hIk^KIkI 3 . 2-7 . / 6 ~ m Stliwlajtra/ PRINCETON, N. J. Presented by<3i5\'pc7\r^ t)0(y .0^0 .rr',e/'r-\c/<7\. Division Section ■ •X)S8 VO .r\i6 ih"''*'i^" ■; ■‘•f. m t ^ K^r* , V ■ . • »■?%' fv'V. i > Vf ■ v'"v- " «Ji ■* ' ^ r, ■■ . ".'-J I • * • fc. v>':> P-^.r ?« ••-1 T - , tr. V'A . V • I t' > .-vtS f *>;■ .. " I * » A » ’ , ' , i 1 - A < .1 - »■•■ *'.<^ .^ . .tv • -'r? i'wv" i 'jfi;; t. .. .■ n aV Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/japantoamericasyOOmasa Japan to America A Symposium of Papers by Political Leaders and Representative Citizens of Japan on Conditions in Japan and on the Relations Between Japan and the United States Edited by I 27 1915 \ ► A Naoichi Masaoka :;i. Authorized American Edition, issued under the auspices of The Japan Society of America With Introduction by Lindsay Russell President, Japan Society G. P. Putnam’s Sons New York and London Zbe l^ntcfterbocltec press 1915 Second Impression ■Cbc 1ftnlcIierboct!«r ptcBS, Hew ItJoth INTRODUCTION The utterances of statesmen and other leaders of thought in Japan which are presented in this vol- ume as a message to the United States are regarded by the Japan Society as possessing present interest and continued importance for the American pub- lic; and we cordially commend this volume to all persons who desire to secure a trustworthy know- ledge and correct understanding of the people of Japan and of their aims and ideals. These essays make clear the conviction on the part of the fore- most thinkers of Japan that the best and lasting interests of their coimtry lie in the preservation of the historic friendship with the United States. It is hoped that a wide circulation of the book may do much to further friendly relations between the United States and Japan. Lindsay Russell, President. New York, October 31, 1914. The Japan Society was organized in New York ten years back. Its declared purpose is “to promote friendly relations between the United States and Japan and to diffuse among the American people a trustworthy knowledge of the people of Japan, of their arts, sciences, industries, and economic condition, and of their aims and ideals. ” The present membership of the Society comprises about nine hundred Americans and one hundred Japanese. iv PREFACE In 1905, Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt of the United States acted as mediator between Japan and Russia, which were then at war with each other, and as the result of his mediation the peace conference was held in Portsmouth, New Hamp- shire, U. S. A. I was then one of the newspaper correspondents who accompanied the peace am- bassador Baron Komura from Japan. Then, in 1909, when the six chambers of commerce of the Pacific coast of America invited a party of Japan- ese business men to visit America, I was the only newspaper correspondent who went with that party from Tokyo and together visited some fifty different American cities. ’ My stays in America have not been long, but the two visits I made have been most important in the interest of Japanese- American relationship. The fact that I had then an opportunity to observe America is still to-day a source of lasting pleasure. These tw’O visits to America taught me the following lesson, namely, that “the Japanese views of Amer- ica so far have been erroneous in the main. At least the Japanese have fallen into the same inter- national prejudices as many Europeans.” So I VI Preface have devoted myself for four years in writing books on America, and in August, 1913, have succeeded in publishing one imder the title America and the Americans (1300 pages). Again another book was published under the title American Expansion (650 pages). I expect to publish a second series to American Expansion. I, however, have come to realize that the Ameri- cans need to learn truths about Japan as the Japanese do about America. Moreover, what the average American knows about Japan is far less than what the average Japanese knows about America. What is most important in the intercourse between one individual and another is that each understands the other perfectly. It is the same with regard to the relations between one nation and another. Most international differences are the results of the lack of mutual understanding. If understood perfectly by each other, any two nations which had been quarrelling with each other in the past would see how foolish they had been to engage in quarrels. I have already done something to introduce America to Japan. Why should I not do something to introduce Japan to America? I have a desire to write a book in English with this object in view. In the present work, however, I have confined myself to collecting the views of representative Japanese. I take great pleasure in presenting the copies of this work to the Ameri- Preface Vll cans. That the Americans in reading this work will find, out of their open-hearted spirit, “the true Japan” represented in it is what I earnestly hope and firmly believe will be the result. N. M. Tokyo, March, 1914. CONTENTS PAGE Our National Mission ..... i Count Shigenobu Okuma What Japan has to Teach .... 6 Viscount Kentaro Kaneko The Real Character of the Japanese Race . lo Baron Shirapei Goto Japanese- American Relations and Myself . 17 Baron Ei-ichi Shibusawa Japan Harbours no 111 Feeling toward America . 34 Baron Rempei Kondo In Rome Do as the Romans Do . . -39 Hon. Buei Nakano Future of the Pacific and the American- Japanese Friendship ...... 42 Hon. Soichiro Asano Japan and America (Co-operation versus Com- petition) ...... 45 Hon. Kikusaburo Fukui America and Japan always Friends . . 50 Hon. Kahei Otani ix X Contents PAGE To the American Nation . . . -57 Dr. Shigeo Suyehiro To the Peace-Loving Americans ... 62 Hon. Yukio Ozaki Exclusionists not True to the Principles of Amer- ica’s Founders ...... 64 Count Sei-ichiro Terashima Tendencies of Japanese- American Trade . . 70 Hon. Kenzo Iwahara Various Standpoints of Peace-Workers . . 77 Baron Yoshiro Sakatani Outline of Japanese Civilization ... 83 Dr. Juichi Soyeda Japan and the Preservation of China’s Integrity. 86 Hon. Tokugoro Nakahashi Japan’s Colonial Policy • • • • 95 Hon. Yosaburo Takekoshi “Centripetal Mikadoism’’ .... 100 Hon. I-ichiro Tokutomi Japanese Labourers . . . . .104 Hon. Kojiro Matsukata Socialism in Japan . . . . .109 Prof. Iso-o Ab6 Contents XI PAGE Christianity in Japan . . . . *117 Rev. Tasuku Harada A Short Account of the Bank of Japan . .127 Viscount Yataro Mishima The Railways of Japan . . . , ■ 133 Hon. Takejiro Tokonami Mr. Yukichi Fukuzawa and his Moral Code . 144 Hon. Eikichi Kamada The Ethical Problems of New Japan . • I 55 Rev. Kajinosuke Ibuka The Spirit of Japanese Education . . .167 Pres. Masataro Sawayanagi Religion and Education in Japan . . .176 Dr. Tetsujiro Inouye Technical Education in Japan . . .181 Pres. Sei-ichi Teshima The Virtues of Japanese Womanhood . .187 Mme. Uta-ko Shimoda Ideographia Delenda Est! . . . • I93 Baron Naibu Kanda Western Works of Literature, Religion, and Philosophy Translated and Introduced in Japan Prof. Meizo Togawa 197 Xll Contents PAGE Improvement of JapanesecCommerdal Methods 208 Hon. Osuke Hibi Prospect of the Peace of the World . " . . 212 Hon. Ichitaro Shimizu Japan and Americanism . . . .219 Naoichi Masaoka, Editor Historical Development of Western Learn- ing in Japan ...... 230 Ritts-zoh Oda, Ass’t Editor Japan to America Japan’s Message to America OUR NATIONAL MISSION SHIGENOBU OKUMA [Count Shigenobu Okuma, Chancellor of Waseda Univer- sity: bom Feb., 1838, at Saga, Hizen; studied Chinese classics at a clan-school, and Dutch, English, and mathematics under certain Englishmen at Nagasaki; during the Restoration period, he advocated the abolition of feudalism and the establishment of constitutional government; on the reorganization of the government under the Mikado, he became chief assistant in the Department of Foreign Affairs; subsequently. Secretary for the Interior and Finance; 1873-81, had charge of the Treas- ury, first as Vice-Minister and then as full Minister; resigned this portfolio because his memorial urging the Government to introduce representative government had been rejected by his colleagues; he then formed the Progressive Party, the fore- runner of the National Party (Kokuminto), and was himself its president until a few years ago; in 1888, the year preceding the promulgation of the Imperial Constitution, he was ap- pointed Foreign Minister and undertook the revision of the treaties; in 1896, was Foreign Minister and Minister of Agri- culture and Commerce: in 1898, Premier and Foreign Minister; has been a thought-leader and educationist for the past fifteen years. He is the editor-in-chief of Fifty Years of New Japan (a modem historjT'of Japan printed in English), and of the Shir Nippon (a monthly magazine).] The Japan of to-day is no longer the Japan of Japan, but the Japan of the world. What is, 1 2 Japan’s Message to America then, the mission of the new Japan? It is to make a large contribution to human progress by playing an active part in the great drama of world-politics. To put it in a more concrete way, it is Japan’s mission to harmonize Eastern and Western civi- lizations in order to help bring about the unification of the world. We sometimes hear or read the expression “the eastward movement of civilization.” From the standpoint of Oriental history, this seems right; our civiHzation owes very much to the civihza- tions of China and India. But whence came the latter? According to many historians these civi- lizations originated in the tablelands of Central Asia. Although scholars differ as to the first seats of the human race, yet it can be safely said that they were somew’here in the western comer of Asia contiguous to Europe and Africa. From this region hiunanity migrated in all directions, and its migrations resulted in the scattering of civilization. As it was divided, however, its branches were affected by certain geographical influences differ- ent from one another, thus gradually developing the peculiar features of civilization. Take re- ligion for instance. India produced the profound philosophy of Brahmanism and Buddhism; while among the Hebrews were developed Judaism which worships the God of justice, and later Christian- ity, which teaches that God is love. Many centuries of separate existence of the races made Our National Mission 3 the differences of their civilizations wider, and they struggled and competed to hold their own. But the earth is round. When one progresses to the east, one comes upon the west, and vice versa. Until half a century ago, the eastward current of civilization had been flowing into Japan, but since the visit of Commodore Perry, our coun- try has come to meet the westward current nmnmg via America. Now this new current is the one that originated at the same region as the before-mentioned east- ward current and, after pervading Europe, worked itself westward to the American continent. As it comes to Japan, therefore, it represents Latin and Teutonic civilizations. Thus, the East and West have become a con- tinuous whole, so that one cannot say where the main current of civilization starts or arrives. Indeed, the civilization of each race has its own characteristic features, geographically and his- torically; in some cases, the differences of ideals, languages, etc., make the casual observer think that one race belongs to a world quite different from another. But according as the means of commu- nication develop, these differences must gradually disappear. And a race will rise which, being awake to the general trend of the world’s progress, effects a right harmony between its own and the outside civilization; if otherwise, it will fall. The decline of China in recent years is a good example of this. 4 Japan’s Message to America It is not that the Chinese are essentially inferior to the European race, but their backv\^ard state is due to the fact that they did not strive to adapt themselves to the civilization of the outside world, which they set at defiance with a narrow pro- vincialism peculiar to them. The true difference of mankind is neither in the colour of the skin nor in the frame of the body, but is, if any, in the degree of culture itself. It is this difference that distinguishes winner and loser in the struggle for existence. A nation, like an individual, must always endeavour to make up its owi> defects by adopting the merits of another, and to display its strong points at the same time. Such a nation, and such a nation only, will be able to work upward to an advanced position in the world. We Japanese, standing at a point where the Eastern and Western civilizations meet, are given facilities to serve as interpreters of the Orient, and to represent the former before the Occidentals. Therefore, to harmonize the East and the West and contribute to the unification of the world, is an ideal part to be played by Japan. A certain European critic has fitly remarked that the Japan- ese are eclectics. Fortunately, we are free from any racial or religious prejudices ; we have collected or are trying to collect, what is good, what is true, and what is beautiful, from all quarters of the earth. In a good sense, we Japanized Confucian- ism and Buddhism, and are Japanizing Christianity Our National Mission 5 even. We are ready to take every nutriment we can in order to develop our racial civili- zation. To brand us Japanese as inferior because we are a coloured race is a bigotry that we must combat and destroy through the fulfillment of our national mission. WHAT JAPAN HAS TO TEACH KENTARO KANEKO [Viscount Kentaro Kaneko, LL.D. (Harvard), Privy Coun- cillor; bom March, 1853, at Fukuoka; graduated from Har- vard Law School in 1878; he began his career as a professor at the Tokyo Yobimon (defunct), 1878; in 1885 became private secretary to the then Premier Ito; was sent abroad for pur- poses of investigating constitutional systems; was appointed Chief Secretary of the House of Peers in 1890; in 1891 he was a delegate to the International Law Conference held in Switzer- land; in 1894 Vice-Minister for Agriculture and Commerce; in 1898 was made Minister of the same department, and in 1900 Minister of Justice; during the Russo-Japanese War, he was non-official representative of the Japanese Government in the United States. He is president of the American Friends Society.] “One who is ready to learn is fit to teach.” This was a phrase that Col. Roosevelt, my inti- mate friend, used when President of the United States in eulogizing the Japanese in a message to Congress. I may add that he clearly saw through the mind of our nation. We are ever ready to learn from the outside world, but we are never satisfied with being a mere importer of Western civilization, with being forever a pupil in the great school of human progress. Because we 6 7 What Japan Has to Teach aspire to teach the world, we are inspired with the spirit of the learner. In our own times, one of the greatest problems in the world is the race problem. It has arisen in Australia, in America, in Europe, in China, in Korea — indeed, almost everywhere on the surface of the globe ; and the true cause of this omnipres- ent problem is Japan’s great development. Had our nation remained a China or a Korea in its progress, the clamour of the race problem would not have been raised to so high a pitch. As it is, Japan has emerged out of her two foreign wars as a nation with a splendid organization and as civilized as the foremost countries in Europe and America, imposing respectful consideration upon them and breaking, to the resentment of some of them, their traditional assumption that the white race is essentially superior to the yellow. Con- sequently, Japan was allowed a membership in the council of nations, which position had been long denied her. Not all the older members liked to admit her, but she demanded such admis- sion from them on the strength of her achievement and was given it. For scores of years they had been revelling among themselves with self-con- gratulation on white superiority; but now, much to their disillusionment, they found yellow Japan squeezing herself in. The newcomer was no different from the rest in all the refinements of contemporary civilization, was qiiite prepared to associate with them on equal terms; only she was 8 Japan’s Message to America of a yellow race. This slight physical difference, however, loomed very large in the eyes of the white members, who wondered at, and then were affected disagreeably by, the little stranger. Nor was their repugnance to Japan the least imna- tural, as the most innocent swans might feel the same against a crow flapping into their flock. Racial antipathy is only a spontaneous phenome- non of human psychology. But, nevertheless, the progress of man, of civilization, is, in a sense, a systematic restraint of his innate propensities, and if so, the racial feeling, among others, must be controlled and suppressed by all means. Young Japan is coping with modem learning just as young America, yoimg England, young France, or young Germany is doing. In the matter of intellectual life, our second generation is xmder the same process of fermentation as that of every other civilized nation. Supposing that the Japan of to-day is not on an equal basis with her white competitors? The Japan of to-morrow will be, in all probability. If, therefore, there is anything she has to teach them, it is the fact that mankind is a one and undi visible whole, that the yellow race is not inferior to the white, that all the races should co-operate in perfect harmony for the development of the world’s civilization. We have obtained a voice in the Parliament of Man at the cost of blood and money ; we must use that new right to good purpose. The exchange of professors between America What Japan Has to Teach 9 and Japan has already proved a success in remov- ing some groimdless prejudices and foolish mis- understandings. We wish America to send many more Mabies to interpret their nation to us and study things Japanese for their fellow-citizens. We expect free and democratic America to be one of the most trustworthy friends to help our cause. But after all, one has to take care of one’s self, and we must, by our own exertion, teach the Occidentals out of their prejudices, while we must continue to learn from them. Upon the solution of the race problem, the future of Japan, nay, the future of human progress, largely depends. The last advice that Alexander Hamilton re- ceived from his mother on her death-bed — and it is the best and greatest advice, in my opinion, that a son has ever been given by a parent — has been my own constant guide, since I, in my boy- hood, read the words in the Hfe of Hamilton. And to-day, to young Japan, upon whose shoulders rests the heavy responsibility of teaching the Occidentals, do I give the same advice. It is this: “My son, never aim at the second best. It is not worthy of you. Your powers are in harmony with the everlasting principle of the universe.” THE REAL CHARACTER OF THE JAPANESE RACE SHIMPEI GOTO [Baron Shimpei Goto, ex-Minister of Communications and ex-President of the Imperial Railway Board; bom Miyagi Prefecture, July, 1857; was graduated from the University of Berlin with degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1892; at the early age of 20, he was physician at the Aichi Prefectural Hospital, also instractor at the Prefectural Medical School; after four years of distinguished services, was promoted director of the hospital as well as the school; in 1883 became acting Director of the Sanitary Bureau, Home Department; on his return from an ofiScial tour to Germany, he was appointed Director of the Sanitary Bureau, 1892; during the Japan-China War, was on the Sanitary Commission of the Army; after the war, was singled out by the late General Kodama and appointed Director of the Civil Administration Bureau of the Formosan Government; during his tenure of the directorship, he made large contributions to the Insular development; was created baron in 1906 and given a seat in the House of Peers: in 1906 became the first president of the South Manchuria Railway Co.; in 1908 Minister of Communications; resigned August, 1912; held the portfolio again, Dec. 12, 1912-Feb. 13, 1913. He is the translator of several German books on politics.]] The real character of the Japanese race is not yet understood by the world. It is a trite saying that Occidental civilization is based on Christi- anity, while the Oriental has Buddhism and 10 Real Character of the Japanese Race ii Confucianism as its foundation. Geographically, Japan belongs to the Orient, but she is no common Oriental country. Every nation in the world has its general characteristics and its peculiarities, and Japan is richest in the latter, presumably as a result of her insular position, which allowed her to grow up without many foreign influences. In respect to ideals, customs, and manners, therefore, she differs so much from other civilized countries, that she has often incurred their misunderstanding. Although she has many institutions analogous to those of foreign countries, it would be difficult to understand Japan without a knowledge of the principle that has been guiding the development of her civilization. This principle is what we call “Yamato Damashii.” The wisdom of this world is fooHshness. Scholars adhere to letters too much to grasp the truth of the universe; veiy^ often it is simple men, without letters, who can read the Word. In this sense, the learned are only vassals of the Creator: the simple are His immediate attendants. The foun- dation of Japan was laid by the Emperor Jimmu, an immediate attendant of the Creator, and the house has been added to by the learned in later years. Buddhism and Confucianism, it is true, made large contributions to our civilization, but there was “Yamato Damashii” in the beginning. For the Japanese nation assimilated their teach- ings, rather than the teachings assimilated the Japanese nation. That Confucianism made a 12 Japan’s Message to America great development here is an illustration of this. Had the great Chinese philosopher been reborn in Japan centuries later, he would have been amazed by the elaboration that his own theories had received at our hands. Also, it is no exagger- ation to say that Buddhism has been brought to successful completion in this country; Buddhism, as it exists in Japan to-day, is a system of faith widely different from the so-called “Primitive Buddhism.” “Yamato Damashii” has caused Japanese civilization to make a peculiar growth. Western- ers are apt to despise it as inferior to their own, or to be astonished by it as a mysterious phe- nomenon; but both their contempt and wonder are simply due to their lack of knowledge of Japan- ese history. The substantial difference between Western civilization and ours consists in the difference of the process of development. Let me illustrate this by religious art. In the Occident, after laborious study from the scientific point of view, art-critics arrived at the conclusion that masterpieces of religious art can be produced only by very devout workers. This, however, the ancient Japanese artists knew by intuition; it was a tradition among them that sacred Bud- dhistic paintings and sculptures could not be made without ablutions. Those who are fond of Japanese objects of virtu may have heard of a sort of mask called “d6m6-no-men.” The lineage of the first pro- Real Character of the Japanese Race 13 ducer of such masks has lasted for more than ten generations up to the present day, and there is a secret precept governing the traditional trade of the family. It is this, “Use not a foot-measure: it kills thy work.” An artisan laying aside a measure! He is what we call “an immediate attendant of the Creator”: he symbolizes Japan- ism, the peculiar civilization of Japan. It is the spirit embodied in the words just quoted, that has assimilated everything that has come into Japan. Here lies a salient feature of her nation- ality. We are sometimes branded as a bellicose people, as a dangerous people. The more outspoken shout “yellow peril,” as though we were an enemy of humanity and civilization. The Red Cross am- bulance service, as it exists to-day, was organized according to the Geneva Convention of 1863; and it may interest the merciless critics of Japan to know that the principle of this humanitarian institution was observed by Japanese themselves in the eleventh century. Between 1050 and 1080, we waged two long wars — the Former Nine Years’ War and Later Three Years’ War, as they are called in Japanese history — with the barbarians in the north-eastern districts of Honshu; and it is a fine episode of the latter war, that our com- mander-in-chief, Hachiman-Taro-Yoshiiye, ex- changed extempore odes with the enemy’s general on the battle-field with the result that our war- riors, touched by Yoshiiye’s lines, stayed their 14 Japan’s Message to America arrows and saved their enemy who were beginning to flee. According to some historians, this episode is a fiction; be that as it may, it is a good proof of established humanity in ancient Japan, that Yoshiiye was deified as a god of mercy and valour, and that many shrines have been dedicated to his memory throughout the Empire. I once climbed Mount Koya, and on the sum- mit saw an old stone monument, about six feet high and about two feet six inches wide. It had been erected by Shimazu-Yoshihiro and his son, who had been attached to Taiko Hideyoshi’s expedition to Korea. The inscription read on one side: “In — th year of Keicho [1596-1614], we cut off tens of thousands of heads”; on the other side: “May the persons killed in battle, both on our side and the enemy’s, enter Nirvana.” To erect a monument for the enemy’s killed and pray for them, as much as to nurse the enemy in distress, was a fine flower of human feeling. This Shimazu must be said to have forestalled, if not out- nigh tingaled, Nightingale. Further, let me explain Japanese humanitarian- ism by one of our greatest romances. I refer to the Hakkenden by Kyokutei Bakin. It has been often claimed that this man-of-letters does not seem small before even Goethe, Hugo, or Shake- speare. Unfortunately enough, his name is little known abroad, because Japanese literature has not yet been well introduced to the world. Should it come, as it probably will, to be studied by the Real Character of the Japanese Race 15 West, Bakin will win as much admiration as these his compeers. However it may be, he is, in my judgment, a great thinker as well as a great author. Well, the Hakkenden introduces to us Inuye- Shimbei-Masashi, who always carries in his pocket a drug that he has received from the Lady Fuse- Hime, an idealized person, and which has a won- derful effect, by the divine favour of Kannon (the Buddhisattva of mercy), not only to heal woimds but also to restore to life anybody who has died of wotmds. The drug is, moreover, inexhaustible. By the right use of this mysterious remedy, the brave and benevolent Shimbei saves many of his foes besides his comrades, in the course of his interesting adventures. That he discovers the dead body of an enemy on a river near the hills of Kono-dai (several miles from Tokyo) and applies his drug to resuscitate him, is a passage in the romance famous for its pathos. If the ideal of the Red Cross Society is to save friends and foes without discrimination, it has been handed down among, and has been realized by, our nation, for many centuries. To call us a warlike people is a serious error, which is due to Western ignorance of the real character of the Japanese. Again, some think that our civilization is a superficial imitation of the Occidental; but there are many facts that stand against such an opinion. That Japan has had humanitarianism propagated among her people from ancient times, is one ; that 1 6 Japan’s Message to America she had a written constitution early in the seventh century, is another. Those Westerners who sup- pose that the present Japanese constitution was created in a day by imitating the European instru- ments, would do well to learn the fact that, in 604 A.D., Shotoku-Taishi, a prince imperial, framed a national constitution based on the family system. It is true that, in many respects, it was different from that now in force ; but we may safely argue that the older document had not a few merits in its way. We are, of course, great admirers of Western civiHzation. In a sense, however, we can charge it with the destruction of the beauties of our cul- ture. The Japanese race, which has long flour- ished in its isolated condition, has had a peculiar process of development, as “immediate attendants of the Creator”; and it is a great pity that its real character should not have been clearly understood by the Western peoples. JAPANESE-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND MYSELF EI-ICHI SHIBUSAWA [Baron Ei-ichi Shibusawa, president of the First Bank and of the Imperial Theatre Company, Chairman of the Tokyo Bankers’ Association, Director of the Tokyo Alms-House; bom March 1840 in Saitama; studied by himself; visited Europe, 1867-68, as companion to one of the Tokugawa princes; in 1869 became a councillor in the Treasury Depart- ment; 1873 resigned the post in consequence of a conflict of view with his Minister; from that time until now, he has consis- tently kept aloof from government service; in 1873 was founder of the First Bank; shortly afterwards he established a com- mercial school, which was the first of its kind in Japan, and which laid the foundation of the present Tokyo Higher Com- mercial School; in 1878, with the assistance of Count Okuma and the late Prince Ito, he instituted the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce and was its Chairman till the spring of 1905; in 1902 he travelled extensively through Europe and America to study commercial and industrial affairs; in 1909 he came to the United States again aa the head of the Japanese Com- mercial Commission.] For peculiar reasons my interest in America has been of many years’ standing. When Commodore Perry entered the harbour of Uraga in 1852 I was fourteen years old. A mere farmer boy I could not know much about foreign countries. In that a ^7 1 8 Japan’s Message to America year I was taken to Tokyo for a visit by my parents. From childhood I was taught to read the Chinese classics and have learned the Confucian precept, that it is a man’s duty “to look after character, to adjust his household affairs, to rule the country properly, and to make peace with the world.” That has been my lifelong motto. Presently various diplomatic problems arose and the patriots of Japan were busily engaged in their solution. As I had already been deeply impressed in my childlike mind by the commotions in Edo, as Tokyo was then called, due to the presence of Commodore Perry in Japanese waters, the agita- tion caused by the diplomatic issues in the next few years made a strong impression upon my mind. So, naturally, America entered deeply in my mind, first of all foreign nations. To be sure, America is not the only country with which we had diplomatic relations. England, France, Germany, Russia, and others also came to establish diplomatic relations with us, and these countries sent their representatives to Japan. So our diplomatic relations were not confined to America. But, as I have said, America entered my childlike mind first, and America echoes sharply in my mind now. America’s diplomatic relations with Japan were opened by Commodore Perry and then advanced by Consul-General Townshend Harris, who came later and concluded the Treaty of Shimoda in a Japanesc-American Relations 19 sympathetic spirit toward Japan. I did not know these affairs very well then ; but as I made a study of the diplomatic situation, these things were gradually brought to my mind. There was a Dutchman named Heusken who was connected with the Consul-General’s service, who could speak Japanese fluently. This man was assassinated by a man connected with the anti-foreign movement. This incident incited the ministers from foreign countries to take a vigorous attitude toward Japan. They removed the legations from Tokyo to Yokohama, where the troops had been landed from the w'ar vessels. Consul Harris took an independent position. He maintained that the attitude of the other foreign representatives was an outrage to Japan, that they were treating Japan as a savage country, and that Japan should be treated with courtesy and be permitted to save her face. He remained in the American Legation in Tokyo (I remember it was in Zempukuji Temple in Azabu-ku), in the midst of rough-hands. This incident won for America the goodwill of Japan. Commodore Perry, also, was courteous in his deal- ings with the officials of the Japanese Government when making the treaty. Although he was in some respects firm in his attitude, almost to the point of roughness, yet he maintained a respectful attitude comporting with the dignity of an Ameri- can representative. But the attitude of Consul- General Harris w’as very different from that of Commodore Perry. He was very sympathetic 20 Japan’s Message to America and reasonable to the extreme. This impression is not only mine, but others of my cormtrymen who took a little interest in diplomacy still remember it to-day. Ever since then, Japanese diplomacy toward America has been conducted favourably and with- out a hitch. For instance, as the result of the Shimonoseki affair, different nations demanded an indemnity. America, however, retiumed her share of the indemnity to Japan. This fact also has shown that America was friendly toward us. As I have said, Japan’s diplomatic attitude was anti-foreign. The Tokugawa Shogtm’s court held an open-door policy. The Imperial court in Kyoto and the courts of the daimyos were full of anti- foreign spirit. After the restoration of the Imperial power and the era was changed into Meiji, the Japanese Government decided upon the poHcy of the open-door, those who had been opposed to it having withdrawn their opposition. In Meiji 4 (1871), when the Japanese envoy was sent abroad, he and his retinue went to America first. They were welcomed with open arms by the Americans. This fact also made a good impres- sion upon the Japanese people. Japanese- Ameri- can relations have gradually improved, not only in the use of diplomatic language or in matters of formality, but also in matters of commimi- cations and commerce. The trade between the two nations increased a great deal in imports and exports. Japanese- American Relations 21 Now, America is a great deal larger in area than Japan, and the population is small in proportion to the area. Naturally the Japanese migrated toward the western or Pacific coast of America, where the soil is fertile and the climate pleasant. The xmbroken land was waiting for the hands of men. So the relations of the land with the immi- grants were like those of water and fish. These Japanese were engaged in various occupations, and many of them were reported as prospering. These manifestations, I thought, would be for the good of both countries, inasmuch as they would help to promote trade and facilitate the intercourse between the peoples, so that men needing oppor- tunity to work and the land needing the workers, would help each other. I went to Europe for the first time in the days of the Tokugawa Shoguns. I was in France for a year, and went through the other countries of Europe. But at that time I did not go to America. In 1902 I went to America for the first time. As I have said, I have heard about and taken a great interest in America since I was fourteen years old, have watched with particular care the develop- ment of the diplomatic relations with that country, and, besides, the relations so far have been under- going a normal growth. So, although I had not set foot upon American soil, the word “America” sounded in my ears very pleasantly. Now, when for the first time I saw with my own eyes the land of America, my joys were so great that I felt as 22 Japan’s Message to America if I were in my own native town. Landing in San Francisco, I took a great interest in various affairs and things with which I came in contact. There was, however, one thing which gave me an unpleasant impression. It was a sign in front of the natatorium in the Golden Gate Park, which read “Japanese are not admitted.” That sign was a great puzzle to me, who entertained a pleasant view of America. The Japanese Consul in San Francisco then was ]Mr. Risaburo Uyeno. I asked him what was the reason for that sign. He explained to me that the children and young men among the Japanese immigrants there had formerly been allowed in the natatorium, but some of them had annoyed the American women and girls. When I heard this explanation I was ashamed of my countrymen there. But that was only the result of the mischiefs of our yotmg men. I thought, if such a small thing could lead to a discriminatory treatment of our countrymen, what would the result be, if the mutual antipathy should grow,- seeing that there already existed such antipathy between the Orientals and Occi- dentals? It might bring serious trouble between the tw’o nations. I requested of our Consul that he in his official capacity take good care that no such trouble be brought betw’een the two peoples. With that request, I parted from him. That was in the early part of June, 1902. Then I went to Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Washing- ton. In Washington I had the opportunity of Japanese-American Relations 23 meeting President Roosevelt. He praised to me the Japanese army, the art, and other things of Japan. He said: “The Japanese soldiers are not only full of valour and of knowledge of military science, but also they are very humane, have self-restraint, and are honest. I learned those things about them at the time of the Boxer Uprising in China, when the Japanese soldiers took military action side by side with the American soldiers, in which the former showed themselves to be in the trim of efficiency. I have a great admiration and re- spect for them.” Regarding Japanese art, he said there is some- thing in it which is peculiarly Japanese, which Europeans or Americans could not hope to accom- plish. I replied: “Mr. President, I am a business man and not an artist; and I know very little about military matters. You have praised to me the Japanese army and art only. I shall lead my countrymen along lines of commercial developments, and the next time I shall have the honour to meet you, I expect to hear your words of praise of our Japanese commerce and industry.” Then Mr. Roosevelt apologetically said: “I did not mean to put the commerce and industry of Japan in the secondary place, when I praised the other things. My first attention was drawn toward the army and the art of Japan. So I thought that it was proper to speak to a 24 Japan’s Message to America prominent Japanese about the better parts of Japan, as I saw them. I never meant to place commerce and industry in a lower plane when I praised the other side of Japan. Perhaps I did not put it in a proper way, when I said it. I hope you would not feel offended.” I replied : “No, no; not at all. I am not offended. lam thankful to you for your praise of Japan’s good parts. I am simply taking pains to make com- merce and industry our third good part.” I also met during travels in America such prominent men as Mr. Harriman and Mr. Rocke- feller and various others. I saw and heard many interesting things, and returned to Japan with joy and gladness of heart at having had a pleasant trip to America. Soon after my return — that is, in the fall of the next year — the diplomatic relations between Japan and Russia were strained, and in 1904 the two nations came to war. During the war, the sym- pathy of the Americans toward Japan was some- thing extraordinary, judging from what I have read in the newspapers and have heard people say. I was glad to learn of it. Then my friend. Viscount Kaneko, went to that country and talked with the prominent people there about the war from the Japanese point of view. He received a cordial welcome from the Americans. Baron Takahashi, who is now the Minister of Finance, was met in Europe by a prominent American Japanese-American Relations .