faith " ; the one, " the wicked and abominable usurpation of the primacy of the see of Rome," the other, the " false doctrine and idolatrical use of the Lord's Supper." Against these two " main posts " of error he has, " according to the poor power that God had given him, bended his artillery to shoot." " I have now already (I thank God) for this present time spent a good part of my powder in these scribblings, whereof this bearer shall give you ^ See above, 53. 76 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ i. notice." His tractate on the Papacy, certainly written, is lost ; but there can be no doubt that we have his other essay in the Brief Declaration. Later, when the three prisoners were again separated, and Ridley was doubtless again in Irish's house, he writes to Cranmer and Latimer (Works, 361). It was probably now late in the autumn of 1554, for allusion is made to dealings between George Shipside, his brother-in-law, and " Mr Grimbold," his former chaplain, who was, though Ridley would not believe it, (" it would not sink into his head,") " playing a Judas' part." ^ Grimbold, in prison as an evangelical confessor, had got from Shipside all Ridley's recent papers ; and one immediate result was Shipside's imprisonment in Bocardo, where he lay for many months. In this letter Ridley says; "My brother . . hath sent copies to this man no more but of all things I have done. First, a little treatise which Mr Latimer and I wrote in the Tower " (the *•' Conferences " afterwards printed by Foxe, and included in the Works, 99, &c.), " where there is before my sayings N. R. and before Mr Latimer H. L. Also another drangJU, which I drew out of the Evangelists and St Paul, that the words of the Lord's Supper are figuratively to be understood ; alleging out of the ^ See above, 50. §1.] PREFATORY NOTES 77 doctors only six, three of the Greek Church, which are Origen, Chrysos. ad Cesa. vioitachum, and Theodoret ; and three of the Latin Church, Tertul- lian, Augustine, and Gelasius." This is obviously the Declaration. He comforts himself with the thought that " God shall turn it to His own glory," as these writings will shew that " the cause why I do dissent from the Romish religion " is not ambition and self-will, but " conscience, my bound duty towards God and towards Christ's Church, and the salvation of my own soul." He thinks it likely that Shipside will be forced to tell " where he had the copies." And as in the " Conferences " it was said that " H. L. hath caused his servant to write it," he asks that that same true-hearted servant, Berneher, may be warned to keep out of sight. About the same time, writing to Berneher' {Works, 372), who was in Oxford, but might not see him, he says : " Not three days ago there was a privy warning given me from a man of God, one Lifley, a glover, that we prisoners here all three should be shortly and suddenly conveyed into three several Colleges ... At which time, and at the earnest request of that forenamed man of God, I ^ Coverdale's heading to the letter describes Berneher as "then servant to Mr Latimer and now a faithful minister in Christ's Church." 78 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ i, did deliver unto him some of the things I had in hand, to write out." Among these was probably the Declaration, of which he had evidently (see the last extract) kept the original. Berneher, in a letter {Works, 380) which was written 1 in the early weeks of 1555, speaks of "a book " of Ridley's, given him to write out, but leisure had utterly failed him. He is again in Oxford, but denied admittance to Ridley, and is " so weary as any man can be," but "cannot but write two or three words to your Lordship," He has " brought again " all the manuscripts, " lest peradventure you should have need of them." Here again may be a reference to the fortunes of the Declaration. Con- siderably later, some time in May 1555, we have his last reference to the treatise. Grindal writes to Ridley, " From Frankfort, the 6th of May, 1555 " ( Works, 386), and says : " We have here certain copies of your answers in the Disputation ; iteni- Antoniana objecta, cum responsione, the treatise in English against Transubstantiation, which in time shall be translated into Latin. It hath been thought best not to print " the manuscripts " till we see what God will do with you," The Declaration had ^ So I gather from the allusion to Bradford's (supposed) approaching martyrdom in Lancashire. He \\'as not actually burned till the summer, and in Smithhekl. §11.] PRE FA TOR Y NO TES 79 thus safely crossed the seas, perhaps about a year after its composition. Ridley answers ( Works, 389) : " As for the treatise in English, Contra transubstantiationem, I can scarce believe it would be worth the while to render it into Latin, {I'ix possum addnci nt a^edain opercs pretium fore tit in Latinum transfer'attir ^) ; " but in any case, his name is not to be printed in any such publication till his friends abroad know what the Lord has decreed for him. Here allusions to the Work cease. II The Latin Translation. Grindal's plan of a Latin translation was carried out (whether or no with his immediate concurrence) when Ridley was no more, Lavather {Historia Sacranientaria, ed. 1563, p. 41''), under the year 1556, writes thus: " The English who were at Geneva set to work to turn into Latin and publish (/;/ linguavi Latinani convertebant et publicabant) a book {libclhini) of Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of London, on the Supper of the Lord, written in English {vernanila /int^na) ; ^ A few sentences of the letter are in Latin. 8o A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ ii. their object was that the world might know the soundness (integritas) of the religion which they had professed under King Edward." The translator was William Whyttyngham, well known among the English at Geneva, and ten years later Dean of Durham.^ His name does not appear in the work, but we are sure of it on the good authority of Bale i^Scriptores Brittamiice, ed. Basil., p. 684) : Addo qti(E Guilhelimis Wittingamus . . scribit in prcBfatione super D. Ridlcei assertione contra transsiibstantiationis hceresim. The internal evidence is unhappily concurrent with the external. Whyttyngham was certainly not an example of Christian meekness and temperateness ; and the Latin Version, to a reader who has learnt to love Ridley's noble combination of courage and decision with fairness of thought and restraint of expression, is a painful study. Its diffuseness is such as to make it much more a paraphrase than a version ; and this diffuseness is largely displayed in the rendering of Ridley's quiet Enghsh into an embittered rhe- toric, or in quite gratuitous and disputable additions. A few examples may suffice to shew the fault vv^hich spoils the whole ; I give English and Latin side by side : ' For the ecclesiastical problems raised by his appointment see Strype, Annals, II. ii. 167, 168, 620. §11.] PREFA TOR V NO TES 8i " No man here [at the holy Table] receiveth damnation which is not dead before": Nemo . . qiieui ab ccterno Deus non destinaverit ad interituin. "No man ever so fond " : Nemo tam aniliter delirus. " Innocentius his fantastical invention, of which I did promise more to speak " : \^Innoceiitms,'\ ciij'us tam imuianem iinpudicitiam diverberatunim ad me recepi. " Alas, let men leave lying " : the " alas " is represented by O imptcde?itiam egregiam, quantum flagitium, quod scelus ! Ridley alludes to Gardiner's book as shewing " an eloquent style and much fineness of wit " : the Latin runs, opera . . cujusdam viri gnavi atque industrii, non tam arte docti quam longo usu cxer- citati, sed et audacissiml profecto. The curiously rhetorical tone of the work comes out even in the Preface. Bad as the circumstances of the Marian reign of terror were they hardly justify the assertion that carceres adumun opplentur ; nee in evuces tantum aguntur sed ad palos deligantur infinita Christianorum corpora} Ridley would surely have smiled, if he had not been much displeased, to read that during the delay in his trial {comperendinatus) he was shut up and tortured, a valentissimis lictoribus, and carried to Oxford (which we find incidentally was then, like Cam- ^ .\re the cruces racks and the pa/i stakes ? 82 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ n. bridge,! two days from London) fortissimonim militum viribits circumseptus. The constables and soldiers with whom he had to do were probably much less fierce and formidable than such heroic phrases suggest. The book opens with an elegiac poem of little merit. The last lines, however, are at least truthful in thought : At til prcEstatiH Lector pietate libelluvi Excipe, de sacro qui tibi fonte Jliiit : Si diibitas, domini stabilituin inorte vionento ; Firmavit propritim sanguine Martyr opus. Altogether the Latin Version is disappointing. It is a witness to the integrity of the English text as we have it ; but otherwise I have searched it in vain for useful contributions to our study of the Brief Declaration. The Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, possesses a copy of the first edition. The biblio- graphical description is as follows : Vr*. 3. 9 (iii). — D. Nicolai Ridleii Episcopi Londinensis de Ccena Dominica assertio, contra sceleratani illam Transsiihstantiationis hcercsivi, quain e carcere author scripserat : vndc etiam paulo post, id est XVL Octobr. die. M.D.L.V. igni coin- burendus extrahebatur. Geneva;, apvd loannem ^ See above, 71. §111.] PREFATORY NOTES 83 Crispinum, 1556: ff. 56, 16, char. ital. (rom. in Epistle to the Reader), c. sig. (A — G^, ''-' ^\ * ■'' '^) et pp. n. (not in second part), octavo. The book is not mentioned by Herbert. Another copy of this edition has come lately into my own possession. Ill Editions of the Brief Declaration. I. The Reprint in this volume is taken from a beautifully printed and well-preserved copy in the Library of Pembroke College, Cambridge. The bibliographical description is as follows : Ridley (Nicholas), Bp of London. A brefe declar- ation of the Lord's Supper . . . Svo. n.p. 1555. Black Letter (rom. in Address to the Reader and commonly in quotations), n.pp., c. cust. Collation A — D^, E'=^39 leaves (Herbert 1584). The printed page measures 4'^ (with the custos) X 2| inches. It bears (as will be seen) no name of place or printer. I am told by Mr F. J. H. Jenkinson, Librarian to the University, that the type and style suggest as the place either Amster- dam or Louvain. Louvain, as a centre of Roman Catholic theology, seems to be out of the question ; 84 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ in. we may think it likely therefore that the book was printed in Amsterdam. In the notes of collation, at the foot of the pages of the Declaration below, I have called it accordingly A. 2. For another issue of 1555 sec below, Addendum 7. 3. For another, see ibidem, 4. In the British Museum (69S a. 16(2)) is another copy, dated 1556. It is independent of A ; shewing a different spelling, typography and arrangement of marginal notes. And it is printed continuously in one volume with other matter. But otherwise it is so closely akin to A that the two appear to be based on the same MS. I owe my information about this issue to the Rev. F. S. Ranken ; his examination shews that no practical purpose, other than bibliographical, would be served by a complete collation here. See further below. Addendum 7. 5. In Sion College Library Mr Ranken finds another copy of 1556, without mention of place of publication. It is independent of that last described, as regards spelling. §lir.] PREFATORY NOTES 85 6. In the British Museum is a copy (698. a. 28 (i) ) of an English edition, '* Printed by John Awdeley, London, 1574." It is in black-letter. Mr Ranken informs me that it is "bound up with 'Certain Godly &c. Conferences.' It only claims to be ' reprinted.' Its spelling does not correspond with any other I have examined." He adds, " This is clearly the source of the Parker Society margins "/ which differ much from those of A and L.^ 7. In the Cambridge Library is a copy of an edition of 1586; the bibliographical description is as follows : Ridley (Nicholas), Bp of London. A breef declaration of the Lordcs Supper . . . 8vo, Abraliam Veale, London, 1586. Biack Letter. Collation A — E^ = 40 leaves A I blank. (Herbert 777.) The text of this edition, putting aside varieties of spelling, agrees nearly verbatim with A ; a minute collation shews that no practical gain, except to the study of English spelling, would come of a comparison in the present work. I have called it L (London), in the few mentions made of it in the critical notes. 1 The Parker Society Editor, the Rev. H. Christmas, un- fortunately omits all mention of the source of his text. See further below, 308, for some particulars of No. 6. 86 A BRIEF DECLARATION [? in. The title-page is printed as follows : A breefe declaration of the Lordes Supper, written by the singular learned Man and most constant Martyr of Christe Nicholas Rid- ley Bishop of London prisoner in Oxforde, a little before he suffer- red death for the true te stimonye of Jesus Christe Rom. 8. For thy sake are we killed all clay long, and are counted as sheep apoynted to be slaine. Neverthelesse, in all these thinges we oner come through him that loue us * Imprinted at London for (Abraham Vcalc) dwelling in Paules Churchyard at the sign of the Lambe 1586 8. In the British Museum is a copy of an edition of 1688, in black-letter. Mr Ranken finds that " it professes to be a reprint of 1586 (much larger in §111.] PRE FA TOR V NO TES 87 size of page than 1555). Page i is almost exactly the same in spelling &c., as L. I only detect four very slight variations. Marginal notes the same in substance (not spelling) as Brit. Mus. ed. princeps, omitting two unimportant notes, and altering the figures (in rather a peculiar manner) in four others." ^ 9. In my possession is a copy, also of 1688, which has some special interest. It forms part of a thin quarto volume. The title-page reads as follows : An Account of a Dispntation at Oxford, Anno Dom. 1554. With a Treatise of the Blessed Sacra- ment : Both Written by Bishop Ridley, Martyr. To whicJi is added a letter written by Mr. fohn Brad- ford, never before Printed. All taken ont of an Orignal (sic) Manuscript. Oxford, Printed at the Theater, Anno Dom. 1688. Above the word Oxford is a neat engraving of the Sheldonian Theatre. The little volume begins with a " Preface," as follows : THE PREFACE. There is no good Protestant but will be glad to meet with any Relic, tho' never so small, (a Finger or a Tooth, if I may so speak) of our Blessed Martyrs, especially 1 Since receiving Mr Ranken's description I have been able to examine this copy myself, with a view to ascertain the occasion and intention of the edition. See below, 309. 88 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ ill such eminent ones as Bishop Ridley and Mr. Bradford : I mean any of their writings that never yet were Printed, cannot but find a very hearty welcom amongst them ; and such is a good part of what is now pubHshed. Bishop Ridlefs Treatise indeed hath been Printed long since, and is in our Libraries, and hath been again lately Re-printed ^ ; but any account of the Disputation with him at Oxford in Latin^ I have not met with but in this manuscript ; neither is the Letter of Mr. Bradford's, now published, in Foxes History. However there is no Impartial Reader will have reason to suspect either of them to be spurious : They are of the same Spirit and Temper, which we find from our Histories, to have animated and governed those great Men. And what is now Printed, I do assure the Reader, is exactly accord- ing to the Manuscripts I found in my Father's Study presently upon his Death, 167 1. Our Adversaries boast, the Relicks of their Saints work Miracles, (indeed as they have been, and which is more, are still managed, they are Full of Wonders) I hope these of ours will Doe some Good, partly by shew- ing the World how consonant the Church of England is, and always hath been, to her Principles, particularly in that concerning the Presence in the Eucharist, (in managing of which she always walkt after the Scripture Phrase, with great Fear and Reverence, and exprest her self in the Interpretation, with so much Nicety and Caution, as to have given occasion, perhaps, to have been misunderstood by some weak, or to be artificially misrepresented, by som Evil Men, to I know not what purposes) partly by setting before us Examples, not only ^ Probably an allusion to the edition last mentioned above. §111.] PREFATORY NOTES 89 of suffering if it be the will of God, but also, of all good and dutiful behaviour towards our Superiors, with meek- ness and fear; for whom we do, and will always implore the Throne of grace to support their Authority over us, let the Sceptre held out be what it will. For these Reasons I am content this Manuscript be Printed. Glib. Tro?iside, Vice-Chan. Wadham Coll., Oxford, Aug. the loth, 88. This edition (which I have marked O, " Oxford," in the notes) has been collated throughout with A. The result shews for the most part a close simil- arity ; but, as the reader will see, O here and there is curiously independent, omitting long passages, or abridging, and in many minor details taking its own way. Dr Ironside ^ only tantalizes us by speaking of " an original manuscript," " found in his father's study," while he gives no hint of its age and charac- ter. I am inclined to think that the recension is by a hand later than Elizabeth's time, and that the large omissions were made somewhat arbitrarily. There is a constant tendency to modernize antiquated 1 Ironside appears often in Anthony Ji Wood's Diary. He was not a favourite of a Wood's : " Dr John Fell took Iron- side to be alwaies a prating and proud coxcomb ; as indeed he is " {Diary, iii. 224, ed. Oxf. Hist. Soc). He became Bishop of Bristol, and then of Hereford. See further, Addendum 6, 90 A BRIEF DECLARATION [§ ill. words ; " notJier " always gives way to " neither^' and " ivhich " to " zu/io." But it is more than pos- sible that in these respects the whole was deliber- ately retouched by the editor of 1688 ; evidently no attempt is made to retain spellings then obsolete. This copy is almost destitute of marginal notes. Further allusion will be found below (p. 304) to the short Latin report of the Disputation at Oxford printed by Ironside in the same volume. 10. The EncJiiridion Theologicnm (2 vols., Oxford, 1792, 2nd ed. 1825), by John (Randolph), Lord Bishop of London, contains Ridley's " Treatise against Transubstantiation," given (with his Pro- testatid) " as memorials of that eminent martyr of our Church, and as specimens of his mode of arguing against the Roman Catholic conceptions." 11, 12. The Treatise is also included in Legh KlchmGud's Fa^/ia's 0/ f//e EnglisJi CJuircJi (1807), and in the Religious Tract Society's British Reforviers (about 1830). *^* In the footnotes to the Declaration^ A = the Pem- broke College Copy, 1555. L = the Cambridge Library Copy, 1586. O = the Oxford Edition, 1688. P.S. = " Parker Society"; the text given in Ridley's Works in the Parker Series. *^* In the Reprint, the original black-letter is represented by roman type, the original roman by italic. The spelling and punctuation are reproduced exactly. 91 A brefe declaration of the Lordes Supper, written by the synguler lerned man and moste constant Martyr of lesus Christ Nicholas Ridley byshop of London prisoner in Oxforde, a lyttel be- fore he suffered deathe for the true testimon3'e of CHRISTE. Rom. 8. For thy sake are we kyllecl all clay long, and are compted as shepe appoyn- ted to be slayne. Neuer the ' lesse in all these thyn- ges we ouercome thorough him that loued Anno .1555. 92 To the Reader.^ VNderstande (good Reader) that this great clerke and blessed martyr bysshop Nicholas Ridley sought not by settynge foorth any notable piece of learned worke, the vaine glory of the world, nor temporall frendship of men for his present aduancemunt, muche lesse he hunted herby for bishoprikes and benefices, as all his aduersaries, the enemies of Christes truth and ordinance, the Papistes commonly do : but hauynge consideration of the great charge of soule committed vnto him, and of the accompt therof, whiche the iustice of god wold require at his handes, intendyng therwithall to be founde blameles in the great day of the lord, seing he was put apart to defende the gospell : he not only forsoke landes, goodes, world, frendes, and himself withal : and testified the truth specified in this boke by his lerned mouth in the open presence of the world : but also to leaue a sure monumente and loue token vnto his flock, he hath regestred it by his owne pen in this forme ensuyng, and sealed it vp with his blud. Forasmuch then as he hath proued hym selfe no vayne disputer, no wethercocke, nor hypocrite, seing he hath willyngly geuen his life for the truth : and in as muche also as his loue and moste constant christen conscience speakcth vnto the, gentill Reder : I b&sech the for Christes sake and thyne owne, lende him thyne indifferent hert, and pacient hearyng. 1 We can only conjecture the writer of the Title Page and the Introduction "to the Reader." It may be Grindal, J BREFE DECLARATION 93 MANY thynges confounde a weake memory : A few places well weighed and perceaued,-^ lyghten the vnderstandyng. Truth is there to be serched/ where it is certain ^ to be had. Though God dothe speake the triithe by man, yet in mans word, whyche God hath not reuealed to bee his, a man maye doubte, without mystruste in God, Christe is the truthe of God reuealed vnto man from heauen by God hym selfe, and therfore in his worde the truthe is to be founde, whiche is to be embraced of al that be his. Christe byddeth vs aske, and we shall haue : searche, and wee shall fynde : knocke, and it shal be opened vnto vs. Therfore our heauenly father, the author and fountayne of all truthe, the ' O has before the first sentence : A Brief Treatise of the most blessed SaCRAMENT of Ihc Body and Blood of Christ. THE PREFACE. L has in the same place : : : A Breefe Declaration of the Lords Supper. - O, proved '■^ O adds ^vith Diligence ^ O omits certain 94 -J BREFE DECLARATION bottomlesse sea of all ^ vnderstandyng, sende downe we beseche the, thy holy spirite into oure heartes, and lyghten our vnderstandynge with the beanies 2lie of thy heauenlye grace. We aske thee martirs ^^^'^' ^ mercyfuU "- Father, nat in respect prayer. of our desertes, but for thy dere sonne oure sauyour lesus Chrystes sake. Thou knowest, O heauenly Father, that the controuersye about the Sacrament of^ the blessed body and bloude of thy deare sonne, our saueour lesu ^ Christe, hathe troubled^ not of late only y*" churche of Englande, Fraunce, Germanye, and Italye, but also many yeares agoo. The faulte is ours (no doubt) there- fore,^ for we haue deserued thy plague. But (O Lorde) be mercyfuU, and releue oure myserie with some lighte of grace. Thow knowest (O Lord) how this wicked world rolleth vp and downe, and releth to & fro : and care the not what thy wyll is, so it maye abyde in wealthe. If truthe haue wealthe,*^ whoe are stoute ^ to defende the truthe as they t But if Chrystes crosse be layed on truthes backe, than they vanyshe awaye straight,^ as waxe before the fire. But these are not they, O ^ O adds true - O, heavenly '^ O om. the Sacr. of * O om. lesu '" O, thereof ^ O adds then '^ O, is so stout * O, straight away A BREFE DECLARATION 95 heauenly father, for whome I make my moste Nou. moane, but for those sely ^ ones, O Lord, which haue a zeale vnto thee : those I meane, which wold and wishe to knowe thy will, and yet are letted, holden backe, & blynded by the subtyltyes of Satan and hys Mynysters, the wickednesse of this wretched worlde, and the synful lustes and affections of the fleshe. Alas Lorde, thow knowest that we bee- of oure selues but fleshe, wherein ther dwelleth nothing that is good. How than is it possible for man without the (O Lord) to vnderstande thy truthc in dede ? Can the natural manne perceaue the will of God ? O Lorde, to whom thow geuest a zeale of thee, geue them also (we beseche thee) the knowlage of thy blessed will. Suffre not them (O Lorde) blyndlye to be ledde, for to stryue against thee as thow diddest those (Alas) which crucified thine owne sonne, forgeue them (O Lorde) for thy deare sonnes sake, for they knowe not what they doo. They do thinke (Alas, O Lorde) for lacke '^ of knowlage, that they doo vnto the good seruicc, euen whan agaynst thee they doo most extremely rage, Remembre, O Lorde (we beseche the) ^ for 1 I.e., innocent, simple. The word is so spelt in Chaucer. See Skeat, Etym. Diet. s.v. silly. - O, arc '^ O, luant 1 O here reads, the Prayer of thy Martyr St. Stephen., of 96 A BREFE DECLARATION whom thy martyr Stephan did praye, and whome thyne holy Apostle ^ Paule did so truly and earnestly loue : that for their saluation, he wished him self accursed for them. Remembre (O heauenly father) the prayer of thy deare sonne, our saueour Christe,-^ vpon the crosse, whan he sayd vnto thee : O father forgeue them : they know not what they doo. With this forgeuenesse, O good Lord,^ geue me, I beseche the, thy grace, so here brefely to set forthe the sayenges ■* of thy Sonne our sauior Christ, of his Euangelistes, and of his ^ apostles, that in this aforsayd controuersye, the lyght of the truthe, by the lanterne of thy worde, maye shyne vnto all theim that loue thee.*^ Of the Lordes last supper do speake expressely'' the Euangelistes, Mathew Mark, & Luke : but none more plainly nor*^ more fully declareth the same, than dothe S. Paule, partely in'' the tenthe chapter, but specially in the .xi. chapter of his fyrst epistle to the Corinthians. As Mathew and tliy holy Apostle Paul, luJiicJi wishcth Jiiiii accursed from thee for the salvation of his brethren the fezus. ^ Aopstle, by mistake. ^ O om. our Saviour Christ 3 O adds God * O adds and sentences '^ O om. of his ^ O adds Amen, and draws a line here, at the close of " the Preface," as it calls this first paragraph. 7 O adds three of ^ O, and 9 O reads only tJie loth 1st. c. Cor. to the next full-stop. A BREFE DECLARATION 97 Marke^ do agree muche in woordes, so doo - likewise Luke and S. Paul. But al .iiij. no doubt, as they were al taught^ in one schole, and inspired with one spirit, so taught thei all one truthe. God graunte vs to vnderstande it wel. Amen.4 Mathew setteth forth Christes Supper thus.^ When cnen teas come, he satte doiine ivith the Math. 26. .xij. &c. As they didde eate, lesus tooke breade, and gaiie thankes, brake it, and gane it to the disciples, and saydc : Take, eate This is my bodye. A nd he tooke the ciippe and gaue thankes, ganc it to them, sayeng, Drinke ye all of this : f os- titis is my blond of the neiv testametit, that is shedde for many, for the Remission of synnes. I saye vnto yon, I ivyll not drincke Jienceforthe of tJiys frnite ^ of the vyne tree, vntyll that daye, whann I shall dryncke that'^ nezve in my fathers kingdome. And zvhan they hadde sayed graced they ivent out, &c. Nowc Marke speaketh it thus. ^ O proceeds, agree inform of words '^ O, doth ^ O, altogether * O om. Amen '' A comparison of the Scripture quotations in the Declara- tion with the English Versions known to Ridley shews that he quotes freely, from memory, or having the Original most in his mind, but with recollections of both Tindale and ' Cranmer.' " O om. henceforth of thy s fruit "* O, it ^ So Tindale and ' Cranmer ' H 98 A BREFE DECLARATION Mar. 14. And as they eate, lesus tookc breade, blessed, and brake, and gaue to theym and saied, Take, eate. This is my bodye. And tooke the cuppc, gaue thankes, and gaue it to theym, and they all dranke of it. And he sayed vnto them: This is my blonde of the newe testamente, whyche is shedde for manye. Uerylye I saye vnto you, I wylle drynke no more of the fruite of the vync, vntylle that da3'e, that I drynke that newe, in the kingdome of God. Here Matthewe and Marke do agree not only in y^ matter, but also allmost fully in the forme of wordes.^ In Mathewe, gaue thankes. Marke hathe one- worde, Blessed : whych signifyeth in thys place all one. And where ^ Mathewe sayethc : Drincke ye all of thys : Marke saieth : ^ they al dranke of it. And wher Mathewe sayethe : of thys frute of y vyne : Marke leaueth out y"" worde (this) and sayth, of y" frute of the vyne. Nowe let vs se lykewyse, what agrementc (in Lite. 22. forme of woordes) is betwene S. Luke and S. Paule. Luke wryteth thus : He toke bread, gaue thankes, brake it and gaue it to them, saieng This is my bodi which is geuen for you.^ This do in the remembraunce of me. Like wise also whan they * O adds, saving thai for tJiis zuord in Matthew &c. On the statement see Additional Note i. - O, tin's ^ O, whereas * O adds a?td ^ O om. ivhicJi . . . yon A BREFE DECLARATION 99 had supped, he toke the cup, sayeng, This cuppe is the newe testament in my bloud, whiche is shedde for you. Saint Paulesctteth furthe the Lordes^ supper thus. The Lorde lesus, the same nyghte, in the whiche he was betrayed, toke bread, and gaue i. Coi. n. thankes & brake, and said : Take, eate : this is my body, which is broken for you. This do in remem- braunce of me. After the same maner he toke the cupp, whan supper was done, sayeng: This cuppe, is the newe testament in my bloud. This do as often as ye- shall drincke it in the remem- braunce of me. For as often as ye shall eate thys breade, and dryncke this cuppe, ye shall shewc the Lordes death, vntyll he come. Here where Luke sayeth, which is geuen : Paule sayth, whych is broken. And as Luke addeth to the wordes of Paule spoken of the cuppe whychc is shedde for you : so lykewyse Paule addeth to the wordes therof,'^ Thys doo, as often as ye shall drinke it in the remembraunce of me. The rest that foloweth in S. Paule bothe there and in y" 10. chap, perteyneth vnto the right vsc and doc- trine of the Lordes supper. ^ O, Christ s ^ O^you (and so just below) and om. sluill "0,(9/" Luke instead of f hereof too A BREFE DECLARATION Thus the EuangeHstes & S. Paule haue rehearsed the wordes and worke ^ of Christ, wherby he did institute & ordayne th3^s holy sacrament of hys ~ body & blood, to be a perpetual! remembrance " vnto his comyng againe "^ of him selfe : I saye y' is of his body geuen for vs, and of his blood sheddc for the remission of synnes. But •'* this remem- braunce whych is *'' thus ordayned, as y"" autor therof is Christe, bothe God and man, so by the almightye power of God, it farre passethe all kyndes of remembraunces,^ that anye other man is able to make eyther of hym selfe, or of anye other thing. For who so eucr receaueth this holy Sacrament thus ordayned in remembraunce of Christ, he receaueth therwith either deathe or lyfc. In thys (I trust) we doo all agree. For S. Paulo sayeth of y"" godly receiuours^ in the lo. chap. of his firste epistle vnto the Corinthians : TJie nippe of blessinge, ■ivhiche ive blesse, is it not the partakynge or felowsJiyppc of CJiristes blonde ? And also he sayeth. Tlie breade wJiicJi we breake {and^ meaneth at the Lordes table Is it not the partakynge or feloivsliyppe of Chrystes bodye ? 1 O, works - O adds blessed 3 O adds, of himself ^ O begins a new sentence with Of Idmsctf '" O adds /// ^ O om. it'Jiich is ? O, Remembrance * O, I Cor. \oth " O, he A BREFE DECLARATION loi Now the partaking of Christes bodye and of his ^ blood vnto the faythfull and godly, is the partaking or"-^ felowship of life & immortalitie. And agayn of the badde and vngodly receauours, S. Paule as playnlye sayeth thus : He that cateth of this breade, and drinketJi of this ciippe vii- zuorthilje :^ is giltyc of the body and blond of the Loi'de. O how necessary than it is, if we loue life, & wolde eschue deathe, to trye and examine ^^'i'^- our selucs, before we eate of this breade, and drynke of this cuppe, for ellcs, assuredly, he that eateth and drynketh therof* vnworthily, eateth & drynketh his owne damnacion, bycause he estemeth ^ not the Lordes body : y' is, he reuerenceth not the Lordes bodi with the honour that is due vnto him. And *^ that which was sayd, that with the recepte of the holy Sacrament of the blessed body and bloud of Christ is receaued of euery one good and '^ badde either lyfe or death, it is not ment, that they which are dead before God, may hereby ^ receaue lyfe : or the lyuinge before God can hereby receaue deathe. For as none is mete to receaue natural fode, ^ O om. of his - O, and ^ O adds he * O om. thereof '^ O, esteemed ^ O adds yet by "' O^or * O, hereby may I02 J BREFE DECLARATION wherby y*" natural life is nourished, except he be borne & lyue before so no man can fede (by the recept of this holy sacrament) of the fode of eternall life, excepte he be regenerated & borne of God before. And on the other syde, no manne here receaueth damnation which is not dead before. Thus hitherto without all doubte, God is my witnesse, I saye so farre as I doo ^ knovve, there is no controuersye amonge them that be learned, in the churche of Englande (concerning the matter of this sacramente) but all doo agree, whether they be newe or olde : and to speake plain, and as some of them ^ doo odiously call either ^ other : whether they be protestauntes,* papistes, Pharisees or gos- pellers. And as al do agree hitherto, in the aforc- sayed doctrine, so al do deteste, abhorre & con- demne y"" wicked heresie of the MessaloiiianQs,^ which other wise be called Eutichetes," which said, y' y'' holy Sacrament can nother do good nor harme. Al do also condemne those ^ wicked Ana- baptistes,^ which put^ no difference betwene the Lordes table and the lordes meate, & their owne. ^ O om. doo ^ O 0111. of tlicm -^ O, eacJi * See Add. Note 2. '-' O, Mcssalians, with marginal note Trip. Hist. Lib. 7. cap. II. "^ O, Euchits. See Add. Note 3. ^ O, the ^ See Add. Note 4. » O.puttcth .4 BREFE DECLARATION 103 And bicause^ charity wolde, that we should,^ (if it be possible, and so farre as we maye with the sauegarde of good conscience, & mayntenaunce of the truthe) agree with all men : therfore me thinkes, it is not charitably done to burthen any man (cither newe or olde, as they cal them 2) further, than suche doo declare them selues, to dissente from that we are persuaded to be ^ truthe, or pre- tende therto '" to be controuersies, where as none suche are in dede : and so to multiplye the debate, the which the more it dothe encreace, the further it doth departe from the vnitie, that the true christian should desyre. And agayn, this is true, that truthe nother ncdeth nor wyll bee maynteyned with lies. It is also a true prouerbe, that it is euen synne, to lye vpon the deuil : ^ for thoughe by thy ^ lye what it is thou doest synne ^ neuer so muche to speake ^^ ^''^' agaynstthe deuil, yet in y' thou lyest, in dede thow workeste the deuylles worke : thou doeste ^y^^ hym scruice, and takest the deuilles parte, sdandcr- ons Ill's Nowe whether than ^ they doo godly and of the charytably, whiche ether by their pen in ^''^'^ "' ^ O^ forasmuch - O om.. that we should 3 O om. as they call them * O adds the ■' O, there " O reads for this whole sentence, At/d it is sin to lie agai/isf the Devil ^ O, the ^ O, seem ^ O beguis the sentence, Xoiv then^ ivJicthcr I04 J BREFE DECLARATION wrytyng, or by their wordes in preachyng doo beare the symple people in hande/ that those whych thus doo teache & beleue, doo goe aboute to make the holy Sacrament (ordayned by Christ hymselfe) a thing no better than a piece of common ^ bread : or that doo saye, that suche doo make the holy Sacramente ^ of the blessed body and bloud of Christ nothinge elles,^ but a bare sygne or a figure, to represent Christ none other wise, than the^ luye bushe dothe represent the wyne in a tauerne, or as a vyle*' persone gorgiouslye appa- railed, maye represent a kinge or a prynce in a playe. Alas lette men '' leaue lyinge, and speake ^ truthe euery one, one,*^ not only to his neighbour, but also of hys neighboure : for we are members ^ " To bear in hand," to keep in suspense, and so to delude with false hopes or notions. So Shakespeare : " A knave, to bear a gentleman in hand, and then stand upon security ! " (2 Hen. IV., i. 2). See above, p. 32, for the particular misrepresentation which Ridley has here in mind. ^ O adds broken ^ O, i]iis Sacrament ^ O om. nothing else 5 O, an. The ivy, perhaps, as sacred to Bacchus, was the tavern-sign. Shakespeare : " Good wine needs no bush " {As Vote Like It, Epilogue). See further Add. Note 5. ^ /. e. cheap, common. So in the A.V. of St James : "vile raiment." 7 O, us ^ O adds the '-• O, man. The text of A repeats one, perhaps in error. A BREFE DECLARATION 105 one of an other saycth saint Paule. The controucrsie (no doubte) which at thys daye troublethe the churche (wherein anye meane ^ learned man, eyther olde or newe, dothe stande in)- is not, whether the holy Sacrament of the ^ bodye and bloud of Chryst, is no better than a piece of common bread or no : or whether the Lordes table is no more to be re- garded, than the table of any earthy man or no : or whether it is but * a bare signe or figure of Christ and nothyng elles or no. For all doo graunte, that S. Paules woordes doo requyre, that the bread which we breake, is the partaking of the body of Christe, and also'"* doo graunte hym that eatethe of that bread, or ° drinketh of that cup vnworthily, to be giltye of the Lordes death, and to eate and drincke hys owne damnacion, bycause he estemethe '' not the Lordes body. All doo graunt, that these woordes of S. Paule (when he sayeth : If zve eate, it adiiantagethe vs nothiiige : or if we eate not, we want notliinge therby) are not spoken of the Lordes table, but of other common meates. Thus than hitherto yet, we al agree. But Wherein now let vs see, wherin the dyssension dothe t,.o,lcrsv stande. The vnderstanding of it, wherin '^'""""^''^^'• 1 " Mean," i. e. moderately, of the average. - " Stand in," /. e. agree. ^ O adds blessed ■* O, be for is but ■' O adds all '' O, and '' O, csleenid io6 A BKEFE DECLARATION it chiefly standeth/ is a steppe to the true search- ynge forthe of the truth. For who can seke well a remedye, if he know not before, the disease ? It is neither to be denyed nor dissembled, that in the matter of thys Sacrament ther be diuerse poyntes, wherin menne (counted to be learned) can not agree. As, whether there be any Transubstan- ciation of the bread, or no : any corporal & carnal presence of Christes substaunce, or no. Whether adoration (due onelye vnto God) is to be done vnto the Sacrament or no .'' and whether Christes bodye be there offred in dede - vnto y^ heauenly father, by y" prieste or no : and whether y'' euill man receauethe the naturall bodye of Christe or no. Yet neuerthelesse as in a man dyseased in dyuerse partes, commonlye the origynall cause of suche dyuerse diseases, whyche is^ spredde abroade in the body, doo come from * one chiefe membre, as frome the stomacke, or from the heade : euen so all ^ fyue aforesayed ^ doo chiefly hange vpon thys one ques- tion, which is, what is the matter of the Sacramente : whether is it the naturall substaunce of breade, or the natural substaunce of Christes owne body .'' The truthe of this question truly tryed out and agreed vpon, no doubte shall ceasse the con- ■^ O, doth chiefly stand ^ O, tfideed offered ^ O, are '^ O adds some ^ O adds t/iose ^ O adds points .4 DREFE DECLARATION 107 troucrsie in al y"" rest. For if it bee Chrystes owne naturall bodye, borne of the virgine : than assuredly (seyng that all learned menne in Eng- lande so farre as I knowe/ bothe newe & olde, graunt there to be but one substaunce, than I saye, they must nedcs graunt Transubstanciacion : that is, a chaunge of y"" substaunce of bread, into the substance of Christes bodye. Than also they must nedes grant the carnal and corporal presence of Christes bodye. Than must the Sacrament be adored with y" honour due to Christ him selfc, for the vnitie of the two natures in one persone. Than yf y priest do ofifre the Sacrament, he dothe offre in dede Christ him selfe. And finally the murtherour, the aduouterour,- or^ wicked man receauing the Sacrament, must nedes than receaue also the natural substaunce of Christes owne blessed bodye, bothe fleshe and blood. Nowe on y"" other syde, yf after the truth shalbe truly tryed out, it shalbe * founde, that the substaunce of ^ bread is the naturall ^ substaunce of the Sacra- ment, although for the chaunge of the vse, office and dignitie of y" bread, the bread in dede sacra- ^ O om. so . . . know ' Qi^ adulterer. " Advouterer " appears in the " Order of the Communion," 1548, and in the Communion Office of 1549. 