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‘STUDIA 
 BIBLICA ET ECCLESIASTICA 
 
 ESSAYS 
 
 CHIEFLY 
 
 IN BIBLICAL AND PATRISTIC CRITICISM 
 
 BY 
 
 MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF OXFORD 
 
 VOLUME V 
 
 OXFORD 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 M DCCCC III 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Lire oF St. Nino . : 
 
 Marcery WarpDRop. 
 
 7 
 Texts FRom Mount AtTHOS 
 Kirsopp Lake, M.A. 
 
 1Π|. 
 
 Tue Puace oF THE Pesuitro VERSION IN THE APPA- 
 RATUS CRITICUS OF THE GREEK New TESTAMENT . 
 G. H. Gwituram, B.D. 
 
 IV. 
 Baptism AND CHRISTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
 C. F. Rogers, M.A. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 187 
 
 239 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2009 
 
 https://archive.org/details/studiabiblicaessO5univ 
 
GEES OF si NENO© 
 
 [ Marsory Warprop 
 J. O. Warnrop] 
 
 WOE AER TAINAN Up B 
 

 
LIFE OF ST. NINO. 
 
 —_—— 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Tue text used for this translation is Sekar? hvelos Samot hihe 
 (edited by Gobron (Mikhail) Sabinin, 5. Pbg., 1882), the 
 standard collection of Lives of Georgian Saints; passages 
 have also been appended from Rufinus, Moses of Chorene, and 
 a MS. entitled Moktzevai Kart’hlisai (i.e. the Conversion of 
 Georgia). 
 
 Sabinin’s text has the merit of giving a connected narra- 
 tive, but its slipshod style and lack of punctuation frequently 
 render it obscure and misleading. 
 
 The New Variant. The best text, as far as it goes, 15 
 that printed in Athali Varianti Tsm, Ninos Tzkhovrebisa, anu 
 meore natsili Kart hlis Moktzevisa (edited by E. Thaqaishvili, 
 Tiflis, 1891). Wherever this differs materially from Sabinin’s 
 text its words (marked A. V.) are inserted in the notes. 
 
 The existing MS. of this New Variant forms a part of 
 the ‘ Shatberdi Collection,’ a book of miscellaneous parchments 
 which formerly belonged to the monastery of Shatberdi, on 
 Chorokh Pass, in the district of Clarjet’hi, and appears to 
 have been written in the ninth or tenth century. With 
 it are bound up three Historical Chronicles and the short 
 MS. called Moktzevai Kart’hlisai, all of which are now pub- 
 lished. The most notable peculiarity of A.V. is that the 
 narrators speak in the first person; there seems little doubt 
 of its being the oldest existing MS., and it is evidently a 
 
 , B2 
 
4 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 copy of a very much older (perhaps contemporary) original. 
 Unfortunately it is incomplete. The order of the incidents 
 differs from that in other versions, and some things are 
 omitted altogether. 
 
 Other versions. Among other MSS. may be mentioned : 
 
 1. A copy of the Lives of the Georgian Saints, written by 
 the Catholicos Arsen in the tenth century (preserved in the 
 St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences). Arsen tells us he used 
 oral as well as written material. 
 
 2. The Shio Mghvime monastery’s MS., written in 1733. 
 
 3. The Nat’hlismtzemeli (Baptist) monastery’s MS., 1713. 
 These two last named are evidently taken from the same 
 source, but the one is not copied from the other. 
 
 4. Queen Mariam’s MS. (written 1636-1646) of Kart’hlis 
 Tzkhovreba (the Georgian Chronicle), which was not among 
 those edited by Vakhtang VI. 
 
 5. Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba, the great Georgian Chronicle, 
 edited by King Vakhtang VI (early eighteenth century), but 
 collected long before his time. The text and French translation 
 published by M. F. Brosset, St. Petersburg Academy of 
 Sciences. 
 
 The MS. Conversion of Georgia. The MS. Moktzevai 
 Kart’hlisai (infra, pp. 61-64) gives the legend of St. Nino 
 in a dry, brief manner, and carries the history down to the 
 ninth century ; but the oldest part does not seem to be later 
 than the seventh century. It cannot be looked upon as the 
 root from which other versions have sprung, but only as part 
 of a compilation of annals from pre-existing material. 
 
 Agreement of the Versions. It will be found that the 
 different versions, through about a thousand years, show no 
 essential disagreement, and they are supported by the inde- 
 pendent authority of Rufinus, whose work seems to have been 
 first known in Georgia through Ephrem the Younger'’s 
 translation of Theodoretus in the eleventh century. It is 
 probably from Rufinus that the story of the healing of the 
 youth (p. 31) is inserted; the use of the word ci/ici, and the 
 
Life of St. Nino. 5 
 
 omission of the incident in A. V., seem to suggest such an 
 origin. 
 
 Chronology. Various dates are given for the Conversion of 
 Georgia: Vakhusht 317, Baronius 327, Brosset 328, Kart’hlis 
 Tzkhovreba 338. ‘The first and last of these are manifestly 
 wrong. The year given in Moktzevai Kart’hlisai, 332, if 
 we read ‘birth’ for ‘ascension,’ is apparently correct, and is 
 confirmed by the Chronique Arménienne (i.e. a Georgian 
 Chronicle which only exists in an Armenian translation of 
 the twelfth century, published in French by Brosset in 
 Additions et €claircissements, Peb. 1851). We may thus fix 
 the following dates: Nino’s arrival in Georgia 324, baptism 
 of King Mirian 332, Nino’s death 338. 
 
 The Georgian Church Autocephalous. It has been 
 asserted, not without authority, that the first Bishop of 
 Georgia was only called John (Ioane, Iovane) because he was 
 ‘the Baptist,’ and that he was in reality that Eustatius who 
 was patriarch of Antioch from 325 till 331, when he was 
 expelled by heretics. In 1051 we find the clergy of Antioch 
 claiming the patriarchate over Georgia, and about the same 
 time Ephrem the Younger refers to Eustatius of Antioch as 
 the first Georgian bishop. In any case it is certain that until 
 the reign of Vakhtang Gorgaslan (end of fifth century) the 
 Georgian Church was subject to Antioch ; Vakhtang made it 
 a national Church, and it was solemnly declared autocephalous 
 by the Sixth General Council. Practically, it is now swal- 
 lowed up in the Russian Church, and the tomb of St. Nino, 
 in the monastery of Bodbe, has been surrounded by hideous 
 modern buildings, and given into the care of Russian nuns 
 ignorant of the language and history of the country. 
 
 Miscellaneous remarks. It is perhaps unnecessary to 
 draw attention to the importance of Jews and women in the 
 introduction of Christianity in Georgia, as in other places. 
 The Jewish colonies (p. 27) seem to have been ancient, 
 numerous, and prosperous; and the influence of the rabbi 
 Abiat’har, who is represented as calling himself complacently 
 
6 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 ‘the new Paul,’ plays a large part in the story. Queen Nana 
 reminds us of Helena in Byzantium, Clothilde in France, and 
 other royal protectresses of Christianity. 
 
 The information given about the pre-existing faiths, the 
 imported Persian gods Armaz and Zaden, the hostile Chaldean 
 It’hrujan, the Book of Nimrod, and, more especially, Gatzi 
 and Gaim, or Ga, the ‘gods of the Georgian people, is well 
 worthy of attention. So too are such scraps of folklore as 
 we find on pp. 23 and 45. From the linguistic point of view 
 the fragments of ‘ Branjian’ and old Persian on pp. 20 and 
 21 may be recommended to the ‘notice of philologists. A 
 mere translation such as is here presented leaves the field 
 open to students fitted to explain the numerous obscure points 
 in the legend. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 7 
 
 TEXT. 
 
 The Conversion of King Miran, and of all Georgia 
 with hum, by our holy and blessed Mother the 
 Apostle Nino. 
 
 Her festival is held on the fourteenth of January. 
 
 Let us tell the story of our holy and blessed Mother, the 
 enlightener of all Georgia, the apostle Nino, as she herself, 
 at the time of her death, related it to the believer Salome 
 of Ujarma, daughter-in-law of King Mirian, who wrote it 
 down. 
 
 Now in those days when Saint George the Cappadocian ! 
 bore witness for Christ, there was in a city of Cappadocia 
 a certain ruler, pleasing unto God, called Zabulon, who set out 
 for Rome to serve before King Maximian? and to earry gifts 
 to him. In those same days there was in Colastra? a man 
 who had two children: a son named Iobenal and a daughter, 
 Sosana; and he and his wife died, leaving the brother and 
 sister orphans. The children arose and set out for the holy 
 city Jerusalem, trusting in the hope of all Christians, the 
 holy Resurrection. There they tarried; Sosana’s brother, 
 Tobenal, obtained the office of steward *, while she served the 
 Niamphori Sarra® of Bethlehem. 
 
 Now the Cappadocian youth Zabulon, whom we have 
 
 1 We learn from an old chronicle that St. Nino was the archmartyr 
 St. George’s cousin. 
 
 2 A.V. omits the name Maximian. 8 A.V. ‘ Colasta.’ 
 
 * Devtalari. In Queen Mariam’s MS. devkhalari, but in all others devéalari. 
 
 5 A.V. ‘ miaphori Sara.’ 
 
8 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 already mentioned, arrived before the king when the Branji! 
 had revolted against the Romans on the field of Patalani?*. 
 The Lord gave power invincible to Zabulon, who went forth 
 with countless hosts against the Branji and put them to 
 flight, capturing their king and all his chiefs. Then he led 
 them before the king (of the Romans) who decreed that they 
 should all be put to death. The Branji began to weep, and 
 entreated Zabulon, saying: ‘ First let us be partakers in your 
 religion, and let us be led into the temple of your God ; then 
 may we meet death, for we have been taken captive by thee. 
 Do thus unto us, and thou shalt be guiltless of our blood, 
 O hero!’ Now when Zabulon heard this, he went hastily and 
 secretly to the patriarch *, and told him what they had said. 
 They were baptized by Zabulon; they were led into the 
 temple of God, where they partook of the sacrament of the 
 body and blood of Christ, and the glory of the holy apostles 
 was declared unto them. 
 
 On the morning when they were to meet their doom, the 
 Branji rose very early, and, being clothed in the garments 
 of death, were led away unto the place of execution, praying 
 and praising God for His baptism and sacrament which they 
 had received, saying: ‘In this our death we are immortal, 
 for God has esteemed us worthy to see His glory, and to 
 receive the inexhaustible provision for the journey, to wit, 
 the body and blood of the immortal God Christ, who is 
 higher than all heights and deeper than all abysses and 
 depths, who is blessed through eternity. But, alas for our 
 kinsfolk, born in bitterness, inheritors of darkness!’ They 
 then handed themselves over to the executioner. Now when 
 Zabulon saw this, he was much moved, and wept bitterly, 
 for they were as sheep led to the slaughter, and for their 
 children they mourned grievously, as for lambs. Seized with 
 pity for them all, Zabulon went in to the king and entreated 
 
 1 ? Branji=Frangi (Franks). Cp. Lebeau, Hist. du Bas-Empire, i, 42-3. 
 2 A.V. ‘Pikhalani.’ In other variants Pitalani. 
 5 A.V. ‘he told the king and the patriarch.’ 
 
») Life of St. Nene. 9 
 
 him that he would pardon them. The king granted them 
 their liberty. 
 
 The Branji begged Zabulon to go with them to their land 
 and teach the gospel of Christ, baptizing with water all the 
 people. He hearkened to their prayer, and asked the patri- 
 arch for a priest. Then he obtained leave from the king, and 
 they went away joyfully. When they were within a day’s 
 journey of the land of the Branji, the news that their king 
 was coming in safety, with all his chiefs, travelled before 
 them, and there came forth to meet them ten erist’havs!: 
 Khozamai, Khozaba, Zakai and Khenebagi, Timgaragi Daza- 
 kai 2, Gazai, Zargai, Zarda, Zamrai and T’hmonigoni®, and 
 all the kingdom with them, and they met at a great deep 
 river ἡ. The king divided the people, and placed half of 
 them on each side of the river, and the priest blessed the 
 water. Then all the people went down into the river and Τ᾿ τ ῖϑοι 
 
 of t 
 were washed, and rose together, and the priest® laid his hands Branji. 
 upon them all. Ten days tarried they there by the river, 
 and they pitched tents. The priest offered up the bloodless 
 sacrifice, and the people partook of the sacrament of Christ. 
 Priests instructed them in all the doctrines of Christianity. 
 When Zabulon had said farewell he left them in peace, and 
 went away with great gifts to Rome. 
 e resolved to go to Jerusalem, and when he arrived there Zabulon 
 H lved to go to J ] d when h d there Zabul 
 it 
 
 he divided his gains among the poor, according to the com- eee ve 
 mandment of God. He saw the steward Jobenal, who had 
 
 1 eris-t’havi (lit. head of the people) is a governor of a province. 
 
 * Thus in Sabinin, but it may be da (and) Zakai, as in A.V. 
 
 3 In A.V. the names are given as follows: Kholamai, Khozabai Khladchai, 
 Kheneshagi, Timgaragi, Zakai, Gzai Zargai, Zardai, Zarmai and T’hmonigoni of 
 royal race. There are thus eleven names in all, but it is difficult to decide which 
 of them is a double name. Queen Mariam’s MS. gets over the difficulty by 
 omitting Zarmai. The MS. in the church of St. John the Baptist (Nat’hlis 
 mtzemeli monastery, in Karayaz Steppe) agrees with A.V. The list in Kart’hlis 
 Tzkhovreba is: Khozamoi, Khozai, Gaakhlajai (var. Gardajai), Khonemagai, 
 Khingiragai (var. Khinidchragai), Zajai, Zagai, Zardai, Zamrai, T’hmoni. 
 
 * Queen Mariam’s MS. and the Nat’hlis mtzemeli MS. have not ghrmasa 
 
 (deep); the former reads ghadmarsa, the latter ghdamarasa (Ὁ geographical 
 names, names for the river). 5 A.V. “ Zabulon.’ 
 
10 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 become patriarch, and Zabulon and the patriarch became great 
 friends. Then Sara Niamphori said to the patriarch: ‘Since 
 this Zabulon is father and baptizer of the Branji, a man full 
 of wisdom and constant in the service of God, give him thy 
 ees sister Sosana to wife. The advice of Sara seemed good unto 
 Sosana. the holy patriarch ?. 
 Birth of St. Nino *, the enlightener of Georgia, was born of them. 
 bo She was their only child, and her mother brought her up in 
 the service of the poor®, When Nino was tweive years old, 
 her parents sold all they had, and went away to Jerusalem. 
 On reaching the holy city, Zabulon, having been blessed by 
 the patriarch, left his wife. He clasped his daughter St. Nino 
 to his breast, wetting her face with the torrent of tears which 
 flowed from his eyes, and said: ‘My only daughter! I leave 
 thee an orphan, and confide thee to thy Father who is in 
 heaven, the God of all beings, for He is the Father of orphans, 
 the Judge of the widow. Fear not, my child, imitate the 
 love of Mary Magdalene and of the sisters of Lazarus for 
 Christ. If thou lovest Him as they loved Him, He will give 
 thee all thou askest of Him.’ 
 
 When he had spoken thus, he gave her a kiss of eternal fare- 
 well, and went away beyond Jordan, with men who had become 
 savage for God’s sake, and who dwelt apart from the world, but 
 God the omniscient Creator knew the place of their sojourn, 
 
 The patriarch appointed the mother of Nino to serve poor 
 and infirm women, and St. Nino served the Armenian Niaphori 
 of Dvini two years, reading continually of Christ’s sufferings 
 on the cross, of His burial, resurrection, and garments, of His 
 linen, shroud, and cross. She learned everything, for there 
 had been and there was no one in Jerusalem equal to the 
 Niaphori in knowledge of the ancient law and the new; she 
 excelled all. The Niaphori thus instructing her said: ‘I see, 
 my child, thy strength, like the strength of the lioness, whose 
 
 1 A.V. adds: ‘ they went away to his own town Colasa’ (var. Colastra), 
 2 Nino is simply nonna, i.e. the nun. 
 * A.V. adds ‘day and night unceasingly.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. II 
 
 roar is louder than that of any four-footed animal, or like the 
 female eagle, which, soaring in the highest air, beyond 
 the male, and, with the pupil of her eye, seeing all the 
 country, tiny as a pearl, stops, searches, and like lightning 
 perceiving her prey—she plumes her wings and immediately 
 swoops upon it. Even thus may thy life be by the guidance 
 of the Holy Spirit. Now will I declare unto thee every- 
 thing: When to this earth of mortal man the immortal God 
 came to call in the heathen, for He Himself wished to deliver 
 the world, He began to do good to the Jews, to raise the 
 dead, to give sight to the blind, and healing to the sick. 
 The people were envious against him, and, taking counsel 
 together, they sent soldiers (ἢ couriers!) to ask the Jews to 
 come to Jerusalem quickly, saying: “Come, let us gather 
 together and destroy Him.’ Then, from all parts, came 
 numerous wise men, learned in the law of Moses, who resisted 
 the Holy Spirit, and Him that was the Christ they did slay. 
 They crucified Him and cast lots for His raiment, and it ? fell 
 to the lot of a citizen of Mtzkhet’ha, in the North. The Jews 
 buried Christ, and guarded and sealed His tomb, but He rose 
 again, as He had said from the beginning. And they found 
 the linen early in Christ’s tomb, whither Pilate and his wife 
 came. When they found it, Pilate’s wife asked for the linen, 
 and went away quickly to her house in Pontus, and she 
 became a believer in Christ®. Some time afterwards, the 
 linen came into the hands of Luke the Evangelist, who put 
 it in a place known only to himself. 
 
 ‘Now they did not find the shroud (sudarz), but it is said 
 to have been found by Peter, who took it and kept it, but we 
 know not if it has ever been discovered. The crosses are 
 buried in the city of Jerusalem, though no man knows in what 
 place ; when it shall please God they also shall appear.’ 
 
 1 stratioti. 
 
 2 A.V. ‘the cvart’hi,’ i. 6. chiton, tunic or shirt. 
 3. This passage does not occur in Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba, nor in any other 
 variant, except A.V. 
 
Nino 
 departs 
 
 12 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 When St. Nino heard all this from Sara the Niamphori 
 she offered thanks and blessing to God, and asked: ‘Where 
 is that northern land whence the Jews came and whither 
 they took the raiment of our Lord Christ?’ Sara answered : 
 ‘1 There is in the East, in the Jand of Kart’hli, a town called 
 Mtzkhet’ha, near Somkhet’hi and Mt’hiulet’hi, and now it has 
 become a part of the empire of the Uzhiks*, and is a land of 
 idolators.’ 
 
 Now in those days a certain woman came from Ephesus, 
 to worship at the holy places, and Sara Niamphori asked 
 her if Queen Elene was still in error and darkness. And the 
 woman answered: ‘I am their servant, a sharer in all their 
 counsels both open and secret, and I know that she has now 
 a great desire for the law of Christ and baptism.’ When 
 St. Nino heard this, she said to the Niamphori: ‘Send me, 
 and I will go before Elene the Queen; shall not I appear in 
 her presence and speak for Christ’s sake?’ The Niamphori 
 told the patriarch what Nino desired and intended, and the 
 patriarch, Nino’s uncle, called his niece, and placed her on the 
 steps of the holy altar. He laid his holy hands upon her 
 shoulders, sighed towards heaven from the depths of his 
 heart, and said: ‘O Everlasting Lord God, I entreat Thine 
 aid for my sister’s orphan child, and I send her to preach Thy 
 divinity. May she spread the good tidings of Thy Resurrec- 
 tion ; wherever it pleases Thee may her course be ; may this 
 wanderer become, O Christ God, a haven of rest, a leader, 
 wise in speech, since she goes forth in Thy name.’ And her 
 mother gave her a farewell kiss, and made the sign of the 
 cross upon her®, and thus, with prayers to God, and blessings, 
 they parted. 
 
 St. Nino set out with the woman who had come from 
 
 1 A.V. ‘It is a mountainous land north of Somkhit’hi, ruled by the Greeks 
 and Uzhiks.’ 
 
 2 Uzhiks or Uses, now Osses, Ossets. Cf. Const, Porphyrog. de Adm. Imp. 
 ce. 27; also Acts ii. g in the Georgian version. The Uzhiks have also been 
 described as Babylonians, Huns, Circassians (Odighe, Zychi). 
 
 3. A.V. ‘gave me a cross,’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 13 
 
 Ephesus. When they arrived in the kingdom of the Romans, with the 
 woman of 
 
 in the house of that woman who had travelled with her they Ephesus, 
 saw a certain queen! (ὃ royal princess), by name Riphsime, 
 and her foster-mother Gaiane*. They dwelt in a nunnery 
 for virgins, longing to confess Christ, and waiting for baptism 
 from Jerusalem. The woman came to St. Nino, and told 
 her about queen Riphsime, and when Nino heard how Riph- 
 sime loved Christ, she also went to dwell with her, with the 
 woman who was her fellow-pilgrim. In the same year 
 
 St. Nino baptized Riphsime, who had longed much for this, baptizes 
 
 and, with her, her foster-mother Gaiane and others of her Biptene. 
 
 household, to the number of fifty * souls; and St. Nino lived 
 in the nunnery * with them two years. 
 
 5In those days the emperor sent forth to seek a maiden The 
 good and beautiful who might be to him a worthy wife. coke to 
 
 marry 
 
 When the messengers arrived at the convent of virgins they 2"). 
 Riphsime. 
 
 saw Riphsime, and learnt that she was akin to kings. They 
 were greatly pleased with her beauty, for nowhere could be 
 seen one like unto her in loveliness. They drew her fair face 
 and made a portrait of her on wood, and sent it to the 
 emperor. When he saw it he was exceeding glad, and, filled 
 with joy, he resolved to celebrate the wedding with splendour 
 and great pomp. So he hastened and sent messengers and rulers 
 
 1 A.V. vadagi mephetha. 
 
 ? A.V. omits ‘and her foster-mother Gaiane.’ 
 
 = PAU ἐἰονν." 4 A.V. ‘house.’ 
 
 5 A.V. omits the legend of Riphsime, from ‘In those days the emperor...’ 
 down to the incident of Nino’s being hidden in a briar-bush (p. 15), where it 
 goes on: ‘And I was left in a briar-bush.”? A.V. substitutes the following 
 passage: ‘Then the Lord looked down upon Greece, and King Constantine 
 became a believer; and he confessed Christ, he and his mother and all his 
 court, in the year from the beginning (4.M.) 5444, from the resurrection of 
 Christ, 311 (this date is in no other variant), and all Greece received 
 Christianity. In the seventh year was the holy assembly at Nicaea, and in 
 the eighth year our flight from Greece—Queen Riphsime, her foster-mother 
 Gaiane and fifty souls, we set out in the first month on the 15th day. And 
 we came into the bounds of Somkhit’hi (Armenia) into the garden of King 
 T’hrdat; there were they slain in the first month on the 30th day, on 
 a Friday’ (this date is not found in any other variant). 
 
Plight of 
 Riphsime 
 and her 
 com- 
 panions to 
 Armenia. 
 
 The em- 
 peror’s 
 letter to 
 Trdat, 
 king of 
 Armenia. 
 
 14 Studia Biblica οἱ Ecclestastica. 
 
 to all in his kingdom, ordering them to collect gifts; with great 
 rejoicing they came, at his summons, to the imperial nuptials. 
 
 Now when those saints saw the secret cunning of the 
 enemy, and the fiery darts he hastened to shoot at Christ’s 
 holy ones, they were afflicted, for the king was a tool of 
 wrath—like the serpent which spake in Paradise, even so was 
 this heathen who was given over to the profane worship of 
 unclean, abominable idols. When the blessed Riphsime and 
 Gaiane, and others of the nuns saw this temptation which 
 had come upon them, they remembered their vows of chastity 
 which they had made. Woefully they wept that the pagan 
 king had learnt of the beauty of St. Riphsime from the 
 picture. They inflicted severe penance on themselves, fer- 
 vently praying and entreating God without ceasing; and, 
 being of one mind, they secretly fled from that land—fifty 
 and three souls. The fugitives arrived within the borders 
 of Somkhit’hi (Armenia), at the place which is called Akhal- 
 kalaki, outside which is Dvini, the royal residence (?). 
 
 They entered into wine-presses which were built to the 
 north and east, and they kept themselves by selling their 
 handiwork. 
 
 Now when the emperor saw that St. Riphsime and others 
 with her had escaped from his hands, and from his wicked 
 love, he was full of bitter discontent, and sent men forth into 
 all places to seek them. And the imperial enveys came 
 before Trdat, king of the Somekhi (Armenians), and delivered 
 to him the emperor’s letter, which was as follows :— 
 
 ‘I, the emperor, greet my beloved brother sovereign and 
 friend, Trdat. Be it known to thee, my brother and ally, that 
 the seet of Christians, from whom formerly we have suffered, 
 have: again insulted our majesty and outraged our kingdom. 
 They serve a certain dead man who was crucified, and worship 
 a piece of wood, esteeming it a glory to die for their Lord; 
 they fear not the Jews, but they fear Him who was slain 
 and crucified by them; they insult kings and contemn the 
 gods, and they even venerate not the sun, moon and stars, 
 
Life of St. Nino. 5 
 
 but say all was created by the Crucified; and they flee from 
 the world, fathers and mothers forsaking one another, separate 
 while yet living. Although I have threatened and tortured 
 them they increase more and more. But it came to pass 
 that I saw the portrait of one of this sect, a young maiden, 
 and I resolved to take her to wife; but her heart had no 
 desire even for the love of the king. She looked upon me 
 as loathsome and unclean, and fled secretly from me; and 
 they are come into the bounds of thy land. Therefore, be 
 it known unto thee, my brother, that thou shouldst seek for 
 her and find her; and let those who are with her die the 
 death, for they led her into error, but as for her who is so 
 fair of face, Riphsime by name, send her to me. Yet, if she 
 please thee, take her for thine own, for thou canst not find in 
 the world of the Ioni (? Ionians, Greeks) a fairer—and mayst 
 thou be kept alive in the service of the gods.’ 
 
 When Trdat had read this command of the emperor, he Trdat de- 
 immediately made haste to search, and when he found them Eee 
 in the wine-presses and saw Riphsime, love’s desire wounded Fphsime, 
 him, and he was filled with great joy, and resolved to take 
 her to wife. Riphsime would not consent to this, therefore who re- 
 
 Ξ : fuses 
 he martyred her, with Gaiane her foster-mother and many ana is 
 
 others with them, as is written in the book of their martyrdom ; ™"*tyte¢- 
 and we know of the miracles performed at the time of their 
 martyrdom in the conversion of the Armenians, and by God’s 
 providence King Trdat through them was converted. 
 
 Now some of those holy women escaped, among whom was Nino 
 St. Nino, who hid in a briar bush which had not yet put pea iia 
 forth its flowers. And while St. Nino was thus hidden, she eae 
 saw the form of an archdeacon! descending from heaven, Her 
 clad in a stole of light, holding in his hands a censer from Eo 
 which arose sweet smelling smoke, concealing the heavens ; 
 and with him were many celestial beings. The souls of the 
 holy martyrs were set free from their bodies, and were united 
 to the host of shining ones, and together they mounted to 
 
 1 A.V. ‘deacon.’ 
 
Nino 
 travels 
 northward, 
 
 tarries 
 at Lake 
 P’haravan, 
 
 16 Studia Biblica et Ecclesitastica. 
 
 heaven. When St. Nino saw this, she cried aloud: ‘O Lord, 
 O Lord, why leavest Thou me here among asps and vipers?’ 
 Then she heard a voice from heaven saying: ‘Thou too shalt 
 be led away into the kingdom of heaven before the throne 
 of God at the time when this thorn which is around thee 
 shall be sweet with the scent of rose-leaves!; but now arise 
 and go into the land of the North where the harvest is great 
 but of labourers there is none.’ 
 
 Then St. Nino went thence, and arrived at Orbant’hi?, on 
 the bounds of Somkhit’hi; and after four months—from 
 March till June—she set forth and came to the mountains 
 of Javakhet’hi® [where was the great lake which is called 
 Pharavan. When St. Nino reached this place, and saw the 
 northern mountains in summer covered with snow, and felt 
 the coldness of the air, she trembled, and spake thus: ‘O 
 Lord, O Lord, receive my soul!’ She tarried there two 
 days, and begged nourishment from the fishermen who fished 
 in the lake. There were also shepherds there, and when they 
 watched their flocks by night they called upon their gods 
 Armaz and Zaden to help them, and promised them sacrifices 
 when they should come before them in peace. This they 
 spoke in the Armenian tongue, which St. Nino had formerly 
 studied a little with Niaphora, and she spake to one of the 
 shepherds, and asked him: ‘Of what village are you?’ And 
 he answered, saying: ‘ We are from* Kindzari, Rabati and 
 the great city of Mtzkhet’ha, where these gods reign and 
 kings rule®,’ St. Nino asked them: ‘ Where is that city of 
 
 2 A.V. adds: ‘by thy means.’ 
 
 2 A.V.‘ Uloporet’hi, where I wintered in great distress’; Kart’hlis Tzkho- 
 vreba, ‘Orbant’hi’; Queen Mariam’s MS. ‘ Urbnit’hi’; Nat’hlismtzemeli MS, 
 ‘ Orbnit hi’; Shiomghvimeli MS, ‘ Urbnisi.’ 
 
 8 A.V. omits ‘from March till June, and all the passage from ‘ where was 
 the great lake’ to the words, ‘Then she set out and came to the other side’ 
 (on p. 18). This passage is inserted from the Nat’hlismtzemeli and Shio- 
 mghvimeli MSS. A.V. inserts after the word ‘Javakhet’hi’; ‘that I might 
 learn where Mtzkhet’ha was.’ 
 
 * Some MSS. insert ‘ Elarbini and Sap’hurtzeli.’ 
 
 5 «Ghmert’hni ghmert’hoben da mep’heni mep’hoben,’ lit. ‘ the gods act as 
 gods, the kings as kings,’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. - By 
 
 Mtzkhet’ha?’ They answered her: ‘On the river flowing 
 from this lake lies Mtzkhet’ha.’ 
 
 When St. Nino saw how terrible was the length of the 
 way, and how fearful the mountains, her spirit was seized 
 with trembling. She placed a great stone for a pillow, and 
 slept by that river flowing from the lake. And as she slept, 
 there came to her in a vision a man of exceeding tallness, 
 whose hair fell down on his shoulders(?)!; and he gave 
 a sealed scroll to St. Nino, saying: ‘ Bear this swiftly to where ten 
 Mtzkhet’ha and give it to the heathen king.’ But St. Nino bss 
 began to weep, and entreated him, saying: ‘O Lord, I am pen 
 a stranger woman and unskilled, and I know not how to vision. 
 speak their tongue. How can I go into a strange land, 
 among a strange people?’ Then the man undid the book, 
 on which was the seal of Jesus Christ, and in it were written, 
 in the Roman tongue”, ten sayings, as on the tables of stone 
 delivered to Moses, and he gave them to St. Nino to read, 
 and these were the sayings: 
 
 1. Wherever they preach this gospel, there shall they 
 speak of this woman. Matt. xxvi. 13. 
 
 2. Neither male nor female, but you are all one. Gal. iii. 28. 
 
 3. Go ye and make disciples of all the heathen, and baptize 
 them in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the 
 Holy Ghost. Matt. xxviii. 19. 
 
 4. A light to shine upon the heathen, and to give glory 
 to thy people Israel. Luke 1]. 32. 
 
 5. > Preach the good tidings of the kingdom of heaven 
 in all the world. Mark xvi. 15. 
 
 6. Whoever receiveth you receiveth Me, and whoever 
 recelveth Me receiveth Him that sent Me. Matt. x. 40. 
 
 7. Now Mary was greatly beloved of the Lord, so that 
 He always hearkened to her truth and wisdom. 
 
 8. Be not afraid of those who can destroy your bodies, but 
 are not able to destroy your soul. Matt. x. 28. 
 
 1 ¢?hma t’hmosani.’ 2 ‘enit’ha romelebrit’ha’ (? Greek), 
 3. Omitted in Shio Mghvime MS. 
 
 VOL. V, PART I. ο 
 
She 
 travels to 
 Urbnisi. 
 
 Arrives at 
 Mtzkhet’- 
 ha, where 
 she sees a 
 pagan 
 festival. 
 
 18 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 g. Jesus said to Mary Magdalene: ‘Go, O woman, and 
 tell the good news to My brethren.’ John xx. 17. 
 
 10. Whithersoever ye go, preach in the name of the Father, 
 the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 
 
 When St. Nino had read through these words, she began 
 to pray to God, and perceived plainly that this was a vision 
 from on high. And she raised her eyes to heaven and 
 besought the aid of the all-preserving God, established in 
 the highest?.] Then she set out and came to the other side 
 of the river, to the part which flows westward, where she 
 met many difficulties and trials on the road, fearful wild 
 beasts and many troubles, until she reached the place where 
 the stream begins to flow eastward, and then she was 
 consoled, for there she found travellers, with whom she 
 arrived in the suburbs of the city which is called Urbnisi, 
 where she saw the worship of strange gods, for they wor- 
 shipped fire, stones and wood. This grieved the soul of 
 St. Nino. She entered the quarter? of the Jews, with whom 
 she talked in the Hebrew tongue (wherein she was skilled) ; 
 and she tarried there a month and learned the habits and 
 customs of that land. 
 
 One day a great multitude of people set forth from that 
 town to the great royal city® of Mtzkhet’ha, to buy what 
 they needed, and to offer sacrifice to their god Armaz; and 
 with them went St. Nino. When they reached the city of 
 Mtzkhet’ha they took up their quarters near the bridge of 
 the Magi*. And when St. Nino saw the magicians, fire- 
 worshippers, seducers of the people, she wept for their doom, 
 and mourned their strange ways. And, behold, on the 
 next day there was a great noise of trumpets and shouting, 
 and a fearful tumult, and people without number, like 
 the flowers of the field, rushing and crowding, waited for 
 
 1 A.V. begins again. 
 
 2 Kart’hlis Tzkhovreba: ‘ ubansa Uriat’hasa,’ into the quarter of the Jews; 
 Queen Mariam’s MS., ‘ baginsa Romelt’hasa,’ into the Roman quarter. 
 
 * Kart’hlis Tzkh. ‘deda kalakad,’ to the mother-city, metropolis. 
 * Pompey’s bridge, built in 65 B.c, The modern bridge is on the same site. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 19 
 
 the king and queen to come forth. Then came Queen 
 Nana, and after her coming the people went quietly, and 
 adorned all her path, and enclosed it with hangings of 
 every colour, and strewed her way with leaves of trees, and 
 flowers, and all the people began to praise the king. Next 
 came King Mirian, terrible and in great’ pomp. St. Nino 
 asked a certain Jewess: ‘What is this?’ She replied: ‘It 
 is their custom to go up before their god of gods, like whom 
 is no other idol.’ When St. Nino heard this, she ascended 
 with the people to see the idol Armaz, and the mountain- 
 sides were beautified with standards and ornaments like 
 flowers of the field. And St. Nino hastened up to the fortress 
 of Armaz, and placed herself near the idol in a crevice of 
 the rock, and noticed the incomprehensible and inexpressible 
 strangeness of the rites. There was a great noise, and the 
 king and all the people trembled and were afraid before 
 the idol. St. Nino saw standing a man made of copper, 
 whose form was clad in a golden coat of mail, and he had on 
 his head a golden helmet, and his shoulder-pieces and his 
 eyes were of emeralds and beryls, and he held in his hands 
 a sword bright as the lightning flash, which was turned in 
 his hand, and none dared touch the idol on pain of death. 
 And they spake thus: ‘If here there be any who despise 
 the glory of the great god Armaz, of those who agree with 
 the Hebrews, who hearken not to the priests who teach sun- 
 worship, or of those who adore a certain strange god and Son 
 of the God of heaven—if here among us be any of these 
 wicked ones, may the sword of him whom all the world 
 fears strike them down!’ When they had thus spoken, they 
 each, one by one, worshipped the idol with fear and trembling. 
 At its right hand was another idol, of gold, with the face of a 
 man, and its name was Gatzi!, and at its left hand was an 
 idol of silver, with the face of a man, and its name was 
 Gaim ?, which were the gods of the Kart’hlian people. 
 
 When the blessed Nino saw this, she began to sigh 
 
 1 Catzi in Georgian signifies ‘ man.’ 2 A.V. Ga (? γᾶ). 
 
 C2 
 
Nino’s 
 prayer. 
 
 A great 
 storm 
 arises. 
 
 20 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 and weep tears to God, because of the error of the land 
 of the North, for the light was hidden from them, and 
 the rule of darkness was over them’. She saw their kings, 
 with their hosts and all the princes, journeying, as it were, 
 onward to be swallowed up alive in hell, for they had left 
 their Creator, and worshipped gods of stone, of wood, of brass 
 and of copper, and these they regarded as the creators of 
 all. Then St. Nino remembered those words whieh her 
 mother’s brother Iobenal, the patriarch, had spoken to her: 
 ‘As a herol send thee forth, for thou goest into a strange 
 land, to those of the race of Dargevel, Zevel, Barcidul?, 
 which is in the Branjian language: ‘men who are enemies 
 and adversaries of God.’ She raised her eyes to heaven and 
 said: ‘O Lord, by Thy great power overturn these Thine 
 enemies, and by Thy great longsuffering may this people 
 become wise, and all Thy foes disappear from the earth like 
 dust and ashes, but do not despise man whom Thou hast made 
 in Thy likeness, and for whom One of the Trinity became 
 man and gave life to all in the world. Look down upon their 
 race, and deliver their souls from the wicked and invisible 
 ruler, the prince of darkness, and grant, O Lord God of my 
 father and mother, unto me Thy handmaiden, born to serve 
 Thee, that Thy salvation may be seen in all corners of Thy 
 earth, that the north with the south may rejoice, and that all 
 the people may worship the only God, through Jesus Christ Thy 
 Son, to whom it is fitting to give glory with thanks for ever.’ 
 
 When St. Nino had finished this prayer and _ praise, 
 immediately God sent forth west winds and hurricanes, with 
 clouds fearful and ominous to look upon, and the noisy roar 
 of thunder was heard, and at the setting of the sun there 
 blew a wind with a bitter, ill-smelling, noxious odour. The 
 multitude, perceiving this, began hastily to run and flee 
 
 ' The Georgian words for ‘north’ and ‘shadow’ are practically the same. 
 Hence the play upon words. 
 
 * K. Tzkh. ‘ Dargvel, Zevel, Barcadul’; A.V. ‘Dgevel, Zephel, Narca- 
 dovel’; Shio Mghv, and Nat’hl. Mtz. ‘ Darbevel, Zephel, Bareadul.,’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 21 
 
 towards their dwellings in the town. God gave them but Destroying 
 little time, and when they were all safe at home, suddenly aaa: 
 His wrath burst forth fiercely from the cruel cloud, and hail 
 fell, like stones the size of two hands1, piercing, hard and 
 strong, on the house of the idols, and broke them in little 
 pieces, and the walls were destroyed by the terrible wind, and 
 east among the rocks*. But Nino stood unharmed, watching 
 from the same place where she had stood at the beginning. 
 
 On the next day came King Mirian, and all the people, to 
 seek for their gods, but they could not find them. Therefore 
 were they seized with fear and trembling, and astonishment 
 filled their minds; and many said: ‘The idols are thus 
 helpless and cast down because It’hrujan, the god of the 
 Chaldeans, and this our god Armaz have always been enemies, 
 for Armaz made the sea go over his land, and now he is 
 envious and has done thus to him.’ Some affirmed that it 
 was done by that God by whose power Trdat, the king of 
 Armenia, had been turned into a wild boar, and then again 
 from a wild boar into a man, for what other god could have 
 done such a thing as this? Since that time when King 
 Trdat by the power of Christ was turned into a wild boar, 
 and by the power of Christ was again turned into a man, 
 the praise and glory of Christ was no longer secretly spoken 
 in Kart’hli, for in the east the grace of God began to shine. 
 
 3 Now in that day of wrath and of the overthrow of the 
 
 1. ALY. ‘litrisa ’—weighing one pound or nine pounds. - 
 
 2 In A.V. a leaf is wanting here, down to the words ‘for in the east the 
 grace of God began to shine’ (end of next paragraph). The missing passage 
 is found in Shio Mghv. and Nat’hl. Mtz. MSS. 
 
 8 A.V. begins again as follows: ‘ And the king said, with tears: ‘‘ Hehe 
 raithmeboi khojat’h st’habanub rasul p’hsar zad,”’ which is, being translated : 
 “Thou speakest truly, Ὁ happy queen and apostle of the Son of God.”—Now 
 in that day of wrath,’ &c. 
 
 Prof. Margoliouth points out that the words added in A.V. and beginning 
 Hehe ... are a transliteration of late Persian, and probably correspond to 
 the following: 
 
 Sal a Joy gs wil ὦ go et 2's 
 
 Ah, ah, thou speakest truly, fortunate lady and apostle of the Son of God. 
 
St. Nino 
 . dwells on 
 
 the hill, 
 
 is visited 
 by Shro- 
 shana, 
 
 lives nine 
 months in 
 the house 
 of the 
 king’s 
 cardener, 
 
 22 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 idols, when the hail and cruel wind were ceased, St. Nino 
 came out from her crevice in the rock, and found the beryl 
 eye, which she took, and went away to the edge of the 
 precipice. In that place had been in ancient times a fortress 
 and a city 1, and she saw standing there a tree which is 
 called drinji? (acacia), very lofty, and fair to look upon, 
 with many branches, under whose shade she set up the sign 
 of the cross, and there she tarried six days, giving thanks 
 and entreating God that He would look down with mercy 
 and deliver that people from the error of the devils. And 
 when the overthrow of the idols took place it was the fifth 
 month from Mareh—the sixth day of August, the day on 
 which Christ was transfigured before the prophets and His 
 diseiples ὃ. 
 
 As I said, St. Nino dwelt hidden under the tree. There 
 came to her from the court a maiden named Shroshana, who 
 when she saw St. Nino was surprised, and asked her, by 
 means of a woman speaking Greek, whence she came and 
 what she did. When she learnt all from St. Nino (except 
 about her parentage) and how she was a captive *, Shroshana, 
 sympathetic and gracious because of her being a stranger, 
 with tears besought St. Nino to go home with her to the 
 palace; but St. Nino would not, and Shroshana departed. 
 
 Three days afterwards she arose, crossed the river Kura, 
 and reached the royal garden, where is now the divinely 
 raised column and the church of the Catholicos. There she 
 saw the little house of the keeper of the garden, and went in. 
 Anastos, the keeper’s wife, met her, and graciously kissed 
 her, as if she had known her and been her friend for a long 
 time. She bathed her feet, anointed her with oil, and gave 
 her bread and wine. St. Nino tarried with her nine months. 
 
 ‘ Harmozica, built by King Bartom. Strabo, xi. 3. 5; Pliny, Hist. nat. 
 vi. 10, 2. 
 
 2 «The tree under which King Bartom used to rest and refresh himself.’ 
 Sakarth. Samot’hkhe, p. 74. 
 