^5 financier who gave him valuable assistance. That fact was then and is even now well remembered by our countrymen. But soon the Russo-Japan- ese War came to a close in the next year, 1905. By the efforts of President Roosevelt, the relations between Japan and Russia were brought back to their normal order. For this the Japanese people are also grateful to America. But later the attitude of America toward Japan was completely reversed. It was in the same year, or the next, that the so-called school question arose in San Francisco. Then Japanese-American relations became strained. Apparently, the Ja- panese were not to blame; and only a section of the Americans began gradually to dislike the Japanese. Now, when it comes to this, what I said in Golden Gate Park in 1902, the sign of “Japanese are not admitted,’’ appears to be coming to the fore. For me who had a peculiar impression about America, especially as I was taking pains to develop the commerce and industry of Japan, not merely for my own sake but for the good of all Japan, this matter, which was boimd to have a sinister influence upon the diplomatic and trade relations of the two nations, gave me cause for anxiety. Later, the Japanese in San Francisco organized the Japanese Association of America. Mr. Kinji Ushijima was elected president. He sent Mr. Kinzo Watanabe as a special representative to Japan to appeal to the Japanese at home. Mr. 26 Japan’s Message to America Watanabe represented that the object of the Japanese Association of America was to educate the feehngs of the Americans who dislike the Japanese, and he asked that his countrymen at home understand the circumstances and give support to the scheme of the association. I thought that it was a very good plan, and en- couraged him to do his utmost, as we in Japan w'ould assist as much as possible. I also told Mr. Watanabe about what I saw in Golden Gate Park in 1902 and requested him to suggest to Mr. Ushijima and other members of the association to attend to that matter. I think that was in 1908. In that year the members of the eight chambers of commerce on the Pacific Coast of America came to visit Japan. They came at the invitation of the chambers of commerce of Tokyo and cities throughout Japan for a pleasure trip. Another object of the tour made by the Americans was to assist in the betterment of the relations between the countries and in removing the general mis- understanding. Among those who came over were Mr. F. W. Doorman of San Francisco, Mr. J. D. Lowman of Seattle, Mr. 0 . M. Clark of Portland, and other prominent Americans. I met these gentlemen in receptions and at various other functions, and spoke to them about the relations between the two nations, and implored that they avoid falling into misunderstandings about us. If the Japanese in America, out of ignorance of the customs and manners of the Europeans or the Japanese-American Relations 27 Americans, commit offences against public morals, or if their appearance be peculiar, or if they do not assimilate with the ways of America, we will do our best to educate our countrymen out of these faults, so that they may not be disliked by Euro- peans or Americans. But if the causes of exclusion of the Japanese are differences of race or religion, then the fault would be with the Americans. I cannot believe, I told them, that the Americans would do anything of the kind, because that would be against the original principle upon which America was foimded. It was America that introduced Japan to the world, and we Japanese have kept up our friendly relations with the Americans on the strength of that memory. Now, if the Americans, out of the race prejudices and religious differences, are to treat the Japanese with discrimination, that is something which they should not do. If they persist, they may not escape the criticism that they were reasonable at first and then became unreasonable in the end. I told the American visitors all these things. They agreed with me perfectly. They were good enough to come to my house in Oji where we had further conversations on the subject and exchanged views. Besides Tokyo, they travelled in different parts of Japan. And these fifty-odd visitors told me that they had an enjoyable visit. The next year, the American chambers of com- merce, in return, invited the Japanese to come over to their coimtry for a visit. I was the president 28 Japan’s Message to America of the chambers of commerce in Japan from 1878 to 1906, but in 1904 I resigned on account of ill- ness. So in 1908 when these American visitors came over, I did not meet them in the capacity of the president of the chambers of commerce, but as a private individual. So when the Americans invited us to visit them, it was not absolutely necessary for me to go. But it was suggested that a business man should accept the invitation and go to America, and that he should be one whom the American people knew well by name. Then it was decided by common consent that I was the proper man for that. I was already an old man, but I was chosen the leader of the party. We started from Tokyo August 19, 1909, and in returning left San Francisco November 30th, arriv- ing in Japan December 17th. Thus we took four months for the trip, being in America ninety days. During the three months, we visited many places and met many people in America. The number of the places visited was fifty-four or fifty-five, as I recall. The cordiality of the welcome given by the Americans to the Japanese visitors was some- thing beyond description by words. To give only an instance; starting from Seattle, we w^ere taken in a special train throughout our journey, without once changing our train, until we arrived in San Francisco. That show^ed how skilfully the railway service is handled. That treatment was indeed the first and last thing that we could expect to have, and I venture to say that even Japanese-American Relations 29 the American people could not have it ever^' day. We were welcomed everywhere at receptions, luncheons, and banquets. I spoke in behalf of the visitors to the hosts and hostesses on the subject of Japanese-American friendship. Al- though my expressions may have differed a little in different places, yet I spoke unreservedly about what I felt. I do not know how many persons I addressed. It may have been thousands or tens of thousands. I am sure I told them all about Japan’s feelings toward America. Also, I listened to what the Americans had to say, and returned with these impressions in my mind. Upon our return on December 17th, I reported my observations and impressions of America to the chambers of commerce, to the people of Japan on the occasions of receptions, and in different gatherings. I reported that the disagreeable state of affairs that existed a few years ago would soon disappear altogether, that during our journey in America we were treated with the utmost cordiality, and that we had met Preisdent Taft in Minneapolis, with whom we had a luncheon at which we told him about our mission, and the President reciprocated his cordial feelings toward Japan — all done before the public. I also re- ported that we had similar opportunity to ex- change words with the members of chambers of commerce, the governors of states, the mayors of cities, and especially with Mr. Knox, Secretary of State, in Washington. What I had reported 30 Japan’s Message to America to our government and the people was not my private imagination, without foundation, but it was based upon what I had carefully observed with my own eyes in America. Now, we had done much to promote Japanese- American friendship. The next thing to do was not in om line of endeavour. It was decided that the tourist parties are not everything that may be desired. There is need of educating the people on both sides. So professors have been exchanged every year since. They are still being exchanged. The first professor to go was Dr. Nitobe. He went to America in the fall of year before last, and remained there for a year, lectirring about Japan in colleges. Then in exchange came Dr. Mabie from America to Japan. Now, Dr. Sato has gone to America. Dr. Anezaki is also in America, although not as an exchange professor. He is lecturing in a university in Boston. Not only these exchange professors, but such learned men as Dr. David Starr Jordan, Dr. Charles W. Eliot, Dr. F. G. Peabody, Dr. J. T. Sunderland, and others have come to Japan, while from Japan have gone to America many scholars and reh- gionists. Whenever these scholars have visited Japan, I have not failed to meet them and to get up receptions and farewell banquets in order to exchange views. Thus, by the tourist parties, the exchange professors, and other instrumen- talities, we made success of our painstaking efforts at improving the relations between the two nations. Japanese-American Relations 31 Those with whom I came into contact all agreed with me on the questions at issue. Only from some quarters come sinister reports. What I felt especially unpleasant was the rise of the anti- Japanese land-ownership issue in the Legislature of Cahfomia in April, last year. As I had been requested beforehand by the Japanese Association of America to assist our fellow countrymen in America by lending support whenever necessary, I was prepared to give all the help we could. Now that the matter had come to the fore, I had a society organized under the name of Japan and America Society, and we did what we could to assist the Japanese in America. At the same time I talked with the religionists, the scholars, and the business men who came to Japan, about this matter. They all assured me that such a thing could not be. But the fact was contrary to their assurance, and the anti- Japanese land-ownership bill was carried through like wildfire, to the great disadvantage of the Japanese. Our Japan and America Society, desiring to defeat the passage of the bill and at the same time to comfort our countrymen in America, sent Dr. Juichi Soeda and Ivir. Tadao Kamiya to America. Mr. Soroku Ebara, Mr. Ayao Hattori, Ivir. Yuya Yamaguchi, and others were also sent at the request of others. In spite of the efforts of these men, the land bill was at last passed, and to-day we are unable to do anything about it. Not only that, but in spite of the fact that the intelligent Americans admit the un- 32 Japan’s Message to America reasonableness of the position of the California Legislature, the anti- Japanese agitations appear to be increasing in force. Even in Congress an anti- Japanese bill has been introduced, as I am in- formed. These things also cause us anxiety. My relations with America have been explained in the foregoing. Now, what shall we do for the future? In spite of the fact that the statesmen, scholars, religionists, and others speak in con- demnation of the discriminatory treatment, we still see such unpleasant developments. I do not know how to account for it. I have spoken to Dr. Jordan, Dr. Eliot, and others about it, when they were in Japan. They do not differ at all from my point of view. They admit that the discriminatory treatment of the Japanese is wrong, and they have said so in public meetings. What, then, is the reason for such anti-Japanese manifestations as are noticed in America? T\ffiy can they not be stopped? Dr. Jordan answered that, according to the American custom, the central authorities are unable to stop or to re- strain a State of the Union from doing as it pleases. He agreed with me in theory, but he could not stop others from having different views from him- self, when they take these views of their own free will. But he maintained that wrong cannot long prevail over right. The intelligent Japanese and the Americans should not be moved by these things. We should, he urged, rest assured that a little cloud will not cause the clear weather to Japan ese-American Relations 33 become stormy. If we make our efforts, we ought to be able to dispel the cloud from the horizon. Such was Dr. Jordan’s answer. But the little cloud may sometimes grow into wind or storm or thunder or rain, even if for only a short space of time. So we should not rest assured at the words of Dr, Jordan. Our Japanese attitude toward America has always been systematic, and there will not be any change in our friendship toward America. But the masses of the people may become en- raged if the strained relations continue long. To this query. Dr. Jordan repeated in a few words what he had said, namely, that intelligent Ameri- cans would not be led astray by the temporary manifestations, that the httle cloud overhanging the sky will soon pass away, and that even if wind or rain comes for the time being it will not last long. Soon there will be clear weather; so we should not be worried. I trust that such will be the case. JAPAN HARBOURS NO ILL FEELING TOWARD AMERICA REMPEI KONDO [Baron Rempei Kondo, President of the N. Y. K.; bom December, 1848, in Edo (Tokyo); was educated at Keiogijuku (foremnner of Keio University); Emperor Meiji made him baron in 1911, in recognition of his distinguished services toward the development of the marine transportation trade in Japan.] Our Nippon Yusen Kaisha has the most inti- mate relations with America. We opened the steamship service to Seattle in the 29th year of Meiji (1896). At that time America’s Oriental trade was very insignificant, and Japan’s American trade was not large. I was firmly of the opinion that the natural route of trade with America would be opened northward rather than south- ward, and decided to open the Seattle service. To-day Seattle is one of the most important trade ports on the Pacific Coast. But at the time we opened the steamship service it was nothing more than a fishing village. When a Yusen Kaisha steamer arrived there for the first time — and it was much smaller than the steamers we use now in the service — the Americans in the village were 34 No 111 Feeling toward America 35 surprised to see such a large steamer at that port. When we look back upon the past we can not but have feelings that can not be fully expressed. Seattle’s wonderful development is due mainly to the fact that our Nippon Yusen Kaisha en- tered into a contract with the Great Northern Railway Company and opened the steamship service to that port. So the people of Seattle are in intimate relationship with the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, and this relationship is continued to-day. I have many personal friends in that city with whom I keep in close touch. As I have such close personal relations and have many friends all over America, and especially as I have the honour of being one of the pioneers of Seattle, there is no reason w'hy I should harbour any ill will toward America. This is not my feeling only. I dare say, without fear of contradiction, that there is not one Japanese who has any ill feeling toward America. Only I am anxious to see to it that the mutual trade relations develop, thereby advancing the material interests of both nations, and that we come to understand each other better from the personal point of view, thus increasing the inti- macy of our relationship. Whienever an American ambassador (formerly minister) or an American of note has come to Japan, I have never failed to speak to them in the following manner: America is a country large in area and small in population. A large area of land is still waiting to be broken. Especially 36 Japan’s Message to America along the Pacific Coast it is a rather difficult task to open up the country and to attract many people there. So, in order to accomplish that object, it is imperative to admit immigrants. The best classes of immigrants are those whose labour is cheap. If only labour be cheap, there is no need of making the point of race distinctions. Now the cheapest labourers are the Japanese. As railway labourers, the Japanese are being wel- comed by the railway companies. But, because Japanese labour is cheap, some of the idle white labourers feel annoyed and attempt to have them excluded. That is not only unreasonable, but it is also unprofitable for the Americans. In short, the various problems in San Francisco and its vicinity have been raised in order that these idlers may feel that they will not lose the chance of getting work. There are some who take the position that the Japanese should be excluded because they are of a different race from the Americans, with whom they do not assimilate. That may be so, but if so, it is unavoidable, as the Japanese have customs, manners, and habits different from those of the Americans. Besides, the Japanese who go to America generally belong to the lower classes. When they suddenly make their appearance in America, it is no wonder that they do things the Americans do not like. But if they are honest at heart and work earnestly, the question of their assimilation should be set aside. Honesty and earnestness are the best parts of No 111 Feeling toward America 37 virtues. There can be no reason for excluding these virtues. If America should exclude such labourers from the country, I should think, were I not a Japanese but a disinterested third party, that it would be a great loss to the Americans. There are some Americans who often publicly speak of the possibility of a Japanese- American war. It is rather curious to note that there is no Japanese who advocates a war with America, although we are often called by the foreigners a bellicose race. If the two nations were to engage in warfare, it would be a great loss to both. But such a war should be an impossibility. Such nonsense is never entertained in Japan. I hear that in America the ship-builders, to get orders for battleships, fabricate falsehoods, and cause a great deal of talk and discussion as to America’s need of more battleships to prepare for war with Japan. I do not know the truth of this. But there is no reason for the level-headed American to advocate a war with Japan or listen to such foolish talk. So that story may not be true. But I should like to advise both peoples that such wild talk should be guarded against as much as possible, from the point of view of their mutual interests as well as from that of international courtesy. I earnestly hope that Americans will have confi- dence in us, recognize our sincerity, and endeavour to advance the friendship between the two peoples ; 38 Japan’s Message to America and that, at the same time, they will admit cheap labour in their country, thereby facilitating the opening up of the land and increasing the blessings of nature to both nations. IN ROME DO AS THE ROMANS DO BUEI NAKANO [Hon. Buei Nakano, President of the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce; Director of the Nichi Bei Doshi Kwai, a society that has for its object the promotion of American-Japanese friendship; bom 1843 at Takamatsu; he came to America as Vice-President of the Honorary Japanese Chamber of Com- merce Party, in 1909; he is a man of noble character and is fitly called in Japan “the samurai in the business circles.” In recent years he has been exerting himself for the betterment of American-Japanese relations.] The average Japanese has a nom de guerre of his own, even if he is not engaged in a literary pursuit. Formerly I had none, but as a man who is well known is often met with requests for his auto- graph, I thought it might be rather awkward to put down my real name. So I decided to assume a pen name and I chose the words "Zui Go.” The two words came from the Japanese proverb which means, ‘‘Entering a local community, follow the commtmity.” In the West, there is a pro- verb, ‘‘When in Rome do as the Romans do.” These two proverbs mean exactly the same thing. If we follow them, everything in this world would go smoothly and without a hitch. In short, we ought to beware of egotism, and to endeavour to 39 40 Japan’s Message to America harmonize with the society in which we live and have our being. It does not mean that we must renounce our principles and follow the majority blindly. There are other sayings in Japan. “A scholar that shows it, is not a true scholar.” “A parson who shows it, is not a true parson.” These say- ings are satire aimed at persons who are self- conceited, and are a warning to those who are too much wrapped up in themselves, forgetting humanity and failing to harmonize with others. These sayings are much the same in meaning with the proverb, “Entering a local community, follow the community.” If one is to exist as a social being he ought to keep in mind these sayings. Especially are these warnings to be taken to heart by those who go to foreign lands of different cus- toms, manners, habits, institutions, and civihza- tion from their own. The same may be said as to the Japanese who go to America. The Japanese who go to America must, needless to say, obey the laws of that country. Nay, more, they should be careful to follow the customs and manners of the country, pay proper respect to the institutions of society, not to destroy estab- Ushed order, and not to excite the ill feehngs of the Americans. Now, among the Japanese that go to America, the labourers alone are said to boast of things Japanese, showing disrespect to the customs and manners of that countIy^ That, to be sure, is unavoidable. These men often do In Rome Do as the Romans Do 41 things that tend to injure the institutions, customs, and manners of Japan, to say nothing about those of America. In Japan their doings may not excite so much attention, but in a foreign country they would loom large in the eyes of the people of that country. This should be remembered by those who go to foreign lands. Otherwise, a lack of harmony may result. There may be many causes leading to the agitations for the demand for Japanese exclusion in America, and the lack of respect for the institutions of that country on the part of the Japanese may be one of the most seri- ous of them. If the Japanese labourers work honestly and faithfully, with this warning kept in mind and with loyalty and patriotism for the country in which they live, the exclusion move- ment might not assume such large proportions. Certainly, we hope that the Americans will treat our labourers with magnanimity, and judge with reason the conduct of these labourers. But, in many respects, those who agitate for exclusion cannot be blamed for what they do. It is “up to us” to educate those who wish to go to America, and also those who are already there, thereby removing the causes of the agitation for Japanese exclusion and making the movement impossible. We are now planning to start a campaign with this object in view. Although the time has not yet arrived for us to make public this plan, I hope that in the not distant future we will be able to do so. FUTURE OF THE PACIFIC AND THE AMERICAN- JAPANESE FRIENDSHIP SOICHIRO ASANO [Mr. Soichiro Asano, President of the Toyo Kisen Kaisha (Oriental Steamship Co.) and of the Asano Cement Company; bom at Toyama, April, 1848; when a little boy he came to Tokyo to become an apprentice; soon established himself as an independent tradesman; after many years of perverse destiny, he came out as a well-to-do coal merchant; Fortune began to smile on him and he organized the Asano Cement Works in Tokyo, which have been doing well ever since; in 1886 he started the Toyo Kisen Kaisha mainly with his own capital, which company has recently opened a regular line between Japan and South America. He is also interested in various other companies.] “The world-drama of the future will be played on the Pacific ” is a rather hackneyed saying. Still it is true. Nobody can deny the big fact that the current of civilization has been flowing to the Pacific from the Atlantic. The developments that we shall witness in this part of the globe in the next few decades will be far more remarkable than those that have been made in as many cen- turies in the past. About twoscore years ago the opening of the Suez Canal revolutionized the communications of 42 Future of the Pacific 43 the world; but the Panama waterway, which will directly connect the two oceans, will do much more than its rival in stimulating the growth and activi- ties of the Pacific countries. Imperialistic expansion of territory is already a thing of the past. At present and in the future the development of civilized nations must be sought for along lines of communications, industry, and commerce, and in international trade. But the economic interests of various peoples are becoming increasingly complex, and the growth of such interests too often brings about violent struggles between them. Will the Pacific civiliza- tion continue to develop without bloodshed? — one may ask. In my opinion it depends upon the conditions of fellowship between America and Japan, who are destined to play the most impor- tant rdles on the Pacific, and in whose hands is the power to harmonize the Eastern and Western civilizations. Fortunately enough, the far- sighted Americans have seen that the future of their country is chiefly involved with the Pacific. In the Oriental peoples have they found their potential customers. So the construction of the Panama Canal is very significant. American- Japanese friendship is, as I confidently believe, not only based on historical associa- tions, but also rests on such rational considera- tions. I am not so tmsophisticated as to say that the economical activities of the two nations are in perfect harmony. Their interests may some. 44 Japan’s Message to America times come into collision. That can not be helped- so long as each is an independent community. As a general thing, however, America and Japan will always be friends. The Pacific is so vast that Japan’s gain by her economic developments on it does not always mean America’s loss, or vice versa. Those who attempt to weaken the inter- national bond of the two coimtries are either blind to true conditions, or have ulterior designs of profiting by the disaster. A Japanese adage says, “If one dog barks a falsehood, ten thousand others spread it as a truth ’’ ; and a single mischief- maker may cause very serious trouble between nations. To remove international prejudices and suppress the fooHsh talk of war is, therefore, the bounden duty of every thoughtful man. In most cases, international misunderstanding is due to lack of information. Being engaged in the carrying trade, it is my earnest hope that the commimications between America and Japan will be greatly developed, thus increasing the opportunities for them to come into closer contact with each other. JAPAN AND AMERICA Co-operation versus Competition KIKUSABURO FUKUI [Mr. Kikusaburo Fukui, Managing Director, Mitsui Pro- ducts Company; bom March, 1866, in Tokyo; was graduated from the Tokyo Higher Commercial School, 1883; was for some years manager of the New York Branch of the Mitsui Products Company; in 1890, he was promoted to his present post.] Commerce has become the most influential factor in international intercourse, and instances are not wanting to show that commercial considera- tions have prevented the actual outbreak of hostilities between nations at enmity with each other. The causes giving rise to such inter- national friction can be more easily adjusted, without recourse to warfare, when the two nations are closely connected through their commercial interests. Is there any real reason why the commercial interests of Japan should clash with those of the United States? I know there are certain influences at work to stir up'trouble between the two countries, and certain politicians are trying to make people believe that the two nations must ultimately enter 45 46 Japan’s Message to America into such severe competition that one of the two must be driven from the field. If this were true, I must admit the situation would be serious indeed, but in my opinion this argument is not only improbable, but has nothing to warrant it. My views are briefly as follows : As regards competition in China, I understand that American manufacturers have complained bitterly of the so-called intrusion of Japanese cotton goods in that market where American goods formerly held the leading position. It is true that the importation of Japanese goods has greatly increased during recent years, but it must be remembered that China’s buying capacity has also shown a remarkable advance, and when the volume of increase in Japanese goods is compared with the increased demand it will be fotmd that the ratio is only proportional. Another feature which should not be lost sight of is the steadily increasing quantity of raw cotton purchased from America by Japan. The cotton spinning and weaving industry of Japan has now attained a prominent position and gives regular employment to thousands of persons who were formerly dependent on agriculture or hand labour, and, as cotton forms the chief staple of the people’s clothing, it is only natural that every care has been taken to foster the industry. With the extension of the industry it was only to be expected that the supply would exceed the home demand, and what more natural outlet for Japan and America 47 the surplus could be found than China? The relative positions of the two countries enable Japan to compete successfully with more distant coimtries, but her policy has never been to drive American manufactures out of the market, but rather to provide employment for her ever-increas- ing and poverty-stricken population. Nobody can deny that Japan has every natural advantage, both geographically and psychologi- cally, as regards China, and relations have existed between the two countries from time immemorial. Japan has adopted its religion, its science, arts, and literature from China, and thoroughly under- stands the characteristics of its people and their requirements. Now why should America not avail herself of these advantages by co-operating with Japan in the vast market of China? Every cotmtry has some special advantage, one being better adapted for the production of raw materials, while another has greater facilities for manufacturing. America is such an extensive country that it can fortimately claim both these advantages, but Japan can still co-operate with it by working up American raw or semi-finished materials by means of its cheap and skilled labour in such forms as to suit the taste and requirements of the Chinese, the special features of which are specially studied by the Japanese. I think it is a great mistake for any nation to try to do business in the Far East without taking Ja- pan’s position, geographically and commercially, 48 Japan’s Message to America into consideration. Instead of looking upon her as an opponent, they should consider her as a business partner and avail themselves of the special facili- ties she has to offer. Let your manufacturers use Japan as their trading agent or manager of branch industries, and let your captains of industry invest their capital in the coimtry and utilize our cheap labour for exploiting the markets of the Far East. As an instance of successful co-operation, I can mention that the weU-known makers of electrical plants, the General Electric Company, have taken a large share in the Shibatua Engineering Works, Tokyo, and much of the work which was formerly imported is now produced in Japan at considerably less cost, a considerable part of raw materials or half finished goods being imported from America, thus enabling them to compete successfully with their foreign rivals. This joint enterprise is doing very well and business is increasing rapidly, so I have every reason to believe that co-operation of this nature can be extended to other fields and will form the keynote of prosperity to both countries. A glance at the chief articles of import and export between Japan and America will show that the trade of the two countries is of a very’’ promis- ing nature, each country supplying the deficiency of the other. America imports from Japan camphor, raw silk, tea, etc., while Japan imports raw cotton, railway material, machinery, etc., from America; thus no competition is created between the home-made and imported goods in either Japan and America 49 country, while the increased imports of one country are of direct advantage to the other country, no matter whether they are in the form of raw materials or manufactured articles. I have endeavoured to show that commerce is the backbone of international intercourse, and that by mutual co-operation the commercial relations of Japan and America will be so firmly cemented that peace and prosperity will forever illumine the future Great Highway of the World, the Pacific Ocean. AMERICA AND JAPAN ALWAYS FRIENDS KAHEI OTANI [Hon. Kahei Otani, export merchant, ex-member of the House of Peers, President of the Yokohama Chamber of Com- merce, of the Japan Tea Mfg. Co., of Yokohama Water Works Bureau, etc.; bom, 1855, in Ise; educated by himself; in 1872 founded a tea manufacturing company and has since made large contributions to the improvement of Japanese tea industry; in 1898 he was elected, with the unanimous approval of the tea merchants in Japan, as their representative to visit America in order to make representations to President Mc- Kinley; during his stay in the United States, he also attended the International Commercial Congress, Philadelphia, repre- senting the Tokyo and Yokohama Chambers of Commerce; in 1909 he was a member of the Japanese Commercial Com- mission to America.] I WAS engaged in the tea business before Japan entered upon her modern era with the Meiji Restoration. I am one of the men who have been interested in this field of trade for the longest period. In reviewing my career as a tea trader, ex- tending for over threescore years, I remember one striking incident. It is an experience that I always look back to as the most happy memory. The American Government imposed a special import tariff duty upon tea in 1894, shortly after 50 America and Japan Always Friends 51 the conclusion of the Spanish War. A duty at the rate of ten cents a pornid was enforced. This new tariff rate was a severe and almost cruel blow to all the Japanese tea merchants. The duty on tea was higher even than its cost. To make the matter worse, the American Government handicapped us in business competition by allowing the free importation of coffee. The result of such a new tariff measure could only be disastrous to the business. The quotation of tea began steadily to fall. A panic was caused among all capitalists as well as workers connected with its production and trade. Many were forced to uproot the tea- trees on their farms to prepare the land for some more remunerative products, as the only means of meeting the situation. There was only one possible way out of the extreme situation, in the general opinion of our tea traders. The National Tea Traders’ Associa- tion urgently requested me to go to the United States of America to open and manage a campaign for the abolition of the import tariff on tea. It then chanced that I received an invitation from America to attend the international Trade Con- vention to be held in Philadelphia. I decided to accept this courtesy, and at the same time to avail myself of this opportunity to work for the benefit of our tea traders. On the eve of my departure for America, the governor of the prefecture of Kanagawa suggested to me that I might submit to the convention a 52 Japan’s Message to America scheme for laying a cable line across the Pacific. The governor said that such an enterprise would be a great material blessing not only to the countries on that sea, but to all the world. He encouraged me to work for this scheme in the cause of the world’s civilization. The Minister of Communications was also of the same view and enthusiastic in encouraging me. I was only too glad to put forth my utmost efforts for the cause. On yet another mission I was to be despatched to America. The Hawaiian Islands had just been annexed by America. As a result of this, the shipping business between Hawaii and San Francisco passed out of the foreigners’ hands, as the American law gave the privilege of coast trade to American vessels only. I was asked to appeal for a compromise on the part of the American Government in favour of the Japanese shipping firms which had been engaged in shipping service between Hawaii and San Francisco. Thus, with the weighty burden of a triple mission upon my shoulders, I went over to America. At the convention in Philadelphia I caused my representative to speak upon the proposition I brought from Japan. Our views were received very favourably and our representations were strongly supported on every occasion. Realizing the necessity of enlisting the Government authori- ties in our cause, I approached Mr. Lyman Gage, Secretary of the Treasury, through the introduc- tion of Mr. Komura, then our American Minister. America and Japan Always Friends 53 Secretary Gage, after attentively listening to our appeal for the abolition of the tea import tariff, said that there was no possibility of doing so as the new system had been introduced with a view to protecting the tea business in the South. He said that the measure was part of the policy of the protective tariff pursued by the American Government. I then reminded Secretary Gage of the fact that Commodore Perry of the American Navy opened the long-closed portals of Japan to the modem world, and the fact that it was tea that was first brought to America from Japan — tea was the first item recorded in the history of the commercial relations between the two nations. I said that tea was really the thing that united the two peoples on the Pacific in bonds of commercial and friendly alliance. I felt, therefore, that it was not right to enforce any tariff measure injurious to the tea trade, even in consideration of the existing comity between the tw'o peoples. Secretary Gage ap- peared more or less impressed by my statement, and advised me to see Mr. James Wilson, Secre- tary of Agriculture, in the matter, and gave me a letter of introduction to him. Mr. Wilson objected to our representation at first, offering the same grounds in support of the tariff measure as Mr. Gage had offered. After listening to our views, however, he introduced me to President McKinley. The President received us in the most sincere and friendly manner. 