2 O, and ^ O^be "> O adds tJie " O, material lo8 A BREFE DECLARATION mentally is chaunged into the body of Christ, as the water in ^ Baptisme is sacramentally ^ chaunged into the fountayne of regeneration, & yet the naturall '■' substaunce therof remayneth all one, as was before : if (I say) the true solucion of that former question (whervpon all these controuersies do hang) be, that the naturall substaunce of breade, is the materiall substaunce in the^ Sacrament of Christes blessed ^ body : than must it nedes*^ folowc of the former proposition (confessed of all that be named to bee learned, so farre as I doo knowe, in Englande) which is that there is but one materiall substance in the Sacrament of the body, and one onely lykewyse in the Sacrament of the bloude, that there is no such thyng in dede and in truthe, as they call Transubstantiation : for the substaunce of bread remayneth styll in the Sacrament of the body : than also the naturall substance of Christes humayn nature, which he toke of the virgin Mary is in heauen, where it reigneth nowe in glorye, and not here inclosed vnder the forme of bread : than that godly honour, whiche is only due vnto God the creator, may not be done vnto the creature ^ O, of. On the statement, see Add. Note 6. - O oni. sacranieiitally -^ O, material * O adds Jioly •' O om. blessed '■' O om. needs J BREFE DECLARATION 109 without idolatrye and sacrilege, is not to bee done vnto the holy Sacrament. Than also the wicked, I meane the impenitent murtherer,aduouteroiu-,or suche lyke.do not receaue the naturall substance of the blessed body and bloud of Christ. Fynally, than doth it ^ folow, that Christes blessed body and bloud, which was ones onlye ofifred & shedde vpon the crosse, bcyngc auaylable - for the sinnes of all the hole '• world, is offered vp no more, in the naturall substance therof, nother by the priest, nor any other thyng. But here before we go any further to serch in this matter, and to wade (as it were "*) to searchc and trye out (as we may) the truth herof in the scrip- ture, it shal do wel by the way, to know,'' whether they that thus make answere & solucion vnto the former principall question, do take away symply and absolutely the presence of Christes body and bloud, from the Sacrament, ordeined by Christe, and duly ministred accordyng to his holy ordi- naunce and institution of the same. Undoubtedly ^ O om. it 2 /. e. availing, effectual ; the only meaning of the word in pure English. So Hooker, E. P., v. 57 ; "the grace available unto eternal life." •" O om. whole * O om. the bracketed words •'■' O om. to knotu (with a mark to shew two words missing) and proceeds, Whether, etc. no A BREFE DECLARATION they doo denye that vtterly, eyther so to saye, or so ^ to meane.- Herof yf any man doo or wyll doubt, the bookes which are written already in this matter of theim, that thus doo answere, wyl make the matter playn.-" Now than wyll you say, what kynd of presence do * they graunt, & what do they denye ? Briefly they denie the presence of Christes body in the naturall substaunce of hys humane & assumpte nature, and graunt the presence of the same by grace : that is, they affirme and saye, that the substaunce of the natural body and blood of Christ is onely remaynynge in heauen, and so shall be vnto the later daye, whan he shall come agayne in glorye, (accompanied with the Aungelles of heauen) to iudge bothe the quicke and the deade. And that the same naturall substaunce of y'' very body and blood of Christ, bicause it is vnited vnto the dyuyne nature in Christ y'' seconde person of the Trinitic/' Thcrfore it hath not onelye lyfe in it selfe, but is also liable to geue ^' and doth geue lyfe vnto so manye as be or shalbe partakers therof : ' O om. so " O adds the same ^ Cranmer's treatise is no doubt chiefly in his mind. But Bucer and Martyr had also written during their English residence. * O, will ^ The full-stop seems out of place here ; but it appears in both A and L. O has the comma. ^ O om. lo give A BREFE DECLARATION in that is, y^i to al that do beleue on his name, whiche are not borne of bloude (as S. lo. sayeth) or of y"" will of the "-^ flesh, or of y wil of man, but ar borne of God : thoughe the self same substaunce abyde styll in heauen, and they for the tyme of theyr pilgremage dwel here vpon earthe : By grace (I saye) ^ that is, by the gyfte of thys lyfe (men- cioned in lohn) and the properties of* the same, mete for oure ■' pylgremage here vpon earth, the same body of Christ is here present with vs. Euen *^ as for example, we say, the same" Sunne which (in substance) neuer remoueth his place out of the heauens, is yet present here by his beams, light and naturall influence, where it shyneth vppon the earthe. For Goddes woorde and his sacramentes be (as it were, the beames of Christ, which ^ is Sol iustiticBy the sonne of righteousnes.^ Thus haste thou hearde, of what sorte or sectc soeuer thou be,^'^ wherein dothe stande the principall state and chiefe poynte of all the controuersies, which do proprely pertain vnto the nature of this Sacrament. As for the vse therof, I graunt there be many other thynges, whereof here I haue spoken^^ 1 O om. /hat 2 q om. the ■' O, I sa?d, -» O.for ■' O, a '^ O om. Even ' O om. savic ^ O, 'lu/io " See Add. Note 7. O om. the Sim, &c. ^" O om. the words ofzvhaf , . de " O adds of 112 A BREFE DECLARATION nothyng at all. And novve least thou iustely myghtest ^ complayne, and say, that I haue in openyng of this matter done nothyng elles, but digged a pyt, and haue not shut it vp again : or broken a gap, and haue not made it vp agayn - : or opened the boke, & haue not closed it agayn : or- els to call me what thou lustest,^ as neutrall, dis- sembler, or what soeuer elles thy luste & learnyng shall serue to thee to name me worse ** : Therfore here now I will (by Goddes grace) not only shortely but •'' so clearely & playnly as I can make y'^^ *^ to knowe, whether of y*" aforesaide two answeres to y" former principal state & chief point clothe lyke me best : yea and also I wyll holde al those accursed, whiche in thys matter y' now so troubleth the churche of Christe to ^ haue of God receaued the keye of knowlage, & yet goo aboute to shut vp the doores so,^ y' they them selues will not entre in, nor suffer other that woulde. And as for myne owne parte, I considre but •' of late what charge and cure of soule ^^ hathe ben committed vnto me, whereof God knowethe, howe sone I shalbe 1 O, viayest '-^ O om. ai^ain ^ O, they list * O has only "(S-^^." for the words or luliat . . . wojsc ■' O adds also '' O adds now 7 O om. to 8 O om. so ■' O, both 1*^ O, aire, ^ charge of soil Is. A and L both read sotile A BREFE DECLARATION 113 called to geue ^ accompte : & also now in this worlde what perile & daunger of the lawes " concern- ing my life I am now in at this present time. What foly wer it than for me, now^ to dissemble with God, of whom assuredly I loke & hope by Christ to haue euerlasting lyfe ? Seing that such charge & daunger both before God and man, do compasse me in rounde about on euery syde : therfore God willinge I will frankely and freely vtter my minde and though my body be captiue, yet my tongue & my pen as longe as I may shall freely set furthe, that whiche vndoubtedly I am persuaded to be the truth of Goddes wordc. And yet I wyll do it vnder this protestation, cal me protestant ^ who lusteth,^ I passe not thereof. My protestation shall be thus ^ : that my mynde is & euer shalbe (God willyng) to set forthe syncerely the true sense and meanyng (to the best of my vnderstand- 1 O adds in ^ He speaks of himself as rather in danger than finally condemned, for reasons explained in the Biographical Sketch. See pp. 55, 57. 3 O om. then for inc now * The word originated 1529, at the Diet of Speyer, when the Reformers " protested " their ultimate appeal to the Holy Scriptures. Ridley here uses the word " protestation " in the positive sense in which it was used on that great occa- sion, and in connexion with the authority of Holy Scripture. '' O, list ^ O, this I 114 -^ BREFE DECLARATION yng) of goddes moste holy woorde, and not to decline frome the same, eyther for feare of worldely daungier, or els for hope of gayne. I doo protest also due obedience and submission of my iudgemente in this my wrytyng, and in al other myne affayres vnto those of Christes church, which be truly learned in Goddes holy woord, gathered in Christes namc,^ and guyded by his Answer spirite. After this protestation, I dooe chiefc playnely afhrme and say, that the seconde question, answer made vnto the chiefe '^ question and principal poynte, I am persuaded to be the very true meanynge and sense of Goddes holy worde: that is, that the naturall substaunce of breade and wyne is the true materiall substaunce of the holye sacrament of the blessed body & bloud of our sauiour Christe : and the places of scripture, whervpon this my faythe is grounded, be these, bothe concerninge y" sacrament of y" body, & also ^ y" bloude. Fyrst let vs repete the begynnynge of the in- stitucion of the Lordes supper wherin al y' three euangelistes, and S. Paule almoste in wordes^ ^ O om. this clause. '■^ L om. the words ansijer made vnto tJie diicfc. They appear in O. ^ O adds of * O om. almost in ivords J BREFE DECLARATION 115 dooe agree, sayeng that lesus tokc breade, ganc t/iankes, brake, and gaiie it to the Disciples, saycng : Take, eate, this is my body. Here it appeareth playnly, that Christ calleth very bread his bodye. For that vvhiche he toke, was very bread. In this all men doo agree. And that whiche he toke, after he hadde geuen thankes, he brake : and that whiche he toke and brake, he gaue ^ to his disciples and that whiche he toke, brake, and gaue to his disciples he sayed him selfe of it : Thys is my bodye. So it appeareth playnelye that Christ called very bread his body. But verye breade canne not be hys-' bodye in verye substaunce thereof: therefore it vc\nstArgui/icnL nedes haue an other meanynge. Whyche meanynge appeareth playnelye what it is, by the nexte sen- tence that foloweth immediatlye, bothe in Luke and in Paule. And that is this : Doo thys in re- menibraiince of me? Whervpon it semeth vnto me to be euident, that Chryst did take breade, & called it his bodye, for that he wolde therby in- stitute a perpetuall remembrance of his body : specially of the ^ singular benefite of oure redemp- tion, whyche he woulde than procure and purchace vnto vs, by hys bodye vpon the crosse. But breade 1 O adds // - O adds voy ^ See Add. Note S. ^ O, that ii6 J BREFE DECLARATION retaynynge styl hys owne verye naturall substaunce, maye be thus by grace, (and in a sacramental sig- nification) his body : wheras elles the very bread whiche he toke brake, and gaue them, could not be in any wise his naturall body. For that were confusion of substaunces, and therefore the very woordes of Christe ioyned wyth ^ the nexte sentence folowyng, bothe enforceth vs to confesse the very bread, to remayne styll, and also openeth vnto vs, how that breade maye be and is thus by his dyuyne power his body, which was geuen for vs. But here I remembre, I haue red in some wrytours of the contrarye opynion, which do deny that, that whyche Christe did take, he brake. For saye they after hys takynge, he blessed it as Marke doth speake. And by hys blessinge, he chaunged the naturall substaunce of the breade in to the natural substaunce of hys bodye : and so althoughe he toke the breade, and blessed it, yet bycause in blessing he chaunged the substaunce of it, he brake not the bread, whych than was not there, but only the forme therof. Unto thys obiectyon I haue twoo playne answers, both grounded vpon Goddes worde. The one I wyll here rehearse : the other answer I wyll dyfferre, vntil I speake of the Sacrament of the blood. Myne answere here is taken out of y'' 1 O, to A BREFE DECLARATION 117 plaine wordes of S. Paul whyche dothe manifestlye confounde this fantastical inuention, first inuented (I wene) of Pope Imwcentiiis, and after confyrmed by the subtile sophister Duns} and latelye Mar. renewed nowe in our dayes, wyth an J,\'Ja'>i. eloquent style & muche finesse of wytte.- Gardiner. But what can craftye inuention, subtyltye in sophismes, eloquence or finesse of wytte preuaylc againste the vnfallible worde of God ? What nede we to striue and contend " what thing we breake, for Paule sayeth, speakingc vndoubtedlye of the Lordes table : The brcade (sayethe he) zvhicJi zve breake, is it not the partakynge or feloivsJiyp of the Lordes body. Whervpon it foloweth, that after the thankes geuyng it is breade whichc we breake. y\nd how often in the actes of the apostles is the Lordes supper, signified by breaking of bread ? They dyd persener (saieth S Luke) in the apostles doctrine communion, and breaking of bread.^ And' 1 O, sophist Dunsc. See Add. Notes on this allusion to Innocent III. and Duns Scotus. - P.S. has here in the margin, // is meant of a work first set forth under the name of Marcus Antonius Constantiiis, and aftcrwa?'it of Stephen Gardi>ier, Bishop of Winchester. See further Add. Note 9. " O, contend &^ strive * O has, for this sentence, only They did persevere in b7-eaking of bread. = O adds again Ii8 A BREFE DECLARATION ^ .^ tJicy brake bread in aicry Jiouse. And again 2. 20. in an other place/ whan they were come together to break bread &c. s. Paul which setteth forth most fullye in his writinge bothe the doc- trine & the right vse of y'' Lordes supper, & y- sacramental eating & drinking of Christes body & bloud, calleth - fyuc tymes breade, bread, bread, bread, bread."' ^ The sacramentall breade is the mysticall body, ™ and so it is called in scripture, i. Cor. 10. second as it IS called the natural body of Christ. reason. ^, . .,,,.', But Christcs mystical body is the congre- gation of christianes. Now no man was cuer so fonde, as to saye, that that sacramental bread is transubstanciated and chaunged in to the sub- staunce of the congregation. Wherefore no man shoulde likewyse thinkc, or saye, y' y" bread is transubstanciated & chaunged in to the natural substaunce of Christes humayne nature. But my mynde is not here to wryte what maye be gathered out of scriptures for this purpose, but onely to note here brefely, those whychc seme vnto me, to be the most playn places. Therforc 1 O o\\\. ill aitother place - 0,calPd ^ O, 5 times Bread Bf'ead, &^c. ^ O inserts T/ie second Reason : See Ijelow, Additional Note 10. A BREFE DECLARATION 119 contented to haue spoken thus much of the sacra- mental bread, I wil nowe speake a Htle of the Lordes cup. And this shalbe my third argument grounded vpon Christes owne words. The naturall j,j^^ substaunce of the sacramentall wyne re- thirdc argument. mayneth styll, and is the material sub- stance of the sacrament of the bloud of Christ : Therfore it is Hkcwisc so in the sacramentall bread. I know that he that is of a contrary opinion, wyll denye the former parte of myne argument. But I wyl proue it thus, by the playn wordes of Christ himself both in Mathew and in Mark. Christes woordes are these : after the wordes sayd vpon the cup : I say vnto you (sayth Christe) I wyll not drynke hencefurthe of thys fruite of the vyne tree, vntyll I shall drinke that newe^ in my fathers kingdome. Here note how Christe calleth playnly his cuppe the frute of the vine tree. But the fruite of the vyne tree is verye naturall wyne. Wherefore the natural substaunce of the wyne doth remaine styll in the Sacrament of Christes bloud. And here in speaking of y'^ Lordes cup, it cometh vnto my remembraunce the vanite of Innocentius his - fantastical inuention, whichc by 1 O, anew . - n nm. ///f I20 A BREFE DECLARATION Paules wordes I did confute before, and here did promise somewhat more to speake, & that is this '* : If this - transubstanciacion be made by thys woorde, Blessed, in Marcke sayed vpon the breade, as Innocentius that pope did say-^: Than surelye seinge that worde is not sayde of Christe, nothcr in any of the euangelistes nor in * S. Paule vpon the cuppe : '' There is no transubstanciation of the wyne at all. For where the cause doth faile, there can not folowe the effect. But the sacra- mental bread & the sacramentall wyne doo bothc remayne in theyr natural substaunce alike, and if the one be not chaunged, as of the sacramental wyne it appeareth euidently : than ther is no such transubstanciacion in nother^ of theim bothe. Al that trust "' & affirme this chaunge of y*" _, substaunce of breade & wyne in to the The papistes substaunce of Christes bodye and bloud //"^7w/^ called Transubstantiacion doo also saye^ not what. ^^^ chaunge to be made by a certayne forme of prescript wordes, and non other. But what they be that make the chaunge, eythcr of the one or of the other, vndoubtedly cuen they that 1 O, thus " O, t/ic 2 O om. this clause. On the statement, see Add. Note ii. 4 O, fl/and om. S. ■' O adds t/ien " O, nVZ/rr ' 0,/>!f/, and so P.S, '^ O adds af?d affiriu A BKEFR DECLARATION 121 doo^ write mooste fynely'' in these owx Gardener dayes, almoste confesse playnely, that they ^3^^//^^. can not telle. For althoughc they graunt tion} to certayne of the old authors, as Chrysostom, and Ambrose : that these wordes This is my body, ar the wordes of consecration of the sacrament of the body : yet saye they, these wordes may well be so called, bicause they doo assure vs of the conse- cration therof, whether it be done before these wordes be spoken or no. But as for this theyr doubte, concernyng the sacrament of the body, I lette it passe. Let vs now consyder the wordes whiche pertayne to the cuppe. This is fyrst euident, that as Mathew much agreeth with Marke, & likewise"* Luke with Paul much agreeth herin ''' in forme of wordes : f' so in the same/ the forme of woordes in Matthewc and Marke is dyuers from that whiche is in Luke & Paul : y"" old authors do moste rehearse the form.e of wordes in Matthewe & Marke : bycause I wene they semed to them most *^ clcre. But 1 " The 48 olDJection." This is a misprint, in all the early editions, for 84, as a reference to Gardiner shews. See Add. Note 12. " O, ivlucli " O, sincei'cly ■' O om. likewise ■' O om. fiii/rli . . /lerer'n " O adds C07icer-]iing iJie Sacrament of the Body ' O, tJiis Sacrament of the Ci/p instead of the same ^ O, more 122 /I BREFE DECLARATION here I wold knowe, whether it is ^ credible or no, that Luke and Paule, when they celebrated the lords supper with their congregations, that they dyd not v.se the same forme of wordes (at the Lordes table) whiche they wrote, Luke in his gospell, and Taule in his epistle." Of Luke, bicause he was a phi- sition, whether some wille graunte, that he myght be a priest or no, and was hable to rcccaue the order of priesthod, whiche (they saye) is geuen by vertue of these wordes sayde by the Byshoppe : Take thou autoritie to sacrifice for the quick and'^' the dead. I canne not telle, but yf they shoulde be so straytc vppon Luke eyther for his crafte, or ellcs for lacke of suchc power geuen hym by vertue of the aforesayde woordes : than I weene, /\7«- ^rW bothe Peter and Paule are in daun^ier to rank had . * vo S7tchc be deposed of theyr priesthode, for the Jiodc'as crafte either of fyshyng, whiche was Peters : ^^"^. or makynge of tentes, which was Paules, Paputs ^ ^ tunic, were more vile * then the science of Phisicke. And as for those "' sacramental wordes of the order of priesthode, to haue authoritic to sacrifice both for the quickc and the dead, I wenc Peter and Paul (yf they were bothe alyue) were not hable to proue, that cuer Christ gaue them suchc ■* O adds not '' O om. the words Liitcc . . . epistte " See Add. Note i. 3. '' I.e. cheap, common ■'' O, ttiese A BREFE DECLARATION 123 authoritie, or euer said any suche wordes vnto theim. But I wyll let Luke goe, and bicause Paule spcaketh more for^ hym self: I will reherse his woordes : That (saith Paule) - whiche I receaued of the Lorde, I gaue vnto you. For the Lord lesus. &c. And so he setteth forth the hole institution & right vsc of the Lordes supper. Nowe seynge that s. '■ Paule here saietli, that whiche '^ he receaued of the Lorde, he had geuen '' theim, and that whiche he hath^' receaued and geucn them before by worde of mouthe, nowe he rehearseth & writeth the same in his Epistle : is it '' credible that Paule wolde neuer vse '^ this forme of woordes, vpon the Lordes cuppe, whiche ^ (as he sayth) he receaued ^^ of the Lorde,^^ that he had geucn them before, and nowe rehearseth ^' in his Epistle ? I truste no man is so far from all reason, but he wil graunt mc, that this is not lykely so to bee. Nowe then, yf you grauntc me, that^" Paule d}'d vse the forme of woordes, whiche he wry tcth : Lette ^ O adds ///;// - O om. [sailh Paul) " O om. that S. ' O om. lohich ■' O, that which he gave '' O, had ' O, // is. And the mark of interrogation is alisent below. These must be mistakes of the Editor, ^ O, have used '■' O, except i" O adds the?!i ^^ O adds and '^ O adds the same 1" O om. the words between lie will grant vie that and Paule 124 '-? nREFE DECLARATION vs than reherse and ^ consyder Panics woordes, whych he sayth, Christ spake thus vppon the cup : This cuppe is the neivc testament in my bloud, This do as often as yc sJial drinkc it in the rcmembratmce of me. Here I would knowe, whether that Christes wordes spoken vpon the cup were not as myghty in woorke, and as efifectuall in signification to all intentes, constructions, and purposes, (as all our parliament men do speake) - as they -^ were spoken vpon the breade. If this be graunted, whiche thynge ^ I thinke no man can deny : than further I reason thus. But the worde (Is) in the woordes spoken vpon the Lordes breade doothe myghtyly signifie (saye they) the chaunge of the substaunce of that which goeth before it, into the substance of that whiche foloweth after, that is, of the substance of breade into the substance of Christes body, whan Christ saith : This is my bodyS' Now then if Christes wordes whiche are'^ spoken vppon the cuppe, whiche Paule here rehcarseth*^ be of the same myghte and power, both in workyng and 1 O om. rehearse and - O om. the words to all intents . . . do speak) ^ O adds that * O om. thing •'' O om. the words 7uhen Christ . . body " O, 7uhen '' O om. which are ^ O om, the \\'ords wliich Paul here rehearseth .1 DREFE DECLARATION 125 signiiienge : Than muste this woorde (is) whan Christe sayeth : TJiis cuppe is the nezve Testament. tb'c. turne the substance of the cuppe into the substaunce of the newe testament. And if thou wylt saye, that this worde (Is) nother^ maketh nor^ signifieth any suche chaunge of the cuppe, althoughe - it be sayde of Christ, that this cuppe is the newe testament, yet Christe mente no suche chaunge, as that. Mary syr, cuen so say I, whan Christ sayd of the bread, which he toke, and after thankes geuen, brake, and gaue them, sayenge : Take^ eate, this is my body, he mente no more any suche chaunge of the substaunce of ^ breade into the substance of his naturall body, than he ment of the change and Transubstanciation of the cuppe ^ into the substance of the newe testament. And yf thou wylte saye, that the woorde {cuppe) here in Christes wordes doothe not signifye the cup it selfe, but the wyne or thyng conteyned in the cuppe, by a fygure called Metoiiimia, for that Christs wordes so^ ment, and*^ must nedes be ^ O, neither '-' O, and that aliho ^ O om. substance of * The P.S. Editor says that the words the change and trans, of the cup into the substance of the New Testament are not found after the editio princeps. This is a mistake ; they appear in L and O. •^ O oni. so. ^ O adds so 126 J BREFE DECLARATION taken : thou sayest verye welle. But I prayc the Note ivell^y the vvaye, here note two thynges. Fyrste //! .t. that this worde, Is, hath no suche strengthe confuted, or signification in the Lordes wordes, to make or to signifye any transubstanciation. Secondly, that^ the Lordes wordes wherby he instituted the sacrament of his bloude, he vseth - a figuratiue speache. Howe vayne than is it, that some so earnestly dooe saye, as it were an infallible rule,^ that * in doctrine & in the institution of the sacramentes, Christ^ vsed no figures, but all his wordes are to bee strayncd to their propre signi- fications: when as here what soeuer thou sayest was in the cup,*^ nother y' '' nor the cup it selfe, takyng euery word in his propre signification, was the new testament, but in vnderstandyng that which was in the cup, by the cup that is a figura- tiue speche : yea and also thou canst not verifie or truely saye of that, whether thou sayest it was wyne or Christes bloud, to be the newe testament without a figure also.^ Thus in one sentence spoken of Christ, in the institution of the sacrament of his ^ O adds in - O, used ^ O om. so earnestly do^ and as it luerc . . rule * O adds Christ '-' om. Christ •* O om. what . . cup '' O adds was in the dtp, ^ O om. the whole passage ending with this word and beginning but in understanding .1 BREFE DECLARATION 127 bloud/ the figure must helpe vs twyse. So vntrue it is, that some doo write, that Christ vseth no figure in the doctrine of fayth, nor in the institution of his sacramentes.- But some say, yf we shall thus admit figures in doctrine, than shall all the articles of our faythe, by figures and allegories shortly be transformed and vnlosed/' I say it is lyke fault, and euen the same, to deny the figure, where the place so requireth to be vnderstanden,^ as vaynely to make it a figuratiue speche, whiche is to bee vnderstanden in his propre signification. The rules whereby the speeche is knowen, whan it is figuratiue, and whereby^ it is none, . ^ „, Sainte Augustin in his booke De doctrina E)oc. ill I' is - Christicma^ geueth dyuers learned lessons, tiaua. u. very necessary to be knowen of the studentes ^' '"• * • in Goddes worded Of the whiche, one I wyllc re- hearse, whyche ^ is thys : If (sayeth he) tlic scrip- ture dothe semeto connnaiinde a thyiige, luhiche is zvicked or vngodly : or to forbydde a thyngc that char it ie doo the require : than knozue thou, sayth ^ O om. in the institution . . /lis blood - O om. this whole sentence, from So untrue 2 O om. and unloosed * O om. to be itnderstanden ^ O, w/ien '' O, De Doctrina Christ i lib. 3. ch. 16. ■^ O om. the words very necessary . . icorde ^ O om. / laiit re/warse, liiliicli 128 .-/ DREFE DECLARATION he ^ that the speeche is fyguvatiue. And for ex- aumple he bryngethe the sayenge of Christe, in -^ the .vi, chapiter"^ of S. lohn. Excepte ye eate of the JlesJie of the sonne of vianne, and drynke Ids bloudde, ye can not haiie ^ lyfe in you : it seenietli to conimaiinde a wycked or an vugodly thynge. WJier- fore it is a figurative speache, coniniandyng to hane Couuminion and^ feloivshyp with Christes passion, and denoutely and Jiolsoniely to lay vp in inenwrye, that his fleshe was crucified and zuottnded for vs.^ And here I can not but meruayle'^ at som men, Gardiner surely of much excellent fynesse of wit, inhts ^ Qf oreat eloquence, that ar not ashamed answers . to the to write & say, that this aforesaid sayeng 226.0/'- of Christe is after S. Austine a figuratiue lec/ton. speche in dede : howebeit not vnto the JVo/e. learned, but to the vnlearned. Here let any man that but indifferentely vnderstandeth the latin tongue, rede the place in S. Austen : and yf he perceaue not clerely S. Augustins wordes and mynd to be contrary, let me abyde therof the rebuke.* This lesson of S. Augustin I haue therfore ^ O, yo/i instead of t/iot/, saitJi he " O om. in ^ O om. chapter and 6'. * O, Jiave no -^ O, or " For the original, see Add. Note 14. ^ See Add. Note 15. '^ O om. this whole passage from the beginning of the paragraph. J BREFE DECLARATION 129 the rather set furthe, bicause ^ it teacheth vs to vnderstand that place in lohn figuratiuely. Euen so surely the same lesson with the exaumple of S. Augustins expositions therof, teacheth vs not onely by the same, to vnderstande Christes wordes in the Institution of the Sacramente bothe of his body and of his bloude figuratiuely, but also the very trewe meanynge and vnderstandyng of the same. For yf to commaunde to eate the flesshe of the Sonne of manne, and to drinke his bloude seemeth to commaunde an inconuenience and an vngodlinesse,-^ and is euen so in dede, if it be vnder- standen as the wordes doo stande in their proper significacion : and therfore muste be vnderstanden figuratiuely and spiritually, as S. Augustine doth godly and learnedly " interprete them : Than surely Christe commaundynge in his last supper to eate his body and drinke his bloudde, seemed to com- maunde in sounde of woordes, as great and euen the same inconuenience and vngodlynesse, as dyd his woordes in the .vi. chap, of S. lohn : and ther- fore muste euen by the same reason, be lykewyse vnderstanden and expounded figuratiuely and spiritually,^ as S. Augustin dyd the other : Wher- vnto that '' exposition of S. Augustine may seme 1 O adds as - O, or an ungodly tJiing •^ O, learnedly ^ godly ^ O adds and ' O, the same K l3o J BREFE DECLARATION to be the more mete, for that Christe in his supper, to the commaundement of eatyng and drynkyng of his bodye and ^ bloud, addeth : Do this in the ycuienibrance of me. Whiche vvordes surely wer the keyc that opened and reuealed the spiritual and godly exposition vnto saint Augustine. But I haue taried longer in settyng furth the forme of Christes wordes vpon the Lordes cup, written by Paule and Luke, that - I dyd intende to do. And yet in speakyng of the form of Christes wordes, spoken vpon his cup,-^ cometh now ^ to my remembrance the forme of woordes vsed in the latin Masse, vppon the Lordes cuppe. Wherof Tlie I do not a lyttel meruayle, what shoulde cuppas '^^^ ^^^ cause,'^ seynge the latin Masse the agreeth with the Euangelistes & Paule, in say. the forme of wordes sayde vpon the bread : why in the '^ wordes sayde vppon the Lordes "' cuppe, it dififreth from them all, yea and addeth to the woordes of Christ spoken vpon the cuppe ^ 1 O oni. the words of., body and ' O, theiiy i. e. t/ian. The text of A is a misprint. 3 O om. the words in speaking . . his cup ; adds here * O om. now " O adds that " O Sidds/orm of " O om. Lord's ® O om. the words to the words . . . cuppe. The words of consecration in the Canon of the Mass are Hie est eni/n Catix Sanguinis inci^ novi et ccterui tcstanienii^ A BREFE DECLARATION 131 these wordes, Mistcriuiii. Jidei, that is, the inysterie of faythe, whiche are not redde to bee attri- buted vnto the Sacrament of Christes bloudde, nother in the Euangelistcs, nor in Paule, nor so farre as I knowe, in any other place of holy scripture ? ^ yea and yf it may - haue some good exposition, yet why it should not bee as well added vnto to the uordes of Christe vppon his * breadde, as vppon his '-" cuppe, surely I doo not see the mysterie. And bycause * I see in the vse of the -■ Latyne Masse, the Sacrament of the bloudde abused, whan it is denj^ed vnto the lay people,'^ cleane contrary vnto Goddes moste certayne worde : for why, I doo beseeche the, shoulde the sacrament of Christes bloud be denyed vnto the lay christian, more than to the priest ? Did not Christ shedde his bloud aswell for the laye godly man, as for the godly priest? If thou wylte sayc, yeas that *" he dydde so. But the sacrament of the bloude is not to be receyued withoute the offrynge vp and sacri- fycyng therof vnto ^ God the Father, bothe for the inysieriion fuiei : qui pro vobis ct pro Diultis cffundclny in ronissionein peccatoruiit. See Add. Note 16. 1 O om. all from that is, the inystoy of faith to Iioly Scripture ^ O, they miglit ^ O, (he ^ O, li'licji '' O om. use of the " O, Lay-man ~' O om. iliai ^ v)io^ by error of the press 132 .1 BREFE DECLARATION quycke and for the dead : and no man may make oblation of Christes bloud vnto God but a prieste, and therfore the prieste alone,^ and that but in hys Masse onely, may receaue the Sacramente of the - bloudde. And calle you this, Maysters, Mysteriwni fidci? Alas, alas, I feare me, this is before God, 2. Thcs. 2. Mystcrmui iiiiquitatis, the mystery e of in- ' Prayer, iquitie,^ suche as S. Paulc speaketh of, in Psal. 67. his epistle to the Thessalonians. The Lorde be mercyfull vnto vs, and blesse vs, lyghten his countenaunce vppon vs, and bee mercyfull vnto vs. That we may know thy way vppon earthe, and amonge all people thy saluation.* Thys kynde of Oblation standeth vppon Transub- stantiation his cousyn germayne,^ and they do grow bothe vppon one ground. The Lorde weede ^■^'^ it out of his vyneyarde shortlye, yf it be masse sacrifice his blessed wyll and pleasure,*^ that bytter /^ roote. To speake of this oblation, howe c/ms/es jnuche is it iniurious vnto Chrystes Passyon .-' passion. •' •' ^ O om. alone - O, Jiis ■' O om. the English. * This quotation from Ps. Ixvii. appears to be made nicnioriter. It does not answer exactly to Coverdale's Bible. "' O, Gcrinan-coiesin " O om. this clause. Here compare Ridley's words at Oxford : " Hearing the articles (of accusation) read unto him, he answered without any delay, saying they were all false, and . . that they spring out of a bitter & sour root." (Foxe, vi. 442. See above, 40, and Add. Note 17.) .-/ BREFE DECLARATION 133 How it can not, but wyth highe ^ blasphemye and haynous arrogauncye, & intollerable prydc, be claimed of any man, other than of Christc hym selfe : how much and how play n lye it re- pugneth vnto the manifeste wordes, the true sense and meanynge of holy scripture in manj' places, especially in the epistle to the /y;y, ^^ Hebrues : the mater is so - longe, and ^°- other hauc written in it at large, that my mindc is nowe, not to intreate thereof any further. For onely in thys my scriblinge, I intende to searche out and set forth by the scriptures (ac- cordyng to Goddes gracious gifte of my poorc knowelage) whether the true sense and meaning of Christes wordes in y*" institution of his holyc supper, doo requyre any Transubstanciation, as they cal it : or that the very substaunce of bread and wyne doo remayne still in the Lordes supper and be the materiall substaunce of the holy Sacrament of Christe our saueours blessed body and bloude." Yet ther remayneth one vaync Onidditie Gardener ^ ^ -^ in the of Duns * in this matter, y which bicause ainis-wer some that write now doo seme to lyke it obiectfoii 1 O, highest 2 O, too '•' O om. the whole passage from for ojily ?'// this ^ See Add, Note 18. 