 3 A.V. ‘Evmanuvel on Tabor showed us Himself in the image of the Father.’ 
 
 " Cf. Rufinus. A.V. omits here all reference to parentage and captivity. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 23 
 
 Now Anastos and her husband were childless, and were much 
 
 grieved thereat. In sleep, St. Nino saw a vision of a man 
 
 clothed in light, who said to her: ‘Go into the garden, and 
 
 you will find at the foot of a cedar a little twig ready 
 
 to sprout forth with sweet smelling flowers of many beautiful 
 
 colours. Take the earth from that place and give it to the 
 
 couple to eat, and they shall have ason.’ St. Nino prayed, whose wife 
 and gave it to the husband and wife to eat, even as the eee 
 angel had commanded, and there was born to them a son, 
 and, afterwards, many daughters.. Then they believed on 
 Christ, and secretly became disciples of Nino!. 
 
 After the nine months which St. Nino spent in the house Nino re- 
 
 of the gardener, she found outside the walls of the city, as it ain ὃ 
 were a little tent formed of brambles, by God’s providence, 
 in that place where is now the altar of the Church of the 
 Samt’havarepiscopozi (Archbishop), and there she took up 
 her abode and place of rest, and there she raised her cross, 
 which she had formed out of vine twigs, and sat up all night 
 before it to watch, and turned night into day by her unceasing 
 prayers and entreaties to God. Wondering at her many 
 sufferings, the couple who kept the king’s garden served her. 
 Whilst she dwelt thus, St. Nino often visited the Jewish 
 quarter, that she might converse in the Hebrew tongue, and 
 learn the whereabouts of the Lord’s tunie (evart’/z), of which 
 she had heard at Jerusalem from the Niamphori—how it had 
 been carried away by the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, who would 
 know where it was. 
 
 She met a certain Jew, a priest called Abiat’har, and his Abiat’har, 
 daughter Sidonia, and preached to them the gospel of our eae 
 Lord Jesus Christ. And they accepted it, and became her vet ae 
 disciples, with other Jewish women, to the number of six, disciples. 
 taught by St. Nino, except baptism, for at that time there 
 was no priest to baptize them, and secretly they were her 
 disciples. And God, by the hands of St. Nino, performed 
 
 1 A.V. omits the rest of this chapter, substituting for it Nino’s dream of 
 the birds (p. 29). 
 
Constan- 
 tine defeats 
 an invasion 
 of Geor- 
 gians and 
 Persians. 
 
 Story of 
 Abiat har, 
 
 Hereceives 
 a letter 
 from the 
 Jews in 
 Antioch. 
 
 24 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 many wonders and cures, for, by the use of herbs, she freed 
 many incurable from their ailments. 
 
 Three years lived she thus in the city of Mtzkhet’ha, and 
 then King Mirian and his nephew, the king of the Persians, 
 made an expedition into Greece. Constantine, the Greek 
 emperor, put them to flight by the power of Christ, and 
 through His cross, which was borne before all the emperor's 
 armies. 
 
 The words of Abiathar the priest, who was con- 
 verted by the holy and blessed Nino’. 
 
 I, Abiat’har, became priest, chosen by lot, in that year when 
 the holy and blessed mother Nino arrived in Mtzkhet’ha. 
 After that*, I received from the Jewish priests in Antioch 
 a letter wherein were these words :— 
 
 ‘God has broken into three parts the kingdom of Israel, 
 for lo! our prophets have ceased, and those in whom the 
 Spirit of God still dwelt told us that all was fulfilled) We 
 are scattered over all the earth, and the Romans have seized 
 our land; we do nought but weep, for the wrath of God our 
 Creator is fallen upon us. Now search, therefore, the Book 
 of Moses ὃ, who described all this to us—how He who on 
 earth called Himself the Son of God would be slain. And 
 we have been the cause of the slaying of this Nazarene. 
 Now we see how from the first our fathers have sinned 
 against God and have wholly forgotten Him. Then He gave 
 them into the hand of the wicked, but they turned again and 
 cried aloud unto God, and He speedily saved them from their 
 woes ; and thus did they do, as we know from the Scriptures, 
 
 ‘ In A.V. this chapter comes after the story of the miracle performed by 
 the holy pillar (p. 41). 
 
 * A.V. ‘letters arrived from Rome and Egypt, and from the Hebrew 
 priests and scribes in Babylon.’ 
 
 5 A.V. ‘who tells us: ‘He who calls Himself God on the earth shall be 
 hanged on a tree.” ’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. ae 
 
 even unto the seventh time. Now, since the hands of our 
 fathers have been raised against the Son of the Virgin, and 
 ‘they have killed Him, God has become wroth with us. He 
 has destroyed our kingdom, and has sent us away from His 
 temple, Our race is altogether despised. And from those 
 days three hundred years (nay, more) have passed, and He 
 has not hearkened to our prayers. Therefore it seems that 
 this surely is not false, but that Man was from heaven.’ 
 
 Much more did they write unto us, concerning themselves. 
 When I had heard this, I began to inquire of the woman Is con- 
 Nino about this Christ: who He was, and why the Son of ane Pa 
 God had become man. St. Nino opened her mouth, from 
 which the words flowed forth like water from a well, and 
 she began to tell unto me by heart our books, even from the 
 beginning, and to declare their power. And lo! she awakened 
 me as from sleep, and cast light upon my stony heart, and 
 made the misery of my fathers manifest unto me. I trusted 
 in the new law, and believed in the words of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ, the Son of God, who had suffered and risen again, 
 and who would come a second time with glory, and who 
 was, and is in truth, the expectation of the Gentiles. My 
 daughter Sidonia and I became worthy to receive sprinkling 
 by the water of baptism, for the cleansing from sins, which 
 the prophet David had desired, and of which he could not 
 partake. I heard the voice of those that chanted together 
 the new law, which David also had longed to hear. And 
 I became worthy to partake of the true body and blood of 
 Christ, the Son of God, of the Lamb slain for the sins of the 
 world, which is of a sweet savour; and in this faith, O Lord, 
 may my soul pass from my body! And lo! we saw with 
 our eyes many kinds of miracles performed, in Mtzkhet’ha, 
 by St. Nino!. 
 
 1 A.V. adds: ‘And the house of Eliozi was in the west of the city, at the 
 Gate Mogvet’hi (of the Magicians), on the river Kura; and there was their 
 little cemetery, upon which St. Nino raised the cross of Christ, and one by 
 one the nobles were baptized there by Jacob the priest and Prosila the arch- 
 
The Geor- 
 gian Jews 
 
 26 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 The words of the same Abiathar the priest con- 
 
 cerning the tunic (shirt) of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ}. 
 
 I, Abiat’har, relate unto you that story which I have 
 heard, and which I have learnt with mine ears from my 
 parents, who learnt it from epistles, and from their parents 
 and grandparents. . 
 
 In those days when Herod ruled in Jerusalem, there was 
 
 deacon. They called the place “The Nobles’ Place of Baptism,” and it was 
 very well known in our days, for it stood in a plain, without other buildings. 
 
 ‘In those days the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha were filled with hatred towards 
 me; and they tore down the tree-fern (?) (cilamo) which stood over against the 
 door of the sanctuary and adorned the place, for its branches were entwined 
 over all the front of the building. 
 
 ‘ And they began to go thence, except those of the house of the Barabeans, of 
 whom fifty souls were baptized, and they became inhabitants of Mtzkhet’ha, 
 and Mirian gave them a village which is called T'zikhe didi. They were great 
 before the king, and were all Christians, by the grace and guidance of the 
 blessed Nino.’ 
 
 (The Barabeans are mentioned on p. 43 as Cabrabians.) 
 
 ' In A.V. this chapter is headed: ‘Chapter VII, written down by the 
 Hebrew woman called Sidonia, daughter of Abiat’har the priest.’ It begins: 
 ‘ And it came to pass that the Lord looked down with mercy on this forgotten 
 northern land of the Caucasians, on the mountaineers of Somkhit’hi, on which 
 mountains was spread a mist, and in the plains a vapour of error and 
 ignorance. And the land was shadowed from the sight and knowledge of 
 the sun of righteousness, the Son of God; its name in truth is land of the 
 shadow (cf. note I on p. 20)... . There passed until the birth of Christ 
 5100 years; from His birth to His crucifixion 33 years; from the crucifixion 
 until the conversion of King Constantine of Greece 311 years; fourteen years 
 later our queen Nino was sent with the message of truth to the mountains 
 of darkness, and the dawn arose, and then shone forth the great monarch of 
 day. Such was our history, O Georgians. For we were turned from the 
 light, and were inheritors of darkness. We rejoiced gaily and amassed 
 treasure, but when we mourned there was no consoler; we served things 
 created, and not the Creator. Our fathers (i.e, the Jews) worshipped Gebal 
 and Garizin, seated on cherubim, and beside was no God, nor Moses, nor 
 a sign of them, but idols of soulless stone. And in this land of Kart’hli were 
 two mountains, and on them two idols, Armaz and Zaden, who stink with the 
 ill odour of a thousand souls of first-born youths, whom parents sacrificed until 
 now. And there were other royal idols, Gatzi and Ga, and they sacrificed to 
 them a prince, whom they burned with fire, and the ashes were scattered 
 about the head of the idol.’ 
 
Lyfe of St. Nino. 27 
 
 a rumour that the Persians had taken Jerusalem !,and because hear of 
 : - 5 - _ Christ’s 
 of this there was grief and mourning among the Georgian nativity. 
 
 Jews dwelling in Mtzkhet’ha, the priests of Bodi, the scribes 
 of Codi’s stream, and the translators of the law in K’hobi 2. 
 These were all moved to go and help those in Jerusalem. But 
 after a few days another messenger arrived with the consoling 
 tidings that the Persians were not come to take Jerusalem ; 
 for instead of arms* they carried royal* gold, myrrh (a speedy 
 healer of wounds), and sweet smelling incense *. They sought 
 a certain child born of the seed of David, of a virgin, and 
 they found the child born of a virgin, out of season, in an 
 unseemly place, as is the custom for strangers(?). And they 
 came to the Babe and worshipped Him, and offered Him their 
 gifts, and they ® went away in peace’. And the Georgian 
 Jews heard these tidings with great joy. 
 
 After this, thirty years passed by, and Anna® the priest Annas, the 
 
 τοῦ high priest, 
 wrote from Jerusalem to my father Eliozi® that He to whom εὐ ἔτ 
 
 he kings of Persia came bringing gifts was er epee 
 the 8 sing’ δ ae ον Up and Jerusalem 
 
 arrived at man’s estate !°,and that He called Himself the Son to be 
 
 1 A.V. ‘that twelve kings had come to take the land.’ 
 
 ? The Hebrew settlements mentioned in the text seem to have been the 
 following: Boudi, Budi or Bodbe, in Cakhet’hi, near Signakh, the place of 
 Nino’s death and burial: her nunnery there still exists. Codis tsgaro, in 
 Karvt’hli, a small stream running into the salt Lake Cumisi, not far from the 
 Kura, below Tiflis. Coda village is on this stream. K’hobi (in A.V. Sobi, 
 but ? misprint)—Khoba is a small town in Samtzkhe, near the town and old 
 fortress of Thmogvi, district of Akhaltzikhe. 
 
 * A.V. ‘and provisions.’ * A.V. ‘ yellow.’ 
 
 5 A.V. ‘the kings themselves bare burdens.’ 
 
 ° A.V. ‘crossed the mountains and.’ 
 
 7 A.V. ‘Now fear not, O Jews; I, Herod, sought and found not that child, 
 nor its mother. But now I have raised the sword against all children of two 
 years and less, and have destroyed him with them,’ 
 
 8 A.V. Ὁ Ana.’ ® A.V. ‘father’s father Oziai.’ 
 
 0 A.V. ‘and was arrived with John the son of Zakaria at the river Jordan. 
 There went forth all the people of Jerusalem, and with them was thy father’s 
 mother’s brother Elios (? Vthos). And behold the sky thundered, and the 
 earth trembled, the mountains shook, the hills sang, the sea stood still, the 
 waters arose—the son of Zakaria fled, and we were all seized with fear and 
 trembling; and because of the multitude of the people we were silent 
 concerning this matter.’ 
 
present at 
 Christ’s 
 death. 
 
 Eliozi’s 
 mother 
 hears the 
 nailing of 
 Christ to 
 the cross, 
 and dies. 
 
 Eliozi car- 
 ries Christ’s 
 tunic to 
 Mtzkhet’- 
 ha, and 
 gives it 
 
 to his 
 sister, who 
 dies, and 
 is buried 
 with the 
 tunic. 
 
 28 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 of God. ‘Come hither unto His death, which will fulfil the 
 law of God and of Moses.’ 
 
 Eliozi went thither; he was my father’s father, an aged 
 man, and his mother was of the race of Eli the priest, and 
 Eliozi had one sister. The mother of Eliozi entreated him, 
 saying: ‘Go, my son, at the royal summons of the king, to 
 fulfil that law, despite which they take counsel. Consort not 
 with them, O my son, for He is the word of the prophets 
 and the fable of the wise, and the secret hidden from the 
 Jews, the light of the Gentiles and life everlasting. Eliozi 
 of Mtzkhet’ha and Longinozi of Carsni went away, and saw 
 the crucifixion of the Lord Christ. 
 
 Now when they nailed the Lord on the cross, and Hasanig* 
 struck the nails with an iron hammer in Jerusalem, Eliozi’s 
 mother, in Mtzkhet’ha, heard the blows, and suddenly eried 
 out: ‘Farewell, kingdom of the Jews, for ye have slain your 
 Saviour and Deliverer, and henceforth ye shall be accounted 
 enemies and murderers of your Creator! Woe is me that Iam 
 not buried before His death, for mine ears shall no longer 
 hear, and after this Iam no longer worthy to look upon the 
 light of the Gentiles and the peace of Israel.’ When she 
 had uttered these words, she straightway entered into rest. 
 
 The Lord’s tunic fell by lot to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, 
 and Eliozi took it to Mtzkhet’ha. His sister received him in 
 tears, and embraced his neck ; and taking the garment of Jesus, 
 she pressed it to her bosom, and immediately her soul passed 
 from her body. Threefold was the cause of her death: bitter 
 erief at the slaying of Christ, sorrow for her mother’s death, 
 and* disappointment that she had not been present with 
 her brother at the crucifixion, Then there was great wonder 
 and turmoil in Mtzkhet’ha, which reached even unto King 
 
 1 A.V. ‘Pasanic’; Q. Mariam’s MS. ‘Pasang’; Shio Mghv. MS. and 
 Nat’hl. Mtz. ‘Pasanig’; Kart’hl, Tzkh. and other variants, ‘Hasinig.’ ΑἹ] 
 these are probably corruptions of the word pasenaki, i.e. royal officer for 
 executing justice, executioner. 
 
 2 A.V. ‘longing for the tunic.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 29 
 
 Aderci!; and all the people, and their princes, and King Aderci 
 himself wished for the garment. But he was seized with 
 horror and alarm when he found that he could not draw it 
 from her hands; so firmly and eagerly did she clasp the 
 garment to her breast, that her brother Eliozi buried it with 
 her. The place where she was buried God only knows”, and 
 none other can tell, save that it is near unto a cedar, brought 
 from Lebanon, planted and reared in Mtzkhet’ha. 
 
 My father also told me that the mantle of Elijah, a double (?) 
 garment, endued with divine power, is in that city, lying 
 under the stone of the altar of strength, unfound? until the 
 appointed time. 
 
 St. Nino urged me to ask my father to tell me all in detail, 
 to satisfy her longing to know the place where the tunic was. 
 But he only said that the place of its burial was there where 
 the tongues of men sing praises to God, the place where Jacob 
 saw the ladder which mounted to heaven *. 
 
 5 After many years the grandnephew of King Aderci, King 
 Amzael ὅθ, sought the garment among the Jews, but he could 
 neither find it nor learn anything of it, except what is men- 
 tioned above: that it was said to be buried near a cedar of 
 Lebanon. But the family of the same Eliozi, who brought 
 the tunic and buried it with his sister, knew that it was to the 
 east of the city, by the bridge of the Magi. 
 
 In those days St. Nino saw three times’, yea, four times, in 
 sleep, a vision. She was on her knees, and, bent forward, had 
 fallen into a light slumber. She saw birds with black wings 
 fly down from heaven, and they entered into the river, and 
 
 1 A.V. ‘Amazaer,’ but in all other variants Aderci is said to have been 
 king of Kart’hli at Christ’s death. 
 
 2 A.V. ‘and my mother Nino knows, but she does not tell, for it is not yet 
 time to declare it. Let this suffice for disciples of Nino and believers in 
 Christ, to know that it is near the place where a cedar brought from Lebanon 
 was planted in Mtzkhet’ha.’ 
 
 8 A.V, ‘incorruptible.’ 
 
 * ? The altar of the church at Mtzkhet’ha thus described metaphorically. 
 
 ° A.V. omits this paragraph. S ARDY 88. 
 
 7 A.V. ‘twice and three times.’ 
 
Mirian re- 
 turns from 
 Greece. 
 
 A biat’har’s 
 preaching. 
 
 30 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 bathed, and became pure white, and they flew into the garden 
 already spoken of, and gathered the fruits and pecked the 
 flowers ; and they came graciously and lovingly towards Nino 
 as if she were the mistress of the garden, and gathered round 
 her, singing sweetly 1, 
 
 When St. Nino told this to her disciple Sidonia (Abiat’har’s 
 daughter), she answered: ‘O stranger, of foreign birth! 
 captive, according to thy words! I know that by thee these 
 times will be renewed, and through thy means will hear the 
 story of what our fathers did; how they spilled the innocent 
 blood of the Divine One, for which deed the Jews have 
 become a shame, scattered to the ends of the earth, their 
 kingdom destroyed, and their holy temple taken from them, 
 their glory given unto a strange people. O Jerusalem, 
 Jerusalem! thy wings are stretched forth 5, and thou gatherest 
 under thy wings every nation from the ends of the heavens. 
 Behold now this woman is come, by whom will be changed 
 all the law of this land.’ Then she turned to Nino and said: 
 ‘This thy vision announces and declares, that this place will 
 be spiritually changed by thee into a garden of Paradise, 
 yielding heavenly fruits for evermore.’ 
 
 > Now when King Mirian returned from Greece, put to 
 flight by King Constantine, he heard how St. Nino preached 
 the gospel of Christ; for he heard it openly said that ‘the 
 dwellers in the north were found in error, and he was told of 
 the vine-stem cross, and of the great miracles done by her. 
 Without medicine she cured those who had incurable diseases 
 by the application of the cross. Her disciples also preached : 
 those who had been secretly converted, to the number of 
 seven women of the Jewish race: Sidonia, the daughter 
 of Abiat’har, and six others, and the couple who kept the 
 king’s garden, and Abiat’har the priest, that new Paul, who 
 
 ' A.V. does not say that the birds were black, nor that they became white. 
 
 2 A.V. ‘thy children are scattered.’ 
 
 * A.V. from this point to the incident of Khwarai (p. 33) is very brief, 
 saying little about the miracles. 
 
Tae af rst. Nove: tie 
 
 preached the law of Christ fearlessly and unceasingly. He 
 was skilled in the old law, the new law he learned from Nino; 
 and even more than Nino he convinced all men and taught 
 the law of truth. 
 
 The Jews were moved to stone Abiat’har, but King Mirian 
 sent servants and hindered the Jews from killing him, for 
 King Mirian wished for the law of Christ, having heard of 
 many miracles done by it in Greece and Armenia, and he did 
 not hinder the preaching of Nino and her disciples. But the 
 devil, the enemy of all true believers, warred against him ; 
 and Queen Nana! was more cruel than the king, and a despiser 
 of the preaching of the true gospel of Christ. 
 
 St. Nino prayed unceasingly in her dwelling in the bramble 
 bush, and the heathen were surprised at her prayer and watch- 
 ing, and it seemed strange unto them, and they began to 
 question her. And she made known to them the old and 
 new books, making the foolish wise, and putting into their 
 hearts the love of Christ. 
 
 Three years did she preach thus, converting many. Now 
 there was a young boy of noble birth who was very sick, and 
 his mother took him from door to door, to see if perchance 
 she might find some skilled in healing, and helpful in his 
 trouble. They all diligently inquired into his sickness, but 
 none could cure the child, and the physicians told the woman 
 that her boy could never be healed. The woman was a bitter 
 heathen, hating the Christian faith, and hindering others 
 from going to consult Nino; but, being in despair, she came 
 and fell down before Nino, entreating her to heal the lad. 
 St. Nino said: ‘That healing art which is of man I know not; 
 but my God whom I serve, Christ,.can cure this child, though 
 all think his case hopeless.’ She placed the sick boy on the 
 cloth? whereon she always prayed, and began to entreat the 
 Lord; and the child was cured. She gave the astonished 
 
 1 Sabinin says that Nana was the daughter of the Pontian general Nikator, 
 and that she raised a statue of Venus in Georgia. Others say she was the 
 daughter of Uliotori of Pontus. ? cilici, i.e. cilicium. 
 
 Mirian 
 protects 
 Abiat’har 
 against 
 the Jews. 
 
 Nino heals 
 a young 
 nobleman, 
 
Queen 
 Nana 
 healed 
 by Nino. 
 
 Conversion 
 of Queen 
 Nana. 
 
 Mirian in- 
 quires into 
 the 
 Christian 
 faith. 
 
 32 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 and joyful boy to his mother, who confessed Christ, saying : 
 ‘There is no God save Christ, whom Nino preaches.’ And 
 she became St. Nino’s disciple, and went her way glorifying 
 God. 
 
 Queen Nana fell sick of a sore and grievous illness which 
 none was able to cure. All the skilled physicians exhausted 
 their medicines, and yet could do nothing; they were power- 
 less and despairing. Then Queen Nana was told how the 
 Roman captive woman, who was called Nino, had, by her 
 prayers, healed many sick folk. She commanded her servants 
 to bring Nino. They went and found her sitting in the 
 bower under the bramble, praying, and it was the sixth 
 hour. They told her the queen’s command. (She answered:) 
 ‘We are not commanded to go out of our humble tent; but 
 let the queen come hither to my abode, and verily she shall 
 be cured by the power of Christ.’ The servants related to the 
 queen what Nino had said, and she eagerly bade them prepare 
 her couch and take her; and her servants bore her on her 
 couch, and her son, Rev, and many people went with her, 
 When they came to St. Nino’s dwelling, and placed the queen 
 on the cloth, St. Nino began to pray and entreat God for 
 a long time ; then she took her cross, and with it touched the 
 queen’s head, her feet, and her shoulders, making the sign of 
 the cross; and straightway she was cured, and arose restored ; 
 and she believed in Christ, and said: ‘There is no other God 
 save Christ, whom this captive woman preaches.’ From that 
 time she became the friend of Nino, and always inquired 
 and sought to know the faith of Christ; and St. Nino, and 
 Abiat’har (the new Paul), and his daughter Sidonia taught her. 
 And the queen became a believer, and knew the true God. 
 
 The king inquired of her how she was so suddenly cured, 
 and she told him all: how, without medicine, by the touch of 
 a cross, she was healed; and multitudes who had seen it 
 confirmed the queen’s words. King Mirian was filled with 
 wonder, and he began to seek the faith of Christ. Often he 
 inquired of the Jew, Abiat’har, of the old and new books, and 
 
Life of St. Nino. 33 
 
 he was instructed in everything. In the Book of Nebrot’hi!, Prophecy 
 which King Mirian had, he found what was written about Geen 
 the building of the tower*. How there was a voice from Ὁ τὴ ωδ 
 heaven to Nebrot’hi, saying: ‘I am Mikael, appointed by 
 
 God to be ruler of the east. Depart from that town, for God 
 
 protects it ; but in the last days will come a Lord from heaven 
 
 who will be despised among a despised people. The fear of 
 
 Him will bring to nought the charms of the world; kings 
 
 shall forsake their kingdoms and seek poverty. He will look 
 
 upon thee in thy grief and deliver thee.’ 
 
 Then Mirian perceived that what the old and new books King 
 testified was affirmed by the Book of Nebrot’hi, and he became are, ihe 
 eager for the faith of Christ. But the invisible enemy warred Sc™iptures, 
 against him, hindering the confession of Christ, strengthening 
 in his heart the hope in idols and fire. The queen ceased 
 not to entreat him to confess Christ; but for a year from but still 
 the time of the queen’s conversion the king was undecided.” 
 St. Nino taught the people unceasingly, and to none did she 
 say who she was nor whence she came, but she called herself 
 a captive. 
 
 After this, there was a magician (fire-worshipper), a Persian A Persian 
 prince named Khwarai?; he was sick in mind, and beside a ᾿ 
 himself, and nigh unto death. Now this prince was a kinsman 
 of King Mirian 4, and the king and queen begged St. Nino’s Mirian and 
 help, and the king looked to her, being still undecided. He nae say 
 said to St. Nino: ‘ By what god’s power dost thou perform eee 
 these cures? Art thou a daughter of Armaz, or a child of defence of 
 Zaden? Thou art come hither from a strange land, and the age 
 
 gods. 
 graciousness of the gods is fallen upon thee; they have 
 
 1 Nimrod. Mr. J. Rendel Harris says that in the Convent of Sinai, Cod. 
 Arab. No. 456, there is a piece entitled ‘The History of Nebrod Son of 
 Canaan,’ a’ Ἱστορία Νεβρὼδ υἱοῦ Χαναάν. 
 
 ? Or rather ‘column.’ The Book of Nimrod is mentioned in Vakhtang 
 Gorgaslan’s life. 
 
 * A.V. ‘Khuarasneuli (1.6. a native of Khorasan), Nana’s mother’s 
 brother.’ (Sneuli means sick.) 
 
 * A.V. now agrees in the main with the text followed. 
 
 VOL. V, PART I. D 
 
Nino 
 preaches 
 Christ, 
 
 34 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 endowed thee with the power of healing, with which thou 
 mayest bring life to a strange land and be renowned for ever. 
 Be as a nurse to our children in this worshipful city}, but 
 speak not these strange words of the false faith of the Romans 
 —say nothing of it. For, behold, the great conquering gods 
 of the world *, enlighteners and teachers of the Kart’hlians, 
 Armaz and Zaden, searchers out of every hidden thing, with 
 the ancient gods of our fathers, Gatzi and Gaim 5, are to be 
 trusted in by men. Now if thou wilt cure this prince, I shall 
 enrich thee, and make thee a eitizen of Mtzkhet’ha, as a 
 servant of Armaz. Though by the winds and hail that beat 
 upon him he was broken, nevertheless that place is immovable. 
 This Armaz and the god of the Chaldeans, It’hrujan 4, have 
 ever been enemies ; our god caused the sea to flow over the 
 other, who has now done this. Thus is the custom of the 
 conquerors of the world. Now be thou content with this my 
 command.’ 
 
 St. Nino replied: ‘O king, in the name of Christ, by the 
 intercession of His Mother and all His Saints, may the God 
 of heaven and earth, the Creator, send down upon thee His 
 glory and greatness, and may He pour out upon thee from the 
 countless store of His mercies, as from a furnace, one spark of 
 His grace, that thou mayest know and perceive the height ὅ 
 of the heavens, the light of the sun, the depth of the sea, the 
 breadth of the earth and its foundation. And mayest thou 
 know, O king, who clothes the heaven with clouds, with 
 winds, and with the voice of thunder, who shakes the earth 
 with His violence, and casts forth the lightning ὃ, and sets 
 the mountains on fire with His divine wrath, who causes all 
 the earth to tremble (the great serpent in the seas trembles), 
 even unto the destruction of all the earth, mountains and 
 solid rocks. Know thou all these things; for the unseen God 
 
 ! A.V. ‘Be as one of the nurses in this honourable land.’ 
 2 A.V. ‘the givers of fruits, of sun, and of rain.’ 7 ALY, es 
 * A.V. ‘It’hrushana.’ 
 
 5 *simaghle,’ but A.V. has ‘ simart’hle,’ i.e. justice. 
 ® A.V. ‘on its path, and sends forth the fires of his wrath,’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 35 
 
 in the heavens, He is Lord of all created things, except His 
 Son, who proceeded from Him into the world, appearing in = 
 the form of a man; He fulfilled all for which He came, and 
 ascended into the heights to His Father. The everlasting 
 God is high, and looks down upon the humble, and He knows 
 the proud from afar. O king, His presence is near unto thee ; 
 for in this city is a marvel, the garment of the Son of God ; 
 and they say the mantle of Elijah is also here, and many 
 miracles have been revealed; and I will cure this thy prince 
 only in the name of my Christ and by the cross of His 
 sufferings, as it also cured Queen Nana of her great sickness.’ 
 
 And they brought that prince to her, and Queen Nana and heals 
 
 came also into the garden, and they put him under the cedar. game 
 Nino raised her hands to the eastward, and said thrice: 
 ‘O devil, I conjure thee to leave him, that Christ, the Son of 
 God, may come in. And Nino wept, sighing from her soul, 
 and besought the help of God for that man. Her disciples 
 also were there for one day and two nights, and suddenly 
 the evil spirit went forth. The prince, and his family, and 
 his people? were converted by Nino, and they glorified the 
 Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now, always, and for 
 evermore. Amen. 
 
 Story told by the woman Sidonia, who was the 
 disciple of St. Nino, who saw and described 
 the miraculous conversion of King Mirian, and 
 how he fell at the feet of Nino to confess Christ. 
 The setting up of the cross, the building of 
 a church, and the miracles done therein. 
 
 One day in summer, in the month of July (20th day), on eae a 
 the Sabbath day °, [the king went forth to hunt, towards solves to 
 Mukhran. Unseen, that adversary, the devil, came unto him, Pee 
 Ὁ A.V. ‘one day.’ 2 A.V. omits ‘and his people.’ 
 
 35. From this point to the words: ‘Queen Nana and all the people passed 
 
 out to meet the king’ (on p, 37), there is a hiatus in A.V., filled in from 
 Nat’hl. Mtz. and Shio. Mghv. variants. 
 
 D2 
 
At the 
 chase, 
 darkness 
 falls on 
 him, 
 
 he prays 
 to God 
 
 and is 
 
 delivered, 
 
 36 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 and implanted in his heart the love of fire and idols, and he 
 thought to massacre all the Christians, in order to do service 
 to his false gods. The king said to four of his counsellors : 
 ‘We are not worthy before our gods, for we are idle in their 
 service, and have allowed these Christian sorcerers to preach 
 their faith in our land; and they perform their miracles of 
 sorcery. Now my advice is this: That we destroy all these 
 trusters in the cross, unless they will serve the conquering 
 gods of Kart’hli. Let us see Nana, my wife, if she will 
 repent, and forsake her belief in the cross, and if not, I will 
 forget my love for her, and, with the others, she too shall 
 be destroyed.’ His companions agreed with this counsel ; for 
 they were zealous in this matter, having desired it from the 
 beginning, but not daring to declare themselves openly. 
 
 The king passed the environs of Mukhran, and went up the 
 high mountain T’hkhot’hi !, whence he saw Caspi and Up’hlis- 
 tzikhe ; he was crossing the mountain towards the south when 
 the sun was darkened, and it became like black, eternal night. 
 The darkness seized upon the surroundings, and the men lost 
 one another. In grief and anxiety the king was left alone. 
 He wandered about on the thickly wooded mountains; then, 
 fearful and trembling, he stood in one place, and hope for his 
 safety forsook him. Then he bethought himself and took 
 counsel in his heart: ‘Lo, I have called on my gods and 
 have not found comfort. Now, can He whom Nino preaches, 
 the cross and the Crucified, through hope in whom she does 
 miracles, can He have power to deliver me from my grief? 
 IT am in a living hell, and I know not if over all the earth 
 this change has taken place, and the light turned to dark- 
 ness, or only on me. If this grief be for me alone, O God of 
 Nino, lighten this night to me, and show me the world again, 
 and I will confess Thy name. I will erect a wooden cross and 
 worship it, and set up a house to pray in, and obey Nino 
 and the faith of the Romans.’ 
 
 When he had spoken thus, it became light, and the sun 
 
 1 Thirteen miles west of Mukhran, A small church still marks the spot. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 37 
 
 shone forth in his glory. Then the king dismounted from his 
 horse, and, standing in that place, stretched out his hands 
 towards the eastern heavens, and said: ‘ Thou art a God above 
 all gods, a Lord above all lords, Thou God of whom Nino tells, 
 and Thy name is to be praised by all creatures under the 
 heavens and upon the earth ; for Thou hast delivered me from 
 my woe and lightened my darkness. Behold, I know that 
 Thou desirest my deliverance, and I rejoice, O blessed Lord, 
 to come near Thee. In this place will I set up a wooden 
 cross, by which they may glorify Thy name, and may 
 remember this miraculous deed for ever. So he took note 
 of the place, and then departed. Now the scattered people 
 saw that light, and assembled; and the king cried out: ‘ Give 
 the glory to Nino’s God, for He is God for ever, and to Him 
 only is glory fitting for ever'.’| 
 
 Queen Nanaand all the people passed out to meet the king, King 
 for they had heard first that he had perished and then that he ee 
 was returning in peace. They met him at Kindzara and mae Tes 
 Ghart’ha?. And St. Nino was in her bramble bush praying 
 at that hour, as was her custom at eventide, and we with her 
 were fifty souls. And when the king came, the town seemed 
 to shake. The king cried with a loud voice: ‘ Where is that 
 stranger woman, who is our mother, and whose God is my 
 Deliverer?’ When he heard that she was in the bush pray- 
 ing, he went towards her with all his army, dismounted, and 
 said to Nino: ‘Now am I become worthy to call upon the 
 name of thy God and my Deliverer.’ So St. Nino taught him, 
 and bade him worship towards the east and confess Christ ete 
 the Son of God. There was trembling and weeping among Christ. 
 all the people when they saw the king and queen in tears °. 
 
 The next day King Mirian sent ambassadors to Greece, to 
 
 1 End of hiatus in A.V. 
 2. Kindzara is a few miles north of Mtzkhet’ha, on the river Narecvavi, near 
 its junction with the Aragva. Ghart’ha is in the same district. 
 
 ° A.V. adds; ‘for joy, and because of the wonderful miracle which had 
 taken place.’ 
 
His em- 
 bassy to 
 Constan- 
 tinople. 
 
 Mirian 
 begins to 
 build a 
 church. 
 
 The cen- 
 tral pillar 
 cannot be 
 moved, 
 
 38 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 King Constantine, ['and a letter from Nino to Queen Elene 
 telling of all the miracles performed by Christ, which had 
 been done in Mtzkhet’ha to King Mirian, and entreating them 
 to send priests quickly to baptize them]. And St. Nino and 
 her disciples preached to the people day and night un- 
 ceasingly, and showed them the true way to the kingdom of 
 heaven. 
 
 Words of the same (Sidonia) concerning the 
 
 building of the church®. 
 
 The people quickly adopted Christianity. Before the priests 
 came, the king said to St. Nino: ‘I will hasten to build 
 a house of God. Where shall it be built?’ Nino said: 
 ‘Wherever the prince*® wishes.’ The king replied: ‘I like 
 this thy bush, and there would it please me. But if it may 
 not be there, let it be in the royal garden by the tall cedar 
 among fruitful branches and sweet-scented flowers [* according 
 to the vision which thou didst see, of black-feathered birds 
 bathing in the waters, so that they became dazzlingly white, 
 and, seating themselves in the trees, poured forth their sweet 
 voices]. Truly this transitory garden will bring us to 
 eternal life. There shall we build a house of God° for prayer, 
 before the coming of the priests from Greece.’ 
 
 Quickly he took wood, and instructed the carpenters. And 
 they cut down the cedar, and from it prepared ® seven pillars 
 for the church. When they had built the wooden wall, they 
 set up the pillars one by one. The biggest pillar, which was 
 wonderful to look upon, was ready to be placed in the midst 
 of the church, but they could not raise it. The king was 
 informed of the miracle, how they could not move the column 
 
 ' A.V. omits the passage in brackets. 
 
 * A.V. does not make this a separate chapter. 3 A.V, ‘king.’ 
 
 * A.V. omits this passage about Nino’s vision. 
 *® A.V. adds: ‘which will stand for ever.’ 
 
 ° A.V. ‘a pillar, and on its roots they laid the foundation of the church.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 39 
 
 into its place. Then the king came with many people, and 
 they used very powerful machines, and great force, and all 
 the people tried by many means to raise it, but they could 
 not. The king and all the people were astonished, and said : 
 ‘What can this be?’ And when evening came, the king went 
 home very sad. 
 
 St. Nino and twelve women of her disciples tarried by the Vision of 
 pillar and wept. And at midnight those two mountains-— ier % 
 Armaz and Zaden—fell, as if they had been broken off, and aie on 
 they stopped the rivers. The Mtevari (Kura) rushed down 
 and carried away the town, and there was a terrible sound of 
 weeping and lamentation. The Aragva also descended upon 
 the fortress, and there were fearful noises. The women were 
 afraid and fled, but the blessed Nino cried aloud: ‘ Fear not, 
 my sisters; the mountains stand there, and all the people are 
 asleep. This destruction of the mountains is but a symbol, 
 for the mountains of paganism are cast down in Kart’hli, and 
 the rivers which are stopped are the blood of the children 
 sacrificed to their idols!, which now will cease. The voice of 
 lamentation is that of many devils, mourning because they 
 are driven from their places by the power from on high and 
 by the Cross of Christ. Turn back, therefore, and pray to God.’ 
 
 And suddenly the sounds ceased, and there was nothing. 
 St. Nino arose and stretched forth her hands and prayed to Vision of 
 
 Persian 
 
 God, saying: ‘May this matter not be hindered, which the jpyasion of 
 king is engaged upon.’ Again, before the cock crew, a power- eae 
 ful army appeared with terrible noise at the three gates of 
 the city. They broke the gates in pieces, and the town was 
 filled with Persian soldiers. There arose horror-inspiring 
 eries and shrieks, and there was slaughter and shedding of 
 blood everywhere. There was great wailing, and clashing 
 of swords, and at this fearful sight our bodies became faint 
 and our souls lost courage ; and there was much weeping for 
 our kinsfolk. Suddenly there was heard a loud cry: ‘ Khuara, 
 king of the Persians, and Khuarankhuasra?, king of kings, 
 1 A.V. ‘to their evil spirits.’ 2 A.V. ‘Khuarankhuara.’ 
 
The pillar 
 miracu- 
 lously 
 fixed. 
 
 40 Studia Biblica οἱ Ecclesiastica. 
 
 command that every Jew be given to the edge of the sword.’ 
 When I heard this and understood it, I and the ten? who 
 were with me were filled with doubts, and the swordsmen 
 were approaching nearer, and round about us they killed and 
 slew. Then a mighty voice was heard, saying’: ‘ King Mirian 
 has been captured.’ Our saving guide looked round and said: 
 ‘I know what that ery is which now causes so much grief. 
 Let us thank God. This is a sign of their destruction, of 
 the life of Kart’hli and the glory of this place” Our wise 
 leader consoled us, she was in truth our leader and blessed 
 apostle. 
 
 She (Nino) turned to one of the army, and said: ‘ Where 
 are the kings Khuara and Khuarankhuasra? Yesterday ye 
 came forth from Sabastan; how are ye arrived so quickly? 
 Ye are a great host and mighty; why have ye destroyed this 
 city and given it to the sword? Go with the winds and 
 breezes to the mountains and rocks of the North, for behold 
 He cometh from whom ye flee. She stretched forth her 
 hands and made the sign of the cross, and suddenly it all 
 became invisible, and there was a great calm. The women ὅ 
 blessed Nino and glorified God. 
 
 When dawn was drawing nigh, the women fell asleep, but 
 I, Sidonia, was awake, and she stood with upraised hands. 
 Behold, a youth stood there, adorned in brilliant light, shrouded 
 in fire; and he spoke some words. She fell on her face, and 
 the youth put his hand to the column and raised it, and it 
 stood up. And I, Sidonia, was astonished, and said: ‘O 
 queen, what is this?’ She answered: ‘Bend thy head to the 
 earth’; and she began to weep. A little while afterwards, 
 she and I arose and went from that place. And the women 
 who were without also saw the column®. And it was as if 
 fire came down; and it (the column) approached its own place, 
 and stood twelve cubits away from the earth, and gently, by 
 
 *? Probably the meaning is that some Judas had meantime deserted 
 St Nino. 2 A.V. ‘sisters.’ 
 8 A.V, ‘And the women were outside, and behold I saw the column.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 41 
 
 degrees, settled above the place cut out for it at the root of 
 the cedar. 
 
 At daylight the king arose, heavy hearted with care, 
 looked at the garden and the newly commenced church of 
 which he thought so much. He saw a light, like a flash 
 of lightning, rising to heaven from his garden. He began 
 to run, and quickly came there, and all the multitude of his 
 household and all the people of the town came, for they too 
 saw the miracle. The column, shining with light, came down 
 into its place, as if from heaven, and stood firm in its place, 
 untouched by the hands of man. Happy the time when this 
 happened! The city of Mtzkhet’ha was filled with fear and 
 joy, and shed rivers of tears. The king and princes and all 
 the people with deep sighs glorified God, and blessed St. Nino, 
 and great miracles were done that day. 
 
 1First there came a Jew, blind from his birth. He Miracles 
 
 ee: 5 : 3 ἃ 
 approached the divinely raised column and immediately cae 
 received his sight, and glorified God. pillar. 
 
 Then there was Amzaspani?, a youth of the court, who had Healing of 
 been bedridden for eight years. His mother brought him in “πὶ a 
 faith, and placed his couch before the pillar of light, entreat- 
 ing Nino: ‘ Look upon this my son who is nigh unto death ; 
 for I know that the God whom thou servest and preachest 
 unto us is God.’ Nino touched the column, and placed her 
 hand upon the lad, saying: ‘ Dost thou believe in Jesus Christ, 
 the Son of God, come in the flesh to give life to all the 
 world?? . . . Be cured through Him, and praise Him whose 
 power heals thee.’ Straightway the youth arose whole, and 
 great fear seized the king and all the people. All kinds of 
 sick came and were healed, until the king put a covering of 
 wood round the column and hid it from sight, and even then 
 the people touched the covering and were cured. The king: 
 
 1 A.V. begins a new chapter. 
 
 ? A.V. does not give the youth’s name. 
 
 * A.V. inserts: ‘And the youth replied: “ Yes, queen, I believe in Jesus 
 Christ, the Saviour of creatures.” Then said Nino;’. 
 
Constan- 
 tine’s em- 
 bassy to 
 Mirian. 
 
 Mirian 
 
 and his 
 people bap- 
 tized. 
 
 42 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 quickly set about the completion of the church in the royal 
 garden. 
 
 'When King Mirian’s ambassadors arrived before King 
 Constantine and told him what had happened, the king and 
 his mother, Queen Elene, were filled with gladness: first, 
 because the grace of God was shining into all places,and by their 
 hands all Kart’hli would be baptized ; and then they rejoiced 
 because they believed that the Persians would be destroyed 
 by King Mirian ; and they received them with love. They 
 praised and thanked God, and sent the true priest Ioane the 
 bishop, and with him two priests and three deacons. King 
 Constantine wrote a letter of prayer and blessing to Mirian, 
 thanking God, and sent him a cross, an icon of the Saviour, 
 and many gifts. Queen Elene wrote a letter of praise and 
 comfort to Nino. The bishop, priests, and ambassadors arrived 
 at Mtzkhet’ha. The king and all the people were filled with 
 joy, for they longed to be baptized. Then Mirian immediately 
 sent forth a command that all the evist’Zavs (governors of 
 provinces), spasa/ars (generals), and all the persons in his 
 kingdom should be called before him; and they all came in 
 great haste to the town. 
 