54 Japan’s Message to America Having attentively listened to our case, and hold- ing my hand all the time, he advised us to offer our representations by letters, to the Secretaries of the Treasury and Agriculture. Our cause was won through the sympathy of the American Government. The tea business of Japan was revived and has lived developing and prosper- ing until now. This experience is and shall be remembered as the most satisfactory contribution that I have ever made to our nation and its friend. Far be it from me to relate my experience to claim honour for myself. I have dwelt upon the incident in the hope of showing the sincerity and openness of the American character. It is my hope to emphasize that there are such feelings between America and Japan as betw'een a mother and her child. The American people regard Japan with maternal affection and pride as a people that they have brought up under their own care. I am confirmed in the belief that it is the blessed bond of deepest mutual sympathy that imites us with the great nation of America as good and true friends. In 1909 I joined the Japanese Business Men’s Tour to America, representing the Chamber of Commerce of Yokohama. On our extended trip to that coimtry, we visited more than fifty great cities. We were given everyw’here we went such a glorious reception as we could scarcely imagine at home. In going through the country in that way, we could come to no other conelusion than that America and Japan Always Friends 55 the anti- Japanese sentiment was mere talk of vapouring. Fiirthermore, when we recall what sympathy was shown toward us in the times of our wars with China and Russia, and when we realize that the sentiment of the American people has remained the same since those days, any anti- Japanese feeling seems absurd. As for the unpleasant movements in California, I believe that both parties are to blame. The majority of Japanese working in America are without education and cannot adapt themselves to the customs of their new country. They can- not associate on equal terms with their new friends. Such being the case, only the lowest section of the Japanese are being discriminated against or excluded in America. The more respectable classes of Japanese are well treated and respected by the Americans. It is a striking illustration of this fact that there has been no anti -Japanese movement in Chicago or New York. In California and other Pacific Coast States only has unfriend- liness been shown toward our people. This is because many Japanese in those regions are unworthy. Moreover, most of those Japanese are employed, and for that reason they are often prejudiced against their employers. Many other reasons and circumstances go together to make them imdesirable immigrants. On the other hand, only a class of ignorant men make trouble by tiying to exclude the Japanese workers for com- 56 Japan’s Message to America mercial, industrial, or some other reason. It is absurd, therefore, to think that those Americans represent the sentiment of the great American nation, of which they are only a fractional part. The relations between America and Japan are superior to such little disturbances as are brought about by the anti- Japanese movement devised or managed by these few Americans. The two nations are related to each other in such a way that the idea that any trifling trouble like that would impair their friendship must be positively rejected. We are confident that America will even strengthen her comity with us by force of the true, strong, and wholesome opinion of her people, and will justly settle any question that may arise between her and Japan or that may threaten to impair their friendship. I am most optimistic in this matter, because I have supreme confidence in the good sense and sincerity of the American people. TO THE AMERICAN NATION SHIGEO SUYEHIRO [Prof. Shigeo Suyehiro, Hogaku Hakushi (Doctor of Laws), professor at the Law School of Kyoto Imperial University; contributor to various law journals.] It ismuchto be regretted, for American -Japanese good fellowship, that last year the Alien Land- ownership Bill was made a definite law by the Californian Legislature, despite the protests of the Japanese Government. Our public opinion was then excited over the anti- Japanese measure, the more impetuous going to the length of insisting on the advisability of retaliation. Was that attitude of ours improper? In recent years, America has been treating us in a way rather unpleasant to us. In more than one instance, it was only with a lingering sense of gratitude for her past friendship that we endured what we could not otherwise have endured. For did not America propose that the railroads in Manchuria be neutralized? Was she justified in requiring us to renounce the concession that we had acquired, with other interests, at the great cost of 100,000 souls and 2,000,000,000 yen? 57 58 Japan’s Message to America Was it, again, becoming in a friendly nation to intend, as she did, to bring pressure to bear upon us, with the assistance of other Powers, in order to accomplish her object? What would she have done if she had been Japan? It was both natural and reasonable that all Japan opposed that pro- posal by America. Then, we had the so-called Japanese school affair. It is true that it involved the interests of only a small handful of Japanese children in San Francisco. But, had it not been for our earnest desire to maintain peace, national honour would not have allowed us to suffer, without any justification (and it was evident from the testimony of the educational authorities at the metropohs that there was no justification whatever), a dis- crimination between our children and their white compeers, as if the former were of an inferior race. For the sake of peace, we showed a great power of self-control and managed to settle the dispute by prohibiting the Japanese in Hawaii to migrate to the American continent. Wliat would America have done if she had been Japan? At a later date, we further concluded an agree- ment with the Washington Government to restrict our labour emigration to America. And this agreement has been kept by us loyally and rigidly — nay, a bit too rigidly, for our authorities have even prevented many students from going to the United States, lest workmen, under the guise of students, should attempt to emigrate. Apphca- To the American Nation 59 tions for passports by these ambitious boys, who wanted to prosecute their studies in America, have been rejected, for the most part. Moreover, even in case one applies for permission to travel in Mexico, one is subjected to a very rigid and red-tape investigation by the local authorities concerned, and if it becomes known that one’s relatives or friends happen to be residing in the United States, the application is never granted, for there is a possibility that he might illegally pass the Mexican frontier into the northern re- public. That last fall fifteen reckless Japanese at- tempted, to the astonishment of some Americans, to cross the Pacific Ocean in a boat of ten tons, throws a sidelight upon the restriction of emigrants on the part of the Tokyo Government. If, as certain anti- Japanese Americans complain of, it were unfaithful to its “gentlemen’s agreement’’ with the United States, who in the world would undertake such an adventture? As a natural result of Japan’s restriction of emigration, out of a sincere regard for peace, during the last few years, her subjects coming home every year from America have outnumbered those that have gone there. In 1913, 5273 Japan- ese males left the United States for their native country, against 3541 males who immigrated. True, the Japanese population in America shows no decrease, but this is because of the increasing number of females and children, who enjoy citizen- ship under American law. 6o Japan’s Message to America Nor is California an exception to this general tendency. Japanese males in the State are yearly decreasing on accoiint of our “gentlemen’s agree- ment.’’ Compared with the year 1908, when the restriction had begun to tell, our males there w’ere reduced, by 1913, by the considerable number of 10,544. Consequently, the working power of Californian Japanese has already declined by one fifth; and will continue to do so in proportion to the number of departures. Thus, Japanese industry in that State is on the wane. In this condition of affairs, it is only a question of time when our people in California will be en- tirely wiped out, with which the anti-Japanese elements in the State should be contented. But, far from that, they want to destroy Japanese industry there as quickly as possible; hence the enactment of the Alien Land Law. Fmther, there are rumours that a bill for depriving us of our right of leasing agricultural land will be intro- duced to the State Legislature next year. They have already smitten us on our right cheek; now they seem to demand of us to turn our left to them. What would America do if she were Japan? Would she endure all this discrimination and humiliation without a murmur? I, for one, do not think that the self-assertive Americans would submit to such treatment as we are receiv- ing at their hands. We are a peace-loving nation. Our endurance has stood the successive tests of the Manchurian To the American Nation 6i railway question, the school affair, the immigra- tion flurry, the Californian Land Law dispute; it will stand more, because we are bent on the maintenance of peace. But with a view to a speedy and amicable settlement of the outstanding complication, we claim that America accede to one of the two alternatives — the granting of the right of naturalization to the Japanese, or the conclusion of a treaty to guarantee their rights of owning land or of leasing farms. I venture to say this is no extravagant claim. Justice demands that America shall treat the Japanese on equal terms with European immigrants, since she has permitted the former to enter and live on her land. If it is a question of granting such rights to millions of Japanese, it may be too serious for America to consent; but it is a matter that involves only 90,000 residents. Is she still reluctant to comply with our claim? If she rejects it, I am afraid that the day will come when our friendship toward her shall cease. Such friendship is, as I believe, not valueless to America. If she lost it now, she would some day or other realize to her great regret the disadvantage of dealing with an unfriendly Japan in this part of the globe. To disregard Japan’s trifling claim, with the result of giving rise to difficulties in their Far-Eastern politics, would not be consistent with the wise statesmanship of the Americans. Let me appeal to their keen sense of self-interest. TO THE PEACE-LOVING AMERICANS YUKIO OZAKI [Hon. Yukio Ozaki, ex-Mayor of Tokyo, M. P.; born Dec., 1859; studied at Keio and then at Kogakuryo (former En- gineering College of Tokyo University); he began his career as journalist in 1881 ; he founded the Kaishinto (a powerful progressive political party) with the assistance of Count Okuma and became one of its leaders; in 1897 became councillor to the Department of Foreign Affairs; was appointed Minister of Education when the Constitutional Party Cabinet was formed under the premiership of Count Okuma, the following year, which post he had to resign soon afterwards; then he joined the Seiyukai, a new political party under presidency of Prince Ito; in 1903, he left Seiyukai and was elected Mayor of Tokyo; in 1913, resigned mayorship and rejoined the Seiyukai; he is the author of Gakudo-Shu, Learning and Human Life, and many other books.] Perhaps most of you know that it sometimes happens that there are two friends who are very fond of one another, but each imagines that his own feelings are not reciprocated by the other. Are not people of the Hobson type both in America and Japan somewhat like these hysterical persons? Our relations have been always good, and will be, and yet the mischief-makers in both countries imagine that we are enemies, not friends. A Japanese old proverb says, “There is no remedy 62 To the Peace-Loving Americans 63 for fools.” And hysterical subjects are equally difficult to be cured. But why are we afraid of them? If there is a small minority of mischief-makers, we peace-makers command a great majority in the Parliament of Man. Not only is the right on our side, but the might is also on our side. Let us, then, combine our forces and march against the noisy clique of such mischief-makers. During my short visit to the United States in 1910, everywhere I saw signs of good-will and kindness toward Japan — even San Francisco, the so-called hotbed of the anti- Japanese move- ments, was not an exception to the rule. Do you want further proof of the good feeling that unites the two Pacific nations? Our conclusion of the new treaty in advance of any other coun- try would be one of the most substantial kind. If the voice of the mischief-makers is louder than ours, it is only because we are silent. We, men of peace, are generally too quiet and too modest. We ought to shout and fight, as much as our noisy op- ponents, for our cause is noble and sacred. Let us speak out our hearts; let the joyous voice of peace drown the wicked cry for war ; and let it echo and re-echo in melodious harmony from both sides of the Pacific Ocean. EXCLUSIONISTS NOT TRUE TO THE PRIN- CIPLES OF AMERICA’S FOUNDERS SEI-ICHIRO TERASHIMA [Count Sei-ichiro Terashima, member of the House of Peers; he was bom in October, 1870, in Tokyo, as eldest son of the late Munenori Terashima, one of the greatest diplomats Japan has ever produced; was graduated from University of Pennsyl- vania in 1895 and continued his studies at Paris, 1895-1904; came again to the United States, attending Prince Fushimi, Sept., 1904; was appointed private secretary to the late Count Hayashi, Foreign Minister, 1905.] I MYSELF was educated in America. While I know her weak points, I am perfectly aware of her strong points. My sentiment toward her has ever been one of reverence; so that I wonder why she so often disgraces the reputation of a great democracy by her ways of dealing with her own race problem. Americans always pride themselves on the equal- ity of opportunity, as well as the religious and politi- cal freedom, which they enjoy in a much greater degree than other peoples. But in what manner have they been treating Jews ? The Jews in Amer- ica have produced many men of note. One of the most learned and most influential members of the 64 Exclusionists and America’s P'ounders 65 second Roosevelt Cabinet was Oscar Straus. He is a Jew. Jacob Schiff, who has very sound views as a great capitalist and philanthropist, is another. In the United States there are many more of such extraordinary characters of Hebrew origin. Still, the American Jews are denied such a status as their fellow-citizens are accorded. Again, the negroes are discriminated against as a race that cannot claim equal treatment. To be sure, the average negro is inferior to his white brethren in his intellectual abihties, and there is a show of reason for such discrimination; but the attitude of the white Americans toward him is one of extreme racial antipathy. An illustration of that is lynching. However much they may feel them- selves justified in the practice of lynching, the fact remains that the institution is not only unlaw- ful but savage and inhuman. Nor are their persecutions confined to Jews and negroes. The Chinese, who were very instrumental in develop- ing America’s Pacific Coast, have been finally ex- cluded. And the Japanese are now being told to get away. All this is a matter for great regret to me to whom America is the dearest next to my own native country. Well, the Americans are not a homogeneous people. The former masters of their land were the American Indians, who were gradually dis- placed by the whites. In 1648, the colonists numbered only 21,000. A large influx of immi- gration began in 1830. Since then, so many 5 66 Japan’s Message to America immigrants have come that American nationality has undergone a change. By the incoming of these aliens, the homogeneity of the community has been destroyed. America now comprises quite a number of small Italies, small Syrias, small Jerusalems, small — I need not mention any more. Many vortexes of nationality are whirling in the human sea of America. The strength of a nation is in proportion to the strength of its imited forces; and the existence of such diverse races in America tends to constitute a weakness in her national unity. The thinking people in the United States have begun to take the matter into serious consideration. They are now earnestly studying how to stop these tendencies. The recent immigrants are quite different from the old ones, not in their mental and moral char- acter alone, but also in their physical constitution. They are increasing at a greater rate than the Americans of native parentage. Which elements of the nation are they, one may ask, that have been trying to exclude Asiatics? Are they those who founded the Republic, or their descendants? Or are they newer elements — that is, more recent immigrants, or their children? If all the Ameri- cans of to-day were the same in type and ideals as the original Americans, as the founders of the great Republic, their spirit of freedom and equal- ity, as well as their democratism, would never have allowed them to indertake such a thing as the Exclusionists and America’s Founders 67 exclusion of Japanese. They would never have closed their doors against us. They would never have denied us an equal opportunity. Seeing that they have done all this, I wonder if it is not the more recent settlers — Americans of a later type. The Japanese that are living on the Pacific Coast are only some 50,000 in number. As our government has rigidly kept its “gentlemen’s agreement’’ with America, and has been prohibit- ing the emigration of labourers to that country, the 50,000 Japanese cannot be expected to in- crease rapidly. The first generation of these immigrants may not be Americanized in their manners and ideals, but the second are American rather than Japanese in these respects. To them monarchism does not appeal any more. Little allegiance have they to the native country of their parents. This is what some patriots at home are worrying about. In the circumstances, it is incomprehensible that Americans should go on persecuting the Japanese to the length of depriving them of their land. As I have implied, that Americans who show antipathies toward the white Jews should exclude a yellow race may be only natural. Again, in view of the necessity of consolidating their na- tional unity, it may be that they cannot afford to have complicated, by the influx of Asiatics, their own race problem, which has already been so great a source of embarrassment. The Japanese, however, do not cling to their native customs and 68 Japan’s Message to America manners, a trait that distinguishes them from the more conservative Chinese. Moreover, a considerable portion of the Japanese on the Pacific Slope are farmers or farm-hands. While the city life of the recent arrivals from southern Europe tends to make them an unde- sirable element in the community, the Japanese show a proclivity to scatter over the rural districts. As most of them are agricultural workers, they can do little toward affecting the homogeneity of the American character. Neither are they habitual violators of American laws. They are faithful tillers of the soil. In this respect, they make better immigrants than their southern European compeers. Supposing that the Japanese are as bad as the worst of the newcomers from Europe? The Japanese question is simply a question concerning the 50,000 Japanese in the Pacific States. The number is only one fifth of the red Indians w-hom America is generous enough to let alone in their reservations. That, therefore, she is so hard upon the Japanese as to deprive them of their land and the right to own land, is a matter that I can hardly understand. Let her people return to the true spirit of democracy. Let them re-form themselves upon the type of George Washington or Abraham Lincoln. Then their attitude toward us would become very different from their present one. Whether, or not, the change in the American Exclusionists and America’s Founders 69 national type is good for America herself, is another question — a question I am not concerned here to discuss. To say the least, the exclusion of the Japanese is not consistent with the spirit of America’s founders. I confidently believe that her better elements, as champions of justice and humanity, will not tolerate such an anomaly and injustice. TENDENCIES OF JAPANESE-AMERICAN TRADE KENZO IWAHARA [Mr. Kenzo Iwahara, Managing Director of the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha, Director of the Oji Paper Mills Co. and of the Shibaura Engineering Works; bom Nov., 1863, in Ishikawa Prefecture; studied at Osaka English Language School and Mitsubishi Mercantile Marine School; in 1890 he became manager of the Kobe branch of Mitsui & Co.; the same year, was dispatched to America to investigate conditions of silk textile trade, and when a new branch office was estabhshed in New York by Mitsui & Co., was appointed its manager; after his return home, was made director and then managing director of the firm.] Of our export goods to America those that occupy the most important positions are, needless to say, raw silk, habutai silks, and tea. Next in importance come copper, straw braids, china- wares, etc. The export of raw silk is steadily increasing year after year. There may be periods of fluctua- tions in the amount of raw silk exported, on ac- count of crop conditions at home and abroad, but to-day silk being no longer an article of luxmy, nay a necessity, its demand is, to be sure, bound to be constant and large. The competition 70 Japanese-American Trade 71 challenged by the Italian or the French products need not wony^ us to any great extent. Only when China shall adopt more modem methods of pro- ducing silk and send finer goods to the American market, shall we have a great competitor to deal with. The Chinese method of silk reeling is many degrees more antiquated than oirrs, and although the Chinese cocoons are often much better than ours, the raw siLc cannot in the near future be taken as a formidable competitor of ours so long as it remains in the present state. We must, therefore, endeavour to hold the advantageous position thus acquired in America, and we are confident that we will be able to do so. The habutai silk has been an important article of export to America, so far, but whether it can maintain its position for any length of time it is hard to conjecture. My doubt as to this is justified by the statistics in the last few years which show no increase in the export amount. This is due mainly to the fact that many substitutes for our habutai have come to be manufactured in America, such as cotton mixtures, mercerized silk, etc., which means a severe blow to our goods. I have been of the opinion for some years that habutai will not have a long future in the American market, and this belief is at last proving to be true. We may as well give up our dream of hold- ing our habutai in competition with the American silk manufacturers, and rather we should direct oiu: attention in developing the market for this 72 Japan’s Message to America article in Europe, India, Australia, South America, and South Africa. That it is very difficult to advance far beyond the present position of our tea trade in America, as in the habutai trade, can be observed from the statistics of export of this article to America in the past ten years. Green tea is not very exten- sively patronized by the Americans. When the Indian and the Chinese tea shall bring great pres- sure upon our export of tea to America, our green tea, we are afraid, will not have much resisting power. So we should accept the unpleasant conclusion that only raw silk, out of the three articles — silk, habutai, and tea — has any future in the American market. Unless we find some other articles for export to take the place of these, our balance of trade with America may come to show an excess of imports instead of exports. What, then, may take the place of habutai and tea? That is a rather difficult question to answer. It is hard to suggest offhand anjffhing in particular. But, as a result of the development of your fisher industry, our export of canned crab is rapidly increasing. This is an instance of a product which unexpectedly met the taste of the American people. The quality of the crabs for canning purposes may be improved if we set to work to select the products of the sea along Hokkaido and Karafuto ; and we may increase greatly the amount of export if we systematize the methods of fishery and of the manufacture of the products. Also sleepers for Japanese-American Trade 73 railways and other lumber may be counted among important articles of export to America in future. Then there are new articles of commerce, such as bean oil and bean cake. They may soon become an important factor of exports. Remember that our American customers possess a great purchasing power and we should exert all our efforts in order to discover some articles to take the place of habutai, tea, and straw mats as exports to America. That is a pressing duty of our business men who are engaged in the foreign trade. As for imports, the largest amount is shown by cotton. Our spinning mills have a natural geographical advantage. We can import cotton from America, India, and China, and mix these different staples of cotton for the use of our spin- ning mills. In this we have an advantage over the American or the British spinners. Thus, when American cotton rises in price, we may cut down our importation of American cotton as much as is proper, and substitute it with the Indian cotton, and as soon as the price has fallen return to the American. As a matter of fact, the American cotton has of late years fallen a great deal in price, and there have been many and large contracts entered for its importation. To be sure, fluctua- tions in prices must of necessity regulate the im- portation; but our spinners cannot afford to do away altogether with the American cotton on account of our advance in the art of spinning and tendency to use better staples, and there always 74 Japan’s Message to America will be a substantial amount of it imported. How- ever, we should not forever depend upon America for supply of raw materials, which is contrary to the principle of national economy. We are experimenting with cotton plantations in Formosa and Korea, and we are hoping that some day we may realize the dream that we may be able to stem the importation to a certain extent with our home products. There are other important import goods, such as wheat, flour, kerosene oil, and various kinds of machinery. Especially has the importation of machinery within the last ten or fifteen years been increasing in a rapidly accelerating ratio. For- merly, machinery was imported almost exclusively from England. But once the American machin- ery made an inroad it literally swamped the Japanese market, until to-day locomotives, rails, electric appliances, telephone apparatuses, ice- making machines, paper-making machines, mining machinery, various machinery and tools for factories, etc., used in Japan, are nearly all of American make. There is, however, one thing that must be re- membered. Of late years, Germany is utilizing her scientific knowledge and experience for making machinery, and is challenging American machinery in competition. So to-day the battle is on be- tween America and Germany for the possession of the Japanese market. Germany, with her cheap labour, combined with scientific knowledge, may Japanese- American Trade 75 have her day as a great factor in the Japanese market with her machinery, and supersede Ameri- ca. The American manufacturers of machinery shordd beware of the danger Imking at their door. Nevertheless, Japanese- American trade is bound to go through a normal growth both in imports and exports. Lately the notion has taken hold of the minds of some of the intelligent Americans that American goods sold to Japan are small in amoimt compared with the Japanese goods bought by America, and therefore the trade relations between the two countries are one-sided. But that is rather too much to expect of the Japanese- American trade. Whether or not American goods will be sold to Japan to a large amount depends naturally upon their prices. If the prices are low, American goods will find a wide market in Japan. Contrariwise, no matter how desirous we may be to promote friendliness between the two nations, the American manufacturers should not expect to sell their goods in Japan at higher prices. The solution of the problem will, therefore, rest entirely with the American manufacturers. They should study how far they may compete with the Euro- pean manufacturers in the Japanese market. After the opening of the Panama Canal to com- merce, Japanese- American trade relations will undergo a great revolution. To-day the manu- factures of the eastern States of America are being carried through the Suez Canal to Japan in sixty or seventy days. These goods will be carried 76 Japan’s Message to America direct through the Panama Canal, greatly reduc- ing the time of transportation. This will mean a substantial reduction of cost of transport, which in turn will mean that the day will come when America will be able to compete favoiu-ably with the European nations in Japan. Cotton will also have a better position of being directly transported through the Canal, avoiding the high rail freight. As to wheat and flour, they may materially change our position. We have so far had better facilities for Pacific grain coming to the East, as the outlet to the Eirropean market has been greatly checked by the question of freight. With the opening of the Canal, this barrier being taken away, the Pacific grain will easily reach the European market, making itself an international article of trade. We may see therefore the onrush of Australian grain, etc., to those quarters in future in the absence of the comparatively cheap Pacific crop, which practically ruled the markets up to date. To sum up, we should endeavour with all our might for the development of the export of raw silk, which is our most important article of export, and to study how best other articles may be turned into important exports. On the other hand, we should be prepared to welcome the goods manu- factured in America, our biggest customer, when they are offered at prices more advantageous than those made in Europe. VARIOUS STANDPOINTS OF PEACE- WORKERS YOSHIRO SAKATANI [Baron Sakatani, Hogaku Hakushi (Doctor of Laws), Mayor of Tokyo; Vice-President of the Japan Peace Society; born Feb., 1863, in Bitchu; was graduated from Tokyo Imperial University; then he was successively councillor, accountant. Director of Accountants’ Bureau, Vice-Minister (1901), and Minister (1906), of the Financial Department; he did much in helping the adoption of gold standard system; besides holding his official posts, he was for several years lecturer and instructor at various colleges; has been Mayor of Tokyo since 1912; he is the author of The Life and Work of Baron Shihusawa, The Financial History of The Meiji Era, etc.] During a period of 3357 years, from 1496 b.c. to 1861 A.D., there was warfare in 3130 years and there were only 227 years of peace. In other words, there were thirteen years of war to every peaceful year. In the last 300 years Europe has had 266 wars. Again, during a period of 3360 years, from 1500 b.c. to i860 A.D., about 8000 peace treaties were concluded, yet none of these treaties remained in full efficiency more than two years. As the above figures are borrowed from a European statistician, it is to be doubted whether 77 78 Japan’s Message to America they include those wars or peaces that were made in Asia during the same periods. I have reason to think that, up to i86i, warfare in the whole world was more frequent than these statistics show. But as the human race progresses, men have come to take measures for the prevention of wars. It may be of some interest to consider here the various standpoints of such peace-workers. (First) Religionists, especially Christian mis- sionaries, advocate the aboHtion of war on the ground of humanity. If self-murder is a crime in itself, how can the murdering of others be pardonable? — this is their logic. It is a simple, but strong logic, and it forms one of the most important foundations of peace-movement. To the enthusiastic efforts of these rehgionists, our cause owes a great deal for its development. (Second) The grov1:h of sociaHsm has also been reinforcing the peace-movement. Some socialists, aggrieved by the modem social tendency to make the gulf between the poor and wealthy wider and wider, seek to mitigate the burden of the poor by curtailing the cost of government. But while some items of such expenditures may be retrenched, others may not be. Those ex- penses that are calculated to promote the wel- fare of humanity, i.e., educational expenses or those to be used for the improvement of com- mercial and industrial life, must not be cut dovn, for every dollar curtailed means so much less for the good of the human race, positively or Various Standpoints of Peace-Workers 79 negatively. On the other hand, such as the naval and military expenses may be retrenched with advantage, provided that it is done in a proper way. A case in point is the expenditure entailed by the Russo-Japanese War. It amounted almost to 2,000,000,000 yen on the Japanese side only. If we exclude naval and army expenses, the above sum would be enough to meet the cost of our central government for ten years, or it would pay Japan’s governmental account, naval and army expenses and all, for from four to five years. War expends such a big amount of money all at once. Under the circumstances, certain sociahsts, with the idea of alleviating the grievances of the poor and promoting the benefit of the general public, have begun to emphasize the necessity of cutting down the cost of mihtarism. It is, how^ever, well to bear in mind that the arguments advanced by such socialists represent very dangerous thoughts in some cases. Many anti-militaristic socialists in France and Germany are opposing conscription and trying to evade its duties. We cannot take their side. We will not advocate peace sacrificing the life of our owm nation. But to effect social reform, we must find out sufficient resources some- where; and for this reason, the sociahsts’ move- ment has had a beneficial by-effect upon the growth of the peace problem. The proposed convention for the reduction of armaments, which is under consideration among thoughtful men in England, France, Germany, 8o Japan’s Message to America etc., may be said to have its motive chiefly in the socialistic arguments. (Third) There are some peace-workers of expediency. These have neither the standpoint of the religionist nor that of the socialist. They only find it expedient to support other peace- workers. Still, they are factors in the progress of our movement. (Fourth) Not a few men study the peace pro- blem from a scientific point of view. I myself belong to this class. We advocate the cause of peace, with a view to making a scientific study of various methods for the promotion of universal peace and to applying such methods to practical politics. That wars have been getting less frequent in modem times is evident from a casual considera- tion of the statistical figures which I showed at the beginning of this essay. Again, it may be seen that nowadays both statesmen and the general public are striving to avoid warfare as much as possible. We Japanese were sometimes called a “warlike nation” by European critics, but Europeans and Americans themselves were also warlike in by-gone days, and there was a time when they deemed it an honour to msh into the enemy’s camp and cut off human heads. He who reads some historical romance written in Europe in the feudal age will perhaps come across a vivid portrayal of a number of warlike characters. But the times of blood-thirsty warriors are fast passing. L Various Standpoints of Peace- Workers 8i We have begun to consider things in a scientific way, and one result of this tendency is the fact I that wars have become more rare. Moreover, the condition of communications in the world has very much improved in recent years. Papers report that Hawaii and Japan have lately been ' brought within talking distance; and that New York wall converse with London may not be a very remote possibility. Then there are airships and aeroplanes. Physical barriers between nations will ' be entirely removed in the near future, thus making ! their social relations much more intimate than at ■ present. Already, the enjoyment of life needs not be sought after within one’s native country. J Thus, our Hakone is not a pleasure-resort for I Japanese only, but it is a place for all world- citizens to enjoy. In turn, we Japanese may ] easily take a trip to your Yellowstone Park and Grand Canon. In the circumstances, a conviction has been growing upon men that war is contrary to the law of nature, with the result that they are getting less warlike. Now they have begun to think they must appeal to reason for the decision of any disputes, and consequently they are con- fronted with the great question how to study scientifically to secure the permanent peace of the ' world. European countries, as well as America, I have to-day several influential societies which are ! enthusiastic in advocating the cause of peace and which are doing excellent work toward^the realiza- tion of their ideal. Japan, being already one of 6 82 Japan’s Message to America the world-powers, must not lie idle, but must take an active part in the promotion of human well- being, because the general good of the world- family must be brought about by the co-operation of all its members. The Japan Peace Society has been organized with such an object in view. One of the most serious matters it has had to deal with was the re- cent American- Japanese complication. The anti- Japanese bill passed by the Californian legislature threatened to lead to conditions inimical to the traditional friendship between the two nations. It was then that our Japan Peace Society ap- proached its confreres in America for purposes of securing a mutual imderstanding ; and I have not the least doubt that its activities were very instru- mental in improving the international relations of America and Japan. OUTLINE OF JAPANESE CIVILIZATION JUICHI SOYEDA [Hon. Juichi Soyeda, Hogaku Hakushi (Doctor of Laws), special member of the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce; born Fukuoka, September, 1864; graduated from School of Politics and Economics, Tokyo Imperial University, in 1884, and con- tinued his studies at Cambridge and Heidelberg, returning home in 1887: the same year, was appointed councillor in the Treasury Department, and then successively private secretary, secretary, and Director of Superintendance Bureau, in the same department; became its Vice-Minister in 1898; shortly after- wards he resigned his post and became lecturer of economics and public finance at Tokyo Imperial University and several other institutions; in 1899, was appointed president of the Bank of Formosa; then chairman of Japan Credit Mobilier Com- mission, and in 1902, was made president of the newly-estab- lished Japan Credit Mobilier; he took an active part in our monetary reform work; in 1913, he came to the United States as representative of the Associated Chambers of Commerce in Japan, in connection with the Californian Land Law question.] In order to obtain a correct estimate of the civilization of any nation it is necessary that we have a clear idea of the race that has been the recipient and at the same time the transformer of such civilization. It is a well-known fact that the Japanese are a mixed people, drawn largely from the Asiatic Continent as well as from the Southern »3 84 Japan’s Message to America Islands. The original stock, however, being of Aryan blood, the Japanese have many traits differ- ing from those of the true Mongolian. This peculiarly composite nature of the Japanese race leads to the complexity of its civilization; more- over, the successive influx of Indian, Chinese, and Korean civilizations has further added to its intri- cate nature. But all these various influences have been melted down and transformed by the Japan- ese, whose power of assimilating foreign civiliza- tions and re-shaping them as her own is and always has been remarkable. It is true that Japan adopted Oriental civilization, but she transformed it into a new type differing greatly from the original. Her long-enjoyed peace and her feudalism, systematically carried out, completed the structure of Japanese civilization with all its peculiar features in art and learning, and above all in so-called “Bushido.” Upon the opening of the country to the world, following the visit of the American fleet led by Commodore Perry, Japan was again ready to face, and to adopt this time. Occidental civilization. So much so that the Education, Army, Navy, and Finances, as well as constitutional, local, and judicial systems, were all reorganized after the Western pattern. The folly of thinking all this to be mere apish imitation was more than proved by the late war in Manchuria and to no small extent by her political, social, and economic progress. Her national aim, as laid down by the late Outline of Japan’s Civilization 85 Emperor Meiji, was to pick out the best from all systems. It needs no proof that there are bright as well as dark sides to Oriental and Occidental civilizations, but Japan’s efforts have been di- rected solely toward selecting the best of these civilizations, and in this she has been successful. No doubt her success will give encoiiragement to other races of lower civilization for their future uphfting. By still further efforts on the part of Japan, the civilizations of the West and the East may be finally fully harmonized and the awful calamity that may be brought about by the clash of different races may thereby be averted. Such is, indeed, her noble mission and such is the aspiration of the Japanese nation — the culmination of a civilization so peculiar to Japan, and beneficial to the cause of peace and the welfare of mankind. JAPAN AND THE PRESERVATION OF CHINA’S INTEGRITY TOKUGORO NAKAHASHI [Hon. Tokugoro Nakahashi, president of Osaka Shosen Kaisha (Osaka Mercantile S. S. Co.) and several other com- panies; special member of Osaka Chamber of Commerce; bom 1864 in Kanazawa; was graduated from Tokyo Imperial University in 1886; he was successively judge, councillor Department of Agriculture and Commerce and councillor Bureau of Legislation; in 1889, he visited America, England, France, Germany, Austria, etc., on the commission for the investigation of parliamentary systems; in 1890, was appointed secretary of the House of Representatives; afterwards. Director of Railway Bureau; in 1898, became president of Osaka Shosen Kaisha; he has written many books and pamphlets on politics, economics, and railroading.] . In the nineteenth century, the United States advocated Pan-Americanism with the view to including the Central and the South American countries within her own sphere of influence. The European nations then were busily engaged in the partitioning of Africa. So Europe and America could not extend their influence in the Orient. The attention of the world, however, was sud- denly drawn toward the Orient when Japan won the memorable war with China. The most 86 Preservation of China’s Integrity 87 conspicuous example of it was the southward advance of Russia in Manchuria. The Europeans and the Americans then began to form their policy toward China. But the people that have by far the most vital interests in China are not the Europeans but the Japanese. Japan is a close neighbour of China, and the people of both nations use identical characters and are of the same general stock of mankind. So, not only has Japan the greatest interests in China, but it is Japan and the Japanese who, for reasons of geography, history, and other- wise, are able to understand China best of all foreign nations. Certainly it was the Europeans who in these recent years first opened up the com- mercial relations with China ; but they do not un- derstand China even to this year of 1914. Even Japan had not, before the first period of China’s revolution of 1911, had any definite policy of her own toward China. Only a few intelligent men perceived that the maintenance of the integrity of, and the open-door policy in, China would be advantageous to our country. But the generality of our sinologists had thought either that China will become a great and powerful nation, or that she will be partitioned among the European and the American powers, and should the latter happen, Japan should share in the division of territory. Be that as it may, the economic development of Japan brought about an enormous increase of trade with China, and the number of the Japanese 88 Japan’s Message to America who went to different parts of China increased to several tens of thousands or more, and that of the Chinese students sent to Japan to ten thousand. Then when China had passed through the recent revolutions the majority of the intelligent Japan- ese began to imderstand her better. They set to work to make a careful study of the coimtry and the people, and to learn the true attitude of the European and the American nations toward her; and it was brought home to the Japanese generally that Japan’s best interests will be safeguarded by maintaining the integrity of, and by observing the open-door policy in, China. Japan’s trade with China to-day is of far more vital importance than that of other nations with that country. In ten or more years, Japan’s China trade would amount to several hundreds of thousands of yen, if the integrity of China is main- tained and the means of communication improved by the construction of railways throughout that country and by the increase of the merchant marine service there. The principle of the mainte- nance of China’s integrity appUes to China proper, the barren land of the outlying districts being excluded. The area of China proper is 1,500,000 square miles. It is a compact mass of land, un- like Japan, which is long and narrow. So a railway net laid throughout the length and breadth of China would mean that any two points in opposite directions may be reached one from the other within forty-eight hours. As for the ships of Preservation of China’s Integrity 89 commerce, in 1912 the tonnage of the incoming and outgoing vessels was shown by the 32,000,000 tons of British registry, and by the 19,000,000 tons of Japanese ^egistr3^ As the Japanese vessels in China are increasing with much greater propor- tion than the British, the two tonnages will soon be approximated. The vessels of other nations add to the service rendered by the British and Japanese vessels. While the improvement of the means of com- munication would assist commerce, it would at the same time assist the administration of gov- ernment affairs by helping to unify society and to centralize the government services. The uni- fication of society and the centralization of the government services would serve to maintain the integrity of the country. For instance, if any military action were required in different parts of the country, a small force would be sufficient for the purpose, as it could be utilized effectively by being quickly transported in any direction. The troubles that China is facing to-day are, in the first place, the lack of funds for administra- tive expenses, and, in the second place, the lack of capital for railway construction. The foreign powers are situated in such a position that it is for their best interest to furnish capital to China. The question is which of the foreign powers should furnish this capital, and how much? If Japan were rich enough to be in position of the creditor power, she should be an eminently fit candidate. 