134 ^ BREFE DECLARATION SO well, that they haue strypped him ^ oute of Dunces dustye and darke termes, and pricked him - and paynted him ^ in freshe colours of an " elo- quente stile: & may therforc deceauc thc^ more exceptc the errour be warely eschued. Dims sayeth ■' in these wordes of Christ, Thys is my body, this pronowne demonstratyue, meaninge the worde (this) yf ye will knowe, what it dothe shewe or demonstrate whether y^ breade that Christ tokc or no : he answcreth no, but onclye one thinge in substaunce it pajmteth, whereof the nature or name it dothe not tell, but leaueth that to bedetermyned and tolde by that which foloweth the word Is, that is by " Priudicatuni, as the logician "' dothe speake : and therfore he calleth this pro- nowne demonstratiuc. (This)^ Indiuiditiim vagiini, that is, a wandringe propre name, wherby we may poynt out and shewe anye one th}'nge in substaunce, what thing soeuer it be. That this ymaginacion is vayne and ^ vntruely applyed vnto these wordes of Christ. This is my body : it ^^ may appearc playnl}' in y'' A\-ordes of Luke and Panic sayed vpon the ' O, // - O om. ]ii))i ' O om. an ^ O om. tJic '•> .See below, Add. Note. ^ O adds ilic "' O, Loi^idans * O om. {TJtix) " O om. 7w/« and ^^ O, and ilie -.Minify ihereof^ instead of // .7 BREFE DECLARATION 135 cuppe, conferred with y*" forme of wordes spoken vpon y" cuppe in ^ Mathewe and Marke. For as vpon the bread it is sayed of al. This is my body : so of Mathewe and Marke, it is saydc of the cuppe : This is my bloude. Than yf in the wordes, This is my body, the woorde {TJiis) be as Duns calleth it, a wandring name to appoynte and she we forthe any one thyng, whereof the name and '-^ nature it doth not tell : so must it be lykewyse in ^'^nl. ui the . I '', those wordes of Matthew^e and Marke vpon ohiec'notir the Lordes cuppe, Thys is my bloude. But in the wordes of Matthewe and Marke, it signifyetlie and poynteth out the same that it doth in the God Lordes wordes vpon the cuppe in Luke and ^Jy/^ Paule, where -^ it is sayd : This cuppe Js''""'^^^'^'^'^"'- the neive testa7)ientc in viy blonde. &"€. xciucs. Therfore in Matthewe & Mark the pronowne de- monstratiue (this) dothe not wandre to pointe only •''' one thing in substaunce, not shewinge what it is, but tellcth it playnly what it is, no lesse in Matthewe and Marke vnto the eie, than is done in Luke and Paule, by putting to this word (cuppe) bothc vnto the eie, and vnto the eare. P'or taking ' O om. the words conferred . . the cup - O, flr " A and L both place this marginal note here. It is manifestly out of place, See below. Add. Note. •* O, u'/ien ^ O om. o?i/j' 1-6 A BREFE DECLARATION the cuppe and demonstrating or shewinge it vnto his disciples, by this pronowne^ demonstratiue (thys) and sayeng vnto them, Drinke ye all of this : it was then al one to say. Tliis is viy blond, as to saye : This cuppe is my blonde, meanynge by the cuppe as the nature of the speache doth require : the thing conteined in the cuppe. So likewise withoute all doubte, whan Christ hade taken breade, geuen thankes, and broken it, and geuynge it to his disciples, sayed, Take - : and so demonstrating and shewyng that bread whiche he hade in his handes, to saye than, Tliis is viy body : and to haue sayed, TJiis bread is viy body?" As it were all one, if a man lacking a knyfe, & going to his oisters, wold say vnto an other, whom he sawe to haue two knyues. Sir I praye you lende me the one of youre knyues. Were it not nowe all one to answere hym. Sir, holde I wyll lende you this to eate youre meate, but not to open oisters withall : and holde, I will lende you thys knyfe to eate your meate, but not to open oysters. This similytude serueth but for thys pur- pose, to declare the nature of spech withall, where as the thing that is demonstrated and shewed, is euidentlye perceaued, and openly knowcn to the eie. But O good Lorde, what a wonderfuU thing 1 Printed p)W\vnc in A. - (0 adds Eat •' O adds is all 07ie tliiiii^- A BREFE DECLARATION 137 is it to see, how some men doo labour to tcachc, what is demonstrated and shewed by the pronowne demonstratyue tJiys, in Christes wordes whan he sayeth : TJiis is viy bodye : T/iys ?s my blonde : howe they labour (I saye) to teache, what that (thys) was than in dede, whan christe spake in the begynninge of the sentence the worde (t/iis) before he can/. hadde pronounced the rest of the wordes, ^'l^^"", f ' .13- <"''- that folowed in the same sentence : so that i(^'tio'>-^ their doctryne maye agree with their Transub- stanciation : whiche in dede is the very foundacion, wherin al their erronious doctrine dothe Cod stande.2 And here the Transubstanciatours '"'^'■^"'^ ag7-ce not doo not agree among them selues, no more anions; than they doo in ■' the wordes whiche sdncs. wrought ^ the Transubstanciation, whan christe did furst institute his Sacrament : Wherein Iiino- centius •' a bishop of Rome of the later dayes, and Dims (as was noted before) doo attribute*^ the worke vnto the worde {Benedixit) Blessed : " ^ L has the curious misprint, \'}^o. bjcciion. See for this passage in Gardiner, Add. Note 19. ^ O cm. all Ijetween this point and the words hoio iJiey labour above ■' O, about ' O, tuojic •'• P.S. places here in the margin Innoamfius III. Epist. lib. 71. ep. \2\. I have not been able to verify the reference. '' O reads only sonic attrihutini^ instead of the passage Ijeginning when CJn'ist and ending here. "' O om. Blessed 138 A BREFE DECLARATION but the reste for ' the most parte, to Hoc est corpus viemn. TJiis is my body?- 8zc. Duns ^' therforc witli his sect, bicause he putteth the chaungc before, must nedcs saye, y' //ij's whan christe spake it in the bcgynnynge of the sentence, was in dedc christes body. For in the chaunge, the substance of bread dyd departe, and the chaunge was nowe done in Beiiedixit (sayethe he) that went before : and thcrfore after hym and hys, that (thys) was than in dede Christes body, though y wordc did not importe so much, but only one thing in sub- stauncc : whiche substaunce* after Duns (^the breade beinge gone) must nedes be the substaunce of Christes body.'' But they that put their Tran- substanciation to be wroughtc by these wordes of Christ. This is my body : and doo saye, that whan the hole sentence was finished, than thys chaunge was perfected, and not before : they can ' O, and ; om. bi// the 7rst - O om. the English ^ O, Innocentius therefore^ Duns, and iJint Sect, ivJn'ch putteth the change in the word Benedixit, say that this 7vord. This covers in () all that here intervenes to the words {tJiys) Tt'rt.s- than in dede. * O om. substance ■'• O adds ?wzt> " Instead of the passage from here to (this) by Christ but breads O reads The other 7uhich do say that this change is tnade, when the whole Sentence — This is my Body — is fully finished., and not before, cannot but say, that Christ's This did demonstrate, &' shew Bread indeed, vjliich so remain'' d till the Sentence was fully pronounced. A BREFE DECLARATION- 130 not saye, but yet Chrlstes (thys) in the begynnynge of the sentence before the other wordes were fully pronounced, was bread in dede. But as yet y'" chaunge was not done, & so longe the breadc must nedes remayn, and so long with the vniucrsall consent of al transubstaunciatours, the naturall substaunce of Christes body can not come : and therfore must their (this) of necessitie demonstrate & shewe the substaunce, whyche was as yet in the pronouncinge of the fyrst worde (this) by Christ, but bread. But howe can they make and verifyc Christes wordes to be true, demonstratyng the substaunce whiche in the demonstration is but breadc, and saye ^ therof, This is my body, that is, as they say, the naturall substaunce of Christes body : except thei wold- say, that the vcrbe, Is, signifieth, is made, or, Is changed into? And so then if the same verbe Is, be of that same cffccte in Christes woordes spoken vpon the cup, and '' rehersed b}- Luke and Paule : the cuppc or the ^ O, of l)}-cnd, &' saying, instead of tlie words luJiicIi in iJir denionstraiioji . . . say - O, «'/// ^ This remark touches a point l^rouyht up in the Debate in the Lords (ijelow, 273), where ISonner insists on the doctrinal importance of the precise plirase "than they mav df made unto us '' (Tomlinson, p. 12). ■• O, And /lien, in C/irisfs ivo7-ds vpon tlw Cup instead of the words here And so . . . z>po?i tJie cup, am/ 140 A BREFE DECLARATION wine in the cuppe must be made or turned into the newe testament, as was declared before. There be some among the Transubstanciatours, Gardener whiche ^ walkc SO wylyly and so warely ^^/^"^l^^jvbetweene these two afore sayde opinyons, hoth yvfo-allowyng theym bothe, and hold}'ng playnly nother of theym bothe, that me thynkes the}- may be called Neutralles, Ambodexters, or rather suche as canne shifte on bothe sydes. They playe on bothe partes. For with the later, they do allowe the doctrine of the last sillable, which is that tran- substanciationisdone bymyracle in an instant, at the sounde of the laste syllable {21V1) in this sentence, Hoc est corpus iiieitm. And they do alowe also Duns his fantastical imagination of Indinidiiuvi vagum^ that demonstrateth as he teacheth, in Christcs wordes, one thinge in substaunce, than beynge (after his mynde) the substaunce of the body of Christ. A meruailous thyng, how one man can agree with both these two, they beynge so contrarye the one to the other. For the one sayeth, the wordc Cthys) demonstrateth the substaunce of bread : and the other sayeth, no not so, y"" bread is gone, and it demonstrateth a substaunce which is Christes body. ^ ( ) here proceeds, would be Mediators^ yea, ratlier Ncw- /ra/s, or Ambidexlers, winch can shift on both sides ; for -a'licre tlic one saiih that this word This dcnionstrafeth, Sec. .-} BREFE DECLARATION 141 Tushe sayeth this thirde man, ye vnderstande nothing at al. They agree wel ynough in Gard. to the . 84. o/>- the chief poynt, whiche is the grounde iection.^ of all : that is,- bothe doo agree and beare Avyt- nesse, that there is transubstantiation. They doo agree in dede in that conclusion : I graunte.^ But their processed and doctryne therof do euen as wel agree together : as dyd y" false witnesse "^ before Annas and Cayphas against Christ : God or the two wycked iudges against ^ Susanna. ,^^,'4- For '^ against Christ the false witnesses dyd "^1^'"^' agre no doubt to speake all againste hym. Note. And the wicked iudges were bothe agreed ^ to condemne poore Susanna : but in examination of their witnesses, they ^ dissented so farre, that all was founde false, y' they went aboute, both y' wherin they agreed, and also those thinges, which they brought for theyr proues. Thus muche haue I spoken, in searchyng The con- out a solucion for this principal question, ^il'^^^f^^ whiche was, what is the materiall sub- authors. 1 See Add. Note 20. - O adds t]Lis : ^ O om. I graiU * O, proof ■' O, Witnesses ^ O, to condemn ~ O proceeds they did all agree to speak against Christy '* O om. were both agreed " O'T^xocttAs, luere found false., &^ clean contrary one to the other, so closing this paragraph. 142 .1 DREFE DECLARATION stauiice of the holy Sacrament in the Lordes supper. Nowe leaste I shoulde seme to set by mync owne conceate, more than is mete ^ : or lesse to regarde the doctrine of the old ecclesiastical wryters, than is conuenient for a man of my poore learning and simple wytte for to doo. And bycaiise, also I am in dede persuaded, y' the olde ecclesiasticall writours vnderstode the true meanyng of Christe in this mater : and haue both so truely and so playnly set it furth in certaync places of their writinges, that no man whichc will vouchsafe to reade them, and wythoute preiudice of a corrupte iudgement wyl indifferentlye weighe them, & construe their myndes non other wise than they declare them selues to haue ment : I am persuaded (I saye) that in rcadinge of them thus no man can be ignoraunte in thys matter, but he that will shutte vp hys owne eles, and blyndfieldc hym selfe. Whan I speake of Ecclesiasticall wryters, I meane of suche,"- as were beefore the wicked vsurpation ^ of the sea of Rome was * growen so vnmeasurably great, that not only with tyrannical power, but also with corrupte doctrine, 1 O omits the long following passage, ending with wheii, 1 speak of Ecclesiastical wrilers, and reads instead, / have thought good to establish this mine A7iswcr and Opinion by the Authority and Doctrine of the old Ecclesiastical Doctors. '^ O, such, I mean •* O, Usurpations ^ O om. was J BREFE DECLARATION 143 it beganne to subiiert Christes gospel, and to turne the state, that Christe & his apostles set in y" church, upsyde downe.^ For- the causes aforesaydc, I vvylle rehearse certaync of theyr sayenges : and yet bycausc I take theym but for wytnesses and expounders of this doctrine, and not as the authours of the same : and also for that now I wil not be tedious, I wyll rehearse but fevve,'^ that is thre olde wryters of the Greke churche, and other ' thre of the Latine churche, whiche doo seme vnto me, to be in this matter most playne.'^ The Greke authours are Origene, Chrysostom, and Theodoret. The Latine, are, Tertulliane, S. Augustine, and Gelasius. I ^ knowe there can bee nothyng spoken so plainly, but the craftye wittc furnysshed with eloquence, can darken it, and wrest it quite from y'' true menyng to a contrary sence. And I know also, that eloquence, craft, ^ O, state of the Cliiirch set by Clirist ^ His Apostles, elean ttpsidc down "- O om. the passage beginning here & ending be tedious ^ O adds of them ' O om. other ■^ O, instead of rnost plain, So plain that in reading of them no man can be ignorant in tins matter, but lie which will shut up his own eyes and blindfold himself. " O omits the whole passage beginning here and ending all that they can 144 '-i BREFE DECLARATION and finenesse of vvitte hath gone aboute to bleare mennes eies, & to stoppe theyr eares in the afore- named wryters, that men should nother heere nor see, what those authors both write and teache so playnely, that excepte men shoulde be made bothe Starke blynde and deafe, they can not but of necessitie, yf they wyll reade and way them in- differently, bothe heare and see what they doo meane, whan eloquence, craft, and fynesse of wytte haue done all that they can. Now ^ leat vs heare the olde wryters of the Greke churche. Oi-lgcnc. Origen, whiche - ly ued about ^.1250. yeares agoe : a man for the excellency of his Hist, learnyng so hyghly esteemed in Christes '231 ' churche, that he was compted and iudged the singular teacher in his tyme of Christes religion, the confounder of heresies, the schoolemayster of many godlye matters, and an opener of the hygh mysteries in scripture. He wrytyng vpon the .xv. chapiter of Saint Mathewes gospel, sayeth thus : But if any iJiyng enter into the month it goth aivay into the * bely, and is anoyded in to the draught : Yea and that ineate wJiicJi is sanctified by the ivorde of God and prayer, concernyng the matter tlierof, it goeth away into the bely, and is auoided into 1 O, And first - O, who ^ O, above ^ O adds, Stomach and .-/ BREFE DEC r.A RATION 14=; tJic draught Rut for the prayer ivJiicJtc is added vnto it, for the proportion of the faythe, it is made profytable, makyng the viynde liable to perceaue and see that whiehe is profytable. For it is not the inateriall substance of bread, but the luoorde ivJiicJie is spoken vppon it, that is proifytable to the manne that cateth it not vnivoortJiyly. And this I ineane of the Typical I and SynibolicaU, that is Sacramentall) body} Thus farre go'^ the wordcs of Origene, where •' it is playne, fyrste ^ that Origcnc speakynge here of the sacrament of the ■' Lordes supper, as the last wordes doo playnely signifyc,'' dothc meane and teache, that the materiall sub- staunce therof is receaued, digested, & auoj-dcd, as the materiall substance of other breade & meates is, which couldc not be, if ther wer no material substance of bread at all, as the fantastical opinion of transubstantiation doth put." It is a world "^ to se the answer^ of \-^ papists to this place of 1 For the words of Origen see Add. Note 42. 2 0,goeih ^ O, wherein * O om. first ■' O om. sacrmncut of the " O om. this clause. '* O, as the Transnbstaniiators do say * " A luorld.^'' So Shakespeare : " O, 3'ou are novices ! 'I'is a world to see How tame," &c. (Taming" of the Shrew, ii. i.) y O, Answers 146 --/ BREFE DECLARATION j,j^^ Origen. In ^ the disputations whiche were papistes in this matter in the parliament house and obiection ... . . . r ^ i • against, m Dothe the vniuersities of Cambridge and ttgene. Q^fordc^they that defended Transubstancia- tion sayd, that this parte of Origene was but set forth of late by Erasmus, and therfore is to be suspected. But howe vayne this theyr answer is, it appeareth playnely.' For so ■' may al the good old authors, which lay in olde libraries, and ar set foorthe of late, bee by this reason reiected, as Clements Alex- andrimis, Theodoretus, lustinus Ecdesiastica his- An other tovia NicepJiovi, & other suche. An other ^ olnection. answer they had, sayeng that Origene is noted to haue erred in som pointes, and therfore faythe is not to bee geuen in this matter vnto hym. But this answer well weighed doth minister good matter to the clere confutation of it selfe. For-' in dede we graunt, that in some poyntes Origen dyd erre. But those errours are gathered out and noted bothe of S. Jerome and Epiphanius, so that his ^ O om. this sentence, as far as transubstaiitiation said., and proceeds They say. See Add. Note 22, and Append. IV., for "the Disputation in the Parliament house '' - O om. this sentence •"' O, But thus. For the statement see Add. Note 23. * O reads here, Another of their An severs is, that Origen was suspected to have erred Sec. ^ O om, this word and the previous sentence. A BREFE DECLARATION 147 woorkes (those erroiires excepted) are nowe ^ so much the more of auctoritie, that such great learned mennetookepaynes to take oute of hym, what soeuer they thought in hym to be wrytten amysse."' But-' as concernyng this matter of the Lordes supper, nother they nor yet euer any other ancient author dyd euer say, that Origene dyd erre. Nowc bycause these two answeres haue Oard. to bene of late so confuted and confounded, ^^''^ '^^^'^ that it is well perceaued,* that they wyll take no place : therfore some whiche '^ haue written sence that tyme, haue forged twoo other aunsweres, euen of the same moulde. The former wherof is, that Origene in this place spake not of the sacrament of^ breadc or wyne of the Lordes table, but of an "^ other mystical meate : of the which S. Augustine maketh mencion to be geuen vnto theim, that were taught the fay the, before they were baptised. But Origenes owne wordes in .ii. sentences before rehersed, beeyng put togyther, proue this answere vntrue. For he sayeth, that he meaneth of that fyguratiue & mysticall body, which profiteth them, that do ^ O om. iio-u> - O om. the close of this sentence from tliai such great &c. ■' O, And ^ For Gardiner's words see Add. Note 24. '•> O om. this clause. " The ciistos here reads ivJdcJi I O, Sacramental * O om. ati 148 A BREFE DECLARATION rcceiue it worthily, alludyng so playnly vnto S. Paules wordes spoken of the Lordes supper : that it is a shame for any learned man ones ^ to open his mouthe to the contrary. And that breadc whiche S. Augustin speketh of, he can not prone that any such thyng was vscd in Origenes tymc. Yea & though that coulde be proued, yet was there neuer breade in any tyme called a sacramentall body, sauyng the sacramentall bread of the Lordes table, whiche is called of Origcnc the typicall and symboHcall body of Christe. The secondc of the two ncwe found answers, is Card, in yet most monstrous of all other, which is tJlC set VIC place, this. But - let vs graunt (say thci) that Origen spake of the Lordes supper, and " by the matter thereof was vnderstanded the materiall substance of bread & wine : what than, say they ? For though y*" material substance was ones gone, & departed by reason of Transubstanciation, whyles the formes ^ of the '•' bread and the •' Avyne dyd remayne, yet now it is no inconuenience to saye, that as the material substance dyd departe at the entryng in of Christes body vnder thaforesayde formes : so whan the sayd formes be destroyed ^ O om. once - O om. But. For Gardiner's words see Add. Note 25. » O adds that * 0,forin ^ O om. f//e A BREFE DECLARATION 149 and doo not remayne, than cometh agayne the iiubstance of breadc & wine. And this say they, is very mete in this mystery, that tliat whichc began with the ^ myracle, shall ende in - a myraclc. If^ I haddc not redde this fantasye, I wolde scarcely haue beleued, that any learned man euer wold haue set furth suche a foolyshe fantasye : whiche not onely lacketh all grounde, eyther of Goddes worde, reason, or of any auncient wrytour, but is also - cieane contrary to the common rules of schoole diuinitie : which is,-^ that no miracle is to be affirmed and put withoute necessitic. And althoughe for their former miracle, which is their Transubstan- ciacion,'^ they haue some colour, thoughe'^ it be but vayne, sayeng,"^ it is done by the power and vertue of these wordes of Christe, This is iiiy body yet to make this seconde miracle of returnynge'* the materiall substaunce ^'^ agayne they haue no colour at all. Or elles I praye them '^ shew me, by what wordes of Christ is the ^- second myracle wrought. Thus ye may see, that the slcightes and shiftcs 1 O om. the - u, 7uM '' O omits this passage as far as /lot ou/j', and reads B/it this Fancy lacketh &c. ■• O reads and instead of inii is a/so ^ O, are " O oni. this clause. '' O, ground., altho' ^ U om. say/'/ig . . . my body. '■' O adds of w 0, Bread 11 (), tliee i- (),///.r/ ISO J BREFE DECLARATION which craftc and wittc can inuente tu wraste the true sense of Origenc can not take place. But nowe let vs heare one other ^ place of Origeiie, and so we will let him go.- Origene in the .11. Honiilie Super LcuilicuiiL'^ sayeth, that there is also euen in the fan re Gospelles, and not onlye in the olde Testaniente, a Icttre (meanynge a literal sense) zohichc kilktli. Fur if t/iov foloive (sayeth he) tlic lettre in that sayeng : Except ye cate t/ie Jieslie of tlie sonne of nian, and drinlie his blond. &c. This letter dothe I^ill. Yf in that place the lettre dothe kil, wherin is commaunded the eating of Christes fleshe : than surelye in those woordes of Christe, wherin Christ commaundeth vs to eate his bodye, the literal sense thereof likewise ^ dothe kyll. For it is no lessc crime but euen the same and all one in the literall sense, to eate Christes bodye, & to eate Christes flesh. Wherfore if the one doo kill, excepte '' it be vnderstanden figuratiuely and spiritually : than the other surely ^ doo kyll lyke- wise. But '' that to eate Christes fleshe doth kyll ^ O, another - O, so let him pass '■' O, in the nth Cap. sup. Levit. For the passage see Add. Note 26. * O om. likewise '^ O, unless '^ L), also " O om. the passage beginning here and ending the same thing that Origen doth here ./ BKEFE DECLARATION 151 SO vnderstanden, Origene aftlrmeth plainely in his wordes aboue rehearsed : Wherfore it can not be iustly denyed, but to eate Chrlstes body h'terally vnderstanden, muste nedes (after hym) kill lykewyse. The answere that is made to thys place of Origen of the papistes, is so folishe, that it bewrayeth it selfc, vvythout any further confutacion. It is the same, that they make to a place of S. Augustine in his bokc Dc doctnna Christiana : Wher as . . . , Li. 3. III. bamt Augustine speaketh in efifecte the 16, same thing that Origene dothe here. The papistes answer is this: To^ y" carnal man y^ literall sense is hurtfull, but not so to the spirituall. As though to vnderstande that in his propre sense, which oughte to be taken figuratiuely, were to the carnall man a daungerous perile-: but to the spiritual man none ' at all. Nowe to Chrysostome, whome I bring for the seconde wrytoure^ in the greke churche. He speakinge agaynste y^ vnholy vsing ^^"'''°'^''- of mannes body, whych after S. Paule /;, „j,er, oughte to be kept pure and holy, as the {"'Pffi':^ -^ ' /lO. IX. til very temple of the holye ghost, sayeth Maff/i. ^ U, That unto - O om. the words iiian . to elude- this sayeng of Tertullian, is so^ farre oute of frame, that it euen wearieth me to thinke on it.^ Tertullian writeth here (say they) as none hath doone hytherto before hym.'^ This sayeng is tootoo manyfest '^ false : for Origene, Hilarye, Ambrose, Basile, Gregorie Nazianzene, ' In the marginal note i6 is an original misprint for i6i. See Add. Note 40. - O, delude ^ O, it is too * O om. this clause. -> O, either before him or after hii/i t* O, tootoo inatiifestly. "Tootoo" occurs often in the English Version of Bullinger's Decades. M 162 A BREFE DECLARATION saint Augustine, and other oldc authours, lykewyse doo call the sacrament, a figure of Christes bodyc. And where they saye, that TertulHane wrote this, whan he was in a heate of disputation, with an hcretique, couetynge by all meanes to ouerthrowe his aduersary.i As who - saye, he would not take hede, what he dyd saye, and specially what he vvoulde wryte in so hyghe a matter, so that he myght haue the better ^ hande of his aduersarye. Is this credible to bee true in any godly wyse man ? How much lesse than is it worthy to be thought or credited in a man of so great a wytte, learnyng, and excellency, as Tertullian is woorthilye estemed euer to haue been ? Lykewyse this author in his fyrste booke agaynst the same heretike Martion, writeth thus : God dyd not veiecte breade, zvJdcJie is his creature : for by it he hat he made a representation of his bodye} Now I praye you, what is this to say, that Christ hath made a representation (by bread) of his body,^ but that Christe hadde ^ instituted and or- deyned bread to be a sacrament, for to represente vnto vs his body ? Nowe whether the representa- tion of one thynge by an other, requireth the ' O, overcome Ms adversaries - O adds would ^ O, tcpper ^ See Add. Note 41. '^ O, of his Body by Bread ^ O, hath A BREFE DECLARATION 163 corporall presence of the thynge whiche is so ^ represented or no, euery man that hathe vnder- standyng, is hable in this point (the matter is so clere of it selfe) to be a sufficient iudge. The seconde doctour and wrytoiir of the Aiignsiinc latine churche, whose sayenges I promysed to sette foorthe,- is S. Augustine : of whose learnyng and estimation, I neede not to speake. P"or all the churche of Christ bothe hathe and euer hathe hadde hym for a man of most ■' singular learnyng, witte, and diligence, bothe in settinge furthe the true doctryne of Christes religion, and also in the defence of the same against heretikes. This autor as he hathe written moste ^ plen- teouslye in other matters of our faythe, so like- wyse in thys argumente he hathe written at large in many of his workes, so playnlye against this crrour of transubstanciacion, y' the papistes loue least to hear of hym of al other wrytours : partlye for his autoritie, & partlye bicause he openeth the matter more fully, than anye other doth. Therfore I wyll rehearse mo places of him than hertofore I haue done of the other. And fyrst, what can be more playne, than that whyche he 1 O om. so - O om. this clause. ^ O, much ^ O, more 1 64 J BREFE DECLARATION wrytcth vpon the 89.-^ psalmc, speaking of the sacramente - of the Lordes bodye and bloud : and rehearsing (as it were) Christes wordes to his disciples, after this manner. It is not this body which ye doo se, that ye shall eate, nother shal ye " drinke this bloud, which the souldyours y crucifie me, shal spill or shead. I doo commende vnto you a mysterie or a sacrament, which spiritually vnderstanded, shall geue you lyfe. Now if Christe hadde no moo naturall and ^ corporall bodyes, but that one whiche they ■' than presently both heard and sawe, nor ^ other natural blood, but that which was in the same body, and the whiche the souldioures dyd afterwarde cruelly shedde vpon the crosse : and nother this bodye nor this bloude was (by thys declaration of S. Augustine) either to be eaten or dronken, but the mysterie thereof spirtuallye to be vnderstanded : than I conclude (if this sayenge and exposition of S. Augustine be true, that y"" mysterie whiche the disciples should eate, was not the naturall body of Christ but a mystery of the same spiritually to be vnderstanded. For as S. Augustine sayeth in his 20. boke Contra Faiistum. ca .21. Christes fleshe and ^ O, Ninety-eighth. See Add. Note 42. ■•2 O, Sacraments ^ O, nor ye shall not 4 o, or '' O adds there " O, and none A BKEFE DECLARATION 165 bloud was in the olde testament promysed by simi- litudes and signes of their sacrifices, and was ex- hibited in dede and in truthe vpon the crosse but the same is celebrated by a sacrament of remem- braunce vpon y*" aultar.^ And in his boke Dc fide ad Petnim, ca. 19. he sayeth, that in these - sacrifices, meanyng of the olde law, it is figura- tiuely signified, what was than to be geucn : but in this sacrifice it is euidently signified what is all- ready geuen "' (vnderstanding in the sacrifice vpon the aultare) the rcmembraunce and thankes geuing for the flesh, which he offred for vs and for the bloude whiche he shcdde for vs vpon the crosse : as in the same place & euidently there it may appeare.* An other cuidcnte and cleare place, wherein it appearcth, that by the sacramentall bread, which Christ called his bodyc, he mente a figure of h}-s body. As "' vpon the .3. Psalme, where S, Augustine speakethe thys *"' in plaync termes. Christe didde admyttc In das vnto the feast, in the luJiyche he com- mended vnto his Disciples the fygure of his hodye. Thys was Christes last supper before hys passion, 1 See Add. Note 44. 2 o, tlwse " See Add. Note 44. ' O oni. this clause. •'■ O, is, and so P.S. The text must be a misprint, ^ O, tliiis. and om. /// plain terms. See for the Latin Add. Note 45. 1 66 A BREFE DECLARATION wherin he did ordaine the sacramente of hys body, as all learned men doo agree.^ S.Augustine also in his, 23. epistle to Bonifacius- teacheth, howe sacramentes do beare the names of the thynges whereof they be sacramentes, bothe in Baptisme, and in the Lordes table, euen as we call euerye good frydaye, the daye of Christcs passion : and euerye Easter daye, the daye of Christes resurrection : ^ whan in verye dede there was but one daye wherein he suffred, and but one daye wherin he rose. And why doo we than call theym so, whyche are not so in deede, but bycause they are in lyke tyme and course of the yeare, as those dayes were, wherein those thynges were doonc ? Was CHRIST, sayth saynte Augustine, offered any more hit ones ? A nd Jic offered Jiyni selfe. And yet in a sacramente or representation not oncly euery sokmpne feaste of Easter, but also enery daye to the people Jie is offered : so tJtat Jte dootJie not lye, that sayeth : He is euery daye ojfered. For yf Sacramentes had not some^ simili- tudes or lykenesse of those thynges, wJierof they be Sacramentes, they coidde in no nysc bee Sacra- mentes : and for tJieyr similitudes or lykenesse ^ O om. this paragraph. 2 O, ill the 23 Epist. ad Bonifacium ^ See below, Append, ii. "* O, no instead of not some A BREFE DECLARATION 167 conininnely they ham the names of the thynges, ivherof they bee sacramentes. Therfore as after a certayne vianer of speache^ the sacrament of Christes body is Christes body, the sacramente of Christes blonde, is Christes blonde, so lykewyse the Sacrament offayth is fay the} After this maner of speache, as S. Augustine teachcthe in his questions Super Leniti- Question, cum, and Contra Adamantiniim,- it is 57- sayde in scripture,^ that .vij. eares of come bee .vij. yea res : seuen kyen "* be seucn ye res, and the rocke zvas Clirist : and '' blond is the sonle : the ivhyche lastc sayeng (saythe S. Augustine in hys booke Contra adamantinnm - is vnder- Cap. 13. standed to be spoken in a signe or figure. For the Lord him selfe did not sticke to saye, This is my body, whan he gaue the signe of his body. For we must not consider in sacramentes (sayth S. Augustin in an other place,*^ what they Cmura bee, but what they doo signific : for they ^^^J^'^^'J"" be signes of thinges : bejmg one thynge '''• "'• —■ in them sehies, and yet signifieng an other thing, ' See Add. Note 46. ^ O, Adavianttum. For the originals see Add. Notes 47, 48. •' O om. hi scripture ^ O, Kyne ^ O om. antt ^ O, contra Maxiuiiintm. lib. 3. cap. 22 I68 A BREFE DECLARATION For the heauenly bread (sayeth he) speaking of the sacramental bread ^ by some maner of speche is called Christes body, whan in very - dede it is the sacrament of his body. &c.^ What can be more playne, or more clearely spoken, than are these places of S. Augustine before rehearsed/ if men were not obstinatelye bente to maynteine an vntruthe, and to receuc nothinge what so euer dothe set it furthe ? Yet one place more of S. Augustine wil I allege, whiche is very cleare-^' to this purpose, that Christes natural body is in heauen, and not here corporally in the Sacramente, and so let hym departe.^ In hys .50. treatise, whiche he wryteth" vpon lohn,^ he teacheth playnly and clearly, how Christ beinge^bothe God and man, is bothe here after a certayn maner, and yet in heauen, and not here in hys naturall body and substauncc, whyche he toke of the blessed virgin Mary : speakinge ^" thus of Christ, and sayeng : ^^ By hys diuine Maiestie, by his prouidencc, and by hys vn- 1 O om. speaking . . bread - O om. 7fery " See Add. Note 49. * O om. defare reliearsed •' O om. whicli . . cleare '' O om, lliis clause. ^ C) om. which he lariieth ^ O om. all from here to the blessed Virgin Mary ^ The ciistos here reads bey fig '^^ Oj he speaics '^ O om. and saying .^ BREFE DECLARATION 169 speakeable & inuisible grace y' is fulfilled which he spake : Behold, I am wyth you vnto the ende of the worlde. But as concernyng hys fleshe whyche he toke in his incarnation, as touching ^ that which was borne of the virgine, as concerning that which was apprehended by the lewes & crucified vpon a tree, and taken down from the crosse, lapped in lynnen clothes, & buryed, and rose agayne, and appeared after hys resurrection, as concerning the^ fleshe, he sayed : ye shall not eucr haue me with you. Why so ? For as concerning his fleshe, he was con- uersaunt with his disciples .xl. dayes, and they accompanieng,-' seing and not folowing him, he went vp into heauen, and is not here. By y" presence of his diuine maiestie he did not departe : as concerning y" presence of his diuine maiestie, we haue Christ euer with vs : but as concern- ing y'' presence of his fleshe, he sayed truly to his disciples: Ye shal not euer haue me with 3'ou. For as concernyng the presence of his fleshe, the church had him but a fewe days : nowe it holdeth hym by fa)'th, though it see hym not.* Thus much S. Augustine speaketh rcpetyng one thyng so often : and al to declare and teache, howe ^ O, roiurrjn'/ii^- - O, ///<■?/ ^ O adds Jiini ' See Add. Note 50. I70 A BREFE DECLARATION we shuld vnderstande the maner of Christes beyng here with vs : which is by his grace, by his prouidence, & by his diuine nature, and howe he is absent by his naturall body which was borne of the virgin Mary, died, and rose for vs, and is ascended into heauen, and ther sytteth, as is in the articles of our faithe, on the right hand of God, and thens (& from none other place saith S. Augustine) he shall come on the later day, to iudge the quick & the dead. At the whiche day the righteous shal than lyft vp their headcs, and the lyght of goddes truthe shall so shyne, that falseheade and errours shall be put into perpetual ^ confusion : righteousnes shall haue the vpper hande, and truthe that daye shal beare away the victory, all thenemies thereof quite ouerthrowen, to be troden vnder foote for euermore. O Lordc, Lordc, I beseche the hasten thys - daye, than shalt thow be glorified wyth the glorye due vnto thy holye name, and vnto thy diuync maiestye : " and we shal syng vnto thee, in all ioyc, and felicitie, laude and prayse for euer more. Amen.* Here now wouldc I make an ende. For me thinkes, S. Augustine is in this mater so full and playne, and of that autoritie, that it shoulde not ' O, to iiUcr - The custos here has this ^ O om. this clause, ^ O om. Amcft A RREFE DECLARATION 171 nede after this his declaration, being so firmelye grounded vpon Goddes worde, and so well agre- ynge wyth the other aiincient autors,i to bring in - for the confyrmation of thys matter anye moo ^ : and ^ yet I sayed, I woulde alledge thre ^ of the latin churche, to testifye the truthe in this cause/' Now ^ therfore the last of all shalbe Gelasins, whiche was a bishop of Rome, but one that was byshop of that sea,*' before y*" wicked vsurpacion and tyrannyc therof spreddc & burst outc abrodc in to all the worlde For thys man was before Bonifacitis yea and Gregorie the furstc : in whose dayes boothc corruption of doctryne and tirannicall vsurpation dyd chiefly growe, and hade the vpper hande.^ Gelashis ^° in an epistle of the two natures Cdashis. of Christ, Contra EiiticJicn, writeth thus : TJic sacrament cs of tJie bodye and blonde of CJtristc, wJiicJie we veccane, are godly tliyngcs, ivJierby and by the same ive are made par'takcrs of the diiiine nature, ' O om. the last two clauses. - O om. in for . . matter '•'• O, any more Aiitliors * O, Yet because I promised to atledge •'• O adds ivritcrs ** O om. this clause. "0,7 rnjitt now altedgc^ last of alt Gelasius, '^ O om. this clause. '■' O, 07'er-hand 1" See Add. Note 51. 172 A BREFE DECLARATION and yet iienetJidessc the substa?mce or nature of the ^ breade and wyne dothe not departe nor go azaay. Note these wordes I beseche you, and considre, whether any thinge can be more playnelye spoken, than these wordes be - againste the errour of tran- substanciation, whiche is the grounde and byttcr roote, whervpon sprynge all the horryble erroures before rehearsed. Wherfore seing that the falshead ^ doth appearc so manifcstlye, and by so many wayes so playnl\'C, so clearlye and so fully, that no man nedeth to be deccaued, but he that wyll not sec, or wj'U not vnderstande : Let vs all that doo loue the truth, embrace it, and forsake the falsehcade. For he that louethe the truthc, is of God : and the lacke of the louc thereof is the cause why God sufifreth ' men to fall in to errours, and to peryshe therein : yea and •'' as S. Paule sa3^eth, why he" sendcth vnto them illusions, y they bclecue lyes, vnto thcyr owne condemnacion : bycausc (sayeth he) '' they loued not the trutlic. This truthe no doubt is Goddes worde. ' () om. t/ie ^' O om. ///«;; ///ese words be ^ O adds hereof "^ O suffered ^ O adds i/ie cause '^ O, God '' O om. {saJiJi. he) A BREFE DECLARATION 173 For Christ hym selfe sayethe unto his father : Thy ivoordc is truthc?- The lu 17 love and h'ght wherof' ahnigh tie God our heavenly father geve us, and lyghten it in our heartes by hys ha- ly spirit, through Je- sus Christe oure Lorde. Amen, Vine it Veritas? ^ O om. For . . . t nil he ~ O, thereof ^ O om. these words. P.S., Vlncct. See above, .16, for the uicident which probably suy^yested them to Ridley here. 174 ADDITIONAL NOTES TO THE "BRIEF DECLARATION." 1. P. 98. Here Matthewe and Marke do agree . .almost fully in the same form of ivords. Ridley must have lacked his Greek Testament when he wrote, or he would have seen that the verbal agreement of the Evangelists is exact. "Gave thanks" (Matt.) and "Blessed" (Mark) both repre- sent fi-Xoy/iffae in the consecration of the Bread ; and " Gave thanks " in both represents tvxaptarijcras in the consecration of the Cup. 2. P. 102. Protestaiuites. Ridley uses the word only twice in his works, so far as I remember ; here and below, p. 113. It is sparingly used by the English Reformers, and some- times denotes the Germans specially (P.S., Zurich Letters, ii. 48). Harding, against Jewel, gives it as one of the names which mark the variations of the Reformation, and states its origin not quite accurately (P.S., Jewel, ii. 686) : "the confessionists, who made confession of their faith . . . at Auspurge^ anno Domini 1530, and for protestation of the same were called protestants." He should have said, at Speyer, A.D. 1529. But he rightly makes the word origin- ate not in a negative but in a positive ; in a protestation ^'' of their faith.'" It is almost needless to recall how cordially later English Divines accepted the word. So strict and devoted a Churchman as Bp Cosin avows himself in his will {Works, Anglo-Cath. Libr., i. xxxii.) as in concord with all Churches "professing the true Catholic faith and ADDITIONAL NOTES 175 religion . . . which I desire to be chielly understood of protestants, and the best Reformed Churches." It is possible that here Cosin means Lutherans distinctively by "Protestants," and uses the word "Reformed" likewise distinctively. But the current language of his time is, I think, against the likelihood of this. The word " Pharisees " is here and there used in reformed writings, by way of comparison, in attacking externalism in the Roman system. (P.S., Tyndale, ii. 42, 43.) 