 The king was baptized under the hand of St. Nino, and, 
 afterwards, the queen and their children under the hands of 
 the priests and deacons. They blessed the river Mtevari 
 (Kura), and the bishop prepared a place near the gate of 
 the bridge of the Magicians, where was the house of Elioz 
 the priest, and there the illustrious people were baptized, and 
 they called that spot Mt’havart’h Sanat’hlo (the place of 
 baptism of the princes). Lower down on the same river, in 
 two places, the two priests and the deacons baptized the 
 people. The people struggled one with another; quickly 
 they entreated the monks, each to be first baptized, so strong 
 was their desire to be baptized, for they had heard the preach- 
 
 1 A.V. omits to the end of the chapter, only saying: ‘Then came the 
 
 ambassadors from Greece with the chief of the priests, priests and deacons, 
 and began to baptize, as is written above.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 43 
 
 ing of Nino, how she had said: ‘None who are not baptized 
 will find that light eternal.’ Therefore they were all in 
 great haste to be baptized. So they all received baptism, 
 and the majority in Kart’hli, except the Mt’hiulians (moun- 
 taineers) of Caucasus; the light was shed upon them, but 
 they lay obstinately in darkness for some time. There were 
 the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, also, who were not baptized, except 
 the Cabrabians!, of whom were baptized fifty souls, and they 
 became true Christians; for this they became great before 
 the king, and he gave them a village which they call T’zckhe 
 didi (the great stronghold). P’heroz, the son-in-law of King 
 Mirian, did not receive baptism, nor his people, but they were 
 obedient to King Mirian’s temporal power. 
 
 Then King Mirian sent Bishop Ioane, and men of power Mirian 
 with him, to King Constantine, and begged for a piece of τον 
 the wood of life which at that time had appeared to the ane 
 servant and lover of Christ, Queen Elene. He also asked that priests. 
 many priests might be sent into all the towns and places to 
 baptize the people, so that soon every soul in Kart’hli might 
 be baptized; he also asked for masons to build churches. 
 When they arrived before the Emperor Constantine, he gave 
 them gladly of the wood of life: those beams to which the 
 feet of the Lord were nailed, and the nails for the hands. He 
 sent also priests and many masons. 
 
 King Constantine built in his kingdom a holy church, Constan- 
 
 tine has 
 churches 
 
 and commanded that wherever he first came in Kart’hli, built 
 there they should build churches in his name, that this gift 
 might be possessed in the bounds of Kart’hli. The bishop 
 went away, and with him the ambassadors. When they 
 
 a holy temple, and gave very great treasure to Bishop Ioane, 
 
 arrived at the place which is called Erushet’hi’, the car- 
 
 1 Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘Barabians.’ Said to be descendants of Barabbas. 
 
 ? Erushet’hi was a district, with a river of the same name, at the head 
 waters of the Kura. The village or fortress of Erushet’hi is close to Naka- 
 lakevi, ‘ou était une ville, aujourd’hui simple bourg. La fut batie une belle 
 église & coupole, par un envoyé du grand Constantin, aux frais de l’empereur.’ 
 Wakhoucht, Deser. géogr. p. 105; Bergé and Bakradze, Zapiski, p. 110; Hist. 
 
Building 
 of the 
 bishop’s 
 church in 
 Mtzkhet’- 
 ha. 
 
 44 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 penters stopped there to build the church; they put the 
 treasure there, and the nails by which the Lord’s hands 
 were pierced. Then they went on and came to Manglis! 
 and began to build a church, and there they placed the beams 
 to which the Lord’s feet were nailed. And King Mirian 
 was displeased that they did not come first to the royal city, 
 but had begun to build churches in other towns and places, 
 and had left the relics there. But St. Nino came to him and 
 said: ‘O king, be not angry; for wherever they go they 
 spread abroad the name of God; and in this city is there not 
 the glorious garment of the Lord ?’ 
 
 The king took Abiat’har and many Jews with him, and 
 inquired of them concerning the tunic; and they told him 
 all that which is written above. Then King Mirian raised 
 his hand, and said: ‘ Blessed art Thou, O Jesus, Son of the 
 living God; for from the beginning Thou didst desire to 
 deliver us from the devil and the dark place. Therefore was 
 Thy holy garment brought from Thy holy city Jerusalem by 
 those Hebrews, deniers of Thy divinity, and of a race unknown 
 to us.’ 
 
 The king and all the city went forward firmly in Christianity. 
 The carpenters began to build a church on the outskirts of 
 the city, on the dwelling of St. Nino, where the bramble was, 
 and where now is the bishop’s church. And Sf. Nino said: 
 ‘ Blessed is our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Father of our Lord, 
 who hath sent down His holy Word from the high heavens, 
 even from His mighty throne, that He might descend to the 
 base earth, born indeed of the seed of David, of a virgin pure 
 and holy; for it was agreeable to Him to give life to us. He 
 
 de la Géorgie, t. i. pp. 121, 195. At Cumurdo, still nearer the source of the 
 Kura, is another church said to have been built by Constantine’s envoys. 
 Bergé and Bakradze, Zap. p. 85; Wakhoucht, pp. 99, 101, 103; Brosset, 
 Voy. archéol. II Rapp. p. 166, IV Rapp. p. 6. 
 
 1 Manglis church is about twenty-five miles west of Tiflis. Vide Bergé and 
 Bakradze, p. 93; Wakhoucht, Deser. géogr. p.171.—‘ Cette église n’a jamais 
 été ruinée. Au midi de la vofite est représenté Mahomet sur un lion; on dit 
 que c’est pour cela que les musulmans I’ont respectée.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 45 
 
 hath enlightened all beneath the heavens, so that they might 
 become believers. He was born as man, He, the Light of 
 all, the Image of God; and, as a servant of the law, He was 
 baptized with water and with the Spirit; He was crucified 
 and buried, and rose the third day, ascended into heaven unto 
 His Father, and again He cometh with glory. Unto whom 
 is fitting all glory, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, now, 
 always, and for ever.’ 
 
 The Raising of the Honourable Cross. 
 
 When the king and queen, with their children and ail the A miracu- 
 people, were baptized, there stood, on the top of an inaccessible eas 
 rock, a tree, exceedingly beautiful, and of a sweet smell. It 
 was a wonder-working tree, for beasts wounded by arrows 
 came to it, and when they ate of its leaves, or of the seed 
 fallen to the ground, they were healed, even if they came 
 wounded unto death. 
 
 This seemed a great miracle to these sometime pagans, 
 and they told Bishop Ioane about the tree. The bishop 
 said: ‘Lo! in truth, from the beginning this land hath 
 been set apart by God for His service. This tree has been 
 planted by God for this present time, for even now has the 
 grace of God shone forth on Kart’hli, and from this tree shall 
 be made the worshipful cross which all the multitudes of 
 Kart’hli shall worship.’ And Rev, the king’s son, and the is cut 
 bishop, and many of the people went and cut down the tree, 
 and took it, with its branches, and ten times ten men carried 
 it, covered with its branches and leaves, into the town. The 
 people gathered together to see it, because of its greenness 
 and leafiness in the days of summer? when every other tree 
 was dry. Its leaves had not fallen, and it was pleasant to the 
 
 1 A.V. adds ‘written by Jacob’ (the priest). In A.V. Jacob writes in the 
 first person. 
 
 ? All the other MSS. except Kart’hl. Tzkh. read ‘ winter,’ which the con- 
 text shows to be correct. 
 
and made 
 into 
 crosses. 
 
 A fiery 
 cross and 
 starry 
 crown 
 appear. 
 
 46 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 smell and fair to look upon. They set the tree up on its root, 
 at the southern door of the church, where the breezes wafted 
 abroad its fragrant odour and opened the leaves; the sight of 
 it was beautiful, as we are told that the tree planted in Eden 
 was fair. It was felled on the twenty-fifth of March, on 
 a Friday, and the tree stood there thirty-seven days, and its 
 leaves did not change colour ; it was as if it stood from the 
 root to the topmost branch in a stream, until all the trees of 
 the forest were clad in foliage, and the fruit trees were in 
 bloom. Then on the first of May they made the (three) 
 crosses, and on the seventh they raised them, under the pro- 
 tection! of the king, with rejoicing, and by the will of all the 
 people of the city, who were in the church. 
 
 Now all the people of the city saw in all those days that 
 a fiery cross came down from heaven upon it; round about 
 was, as it were, a crown of stars, and the cross of fire rested 
 upon the church until daylight; and when daylight came, two 
 of the stars separated from the others—one went to the east 
 and one to the west, and the brightest went gently towards 
 the place, near the stream, beyond Aragva, and stood on that 
 rocky hill where was the rivulet which had sprung from the 
 tears of St. Nino 2, and thence it mounted to heaven. 
 
 Thus all the people many times saw God’s salvation, and 
 they began to inquire of the blessed Nino, saying: ‘ What 
 meaneth, this, that shining stars have come forth, and one is 
 gone to the east, even to the mountains of Cakhet’hi, and the 
 other to the west, to the neighbourhood of this city*®?’ 
 St. Nino answered: ‘When it is seen where they shine on 
 those mountains, there let them erect two crosses to Christ.’ 
 The king did thus, and they watched the highest mountains * 
 one after’ the other. This happened upon a Friday, and on 
 Saturday at dawn the same miracle happened as _ before. 
 
 1 ¢didebit’ha,’ to the glory, is perhaps a mistake for ‘ dadebit’ha,’ which is 
 found in MSS., but cf. p. 47, ‘to the glory of the king.’ 
 
 ? 'The brook is called Dzudzus Tsqaro, and there is a small church there. 
 
 * A.V. ‘to the bounds of thy kingdom.’ 
 ‘ A.V. ‘continually for ten days.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 47 
 
 Next day they went to the west, where they stood on the 
 mountain of Kvabt’ha T’havi (Head of Caves). They told 
 the king how that star came forth from the others, rose, and 
 stood over one spot on Mount Thkhot’hi', in the pass of 
 Caspi, and then became quite invisible. In the same manner, 
 those sent to the Cakhet’hian Mountains returned and told 
 how they had seen the star move thither, and stand above the 
 village of Budi, in the region of Cakhet’hi?. 
 
 St. Nino commanded them, saying: ‘Take two of these Crosses are 
 crosses, and raise one in T’hkhot’hi, where God showed His ae aes 
 power, and give one to Salome, the handmaiden of Christ, to ae 
 be erected in the town of Ujarma*. As for the village of 
 Budi in Cakhet’hi, it should not be preferred before the royal 
 city, for there are many people. Budi also shall see the grace 
 of God.’ And they did even as the queen * commanded: they 
 raised the wonder-working, holy cross by human hands in 
 Mtzkhet’ha, and they went below that hillock to the stream, 
 where they passed the night praying to God, and the blessed 
 Nino mingled her tears with the brook, and there were cures 
 and great miracles performed. 
 
 Next day she and the king, queen, and princes, and a great 
 multitude of people, went up on to the rock and knelt on those 
 stones and wept®, until the mountains re-echoed with their 
 voices.. Then St. Nino laid her hand on a stone, and said to 
 the bishop: ‘ Come, for it befits thee to bless this stone.’ And 
 he did so, and there they raised the cross to the glory of the 
 king. The countless multitude bent and worshipped the cross, 
 and confessed the Crucified to be the true Son of the living 
 God, and believed in the great triune God. And the great δ 
 
 } A.V. gives the name of the spot as Qrgvi. 
 
 * Bodbe in Cakhet’hi, near the town of Kisiq (Signakh), also spelt Bodi and 
 Budi. 
 
 * Ujarma, formerly a fortified city, residence of the Cakhet’hian kings, now 
 a village, on the river Iora in Cakhet’hi, said to have been built by Saurmag 
 (237-162 B.C.). 
 
 * A.V. ‘St. Nino’; the saint is often addressed as Queen (v. infra). 
 
 5 A.V. ‘men, women, and children.’ © didni, but in A.V. dedani—women. 
 
48 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 chiefs did not go away from the holy church, the pillar of 
 light and the life-giving cross, for they saw there wonderful 
 miracles and unceasing cures'. And on Easter Sunday, King 
 
 * A.V. adds here: ‘Then St. Nino left the city of Mtzkhet’ha, and went to 
 the mountaineers, to carry the gospel to men in the form of wild beasts, and 
 to cast down their idols. But Abiat’har, the Jewish priest, was left here—he 
 who was a second Paul, who ceaselessly, day and night, preached Christ and 
 His glory, until the flight of the Jews.’ 
 
 A.V. then begins a new chapter: ‘ The Raising of the Honourable Cross in 
 Mizkhet’ha and the second vision. 
 
 ‘ And when the whole land of Kart’hli was converted to Christianity, the 
 priests who had come from Greece took counsel about the raising of the sign of 
 the cross; and they said to King Mirian: “It is fitting to erect the divine 
 sign of the cross.” And this advice seemed good to the king and to all the 
 people, and joyfully they received the word and teaching of the priests. 
 King Mirian ordered wood for the cross. Carpenters came and cut down 
 a sweet-smelling tree, and the king commanded the cross to be made. The 
 priests taught them the form of the cross; and when it was made, the car- 
 penters came and told King Mirian: ‘‘We made it according to what the 
 priests told us.” The king arose joyfully, and all the people saw the form of 
 the cross, and they wondered greatly, and glorified God. 
 
 ‘At that time the king bethought himself and remembered how that day, 
 when it became dark on the mountain, he saw the light of great brilliancy in 
 the form of a cross. Then he told the priests and all the people of the sight, 
 and how the sign of the cross dispelled the darkness before his eyes. When 
 the people heard the king’s story, more and more firmly they believed on 
 Jesus Christ and in the sign of His cross, and all gladly, of one accord, 
 worshipped it and glorified God. Then the king counselled all the people 
 that they should erect the form of the cross in several places, and commanded 
 that each should be where it seemed right, and not where they chose. At 
 that time King Mirian prayed, saying: ‘‘O Lord Jesus Christ, in whom we 
 believe through this captive, and have been taught by these Thy priests— 
 who didst humble Thyself, and in Thy humility didst clothe Thyself in the 
 image of slaves, who didst descend from the blessed bosom of the Father, 
 who didst leave for our sake the throne, majesty, and power, and entered the 
 womb of a Holy Virgin, and then wert crucified by Pontius (Pontoveli) Pilate, 
 buried in the heart of the earth, and on the third day didst rise, fulfilling all 
 that was spoken of by the prophets, ascendedst into heaven, and sittest at the 
 right hand of the Father, and again art to come to judge the quick and 
 the dead—Thou hast left us the sign of Thy cross, for the destruction of the 
 unseen machinations of the enemy; Thou hast miraculously brought us into 
 Thy fear that we might escape from the devil, by whom we were enchained 
 to our ruin, But now, O God, O God our Saviour, vouchsafe to show the 
 place in which the sign of Thy cross shall be set up, that it may be 
 manifest to those who hate us, and that they may be ashamed; for Thou, 
 O Lord, art our helper and our consolation.” And at twilight that night, 
 
Life of St. Nino. i 
 
 Mirian and all Mtzkhet’ha offered sacrifice. That day they 
 instituted the service of the! cross at Easter, which all Kart’ hli 
 observes unto this day. 
 
 And some time afterwards, after Pentecost,on a Wednesday, Appear- 
 Ξ : : . ance ofa 
 they saw a miracle, very wonderful: lo! a pillar of light, in goss of 
 light and 
 twelve 
 
 a crown round about; and the cross on the hill gave forth stars. 
 
 the form of a cross, stood upon the cross”, and twelve stars in 
 
 a sweet perfume, and all saw the wonder. Many heathens 
 were converted and baptized that day *, and the Christians 
 were strengthened in their faith, and glorified God. 
 
 They saw another wonder of the cross: how a fire stood Fire rests 
 : ae : δ on the 
 upon it, seven * times brighter than the sun®. It rested there cross at 
 
 like a spark from a furnace, and the angels of God ascended re ak 
 
 and descended. And the hill on which stood the cross ὃ shook 
 very much, and when the miracle ceased the trembling ceased. 
 When the people saw that miracle they were all greatly 
 astonished, and more and more they glorified God. These 
 wonders were performed from year to year, and all the people 
 
 the angel of the Lord stood, in a vision, before King Mirian, and showed him 
 a hill on the river Aragva, near Mtzkhet’ha, and said to him: ‘‘This is the 
 place chosen by God; there shall ye raise the sign of the cross.” And at 
 dawn, King Mirian told the priests of his vision of the angel, and his words, 
 and the hill which he showed him. When they heard of the vision and saw 
 the place, the hill pleased all the people. With rejoicing and songs of praise, 
 all the chiefs took the cross, with one accord, and set it up on the hill near 
 Mtzkhet’ha, towards the east, on Easter Sunday. And when they raised the 
 sign of the cross in the land of Kart’hli, suddenly all the idols in the boundaries 
 of the country were cast down and broken, and the altars destroyed. When 
 they saw this wondrous deed and miracle which had been performed by the 
 power of the sign of the cross, they were yet more astonished, and glorified 
 God, and worshipped the honourable cross gladly.’ 
 
 1 A.V. “ victorious.’ : 
 
 ? A.V. ‘and twelve angels encircled it as a crown.’ 
 
 3 A.V. ‘and they built churches.’ * A.V. ‘three.’ 
 
 5 A.V. ‘and like a flame it burned on the head of the cross.’ 
 
 6 A.V. ‘rejoiced greatly, and all the earth shook; and from mountains, 
 hills, and ravines a sweet-smelling mist arose to heaven, and the rocks 
 crumbled away. And the strong perfume spread over all the land... and 
 loud voices were heard, and all the people, perceiving the sound of the songs, 
 were afraid, and marvelled much. With fear and trembling they worshipped 
 the honourable cross, and with great rejoicing glorified God.’ 
 
 VOL, V, PART I. E 
 
Healing of 
 Rev’s son, 
 
 and other 
 miracles 
 performed 
 at the 
 cross of 
 
 Mtzkhet’- 
 ha. 
 
 50 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 saw them with fear and trembling, and came to worship 
 devoutly. 
 
 In those days, Rev, the king’s son, had a little son who 
 was sick, and nigh unto death; and it was his only child. 
 He took him and placed him before the holy cross, and with 
 tears entreated it, saying: ‘If thou wilt give me this my 
 child alive, I will build a canopy for thee to dwell in.” And 
 straightway, in that place, his child was healed, and he led 
 him away sound and restored to life. Then he came to fulfil 
 his vow; and with great joy and zeal Rev, the king’s son ?, 
 raised the canopy, and from year to year he came and fulfilled 
 his promise of sacrifice ; and in consequence of this, sick folk 
 came all the more, and they were cured, and with gladness 
 they glorified the holy cross of Christ. 
 
 There was a certain young man who was blind in both 
 eyes. He sat ὃ down before the cross of Christ, and after seven 
 days he received his sight, and glorified the precious cross. 
 
 Then there was a woman always afflicted by evil spirits, 
 which had taken away her mind and strength for eight years ; 
 and she rent her clothes. They brought her and laid her 
 before the cross, and after twelve days she was cured, and 
 walked away glorifying God and worshipping the holy cross. 
 
 Again, there was a little boy, and he suddenly fell down 
 dead ὁ, His mother took him and put his dead * body before 
 the cross. From morning until eventide she prayed weeping 
 before the cross. Others came unto her and said: ‘Take him 
 away, woman, and bury him, for he is dead ; grieve no more.’ 
 She did not lose hope, but wept more and more piteously, 
 and prayed. When evening came, the child was restored to 
 life, and opened his eyes, and after seven ® days his mother led 
 him home cured and revived, and glorified God. 
 
 When they saw the miraculous healing power of the holy 
 cross, many childless people came and begged that they 
 might have children, and the request of many was granted ; 
 
 1 A.V. ‘a God-fearing man.’ ? A.V. ‘Rev's son.’ 
 PAV. 161 * A.V. ‘ exhausted.’ 5 A.V. ‘ three.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 51 
 
 and they offered sacrifice and thanks. And not only those 
 who came thither received healing, but those who from afar 
 entreated the aid of the holy cross also received favour im- 
 mediately 7. And it helped those who were in battle, so that 
 they overcame their foes, and they came quickly to offer thanks. 
 
 Many pagans in distress were cured by the cross, and 
 many were baptized, and with gladness glorified God ; many 
 kinds of diseases were healed by the power of the honourable 
 cross, many with divers sufferings came to beg healing and 
 were at once cured there, even unto this day*, and they 
 glorified the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to whom 
 is glory now, always, and for ever. 
 
 The Letter which was written by the Patriarch of 
 Rome and the King of the Braryi to Nino, to 
 the King, and to all the Karthlian folk. 
 
 In those days there came a letter from the holy Patriarch 
 of Rome to Nino, to the king, and to all the Kart’hlian folk. 
 He sent a Branj deacon to bring his praise and blessing, and 
 to entreat of the blessed Nino her prayers and grace. The 
 deacon brought also a letter from the king of the Branji to 
 Nino, saying, that as her father had baptized all the Branji, 
 a deed known to all in Jerusalem and Constantinople, so she 
 had enlightened all Kart’hli with the sun of righteousness. 
 Therefore he had written this weleome letter, as he had learnt 
 of the wonders performed among them, and of the column, 
 and the bramble bush and its power of healing. The deacon 
 of the Branji saw and heard of the miracles of the pillar, 
 which had been done in Mtzkhet’ha, and glorifled God. He 
 took with him letters, and departed. 
 
 ' A.V. ‘If any one called upon the holy cross of Mtzkhet’ha in the stress of 
 battle, the cross immediately became his helper against his enemies.’ 
 
 2 A.V. ‘These have been described for the glory of God and of the 
 honourable cross, and that we may all worship the Father, the Son, and 
 the Holy Ghost, now and for evermore. Amen,’ 
 
 E 2 
 
Mirian’s 
 missionary 
 zeal. 
 
 52 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Then the king said to St. Nino and the bishop: “1 will 
 convert the Mt’hiulians at the edge of the sword, and make my 
 son-in-law, P’heroz, a servant of God and a worshipper of the 
 honourable cross.’ Nino answered: ‘It is not commanded by 
 God to raise the sword, but to show the way of truth by the 
 gospel, and by the honourable cross which leadeth unto ever- 
 lasting life. May God’s grace enlighten the darkness of their 
 hearts. And St. Nino (and Bishop Ioane)! departed. And 
 the king took with him an evist’lav (governor of province), 
 and they came to Tsubeni?, and summoned the Mt’hiulians®, 
 those men in the shape of wild beasts, the Dchart’halians*, 
 P’hkhovians®, Gudamagqrians °, and they preached the Gospel of 
 Christian truth unto them, leading to eternal life, but they did 
 not wish to be baptized ; then the king’s eris/’Zav turned the 
 sword upon them, and forcibly cast down the idols. They 
 turned away from that place and went to Zhalet’hi’, and 
 preached to the Ertso T’hianet’hians *, who received the 
 gospel and were baptized. But the P’*hkhovians left their 
 land, and came into T’hushet'hi®,and there were other moun- 
 taineers who were not converted. The king laid heavy taxes 
 on those who did not wish to be baptized; therefore they banded 
 themselves together and wandered about. Some of them at 
 last were converted by St. Abibos Necreseli '°, the bishop, and 
 some of them have remained heathens until this day. 
 
 1 A.V. omits ‘and Bishop Ioane.’ 
 
 2 Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘Tsorbani’ (ἢ. The place referred to is probably Tsobeni, 
 about seven miles east of the Aragva and fifteen miles above Mtzkhet’ha. 
 
 3 Mt’hiulet’hi (i.e. ‘the highlands’) is a district above the junction of the 
 Gudamagari and Aragva. 
 
 4 Dcharvhali, river and mountain west of the Aragva, south of Mt’hiulet’hi. 
 
 5 Ancient’ name of the P’hshavs and Khevsurs, who dwell on the White 
 Aragva, east of Mt’hiulet’hi and Gudamagqari and north of T’hianet’hi. 
 
 ® At the source of the Black Aragva. 
 
 7 Zhalet’hi, or Zhaliet’hi, on the river Iori in T’hianet’hi. 
 
 ® j,e, Lesser T’hianet’hi, south of T’hianet’hi and east of Saguramo. 
 
 ® To the extreme north of Cakhet’hi. 
 
 10 Abibos, bishop of Necresi, was one of the Syrian Fathers, who came to 
 Georgia about the middie of the sixth century. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 53 
 
 Then St. Nino went into Cakhet’hi, and rested in Cat- St. Nino 
 saret’hi and converted the people. Afterwards she passed Gakhet’hi, 
 into the village of Kwel, and called together the Cakhet’hian 
 princes. They had not heard of the faith of Christ and the 
 baptism of the king; with joy they received her teaching, 
 and were converted and baptized by Jacob the priest. Thence 
 she went to Bodi, and there came unto her Sujit, the Queen of converts 
 Cakhet’hi, and with her a great multitude of chiefs, warriors, Baer 
 and women-slaves. She told them of the secret (holy sacra- 
 ment) of Christ, and with sweet words taught them the true 
 faith. She related the miracles which had happened through 
 the column of fire, of which they had not heard before. With 
 joy they received the teaching of St. Nino, and the queen was 
 baptized with all her chiefs and handmaidens. 
 
 When the blessed Nino had thus fulfilled her work and 
 preaching, she knew that the time when her spirit would pass 
 from her body was drawing nigh. She wrote a letter to St. Nino’s 
 King Mirian, and gave it to the Cakhet’hian queen Suji. “pee 
 She wrote thus: 
 
 ‘To the servant of Jesus Christ, the faithful believer in the 
 Holy Trinity, the ally of holy kings, King Mirian.—May God 
 rain down the dew of His grace from above upon thee and all 
 the palace, and on the camp of thy people, and may the 
 eross of Christ and the mediation of His most holy Mother 
 guard you. Lo, I have passed through many lands, and they 
 have received the gospel of Christ, and been turned from 
 their sins and baptized, and do worship God the Creator. 
 
 Now shouldst thou be joyful, for in thy days God has looked 
 down upon His creatures, and the light of His wisdom has 
 shone forth upon them. Hold fast unto the true faith, that 
 with Him thou mayest reign for ever in the kingdom of 
 heaven. My days upon earth are fulfilled, and I am passing 
 from life to go the way of my fathers. Worthy of mention 
 among the holy ones of God is Queen Suji, for she became 
 a believer in the true Christ, and cast down the idols and con- 
 
 * A.V. does not mention Suji. 
 
Queen Suji 
 sets out 
 with the 
 letter and 
 arrives at 
 Mtzkhet’- 
 ha, 
 
 miracu- 
 lously 
 crosses the 
 Aragva. 
 
 Mirian 
 and others 
 go to 
 Bodbe to 
 St. Nino’s 
 deathbed. 
 
 54 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 verted the people to the service of God, and called her brother 
 and her daughter, also Artereon, a chieftain, and taught them 
 the true faith, and all in Budi have been baptized in the 
 name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Now 
 send unto me the holy chief of the fathers, that he may 
 give me provision for my soul’s eternal journey, for my time 
 is nigh.’ 
 
 Queen Suji took Nino’s letter, and, moved by desire to do 
 homage to the life-giving pillar, set out in haste. All that 
 long journey she walked barefooted, and her tears watered 
 the ground. When they arrived opposite the pillar of life, 
 they saw that the river Aragva had increased greatly, and 
 none of the warriors could cross; when they descended, they 
 were turned back, hindered by the impetuosity of the volume 
 of water. But as Peter walked to the Lord upon the water, 
 so was it with that woman, full of faith in Christ, and desire 
 for the life-giving cross, and with confidence like a grain 
 of mustard seed. She crossed herself and leaped down, as 
 upon a steed. On the other side was Bishop Ioane, with 
 all the people, and when she entered the stream the waters 
 fled back and she passed dry-footed. The king and the 
 chief bishop met her in fear and wonder, and they went 
 into the church to the pillar of life, and prayed with fervent 
 tears. She offered, as a sacrifice, herself, her children, and 
 all her servants, and the little town of Bart’hiani, and the 
 great village of Budi; and she rejoiced in spirit. Then 
 Queen Suji drew forth the letter of the blessed Nino and 
 gave it to the king, and he read it aloud, weeping bitterly. 
 
 They sent Bishop Ioane to bring her, but St. Nino did 
 not choose to come. So the king, Queen Nana, and many 
 of the people set out and came to her. The people assem- 
 bled in innumerable multitudes, and they saw the face of 
 Nino, which was like that of an angel from heaven, They 
 tore the hem of her garment and took it and kissed it with 
 faith ; and all those seated around passionately prayed, with 
 tears pouring from their eyes because of the departure of 
 
Life of St. Nino. 55 
 
 their leader and benefactress aud the healer of the sick. 
 Salome Ujarmoeli (1.6. of Ujarma) and Peruzhavri Sivneli 
 (i.e. of Sion) and the erist’havs (governors) and m?havars 
 (chiefs, lords) inquired of her, saying: ‘Who art thou, 
 whence art thou, and wherefore didst thou come into this 
 land to give us life? Where wert thou brought up, O queen ? 
 Tell us of thy life, for thou hast spoken of captivity, O divine 
 freer of captives. Thou hast taught us concerning the 
 prophets who came before the Son of God, and then of the 
 twelve apostles, but God has sent none to us save thee, and 
 all that thou sayest of thyself is that thou art a captive or 
 a stranger. 
 
 Then Nino began to speak, and said: ‘ Daughters of the St. Nino 
 faith 1, queens near to my heart, ye see the faith and love Gala 
 which those first women bare to Christ, and yet ye wish to be life. 
 know of my life, the life of a poor handmaiden! But I shall 
 tell you; for now my days are fulfilled, and I am about to 
 fall asleep for ever in the sleep of my mother. Bring writing 
 materials that ye may write down my poor, unworthy life, so 
 that your children may hear of your faith, and how I was 
 received by you, and the divine miracles which ye have seen.’ 
 Salome Ujarmoeli and Peruzhavri Sivneli quickly brought 
 writing materials, and she told them all her pure and blessed 
 life as we have written it above, and they wrote it down. 
 
 She entreated the king that the priest Jacob might be bishop 
 after Ioane. 
 
 Bishop Ioane offered sacrifice to the Lord, and St. Nino Death of 
 partook of the body and blood of Christ which was to serve Bee: 
 her for the journey to eternity. Then she gave her soul 
 into the hands of God, and passed into everlasting righteous- 
 ness (January 14). Thus, adorned with apostolic grace, shin- 
 ing in her pure life, beautiful by her many labours, bearing 
 the gift of many works, she presented herself before the Holy 
 Trinity, taking, as an offering, many peoples, and the suffer- 
 ings borne in this world. She ascended to heaven in the 
 
 1 A.V. ‘near to God, my queens.’ 
 
Her burial 
 at Bodbe. 
 
 Constan- 
 tine sends 
 Prince 
 Bakar 
 with a 
 letter to 
 Mirian. 
 
 56 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 twenty-fifth year from her entry into Georgia, three hundred 
 and thirty-eight years from the death of Christ, and from 
 the beginning of the world five thousand seven hundred and 
 thirty-eight. 
 
 The inhabitants of Mtzkhet’ha and Ujarma and all Kart’hli 
 were deeply moved by her death, and a great multitude of 
 people came, and crowded together to touch the skirt of her 
 garment. By force, the king put an end to the uproar, and 
 commanded that her body should be taken away and interred 
 near the pillar of life. When they were about to lift her 
 body, their hands became powerless and! they could not 
 move her. Then they understood, and buried her in that 
 place, in Cakhet’hi, in the village of Budi. The saint her- 
 self had begged the king, in her modesty, that she might be 
 buried there, for the place was humble. But the king and 
 all the nobles grieved to bury her there; yet, in order to fulfil 
 her will and desire, they did so. And they built a church 
 and appointed a bishop over it, in honour of the holy, blessed 
 enlightener of Kart’hli, Cakhet’hi, and Heret’hi?, the thrice 
 divinely blessed, noble Nino. 
 
 When the divinely enlightened King Mirian had done this, 
 he strengthened all Kart’hli and Heret’hi in the faith of the 
 triune God, without beginning or end, the Creator of all; and 
 they were thoroughly confirmed in their belief. 
 
 The Emperor Constantine, who held as a hostage Mirian’s 
 son Bakar, sent him home with many gifts, and wrote : 
 
 ‘I, Constantine the king, absolute sovereign, a new servant 
 of the kingdom of heaven, formerly a captive of the devil, 
 but delivered by the Creator, I write to thee, King Mirian, 
 the divinely enlightened, like me newly planted in the faith. 
 Peace be unto thee, and the joy of those who know the 
 Trinity, the infinite God, the creating God of all. It is no 
 longer needful for me to have a hostage of thee, for it suffices 
 
 1 A.V. ‘two hundred men could not move the couch on which she lay.’ 
 2 A province south of Cakhet’hi. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 57 
 
 to have between us as mediator Christ, the Son of God, 
 existent from all eternity, who became man for our salva- 
 tion, and His honourable cross which is given to us as 
 a guide. By faith in it, and by the mediation of God the 
 Creator, let us be in brotherly love one to another. I give 
 unto thee thy son; see him and rejoice, and may the angel 
 of peace coming from God be with you. May the Creator 
 God always drive the wicked devil from your land.’ 
 
 When Prince Bakar and the messenger from the Emperor 
 Constantine came to Mtzkhet’ha, King Mirian and Queen 
 Nana were filled with joy, and thanked God for all the gifts 
 He had bestowed on them. King Mirian finished the cathe- 
 dral, and consecrated it with great solemnity in the twenty- 
 fifth year from his conversion. Rey, his son, died; he was 
 son-in-law of T’hrdat, king of the Armenians, who had given 
 him the kingdom in his own life. They buried Rev in the 
 tomb which he himself had built. In the same year King Death of 
 Mirian fell sick, and was nigh unto death. He said to his a 
 son Bakar and his wife Nana: ‘I do not pass hence as 
 I came, and I thank the bounteous God, Creator of heaven 
 and earth, who delivered me from the mouth of hell when 
 I was a captive of the devil, and esteems me worthy to sit 
 with Him on His night hand. Thou, Nana, in due time 
 after my death, divide our royal treasure into two parts, and 
 give (half of) it for the burial-place of Nino our enlightener, 
 so that the spot may never be disturbed, for it is not a royal 
 city, but a poor place; also tell the bishop to glorify the place, 
 for it is worthy of honour.’ 
 
 And he said to his son: ‘ My son, my darkness has been 
 turned into light, and death into life. To thee I give the 
 crown of my realm. May God, the Creator of heaven and 
 earth, strengthen thee in perfect faith. Obey all the 
 commands of the Son of God, and rest entirely upon them 
 and upon the name of Christ. Death will become life to 
 thee. . . . Wherever thou findest those fire-worshippers and 
 idols, burn them with fire, and cause them to drink the 
 
Coronation 
 of Bakar. 
 
 58 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 cinders?. And teach thy children the same, for I know 
 that in the Caucasians idolatry will be extirpated. Put thy 
 heart into this matter, and pray unto the Son of God born 
 in the first times, who became man and suffered for our 
 salvation, and lead before thee the honourable cross to con- 
 quer thine enemies, for even so do true believers. Honour 
 the divinely raised pillar, and let all thy hopes be towards it ; 
 and mayest thou fall asleep in the faith of the holy Trinity.’ 
 
 They caused the cross of St. Nino to be brought, the cross 
 which she had at first, and hung the royal crown upon it, 
 and led forward Bakar and made the sign of the cross on 
 his head, and took the crown from the cross and put it on 
 his head. And King Mirian died, and they buried him in 
 the Upper Church, by the southern corner of the pillar in 
 which is a piece of the divinely raised column. Next year, 
 Queen Nana died, and was buried to the west of the pillar, 
 in the same place as King Mirian. 
 
 Bakar, Mirian’s son, was king, and he was a believer, like 
 his father. He converted very many of the people of Caucasus 
 whom his father had not been able to turn to the true faith, 
 
 Rufinus, ‘ Ecclesiastical History, Bk. II, ch. υἱὲ, in 
 Migne’s ‘ Patrologia, t. xxi. 480-482 (the fol- 
 lowing from ‘Auctores Hist. Eccl. Basiliae,’ 
 1544, pp. 225-226). 
 
 Per idem tempus etiam Iberorum gens, quae sub axe 
 Pontico jacet, verbi Dei foedera et fidem futuri susceperat 
 reoni. Sed huius tanti boni praestitit eausam mulier quaedam 
 captiva, quae apud eos reperta, cum fidelem et sobriam satis 
 ae pudicam duceret vitam, totisque diebus ac noctibus obsecra- 
 tiones Deo pervigiles exhiberet, in admiratione esse ipsa rel 
 novitas barbaris coepit et quid hoe sibi velit, curiosius per- 
 
 ' Mr. Conybeare says it is a common trait in the wars of the Christian 
 
 Armenians with Persian fire-worshippers for the latter, if conquered, to be 
 made to drink the cinders mixed with water. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 59 
 
 quirebant. Illa, ut res erat, simpliciter Christum se Deum 
 hoe ritu colere fatebatur. Nihil ex hoe amplius_ barbari 
 praeter novitatem nominis mirabantur. Verum (ut fieri 
 solet) ipsa perseverantia curiositatem quandam mulierculis 
 inferebat, si quid emolumenti ex tanta devotione caperetur. 
 Moris apud eos esse dicitur, ut si parvulus aegrotet, cireum- 
 feratur a matre per singulas domus, quo scilicet si quis experti 
 aliquid remedii noverit, conferat laboranti. Cumque mulier 
 quaedam parvulum suum per omnes circumtulisset ex more, 
 nec aliquid remedii, cunctas domos _lustrando, cepisset, venit 
 etiam ad captivam, ut si quid sciret, ostenderet. Illa se 
 humani quidem remedii nihil scire testatur, Deum tamen 
 suum Christum quem colebat, dare ei desperatam ab homini- 
 bus posse salutem confirmat. Cumque eilicio suo parvulum 
 superposuisset, atque ipsa desuper orationem fudisset ad Domi- 
 num, sanum matri reddidit infantem. Sermo defertur ad 
 plures, factique fama magnifici usque ad aures reginae perla- 
 bitur. Quae dolore quodam gravissimo corporis afflicta, in 
 desperatione maxima erat. Rogat ad se captivam deduci. 
 Illa ire abnuit, ne praesumere amplius aliquid quam sexus 
 sineret videretur. Ipsam se regina deferri ad captivae cellulam 
 jubet. Quam similiter supra cilicium suum positam, invocato 
 Christi nomine, continuo post precem, sanam et alacrem fecit 
 exsurgere: Christumque esse Deum, Dei summi Filium, 
 qui salutem hane contulerit, docet: eumque quem 5101 
 auctorem suae sciret esse incolumitatis et vitae, commonet 
 invocandum. Ipsum namque esse, qui et regibus regna 
 distribuat et mortalibus vitam. At illa cum laetitia domum 
 regressa, marito percontanti causam tam subitae sanitatis 
 aperuit, quique cum pro salute conjugis laetus, mulieri 
 munera deferri juberet, illa: horum, inquit, o rex nihil captiva 
 dignatur: aurum despicit, argentum respuit, jejunio quasi 
 cibo pascitur : hoe solum ei muneris dabimus, si eum, qui me 
 illa invocante sanavit, Christum Deum colamus. Ad hoe 
 tune rex segnior fuit et interim distulit, saepius licet ab 
 uxore commonitus, donec accidit quadam die venante eo in 
 
60 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 silvis cum comitibus suis, obscurari densissimis tenebris diem, 
 et per tetrae noctis horrorem luce subducta, caecis iter gressi- 
 bus denegari. Alius alio diversi ex comitibus oberrant: ipse 
 solus densissima obscuritate circumdatus, quid ageret, quo se 
 verteret nesciebat: cum repente anxios salutis desperatione 
 animos cogitatio talis ascendit. Si vere Deus est Christus 
 ille, quem uxori suae captiva praedixerat, nunc se de his 
 tenebris liberet, ut ipsum ex hoe omissis omnibus coleret. 
 Illico ut haee nondum verbo, sed sola mente devoverat, reddita 
 mundo dies, regem ad urbem perducit incolumem. Quique 
 reginae rem protinus ut gesta est pandit. Evocari jam jamque 
 captivam et colendi ritum ut sibi tradat, exposcit: neque se 
 ultra alium*Deum quam Christum veneraturum esse confirmat. 
 Adest captiva, edocet Deum Christum: supplicandi ritum 
 venerandique modum, inquantum de his aperire feminae fas 
 erat, pandit. Fabricari tamen Ecclesiam monet, formamque 
 describit. Igitur rex totius gentis populo convocato, rem ab 
 initio quae erga se ac reginam gesta fuerat, exponit fidemque 
 edocet et nondum initiatus in sacris fit suae gentis apostolus. 
 Credunt viri per regem, feminae per reginam: cunctisque 
 idem volentibus Ecclesia extruitur instanter: et elevato jam 
 perniciter murorum ambitu, tempus erat quo columnae collo- 
 cari deberent. Cumque erecta prima vel secunda, ventum 
 fuisset ad tertiam, consumtis omnibus machinis et boum 
 hominumque viribus enm media jam in obliquum fuisset 
 erecta et pars reliqua nullis machinis erigeretur, repetitis 
 secundo et tertio ac saepius viribus, ne loco quidem moveri 
 attritis omnibus potuit. Admiratio erat totius populi, regis 
 animositas hebescebat: quid fieri deberet, omnes simul latebat. 
 Sed cum interventu noctis, omnes abscessissent, cunctique 
 mortales et ipsa opera cessarent, captiva sola in oratione 
 pernoctans mansit intrinsecus: cum ecce matutinus et anxius 
 eum suis omnibus ingrediens rex, vidit columnam, quam tot 
 machinae ac tot populi movere non quiverant, erectam et supra 
 basim suam librate suspensam, nee tamen superpositam, sed 
 quantum unius pedis spatio in aere pendentem! Tune vero 
 
Life of St. Nino. 61 
 
 omnis populi contuentes et magnificantes Deum, veram esse 
 regis fidem et captivae religionem praesentis miraculi testimonio 
 perhibebant. Et ecce mirantibus adhuc et stupentibus cunctis, 
 in oculis eorum sensim supra basim suam, nullo contingente, 
 columna deposita, summa cum libratione consedit. Post hoc 
 reliquus numerus columnarum tanta facilitate suspensus est, 
 ut omnes quae superfuerant, ipsa die locarentur. Postea vero 
 quam Ecclesia magnifice constructa est, et populi et fidem Dei 
 maiore ardore sitiebant, captivae monitis ad imperatorem 
 Constantinum totius gentis legatio mittitur: res gesta ex- 
 ponitur: sacerdotes mittere oratur, qui caeptum erga se Dei 
 munus explerent. Quibus ille cum omni gaudio ex honore 
 transmissis, multo amplius ex hoe laetatus est, quam si 
 incognitas Romano imperio gentes et regna ignota junxisset. 
 Haec nobis ita gesta, fidelissimus vir Bacurius, gentis ipsius 
 rex, et apud nos Domesticorum comes (cut summa erat cura et 
 religionis et veritatis) exposuit cum nobiscum Palaestini tune 
 limitis Dux in HMierosolymis satis unanimeter degeret. 
 