90 Japan’s Message to America as she is otherwise most advantageously situated as regards the trade relations, in point of the num- ber of nationals in China, and in respect of geo- graphical proximity. But Japan is busy with the development of domestic industries, and her capital bears high rates of interest, so that she has very little capital available for investment in China. The United States is a wealthy country, but she too is busy with domestic investments, and she stands in a similar position to Japan ag regards foreign investment of capital. So China must of necessity depend upon France, England, Germany, and Belgium for supply of capital. I am diamet- rically opposed to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, when he says that “the kindest thing to do to the Chinese Government is to refrain from lending money to that government.” Why? Because to stop the Chinese Government from building railways and to cut it off from the supply of administrative expenses would mean an interruption of China’s efforts at tmification of the country, and a downfall of that country’s government. There is another question. China’s debts up to date amount to sixteen hundred millions of yen. If this amount should rise by two or three thousand millions, people would ask whether China will be able to fulfil her obligations arising therefrom. This anxiety is rather unfoimded, because it runs counter to the recognized observation that China is one of the two countries most blessed by nature. Preservation of China’s Integrity 91 the other being America, and that her natural wealth is vmbounded. If a country of 300,000,000 in population and of 1,500,000 square miles in area is so poor a country that it could not repay debts of two or three thousand millions of yen, why do the European and the American nations take pains to solve the Chinese problem? There is still another question upon which the popular notion in Japan errs. It is said that if the European nations lend a large amount of money to China, for which they obtain various privileges, it will be very dangerous and dis- advantageous to Japan, I am opposed to this notion also. If China is to be able to maintain her territorial integrity and to preserve the national unity, any privilege given which is within the jurisdiction of the Chinese Government will naturally be under the supervision of that govern- ment. In future, when China shall have been developed and become financially independent, then she will be able to reassume the privileges. If, as some people fear, there should be a great disturbance in the land that would necessitate foreign powers taking military action, the number of troops to be sent by each power will not neces- sarily be determined by the amount of money invested by that power, but by what that power deems proper in the circumstance. Japan may lend the largest number of troops, according to the exigency of the moment. As for the points at which the troops should be landed, Japan may 92 Japan’s Message to America choose almost anywhere in China, since the Japanese are in nearly every open port with their business establishments, warehouses, and ships. Our countrymen are in the great majority, al- together out of proportion to other nationalities. They must need the protection of Japanese troops, landed in cases of necessity. Even in the so- called British sphere of influence along the Yangtze, the Japanese are everywhere, from Cheng- tu and Chunking, down to Yichang, Changte, Shashi, Changtang, Changsha, and Hankow, and the farther one goes down the river the more Japanese he will And. As for the north China districts, , there is no need of mentioning Japanese superiority. This is Japan’s strength, and she may cope with the British, the German, or other powers, without fear of discomfiture. Recently the Chinese Government sent an inter- pellation to each of the treaty powers on the ques- tion of advancing the rate of tariff, with the view to securing a new source of revenue to be used as security for loans to be raised. Some people in Japan maintain that our government should object to the raising of the tariff. I am again opposed to this suggestion. Grant that the Chinese Government wish to raise the rate of tariff on cotton yam by four yen per picul, valued at one htmdred yen. The fluctuation in price from four to five yen for cotton yam valued at one hundred yen either upward or downward is no new thing in commercial transactions. If the Chi- Preservation of China’s Integrity 93 nese Government could increase its revenue from customs by twenty million yen, it would mean that the government has acquired a fresh security for loans to the amount of from three hundred and fifty to four hundred million yen. The Chinese Government then may use this four hundred million of loans for replenishing the fund for administrative expenses, or for building rail- ways of several hundred or a thousand miles. A larger part of this capital borrowed would be distributed among the people, which, in turn, would help to promote the trade. Which foreign power would gain most by this trade development? It would be Japan, to be sure. So a small percent- age of customs advance paid would secure a trade increase of tens of millions of yen. Unless Japan be made to suffer severe losses, she should extend a helping hand toward the Chinese Government in adopting measures which are necessary for national unification, thereby maintaining and pro- moting friendly relations with the Chinese people. We should not follow in the footsteps of those European or American people who come from hundreds of miles away and have very little interest in China save for their own immediate gains. Such a short-sighted policy if followed, I assert, would put our country in an awkward position. As to what should be done if, in view of the fact that the Chinese are lacking in the art of statesmanship, the Chinese could not pay the ever accumulating national debts, Japan should 94 Japan’s Message to America be prepared to solve the problem. In my opinion, in that event the best thing to do would be that China, with her 1,500,000 square miles of territory and 300,000,000 of population, be turned over to the joint management of the powers. This scheme of joint management would require mili- tary forces to guarantee its execution. So Japan must keep up her army and navy to full efficiency, as much as her finances permit, until China is united, or the joint management by the powers is effected. That is not only necessary in order to place Japan in a position of safety, but it is Japan’s duty toward her neighbour, China, and- her mission in the Orient. JAPAN’S COLONIAL POLICY YOSABURO TAKEKOSHI [Hon. Yosaburo Takekoshi, M.P., author and journalist; bom Nov., 1865, at Honjo, Saitama-ken; studied at Keio and also under certain missionaries; began his journalistic career about 1888 as a writer for a local paper; in 1895, became a writer on the staff of the Jiji\ in 1896, he started his own paper in Tokyo, which, however, was given up after a few years’ life; in 1898, was appointed private secretary to Marquis Saionji, the then Minister of Education; visited Europe in 1899 and 1906 to study conditions on that continent. He is the author of Twenty-five Centuries of Japanese History, Modern History of Japan, Chinese Empire, and several other books (all in Japanese).] Only twenty years have passed since the Japanese first ventured forth as a colonial power. As a result of the China-Japan War, Meiji 27 (1894), Formosa Island became ours. Following it, Korea became our protectorate and then was annexed to the empire later. We established our indisputable claim of protectorate over Korea as a result of the same war. Up to that time, Japan, though a strong power, strangely lacked the opportunity to exercise her energy in efforts at colonization. The history of Japan for 2500 years was the history of the Im- 95 96 Japan’s Message to America perial family who established their capital in the centre of Japan’s mainland, and who extended their influence in four directions, exclusively aiming at national tmification. Therefore, the govern- mental system of Japan and the maxims for the guidance of the rulers were all framed with the principal object of administering the affairs of a land of one civiHzation and one race. There was no such thing as a colonial policy to govern the people of different civilizations, different races, and different languages. Thus Japan began to form a colonial policy only from Meiji 27 (1894), that is, twenty years ago. So Japan’s colonial policy must of necessity still be in its infancy. But we have back of us a history of colonial policy which om neighbour, China, has perfected in 4000 years for the government of races of different stocks, different civilizations, and different tongues. In addition to it, we have learned from the co- lonial experiences of the European nations in recent years, which, combined with the lessons we have learned from China, have given us a substantial knowledge of colonial administrative arts. Japan has advanced from seed oil to kerosene oil for light, and from kerosene oil to electricity, within a very short space of time. Again, we used to walk on foot, wearing sandals, now we have at once stepped into the automobile. Thus we have acquired, free of cost, the experiences of other nations who paid dearly for them. What Japan’s Colonial Policy 97 should we expect for acquiring these experiences without paying? The biological laws prevail in politics as well as in the human body. No matter how hard an organic being may try, it cannot go beyond the bounds of biological laws. Yet the short-sighted poHticians imagine that the mere possession of a colonial land should enable a nation to transplant bodily and with success the civilization of the motherland, or that by importing the learnings of the motherland the character of the natives of the colony can be transformed. They make various attempts at governing a colony under this false notion. We of the latter- day school of the science of government firmly believe that the government of a colony cannot go beyond biological laws; that is, in governing Formosa, for instance, we must govern the For- mosans not as we do the Japanese, but as we should the Formosans. We should not neces- sarily forbid the tying of the feet, nor should we compel the men of Formosa to cut off their queues. We need not take pains to exact homage from the natives, but should allow them to live and have their being to suit themselves. What we need is to hold the island responsible to us in larger issues. In making laws we are taking the native customs and habits as the basis; for instance, the laws governing the relations of the Sugar Company and the sugar planters have been framed like those obtaining in the Hawaiian Islands or like those in the South Sea Islands. 7 98 Japan’s Message to America This principle of colonial administration is being observed in Korea also. Korea, to be sure, exists now for Japan, from the viewpoint of Imperial policy. But the administration of the affairs of state in Korea is done with the Korean welfare itself as its object in view. To be sure, there are a large number of the Japanese immigrants who are constituting a powerful factor among the population in Korea, and in some respects the customs, habits, and laws of Japan proper have been bodily transplanted there. But in the main the policy of the Japanese Govern- ment toward Korea has ever been to govern that country in a way to suit the Koreans themselves. Now, Japan has her fixed policy of administra- tion of colonies. She has many would-be colo- nists, but so far has had no colonies to which they could be sent. Germany has many colonists but has few colonies. France has colonies but has few colonists. England has both colonies and colonists. Such is the opinion of the w'Orld. Japan formerly had colonists, but had no colonies. Now Korea has room for 10,000,000 immigrants, and Formosa for 2,000,000. So we have to-day both colonies and colonists, like England. We do not need any more colonies than we already have. Any one who attempts to acquire more would act contrary to the sound Imperial policy, and for his own private adventure. Japan’s Imperial policy to-day calls for the development Japan’s Colonial Policy 99 of Korea and of Manchuria, as well as of Formosa, and Japan’s colonial policy should not be otherwise than to fulfil her responsibility toward these lands. “CENTRIPETAL MIKADOISM” I-ICHIRO TOKUTOMI [Hon. I-ichiro Tokutomi, proprietor and chief editor of the Kokumin Shimbun (a daily paper), member of House of Peers; bom Feb., 1863, at Kumamoto ; studied at the Doshisha, Kyoto, 1876-80; in 1898, he was appointed councillor to the Home Department; in 1911, was made a member of the House of Peers; he is the author of Shorai no Nippon Qapan in the Future), Life of Yoshida Shoin, Shin Nippon no Seinen (The Younger Generation of New Japan), and many other books; was editor of the Kokumin-no-Tomo (Nation’s Friend), the Far East (English), the Katei Zasshi (Household Journal), etc. The Kokumin Shimbun, of which he is now proprietor and chief editor, was founded by him some twenty years ago.] Our imperialism is an imperialism that is based upon the Japanese race; our democratism is a democratism that comprises the whole Japanese nation. With sociaHsm, an offshoot of demo- cratism, this also holds good. Otir socialism does not aim at benefiting the poor at the expense of the rich, but strives to take all classes, rich and poor, under its wings. In its expression, therefore, it may be a poor-relief system or a system for the protection of millionaires. But our imperialism, our democratism, our socialism — all these centre upon a single principle, 100 “ Centripetal Mikadoism ” lOI and it is “centripetal Mikadoism,” as we express it and advocate it. Rome was, at one time, the centre of the Roman Empire; hence the adage, “All roads lead to Rome.” In a like manner, the Mikado is the centre of our nation. Considered as a body politic, it has him as its sovereign; con- sidered as a distinct race, it has him as its leader; considered as a social community, it has him as its nucleus. Who can, then, contradict me when I say that all our “isms” — social, racial, and politi- cal — are included, involved, implicated, by this “centripetal Mikadoism ” ? More by token, the true unity of our Empire is the co-operative movement of the whole nation with the Mikado as its pivot. Men are no more of one mind than they are of one face; and every individual Japanese may have his or her way in this country. Nay, no single age has passed in our history without having its share of men advocat- ing some bold doctrines or following unscrupulous practices. Especially, in our own times, our community has become a reservoir into which all kinds of modem thoughts — novel, dangerous, or dest motive — have been collected and are ferment- ing. Still, in a wholesome condition, quite un- changed and unweakened, exists our fundamental national idea. Why is this so? Simply because the whole nation almost instinctively concurs in “centripetal Mikadoism.” Nothing would be farther from the tmth than to attribute the brilliant success of the Restoration 102 Japan’s Message to America solely to the awakening of our nation caused by the pressure of the foreign powers. The impetus from the outside, it is true, did a great deal to expedite the wonderful change of regime; but the chief factor in breaking down, as we did, the feudal sectionalism of old Japan, and bringing about the national unification, with an unprece- dented facility, must be found in the “centripetal Mikadoism” of our people. Had the then Japan- ese nation lacked the Mikado as its centre, the outcome of our political change of 1868 might have been almost the same as that of the recent revolution in China. Whereas, so far as her land system is concerned, Great Britain has not yet worked off the remains of her old feudalism, our territorial barons, about three hundred in number, returned in a day all their feudal holdings to their emperor. And the expla- nation for this action of theirs is to be found in their traditional conviction that “no place under all the heavens, no subject along all the shores, but is ruled by our august sovereign.” To the Mikado, and to no other, did they return their fiefs; and the great socio-economic revolution, unparalleled in the world’s history, was accomplished at one effort. I attribute this to the automatic process of “centripetal Mikadoism.” Nor is this principle adapted for our nation alone ; some of the European powers are also endeavouring to put it in practice, but they have always failed to secure sufficient success. Are “Centripetal Mikadoism” 103 their monarchs not sagacious enough? Yes. Generally speaking, their kings or emperors, though they may have their strong and weak points as rulers, are every one of them wise and en- lightened. They are quite a match for their chancellors or ministers. Why, then, have those nations failed to be unified with their monarchs as centres? The answer must be given from an historical, rather than a poHtical, standpoint. They look upon their kings or emperors as sovereign apparently as we do; but — to speak figuratively — theirs are the hat, while ours is the head. The hat may be changed as often as you please; the head once gone, the body itself would die. In this respect does our national constitu- tion essentially differ from theirs; so does our loyalty to the Mikado differ from theirs to their own rulers. JAPANESE LABOURERS KOJIRO MATSUKATA [Hon. Kojiro Matsukata, president of the Kawasaki Ship- building Yard, Ltd., and ex-president of the Kobe Chamber of Commerce; proprietor of the Kobe Shimbun (a daily), and auditor of several important companies; bom Dec., 1865; D.C.L. (Yale); he was elected member of the House of Representatives in 1912.] In the organization of labour as well as in the legal guarantee for the labour interest, Japan is still far behind Europe and especially America. In these respects, we have very Httle to tell you. There are, however, some peculiar features in our labour Hfe that may be of interest to American readers. To begin with, there is in Japan a social relation- ship between employer and employee that does not prevail in your country. It is the relationship of lord and retainer. For many centuries, Japan was under a feudal system where the giver of “roku” (or annual pensions) was the lord, while the recipient of them was the retainer. Such feudalistic relations between payer and payee have not yet altogether died away in this country, though they are gradually diminishing with the 104 Japanese Labourers 105 capitalization of labour. Even to-day, he who pays wages is allowed to assume something of the mental attitude of the lord — not in a despotic but in a protectoral sense — toward those who receive them. A young man who was earning his school expenses by work in America came into possession of a lengthy letter from his mother left behind in Japan, repeatedly advising him to be loyal to the person of his master; and he looked round to find to his renewed surprise that nobody would claim in the RepubHc such personal loyalty as his good old mother must have meant. But in Japan there exist many subjects for this quasi- feudalistic virtue. The relationship between employer and employee in Japan may be good or bad in its consequences. It depends upon the calibre and character of the master — of the president, if a company — whether or not this institution is turned to account. How- ever loyal the Japanese labourers may be to their wage-payer, they would never look upon him as a “master” unless he possessed sxifficient weight and sympathy to inspire his men with reverence. If, however, the employer has such qualifications, the relations between himself and his workmen will be, in Japan, more domestic, more intimate, and more personal than in Europe or America. The standard of hving is very low here. While labour is cheap, the prices of commodities are also cheap. Consequently, the Japanese workmen are, generally speaking, much happier than their io6 Japan’s Message to America American colleagues, so far as material comfort is concerned. In America, they have bread with cheese for the midday meal, — rarely furnishing them with potatoes or some other substantial food. As a rule, they live in a tenement house where it is often impossible to enjoy fresh air and warm sun- light. But, in Japan, labourers whose wages are 30 sen (that is 15 cents) a day, can even afford fish or meat at tiffin, and they live in cottages not so bad from the hygienic point of view. The more progressive Japanese employers real- ize that their own interests are in accordance with the interests of their workmen, to whom they give every encouragement that is in their power. In the Kawasaki Shipbuilding Yard, of which I am now president, the best work-hands are from time to time sent to Europe or America in order to study their trade, and those returned from abroad are given comparatively important posts in our works. According to the regulations of our company, an employee who resigns after serving for ten years is entitled to a grant of 1000 yen, but the president is authorized to give more at his discretion. The elasticity of his competence is a strong point in the management of the Kawasaki Shipbuilding Yard. As a whole, the Japanese workmen are ambitious and they appreciate the value of learning. Out of 11,500 hands in the employ of the yard, more than 1000 attend a night school which receives a regular subvention from the company. To our Japanese Labourers 107 thinking, to establish and attach a labourers’ school to the company is not advisable, for in that case attendance would become rather com- pulsory, much to the injury of their self -initiative. Fortvmately, labour disputes are very rare in this country. Strikes are few and far between, while there have been practically no lock-outs. I myself have ever been striving to inculcate upon the workmen in our company that I as president am bound to consider the interests not only of the capital but also of the labour; that the harmony between the two elements is essential to the successful management of the whole concern; and that I expect all the workmen, from the foreman down to a shop-boy, to co-operate with me in the promotion of the company’s interests. My men, it seems to me, have come to be impressed with these ideas, which chiefly accounts for the fact that no strikes have ever occurred among them. Only once, however, there was an attempt at striking. I heard that a bad man was instigating his fellows. One morning, on going around to inspect the works, I found him idle. I demanded, “You don’t want to work?” “No, sir,” came the sullen answer. “Then,” said I, going nearer to him and addressing him in a mild tone, “Then, I hope you will get away. Our company does n’t want men who don’t work. You can perhaps find some work congenial to you elsewhere.” To this he replied that he would leave us after getting his things together. I lent him a hand in putting io8 Japan’s Message to America his kit in a box and sent him away. Thus a strike was nipped in the bud. Well, my American readers may think that the comparative scarcity of strikes in Japan is due to lack of self-assertion on the part of the labourers, but that is not quite right. The chief explanation must be found in their active loyalty to their employer’s person, rather than in their passive forbearance. SOCIALISM IN JAPAN iso-o ab6 [Mr. Iso-o Ab 4 , professor at Waseda University; bom Fuku- oka Prefecture Feb. 4, 1865: studied theology at Doshisha College and was graduated from Hartford Seminary; finished his studies in England and Germany; after his return home, he was successively principal of the Doshisha Middle School, lecturer at various schools in Tokyo, and has finally become a professor at Waseda; he has now charge of the Athletic Club of that Institution; he came to the United States again as manager of the Waseda baseball team. Author, Social Pro- blems and How to Solve Them, The Ideal Man, etc. (all in Japanese).] From ancient times to the period of the Restora- tion of Meiji, Japan was governed on the principle enunciated by Emperor Nintoku, sixteenth in succession to Emperor Jimmu, founder of the Japanese Empire, in the sentence, “The well- being of the people is the well-being of ourselves.” Thus the object of government was to secure the w'elfare of the people. In the time of Emperor Suiko, thirty-third in succession, the principle of land nationalization was followed. Land was divided according to the number of persons and houses, and the land thus divided was called “rice fields apportioned according to the number of no Japan’s Message to America mouths.” This system, whereby the people’s safety was guaranteed, resembled closely the ancient Jewish system of land distribution. But the imperial courtiers and the nobles to whom land was entrusted monopolized it and the people were not permitted to use it for their own purposes. To add to this trouble, as a result of the spread of Buddhism in the covmtry, the Imperial Coiu*t indulged in the erection of temples, for which a considerable reservation of land was made. This led to the final break-up of the system of land nationalization. Soon the farmers lost work and the people were so exhausted that there was not much life left in them. The feudal system, which was brought into existence, continued into the period of the Toku- gawa Shoguns. In the ninth year of Tempo (1838), a system of land tenure was established whereby the feudal lords were not allowed to ap- propriate land for themselves, and the farmers who had held land on tenure were practically made the owners. After the restoration of Meiji, title-deeds for land were issued to the holders of it. Thereby the system of private ownership of land was firmly established and the land nationalization system, which is one of the most important tenets of socialism, and which had been in existence in Japan, was abolished altogether. It was in Meiji 12 or 13 (1879 or 1880) that labour problems, as the forerunner of socialism, became a political issue in Japan. In those years Socialism in Japan III Kentaro 0 -oi, a leader of the Liberal Party, started a daily organ, called the Azuma Shimbun, in which he championed the cause of the poor and labouring classes. Soon the capitalists began to pay atten- tion to this problem. In Meiji 23 (1890), Tsune- taro Jo, Fusataro Takano, and others who were in San Francisco, U. S. A., organized a society for the formation of labour-unions. Then there was “the Labour Magazine edited by Sen Katayama. But the government exercised strict control over the public meetings, and the labour movement could not be perfected. So far, I have dwelt upon the movement in connection with the iron-workers’ union. In Meiji 31 (1898), the engineers of the Nihon Rail- way Company attempted a strike. The objects of the union of engineers were attained, but the company managed to have the union disbanded by the police. Urged on by these various move- ments, the government drafted the factory regula- tions in Meiji 31 (1898). These regulations, however, had not been introduced in the Diet till 1911, when they were passed, though they have not yet come into force. From that period the study of social problems became popular. In the autumn of Meiji 31 (1898), the society for the study of socialism was organized. Chishi Murai was the president and Zennosuke Toy oka wa the secretary. Among the members were Kiyoshi Kawakami, Sen Kata- yama, Denjiro Kotoku, and others. 1 12 Japan’s Message to America The man who first started the socialistic move- ment as such was Tokichi Tarui. The year in which it was initiated was Meiji 15 (1882). But the movement somehow failed to make headway. The society started by Chishi Murai for the study of socialism did not take any political colour. In the spring of Meiji 34 (1901), the spirited members of the society (which afterward changed its name into the Society for Socialists), left it to join the members of the alliance for the formation of labour-unions in organizing the Social Democratic Party. The leaders of the party were the follow- ing six men; Sen Katayama, Denjiro Kotoku, Naoe Kinoshita, Kiyoshi Kawakami, Kojiro Nishikawa, Iso-o Abe. In May 20, Meiji 34 (1901), the party was formally organized, and its declaration was made public. It was during the Ito ministry, of which Kencho Suyematsu was the Minister of Interior. The Minister ordered the new party dissolved, and its declaration was withheld from publication. During the Katsma ministry, which succeeded the Ito ministry, the Socialists again filed an application for permission to organize, this time under the name of the Japan Commoners’ Party. The application was again rejected. Thus the government was ever vigilant as to the socialistic movement. So the comrades gave up hope of pohtical agitations, and turned their attention to an educational campaign. In the winter of Meiji 35 (1902), Kotoku and Sakai published the Com- Socialism in Japan 113 moners' Journal, in which they made a strong anti- war appeal. Katayama went to Amsterdam in August, Meiji 37 (1904), to attend the international conference of socialist parties, which was held there. Plekanoff of Russia and Katayama of Japan were chosen vice-presidents. The confer- ence passed a resolution opposed to the Russo- Japanese War, which was about to break out. From this time the government began to take drastic measures in dealing with the sociaHsts. The Commoners' Journal was sued in court several times, and was suspended from sale many times. It was at this stage that the people of our country clearly recognized the existence of such a thing as socialism. In the meantime, the socialists were engaged in evangelistic movements throughout the country. They held public meetings for the dissemination of socialism. The government again ordered the society of the socialists dis- banded. Besides, it punished Kojiro Nishikawa and Denjiro Kotoku and confiscated the property of their newspaper plant. So the Commoners' Journal was discontinued after November, Meiji 38 (1905). After Nishikawa and Kotoku were imprisoned, the Commoners’ Society dwindled and finally dissolved. Later there were published the New Era, a magazine edited by Sanshiro Ishikawa, Iso-o Abe, Naoe Kinoshita, and others, and the Light edited by Kojiro Nishikawa. When the Saionji ministry came into power, the attitude of the government toward these socialists became 8 1 14 Japan’s Message to America a little milder, and consequently the educational movements changed into political campaign. In February, Meiji 39 (1906), the members of the former Commoners’ Society and Katayama, Sakai, Nishikawa, and others organized the Japan Socialist Party. At the same time Yakichi Yamaji, Teikichi Shiba, and others organized the State Socialist party. But state socialism soon dropped out of existence. Soon the Saionji ministry fell and the Katsura ministry again came into power. The pressure brought to bear by the government upon the socialists became ever heavier. Denjiro Kotoku went to America, and in San Francisco he asso- ciated with the anarchists, became an anarchist himself, and retiuned to Japan. From this time the socialists’ society was divided into two camps. Kotoku’s camp decided that it was impossible to control the houses of the Diet by votes, and that the only way opened to them was to resort to strikes in order to accomplish their object. They called this a “direct action.’’ The other camp was represented by Katayama, Nishikawa, and others. These leaders maintained the tenet to which they clung, namely that they would advocate socialism in accordance with the laws of the country, and would try to gain their point by means of ballots. But the separation of the two camps became apparent in Meiji 42 (1909), when a meeting was held at the Kinkikwan, Tokyo, at which the radicals among the Kotoku camp got Socialism in Japan 115 into an altercation with the poHce authorities present. This brought about the famous “red flag” affair, as a result of which several young men identified with the Kotoku camp of socialists were arrested and imprisoned. Afterward Kotoku went to Yugahara in Saga- mi, where he was engaged in writing a book on Christ Denied, and in translating Renan’s Life of Jesus. Meanwhile Miss Suga Kanno and two or three of her comrades planned to assassinate the August person, and consequently twenty-four of the comrades were arrested. On January 19, Meiji 44 (1911), a judgment was rendered by the court of the special session, by which the arrested were sentenced to execution. But twelve of them were pardoned by the special dispensation of the Emper- or Meiji and were allowed to remain imprisoned for life. Kotoku, Kanno, and others, numbering twelve, were executed on the 25th of that month. The Katsura ministry, which had indirect re- lation w'ith this incident, managed to have 1,500,- 000 yen granted out of the Imperial Household treasury on the occasion of Kigensetsu, a feast for the celebration of the founding of the Empire, on February nth, which amount was added to the contributions made by private persons, in all aggregating 20,000,000 yen. With this fund the Saiseikwai, a charity society, was instituted. Prince Katsura himself was appointed President of the society and has directed the work of assist- ing the poor and the needy. ii6 Japan’s Message to America The execution of Kotoku and his comrades was a severe blow to the socialists. To be sure, govern- ment has not stopped its arresting hand at that, and the movements of the socialists are strictly prohibited. But the socialism as an idea has rather spread than subsided in the coimtry. There is no question but that, along with the world tendencies of thought, the socialistic move- ment will take a new form and make its appearance in Japan. CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN TASUKU HARADA [Rev. Tasuku Harada, B.D. (Yale), D.D. (Amherst), LL.D. (Edinburgh Univ.), president of Doshisha University, Kyoto, pastor of Kumiai (Congregational) Churches in Tokyo , Kobe and Kyoto, president of National Council of Kumiai Churches, president of Christian Endeavour Union of Japan; bom 1863 at Kumamoto: in 1891, he was delegate to the World Congre- gational Council at London; 1900, delegate to the World Christian Endeavour Convention; 1910, delegate to the World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh; the same year, lectured at Yale, Hartford, and some other institutions in the United States; 1915, he travelled extensively in India; editor of Kirisuto-Kyo Sekai (Christian World); author of The Faith and Ideal; and The Time of Jesus (Japanese), The Faith of Japan (English), etc.] There are many problems which confront the Christian Church in Japan. Let me briefly deal with some of the more practical ones. I . One of the most imperative problems is the unification of the various branches of the Church, for there is hardly any greater hindrance to the spread of Christianity than the present diversity of denominations and antagonism between differ- ent communions. Among Protestants there are at present 931 foreign missionaries and 561 ordained Japanese evangelists and pastors, and some 75,000 117 ii8 Japan’s Message to America church members, and these are divided into over twenty different denominations. Furthermore, almost every denomination has its own educational institutions, with the natural result that the equip- ment of most of them is sadly deficient. If it were possible in the near future to effect the imion of these various denominations and their educational institutions, their efficiency would be increased at least three- or four-fold. The present use of forces and equipment is in the highest degree wasteful of both men and money ; and here again, as “evidence weighs more than argument,’’ if we could exhibit a imion in both spirit and organi- zation no one could calculate how great would be the direct gain in evangelistic efficiency and the indirect gain in the heightened respect of the nation at large for Christianity. 