3. P. 102. Messalonianes . . . Eutichetcs. "At the be- gmning of the last quarter of the 4th century or a little earlier, fanatics made their appearance in Syria . . . who were known by the Syriac name of lAIessalians or Massalians, (P?V^> praying people). Epiphanius . . translates the name {ihxoiiivoC), but in the next generation the JMessalitms had obtained a technical name in Greek also, and were known as Kuchites {ih^o^ai or ii^x^ra.)." " The use of the Lord's Supper they looked on as a thing inditierent ; it could neither benefit the worthy nor harm the unworthy receiver." (G. Salmon, in Smith's Diet. Chr. Biogr., s.v. Euchites) The reference in O to " Trip. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 1 1 " is to a compilation from Sozomen, Socrates, and Theodoret, the work of Cassiodorus {ob. 595). It contains a long paragraph (from Theodoret) on the Messalians, otherwise thxnrai, kvQovGiatyrai, and reports them as saying of the cibits diviniis that niJiil nee prodest nee Iccdit (Migne, Patrol. Lat. vol. 69, p. 1077). 4^ P. 102. Anabaptistes. I do not find thatlhis particular charge is repeated elsewhere by the English Reformers Latmier, at Oxford (P.S., Remains, iz,i\ allows a guarded use of the phrase "real presence," "lest some sycophant or scorner should suppose me, with the Anabaptist, to make nothmg else of the Sacrament but a bare and naked sign." 5. P. 104. The luye bushe. Bradford (P.S., Sermons, 94) uses the "bush" as an illustration of the difference between " signs which signify only, and signs which also do 176 .-/ BRIEF DECLARATION represent, confirm, seal up, and (as a man may say) give with their signification." "An ivy-bush" is an instance of the former, as " a sign of wine to be sold." 6. P. io8. As the luater in Baptisme. See below, 227, for the same illustration and reasoning in Ratramn. 7. P. III. Euen as for example, lue say, the same Sunne &^c. Cranmer had used the same illustration, in his Answer to Gardiner (P. S., Cranmer, 0/i the Lord's Supper, 89 — 91): "We say, that as the sun is corporally ever in heaven, and no where else, and yet by his operation and virtue the sun is here in earth ... so likewise our Saviour Christ bodily & corporally is in heaven . . although spiritually He hath promised to be present with us upon earth" ; &c. See below, 275, for a somewhat similar remark of Ridley's in the Debate, 1548. 8. P. 1 1 5. Doo thys in reviembraunce of me. Ridley takes the same line here as in the Conversation in the Tower ; see below, Append, iv. It is noteworthy that we never find him met in this argu- ment by the assertion or suggestion that tovto itoiCiTt tic r>)v i(i>)v avdfivTjaiv means, in effect, " Offer this as my (sacri- ficial) Memorial." This view of the words was not present, as far as it appears, to his opponents' minds. See below, 248, for Ratramn's treatment of this matter. On the inter- pretation alluded to, a recent Essay may be referred to, by Ur T. K. Abbott, Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin ; This do in Remembrance of Me (Longmans, 1893). 9. P. 117. Latclye renewed nowe in our daycs ^'c. The marginal note, Mar. Antho. Constan. Gardiner, tells us (for the first time explicitly) that he is dealing with Gardiner's Answer to Cranmer, under the pseudonym of M. Antonius Constantiiis, of Louvain. This book appeared in 1552. In the copy in the Cambridge Library the title page runs : Confutatio Cavillationtim qnibus sacrosanct um Eiicharisticc Sacramentuni, ab impiis Caper naitis, impeti solet, Aicthore Marco Antonio Constantio, Theologo Lovaniensi. Parisiis, ADDITIONAL NOTES 177 Apudjoannem de Roigny, in viajacobcasub insigni quaiuor Elementorum. 1552. Oan privilegio Regis} The preface tells the story of a man who spread a feast in which all the dishes were swine's flesh. Et sane ut suilla caro omnium fere crassissima et maxime fatua sit, ita de iis ego responderim argumentis nihil illis esse aut stolidius aut magis insipidum, et una item stultitia, quasi dicas suilla came, constare omnia. This was an unhopeful tone in which to approach the theme with a view to truth. But the book has no lack of controversial ability. See notes 17, 18 below on Innocent 111. and Duns. 10. P. 118. The sacramental} hreadc is t lie viysticall body ; that is, the Church of Christ. See this argued (after Augustine) by Ratramn below, 241, 247. ir. P. 120. As Innocentius that pope did say. I have not been able to verify this reference. The Epistle referred to contains much material akin to the question (see note 17), but not this particular point. 12. P. 121. Etien they that doo write vioostc fyncly in these our dayes. The margin here has " Gardener to the .48. obiection." This is an evident misprint for "the .84.'' Gardiner's book, is arranged in 255 sections. Each contains an Objicitur which gives the "heretic's " (Cranmer's) statement; this is then met by the Rcspondet Catholicus of the author. Objicitur 84. Papista" nesciunt quibus verbis consecratio fiat. Nam Scotus et Innocentius Tertius dicunt consecrationem esse in verbo (Benedicit). Alii dicunt in iis verbis, (lube haec perferri), alii in iis (Hoc est Corpus meum). H^ec varietas arguit ignorantiam. Sed quod incertum est non debet poni pro doctrina : tum si sint incerti de consecratione, sunt 1 I find (in Trin. Coll., Cambridge) a later edition, Lovanii, 1544, Authcre Stephana Wiiiion. Episcop. AifgltcB Cavcellarifl. N 178 A BRIEF DECLARATION etiam incerti de prcesentia. Ergo praesentia realis Christi lion debet poni pro doctrina Christi. Respondet CatJioliciis. . . . Ouidquid Scotus aut Innocentius de verbis con- secrationis senserint, consenserunt esse consecrationeni, et quemadmodum ut ad illud Basilii alludam \a^iiv tariv uts Si) rroTE TO XajSsiv, sic consecrare, quandocunque et quibuscunque verbis fit in ilia Liturgia, Cliristus certe consecrat, illonini JLidicio, unde nobis efficitur realis presentia, quae est doctrina ecclesirc, ab ipsis ecclesias incunabulis comprobata. Sed et de verbis consecrationis illud obtinuit, ut verba ilia (Hoc est corpus meum) ilia sint, quibus fides nostra innitatur quomodo Patres concordi testimonio testati sunt, utcunque fuerit ab aliquibus privato judicio, quacunque tandem de causa, ex verbis consecrationis variatum : quii:; varietas, quando doctrinam realis praesentia; non attingit, nihil obstnl quod objicitur hoc argumento. 13. P. 122. T/ie order of pnesthod, ivluche {they say) ix geven by vertiie of these wordes sayde by the Bysshoppr ; Take thou autoritie to sacrifice &c. The words in the Roman Ordinal are : Accipe potestatem offerre sacrifuiitiu Deo, missasque celebrm-e. tarn pro vivis qnain pro defunct is. In nomine Domini. Amen. This is accompanied by the delivery of the chalice with wine and water and the paten with the host. The imposition of hands, in silence, has taken place some time before. But not till the formula above quoted has been used are the candidates called, in the Ritual, ordinati sacerdotes. The Council of Florence ([439) says that "the matter or visible sign of the Order of Priesthood" is the delivery of the Vessels and the formula quoted. Morinus, the Roman church antiquarian {de Sacris Ordinatio?iiHis, Pars m, Exercit. vii. cap. i. § 12 — 16), shews that there is no trace of this usage or belief before the tenth century. 14. P. 127. Sainfe Augustin in his hoJ;e&^c. Theoriginal ADDTTIONAT, NOTES 179 runs thus : Si autem ilagitium aut facinus videtur jubere, aut utilitatem aut beneficentiam vitare, figurata est. Nisi mandu- caveritis, inquit, carnem Filii hominis, et sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere : figura est ergo, preecipiens passioni Dominicae com- municandum, et suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in niemoria quod pro nobis caro Ejus crucifixa et vuhicrata sit. {Dc (loctr, Ch}'. iii. 16.) He is in course of stating, illustrating and discussing Tyconius' Sc7>eit. Rules for the interpretation of Scripture. 15. P. -128. And ha-c I can not but victiiaylc Cr-'c. The margin has here, "Gardiner in his answers to the 161. &: 226. objection." The passages in Gardiner are : Objicitur 161. Objicitur ex eodem TertuUiano, lib. 4 contra ^larcionem. Acceptum panem et distributum discipulis, corpus suuni ilium fecit, Hoc est corpus meuni dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Figura autem non esset nisi veritatis esset corpus.^ Gardiner cpotes St Basil the Great {Ep. 64) defending a perilously worded statement of Gregory's (of Neoca:sarea) against yElian : oti oh doynariKbJQ t'lpriTai, aWu ayioviariKuig, and proceeds below : Nunc venio ad Tertullianum, qui in con- tentione cum Marcionistis eam verborum Christi interpre- tationem explicavit, quam ante eum nemo, nee post eum quisquam catholicus tanquam ex ore Christi, etiamsi figuram et signum dixerint, quamvis non solam. Licet enim visibilem panis speciem qua:; manet, propter veram corporis pra:sentiam (quae subsit et adsit), figura dicatur prtesentis corporis, turn autem signum, symbolum, sacramentum ; Christi tamen verba sensu suo proprio, dum diceret. Hoc est corpus, veritatem substantia; corporis vere pra^sentis exprimunt, non signifi- cant figuram. Unde Theophilactus annotavit, non dixisse Christum, Hoc est figura corporis mei : sed. Hoc est corpus meum. Qua? quum ita sint, nonne de TertuUiano nos, ' /. e, unle<;s there were (another) body, that of "verity" or literality. l8o A BRIEF DECLARATION quemadmodum de Gregorio Basilius, recte dicemus, non dogmaticajs {sic) sed aywvtcrrtKale scripsisse haic Tertullianum, ut argumento a figura ducto Marcionistas vinceret haereticos ? Objicitur 226. Objicitur item ex Augustino, illud de doctrina Christiana, lib. 3, cap. 16, figuratam esse locutionem, Nisi mandu- caveritis carnem filii hominis, et qua:! sequuntur ; quia flagitium videtur pra^cipi. Respondct Catholiciis. Mysteriorum ignaris figurata est locutio, sed fideles norunt, quibus credentibus Christns apernit modum, ut niliil prohi- beat eandem locutionem fidelibus et spiritualibus esse pro- priam qua:^ tamen infidelibus et carnalibus sit figurata, quorum judicio videatur continere flagitium. Proceeding, he grants the utterance to lae figurative so far as it points to our union with Christ's sufferings, our meditation on Christ's death, our reign Avith Him in glory ; but he asserts that all this has to be viet from another side by Christ, in His Sacrament, with a literal presence of His Flesh and Blood. 16. P. 130. 77/1? latin Masse . . addeth to the woordes of Christ spoken upon the cuppe these wordcs^ Misterium fidei. This is noticed by Innocent HI. {Ep. v. 121 : Migne, Patrol. Lat. vol. 214, 11 18), in answer to certain questions from John, Archbishop of Lyons, about non-scriptural in- sertions in the Canon, particularly elcvatis ocjtlis in cahijn and mysterinvi fidei. The Pope defends them by possible unwritten tradition, and by internal fitness or probability. Incidentally he reprobates the opinion that, because Scripture sometimes speaks of id quod in alfai'i suscipitnr as sacra- ment7tm^ mystcrinni, excmplum, therefore it is only the imago, et species., ct figura of the Body. He leaves unsolved the questions whether the water (in the chalice) is turned into blood ; perhaps it remains, surrounded by the accidentia priofis villi. ADDITIONAL NOTES i8r 17. P. 132. To spcakc of this oblation &^c. See below, Append, iv., for extracts from Ridley's language elsewhere on this subject. iS. P. 133. Yet there remayneth one vayne Quidditie of Duns &^c. Here the margin has : " Gardener in the answ cr to the XV. objection." Objicitur 15. Nesciunt quid demonstretur per (hoc) in verbis Christi. Nam quidam dicunt demonstrari id quod antea fuit, et tunc sequitur quod panis materialis est corpus Christi. Alii dicunt demonstrari corpus, et tum valet propositio, corpus meum est corpus meum. Alii dicunt demonstrari nee panem nee corpus, sed individtnt/n vagiim^ et individiiuni in gcnere, vel nescio quam mathematicam quidditatem. Vide in qua; proruunt et in quibus angustiis tenentur dum banc mon- strosam pra^sentiam fingunt. Gardiner quotes against the first dilemma the phrase (Joh. ii.) gustavit aquani vinnni factum. He defends Duns by explaining the i;idividuuni vaguin. Demonstratio (hoc) integram rei naturam non penetrat, sed cjuatenus ibi in- dividuum sit, illud unum notat, nee tamen aliquas illius individui notas exprimit quibus mens nostra a vagabunda de re cogitatione ad certos cognitionis terminos reducatur. Ideoque demonstrat pronomen (Hoc) individuum quidem, ut dixi, sed (vagum) illud, non rei proprietati affixum, tantum in genere Enunciativum, hoc est, nihil aliud quam individuum quod animi nostri conceptione generalius ipso individuo integro est, cjuod est quasi dicas individuum individui. The noun added to the pronoun makes an individuum i/isignitum. I suppose the following to be the passage in Duns Scotus referred to by Gardiner and Ridley : {Sententice IV. Dist. viii. Qu. II.) QucBstio. Utrum ilia sit forma pra^cisa consecrationis Eucharistiie quic ponitur in Canone Missic? i82 J BRIEF DECLARATION (Datur individuum genericum.) Prius quodcumque uni- versale potest intelligi descendere in proprium singulare (luam contrahatur per differentiam aliquam ad aliquid in- ferius, tanquani ad speciem ; lit sic habeamus ordinem istorum singularium, hoc ens, ha^c substantia, hoc corpus, et sic deinceps usque ad Socratem. Hoc in proposito demonstrat singuhire entis, et non per se singulare alicujus minus universalis quam ens. Quod pro- batur primo quia rationabiliter quxritur de multis. Quid est hoc ? non teneri autem idem supponitur, et qua;ritur. Igitur non supponitur per locutionem hoc^ hoc lignum, vel hoc lapis ; quia illud quicritur. . . , De illo ergo singulari supponitur hoc tantum ut est singulare entis, et quaritur aliquid specialis sub ente. 19. P. 136. But O i^ood Lorde £s^c. The margin has, just below, " Gard. to the .13. objection." Objicitur 13. Sensus hujus propositionis, Hoc est corpus meum, vel est literalis vel tropicus. Sensus literalis quern unusquisque sensu communi prteditus ex forma verborum colligit, est hie ; quod panis queni Christus accepit in manus sit corpus Christi, quod est falsum : nam unum disparatum non pricdi- catur de altero nisi per significationem, ut petra est Christus. Ergo verus sensus istius est tropicus, quod panis quem Christus accepit in manus est tigura corporis ejus, vel significat corpus. Gardiner writes in answer an almost treatise. He denies the relevancy of the example, " That Rock was Christ," as a true collocation of two "disparates." In the case of the words of Institution he says that the word body, a disparate, is predicated of the pronoun this, which only shews that the thing is, in eo quod demonstratur, unum, nee altius in ejus naturam penetrat : exempli gratia, Hoc est vinum, Hoc est mel. He proceeds below : Ouidnam est hoc 1 cui quicstioni si qualitas sit in prtedicato protinus satisfit in subjecto explicata ADDITIONAL NOTES 183 substantia, veluti si dicente me, Hoc est dulce, qiucrat quis quidnam est hoc ? vinum inquam si dixero qua^stionem absolvi. He points out that Christ does not say " This bread is my Body." Secundum naturam pronominis, Christus iUud (hoc), videlicet hoc unum quod erat in manibus, dixit esse corpus suum, non sermone sohun indicatorio . . sed operatorio . . After a long catena of patristic quotations, in which how- ever the question always remains open whether the phrases used are meant in symbol or in the letter, he exclaims that thus speaks Antiquity, but new men risen in these latter times claim our submission to their teaching, tenebricosi quidam paucissimi illi, et suo scelere clari, vel infames potius, Berengarium dico, Witclefum, (Ecolampadium, Zuinglium, Joachimum Vadianum. Nam reliqui si qui fuerint minorum gentium dii, testes falsi illi quoque, sed cum istis qui alic^uid videbantur haud connumerandi. 20. P. 141. Tushe sayethtJiis tJiird man&^c. The margin has, "Gard. to the .84. objection." See above, note 12. 21. P. 144. Origcn . . . sayetli thus &^c. The original is as follows : TTo-v rh ei(rTropivoiJ.evov els to arujj.a els Kin\iav xoipei koI els atpeSpiava e'/CjSaAAeTat ' koI to ayia^o/xevov I3pu>/xa Sia \6yov Qeov Kal evTev^ecos, /car' avrh p-ev rh v\ik6v, els rryt" KOiXiav X^P^^ '^^'^ ^'^ a(peSpooi'a eK^aWerai ' Kara. Se ttiv eTTiyivofievi]v auT(f! evxv") fOTa Ti]V avaAoylav ttjs Tricrreciis, w^eKiixov ylyverai, koL t^s rov vov aXnov oiajSAev^ecoj, opUvTOS eirl to uifpeKow ' Kal ovx V ^'^''J "^ov aprov o.KX' 6 €7r' avT<^ elprj/xevos \oyos ear\v 6 u}(pe\wv rhv fvi) ava^ioos toC Kvpiov icrdlovra blvtov. {In Matth., Horn. xi. vol. iii. pp. 499, 500.) 22. P. 146. Ill the disptitations which were . . in the parliament house &^e. A set debate was held in the House of Lords,^ Dec. 15, 17, 18, 1548, on the Real Presence and Transubstantiation (two questions always regarded as dis- tinct). The Roman Catholic scholar Father Gasquet a few years ago discovered, in the British Museum, a manu- ^ See above, 14. l84 '1 BRIEF DECLARATION script {MS. Reg. 17. B. xxxix.) containing a contemporary report or precis of this debate. This he has printed (pp. 395 — 443) ii'i his book Edward the VI. and the Book 0/ Common Prayer (Hodges, 1890). It has been copied afresh, in its original spelling, prefaced, and annotated, by Mr J. T. Tomlinson,' with characteristic fulness of knowledge and with great critical care. Mr Tomlinson corrects some not unimportant lapses in Father Gasquet's transcription, and in a valuable preliminary essay disposes completely, as it seems to me, of his suggestion that Cranmer had actually tampered with the draft of the First Prayer Book between its drawing up and the del^ate. The " altera- tions " referred to by the anti-reforming debaters are altera- tions not in the new English Book but in the old Missal regarded as the predecessor of the English Communion Office ; alterations which were so much "above board " as to be the chief topics of debate. " There exists no real ground," says Mr Tomlinson, p. 23, "for imputing to Cranmer conduct which would have been not merely base but necessarily futile." Some contributions to this Debate are given below, Append, iv. The Disputations at Oxford and Cambridge were held in 1549; the latter under Ridley's presidency." See Foxe, vi. 297 &c., 305 &c. 23. P. 146. Tlie good old authors . . set foortJie of late. None of the writers here mentioned by Ridley appeared in print till after the year 1 5 5 1 . 24. P. 147. SoJiieiuhich Jiaiie luritten sejice that tyme&^c. Here the margin has, " Card, to the .166." Ohjicitiir 166. Objicitur ex eodem in Mattha^um cap. 15. Panis sanctifi- catus, juxta id quod habet materiale, in ventrem abit et in se- ressum ejicitur. Hicc nefas est de corpore Christi cogitare. '^ The great Parliamentary Debate (b'c. (Shaw & Co.). - See above, 15. ADDITIONAL NOTES 185 Respondet Catholicus. Non de Eucharistia loquitur Origenes, sed de pane sanctifi- cato per verbum Dei et orationem, quern communiter mandu- camus, vel de eo qui solebat dari catechumenis (de quo Augustinus, dc peccatorum mentis, li. 2, ca. 26). Tuin autem Erasmus in annotationibus suis refert consuesse in veteri ecclesia, quod et ad nostra tempora duravit, panem sanctifi- care, qui Eucharisti^e memoriam refricaret. De quo etiam in suis Liturgiis Basil ius et Chrysostomus fecerunt mentionem, quadicunt sacerdotem oratione peracta frustatim dividere iis qui non communicaverant corpori et sanguini Christi, quod Graece dicit avridiopov. 25. P. 148. The seconde of the two neioc found answers &^c. Margin ; " Gard. in the same place." The passage thus referred to is as follows : . . Sed ut demus ita esse, materiie nomine intellexit quod est visibile et palpabile, quibus accidentibus, quum corrum- puntur, redire per miraculum sulDStantiam, ut quod a miraculo coepit in miraculum desinat, non sit omnino alienum ab hoc mysterio cogitare. 26. P. 150. Origene in the .w. Honiiiie Ssr^c. The passage is as follows ; we possess it not in Origen's Greek but in the Latin version of Ruffinus : Est enim in Evangeliis littera quii; occidet ; non solum in veteri testamento littera occidens deprehenditur. Est et in novo testamento littera quiv occidet eum qui non spiritaliter ea qua; dicuntur adverterit. Si enim secundum litteram sequaris hoc ipsum c[uod dictum est, Nisi manducaveritis carnem meam et biberitis sanguinem meum, occidit haec littera. (Origen. cd. Bened. vol. ii. p. 225, Honi. super Levit. vii. The ". 1 1 ." in Ridley is an error.) 27. P. 151. A place of S. Augustine &^c. On this passage, and Ridley's remarks now following, see above, notes 16, 20. 28. P. 151. Noiue to Chrysostonic. The passage exists i86 J BRIEF DECLARATION only in Latin, and in the Benedictine edition (Paris, p. Ixiii, at the end of vol. vi.) it is marked as perhaps spurious. It is as follows : Si ergo vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus transferre sic periculosum est, in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur, quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum pra^paravit, non debemus locum dare diabolo agendi in eis quod vult. 29. P. 152. N'aycisaycth an other) i. ed. Schultze, vol. iv. 126.) 1 The Library of San Marco is now denuded of its books. ADDITIONAL NOTES 189 34. P. 158. What sociicr that wicked vian Innocentins .. . determined in his congregations . . . that nuist be {for so Duns saythe) holden for an article &" of the substance of our faytlie. The Innocentian Article, the first authoritative statement of Transubstantiation, is as follows. It forms the first of the decrees of the Concilium Lateranense Ouartum, held in 1215 : Una est fidelium universalis ecclesia, extra quam nuUus omnino salvatur. In qua Idem Ipse Sacerdos et Sacra- mentum Jesus Christus, cujus corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem, potes- tate divina, ut ad perficiendum mysterium unitatis accipiamus ipsi de suo quod accepit Ipse de nostro. Et hoc utique sacramentum nemo potest conficere nisi sacerdos qui fuerit rite ordinatus secundum claves ecclesia;, quas ipse concessit apostolis et eorum successoribus Jesus Christus. {Concilia^ ed. Labbe and Cossart, toni. \\.pars i. cot. 143.) 35. P. 158. In Calccdon coiinsaile. It was on Oct. 26, 451, Theodoret, after years of painful and embittered con- troversy, and at length deposed from his see of Cyrrhus, anxious to vindicate his suspected orthodoxy, appeared in the Council prepared to anathematize not his friend Nes- torius, but the doctrine said to be Nestorian. At length by persistent clamour he was induced to name Nestorius. The assembly then acclaimed him as " worthy of his throne," and he was immediately restored by a unanimous vote. (See Smith's Diet, Chr. Biogr., iv. 915.) 36. P. 1 58. The foulest shyfte of all &^c. Margin, " D. Moreman in the convocacion house." In the debate of Oct. i8> 1553) when (amongst others) Philpot, afterwards martyr, defended the reformed doctrine with great ability and courage, Moreman, an Oxford doctor, is reported thus (Foxe, vi. 397) : " He came to Theodoret, and said that men mis- took his authority by interpreting a general into a special, igo A BRIEF DECLARATION' as Peter Martyr hath done in that place of Theodoret, inter- preting ovaia for substance, which is a special signification of the word ; whereas ovala is a general word, as well to acci- dents as to substance ; and therefore I answer thus unto Theodoret, That the sacramental bread and wine do not go out of their former substance, form and shape ; that is to say, not out of their accidental substance and shape." 37. P. 159. A giflse of a lawyer. The passage is as follows : Statuimus ut septem hebdomadas plenas ante sanctum pascha omnes clerici in sortem Domini vocati a carne jeju- nent : quia sicut discreta debet esse vita clericorum a laico- rum conversatione ita et in jejunio debet esse discreta. Has ergo septem hebdomadas omnes clerici a carne et deliciis jejunent, et hymnis et vigiliis atque orationibus inha^rere die noctuque studeant. Statuimus : id est nlwoganuis : vtl ponit statuitmts pro comulimus. [Dccrctuni Gratiaui^ mi ?>?//., Distinctio iv.) 38. P. 160. Gevc lis noiuc iJtc Maistcr. We owe this incident to Jerome, dc Viris Illustribus, cap. 53. (Migne, Pat7'. Lat., vol. 23, col. 661.) He says that he knew one Paulus, who in his early youth had seen at Rome the then aged man who had been Cyprian's secretary {notarius). This man had related how Cyprian never passed a day willi- out reading Tertullian, and often said to him. Da Magistruni, Tcrtullianum videlicet significans. 39. P. 160. Tertullian . . . saietJi thus. The passage is as follows : Acceptum panem et distributum discipulis corpus suum ilium fecit, Hoc est corpus meum dicendo ; id est, figura corporis mei. {adv. Marc. iv. c. 40, ed. Oehler, vol. ii. 267.) 40. P. 161, Tertullian writeth here {say they) &-r. He refers to Gardiner, ObJ. 161. See above, note 17. The margin here again gives 16 in error for 161. 41. P. 162, Lykenvysr this author. The passage is as follows ; ADDITIONAL NOTES 191 Sed ille quidem usque nunc nee aquani reprobavit Creatoris qua suos abluit, nee deum quo suos ungit nee mellis et lactis societatem qua suos infantat, nee panem quo ipsum corpus suum repraesentat. {adv. Marc. \.c. 14, ed. Oehler, vol. ii.62.) 42. P. 164. Upon the .B><^. Psalinc. It should be .98. The passage is as follows : Non hoe corpus quod videtis mandueaturi estis, et bibituri ilium sanguinem quod fusuri sunt qui me erucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vos commendavi, [ciuod] spiritaliter intellectum vivificabit vos. {In psalm, xcviii., ed. Bened. vol. iv. col. 1066.) This passage had come up in the Dis- putation at Oxford ( IVor/cs, 234). 43. P. 164. I/i his bfllcc Contra Faustum. The passage is as follows : Hujus sacrificii caro et sanguis ante adventum Christi per vietimas similitudinum ^ promittebatur, in passione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur, post ascensum Christi per sacramentum memorice celebratur. {contr. Faustum Mani- chmnn, xx. c. 98. ed. Bened. vol. viii. col. 348.) Ridley had used this passage in his Determination ( JJ^or/.-s, 179)- 44. P. 165. /;/ /lis hokc de fide ad Petrum. This is now recognized as the work not of Augustine but of Fulgentius, a century later (^ob. 533). See YA. Bened. Augustini, \oI. vi., Append., col. 17, 18. The editors, following Erasmus, speak of Fulgentius as the indiibitatits aiictor. The passage is as follows : In illis carnalibus vietimis figuratio (cz/. significatio) fuit earnis Christi, quam pro peecatis nostris ipse sine peceato fuerat oblaturus, et sanguinis quem erat eftusurus in remis- sionem pecatorum nostrorum ; in isto autem sacrifieio gratia- rum actio atque commemoratio est earnis Christi quam pro nobis obtulit et sanguinis quem pro nobis idem Deus elTudit. (See Fulgentius ; Migne, Patrol. Lat., vol. 65, col. 699.) 1 So the Benerlictines, not viclimariim ^imi/ifiidiiiei)i. 192 .4 BRIEF DECLA RATION 45. P. 165. As upon the . 3 . Psalmc. The passage is as follows : Cum adhibuit ad convivium in quo corporis et sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit et tradidit. {In Psalm. iii. ed. Bened. vol. iv. col. 7.) 46. P. 166. In his .n-^. epistle to ^om.{7\.<:\\\s,. The passage is as follows : Nonne semel immolatus est Christus in seipso } et tamen in Sacramento non solum per omnes Pascha? sollennitates sed omni die populis immolatur, nee utique mentitur qui interrogatuseum responderit immolari. Si enim sacramenta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum sacramenta erant non haberent, omnino sacramenta non essent ; ex hac autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo, secundum quendam modum, sacra- mentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, ita sacramentum fidei fides est. {Epist. xxiii. ed. Bened. vol. ii. col. 267.) See below, 231, for the use of this passage by Ratramn, Ridley had used it in his Determination ; Works, 178. 47. P. 167. As S. Aiis^nstinc tcachcthc. The passage is as follows : Solet autem res qute significat ejus rei nomine quam significat nuncupari, sicut scriptum est, septem spica? septem anni sunt; non enim dixit, septem annos significant. Septem boves septem anni sunt, et multa hujusmodi. Hinc est quod dictum est, Petra erat Christus ; non enim dixit, Petra signi- ficat Christum, sed tanquam hoc esset quod utique per sub- stantiam non hoc erat, sed per significationem. Sic et sanguis quoniam propter vitalem quandam corpulentiam animam significat in sacramentis, anima dictus est. {Oiicrst. 57, lib. iii. ed. Bened. vol. iii. col. 516.) 48. P. 167. In hys booke Contra adamantinum. The passage is as follows : Nam ex eo quod scriptum est sanguinem pecoris animam ejus esse, pra?ter id quod supra dixi, non ad me pertinere ADDITIONAL NOTES 193 quid agatur de pecoris anima, possum etiam interpretari praeceptum illud, in signo esse positum ; non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum, cum signum daret corporis sui. {Epist. cii. c. 12, § 3, ed. Bened. vol. viii. col. 124.) 49. P. 167. Sayth S. Augiistin in an other place. The passage is as follows : Heec enim sacramenta sunt, in quibus non quid sint sed quid ostendant semper attenditur, quoniam signa sunt rerum et aliud existentia, aliud significantia. {contr. Maxim.., lib. ii. c. 22, ed. Bened. vol. viii. col. 725.) 50. P. 168. Yet one place more. The passage is as follows : Accipiant hoc et boni, sed non sint solliciti ; loquebatur enim de praesentia corporis sui. Nam secundum majestatem suani, secundum providentiam, secundum ineffabilem et in- visibilem gratiam, impletur quod ab eo dictum est, Ecce ego vobiscum sum usque in consummationem steculi. Secundum carnem vero quam Verbum assumsit, secundum id quod de Virgine natus est, secundum id quod a Judaeis prehensus est, quod ligno confixus, quod de cruce depositus, quod linteis involutus, quod in sepulchro conditus, quod in resurrectione manifestatus, non semper habebitis vobiscum. Ouare? Ouoniam conversatus est secundum corporis prssentiam quadraginta diebus cum discipulis suis, et, eis deducentibus videndo, non sequendo, ascendit in coelum, et non est hie. Ibi est enim et sedet ad dexteram Patris, et hie est : non enim recessit praesentia majestatis. Aliter, secundum pras- sentiam majestatis, semper habemus Christum : secundum praesentiam carnis, rectfe dictum est discipulis, Meautem non semper habebitis. Habuit enim ilium Ecclesia secundum praesentiam carnis paucis diebus ; modo fide tenet, oculis non videt. {Tract. 50 in Johannem., c. 13, ed. Bened. vol. iii. part iii. col. 634.) Ridley had used this passage in his Determination {IVo/'^s, 176). O 194 A BRIEF DECLARATION- 51. P. 171. Gelasius the First (Bishop of Rome, 492— 496). The passage is as follows : Certe sacramenta quse sumimus, corporis et sanguinis Christi, divina res est ; propter quod et per eadem divinse efficimur consortes naturte. Et tamen esse non desinit sub- stantia vel natura panis et vini, et certe imago et similitudo corporis et sanguinis Christi in actione mysteriorum celebran- tur. {De Duabus Naturis, adv. Eiitycheii. See de la Eigne, Biblioth. Patrum, ed. 1618, vol. v. part 3, 671.) Migne's editor {Pair. Lai., vol. 59, col. 11), quoting Mansi, says that the work de Duabtts Natia-is in the Biblioth. Patrum is not by Gelasius; his work v^ajs, grande et prceclarum, this is a mere libelhis. Ridley had used this passage in his Determination ( Works, 174). It is interesting to ask, had Ridley books of reference in prison ? Or did he trust to his memory 1 It seems much more likely that he was allowed to have with him a book or books of extracts made in the course of his reading at Cambridge, Heme and elsewhere. Such collections were commonly made by the students at that time. In that great storehouse of MS. treasures, the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (Parker MSS., vol. cii., pp. 151, &c.), I have examined Cranmer's careful collection and arrangement of passages from the Fathers bearing on the Presence in the Eucharist. This collection was perhaps transcribed by an amanuensis under the Archbishop's direction, but summaries of the evidence afforded are written in his own hand. Ridley had no doubt compiled similar collections, and to these he probably refers when once and again he complains that his "books "were kept from him {Works, 165, 193). It would seem that he was at last allowed to have them again. APPENDICES This way which they call heresy is not new, but hath been trodden in long since by such as in their times were accounted good and catholic teachers in the Church. USSHER. ArisTver, ch. iii. APPENDIX I 'THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' Ridley makes repeated reference to " Bertram " as a writer on Eucharistic doctrine. The earliest of such references, so far as I find, occurs in the Debate in the Lords/ December 1548 : Roffensis (Ridley). Also the question of Charles to Bertram : Christus inatidiicafi/r in Sacramento, licet totits sit in avlo. Cicestnns. (Day). Bertram is printed of late at Geneva among the sectaries, and corrupted. ^ In June 1549, in his Determination at Cam- bridge,^ he cites against Transubstantiation a catena ^ See above, 14. " The Debate on the Lord's Supper, ed. J. T. Tomlinson, 50. (See above, 184.) ^ See above, 15. I9S APPENDIX I of Fathers, closing with a brief reference to " the judgment of Bertram in this matter," as "very clear and manifest." ^ Some time in 1553, or early 1554, during his imprisonment in the Tower, describing the theological conversation at the Lieutenant's table,^ he reports at length a passage of discussion about " Bertram " ^ ; Thus when Master Fecknam had spoken at length, with many words more, "Sir," said I, "it is certain that others beside these "^ have written of this; not by the way only and obiter, as do for the most of all the old writers, but even ex professo, and their whole books entreat of it alone, as Bertram." " Bertram," said the Secretary,^ " what man was he ? who was he, and how do ye know? &:c.," with many questions. " Sir," quoth I, " I have read his book. He pro- poundeth the same which is now in controversy, and ansvvereth so directly that no man may doubt but that he affirmeth that the substance of bread remaineth still in the Sacrament ; and he wrote unto Carolus Magnus." " Marry," quoth he, " mark, for here is a matter. He wrote," quoth he, "«^ Henricuvi, and not ad Carolum,^ for no author maketh any such mention of Bertramus." 1 Works, 175. " See above, 30. ^ Works, 158. * /. e. beside " Berengarius, Wickliffe, and Hus, and now in out days Carolostadius and CEcolampadius," named by Fecknam. ^ Sir J. Bourne, Secretary to the Queen. ^ " That is, to Henry the Eighth ; meaning to insinuate 'THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' fg^ " Yes," quoth I, " Trithemius in catalogo illustrmm Scriptorum ^ speaketh of him. Trithemius was but of late time; but he speaketh," quoth I, "of them that were of antiquity." Here after much talk of Bertram, " What authors have ye," quoth Mr Secretary, " to make of the Sacrament a figure ? " ^ A few months later, in the Disputation at Oxford,'^ in his elaborate argumentation on the second article of the trial, he again names Bertram last in his catena, and proceeds : ^ Here, right worshipful Master Prolocutor and ye the rest of the commissioners, it may please you to under- stand that I do not lean to these things only which I have written in my former answers and confirmations, but that I have also, for the proof of that I have spoken, what- soever Bertram, a man learned, of sound and upright judgment, and ever counted a catholic for these seven hundred years until this our age, hath written. This treatise whosoever shall read and weigh, considering the time of the writer, his learning, godliness of life, the allegations of the ancient fathers, and his manifold and most grounded arguments, I cannot (doubtless) but much marvel, if he have any fear of God at all, how he can, with good conscience, speak against him in this matter of that this book of Bertram's, which bore too strongly against the Romish corruptions in the doctrine of the Eucharist to admit easily of any fair and direct answer, was a modern forgery of the Protestants of late time " (Wordsworth, Eccl. Blogr. iv. 17). See further below. ^ See below, 206. - Works^ 159. 2 See above, 36. ^ Works^ 206. 200 APPENDIX I the Sacrament. This Bertram was the first that pulled me by the ear,^ and that brought me from the common error of the Romish church, and caused me to search more diligently and exactly both the Scriptures and the writings of the old ecclesiastical Fathers in this matter. And this I protest before the face of God, who knoweth I lie not in the things I now speak. One other reference is recorded. On the morn- ing of the day before his martyrdom, at the house of Alderman Irish, he appealed to Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester, who had just done upon him the office of degradation, to give Bertram a hearing- : They would have been gone, but Master Ridley said, "My lord, I would wish that your lordship would vouch- safe to read over and peruse a little book of Bertram's doings, concerning the Sacrament. I promise you, you shall find much good learning therein, if you will read the same with an indifferent judgment." Dr Brookes made no answer to this, but would have been gone away, &c,^ Of the book to which Ridley owed, in his own judgment, so great a debt I attempt a short account, indicating rather than fully stating what is known of its author, its occasion, its genuineness, its later ^ In the \.2X\x\^hic niihi primus mirevi "vnhit. The English is Bradford's version of Ridley's Latin. 2 See above, 64. ^ Works, 290. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 201 literary history ; and giving in the next Appendix an abridgement of its contents. § I. The name Bertram is undoubtedly a mistake, originated some time in the middle ages by a transcriber, and perpetuated by the literary historian Trithemius in the fifteenth century. The author of the tractate De Corpore et Sanguine Domini was Ratramnus; so the word is shewn in the only two known complete MSS. of the book, one of them dating probably from Ratramn's own time. Other spellings occur very early, Rotrannus, Ratrannus, Intramnus^; but they appear to be accidental variations. Ratramn was born early in the ninth century, joined the Benedictine Order, and was a monk and priest at Corbie, in the diocese of Amiens, till he became abbot of Orbais, in that of Soissons. He was alive certainly in 870, when he is mentioned by Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims. His theological reputation was high. In the Predestinarian controversy he was consulted by Charles the Bald (King 840—875, Emperor 875— ^77), grandson of Charlemagne, and brother and successor of the Emperor Lothair. He wrote two books, still extant, de Prcedestinatione Dei. Before 1 See the editions of Hopkins (pp. i, &c.) and of " H. W. &W. C. C." (p. v) mentioned below (215, 219). Ussher spells the name Ratrannus {de Eccles. successione, c. ii.). 