 Passage relating to Nino in the MS. entitled ‘ The 
 Conversion of Georgia’ (Moktzevar Kart hlisat). 
 
 ... Ten years after [the adoption of Christianity by 
 Constantine], Elene went to Jerusalem to seek the honour- 
 able cross; and in the fourteenth year, a certain woman, 
 Evadagil, by name Rip’hsime, fled from the king, for some 
 reason, with her foster-mother. And there was with her a 
 certain beautiful captive woman called Nino, of whom Queen 
 Elene inquired concerning her affairs, and she was a Roman 
 princess. She went on her way, performing many miracles 
 of healing, and she arrived in Greece and instructed the 
 Princess Rip’hsime. 
 
 When Rip’hsime, Gaine, Nino, and certain others with 
 them, had crossed the sea in flight, they came into the bounds 
 
 1 The word Hvadagi has not been explained. There are many obscure 
 passages in the MS. 
 
62 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 of Somkhit’hi (Armenia), the realm of King T’hrdat, and 
 were martyred there. But Nino escaped; and, crossing the 
 mountains to the northward, came to the river Mtcuari (Kura). 
 She followed it and came to Mtzkhet’ha, a great city, the 
 royal residence. She was there three years, praying secretly 
 in a place covered with bramble bushes. She made a cross of 
 vine-stems, and tarried there and prayed. And that place was 
 without the walls. In the place where the brambles were the 
 altar of the Upper Church (Zemo ecclesia) now stands. 
 
 In the fourth year she began to preach the God Christ and 
 His faith, saying that ‘this land of the north was found in 
 error. In the sixth year she caused the king’s wife, Nana, 
 to believe, she being sick, and in the seventh year the king 
 was converted to Christ by a miracle. Immediately he built 
 the Lower Church in the royal garden, the erection of which 
 he himself directed. 
 
 When they had built the church, he sent an ambassador, 
 and a letter from Nino, to Constantine, king of Greece, asking 
 for priests; they came quickly. The king sent Bishop Ioane, 
 two priests, a deacon, a letter from Queen Elene, an icon of 
 the Saviour, and the wood of life for Nino. When they 
 arrived, King Mirean, the queen, and all their household 
 received baptism. They asked for a tree that they might 
 make a cross... .} 
 
 2[Then the king commanded Abiat*har, and many Jews 
 with him, to come before him; and he inquired of them con- 
 cerning the tunic, and they told him all that is written above. 
 And King Mirian raised his hands, saying: ‘ Blessed art 
 Thou, O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of the Living God, for] Thou. 
 wishest to save us and deliver us from the devil and his 
 dark place, since Thy garment was brought by these Hebrews 
 from the holy city Jerusalem to this city of a strange race, 
 for our fathers ruled in this city at Thy crucifixion.’ And 
 
 1 Here there is a leaf wanting in the MS. 
 
 ? The passage within brackets is filled in from Kart’hl. Tzkh. That which 
 follows, to the end of Nino’s prayer, is the same, almost word for word, and 
 has evidently been taken from the same MS. 
 
Life of St. Nino. 63 
 
 the king and all Kart’hli betook themselves right speedily to 
 Christianity. 
 
 Then the blessed woman Nino said: ‘ Blessed is God, the 
 Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who sent His holy Word 
 from high heaven, Himself coming from His throne of might, 
 to lowly earth; without doubt born in a body, of the seed 
 of David, born of a woman alone, holy and pure, who was 
 pleasing to Him; and thus He took upon Him our life. He 
 enlightened every being beneath the heavens, and they more 
 readily became believers in Him because He was born as 
 a man. He was worshipped as God; He was baptized, as 
 a servant of the law, with water and with earth. He wit- 
 nessed for, and glorified the Father and the Holy Ghost on 
 high ; He was crucified, buried, and rose again. He mounted 
 into the heights to His Father, and is to come again with 
 glory. To Him praise is fitting. Amen.’ 
 
 When she had spoken thus, she took with her Jacob the 
 priest, who had come from Greece, and an erist’hav, and went 
 away to Tsoben, and called the Mt’heulians, Dchart’halians, 
 P’hkhovians, and Tsileanians, and preached the faith of Christ ; 
 but they would not receive it. The erist’hav raised his sword 
 a little, and with fear they gave up their idols to be broken. 
 They passed to Ertsu?, and tarried in Zhalet’hi, in the village 
 of Edem, and baptized the Ertsu-T’hianians. And the 
 Quarians heard this, and fled to T’hoshet’hi, but were at last 
 subdued, King T’hrdat? baptizing them. 
 
 And she became frail, and set out for Mtzkhet’ha. And 
 when she arrived in Ctoet’ha, in the village which is called 
 * Bodini, she could go no farther. And there came forth from 
 the city of Uzharma, Rev, the king’s son, and Salomé, his 
 wife, and his daughter, to watch over her. The king and 
 his wife, Nana, sent Iovane, the archbishop, to see her and 
 bring her back. But she did not wish to go%, and entreated 
 
 * Ertso, a small district east of Saguramo. Zhalet’hi is in Ertso. 
 
 * ? Mirdat ITT, of Georgia, brother of Bacur (4.D. 364-379). 
 
 * Kart’hl. Tzkh. : ‘ But St. Nino set out to go to Ran, in order to convert 
 P’heroz, and when she approached the village of Budi in Cakhet’hi, she 
 
64 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 that after him Jacob the priest should be appointed. And 
 she gave to him the letter written by Queen Helene, who 
 wrote to Nino as queen, apostle, and evangelist. She gave 
 the wood of life to Queen Nana. And Iovane gave Nino of 
 the body and blood of Christ, and she took the provision for 
 her soul’s journey, and committed her spirit into the hands 
 of God, in the fifteenth year from her arrival in Kart’hli, 
 from the ascension of Christ three hundred and thirty- 
 eight years, from the beginning five thousand eight hundred 
 and thirty-eight 1. 
 
 Then the two cities, Mtzkhet’ha and Uzharma, and all the 
 land of Kart’hli grieved because of her death. They came 
 and buried her body, clad with power, in that place, even in 
 Budi, a village of Ckhoet’hi. King Mirean and all the 
 people went and built the Upper Church (Zemo ecclesia) of 
 stone. Four years passed, and King Mirean died, and was 
 buried on the north side of the central southern column. In 
 that column is a piece of the pillar of life. In the second 
 year Queen Nana died, and was buried to the west of the 
 same pillar as King Mirean. 
 
 And Bacur, the son of Rev, was appointed king; and 
 Bishop Iovane died, and the priest Jacob, who had come from 
 the same place, was appointed archbishop. 
 
 Twenty-three years from the raising of the honourable 
 cross, Rev made a canopy and a tomb in the Lower Church 
 (Kvemo ecclesia). And Rev died *, and was buried with his 
 wife. In the tenth year after this, Bacur began to build the 
 church of Tsileani, and thirty-five years afterwards he died, 
 and was buried in the Lower Church... . 
 stayed there some days; and the people of Cakhet’hi came unto her, inquiring 
 of her, and she taught many.’ 
 
 ! 2 Evidently for ‘ascension’ we should read ‘ birth.’ 
 
 2 Kart’hl. Tzkh. ‘ Bakar, or Bahkar, the son of Mirian.’ 
 
 2 In Kart’hl. Tzkb., Rev’s death takes place before Mirian’s. Kart’hl. 
 Tzkh. says: ‘From the conversion of King Mirian, in the twenty-fifth year 
 (Chronique armén. ‘thirty-fifth’) died his son Rev, son-in-law of T’hrdat, 
 
 king of the Armenians, who gave him his kingdom in his life. He (Rev) was 
 buried in a sepulchre which be himself had built.’ 
 
Life of St. Nino. 65 
 
 PASSAGE RELATING ΤῸ NINO IN THE ARMENIAN 
 History or Moses or CHORENE (CH. LXXXVI). 
 
 ... A certain woman named Nuné, one of the scattered 
 companions of St. Riphsime, came in her flight to the land 
 of the Iberians, to their royal city Mtzkhet’ha. By her strict 
 life she gained the gift of healing, through which she healed 
 many that were afflicted, and among others the wife of 
 Mikhran, ruler of Iberia. And when Mikhran asked her by 
 what power she did these wonders, he received from her the 
 knowledge of the gospel of Christ. 
 
 At that time it happened that Mikhran went to the chase: 
 in rough country he lost himself in the mountains in dull 
 weather, but not in consequence of a vision, for it is said: 
 ‘Darkness He calls forth with His voice’ (Job xxxviii. 34), 
 and in another place: ‘He darkens the day into night’ 
 (Amos v. 8), Such was the darkness with which Mikhran 
 was engirt, and it was to him the cause of everlasting 
 light: for in his terror he remembered what had been said of 
 Terdat, who was struck by God when he was preparing for 
 the chase; Mikhran bethought himself: the same thing 
 might happen to him. Fear-stricken he prayed that the 
 - air might be cleared, and that he might return in peace, 
 promising to worship Nuné. His prayer was heard, and he 
 fulfilled his promise. 
 
 Then the blessed Nuné demanded faithful men, whom she 
 sent to St. Gregory to ask what he would have her do, seeing 
 that the Iberians had willingly accepted the preaching of the 
 gospel. And she received his command to destroy the idols, 
 following his example, and to raise the sign of the honourable 
 cross, until that day when the Lord should give a pastor to 
 govern them. She immediately cast down the image of the 
 thunderer Aramazd, which stood outside the city, separated 
 therefrom by a great river (Kura). The people were wont 
 at early morn to worship from their housetops that image 
 
 VOL, V, PART I. F 
 
66 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 aloft before their eyes; those that wished to offer him 
 sacrifice, crossed the river and fulfilled the immolation before 
 the temples. 
 
 The satraps of the city arose and said: ‘Whom shall we 
 worship instead of the idols?’ They were told that they 
 should worship ‘the sign of the cross of Christ.’ This 
 they made, and set it up to the east of the city on a fair hill, 
 which was also separated from the city by a small river 
 (Aragva). In the morning, according to their custom, people 
 worshipped it from their housetops. But when they went 
 up to the hill and saw a piece of wood, roughly hewn, many 
 said, with contempt, that all their forests were full of such 
 wood, and then went away. But God in His goodness looked 
 down on their error. He sent from the heavens a pillar of 
 cloud, and all the hill was filled with fragrance: a melodious 
 voice sounded, of many singers of psalms, and there appeared 
 a light with a representation of the cross, of the size and 
 shape of the cross of wood: twelve stars stood over the 
 wooden cross; all believed and worshipped. And from that 
 time many were healed by that cross. 
 
 But the blessed Nuné set forth, to instruct with her pure 
 lips the other regions of Iberia: she went about everywhere 
 in a dress of exceeding simplicity, having nothing superfluous, 
 a stranger to the world and all that belongs to it, or rather 
 nailed to the cross, exercising her life in continual death, 
 confessing by her word the divine Word, and crowned with 
 her readiness as with a bloody crown; we make bold to say 
 that she, having become an apostle, preached, beginning from 
 the Kekharchians (in Greater Armenia), at the gates of the 
 Alans (? Ossets—Dariel Pass) and Kasbians?, even unto 
 the bounds of the Maskuts (Massagetae), as thou mayest 
 
 learn from Agathangelos. 
 
 1 Rast of Cakhet’hi. Cf. Strabo, iv. 5. 
 
167] 
 
 THE ARMENIAN VERSION OF DJOUANSHER 
 
 TRANSLATED BY F. C. CoNYBEARE. 
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 In Armenian is preserved a history of the Georgians ascribed 
 to one Djouanshér. That it is a translation of a Georgian 
 writer's work, the occurrence in it of Georgian forms and 
 idioms proves, and it was made not later than the thirteenth 
 century, for it is quoted in the history of Stephanos Ourbelian, 
 who lived in the time of Gregory Anavarzi towards the end 
 of that century. 
 
 In chapter xvi (p. 104 of the San Lazaro edition of 1884) 
 this work contains a notice which reveals to us the Georgian 
 sources used. The following is the passage: ‘And this brief 
 history was found in the time of confusion, and was placed in 
 the book which is called The Kharthlis (or Qarthlis) Tzkhorepa ', 
 that is, 776 History of the Karthii. And Djouanshér found it. 
 written up to the time of King Wakhthang. And Djouanshér 
 himself continued it up to the present time, and entrusted the 
 (record) of events to those who saw and fell in with him (or 
 them) in his time.’ 
 
 In spite of the obscurity of the last sentence, it is clear 
 from the above that the Armenian is a translation of 
 Djouanshér; and as the notice follows immediately after the 
 narrative of the martyrdom of King Artchil II, who reigned 
 from 688-718, the Georgian original was a document of 
 considerable antiquity. Within that original, however, was 
 included a narrative of still earlier date which Djouanshér 
 merely continued up to his own day. The redaction of this 
 
 1 See Miss Wardrop’s preface, p. 4. 
 F 2 
 
68 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 earlier narrative belonged to the reign of Wakhthang, and 
 was therefore not later than 483 A.D. 
 
 To this earlier nucleus of Djouanshér’s work belongs the 
 episode of the conversion of Iberia by St. Nouna, which I now 
 translate ; and we are probably entitled to assume that the 
 Armenian represents a form of the text as it was written 
 down before the end of the fifth century. The general 
 impression left on one’s mind, after confronting the Armenian 
 document with the Georgian as translated by Miss Wardrop, 
 is, that the latter has been handed down with great fidelity. 
 
 In this connexion it is well to draw the reader’s attention 
 to the following points. 
 
 1. The marginal numbers inset of my translation of the 
 Armenian show at a glance the correspondence page by page 
 of Djouanshér’s narrative with Miss Wardrop’s translation. A 
 glance at them shows that Djouanshér’s narrative was shorter 
 in form and more compact than the existing Georgian text. 
 And this remains certain, even if we admit, as we must, that 
 the Armenian translator considerably abridged his original. 
 
 2. The structure of the original document is best preserved 
 in the Armenian. Thus its opening words make it clear, that, 
 when Nino had been three years only in Mtzkhet’ha, she 
 communicated to Salome the narrative of her previous life, 
 pp. 1-23. 
 
 At the close of this narrative the right transition to 
 Abiathar’s narrative is provided by the Armenian alone in 
 Nino’s closing words :—‘ And if thou ask thou shalt learn 
 from Abiathar the truth.’ 
 
 Abiathar at once begins his story. It continues as far as 
 Ρ. 29, ‘by the bridge of the Magi.’ Here the Armenian 
 quite rightly puts the episode of the Jews’ desiring to stone 
 Abiathar at the conclusion of his story, which he may have 
 repeated fo Salome in the Jewish quarter of Mtzkhet’ha. 
 
 But the Georgian text is dislocated at this point, and 
 defers this episode to p. 31, interpolating it in the middle of 
 the continued narrative of Nino’s missionary activity. 
 
 That narrative, which rightly speaks of Nino in the third 
 person, continues as far as p. 54, that is, up to the saint’s 
 death-bed scene. And here the Armenian, more clearly than 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 69 
 
 the Georgian, which is confused, relates the genesis of Nino’s 
 early travel-document. The bystanders ask Nino for informa- 
 tion of her early days, and Nino replies: ‘I have related it 
 to the ears of Salome. ... Have paper and ink brought and 
 write it down from her lips.’ 
 
 The document that was so written down is chapter vill of 
 Djouanshér, pp. 1-23 of Miss Wardrop’s translation. In it 
 Nino tells her story in the first person according to the oldest 
 Georgian MS. (A.V.), and also according to Djouanshér’s form 
 of narrative. This characteristic trait of the travel-document 
 is lost or obscured in the later Georgian texts. 
 
 3. The Armenian helps to bring out the rather primitive. 
 and perhaps Montanist, cast of Nino's Christianity, which 
 doubtless was also the original type of belief introduced into 
 Georgia. For the Armenian often omits traits of the more 
 elaborate and developed Christianity established in the fourth 
 century which the Georgian contains, and vice versa, inter- 
 polates other similar traits which the Georgian omits. In 
 such cases the Georgian and Armenian, as it were, cancel each 
 other ; and we may infer that these traits of a later stage of 
 ecclesiastical development did not stand in the original acts. 
 I give examples: on p. 20 the Armenian omits the dogmatic 
 references to the Trinity in Nino’s prayer. On the other 
 hand, in p. 23 the Armenian introduces a similar reference 
 from which the Georgian text is free. So on pp. 47 and 56 
 the Georgian has the phrases ‘the great triune God,’ and ‘ the 
 Trinity, the infinite God.’ In the corresponding passages of 
 the Armenian these dogmatic expressions are absent. In 
 Ῥ. 34, 0n the other hand, the Armenian is more dogmatic than 
 the Georgian ; also in p. 31: ‘My God Jesus, King eternal.’ 
 
 Again in p. 25 we have the phrase: ‘the Son of the 
 Virgin.’ In the corresponding Armenian this: ‘the poor son 
 of a woman in distress.’ So on p. 44 the Georgian has ‘ born 
 indeed of the seed of David, of a virgin pure and holy’; where 
 the Armenian has the unusual phrase, ‘from an only-begotten 
 mother was born the only-begotten God.’ The two phrases 
 at least discount each other; and the inference is that later 
 than the fourth or fifth century Georgian scribes retouched 
 the story dogmatically in one way and in one set of passages ; 
 
70 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 while in Djouanshér’s and the Armenian tradition it was 
 retouched in another way and in a different set of passages. 
 
 But both the Georgian documents and the Armenian agree 
 on the following points: that Jesus was ‘the heavenly man,’ 
 p- 25 (reinforced by the Armenian in p. 30); who ‘ when he 
 had reached man’s estate called himself the Son of God, 
 p. 27. Both witnesses also lay stress on the baptism of Jesus, 
 p- 45, and this evidently figured as an article in Nino’s creed. 
 It was an incident of vital importance in the Ebionite view 
 of Jesus Christ, yet one of which later dogmatic systems lost 
 sight. Lastly, both sources insist that Jesus Christ ‘came 
 in the flesh, p. 41; and this was the position usually urged 
 against the primitive error of the Docetae and Manicheans. 
 
 The Armenian makes it less clear that Nino herself baptized ; 
 for it omits the very suspicious proviso ‘except baptism’ con- 
 tained in the Georgian on p. 23—a proviso which at once 
 suggests to a reader familiar with ecclesiastical documents 
 that she did baptize. The Armenian also ignores the express 
 statement which survives in p. 42 of the Georgian that Nino 
 baptized the king Mirian. 
 
 It also refers twice, pp. 38 and 39, to Nino’s twelve disciples, 
 where the Georgian only notices them once. More than one 
 heresiarch was accused of profanity for choosing just that 
 number of apostles to aid in the work of propagandism. The 
 assumption by Abiathar upon his conversion of the name Paul 
 is made clearer in the Armenian than in the corresponding 
 Georgian, pp. 30 and 33. It reminds us of the similar custom 
 which prevailed among the Paulicians, and was also not 
 unknown among orthodox believers. 
 
 Lastly, it is noticeable that the Armenian text, up to nearly 
 the end of chapter x (=p. 40), calls the saint Nouni; but for 
 the rest of the narrative calls her Ninau or Nino. Perhaps this 
 change of spelling implies a new documentary stratum in the 
 Georgian original which underlay the Armenian. In general 
 I have kept all differences of spelling of the Armenian text. 
 The name Niophor on p. 10 appears to be the Greek νεωκόρος, 
 mediatized through a Syriac document in which 2 was con- 
 fused with 9, If so, the original acts were written in Syriac. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 71 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Ar that time! the blessed lady Nouni, the mother of the 
 Wirg ? (i.e. Iberians), came to Mtzkhet’ha, and was there three 
 years*. And the queen of the Wirg, Solomoni (? Solomé), 
 asked her whence she was. And Nouni told her thus :-— 
 
 The original report about me was that once on a time the 
 race of Brandji were at war with Rome; and a certain man, 
 Zabulon by name, a Cappadocian, conquered them by the 
 might of Christ, and took captive the king and his army. 
 And they, astonished, asked for the grace of baptism, which 
 he bestowed on them, and dismissed them to their country 
 illuminated in Christ. 
 
 Zabulon himself also went with them and made the race of 
 the Brandji Christian. And he came to the king and received 
 from him many presents, then went off to Jerusalem to honour 
 the holy places. And there he found two orphans who were 
 come from Klastrat after the death of their parents, who were 
 Christians. The name of one was Houbnal (i.e. Juvenal), 
 and of his sister Susan, who was servant to Niaphor* of 
 Bethlehem. And Zabulon took Susan to himself to wife, and 
 departed to the city of Klastatas. And I was born of them. 
 
 And when I was twelve years old they came to Jerusalem. 
 And my father went away into the wilderness, entrusting me 
 to God and to the grace of Christ, that I might devote myself 
 in virginity to the heavenly bridegroom. And I entered the 
 house of Niophor of Armenian race from the city of Dwin, 
 
 1 The last event chronicled was the successful war of Constantine with 
 Mihran, king of Iberia, at the conclusion of which Constantine took Bahqar, 
 Mihran’s son, as a hostage, and Trdat, king of Armenia, gave his daughter 
 Béoun (after marriage called Solomé) to Mihran’s son. The chaptering of the 
 Armenian is that of the printed text of Djouanshér. 
 
 2 Wirq was the Armenian name for the Georgians. The final g marks the 
 plural and the correspondence with Jberi is clear. The Georgians in Turu 
 knew the Armenians as the Somkhuri, the Hellenes or Heathens as Thsarmarthi 
 and the Greek tongue as Berdznuli. 
 
 3. Nino had been three years in Mtzkhet’ha when she told her story to 
 Salome. The text has amiss=‘months,’ which I correct to am’ ‘years.’ See 
 Ρ. 75 (23): 
 
 + Also spelt Niophor. Whether this person was male or female does not 
 appear in the Armenian. It is only clear therefrom that there was one person 
 of the name and not two, and that he (or she) came from Dwin, the old 
 Christian centre of Armenia, on the Araxes near Artaxata, 
 
 Io 
 
72 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 and I served him (or her) two years, and was continually being 
 informed about the economy of Christ our God, and of how 
 he died (τ. how was the end), and of where are the grave- 
 clothes of our Lord. And they taught me that the things 
 written by the prophet were fulfilled in the Lord, and that he 
 
 11 was crucified and rose, and went up into heaven, and is to 
 come again. And the clothes the wife of Pilate asked for (or 
 sought), and believed in Christ ; and departed into Pontus to 
 her home. And after a time it fell to Luke the Evangelist, 
 and he knows what he did with them. And as to the napkin, 
 Peter, they say, took it with him; and the seamless tunic 
 reached the shady (i.e. Northern) land, and lies in the city of 
 Mtzkhet*ha. But the Lord’s cross lies buried in Jerusalem, 
 and is revealed whenever he desires. 
 
 12 And I having heard all this went to the Patriarch, and he 
 
 13 blessed me. And I departed to Rome, that peradventure 
 I might win there some share in the grace of Christ. And 
 having set my face sure to the living hope, I found the Wang 
 (i.e. resthouse) of Paul, in which lived virgins, 300 souls. 
 
 14 And there trials beset us, and we came to Armenia. And the 
 Caesar sent a letter to Trdat ; and search was made, and they 
 found us in the troughs of the wine-press. And the king 
 
 15 after much trouble failed in his efforts to induce the betrothed 
 of Christ Hripsima to wed him; and resorting to the sword 
 he massacred of us thirty-seven souls. And the rest were 
 scattered ; but I remained beneath rose trees, which were not 
 yet in blossom. And raising my eyes aloft I saw the souls of 
 the saints passing to heaven. And their commander was 
 a priest; with a fiery host he went to meet them, having in 
 his hand a censer; and with the smell of the incense was 
 the whole world filled. And having censed the saints, he 
 returned with them, and they passed in behind the veil. 
 
 16 But I cried unto the Lord saying: Wherefore hast thou 
 left me here, my Lord Jesus? And he answered me: Fear 
 thou not, for thou shalt go up to the same place as thy sisters. 
 But do thou rise up and go to the region of the north, where 
 is much harvest to reap, but where labourer is not. And after 
 a little time yonder bush covered with thorns doth bourgeon 
 and blossom with roses. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 73 
 
 And I rose up and came to Ourbani of the Armenians, 
 and I wintered there; and in the month of June I came to 
 the mountain of Dshavakheth. And reaching the lake of 
 Pharhnav, I saw there men fishing in the lake, and shepherds 
 on the edge of the lake. And I heard that they swore’ by 
 Aramazd and by Zadén. For I was acquainted with the 
 tongue of the Armenians, having learned it in the house of 
 Niophor of Dwin. And I asked them whence they were, and 
 they said, from Darb, from Lrban, from Saphoursli, from 
 Qintseri, from Rhapaten of Mtzkhet’ha, where gods are glori- 
 fied and kings do rule. And this river which runs out of the 
 lake goes thither. And I retired alone and laid down my 
 head and slept. And there was given to me a book in the 
 Roman tongue, sealed with a seal. And the writing of the 
 seal was the name of Jesus Christ. And the man who gave 
 me the letter said to me: Arise, go and preach whatsoever is 
 written therein, And I said to him: Who am I, a woman 
 ignorant and weak? But he said to me: In the grace of 
 Christianity and in the land of life, which is the heavenly 
 (= ἄνω) Jerusalem, there is neither male nor female. And 
 weakness and ignorance is not spoken of, for Christ is the 
 strength of God and the wisdom of God. And Mariam 
 Magdalene announced the resurrection of Christ to the 
 apostles and to many others; and there was no shame to 
 her for speaking nor to them for listening. And I opened 
 the book, and there was in it writ in brief all the power of the 
 gospel, comprised in ten sentences (i¢. words) ?. 
 
 And I, having read and understood it, arose and prayed to 
 the Lord ; and I followed the river from the direction of the 
 west, until the water turned to the east. And I reached 
 Ourbnis, and was there one month; and then I came with 
 merchants to Mtzkhet’ha. And on the day of the feast of 
 Aramazd I followed the king and all the people; and I saw 
 there a man clad in copper cuirass and casque of gold, adorned 
 with two eyes, one an emerald and the other a beryl, having 
 
 ? 1.6. made their vows to those gods. All this part of the acts of Nino is 
 astonishingly correct in its topography and, so far as we can check them, in its 
 other allusions. 
 
 2 The Armenian omits the ten sentences. It was such a manual as a 
 Montanist prophetess might have carried about with her. 
 
 ~ 
 Lo) 
 
2 
 
 al 
 
 τῷ 
 
 74 Studia Briblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 a sword in his hand like a lightning-flash, and he moved it, 
 striking fear into the crowd. And they were trembling and 
 saying: Woe unto us, if we have been amiss in sacrifice or 
 have sinned in words with Jew or with Magi, for we shall die 
 at the hand of Aramazd. And there stood on his right hand 
 a gold image named Gatzi, and on his left the silver image 
 called Gayim. 
 
 And I remembered the saying of Houbnal the patriarch of 
 Jerusalem, who said to me, Thou shalt reach a land of men at 
 war with the true God. And I heaved a sigh and wept, and 
 petitioned of God mercy on the erring, and said: God of my 
 father and mother, visit thy wrath on these demon-possessed 
 images, and destroy them, that they may know thee, the only 
 true God. And there was on a sudden a violent wind, and 
 a voice of thunder, and shootings forth of thunderbolts, and 
 hail of the weight of a litre; and a stench horrible and foul, 
 and dense thick gloom, which made the images invisible. 
 And the crowd was dispersed, and entered into hiding. And 
 on the second day the king and all the people went forth, and 
 sought to find the reason of what had happened. Then said 
 some: The God of the Chaldaeans Throudjan? and our 
 Aramazd are enemies from the beginning. And once on 
 a time our God destroyed him with water, and now he has 
 taken his revenge. But some said what was true, that, the 
 great God who smote the king of the Armenians, and after- 
 wards healed him along with all Hayastan (i.e. Armenia), he 
 has wrought this wonder. 
 
 And I found the eye of beryl and came under the tree 
 Bantschi, which they call the shelter of King Bartom ; 
 and I prayed there for six days. And on the great day 
 of the transfiguration of the Lord, when the Lord showed 
 the image of the Father to the chief apostles and prophets, 
 there came to me a royal person, Shoushan by name, and 
 seeing me she marvelled. And she brought an interpreter 
 that spoke the Roman tongue and asked me questions, pitying 
 
 1 We recognize the name Xisuthrus used by Berosus. But whether the 
 Georgian despoils Eusebius’ chronicon or preserves the independent local 
 tradition which Berosus preserves is not clear. I should conjecture that 
 the Book of Nimrod is the proximate Georgian source. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 75 
 
 me as a stranger. And she wished to lead me to the palace. 
 But I did not go with her; but I went thence and found 
 a woman called Anastou, who was wife of the man who took 
 care of the royal garden, and she received me gladly. And 
 I was in their house nine months. 
 
 And they had no child, and were for that reason in great 
 sorrow. And a luminous man said to me: Go into the 
 garden, and from the root of a cedar! sapling by the rose- 
 bushes thou shalt take earth, and give it to them to eat in 
 the name of the Lord, and he will give them offspring. And 
 I did so; and I gave it them in the name of Jesus Christ 
 the God of Sabaoth, who came in lowliness and is to come 
 again in his glory to judge the world according to its deserts. 
 And they listened and believed in Christ, and received the 
 child promised. : 
 
 And I went forth from their house; and outside the wall 
 in a grove of tamarisks made myself a station. And there 
 I abode three years, and having fashioned a cross I worshipped 
 before it the holy Trinity by day and night. And day by 
 day I would repair to the Jews, because of their tongue, and 
 to gain information of the Lord’s tunic. And the priest 
 Abiathar and his daughter Sidonia believed in the advent of 
 Christ, and six Jewish women with her. And if thou ask 
 thou shalt learn from Abiathar the truth. 
 
 And having heard all this, the wise queen wondered and 
 believed in what she said. And when she heard of the great 
 marvels which occurred to her father Trdat, she was all the 
 more strengthened in the faith and glorified God in his 
 infinite glory. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 But the priest Abiathar told his story in the hearing of all 
 in words of the following tenor :— 
 
 In the year in which the holy Nouni came to Mtzkhet’ha, 
 I was priest by lot of my race. And there was brought me 
 a writing from Antioch from the Jews there, to the effect 
 that the kingdom was rent in three, and that Romans, 
 
 ' The Armenian word more properly signifies a ‘ pine’ sapling. 
 
76 Studia Biblica et Ecclestasiica. 
 
 Greeks and Armenians rule us. And that our prophets are 
 silenced and our temple is demolished. And this we know 
 from the Scriptures, that, when our fathers sinned, God was 
 angry and gave them over to captivity. And when they 
 beheld their tribulation, they repented, and cried out to the 
 Lord in prayer; and God was appeased and allowed them 
 to return and had merey on them. And seven times this 
 happened in the days of old. But since when our sires 
 erucified the son of a poor (or the poor son of a) woman in 
 distress, named Christ, there are now 300 years that the 
 wrath of the Lord is increased upon us; and we ery out to 
 him early and late, and he gives us no answer, nor 15 appeased 
 towards us. Whence it is right to understand that he is the 
 Son of God, foreshadowed by the Law and the Prophets. 
 And do thou look and examine in thy wisdom out of thine 
 acquaintance with Seripture, to see how all the things written 
 have been fulfilled, and that that man was truly from heaven. 
 Now I was in great sorrow for many days, and then on 
 examining the Scriptures I found that the time signified by 
 Daniel reached its sum under Augustus Caesar of the Romans. 
 And while I was engaged in this I saw the holy Nouni, and 
 was informed and heard from her lips the words of the 
 writings of our prophets, and the character of his economy 
 in detail and order, all things from the birth until the ascen- 
 sion into heaven. And I believed in sooth that he was the 
 hope of the Gentiles and the salvation of my people Israel. 
 And behold we became worthy, I and my seed, of the water 
 of Niebazi}, which is of Bethlehem, which David longed for, 
 but did not attain to. And the Lord remembered us according 
 to his pleasure in his people, and visited us in his salvation ; 
 and we dwelled in the house of the Lord, that we might 
 eternally praise the Lord. For the holy David blessed us ; 
 and may ,God vouchsafe to me to see yet other marvels and 
 blessings in the city by the hand of the holy lady Nouni. 
 And his hearers were glad and said to Abiathar: What- 
 
 ' Niebazi is unintelligible. It is evidently a transcription of the word 
 embazsa which here stands in the Georgian text. The Armenian translator 
 mistook it for a proper name. It = ‘of baptism,’ or ‘ of the font,’ being in 
 turn a transcription of the word ἔμβασις. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 77 
 
 ever thou knowest about this, tell unto us. And he said to 
 them :— 
 
 We have heard from our fathers,—what their fathers had 
 related to them,—that in the days of King Herod there 
 came a rumour to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha, that kings from 
 among the Persians had come and taken Jerusalem ; and the 
 priests of Bouday and Kodi, the Tslarian scribes and Canaanite 
 interpreters set out in headlong flight eastwards, and all the 
 Jews took to mourning. But after a few days tidings were 
 noised abroad that the Persians in Jerusalem were not come 
 for war, but to do homage to a son of a virgin, born of the 
 seed of David, having as their guide from heaven a star 
 reasonable and wise. Whom having found in the wilderness 
 they glorified him as God. For instead of arms they had 
 offerings with them, kingly gold and myrrh of healing and 
 frankincense to offer to God. And having offered these to 
 the child they went their way. And having heard the matter 
 the race of the Jews rejoiced with great joy. And after thirty 
 years a letter came from Jerusalem from Annas the priest to 
 the father of my mother, Elios, that the child Jesus presented 
 by the Magi having become a man called himself Son of God. 
 Come ye who are able that we may execute on him the law of 
 Moses, slaying him. 
 
 And Elios the priest departed being skilled in the law, of 
 the family of Eliazar, of the stock of the house of Heli. And 
 he had a mother of the same stock, who charged him, saying: 
 Have no share, my son, in the counsels of the Jews. For he 
 is the message of the prophets and the hidden meaning of the 
 law and the word of the living God. There set out with him 
 also Lounkianus of Karsni, and they came and arrived on the 
 day of the crucifixion. And when the executioner drove in 
 the nails he startled the mother of Ilios because of the 
 prophecy therein, and she said: Unto the peace of the 
 Gentiles, yonder the king of Israel, Saviour of the world. 
 And three times, Woe unto you, slayers of your maker! But 
 pity thou us, Lord our God. 
 
 And then she rested (i.e. died) having believed in Christ 
 in that hour. 
 
 But the seamless tunic fell by lot to the Jews of Mtzkhet’ha ; 
 
20 
 
 78 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 and Ilios brought and bore it to his house. And his sister 
 went out to meet him, and taking (the garment) kissed it and 
 Jaid it on her bosom; and gave up her spirit, having three 
 reasons from Christ, the death of the Lord, and her mother’s 
 death, and her brother’s accord with the Jews. 
 
 And Adrik was king of the Georgians, and on hearing of 
 it wondered ; yet did not wish to keep for himself the tunic 
 of one dead. And they kept it beneath the cedar tree of 
 which the original shoot had been brought from Lebanon. 
 And lo, the house of Tlios, which lies west of the bridge of 
 the Magi. 
 
 When all the Jews heard this, they were ashamed in them- 
 selves, and designed to stone him; because being expert in 
 his wisdom he truly proved from the Old Testament the 
 divinity of Christ to be glorified with Father and with Spirit. 
 And the king having heard the uproar of the Jews bore 
 hardly on them, and bade them not to hinder that preaching 
 in his land. For he had heard of the wonders which had 
 occurred in Armenia and in Rome. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Then Saint Nouni ventured boldly by means of her dis- 
 ciples who believed to disseminate the faith of Christ by 
 divers signs, which she wrought with the figured cross. And 
 she saw three times in her light sleeping on her knees flocks 
 of black-hued birds descend into the river and issue up again 
 out of it having become white and go into the garden, where 
 they browsed on its flowers. And they would cull a little 
 therefrom and give it to the master of the flower-garden. 
 And she related her dream to Abiathar's daughter, and she 
 said: O new-comer and sojourner, that makest (us) heirs of 
 the garden and tree of life, thine are the good-tidings of our 
 fathers and the work of the heavenly man Jesus and of his 
 innocent blood. But do thou, Jerusalem, spread out thy 
 wings, and gather together those who have won a portion 
 in the heavenly one; with whom thou wilt also muster us 
 
 ' The Armenian has Mogtha, which is the Georgian gen. pl. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 79 
 
 by the hand of this holy woman, who makes of this spot 
 a garden of delight. 
 
 So Saint Nouni increased in self-denial and in continual 
 prayer, and the Gentiles marvelled at her endurance. 
 
 In those days a certain woman was going around with her 
 child that was ill with an incurable disease, in hope of finding 
 some one to save the child by device of drugs. And she was 
 herself of evil life and a blasphemer of Christ, and she kept 
 back many from the preaching of Nouni. Yet when she was 
 at an end of all other means, she took and east the child 
 before Saint Nouni. And the Saint said: Human art of 
 healing I have not, but only my Christ, maker of things 
 visible and invisible. And she laid the child on her mattress 
 and signed it with the cross, saying: My God Jesus, King 
 eternal, heal this child in the name of thy power, that the 
 Gentiles may know that thou art the giver of life to the race 
 of men, who are verily thy creatures ; and owe to thee worship 
 and honour and glory everlasting, Amen. 
 
 And having said this she gave the child healed and beauti- 
 fied and full of joy to the woman. And she said: There is 
 no God, except thyself, O Christ, lord and ruler of life and 
 death. She departed gladly and told it to all. Then she 
 returned to Nouni and departed not from her, 
 
 Tn those days the queen Nana fell into an incurable sick- 
 ness ; and all who were skilled in the art of healing confessed 
 their defeat, saying, It is impossible that this sickness should 
 be healed by man. And they told the queen about Nouni, 
 and she sent to have her brought to her. And they went 
 and found her at prayer in the thicket of the grove of tama- 
 risks before the cross. And they told her the queen’s message. 
 But she said to them: In this hour I let not my heart decline 
 from my Lord. If she desire it, she will come to us. And 
 the royal lady having heard said, Take me up and carry me to 
 her. There went forth after her a great multitude of men 
 and women, and they took and laid her on Nouni’s mattress. 
 And she prayed for long and laid her cross upon her square- 
 ways, and in that hour she sat up having been healed. And 
 she arose from the place and went to her house, glorifying 
 Christ God, along with all the multitude. And thenceforth 
 
 32 
 
33 
 
 34 
 
 80 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 she was a disciple of the truth and learned the laws of Christ 
 from Saint Nouni and from Abiathar the priest, who also 
 was called Paul in his believing. 
 
 But the king Mihran was full of wonder, and asked of 
 Paul, how God became man, and what were these teachings 
 and the name of Christianity. And he told him as best he 
 could everything in order. And Mihran had a book which, 
 told all about the race of Nebrowth!, and the building of 
 Qalené ; and he had it brought before him, and having read 
 it, he found in it the following passage :— 
 
 When they began to build the tower and city Qalené, 
 there came a voice from on high, which said: I am Migayel 
 (i.e. Michael), ruler of the eastern parts. Abandon that which 
 ye build, for God will destroy it. Nathless in the last 
 times cometh the king heavenly ; and he fulfilleth that for 
 which ye long. And they behold the undespised despised 
 among the peoples, and his love driveth out the fair-seeming 
 of the world. For kings forsake their kingdoms and love 
 poverty, and not that glory which thou seekest,O Nebrowth. 
 
 And having read this, the king fell into deep thought, and 
 marvelled that the inner and outer books testify of Christ. 
 But he could not forsake the ancestral cult to which he was 
 accustomed—the sun and fire, and Aramazd and other idols. 
 
 In those days a Magian kinsman of the king fell sick ; and 
 Mihran said to Saint Nouni: Thou art a daughter of Aramazd 
 or else the seed of Zadén, who have brought thee hither as 
 a stranger and vouchsafed to thee power of healing, that thou 
 mayest glorify thyself. Now therefore work the cure of this 
 my familiar friend by their name, nor make thyself a mis- 
 taken reciter of the faith of the Iaones. [or although 
 Throudjan, the god of the Persians, with cloud and hail hath 
 routed and carried them away, yet the place is sure; and such 
 war is a habit of the world-swayers. Nay there remain also 
 the old gods of our fathers, Gayim and Gatzim, and they are 
 
 ' The Book of Nimrod is more than once referred to in the letter of Paul 
 of Taron against Theophistus the Greek; this letter is a monument of the 
 eleventh century, at which time this apocryph still circulated among Armenians ; 
 in whose literature or in the Georgian it may yet be discovered. Mr. Rendel 
 
 Harris states that in an Arabic MS. of Mount Sinai, No. 435, is contained 
 ‘The history of Nimrod.’ This is probably the apocryph in question. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 81 
 
 the shooters forth of the sun’s rays, and the givers of rain, 
 and those that cause the works of the field to bear fruit. 
 
 The saint made answer and said: I am a captive woman, 
 a creature and a worshipper of the invisible and unknown 
 godhead of Father and Son and Holy Spirit, that is creator 
 of heaven and earth. Who because of his great mercy, 
 giveth life to the despisers of himself and nurture and honour, 
 even as unto thyself. For he hath given to thee mind and 
 words, for thee to know the height of heaven and the posi- 
 tions of the stars and the depth of the sea and the breadth of 
 the earth; and through these things shalt thou know him 
 who governs and adjusts them, And I declare to thee that 
 the infinite (lit. unreachable) greatness that robes the heaven 
 with vapours and thunders with the voice of the winds and 
 by means of the great leviathan? shakes the whole earth, He 35 
 came down from the heights above in lowliness, and took on 
 himself our nature. He accomplished the period of thirty 
 and three years. And by a senseless race he was rejected and 
 crucified, of his own will and not under constraint. And on 
 the third day he arose and ascended into heaven. And he 
 sent preachers into the world, to believe in his name and 
 live in the worship of God, forsaking vain idols. This is the 
 gospel which I preach to thee, that thou mayest believe, if 
 I should work aught, that it is by his name. And there lies 
 hidden here a raiment of his; and as they say the sheepskin 
 mantle of Elias who saw God is here. And that you may 
 clearly learn what I say, bring to me the magus of Khorasan, 
 the enemy of the truth. And he shall deny his heresy and in 
 faith profess whatever I give him to say. 
 
 And when they had brought him to her there in the garden, 
 below the cedar tree, she turned him to the west? and made him 
 say three times: I renounce thee, Satan. And then she turned 
 him to the east and made him say: I throw myself on thee, 
 holy Trinity, and I turn my face to thee, O crucified God. 
 
 And Nouni wept and traced on him the figure of the 
 Lord’s cross. And there went forth from him the evil spirit 
 
 ? Arm. kitos, i.e. κῆτος. 
 
 _ * This detail, absent in the Georgian, is surely an addition of the Armenian 
 translator. 
 
 VOL. V, PART I, G 
 
82 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 like smoke. And the man was made whole of the demon and 
 of his sufferings, and believed in Christ with all his house- 
 hold. And the onlookers glorified the Father and the Son 
 and the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever, Amen. 
 