2. The expansion of Christian education is the second urgent need. Thirty years ago Christian higher educational institutions could compare favourably with the corresponding grade of govern- ment institutions in both equipment and work, and Christian girls’ schools were admittedly in the front rank. IVIeanwhile, however, govern- ment and public schools have advanced a hundred paces, while Christian schools have taken but two or three faltering steps. The government schools now are like full-grown men and the Christian schools like boys. In the four Imperial universi- ties there are some 500 professors and instructors and 7500 students. In the eight higher schools Christianity in Japan 119 and the fifty or so higher technical schools there are 2000 professors and instructors and 23,000 students. In the four hundred and fifty boys’ and girls’ government middle schools the number of pupils exceeds 160,000. It must be borne in mind that in all these government and public institutions the following “Instruction,” issued by the Minister of Education in 1899, is strictly observed: “It being essential from the point of view of educational administration that general education should be independent of religion, instruction in religion shall not be given or religious services held at government schools, public schools, or schools whose curricula are regulated by provisions of law, even outside of the regular course of instruction.” Contrast with these figures the Christian schools, which have enrolled in the middle schools only 3416 pupils, and in the higher or collegiate schools 332 students, while throughout the Christian educational system there is no institution that is really worthy of the title of a university. Even Christian girls’ schools have at length fallen behind the corresponding government schools. Mean- while, Buddhist schools have caught up to, and in some cases passed, the Christian institutions. When confronted by such discouraging facts as these, some persons are incHned to throw up their hands and exclaim, “If that is the situation, what is the use of attempting to keep up the compe- tition?” But such an attitude is, to say the least, 120 Japan’s Message to America short-sighted. Supposing for a moment that all the universities and high schools of Great Britain and America should have all Christian worship and Christian teaching eradicated, can one con- ceive that the Christian civilization of these countries could be maintained? Hitherto the respect accorded to Christianity in Japan has been due in large measure to the fact that there has been a comparatively large number of Christians of university standing, most of whom have spent some time in study abroad. They have held their own with non-Christian scholars as exponents of Western thought ; but if the falling behind of Christian schools is not checked, it is no exaggera- tion to say that within twenty or thirty years Christian scholarship will be an inconsiderable factor in the thought and higher life of the nation. It is certainly a crisis, calling for resolute action and large poHcies by all the Christian forces. We need the best possible middle schools, where the foundations of high and manly character may be laid; we need Christian higher schools, where a liberal training may be given ; and we need Christian universities, with theological, arts, and science departments, to produce leaders in these branches of knowledge. Then, for the first time, we shall be able to say that Christianity is per- manently planted in Japan. For the consumma- tion of the evangelization of Japan in any true sense such educational institutions are a sine qua non, and for this reason, if for no other, we must Christianity in Japan 121 continue to look for generous help to our Christian friends across the seas. In Christian education, at least, there is no room for argument as to the need of greatly increased reinforcements of men and of money from foreign countries. And it should be added that there is no fear that the number of Christian schools will exceed the demand, for, according to government statistics, there are at least three times as many applicants for admission to higher schools as there are places available. 3. Japan needs more teachers and scholars of the highest character and scholarship from abroad. One of the most encouraging facts in the history of Christian work in Japan is the deep and lasting influence exerted upon the educational and higher classes by such men as Professor Ladd, President Cuthbert Hall, President Churchill King, and others. Their eminent attainments have done much to raise the prestige of the Christian move- ment as a whole. I would not be understood as advocating visits by distinguished Americans alone. We earnestly hope that more men like Professor Macalister and Sir Alexander Simpson will come from Great Britain and Europe. In no way can Christianity be commended to our most thoughtful men so effectively as by specialists in literature, theology, philosophy, psychology, sociology, and science. They will command a hearing and sow seed that wall sooner or later yield a rich harvest. But when such visitors 122 Japan’s Message to America come to Japan we trust that they will not give merely doctrinal expositions of Christianity, nor waste time in complimenting us, but will rather treat their special subjects, such as education and sociology, from the point of view of Christianity, as well as expose our defects and point the way to their correction through the power of Christ. 4. We need to have many more standard Christian works presented in our own tongue. The majority of Japanese scholars to-day look contemptuously on Christian philosophy as far inferior to Buddhist philosophy, and this view is unfortunately shared even by some Christians. One of the best means of correcting this miscon- ception is to translate and publish in Japanese the standard literary works of the Occident. At the same time it would be extremely desirable to trans- late and circulate, among both Christians and non-Christians, some of the best recent utterances of Western writers. Furthermore, it is necessary that Christians should be made acquainted with the content, not only of their own faith, but also of the assured results of the critical study of Buddhism, Shinto, and Confucianism. A positive and open-minded treatment of such subjects would do not a little to correct the misconceptions among thoughtful men at large, and to create sound convictions among Christians themselves. 5. In addition to Christian scholars from abroad, Japan needs to be visited by Christians of less specialized training — men of standing in the Christianity in Japan 123 business and political worlds, leaders in industry and applied science. They could do much for the spread of Christianity by coming into intimate contact with Japanese. For one thing, they could help to bridge the deep gulf of national and racial prejudice, and to demonstrate that Chris- tianity, in fact as well as in theory, embodies the Confucian precept, “All within the four seas are brothers.” Is it not the natural way for each class to evangelize its fellows — for publicists to win publicists, for men of affairs to win men of affairs? If this were realized more fully by the various classes of Western residents in the East, who can doubt that the Christianization of Japan would be greatly hastened? Would it not be but a carrying out of the underlying spirit of the Laymen’s Mis- sionary Movement, which declares that its mem- bers must give not only money but voluntary and personal service for the evangelization of the world? Let Western Christian laymen be as- sured that if they come in such a spirit to Japan they will meet with the heartiest welcome. 6. There is need for the Christian forces to pay more attention to promoting international peace. Fortunately, the impression that all missionaries were spies and emissaries for the betrayal of the country has entirely died out, and the fact that a person is a foreigner is no longer a cause for dis- trust or hatred. But at the same time there are deep-seated national and racial prejudices which are by no means limited to Japanese. Looked at 124 Japan’s Message to America from the standpoint of both politics and religion, is it not incumbent upon every Christian worker, whether foreign or native, to exert himself to the utmost to do away with all these disturbing factors? The first purpose of the foreign mis- sionary in Japan should be to preach his religion, not because it is his own religion, but because he loves the Japanese and wants to help them by giving them the most precious thing in his posses- sion. The missionary who can create the convic- tion in the minds of Japanese that love is foremost and propaganda secondary is the one who will win their imdying affection and lead them to Christ. 7. The time has come for a larger proportion of missionaries to be sent into the interior. Some may ask whether there is any need of increasing the missionary force at all, and to this I un- hesitatingly answer, “Yes”; but most of the ad- ditional missionaries are needed for different functions than those hitherto filled by them. The pioneer period has passed. The need for mis- sionaries to control the management and activities of the Church has now gone by. Henceforth, speaking broadly, the need will be for specialists of some sort, whether theologians, or Biblical schol- ars, or musicians, or science teachers, or experts in social-religious work and administration. At the same time, those whom we may term “ ordinary missionaries” should be scattered from the large cities out into the towns and villages of ten or fifteen thousand inhabitants. They should live Christianity in Japan 125 with the people like parish priests, knowing them in their most intimate needs, and establishing lifelong friendships — especially with persons of education and influence in the town. It would, of course, be important that missionaries should work hand in hand with Japanese evangelists, but in certain respects the missionary is better fitted to take the lead in such interior work than the Japanese. I feel sure that missionaries who combine a broad culture with ardent devotion to the people will still be able to play a notable part in the evangelization of the Empire. And they may work with the consciousness that their efforts are doubly worth while, for they are in a real sense working not only for Japan but for the world, for the mould in which Christianity is cast in Japan will modify not a little the outlines of Christianity throughout the world. In conclusion, it is important for every one concerned to realize that the Christianization of Japan is no holiday task; indeed, it is certain to be a long and severe campaign. Since the time when Christianity assimilated Greek thought and conquered Roman civilization, it has never faced a task so stupendous as that of the conquest of the Orient. Japan, with all her progress in the arts and crafts of civilization, and all her friendli- ness toward Christian ethical standards, is still far from being a Christian nation. Yet, gigantic as are the internal forces arrayed against Chris- tianity, the Christian cohorts are daily growing in 126 Japan’s Message to America numbers and efficiency, and there are multitudes of Nicodemuses needing only a crisis to bring them out into the open. The disquieting consideration is that the tides of the new social and religious life are waiting for no man. To keep up with these rapid movements the Christian Churches and missionary bodies should accelerate their pace. The situation in the whole Orient, in fact, consti- tutes one of the most splendid opportunities, and at the same time one of the gravest crises, in the whole history of the Church. With every passing year the opportunity is slipping farther from her grasp. I make bold to say that her victory or defeat in Japan will largely determine the future of Christianity in the whole Far East. A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BANK OF JAPAN YATARO MISHIMA [Viscount Yataro Mishima, Governor of the Bank of Japan, member of House of Peers; bom April, 1867; studied in America, 1884-90, becoming M.A. (Cornell) in 1890; the same year, went to Europe to continue his studies; on his return home, Feb., 1892, he began his career as an expert in the Department of Agriculture and Commerce; in 1897, he was on the com- mission for the investigation of the American postal system; 1897, was elected member of House of Peers; 1899, became au- ditor of the Gan-Etsu Ry. Co., and then was successively one of its directors and its president; 1906-1910, he was on several important commissions including the South Manchuria Railway Commission; 1911, became president of the Yokohama Specie Bank; was transferred to his present post, June i, 1913; he is a leader in the Upper House.] I. BANKING SYSTEM PRIOR TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE BANK Japanese monetary and banking systems prior to the establishment of the Bank of Japan were directly copied from the systems of the United States of America: a standard money was fixed, one yen in gold, that is nearly equal to one dollar; and the government not only issued paper money, but also authorized each national bank to issue 127 128 Japan’s Message to America its own bank-notes, these national banks of issue having been established all over the cotintry under the auspices of the government. But since the trade silver dollar was minted together with the standard gold coin, and sub- sequently the former was permitted to circulate in the interior, a change had been brought about to the monetary system in which silver now was to be the actual standard, while the gold standard remained only nominal. As to the paper money, both an increase of the government issues in conse- quence of the pressing needs of the state and an increase of the notes issued by the national banks had accelerated inflation to such an enormous amount as to bring about not a small premium between silver and paper. This at once affected and greatly disturbed the economic circles. And yet none of the national banks was capable to do the work of readjustment, for they established themselves in various parts of the country, each one having a very small capital. Accordingly, monetary transactions were far from being smooth, and the rate of interest was ruHng very high. II. FOUNDATION OF THE BANK OF JAPAN At this juncture. Marquis Matsukata, the then Minister of Finance, devised the establishment of a central bank after the fashion of the banking systems in Europe, with a view to facilitating monetary transactions in all parts of the coimtry An Account of the Bank of Japan 129 and lowering the rate of interest for the benefit of productive industries, consolidating the privi- leges of note issue for the strengthening of credit, and transferring the treasury business from the government through the necessity of preventing the State’s finances from being in a state of confu- sion. The plan finally took shape in 1882 and the Bank of Japan was founded. But just at the time of its establishment convertible bank-notes could not be issued, a supply of hard cash being short in the whole cotmtry. Later on, however, with the progress of financial adjustment the amount of specie gradually augmented to such extent as to be kept in reserve against note issues, and at the same time, with the enactment of the Convertible Bank Note Regulations in May, 1884, the issue of such bank-notes was inaugurated. III. RELATIONS OF THE BANK TO THE GOVERNMENT Soon after the Bank having been organized in accordance with the intent and purpose for its establishment, the government entrusted to the Bank the business for part of the state funds, followed by the business of employing the funds belonging to the Treasury Deposit Bureau, and since July, 1886, also the business in connection with the national debts. Ever since the Rules of Treasury were enacted in 1889, and in the year following the Bank was authorized by the government to transact the 130 Japan’s Message to America business of receiving and disbursing state funds in general, the Bank now has been placed in a position to conduct all the business in connection with state funds, together with their distribution, and the issue and redemption of national loans. Further, in 1909, according to the Law for the Accounts of the Imperial Railways, the Bank was required to act as depositary of the cash belonging to the Railway Accounts. IV. DEVELOPMENT OF THE BANK Though only thirty years have elapsed since the foundation of the Bank, it has made rapid strides in the growth of business. The Bank was or- ganized with the capital of 10,000,000 yen, but only within a few years insiifhciency of its resources was so felt, that in 1887 an increase of its capital was made from 10,000,000 to 20,000,000 yen. This was followed by another increase in 1895, so that the capital stood at the figure of 30,000,000 yen. But still another increase to 60,000,000 yen was decided upon in February, 1910, in order to meet the needs of the times. Now the capital of the Bank stands at 60,000,000 yen, divided into 300,000 shares of 200 yen each. On application to the government for approval of the resolutions passed in the extraordinary general meeting of share- holders regarding the renewal of the business term which expires on October 9, 1912, together with the measure taken by the Bank to increase its An Account of the Bank of Japan 131 capital, the Bank was granted the charter for the renewal of its business term on February 19, 1910, so that the Bank’s business term is now extended for another thirty years’ till October 9, 1942, after the date of expiration. V. PRESENT CONDITION OF THE BANK The Bank, as pointed out before, is now the only bank of issue in the country, and transacts the business in connection with state funds and national debts in addition to ordinary banking business. The administration of the Bank is in the hands of the Administrative Board which consists of one Governor, one Vice-Governor and four Directors. The Governor presides over the Administrative Board and executes the resolutions passed at the meeting of the Board. There are now five Audi- tors, who inspect the business management of the Bank and also inspect its books. At present, the Governor is Viscount Yataro Mishima, member of the House of Peers, and the Vice-Governor is Mr. Kesaroku Mizumachi. The business at the Head Office of the Bank is at present conducted through the following di- visions under the management of a chief officer of each division : 1. Inspector's Bureau, 2. Business Department, 3. Cash Department, 4. Treasury Department, 5. Secretary’s Department, 6. Security Department, 7. Accountant Department, 8. Economic Research Depart- ment, Private Secretary’s Bureau. 9 - 132 Japan’s Message to America The Bank has nine branches which are respec- tively located at Osaka, Moji, Kyoto, Nagoya, Otaru, Hakodate, Fukushima, Hiroshima, and Kanazawa. Two more branches are to be estab- lished in Matsumoto and Niigata during the year (1914). The number of officers and clerks employed by the Bank was 792 at the end of the year 1913. Besides there are at present over 450 employees, including the girls engaged in the work regarding the government bonds, bank-notes, and securities in their respective departments. VI. THE bank’s report The Bank publishes a half-yearly balance sheet in February and August every year, when a general meeting of shareholders is to be held, and at the general meeting in February it also publishes its Business Report for the preceding year. In addi- tion to these reports the Bank publishes on every Wednesday its weekly balance sheet for the week ending Saturday. THE RAILWAYS OF JAPAN TAKEJIRO TOKONAMI [Mr. Takejiro Tokonami, president of the Imperial Railway Board; bom Kagoshima, Jan., 1897; graduated from the Law College of Tokyo Imperial University; was successively secretary in the Financial Department, secretary in the Pre- fectural Offices of Yamagata and Niigata, Governor of Toku- shima and Akita prefectures, etc.; in 1906, he was appointed Vice-Minister of the Home Department. Author, Obei Shokan (Glimpses of Europe and America) .] GENERAL REMARKS According to the returns made in 1913, the aggregate mileage of railway lines in Japan Proper and Chosen (Korea) amounts roughly to 7000 miles, of which some 6150 miles are owned by the government (some 5200 miles by the Imperial Government Railways of Japan) and some 770 miles by private corporations. Compared with the United States in which there are 250,000 miles of railways, the aforesaid length of lines may be considered very insignificant, like a baby, as it were, in the presence of a giant. But Japan’s railway development can scarcely be said to be too slack or slow, in view of the geographical nature of the covmtry, which is imfavourable for 133 134 Japan’s Message to America any great length of lines, the component parts of the Empire forming a long stretch of narrow islands, and considering also the comparatively late inception of railway enterprises, dating back only to 1872. At the outset, railway construction was almost exclusively in the hands of the govern- ment, which later on opened this new enterprise to private capital and encomraged different com- panies to undertake it. As years advanced, the public was convinced by experience of the advisa- bility of government ownership of main trunk lines, which are, so to speak, the arteries of national life, and the government bought various private lines of some importance in the years 1906 and 1907, and thus the railway nationalization was brought about with satisfactory results. At present, as evidenced by the figures already quoted, the Imperial Government Railways own and operate the largest portion of the whole rail- way system, which, furthermore, cover the most important districts, linking together all principal centres of commercial and industrial activity. A striking geographical feature of the coimtry is the prevalence of moimtains, and this renders railway construction extraordinarily difficult; the lines already constructed abound in sharp curves and steep gradients. Timnels, which are com- paratively seldom met with on Enghsh and American railways, are burrowed through many mountains and hills, and no long journeys can be accomplished without coming across them. The Railways of Japan 135 The capital invested up to March, 1913, in the 6000 miles of Japanese railways exclusive of those in Chosen, totalled $467,000,000, which includes $434,000,000 for 5200 miles of the government lines and $33,000,000 for the private lines. The latter lines, however, aggregate only 770 miles, w’hich are owned by forty different companies and contain no veiy^ big system worth touching upon here. As mentioned above, the total capital invested in the government hnes is $434,000,000, but this sum covers the natural increase of valua- tion, due to the nationalization of the principal private companies’ lines, on the investment actually made by these companies. The margin in question is about $110,000,000, which being deducted from the said sum, the actual capital amounts to $324,000,000. The annual net profit of the government lines is approximately $28,700,- 000 and its ratio to the capital was 8.9 % for the fiscal year ending March, 1913. The figures showing the amount of interest accruing from the railway working for the five years preceding 1913 are as follows : 1908 8.5% 1909 7 - 6 % 1910 7 - 6 % 1911 8.1% 1912 9 - 0 % Having regard to the statistics above referred to, it is not too much to affirm that the results 136 Japan’s Message to America achieved by the Japanese Government railways are well-nigh unique, of which we may not un- reasonably feel proud, more particularly as this success has been attained, in spite of the fact that the construction of the railways is comparatively expensive and their general working is in many respects difficult, owing to the geographical dis- advantages of the lands traversed. Although Japan’s railway enterprises are in a satisfactory financial state, as detailed above, the railway fares and rates cannot be said to be very high for either passenger or freight service. The average passenger fare per mile is 0.7 cent and the average freight rate per ton mile 0.9 cent, while these are respectively about two cents and one cent in the United States. Furthermore, these cheap fares and rates are levied for much shorter journeys and hauls than those on American railways. The average jour- ney per passenger is twenty-two miles, and the average haul per ton eighty-three miles, which are no more than one-third of the corresponding fig- ures in the United States. When these conditions are taken into consideration, the exceptional cheap- ness of all railway fares and rates is self-evident. THE ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT OF JAPANESE RAILWAYS The Imperial Government Railway Board, directly responsible to the Prime-Minister, is an The Railways of Japan 137 organization on the greatest scale that superin- tends all the railway enterprises in the Japanese Empire, and also operates the government lines, known as the Imperial Government^ Railw^ays, which constitute the largest portion of Japan’s railw’ay systems. The Board’s chief officer is the President, and its headquarters are located in Tokyo, w'here aU the important railway under- takings, such as transportation, engineering, finance, etc., are initiated and their actual execution supervised. The Imperial Government Railways are geographically divided into four parts, each of which is placed under the jurisdiction of a local Divisional Superintendent Office, which manages the railway working in the territory covered. The Main Island, accordingly, is divided into two parts, the north-eastern half imder the Tokyo Divisional Superintendent Office, and the south- western half under the Kobe Divisional Superin- tendent Office, while Plokkaido, the northern island, and Kyushu, the southern island, are each placed under similar offices. From the financial point of view, the Imperial Government Railways are set apart as special accoimt, and all disbursements for construction, w'orking, improvement, etc., are to be met by the receipts and profits accruing from railway traffic. Thus the railway finance is distinctly independent of the general budget, and the working and im- provement of the government railways are carried out entirely on the basis of their own traffic 138 Japan’s Message to America revenue. It has recently been decided that the necessary funds for the future extension of railway enterprises are to be obtained from the source of public loans as well as their net profit. As indi- cated already, the government railway lines are advancing with giant strides year by year, and, regarded even from the narrow viewpoint of a mere money-making concern, promise future prosperity. It is almost needless to say that the railways are undoubtedly the most hopeful of all Japan’s enterprises of whatever kind. THE SERVICE OF THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT RAILWAYS Turning to the traffic business of the Imperial Government Railways, the railway system under their management extends almost all over the Empire and reaches far outlying districts. This fast extending system of about 5500 miles (at the beginning of 1914), connects important cities, towns, and ports, and almost all tourist points of interest are located on their lines. As Japan is an island empire, the railways perforce cannot run in an unbroken series throughout the country, and the Imperial Government Railways operate ferry services on the channels of any importance between the separate islands, thus effectually carrying out through connections by rail. The inland journeys are almost entirely accomplished by railway lines, and except for the transportation The Railways of Japan 139 of freight along coast lines, which is shared by the coasting steamers, the movement of freight, between seaports and the interior centres of pro- duction, etc., is exclusively controlled by railway lines. The repeated introduction of new schemes for promoting the efficiency of passenger and freight service has induced industrial activity on all sides, and it is evident by the gradual increase of railway receipts that the economical develop- ment of the Empire is largely reflected in the re- sults of railway enterprises. Through-traffic arrangements between Japan and foreign countries have lately been pushed on most assiduously. At present, on the one hand, the through transportation of passengers and their luggage is operated to and from those neighbour- ing lands overseas, such as Chosen (Korea), North and South Manchuria, Russian Maritime Province, and China, and farther afield to and from European Russia and West Europe over the trans-Siberian route, and, on the other, arrange- ments have been made for the issuing of interchange tickets by land and sea with the chief trans-Pacific and Suez steamer lines, with a view to passengers’ breaking the monotony of the sea voyage by over- land journeys in Japan. Last year saw the open- ing of through transportation of freight with North Manchuria and Russian Maritime Province, and the shipping of through freight can now be effected to all Far-Eastern points by these and other arrangements. AU the world’s highways of 140 Japan’s Message to America travel and transportation, such as the trans- pacific fines, those via Siberia and Suez, and others from the South Seas, converge on Japan, the island empire prominently situated in the west of the Pacific Ocean. As a natural consequence the movements of passengers and the import and export of freight contribute largely to the increase of railway receipts, these keeping pace with the rapid but steady promotion of Japan’s national activity in all phases. Although the railway fines in Japan proper are of narrow gauge, the Railway Management strives to effect improvements in passenger and other service in the matter of comfort, speed, and safety, as far as circumstances permit. Express trains are run on trunk fines, on which the pas- senger accommodation is of the best, and sleeping- and dining-cars are provided. The daily limited express connecting Tokyo, the metropolis, and Shimonoseki, the nucleus of various routes at the western extremity of the Main Island, has an ob- servation parlour car, after the model of some American trains, besides sleeping- and dining-cars. These Japanese trains hardly attain the high stand- ard of excellence of the luxurious and fast Ameri- can limited trains, but the endeavours of the Railway Management are chiefly bent toward pas- sengers’ comfort, if not luxury. In these examples mention has been made only of passenger cars, but the Imperial Government Railways are doing their best also in the lowering of rates for the The Railways of Japan 141 transportation of luggage, parcels, and freight, with a view to furthering public interests and promoting the industrial and economical develop- ment of the nation at large. EDUCATION AND RELIEF WORKS FOR RAILWAY EMPLOYEES The truth of the “Man behind the gun” holds good in the case of railways. The satisfactory development of railway working depends much upon the ripe experience of capable employees. To this end the Imperial Government Railways have planned, and are engaged in, the education of, and relief works for, their employees. Instruction on technical and general lines is given at the institutes belonging to each local Divisional Superintendent Office and also at the Central Institute in Tokyo. The former has two departments, viz., traffic and engineering, and the latter, four departments, viz., traffic, engineer- ing, electricity, and English. In these different departments, railway employees are given neces- sary instruction in each branch of technical educa- tion. The graduates from these institutions, since their inauguration in 1909, number 3211, and their efficiency has been put to the test with satisfactory results. Besides the above, specific education is imparted through different apprentice systems for technical education, electrical opera- 142 Japan’s Message to America tions and marine engineering, and general work- manship. The relief systems, established by the govern- ment for employees in the civil and technical services, e.g. old-age pensions, the maintenance of surviving famihes, grants in cases of resignation, death, or injury, are also applicable to the em- ployees engaged in the Government Railways. According to the provisions in these laws relating to old-age pensions, the maintenance of surviving families, etc., the railway employees who have continued in the service for more than fifteen years are entitled in their lifetime to one fourth of their annual salaries at the time of resignation. This also applies to those injured while on duty during the fifteen years, and some grants are also made to the surviving members of their families. Allow- ances are also made to railway employees when they resign, die, or are injured while on duty. Besides these general methods of relief, the Imperial Government Railways have a special rehef system for injuries and old age, peculiar to the Railway Department. This is the Relief Association, of which the membership comprises station employees and train staff of lower grades, and which has for its object the mutual succour of its members. These members are required to pay in 3 % of their salaries, and the government supplements the sum by grants, equal to 2% of their total salaries, and these contributions consti- tute the general funds of the association. The The Railways of Japan 143 disbiirsements for the succour of injured and aged members, or the families of deceased mem- bers, are met with the said funds. This asso- ciation is most effective in its working, and its membership includes 100,000 out of the 110,000 employees of the Government Railways. By the foregoing methods the Imperial Govern- ment Railways are trying to secure efficient labour and utiHze experience and practical knowledge to the highest possible degree, and their efforts are year in year out bearing fruit in furnishing the railways with that vital energ}^ which, in co-opera- with the mechanical perfection of railway appli- ances and equipments, is essential for the smooth and efficient working of the great system under their control. MR. YUKICHI FUKUZAWA AND HIS MORAL CODE EIKICHI KAMADA [Hon. Eikichi Kamada, president of Keio University, mem- ber of House of Peers, member of Higher Educational Council; born 1857 at Wakamatsu; studied at Keio; was dean of the faculty of the Zoshikan College, 1881-83; after his return home from Europe where he studied educational systems, he became president of Keio University, 1898; author of Dokuritsu Jison in which book he expounds Fukuzawa’s precept on self-respect and independence.] Yukichi Fukuzawa, “the Sage of Mita,” as he was afterward called by his disciples and admirers, was bom on the loth of January, 1835, in Osaka, where his father, Mr. Hyakusuke Fukuzawa, a retainer of the Lord of the Nakatsu clan in the province of Buzen in Kiushiu, lived with his family at the time. A samurai of culture and unblemished character, though low in rank, Hyakusuke Fukuzawa was widely read in Chinese classics and literature. When Yukichi, the future founder of the Keiogijuku, was still an infant, his parents moved to Nakatsu, a little seaport town in Buzen, where the latter spent the rest of their quiet, peaceful days. In 1836, his father 144 Fukuzavva’s Moral Code 145 died, leaving him, a child of only eighteen months, to the tender care of his widowed mother. As the boy became older he exhibited unusual interest as well as talent for foreign languages. In Febru- ary, 1854, he went to Nagasaki to study the Dutch language; but in the following year he returned to Osaka and became a pupil of the cele- brated physician Koan Ogata, under whom he continued the study of the language and soon dis- tinguished himself as one of his brightest students. In 1858, young Fukuzawa came to Edo (Tokyo) and began to devote himself to the dissemination of the knowledge he had thus far acquired of the Dutch language by opening a school in the grounds of the residence of Lord Okudaira of Buzen at Teppozu. It was during the very same year that Japan concluded treaties with five foreign powers and made a forward move to come into close contact with Western civilization. In the follow- ing year the future “Sage of Mita” went one day to Yokohama, which had just been opened to foreign trade, and there met for the first time some English-speaking people, in conversation with whom his knowledge of Dutch was of no avail. He at once made up his mind to devote his entire energy to the study of the English language, the acquisition of which, he perceived, would be of great importance to himself and his country. It seemed impossible at the time for him to engage a teacher of English ; but on hearing that an inter- preter of EngHsh was in the service of the Toku- 10 146. Japan’s Message to America gawa Government, he went and persuaded the man to teach him. Various difficulties, however, prevented him from making satisfactory progress in his lessons. Then deciding to study the lan- guage without a teacher, he finally succeeded in acquiring a good knowledge of it with the help of an English-Dutch dictionary, which he was fortu- nate enough to come across in Yokohama; and he became the first Japanese scholar to study things Western through the Enghsh language. Toward the close of the same year Mr. Yukichi Fukuzawa sailed for the United States of America in the suite of Kimura Settsu-no-kami, who was despatched thither by the Tokugawa Government. Two years later, in 1861, he once more left home for Europe, this time on an official mission to make literary researches in England, Holland, Prussia, and Portugal. Returning the next year, he busied himself in translating and pubhshing many books he had brought home. Again, in 1867, he went to America. These foreign travels gave Mr. Fuku- zawa an insight into the significance of the spread of education in the West that was of immense value to him in his later life. During his last travel in America, however, Mr. Fukuzawa in- curred the displeasure of his superiors, because he had shown little sympathy with the poHcy of the Tokugawa Government, and, on his return, he was ordered by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to confine himself in his own residence as punishment for his insubordination. This involim- Fukuzavva’s Moral Code 147 tary confinement affording him leisure, he devoted all his time to teaching and to literary work. It was about this time that he named his school after the Keio Era (1865-1867) and called it “Keiogi- juku” or “Keio Free School,” a name with which his own will always be associated. It is impossible, in a short sketch like this, to attempt to give even an idea of the extent of this great teacher’s influence on, and share in, the building up of modem Japan. It is, indeed, no exaggeration to say that most of the leading men of Japan to-day either received their education in Mr. Fukuzawa’s school or benefited from the perusal and study of the books Mr. Fukuzawa had written and published. His publications, which bristled with liberal ideas and were widely read, had great influence in moulding the minds of the people in those days. He was an ardent advocate of the opening, at an early date, of a national assembly, and was a resolute opponent of those ancient customs that tended to hinder the progress of the nation. He was the first Japanese scholar who recognized the rights of women and endeavoured to rai.se their social position. Later in his life he published his Moral Code to teach the principle of independence and self-respect, which has since become the motto of the Keiogijuku. In 1861, at the age of 27, he married Miss Kin Toki, and three years later his son Ichitaro, who is now the Chancellor of the Keiogijuku, was bom, 148 Japan’s Message to America followed by several other sons and daughters. After forty years of active and fmitful life, “the Sage of Mita” passed away in February, 1901. fukuzawa’s “moral code” In the following pages is given an exact reproduc- tion of the recognized English translation of Mr. Fukuzawa’s Moral Code, which was referred to in the preceding short account of his life. The Code embodies the fundamental principles of education that guide and stimulate the members of the teaching-staff of the institution in their daily work of upbuilding the character, and of develop- ing the intellect, of students who come imder their care and instruction. 