202 APPENDIX I this he had written de Partu Virgineo, in answer to some reported attempts in Germany to mysticize away the Hteral Birth of the Incarnate Lord, His latest important work was done at the request, ultimately, of Pope Nicolas I.^ It was a reply to Greek attacks on the Roman Church {contra oppo- sita Gj'ceconun Iinperatoruni Roniajiam Ecdesiam in- famantmni), written about 869. It is noticeable that this was long after he had written on the Body and Blood of the Lord; no faintest taint of euchar- istic heresy can have attached to him, in the opinion of the Pope and the French Bishops, on account of his authorship of that book, § 2, The occasion of the writing of his now famous tractate was, apparently, as follows. About 831^ Paschasius Radbertus, or Rathbert, also a monk of Corbie, and soon afterwards abbot there, wrote a treatise on the Lord's Body and Blood in the Eucharist. It was dedicated to his old scholar Placidius, now abbot of New Corbie, in Westphalia. The style is avowedly simple and didactic ; for the monks of New Corbie, its first intended readers, were as yet, so we gather from the Prologue, " un- touched by the wave of liberal arts." But though the treatise is not controversial in form, dealing ^ Hopkins, 19. ^ Hopkins, 78, 79, gives good reasons for the date. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 203 rather in the reiterated assertion of Hterahst exposi- tion, and enforcing it by stories of miracle, it alkides to the wide prevalence {plures sapiiint) of opinions other than those which it affirms. Paschasius teaches that the change in tlie eucharistic elements wrought by consecration is to be understood as literally as is possible to " faith." The bread is the Body of the Lord in respect of its being, out and out, the identical Body of the Incarnation : Licet figiira pcDiis et viiii hie sit, oninino nihil aliud qiiaui euro Christi et sanguis post consecrationem cre- denda sunt. . . . Et, ut niirabilius loqitor, non alia plane \card\ quant quce nata est de Maria, et passa in cruce, et resurrexit de sepulcro {cap. i, § 2. Migne, Patrol. Lat., vol. 120, col. 1269). The book won a more public notice when Paschasius (so we learn from his Letter to the King) presented it, at the new year, to Charles the Bald, imploring {prostratis precibus) his attention and approbation with a view to its fuller acceptance. Charles, who inherited his grandfather's interest in theology, read the book, and, if we may speak of almost certain inferences as facts, found in it a doctrine which to him was new and strange, and which demanded either submission or refutation. Pie turned to the best theological P'uides he knew 204 APPENDIX I to examine the subject for him ; they were John Scotus Erigena, and Ratramnus. This is conjecture, strictly speaking, for we have no direct information that Faschasius' tractate was the occasion of Charles' doing what he certainly did in inviting Erigena and Ratramnus to write. But the circumstances make it more than probable. Ratramn's book does not name Faschasius, nor formally discuss his work. But it is throughout a refutation of Faschasius' thesis, almost in set terms ; for it aims all along to prove that the Lord's words are to be understood not in veritate but in figura, and that the Body of the Eucharist is not identically the Body of the Incarnation. It seems clear that it is written by a man who has Faschasius before him, though he will not say so. And it is not only addressed to Charles ; it is written at his express request, with a view to uniformity of belief among his subjects, a uniformity which now (apparently as a new thing) the King finds imperilled by strange teaching. The book of Erigena has wholly perished ; it was burnt by papal order, at Vercelli, in 1059. Erigena was so much more the philosopher than the theo- logian that he may possibly have written with in- sufficient caution and reverence; but what we possess 'THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 205 of his works indicates, in a fragment here and there, that on the whole he took Ratramn's line.^ It is to be noticed in passing, that the prince who turned to Ratramn for his theology zvas Charles the Bald, and not Charlemagne. The confusion of names, which by Ridley's time had made Charle- magne Ratramn's reputed patron, seems to be due to the title in one of the two chief MSS. of the book : "- liicipit liber Ratramni . . . ad Caroluni Magnum. " Charles the Bald," says Mabillon in his report of the MS, (Iter Gernianicmn, in vol. iv. of his Analecta, quoted by the Oxford Editors), " was more than once called ' Great' " The book itself does not give the name of the " glorious Prince " whom it addresses. But we need have no doubt. The known chronology of Ratramn's life makes Charlemagne impossible, and his grandson is the one King Charles in the field of view. § 3. The literary history of the book is curiously meagre till we come to the Reformation, when it was printed at Cologne, in 1531, by Johann Pral. Two medieval notices of it occur. One is by the ^ See a convenient collection of these passages in Hebert's History of Teachings &c., vol. i. 601 — 605. Dr Hebert's renderings have sometimes to be revised ; but the original is invariably given below the translation. The literary remains of Scotus are printed in Migne, Patrol. Lat., vol. 122. 2 5gg below, 211. 2o6 APPENDIX I Benedictine Sigebertus Gemblacensis (born in the north of France cir. 1030), de Scriptoribus Ecclesi- asticis, c. 96 : Bertravms ^ scripsit librum de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, et ad Carolnm librum de PrcEdestinatione. The other is by the Bene- dictine Johannes Trithemius, de Scriptoribus Ecclesi- asticis, a book completed in 1494, and first pubHshed at Basle. It is to this work that Ridley refers (above, 199). The passage is as follows: Ber- tramus presbyter et monac/uis, in divinis Scripturis valde peritus, et in litteris scecularium disciplinarum egregie doctus ; ingenio sub ti lis et clams eloquio ; nee minus vita quam doctriita insignis ; scripsit viulta prceclara opuscula, de qtiibus ad meant notitiam pauca pervenerueiit. Ad Carolum Regent, fratrem Lotharii imperatoris, scripsit commendabile opus de Prcedestinatione^ lib. i.^ De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, lib. i. Claruit temporibus Lotharii imperatoris, Anno Domini D.CCC.XXX. I may mention that in a copy of Trithemius in the Cambridge Library, printed at Frankfort^ in t6oi, the state of the text seems to indicate that Trithemius regarded our tractate and that on 1 The Oxford editors of Ratramn give Ratraimis as the spelling in two MSS. of Sigebert. ^ As a fact there are two books. ^ Francofm'ti, typis Wechelianis, apiid Clauduiin Marnimn. ' THE ROOK OF BERTRAM' 207 Predestination as in some sense one. The words are arranged and stopped thus : .... Scripsit commendabile opus, de pr(cdesfi>iatione, lib. i. de Corpore ei Sa/ignine Domini, lib. i. One other mention may be classed with these two, though it falls within the Reformation time. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, in his voluminous defence of Transubstantiation against Qicolam- padius (1527),^ names " Bcrtramus." In the preface to the fourth book,- among many orthodox men famed for sacred and secular learning, he names Paschasius abbas Cor'beiensis, Bertraimi-s, Strab^is, Rabanus . . vionachi (ed. 1597, p. 991). It is curious to find Paschasius and " Bertramus " thus grouped together. I cannot but think that Fisher knew Ratramn only through Trithemius' descrip- tion. Had he read him, he could hardly have classed him, as he does, among those who 7ina voce contestant?ir in EiicJiaristia corporis et sanguinis veritatem. When Ratramn appeared at length in print, under Reforming auspices, (it was CEcolampadius who procured the printing, and a German translation ^ See below, 254. "■^ Not in prcefatione ad Hbros, as Fabricius says (quoted in Migne, vol. 121, col. 9). 2o8 APPENDIX I was done by Leo J udas/) he excited attention at once. The Reformers hailed an honoured ancient who not passingly but of set purpose, and as against an innovating error,^ asserted that the holy Elements are, as indeed they are, the Lord's Body and Blood, but in figiira, non in veritate. On the other hand, it was instantly suggested that the book was either a fabrication throughout,^ done by CEcolampadius, or that its original orthodoxy had been cleverly altered by the insertion of spurious passages, denying the Veritas of the great change. As a matter of literary criticism, I should suppose that the book was then, as now, well able to vindicate itself It is on the one hand closely coherent, and on the other hand its Latinity is widely different from the Ciceronianism favoured by the Latinists of the sixteenth century. But it had to wait some time for a complete vindication ab extra. This came at length from two directions. In 1566 Abp Parker* published, with a trans- lation, a Saxon Homily, an instruction on the due reception of the Eucharist at Easter. It was written by Aelfric, abbot of Malmesbury and afterwards of ^ See below, 258. ^ If I do not mistake, Ratramn is the first writer in all Christian literature who treats the great subject precisely thus. ^ See above, 198; and below, 222. * Strype, Parker^ i. 472. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' i6g St Alban's, who flourished about 960.^ The Saxon was a version of a Latin sermon, possibly written by Aelfric ; but the Latin, suspected of heresy, (so it would seem,) had utterly perished in the middle ages, not improbably in the time of Lanfranc and Berengarius ; the Saxon survived, protected by its unintelligibility. The Homily is in itself extremely interesting-; amongst other things for a curious inconsistency. It teaches the " figure," not " verity," of the eucharistic change. Yet it inserts two stories of miracle supposed to prove the crudest " verity " ; in one, a sceptical woman finds the wafer before her turned visibly into 2, gory finger ; a miracle, by the way, which would not square with the more refined scholastic theory. But the great interest of Aelfric's Homily is its relation to Ratramn. Abp Ussher, who combined vast reading with keen literary penetration, was apparently the first to detect that a large part of the Paschal Homily was nothing other than Ratramn in Saxon ; and ^ Parker set it forth, on his own part and that of the Archbishop of York and thirteen Bishops, as " a Testimony of Antiquity shewing the ancient faith of the Church of England touching the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord." ^ It is printed in Saxon and English by Foxe (vol. v. pp. 180 &c.), though not entire, and in English by the Oxford Editors of Ratramn. See below, 219. P 2IO APPENDIX 1 that the passages which corresponded were just those which were supposed by the Romanists in the sixteenth century to be the forgery of the Reformers.^ On examination it appears that of the 102 sections of Ratramn's treatise quite 22 (7-9, 17—19. 23—25, 38, 71—78, ^7^ 88, 90, 95) have their parallels, in whole or part, in Aelfric. In Hopkins' edition of Ratramn (pp. 40 — 51) a careful collection of the chief cases appears. Three specimens may be given here. (i) Ratramn, § 9 : At iUe pajiis qui per sacerdotis ministermm Christl corpus efficitur aliud exterius Jm- vianis sensilnis ostendit, aliud interius fidelium me?itibus clamat. Aelfric : Truly the bread and wine which through the mass of the priest is hallowed sheweth one thing out- wardly to human senses, and another thing they inwardly call to believing minds. (2) Ratramn, § 88 : Hoc corpus pignus est et species, ilhid Veritas. Hoc enim geritur donee ad iliud pervenitur ; ubi vero ad illud perventum fuerit hoc removebitur. Aelfric : This mystery is a pledge and a figure, that Body is the truth itself. This pledge we keep mystically until we come to the truth itself; then is that pledge ended. (3) Ratramn, § 25 : Ipse qui nunc in ecclesia pa?iem et vi?iu/n omnipotenti virtute in sui corporis carnetn et ^ See Ussher, Answer to a Jesuit^ cc. i, 3. And compare his passage de Ecclesiarmn successione^ cap. ii. § 17, &c. 'THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 211 proprii cruoris imdam spiritualiter C07ivertit, Ipse time quoque mantia de ccelo datiuti corpus suum et aquatn de petra profusam propriwn sangui?iem invisibiliter operaius est. Aelfric : Though He had not suffered as yet, He turned through invisible might that bread to His own Body and that wine to His own Blood, as formerly He did in the wilderness, before that He was born to Man, when He turned that heavenly meat to His own Flesh and that water flowing from the rock to His own Blood. The other direction from which vindication came to the genuineness of the printed text of Ratramn was the inspection of two MSS.^ of the work, late in the seventeenth century, by the learned Benedictine, Jean Mabillon (1632 — 1707). In the Benedictine abbey of Laubez, or Lobez, in Belgium, he found one, mentioned in a catalogue which itself bore the date A.D, 1049 5 '^'^ Mabillon's opinion the MS. was written before A.D. 900.- And in the Cistercian abbey of Salem Weiler {ccenobium Sakmense) he found another, which he thought to be of the tenth century. It bore the title liber Ratranaii de percept ione Corporis et Sanguinis Domini, ad Carolum Magimni? ^ The MS. from which the Cologne edition was printed is not known. - Acta Sanctorum Ord. Ben., sec. iv., pars 2, p. 45 : quoted by Hopkins, 60. ^ Iter Cermanicum, in Vetera Analecta, torn. iv. : quoted by Hopkins, 61. 212 APPENDIX I As regards the integrity of the text, Mablllon says of the Lobez copy that he finds no discrep- ancy with the text printed in the sixteenth century, save that the printed text in | 99 reads iste panis . . . corpus Christi . . . 7ioviinatui\ and the MS. reads nominatur et existit ;^ and he will not say that the Protestants have omitted it fraudulently. To retrace our steps a little ; the book, when published by the Reformers, was not only criticized and defamed by their opponents. It was placed on the Index by Pope Paul IV. (Caraffa), 1559. Even so however there was a division of opinion among the Romanists. Not all thought the work a forgery. Some, as Card. Bellarmine, blamed "Bertram "as an unorthodox teacher, " who first brought into doubt the truth," and was answered by Paschasius ; a complete mistake as to the facts." 1 Hopkins (p. 256) remarks, as he inserts the missing word. Nee qiiieqiiain tamen jiivat Poiitificioriini cmisain hece additio; agnoseiint enitn Reforniati paneni . . . cotptis . . . existere sph'itiialiter. In the Oxford edition of the Latin a collation of editions is given at the foot of the pages. It may be hoped that the text may yet be edited from the MSS. A third but imperfect MS. (in bibliotJieeci S. Albini Andegavenis) is mentioned by the Oxford Editors, on the authority of Montfaucon, in Bibliotheea Bibliotheearian^ torn. ii. 1227. 2 Ussher {Answer^ c. i.) quotes Turrianus, de Ei/eharlst., p. 134, as saying, Bertranmm eita7-e, quid aliud est qnatn dicere hcEresini Calvi/ii iion esse novani ? ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAAF 213 In an Index for Belgium (Strasburg, 1609) appears a curious judgment by the Divines of Douay, adopted by the editors of the Index ; I borrow the Oxford Editors' version of the Latin : ^ "Although we care not greatly for this work of Bertram's, whether it be extant or no, yet because it is often printed, and read of many, and the heretics know by a catalogue of forbidden books that he was a Catholic priest, and dear unto Charles the Great, and because we comment upon other writers of the same age, and extenuate their errors oftentimes by a favourable construction of them,2 by the same reason we may allow Bertram and acknowledge him ; for there is nothing worthy of reprehension in him, setting aside a little ob- scurity in his style, and his ignorance in using some dark words and sentences, which with mar- ginal notes affixed may manifest the true sense and meaning of the author." " Of this principle," the Oxford Editors proceed, " we find such instances as these; 'invisible' is substituted for 'visible,' and ' substance ' explained by ' accidents.' " ' The Latin is given, with much other curious matter, in the Introduction to the late Dr Gibbings' Exact Reprmt of the Roman Index Expurgatorins (Dublin, 1837), pp. xliv, &c. '^ Errores . . . exte?tuamus, excusavnis, excogitato co/n- mento persape negamus, et coniinodiini its sensum affin^- imus, Qr'c. En papistarum fidem, exclaims Ussher {Col- lected Works, ii. 53. Cp. A?isiuer, ch. i.). 214 APPENDIX I The Jansenists, as might be expected, hailed Ratramn as a welcome witness for the Augustinian doctrine of predestination, but found his eucharistic teaching unworthy and misleading.^ When Mabillon had set finally at rest the ques- tion of genuineness and integrity, a serious attempt was made, by a French Divine, to reclaim Ratramn, so to speak, for Roman Catholic orthodoxy.^ Jacques Boileau, Doctor of the Sorbonne and Dean of Sens, published in 1686 an edition of the treatise, with a French translation and an elaborate appar- atus on the doctrine of the book. The title was : De Corpore et Sanguine Domini Liber, express us ex apograpJio cum cura et fide exscripto ex codice MS. DCCC a7inorum, Abbatice Lobiensis. Cum versione Gallica, prczfationc et not is Jacob i Boilavii, Theologi Parisiensis. Parisiis. 1 686,^ Boileau's methods of doctrinal vindication are sometimes violent. Hopkins collects a large number of cases in which his translation merely perverts the original. As for example : (i) Ratramn, § 56 : IntelUge quod non in specie sed in viriufe coipus et sanguis Ciiristi existant, quce cernuntur. ^ So Ant. Arnauld, " ic Grajtd'''' ; CEuvres^ xviii. 483, xii. 98. '^ In reply to the Jesuit Hardouin, who had found Bertram heretical. ^ Migne (vol. 121) prints Boileau's Dissertations. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 215 Boileau : Les choses qui y tombent sous le sens, ne sont pas le Corps et le Sang de J.-C. dans leur espbce ou apparence visible, mais qu'ils y sont par la vertu (du Verbe). (2) Ratramn, § 12: Hie vera panis et tnman prius fuere qjiam transituin in saerametitum Corporis et Sangjiinis Christifeeenint. Boileau : . . . . Avant qu'ils passassent au Corps et au Sang de J.-C. Boileau's work called out (in an amplified form, after a smaller first edition,) the book to which I have made frequent reference by anticipation as •' Hopkins " ; by far the most important English edition of Ratramn with which I am acquainted. It is entitled : Bertram or Ratravi concerning the Body and Blood of the LORD, in Latin, zuith a new English Translation, to zvhick is prefixed a historical Dissertation concerning the Author and this Work. The second Edition corrected, and enlarged zvifh an Appendix: wherein Monsieur Boileau's French Vcj^sion, and Notes npon Bertram, are considered, and his unfair dealings in both detected. London. 1688. The book, an octavo, contains pp. 508 ; the Appendix occupies pp. 233. The author does not give his name, unless it lies in a curious cypher in the Dedication (to the Right Hon. H. Coventry). But Wood {Athence Ox., iv. col. 680, ed. Bliss, 1820) lets us know that he was 2i6 APPENDIX I William Hopkins, D.D., Prebendary of Worcester, born 1647 ; chaplain to Coventry, English Ambas- sador in " Sweedland," and " esteemed an excellent divine, well read and critical in English histories and antiquities." The book (apart from the Appendix, and from the Version of Ratramn) consists of six chapters, full of laborious and accurate work : (i) An Historical Account of the Author and his Writings ; (2) Of his Treatise concerning Christ's Body and Bloody and the Author cleared of Heresie, and the other accusations of Father Cellot ; (3) That this Book is neither wJiolly forged, nor yet depraved, that Ratrammis is its true A uthor, and not fohn Scotus Erigena ; (4) Of the true Sense of the Aiithor in some controverted Ex- pressions ; (5) That this Treatise expressly confutes the Doctrin of Transitbstantiation, and is very agreeable to the Doctrin of the Church of England ; (6) That Ratrammis zuas not singular in his opinion, but had several great Men in his own and the folloiving Age of the same judgment with him in this point. The names dealt with in this last chapter are Charlemagne (in the Epistle to Alcuin), Amalarius Fortunatus, Erigena, Florus of Lyons, Walafridus Strabo (a weighty name) and Rabanus Maurus.^ ^ His expression of opinion is distinct, and evidently 'THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 217 Hopkins' ch. iv. is useful and interesting. He discusses Ratramn's use of Figtu-a and Veritas ; Manifestatio ; Species (which he uses not in the scholastic sense, but very much as a synonym with Natura) ; Visibilis (which is used without any hint that our senses are not to be trusted, so that what we see as bread can be all the while literally Body ; to Ratramn visibilis means, practically, what stands the test of sense) ; Verbmn (in the sense not of the words of consecration but of the Eternal Word, the Logos) ; and lastly, Corpus Spiritiiale, on which he has some important remarks (p. 72) : " By a spiritual body we are not to under- stand the natural Body of Christ, but existing after the manner of a Spirit, or, as our adversaries love to speak, not according to its proper existence, that is to say, it is Christ's natural Body, but neither visible nor local, nor extended ; this is not Bertram's sense of Christ's spiritual Body, but that the thing so-called is figuratively and mystically directed against Paschasius : Quidam tticper de ipso Sacra- mento Corporis et Sanguinis Domini nan rite sentientes dixericttt hoc ipsum Corpus et Sangidnem Domini quod dc Maria Virgine natum est, et in quo ipse Domimis passus est in Crtfce, et resurrexit de Sepulcro idem esse quod sumifur in altari {ift Epistola ■ edita per Baluzium^ quoted by Hopkins, 116 ;a). The last six words of the Latin were found by Mabillon erased from one MS. of the letter- 2i8 APPENDIX I Christ's Body, and that it spiritually communicates to the faithful Christ with all the benefits of His Death." I do not know the after-history of Hopkins' book.^ It is mentioned with high praise ^ by Fabricius, quoted, with great liberality, by Migne's (Roman Catholic) editor {Patrol. Lat., vol. 121, col. 10). Hopkins gives a list of editions of Ratramn up to his own time. They are as follows — 1. At Cologne, 1532, 8vo. ; ^ perhaps with Abp Hermann's approval. 2. Geneva, 1541, 8vo. (A copy is in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge ; with it are published Augustine's Epistle to Dardanus, and an extract from a homily of Augustine's.) 3. In the Micropreshyticon, fob, Basle, 1550. 4. Cologne, 1 55 1, 8vo. (with other works). 5. Geneva, 1557, 8vo. (with other works). 6. Leyden, 1579, 8vo. (in the Opiiscula of Feuguereus). 7. Geneva, 1608, fol. {in Catalogo testiuju Veritatis). 8. By Lornierus ; with notes. " Prohibited newly by the French clergy." 9. Two editions in French and Latin, the last in 1672. 1 Except that it was published (without the Appendix on Boileau), in French, at Amsterdam. See the next page. 2 As the work clarissimi Qui. Hopkinsii. 3 This was at once translated into German, by Leo Judas. See below, 258. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 219 10. By "Dr Boileau, Dean of Sens," Paris, 1686, 8vo. 11. In English, 1549. The "translation was made either by Bishop Ridley, or his advice, and is accurate enough, but the language obsolete." ^ 12. Aberdeen, 1622. Svo. 13. By Sir H. Lynd, 1623. 14. The same, "newly reprinted." To these must be added — 15. Hopkins' work translated into French, Amsterdam, 17 1 7 (mentioned by Fabricius, in Migne Pair. Za/., vol, 121, col. 10). The printer explains that the Appendix is not translated, as too extensive for republication. 1 6. The Book ofRatrajiiii, the priest arid monk of Corbey, commonly called Bertram, concerning the Body and Blood of the Lord. To tvhich is added an Appendix, containing the Saxon Homily of yElfric [translated]. Oxford, J. H. Parker ; J. G. or' F. Rivington, London. 1838. 12m o. 1 The Rev. C. H. R. Harper tells me that there are two copies in the Bodleian Library, 1548, 1549, "from the same press, and almost identical. The title-page of the first is as follows : The bake of Barthrain priest, intrcatynge of the Bodye and Blonde of Cliriste, wrytten to greate Charles the Entperoure, and set forth viic. ycai-es a goo, and imprinted An Z';2l,M.D.XLVin. T. R. {i.e. Thomas Raynolde, a printer in the parish of St Andrew's in the Wardrobe, London). On the back of the title-page is printed The lyfe of Bartram preist, by fohannes Thrythemytis, followed by the pertinent remark, ' A man shall not percyve the mynde of the auctor excepte he rede the boke through and conferre the fyrst part with the latter.'" The P. S. editor of Ridley names William Hugh as the translator of the book in 1 548. {Works, 159.) 220 APPENDIX I The edition is anonymous ; the excellent preface is signed " H. W., W. C. C." The Latin of Ratramn is not printed. 17. Ratramjii, presbyter i et vwnachi Corbeiensis, qui vulgo Bertramus nunciipatiir. Liber de Corpore et Sanguine Domini. Oxonii. 1838. i2mo. The publishers and the Editors are the same as in the last case. A short Prcefatio gives a list of editions, an account of ]\ISS. from Montfaucon and Mabillon, and the testitnonia de Ratravino of Sigebert, Trithemius and Fabricius. I have referred often above to these last two editions as " the Oxford Editors." 18. The Book of Bertram., Monk of Corbie, a.d. 840, on the Body and Blood of the Lord. . . . Done into English from the Original Latin with Notes and brief Lntrodudion by W. F. Taylor, D.D., Vicar of St. Chrysos- tonis, Everton [now Archdeacon of Warrington]. From the editio7i of 1673, Liouen, Jean Lucas. ^ London, Simpkin, Marshall &= Co. Liverpool, E. Hotoell, Church Street. 1880. i2mo. An excellent pocket edition. I close this imperfect account of a remarkable book with an extract from Cave's Historia Liter- aria'^ borrowing the rendering of Cave's vigorous and characteristic Latin given by the Oxford Editors of Ratramn (English Edition, p. vi) : All who have taken their first lessons in Theology know how plainly, how learnedly he treateth the subject ^ Is this one of those numbered by Hopkins "9"? '^ Ed. 1688, p. 530. ' THE BOOK OF BERTRAM' 221 of the Eucharist in his book concerning the Body and Blood of Christ, and how clearly he rejecteth the dogma of Transubstantiation as it is explained in the Romish Schools. Wherefore the Papists from their desire to banish this tract to Anticyra,^ or rather to Orcus itself (for it has been stamped with the black mark of con- demnation by the Censors of Trent, and Louvain, by Sixtus Senensis, Bellarmine, Genebrard, Possevin, Gregory of Valentia, Gretzer, etc.), have attacked it with every instrument of hostility. Some endeavour to diminish the Author's reputation ; others calumniate him as a heretic desirous of change, as a monk kicking against his superiors. The staid manners of the man, and his fame untouched through so many ages, clearly refute this. Others loudly exclaim, that his work is corrupt and interpolated. Against this, the faith of so many ancient manuscripts must be taken, and that of the Easter Homily by our own NXix\c^ who flourished in the year 960, which is borrowed almost word for word from the tract of Ratramn. Lastly, others would prove that John Erigena, and not Ratramn, is its author. What then ? As if John Scotus were not his equal, both in age and learning. But in truth, the candid confession of John Mabillon easily convicteth this party ; for he confesseth, that he found the name of Ratramn at the beginning of an ancient manuscript Soo years old, in the monastery of Lobez. Indeed, Antony Sanders made mention of this manuscript long before in his Catalogue of the Belgian Libraries, part I., p. 303. And in very truth, men, in other respects grave and learned, work ^ To get its insanity cured. (Hon, Sat. ii. 3. 166.) 222 APPENDIX I wondrous hard at trifles, when they undertake to prove that Ratramn in this Tract favours the doctrine of the Romish Church, or, at least, does not oppose it; from which nevertheless it is as far distant as the East is from the West. What can they produce worthy of so huge a promise ? Let these new champions of Transub- stantiation, as far as I am concerned, go on with it ; let them transform Ratramn into Paschasius himself, for I would as soon believe them to be one and the same person, as that Ratramn held on this point the same doctrine with Paschasius and the Romish Church of the present day. It is somewhat amusing to place beside this extract Gardiner's last Objicitiir, or rather the Respondet Catholicus which annihilates it. Gardiner and Cave agree cordially in the one point of the difference between Ratramn's doctrine and that of the Tridentine age. Ohjicitur 255. Objicitur ex Bertramo. In libello illo de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, ait de symbolorum naturis, quod secundum creaturarum substantiam, quod fuerunt ante consecrationem, hoc et postea consistunt. Rcspofidet Catholicus. Bertramus, sive quis alius fuerit author ejus operis qui sub illius nomine fertur, callidus fuit et impudens hsereticus. 223 APPENDIX II AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF ' BERTRAM ' An abridgement of Ratramn's tractate is here offered. The sections are those adopted in Hop- kins' and some other editions. I have done my best to give impartial expression to the whole of the writer's thought. His exegesis of Scripture is given of course as it stands. 1. Your Majesty 'bids me express my opinion con- cerning the mystery of the Lord's Body and Blood; anxious, as a Christian sovereign, that your subjects should not think diversely on so capital a point. 2. For some of the faithful say that the mystery of the Body and Blood of Christ, daily celebrated in the Church, is done without figure or veil, and with open display of the verity itself; while others hold that these things are contained under sacramental figure ; and that bodily sense sees one thing, but faith another. Here is a grave difference, where all should "speak the same thing" (i Cor. i. lo). 3. Hence your royal anxiety for a statement of the hidden truth of the matter ; and your condescension, to ask one so lowly as myself. 224 APPENDIX 11 4. I obey; but where the theme is so far removed from bodily sense I can do so only under the teaching of the Holy Spirit. I humbly rely on Him of whom I am to speak, and seek to follow not my own mind but the footsteps of the Fathers. 5. As to the Body and Blood of Christ, received in the Church by the mouth of the faithful, you ask (i) Is it His Body in mystery or in verity (/;/ veritate) ? That is to say, does it contain a secret something, seen only by faith, or, all mystery apart, does the sense see out- wardly what the mind sees inwardly, so that the ordinance shines with the light of manifestation? (2) Is the Body the same Body which was born of the Virgin, which suffered, rose, and is now enthroned ? 6. We take the first question first, and we begin by defining "figure" and "verity."^ 7. "Figure" is as it were a shadow, signifying some- what under a veil ; as when we call the Word ^ " Bread " ; or when the Lord calls Himself "the Vine." 8. "Verity" is a shewing of a thing unveiled (m manifestcz demofistratio), in the terms of nature ; as, " Christ was born of a Virgin, died, was buried." Here meaning exactly coincides with expression ; not so in the other class of phrase. Substantially, Christ is neither bread, nor a vine. 9. Now to our theme, the Body and Blood of Christ. If this mystery admits no figure, it is not rightly called a ^ By Veritas he evidently means what is unfigurative and literal. Ratramnus undoubtedly holds, in a sense large and also deep, that the holy Bread is " verily " the Lord's Body to the true receiver. See e.g. § loi. ^ Evidently here the Aoyof, the Christ. AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 225 mystery. But the bread which by the priest's ministry is made Christ's Body shews one thing outwardly to our senses, and speaks aloud {damaf) another inwardly to the minds of the faithfuh Outwardly it is, as before, bread : shape, colour, taste remain. But inwardly it suggests a far other and better thing, heavenly and divine ; it exhibits Christ's Body, which is received not by physical sense but by the gaze icontuitu) of the faithful soul. 10. So the wine, which is made by consecration the sacrament of Christ's Blood, shews one thing outwardly, but contains another inwardly. Outwardly, there is just the substance of wine ; all the senses prove this. Not so inwardly: to the minds of the faithful it is Christ's Blood • so tasted, beheld and smelled it proves itself such. This is undeniable ; it is in figure {figurate) that the bread and the wine are the Body and the Blood. Our senses say that neither flesh nor blood is there ; yet after consecration we no longer say " bread and wine " but *' Christ's Body and Blood." 11. If, as some hold, nothing here is in figure, all in verity, then faith does nothing, for then nothing spiritual is done. But faith is "the evidence of things not seen " ; so faith would have no function here. And it is absurd to take bread for flesh, and wine for blood ; nor is that a mystery where nothing is secret. 12. Now how can things in which no change is seen to have taken place be said to be the Lord's Body and Blood ? Change is either from what is not into what is, or from what is into what is not, or from what is into what is. But here, if the Sacrament is only viewed in simple verity {m veritatis simplicitate\ and we believe nothing beyond sight, no change is recognizable. It has not 226 APPENDIX II passed from what was not to what is; as when things begin to be. For the bread and wine were before they were made the Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood. And it has not passed from what was to what is not ; as where there is destruction by defect. 13. Is it then the change from what is to what is ; as in things changed in quality, as when black is changed to white? No ; our senses answer no.^ So if nothing else is changed, the bread and wine are but what they were before. Yet they are something other, for the bread has become the Body and the wine the Blood of Christ. The Lord's own words of institution prove this. 14. Let those then who will have no figure here but only simple verity say how the change has come ? For as to the kind {species 2) of the elements and the form of things visible, the bread and wine are unchanged. 15. Your Majesty sees the strange position of these teachers. They deny what they are held to say, and destroy what they believe. They confess, as faithful Christians, that the elements are the Body and the Blood ; and therefore, doubtless, that they have been changed. But then, how [on their theory]? Nothing has been changed bodily. They must own then that they are changed in some sense other than bodily {secundum corpus)^ and so into something other than what in verity they seem to be, other than what in their proper nature they are. Otherwise, these teachers must deny that they are the Body and Blood ; a thought which it is a sin to think. 1 He accepts the senses as veracious. Rathbert almost makes it a merit to give them the lie. 2 See above, 217. AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 227 16. But if they own that the elements are the Body and Blood, (a change, necessarily, into the better ;) and as this change cannot [as we have seen] be bodily but spiritual ; it must be a change in figure ; under the veil of bodily bread and wine are now the spiritual Body and Blood of Christ. Not that we have two different sub- stances [before us], body and spirit; but one thing in two respects : it is still bread and wine in one respect, it is the Body and the Blood in another. For the elements, bodily, are bodily creatures ; but in power and effect they are made spiritually the Body and the Blood. 17. Consider the water of Baptism. It is called the fount of life, for it renews to a better life those who enter it, and for the death of sin gives them the life of righteousness. Has it this power as being what it is visibly, mere water? No: yet without consecration {satidificatio) it could not wash away sin ; without a living force (vigorem vita;) in it it could nowise give to the dead life, life of the soul. Yet in Baptism sense finds only a perishable element, able to wash the body. By consecration the grace of the Holy Spirit is added to it, and it avails to wash the soul.i 18. Here in one element co-exist two opposites; a thing corruptible gives incorruption. Therefore in this fountain, along with what sense finds, there is also what faith only discerns. The water is, in its own nature, a perishable fluid ; in mystery, it is a healing power. 1 In Ridley's time some would have met this by saying that the Eucharist was a mystery greater in kind than Baptism, conveying a greater thing than grace. In the House of Lords Day blamed Ridley for thinking that con- secration adds to the Bread and Wine nothing "but the grace of God, as in all other Sacraments " (Tomlinson, 50). 228 APPENDIX II 19. [So in the case before us], the Body and the Blood, outwardly viewed, are perishable creatures ; but viewed as to the power of the mystery, that power is life, giving immortality to the partakers. So the things seen and the things believed differ. The one are the perish- able food of the perishable body ; the other are the immortal food of the immortal soul. 20. Look at St Paul's words (i Cor. x.), about our fathers under the cloud, and passing through the sea, and so baptized to Moses ; and drinking the same spiritual meat and drink [which we eat and drink ^] ; for they drank of the spiritual Rock that followed them, and that Rock was Christ. Here we see that the sea and cloud represented Baptism, in the case of the old fathers. Now could the sea, as an element, could the cloud, as thickened air, have baptismal power ? Yet the Apostle is witness that Israel zuas thus baptized. 21. No sane man will deny then that this baptism was true Baptism, though in a form other than the present. So then, sea and cloud imparted sanctification, not according to their bodily being, but as invisibly containing the grace of the Spirit. 