 After this the king went out to hunt towards Mukh- 
 NAD 3% 
 
 (The episode which follows is told almost exactly as in 
 pp: 35 foll. I only give the more important differences of the 
 text page by page.) 
 
 36 =P. 36. Omit words ‘ Let us see Nana... be destroyed.’ 
 
 Ibid. For ‘whence he saw’ Arm. has ‘that they might 
 see.’ 
 
 Ibid. ‘ The darkness seized.’] Arm. ‘ Panic fell on them.’ 
 
 Ibid. ‘Lo, I have called’. ..| The Arm. has the prayer thus: 
 
 ‘Jesus Christ, God of Nouni, win me to thee as thy 
 servant and rescue my soul from hell. For my gods have not 
 been able to help me; and I believe that thou art able, and 
 thine is day and night. O crucified Lord, with thy cross 
 make me alive. For I think that this darkness is not over 
 all, but over us alone who after the advent of the light do 
 still love darkness. 
 
 And when he had said this the sun beamed forth with 
 a bright sky. And his soldiers found him. And dismounting 
 they fell on their faces and worshipped the crucified one, 
 saying: Thou art God... . 
 
 32] Ρ, 37,1. 7 from foot of page. ‘He went towards...’] Arm. 
 has: ‘They went to her and fell down and worshipped her. 
 But she took them firmly, raised them up and turned them 
 towards the east.’ 
 
 P. 37, last line. ‘The next day ...’] Arm. has as follows: 
 
 ‘Then Saint Nouni writes before (them) a letter to Helena 
 the royal lady of Rome, and Mihran to the great Constantine, 
 
 38 saying :“The Lord hath visited the house of the Wirq in his 
 great pity. So do ye send us priests to give us life by water 
 and Spirit. But Saint Nouni herself did not rest from 
 preaching along with twelve women, who were ever with her. 
 And after that the king bethought him of building a church, 
 before the priests should come. And they went into the 
 garden and cut down the cedar tree, and fashioned out of it 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 83 
 
 six pillars, and they laid the foundations and raised aloft the 
 six pillars. But the seventh, which was biggest of all, they 
 could not move from its place, in spite of their numbers and 
 of the contrivances of machines, until sunset. And then 39 
 they left it and went away in great wonder. But Saint 
 Nouni with the twelve remained there for the night and 
 prayed with tears. And at midnight there was panic and 
 shocks and thunderings, as if the two mountains Armaz 
 and Zadé were crumbling, and the two rivers, the Kour and 
 Arag, were committing havoe and being turned back on the 
 city and fortress. And the women with Nouni were affrighted 
 and began to flee. But the saint said: Fear not, for this 1s 
 delusion and not real. For the mountains stand firm, and 
 the rivers run in their courses, and in peace sleep the men of 
 the city. But disbelief that was massive as a mountain hath 
 truly crumbled ; and the blood of children offered to the idols 
 is forthwith turned back. That is what the rivers signify. 
 And the voices of lamentation are the foul demons that led 
 astray now mourning their destruction. And having said 
 this she exhorted them to diligence, but herself poured out 
 fountains of tears. And before it was yet cock-crow, there 
 was a turmoil and noise of shouting, as if a heavy force were 
 investing the city and took it and overthrew it; and as if 
 the command were given in a voice of power, saying: Khora 
 the sovereign of the Persians gives you the command, and 
 the king of kings Khorakhosrow commandeth. Ye Jews, 40 
 away with you, scatter and die not. And again (was heard 
 a voice): Mihran the sovereign is slain. 
 
 But the blessed lady spread her arms out and said: Depart 
 ye into outer darkness. Lo, the crucified one, your slayer, is 
 come. Go ye unto the region of the north. And in that 
 very hour they disappeared. And close upon dawn appeared 
 a youth all fiery, hidden in unapproachable light, who spoke 
 unto Saint Nina (sic) three words. And then he went to the 
 pillar and raised it aloft. 
 
 And a certain woman, Sidina! by name, saw it all, for she 
 had gone out to Ninau, and she said: What is this, holy 
 
 * Sidonia is elsewhere the spelling used. It is impossible to say whether the 
 variations of spelling of proper names observable in the Armenian, and kept by 
 
 G 2 
 
" 
 
 4 
 
 [Ὁ 
 
 4 
 
 43 
 
 84 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 dame. But she answered: Hold thy peace and pray. And 
 lo, they saw the pillar enkindled with light. Gently it came 
 down into the (place) cut away at its root. 
 
 And at daybreak came the sovereign and a great crowd 
 along with him ; and they saw that the pillar had shot up, and 
 had come without (work of) hand, and was fixed firm upon its 
 basis. And they lifted up their voices and gave glory to God. 
 
 And on that day were many miracles wrought in that 
 place. For there was a Jew blind from birth. They brought 
 him near the column, and his eyes were instantly opened. 
 And then one of the princes, Hamazaspuni, eight years old, 
 a paralytic, was brought by his mother and laid before the 
 pillar on his mattress, and she prayed Ninau for the salvation 
 of the child. And she stretched out her hand to the column, 
 then laid it on the child, and said: Jesus Christ, who camest 
 in the flesh for the salvation of the world, help this child. 
 And at once the child arose and stood upon its feet. And all 
 the multitude who saw this gave praise to God ; and fear fell 
 upon all. And the king made a covering for the pillar, and 
 they completed the church, building it to the glory of God. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 But the emperor Constantine, when he saw the messengers 
 of Mihran, was delighted at the conversion of the Wirq to 
 Christ, the more so because he trusted that they had for 
 good broken off their alliance with the Persians. Likewise 
 also the royal lady Helena. And they glorified God, and 
 sent a bishop called John, and two priests and three deacons, 
 and a cross with them and a saving picture. And they came 
 and illumined with baptism the king and his wife and 
 children and famous men, in a place which is called Moktha, 
 and the place was called the Light-giving of the headmen. 
 And all the Wirg were baptized, except the Mthevouli? and 
 me in translating, is due to the Georgian original or simply to the Armenian 
 tradition. Ifthey stood in the former they might be held to indicate a transla- 
 tion from a language like Syriac or Hebrew, in which the vowels were not 
 expressed. ; 
 
 ι The Georgian has ‘the Mthiuli in the Caucasus,’ which is probably the 
 right text. 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 85 
 
 the Kowkas and the Jews in Mtzkhet’ha. But of the Barab- 
 beans were baptized fifty men; and the king loved them and 
 gave them Diditzikhé. But Pheroz, who had the house of 
 Rhana as far as Partav, who was son-in-law of Mihran 
 hearkened not to the word of life. And Mihran sent John 
 (Hovhannés) the bishop and a leading man with him to Con- 
 stantine, and asked for a great number of priests and a piece 
 of the cross of the Lord and for stone-cutters to build 
 churches. And he sent all he asked for and the board of the 
 feet of the Lord, and the nails of the hands, along with 
 furniture and treasure to expend, in order that in his name 
 they might build a church in the land of Kharthli. 
 
 And the bishop came to the country of Oushéth and laid 44 
 the foundation of a church, and there placed the nails and 
 left there builders and treasure. And they went on to 
 Manklis, and there he laid the foundation of a church, and 
 there placed the holy board. And the king heard, and was 
 grieved at their placing the pieces elsewhere than in his 
 royal city, and at the envoys not coming there first. But 
 Saint Ninau said: Take it not amiss, O king, for in all 
 places itis meet to sow the name of the Lord. And here 
 there is preserved great holiness and a memorial of the Lord, 
 the holy tunic. And the king heard from Abiathar all the 
 description of the tunic, and glorified Christ saying: Blessed 
 is the Lord God, who rescued it from his hated enemies the 
 Jews and bestowed it on us aliens afar off in his mercy. 
 
 And then the stone-cutters began on the coming of the 
 bishop to build a church outside the city, where is now the 
 bishop’s house. And Saint Ninau spoke at the beginning of 
 the work as follows :— 
 
 Distributor of glory, Christ, Son of God; thou didst come 
 in thy fullness and power to the race of David. And from 45 
 an only-begotten mother wast born the only-begotten God, 
 Light of all, image of the Father, who as in need thereof 
 didst receive baptism by water and by Spirit, wast crucified 
 and buried in the heart of the earth, didst rise on the third 
 day, ascendedst into heaven, and comest to judge the quick 
 and the dead. Do thou become shelter and rampart of all 
 who have hoped in thee ; and to thee praise for ever, Amen. 
 
86 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 And some related in that same hour to the bishop that at 
 the foot of a little hill there is a beautiful and fragrant tree ; 
 and by the same are healed fawns wounded by the huntsmen, 
 when they strip off and eat its leaves or fruit. And he said 
 to them: Verily this land is ever cared for by the Lord even 
 before it knew him. And the bishop took Réw the king’s son 
 and went and cut down the tree, branches and all, and brought 
 it into the city, on the 25th of March on a Friday. And it 
 was covered with leaves. And they set it up at the door of the 
 
 46 church, and for thirty and seven days it kept from withering 
 as if it grew from its own root. And on the first of May they 
 fashioned three crosses. One of them they set up. And in 
 full view of all the people, there came down from heaven a 
 luminous cross, crowned with stars, and invested the wooden one 
 till the dawn of the morrow. And then two stars came forth, 
 one flying eastwards, and one westwards. And Saint Ninau 
 said: Go ye up into high places and find out whither the 
 
 47 stars go. And they went up and saw that the one star shone 
 on the top of the mountain Thkhothi, which runs out to 
 Kasb, and the other in the land of Kakhethi in Daba. And 
 they took the two crosses, and set them up in the places 
 which the Lord pointed out by the glancing stars. But the 
 chief cross they set up on a rock, which lies opposite the city. 
 
 48 And they ordained the day of the great. Zadik as the feast of 
 
 49 the cross for all the house of Kharthli, eight days. And 
 after the days, again the cross gleamed with light and burst 
 out aflame on the fourth day of the week, having on its head 
 a wreath of twelve stars. And at sight of these wonders all 
 the heathen turned to the Lord and were baptized ; and being 
 strengthened in the faith gave praise to God out of reverence 
 for the holy cross. For like carbuncles in ores, angels of God 
 hovered round the cross and went up over it. 
 
 50 In those days the son of Réw.. . .’ (The Armenian con- 
 tinues in agreement with the Georgian as translated above, 
 with the following exceptions) : 
 
 P. 50. ‘Raised the canopy ’] ‘raised a marble canopy.’ 
 
 Ibid. ‘And in consequence . . . cross of Christ] omit. 
 
 εἰ P. 51. ‘And it helped .. . always and for ever’] omit. 
 
 Ibid. ‘In those days,’ &e.] The Armenian is as follows: 
 
 ~ 
 
Life of St. Nino (Armenian Version). 87 
 
 ‘In those days the emperor Constantine sent a deacon, who 
 had a letter from the race of Branji, who had been illumined 
 by her father. For they heard that among Armenians and 
 Wirg there beamed forth the sun of righteousness with 
 effulgent sheen, and that mighty works of God were mani- 
 fested among them. .. .’ 
 
 P. 52. ‘Nino answered,’ &c.| Armenian runs thus: 52 
 
 But Saint Nouni hindered them, saying: The Lord came 
 not with sword and bow, but with cross and gospel. And 
 the bishop and Ninau went off, and the king with them, to 
 Tsrbin, to Dsharthal, to Thkhela, to Tsilkasn, to Goramaar. 
 But they received not the word of the Lord. And they went 
 down to Jaléth and to Ertsoyth and preached there. And 
 they heard and were baptized. And the Phkhatziq left their 
 land and went to Thoshéth. And many of the mountaineers 
 remain to this day in idolatry. And Saint Ninau went off 53 
 into the land of Rana to preach. to Pheroz, and tarried hard 
 by the marches of Koukhethi and there fell ill. And Réw, 
 son of the king, and Solomé his wife, who were in Oudjarma, 
 came to see her. And the king heard and sent the bishop to 54 
 bring her to Mtzkhet’ha, but she would not come. Then 55 
 went to her the king and his wife, and Peloujawr Siunetzi, and 
 a number of congregations, and they sat round her and wept. 
 
 But she looked up to heaven with unwavering eyes, full of 
 joy. Then the queens said to her: Holy mother, as we 
 heard from thee, the Son of God had multitudes of prophets, 
 and his were also twelve apostles and seventy-two disciples, 
 and of them not one was sent to us, but only thyself, holy 
 dame. Now then tell us the details of thy birth and thy 
 nurture [with us]. And the Saint said to them :— 
 
 Since ye would be informed about the suffering handmaid 
 of Christ, who henceforth calls me to himself and to my 
 mother unto eternity; and I have related it into the ears of 
 Solomé, daughter of the king of Armenia, a short sketch of my 
 coming hither: have brought papers and ink?, and write it 
 
 * In the Armenian Quartés γον melan, that is chartas and μέλαν. These 
 words were used in Armenia in the tenth century to signify writing material. 
 Even if the same words had stood in the Georgian text of Djouanshér they 
 
 would not necessarily imply that that text was a translation from Greek. The 
 use of the Latin names for the months points rather to a Latin original. 
 
88 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 down from her lips. And as for the rest ye know it of your- 
 selves, since ye have heard and seen it. And may the peace 
 of the Lord be with you. And I commit unto you Jacob the 
 priest, who shall be bishop after John by the call of the Spirit. 
 
 And after that she caused the bishop John to offer the 
 sacrifice and she communicated in the holy sacrament. And 
 having entrusted herself to the heavenly king, she ended her 
 life in Christ. And she was buried in the same place in the 
 
 36 332nd year of the ascension of the Lord, and from the 
 departure of Adam from the garden in the 5832nd year, in 
 the fifteenth year after her entry into Qarthl. 
 
 But the emperor Constantine wrote a letter to Mihran, 
 and released his son Bahqar, who was with him as a hostage. 
 And he said: 
 
 I Constantine Autocrat, new servant of Jesus Christ, by him 
 liberated from the captivity of Satan, have sent to thee Mihran, 
 
 57 king of the ᾽να, thy son. For our Lord will be a guarantee 
 between us for thy remaining loyal and obedient to us. And 
 he doth drive out the scheming Dev from thy marches. 
 
 So Mihran held great rejoicings with Nana the mother of 
 the child and with all the land to the glory of God. 
 
 After that he finished the church of the bishopric and filled 
 it with ornaments. And in those days died Réw his son, 
 having lived thirty-four years. And in the same year King 
 Mihran fell sick ; and called his son, and, after placing the 
 crown on the cross, he then took it thence and placed it on 
 his head, enjoining upon him piety and the ordinances of 
 religion. And he said to his wife: Go thou, and dwell in the 
 tomb of the holy Nouni, and there live. And build a church 
 and honour the spot, and distribute our goods to the poor, 
 dividing them in twain. And behold I go whence I came, 
 And I thank God who hath turned my darkness into light 
 and death into life and left into right. And do ye be diligent 
 and destroy the idols which remain. And the Lord Almighty 
 shall be with you. And having said this he slept. And in 
 the third year after him the queen Nana went to her repose 
 in the Lord, 
 
ΤΊ: 
 
 TEXTS FROM MOUNT ATHOS 
 
 [Krrsorr’Laxe.] 
 
 VOL. V, PART Il. H 
 

 
TEXTS FROM MOUNT ATHOS. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE material which is given and discussed in the following 
 pages is the result of a visit which Mr. G. A. Wathen and 
 myself paid to Mount Athos in the summer of 1899. This 
 visit was undertaken primarily to photograph a MS. of the 
 LXX for the use of the Cambridge editors, and secondarily 
 to inspect and study New Testament and Patristic MSS. 
 For these purposes grants were made by the Trustees of the 
 Revision Surplus Fund at Oxford and of the Hort Fund 
 at Cambridge, to whose liberality I owe a deep debt of 
 gratitude, as I also do to the private generosity of the 
 Regius and Margaret Professors of Theology at Oxford and 
 of Mr. Conybeare. 
 
 Our trip was exceedingly enjoyable, and we were able to 
 do a considerable amount of work, thanks to the kindness of 
 His Holiness the Patriarch of Constantinople and of the 
 Κοινότης of the monks, who gave us letters of commendation. 
 We also received great hospitality and help from the 
 governing bodies of the monasteries at which we stayed, 
 especially valuable to us being that of Father Chrysostom of 
 the Laura, who most liberally lent us books of reference from 
 his private library and assisted us on many occasions by his 
 great knowledge of the beautiful MSS. which are under his 
 charge. 
 
 H 2 
 
92 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 We were much impressed by the number and beauty of the 
 MSS. which we saw at the Laura. To find that there are 
 still more than 200 MSS. of the Gospels uncatalogued by 
 Gregory and uncollated, 120 of them being vellum MSS. 
 earlier than the fifteenth century, is a surprise, and this 
 feeling is increased if it be remembered that there is also 
 a similar, though not quite so great a mass of MSS. of 
 patristic literature which we were unable, for lack of time, 
 even to take down from their shelves. It is a pity that the 
 catalogue of the Laura made by Father Chrysostom is not 
 accessible in the West, as though still unfinished it is very 
 accurate and valuable. Lambros’ catalogue does not, and 
 probably never will, include the Laura library. 
 
 Next to the Laura in importance come the libraries at 
 Ivéron and Pantocrator. Ivéron is especially enriched by 
 a collection of Georgian MSS., some of which we photo- 
 graphed for Mr. Conybeare. 
 
 We were much assisted at Ivéron by the kindness of the 
 Cambridge University Press, which had given us the sheets 
 of the then unpublished second volume of the catalogue of 
 Spyr. P. Lambros. 
 
 Vatopédi, the next in value, has a large and well-arranged 
 library, but the excessive care which the monks bestow upon 
 it renders it difficult to study adequately the nature of its 
 contents. 
 
 We also visited the monasteries of St. Dionysius, St. Gre- 
 gory, and St. Panteleemon (Russico) and the Russian skete of 
 St. Andrew. All these monasteries have libraries, and the 
 MSS. which we saw are noted and described in the catalogue 
 on p. 170. But none of them approach the Laura collection 
 of MSS. in value, and at St. Dionysius and St, Gregory work 
 is not easy. The Russian monasteries have naturally not 
 the wealth of MSS. possessed by the old Greek foundations, 
 but they are delightfully hospitable and anxious to help 
 the traveller in every possible way, and one of the most 
 pleasant evenings which we enjoyed on the mountain was 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 93 
 
 spent on the balcony of Russico, chatting with Father 
 Cyprian, and watching the last rays of the sun just catch 
 the top of Olympos nearly 100 miles away. 
 
 The following pages contain with introductory remarks :— 
 
 1. Description of codex Ψ. 
 
 τι. The text of codex ¥ in St. Mark. 
 
 ut, A collation of codex Ψ in St. Luke and St. John and 
 in the Epistle to the Colossians. 
 
 Iv. A collation of codex 1071. 
 
 v. Some chapters of a codex of the Acta Pilati. 
 
 vi. A fragment of the Acta Thomae. 
 
 vu. A catalogue and description of the Biblical MSS. which 
 we examined, 
 
 It is hoped that the last item (in which the great kindness 
 of Dr. Gregory has enabled me to print the numbers which 
 he intends to use for the new MSS.), especially so far as it 
 refers to the library of the Laura, may be useful to scholars 
 visiting Mount Athos until a final and complete catalogue 
 be issued. 
 
94 
 
 I. DESCRIPTION OF CODEX VY. 
 
 Codex Ψ was first seen by Dr. C. R. Gregory on August 
 26, 1886, but he was unable to do more than describe it and 
 glance through it. The description and notes which he 
 gives are as follows :— 
 
 Athous Laurae 
 
 8: saec. VIII vel IX, 21 emx15-3 cm, membr, foll. 261, 
 col. 1 (15 emx 8-7 em), Il. 31; litterarum altitudo -0175 ; 
 litterae maiores nigrae; atramentum suffuscum; litterae 
 supra lineas; capp-tab; Amm (Me 233: 16,8), Eus, lect ; 
 mus in lect eccles, subscriptiones simplices; fasciculi a—7 
 desunt ; fasciculus ke habet nonnisi septem folia, sed nihil 
 textus deest ; fasciculo ultimo μὰ exciderunt folia primum et 
 octavum : 
 
 continet Me 9,5 καὶ μωσῆ plav—finem Lc Io | Act 1.2 Pe 
 Tac 1.2.3 Io Iud Rom—Philem Hebr—8, 11 καὶ οὐ μὴ | folium 
 excidit | Hebr 9,19 ὑπὸ pwvoeewo—subser Hebr. 
 
 Me 16,8 ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ: ἃ 
 Πάντα δὲ τὰ παρηγγελμένα τοῖσ περὶ τὸν 
 πέτρον συντόμωσ. ἐξήγγειλαν : Μετὰ 
 Δὲ ταῦτα. καὶ αὐτὸσ τσ ἐφάνη ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆσ 
 καὶ μέχρι δύσεωσ ἐξαπέστειλεν δι’ αὐτῶν 
 “τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἄφθαρτον κήρυγμα tio alw 
 νίου σωτηρίασ ἀμήν: 
 ἔστιν καὶ ταῦτα φερόμενα 
 μετὰ τὸ ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ. 
 ᾿Αναστὰσ δὲ x. τ. A. usque ad versum 20 
 et sub finem εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ μάρκον. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 95 
 
 In codice nostro Marci evangelium eodem fere modo 
 finitur qui e codice L notissimus est; id vero interest quod 
 nihil adnotationis ante πάντα δὲ noster interponit, quod 
 antiquiorem sibi vindicare fontem videretur, nisi fortasse 
 vocabula ἐφάνη, μέχρι, ἀμήν seriorem textus conformationem 
 testarentur. Vix est quod dicam A (τέλοσ) post ἐφοβοῦντο 
 yap: lectionis ecclesiasticae neque vero ipsius evangelii finem 
 indicare. ‘Tituli pariter atque subscriptiones librorum prorsus 
 simplices sunt,; sub finem tamen evangelii Iohannis additur: 
 εὐαγγελιστῶν τεσσάρων θεῖοι λόγοι γραφέντεσ, ὧδε λῆξιν ἔσχον 
 τῶν πόνων. Lectorem non latebit Iacobum post epistulam 
 Petri alteram stare, neque id casu, nam desinit Act liber 
 fase. κζ΄, fol. 8 recto, et 1 Petr incipit eodem folio verso. 
 Toh 7,53—8,11 deest. Act 20,28 legit codex τοῦ κυρίου. 1 Io 
 5,7-8 deest. 1 Tim 3,16 θεὸσ ἐφανερώθη. 
 
 Perlustravi die 26 mensis Augusti anni 1886. Spero fore 
 ut codicem accuratius excutere possim. 
 
 Since 1886 it has been seen but not studied by Dr. Rendel 
 Harris in 1892 when he was inspecting the LXX MSS. in 
 the monasteries of Mount Athos, and by a German scholar, 
 whose name I have unfortunately forgotten, who has left 
 a note in the visitors’ book at the Laura to the effect that 
 all the MSS. are of the ordinary type except B 52 and 
 a few others which resemble the KII family. He has not 
 noted that B 52 is cod. ¥. Probably the MS. has also been 
 seen by various other visitors, but it does not appear to have 
 been studied. 
 
 So far as description goes there is nothing to add to 
 Dr. Gregory’s account beyond the fact that Ψ is now 
 numbered 172 (B 52) in the Laura catalogue, and I trust 
 that that scholar will not regard as impertinent an expression 
 of admiration for the general accuracy of his summary 
 descriptions, in cases where he is speaking from his own 
 knowledge. 
 
 Probably few would dissent from Dr. Gregory’s opinion 
 
96 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 that the MS. is of the eighth or ninth century, though 
 perhaps the former date is somewhat the more probable. 
 
 Mr. Wathen and myself photographed all that remains of 
 the Gospels, not touching the Acts or Epistles because we 
 understood that Herr Lic. von der Goltz and Dr. Wobbermin 
 had collated these for Dr. von Soden, and had found the 
 text ordinary. Mr. Wathen, in order to be satisfied as to 
 the correctness of this judgement, collated the Epistle to the 
 Colossians. | 
 
 The collation of these photographs, which are now in the 
 Bodleian Library (MS. Gr. Bibl. ἢ 2) shows that in the 
 Gospels cod. ¥ presents an interesting and valuable text in 
 Mark, and an ordinary text though with some interesting 
 variants in Luke and John. It has therefore been thought 
 best to treat these two parts separately and to print the 
 text of Mark in full, with an introductory analysis of the 
 important readings it contains, but the text of Luke and 
 John in the form of a collation with the Textus Receptus. 
 Mr. Wathen’s collation of the Epistle to the Colossians is 
 also printed in the latter way. 
 
97 
 
 II. TEXT OF COD. ΨΊῚΝ ST. MARK. 
 
 In attempting to analyse the text of a MS. of the gospel 
 the critic is met at the outset with some difficulty in choosing 
 a standard of comparison. 
 
 In many ways the best standard is the Textus Receptus as 
 it represents a late and popular text, deviation from, and not 
 agreement with which is important. But owing to the 
 peculiarly mixed character of this text its use is sometimes 
 misleading, and it is therefore advisable to use a purer text 
 which is ‘ truer to type, and less mixed in character. This is 
 especially the case when the MS. which has to pe analysed 
 appears to possess a good and early text. 
 
 I propose therefore in the following pages to use the text 
 of Westcott and Hort as a standard of comparison, because 
 whether it be the true text or not it certainly is constructed 
 on such principles as to present a uniform type throughout, 
 and I shall also give a short list of readings compared with 
 - the Textus Receptus, the importance of which would otherwise 
 be obscured by the method adopted. I propose to draw 
 a distinction which is arbitrary but convenient between 
 readings found in the Textus Receptus and those which are 
 not, because a reading which is found in the Textus Receptus, 
 even though there be early authority for it, may have come 
 into the text of any given MS, at a late period owing to the 
 wide prevalence of that form of text. 
 
 The classification, then, will be as follows :— 
 1, Readings where cod. ¥ agrees with the Textus Receptus. 
 2. Readings where cod. ¥ has a text for which the oldest 
 
98 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 authority seems to be either D or the Old Latin 
 version and which is not in the Textus Receptus or in 
 the Old Syriac. 
 
 3. Readings shared with the Old Syriac against D, the 
 Old Latin, and the Textus Receptus. 
 
 4. Readings found in both the Old Latin and Old Syriac 
 but not in the Textus Receptus. 
 
 5. Readings found in a small group of Uncials of which 
 LA are the most prominent members. 
 
 6. Readings in which cod. ¥ supports WH in following 
 a small group of Greek MSS. including B. 
 
 7. Peculiar readings. 
 
 The authorities which are quoted for the readings men- 
 tioned are for the most part taken from Tischendorf’s critical 
 edition, but they have been added to in places from Mrs. 
 Lewis’ translation of the Sinaitic palimpsest! and a few 
 other editions of MSS. which were not accessible to Tischen- 
 dorf. It should also be noticed that Gregory’s notation of 
 minuscules has been adopted throughout, and that therefore 
 the following MSS. appear under a different symbol to that 
 employed by Tischendorf. ) 
 
 ΠΣ — eser 482 — ao 
 
 475 = fer 565 = 2° (WH’s 81) 
 1o9 =a 84 evgst = γῆς 
 
 478 = )xser 
 
 1. Readings in cod. Ψ agreeing with the Textus 
 Receptus, merely orthographical variants being 
 neglected, : 
 
 Mare IX 7 post νεφέλης add. λέγουσα c. ADL(A) 1 13-69-12 4— 
 346 28 33 al.; lat-vet de. 18 ἂν pro ἐὰν c. CDLN ee. 23 
 
 δύνασαι πιστεῦσαι ὁ. ADN al. pl.; ἃ Ὁ ὁ ΕἸ αἷ. syrr (pesh-hl) 24 ante 
 εὐθὺς add. xaic. ADN &e. 29 post προσευχῇ add. καὶ νηστείᾳ c. Neb 
 
 * I am deeply indebted to Mr, W. C. Allen for very kindly revising my 
 references to this authority. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 99 
 
 ACDL al. omn. exc. S*etc2B; k 80 παρεπορεύοντο Ο. codd omn. 
 exc. B*D 42 post πιστευόντων add. εἰς ἐμέ c. BLN ke. 
 
 X 6 post αὐτοὺς add. ὃ Θεός ὁ. ADN al. pler.; latt syrr 21 σοι 
 pro σε c. DN al. pler. ; Clem 25 εἰσελθεῖν pro διελθεῖν c. NANA 
 al. pler.; latt 34 post ἀποκτενοῦσιν add. αὐτόν c. ACN; lat-vet 
 
 boh pesh; Orig 85 δύο ο. NDL de. 88 αὐτῷ posterius 
 om. c. AN al. pler.; bikcfq 40 post εὐωνύμων add. μου 
 ¢. min pauc.; syrr (sin-pesh) aeth 
 
 XI 3 post εἴπατε add. ὅτι ο. NCDL ke. 15 ante ἀγοράζοντας 
 add. τοὺς ο. DA al. pl.; Orighis 23 post αὐτῷ add. ὃ ἐὰν εἴπῃ 
 6. AN al. pler.; ἃ Κα 80 ante ᾿Ιωάννου om, τὸ c. ΝΤΤΙΧ ce. 
 
 XII 9 post τί add. οὖν ο. NCDA ce. 87 vids ante αὐτοῦ 
 c. SAX de. 
 
 XTII 31 οὐ μὴ παρέλθωσιν c. ACDA ce. 32 post ἄγγελοι 
 
 add. oi ὁ. ACA ke. 
 
 XIV 9 post εὐαγγέλιον add. τοῦτο c. ACA al. pl. ; 1 q sah boh pesh 
 21 ἣν post καλὸν c. NACD ce. 22 post λαβὼν add. ὃ Ἰησοῦς 
 c. Rete LA de. 80 μὲ post ἀπαρνήσῃ c. ANX de. 38 
 εἰσέλθητε ο. SECLA de. 44 ἀπαγάγετε c. ACNA cc. 53 post 
 συνέρχονται add. αὐτῷ c. BN ce. 60 ante μέσον add. τὸ c. DM 
 al. mu.; boh 71 ὀμνύειν pro épvivare. NCA de. 72 om. εὐθὺς c. 
 ACA al. pler.; sah boh syr-sin. 
 
 XV 6 ὅνπερ ῃτοῦντο c. NCCN de. 8 ἀναβοήσας 12 εἶπεν 
 pro ἔλεγεν ὁ. ADN ὦ. 28 6 pro ὃς c. ACLA de. 40 ἣν post 
 αἷς ὁ. ACDA de. 45 σῶμα pro πτῶμα ο. ACA latt 46 μνη- 
 μείῳ pro μνήματι 6. ACDLA cc. 
 
 XVI 17 παρακολουθήσει c. ΑἸ ΒΌΡΡΙΔ ke. 20 add. ἀμήν c. 
 CLA de. 
 
 It is only necessary to make two observations on this list. 
 (a) Very nearly all these readings are attested by authorities 
 of such age and character as to show that they were in use at 
 a very early period. (8) They are wonderfully few in reality, 
 as the Textus Receptus differs in about 480 places from the 
 text of WH. in these chapters, and therefore one would on 
 @ priori principles have been inclined to expect more than 
 forty-two such readings in a MS. which belongs to so 
 comparatively late a period as the eighth century. 
 
100 Studia Buiblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 2. Readings found in either D or the Old Latin, 
 but not in Textus Receptus, or in the Old Syriac}. 
 
 IX 12 πρῶτος pro πρῶτον c. Det Ne Ast N, 482 1071 80 ἤθε- 
 λον pro ἤθελεν 6. ἃ Ὁ Κ 49 ἀναλωθήσεται pro ἁλὶ ἁλισθήσεται 
 ef. k omnia autem substantia consumitur 
 
 X 5 ante τὴν ἐντολὴν add. Μωυσῆς ¢.D;kefg,; Clem 24 rexvia 
 pro τέκνα c, AN, 1-118-209 700 al. pauc. ; ab ff, f 
 
 XI 14 φάγῃ pro φάγοι ο. DV, 1 13-69-346 al. pauc.; Origris 
 17 ὅτι οην. ο. DC, 69 472 478; akiq ff,, arm-codd, aeth 21 ἐξη- 
 ράνθη c. DLAN, 1-118-209 33 700 al. pauc. Orig 
 
 XII 33 περισσότερα pro περισσότερον cf. k meliora (nec aliwnde 
 repert. forma pluralis) 
 
 XIII 14 ἑστηκὸς pro ἑστηκότα c. 1), 28 20 ὁ θεός hoc 
 loco pro κύριος ο. ὁ Καὶ ff,; Promiss 
 
 XIV 7 ποιεῖν pro ποιῆσαι D*A, al. paue. 20 λέγει pro εἶπεν 
 ce. Ὁ, 565 700; k 86 τοῦτο ante τὸ ποτήριον c. DN, 1-118- 
 209; aq; Hil 65 προφήτευσον ἡμῖν c. FW; kef 
 
 XV 29 ova om. ὁ. NLA; dk 
 
 XVI 3 ἀπὸ pro ἐκ ὁ. DC, al. paue.; Eus-dem Sery-Ant 
 9 πάντα δὲ x. τ. λ. ο. Lp, 274™8; k, syr-hl-mg boh-cod aeth-codd 
 
 3. Readings found in the Old Syriac but not im 
 the best Uncials, the Old Latin, D, or the Textus 
 Receptus. Those readings which are found in a few 
 secondary Greek MSS. as well as the Old Syriac 
 
 are included in this list. 
 
 X 89 λέγουσιν pro εἶπον ¢. syr-sin 40 post εὐωνύμων add. 
 pov 6. min pauc.; syrr (sin-pesh) aeth * 47 Ἰησοῦ om. c. L, al. paue.; 
 i mt syr-sin; Clem Orig 
 
 XI 27 προσῆλθον αὐτῷ pro ἔρχονται πρὸς αὐτὸν 0. Syr-sin 
 
 XII 1 post περιέθηκεν add. αὐτῷ ο. ΟΝ, 28 565 syrr (sin-hl ὁ 
 obel.) sah arm; Orig 
 
 XIII 11 προσμελετᾶτε pro προμεριμνᾶτε 0. syr-sin sed 8 sy 
 μελετᾶτε potius quam προσμελετᾶτε transferre videtur 
 
 XV 26 γεγραμμένη pro ἐπιγεγραμμένη ὁ. syr-sin 
 1 It is of course impossible to be quite certain in the case of small variants, 
 
 especially those which bear on a question of order, whether a reading is in 
 the Old Syriac or not. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. IOI 
 
 4. Readings found in both the Old Latin (or D) 
 and the Old Syriac, but not in the Textus Receptus. 
 
 XI6 post εἶπεν add. αὐτοῖς c. DM®, 1-118-209 13-69-124 
 565 700 al. paue.; syrr (sin-pesh) latt sah boh 
 
 XII 18 πρὸς αὐτὸν Σαδδουκαῖοι hoe ordine c. D, 28 106; bil gq fi, 
 δὶ δ, Syr-sin 37 πῶς pro πόθεν ο. N*M* 1-118-209 33 13-69— 
 346-543 28 565 al. pauc.; Ὁ sah syr-sin 
 
 XIV 41 ἀπέχει om. ὁ. k syr-sin (sed k add. ‘et post pusillum 
 excitavit illos et dixit iam ora dc.’ et syr-sin add. ‘The hour is 
 come, the end is at hand.’ 52 ἔφυγε γυμνός hoc ordine c. LA, 
 184 evgst; k ἃ ὁ sah boh.? syrr (sin-pesh) aeth sed sin‘ Fled from 
 them naked.’ 54 ἠκολούθει pro ἠκολούθησεν c. G, I-118—209 
 13-69-124—346-543 565 7oo k cq sah boh syrr (sin-pesh) 
 66 κάτω om.c. DI, 69 472 565 al. pauc.; ac ff, q syr-sin (codex 
 deficit sed 6 spatio non habuisse κάτω videtur) sah boh; Hus-dem 
 
 XV 8 add. αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο c. ANU 13-69-124-346- 
 543 33 131 al. pauc. ; ac syrr (sin-hl) arm sah-ming aeth; Orig 
 
 5. Readings found in a small group of MSS. of 
 which LA (the latter being of this type only in 
 St. Mark) are the most consistently present followed 
 by x* ν᾿ C 33 boh. 
 
 IX 21 ἐξ οὗ pro ὡς c. NCC*LA, 33 61™8 565 43 εἰς τὸ πῦρ 
 τὸ ἄσβεστον om. c. SCALA, 240 244 255 700; pesh pers 
 
 Χ 24 εἶπεν pro λέγει ὁ. A, 565 1071 27 πάντα yap δυνατὰ 
 παρὰ τῷ θεῷ om. c. A, I=209 69 157 al’®; 1 arm-zoh; Clem 
 
 XI 18 ἤκουον pro ἤκουσαν c. Δ ἐξεπλήσσοντο c. NMA 299 al’; 
 c vg boh 29 κἀγὼ ὑμῖν ἐρῶ c. LA (N°) 38; boh 
 
 XII 31 ἡ δευτέρα c. A 34 εἶ post βασιλείας c. NCAA 
 
 XIII 4 ταῦτα μέλλῃ hoc ordine c. L 32 οὔτε pro οὐδὲ ὁ. Τὶ 
 
 XIV 27 διασκορπισθήσονται τὰ πρόβατα c. AA 84 λέγειν pro 
 λέγει ὁ. AEGH 44 ὃν ἐὰν c. LAN 54 ante μακρ. om. ἀπὸ 
 ο. LA 60 ὅ τι pro τί ο. L 
 
 XV 18 αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεσθαι c. A 
 
 A reading which I am inclined to suspect may belong to 
 the same family as that indicated by this group of MSS. but 
 which lacks the necessary evidence to prove the point is :— 
 
 XI 1 καὶ Βηθανίαν om. c. 184 evgst; sah 
 
102 Studia Buiblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 6. Readings where WH.’s text is based on a small 
 group of uncials (not exceeding three in number) 
 which is now increased by cod. Ψ. 
 
 IX 9 ἐκ pro ἀπὸ c. BD, 33 475 477 38 ἔφη pro ἀπεκρίθη 
 δὲ c. NBA; boh pesh 47 σέ ἐστιν... σοί ἐστιν pro c. SB 
 
 X 7 καὶ προσκολλ. πρὸς τ. γυν. om. Ο. 8B syr-sin 48 evgst go 29 
 ἔφη pro ἀποκρ. εἶπεν ο. SBA boh 47 Ναζαρηνὸς pro Ναζωραῖος 
 ce. BLA, 1-118-209; latt; Orig 
 
 XII 33 τῆς om. 1° c. BUX al. paue. 
 
 XIII 2 ἀποκριθεὶς om. ο. NBL, 33 al. pauc.; e sah-boh-syrr (sin- 
 pesh), 6 πολλοὶ sine yap c. NBL; aeth 8 ἔσονται λιμοί sine 
 καὶ 6. SCBL, 28; boh syr-sin 9 yap om. c. BL boh arm aeth 
 15 καταβάτω sine addit. c. SBL; ck boh sah pesh 
 
 XIV 8 αὕτη om. c. NBL 1-209* 13-69-346 28 565; al boh bhl 
 35 ἔπιπτεν ὁ. NBL boh = 47 ὠτάριον c. NBD, 1-118-209; hl-mg 
 68 καὶ ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησεν om.' c. NBL, 17 evgst; ὁ boh syr-sin 
 
 XV 14 ἐποίησεν κακόν c. BCA, 565 49 evgst al? 24 orav- 
 povow ὁ. BL; ed ff, Κ] vg syrr sah aeth go 
 
 The following reading in cod. ¥ is not found in any MS. 
 but is placed in the margin of WH. ὁ coniectura. 
 XIV 49 ἐκρατεῖτε cf. B expare. 
 
 7. Besides these elements there are a few readings 
 in cod. VY which are apparently not found elsewhere. 
 The list of those which are not obviously accidental 
 blunders is as follows :— 
 
 IX 20 καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα om. 28 κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ante εἰς 
 οἶκον 81 ἀνόμων pro ἀνθρώπων 84 ἐσιώπησαν pro ἐσιώπων 
 87 παιδίων τῶν τοιούτων hoc ordine 41 ἂν om. 
 
 Χ 17 τί ποιήσας pro τί ποιήσω ἵνα 29 ἔφη αὐτοῖς pro ἔφη ὁ 
 Ἰησοῦς , 89 ᾿Ἰησοῦς om. 
 
 XI 9 ἔλεγον pro ἔκραζον 28 λέγοντες pro καὶ λέγουσιν 
 
 XII 6 ante ἀπέστειλεν add. καὶ 37 add. ἐν πνεύματι 38 
 ante ἀσπασμοὺς add. ζητούντων 44 ante ὅλον add, καὶ 
 
 XIII 1 καὶ ἐκπορευομένων αὐτῶν ἀπὸ pro ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἐκ 
 διδάσκαλε om, 
 
 1 i, e. Ψ agrees in the details of the Denial of St. Peter with B; boh syr-sin. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 103 
 
 XIV 1 ἣν δὲ τὰ ἄζυμα Kal τὸ πάσχα 12 σοι pro ἵνα φάγῃς 
 27 ante πατάξω add. ὅτι 47 ἀρχιερέως Καιάφα 56 κατὰ 
 τοῦ ἰησοῦ PTO κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ 61 εὐλογημένου pro εὐλογητοῦ 
 
 XV 2 ante ἀποκριθεὶς om. 6 δὲ 41 αὐτῷ 1° om. 
 
 Some of these look like genuine variants, others are clearly 
 due to palaeographical causes. Obvious instances of purely 
 transcriptional corruption which can be explained on palaeo- 
 graphical grounds are the following :— 
 
 IX 31 ἀνόμων due to a misreading of avov, the almost invariable 
 way of writing ἀνθρώπων. 
 
 X 29 ἔφη αὐτοῖς which, curiously enough, is explained by 
 another unsupported reading found only in &, ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς, 
 which if written in the usual manner would be ἔφη αὐτῷ 6 is 
 
 XIV 47 Καιάφα which seems to be due to the combined effect 
 of a knowledge of the high priest’s name and the recurrence of 
 the same letters in the next words—xal ἀφεῖλεν. 
 
 It is also probable that the omission in IX 20 is due to 
 the scribe’s eye skipping over a complete line, the lines being 
 arranged thus :— 
 
 HVEfKaV αὐτὸν προς aUTOV 
 Kat ἰδὼν αὐτὸν TO TVG 
 
 evduc συνεσπάραξεν αὑτον 
 If this be so it probably also explains the reading in 
 IX 28, where the lines would be arranged thus :— 
 και ELGEABOVTOC GUTOU 
 εἰς οἶκον OL μαθηται αὐτου 
 KOT ἰδιαν επηρωτωῶν GUTOV 
 Here the scribe would seem to have been affected by the 
 recurring αὐτοῦ and to have mixed up the lines. Other 
 places in which this explanation may possibly be right are 
 X 23 and XIV 56. In the former case the arrangement of 
 
 lines would be :— 
 εις την βασιλειὰν TOU θὺ 
 
 εἰσελευσονται οἱ dE 
 
 but that this is the explanation is rendered much less likely 
 
104 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 by the fact that Clement of Alexandria has got the passage 
 with the same transposition as cod. ¥. 
 