1. It is the universal duty of man to raise his personal dignity and to develop his moral and intellectual faculties to their uttermost capacity, never to be contented with the degree of develop- ment already attained, but ever to press forward to higher attainments. We urge it, therefore, as a duty upon all those who hold the same convic- tions as ourselves to endeavour in all things to discharge their full di ty as men, laying to heart the principle of independence and self-respect, as the leading tenets of moral Hfe. 2. Whosoever perfectly realizes the principle of independence both of mind and body, and, paying due respect to his own person, preserves A Fukuzawa’s Moral Code 149 his dignity unblemished, — him we call a man of independence and self-respect. 3. The true source of independence of life is to eat one’s bread in the sweat of one’s brow. A man of independence and self-respect should be a self -helping and self-supporting man. 4. Strength of body and soundness of health are requisites of life. We should, therefore, al- ways take care to keep mind and body active and well, and to refrain from any action or course of life likely to prove injurious to our health. 5. It is man’s duty to live out the whole of his allotted span of life. To take one’s own life, for whatever reasons, or under whatever circumstances is an unreasonable and cowardly act, altogether abominable and entirely unworthy of the principle of independence and self-respect. 6. To realize the principle of independence and self-respect demands nothing short of an audacious, active, and dauntless spirit. It re- quires a combination in a man’s character of courage with fortitude. 7. A man of independence and self-respect should not be dependent upon others for the determination of his own conduct. He should be intelligent enough to think and judge for himself. 8. To treat women as though they were in- ferior to men is a barbarous custom. Men and women belonging to a civilized society should love and respect one another as equals, each sex realiz- ing its own independence and self-respect. 150 Japan’s Message to America 9. Inasmuch as marriage is one of the most serious events in hmnan life, great caution should be observed in the choice of a partner for life. All human relations have their origin in marriage, in the loving and respectful cohabitation, till death comes to separate them, of husband and wife, neither of whom should interfere with the independence and self-respect of the other. 10. Such husbands and wives maintain to- wards their offspring a relation which is both full of hope and natural, since there are no extraneous elements introduced into the family and since parents and children are wholly and exclusively each the other’s own. The love that binds them together is sincere and pure, and the keeping of this love imimpaired is the foimdation of domestic happiness. 11. Children, also, should be trained to be- come persons of independence and self-respect, it being the duty of parents to take charge of the proper bringing-up of their children so long as they remain in infancy. Children, for their part, should yield due obedience to their parents, and make every effort to fit themselves to become persons of independence and self-respect when the time comes for them to step out into the world. 12. The ideal person of independence and self-respect deems it incumbent on himself to go on learning even to his old age, and never to allow either the development of the intellect or the Fukuzawa’s Moral Code 151 cultivation of the moral character to slacken or cease. 13. Society having both individuals and fami- lies as its units, it should be borne in mind that the foundation of a healthy society is to be found in the independence and self-respect of the family as well as of the individual. 14. The only w^ay in which social life can con- tinue is for each individual to keep unimpaired his or her own independence and self-respect as well as that of others. This may be done by respecting the rights and happiness of others at the same time that we seek our own happiness and protect our own rights. 15. To harbour resentment and to seek re- venge is another barbarous and cruel practice, a relic of the Dark Ages. We should employ only just and upright means for clearing ourselves from shame or vindicating our honour. 16. Every man should be faithful in the dis- charge of the duties of his vocation. He, who, regardless of the importance of the trusts com- mitted to him, neglects his responsibilities, is unworthy to be called a man of independence and self-respect. 17. Treat others with trustfulness. If you trust others, they will trust you in return. It is this mutual confidence alone that can enable independence and self-respect to be realized in ourselves or in others. 18. Courtesy and etiquette are necessary to 152 Japan’s Message to America the continuance of social life. They should be observed strictly, and yet with moderation. 19. It is an act of humanity, and one of the highest of human virtues, to strive to extend to others that love which we feel ourselves, to lighten the burdens, and promote the happiness, of our fellow-men. 20. Humanity should not be limited towards human beings only. It should prevent men from treating animals with cruelty, and make them refrain from needlessly taking the Hves of fellow- creatures. 21. Since a taste for art and literature elevates the character as well as delights the mind, and since it contributes indirectly to the peace and happiness of mankind, its acquirement should be deemed an object of the greatest importance for human life. 22. Wherever there is a country, there is a government. It is the duty of the government to administer the country, to establish and maintain military power, to protect the people of the land, and to guarantee to the individual citizen the inviolability of life, property, honour, and liberty. In return for these benefits, it is the duty of the citizens to give military service and to contribute to the expenses of the nation. 23. If citizens are under obligation to serve in the national army and to pay their share of the national expenses, it is also, naturally, the duty and privilege to have a voice in the legis- Fukuzawa’s Moral Code 153 lation and a right to control the government expenditure. 24. Citizens of Japan, of either sex, should never forget their supreme duty to maintain their national independence and self-respect, against all foes, and at the sacrifice of even life and property. 25. It is the duty of every citizen, not only to obey the laws himself, but to see that others obey them likewise, for this is necessary for the mainte- nance of the peace and order of society. 26. The number of nations in the world is by no means small, and they differ from us in religion, language, colour, and customs. Yet they are our brothers. In our intercourse with them there should be no partiality, and no attempt at swag- gering or boastfulness. Such conduct only leads us to despise other people, and is wholly at vari- ance with the principle of independence and self- respect. 27. It is the duty of the men living to-day to improve the civilization and happiness which they have received from their forefathers and so to hand them down unimpaired to their posterity. 28. It is natural that men should be born into the world with varying degrees of intellectual and physical strength. It is the province of education to increase the number of the wise and strong, and to diminish that of the weak and foolish. In short, education instructs men in the principle of independence and self-respect, and enables 154 Japan’s Message to America them to form plans for putting the principle into practice. 29. Those who share our convictions, whether men or women, will do well to lay these teachings to heart. They should also strive to spread them throughout society at large, and thus to advance, hand in hand with the whole people, towards the stage of the greatest happiness. THE ETHICAL PROBLEMS OF NEW JAPAN KAJINOSUKE I BUKA [Rev. Dr. Kajinosuke Ibuka, president of the Meiji Gakuin (a mission college), ex-president of the Tokyo Y. M. C. A.; bom, 1854, at Wakamatsu; he was graduated from the Tokyo Union Seminary School in 1879 and took post-graduate studies at the Union Seminary School, New York; also studied at Princeton and Rutgers; in 1876, was made a pastor of the Koji- machi Church, Tokyo; in 1881, was appointed professor at the Tokyo Union Seminary School; in 1886, vice-president of the Meiji Gakuin; in 1891, president of the same; in 1895, was a delegate of the Japan Y. M. C. A. to the International Y. M. C . A. Conference held in U. S. A.; in 1910, a delegate of the Christian Churches in Japan to the International Christian Conference, Edinburgh.] Japan to-day is confronted with many questions which are taxing the power of her statesmen to the utmost — questions political, financial, industrial, and social. But that is not all. She is also face to face with great moral problems. With the influx of Western thought, not only have the ethical maxims that ruled the life of old Japan to a great extent lost their former power of command, but the foundations of the old systems have been shaken and new foundations have not yet been securely laid. 135 156 Japan’s Message to America The situation is one that of necessity occasions grave concern to Japanese statesmen and educa- tors, and to all thoughtful men who have at heart the highest welfare of Japan. For it is a truism of history that a nation morally unsound is de- cadent, whatever may be its wealth or military power. In order to get a clear understanding of the present situation, it is necessary, first, to take a bird’s-eye view of the ethical teachings and influ- ences that were controlling forces in old Japan. These were Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism as modified by Bushido. I. Shinto. Shinto (the way of the Gods) is the original ethnic religion of Japan. In general it may be described as a code of ceremonies based upon primitive legends and traditions. It emphasizes ceremonial purity and ancestral worship as a part of filial obedience. It has also had great influence in forming the spirit of loyalty to Japan and the Emperor. But it cannot be said to have a system of ethics. This, in fact, was the boast of Moto-ori, the great advocate of pure Shinto. “Systems of morals,” he says, “were invented by the Chinese, because the Chinese are a people without morals. But in Japan there is no neces- sity for a system of morals ; for every Japanese will do right, if only he consults his own heart.” Ethical Problems of New Japan 157 This judgment is by no means confirmed by history; but, on the other hand, it should be said that Shinto has profoundly impressed upon the people of Japan the behef that the gods of heaven and earth are watching the conduct of men, and that they reward good deeds with good, and follow evil deeds with evil. II. Buddhism. Buddhism entered Japan in the sixth century, and has had a far greater influence than Shinto in moulding the moral view and ethical ideals of the people. Its pessimistic conception of life has also impressed itself on art and literature. This is the explanation of the minor tone so characteristic of Japanese poetry and music. To Buddhism the world is evil and life an illu- sion. It therefore seeks to turn men’s thought away from the vain and fleeting show of this world to the bliss of the other world where reigns the Eternal Calm, and where the ego is absorbed in the changeless Nirvana. This “ other- worldli- ness” is the gospel of Buddhism. But in ethical teaching Buddhism is notably weak. It is true that its great founder taught compassion and mercy and forbearance; but in listening to its teachings one Hstens in vain for a ringing tone of righteousness. The clear call to duty that marked the Hebrew prophets is altogether missing. Buddhism has much to say about the way of 158 Japan’s Message to America escape from this evil world, which it likens to “a house on fire” ; but little to say about making this world better or putting out the fire. Not how to live in the world, but how to get out of it, is the message of Buddhism; and what rules for disci- pline it has are not for men as men, but rather for those who have “left the world behind them.” In fact Buddhism is a religion for death, rather than a religion for hfe. When death enters the house, then and almost only then comes also the Buddhist priest — comes to repeat the prayers for the dead and to bury them. Buddhism, therefore, has had a strong hold on the ignorant, inspiring them with a fear for the past and an expectation of future bliss; but it has had but little place as a system of morals for the life that now is, and but little moral influence upon the educated class of Japan. III. Confucianism. By far the most powerful ethical factor in old Japan was Confucianism. If the chief characteristic of Buddhism is ‘‘other- worldliness, ” that of Confucianism is ‘‘this- worldliness.” As to the other world Confucianism is purely agnostic. ‘‘We know not life. How then can we know death?” said Confucius. But the teachings of Confucius have profoundly influenced Japan in its principles of government, law, and life. ‘‘Before Confucius, no Confucius; Ethical Problems of New Japan 159 since Confucius, no Confucius.” This familiar epigram accurately expresses the admiration in which the great Chinese sage was held in old Japan. His was a Bible devoutly studied, and its teachings were made the rules of daily life. The authority of Confucius was final. And yet this statement must be qualified. In Japan Confucianism was modified by Bushido, a product of Japanese soil. In the Confucianism of China, the first virtue and root of all other virtues was filial piety; in Japan, it was loyalty to the feudal lord or the Emperor. In China, the scholar and learning took the first place ; in feudal Japan, the samurai and the sword, though learn- ing was also held in reverence. But within the last fifty years a great change has taken place. Confucius is no longer the great master; he is merely a Chinese philosopher. His teachings are no longer authoritative but merely wise teachings; wise sayings, no doubt, but anti- quated and quite inapplicable to the conditions of modem life. More than once feeble attempts have been made to restore Confucianism to its old place, but they have all failed. Like other systems, it ‘‘has had its day.” The knell of both Buddhism and Confucianism was stmck when the government of the Shogun fell. Under lyeyasu and his successors, Confucianism was orthodoxy in morals and Buddhism was the established religion ; and they have never recovered what they lost in prestige and authority when the i6o Japan’s Message to America Shogunate passed. This is unquestionably true, notwithstanding the fact that some of the Bud- dhist sects have exhibited remarkable activity and somewhat regained their hold upon the unedu- cated classes; and it may fairly be said that a few intelligent men took to Buddhism as an ethical force able to grapple with the social and moral problems of modem Japan. With the Restoration of the Emperor, Shinto, which had been repressed by the Shoguns as unfavourable to their authority, rose in influence, and came to be regarded as in a sense the established religion. But, as already said, Shinto is not properly speaking a system of ethics. It remains a cult ; a cult of ancestral wor- ship and traditional ceremonies. Apart from giving a new influence to loyalty, it is far from meeting the ethical demands of the day. It is not to be denied that Confucianism, Bushido, and Shinto combined have produced types of men of whom Japan is rightly proud. Statesmen like Okubo and Ito who devoted them- selves to the progress of Japan and sacrificed their lives for it; soldiers like General Nogi, the hero of Port Arthur, whose tragic death the nation still mourns; sailors like Admiral Togo, of whose character it is unnecessary to speak ; and himdreds of others less famed but of like quality. But the times are changed. “New occasions teach new duties. Time makes ancient good uncouth.’’ And to meet the demands of new Japan new ethical ideals and sanctions are required. Ethical Problems of New Japan i6i Japan has remodelled its laws after the principles of Western law, adopted the education of the West, and established a constitutional form of govern- ment. But hitherto most, even among those who have been foremost as advocates of the civilization of the West, have failed clearly to see the need of ethical reform. But now among thoughtful men the conviction is growing that this is a pressing necessity. With much that is of value in the old systems of morals, more and more their inadequacy is becoming manifest. Bushido — the way of the soldier — was a child of feudalism. It is altogether local and limited in its scope. It cannot possibly meet the requirements of the complex and cos- mopolitan life of new Japan. It “had its day”; but that day is passing or has passed. What, then, are the new ethical principles that must be incorporated into the life of new Japan? This is a broad question, and can now be considered only in some of its more important and obvious aspects. The fundamental need is a new ideal of man; a new ideal of man both as an individual and as a member of society. According to Bushido, the ideal man was the samurai or knight; and his symbol was the sword. “As the cherry blossom Is fairest among flowers So is the samurai Noblest among men.” II O i 62 Japan’s Message to America So wrote the Japanese poet, and so the people beheved. To the samurai, the sum of human virtue was soldierly courage, and devotion to his feudal lord; and the possession of these qualities gave to him a certain nobility of character. But courage in war and loyalty are not everything. To the samurai, man as man was nothing. The peasant or tradesman who insulted him he would cut down on the spot. So much importance did he attach to his own honour and so little to the lives of those below him in rank. Yet he was “the noblest among men.” Now, without controversy, the recognition of the worth of man as man without regard to rank or wealth, is the corner-stone of all modem civiliza- tion ; and a clearer perception and more thorough- going application of this fundamental tmth is the first requisite in the new ethics for Japan. The fundamental tmth carries with it a number of corollaries; among them the dignity of woman, and the limitation of parental authority. The annals of Japan are full of examples of noble and heroic women; of women who willingly endured hardships, or who sacrificed their lives in their devotion to their husbands or fathers or sons or feudal masters; and this may be pointed to as proof of the excellence of the ethical training that produced them. But there is another side to the pictrrre. The position of woman in feudal days was in Ethical Problems of New Japan 163 many ways not one to be envied. She was sub- ject to the “Laws of the three obedience” — as a daughter to her father; as a wife to her husband; as a mother to her eldest son. For a trifle she might be divorced without any right of appeal. It would not be true to say that the position of woman in old Japan was a degraded one. Her sphere of activity was strictly confined to the house- hold. She had little to do with the business of men; but she enjoyed far greater freedom and respect than her sisters in some countries of the Orient. But, as has been said, in many ways her position was that of an inferior. So far as the legal standing of woman to-day is concerned and also as to her education, a great change has taken place. Nevertheless it is also true that the old ideas and the old ideals are still present. What is needed is new ideas and new ideals of the dignity and sacredness of womanhood to be present throughout society and dominant. The same thing may be said with regard to the limitation of parental authority. In Confucian- ism, obedience to parents is the cardinal virtue and root of all other virtues; and while in Bushido it did not rank with loyalty, it knew no other superior. The daughter who sold herself to a Hfe of infamy to reheve her father in financial embar- rassment was a model of virtue; and even to-day there are those who would regard such action praiseworthy. Legally speaking, there is in this particular 1 64 Japan’s Message to America now no essential difference between Japan and the West. But the letter of the law, without its animating spirit, is not enough. What is also needed in Japan is a new and clear perception of personality with all its implications as it is con- ceived in the West, where civilization has been moulded under the influence of Christian principles. Such a conception of personality necessarily raises the question of the relation of the individual to the state. As already said, the cardinal Japanese virtue is loyalty to Japan and the Emperor. A Japanese who is not ready to die for these is no Japanese. This is the teaching of Bushido, and the general sentiment of the people. The history of Japan is so full of examples and instances illustrative of this that it need not be dwelt upon. Nor is it necessary as an element in national character. But along with this emphasis upon the state there has been a proportionate negligence of emphasis upon the individual. The state has been every- thing, the individual nothing. The national constitution, guaranteeing freedom of faith, and the new codes of law promulgated during the reign of the late Emperor, have given to the individual legal rights never possessed before. But the old ideal still pervades Japanese thought. There are still Japanese scholars who contend that freedom of religion and loyalty are not really compatible. Here again, therefore, the letter of the law is not enough. What is also Ethical Problems of New Japan 165 needed is a nation-wide perception of the principle embodied in the constitution and the laws — of the place and the rights of man as man. To recapitulate : Japan is still in a state of transition politically, socially, industrially; and most of all ethically and religiously. The old religions and most sanctions are losing or have lost their hold on the more intelHgent of the people, and the new generation is in danger of falling into skepticism, materiahsm, and atheism. Sociahsm also, of an extreme type, is finding its advocates. Japan, therefore, is in need of new ethical and spiritual ideals. But ideals alone will not avail. A new power is needed : a living, transforming power. Where is this to be obtained? The cry has been that what Japan needs is knowledge; and Japan has sought for knowledge far and wide, sought it eagerly. It has now a system of education that will bear comparison with that of any nation of the West. Ninety- eight per cent, of the children are attending school; and during the past fifty years the progress of people in knowledge has been immense. But there is no moral advance keeping pace wdth the intel- lectual. The people know far more than their fathers know, but they do not do better. Some- times it seems as if they were doing worse. The experience of fifty years has made it clear that knowledge alone can not moralize the nation. Others have declared the panacea to be constitu- tional government; others have proclaimed the i66 Japan’s Message to America gospel of wealth; and philosophy has had its preachers. But thoughtful practical men are coming to see that something more than the mere cultivation of the intellect, or constitutional government, or material prosperity, is necessary for the national ethical well-being. That is the real significance of the so-called Conference of the Three Religions held last year by the Minister of Home Affairs. The purpose of the conference was to give expression to the conviction of men in authority that religion is essential in the life of a nation, and to call upon those professing religion to remember their re- sponsibilities; and the fact that Christians were included among the representatives composing the conference was public recognition of Chris- tianity as one of the religions of Japan. Shinto, Buddhism, Confucianism, have all been tried and found wanting. Christianity is now challenged to prove its worth ; and a challenge to Christianity is a challenge to Christians to show themselves worthy in word and in deed. THE SPIRIT OF JAPANESE EDUCATION MASATARO SAWAYANAGI [Mr. Masataro Sawayanagi, president of Kyoto Imperial Uni- versity; bom in Matsumoto, May, 1865; was graduated from Tokyo Imperial University, i888; in 1890, he became secretary in the Department of Education; 1893-95, principal of the Honganji Middle School; 1897, became director of the Second Higher School; next year, was transferred to the post of director of the First Higher School; then became director of the Ordinary Education Bureau; 1902, delegate to the World’s Oriental Conference, Berlin; 1906, he became Vice-Minister of Education; 1910, director of the Tokyo Higher Commercial School; was appointed to his present post, April, 1911. He is the author of several books on education.] Japanese education of to-day is based upon the spirit of old Japan, upon which is built an educa- tional structure for which the best parts of the European and the American educational methods have been added as building materials. The Japanese are a people with peculiar characteristics. But we are not slow in taking lessons from other peoples. Within less than fifty years, since the Restoration of 1868, we have been industrious in importing the essence of European and American civilization. We have learned from America many lessons in 167 1 68 Japan’s Message to America educational methods. An American educator, Dr. David Motley, was engaged by the Japanese Government in the early part of the Meiji era as our educational adviser, and we made many improvements in our educational methods at his suggestion. We have learned many lessons from the systematic educational methods of France. From England we are learning much from her educational policy of bringing up men of gentle- manly character. In these ten or more years, we have noticed the remarkable development of German educational methods, and we are now learning many lessons from Germany. We have of late years sent a large number of men to Europe and America to investigate the methods and science of education. At the same time, we have translated into Japanese many books on education published in Europe and America, and new ideas and opinions advanced abroad have promptly been communicated for the use 'of Japanese educators. While we are busily engaged in importing good things from foreign coimtries, we are not foolish enough to forget the beautiful characteristics original with Japan. Below I shall enumerate a few of om characteristics. THE ESSENCE OF EDUCATION IS MORAL TRAINING The first characteristic of Japanese education is that we lay special stress upon moral training. In the period of the Restoration, when we began The Spirit of Japanese Education 169 to communicate with various foreign countries, and recognized the superiority of the Western nations in material civilization and developments, we realized that it was for our own interest to take a few lessons from the West in matters of modem science. We even went so far as to invite the criticism that we had forgotten moral training. But the fundamental educational idea of moral training remained firmly fixed in the mind of the people. At one time our moral faith passed through a period of instability on account of the introduction of new ideas from the West and from Christianity. But in 1890 the famous Imperial Rescript on Education was issued to the schools and the people. The schools and the teachers found in this edict the ideal of moral training. That edict was framed with the original Japanese ideas of morality as its base, and adopting the essential qualities of Western civilization. The following translation may not give the full mean- ing of the original text of the edict, but I shall insert it for the reference of the readers: “Know ye. Our subjects: “Our Imperial Ancestors founded Our Empire on a basis of broad and everlasting and deeply and firmly implanted virtue. Our subjects, ever united in loyalty and filial piety, have from genera- tion to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your 170 Japan’s Message to America parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true ; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation ; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate the arts, and thereby develop intel- lectual faculties and perfect moral powers ; further- more, advance pubhc good and promote the common interests ; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws. Should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State, and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful sub- jects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. “The Way here set forth is, indeed, the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and sub- jects, infallible for all ages, and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you. Our subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue. “The 30th day of the loth month of the 23d year of Meiji.” (Imperial Sign Manual. Imperial Seal.) JAPANESE education HAS NO CONNECTION WITH RELIGION In the second place, Japanese education is not burdened, as the European and American, with The Spirit of Japanese Education 171 the problem of religious influence over education, hloral training in our schools is purely that of the actual world, and is not connected with religion. To be sure, the majority of our people are Bud- dhists. But Buddhism is preached in the temples, and not in schools. The students are free to engage in religious pursuits outside of the schools, but in the schools they are given a purely moral training. Thus moral training occupies a promi- nent position in the schools, and our teachers are taking pains to study how best they may apply moral educational methods. So in Japan there is no need for such an undertaking as the ethical movement that is seen in Europe and America. We are practising what is preached in these ethical movements. JAPANESE EDUCATION IS MODERN AND PRACTICAL In Japan the influence of the Chinese classics was supreme for a thousand years or more. Even to-day we use the Chinese characters. But, edu- cationally, the old classics are not considered as of great importance. Modem science is held in higher esteem. In pubhc schools, middle schools, schools for girls, etc., such sciences as physics, chemistry, the natural sciences, etc., are considered very important. Until forty or fifty years ago the books by scholars were written in the Chinese style of composition. Even to-day there are many Japanese scholars who can write Chinese “compo- 172 Japan’s Message to America sition ” well. The Chinese composition is generally held in Japan higher than the Latin is in Europe and America. Yet we do not place Chinese composition in an important position educationally, whereas the dead languages are still held in high esteem in Ettrope and America. Japanese educa- tion is different in that we are modem and practical to the extreme. Although Japanese education places importance in modem science, yet up to the period of the Restoration our scientific knowledge was not greatly developed. So the ideas of the Japanese to-day cannot be said to be scientific. But I am of the opinion that the sciences that are held educationally in high esteem must of neces- sity produce good results. JAPANESE EDUCATION IS RATIONAL AND PROGRESSIVE The Japanese educational system of to-day is not bound by the old system prevailing before the Restoration. It is rather a product of the Euro- pean and the American systems adapted to Japan. That is to say, the Japanese educational system has been created by a combination of the different systems to conform to our ideals. We are not fettered by traditions or conventionalities. Our system has been entirely reasoned out. No wonder that it is rational, and also that it is progressive, because, as I have said, we are not slow to reform where reform is needed, as a result The Spirit of Japanese Education 173 of our endeavour to adopt the best that the foreign nations can offer. Thus, in forty or fifty years we have arrived at the present condition of perfec- tion, after so many changes and reforms. If we may confess to one defect in our system, it is that we have not yet sufficiently reaped the results of our endeavours. So far, we have passed the stage of inception, of experimenting, and of endeavour. We have not yet entered the stage of attaining the practical results. But that can- not be avoided, since we have not had time enough to attain them, JAPANESE SCHOOLS ARE SYSTEMATICALLY RELATED WITH ONE ANOTHER If, as I have said, the Japanese educational system has been framed after much reasoning, then it is natural that the Japanese schools are systematically related with one another. The relations between the public schools and the middle schools, between the middle schools and the higher schools, and between the higher schools and the universities, have been established in good order. Also, the relations between various in- dustrial schools and the specialized schools, and the public schools and the middle schools, have been established. In this respect, our system may be superior to that of the European schools, whose relations to one another have been a process of growth. 174 Japan’s Message to America JAPANESE EDUCATION IS DEMOCRATIC Japan is an old country and has a long history. She is governed under an Emperor of a single hneage. But our modem education is altogether democratic in its purpose. It is not aristocratic, as that of the European nations. The people, high or low, rich or poor, may send their children to the public schools to receive equal treatment in public education for six years. We have no separate public school for the children of the upper classes of society. In order to receive middle- school and the higher- school education, a child must go through a public school. As the Japanese are an ambitious race, a young man, even if he is poor, wishes to receive a middle-school education. Again, even the most of those who receive the higher-school education are poor. In short, Jap- anese education is the most democratic of all the nations of the world. EDUCATION UNIVERSAL There are not many persons in Japan who have not received a public-school education. A Japan- ese child now receives education at least for six years. Many go to receive middle-school educa- tion. In this respect, we are by no means behind European and American countries. Even in respect of the number of those who receive the higher courses of education, we do not stand The Spirit of Japanese Education 175 behind other nations. To-day, the older persons, and even some younger men, complain that we are being too much educated. I shall here omit statistics in stating that our education is univer- sally being granted to the people. There is much more that I should like to say about Japanese education, but lack of space forbids. RELIGION AND EDUCATION IN JAPAN TETSUJIRO INOUYE [Dr. Tetsujiro Inouye, Bungaku Hakushi (Doctor of Litera- ture), dean of College of Literature, Tokyo Imperial University, and professor of philosophy at the same college; bom 1856 in Chikuzen; was graduated from the College of Literature, Tokyo Imperial University, 1880; 1884-90, prosecuted his studies in Heidelberg, Leipzig, Berlin, Paris, etc.; in 1895, was elected member of the Imperial Academy; in 1897, dele- gate to the grand meeting of the Oriental Association, Paris; he is one of the most distinguished scholars of philosophy in Japan; author of History of Oriental Philosophy, Dictionary of Philosophy, Commentaries on the Imperial Rescript on Education, etc.] For the past several centuries, it has been our policy that national education should not be mixed with positive religion, but especially since the Restoration of the Mikado, the former has come to stand aloof entirely from the latter, and the two are accorded special fields distinct from each other. Again, by the Imperial Rescript on Education issued in 1890, the guiding principle of our moral education was estabhshed. It is not to be altered forever. This is why positive religion is not allowed to be connected with our national education. 