22. So too with the manna, and with the water from the rock. They were bodily things, and nourished bodies; yet the Apostle calls them "spiritual meat," "spiritual drink." And, as they foreshadowed the mystery of the Body and Blood celebrated by the Church, he says that they were "the same" as our spiritual food. 23. Do you ask, " how the same " ? I reply, that it must be the same. We cannot understand different things to 1 So he evidently explains " the sajne." AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 1l<) be meant here. For it is the same Christ who in the desert fed the people with His own flesh, baptized them in cloud and sea, and gave them drink with His own Blood, and who in the Church now feeds believers with His own Body and Blood. 24. This the Apostle intimates in the words above recited. Christ was in the spiritual Rock, and poured thence His Blood to the people ; the same Christ who in due time offered His own Body on the Cross, and shed from it His own Blood, by which not only are we redeemed, but of which we drink. 25. It is indeed wonderful. He had not yet taken manhood, nor yet had died for us. Nevertheless our fathers in the desert, by the same spiritual meat and the same spiritual invisible drink, ate His Body and drank His Blood. Faith must own the fact, however mysterious. He who now spiritually converts bread and wine into His own Body and Blood then invisibly made the manna His Body and the water His Blood. ^ 26. Yet David in the Spirit testified beforehand that " Man ate angels' bread." Not that the bodily manna fed the heavenly host ; but that in the manna, as now in the mystery of the Body, Christ is meant, who feeds alike angels and the faithful not with bodily food but with the power of the divine Word. 27. Again, the Gospel tells us that before the Lord suffered He called the bread His Body and the wine His Blood. Before He suffered He celebrated the mystery of His Body and Blood. 28. For surely every faithful Christian holds that that ^ The great importance of this section as explaining the writer's main thought is obvious. 230 APPENDIX II bread, on the Paschal night, was made the Lord's Body, and that that cup contained His Blood. Thus, before He suffered, He could turn the substance of bread and wine into His Body which was about to suffer and His Blood which was about to be shed ; and even so in the desert He could turn the manna and the water into His own Flesh and Blood, so long before His Passion. 29. Further, we have those words : " Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood ye shall have no life in you." He does not mean that His crucified Flesh shall be cut up into pieces and eaten, or that His Blood about to be shed for our redemption should be given to us to drink. It would be a sin iscelus) if in the sense of the unbelieving hearers [at Capernaum] such eating and drinking should take place. 30. Therefore, to His disciples, He adds presently ; " Does this stumble you ? If therefore you shall see the Son of Man ascend up where He was before?" As if to say ; " Think not my Flesh or my Blood shall be eaten or drunken by you piecemeal, for you shall yet see me ascending entire to the heavens. Then you shall understand that my Flesh is to be eaten by the faithful not so ; but in truth {vere), in a mystery, the bread and wine being turned into the substance of my Body and my Blood." 31. Thus "it is the Spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing." It is not an eating of material flesh ; in the mystery of the Body and Blood there is a spiritual life-giving operation, without which the mysteries avail not ; they would otherwise only feed the body. 32. Here rises the question often now put, whether these things are not done in verity, and not only in AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 2ji figure. Against those who advocate such verity I adduce the Fathers. 2,2). Augustine, de Doctr. Christ., lib. iii. {c. i6), writes thus on the words, ''■ Except ye siiall eat the flesh, &=c. " ; — " He seems to enjoin a crime and outrage {f acinus et flagitium) ; therefore it is a figure, commanding us to communicate in the Lord's Passion, sweetly and profit- ably laying up in memory that His flesh was crucified and wounded for us." 34. So Augustine witnesses for the figure. He holds that to take the Flesh and Blood in a material sense {carnaliter) would be a sin. 35. Again, writing to Boniface : "When Easter is com- ing we say ' to-day, or to-morrow, is the Lord's Passion ' — so long after His one suffering. Is this falsehood ? No, because we give to the memorial day the name of the proper day, on account of the likeness. A thing may be said to be done to-day which was done long ago, because its Sacrament is celebrated. Christ was once offered in His proper nature. Yet in Sacrament He is daily immo- lated for the people. And the phrase is not false ; for if the Sacraments had not a likeness to their Things they would not be Sacraments at all. And from this likeness they commonly receive the names of those very Things. So, as in a sense the Sacrament of the Body of Christ is the Body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the Blood of Christ is His Blood, so the Sacrament of faith [Baptism] is faith." 36. Here he says that the Sacraments are one thing, the Things another. Now the Body and the Blood of the Passion are the Things here ; but the mysteries of these Things are the Sacraments of that Body and Blood, celebrated in memory of the Lord's Passion. 232 APPENDIX II 37. And though the Lord's crucified Body is one, and His shed Blood one, yet their Sacraments take their names, because of the Things they signify ; as the days which commemorate the Passion and the Resurrection are called the Passion and Resurrection. 38. In just the sense in which we thus denominate memorial days, can we say that Christ is sacrificed when the Sacrament of His Passion is celebrated, though He suffered once only. So the Apostle (i Pet. ii. 21); " Christ suffered for you, leaving you an example to follow His steps." He cannot daily suffer, but He left an example, exhibited daily to the faithful in the mystery of His Body and Blood, to warn the worshipper to be conformed to the sufferings whose Sacrament he looks for [in the Eucharist]. As Solomon says (Prov. xxiii. i) ; " Thou hast approached the table of the mighty one ; con- sider diligently what is set before thee ; knowing that thou thyself must prepare like things." ^ To " approach " that Table is to share the divine libation ; to " consider " is to apprehend the Body and the Blood. Let us "prepare like things," that we may imitate Him whose Death we confess, not only by believing but by feeding on it. 39. St Paul to the Hebrews writes [vii. 26, 27] ; " Such a High Priest became us . . , who has no need, like the High Priest, to offer sacrifices daily ... for this He did once, when He offered up Himself." AVhat He once did He daily repeats. Once He offered Him- self; yet this offering is daily celebrated, but in a ' The last clause of the quotation is not in the Hebrew or in the Vulgate. The LXX. has it, and it is quoted by Ambrose and Aus^ustine. AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 233 mystery. What He once did is, for the memory of His Passion, daily done in the mysteries. 40. And to say that in them the Lord is sacrificed and suffers is not false; for they have a likeness to His Passion, of which they are the representation. Thus are they called His Body and Blood, because the Sacraments borrow their names from the Things. So St Isidore, in his Etymologies lOri'g., vi. 19], thus says; "It is called a sacrifice of a sacred thing ; for by mystical prayer it is hallowed for a memorial of His Passion. So, obeying His word, we call this His Body and Blood, because though made of the fruit of the earth, it is hallowed and becomes a Sacrament by the unseen work- ing of the Spirit of God. This Sacrament of bread and wine the Greeks call Eucharistia {evxapitrriu), which the Latins render dona gratia (good grace). And what is more 'good 'than the Lord's Body and Blood? [For the bread and wine are compared to them, because as the visible substance of the bread and wine nourishes and cheers the outward man, so the Divine Word who is the Living Bread refreshes the soul of the faithful by partaking."] ^ 41. He thus teaches that the mystery of the Passion is to be celebrated in memory pf the Passion; the Passion was once, but its memorial is represented in the Ordinances. 42. So too, though the bread is, when consecrated, taken up into {assumptus) - the Lord's Body, and the 1 The original of the sentences abridged within brackets [ ] is not in the extant copies of Isidore. ^ In view of the context of Ratramn's whole argument, I do not think that he means by this word to suggest any quasi- 234 APPENDIX II wine is made in His Blood, yet this is not done visibly but, says Isidore, by the unseen working of the Holy Spirit. 43. Hence also they are called the Body and the Blood because they are regarded not as what they appear outwardly but as what they are made inwardly by that working. And because by unseen power they are some- thing other than what they appear, Isidore makes a distinction [in the^words quoted above, § 40] ; comparing the bread and wine to the Body and Blood of Christ. 44. As quoted above, he plainly owns that in the Sacrament of the Body and Blood something outwardly is taken which refreshes the body, while the Divine Word, invisibly existing in the Sacrament, feeds invisibly the souls of the faithful, in their partaking of it. 45. So too Isidore says ; " We say, there is a Sacra- ment in any rite, when a thing is so performed that it is taken to signify something which must be taken in a religious sense." So every Sacrament contains some- thing secret ; it is one thing to the eye, another to the spiritual understanding. 46. What the Christian Sacraments are he goes on to shew ; " The Sacraments are Baptism, Anointing, and the Body and Blood ^ ; which are so called because under the veil of bodily things divine power secretly effects the salvation related to them ; whence too they are called Sacraments from their secret or sacred ^ work- physical " augmentation " of the Lord's true Body by the Eucharist. ^ The Oxford Editors compare Bingham, Antiqit. xii. i. § 4, on this division of the Sacraments each into two. ^ Does he mean to find an etymological kinship between secretiim and sacrum f AM ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 235 ings. And again; "The Greeks call that a itvnriipioi' which has a secret and hidden working." 47. All this teaches that the Lord's Body and Blood are called mysteries because they have a secret working ; that is, what they signify outwardly is one thing, what they inwardly and invisibly do is another. 48. They are called Sacraments again, because under the veil of bodily things divine power secretly gives salvation to those who faithfully receive them. 49. We have now demonstrated that the Body and Blood of Christ received in the Church by the mouths of Christians are figures as to their visible nature (speciem visibilem)^ but truly {vere) Christ's Body and Blood as to unseen substance, that is, the power of the Divine Word. So as visible creatures they feed the body ; but as to the working of a mightier substance they feed and sanctify our souls. 50. Now comes our second question. Is the very Body of the Nativity, Passion and Ascension now daily received by our mouths in the mystery of the Sacraments ? 51. What says St Ambrose, in his first book [viii. § 47] On Sacranietifs? " It is wonderful that God rained manna on our fathers, and that they were daily fed with the bread of heaven . . Yet they . . all died in the desert. But this Food which you take, this living Bread which comes down from heaven, ministers the substance of eternal life, and whoever eats of it shall never die ; and it is Christ's Body." 52. See in what sense Ambrose says that our food in the Church is Christ's Body. He says that this living 236 APPENDIX II bread, which came from heaven, ministers the substance of eternal life. Does what we see, and take, and bite, and swalIow,'do this? No ; it only feeds the body; and they die who take only it. So in that bread there must be a life which faith sees, not the senses. 53. Later again, speaking of Christ's omnipotence, Ambrose says : " Cannot this word {sermo), which can make from nothing what was not, change these things that were into what they were not ? " 54. He says that in the mystery of the Body and Blood there is a change, divine, incomprehensible. Let our opponents tell us, ho7ci. As regards the substance of the creature the elements still are what they were before. So there is something changed inwardly^ by the power of the Holy Spirit ; something which faith sees, and which feeds the soul with the substance of eternal life. 55. He writes again : "Why seek the order of nature in Christ's Body, when the Lord God Himself, above nature, was born of a Virgin ? " 56. Here someone may rise and say that we are not to reason on the way in which what we see is the Body and what we drink is the Blood, but steadfastly to believe that so it is. Good ; but consider your own words. You believe that so it is. But therefore you do not see ; other- wise you would say, not "I believe" but "I see it to be the Body." But now faith receives the whole, whatever it is, and sense perceives nothing ; so the Body and Blood which are received do not exist in nature {specie), but in power (virtute). Hence Ambrose says that we must ^ It appears that by this word {i tit its), here and habitually, he means not " in the interior of the element," but " in the sphere of inward, /. e. spiritual, fact." AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 237 regard not the order of nature but the power of Christ, which creates what was not, and changes it into what it was not. He adds ; "It was Christ's true Flesh that was crucified and buried ; therefore it is the Sacrament of that true Flesh of which He says 'This is my Body.' " 57. Note the distinction. Of the flesh which was crucified and buried he says, " It is the true Flesh of Christ." Of that taken in the Sacrament he says, " It is the Sacrament of that Flesh " ; distinguishing the Sacra- ment of the Flesh from the verity of it. Of the verity of the Flesh taken of the Virgin, he says that it was crucified ; of the mystery celebrated in the Church, he says that it is the Sacrament of that Flesh. The Flesh in which Christ was crucified is, in his view, not mystery but the verity. The Flesh which bears the likeness of that in the mystery is not flesh in nature (^species) but in Sacrament. In nature {species) it is bread ; in Sacrament it is the Lord's Body. 58. Again Ambrose : " What we eat and drink the Holy Ghost teaches, by the prophet, saying, Taste and see how good the Lord is.' " Do the bread and the wine taken bodily shew how good He is ? No ; in the bread and the drink referred to we are to think of nothing bodily, but only of the spiritual ; for the Lord is Spirit. 59. Again ; " Christ is in that Sacrament, for it is His Body ; and so it is not bodily but spiritual food." Clear and true words. He does not say, " That bread and wine are Christ ; " this would be to assert that Christ is perishable. For whatever in that food is tasted bodily is confessedly perishable. 60. You, [my opponent,] take up Ambrose's words, " It is His Body," and claim him as on your side. But note what follows : " It is therefore not bodily but 238 APPENDIX II spiritual food." So you must not bring bodily sense to bear here. It is His Body, yet not bodily but spiritual. It is His Blood, yet not bodily but spiritual. It is the Body, but not bodily. It is the Blood, but not bodily. 61. He proceeds : " So too the Apostle here says con- cerning the type of it, that our fathers ate spiritual food and drank spiritual drink. For the Body of God is spiritual ; Christ's Body is the Body of a Divine Spirit ; for Christ is a Spirit, as we read in Lamentations [iv. 20], ' The Spirit before our face is the Lord Christ.' " ^ 62. Here he teaches how to understand the mystery of the Body and Blood. He says that our fathers ate spiritual food, though the manna was merely bodily ; and then adds, of the Christian mystery, defining the sense in which it is Christ's Body, " The Body of God is spiritual." Christ is God; and the Body of the Incar- nation and Passion is a true body, visible and palpable. But the Body called God's mystery is not bodily but spiritual, and so neither visible nor palpable. But the Body celebrated in the Church, as to its visible nature, is both perishable and palpable. 63. How then is it said to be the Body of a Divine Spirit? According to what is in it, which is truly spiritual, invisible, imperishable. 64. Hence, in his quotation from Lamentations, he shews how it is to be considered as Christ's Body ; even according to what is in it, Christ's Spirit, the divine power of the Word ( VerM), which both feeds and cleanses the soul. ^ This passage is applied to our Lord by Justin, Irenasus, Tertullian, Origen and Augustine. AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 239 65. Ambrose says again; "This food strengthens, this drink gladdens man's heart, as the prophet [Psal. civ, 15] says." Does bodily meat and drink do this to the hea7-t1 Ambrose significantly adds; "This food, this drink, what are they? The Body of Christ, the Body of a Divine Spirit ; more plainly, Christ Himself, who is a Spirit." Plainly he teaches that all here is to be apprehended spiritually, nothing bodily. 66. For the heart means the soul ; and the soul is fed not by bodily food but by the Divine Word. So Ambrose, de Sacramentis,lib.iy. [c. 4]; "Not the bread which goes into the body, but the bread of life eternal, sustains the soul." 67. That Ambrose said this not of common bread but of the bread of Christ's Body is plain from the context. He speaks of the " daily bread " for which we pray. 68. And so he adds; "If it is daily bread, why take it only once a year, like the Orientals [Grtrci in Oriente)'? Take daily what daily benefits you ; live so as to be worthy to do so." Manifestly he speaks of the bread of Christ's Body, which does not go into the body, but is the bread of life eternal, feeding the soul. 69. So Ambrose shews us how great is the difference between the Body and the Blood of the Passion and that Body which, in the mystery of the Passion, Christians daily celebrate, and that Blood which, daily taken, is the mystery of the Blood of Redemption. This bread and wine are the Body and the Blood not according to what they seem, but according to the spiritual life they minister. But the Body of the Passion exhibited {prceferebat) no other nature (species) than that in which it consisted. It was what it really {vere) seemed, and only that ; and so 240 . APPENDIX II was the Blood. But the Blood and the Body which now we take are one thing in nature {species) and another in significance. In !one respect they fed the body ; in another they fill the soul and are, as it were, the substance of life eternal. 70. St Jerome, on Ephesians [ch. i.], thus writes of the same thing ; "Christ's Flesh and Blood are understood in two senses ; as spiritual and divine (of which He says, * My Flesh is meat indeed, &c.'), or as the Flesh crucified and the Blood shed by the spear." 71.. Note Jerome's distinction. In his view, the two differ as bodily from spiritual, visible from invisible, divine from human. The spiritual Flesh and spiritual Blood taken by the mouth are not the same as the Flesh and the Blood of the Passion. 72. For the Flesh crucified, taken of the Virgin, com- pacted with sinews and bones, was animated by a rational Soul. But the spiritual Flesh, our spiritual food, as to its outward nature (species), is made of corn, is not compacted with sinews and bones, nor has limbs, nor has a rational soul for growth and movement. What- ever in it gives life is a power spiritual, invisible, divine. So what is outwardly seen is far different from what in mystery is believed. Moreover, the crucified Flesh was outwardly what it was inwardly; true Flesh of true Man. 73. Consider too that in the bread of the Sacrament there is represented in a figure not only Christ's Body but the Body of the faithful. For it is made of many grains, even as the body of the faithful grows by individual conversions through the Word of God. 74. So as in the mystery the bread is taken for Christ's Body, it signifies also the faithful in Christ. And as it AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 24I is said to be the body of the faithful not bodily but spiritually, so not bodily but spiritually must it be under- stood to be Christ's Body. 75. In the wine called the Blood of Christ water is to be mingled; the one without the other may not be offered. Because ^ Christ and His people cannot exist apart, as Head and members. Now if the wine is changed bodily into Christ's Blood, the water is changed bodily into tlie blood of His people ; for the consecration is one, and the reason {ratio) one. But in the water, as to its matter {corpus), there is no change ; then there is no bodily change in the wine. Whatever the water signi- fies is taken spiritually; so what the wine intimates concerning Christ's Blood is to be taken spiritually also. 76. And things different are not the same. The Body of the Passion is now immortal, impassible. But the Body celebrated in the Church is temporal and perishable ; it belongs to the pilgrimage, not to the Fatherland \_in via ?ton in patria, a familiar antithesis]. So the two are not the same. But if so, how can both be called in verity the Body and Blood? 77. For if the bread is the Body, in the sense of verity, then it is imperishable, impassible, eternal. But what we can break and eat and swallow is perishable. So it is one thing which is done outwardly, another which is believed. As to sense, it is perishable ; as to what is believed, that is imperishable. So what appears out- wardly is not the Thing, but its image. What the mind perceives {quod mente seiititur et ititeiligitur) is the Reality. 78. So Augustine, on St John [in cap. vi. tract 26, § 1 1], 1 The Oxford Editors compare Cyprian, Ep. Ixiii., for diese reasons. R ^i2 APPENDIX II speaking of Christ's Body and Blood, says : " Moses, Phineas, and many others, ate manna and died not. Why ? Because they understood that visible food spirit- ually, and tasted it spiritually, that they might be satisfied spiritually. We also receive visible food ; but the Sacra- ment is one thing, its virtue another." Again ; " 'This is the bread which descends from heaven.' This bread vi^as signified by the manna, and by the altar of God. Both these things were Sacraments \ differing in signs, the same in signification. So St Paul [i Cor. x. i — 4, quoted above, § 61]. He says, ' The sa??ie spiritual meat and drink.' The same spiritually ; for bodily they differed. They ate manna, we another thing; but the spiritual thing is the same for us both . . . The Rock was Christ in sign (/« sigtio) ; the true Christ was in the Word, and in Flesh." 79. Further [John vi. 50] : "' This is the bread which came from heaven, that if any shall eat of it he may not die.' But this pertains not to the visible Sacrament but to its virtue ; to the man who eats inwardly, not out- wardly ; with heart, not teeth." 80. Further on, upon the words of the Saviour [John vi. 61, 62], he writes; "'Does this stumble you, my saying that I give you my Flesh to eat, and my Blood to drink ? If then you shall see the Son of Man going up where He was before ? ' What does He mean ? They thought He would distribute His Body ; He said He would ascend, entire, to heaven. Then at length they would see that His grace is not taken v/ith the teeth ; and He adds, 'It is the Spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing.' " 81. Later again Augustine says; "'If any man,' says A.V ABRIDGED RENDERING OF ' BERTRAM' 243 the Apostle [Rom. viii. 9], ' have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His.' ' Therefore it is the Spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing ; the words that I speak unto you, they are Spirit, and hfe.' What means that phrase, ' they are Spirit and hfe ' ? It is, that they are to be understood spiritually. Understood so, they are Spirit and life ; understood carnally, they are Spirit and life still, but not to thee." 82. Augustine thus, treating of our Lord's words con- cerning the Sacrament of His Body and Blood, teaches that those words are to be understood spiritually. The Lord recalls His disciples, who were stumbled, from the flesh to the Spirit, from bodily vision to invisible (spiritual) intelligence. 83. Thus then the food and the drink of the Body and the Blood are truly {vere) His Body and His Blood in the sense in which they are Spirit and Life. 84. Again ; things identical have a common definition. Of Christ's true Body we say, He is true God, Son of the Father before the worlds ; true INLm, Son of His Mother in the end of the world. But this cannot be said of the Body which in mystery we celebrate. There- fore we see that that is the Body in figure and image {figura et hnagitie), in order that of the verity, the Thing, may be thus perceived {jtt Veritas, res ipsa, sent ia tier). 85. In the prayers said after the Mystery, to which the people answer Amen, the priest says, " We humbly implore Thee that we, receiving the pledge of eternal life, may receive in real participation what we touch in the image of the Sacrament." ^ 1 The Oxford Editors say, Extant hcec in lib. ii. Sacrain. 244 APPENDIX II 86. For the elements are the pledge and image of another Thing ; they have regard to somewhat other. Pledge and image signify the things of which they are signs ; they do not openly shew them. So the (sacra- mental) Body and Blood are pledge and image of some- thing future. What is now shewn by likeness shall hereafter be shewn openly. They signify now ; they shall disclose hereafter. So it is one thing which we celebrate now ; another which we shall see then. 87. Thus the Church now celebrates the Body and the Blood, but by way of pledge and image. As for the verity, it shall be when not the pledge or image but the verity of the Thing {ipsius rei Veritas) shall appear. 88. The Office says again : " May Thy Sacraments effect in us what they contain ; so that what we now celebrate in figure {in specie) we may receive in the verity of the things themselves." ^ Here they are celebrated "in figure"; therefore not in reality. It is a represent- ation, not a display of the Thing. Species and Veritas are far different things. So the sacramental Body is pledge and figure ; the other Body is the verity itself. When we come to this, the other shall be done away. 89. So the two Bodies differ as a pledge differs from what it pledges, as an image from what it represents. Great then is the difference. This which is celebrated on the pilgrimage (in via) is to be received spiritually (for faith believes what it does not see) ; it spiritually feeds and gladdens the soul, and gives life eternal ; while we Rom. Eccl. per Thorn asiuni., ed. 4to. Rom. 1680, p. 180. It is not in the present Missal. ^ Oxford Editors : Missale Rotn. Post-Couiiniinio in Sabbato iv. Tc7np. Septeuibr, A.V ABRIDGED RENDERING OF 'BERTRAM' 245 look not at that which feeds the body, but at that which by faith is spiritually eaten. The Body of the Passion and the Resurrection is the Lord's own literal {propriuin) Body, of which He said, " Behold my hands and feet ; handle me and see ; a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me have." 90. P'ulgentius says, in his book De Fide [c. 19] : " Doubt not that the only-begotten God, the Word made Flesh, offered Himself a sacrifice to God for a sweet- smelling savour. To Him, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, beasts were sacrificed under the Old Testa- ment; and to Him now, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, the Church ever offers the sacrifice of bread and wine in faith and love. In the ancient victims there was a signification of the Flesh which the Lord was to offer and the Blood He was to shed for our redemption. In our sacrifice is a thanksgiving and commemoration of that same Flesh and Blood, now offered and shed ; of which St Paul says, 'Take heed to yourselves ... to rule the Church of God which He purchased with His own Blood.' In those sacrifices therefore that which was to be given for us was signified in figure {figuratc) ; in this sacrifice that which has now been given is openly shewn forth {osfenditur)." 91. He plainly means that as the old saints had in their sacrifices a figure of things to come, while we in ours have a figure of things now come. 92. These words plainly set forth that difference of the two Bodies of which we have said so much. For the Lord's true Body had nothing in it mystical or figurative. But this His mystical [sacramental] Body 246 APPENDIX II shews one thing outwardly in figure, another thing inwardly to faith, 93. Let us close with one more witness from Augustine, in his sermon on the Sacrament of the altar : ^ "That which you see on God's altar you saw last night ; you have not yet heard what it is, what it signifies, of how great a Thing it is the Sacrament. What do you see ? Bread and wine ; your eyes are witness. But — to say what your faith demands for further instruction — the bread is Christ's Body, the cup is His Blood. But how? The prophet says [Isa. vii. 9], 'Unless you believe you will not understand ' ; and you may say to me, ' Thou hast bid "us believe; explain, that we may understand.' For the thought may arise, ' Our Lord Jesus, we know whence He took flesh, even of Mary ; and that He grew, and was persecuted, and crucified, and buried, and raised; and that in Ascension He lifted His own Body to the Throne, whence He will come to judge us. How then is the bread His Body, and the cup (or rather its contents) His Blood?' Brethren, these things are called Sacraments just because in them one thing is seen and another understood. What is seen has bodily nature (species) ; what is understood has spiritual profit." 94, So Augustine teaches us how to think of the true Body and of the Body set on the altar and partaken of by the people. The one is whole and entire, not divided, not veiled. The other, placed on the Table, is a figure, because a Sacrament. Outwardly it has the bodily nature which is seen, and which feeds the body. But 1 Oxford Editors : £';r/rt/ . . ad calceni Epistolce Fulgentii ad Ferraiidum. AN ABRIDGED RENDERING OF ' BERTRAI\r 247 what is understood inwardly has spiritual efficacy, quick- ening the soul. 95. Of this mystical [sacramental] Body he goes on to speak more plainly in the context : " If you wish to understand Christ's Body, hear the apostle saying, ' Ye are Christ's body and His limbs.' So the mystery of what you are is set on the Lord's Table ; the Lord's {Domini^) mystery ye receive. To what you are you answer Amen. Be then each a limb of Christ's Body, that the Amen may be true. How then are we in the bread ? Let us answer simply in St Paul's words, * One bread, one body, we are, being many.' " 96. So, according to Augustine, as truly as the bread on the altar signifies Christ, it signifies the body of His people communicating. The Lord's true Body is that of the Incarnation, Cross and Throne. The Body in the Sacrament contains the mystery of that Body, and also of the Body of the faithful. 97. Your Majesty's wisdom may thus see, from Scripture and the Fathers, that the bread called the Body of Christ is a figure {figura), because it is a mystery. The Body Proper is no figure ; it is the manifestation of the Thing itself. For the vision of It believers long; then shall we be satisfied. 98. But in the sacramental Body there is a figure, both of Christ's Body and of His people's. 99. Let us add, that the bread and the cup, which both are called and are '' the Lord's Body and Blood, represent the memory of His Passion, as He said : " Do ^ Such appears to be the Lobez reading ; it is Boileau's. Another reading of editions is vestnun. ^ See above, 2 1 2, for the reading here. 248 APPENDIX II this in remembrance of Me ; " which St. Paul explains, " Ye shall shew (atmunciabitis) His death till He come." 100. So we learn that this bread and cup are for a figure and memory of His Death, that they may remind us^ of His Work done in the past, with a view to our being made, through that Work remembered, partakers of life eternal \ knowing well that when we see Him in glory we shall need no such mementos. 1 01. Yet think me not to mean by this that in the Sacrament His Body and Blood are not received by the faithful. For faith receives what it believes, not what the eye beholds. For it is spiritual food, and spiritually feeds the soul ; as the Lord said, "It is the Spirit which quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing," 102. In my weakness I have thus sought to obey your Majesty on this great theme. I have not followed my own presumptuous opinion, but the Fathers. If you think what I have said Catholic, ascribe it to the merit of your faith, which stooped from the throne to consult your poor subject. If you like it not, ascribe it {deptita) to my weakness, which failed adequately to explain what it desired. ^ Note his interpretation of Luke xxii. ig, i Cor. xi. 26. See above. Additional Note 8 (to the Brief Declaration). As these sheets go to press I am shewn an able essay on Ratramn's book, by the Rev. Dr Dunlop Moore, in the Pi'esbyterian Quarterly (U.S.A.). I am unfortunately unable to quote the number of the Qinirterly. 249 APPENDIX III LAVATHER'S 'HISTORIA CONTROVERSI/E SACRAMENTARI^ ' It seems in place to make some special mention of this book, which gives in a clear form, by way of annals, an account of the long conflict on the nature and work of the Eucharist waged within the circles of the Reformation. I have attempted a short summary of its narrative. It will be seen that here and there it touches directly the special topics of this book ; the English martyrs, the Brief Declaration, "the Book of Bertram," all have a place in the scene. Repeated perusals have only confirmed and raised my opinion of the noble Christian spirit in which Lavather writes ; it is not too often that so manifest a desire to do justice to opponents appears in the record of an acute and contemporary controversy in religion. Incidentally the book is valuable as throwing light on the real line of Zwingel's sacramental teaching. It seems to me certain, not only from 250 APPENDIX III Zwingel's own language, but quite as much from the unvarying testimony of his nearest followers, that that remarkable man, one of the most attractive and original of the characters of the Reformation, was far indeed from teaching a " cold 'and empty" doctrine of the Holy Communion. If I mistake not, he stood really in the position ultimately reached by Ridley and Cranmer ; but they treated the subject with the advantage of a fuller experience of the controversy, and probably with a wider historical knowledge. One fact is significant ; Zwingel's mantle fell on Bullinger ; and Bullinger was the sacramental teacher whom the successors of Cranmer and Ridley, the theo- logians of Elizabeth, commended to the English clergy.^ The narrative subjoined will be read with different thoughts by different readers. By some it may be taken to shew how hopeless is the confusion which must follow when once the long central tradition of the middle ages is abandoned. To myself it seems rather to speak, as regards the divines of Switzerland, of a noble fidelity to the demands of conscience and reason as before God. Few pages of Church history, where great doctrinal problems have been agitated, shew a 1 See below, 270, 'HISTORIA CONTROVERSLE SACRAMENT ARLE' 251 brighter example than they have given us in the way of general temperateness of spirit, fairness to opponents, reverence and penetration of Christian thought, and the desire on the one hand to avoid all that would confuse the vision of faith towards Christ, on the other hand to reach results not merely negative but positive on the subject of the great Sacrament of our redemption. Not that a deep undertone of sadness does not pervade the story. Saddest of all the elements in it is its record, calm, respectful, even reverent, of the unhappy exaggerations of thought and language into which in this controversy Luther's great spirit was betrayed ; surely in the first instance by instigations from men less magnani- mous than himself. Those who find among the true spiritual leaders (and followers) of the Re- formation, German, Swiss, French, English, some of the greatest and the best beloved figures of the Christian past, names living and breathing to us with a life and individuality indescribably genial and inspiring, must feel a personal grief as they study the long campaign in Lavather's narrative, and see one pre-eminent leader so much forgetting the mind of Christ. But the grief has its medicine, and its priceless lessons. Among the details of my summary I trust that 252 APPENDIX III the account of the Consensus Tignrinus may be serviceable. I much regret my total failure to get sight of the Confessio OrtJiodoxa. Lavather's book is entitled, Historia de Origine et ProgressH ControversicE SacranientaricB de Ccena Domini, ab anno Nativitatis CJiristi M.D.XXIV. usque ad annum M.D.LXIII deducta. Ludovico Lavathero Tigurino AutJiore. Tiguri. Excudebat Christophonis Froschoverus. Anno Domini M.D.LXIII. I know of no modern edition. In 1602 Rudolph Hospinian, also of Zurich, published a much more voluminous work with nearly the same title. It fills two folios, of which the second covers the period from 15 17 to 1602. This volume is in fact Lavather as a text, sur- rounded by way of commentary with ample and interesting additions.^ I have here and there quoted Hospinian in my summary of Lavather.'^ 1 The title describes it as a history of the controversy inter LtctJieraftos, et Ubtquistas, et Ofthodoxos, qiios Zwing- lianos ceii Calvinistas vacant. Tiguri, apud Johaimevi Wolphiicm, iNl.D.cil. ^ For Hospinian's account of Zwingel's doctrine, see especially vol. ii. pp. 10/^, 27, 43^, 88, loi/', io3(^, 112/^ ' HIS TORI A CONTRO VERSLE SA CRAMENTARIyE ' 253 SUMMARY OF THE NARRATIVE. 1 524. " Iluldrychus Zuinglius " ^ begins at Zurich his labours on eucharistic doctrine. He explams per tropiitn the words, Hoc est corpus vieum. Carlstadt (Bugenhagen) pubHshes the opinion that the Lord's Body and Blood are not contained naturaliter in the Holy Supper. 1525. Luther answers Carlstadt, in Contra ccclestes Prophetas. Carlstadt visits Zwingel, who thinks his view right, but ill-expressed. Zwingel addresses Francis I., and says in the course of his statement of doctrine that the Sacraments not^ only do not cause grace but do not distribute it.'