 In the latter case κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ takes the place of κατ᾽ 
 αὐτοῦ. Perhaps this is merely an accident, but if the length 
 of line suggested be right, the arrangement of the archetype 
 would have been something like :-— 
 
 κατα TOU lV μαρτυριαν 
 εἰς TO θανατῶσαι AUTOV 
 και οὐχ HUPLGKOV πολ 
 λοι γὰρ εψευδομαρτυρουν 
 κατα GuUTOUV και ισαι AL 
 
 and it is possible that the scribe’s eye confused the first and 
 last κατα. 
 
 Of course none of these four cases of suggested /ine-error 
 are certain, but their evidence is cumulative, and is made 
 much stronger if one remembers that these are the only cases 
 in cod. ¥ of serious omissions or transpositions which have no 
 support in other MSS., that such mistakes are generally due 
 to line-error, and that they can all without undue mani- 
 pulation be explained with varying degrees of probability as 
 due to dine-errors made by a scribe who was using an arche- 
 type in which the average length of line was about nineteen 
 to twenty-two letters. 
 
 There is therefore at least a presumption in favour of the 
 theory that cod. Ψ is copied from a MS. which contained 
 nineteen to twenty-two letters in each line. 
 
KATA MAPKON. 
 
 \ a » 1 Gem ’ὔ v4 > \ Ν 9 “Ὁ 
 ΧΟ... καὶ Μωσῆ μίᾶν καὶ ἫἩλία μίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἤδει τί ἀποκριθῇ, 
 Ν \ / \ “ 
 7 ἔκφοβοι γὰρ ἐγένοντο. καὶ ἐγένετο νεφέλη ἐπισκιάζουσα αὐτοῖς, 
 A / n 
 καὶ ἐγένετο φωνὴ ἐκ τῆς νεφέλης λέγουσα Οὗτός ἐστιν 6 vids pov 
 ers a 
 8 ὁ ἀγαπητός, ἀκούετε αὐτοῦ. Kal ἐξάπινα περιβλεψάμενοι οὐκέτι 
 9 οὐδένα ἴδον εἰ μὴ τὸν Ἰησοῦν μόνον μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν. Καὶ καταβαι- 
 , an a 5 a \ 
 νόντων αὐτῶν ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους διεστείλατο αὐτοῖς ἵνα μηδενὶ & ἴδον 
 διηγήσωνται, εἰ μὴ ὅταν ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστῇ 
 ηγή » εἰ μὴ ὃς τοῦ ἀνθρ ἐκρ ῇ. 
 \ x , 3 , nN ε \ a 79 eid 
 10 καὶ τὸν λόγον ἐκράτησαν πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς συζητοῦντες τί ἐστιν TO 
 11 ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστῆναι. καὶ ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν λέγοντες Ὅτι 72 
 12 λέγουσιν οἱ γραμματεῖς ὅτι ᾿Ηλίαν δεῖ ἐλθεῖν πρῶτον ; 6 δὲ ἔφη 
 a ¢ an \ as 
 αὐτοῖς Ἡλίας ἐλθὼν πρῶτος ἀποκατιστάνει πάντα, Kal πῶς 
 a \ 
 γέγραπται ἐπὶ τὸν υἱὸν tod ἀνθρώπου ἵνα πολλὰ πάθῃ καὶ 
 3 το δον 3 Ν 7 econ “ UAC. / 35 f. \ 
 13 ἐξουδενηθῇ 3 ἀλλὰ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι καὶ HAtas ἐλήλυθεν, καὶ 
 >] Yd 3 > fad I isd Ν Ἂς / 5) 23) 3 , 
 ἐποίησαν ἐν αὐτῷ πάντα ὅσα ἤθελον, καθὼς γέγραπται ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. 
 re 
 14 Kai ἐλθόντες πρὸς τοὺς μαθητὰς ἴδον ὄχλον πολὺν περὶ αὐτοὺς Ξ 
 \ cal a N ee 2 \ >A - c ἮΝ 
 15 καὶ γραμματεῖς συζητοῦντας πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ εὐθὺς πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος 
 > , 2 Te 5» , Ἂ / b] ᾿ ὁ > , 
 ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐξεθαμβήθησαν, καὶ προστρέχοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτόν. 
 Ι ᾿ 5 ip > , Y iy ς a \ > oe 4 (6 
 17 Kal ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτούς Τί συζητεῖτε πρὸς αὐτούς ; καὶ ἀπεκρίθη 
 αὐτῷ εἷς ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου Διδάσκαλε, ἤνεγκα τὸν υἱόν μου πρὸς σέ, 1% 
 ὙΞ ta ’ 
 18 ἔχοντα πνεῦμα ἄλαλον' καὶ ὅπου ἂν αὐτὸν καταλάβῃ ῥήσσει 
 αὐτόν, καὶ ἀφρίζει καὶ τρίζει τοὺς ὀδόντας καὶ ξηραίνεται" καὶ εἶπα 
 19 τοῖς μαθηταῖς σου ἵνα αὐτὸν ἐκβάλωσιν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσαν. 6 δὲ 
 ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει ἾΩ γενεὰ ἄπιστος, ἕως πότε πρὸς ὑμᾶς 
 an \ 
 20 ἔσομαι ; ἕως πότε ἀνέξομαι ὑμῶν ; φέρετε αὐτὸν πρός με. καὶ 
 Ν ie Ν > , bas Ss x b) Le \ A 
 ἤνεγκαν αὐτὸν πρὸς αὐτόν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἔσπαραξεν αὐτόν, Kal πεσὼν 
 21 ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκυλίετο ἀφρίζων. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν πατέρα 
 At the top of f. 1% # A τῶν νηστειῶν and ap is put in the margin opposite 
 διδάσκαλε, v. 17, and ¢ is put in the text, but above the line, after ἀναστήσεται, 
 We 31: 
 
 VOL. V, PART II. I 
 
106 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. ἡ" 
 
 αὐτοῦ, Πόσος χρόνος ἐστὶν ἐξ od τοῦτο γέγονεν αὐτῷ ; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν 22 
 Ἔκ παιδιόθεν" καὶ πολλάκις καὶ εἰς πῦρ αὐτὸν ἔβαλεν καὶ εἰς ὕδατα 
 ἵνα ἀπολέσῃ αὐτόν" GAN εἴ τι δύνῃ, βοήθησον ἡμῖν σπλαγχνισθεὶς 
 ep’ ἡμᾶς. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τό εἰ δύνασαι πιστεῦσαι, 23 
 πάντα δυνατὰ τῷ πιστεύοντι. καὶ εὐθὺς κράξας ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ 24 
 
 παιδίου ἔλεγεν Πιστεύω: βοήθησόν μου τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ 25 
 
 c 
 ὃ 
 > a “ 5 7 c y 3 / a , by 
 [ησοῦς ὅτι ἐπισυντρέχει ὁ ὄχλος ἐπετίμησεν τῷ πνεύματι TH 
 3 , , " A - Ν \ A a 3 SS, 
 ἀκαθάρτῳ λέγων αὐτῷ Τὸ ἄλαλον καὶ κωφὸν πνεῦμα, ἐγὼ 
 a Ψ 
 ἐπιτάσσω σοι, ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ μηκέτι εἰσέλθῃς εἰς αὐτόν. 
 Ν lol Ω \ Ν 
 καὶ κράξας καὶ πολλὰ σπαράξας ἐξῆλθεν" καὶ ἐγένετο ὡσεὶ νεκρὸς 26 
 a / 
 ὥστε τοὺς πολλοὺς λέγειν ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς κρατήσας 27 
 a BY 9 ὧν 89. cee bee αν 4 \ ? ’ 
 “ΒΞ τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ἤγειρεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνέστη. καὶ εἰσελθόντος 28 
 al a σ 
 αὐτοῦ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν εἰς οἶκον. οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν “Ort 
 
 ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἠδυνήθημεν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτό ; καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτο 29 
 
 “ “ \ 
 τὸ γένος ἐν οὐδενὶ δύναται ἐξελθεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐν προσευχῇ καὶ 
 νηστείᾳ. 
 
 a Κἀκεῖθεν ἐξελθόντες παρεπορεύοντο διὰ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ οὐκ 30 
 ~A Xr o Fy e518 Ἂν \ 6 ΟΞ > fal \ 
 ἤθελον ἵνα τις γνῷ ἐδίδασκεν γὰρ τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ 31 
 ΝΜ > a cod c en A “5 , , 5» n 
 ἐλεγεν αὐτοῖς ὅτ, Ὃ vids τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδίδοται εἰς χεῖρας 
 
 \ a , ~ 
 ἀνόμων, καὶ ἀποκτενοῦσιν αὐτόν, kal ἀποκτανθεὶς μετὰ τρεῖς 
 ς , ΕΝ ’ ε δὲ > , ieee ee) = 3. τα 2 
 ἡμέρας ἀναστήσεται. οἱ δὲ ἠγνόουν τὸ ῥῆμα, Kal ἐφοβοῦντο αὐτὸν 3 
 ἐπερωτῆσαι. 
 
 45 . om ᾿ 3 x 3 a ΜΚ ς / 5 , 
 
 = Kai ἦλθεν εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ γενάμενος ἐπημώτα 33 
 
 ἀε αὐτούς Τί ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ διελογίζεσθε; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπησαν, πρὸς 34 
 
 B23 , \ , > a KE oe /- 7 \ , 
 ἀλλήλους γὰρ διελέχθησαν ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ τίς μείζων. καὶ καθίσας 35 
 
 ἐφώνησεν τοὺς δώδεκα καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ei τις θέλει πρῶτος 
 
 εἶναι ἔσται πάντων ἔσχατος καὶ πάντων διάκονος. καὶ λαβὼν 36 
 
 / Μ +) . / > lal Ἀ 2 > 4 
 παιδίον ἔστησεν αὐτὸ ἐν μέσῳ αὐτῶν Kal ἐναγκαλισάμενος αὐτὸ 
 
 εἶπεν αὐτοῖς “Os ἂν ἐν τῶν παιδίων τῶν τοιούτων δέξηται ἐπὶ 37 
 
 ie \ 
 
 = τῷ ὀνόματί pov, ἐμὲ δέχεται καὶ ds ἂν ἐμὲ δέχηται, οὐκ ἐμὲ 
 
 56 δέχεται ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀποστείλαντά με. Ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ 38 
 
 Ἶ Ἰωάννης Διδάσκαλε, ἴδαμέν τινα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί σου δαιμόνια 
 
 \ o a 
 ἐκβάλλοντα, καὶ ἐκωλύομεν αὐτόν, ὅτι οὐκ ἀκολουθεῖ ἡμῖν. ὁ δὲ 39 
 Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Μὴ κωλύετε αὐτόν, οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῷ 
 
 31. ἀνόμων) The writing seems rather fainter, and perhaps the word was 
 partially sponged out. It is impossible to be certain from the photograph. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos 107 
 
 Re, A > / fp \ , \ Leu , 
 ὀνόματί μου ὃς οὐ ποιήσει δύναμιν καὶ δυνήσεται ταχὺ κακολογῆσαί 
 ἘΠ ν᾿ a a ἃ 5 
 4o pe ὃς yap οὐκ ἔστιν καθ᾽ ἡμῶν, ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἐστίν. “Os γὰρ “5 
 ’, Re es , “ 5 > , “ Co Wp U 3 ἃς 
 41 ποτίσει ὑμᾶς ποτήριον ὕδατος ἐν ὀνόματι ὅτι Χριστοῦ ἐστέ, ἀμὴν 
 4 conan “ b) Ν 2) , \ ‘ 2 a ἮΝ ἃ a 40 
 42 λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι od μὴ ἀπολέσῃ τὸν μισθὸν αὐτοῦ. Καὶ os ἂν = 
 if a a n nn , > pS , 
 σκανδαλίσῃ Eva τῶν μικρῶν τῶν πιστευόντων εἰς ἐμὲ καλόν 
 5 > n Ὁ ΡῚ la ᾽ὔ > Ν “" Ν δ 
 ἐστιν αὐτῷ μᾶλλον εἰ περίκειται μύλος ὀνικὸς περὶ τὸν τράχηλον 
 ρ 
 > a \ / > Ν Ul ἌΣ 7 ¢ — 
 43 αὐτοῦ καὶ βέβληται eis τὴν θάλασσαν. Kat ἐὰν σκανδαλίσῃ σε ἢ ¢ 
 χείρ σου, ἀπόκοψον αὐτήν᾽ καλόν ἐστίν σε κυλλὸν εἰσελθεῖν εἰς 
 Ν Ν. x 4 lal Ν᾽ 5 a 3 ‘ / \ 
 45 TY ζωὴν ἢ δύο χεῖρας ἔχοντα ἀπελθεῖν εἰς THY γέενναν. καὶ 
 Ne 56 , , 4: ἢ ces Tee The, Ne 
 ἐὰν 0 πούς σου σκανδαλίζῃ σε, ἀπόκοψον αὐτόν καλόν ἐστίν σε 
 εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν ζωὴν χωλὸν ἢ τοὺς δύο πόδας ἔχοντα βληθῆναι 
 ς 
 47 εἰς τὴν γέενναν. καὶ ἐὰν ὁ ὀφθαλμός σου σκανδαλίζῃ σε, ἔκβαλε 
 αὐτόν" καλόν σέ ἐστιν μονόφθαλμον εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν 
 ἘΞ On a a 
 48 τοῦ θεοῦ ἢ δύο ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχοντα βληθῆναι εἰς γέενναν, ὅπου ὁ P& 
 
 he ’ n 5 “Ὁ A Ν cal ΡῚ “ ἊΝ , e o 
 49 σκώληξ αὐτῶν οὐ τελευτᾷ Kal τὸ πῦρ αὐτῶν οὐ σβέννυται" πᾶς 
 
 a pB 
 50 yap πυρὶ ἁλισθήσεται καὶ πᾶσα θυσία ἀναλωθήσεται. Καλὸν τὸ ΤΣ 
 e e ΜΝ ἧς Ν e of / »] / ΘΈΑ, ᾿- ia 
 ἅλας" ἐὰν δὲ TO ἅλας ἄναλον γένηται, ἐν τίνι αὐτὸ ἀρτύσετε ; 
 ἔχετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς ἅλα, καὶ εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἀλλήλοις. 
 No: -“ 5 \ x 2 ἊΝ Bu td ? \ ,ὕ ΡΎ 
 xX Kat ἐκεῖθεν ἀναστὰς ἔρχεται εἰς τὰ ὅρια τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ πέραν “- 
 
 rowed / Ν / / yy Ἂς > , \ e¢ 
 τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου, καὶ συμπορεύονται πάλιν ὄχλοι πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ ὡς 
 \ a 
 2 εἰώθει πάλιν ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς. Kal προσελθόντες Φαρισαῖοι 
 3 ’ δῖος Sw b) \ ων > “ 
 ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν εἰ ἔξεστιν ἀνδρὶ γυναῖκα ἀπολῦσαι, πειράζοντες 
 \ nr - a 
 3 αὐτόν. 6 δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί ὑμῖν ἐνετείλατο Μωυσῆς ; 
 4 οἱ δὲ εἶπον ᾿Επέτρεψεν Μωυσῆς βιβλίον ἀποστασίου γράψαι καὶ 
 5 ἀπολῦσαι. ὃ δὲ ἸΙησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Πρὸς τὴν σκληροκαρδίαν 
 eon y ε δ a N 3 ἈΝ , ἜΣ γε a 
 6 ὑμῶν ἔγραψεν ὑμῖν Μωυσῆς τὴν ἐντολὴν ταύτην᾽ ἀπὸ δὲ ἀρχῆς 
 , " \ a 5) , Sin cS ε ΤΟΙ͂Σ oe ,ὕ 
 " κτίσεως ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν αὐτοὺς ὁ θεός" ἕνεκεν τούτου 
 na / 
 8 καταλείψει ἄνθρωπος τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Kal τὴν μητέρα, καὶ 
 / 
 9 ἔσονται of δύο εἰς σάρκα play’ ὥστε οὐκέτι εἰσὶν δύο ἀλλὰ pia 
 ἃ / — 
 το σάρξ' ὃ οὖν ὁ θεὸς συνέζευξεν ἄνθρωπος μὴ χωριζέτω. Καὶ εἰς ὃ 
 Ν aay, , ¢ \ \ ΄ὔ 5 , 5. ἢ νρε 
 τι τὴν οἰκίαν πάλιν οἵ μαθηταὶ περὶ τούτου ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν. καὶ 
 λέ ι > οἵ SO a >) AV. Ν, o Ε] a \ / B 
 έγει αὐτοῖς ς ἂν ἀπολύσῃ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ γαμήσῃ 
 " n N \ a a 
 12 ἄλλην μοιχᾶται, ἢ ταύτην Kal ἐν αὐτῇ ἀπολύσασα τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς 
 
 γαμήσῃ ἄλλον μοιχᾶται. 
 
 Ξ in most MSS. is given to v. 44. 
 
 I 2 
 
ps 
 
 ρζ 
 
 B 
 
 8 
 
 ρι 
 
 108 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Kal προσέφερον αὐτῷ παιδία ἵνα αὐτῶν ἅψηται: οἱ δὲ μαθηταὶ 
 ἐπετίμησαν αὐτοῖς. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἠγανάκτησεν καὶ εἶπεν 
 αὐτοῖς “Agere τὰ παιδία ἔρχεσθαι πρός με, μὴ κωλύετε αὐτά, 
 τῶν γὰρ τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, 
 ὃς ἂν μὴ δέξηται τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ ὡς παιδίον, οὐ μὴ 
 εἰσέλθῃ εἰς αὐτήν. καὶ ἐναγκαλισάμενος αὐτὰ κατηυλόγει τιθεὶς 
 τὰς χεῖρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτά. 
 
 Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ εἰς ὁδὸν προσδραμὼν εἷς καὶ γονυπε- 
 τήσας αὐτὸν ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Διδάσκαλε ἀγαθέ, τί ποιήσας ζωὴν 
 
 c 
 
 αἰώνιον κληρονομήσω ; ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τί με λέγεις 
 ἀγαθόν ; οὐδεὶς ἀγαθὸς εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός. τὰς ἐντολὰς οἷδας Μὴ 
 φονεύσῃς, Μὴ μοιχεύσῃς, Μὴ κλέψῃς, Μὴ ψευδομαρτυρήσῃς, Τίμα 
 τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ τὴν μητέρα. 6 δὲ ἔφη αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, ταῦτα 
 πάντα ἐφυλαξάμην ἐκ νεότητός pov. 6 δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐμβλέψας 
 aa ka 1p 3. ἃ ᾿ Sete ε “. o Ca 
 αὐτῷ ἠγάπησεν αὐτὸν καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ “Ev σοι ὑστερεῖ' ὕπαγε ὅσα 
 Ν 3 \ 4 tal ἐκ 3 > a Ν 
 ἔχεις πώλησον καὶ δὸς πτωχοῖς, καὶ ἕξεις θησαυρὸν ἐν οὐρανῷ, καὶ 
 δεῦρο ἀκολούθει μοι. 6 δὲ στυγνάσας ἐπὶ τῷ λόγῳ ἀπῆλθεν 
 λυπούμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἔχων κτήματα πολλά. Καὶ περι- 
 βλεψάμενος ὃ Ἰησοῦς λέγει τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Πῶς δυσκόλως 
 « - / ¥ > 7 > Ν 7 “ an 
 of τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντες εἰσελεύσονται εἰς THY βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ. 
 οἱ δὲ μαθηταὶ ἐθαμβοῦντο ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ. 6 δὲ Ἰησοῦς 
 4 5 ἈΝ ° > “ ’ὔ “ ’ , 5» ‘ 
 πάλιν ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Texvia, πῶς δύσκολόν ἐστιν εἰς THY 
 βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν" εὐκοπώτερόν ἐστιν κάμηλον διὰ 
 τρυμαλιᾶς ῥαφίδος εἰσελθεῖν ἢ πλούσιον εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ 
 θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν. οἱ δὲ περισσῶς ἐξεπλήσσοντο λέγοντες πρὸς 
 αὐτόν Καὶ τίς δύναται σωθῆναι; ἐμβλέψας αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 λέγει Παρὰ ἀνθρώποις ἀδύνατον ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ θεῷ. Ἤρ- 
 ξατο λέγειν ὁ Πέτρος αὐτῷ Ἰδοὺ ἡμεῖς ἀφήκαμεν πάντα καὶ 
 ἠκολουθήσαμέν σοι. ἔφη αὐτοῖς ᾿Αμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐδεὶς ἔστιν 
 n a 4 
 ὃς ἀφῆκεν οἰκίας 7 ἀδελφοὺς ἣ ἀδελφὰς ἢ πατέρα ἢ μητέρα ἢ 
 “ , “ 2 a ᾿ τῷ a > , Ν Ν 
 γυναῖκα 7) τέκνα ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ καὶ ἕνεκεν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, ἐὰν μὴ 
 λάβῃ ἑκατονταπλασίονα νῦν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ οἰκίας καὶ ἀδελφοὺς 
 \ Ν \ ‘ / Ve Ν \ fal \ 
 καὶ ἀδελφὰς καὶ μητέρας καὶ τέκνα καὶ ἀγροὺς μετὰ διωγμῶν, καὶ 
 
 17. καὶ 2° is very faint, and seems to have been sponged out. 24. A 
 contemporary hand has written in the margin τοὺς πεποιθότας ἐπὶ χρήμασιν. 
 29. τέκνα] ε ἣ ἀγροὺς written below the line perhaps by the first hand. 
 80. τέκνα + καὶ yuvaixas in the margin, perhaps written by the first hand. 
 
 13 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 109 
 
 3 kad bal im; 9 B Ν δ» \ Sw 
 
 31 ἐν TH αἰῶνι τῷ ἐρχομένῳ ζωὴν αἰώνιον. πολλοὶ δὲ ἔσονται 
 πρῶτοι ἔσχατοι καὶ ἔσχατοι πρῶτοι. 
 
 9 Ν 3 Ὁ egn 5 9 3 , \ S 
 
 32 Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ἀναβαίνοντες εἰς ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα, καὶ ἦν 
 
 a \ = σε 
 προάγων αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς, καὶ ἐθαμβοῦντο, οἱ δὲ ἀκολουθοῦντες 
 ἐφοβοῦντο. καὶ παραλαβὼν πάλιν τοὺς δώδεκα ἤρξατο αὐτοῖς 
 
 33 λέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα αὐτῷ συμβαίνειν ὅτι ᾿Ιδοὺ ἀναβαίνομεν εἰς 
 Ἰεροσόλ ὶ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδοθήσετ. is 4 
 
 εροσόλυμα, Kal ὁ vids To ρ παραδοθήσεται τοῖς ἀρχιε- 
 
 a ‘ a a \ a 
 ρεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς γραμματεῦσιν, καὶ κατακρινοῦσιν αὐτὸν θανάτῳ 
 34 καὶ παραδώσουσιν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν καὶ ἐμπαίξουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ 
 
 a \ a 
 ἐμπτύσωσιν αὐτῷ καὶ μαστιγώσουσιν αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποκτενοῦσιν 
 αὐτόν, καὶ μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀναστήσεται. 
 
 \ , SA 55. \ ? ε δεῖς 
 
 35 Kat προσπορεύονται αὐτῷ ᾿Ιάκωβος καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης οἱ υἱοὶ 
 Ζεβεδαίου λέγοντες Διδάσκαλε, θέλομεν ἵνα ὃ ἐὰν αἰτήσωμέν σε 
 
 26 / ε κ᾿ ες ς τἂν 5, a , , / / con Ε ε x 
 
 3) ποιήσῃς ἡμῖν. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί θέλετέ με ποιήσω ὑμῖν ; οἱ δὲ 
 εἶπαν αὐτῷ Ads ἡμῖν ἵνα εἷς σου ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ εἷς ἐξ ἀριστερῶν 
 
 too Swe an - 
 
 38 καθίσωμεν ἐν τῇ δόξῃ σου. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐκ οἴδατε τί 
 
 a -“ 5 sh « 
 αἰτεῖσθε" δύνασθε πιεῖν TO ποτήριον ὃ ἐγὼ πίνω, ἢ TO βάπτισμα ὃ 
 ᾿ Ἂν ᾿ς ex Ξ c Ν 4 Ἄς δὰ / ε Ν 
 
 39 ἐγὼ βαπτίζομαι βαπτισθῆναι ; οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Δυνάμεθα. ὃ δὲ 
 o > cal \ Ν Τὼ ἌΣ aN 7 ΄ \ \ If 
 εἶπεν αὐτοῖς To μὲν ποτήριον ὃ ἐγὼ πίνω πίεσθε Kal TO βάπτισμα 
 a = é 
 
 40 0 ἐγὼ βαπτίζομαι βαπτισθήσεσθε, TO δὲ καθίσαι ἐκ δεξιῶν pov ἢ 
 5 > t? 3 Ν Ἣν Ν Lal 5 5 « 7ὔ Ν 
 
 41 ἐξ εὐωνύμων μου οὐκ ἔστιν ἐμὸν δοῦναι, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἡτοίμασται. καὶ 
 ἀκούσαντες οἱ δέκα ἤρξαντο ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ ᾿Ιακώβου καὶ Ἰωάννου. 
 
 42 καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς λέγει αὐτοῖς Οἴδατε ὅτι 
 οἱ δοκοῦντες ἄρχειν τῶν ἐθνῶν κατακυριεύουσιν αὐτῶν καὶ οἱ 
 
 / > an / > na 3 “ / 5 2 
 
 43 μεγάλοι αὐτῶν κατεξουσιάζουσιν αὐτῶν. οὐχ οὕτως δέ ἐστιν ἐν 
 τ σὰ δι δι.9 x» ἃ Ἃ , ΄ / b) Cee yo Cr / 
 ὑμῖν" GAN ds ἂν θέλῃ μέγας γενέσθαι ἐν ὑμῖν, ἔσται ὑμῶν διάκονος, 
 
 pe καὶ ὃς ἂν θέλῃ εἶναι πρῶτος ἐν ὑμῖν, ἔσται πάντων δοῦλος" Kal 
 
 γὰρ ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἦλθεν διακονηθῆναι ἀλλὰ διακονῆσαι 
 A “ \ na 
 
 καὶ δοῦναι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ λύτρον ἀντὶ πολλῶν. 
 
 46 Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς ᾿Ιερειχώ. Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ 
 , Ν Ἂς “ la > cal ἊΨ € nan 6 e\ , 
 Ἱερειχὼ μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ Kal ὄχλου ἱκανοῦ ὁ vids Τιμαίου 
 
 \ 
 
 47 Βαρτίμαιος τυφλὸς προσαίτης ἐκάθητο mapa τὴν ὁδόν. Kal ἀκούσας 
 
 ὅτι ᾿Ιησοῦς ὁ Ναζαρηνός ἐστιν ἤρξατο κράζειν καὶ λέγειν Υἱὲ 
 \ 3 “ , - 
 48 Δαυείδ, ἐλέησόν με. καὶ ἐπετίμων αὐτῷ πολλοὶ ἵνα σιωπήσῃ 
 
 49 ὁ δὲ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἔκραζεν Ὑἱὲ Δαυείδ, ἐλέησόν με. καὶ στὰς 
 
 ρια 
 
 β 
 
 ριβ 
 
 pry 
 
 ps 
 B 
 
 pre 
 ὃ 
 
 ρις 
 
 β 
 
pg 
 B 
 
 pin 
 
 pd 
 
 pk 
 ς 
 
 ρκα 
 
 α 
 
 IIo Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 ε a lal 
 ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν Φωνήσατε αὐτόν. καὶ φωνοῦσι τὸν τυφλὸν 
 / tal a 
 λέγοντες αὐτῷ Θάρσει, ἔγειρε, φωνεῖ σε. ὁ δὲ ἀποβαλὼν τὸ so 
 ee 4 > a 3 , Φ Ν \ > a ee \ 
 ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ ἀναπηδήσας ἦλθεν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ει 
 αὐτῷ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν Τί σοι θέλεις ποιήσω; ὁ δὲ τυφλὸς εἶπεν 
 Sw” ἢ ᾽ν 5 / Y ὧν a ΩΣ αι νῷ ἫΝ 
 αὐτῷ ῬΡαβουνί, ἵνα ἀναβλέψω. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε, 52 
 \ / 
 ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέβλεψεν, καὶ ἠκολούθει 
 αὐτῷ 5 a ὁδῷ 
 ὑτῷ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ. 
 Καὶ ὅτε ἐγγίζουσιν εἰς ᾿ΓΙεροσόλυμα εἰς Βηθφαγὴ πρὸς τὸ Ὄρος XI 
 na > fal , n lal fal \ lal 
 τῶν ᾿Ελαιῶν, ἀποστέλλει δύο τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς 2 
 ς / > \ , Ν Cire \ As > , 
 Ὑπάγετε els τὴν κώμην τὴν κατέναντι ὑμῶν, καὶ εὐθὺς εἰσπορευό- 
 >? 5 eed n oe Gr ey > \ » 
 μενοι εἰς αὐτὴν εὑρήσετε πῶλον δεδεμένον ἐφ᾽ ὃν οὐδεὶς οὔπω 
 > , δι. ἢ 5 , ΠῚ \ , δύο ton 
 ἀνθρώπων ἐκάθισεν" λύσατε αὐτὸν καὶ φέρετε. καὶ ἐάν τις ὑμῖν 3 
 "» , a “ Μ “ c 4 > “ rf 
 εἴπῃ Τί ποιεῖτε τοῦτο ; εἴπατε ὅτι Ὃὧ κύριος αὐτοῦ χρείαν 
 \ ral a 
 ἔχει" καὶ εὐθὺς αὐτὸν ἀποστελεῖ ὧδε. καὶ ἀπῆλθον καὶ εὗρον 4 
 πῶλον δεδεμένον πρὸς θύραν ἔξω ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀμφόδου, καὶ λύουσιν 
 ᾽ , fal 3 > ἃ ’, Ν > co / ~ 
 αὐτόν. καί τινες τῶν ἐκεῖ ἑστηκότων ἔλεγον αὐτοῖς Ti ποιεῖτε 5 
 λύοντες τὸν πῶλον ; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτοῖς καθὼς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς 66 
 a a \ “ 
 Ἰησοῦς" καὶ ἀφῆκαν αὐτούς. καὶ φέρουσιν τὸν πῶλον πρὸς τὸν 7 
 Ἰησοῦν, καὶ ἐπιβάλλουσιν αὐτῷ τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐκάθισεν 
 στ, > , 4 Ν Xe / 3 πὰς Ν > Ν ε , 
 ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. καὶ πολλοὶ τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν ἔστρωσαν els τὴν ὁδόν, 8 
 ἄλλοι δὲ στιβάδας κόψαντες ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν. καὶ οἱ προάγοντες 9 
 καὶ οἱ ἀκολουθοῦντες ἔλεγον 
 ‘Qoavva’ 
 Εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀνόματι Κυρίου" 
 Εὐλογημένη ἡ ἐρχομένη βασιλεία τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν Δαυείδ' 10 
 ‘Qoavva ἐν τοῖς ὑψίστοις. 
 Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα εἰς τὸ ἱερόν" καὶ περιβλεψάμενος τι 
 πάντα ὀψίας ἤδη οὔσης τῆς ὥρας ἐξῆλθεν εἰς Βιθανίαν μετὰ τῶν 
 δώδεκα. 
 Καὶ τῇ ἐπαύριον ἐξελθόντων αὐτῶν ἀπὸ Βιθανίας ἐπείνασεν. 12 
 fol Ἂν 
 καὶ ἰδὼν συκῆν ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔχουσαν φύλλα ἦλθεν εἰ ἄρα τι 13 
 εὑρήσει ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ ἐλθὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν οὐδὲν εὗρεν εἰ μὴ φύλλα, ὁ 
 γὰρ καιρὸς οὐκ ἦν σύκων. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτῇ Μηκέτι 14 
 , Ν ΕΟ 5 an ‘ Ν / ae c x 
 els τὸν αἰῶνα ἐκ σοῦ μηδεὶς καρπὸν φάγῃ. καὶ ἤκουον of μαθηταὶ 
 αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν τς 
 
 εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἤρξατο ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς πωλοῦντας καὶ ἀγοράζοντας ἐν 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. III 
 
 τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ Tas τραπέζας τῶν κολλυβιστῶν Kal τὰς καθέδρας τῶν 
 16 πωλούντων τὰς περιστερὰς κατέστρεψεν καὶ οὐκ ἤφιεν ἵνα τις 
 17 διενέγκῃ σκεῦος διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, καὶ ἐδίδασκεν καὶ ἔλεγεν Οὐ 
 
 γέγραπται Ὃ οἶκός μου οἷκος προσευχῆς κληθήσεται πᾶσιν τοῖς 
 18 ἔθνεσιν ; ὑμεῖς δὲ πεποιήκατε αὐτὸν σπήλαιον λῃστῶν. καὶ --- 
 
 ἤκουον οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς, καὶ ἐζήτουν πῶς αὐτὸν 
 
 ἀπολέσωσιν" ἐφοβοῦντο γὰρ αὐτόν, πᾶς γὰρ 6 ὄχλος ἐξεπλήττετο 
 
 fo a a Ke 
 19 ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ὅταν ὀψὲ ἐγένετο, ἐξεπορεύοντο ἔξω ἘΞ 
 fod , ew , ‘ = Ν : 
 20 τῆς πόλεως. Καὶ παραπορευόμενοι πρωὶ εἶδον τὴν 
 Lea ΡΣ / 5 « lal \ ° \ ς / “5 
 21 συκῆν ἐξηραμμένην ἐκ ῥιζῶν. καὶ ἀναμνησθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος εἶπεν 
 ρκδ 
 
 n ec a a \ ‘ 
 22 αὐτῷ Ῥαββί, ἴδε ἡ συκῆ ἣν κατηράσω ἐξηράνθη. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ -ς 
 fol , “ a fal ἃ 
 23 Ιησοῦς λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔχετε πίστιν θεοῦ; ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ὃς 
 τι » πῃ ΄ ” \ , ς N , 
 av εἴπῃ τῷ ὄρει τούτῳ “ApOyTL Kal βλήθητι εἰς THY θάλασσαν, 
 \ “ fal nan te, ἃ “ 
 καὶ μὴ διακριθῇ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοῦ ἀλλὰ πιστεύῃ ὅτι ὃ λαλεῖ 
 7 Ν᾽ > "A SEN » Ἂς a / ¢ aA / “ 
 24 γίνεται, ἔσται αὐτῷ ὃ ἐὰν εἴπῃ. διὰ τοῦτο λέγω ὑμῖν, πάντα ὅσα 
 , \ be eta. ’ . SILA No COA 
 προσεύχεσθε καὶ αἰτεῖσθε, πιστεύετε ὅτι ἐλάβετε, καὶ ἔσται ὑμῖν. 
 Ν᾿ ἂν Ἃ , 2 7 7 / “ 
 25 καὶ ὅταν στήκετε προσευχόμενοι, ἀφίετε εἴ τι ἔχετε κατά τινος, ἵνα "΄" 
 \ an o ral - al 
 καὶ 6 πατὴρ ὑμῶν 6 ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς ἀφῇ ὑμῖν τὰ παραπτώματα 
 ὑμῶν. 
 
 A ~ fal a pee 
 ay Καὶ ἔρχονται πάλιν εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα. Καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ περι- | 
 
 = 
 a 
 
 28 πατοῦντος αὐτοῦ ἔρχονται πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς Kal οἱ γραμμα- 
 nn Ν ε ἢ. if ϑ. (ὧἷὰ > 7] 5 / lal 
 τεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι λέγοντες αὐτῷ ᾿Εν ποίᾳ ἐξουσίᾳ ταῦτα 
 “ - “Ὁ 7 Ν Ἂς 3 if “4 oe fo) 
 ποιεῖς; ἢ τίς σοι ἔδωκεν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἵνα ταῦτα 
 oe ε ee a = > “ ᾽ ’ ¢€ ae e , 
 29 ποιῇς ; ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ᾿Εἰπερωτήσω ὑμᾶς ἕνα λόγον, 
 \ , , SY NU ΕΣ ae 05] ἐνὶ ΣΎ , 5) , a ine 
 καὶ ἀποκρίθητέ μοι, κἀγὼ ὑμῖν ἐρῶ ἐν ποίᾳ ἐξουσίᾳ ταῦτα ποιῶ 
 30 τὸ βάπτισμα Ἰωάννου ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἦν ἢ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ; ἀποκρίθητέ 
 31 μοι. καὶ διελογίζοντο πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντες "Edy εἴπωμεν Ἔξ 
 ϑ “ 5 a Ν 7 b) b) / Ts 3 » 
 32 οὐρανοῦ, ἐρεῖ Διὰ τί οὐκ. ἐπιστεύσατε αὐτῷ; GAA εἴπωμεν 
 Ἔξ ἀνθρώπων φοβού τὸν λαόν, ἅπαντες γὰρ εἶχον τὸν 
 b) / ὮΨ “, , > \ τι , nan 3 a 
 33 Ἰωάννην ὄντως ὅτι προφήτης ἦν. Kat ἀποκριθέντες τῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ 
 λέγουσιν Οὐκ οἴδαμεν. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδὲ ἐγὼ 
 / Comex: 2 2 δι / a a Ni 
 XII λέγω ὑμῖν ἐν ποίᾳ ἐξουσίᾳ ταῦτα ποιῶ. Καὶ ἤρξατο 
 αὐτοῖς ἐν παραβολαῖς λαλεῖν ᾿Αμπελῶνα ἄνθρωπος ἐφύτευσεν, ""Ἴ 
 \ / > fe x ef « “ δι Ὁ / B 
 καὶ περιέθηκεν αὐτῷ φραγμὸν καὶ Opvgev ὑπολήνιον Kal ὠκοδόμησεν 
 
 32. Spaces are left in the text as shown above, but an apparently contem- 
 porary hand has added μεθα after φοβου. 
 
112 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 \ / a 
 πύργον, καὶ ἐξέδοτο αὐτὸν γεωργοῖς, καὶ ἀπεδήμησεν. καὶ ἀπ- 2 
 , Ν ‘\ \ n a “ / \ a 
 ἐστειλεν πρὸς TOUS γεωργοὺς τῷ καιρῷ δοῦλον, ἵνα λάβῃ ἀπὸ τῶν 
 a a na ξ \ 
 καρπῶν τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος" Kal λαβόντες αὐτὸν ἔδειραν Kal ἀπέστειλαν 3 
 κενόν. καὶ πάλιν ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἄλλον δοῦλον" καὶ ἐκεῖνον 4 
 ἐκεφαλίωσαν καὶ ἠτίμασαν. καὶ ἄλλον ἀπέστειλεν" κἀκεῖνον 5 
 , \ 
 ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους, ods μὲν δέροντες ods δὲ ἄποκτεν- 
 , ε * τ κεν > ΠΡΟΣ ΟΣ ees 
 νόντες. ἔτι ἕνα εἶχεν, υἱὸν ἀγαπητόν' καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν 6 
 Μ Ν > \ / “ > / ον eee 
 ἔσχατον πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγων ὅτι ᾿Εντραπήσονται τὸν υἱόν pov. 
 > a S 7 \ Ν « Ν ® “ oe , 5 «ς 
 ἐκεῖνοι δὲ οἱ γεωργοὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς εἶπαν ὅτι Οὗτός ἐστιν 67 
 , = a τὰ , hae A Se na ” ς 
 κληρονόμος" δεῦτε ἀποκτείνωμεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἡμῶν ἔσται ἣ κληρο- 
 νομία. καὶ λαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἔξω 8 
 τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος. τί οὖν ποιήσει ὃ κύριος τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος ; 9 
 5) / aes / ἣν ,ὔ \ , ν ° “ 
 ἐλεύσεται καὶ ἀπολέσει τοὺς γεωργούς, καὶ δώσει τὸν ἀμπελῶνα 
 ἄλλοις. οὐδὲ τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην ἀνέγνωτε , τς 
 Λίθον ὃν ἀπεδοκίμασαν οἱ οἰκοδομοῦντες, 
 οὗτος ἐγενήθη εἰς κεφαλὴν γωνίας" 
 Ἂν 7 4 b] / “ 
 παρὰ Κυρίου ἐγένετο αὕτη, 1 
 καὶ ἔστιν θαυμαστὴ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ἡμῶν ; 
 xO tr \ = 
 pe Καὶ ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν κρατῆσαι, καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν τὸν ὄχλον, ἔγνωσαν yap 12 
 ὅτι πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὴν παραβολὴν εἶπεν. καὶ ἀφέντες αὐτὸν ἀπῆλθον. 
 a \ “ 
 = Kai ἀποστέλλουσιν πρὸς αὐτόν τινας τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῶν 13 
 Ἡρωδιανῶν ἵνα αὐτὸν ἀγρεύσωσιν λόγῳ. καὶ ἐλθόντες λέγουσιν 14 
 αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ 
 Ἅ 
 οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ 
 ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον 
 Καίσαρι 7) οὔ; δῶμεν ἢ μὴ δῶμεν; ὁ δὲ εἰδὼς αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν 15 
 
 = ᾽ 
 
 εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί με πειράζετε; φέρετέ μοι δηνάριον ἵνα ἴδω. οἱ τό 
 δὲ ἤνεγκαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; 
 
 οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Καίσαρος. 6 δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τὰ 17 
 Καίσαρος ἀπόδοτε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. καὶ ἐξεθαύ- 
 μαζὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. 
 