176 Religion and Education in Japan 177 By the term “national education” I mean the development of the character of individuals as well as the mental preparation of them for an efficient membership in the nation. There is no reason why such education should always necessi- tate positive religion, while there is some reason to think that such education may sometimes be impeded or disturbed by positive religion. But, besides this, we have several grounds for separating the one from the other. From the religious point of view, our nation is very heterogeneous, it consisting of Buddhists, Shintoists, Confucians, Christians, non-religionists, etc. If, therefore, those of various creeds are placed in a non-secular institution to be educated, no small inconvenience will be caused in the details of instruction, and educational standardization wall become out of the question, through the dissatisfaction of those elements whose religious beliefs are different from those professed by their school, college, or univer- sity, as the case may be. If, on the other hand, various positive religions are made integral parts of an educational institution, they wall compete wath one another, with the result that the school, college, or university concerned wall become a scene of continual disturbances and exasperate dissensions. For this reason, if for no other, it is very gratifying that, in our country, our national education should stand aloof from all religious connection. France has already separated her educational life from her religious life; Italy, too. 1 78 Japan’s Message to America has done so, so far as her elementary education is concerned. Both the United States and South American Republics have adopted a secular educa- tional system, while Great Britain and other countries show the same tendencies. Thus it may be seen that our educational policy is in accord with the general trend of the world. Education may be divided into four stages — embryonic education, home education, school education, and social education; and it is from school education that positive religion should be separated. This stage of education is the most systematic and most important of the fom; and when we say “education” in general we imply school education, which should have absolutely nothing to do with religion. But for home and social education, religion may be used to advan- tage. In home education, emotional cultiure is the most important thing, and therefore a good religion may be of some benefit in this direction. However, the religious influence which an in- dividual undergoes being the greatest when he is in the stage of social education, positive religion must guide him in a way consistent wdth his school education. The effect of socio-religious education is already very remarkable in this cotmtry. From old times, Japanese Buddhists have been good social workers. In those days, w'hen there were no systematic institutions for the mental training of people, they even undertook mass education as well as their mission work; but since Religion and Education in Japan 179 the distinct separation of positive religion and the educational system, they have been exerting themselves mainly for social education. Although various sects of Buddhism and Shintoism in Japan have each an institution of collegiate grade, its object is to bring up younger religionists of its own sect, and it has nothing to do wdth the general national education. As to the social activities of our religious bodies, chaplains are being despatched to prisons, orphan- ages, military barracks, large factories, correction houses, etc., and many homes have been estab- lished to receive ex-prisoners, depraved children, or needy persons. Thus our religionists are making great efforts to save the soul and the flesh ; but in point of their method, experience, and scholarship, and of the condition of their organiza- tions, there is yet something to be desired from the present socio-religious movement in Japan. In spite of the fact that education and religion are distinctly separated from each other in this country, there is among the nation a universal religious ideal outside of all positive religions. In other words, our national life has a universal factor special to it. Emperor Meiji’s Rescript on Education is but a concrete expression of this uni- versal religious ideal, an adaptation of this ideal to the particular conditions of the Japanese nation. In that sense, our national education and our religious education are not altogether independent of each other. i8o Japan’s Message to America If education without any religious ideal lacks real human interest and is unfit for the moral development of the younger generation, it is well that the influence of the Imperial Rescript in question makes up for the want of a positive religious element in our educational system, while we are able to avoid all difficulties due to sectarian strife. TECHNICAL EDUCATION IN JAPAN SEI-ICHI TESHIMA [Hon. Sei-ichi Teshima, Director of the Tokyo Technical College; born 1849 in Edo (Tokyo); studied in America for five years; he served his government in several important capacities. He is one of the best authorities on technical education in Japan.] Technical education in Japan began during the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate, when a bureau of investigation of Western literature was opened and in it a provision was made for a school of natural science. The bureau of investi- gation has changed its name several times since. The object of that bureau was to educate high- class mechanics only. But in the 6th year of Meiji (1873) its name was changed to the Tokyo Kaisei Gakko; and, at the same time, for the purpose of educating the intermediate mechanics, an experimental lecture hall was established in the school. In this experimental lecture hall, chemistry and various courses in mechanics and architecture were provided, which the students could complete in two years. This lecture hall turned out graduates twice during its existence. But when the Tokyo Kaisei Gakko was rechris- 181 1 82 Japan’s Message to America tened the Tokyo University, in its natural science department, chemistry, mechanics, building en- gineering, mining engineering, and other kindred subjects were included. These were the same subjects taught in the experimental lecture hall, but they were taught here in a more dignified manner. So, there was no need for continuing the experimental lecture hall, and it was abolished. Certainly, the necessity of educating intermediate mechanics has not ceased to exist, and a few years afterward the Tokyo Mechanics School was established. The Tokyo Kaisei Gakko was re- named the Tokyo University in the loth year of Meiji (1877). Previously there had been the Tokyo Technical School, under the super\fision of the Department of Labour (afterward the name was changed to the Technical College). That w^as also a school for educating higher-class mechanics. It was afterward incorporated to- gether with the Tokyo University in the Imperial University of Tokyo under the name of the Tech- nical College. The Tokyo Mechanics School was thus estab- lished for the purpose of educating foremen for mechanics and technical teachers. In the 23rd year of Meiji (1890), its name was changed to the Tokyo Technical School. The object of the school was then mainly to educate engineers. At the same time, the school for mechanical appren- tices, which had been an annex to the Tokyo Commercial School, was separated from it and Technical Education in Japan 183 annexed to the Tokyo Technical School. After- ward this annex school was called the Mechanical Apprentice School. After the war with China, 1894-5, Japan’s industries made a rapid advance, and as a result there was urgent need for schools for educating engineers. So the Osaka Technical School was established. Then the regulations governing industrial schools were promulgated, and both the Tokyo and the Osaka Technical Schools were called Higher Technical Schools, and w'ere counted among the higher institutions of industrial education. Later, higher schools were established in Kyoto, Nagoya, Kumamoto, and Sendai. Now, the institutions for training mechanics were established one after another, beginning with the Mechanical Apprentices School, an annex to the Tokyo Higher Technical School. In the 26th year of Meiji (1893), the regulations for the indus- trial supplementary schools were promulgated. At the same time, when the regulations for the government grants to industrial schools were promulgated, the Technical Supplementary Schools and the Alechanical Apprentice Schools were established one after another. Then were pro- mulgated the regulations governing industrial schools. Also regulations were promulgated for various kinds of technical schools (of intermediate grade), and in a few years many schools of that class were established. The object of these technical schools was to educate foremen mechan- / i 84 Japan’s Message to America ics, as the Mechanical Apprentice Schools and the Technical Supplementary Schools trained me- chanical apprentices. The majority of the technical schools founded by the districts (fu) and the prefectures (ken) of to-day are of that class. Thus, our industrial school system was put in order. But the condition of our industrial world demands more technical schools. A. The Technical College. The Technical College is a school where the highest courses in technical science are taught. Its term of study is three years and the graduates from it are given the degree of M.E. Its subjects of study are as follows : 1 . Building engineering. 2. Mechanical engineering. 3. Ship-building architecture. 4. Arms manufacturing. 5. Electrical engineering. 6. Architectirral engineering. 7. Applied chemistry. 8. Powder manufacturing. 9. Mining engineering. Besides the Technical College in the Imperial University of Tokyo, there is a Technical College in the Imperial University of Kyoto. But there is as yet no private technical college. B. The Higher Technical School. Next to the Technical College, the Higher Technical School Technical Education in Japan 185 is one in which the higher courses in technology are taught. Its term of study is three years. In the Tokyo Higher Technical School are taught the following seven subjects, namely : dyeing (dyeing with colour and with machines), kilndry, applied chemistry, mechanical engineering, elec- tricity (electrical mechanics and electrical chem- istry), and technical drawing. As an annex there is the Mechanical Apprentices School. Another annex to the School, the Technical Teachers School, trains principals and teachers for supple- mentary technical schools. There is also a supplementary technical school attached to the institution. Higher Technical Schools have also been established in Kyoto, Kumamoto, Sendai, etc. C. The Technical School. This school has been established for the purpose of training lower- class mechanics, its term of study is three years. The subjects of study generally given in such technical schools throughout the country are dyeing, mechanical engineering, architectural engineering, lacquering, mining engineering, and mechanical drawing. D. The Mechanical Apprentices School. This school was established to give a training necessary for those who desire to become mechanics. Its term of study is from six months to four years. The requirements for the entrance examinations are that the applicants for admission must be twelve or more years of age and that they have i86 Japan’s Message to America graduated from the grammar school or have received an equivalent education. The number of apprentices schools now in existence is over forty, including both public and private ones. E. The Supplementary Technical School. This school gives sufficient knowledge of technical matters in the simplest way to enable those who are engaged or want to engage in various indus- tries, and at the same time supplements the public-school education that the pupils have received. There are now seventy or more public schools of this class. The foregoing is a brief outline of our technical education. Details could not, of course, be given in this brief sketch. THE VIRTUES OF JAPANESE WOMANHOOD UTA-KO SHIMODA [Mme. Uta-ko Shimoda, founder and principal of Jissen Girls’ School; born Sept., 1856; as a young maiden of 16 years, she was appointed a Court lady ; her ability in composing uta (Japanese odes) attracted the notice of the Empress (the present Empress Dowager), and it w’as at Her Majesty’s suggestion that her original name was changed to "Uta-ko”; in 1886, she was appointed dean of the Peeresses’ School; re- signed the post in 1907 and has since devoted herself chiefly to the management of Jissen Girls’ School which she founded in 1899; she travelled in Europe and America for the purpose of inspecting conditions of female education, 1893-95; she is one of the foremost lady-educationists in Japan and has a large following among Japanese women; author of A Treatise on Domestic Economy, The Houseunfe’s Library (both in Japanese), etc.] Education is like horticulture. If one engages in horticulture with sincerity of purpose, the ordinary wild flowers or the common plants may be made pleasant to look at and serviceable. But if he attempts to raise something extraordi- nary and new — that is, if he tries to raise eggplants from cucumber vines, or to make cherry blossoms come out of willow trees, he will have spent his energy for no practical purpose. Not only that, 187 i88 Japan’s Message to America but he may thereby kill the vines or break the branches of the willow trees. It is the same with education. In order to adopt the methods of foreign countries of different manners, customs, and habits, we should first carefully examine them before we decide to adopt them. We should not decide recklessly. We have pecuHar race characteristics of our own. Moreover, we have with us a chief magistrate who is peerless in the world, and a national ideal that never changes. To be sure, every nation has its own peculiarities, and the methods used in cherish- ing these peculiarities should be such as siait the condition of the country. So, the good points of the institutions of foreign countries should be carefully selected, so that in adopting anything we should not “kill the cow by trying to straighten her horns,” or to feel inconvenience by “adding legs to snakes.” The honour of the Japanese woman is that she becomes a virtuous wife and a good mother. She is fit to be the queen of her household, and not the queen of society. The Western woman is tall and robust in body, beautiful in figure, sprightly in manner, and straightforward in lan- guage. In a sense, these qualities may have been acquired by long usage and social education, but they have been bom and bred in the woman, as she is given precedence as the flower of society. As for the Japanese woman, we cannot say that she is equal to the Western woman in these strong Virtues of Japanese Womanhood 189 qualities. But she is peerless in the world in these virtues; that she does not shun her duty to sacrifice herself for her parents, husband, and children; is not frightened by adversity, does not bewail her misfortunes, and always looks after her household affairs, comforts and nurses the members of her household, and takes the re- sponsibilities of the household upon herself, so that the head of the family will not have to dis- tract his attention from his business. The sweet fruits of her virtues and steady character are such that the more one tastes them the sweeter they would become. Besides, the woman of old Japan never stood behind the bearded man in matters of loyalty to the chief magistrate, and of devotion to the affairs of state. To illustrate with august examples, there were Yamato-hime, consort of Emperor Suijin, who was resolute in times of emergency: and Empress Jingo, who accomplished great deeds of valour. Then there w'ere Lady Wage, who w'as humane and philanthropic; Lady Masako Taira, who was clever and resourceful as a politician; and Lady Kasuga-no-Tsubone, who dis- tinguished herself by her devotion as governess of her child-master, afterward Shogim lyemitsu of To- kugawa. There are many other examples in history of Japanese women who distinguished themselves by their virtues. Who, then, can say that the typi- cal Japanese woman’s sphere of activity was con- fined in being a virtuous wife and a good mother, or that she is not fit to be a great social factor? 190 Japan’s Message to America I do not wish to be misunderstood as being content merely with our own virtues, and objecting to take lessons from others. If we can maintain the ideal of Imperial Japanese nationalism, — that is the basic principle of Bushido education, — we should go out to seek lessons in the virtues of others. Besides, what other nations consider praiseworthy often coincides with what we would so consider. I was told that when George Wash- ington, the originator of American independence, was coming home after the war, his country- men were wild with joy in extending a welcome to him. They praised him, gathered roimd him, and gave thanks to his mother. The mother said : “George is just an honest little boy. He isn’t a general or a president to me. He is only my George, who is a dutiful boy to his mother, and kind to his neighbours.” Again, when a certain person visited the mother of Washington, and, meeting an elderly coxmtry- woman employed in garden work, advised her to retire from service, the mother was astonished, and replied : “My son is the chief magistrate of the nation, so he may receive treatment as such. I am only an old countrywoman of Mt. Vernon, and mustn’t overstep the bounds of my social position. And when I shall have saved enough for my household and to spare, I shall divide it with the people of our village. These people are not rich, after the war. We must see to it that they are all provided Virtues of Japanese Womanhood 191 for as soon as possible.” And she continued wearing coarse linen, with a white apron, and assiduously working at making straw braids or baking home-made bread. At that time, the French Ambassador called on Washington’s mother, and afterward said : “It was not by an accident that America has become what she is to-day. When I was in the presence of this old woman of coarse linen, I noticed that there was more of the brilliant glory than there is in the presence of the queen of a great nation, wearing a long silk garment, and decorated with resplendent precious jewelry, and I uncon- sciously bent my head low.” After her death, the people in erecting a tomb for her, decided that, for one whose life-works were so great and illustrious, there was no need of recording them on the tombstone in detail. Petty words, such as might be carved on the tombstone, would tend only to detract from the greatness of the mother. So only the following words were inscribed : “George Washington’s Mother.” How great was the glory of the virtuous mother ! I went to Europe and America soon after the Chinese War of 1893-4, order to investigate the education of women abroad. After my return, besides my regular duty as an educator of the girls of the upper classes (I was the president of the Peeresses’ School), I was entrusted with the work 192 Japan’s Message to America of tutorship for the August Family; and then I boldly planned the education of the girls of the middle and the lower classes of society. This latter work was the beginning of the present Jissen Girls’ School. My original object was to relieve and comfort those who might suffer from the result of the extravagance of the people on accoimt of victory in the war, which would upset society, and, at the same time, establish a school where the girls might be educated to become virtuous wives and good mothers. Since the founding of this school, sixteen years have elapsed. Still our final goal is far beyond. Before we reach it, we will have to go through many trials on the way. We have by no means finished the work. Yet the fact that we have been able to send into the world from this school a few girl graduates of steadfast purpose in life, gives joy to my heart. IDEOGRAPHIA DEPEND A EST I NAIBU KANDA [Baron Naibu Kanda, M.A., Dean of the Faculty and Acting-Director of the Tokyo Higher Commercial College; member of the House of Peers; bom in Tokyo Feb., 1857; was educated at Amherst High School and Amherst College, graduating from the latter in 1879; since his return home he has devoted his life to the cause of education, particularly to the spread of the knowledge of the English language and litera- ture among his countrymen ; he has also served his government in various other important capacities; author of numerous text-books for the study of English.] If I were to pick out any one thing which lies at the bottom of the difference between American and Japanese education, I would point to the ideographs. Prior to the introduction of Chinese civilization in the third century, Japan seems to have had no regular system of writing. Among the earhest specimens of writing extant are those in the famous collection of ancient poems — the Man-y6shu, dating back to over a thousand years ago, in which Chinese characters, or ideographs, are used phonetically to spell out Japanese sotmds. Thus, from the earliest times Chinese Hterature, with its wealth of poetry and philosophy, formed the foundation of our culture. It was the back- 13 193 194 Japan’s Message to America bone of our education iintil, with the advent of Western civiHzation a httle over half a century ago, our whole educational system was modelled after the pattern of the West, and all the subjects taught in the schools of Europe and America were included in the curriculum of studies. If at that early stage, together with many other salutary reforms, the government had been wise enough to foresee the far-reaching result of substituting Roman letters for the ideographs, they would have conferred a priceless blessing upon all posterity. One Imperial Edict would have settled the ques- tion once for all, and added the brightest gem to the glory of the Meiji Era. The golden opportimity is now lost forever, and to-day every question of national importance must be decided by the popular assembly, and questions of more pressing nature engross the attention of the members. Thus the ideographic letters remain, and all our school text-books, excepting those for foreign languages, are written in these forms, the mere acquisition of which is a great tax on the mental energy of the yoimg. The written lan- guage of the present day is a mixture of Chinese ideographs and the Japanese syllabic alphabet, called the Kana, which was invented over a thou- sand years ago, and is known as Sinico-Japanese. The question naturally arises, why not write the language entirely with the simple Japanese sylla- bary of forty-eight symbols? That was the contention of the reform movement called the Ideographia Delenda Est ! 195 Kana-no-Kai, which was started some thirty years ago. But the force of custom and usage of a thousand years was too strong for the new move- ment to make much headway. The conservatives claimed that, as the Japanese language contained so many homonyms introduced from Chinese, the syllabic alphabet was utterly inadequate as a medium for the expression of complicated thought. For one who has mastered the ideographs, to express one’s thought in concise and readily understood characters, instead of by spelling out each word with syllabic symbols, has a charm of which the uninitiated can form no idea. Besides, the graceful strokes of the soft and pliable brush, so much more expressive of feeling than the hard point of a steel pen, had raised calligraphy to the rank of an art almost as exquisite as painting itself. Nevertheless, with all that can be said in favour of ideographs, when we realize how much mental energy the young must sacrifice for learn- ing mere signs, thus diverting it from the acqui- sition of useful knowledge, the conviction that ideographs should have no place in the education of the twentieth century comes home to us with tremendous force. Another reform movement called the Romaji-Kai was started a little after the other, its object being to substitute the Roman alphabet for the ideographs. As the English language was compulsory in our schools and as the objections against the Kana-no-Kai were raised by grown-ups, who had mastered the ideo- 196 Japan’s Message to America graphs, believing that this reform must begin with the young, the writer published a series of English readers with exercises for translation from English into Japanese and vice versa, using the Roman letter transliteration. That series of English text-books was widely adopted through- out the country, and no doubt did much good in sowing the seed in the right ground. Unlike its less fortunate sister society, the Romaji-Kai under the present name of Romaji-Hirome-Kai happily still exists, and with the aid of its organ, published monthly in transliterated Japanese, is doing its best in slowly but steadily pushing on the work of propaganda. But it is hard to pull against the stream of long usage and popular prejudice, and the blessing which the writer wished to be- queath to his children may not be realized by even his great-grandchildren. WESTERN WORKS OF LITERATURE, RE- LIGION, AND PHILOSOPHY TRANSLATED AND INTRODUCED IN JAPAN MEIZO TOGAWA [Mr. Meizo Togawa, professor of English literature at Keio University: bom 1870 in Kumamoto; was graduated from Meiji Gakuin (a mission college): he has recently published some translations from Emerson and Turgenev; he is also the author of various books on literary matters.] Since the Restoration of 1868, the intellectual world of Japan has passed through a revolution. Within the short space of forty-five years there have been innumerable different ideas which have come and gone intermittently, like lightning flashes. To cut this period roughly into divisions: the first was from the ist year of Meiji to the 20th (1868-87), the period of Europeanization; the second, from the 20th of Meiji to the 30th (1887-97), the period of reaction and of preserva- tion of Japan’s original characteristics; the third, from the 30th of Meiji to the 35th or 36th (1897- 1902 or 3), the period of Japanism; the fourth from the 35th or 36th of Meiji to the 42nd or 43d (1902 or 3 to 1909 or 10), the period of fin-de-siecle- ism” ; the fifth from the 42nd or 43d year of Meiji 197 198 Japan’s Message to America (1909 or 10) to the present time, the period of psychology and philosophy. Along with these shiftings of thought the Western books of literature, religion, and other subjects were imported. During the first and after the fourth periods Western ideas were intro- duced in Japan like spring floods. But it was only after the Chinese War of the 27th and 28th of Meiji (1894-5) that the Japanese began to study earnestly the civilization of the West with national self-consciousness. From that period Japanese civilization began to assimilate that of Europe and America, and then the ideas prevailing at the end of the century were simultaneously introduced in Japan. Nietzsche’s individualism and decadent ideas have held sway in our intellectual world for a considerable time. The Russian War helped greatly to develop the national self-consciousness of the Japanese, and translations of many foreign books that aided the people in acquiring knowledge have come to be in great demand. But at that period the Western works that were translated in Japan dealt mostly with natural sciences, chemis- try, engineering, and the arts. Translations of works of literature, philosophy, and social sciences have been made in great numbers since 1910 or 1 91 1. These included the notable works to the number of tens of thousands by Western scholars of political, social, legal, institutional, educational, historical, literary, and religious sciences and arts, as well as of natural sciences, engineering, and Western Works of Literature 199 other arts. For these translations the most noted Western works were selected as original texts, and the translations were made with painstaking efforts by our scholars. In the present paper I shall confine myself to describing the translation of literary, religious, historical, philosophical, and such works as concern the ideal of the people, omitting works of social, political, and kindred sciences. The assiduity with which these transla- tions were made and the eagerness with which they have been and are being welcomed attest the attitude of the minds of the people who wish to study the natural characteristics of the nations of the world in order to enrich their own. First, as to the literary works translated. In the 2nd year of Meiji (1869), ^sop' s Fables were translated, being the first Western literature ever translated into Japanese. Then there were many books published in Japan, the authors of which apparently were inspired by the translations from Western authors. But these translations were made from Dutch translations of the originals. Besides, as our scholars were handicapped by insufficient knowledge of foreign languages and by the policy of prohibition of the Tokugawa Government, the names of the original authors were omitted. In the 6th year of Meiji (1873), another translation of ^sop's Fables was published. In the 1 2th year of Meiji (1879) Bulwer Lytton’s Ernest Maltravers was translated. The latter was the first book of Western fiction to be translated 200 Japan’s Message to America into Japanese. The following works were soon translated: Jules Verne’s De la Terre a la Lune, and also Verne’s Vingt Milles Lieues sous le Mer, Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, which was trans- lated under the title The Trial of a Case in Which Human Flesh was Pledged, and were pubHshed in the i6th year of Meiji (1883), Scott’s Lady of the Lake, and Shakespeare’s Julius Ccesar. These were not the only works translated. Our political aspirations of the time were quite in agreement with the English political-problem and romantic novels; so that the English political novels were translated in great number. The translators of those days were men who to-day figure prominently as statesmen, men of letters, and educators, such as Yukio Ozaki, Naohiko Seki, Dr. Yuzo Tsu- bouchi. Dr. Sanae Takada, Dr. Tameyuki Amano, and others. So far I have dwelt upon endeavours made up to 1887. As yet these Western hteratures were treated by the Japanese only in the spirit of our old-style dramatists of low dignity, and were not studied as the products of thought from the dig- nified point of view. Then the late Futabatei Shimei, considering fiction as a means to the solution of the problem of life, translated in 1888 a few masterpieces of Turgenev. Also Roan Uchida translated Dostoievsky’s Crime and Punishment. The best translator of those days, however, was Ogwai Mori (Dr. Lit. and D.M.). He retranslated from German translations the Western Works of Literature 201 masterpieces of the literature of Russia, France, America, and other countries. Another man who, with English as the lever, did much to introduce foreign hterature into Japan was the late Shiken Morita. The works of Jules Verne and Victor Hugo of France, Tieck of Germany, Edgeworth and Dickens of England, and Edgar Allan Poe and Hawthorne of America, were introduced through the pen of Morita. About 1897, the literary world of Japan received an impetus through the Chinese War, which was fought two years previously. The translation of Western literatirre was conducted earnestly and the introduction of Western civiHzation was carried on in good faith. During this period the man who did most in introducing English litera- ture in Japan was Dr. Yuzo Tsubouchi, Dr. Lit. He translated Tennyson’s poems. Bacon’s Essays, Addison’s Prose Works, etc. From that time the introduction of Western literature increased in bulk and importance. In 1907, the craze for Western literature subsided a little. Then, again, in 1907 or 1910 it again increased to such an extent that it appeared as if every publication in Japan was a translation from Western literature. Below I shall enumerate the names of the authors of Western literatures introduced in Japan since those years until to-day. In Russian literature, Pushkin, Turgenev, Tolstoy, Dostoievsky, Andreyev, Chekhov, Merej- kovski, Kropotkin, etc. This is the result of 202 Japan’s Message to America the craving of the people for the pessimistic view of life which is to be found most prominently in Northern European literature. In French hterature, Zola and Hugo are some- what out of fashion. To-day, Maupassant is in full glory. Besides him, the dramatic works of Dumas, Bourget, Daudet, Flaubert, Balzac, and Anatole France are lavishly welcomed. In German literature, Nietzsche, Wagner, Haupt- mann, Sudermann, and, among older writers, Goethe and Schiller are read. In Italian literature, D’Annunzio and Fogazzaro have been introduced. The works of the former are especially popular. In Polish literature, Sienkiewicz is most popular. Belgian literature is represented by the works of Maeterlinck. In Northern European literature, outside of Russia, the ice-botmd, stem fictions of Ibsen, Bjomson, Strindberg, and Brandes have been translated. In English and American literature, Symonds, Gosse, G. Bernard Shaw, Pinero, Meredith, Kipling, Whitman, Mark Twain, Edgar Allan Poe, etc., have been introduced. All of these modem works were translated into Japanese without reserve. The authors who exercised especially great influence were Turgenev, Gorky, Ibsen, Hauptmann, and D’Annimzio. So far I have mentioned the literary works and the authors of note in the West. As for transla- Western Works of Literature 203 tions of the works of economics and natural sci- ences, they are so many that a brief reference to them would fill a book of considerable size. The Western books were translated into Japanese even before the Meiji Era. But the really earnest work of translation was commenced after the 4th or the 5th year of Meiji. The late Dr. Masanao Nakamura (professor in the Imperial University of Tok>"o), in the 6th year of Meiji (1873), trans- lated the Republican Government by Gillet of America. The late Count Munemitsu Mutsu translated, in the nth year of Meiji (1878), Ben- tham’s scientific work. Previous to that he translated, in the loth year of Meiji (1877), the History of European Civilization by Guizot of France. But influence was first brought to bear upon the Japanese poHtics by the Western political thoughts when, in the 15th year of Meiji (1882), Chomin Nakae translated Contrat Sociale by Rousseau of France. When this translation was published liberal ideas, which already had sprung into existence in Japan, advanced with great strides; and this rise of liberal ideas was still further augmented by the manifesto issued by the Count Taisuke Itagaki concerning the establish- ment of a national diet and by the agitations directed by the Liberal party. Meanwhile, the Educational Department of the Japanese Government established a bureau of translation, and has done much in having trans- lated and introduced into Japan the works of 204 Japan’s Message to America noted Western authors on political and social sciences. A translated work that made a great impression upon the minds of the people of Japan, like the Contrat Sociale, was BluntschU’s Allge- meine Staatsrecht, which was translated from the original German into Japanese by Baron Tosuke Hirata (published in the 15th year of Meiji). The private translators of those days introduced more historical works, by Guizot, Macaulay, and others, than anything else. As for religious books, in the early part of the Meiji Era, works on Christianity were mostly introduced. But works on general theology were also translated, from the tenth year of Meiji (1877) or thereabouts. In those days Spencer’s ideas concerning religion were introduced into Japan. At the same time, works on natural theology and church history, evangehstic works, translations of the Old and , the New Testament were produced in great number. Then came the period of reaction from the Occidentalization of Japan, and efforts were made to preserve its original beautiful characteristics. Education ran counter to religion. Then came the period of Japanism at the time of the Chinese War, and religious pubHcations did not flourish for a time. But after the war the people began to meditate upon the question of hfe and death, suggested and stimulated by the memory of the killed in the war. The religious world again became active. When the philosophy of Nietzsche was introduced, Western Works of Literature 205 many religious books were translated and pub- lished in large numbers every year. As for philosophical works, the Imperial Univer- sity of Tok^^’o was the centre of philosophical re- searches. So, if we trace the development of the school of philosophy in the university we may be able to guess what kind of philosophical books were introduced in Japan. The Imperial Univer- sity appointed Dr. Shoichi Toyama, who had returned, in the 9th year of Meiji (1876), from Eng- land, where he had been studying. Dr. Toyama was a disciple of Spencer. So also were the two foreign professors employed in the university. That period was one in which Spencer and Huxley were in their full glory. As for ethical works, the utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill received a great welcome. It was in the 9th year of Meiji (1876) that the work on Utilitarianism by Mill was translated and published by the late Dr. Shuku Onishi, and three years before Count Mutsu had translated Bentham’s Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. German learning began to be introduced in Japan when Professor Cooper was appointed a professor in the Imperial University of Tokyo in the 13th year of Meiji (1880). He lectured on Kant’s philosophy, and used Schlegel’s Philosophy of History and Boehm’s Modern Philosophy as text-books. The American, Fennelosa, lectured on Hegel’s philosophy. In the 19th year of Meiji (1886), two or three German scholars came here 2o 6 Japan’s Message to America and lectured on Lotze’s philosophy. In the 23d year of Meiji (1890), Dr. Tetsujiro Inouye, Dr. Lit., returned from abroad and introduced the philosophy of Wundt, Fischer, etc. Dr. Heber was appointed a professor in the Imperial Univer- sity in the 27th year of Meiji (1894), and the philosophy of Schopenhauer and of Hauptmann became popular. Later came into fashion neo- Kantianism, taught by Green in England and Paulsen in Germany. Consequently, more Ger- man works of psychology were translated and introduced. About the period of the Chinese War, the thinkers who held strongest sway in Japan were Carlyle and Emerson. Heroes and Hero-worship by the former and the Essays of the latter were translated over and again by different authors. At the same time. Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wake- field, Dickens’s Christmas Carol, Washington Irving’s Sketch Book, when translated, satisfied the thirst of the people for Western literature. From the time of the Russian War, Nietzsche’s philosophy was introduced by Chikufu Tobari, and Dr. Rinjiro Takayama, Dr. Lit., and has made a great impression upon the minds of the people and has supplied philosophical ideas to others than the specialists. Thus, Nietzsche’s Zarathustra was translated in full by Choko Ikuta. After Nietzsche came the decadent ideas. These ideas pervaded philosophical and literary circles. About the 44th or 45th of Meiji (1911 or 1912), together Western Works of Literature 207 with the ideas of the end of the century, came the new philosophy of Eucken and Bergson, and many translations have been made of their philosophical writings. As I have said, the translation and introduction of Western literature became popular from the 42nd year of Meiji (1909). Even such ancient and voluminous works as Plato’s have been trans- lated (by Takataro Kimura). The kinds of works translated have been so many, that it is impossible to enumerate them all here. This work of transla- tion and introduction of foreign authors is bound to continue and to become more active, as our civilization becomes more closely approximated to that of the Western nations. IMPROVEMENT OF JAPANESE COMMER- CIAL METHODS OSUKE HIBI [Mr. Osiike Hibi, Chairman Board of Directors, Mitsu-koshi Department Store, Ltd.; bom Kurame, June i86o; graduated from Keio University; in 1895, he became sub-manager of the Tokyo Main Office of the Mitsui Bank; shortly afterward he was promoted general manager; in 1903, when the dry-goods department of the Mitsui Company was placed on an in- dependent basis, he was elected chairman of its board of directors; in 1906, he travelled extensively in Europe and America with the object of studying the department-store systems.] Our commercial life is not what it was half a century ago, nor even what it was a quarter of a century ago. As a result of the change in the character of our modem social stmcture, the status of the merchant has been raised, and this, in turn, has greatly enhanced the standard of our commercial morality. But here I am not concerned with the moral side of Japan’s com- mercial life. I am going to call its technical side to your attention. In the past fifty years, Japan has been import- ing, digesting, assimilating. Western civilization; and one of the most important, if not the most 208 Japanese Commercial Methods 209 conspicuous, results of the process is the improve- ment that has been made on our business methods. Space, however, does not permit me to give a detailed account of such improvements; I must content myself with illustrating them by a typical example — department stores. There are at present several such stores in Japan. Not only are they increasing in number, but the tendency among Japanese retail-stores is toward “departmentalization.” The pioneer and the largest of the department stores in this country is the Mitsu-koshi. It has 1800 employees, all told, and a branch in Osaka, Kyoto, Kiriu, Seoul, and Dalny. It is divided into fifteen departments — silk, cotton, foreign tailoring, jewelry, toilet articles, hair-omaments, outfitting, stationery, bags and boots, children’s, umbrellas, furniture, tobacco, china and cutlery, and foreign; and in addition to these, the Mitsu- koshi has a photo studio, a refreshment room, and an art gallery. As might be expected, the names of the departments are rather indefinite, as, for instance, the umbrella department deals in walk- ing sticks, Japanese footgear, and several other kinds of articles, besides simshades and parasols. The history of Mitsu-koshi runs back 265 years. When the seat of the Shogun’s Government was established in Tokyo (then called Edo), the store was already one of the largest and most prosperous in Japan. By the way, it may interest American readers to know that the cash and the one-price 14 210 Japan’s Message to America systems were invented and practised by the Mitsu-koshi two centuries earlier than by retailers in the United States. Indeed, it largely owed to these systems its early prosperity. The management of the Mitsu-koshi is quite up-to-date. It has introduced almost every European or American method of business calcu- lated to give satisfaction to its customers as well as to promote its own interests. To make its visitors comfortable and at ease, is the policy of the Mitsu-koshi. For that purpose it has pro- cured the services of Mrs. Izumiya, a foreign lady, and its customers find in her “an ideal adviser for making purchases.” The Mitsu-koshi has a force of cyclist-messengers, a telephone-order department, a mail-order department, a com- plaint office, an information bureau, a musical band of well-trained boys, etc. The Mitsu-koshi is a monthly magazine de Itixe edited by a nvunber of artists and literary men in the employ of the Store, while various catalogues and pamphlets are from time to time printed in Japanese and English to be distributed among its customers. The “purchasing-at-home” or sales-on -approval system is an invention of the Mitsu-koshi, the value of which is its adaptability to the peculiar conditions in Japan. When the Mitsu-koshi receives an order by post or telephone, it sends salesmen to the customer with goods to be in- spected and chosen from. Also when there arrive new goods from abroad or from local factories. Japanese Commercial Methods 21 1 its regular customers are called upon and given the necessary explanations concerning the goods. As far as I know, this purchasing-at-home system has no parallels in Emope or America. The Alitsu-koshi is patronized by the Imperial family and the peerage as well as by the plain people. It is, in fact, an aggregation of various specialized stores and is the centre of fashion. For instance, foreign tailoring is a pillar of the Mitsu-koshi. The art and skill of Mr. Alexander Mitchel, a well-known “cutter” from London, are sure to satisfy the most exacting of fashion-lovers. There is another characteristic that distinguishes the Mitsu-koshi from its Western prototypes. Scholars, educators, and journalists frequent its directors’ rooms, so that, in a sense, they constitute a social club for them. Thus far I have explained only the Mitsu-koshi, but as almost all stores of its kind in this cotmtry are modelled upon it, I need not mention the others. That the department store has been introduced into Japan and developed into a Japanized form with its special features, is an illustration (is it not?) of the fact that our commercial genius has assimilated various exotic institutions. PROSPECT OF THE PEACE OF THE WORLD ' ICHITARO SHIMIZU [Hon. Ichitaro Shimizu, lawyer, member of the House of Representatives; bom in 1865 in Owari; was graduated from Tokyo Imperial University, 1889, and continued his studies at the Middle Temple, London, 1890-93: sometime lecturer at Naval Staff College, Law School of Tokyo Imperial University, etc.; 1899-1900, travelled extensively in Europe and America.] Mr. President and Gentlemen: I sincerely thank you for the honour bestowed upon me to enjoy the companionship of so many distinguished gentlemen of this country, and to attend a dinner party in every way so perfect. Taking this opportunity, I venture to express my idea about the “Prospect of the Peace of the World.” So-called actualists deride us as dreaming of Utopia, and insist upon the impossibihty of the Peace of the World. But many things they have declared impossible have been realized one after ' An address by Mr. Shimizu at a welcome banquet given in his honour by American Congressmen at the Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D. C., December i, 1913. Being too busy to pre- pare a new article at our request, he has kindly furnished us with this. — Ed. J. M. A. 212 Prospect of the Peace of the World 213 another. In the domain of physics, The Promedes, a German scientific review, rightly remarks that “what the actualists thought impossible some twenty-five years ago, have been realized one after another; such as the wireless telegraph, the aero- plane, the submarine boat, the attainment of absolute zero temperature, the discovery of the North Pole, the natural coloured photograph, and the electric photograph.” I could mention similar occurrences in the field of metaphysics, also and especially in that of international law. Among the ancient Romans, the words enemies, robbers, slaves, and barbarous people were syno- nyms and convertible terms. They killed unarmed prisoners and their wives and children. They confiscated the enemy’s property without distinc- tion as to private and public ownership. They destroyed libraries, cemeteries, and hospitals. But now the persons of surrendered enemies are respected. Their wives and children are protected, and their private property is not confiscated. Libraries, cemeteries, and hospitals are now in- violable. These things that the Romans thought absurd now form the most important subjects of the body of international law. I have had some experience myself. Some twenty years ago, after I had finished my course of study in London, and was on my way home to Japan, I contributed an essay entitled, “The Necessity of Treaty Revision between Japan and Great Britian,” to the British Economic Journal, 214 Japan’s Message to America At the end of my essay I referred to the necessity and possibility of an Anglo- Japanese alliance, on which I laid great stress and importance. The editor of the Journal was good enough to publish all the other parts of my essay, but he cut out the last part. He thought it absurd and rather ridiculous to insist upon an Anglo- Japanese alli- ance in those days. So thinking, he cut it out. As Shakespeare says, “this was the most unkindest cut of all.” Six years later, however, when Lord Beresford came to Japan to persuade us to form an Anglo- Japanese alliance, and nine years later when it came into actual existence, what an infinite pleasure and self -pride did I feel! So much so that I felt pain that my essay had been cut off, as much as I felt pleasure and pride when it came into existence. Indeed, what one thinks impossible to-day turns out to be quite possible to-morrow. Thus, you insist upon the Peace of the World and are ridiculed by the actualists to-day, but when it is realized, you will feel happiness and satisfaction then. And we have strong reasons to believe that the Peace of the World is more assured than ever. Among others, I can mention five reasons: 1. The costliness of army and navy increase. Nowadays even the greatest and wealthiest state is painfully conscious that the expenses of army and navy increase yearly too fast, multiplying by leaps and bounds, and that there must be foimd some means to check or limit them. We can fairly Prospect of the Peace of the World 215 see that even England is much troubled by this question. And Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of England, is quite justified in putting the ques- tion at the Lord Mayor’s dinner: “Is it not time for the statesmen and the men of business to take coimsel together to secure the saner and the more fruitful appropriation of the common resources of humankmd?’’ And Mr. Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, is quite right to offer to Germany a “naval holiday,’’ or to limit the increase of the navy in a certain ratio to be agreed upon. These being the phenomena at present, it is only one step farther to reach an under- standing to limit army and navy increase, and to secure the Peace of the World. 2. The great development of commerce and trade necessitates putting an end to war. The great interests involved in commerce and trade are now too great to be sacrificed to satisfy the passions or the bloodthirstiness of ambitious monarchs. The world is passing from the poetical age to the prosaic; from feeling to reason; from passions to figures. 3. The wonderful progress in the means of commtmication made our earth ten times smaller than before. And what was once called the Far East is not the Far East now\ Thus we can go and come more frequently, and by imderstanding and sympathizing wfith each other we come into closer and closer connection; and there is less fear of taking the law into our own hands. 2i 6 Japan’s Message to America 4. By the arbitration treaties being entered into between so many states, almost ninety-nine controversies out of a hundred will be settled by peaceful means. And, with Mr. Bryan, we con- gratulate ourselves that what he is intending will be approved in the near future and will be recognized by almost all the civilized friendly powers. 5. Institutions like our Inter-parliamentary Union or the Peace Conference or the League of International Amity, which, I am told, are more than five himdred in number, working separately or combinedly, should necessarily lead the dif- ferent governments and peoples in the direction of right of justice, and of brotherhood of all the nations. These five reasons, besides others, co-operating, are sure to secure the Peace of the World. And I dare say that Peace is now a religion believed in by almost all the enlightened men and women of modem civilized states ; and as one of the founders of this religion, I am sure, Mr. Andrew Carnegie is certainly and fairly worthy. Some Europeans think that Japan is a warlike nation. But this is a serious error. It is an historically proved fact that Japan has never resorted to arms unless her national dignity was threatened, or her great interests were at stake — imless she believes that man and God are on her side. Then only, does she appeal to the court of Mars, the God of War. Our late Emperor, Meiji Tenno, was a great peace-loving monarch; and Prospect of the Peace of the World 217 the present Emperor, strictly adhering to his father’s policy, is absolutely the same; and we Japanese, to whom the Emperor’s will is more than law, have nothing but to obey the command of our peace-loving monarch. To say that Japan is a warlike nation, I repeat it, is a grievous mistake. Again, Japan is not a forgetful nation, nor is she an ungrateful nation. She will never forget that it was America that introduced her to the world so peacefully and honourably. She will never forget that it was America that expressed the greatest sympathy with her at the time of the late Russo-Japanese War; and she will never forget that Mrs. Maggie came to Japan with her friends, and kindly attended our sick and w'ounded soldiers; and that Ivir. Roosevelt, then President of the United States of America, undertook for the sake of humanity to hasten the ending of the war, by which Japan and Russia were saved hundred thousands of lives and millions of treasure. And Japan is always seeking to continue and strengthen the cordial relations which have existed for more than half a century, and that were renewed and invigorated so recently, between the two great nations on the Pacific. And I hope and believe that this old and desirable relationship will be cemented more firmly by your able hands and sympathetic hearts, and we will do our best also. Thus America and Japan shall surely con- tribute most in securing the Peace of the World. 2i8 Japan’s Message to America To secure the Peace of the World is the greatest ambition; and as Mr. Gladstone said, we shall believe “the greatest ambition is the highest morality.” JAPAN AND AMERICANISM NAOICHI MASAOKA, EDITOR [Mr. Naoichi Masaoka, author; bom Sept. 5, 1881, at Hiro- shima; studied at the Aoyama Gakuin (a mission school); began his career as author at the early age of twenty; in 1905, he was correspondent at Portsmouth for the Yamato Shimbun . (a daily); in 1909, he visited America again attending the Honorary Commercial Commission of Japan; he is the author of Beikoku Kembutsu (A Peep into American Life), Beikoku Oyobi Beikokujin (a bulky volume of 1300 pages on America and the Americans), Beikoku Bocho Ron {American Expansion), and many other books.] While, day by day, civilization progresses, the means of communication improve, and the distances in the world are being shortened, it is a pity that great mistmderstandings should still exist between nations. In the past few decades those books which famous authors in Europe have written about America have done much to break down European prejudices against the Republic. Though from different motives and with different degrees of effect, such writers as James Bryce, Freeman, Paul Bourget, Sir George Bates, Mme. Blanc, Miss Emily Faithful, Paul de Rousiers, Max O’Rell, Stevens, Hugo Munsterberg, J. Fullerton Muirhead, H. G. Wells, etc., have con- 219 220 Japan’s Message to America tributed to the enlightenment of the general public in Europe on the subject of America. But nothing is more difficult than for one nation fully to understand another. Not a few persons of erudi- tion and experience have misunderstood America, seeing that they have declared her to be one of the worst countries in the world. An English noble- man once said that his legs felt like a jelly-fish after only four hours’ walk in New York, and his dissatisfaction with some roads in that metropolis seems to have led to a long chapter of abuses on things American. To learn that a man of Matthew Arnold’s intelligence could not free himself from a preconceived notion against the United States, is a matter for great regret. One recognizes the strength of his arguments and the sharp wit of his observations, but cannot help doubting whether this great writer understood the American people at all, when he railed at them as philistines. This shows how difficult it is for anybody to know a foreign people. Some Japanese, too, are not quite free from this international misimderstand- ing, which is chiefly due to lack of information. How, then, have they come to underestimate Americans? To my thinking, it is through the following circumstances. First, American mis- sionaries working in this country have been comparatively poor in scholarship. The Japanese, who have spent many centuries in their insular hermitage, receiving little impulse from the outer world, are a people of a meditative mood, and their Japan and Americanism 221 religious conception is, in a sense, far more ad- vanced than that of the Americans, whose chief national concern has been the development of material prosperity since the beginning of their history. Buddhism, Shintoism, and other re- ligions are by no means such superficial things as Westerners suppose them to be. To propagate Christianity in such a country is, therefore, a work that nobody except those in possession of a know- ledge superior to the average Japanese religionist can hope to undertake with any prospect of success. The founders and reformers of many sects of Buddhism or Shintoism in Japan were, every one of them, men who could well rival Luther, Wesley, or Knox in calibre. Nay, we are sure, with no trace of patriotic weakness, that some of them were even their superiors, so far as scholarship is concerned. Thus, those American missionaries that treated us as semi-barbarous dis- appointed and often worked us into resentment. This is still the case. On the whole, they are not being so much respected by the Japanese. The late Rev. Dr. D. E. Greene, who died here last year, was one of the exceptions to the rule. He was held in esteem among his Japanese friends; but it was not so much because of his erudition as because of his character. Little wonder, then, that mission- aries lacking both gain no respect at all from our people. Second, while American merchants in Tokyo, Yokohama, or Kobe do not place confidence in the 222 Japan’s Message to America Japanese with whom they transact business, the latter, in turn, look upon the former as mean creatures. These Americans do not imderstand our national character, though they pretend that they are quite familiar with it. It is their belief that the average Japanese is a liar and that Japanese merchants are dishonest; and they are apt to treat them as a race inferior to themselves. How can we expect mutual harmony and confi- dence from such a state? With a few exceptions, the American business men in this coimtry are sadly wanting in character and education. One of them came to Japan as a vagabond sailor and made a fortime by mere chance and shrewdness. While I fully appreciate the American adaptability, I cannot think that it is to the interest of the United States that men of ill breeding should have availed themselves of their new circumstances to become upstarts and represent their nation in Japan. Says Dr. Jordan, ex-president of the Leland Stanford Junior University, “Japan could not afford to be judged by her least attractive and least efficient representatives [labourers in California].” There are, indeed, no American labourers in Japan, but the American merchants resident in this country are misrepresenting America to us to her great disadvantage. Third, Japanese returned from the United States after observing their darker side only, talk of the defects and evils in American life. These men did not come into contact with the best Japan and Americanism 223 classes of Americans. Some had crossed the Pacific solely for the purpose of making money by labour. Moreover, it is a weakness inherent in human nature to look at the demerits of any- thing rather than at its merits, and many Japanese have come home to be regarded as “authorities” on America because of their being familiar with the wrong side of the picture. American news- papers which use strong language in disclosing and attacking political corruption as well as business unlawfulness, were certainly important factors to inform them of the “true conditions” in the States. This is not to say that the attitude and practice of the American press are altogether wrong; on the contrary, they are not seldom the e.xpression of the spirit of self-perfection, of self- development. To my regret, however, Yankee journalism has furnished half-educated Japanese with their material for criticizing Americanism. All these circumstances have combined to make the popular Japanese view of America erroneous. Nevertheless, it is encouraging to find that a number of writers, publicists, journalists, and business men are making serious study of the civilization and institutions of the great Republic. Such men understand it better than most Ameri- cans imderstand Japan. It may be partly be- cause we are under the urgent necessity of knowing our Pacific neighbour; but, in view of serious trouble occurring through international mis- understanding, is it not well that Americans begin 224 Japan’s Message to America a study of Japan and the Japanese? A long time ago, Townshend Harris, the first consular repre- sentative in Japan of the United States, said, in effect, that nothing taxed his brain so much as the Mikado of Dai Nippon. How many Americans of to-day imderstand what this Mikado is? A moment’s consideration of this question will show that the American knowledge of Japan has little improved since the times of Mr, Harris. For instance, there are a considerable number of men in America who believe in the possibility of an American -Japanese War, while such an idea has never entered the heads of right-minded Japanese. We still consider America as a reliable friend, even as a senior. Men who have been educated in the States are holding influential positions in every department of Japanese life. They have made quite as much contribution to the making of modem Japan as those who received English, German, or French education. The late Marquis Komura, one of the greatest diplomats we have ever produced, was a Harvard man; Viscount Kentaro Kaneko, a privy councillor, is another; Baron T. Megata, an influential member of the House of Peers, is a third; Dr, Inazo Nitob6, a thought-leader in this coimtry, is a holder of an American LL.D.; Miss Ume Tsuda, one of the foremost woman educationalists Japan can hold up to the world, is a graduate from an American college; Admiral Baron Sotokichi Uryu studied tactics at Annapolis; Baron Hisaya Iwasaki, a Japan and Americanism 225 multi-millionaire, Viscount Yataro Mishima, Gov- ernor of the Bank of Japan, the Hon. Kojiro Matsukata, President of the Kawasaki Ship- building Yard, Mr. Otohiko Matsukata, Standing Director of the Japan Oil Co., Mr. Manzo Kushida, Managing Director of the Mitsu Bishi Banking Department, Mr. Tamio Hayashi, Managing Director of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha — these are every one of them a “made-in America.” To enumerate all such names and explain their activities in this country would require a full chapter; be it sufficient for my present purpose to note that many younger men and women who were students in America are taking an active part in Japanese life; and that, through these and other mediums, the thinking people in Japan are able to imderstand what America is, as fully as any foreigners can understand without living among Americans in America. Many of our leading business-men have been to the States and recognize that Japan’s commercial relations with them are by far more important than those with Europe. It is these business-men that have always been striving to promote good fellowship between the two nations. That we can appreciate American ideals and point of view is evident from the respect we pay to America’s great citizens. Colonel Roosevelt has deservedly won many admirers in this country. Their admiration is so great that a certain vernacu- lar paper once mocked them by saying “Roose- 15 226 Japan’s Message to America velt is not the President of Japan.” When the “Possible Chapters of an Autobiography” by him appeared in the Outlook, several Japanese journals published translations, to the enthusiastic dehght of their readers. Abraham Lincoln is also greatly admired by many Japanese, and there are half a dozen biographies of him here. The anecdote of Washington and his father’s hatchet being inserted in an elementary school text-book, Japanese children are inspired through it that honesty is not only the best poHcy but also a great virtue. To us, the eloquence of Webster and Patrick Henry is a fact as familiar as the loyalty of General Nogi . B en j amin Frankhn ’ s A utobiography is used in many middle-schools as a text-book of Enghsh,and otur boys and girls, as they take lessons from it every day of the week, become so familiar with him that they feel as if his were not a foreign name. Of the diplomatic representatives America has sent to us, Mr. Harris is looked upon by us as the noblest character and as a benefactor in a sense. Commodore Perry, who kindly shook Japan from her long slumber, is a name we can never forget. On the southern shore of Tok>"0 Bay stands a monument erected in commemora- tion of him, and it may be interesting to Ameri- can readers to learn that the late Emperor Meiji graciously donated a sum out of his owm pocket to the fund for building this Perry monument. New books on the subject of America and Americans are published here almost every month. Japan and Americanism 227 Some of them, it is true, abuse America; but, on the whole, they try to look at the bright side of the Repubhc. Especially, our study concerning the American educational system is comprehensive, and the bulkiness of volumes written on that subject is so remarkable that one wonders why such pubhcations on a comparatively dry topic can find a sufficient circulation to meet their cost. Again, American magazines are being widely read among our people. The Review of Reviews, Atlantic Monthly, Outlook, Independent, North American Review, Scientific American, etc., are very popular with us, and interesting articles in them are translated and published by our enterprising newspapers or magazines. Besides, even such high-pitched periodicals as the Yale Review, the American Journal of International Law, the Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, and others find subscribers among Japanese. Thus the products of American thinkers and scientists form an important part of our mental diet. While, until not long ago, American literature was little imderstood even by Englishmen, the Japanese in the Far East can estimate its qualities aright. Besides Emerson, Mrs. Stowe, Hawthorne, Mark Twain, Irving, etc., whose works are studied in our schools and colleges, we can even appreciate Walt Whitman, one of the most debated of American poets, and William James, whose pragmatic philosophy has taught the world what 228 Japan’s Message to America a man is. I may 'mention, in passing, that as many as forty translations from Emerson have been pub- lished with more or less success in this country. It is not only books and magazines that have interpreted America to Japanese. An important part has been played by her great citizens who have visited us. From General Grant, who came to this Empire about thirty years ago, to Mr. Mabie, the first American exchange-professor, many noble men have been our guests, and their speeches as well as their lectures directly breathed the true American spirit into our nostrils. Generally speaking, Japanese returned from America have proved to be serviceable men. Most of them are quite free from the haughtiness and extravagance of European aristocratism. Be- side those who were students in other coimtries, our American-made men are more active, more independent, and more enterprising. This has naturally made American education popular in this coimtry. The Doshisha University, the Japan Women’s University, the Aoyama Gakuin, the Meiji Gakuin, the Kwansai Gakuin — all these are among the greatest institutions in Japan. They are inspiring their students with American ideals through an American system of education, and no wonder that the graduates from them should be imbued with Americanism. To the growth of Japan’s modem civilization, these colleges and universities have contributed more than others. Japan and Americanism 229 Lastly, one factor that draws Japanese boys to their American compeers morally and physically is that enlivening game, baseball. It is a well- known fact that our boys have a strong liking for it. So far as amateur players are concerned, Japan has the strongest teams except America. Several years ago, Keio played a series of matches with various American university teams, and returned home with a satisfactory record of fifty per cent, of victories. Wisconsin, Washington, Chicago, and Stanford have sent their teams to us ; the latter two xmiversities scored more victories than defeats, while the former two showed bad results. Among our boys, your Wagner, Cobb, McGraw, Mathewson, and others have won an admiration bordering on worship. Keio and Waseda, two of the greatest private universities in Japan, have sent their players to the United States more than once. These boys came into direct contact with their American brothers through the game, with the result that they understand America better than most Europeans of their age. Neither regattas nor tennis matches attract as many spectators in this country as baseball, which is congenial to Japanese boys. To some extent, they cultivate fair play, self-direction, and other characteristic American virtues while “playing the game.” HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF WEST- ERN LEARNING IN JAPAN RITTS-ZOH ODA, ASS’t EDITOR [Mr. Ritts-zoh Oda, author and translator; bom Sept., 1882, in Tokyo; sometime chief editor of the Eigo Sekai; translator of several English books on the subject of America.] The wonderful development of Japan in the past half-century is chiefly due to education. In 1871, with a resolution to introduce Western civi- lization, our Government instituted a national educational system and established schools, col- leges, and a university. Nor were our educa- tional efforts confined to governmental action. Not a few individuals of deep insight have in the past contributed largely to the progress of their coimtry by guiding and enlightening the people. When the Shogunate regime was flourishing, scholars were held in esteem and learning was much encouraged; but, then, education being almost exclusively in Japanese and Chinese litera- tures, people were quite strangers to Western learning. Later, however, the seed of the new Japanese civilization was sowed, when the study of the Dutch language began in this coimtry. 230 Western Learning in Japan 231 In the Kyoho Era (1716-46), Nishi-Zenzaburo, Yoshino-Kosaku, and some other ofScial inter- preters at Nagasaki, the open port, were taught Dutch by the Dutchmen there by special permis- sion of Shogun Yoshimrme. The citizens of Edo (old name for Tokyo), who had no access to foreigners as a result of the isolation policy of the Shogunate Government, could not enjoy so much facility as their brethren at Nagasaki in regard to the study of a foreign language. Still, several private enthusiasts, such as Aoki-Bimzo, Mayeno- Ryotaku, and Sugita-Gempaku, toiled very hard at the mastering of Dutch. It was by the col- laboration of the latter two that the Kaitai Shin- sho was translated from the Dutch original, Tabul Anatoniia, in the 3d year of An-ei (1774). Four years had been spent and the manuscripts rewrit- ten eleven times, before the conscientious trans- lators found their version satisfactory enough to be sent forth. Indeed, their success laid the foundation stone of Japan’s newer civilization. By and by, Dutch learning (we had better put it as Dutch medicine) spread in this country. Otsuki-Gentaku, a disciple of the above-mentioned Sugita-Gempaku, was first appointed as official translator to the Shogun’s Government. Another disciple, Udagawa-Genki, devoted himself to the training of younger men, and Tsuboi-Shindo, Mitsukuri-Gempo, etc., made brilliant figures un- der his tuition. Tsuboi-Shindo trained in turn such distinguished scholars as Ogata-Koan and 232 Japan’s Message to America Aoki- Shuhitsu . Thus , the Dutch learning in J apan was put on a firm footing. This is a general sketch of such matters tiU five years before the visit of the American Commodore Perry. It is an interesting fact that up to this time the pioneers of Western education in Japan were all medical students; but in the 9th year of Bunsei (1826), Aoki-Rinso, nephew to Tsuboi- Shindo, wrote Kikai Kanran, and in the loth year of Tempo (1839), Udagawa-Yoan, adopted son of Genki, published Seimi Kaishu, which two books pioneered the study of physics and chemistry in Japan. While there was such a tendency among the people to introduce outward civilization, the Government adhered so much to its conservative policy that it strictly prohibited the publication of scientific books, except medical ones. Thus, Rin-Shihei, who was a contemporary of Mayeno and Sugita, and an advocate of a progressive plan of coast defence; Takano-Choyei, who was a statesmanlike physician; Watanabe- Kazan, who was a great painter and Chinese scholar; all fell victims to the terrible persecutions of the Shogun- ate Government and died tragic, unnatmal deaths, because they published their views on the political, economical, or military questions of those days. At last, in the ist year of Ansei (1854), the pressure of America, England, France, and Russia was brought to bear upon the Government, which abandoned its isolation policy and concluded provisional treaties with these powers. By that Western Learning in Japan 233 time, the study of the Dutch language had spread throughout the country and the poptdar dissemi- nators of the new system of learning had increased. I may mention, among others, the names of Katsu- Rintaro (later Count Katsu-Awa), Omura-Ma- sujiro, Hashimoto-Sanai, Fukuzawa-Yukichi, Nagayo-Sensai, Otori-Keisuke (later Baron Otori), Hanabusa-Gishitsu (later Viscount Hana- busa), Sano-Tsunetami (later Coimt Sano), Ikeda- Kensai, Mitsukuri-Shuhei, etc. About this time, at the small town of Sakura, in Shimosa province, a hospital was fotmded by Sato-Taizen, a recognized authority on Dutch learning. It was known as the Juntendo and was the first private hospital ever established in Japan. In the 5th year of Ansei (1858), Fukuzawa- Yukichi, a distinguished disciple of Ogata-Koan, laid the foimdation of the present Keio University and began to train boys in Western sciences and arts. He led his pupils with a practical ethical doctrine characteristic of himself. Up to now, as many as 20,000 men have been turned out by this institution. It was organized into a univer- sity in 1890, and was made to consist of four faculties — literatures, economics, law, and politics. It is the pioneer of our universities. Several years later, another institution was es- tablished at Kyoto and was christened Doshisha. Mr. Ni-ijima-Joh, its foimder, had transgressed a prohibition of the Shogunate Government and sought refuge abroad, going as a sailor on an 234 Japan’s Message to America American ship. What adversity he had to fight against while prosecuting his studies in Europe and America! But he was a man of strong will, and came back home in 1874 fully prepared to fulfil his mission to contribute to the reconstruction of Japan. With the support of Alpheus Hardy, an American citizen, he founded the Doshisha, the object of which was to educate young men on the Christian principle tmder the motto “Man doth not live by bread only.” Waseda University, the largest of our private educational institutions, was estabhshed by Count Okuma and some of his friends in 1882. Okuma had received an English education; after holding the portfolios of finance and foreign affairs, he became Premier, and he had been an active leader of the progressists for many years. But through- out his varied career, he has invariably exerted himself in the cause of his university and is now its chancellor. To it are attached a middle-school, an elementary technical school, and a short-course law school. Waseda is the most prosperous of all the private colleges and universities in Japan. This brief historical sketch of the Japanese educational movement would not be complete if I omitted such names as the late Viscount Mori- Yurei, Ex-Minister of Education, who founded the Tokyo Higher Commercial School; Shaku- Shimpachi, who established the Kyoritsu Gakusha; Nakamura Seichoku, who was the founder of the Dojinsha Institute; Kondo-Makoto, who made it Western Learning in Japan 235 his life-work to bring up naval officers; and Tsuda- Sen, who opened a certain agricultural college. Thanks to the endeavours of all these men, the non-govemmental educational system in this coun- try has developed to its present stage. Japan has now a number of excellent private colleges and universities. Besides the two older institutions of Keio and Waseda, there are, in Tokyo, Meiji, Chuo, Hogakuin, Kokugakuin, Hosei, and Nippon; while among the most famous seats of learning in the local provinces are Doshisha University, Osaka Medical School, Osaka Law School, and Chiba Medical School. To be succinct. Western learning in Japan originated some 150 years ago in medicine and pervaded the country in the order of physics, chemistry, literature, economics, and politics, un- til, in the beginning of the Meiji Era, European ethics and moral philosophy were first introduced. THE END Books on Japan An Exposition of Japanese Thought Bushido The Soul of Japan By Inazo Nitobe, A.M., Ph.D. Professor in the Imperial University of Kyoto Tenth Revised and Enlarged Edition. $t.2S net. By mail, $1.55 This book is <>o packed with thought, so attractive in style, so rich in comparative illustrations of Oriental and Occidental ways of looking at things, with here and there a touch of satire, but never bigoted or narrow, that it is diflScult to express its subtle charm in a paragraph. By George William Knox, D.D,, Professor of the History and Philosophy of Religion in Union Theological Seminary, and Sometime Professor of Phi- losophy and Ethics at the Imperial University, Tokyo Japanese Life in Town and Country Cr. 8vo. Fully illustrated. $1.20 net. By mail, $1.30. No. 2 in ” Our .Asiatic Neighbours.” ** A delightful book, all the more welcome because the ablest scholar in Japanese Confucianism that America has yet produced has here given us impressions of man and nature in the Archipelago." Evening Post, The Development of Re- ligion in Japan Cr. 8 VO. $1.50 net. By mail, $1.65 No. VI. in " Atnerican Lectures oo the History of Rellgioas." “ A notable addition to this excellent series .” — The Churchman. “ The author is peculiarly qualified for appreciative treatment of his subject ." — The Outlook. The Japanese Nation Its Land, Its People, and Its Life With Special Consideration to Its Relations with the United States By Inazo Nitobe, A.M., Ph.D. Professor in the Imperial University of Tokyo, President of the First National College, Japan, Author of “ Bushido,” etc. Cr. 8uo. With a Map. .50 net. A thorough study of Japan by one of her foremost scholars. It is one of the very few existing accounts of this much misunderstood nation. The book is thoroughly vital, infused with thought, brilliant in style, and should prove serviceable to all who want to arrive at a true im- pression of the Japanese people. The volume treats of the following subjects : The East and the West — The Land or Geographical Features in their Relation to the Inhabitants — The Past in its Signifi- cance to the Present — Race and National Characteristics — Religious Beliefs — Morals and Moral Ideals — Education and Educational Problems — Economic Conditions — Japan as Coloniser — American-Japanese Intercourse Prior to the Advent of Perry — The Relations between the United States and Japan — American Influence in the Far East — Peace over the Pacific. New York G. P. Putnam’s Sons London Bushido The Soul of Japan An Exposition of Japanese Thought By Inazo Nitobe, A.M., Ph.D. Professor in the Imperial University of Tokyo President of the First National College, Japan Author of “The Japanese Nation” With an Introduction by William Elliott Griffis Author of “The Religion of Japan,” etc. Tenth Revised and Enlarged Edition. 12° $1.25 net. {By mail, $1.35) A revised and enlarged edition of a book whose subtle charm it is difficult to express in a paragraph. It is so packed with thought ; so attractive in style ; so rich in comparative illustrations of Oriental and Occidental ways of looking at things, with here and there a touch of satire, but never bigoted or narrow. “ Bushido ” is the Japanese feudal equivalent of chivalry. Literally it may be translated, “ Military Knights’ Ways,’’ or “ Precepts of Knighthood.” It embodies the maxims of educational training brought to bear on the Samurai, or warrior class of Japan, the class that throughout the nation’s feudal age, which ended only fifty years ago, set the stand- ard to the whole people in manners, ideals of character, and mental and moral codes of obligation. “ Bushido” was an organic growth of centuries of mili- tary careers. It is unwritten, like the English Constitu- tion, yet out of it has grown the Japan of to-day. G. P. Putnam’s Sons New York London The Great Illusion By Norman Angell A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage. Fourth Edition Revised with Additional Material Crown 8°. $1.00 “Mr. Angell throws into the dust-bin the worn-out theories, the axioms of statecraft, the shibboleths of diplomats, the mouthings of politicasters, as to the necessity of war. And from this to a brilliant arraign- ment of standing armies and navies and war establish- ments of all kinds is but another step in Mr. Angell’s altogether splendid monograph. To use a familiar phrase, no book of similar trend in recent years has caused so many thinking men to sit up and take notice.” St Louis GlobcDemocrat Arms and Industry A Study of the Foundations of Inter- national Polity By Norman Angell Author of “ The Great Illusion,” etc. 12°. $1.25 In this book the author of “ The Great Illusion ” shows systematically and scientifically, though with the same clearness and simplicity which mark his earlier work, the nature of those forces which are transforming the re- lationship of states, and indeed, to some extent, the mechanism of organized society as a whole. New York G. P. Putnam’s Sons London h Vi it DS810.M16 Japan to America; a symposium of papers Princeton Theological Semlnary-Speer Library 1 1012 00042 6587