^ Zwingel, in April, dreams \X\^X he is debating on the Eucharist, and that he quotes the words, spoken of the paschal Lamb, " EST transitus " (" It is the passover "). This confirms his view of the meaning of the sacramental Est. CEcolampadius (Hausschcin) of Basel agrees with Zwingel, saying that Augustine has already taught 1 Ulrich Zwingli, or as he usually spelt his name, Zwingel. 2 Words afterwards amply explained. They were an incautious way of denying an inherent power in the Elements. Bellarmine, says Hospinian (ii. p. 35), owns that Zwingel " killed and buried " the opinion that the Sacraments were mere pictures. 254 APPENDIX III him (CEcolampadius) the same view. Erasmus half approves Qicolampadius' treatise : he calls it doctinn, disertuin, elaboratuDi ; but it is dangerous to differ from the Church, The Suabian divines (Suevi), especially Brentius (Brentz), of Halle, attack CEcolampadius, and are backed by Luther. 1526. Bucer (Butzer) of Strasburg, always anxious to mediate, replies to Bi'entz. Erasmus, appealed to by the Swiss States, repudiates the " tropical " view ; he had never approved of the Wicleviics. This utterance was occasioned by a published statement (of Leo Judge's) that Erasmus had privately owned his belief of the manducation of the Lord's Body and Blood per solain jideni. Leo reasserts his statement. 1527. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, writes at great length against CEcolampadius.^ Luther challenges Zwingel to controversy, ^•wingel sends to Luther his Arnica Exegesis; Efi^smus writes to Luther that it is a writing non edenti,tij^j;i^ " not toothless." Lutl\gj- writes for the first time in German on Hoc est Corpus inenni, contra fanaticos Sacramen- tariorum spiritus ; he is very vehement. Zwingel now also ta,j^gg ^q German, and others do the same. ^ See above, 207. 'HISTORIA CONTROVERSI/E SACRAMENTARL-E' 255 " So met the chiefs ; alas for the Church ! Many were stumbled, many went back, and the Papists rejoiced." Upper Germany was much with Zwingel. The crucial questions were four. i. Are the Lord's words to be explained by metonymy .'' 2. Do we receive the true Body and Blood by faith alone .'' 3. Is Christ, as to His Body, in one place only? 4, Do the wicked receive the true Body and Blood t Luther had thought highly of Zwingel {fortzs Christi atJiletci) before the struggle. And Hospi- nian gives proof that Luther's own previous views were far nearer those of Zwingel than they after- wards appeared to be (ii., p. 8" &c.). 1528. A Disputation is held at Berne, attended by representatives of many Reformed Churches. Romanist divines are invited, but decline. The point for discussion is, Is the Lord's true Body bodily received .-' Luther writes his Magna Confessio de Coena. CEcolampadius, Zwingel and, elegaiiti et festivo dialogo, Bucer, reply. The Silesians issue a Confession on the Eu- charist. They explain hoc as a denionstratio spiritualise pointing to the heavenly Food, the Lord in heaven. 256 APPENDIX III 1529. The Mass is abolished at Strasburg. The Diet meets at Speyer. The Protestant princes there are urged by some of their divines to inter- dict "the Sacramentaries" in their states. The Elector, the Landgrave and others, decline, claiming a hearing for both sides. In October, at Marburg, in Nassau, a Confer- ence meets, in which both Luther and Zwingel are present.^ Articles of concord are adopted. It is agreed that the Mass can win no grace for another person than the communicant, living or dead ; that the Sacrament is the sign of the true Body and Blood ; that the Sacrament, like the written Word, is given that "weak consciences may be roused to faith by the Spirit." "Whether the true Body and Blood are bodily in the elements we are not agreed, but we will live in charity, so far as con- science suffers." But Luther would not add that " we hold each other for brethren." The meeting was broken up by an outbreak of the sudor Anglicus. Many at Marburg were impressed in favour of Zwingel. 1530. The Diet meets at Augsburg, and the Confessio Augustana is presented. It says that in the Supper vere et substantialiter adsunt corpus 1 See D'Aubigne, Hist, de la Rcf. du XVI. Siecle, xiii. c. 'HISTORIA CONTROVERSI/E SACRAMENTARI/E' 257 ct Sanguis Domini. The Swiss meet this with reserve, while owning that the words have a cathoHc sense : " along with the Bread and the Wine, that is, in the reception of the Sacrament of the Body and the Blood, Christ Himself imparts Himself for spiritual fruition." Zwingel writes his Confession to the Emperor. Many take his side. Bucer, with some show of success, instigated by the Duke of Saxony, visits Luther and mediates, Melanchthon and CEcolam- padius write in controversy with each other. 1 53 1. Some members of the League of Schmal- kald wish to bring the Swiss into political union. On doctrinal grounds the Elector negatives this, Zwingel dies, Oct. 48, falling in the battle of Kappel, fought between the Reforming and Romanist states of Switzerland. He dies "as a good citizen and pastor," present on the field not as a warrior but as a minister of Christ, Heinrich Bullinger succeeds him as chief pastor at Zurich, CEcolampadius dies at Basel, in November, sinking in part under grief over the disaster of Kappel. He is succeeded by Oswald Myconius, The Zwinglians are persecuted in France. The Lutherans are everywhere fierce against them, Bucer, after Kappel, urges them to a compro- 258 APPENDIX HI mise [sententia LutJieri tolerabilis est) \ they in return appeal to him to stand firm. 1532. The terror of the Turks forces the Em- peror to make terms with the Protestant princes. Luther publicly warns Albert of Brandenburg against the Zwinglians. The Zurich doctors, to vindicate themselves, send to the prince " the Book of Bertram the Presbyter, written in the time of the Emperor Charles the Bald, which Leo Judae had translated into German ; that from it he might understand that the doctrine of Zwingcl was not new and false, but confirmed by the consent of the oldest writers of the Church." ^ 1533. Luther protests against any compromise. Bucer visits Zurich, to conciliate if possible. He thinks that Luther and Zwingel differ more in words than in substance. He is met firmly, but in a cordial spirit. 1534. The Saxons and the Emperor Ferdinand come to terms about toleration for the Lutherans ; the " Sacramentaries " are excluded. A Conference for Reformed unity assembles at Constance ; Bucer meets the Zurichers. The 1 It is obvious that this sentence is important as a witness to what Zwingel's nearest followers understood his views to be. They were such that "Bertram" would correctly represent them to the student. ' mSTORFA CONTROVERSr .K SACRAMENTARL-rr 259 Suabians fraternize with them. A common state- ment is suggested, that " The true Body and Blood are in the Supper verc, hoc est substantive et effect- ualitey ; noil anient quantitative aut qualitative adesse et porrigiP The Swiss think this obscure and too technical. 1535. Luther's unmeasured language calls out the Swiss again. They resolve to frame an Apologia ; but they yield to the dissuasion of Capito (Kopfel), who assures them that Luther has been misinformed and pushed on by others. 1536. A Conference assembles at Basel; Bucer, Bullinger and others are present. A Confession is agreed upon.^ Of Sacraments, it says that they consist at once of Signs and Things ; that their whole benefit depends on the reception of them, in faith ; and that the Lord is the direct Giver of the blessing. In the Holy Supper "He gives (exhibet) to His true people His Body and Blood, that is to say, Himself." There is no "natural" union of the Signs with the Things ; no local inclusion, nor carnal presence ; but the Elements are, by the Lord's institution, symbols by which He, through the ministry of the Church, gives a true com- munication of His Body and Blood, to be the ^ This is the Confessio Helvetica printed in the (very imperfect) Oxford Sylloge Confcssionum, 1S27. 26o APPENDIX III food of life eternal. " This sacred food we use often, because, admonished by it, we fix the eye of faith on the death of the Crucified, and, meditating with sweetness ineffable on our salvation, are refreshed by this spiritual meat, and rejoice, and render thanks." The Signs testify to the saving fact ; they represent things high and holy, and, by a wonderful analogy, they throw light on the mysteries of salvation. To these ends they are a powerful aid to faith. And moreover they are our Oath of allegiance to our King. The Strasburg divines warmly press for concord on the lines of this statement. Later, a Conference meets again at Basel. It confirms the results of the first Conference, but dissuades the printing of the Confession. A Conference between Luther and the Stras- burgers, to be held at Eisenach, is actually held at Grimm. Luther is impracticable. Melanchthon effects a compromise on the basis of the statement of Iren^EUS, that the Eucharist consists of two things — one earthly, the other heavenly. With the Elements, vere et stthstantialitcr, arc present, given and taken, the Lord's Body and Blood. All the papal superstition in this Sacrament is rejected. Erasmus dies, in July. Shortly before his death, ' HISTORIA CONTROVERST.K SACRAMENTAKI.E' 261 visited by Pellican, he receives him cordially, and makes honourable {Jionorifica) mention of BuUinger. The Swiss deprecate the concord effected at Grimm. A third Conference meets at Basel ; Bucer again labours for unity. In October "a great Synod" meets at Berne, and it is resolved to send a Declaration to Luther. Joachim Vadian, of St Gallen, Consul Sangal- leiisis, Helvetia decus et lumen, publishes in six books his Aphorisms on the Eucharist/ primarily to vindicate the Church of the Canton from the charge of misbelief and irreverence. 1537. The Protestant princes and states of Germany meet at Schmalkald, to consult on the papal announcement of an approaching General Council. To Schmalkald the Swiss send their Declaration, for Luther ; but he is ill and absent. In May, a Synod at Berne advises preachers to omit exotica et contentiosa verba; substantialiter, corporalitcr, carnaliter, supernatnraliter, &c. Luther writes to the Swiss in a conciliatory tone {plaeide), and tells them that he does not believe^ that the Lord descends (at the consecration) from Heaven, visibly or invisibly. 1 It was this book which the author sent to Cranmer, to Cranmer's displeasure. See above, I3. 262 APPENDIX III 153S. A Synod meets at Zurich: Capito and Bucer are there ; at the suggestion, they say, of PhiHp of Hesse. Bucer presses for a compromise. It is resolved to say to Luther that they hold by their (Basel) Confession on fundamental points, and are thus far in accord with him, and that they beg him not to blame them if they state their belief about the Presence comuiodis et nsitatis vcfbis. Let him not listen to slanders ; nor will they ; in order that their hearts, his and theirs, may more and more be one. In June they receive a friendly answer from Luther; and other signs of hope appear. But Bucer, pained by his personal failure with the Swiss, draws off from them in some degree, and some other scholars go with him. Some say of him, in view of his eagerness for peace with Luther at almost any price, " He drinks the lees for love of the wine." 1539. Luther's tone is again severe. In view of the General Council he writes, in German, On the FatJiers and tJie Councils ; and in the course of the work calls Zwingel a Nestorian, for denying that the Divine Nature in our Lord had suffered. 1542. Luther almost charges the Zwinglians with bringing down the Turks on Europe, as a scourge for their sins ; and with sharinij the wild ' HISrORIA CONTROVERSIM SACRAMENTARLE' 263 errors of " Anabaptism." But the Zurichers, anxious to conciliate Luther, make no public reply. 1543. Froschover, the Zurich printer, sends a copy of a new translation of the Bible to Luther at Wittemberg. Luther desires him no more to send him anything produced by the Zurich pastors ; they are on the way to perdition, and are drawing others thither with themselves. The Zurichers publish Zwingel's Works, with R. Gualther's Apologia pro Hiildr. Zwinglio ; an ex- position and defence, from Scripture and history, of Zwingel's teaching. 1544. Luther publishes his Annotations on Genesis, in which he constantly attacks the " Sacra- mentaries," and foretells that after his death they will ruin his work. A little later, against the entreaties of Me- lanchthon, he issues his Last Confession concerning the EiicJiarist. Here he explicitly styles Zwingel, Qicolampadius and their friends heretics, and consigns them to perdition. Melanchthon writes sorrowfully to Bullinger about this unprovoked attack, calling it atrocissimuni scriptnin, " ?\. ruthless writing." The Zurichers are entreated by many not to answer Luther publicly . he has nobly served the Church, and he is now spurred on by flatterers, adulatores, around him. 264 APPENDIX III They resolve however to make a pubhc state- ment and defence, mainly lest, after Luther's now evidently approaching death, they should be charged with wrong motives for silence. 1545. Accordingly, in Latin and German, they publish their Apologia. Its main points are (i) a recital of the compromise and compact arrived at in the Marburg Conference, (2) an Exposition of their faith and teaching, (3) an Answer to the charge of heresy.^ "This book {liber) was read most greedily {lectus est avidissiine)," alike by friends and focs.- The authors were charged with cruelty to Luther. They replied that they recognized Luther's splendid ^ This is referred to as the OrtJiodoxa Coiifessio. 1 have been quite unable to get a sight of it. It is not inchided in H. A. Niemeyer's ample Collect io Confessio/min (Leipzig, 1840). The Rev. N. Dimock, whose knowledge of Reforma- tion literature is both wide and minute, tells me that he has sought for a copy in vain. Hospinian (ii. J97) prints the preamble and the heads, but no more. It is evident how- ever that it did not materially differ from the Consensus Tigurinics. - Compare G. R., 165 : "The coincidence of time makes me believe that Ridley, meeting with this book, which we are told was greedily read at that time by all parties, carried it with him to employ his retirement at Heme this summer, and was inclined by it to give the question a fair examina- tion. So he certainly did, by whate\'er means induced. And procured likewise a little treatise, written . . by Ratra- mus or Bertram, &c." 'HISTORIA CONTROVERSL-E SACRAMENTARLE' 265 gifts, but that truth was more to them than even Luther. Luther, in certain Theses directed against the divines of Louvain, pronounces heretical the Ctng- liani et oiuiies Sacranientarii. In a letter of the same date (Hospinian, ii. 199), describing himself as senex, decvcpitus, piger, fessns, frigidiis, et jam iiionoculics, he writes, with a half humorous stern- ness, BcaiHS vir qninoii ahiit 211 consillo Sacraiiicuta- rioncni, nee stetit in via Zzvinglianonnn, nee scdit in cathedra Tigiirinoiiun. 1546. Martin Luther dies, February 18; "the man who first in our age, by his various writings, openly, with great and courageous soul, assailed the errors and abuses of the papacy." ^ On his deathbed he said nothing, so far as is known, of the Controversy. Henceforth the Zurichers resolve to avoid strife to the utmost of their power. 1549. Peter Martyr disputes on the Eucharist at Oxford, where he is Professor of Theology. He refutes Transubstantiation, Consubstantiation and tlie theory that the Sacraments are bare signs. ' From first to last Lavather has not one word of disrespect or anger for Luther. The Swiss appear always to have recognized his consummate greatness of character, and of faith, and to have seen in his attacks on them the results of mis-information and the influence of other and smaller minds. 266 APPENDIX rrr He is more explicit than he had been before against the Lutheran view. John Calvin (Cauvin) of Geneva and the Zurich divines issue a common statement of doctrine ; the belief that Calvin was at variance with the Zurichers is the occasion. This is the Consensus Tigurimis} In summary it is as follows : Christ is the end of the Law : to know Christ is the sum of the Gospel. The Sacraments are appendices Evangelii. So we begin our statement about them with Christ and His salvation, and do not mention Him only in passing. He, in His Incarnation, is our Head, that we may in Him be sons of God. We are joined to Him by faith, and thus are regenerated. He in His Flesh is our Priest, Victim, Brother, Restorer, King. That He may be all this to us we must be one with Him. We are one with Him by His Spirit dwelling in 'is. To attest this union He has given us His Word and His Sacraments. The Sacraments are given to be {a) notes and ^ Printed in full by Niemeyer (191 &c.). In some im- portant particulars, if I may avow a personal conviction, I take the Consensus to be one of the ablest and wisest state- ments ever niade on the great subject in question. "HISTORIA CONTROFEKSl.E SACRAMENT.lR/.-E' 267 tokens itcssci'ce) of our profession and of our brother- hood, {b) incitements to thanksgiving, (t) exercises for faith and holiness, [d) bonds obliging us to obedience, but above all {e) that God may by them to us testify, represent and obsignate His grace. They give nothing that the Word does not give. But they make visible the gifts ; they embody thein {in j'ein ducnnf), and as with seals {sigillis) they confirm and ratify them. The Lord undoubtedly Himself confers {pvcestat) inwardly what to our senses the Sacraments figure ; that is, that we may enjoy Christ {potiavLuy Chris to) ; may by the benefit of His Death be reconciled to God ; may be renewed to holiness by His Spirit, and may attain righteousness and salvation. We distinguish between the Signs and the Things signified {signatas), but we do not disjoin the truth from the signs. For we confess that all who by faith embrace the promises there offered (oblatos), receive Christ spiritually with His gifts? and that they who have long been partakers of Christ there continue and renovate {repararc) that communion with Him. In proportion to the work of our faith on the promise there offered does this power and efficacy (of the Sacraments) put itself forth. Not water 268 APPENDIX in wine, bread, but the Promise, makes us by faith partakers of Christ. We must cling to Christ alone {hcurere in solo Christo). The Sacraments are God's props for our weak- ness. Their whole effect lies with His Spirit. The Spirit is the supreme Seal. The Sacraments are Seals secondary to Him. The doctrine that the Sacraments work of themselves where no obstacle is opposed is a fiction. God is not tied to them so that those who take them take grace of course. Christ is offered to all ; but not all are receptive icapaces) of Christ. Even apart from the Sacraments the faithful receive the Things ; as did Cornelius. Christ in the Supper gives Himself to those who already, by faith, have Him. The grace is not to be restricted to the moment of reception.^ For those who are baptized in infancy are often regenerated by God in boyhood, or in youth, or even in old age. Thus the utility of Baptism extends over the whole course of life, because the Promise, which is contained in it (gillie) is of perpetual force. ' Here a principle of the first importance is well stated. Meanwhile those who held it had no difficulty in saying, of the act of Baptism, Sic Jiguram esse scntio lit simitl annexa sit Veritas {Catech. Gencv.^ Niemeyer, 163). ' HISTORIA CONTRO] ERSLE SACRAMENTARLE ' 269 Thus often Lhc blessings of the Eucharist arc not restricted to the time of the Ordinance. There is no local presence in the Eucharist of the true Body and Blood. Christ is to be sought only with the soul and the insight of faith. The literal interpretation of Hoc est Corpus meum is unreasonable {prceposteni) ; the words are certainly to be taken in the way of figure {figuratc). To eat the Lord's Body and to drink His Blood is to be fed by Christ, through faith, with the power {yirtiite) of His Spirit. We derive life from His Flesh once] offered in sacrifice and His Blood once shed for expiation. There is no mixture, and no transfusion of substances. No adoration of Christ in the Bread is lawful. The Bread is not, nor does it contain, the true Thing. Bucer, from Cambridge, where he is Professor, writes with cordial approval of the Consensus. 1551. Bucer dies, at Cambridge, in February, cBt. 61, amidst the extreme {incredibilis) grief of many ; a man of distinguished learning, and in this controversy always working for concord. His success was little, but many eminent men saw and honoured his purpose. His apparent leaning to the Lutheran theory is thought to have been less 270 APPENDIX TTI than it seemed, and the seeming to be due to his longing to see the Swiss and Germans able to act together in the league of Schmalkald.^ The Interim. The Suabians are scattered. Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, brought over to the Reformed belief on the Eucharist in 1546, publishes his book on the subject. He is answered by Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. Bollinger writes a Treatise on the Eucharist, pub- lished by a Lasco. It was afterwards incorporated into BulHnger's Decades!^ 1552. The English Articles are issued.'' 1553. Edward VI. dies, and persecution begins in England. Among the martyrs are, sooner or later, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, Hooper {Hop- penis), Ferrar {Ferrcruts) ; Archbishop and Bishops. ^ He was on the point of returning to Strasbiirg, to help the afflicted Church there, when he died. ^ Which under Elizabeth were made, by Convocation, a text-book of theology for the less educated clergy. See Bullinger's Decades, Parker Society, i. p. viii, or Cardwell's Synodalia, ii. 562. •"^ Lavater quotes verbatim, evidently with entire con- currence, the (Edwardian) Articles XXIX. — XXXII., in which the doctrine of the Eucharist is stated. These cor- respond closely to the present Art. XXV., with one excep- tion. Instead of our present third paragraph (" The Body of Christ, &c.") the Edwardian Art. XXXI. is devoted to the denial of the ubiquity of the Lord's Body and its prcrsenfid realis et cofporalis in the Eucharist. ' HIS TORI A CONTRO VERSI. K SA CR AMENTA RL K ' 27 1 J. a Lasco leaves England ; he is forbidden by the Lutherans to live in Denmark, or in Saxony. He finds refuge in Embden, and at last in Frankfort. 1556. Ridley's book on the Supper of the Lord is published in Latin at Geneva^ There is about this time a sorrowful renewal of strife between the Lutherans and the Swiss. 1557- J- 2- Lasco, at Frankfort, publishes an apology {piirgatio) of the Reformed exiles in Germany, arguing for the fact of their substantial agreement with the Confession of x\ugsburg in the doctrine of the Eucharist. The Diallacticon, " the work of a certain good and learned man,"' appears, written with a view to conciliation ; examining and explaining the language of the Fathers and vindicating a true meaning for the words natiira, substantia, &c. Joachim Westphalus replies to a Lasco, and gets from the Saxon pastors a large consensus of opinion in support of his contention, Calvin replies with severity to Westphalus, and asserts that he (Calvin) and Melanchthon, the author of the Augsburg Confession, are of one mind about the Eucharist. ' See above, 78, &c. - It was John Poynet, Bishop of Winchester, 1551 — 1553. 272 APPENDIX III The English at Embden publish Cranmer's book on the Eucharist, as " augmented by the author in prison, and finally signed with his blood " ; to vindicate the Church of England from (apparently Lutheran) accusations of error and profanity. 1558. Elizabeth, lectissima vii'go, ascends the English throne. The Scots energetically expel popery. 1559. Martyr publishes his answer to Marcus Antonius Constantius (Gardiner), and dedicates it to Elizabeth. Gardiner's book had hurt the cause of the Church in England, and many pious Englishmen had appealed to Martyr for a reply. 1560. John a Lasco dies in January; a man of noble birth and high ability ; led early by Zwingel to the study of Scripture ; welcomed by Cranmer to England ; consistent in his adherence to the sacramental teaching of Zurich. Philip Melanchthon dies in April, to the great grief of all Christian men ; a man of universal learning ; worn out with toils and cares ; for a long while latterly the warm friend of many followers of Zwingel. 1563. May the Lord move the hearts of pious princes, to take means for the pacification of the troubled Church, lest this controversy have a disastrous end. 273 APPENDIX IV RIDLEY'S EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE AS SHEWN IN HIS WRITINGS AT LARGE The following collection of passages does not profess to be exhaustive. But it is, I think, fairly complete as regards the representation of various sides of the subject. I have not attempted any elaborate grouping ; the order is on the whole chronological rather than topical.^ i. The Debate in the House of Lords- comes first in order of time. From Mr Tomlinson's book ^ I have copied all the utterances of Ridley which the reporter preserves, only modernizing the spell- ing. It will be observed that Ridley closes the Debate. He did not speak (so far as the Report ' In The Eudiaristic Presence (Ch. of Eng. Book Society), by " An English Presbyter " (the Rev. N. Dimock, JNT.A.), the Eucharistic Doctrine of the Enghsh Reformers is collected and very ably discussed. - See above, 14. '^ See Add. Note 22 to the Declaration, T 274 APPENDIX IV shews) on the first day of the discussion. The first words now printed were spoken Dec. 17. Roffejisis. " He doubteth not to call His body by the word of the sign of His body " (Augustine). Est Figura, non tantuiu Jigura, C^f. (Chrysosloni.) This same Body we receive that Christ gave in His Supper. " Calleth it the grace of His body." (August.) •S:- Hi 51.- * * * ^i:- Ddralie verbum pani, ct est panis. Adde verbum et est sanctus et mysticns (August.). Touching conversion and transelcmentation. It is changed when the child of wrath is made the Child of God. x\nd we say true that Christ is in us naturally, /. c. the very property of His body is in us, that is to say, Vita. * # * * * * * As Christ took upon Him manhood and remaineth God, so is bread made by the Holy Ghost holy, yet remaineth bread still. Panis communionis non est panis simplex sed panis unitus divinitati. As a burning coal is more than a coal, for there is fire with it. Conjungit pani divinitatcm. He changeth bread in virtutem carnis. Non in veritatem. Theophylactiis allegeth so. * * * * * «- * Concerning the outward thing it is very bread. But according to the power of God is ministered the very body. * * iir S •* * * The Carnal substance sitteth on the right hand of the Father. After this understanding of the Presence, RIDLEY'S EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE 275 He is not in the Sacrament. He is absent, for He saith, He will leave the world. And in another sense (He saith) He will be with us until the end of the world. Expounded thus by Saint Austen — " He goeth away after a certain sort, and is with us still after a certain sort." The Manhood is ever in heaven ; His Divinity is everywhere present. \\Tien He was here He was circumscriptive in one place, as touching His natural body. Secundum iueffabilem grafiam — " I will be with you till the consummation." Christ sits in heaven. And is present in the Sacrament by His working. Jlorcesicr (Hethe). All the old doctors grant a conversion of the bread. AVherein is the bread converted ? Is it in the bread ? Roffensis. It is converted into the body of Christ. How are we turned in baptism ? Wigorn (Hethe). Spiritually. Roffensis. Even as glass ^ receiveth the light of the sun, but the stone cannot, for it may not pierce through it. So the evil man cannot receive the body. Panis in quo graticz ache sunt quondam {quoddatii?) terrenum est et supe7-7ium. He blessed not His natural body but pa?iem. And of a phantastical body there is no figure. Tertullian : Non desinct esse substantia ' Not "a glass,"' as printed by (iasquet. 276 APPENDIX IV panis. JVco pancm in quo ipse suuiii corpus rcpreseniat^ &(:. Renal us confesseth that TerluUian was of this opinion and defended it. * * * * * « * No man saith instead of Hoc put in Funis ; but we say that Hoc meaneth Funis. August. : Adhibuit Judani convivio sua in quo coimnendabat figurani corporis sui. How the body is present, and in what manner. Quia divinitas se iiifundit elcinenlo. Therefore the Human Nature, being in heaven, may be said to be here, non in unitatc natural scd in uniiale pcrsoncc (Cyprian). Where the one nature is the other may be said to be. There are four kinds of bread. i. Natural, when he said : Non in solo pane vivit homo. 2. The second Sacramental, as Fanis quain franginius. 3. The third flesh ; when He said, Fanis quaiii Ego dado caro mea est. 4. The fourth divine, as Ego sum panis vivus qui de cxlo descendi. "When I was daily with you in the Temple ye stretched out no hands against me, but this is even your very hour." -X- -:ic- * * * * -;i; I say not the bread is but a figure ; and that any man may perceive. But it is more than a figure, for besides the natural bread there is an operation of divinity, for my senses when they taste and eat perceive but a figure. IVigorn. They call it, Treniendum mysterium, horribile. Roffensis. In that bread is conimunio corporis CJiristi to the good. But the ill do receive mortem et judicium. And R/DLEY'S EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE 277 that the doctors use these terms, it is for the reverence ; and so spake they of water , . . Also the question of Charles to Bertram : Christus mandncatiir in Sacra- mento, licet totus sit in avlo. It is transformed, for of the common bread before, it is made a divine influence. The natural substance of bread remains as it was before, * •» * * * * Ti- lt is changed in nature, that is to say in property. Vflcat corpiis paneni propter membrorttm convenientiam . Panis est propter nutrimcntuni corporis. Carnem vocat propter assumptcc carnis proprietateni. Proprietas assuuiptcR carnis vita eraf. Divina essentia infndit se Sacramento. (Cyprian . ) Cicestren (Day). My Lord [Ridley] mis-rehearsed Eusebius upon this text : " Touch it with thy faith." Poffen. Eusebius saith that it is necessary to make a Sacrament of His Body to the intent that His Body might be honoured continually in a mystery in the Sacrament, which [body] was offered for our redemp- tion. And Christ's body in grace should be here present. Pide cestimanda non. specie. And for this word [of Eusebius], In suhstantiam, I understand it thus, /// proprietateni. In virtutem substantia. Nee duhitatnr conversa tJi naturam Divini Corporis iicere, Qnando Iionio fit memhrum Christi corporis. Cicestrensis. El nos verc Verhinn Carnem cil^o dominico accipimus, (Hilarius.) 278 APPENDIX IV Rflffensis. Verbiiui cnrnc/ii, i. e. Christuvi. * -* * * •;;:• * * Nahtraliter Chrhtus habitat in voius. Not only in unity and charity, but real in His lienefits. IvvisiJyiUs sarcrdos convcrtit visil>ilcs creatiiras iv svii- stanliam 7iatur(c sucr, id est in siil'stavticv proprictalcm (Eiisebius). It is carnal reason that letteth us. Carnal reason cannot believe that bread is His body. Therefore grossly he imagineth that thinketh bread remaineth no more. A sacrament or mystery is not a [body]. Do iJiis in rememhrance of nie. It was instituted then a certain commemoration of His body. The question is not whether he might do so or not, but whether he hatli done it or not. Baptismns 7ws salvat ; not the Baptism, but the Holy Ghost which is ofiered us at our regeneration. Here the Debate closes. ii. From the Disputation at Cambridge, 1549.^ Foxe, vi. 311, &c. 1 By an oversight, as it must ha\c been, the Parker Society editor omits from Ridley's IVojIcs his reported part in this Disputation, and gives only his Determination at the close of it. The \\'hole is printed in the edition of the Brief Declaration {ann prafatioJie Henri ci VVharioni, says Tanner) published in 1688. See above and below, 87, 309. RIDLEY'S EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE 279 Glynn : "You do grant that this Bread doth quicken or give life ; which if it do, then it is not a natural bread but a supersubstantial Bread." Rochester: "So doth the effectual and lively Word of God, which, for that it nourisheth the soul, it doth give life ; for that the divine Essence infuseth itself unspeakably into the faithful receiver of the Sacrament." Rochester (replying to Langdale) ; *' Sir, you are deceived greatly, for there is no change either of the substance or of the accidents ; but in very deed there do come unto the bread other accidents ; insomuch that whereas the bread and wine were not sanctified before, nor holy, yet afterwards they be sanctified, and so do receive another sort or kind of virtue which they had not before." Rochester : " Christ dwelleth in us by faith, and by faith we receive Christ both God and Man, both in spirit and in flesh ; that is, the sacramental eating is the means and way whereby we attain to the spiritual eating, and indeed for the strengthening of us to the eating of this spiritual food was the Sacrament ordained." iii. From the Determination, 1549. Works, 178. He quotes Heb, ix. and x,, and proceeds — "These Scriptures do persuade me to believe that there is no other oblation of Christ (albeit I am not ignorant there are many sacrifices ^) but that which was once made upon the Cross." 1 I do not feel sure of the point of this statement. 28o APPENDIX TV i V. From the Reasons zvhy the Lord's Board sJiojild rather be after the form of a Table than of an A Itar (1550). ] Vorhs, 323. Christ did institute the Sacrament of His Body and Blood at the Last Supper at a table, and not at an altar ; as it appeareth manifestly by the three Evangelists. And St Paul calleth the coming to the Holy Communion, the coming unto the Lord's Supper. And also it is not read that any of the Apostles or the primitive Church did ever use any altar in ministration of the Holy Communion. Wherefore, seeing the form of a table is more agree- able to Christ's institution, and with the usage of the Apostles and of the primitive Church, than the form of an altar, therefore the form of a table is rather to be used, than the form of an altar, in the administration of the Holy Communion. The form of a table shall more move the simple from the superstitious opinions of the popish Mass, unto the right use of the Lord's Supper. For the use of an altar is to make sacrifice upon it; the use of a table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now, when we come unto the Lord's Board, what do we come for? to sacrifice Christ again, and to crucify Him again ? or to feed upon Him that was once only crucified and offered up for us ? If we come to feed upon Him, spiritually to eat His Body, and spiritually to drink His Blood (which is the true use of the Lord's Supper), then no man can deny but the form of a table is more meet for the Lord's Board, than the form of an altar. RIDLEY'S EUCHAR/STIC DOCTRINE 2S1 V. From the Injunctions of the Bishop of London, 1550. Worhs, 319. That no minister do counterfeit the popish I\Iass, in kissing the Lord's Board ; washing his hands or fingers after the Gospel, or the receipt of the Holy Communion \ shifting the book from one place to another; laying down and licking the chalice after the Communion ; blessing his eyes with the sudaris thereof, or paten, or crossing his head with the same ; holding his fore-fingers and thumbs joined together towards the temples of his head, after the receiving of the Sacrament ; breathing on the bread, or chahce ; saying the Agnus before the Communion ; shewing the Sacrament openly before the distribution, or making any elevation thereof; ringing of the sacrying bell, or setting any light upon the Lord's Board. And finally, that the minister, in the time of the Holy Communion, do use only the ceremonies and gestures appointed by the Book of Common Prayer, and none other, so that there do not appear in them any counterfeiting of the popish Mass. Whereas in divers places some use the Lord's Board after the form of a table, and some of an altar, whereby dissension is perceived to arise among the unlearned; therefore wishing a godly unity to be observed in all our diocese, and for that the form of a table may more move and turn the simple from the old superstitious opinions of the popish Mass, and to the right use of the Lord's Supper, we exhort the curates, churchwardens, and quest- men here present, to erect and set up the Lord's Board after the form of an honest table, decently covered, in such place of the quire or chancel as shall be thought 282 APPENDIX TV most meet by their discretion and agreement, so that the ministers, with the communicants, may have their place separated from the rest of the people ; and to take down and abolish all other by-altars or tables. vi. From the Conference in the Tower, 1553 or '4. Works, 161, 162. " Sir, methinks it is not charitably done to bear the people in hand that any man doth so lightly esteem the Sacrament as to make of it but a figure. For that maketh it a bare figure without any more profit ; whicli that book [Cranmer's] doth often deny ; as appeareth to tlic reader most plainly. . , As for me, I make no less of the Sacrament than this ; I say, whosoever receivetli 'tlie Sacrament, he receiveth therewith life or death." Then said Master Pope, , . " How can it bring (as ye say) either life or death, when Christ's Body is not there?" " Sir," quoth I, " wlien ye hear God's Word truly preached, if ye do believe it and abide in it, ye shall and do receive life withal ; and if ye do not believe it, it doth bring unto you death : and yet Christ's Body is still in heaven, and not carnal — in every preacher's mouth." "I pray you tell me," quoth he, "how you can answer to this ; Qiwd pro vobis tradetur ? Was the figure of Christ's Body given for us ? '' "No, Sir," quoth I, "but the very Body itself, whereof the Sacrament is a Sacramental figure." " How say ye then," quoth he, " to Quod fro vobis tradetur V " Forsooth," quoth I, " Tcrtullian's exposition maketh RJDT.F.VS EUCHARISTIC DOCTRTNE 2S3 it plain ; for he saith, Corpus est figiira corporis. Now- put to Quod pro vobis fradetur: and it agreeth exceeding well." "What," quoth Master Chomley, late Chief Justice, "doth not Christ say plainly that it is His very flesh, and His very blood, and we must needs have Him, or we can have no hfe?" "Sir," quoth I, "if you will hear how St Augustine expoundeth that place, ye shall perceive that ye are in a wrong box." And when I began to tell St Augustine's mind in his book Dc Doctrina Christiana^ "Yea, yea," quoth Master Secretary, " that is true ; St Augustine doth take it figuratively indeed." vii. From the Disputation at Oxford, April 1554. Works, 194, &c. He answers the question, " Whether the natural Cody of Christ our Saviour, conceived of the Virgin Mary, and offered for man's redemption on the Cross, is verily and really in the Sacrament by virtue of God's A^'ord spoken by the priests ? " Answer. "There is ambiguity in this word 'really,' whether it be to be taken as the logicians term it transcendenter, that is, most generally; and so it may^ signify any manner of thing that belongeth to the Body of Christ, by any means ; after which sort we also grant Christ's Body to be really in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; . . or whether it be taken to signify the very same thing, having body, life ai!d soul, which was assumed and taken of the Word of God into unity of 1 iii. § 16. 