 Καὶ ἔρχονται πρὸς αὐτὸν Σαδδουκαῖοι, οἵτινες λέγουσιν ἀνά- 18 
 στασιν μὴ εἶναι, καὶ ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν λέγοντες Διδάσκαλε, Μωυσῆς 19 
 ἔγραψεν ἡμῖν ὅτι ἐάν τινος ἀδελφὸς ἀποθάνῃ καὶ καταλίπῃ γυναῖκα 
 καὶ μὴ ἀφῇ τέκνον, ἵνα λάβῃ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ 
 
 ἐξαναστήσῃ σπέρμα τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ, ἑπτὰ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν᾽ καὶ 20 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 113 
 
 ε a ἔλ n \ a 6 , b) 3 a“ lL Ξ 
 ὁ πρῶτος ἔλαβεν γυναῖκα, καὶ ἀποθνήσκων οὐκ ἀφῆκεν σπέρμα 
 21 καὶ ὁ δεύτερος ἔλαβεν αὐτήν, καὶ ἀπέθανεν μὴ καταλιπὼν σπέρμα, 
 Nike i'd «ε ’ὔ \ eG ἃ ΝΣ 3 5) ον / Ae 
 22 καὶ ὁ τρίτος" ὡσαύτως καὶ οἱ ἑπτὰ οὐκ ἀφῆκαν σπέρμα" ἔσχατον 
 τῷ / a 
 23 πάντων Kal ἡ γυνὴ ἀπέθανεν. ἐν TH ἀναστάσει Tivos αὐτῶν ἔσται 
 [4 « Ν ε Ay Ga SN o Υ̓ 3 va) Ἐπ 5 a 
 24 γυνή ; ol yap ἑπτὰ ἔσχον αὐτὴν γυναῖκα. ἔφη αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 Οὐ διὰ τοῦτο πλανᾶσθε μὴ εἰδότες τὰς γραφὰς μηδὲ τὴν δύναμιν 
 25 τοῦ θεοῦ ; ὅταν γὰρ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστῶσιν, οὔτε γαμοῦσιν οὔτε γαμί- 
 26 ὦνται, ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶν ὡς ἄγγελοι οἱ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς" περὶ δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν 
 a / “ lal 
 ὅτι ἐγείρονται οὐκ ἀνέγνωτε ἐν TH βίβλῳ Μωσέως ἐπὶ τῆς βάτου πῶς 
 a > ε \ 
 εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ θεὸς λέγων ᾿Εγὼ ὁ θεὸς “ABpadp καὶ ὁ θεὸς ᾿Ισαὰκ καὶ 
 27 ὁ θεὸς Ιακώβ; οὐκἔστιν ὁ θεὸς νεκρῶν ἀλλὰ ζώντων" πολὺ πλανᾶσθε. 
 28 Καὶ προσελθὼν εἷς τῶν γραμματέων ἀκούσας αὐτῶν συζητούντων, PAS 
 IDX Ψ a 5) , 3... rn 5) , Spa ite SSeS 5 
 εἰδὼς ὅτι καλῶς ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς, ἐπερώτησεν αὐτόν ἸΠοία ἐστὶν 
 3 x , {2 3 / 3 cal [τὰ , Ὁ) / 
 29 ἐντολὴ πρώτη πάντων; ἀπεκρίθη Inoods ὅτι Πρώτη ἐστίν 
 = \ 
 30 "Axove, ᾿Ισραήλ, Κύριος ὁ θεός cov κύριος εἷς ἐστί, καὶ ἀγαπήσεις 
 [ \ fod a 
 Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχῆς 
 δον 5. “ “ la et) “ Lal 5 - ε 
 31 σοὺ καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς διανοίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος σου. 7 
 δευτέρα αὕτη ᾿Αγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. μείζων 
 : Α A 
 32 τούτων ἄλλη ἐντολὴ οὐκ ἔστιν. Kal εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ γραμματεύς 2X8 
 t 
 Καλῶς, διδάσκαλε, ἐπ᾽ ἀληθείας εἶπας ὅτι εἷς ἐστὶν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν 
 33 ἄλλος πλὴν αὐτοῦ" καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν αὐτὸν ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας καὶ ἐξ 
 a lal / \ 5 “ a >’ fe Ν Ν > “- Ἀ 
 ὅλης τῆς συνέσεως καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν τὸν 
 πλησίον ὡς ἑαυτὸν περισσότερά ἐστιν πάντων τῶν ὁλοκαυτωμάτων 
 \ a Ν ΕΟ a PINS as “ a 5 ie 
 34 καὶ θυσιῶν. καὶ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἰδὼς αὐτὸν ὅτι νουνεχῶς ἀπεκρίθη pry 
 εἶπεν αὐτῷ Οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ 8 
 35 οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι ἐτόλμα αὐτὸν ἐπερωτῆσαι. Kat pas 
 ἀποκριθεὶς 6 ᾿Ιησοῦς ἔλεγεν διδάσκων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Πῶς λέγουσιν Β 
 36 οἱ γραμματεῖς ὅτι ὁ Χριστὸς υἱὸς Δαυείδ ἐστιν; αὐτὸς Δαυεὶδ 
 = Ε a , ean 
 εἶπεν ἐν τῷ πνεύματι TO ἁγίῳ 
 cal , lal 
 Εἶπεν Κύριος τῷ κυρίῳ μου Κάθου ἐκ δεξιῶν μου 
 e δὰ n Ν 5 iA ¢ / lal a 
 ἕως ἂν θῶ τοὺς ἐχθρούς σου ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν σου" 
 δ Ἂς \ 3 , “ SEN /, \ cal ea > “3 7 
 37 αὐτὸς Δαυεὶδ ἐν πνεύματι καλεῖ αὐτὸν κύριον, καὶ πῶς υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ἐστίν; 
 8 Καὶ ὁ πολὺς ὄχλος ἤκουεν αὐτοῦ ἡδέως. Καὶ ἐν τῆ διδαχῇ ρλε 
 3 ῇ διδαχῇ pre 
 αὐτοῦ ἔλεγεν Βλέπετε ἀπὸ τῶν γραμματέων τῶν θελόντων ἐν β 
 
 στολαῖς περιπατεῖν καὶ ζητούντων ἀσπασμοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἀγοραῖς 
 
 26. τῆς] ns apparently in rasura by a later hand, 
 
pag 
 
 B 
 
 px) 
 B 
 
 se 
 € 
 
 114 Studia Biblica οἱ Ecclestastica. 
 
 kal πρωτοκαθεδρίας ἐν tats συναγωγαῖς καὶ πρωτοκλισίας ἐν τοῖς 39 
 , ε ΄, \ > κι eS ‘ 
 
 δείπνοις, of κατεσθίοντες τὰς οἰκίας τῶν χηρῶν καὶ προφάσει 40 
 
 μακρὰ προσευχόμενοι" οὗτοι λήψονται περισσότερον κρίμα. 
 
 Καὶ καθίσας ἀπέναντι τοῦ γαζοφυλακίου ἐθεώρει πῶς ὁ ὄχλος 41 
 βάλλει χαλκὸν εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλακεῖον᾽ καὶ πολλοὶ πλούσιοι ἔβαλλον 
 πολλά: καὶ ἐλθοῦσα μία χήρα πτωχὴ ἔβαλεν λεπτὰ δύο, ὅ ἐστιν 42 
 
 ἀ \ , Ν Ν > na Ὁ 
 κοδράντης. καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ εἶπεν 43 
 ᾽ »" >’ Ν, ean “ ε / icf € Ν al / 
 αὐτοῖς ᾿Αμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ἣ χήρα αὕτη ἣ πτωχὴ πλεῖον πάντων 
 ἔβαλεν τῶν βαλλόντων εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλακεῖον" πάντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ 44 
 ᾽ Lal Ν “ Ν J LJ « f + ee 
 περισσεύοντος αὐτοῖς ἔβαλον, αὕτη δὲ ἐκ τῆς ὑστερήσεως αὐτῆς 
 ¢ an 
 πάντα ὅσα εἶχεν ἔβαλεν, καὶ ὅλον τὸν βίον αὐτῆς. 
 \ Ἂν / ’ nN 5 Ν Λε a / - a lol 
 Καὶ ἐκπορευομένων αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ λέγει αὐτῳ εἷς τῶν XIII 
 a > aw \ / ‘ \ > / ae. J 
 μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ Ἴδε ποταποὶ λίθοι Kat ποταπαὶ οἰκοδομαί. καὶ ὃ 2 
 ᾽ na Φ 2 Fy / 4 \ ΄ > / > 
 Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Βλέπεις ταύτας τὰς μεγάλας οἰκοδομάς ; ov 
 a \ a 
 μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς ov μὴ καταλυθῇ. Kal καθη- 3 
 / > fal 5 Ay lal ᾽ an / ae a 3 , 
 μένου αὐτοῦ els τὸ Ὄρος τῶν ᾿Ελαιῶν κατέναντι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπηρώτα 
 αὐτὸν κατ᾽ ἰδίαν Πέτρος καὶ Ἰάκωβος καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης καὶ ᾿Ανδρέας 
 Εἰπὸν ἡμῖν πότε ταῦτα ἔσται, καὶ τί τὸ σημεῖον ὅταν ταῦτα μέλλῃ 4 
 συντελῆσθαι ἅπαντα. ὃ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἤρξατο λέγειν αὐτοῖς Βλέ- 5 
 / - “ A 
 πετε μή τις ὑμᾶς πλανήσει; πολλοὶ ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί 6 
 μουν λέγοντες ὅτι ᾿Εγώ εἰμι, καὶ πολλοὺς πλανήσουσιν. ὅταν δὲ 7 
 ἀκούσητε πολέμους καὶ ἀκοὰς πολέμων, μὴ θροεῖσθε" δεῖ γενέσθαι, 
 ἀλλ᾽ οὔπω τὸ τέλος. ἐγερθήσεται γὰρ ἔθνος ἐπ᾽ ἔθνος καὶ Βα- 8 
 σιλεία ἐπὶ Βασιλείαν, ἔσονται σεισμοὶ κατὰ τόπους, ἔσονται λιμοί" 
 ἀρχὴ ὠδίνων ταῦτα. βλέπετε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἑαυτούς" παραδώσουσιν 9 
 ς΄ Ὁ > s> \ > Ν vi Δ Abs ΄ 
 ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια καὶ εἰς συναγωγὰς δαρήσεσθε καὶ ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνων 
 \ , ’ e > ee i > .» \ 
 καὶ βασιλέων σταθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. καὶ το 
 εἰς πάντα τὰ ἔθνη πρῶτον δεῖ κηρυχθῆναι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. καὶ τι 
 “ Ν «ε ca ’ Ν ΄ , ’ 
 ὅταν ἄγωσιν ὑμᾶς παραδιδόντες, μὴ προσμελετᾶτε τί λαλήσητε, 
 - a. > Tp a ¢€ cal . 5 7 ee. fel cal ’ U » 
 ἀλλ᾽ ὃ ἐὰν δοθῇ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦτο λαλεῖτε, οὐ γάρ ἐστε 
 ὑμεῖς οἱ λαλοῦντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. καὶ παραδώσει 12 
 ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφὸν εἰς θάνατον καὶ πατὴρ τέκνον, καὶ ἐπαναστή- 
 / \ “ 
 σονται τέκνα ἐπὶ γονεῖς καὶ θανατώσουσιν αὐτούς" καὶ ἔσεσθε 13 
 
 , ε ‘ Ul Ν 4 a / « Ν « , 5» 
 
 μισούμενοι ὑπὸ πάντων διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου. ὁ δὲ ὑπομείνας εἰς 
 
 τέλος οὗτος σωθήσεται. Ὅταν δὲ ἴδητε τὸ Βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώ- 14 
 
 « 4 “ , -“ « » ’ ’ ee σι 
 PHY σεως ἑστηκὸς ὅπου οὐ δεῖ, ὁ ἀναγινώσκων νοείτω, τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ 
 
 ς 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. ΤΙΝ 
 
 Se SN a 
 
 Ν 
 15. Ἰουδαίᾳ φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη, 6 δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ δώματος μὴ κατα- 
 
 16 βάτω μηδὲ εἰσελθέτω τι ἄραι ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ, καὶ ὁ εἰς τὸν 
 17 ἀγρὸν μὴ ἐπιστρεψάτω εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω ἄραι τὸ ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ. οὐαὶ mn 
 δὲ ταῖς ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσαις Kal ταῖς θηλαζούσαις ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς 
 18 ἡμέραις. προσεύχεσθε ἵνα μὴ γένηται ἣ φυγὴ ὑμῶν χειμῶνος" = 
 19 ἔσονται γὰρ αἱ ἡμέραι ἐκεῖναι θλίψις οἵα οὐ γέγονεν ἀπ᾽ pys 
 ἀρχῆς κτίσεως ἣν ἔκτισεν ὁ θεὸς ἕως τοῦ νῦν καὶ οὐ μὴ γένηται. 8 
 20 καὶ εἰ μὴ ἐκολόβωσεν ὃ θεὸς τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας, οὐκ ἂν ἐσώθη PHS 
 
 πᾶσα σάρξ. ἀλλὰ διὰ τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς ods ἐξελέξατο ἐκολόβωσεν * 
 
 21 τὰς ἡμέρας. Καὶ τότε ἐάν τις ὑμῖν εἴπῃ “Ide ὧδε 6 Χριστός 56 
 
 L 
 
 ral \ 
 22 Ἴδε ἐκεῖ, μὴ πιστεύετε" ἐγερθήσονται yap ψευδόχριστοι καὶ ψευ- 
 
 D 
 “[Ὲ ἡ 
 D> 
 
 mn \ , ta) \ / X eee Sa 
 δοπροφῆται καὶ δώσουσιν σημεῖα Kal τέρατα πρὸς TO ἀποπλανᾷν 
 na - ’ 
 23 εἰ δυνατὸν ἐκλεκτούς" ὑμεῖς δὲ βλέπετε' προείρηκα ὑμῖν πάντα. 
 24 ᾿Αλλὰ ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις μετὰ τὴν θλίψιν ἐκείνην 6 ἥλιος PY 
 ’ὔ Ν ε Τὴ > £ Ν / oe \ ε 
 25 σκοτισθήσεται, καὶ ἣ σελήνη οὐ δώσει τὸ φέγγος αὐτῆς, καὶ οἱ 
 ἀστέρες ἔσονται ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ πίπτοντες, καὶ αἱ δυνάμεις αἱ ἐν 
 cal 3 cal ? \ , ¥ Ν LN in 
 26 τοῖς οὐρανοῖς σαλευθήσονται. καὶ τότε ὄψονται τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ 
 ἀνθρώπου ἐρχόμενον ἐν.νεφέλαις μετὰ δυνάμεως πολλῆς καὶ δόξης" 
 \ , 2 . Ν 2 , > a Ν " , Ν 
 27 καὶ τότε ἀποστελεῖ τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπισυνάξει τοὺς Pe 
 3 Ν, 5 “ 5 / 323. τὰ Lal ed Ν 
 ἐκλεκτοὺς ἐκ τῶν τεσσάρων ἀνέμων am ἄκρου γῆς ἕως ἄκρου 
 28 τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. "Amd δὲ τῆς συκῆς μάθετε τὴν 
 . ips \ 
 παραβολήν" ὅταν ἤδη ὃ κλάδος αὐτῆς ἁπαλὸς γένηται Kal τὰ 
 29 φύλλα ἐκφύῃ, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγὺς τὸ θέρος ἐστίν" οὕτως καὶ 
 ς al > a , , “ 3 (A 2 “ἘῸΝ 
 ὑμεῖς, ὅταν ἴδητε ταῦτα γινόμενα, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγύς ἐστιν ἐπὶ 
 30 θύραις. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐ μὴ παρέλθῃ ἡ γενεὰ ταύτη μέχρι 
 ‘ Pats. ἀμῇ YO Ups ΠΕ eA ΠΥ 1 BEXP 
 31 ov ταῦτα πάντα γένηται. 6 οὐρανὸς Kal ἡ γῆ παρελεύσονται, οἱ 
 " “- μὴ 
 32 δὲ λόγοι μου οὐ μὴ παρέλθωσιν. Περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἢ pvp 
 ς΄ ὦ 25 \ 5 DENG ech cous Ay as ὯΝ ἐν aa 
 τῆς ὥρας οὐδεὶς οἶδεν, οὐδὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι Ol ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ οὔτε ὁ 
 “ \ 
 33 vids, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ. βλέπετε ἀγρυπνεῖτε Kal προσεύχεσθε, οὐκ PY 
 s 
 34 οἴδατε yap πότε ὃ καιρός eoTiv’ ὡς ἄνθρωπος ἀπόδημος ἀφεὶς ρνδ 
 Ν 5...) Sayin \ \ a , Dee inte NU ahs , ΠΕ, τ 
 τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ δοὺς τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἑκάστῳ 
 Ἀν ἝΝ 2 On \ a 2 3 , ψΨ a νε 
 35 τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ, καὶ τῷ θυρωρῷ ἐνετείλατο ἵνα γρηγορῇ. γρη- PYE 
 γορεῖτε οὖν, οὐκ οἴδατε γὰρ πότε ὁ κύριος τῆς οἰκίας ἔρχεται, 
 μὴ 
 36) ὀψὲ ἢ μεσονύκτιον ἢ ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἢ πρωΐ, μὴ ἐλθὼν 
 26.7 Ὁ ch ΄, Peet NY eben , a js. an 
 37 ἐξαίφνης εὕρῃ ὑμᾶς καθεύδοντας" ὃ δὲ ὑμῖν λέγω πᾶσιν λέγω, 
 γρηγορεῖτε. 
 
116 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 pre Ν Ν , Ἂν / € ’ pia 
 | “HN δὲ τὰ ἄζυμα καὶ τὸ πάσχα μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας. Kal ἐζή- XIV 
 
 Tovv οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς πῶς αὐτὸν ἐν δόλῳ κρατή- 
 σαντες ἀποκτείνωσιν, ἔλεγον γάρ Μὴ ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, μή ποτε ἔσται 2 
 θόρυβος τοῦ λαοῦ. 
 
 pyn \ Ξ a es a 
 | Kai ὄντος αὐτοῦ ἐν Βηθανίᾳ ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ Σίμωνος τοῦ λεπροῦ 3 
 
 α t 
 κατακειμένου αὐτοῦ ἦλθεν γυνὴ ἔχουσα ἀλάβαστρον μύρου νάρδου 
 πιστικῆς πολυτελοῦς" συντρίψασα τὴν ἀλάβαστρον κατέχεεν 
 αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ. ἦσαν δέ τινες ἀγανακτοῦντες πρὸς ἑαυτούς 4 
 ἢ ῃ. ἢ γ ρ 
 Εἰς τί ἡ ἀπώλεια αὕτη τοῦ μύρου γέγονεν; ἐδύνατο γὰρ τοῦτο τὸ 5 
 μύρον πραθῆναι ἐπάνω δηναρίων τριακοσίων καὶ δοθῆναι τοῖς 
 πτωχοῖς καὶ ἐνεβριμῶντο αὐτῇ. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν “Adere 6 
 δον αὶ ὡς 7 br , έ BY ν > s b) b) ( 
 αὐτήν" τί αὐτῇ κόπους παρέχετε; καλὸν ἔργον εἰργάσατο ἐν emo 
 , Ν Ν Ἂς ” 3ι: καὶ a δι ὧν , 
 πάντοτε γὰρ τοὺς πτωχοὺς ἔχετε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, καὶ ὅταν θέλητε 7 
 ρνθ / > tal μὴ o φν ας ες > / Υ «ἃ 
 |] πάντοτε δύνασθε αὐτοῖς εὖ ποιεῖν, ἐμὲ δὲ οὐ πάντοτε ἔχετε" ὃ 8 
 »” b] 4 / ’ὔ Ν cad / >] Ἂς 3 
 ἔσχεν ἐποίησεν, προέλαβεν μυρίσαι τὸ σῶμά pov εἰς τὸν ἐντα- 
 , >) ‘\ Ν / ema “ἤ SY n~ Ν > 
 φιασμόν. ἀμὴν δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν, ὅπου ἐὰν κηρυχθῇ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον 9 
 τοῦτο εἰς ὅλον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ ὃ ἐποίησεν αὕτη λαληθήσεται εἰς 
 ρὲ , cal ‘9 ΄, ens \ c ᾿ a 
 8 μνημόσυνον αὑτῆς. Καὶ ᾿Ιούδας 6 ᾿Ισκαριὼθ ὁ εἷς τῶν το 
 δώδεκα ἀπῆλθεν πρὸς τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς ἵνα αὐτὸν παραδῷ αὐτοῖς. 
 οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἐχάρησαν καὶ ἐπήγγειλ ὑτῷ ἀργύριον δοῦναι 
 χάρη πήγγειλαν αὐτῷ ἀργύριον + τοι 
 καὶ ἐζήτει πῶς αὐτὸν εὐκαίρως παραδῷ. 
 ‘ “ , ε / a ᾿) A of \ / ¥ , 
 Καὶ τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων, ὅτε τὸ πάσχα ἔθυον, λέγουσιν 12 
 αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ lod θέλεις ἀπελθόντες ἑτοιμάσωμέν σοι 
 Ν “ \ 5 / / na “ » a \ / 
 TO πάσχα; Kal ἀποστέλλει δύο τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ λέγει 13 
 > al ε > Ν td Ae SS / ec oa Ν 
 αὐτοῖς Ὕπάγετε εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ἀπαντήσει ὑμῖν ἄνθρωπος 
 ἢ “ t . ἃ" , 5a \ 4 ds 
 κεράμιον ὕδατος βαστάζων" ἀκολουθήσατε αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅπου ἐὰν 14 
 εἰσέλθῃ εἴπατε τῷ οἰκοδεσπότῃ ὅτι Ὃὧ διδάσκαλος λέγει Ποῦ 
 ἐστὶν τὸ κατάλυμά μου ὅπου τὸ πάσχα μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν μου 
 Ν δ΄ ἧς en / " 7 , 3 / ae ὰ 
 φάγω; καὶ αὐτὸς ὑμῖν δείξει ἀνώγαιον μέγα ἐστρωμένον ἕτοιμον" κ- 
 καὶ ἐκεῖ ἑτοιμάσατε ἡμῖν. καὶ ἐξῆλθον οἱ μαθηταὶ καὶ ἦλθον εἰς 16 
 Ν , \ Φ Ν ® ΕἸ “ \ € Ν 
 τὴν πόλιν. καὶ εὗρον καθὼς εἷπεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἡτοίμασαν τὸ 
 πάσχα. Καὶ ὀψίας γενομένης ἔρχεται μετὰ τῶν δώδεκα. 17 
 α \ > / » κα \ 2 , (eae) a ° ’ ‘ 
 “g Kal ἀνακειμένων αὐτῶν καὶ ἐσθιόντων ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν ᾿Αμὴν 18 
 « “ cod "» ε a , « 5 , , 5" fal 
 λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι εἷς ἐξ ὑμῶν παραδώσει pe ὁ ἐσθίων per ἐμοῦ. 
 ρέβ 5 Σ 
 "Β ἤρξαντο λυπεῖσθαι καὶ λέγειν αὐτῷ εἷς κατὰ εἷς Μήτι ἐγώ; 19 
 ply ὁ δὲ λέγει αὐτοῖς Els τῶν δώδεκα, ὁ ἐμβαπτόμενος μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ εἰς 20 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 117 
 
 na , Ν 4 
 21 τὸ τρύβλιον" ὅτι ὁ μὲν vids τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὑπάγει καθὼς γέγραπται PEP 
 a o AS 
 περὶ αὐτοῦ, oval δὲ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐκείνῳ δι’ οὗ ὁ vids TOD ἀνθρώπου 
 παραδίδοται: καλὸν ἦν αὐτῷ εἰ οὐκ ἐγεννήθη ὁ ἄνθρωπος 
 
 a fal n x € 
 22 ἐκεῖνος. Καὶ ἐσθιόντων αὐτῶν λαβὼν 6 ᾿Ιησοῦς ἄρτον pce 
 a 
 
 εὐλογήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ εἶπεν Λάβετε, τοῦτό 
 
 » ων a Ul ‘ Ν Lu 5“. , ” pés 
 
 23 ἐστιν TO σῶμά μου. καὶ λαβὼν ποτήριον εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν a 
 > cal \ Vers 4 5) > a , \ 3 2 cal σ΄, 
 24 αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔπιον ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτό 
 ἐστιν τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης τὸ ἐκχυνόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν" 
 5 Ν / Ce [ὦ ϑ᾿ / > Ν ’ 2 “ / “ 
 25 ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐκέτι οὐ μὴ πίω ἐκ τοῦ γενήματος τῆς 
 
 3 / e 2 ς / 3 , “ ba , Ἀ , a 
 ἀμπέλου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ὅταν αὐτὸ πίνω καινὸν ἐν Τῇ 
 
 7ὔ A a \ ς ΄ DU eae > x pé¢ 
 26 βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ ὑμνήσαντες ἐξῆλθον εἰς τὸ -- 
 27 Ὄρος τῶν ᾿Ελαιῶν. Καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς ὅτι 
 
 Πάντες σκανδαλισθήσεσθε, ὅτι γέγραπται ὅτι Πατάξω τὸν ποι- en 
 
 , \ , \ , anes) \ ΝῊ τον a5 
 
 28 μένα, καὶ διασκορπισθήσονται τὰ πρόβατα' ἀλλὰ μετὰ τὸ ἐγερ- 
 
 29 θῆναί με προάξω ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος λέγει αὐτῷ Η 
 \ 
 
 30 Ei καὶ πάντες σκανδαλισθήσονται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐγώ, καὶ λέγει 
 
 αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ᾿Αμὴν λέγω σοι ὅτι σὺ σήμερον ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ 
 ᾧ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ᾿Αμὴν λέγ ήμερ ἢ τῇ νυκτὶ 
 
 ν x δὶ ar / a \ 9 7, ε δὲ 9 a poa 
 31 πρὶν ἢ δὶς ἀλέκτορα φωνῆσαι τρὶς ἀπαρνήσῃ με. ὃ δὲ ἐκπερισσῶς “- 
 b) / ED nies / ° ’ , a) Sr 
 ἐλάλει ᾿Εὰν δέῃ με συναποθανεῖν σοι, ov μὴ σε ataprnoopat. 2 
 0 
 
 ν ἡ Py , @ Ne ὦ 7, \ ῃ . ΒΕ 
 32 Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς χωρίον οὗ τὸ ὄνομα Τεσσιμανῆ, καὶ λέγει τοῖς δ 
 33 μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Καθίσατε ὧδε ἕως προσεύξομαι. καὶ παραλαμ- POY 
 \ , “ 
 βάνει τὸν Πέτρον καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, 
 \ a - \ a 
 34 kal ἤρξατο ἐκθαμβεῖσθαι καὶ ἀδημονεῖν, καὶ λέγειν αὐτοῖς Περί- — 
 λυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου ἕως θανάτου" μείνατε ὧδε καὶ γρηγορεῖτε. 
 \ \ x ? 3X a [ον \ ,ὔ σ. 5 
 35 καὶ προσελθὼν μικρὸν ἔπιπτεν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, καὶ προσηύχετο ἵνα εἰ 
 a \ 
 36 δυνατόν ἐστιν παρέλθῃ am αὐτοῦ ἡ dpa, καὶ ἔλεγγεν "ABBA 6 
 πατήρ, πάντα δύναταί σοι παρένεγκαι τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἀπ᾿ “α 
 37 ἐμοῦ" ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τί ἐγὼ θέλω ἀλλὰ εἰ τί σύ. καὶ ἔρχεται καὶ P%¢ 
 \ / a / 
 εὑρίσκει αὐτοὺς καθεύδοντας, kal λέγει τῷ Πέτρῳ Σίμων, καθεύδεις ; 
 a cal \ 
 38 οὐκ ἴσχυσας μίαν ὥραν γρηγορῆσαι; γρηγορεῖτε καὶ προσεύχεσθε, 
 ἵνα μὴ εἰσέλθητε εἰς πειρασμόν" τὸ μὲν πνεῦμα πρόθυμον ἡ δὲ σὰρξ 
 3 ΤΑ Ν᾿ / »} Ν 4 \ ee ἃ , > , (pete) 
 39 ἀσθενής. καὶ πάλιν ἀπελθὼν προσηύξατο τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον εἰπών. | 
 \ / a 
 4o kal πάλιν ἐλθὼν εὗρεν αὐτοὺς καθεύδοντας, ἦσαν yap αὐτῶν οἱ P% 
 > \ , \ ΕῚ » ὦ a Ce. 5 
 ὀφθαλμοὶ καταβαρυνόμενοι, καὶ οὐκ ἤδεισαν τί ἀποκριθῶσιν αὐτῷ. is 
 \ val 
 41 kal ἔρχεται τὸ τρίτον καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Καθεύδετε λοιπόν καὶ — 
 
 27. σκανδαλισθήσεσθε) A contemporary hand has added in the margin ἐν ἐμοί. 
 
118 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 ἀναπαύεσθε' ἦλθεν ἡ ὥρα, ἰδοὺ παραδίδοται ὁ vids τοῦ ἀνθρώπου 
 Ν al “ « “ > e a) Ae 
 εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν. ἐγείρεσθε ἄγωμεν" ἰδοὺ ὁ παρα- 42 
 ρπα a a 
 —, διδούς με ἤγγικεν. Καὶ εὐθὺς ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος 43 
 / ? 4 n ’ 2 >] > na » x 
 παραγίνεται ‘lovdas εἷς τῶν δώδεκα Kal per’ αὐτοῦ ὄχλος μετὰ 
 μαχαιρῶν καὶ ξύλων παρὰ τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ γραμματέων καὶ τῶν 
 
 c 
 
 mB Ν , Ξ 
 ΕΞ oa πρεσβυτέρων. δεδώκει δὲ ὁ παραδιδοὺς αὐτὸν σύσσημον αὐτοῖς 44 
 λέγων Ὃν ἐὰν φιλήσω οὗτός ἐστιν κρατήσατε αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπα- 
 
 , ? ra Ni oe Ν >a x δὲ ἌΝ «ς 
 γάγετε ἀσφαλῶς. καὶ ἐλθὼν εὐθὺς προσελθὼν αὐτῷ λέγει “PaBBl, 45 
 
 x a » \ 
 kal κατεφίλησεν αὐτόν. οἱ δὲ ἐπέβαλον Tas χεῖρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ 46 
 "ΕἼ ἐκράτησαν αὐτόν. εἷς δὲ τῶν παρεστηκότων σπασάμενος τὴν 47 
 μάχαιραν ἔπαισεν τὸν δοῦλον τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Καιάφα καὶ ἀφεῖλεν 
 PEO seen Δ ΒΑ eee: ν 5 ΝΣ Lees a 5 ees ε 8 
 Ε΄ αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὃ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Qs 4 
 
 α 
 
 \ a ral 
 ἐπὶ λῃστὴν ἐξήλθατε μετὰ μαχαιρῶν καὶ ξύλων συλλαβεῖν pe; 
 καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἤμην πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διδάσκων καὶ οὐκ ἐκρα- 49 
 pre fi 
 “g τεῖτέ pe’ ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα πληρωθῶσιν αἱ γραφαί. καὶ ἀφέντες αὐτὸν 50 
 PT ἔφυγον πάντες. Καὶ νεανίσκος τις συνηκολούθει αὐτῷ περιβεβλη- 51 
 
 / , Ce re ΖΑ \ a Se ae. ς ἃς Ν 
 μένος σινδόνα ἐπὶ γυμνοῦ, καὶ κρατοῦσιν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ καταλιπὼν 52 
 4 , ” , 
 τὴν σινδόνα ἔφυγεν γυμνός. 
 ρπζ Κ Wes) / A *T a Ν Ν 5 , \ [2 
 ΓΞ αἱ ἀπήγαγον τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα, καὶ συνέρχονται 53 
 a ral \ tal 
 αὐτῷ πάντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς Kal οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς. 
 a καὶ ὁ Ilérpos μακρόθεν ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ἕως ἔσω εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ 54 
 ἀρχιερέως, καὶ ἣν συνκαθήμενος μετὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν καὶ θερμαινό- 
 a μενος πρὸς TO φῶς. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς Kal ὅλον» τὸ συνέδριον ἐζήτουν 55 
 κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ μαρτυρίαν εἰς τὸ θανατῶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ οὐχ 
 “ Ξ \ \ 5 , \ a? a \ ¥ 
 ηὕρισκον" πολλοὶ yap ἐψευδομαρτύρουν κατὰ τοῦ Inood, καὶ ἴσαι 56 
 4 «ες / J . ’, 5 oi / 
 Ph at μαρτυρίαι οὐκ ἦσαν. καί τινες ἀναστάντες ἐψευδομαρτύρουν 57 
 > ᾿] “ / “ c na ἢ / > “ / “ 
 κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγοντες ὅτι Ἡμεῖς ἠκούσαμεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι 58 
 ᾽ Ν, / n \ 4 x Ν \ Ν n 
 Ey® καταλύσω τοῦτον τὸν χειροποίητον τὸν ναὸν καὶ διὰ τριῶν 
 ἡμερῶν ἄλλον ἀχειροποίητον οἰκοδομήσω" καὶ οὐδὲ οὕτως ἴση ἦν 7H 59 
 μαρτυρία αὐτῶν. καὶ ἀναστὰς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἔστη εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ 60 
 2 , a Ν 3 fal / > > / ° / “ φ , 
 ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν λέγων Οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ οὐδέν ὅ τι οὗτοί 
 σου καταμαρτυροῦσιν; ὁ δὲ ἐσιώπα καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο οὐδέν. 
 ρα πάλιν ὃ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Σὺ εἶ ὁ Χριστὸς 61 
 a c «.% “ > , c re a ° ᾽ , b ‘ 
 
 ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ εὐλογημένου; ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν ᾿Εγώ εἰμι, καὶ 62 
 
 ὄψεσθε τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ δεξιῶν καθήμενον τῆς δυνάμεως 
 
 ρ'β καὶ ἐρχόμενον μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς 63 
 ς 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 119 
 
 nm a ν 
 διαρρήξας τοὺς χιτῶνας αὐτοῦ λέγει Τί ἔτι χρείαν ἔχομεν μαρ- Pry 
 lol - / 
 64 τύρων; ἠκούσατε τῆς βλασφημίας ; τί ὑμῖν φαίνεται; οἱ δὲ πάντες 
 6ς κατέκριναν αὐτὸν ἔνοχον εἶναι θανάτου. Καὶ ἤρξαντό τινες ἐμ- 2? 
 a a \ 
 πτύειν αὐτῷ kal περικαλύπτειν αὐτοῦ TO πρόσωπον καὶ κολαφίζειν 
 αὐτὸν καὶ λέγειν αὐτῷ: Προφήτευσον ἡμῖν. καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται 
 γ ῷ Προφή ἡμῖν. p 
 66 ῥαπίσμασιν αὐτὸν ἔλαβον. Καὶ ὄντος τοῦ Πέτρου ἐν phe 
 a ὑλῇ a 7 a 5 a δι 3 / ψ \ id a x a 
 67 TH αὐλῇ ἔρχεται pla τῶν παιδισκῶν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ ἰδοῦσα τὸν 
 , ΄ 3 / tod / \ Ν Ν na 
 Πέτρον θερμαινόμενον ἐμβλέψασα αὐτῷ λέγει Καὶ σὺ μετὰ τοῦ 
 68 Ναζαρηνοῦ ἦσθα τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ὁ δὲ ἠρνήσατο λέγων Οὔτε οἶδα 
 οὔτε ἐπίσταμαι σὺ τί λέγεις. καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἔξω εἰς τὸ προαύλιον. P1S 
 Nie 7 Ne! Sy οὖ, ἢ 7 ΄ a a 
 69 καὶ ἡ παιδίσκη ἰδοῦσα αὐτὸν ἤρξατο πάλιν λέγειν τοῖς παρεστῶσιν 
 γο ὅτι Οὗτος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐστίν. ὃ δὲ πάλιν ἠρνεῖτο. καὶ μετὰ 
 μικρὸν ot παρεστῶτες ἔλεγον τῷ Πέτρῳ ᾿Αληθῶς ἐξ αὐτῶν 
 γι εἶ, καὶ γὰρ Γαλιλαῖος «i ὁ δὲ ἤρξατο ἀναθεματίζειν καὶ ὀμνύειν 
 y2 ὅτι Οὐκ οἷδα τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον ὃν λέγετε. καὶ ἐκ δευτέρου P46 
 5.2 ΠΡ ΩΣ " Ny ae , ς , . τῷ ε 5 B 
 ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησεν" καὶ ἀνεμνήσθη ὃ Lletpos τὸ ῥῆμα ws εἶπεν 
 a a “ \ 
 αὐτῷ ᾿Ιησοῦς ὅτι Πρὶν ἀλέκτορα φωνῆσαι dis τρίς με ἀπαρνήση, 
 \ 
 καὶ ἐπιβαλὼν ἔκλαιεν. 
 “" Ν a 
 χν Kal εὐθὺς πρωὶ συμβούλιον ποιήσαντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς μετὰ τῶν 
 πρεσβυτέρων καὶ γραμματέων καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον δήσαντες τὸν P19 
 3 “ 5 / \ / / VG ’, 3 \ 
 2 ᾿Ιησοῦν ἀπήνεγκαν καὶ παρέδωκαν Πιλάτῳ. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτὸν 
 lad 9S a \ 
 ὁ Πιλᾶτος Σὺ ef ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ; ἀποκριθεὶς 
 8 αὐτῷ λέγει Σὺ λέγεις. καὶ κατηγόρουν αὐτοῦ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς πολλά, 
 4 αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο. ὃ δὲ Πιλᾶτος πάλιν ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν 
 ὅ λέγων Οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ οὐδέν; ἴδε πόσα σου κατηγοροῦσιν. ὁ δὲ 
 
 Ἰησοῦς οὐκέτι οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίθη, ὥστε θαυμάζειν τὸν Πιλᾶτον. 
 
 a δ a σ, 
 6 Κατὰ δὲ ἑορτὴν ἀπέλυεν αὐτοῖς ἕνα δέσμιον ὅνπερ ἠτοῦντο. ἦν τ᾿ 
 7 δὲ ὁ λεγόμενος Βαραββᾶς μετὰ τῶν στασιαστῶν δεδεμένος οἵτινες oy 
 “δ᾽ 
 
 8 ἐν τῇ στάσει φόνον πεποιήκασιν. καὶ ἀναβοήσας ὃ ὄχλος ἤρξατο 
 ῇ ἥκασιν. ] χλος ἤρ 
 
 ο αἰτεῖσθαι καθὼς ἐποίει αὐτοῖς. ὁ δὲ Πιλᾶτος ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς 
 
 το λέγων Θέλετε ἀπολύσω ὑμῖν τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ιουδαίων ; ἐγί- 
 
 Ν [4 ἊΝ / , ihe. ἼΝ ε = lal 
 
 νωσκεν yap ὅτι διὰ φθόνον παραδεδώκεισαν αὐτὸν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς. . 
 
 τι οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς ἀνέσεισαν τὸν ὄχλον ἵνα μᾶλλον τὸν Βαραββᾶν τς 
 
 12 ἀπολύσῃ αὐτοῖς. 6 δὲ Πιλᾶτος πάλιν ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς “5 
 
 68. A contemporary or slightly later hand adds in the margin καὶ ἀλέκτωρ 
 ἐφώνησεν. 2. ἰουδαίων is written in rasura, 
 
avy 
 
 120 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 Ti οὖν ποιήσω ὃν λέγετε τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ; οἱ δὲ 13 
 πάλιν ἔκραξαν Σταύρωσον αὐτόν. 6 δὲ Πιλᾶτος ἔλεγεν Τί 14 
 Ν 5 / ’ « Ν a Ν ts ’ , 
 yap ἐποίησεν κακόν; οἱ δὲ περισσῶς ἔκραξαν Σταύρωσον αὐτόν. 
 σς ad A δὲ 
 -- ὁ δὲ Πιλᾶτος βουλόμενος τῷ ὄχλῳ τὸ ἱκανὸν ποιῆσαι ἀπέλυσεν 15 
 α 
 “ -" \ fal 
 αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, καὶ παρέδωκεν τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν φραγελλώσας 
 ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 
 σι 4 Ν “ od 4 a. εἰ Ν “ Bin 5» 
 Σ Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν ἔσω τῆς αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραι- 16 
 , \ a “ Ν, - ὧν / 
 τώριον, καὶ συνκαλοῦσιν ὅλην THY σπεῖραν. Kal ἐνδιδύσκουσιν 1) 
 ἃς ’ \ / 3 7% / 3 / 
 αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον 
 στέφανον καὶ ἤρξαντο αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεσθαι Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν 18 
 > ) eee Lisp Ch er τως ‘i Ν να 
 Ιουδαίων" καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον 19 
 on τ γ. ., \ , κι Ων , », \ κῶν ΠΕΣ 
 ς- αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέ- 20 
 ᾿ς ον ὅν ἂν Ν, , ee, SF τς Ν 
 παιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ 
 « / > n δ IS. wv σ tA 
 τε ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἐξάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἔξω ἵνα σταυρώσω- 
 \ n 
 σιν avtov’ καὶ ἀγγαρεύουσιν παράγοντά τινα Σίμωνα Κυρηναῖον 21 
 a \ 
 ἐρχόμενον am ἀγροῦ, τὸν πατέρα ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ ‘Povdov, ἵνα 
 σι 
 a ἄρῃ τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ. καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Γολγοθὰν 22 
 
 >, \ al 
 & τόπον, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Kpaviov Τόπος. καὶ δίδωσι» αὐτῷ 23 
 
 α 3 / = « Ν > ΝΥΝ \ “n > Ν \ 
 σιβ ἐσμυρνισμένον οἶνον, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔλαβεν. Kal oravpotow αὐτὸν Kal 24 
 α διαμερίζονται τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, βάλλοντες κλῆρον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τίς τί 
 
 ᾽ 
 σιδ ἄρῃ. ἦν δὲ ὥρα τρίτη καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν αὐτόν. καὶ ἦν ἡ ἐπιγραφὴ a 
 a “- a a ? . 
 τῆς αἰτίας αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένη Ὃ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων. Kai 
 σιε AS ¢ eee a 4 is 3 “ νι ὦ b] 
 τε σὺν αὐτῷ σταυροῦσιν δύο λῃστάς, ἕνα ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ ἕνα ἐξ 2; 
 σις εὐωνύμων αὐτοῦ. Καὶ οἱ παραπορευόμενοι ἐβλασφήμουν αὐτὸν 29 
 a ~ \ 
 κινοῦντες τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν καὶ λέγοντες Ὃ καταλύων τὸν ναὸν 
 Ν » fal » Ν ς / a a Ν . Ν a 
 καὶ οἰκοδομῶν ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις, σῶσον σεαυτὸν καταβὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ 30 
 σις a ε 7 \ 2 ha val > , Ν ἀλλ aN 
 ~ σταυροῦ. ὁμοίως καὶ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐμπαίζοντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους 31 
 μετὰ τῶν γραμματέων ἔλεγον Αλλους ἔσωσεν, ἑαυτὸν οὐ δύναται 
 η Toran" ὁ Χριστὸς ὃ βασιλεὺς Ἰσραὴλ καταβάτω νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ 3: 
 ome A \ 
 B σταυροῦ, iva ἴδωμεν καὶ πιστεύσωμεν. καὶ οἱ συνεσταυρωμένοι 
 σιθ ’ 
 co" μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὠνείδιζον αὐτόν. Καὶ γενομένης ὥρας ἕκτης 33 
 ᾿ σκότος ἐγένετο ἐφ᾽ ὅλην τὴν γῆν ἕως ὥρας ἐνάτ καὶ τῇ ἐνάτ, 
 σκ γ ἣν τὴν γῆ ρας ἐνάτης. ἢ ἐνάτῃ 34 
 β ὥρᾳ ἐβόησεν ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ᾿Ἐλωΐ, ἐλωί, λεμὰ σαβαχθανι; 
 ora 
 3 9 ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Ὃ θεός μου, ὃ θεός pov, eis τί 
 σκβ > / / 2 / a ἢ “ΩΝ ν 
 ΚΡ ἐγκατέλιπές με; Kal τινες τῶν παρεστηκότων ἀκούσαντες ἔλεγον 35 
 
 ἢν ΤῊΣ φωνεῖ. δραμὼν δέ τις γεμίσας σπόγγον ὄξους περι- 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. I2I 
 
 oKy 
 \ , Spc? 3 , ν oY 2 
 θεὶς καλάμῳ ἐπότιζεν αὐτόν, λέγων Αφετε ἴδωμεν εἰ ἔρχεται -- 
 
 37 Ἠλίας καθελεῖν αὐτόν. 6 δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἀφεὶς φωνὴν μεγάλην ee 
 
 38 ἐξέπνευσεν. Kal τὸ καταπέτασμα τοῦ ναοῦ ἐσχίσθη εἰς δύο an’ “δ΄ 
 
 39 ἄνωθεν ἕως κάτω. ᾿Ιδὼν δὲ ὁ κεντυρίων 6 παρεστηκὼς ἐξ ἐναν- 555 
 τίας αὐτοῦ ὅτι οὕτως ἐξέπνευσεν εἶπεν ᾿Αληθῶς οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος 
 
 40 υἱὸς θεοῦ ἦν. Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀπὸ μακρόθεν θεωροῦσαι, ἐν “= 
 ais ἦν καὶ Μαριὰμ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ Μαρία ἡ ᾿Ιακώβου τοῦ μικροῦ 
 
 41 καὶ ἣ Ἰωσῆ μήτηρ καὶ Σαλώμη, αἱ ὅτε ἦν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ ἠκολού- 
 θουν καὶ διηκόνουν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαὶ συναναβᾶσαι αὐτῷ 
 εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. 
 