284 APPENDIX n- Person. In which same, since the Body of Christ is really in heaven, because of the true manner of His Body, it may not be said to be here in the earth." * * *- -:|:- *- * * " But now, my brethren, think not, because I disallow that presence which the first proposition maintaineth (as a presence which I take to be forged, phantastical, and, beside the authority of God's Word, perniciously brought into the Church by the Romanists), that I therefore go about to take away the true presence of Christ's Body in His Supper rightly and duly administered, which is grounded upon the Word of God, and made more plain by the commentaries of the faithful Fathers. They that think so of me, the Lord knoweth how far they are deceived. And to make the same evident unto you, I will in feAv Avords declare, what true presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper I hold and affirm, with the Word of God and the ancient Fathers. " I say and confess with the Evangelist Luke, and with the Apostle Paul, that the bread on the which thanks are given, is the Body of Christ in the remem- brance of Him and His death, to be set forth ])erpetually of the faithful until His coming. " I say and confess, the bread which we break to be the communion and partaking of Christ's Body, with the ancient and the faithful Fathers. " I say and believe, that there is not only a significa- tion of Christ's Body set forth by the Sacrament, but also that therewith is given to the godly and faithful the grace of Christ's Body, that is, the food of life and immortality. And this T hold with Cyprian. " I say also with St Augustine, that we eat life and RIDLEY'S EUCHARISriC DOCTRINE 285 we drink life ; wiih Emissetie, that we feel the Lord to be present in grace ; with Athanasius, that we receive celestial food, which cometh from above ; the property of natural communion, with Hilary ; the nature of flesh, and benediction which giveth life, in bread and wine, with Cyril ; and with the same Cyril, the virtue of the very Flesh of Christ, life and grace of His Body, the property of the Only Begotten, that is to say, life ; as He Himself in plain words expoundeth it. "• I confess also with Basil, that we receive the mystical advent and coming of Christ, grace and the virtue of His very Nature; the Sacrament of His very Flesh, with Ambrose ; the Body by grace, with Epiphanius ; spiritual Flesh, but not that which was crucified, with Jerome ; grace flowing into a sacrifice, and the grace of the Spirit, with Chrysostom ; grace and invisible verity, grace and society of the members of Christ's Body, with Augustine. " Finally, with Bertram (who was the last of all these) I confess that Christ's Body is in the Sacrament in this respect 3 namely, as he writeth, because there is in it the Spirit of Christ, that is, the power of the Word of God, which not only feedeth the soul, but also cleanseth it. Out of these I suppose it may clearly appear unto all men, how far we are from that opinion whereof some go about falsely to slander us to the world, saying, we teach that the godly and faithful should receive nothing else at the Lord's Table but a figure of the Body of Christ." " I know that all these places of the Scripture are avoided by two manner of subtle shifts : the one is, by the distinction of the bloody and unbloody sacrifice, as though our unbloody sacrifice of the Church were any 286 APPENDIX IV other than the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, than a commemoration, a shewing-forth and a sacramental representation of that one only bloody Sacrifice, offered up once for all. The other is, by depraving and wresting the sayings of the ancient Fathers unto such a strange kind of sense as the Fathers themselves indeed never meant. For what the meaning of the Fathers was, it is evident by that which St Augustine Avriteth in his epistle to Boniface, and in his book against Faustus the Manichee, besides many other places ; likewise by Eusebius the Emissene, Cyprian, Chrysostom, Fulgentius, Bertram, and others, who do wholly concord and agree together in this unity in the Lord ; that the redemption, once made in verity for the salvation of man continueth in full effect for ever, and worketh without ceasing unto the end of the world ; that the sacrifice once offered cannot be consumed ; that the Lord's death and passion is as effectual, the virtue of that Blood once shed as fresh at this day for the washing away of sins, as it was even the same day that it flowed out of the blessed side of our Saviour ; and finally, that the whole substance of our sacrifice, which is frequented of the Church in the '^Lord's Supper, consisteth in prayers, praise, and giving of thanks, and in remembering and shewing forth of that Sacrifice once offered upon the altar of the Cross ; that the same might continually be had in reverence by mystery, which once only, and no more, was offered for the price of our redemption. " Christ . . . both took up His Flesh with Him ascend- ing up, and also did leave the same behind Him with us, but after a diverse manner and respect. He took His RIDLEY'S EUCHARlSTtC DOCTRLVE 2S7 Flesh with Him, after the true and corporal substance of His Body and His Flesh ; again, He left the same in mystery to the faithful in the Supper, to be received after a spiritual communication, and by grace. Neither is the't same received in the Supper only, but also at other times, by hearing the Gospel, and by faith." *• * * * * » * " He that sitteth there, is here present in mystery, and by grace ; and is holden of the godly, such as communi- cate Him, not only sacramentally, with the hand of the body, but, much more wholesomely, with the hand of the heart ; and by inward drinking is received ; but by the sacramental signification He is holden of all men." ******* '' I grant bread to be converted and turned into the Flesh of Christ ; but not by transubstantiation, but by sacramental converting and turning. ' It is transformed,' saith Theophylact, ' by a mystical benediction, and by the accession or coming of the Holy Ghost unto the Flesh of Christ.' " Weston. "Ye say, Christ gave not His Body, but a figure of His Body." Ridley, " I say not so : I say He gave His own Body verily ; but He gave it by a real effectual and spiritual communication." Glynn : " The Church hath ever worshipijed the Flesh of Christ in the Eucharist : " But the Church hath never been idolatrous.^ 1 Ridley had owned this " in respect of the whole," but not " in respect of some part thereof.'' 288 APPENDIX IP "Ergo, It hath alway judged the flesh of Christ to be in the Eucharist." Ridley : " And I also worship Christ in the Sacra- ment, but not because He is included in the Sacrament ; like as I worship Christ also in the Scriptures ; not • because He is really included in them. Notwithstand- ing I say, that the Body of Christ is present in the Sacrament, but yet sacramentally and spiritually (accord- ing to His grace) giving life, and in that respect really, that is according to His benediction, giving life." " We do handle the signs reverently, but we worship the Sacrament as a Sacrament, not as a Thing signified by the Sacrament." Glynn, " Ergo we worship bread." Ridley. " There is a deceit in this word adonunus. AVe worship the symbols when reverently we handle them. We worship Christ whenever we perceive His benefits ; but we understand His benefit to be greatest in the Sacrament." ^ir * a.- v.- $- -jir *• " The Blood of Christ is in the chalice indeed, but not in the real presence, but by grace, and in a Sacrament." Weston. " That is very well. Then we have Blood in the chalice." Ridley. " It is true \ but by grace, and in a Sacrament." (Here the people hissed at him.) "^'^ ^ ^ --:*- ^ ^.- y(i " True it is that grace is given by the Sacraments ; but as by an instrument. The inward virtue, and Christ, give the grace through the Sacrament. RIDLEY'S EUCHARISTTC DOCTRINE 2S9 " The society or conjunction witli Christ through the Holy Ghost is grace ; and by [Latin, per'] the Sacrament we are made the members of the mystical Body of Christ ; for that by the Sacrament the part of the Body is grafted in the Head." * * * * *- * * " As he that eateth and he that drinketh unworthily the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord, eateth and drinketh his own damnation, even so he that eateth and drinketh worthily eateth and drinketh life. " Every Sacrament hath graces annexed unto it instru- mcntally ; but there is divers understanding of this word /labef, ' hath ' : for the Sacrament hath not grace included* in it ; but to those that receive it well, it is turned to grace (cediY in gratiani)" ■* * * * iif ^ ^ Pie. "A council says that the priest doth offer an unbloody sacrifice of the Body of Christ." Ridley. " I say it is well said, if it be rightly under- stood ... It is called unbloody, and is offered after a ccrtam manner, and in a mystery, and as a representation of that bloody Sacrifice ; and he doth not lie who saith Christ to be offered." * * * * * * * " We behold with the eye of faith Him present after grace, and spiritually set upon the Table ; and we worship Him who sitteth above." viii. From the Last Examination, Sept. 1554. Works, 275, &c. '•' Christ, as St Paul writeth, made one perfect Sacri- fice for the sins of the whole world, neither can any man u 290 APPENDIX IV reiterate that Sacritice of His ; and yet is the Conirnunion an acceptable sacrifice to God of praise and thanksgiving. But to say that thereby sins are taken away (which -^vholly and perfectly was done by Christ's Passion, of the which the Communion is only a memory), that is a great derogation of the merits of Christ's Passion ; for the Sacrament was instituted that we, receiving it, and there- by recognizing and remembering His Passion, should be partakers of the merits of the same. For otherwise doth this Sacrament take upon it the office of Christ's Passion, whereby it might follow that Christ died in vain." *- * iff * * * ij- " Both you and I agree herein, that in the Sacrament is the very true and natural Body and Blood of Christ, even that which was born of the Virgin Mary, which ascended into heaven, which sitteth on the right hand of God the Father, which shall come from thence to judge the quick and the dead ; only we differ in modo, in the way and manner of being : we confess all one thing to " be in the Sacrament, and dissent in the manner of being there. I, being fully by God's Word thereunto persuaded, confess Christ's natural Body to be in the Sacrament in- deed by spirit and grace, because that whosoever receiveth worthily that bread and wine receiveth eflectuously Christ's Body, and drinketh His Blood (that is, he is made effectually partaker of His Passion) ; and you make a grosser kind of being, enclosing a natural, a lively, and a moving body, under the shape or form of bread and wine. Now, this difference considered, to the question thus I answer, that in the Sacrament of the altar is the natural Body and Blood of Christ vere et realiter, indeed and really, for spiritually, by grace and efficacy ; for so RIDLEY'S EUCHARISriC DOCTRINE 291 every worthy receiver receiveth the very true Body of Christ. But if you mean really and indeed, so that thereby you would include a lively and a moveable body under the forms of bread and wine, then, in that sense, is not Christ's Body in the Sacrament really and indeed." ******* "Always my protestation 1 reserved, I answer thus; that in the Sacrament is a certain change, in that that bread which was before common bread is now made a lively presentation of Christ's Body, and not only a tigure, but etlectuously representeth His Body ; that even as the mortal body was nourished by that visible bread ^^ so is the internal soul fed with the heavenly food of Christ's Body, which the eyes of faith see, as the bodily eyes see only bread. Such a sacramental nmtation I grant to be in the bread and wine, which truly is no small change, but such a change as no mortal man make, but only that omnipotency of Christ's word." * * * * * .;;;. ^i Dr Ridley, smiling, answered: "Your lordship is not ignorant that this word altare in Scripture signifieth as well the altar whereupon the Jews were wont to make their burnt sacrifices as the Table of the Lord's Supper. . . . [But] as for the taking down of the altars, it was done upon just considerations, for that they seemed to come too nigh to the Jews' usage ; neither was the Supper of the Lord at any time better ministered, or more duly received, than in those latter days when all things were brought to the rules and usage of the primitive Church." 1 Against the papal authority represented by the Com^ missioners. 2<)2 APPENDIX IV ix. From the first Farczocll, Oct. 1555. Works, ^o\. " In the stead of the Lord's holy Table they give the people, with much solemn disguising, a thing which they call their Mass ; but in deed and in truth it is a very masking and mockery of the true Supper of the Lord, or rather I may call it a crafty juggling whereby these false thieves and jugglers have bewitched the minds of the simple people, that they have brought them from the true worship of God unto pernicious idolatry ; and make them to believe that to be Christ our Lord and Saviour, which indeed is neither God nor man, nor hath any life in itself, but in substance is the creature of bread and wine, and in use of the Lord's Table is the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood ; and for this holy use, for the which the Lord hath ordained them in His Table to repre- sent unto us His blessed Body torn upon the Cross for us and His Blood there shed, it pleased Him to call them His Body and Blood ; which understanding Christ declareth to be His true meaning, when He saith, ' Do this in re- membrance of Me.' And again, St Paul likewise doth set out the same more plainly, speaking of the same Sacrament after the words of the consecration, saying, ' As often as ye shall eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, ye shall set forth (he meaneth, with the same) the Lord's death until His coming again.' And here again these thieves have robbed also the people of the Lord's Cup, contrary to the plain words of Christ written in His Gospel." 5i;- * vi * * * * " Why dost thou daily delude the people, masking in RIDLEY'S FA'CHARTSTIC DOCTRINE 293 thy masses,^ in the stead of the Lord's holy Supper? . . . Thy God, which is the work of thy hands, cannot dehver thee." ' He is addressing "the See of London." It is interesting to note in these last extracts the equivalent use of the words "Mass" and "Masses." For a learned discussion of some modern theories of the significance of the word " Masses " in our Art. xxxi., see a tractate by the Rev. N. Dimock Dano;erous Deceits (E. Stock, iSg5\ It is no part of my purpose to discuss the extracts here collected. I have placed them together for the reader's own inspection, aiming to make the collection carefully impartial. It would be easy to point out some discrepancies of thought, or at least of expression, as the various utterances are compared in detail. But I think it will be apparent on the whole that the Bishop was fully aware of the deep and essential contrast between an altar-sacrifice, oftered God-ward, and a Sacrament, delivered from God man-ward, and that he found the latter and not the former in the Scriptural account of the Holy Communion. 294 APPENDIX V WYCLIF ON THE EUCHARIST More than once^ WycHf has been mentioned in these pages. It may not be out of place to transcribe a few representative sentences from his Tractatus Major de Eucharistia, first printed (b)' the Wyclif Society, under the editorship of Dr Johann Loserth and Mr F. D. Matthew) in 1892 : Homo nofi videt Corpus Christi m Eucharistia oculo corporali {^. i). Notaf distinctioneni inter prcBdicationem identicam et tropicain (p. 2). Novella Eccksia ponit tran- substajitiationejH ; et antigiia Eccksia, cpque vel niogis authefitica, ipsain negat (p. 3). Transubstantiatio non est fundahilis in Scriptura. . . . Accidentia non pos- sunt per se esse . . . Verba Christi gtiibus hoc sacra- mentmn conficitiir figurative debejtt intelligi . . . Dicitur comnmniter : Eigtira hujus rei habet efficaciam efiicie?iter causandi non corpus Christi sed gtiandam ejus prcEsentiam sacrainentum sensibile concomitantem . . . Non est creden- dum homini" in materia fidei nisi de quanto dictum suuni docuerit ex Scriptura (p. 9) ... [ Verbuni] Hoc figurat ' See above, 183, 198, &c. - He has Innocent III. in view. VVYCLTF ON THE EUCHARIST 295 sacramentaliter corp^is CJiristi (p. 291) . . . \Transub- stantiationis opinifl\ tropicaf utriunqiie extremum \in verbis insfitutionis]; sed nos fnntum aJfci-um. (p, 296) . . . In- finifa stmt talia argumenta propter quce dicit Catholiais quod corpus Christi est ibi virtualiter et in signo, non corpus Christi ut est en ccelo sed signum ejus vicariuw (p- z^z)- 296 APPENDIX VI JOH. FERUS ON SPIRITUAL EATING I TRANSLATE the following passage from the Commentary on St Matthew (xxvi.), written by Johannes Ferus, monk and presbyter of the Fran- ciscan Order, and preacher at Mainz. He is now nearly forgotten, but in his day, the middle of the sixteenth century, he had a great reputation. E. Leigh ( Treatise of Religioii and Learning, Lon- don, 1656 ; a useful book, dedicated to Ussher) calls him (p. 196) "the famousest preacher that was in Mentz, or in Germany, in all his time ; " his commentaries upon St John were at least eight times printed in ten years. And^Leigh quotes Sixtus Senensis {Bibliot/i. Sanct., lib. 4) as saying that he was vir in divinis litteris nobiliter doctus, eloqiientia singiilari prceditus, ad parent in officio evangelicce prcEdicationis catJioliccB Gcrvianoriini Ecclesice Jiac nostra tempestate non habent. My extract is taken from a folio, in the library of the Bishop of Liverpool, who long ago drew my attention to the spiritual greatness of Ferus' com- JOH. PER US ON SPIRITUAL EATING 297 mcnts on St John. The exposition of St Matthew was pubHshed in 1559, after the writer's death, at Mainz {Moguntia?). It is dedicated to the Emperor Ferdinand, and bears the "privilege" of the Ccssarea jnajes^as and of Henry, King of France. The title- page describes the comments as non iuhms emditcu qiiam catJiolica;. It is extremely interesting to read the Francis- can's teaching, and to see how near much of his thought was to that of the Reformed Christians of his day. The bread is of no avail unless it be eaten. . . . Then feelest thou the virtue of the bread, when thou embodiest it in thyself; then perceivest thou the blessings of Christ, when thou takest Him into thyself. But how is Christ eaten ? In two ways is He oftered to us, even in Word and in Sacrament : in two ways therefore is His Body eaten, even spiritually and sacramentally. What it is to eat spiritually Christ's Body, that is to say, when He is offered in the Word, He hath Himself ex- plained, when He saith, " He that cometh to me shall not hunger, and he that believeth in me shall not thirst." Therefore to eat His Body spiritually is from thy heart to believe that Christ was made Man, and transferred thy sins upon Himself, and for thee shed His Blood, and overcame hell, and reconciled thee to God. He who thus believeth, by faith, in a certain manner, he seizeth Christ, and passeth Christ into himself {Christum in se trajicif)^ and becometh one body with Him ; whereby it 298 APPENDIX IP Cometh about that he hungereth not in his sins, because he hath Christ's righteousness, nor in death, because he hath Christ's life, nor in curse, because he hath Christ's blessing, nor in affliction, because through Christ he seeth deliverance. This spiritual eating is necessary for all; without this no man is saved. For unless we have part in Christ's righteousness and His life, what do we but remain in our sins ? Wherefore Christ saith, " Unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, ye shall not have life in you," He speaketh not there of the Sacrament ; ^ for not all are condemned who take not the Sacrament, or have not taken it. He speaketh of spiritual eating, that is, of faith in Christ, without which no man shall see God. In this manner even the fathers of the Old Testament did eat the Body of Christ ; for Christ was offered to them also in the Word and promises. . . . These promises they who truly received, did truly eat spiritually Christ's Body. Without this spiritual eating the Sacrament profiteth nothing, nay rather it hurteth and condemneth, because it is unworthily taken. Secondarily, Christ is offered to us in the Sacrament, which is done to this end, that by this outward Sign we may be admonished of the promises, and may be certi- fied by this bodily eating that in very deed Christ is given unto us with all His treasures {nun omnibus qnt^ habef). * In his comment on Job. vi. Ferus develops this state- ment at length and emphatically. 299 ADDENDA In printing this book circumstances obliged me to put the chief part of the proofs at once into page form. Some fresh materials, collected as the work went on, were not easy of insertion into proofs already paged ; they are accordingly placed together here. T. fUdhy's Birthplace and Faviih (p. i). I have been favoured by Mrs Kendal, of Humshaugh, in Tynedale, a member of the Ridley family, with the following extracts from INIackenzie's History of North- yiiil'crlond, ii. 312, &c. : " Willimoteswick, the mote and villa of William,^ is situated near the Tyne, a short distance west from Ridley Hall. This ruined fortified residence of the Ridleys [Willimoteswick] stands on a rising ground and com- mands a view of the adjoining country. It was the seat of Sir Nicholas Ridley, who was high sheriff of North- umberland, T, 2, 3, and 23 King Henry VII., and i, 2, and 3 King Henry VIII." Was this the father of the Bishop? "It was also the seat of Sir Nicholas Ridley, knight, 1 2 Queen Elizabeth, then high sheriff of North- • I give this derivation along with that quoted p. i, not attempting to discuss the question. 300 ADDENDA umberland . . . likewise of Richard Ridley, Esq., high sheriff ... 12th of the same reign." " The Ridleys of WilJimoteswick, says Wallis, seem to have been a family of literati and divines. Three of them were Rectors of the parish of Simonburn, [in the valley of the North Tyne,] viz. Robert Ridley, D.D., nominated 15 10, [the Bishop's uncle and patron,] John Ridley, 1532, and Cuthbert Ridley, 1635." Further extracts are from Hodgson's History of Northumberland : " 1450. Nicholas Ridley of Willimoteswick married Anne, dau. to John Lawson (Flower) . . . Nicholas son of [the Bishop's brother] Hugh married Mabel, dau. of Sir Philip Dacre of Morpeth; his will is dated 1573. . . . The father of Ridley the martyr was Christopher, third son of Nicholas Ridley of Willimoteswick, by Mary, daughter of Thomas Curwen, of Workington." I give the last sentence as it stands. In a sentence a little previous, Dr R. Ridley (the Bishop's uncle) is called ' ' brother of Sir N'icholas Ridley of Willi motes7vick, and of Christopher Ridley of Unthank." If the Bishop was indeed the son of Christopher his birth at Willimoteswick (which seems to be certain, for Turner ^ would surely know this from the Bishop) happened during a visit of his mother's to her brother-in-law's home. Cooper {Atli. Cantab, i. 354) remarks on the imperfect state in which the records of the Ridley family have come down to us. It may be remarked (see p. 4) that Ridley would not have been influenced in favour of the foreign Reformers by his uncle Robert, who was a commissioner (1520) to ' Works^ A,<^i. ADDENDA 30I ■ examine Lulher's wiilings, and juiuLcl in condemning them to be burnt as heretical. See Cooper, Annals, i. 303, 304. The Proctor's accounts record that ^5 ds. Sd. were allowed to Drs Watson and Ridley for their expenses in this business. Ridley mentions another relative, or however clans- man, in his letter to Grindal {Works, 391) : "My dear friend Thomas Ridley, of the Bull Head in Cheape, which was to me the most faithful friend that I had in my trouble, is departed also unto God." My brother, Mr H. J. Moule, of Dorchester, writes to me (May 6, 1895), enclosing a water-colour sketch of Willimoteswick : " The interest of Willianioteswick to my thinking is quite extraordinary. The gate-tower probably, and the oldest part of the house certainly, were familiar to Ridley. Then the nature of the place is most remarkable. It seems to be the remains of a farm, or manor-stead, built to be defensible against border raids. I was told by the tenant's daughter, Miss Sprake, that she had heard that the turrets, of oblong plan, arc unique in England, but that several similar examples are known in Norway. They seem certainly to have been watch-towers and for beacon-fires, when a raid was feared." 2. Ridley's First Degree (p. 4). I have lately, with the kind help of the Master of Pembroke, and of the Registrary of the University, Mr J. W. Clark, ascertained the exact date of Ridley's degree of Bachelor of Arts, and his place in the list of " Wranglers." Some doubt was supposed to attach to both questions ; but the results are now certain. 302 ADDENDA In two Degree l.isls, in the Qydo Scinorila/is, in the years 152!, 152.^', the name Rydley occurs among the Wranglers. The Rydley of 152^ is fourth Wrangler out of forty one. The order is Ds Inland Ds Chayney Ds Shcrwodc Ds Rydley The Rydley of 152.^' is tvvenly-nintli wrangler. In that list Bradford ^ is eleventh wrangler and Rogers seventeenth. The question 7vliich Rydley was Nicholas, of Pembroke, is settled by the "graces " for the degrees, written below the lists. "Nicholas Rydley" is named in the graces for J 52!, and was therefore the fourth wrangler of that year. The Rydley of 152;} must have been J^ancelot, of Clare, son of the Bishop's uncle John; afterwards D.D. and one of the Six Preachers of Canterbury. 3. Lair^dalc's Reply lo Ridley (p. 15). This was a reply, as I have said, not to the Brief Dedaralion but to the Determination at Cambridge. The title-page is as follows : Callioliea Conjulatio iinpiic cujusdam Dekn/ii/ialionis D. Nicolai Ridlcci, eo tciipure sedein Episcopalcin apud Roffain occupa/ifis, post dispu/a- lionein de Eucliarisiia in Academia CantabrigicnsiJiabitam^ in tres libros divisa. Authore Albano Langdailo Arclii- diacono Cicestriensi apud Anglos . . . Lutetiie, ex officina Michaelis Vascosani, via lacobcea, ad insigne Fonlis. ^ Not the martyr, John Bradford. He entered the University bomc years later. ADDENDA 303 M.D.T.VI. Cum privikgio Rcgi<;. It is dedicated to Anthony Brown, Viscount Montacutc. Langdale gives Ridley's Determination /// cxknso, in Latin ; it agrees with the English version in the IVorks. 4. T/ic name 0/ llic 0.\/ord City Piiso/i (p. 34). Since writing the note, p. 34, I have examined Ant. a Wood's Ci/y of O^foni, as edited (1889) for the Oxford Historical Society, (whose series is a humilia- tion to Cambridge antiquaries). In vol. i. 59, 255, 259, a Wood writes of the great north gate of Oxford, Kocardo, and says that it was by far the strongest and most massive. But in due time "halcion days appeared, and this place, for want of use, fell into the hands of the Mayor and baillives, who after made it a common prison for debtors and malefactors belonging to their owne city, which for the same use continueth to this day ; and a prison for scollers for little faults." He discusses the name Bocardo, " Syllogisticum illud Ti-)(yo\uyrina." In law, he says, Brocardo or Brocardia is maleria contentiosa; perhaps then this^^iz/f, as in Scripture, was the place of litigation and judgment, and so got its name. Again, it may have been used as a library ; for Anglo-Saxon scholars say that buchord means bibliothcca. These conjectures " I shall leave your sower criticks in antiquityes to chew upon 3 and proceede onward." No trace of the Bocardo now remains, except a door- way, rci)uted to be the door of a chamber where the Three Martyrs were confined ; it is built into the Church of St Mary Magdalene, near the site of the prison. 304 ADDENDA 5. Cambridge Doctors at Oxford (p. 34). The RcgistruDi Universitatis Oxonicnsis has been edited (by the late Rev. C. W. Boase) for the Oxford Historical Society. Vol. i. 224 gives a record which is interesting in connexion with the Disputation of April 1554. The following Cambridge men were incorporated Doctors in Divinity, April 14, just before the Disputation : John Yong, John Seton, William Glynne, Richard Atkynson, Thomas Watson, Cuthbert Scot, Thomas Segewyke, Alban Langdale. The latter was ill, and unable to attend and take the oath. Ibidem, p. 229, I find the record of the incorporation as Doctor of " Peter Sotho." Soto was the Spanish theo- logian with whom, as one account says, Cranmer was occupied when his brethren walked past Bocardo to the fire, Oct. 16. 6. Ridley's Shorter Account of the Disputation (p. 36). I have examined this (Latin) report in two copies, comparing them verbatim. One, as I have stated, the copy in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, is in MS.i It is certainly not in Ridley's hand, and it bears other internal evidence of transcription : at one point the writer leaves a blank, as if unable to decipher his original. This is in a sentence where the other copy reads, de David spirituali qui Goliath Diabolum prostra- vit ; the last three words were apparently illegible to the scribe of the C. C. C. manuscript. The handwriting, if I 1 It is printed, but not at length, in Ridley's Works^ 483 — 485, and is collated there with the longer Latin report. ADDENDA 305 may venture an opinion, bespeaks a scribe of Ridley's own time ; perhaps it was Augustine Berneher. It seems to be written in some haste, with much abbrevia- tion of words. The other copy is one of the documents printed by Gilbert Ironside (see above, 85) with the Brief Declaration^ in 1688, from "the manuscripts found in his father's ^ study." It is obviously identical in substance, and in scale, with the C. C. C. MS., but has marks of independence. Unimportant variations, c. ^v, in the order of noun and adjective, and in the mode of bringing in names, and references to authors, are fre- quent. It is curious that while in the printed copy several utterances are put down to Quidani incogiu'fits, Alius incognittis, Alius nescio guis, these are always (I think) assigned in the MS. to Harpsfield, whose name is frequent in the longer report. The two copies have each its own conclusion. The MS. has what is evidently the Latin original, or nearly so, of Bradford's English, in his rendering of the longer report, printed in the Works, 251, 252, It is as follows: Post dispittationem aim Ridleo Westomis hcec habtiit verba. Vidisfis, viri frafes, prcefraduin hominis inimici (?) auimuiu, vidisiis ohstinafam ai/dndam. Vidisfis inexpugnahilem, iUahefacf- a/atani, iiicflncussam, vidricem verifatem. Vestra: ergo partes erunt /icpresis . . . pradicare, victoriainqrie veritati trihuere, et pleno applausu damare, Vicit Veritas. The printed copy has, nearly verbatim, the conclusion given in the Works (479) to the Latin of the longer * Gilbert Ironside's father (see ;i Wood, Ath. 0.ro?j.) bore the same name. He was B.A. 1608, and became Bishop of Bristol 166". He was previously Rector of Winterbourne Steepleton and Winterbourne AblDas, in Dorset. X 3o6 ADDENDA report, from Sub finem D. Prolocutor to disputatio. And it appends, what the MS. lacks, the passage there ap- pended in the Works, headed Ridhrus ad Lecforem. The reports (longer and shorter) contain Ridley's notice of his painful passage with Glynn, President of Queens'. I translate it from the printed copy of the shorter report : " D. Glyn spoke, after an abusive little preface {fosi contunieliosam prcefatiwiculam\ which I confess I bore the more heavily because I have always held him for a tried old friend i^pro veterano amt'co). But because he only wished, I suppose, to play his part {scena inservire), and afterwards, coming to the house in which I was detained, asked my pardon for his words, in the presence of Young, I think, and Ogelthorpe, [President of Mag- dalene, Oxford,] I forgive him from my soul, and I wish him a clear knowledge, in the Lord, of the purity of the Gospel {evangeUccr sincerifa/is), and I pray tliat another day, not his sins only but those of us all being forgiven, we may meet, fully reconciled, in the heavenly Father's house. But he formed his argument thus, 58, 75—78, 79, 83, 91, 249, 305—307, 309 Brookes, Bishop, x, 20, 60, 64 Bucer, 18, 254, 257, 258, 262, 269 Calvin, 266 Capito, 259, 262 Carlstadt, 253 Cecil, Sir W., 20 Chalcedon, Council of, 158, 1S9 Charles the Bald, 203, 205 Charles the Great, 19S, 201, 205, 213, 216 Chomley, R.,30, 32, 283 Chrysostom, 121, 143, 152, 153, 154, 155, 185,^ 187, 188, 285 Clare College, Cambridge, 16 Clement of Alexandria, 146 Conferences (Ridley and Lati- mer), 28, 76, 77, 308 Confess io Orthodoxa, 252 ; Aligns- tana, 256 ; Helvetica, 259 ; Magna,_ 255 Consecration, 227 Consensus Tigi/riniis, 252, 265 Constance, Conference at, 258 Corbie, 201 Corbie, Old, 201 312 INDEX I Co)', i,, lo, 223; X., 96, 100, 118, 228, 242; xi., 28, 35,96, ,99 Cranmer, 8, 13, 270, 272 Cyprian, 32, i6o, 190, 276, 284 Cyril, 285 Day, Bishop of Chester {Cistren- sis), 277 Deterniinatioii, A, 15, 188, 191, I93> 194, I97> 279 Diallaciicon, 271 Dimock, Rev. N., 264, 273, 293 " Diotrephes," vide Gardiner Discourse of Peter's Life, etc. , 44 Disputation, at Berne, 255 ; at Cambridge, 278 ; at Oxford, 30, 188, 199, 283, 304 etc. Domine quo Vadis, 44 DunsScotus, 117, 133— 13S, 137, 138, 140, 181 Edivard VI. and the Book of Cof union Prayer, 184 Emissene, 285, 286 Enchiridion Theologicuui, 90 English Articles, 270 Epliesians i., 240 Epiphanius, 146, 285 Erasmus, 4, 153, 185, 191, 254, 260 Erigena, J. Scotus, 204, 216, 221 evxapt(TT7)(Tas, 1 74 evAoy{](ras, 1 74 Eusebius, 277 Eutichetes, The, 102, 157 Fabricius, 218, 220 Fareivell, Ridley's, 2, 9, 22, 62, 292 Fecknam, 32, 198 Ferrar, Bishop, 270 Ferus, 296 Fiennes, (Phines) 9 " Figure," 217, 224 Fisher, Bishop, 207, 254 Florence, Council of, 178 Foxe, xiv, 23, 40, el sccpe PVoschover, 263 Fulgentius, 191, 245, 286 Fuller, Thomas, xi Gardiner, Bishop, 28, 8r, 270 Gasquet, Father, 14, 183 Gelasius, 31, 143, 171, 194 "Germany," 4 Glomery, Master of, 5 Glynn, 47, 279, 287, 306 Gratius, Ortwinus, 51 Gregory I., 171 ; of Neocscsarea, 179; of Nazianzus, i6l Grey, Lady Jane, 26 Grimbold, 50, 76 Grindal, 54, 58, 78, 79, 92, 301 Gualter {pro Zuinglio), 263 Hare, J. C, 69 Harpsfield, 305 Hebrews vii., 26, 232; ix., 279; X-, 133 Heme, 9, 194 Hethe, Bishop, 47, 275 Hilary, 277, 285 Hincmar, 201 Hooker, xiii Hooper, Bishop, 18, 57 Hopkins, W., 210,214, 219, 223 Hospinian, 252, 255, 265 Individtmni vaguui, 134 Injunctions, Ridley's, 281 Innocent III., 117, 137, 177,180; on Transubstantiation, 189 Intus, Ratramn's use of, 236 Irenceus, 260 Irish, Edmund, 34, 53, 65, 76, 200 ; Margaret, 55, 72 Ironside, Gilbert, 89, 305 Isidore, 233, 234 Jansenists, 214 Jerome, 146, 240, 285 INDEX Jewel, John, 48 Joan of Kent, 14 folui ii., 181 ; vi., 128, 129, 242, 297 Justinus, 146 Kappel, Battle of, 257 Lamentation, Ridley's, 16 Lamentations iv., 20, 238 Langdale, 279, 302, 304 Lasco (a Lasco), 270, 272 Latimer, x, 3, 29, 41, 67, 71 Lavather, 79, 251, 252 ; his His- toria, 249 Leo Judcc, 208, 254, 258 Lobcz, 211, 212, 221 Louvain, 5, 83, 265 Luke xxii., 98 Luther, 10, 251 etc., 253 etc. IMabillon, 205, 211, 212, 214, 221 Manifcstatio, Ratramn's use of, 217 Marburg, 256, 264 Marcion, 162, 179 Mark xiv., 98 Martyr, Peter, 188, 190, 265, 272 Mary, Queen, 26, 58, 67 Matthe^oxx., 185; xxvi., 97 Maurus, Rabanus, 216 Melanchthon, 257, 263, 272 Messalonians, 102, 175 Moreman, 189 Morinus, 178 Mungey, Mrs, 17 /xvar-qptoi', 235 Myconius, Oswald, 257 Jl/jfsteriicm fidci, 1 3 1 Newcastle, 4 CEcolampadius, 183, 207, 20S, 253, 254, 257 Ogelthorpe, 306 Origen, 31, 144, 150, 183, 185 oixTia, 190 Parker, Archbishop, 20S de Partu Virgineo, 202 Paschasius Radbertus, 202, 204, 222 Paul IV., 212 Pembroke College, Cambridge, 4, 5. 83 I Peter ii., 21, 232 Philip II., 57, 60 Philpot, Archdeacon, 189 Pilkington, Bishop, 15 Pole, Cardinal, 55, 60, 61 Polydore Vergil, 2, 71 Predestination, 201, 207, 214 Presence, Eucharistic, 30 Protestant, The word, 102, 174 Provej'bs x\\n., i, 232 Psalm iii., 165; Ixvii., 132; Ixxxix., 164, 191 ; xcviii., 191 Ratramn ("Bertram"), 10, 11, 64, 197 — 199, 206, 207, 209, 210, 217, 218, 249, 258, 277, 285 ; abridged rendering of his book, 223 etc. Real Presence, 178, 183, 288 Ridley, Nicholas, birth, etc., I, 299 ; character, xiv; academ- ical degree, 5, 301 ; at the Sor- bonne, 5, 6 ; Master of Pem- broke, 5 ; Vicar of Heme, 9 ; Bishop of Rochester, 9, 13 ; visits Cambridge, 1 5 ; Bishop of London, 17 ; nominated to Durham, 22 ; imprisoned, 27; conferences in the Tower, 3, 30 etc.; sent to Oxford, 33; trial, 36, 37 etc. ; condemna- tion, 60 etc.; degradation, 64 ; martyrdom, 66 ; eucharistic doctrine, 78, et sicpe Ridley, Dr Robert, 2, 300 ;h INDEX Sacrament and Sacrifice, 293 Sacraments, 223 etc. Sacrifice, sacerdotal authority, etc., 122, 1 78 Schmalkald, League of, 261 Shipside, George, 2, 76, 77 Sigebertus Gemblacensis, 206, 220 Six Articles, 9 Sixtus Senensis, 221, 296 Smith, Dr, 44, 67 Somerset, Duke of, 16 Sorbonne, 5, 6, 37 Soto (Sotho), 66, 304 Species, Ratramn's use of the word, 217, 226, 244 Speyer, 256 Sudor Angliciis, 19, 256 Sylvius, .(^ilneas, 51 Table, not Altar, 280 Taylor, Rowland, 48 Tertullian, 31, 143, 160, 179, 190, 275, 282 Theodoret, 143, 146, 156, 18S, 190 Theophylact, 179, 274, 287 2 T/iess. ii., 132 Tomlinson, J. 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