 42 Καὶ ἤδη ὀψίας γενομένης, ἐπεὶ ἦν παρασκευή, ὅ ἐστιν προσάβ- sas 
 
 43 Barov, ἐλθὼν ᾿Ιωσὴφ 6 ἀπὸ ᾿Αριμαθαίας εὐσχήμων βουλευτής, ὃς 
 καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν προσδεχόμενος τὴν βασιλείαν Tod θεοῦ, τολμήσας 
 εἰσῆλθεν πρὸς τὸν Πιλᾶτον καὶ ἠτήσατο τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰ]ησοῦ. 
 
 44 ὃ δὲ Πιλᾶτος ἐθαύμασεν εἰ ἤδη τέθνηκεν, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν 
 
 45 κεντυρίωνα ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτὸν εἰ πάλαι ἀπέθανεν" καὶ γνοὺς ἀπὸ ae 
 
 46 τοῦ κεντυρίωνος ἐδωρήσατο τὸ σῶμα TO Ἰωσήφ. Kal ἀγοράσας | 
 σινδόνα καθελὼν αὐτὸν ἐνείλισεν τῇ σινδόνι καὶ ἔθηκεν αὐτὸν ἐν 
 
 δ 53 \ 
 μνημείῳ ὃ ἦν λελατομημένον ἐκ πέτρας, καὶ προσεκύλισεν λίθον 
 
 «ς X\ , ε Ἂν Ν θ 
 
 47 ἐπὶ τὴν θύραν τοῦ μνημείου! “H δὲ Μαρία ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ τ 
 ΄ εν» a 3 , a , 
 
 Μαρία ἡ ᾿Ιωσῆτος ἐθεώρουν ποῦ τέθειται. ph 
 
 XVI Kal διαγενομένου τοῦ σαββάτου Μαρία ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ Ἢ. 
 Μαρία ἡ ᾿Ιακώβου καὶ Σαλώμη ἠγόρασαν ἀρώματα ἵνα ἐλθοῦσαι 
 2 ἀλείψωσιν αὐτόν. καὶ λίαν πρωὶ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων "55 
 3 ἔρχονται ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον ἀνατείλαντος τοῦ ἡλίου. καὶ ἔλεγον 
 πρὸς ἑαυτάς, Τίς ἀποκυλίσει ἡμῖν τὸν λίθον ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας 
 4 τοῦ μνημείου; καὶ ἀναβλέψασαι θεωροῦσιν ὅτι ἀποκεκύλισται 
 5 ὁ λίθος, ἦν γὰρ μέγας σφόδρα. καὶ εἰσελθοῦσαι εἰς τὸ μνη- 
 μεῖον ἴδον νεανίσκον καθήμενον ἐν τοῖς δεξιοῖς περιβεβλημένον Ἢ 
 6 στολὴν λευκήν, καὶ ἐξεθαμβήθησαν. ὃ δὲ λέγει αὐταῖς Μὴ a 
 ἐκθαμβεῖσθε: ᾿Ιησοῦν ζητεῖτε τὸν Ναζαρηνὸν τὸν ἐσταυρωμένον" 
 
 7 ἠγέρθη, οὐκ ἔστιν Bde ἴδε ὁ τόπος ὅπου ἔθηκαν αὐτόν: ἀλλὰ 
 
 At the top οὗ f. 14 is κὶ (υ suprascr.) Γ᾿ ἀπο του mac (x suprascr.) καὶ τ (w 
 suprascr.) παθῶν evayy (€ suprascr.) and v. 43 ἐλθὼν is marked dp (x suprascr.) 
 in the margin. At the end οὖν. 47 is noted 7 (ε suprascr.) 7 (w suprascr.) 
 πα (@ suprascr.). At the beginning of xvi. 1, is dp (x suprascr.), and in the 
 margin evayy (€ suprascr.) €w (9 suprascr.) ἀνασ (τ suprascr. ). 
 
 VOL. V, PART IL K 
 
122 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 a “ a a f 
 ὑπάγετε εἴπατε τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ Πέτρῳ ὅτι Προάγει 
 ᾿ ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν" ἐκεῖ αὐτὸν ὄψεσθε, καθὼς εἶπεν ὑμῖν. 
 ΠΥ ‘ ἐξ λθ “ Ν " nN A : ί * Ν 2 τὸν > , 
 
 y καὶ ἐξελθοῦσαι ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου, εἶχεν yap αὐτὰς τρόμος 8 
 καὶ ἔκστασις" καὶ οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἶπον, ἐφοβοῦντο yap’ πάντα δὲ 
 Ν “ / . 
 τὰ TapnyyeApeva τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πέτρον συντόμως ἐξήγγειλαν 
 Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ αὐτὸς ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐφάνη ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς καὶ μέχρι 
 “ 
 
 δύσεως ἐξαπέστειλεν δι’ αὐτῶν τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἄφθαρτον κήρυγμα 
 τῆς αἰωνίου σωτηρίας, ἀμήν. 
 
 ” Ν a , 
 
 ἔστιν Kal ταῦτα φερόμενα 
 
 μετὰ τὸ ἐφοφοῦντο γάρ" 
 
 
 
 > cr a 
 Avaotas δὲ πρωὶ πρώτῃ σαββάτου ἐφάνη πρῶτον Μαρίᾳ τῇ 9 
 Μαγδαληνῇ, παρ᾽ ἧς ἐκβεβλήκει ἑπτὰ δαιμόνια. ἐκείνη πορευ- io 
 θεῖσα ἀπήγγειλεν τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενομένοις πενθοῦσι καὶ κλαίουσιν" 
 3 a > / “ ~ Aus / Tee | tend el Ψ \ 
 ἐκεῖνοι ἀκούσαντες ὅτι (ῇ καὶ ἐθεάθη ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἠπίστησαν. Mera ι1 
 δὲ ταῦτα δυσὶν ἐξ αὐτῶν περιπατοῦσιν ἐφανερώθη ἐν ἑτέρᾳ μορφῇ 12 
 , 3 b) i> 2! tal 5 , 5 , “-“ 
 πορευομένοις εἰς ἀγρόν' κἀκεῖνοι ἀπελθόντες ἀπήγγειλαν τοῖς 13 
 λοιποῖς" οὐδὲ ἐκείνοις ἐπίστευσαν. Ὕστερον ἀιακειμένοις αὐτοῖς 14 
 τοῖς ἕνδεκα ἐφανερώθη, καὶ ὠνείδισεν τὴν ἀπιστίαν αὐτῶν καὶ 
 ’ὔ͵ Φ lal , > Ν 5» > 3 , 
 σκληροκαρδίαν ὅτι Tots θεασαμένοις αὐτὸν ἐγηγερμένον οὐκ ἐπί- | 
 στευσαν. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Πορευθέντες εἰς τὸν κόσμον ἅπαντα 15 
 , Ν ᾿] , / “ ’ὔ ε ’ὔ ἣν 
 κηρύξατε τὸ εὐαγγέλιον πάσῃ τῇ κτίσει. ὁ πιστεύσας καὶ βα- τό 
 ‘ , « Ν 9 / , “ Ν 
 πτισθεὶς σωθήσεται, ὁ δὲ ἀπιστήσας κατακριθήσεται. σημεῖα δὲ 17 
 τοῖς πιστεύσασιν ἀκολουθήσει ταῦτα, ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου δαιμόνια 
 ἐκβαλοῦσιν, γλώσσαις λαλήσουσιν, καὶ ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ὄφεις 18 
 >) na Ld /, ἣν > ‘\ > \ / oN 
 ἀροῦσιν κἂν θανάσιμόν τι πίωσιν ov μὴ αὐτοὺς βλάψει, ἐπὶ 
 4 , a > , \ a “ ε ν᾿ - 
 ἀρρώστους χεῖρας ἐπιθήσουσιν καὶ καλῶς ἕξουσιν. Ὃ μὲν οὖν τὸ 
 / Ν ν᾿ a 2 “-“ 3 F > Ν > ἣν \ 
 κύριος μετὰ τὸ λαλῆσαι αὐτοῖς ἀνελήφθη εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν Kai 
 ἐκάθισεν ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἐξελθόντες ἐκήρυξαν 20 
 πανταχοῦ, τοῦ κυρίου συνεργοῦντος καὶ τὸν λόγον βεβαιοῦντος διὰ 
 n / 
 τῶν ἐπακολουθούντων σημείων. ἀμήν. 
 
 : eYarreAion KATA Λλάρκον 
 
 8. 7 (€ suprascr.) is added after γάρ. 
 
 9. In the margin is written ἀναστασιμ (0 suprascr.) ἕωθιν (o suprascr.) 
 ἀρ (x suprascr.), There is no corresponding τέλος, 
 

 
 123 
 
 III. THE TEXT OF COD. VY IN ST. LUKE AND 
 ST. JOHN AND COLOSSIANS, 
 
 As the text of cod. V is much less interesting in these 
 Gospels than it is in the fragment which remains of St. Mark, 
 τὸ has been thought sufficient to give a collation of the text 
 of the codex with Lloyd’s reprint of the text of Stephanus, 
 ed. 1550. It will be seen that there are a fair number of 
 variants, but that few of them are of first-rate importance. 
 
 ST, LUKE, 
 
 I 1 παρέδωσαν 3 ἄνωθεν om. 5 ante βασιλέως om. τοῦ 
 καὶ γυνὴ αὐτῷ 6 ἐναντίον pro ἐνώπιον 7 ἣν ante ἡ θ 
 Θεοῦ pro Κυρίου 10 ἣν τοῦ λαοῦ 15 Θεοῦ pro Κυρίου 
 20 ἄχρις ἧς 21 αὐτὸν post ναῷ 25 οὕτως 26 ἀπὸ 
 pro ὑπὸ 28 6 ἄγγελος om. εὐλογημένη σὺ ἐν γυναιξίν om. 
 29 ἡ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ λόγου διεταράχθη διελογίζετο ἐν ἑαυτῇ λέγουσα 
 96 γήρει 38 Mapia 39 ὀρινὴν 41 ἡ Ἐλισάβετ 
 post Μαρίας 50 γενεὰν καὶ γενεὰν 55 ἕως αἰῶνος 56 ὡς 
 pro ὡσεὶ 61 ἐκ τῆς συγγενείας 65 ὀρινῇ 66 ἀκούοντες 
 75 τῆς ζωῆς om. 78 ἡμῶν pro αὐτῶν 
 
 ΤΙ 8 ἑαυτοῦ pro ἰδίαν 4 Ναζαρὲθ 8 τῇ ποίμνῃ θ Θεοῦ 
 pro Κυρίου 12 καὶ κείμενον ἐν φάτνθῃἨ 18 ἀκούοντες 20 ὑπέ- 
 στρεψαν ἴδον 21 αὐτὸν pro τὸ παιδίον 22 Μωυσέως 
 25 ἣν ἅγιον 26 πρὶν ἢ ἂν 80 ἴδον 35 δὲ om. 36 ἔτη 
 post μετὰ ἀνδρὸς 37 ἕως pro ὡς 88 αὕτη om, 89 ἑαυτῶν 
 Ναζαρέθ 40 σοφίᾳ 51 Ναζαράθ 
 
 1171 δὲ οι. ᾿Αβιδινῆς 2 ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως 8 δόξητε pro 
 ἄρξησθε 12 εἶπαν 14 ποιήσωμεν 28 ἀρχόμενος τριάκοντα 
 24 vids ante ὡς ἐνομίζετο Ἠλεί 25 Ἔσλίμ, 26 Σεμεεί 
 27 Ἰωανάν 82 Ἰωβήδ 88 ᾿Αράμ, τοῦ Ἰωράμ. 84 Θάρρα 
 35 Σερούχ 37 Ἰαρέθ 
 
 IV 1 πλήρης ante πνεύματος 4 6 supra lineam 6 καὶ 
 ᾧ ἐὰν θέλω δίδωμι αὐτήν om, 7 πᾶσα pro πάντα 8 ὁ Ἰησοῦς 
 
 KZ 
 
124 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 εἶπεν 9 ante υἱὸς οι. ὃ 12 ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ 16 Nalaped 
 17 τοῦ προφήτου Ἡσαίου 18 εἴνεκεν εὐαγγελίσασθαι 20 οἱ 
 ὀφθαλμοὶ ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ, 422 οὐ 2428 γενάμενα Καφαρναούμ, 
 25 ὅτι πολλαὶ 26 Σάρεφθα τῆς Σιδωνίας 27 ἐν τῷ Ἰσραὴλ 
 ante ἐπὶ Ναιμὰν 29 τῆς 2° om. 88 λέγον 35 εἰς 
 μέσον 88 ἡ om. 42 ἐπεζήτουν 44 εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς 
 
 V 2 ἴδεν πλοιάρια 5 χαλάσωμεν 6 πλῆθος ἰχθύων 
 7 τοῖς 2° om. ἐπλήσθησαν 14 Μωυσῆς ἐπ᾿ αὐτούς pro 
 αὐτοῖς 19 ante ποίας om. διὰ 20 ἀφέονταί 21 εἷς 
 pro μόνος 23 ἔγειρε 24 παραλυτικῷ ἔγειρε 26 ἴδομεν 
 28 πάντα pro ἅπαντα 29 ante Λευὶς om. ὃ πολὺς τελωνῶν 
 80 τῶν τελωνῶν 81 ἰσχύοντες pro ὑγιαίνοντες 36 oyioe 
 συμφωνήσει ἐπίβλημα om. 97 ὃ οἶνος ὃ νέος 
 
 VI 8 ὁ Ἰησοῦς ante πρὸς ὅτε pro ὅπότε 5 εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ὃ 
 Ἰησοῦς 7 παρετηροῦντο αὐτὸν om. ante σαββάτῳ om. τῷ 
 θεραπεύει κατηγορήσωσιν pro εὕρωσι κατηγορίαν 8 ἔγειρε 
 καὶ pro 6 δὲ 9 ὑμᾶς τι, pro ὑμᾶς, τί 10 εἶπεν αὐτῷ pro 
 εἶπε τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ οὕτω Om. ἀπεκατεστάθη ὑγιὴς om. 
 11 ἐλάλουν pro διελάλουνν 17 ὃ ὄχλος 18 καὶ 2° om. 19θ ἐζή- 
 TOUV 23 χάρητε τὰ αὐτὰ Pro ταῦτα 26 τὰ αὐτὰ pro 
 ταῦτα 27 ἀλλὰ 28 καὶ om. 84 yap οἱ om. 
 35 τοῦ om. 36 ἵνα pro καὶ οὐ 44 σταφυλὰς τρυγῶσι 
 45 ἄνθρωπος 2° om. τοῦ 3° om. τῆς 2° om. 
 
 VII1 Kazapvaovp 2 ἔμελλεν 3 οὗτος ἀκούσας περὶ 
 4 παρέξη τούτῳ 6 φίλους 6 ἑκατοντάρχης μου ante ὑπὸ 
 7 ἀλλὰ μόνον 10 εἰς τὸν οἶκον οἱ πεμφθέντες 12 μονο- 
 γενὴς υἱὸς ἦν om. 18 ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν 17 ante πάσῃ om. ἐν 
 19 ἕτερον pro ἄλλον 20 ἕτερον pro ἄλλον 21 δὲ om. 
 22 ὅτι om. καὶ χωλοὶ 27 οὗτος γὰρ 28 yap om. 
 τοῦ βαπτιστοῦ om. 91 εἶπε δὲ ὁ Κύριος om. 35 πάντων om, 
 88 ὀπίσω ante παρὰ τοῖς δάκρυσι ante ἤρξατο τῆς κεφαλῆς om, 
 ἐξέμαξεν 41 χρεοφειλέται 42 ἀγαπήσει αὐτόν 44 μοι 
 ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας τῆς κεφαλῆς om. 47 ἀφέονται 48 ἀφέονταί 
 
 VIII 2 Μαριὰμ 8 καλήν pro ἀγαθήν 18 τὸν λόγον ante 
 μετὰ χαρᾶς 16 λυχνίαν 17 μὴ γνωσθῇ pro οὐ γνωσθήσεται 
 21 αὐτόν om. 28 συνεπληροῦτο 24 ἐπαύσατο γαλήνη 
 μεγάλη 25 ἐστιν 1° om. προς ἀλλήλους λέγοντες 26 ἀντί- 
 περα 27 αὐτῷ 2° om. 29 παρήγγειλεν ἐδεσμεύετο Sate 
 poviov pro δαίμονος 80 ὄνομά ἐστιν 88 εἰσῆλθον 84 ἀπελ- 
 θόντες om, 89 σοι ἐποίησεν 48 ἰατροῖς pro εἰς ἰατροὺς βίον 
 
 x, A 
 
 αὐτῆς 44 ὄπισθεν om. 45 τίς μου ἥψατο pro tis ἁψάμενός 
 
Lexts from Mount Athos. 125 
 
 μου 2° 47 αὐτῷ 2° om. 51 ἐλθὼν Ἰωάννην καὶ Ἰάκωβον 
 54 ἔγειρε 
 
 IX 1 ἀποστόλους }70 μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ 2 ἀσθενεῖς 8 ῥάβδον 
 δ δέχωνται καὶ 2° om. 7 γενόμενα 8 τις pro εἷς 
 10 πάντα ὅσα ἔρημον πόλεως Om. et καλούμενον pro καλουμένης 
 11 ἀποδεξάμενος 16 ηὐλόγησεν παραθεῖναι 17 πάντες 
 ante καὶ ἐχορτάσθησαν ἦραν pro ἤρθη sed non κοφίνους 
 20 Πέτρος sine ὃ 24 ἐὰν pro ἂν 25 ὠφελήσει 27 ἑστώτων 
 γεύσωνται 80 Μωυσῆς 81 ἤμελλε 88 Πέτρος sine ὃ 
 σοὶ μίαν Μωσῆ Ἡλίᾳ μίαν 35 ὁ ἀγαπητός, ἐν ᾧ ηὐδό- 
 κησα 86 Ἰησοῦς sine ὃ 38 ἐβόησεν διδάσκαλε om. 
 ἐπιβλέψαι 40 αὐτὸ ἐκβάλωσιν 41 ἕως πότε pro καὶ 2° 
 μοι τὸν υἱόν σου ὧδε 48 εἶπεν δὲ 46 τίς αὐτῶν δοκεῖ εἶναι 
 μείζων 48 ἂν pro ἐὰν bis οὕτως Pro οὗτος 49 ἐν pro 
 ἐπὶ τὰ OM. 50 ὑμῶν bis 55 καὶ εἶπεν... σῶσαι 
 57 ἐὰν pro ἂν 62 ὃ Ἰησοῦς πρὸς αὐτὸν 
 
 X 1 ἤμελλεν 2 ἐκβάλῃ 4 βαλλάντιον 6 pev om. 
 8 δ᾽ om. 13 Χοραζείν καθήμενοι 14 ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ pro 
 κρίσει 21 εὐδοκία ἐγένετο 22 μοι παρεδόθη 24 ἴδον 
 82 τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον 85 αὐτῷ om. 868 πλησίον δοκεῖ σοι 
 89 Μαριάμ 42 Μαρία γὰρ 
 
 ΧῚ 4 ἀφίομεν παντὶ τῷ 5 ἐρεῖ pro εἴπῃ 8 φίλον αὐτοῦ 
 11 ἢ 270 εἰ 18 ante ἐξ οὐρανοῦ οι. ὃ 15 τῷ ἄρχοντι 17 μερι- 
 σθεῖσα καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν 19 αὐτοὶ ante κριταὶ 28 σκορπίζει με 
 25 σχολάζοντα σεσαρωμένον 31 Σολωμῶνος bis 84 καὶ 1° om. 
 36 τι Om. 41 ἅπαντα pro πάντα 42 ἀλλὰ 50 ἐκδικηθῇ 
 pro ἐκζητηθῇ 54 αὐτὸν καὶ om. 
 
 XII 4 ἀποκτεινόντων 5 ἔχοντα ἐξουσίαν ante γέενναν 
 om. τὴν 6 πωλοῦνται 8 ἐὰν pro ἂν 11 μεριμνήσητε 
 15 αὐτῷ pro αὐτοῦ 2° 16 ηὐφόρησεν 28 σήμερον ἐν ἀγρῷ ὄντα 
 29 πίετε 81 αὐτοῦ pro τοῦ Θεοῦ 82 ηὐδόκησεν 33 βαλ- 
 λάντια 37 ὁ κύριος ἐλθὼν 89 ὀρυγῆναι τὴν οἰκίαν 40 οὖν 
 om. 42 6 pro καὶ δοῦναι 47 αὐτοῦ pro ἑαυτοῦ 
 ἢ pro μηδὲ 49 ἐπὶ pro εἰς 53 ἐπὶ pro ἐφ᾽ 54 νεφέλην 
 sine τὴν λέγετε ὅτι 56 τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῆς γῆς 58 βάλῃ 
 
 XTIL 1 ἸΙιλᾶτος hoe accentu, et sic passim 2 ὑπὲρ pro παρὰ 
 3 πάντως pro πάντες 4 δεκαοκτώ 6 πεφυτευμένην 
 ante ἐν τῷ 7 ἔκκοψον οὖν 8 κόπρια + 11 δεκαοκτώ 
 18 οὖν pro δὲ 19 αὐτοῦ pro ἑαυτοῦ 20 καὶ οην. 26 ἄρξησθε 
 27 ante ἐργάται om. ot 29 ante βορρᾶ om. ἀπὸ 34 ἀπο- 
 κτέννουσα 35 λέγω δὲ pro ἀμὴν δὲ λέγω 
 
126 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 XIV 1 σαββάτων pro σαββάτῳ 3 εἰ om. 7 κεκλιμένους 
 10 ἀνάπεσε 12 ἀνταπόδομά σοι 18 πάντες παραιτεῖσθαι 
 ἐξελθὼν ἰδεῖν 21 ἐκεῖνος om. 28 μου ὃ οἶκος 26 μου εἶναι 
 μαθητής 28 εἰς pro τὰ πρὸς 29 αὐτῷ οπι. 81 συμβαλεῖν 
 post βασιλεῖ 32 πόρρω αὐτοῦ 98 εἶναί μου 84 δὲ καὶ 
 
 XV 1 αὐτῷ ἐγγίζοντες 4 ἐνενήκοντα ἐννέα ἕως οὗ 
 7 ἔσται post ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ 9 συγκαλεῖ 14 τοῦ ὑστερεῖσθαι 
 17 ἔφη pro εἶπε λιμῷ ὧδε 19 καὶ om. 20 οὐ μακρὰν 
 22 ante στολὴν om. τὴν 28 ἐνεγκόντες 24 ἦν 2° 0m. 286 τοῦτο 
 pro ταῦτα 28 ἠθέλησεν 82 καὶ 3° om. ἦν 2° om. 
 
 XVI 5 αὐτοῦ pro ἑαυτοῦ 6 Badous pro βάτους τὰ γράμ- 
 ματα 7 τὰ γράμματα 9 ἐκλίπῃ 12 δώσει ὑμῖν 
 14 καὶ 1° om. 15 ἐστιν om. 20 ἦν οηι. ὃς οι. εἰλκω- 
 μένος 22 τοῦ om. 26 ἔνθεν pro ἐντεῦθεν 29 λέγει δὲ 
 Μωυσέα 80 μετανοήσωσι 81 Μωυσέως ἄν pro ἐάν 
 
 XVII 1 πλὴν οὐαὶ pro οὐαὶ δὲ 2 ἕνα post τούτων 8 δὲ om. 
 4 ἁμαρτήσῃ τῆς ἡμέρας 2° 0m. πρός σε pro ἐπί σε 6 ἔχετε 
 pro εἴχετε 7 εὐθέως οι. 9 ἔχει χάριν αὐτῷ ὁην. 10 ὅτι 2° om. 
 20 ἐπερωτιθεὶς 24 ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ om. 27 ἐγαμί- 
 ζοντο καὶ οὐκ ἔγνωσαν ἕως pro καὶ 1° 28 καθὼς pro καὶ ὡς 
 30 τὰ αὐτὰ pro ταῦτα 88 ὃς δ᾽ ἂν pro καὶ ὃς ἐὰν αὐτήν 2° om, 
 ζωοποιήσει pro ζωογονήσει 84 εἷς pro ὃ εἷς 35 ἀλιθοῦσαι 
 
 XVIII 1 προσεύχεσθαι αὐτοὺς 4 ἤθελεν 7 αὐτῷ pro 
 πρὸς αὐτὸν μακροθυμεῖ 11 ταῦτα πρὸς ἑαυτν ὡς pro ὥσπερ 
 18 εἰς 2° om. 14 ἢ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὁ pro 6 δὲ 18 αὐτόν τις 
 20 σου 2° om. 24 εἰσελεύσονται post θεοῦ 25 εἰσελ- 
 θεῖν 2° om. 27 ἐστι post θεῷ 29 ἀδελφούς, ἢ ἀδελφάς 
 
 88 τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ 39 σιγήσῃ pro σιωπήσῃ 42 αὐτῷ litteris 
 minoribus supra lineam seriptum est 
 
 XIX 1 ἄρχων τῆς συναγωγῆς ὑπῆρχεν pro ἣν ἀρχιτελώνης καὶ 
 οὗτος ἦν πλούσιος OM, 4 προσδραμὼν συκομοραίαν 5 καὶ 
 ἰδὼν αὐτὸν εἶπε 8 τοῖς πτωχοῖς δίδωμι 11 εἶναι αὐτὸν 
 18 ἐν ᾧ pro ἕως 15 τίς om. διεπραγματεύσαντο 22 δὲ om. 
 28 μου τὸ ἀργύριον ἐπὶ τράπεζαν ἂν om. αὐτὸ ἔπραξα 
 94 εἶπον ὅτι 85 ἐπιρίψαντες 42 σου 25 om. 48 παρεμ- 
 Badotow © 44 λίθον ἐπὶ λίθον 48 γέγραπται ὅτι 
 
 XX 1 ἐκείνων om. 2 σοι ἔδωκεν pro ἐστιν ὃ δούς σοι 6 πεπει- 
 σμένον 11 ἕτερον πέμψαι 12 τρίτον πέμψαι δοῦλον 14 δεῦτε om. 
 16 εἶπαν 24 εἶπαν 27 οἵτινες λέγουσι pro οἱ ἀντιλέγοντες 
 28 7) pro ἀποθάνῃ 88 ἔσται pro γίνεται 39 εἶπαν 40 γὰρ 
 pro δὲ 46 ἐν στολαῖς περιπατεῖν 47 οἱ κατεσθίοντες 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 127 
 
 ΧΧΤῚ ἴδεν τὰ δῶρα αὐτῶν post γαζοφυλάκιον 2 καὶ 1° om. 
 λεπτὰ δύο 8 πλείω pro πλεῖον 5 ἀναθέμασιν 6a 
 suprascriptum λίθον pro Aw οὐ μὴ καταλυθῇ 8 οὖν om. 
 10 27 12 πάντων pro ἁπάντων ἀπαγομένους 14 θέτε 
 pro θέσθε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις 28 τῷ λαῷ pro ἐν τῷ λαῷ τούτῳ 
 24 τὰ ἔθνη πάντα 25 ἤχους pro ἠχούσης 27 δυνάμεως 
 πολλῆς καὶ δόξης 80 ἤδη om. 82 πάντα ταῦτα 84 βαρη- 
 θῶσι 85 αἰφνήδιος 86 κατισχύσητε pro καταξιωθῆτε 
 
 XXII 6 αὐτοῖς post ὄχλου 10 εἰς ἣν pro οὗ 12 ἀνώγαιον 
 18 γενήματος 22 πορεύεται post ὡρισμένον 26 γινέσθω 
 80 καθήσεσθε 82 ἐκλίπῃ 84 μὴ τῦ om. 35 οὐθενός 
 βαλλάντιον 89 αὐτοῦ om. 42 γινέσθω 48 ἀπὸ τοῦ 
 
 οὐρανοῦ 44 γενάμενος καὶ ἐγένετο pro ἐγένετο δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς 45 
 κοιμωμένους αὐτοὺς 47 d¢om. αὐτοὺς γγ0 αὐτῶν 52 ἐξήλθετε 
 
 53 ἐστιν ὑμῶν 54 αὐτὸν 2° om. 57 γύναι post αὐτόν 
 60 αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος 6 2° om. 62 ὁ Πέτρος 66 αὐτῶν 
 pro ἑαυτῶν 71 μαρτύρων pro μαρτυρίας 
 
 XXIII 2 ἔθνος ἡμῶν 8 ἐξ ἱκανοῦ θέλων 11 καὶ 6 Ἡρώδης 
 12 6 τε Ἡρώδης καὶ ὁ Πιλᾶτος 17 ἀπολύειν αὐτοῖς post ἑορτὴν 
 19 γεγενημένην pro γενομένην ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ 25 αὐτοῖς om. 
 26 τοῦ 1° om. 27 καὶ 2° om. 29 ἐξέθρεψαν pro ἐθήλασαν 
 
 33 ἦλθον pro ἀπῆλθον 33 εὐωνύμων Pro ἀριστερῶν 35 σὺν 
 αὐτοῖς om. 86 καὶ 2°0m. 88 ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γεγραμμένη 44 ἐνάτης 
 
 45 ἐσχίσθη post ναοῦ 46 παρατίθεμαι 47 ἐδόξαζεν 
 48 τὰ στήθη αὐτῶν 49 ἰστήκεισαν συνακολουθοῦσαι. 
 XXIV 4 ἄνδρες δύο αἰσθήσεσιν 10 ἦν pro ἦσαν 
 
 Μαγδαλιὴ ἡ Ἰακώβου 18 ἐν τ οὔ. 20 τε om. 29 κέ- 
 κλικεν ἤδη 84 ὄντως ante ἠγέρθη 44 λόγοι μου AT ἀρξά- 
 
 μενος 50 Βιθανίαν ηὐλόγησεν 
 
 Ad finem evangelti evayyedtov κατα Λουκαν Litteris magnis 
 
 scriptum. 
 ST. JOHN. 
 Titul. Εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ ᾿Ιωάννην. 
 
 Τ17 Μωύσεως 19 Λευίτας πρὸς αὐτὸν 20 ἐγὼ οὐκ εἰμὶ 
 21 σὺ ante Ἡλίις 4244 οἱ om. 25 οὐδὲ pro οὔτε bis 27 οὐκ 
 εἰμὶ ἐγὼ 28 Βηθανίᾳ pro Βηθαβαρᾷ 29 ὃ Ἰωάννης om. 
 31 τῷ om. 35 πάλιν om. 87 οἱ δύο αὐτοῦ 40 ὄψεσθε 
 pro ἴδετε ἦλθον οὖν δὲ om. 42 Μεσίαν 48 ἤγαγον 
 δὲ om. 46 Ναζαρέθ 41 Ναζαρὲθ 50 εἶπεν pro λέγει 
 
 51 6 Ἰησοῦς ὄψῃ 
 
128 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 II 6 λίθιναι ὑδρίαι κείμεναι post ᾿Ιουδαίων 9 οἱ δὲ pro καὶ 
 17 καταφάγεταί 19 ὁ om. 22 αὐτοῖς om. 
 
 III 2 αὐτὸν pro τὸν Ἰησοῦν δύναται ante ταῦτα 8 6 om. 
 450m, 5 ὃ om. 8 ἢ pro καὶ 2° 10é60m. 14 Μωυσῆς 
 16 ἔχει pro ἔχῃ 19 αὐτῶν πονηρὰ 20 post αὐτοῦ add. ὅτι 
 πονηρά εἰσιν 21 εἰσιν pro ἐστιν 28 Σαλείμ, 
 
 IV 1 ἢ om. 8 πάλιν om. 9 οὔσης post Σαμαρείτιδος 
 13 Ἰησοῦς sine ὃ 15 ἔρχομαι 20 τῷ ὄρει τούτῳ προσ- 
 κυνεῖν δεῖ 21 γύναι post μοι 25 Μεσίας ἐκεῖνος 
 ἔλθῃ 27 ἐθαύμαζον 80 οὖν om. 81 δὲ om. 84 ποιήσω 
 770 ποιῶ 85 τετράμηνός 86 καὶ 1° om. ita ut ἤδη 6 θερίζων 
 leyatur kat 3° om. 87 ὃ 2° om. ἐστιν 2° om. 44 ὁ 
 Ἰησοῦς om. 45 ὅσα pro ἃ 50 ὃν pro ᾧ ὃ Ἰησοῦς 
 5} ὑπήντησαν 52 εἶπον οὖν ἐχθὲς pro χθὲς 
 
 Ψ 1 ἡ ἑορτὴ 2 Βησσαιδά 4 ἐλούετο pro κατέβαινεν 
 5 ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἀσθενείᾳ αὐτοῦ 7 βάλῃ 8 ἔγειρε 
 m. prim. sed nune ἔγειραι κράβαττόν et sic passim 10 καὶ 
 οὐκ κράβαττόν σου 14 σοί τι 25 ἀκούσωσι 
 27 καὶ 2° om. 38 ἐν ὑμῖν μένοντα 44 ἀλλήλων in rasura 
 seriptum est δὲ quamvis litteras erasas legere non possim ἀγὼν 
 scriptum esse a spatio arbitror 45 Μωυσῆς 46 Μωυσεῖ 
 
 VI 2 ἐθεώρουν αὐτοῦ om. 5 τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς 6 Ἰησοῦς 
 ἀγοράσωμεν 6 ἤμελλε 9 ἕν om. ὃς pro ὃ 10 ἀνέπεσαν 
 ἄνδρες sine ot ὡς Pro ὡσεὶ 11 ὄχλοις pro ἀνακειμένοις 
 15 πάλιν om. 17 Καφαρναούμ οὔπω πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐληλύθει ὃ 
 Ἰησοῦς 21 αὐτὸν λαβεῖν ἐγένετο τὸ πλοῖον 22 ἐκεῖνο 
 εἰς ὃ ἐνέβησαν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ om. πλοῖον pro πλοιάριον 2° 
 23 πλοῖα ἦλθεν pro ἦλθε πλοιάρια 24 ἴδεν καὶ τῇ om. 
 πλοιάρια Καπαρναοὺμ, 26 ἴδετε 29 πιστεύητε 85 οὖν 
 pro δὲ 89 πατρός om. ἐν om. 40 πέμψαντός με πατρός 
 ἐγὼ αὐτὸν 41 ὁ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καταβάς 42 οὗτος λέγει 
 44 κἀγὼ 45 Θεοῦ sine τοῦ 46 ἐώρακέν τις 50 ἀπόληται 
 51 ζήσει ἣν ἐγὼ δώσω om. 54 ἀναστήσω ἐγὼ 55 ἀληθής 
 bis 57 ζήσει 58 ζήσει 60 ὁ λόγος οὗτος 68 λελά- 
 ληκα 66 τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ἀπῆλθον 68 οὖν om. 
 71 Ἰσκαριώτου παραδιδόναι αὐτὸν 
 
 VII 1 μετὰ ταῦτα om. 4 ποιεῖ τι 6 ἔτοιμός ἐστι 
 8 ταύτην om. ὁ ἐμὸς καιρὸς 12 ἦν περὶ αὐτοῦ 19 Μωυσῆς 
 22 Μωυσῆς Μωυσέως 28 Μωυσέως 24 κρίνετε 
 26 ἀληθῶς om. 28 6 Ἰησοῦς ante ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ 29 δὲ om. 
 81 ποιήσει τούτων 82 οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι 88 αὐτοῖς 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 129 
 
 om. 35 ποῦ οὖν 89 ἽΔγιον om. 40 ἀκούσαντες τῶν 
 λόγων τούτων 42 οὐχ pro οὐχὶ ἔρχεται ὃ Χριστός 
 48 ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ 46 ἐλάλησεν οὕτως 50 πρὸς 
 αὐτὸν νυκτός 51 πρῶτον 52 ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας προφήτης 
 οὐκ ἐγείρεται 53 usque ad VIII 11 ἁμάρτανε om. 
 
 VIII 12 ἐλάλησεν αὐτοῖς ὃ Ἰησοῦς 14 ἢ ποῦ ὑπάγω ad fin. 
 vers. 19 ἂν ἤδειτε 20 ὃ Ἰησοῦς om. γαζοφυλακείῳ 
 26 λαλῶ pro λέγω 28 ὑψώσηται μου om. 29 ὃ πατὴρ 
 om. 44 τοῦ πατρὸς καθὼς καὶ ὃ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ 46 ἐλέγξει 
 δὲ om. 51 τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον 52 γεύσηται 53 σὺ 2° om. 
 59 καὶ διελθὼν ἐπορεύετο καὶ παρῆγεν οὕτως 
 
 IX 3 Ἰησοῦς sine ὃ 8 προσαίτης pro τυφλὸς 10 πῶς 
 οὖν ἠνεώχθησαν 11 οὖν pro δὲ 16 οὐκ ἔστιν οὗτος παρὰ 
 Θεοῦ ὁ ἄνθρωπος 17 λέγουσιν οὖν ἀνέωξε 20 οἴδαμεν 
 bis scriptum sed loco priore punctis damnatum 21 αὐτὸν ἐρωτή- 
 σατε, ἡλικίαν ἔχει αὐτὸς περὶ ἑαυτοῦ λαλῆσαι 26 οὖν pro δὲ 
 27 μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ 28 οἱ δὲ ἐλοιδόρησαν μαθητὴς εἶ 
 29 Μωυσεῖ 80 τούτῳ γὰρ τὸ θαυμαστόν 81 6 Θεὸς 
 ἁμαρτωλῶν 86 καὶ τίς 37 δὲ om. 40 per αὐτοῦ 
 ὄντες Al οὖν om. 
 
 X 3 φωνεῖ pro καλεῖ 4 πάντα pro πρόβατα 1° 7 ὅτι 
 om. 8 ἦλθον πρὸ ἐμοῦ 10 περισσότερον pro περισσὸν 
 12 ὃ δὲ μισθωτὸς 16 ἀκούουσι pro ἀκούσουσι γενήσονται 
 17 με ὃ πατὴρ 18 οὐδεὶς γὰρ 22 τότε pro δὲ 26 ὅτι 
 οὐκ Pro ov γὰρ 29 ὃ δέδωκέ μοι πάντων μείζων 92 ἔργα 
 καλὰ ἐμὲ λιθάζετε 84 ὅτι ἐγὼ 89 αὐτὸν πάλιν 
 41 ἐποίησε σημεῖον 42 πολλοὶ ἐπίστευσαν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ 
 
 XI 9 ὧραί εἰσιν 11 ἐξυπνήσω 17 ἐν τῷ μνημείῳ ἔχοντα 
 20 Ἰησοῦς sine ὃ 24 ἡ Μάρθα 82 Ἰησοῦς sine ὃ 
 αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς πόδας μου ἀπέθανεν 38 αὐτό pro 
 αὐτῷ 99 τετελευτηκότος 44 κηρίαις 47 ποιεῖ σημεῖα 
 52 ἔθνους δὲ μόνον 54 αὐτοῦ om. 57 καὶ om. 
 
 XII 2 ἀνακειμένων σὺν αὐτῷ 4 ᾿Ἰσκαριώτου 6 ἔμελλεν 
 pro ἔμελεν 7 ἄφετε αὐτὴν ἵνα τηρήσῃ 12 Ἰησοῦς 
 sine 6 16 πρότερον pro πρῶτον 18 ἤκουσαν 25 ἀπολύει 
 pro ἀπολέσει 26 τις διακονῇ καὶ ult. om. 29 ἑστηκὼς 
 pro ἑστὼς 30 ἡ φωνὴ αὕτη 84 οὗτος om. 85 ἐν 
 ὑμῖν pro μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ὡς pro ἕως 86 ὡς pro ἕως 
 40 ἐπώρωσεν στραφῶσι καὶ ἰάσομαι 41 ὅτι ἴδεν 48 εἴπερ 
 pro ἥπερ 49 δέδωκεν 50 οὕτως 
 
 XIII 2 γινομένου καρδίαν ἵνα παραδῷ αὐτὸν, ᾿Ιούδας Σίμωνος 
 
130 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Ἰσκαριώτου 8 μου τοὺς πόδας 10 οὐκ ἔχει χρείαν εἰ 
 μὴ pro 7) 12 καὶ om. 20 ἄν pro ἐάν 23 δὲ om. 
 ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν 24 τίς ἂν εἴη om. τίνος pro οὗ 25 ava- 
 πεσὼν 26 Ἰσκαριώτου 27 εἰς om. τάχειον 28 δὲ 
 om, 30 ἐξῆλθεν εὐθέως 86 ἐγὼ ὑπάγω 37 Πέτρος 
 sine ὃ 
 
 XIV 8 τόπον ὑμῖν εἶτε pro ἦτε 7 πατέρα μου ἂν ἤδειτε 
 10 ἐν ἐμοὶ sine ὃ 18 αἰτήσηται 14 τοῦτο pro ἐγὼ 
 16 κἀγὼ 21 τοῦ πατρός μου pro μου 23 Ἰησοῦς sine ὁ 
 28 εἶπον 2° om. μου 1° om. 31 οὕτως 
 
 XV 2 καρπὸν πλείονα 6 τὸ πῦρ 9 ὑμᾶς ἠγάπησα 
 11 ἦ pro μείνῃ 16 αἰτῆτε 24 ἐποίησεν 25 ἐν τῷ νόμῳ 
 αὐτῶν γεγραμμένος 
 
 XVI 8 οἴδασι pro ἔγνωσαν 7 οὐ μὴ ἔλθῃ pro οὐκ ἐλεύσεται 
 10 ὑπάγω πρὸς τὸν πατέρα μου om. 12 ὑμῖν λέγειν 
 18 ἀκούσει pro ἂν axovon 15 λαμβάνει pro λήψεται 16 οὐκέτι 
 pro οὐ καὶ ὅτι ὑπάγω 17 ἐγὼ om. 18 τί ἐστι τοῦτο 
 τὸ OM. 22 νῦν μὲν λύπην ἕξετε 28 ἐάν τι pro ὅσα ἂν 
 29 αὐτῷ om. 92 κἀμὲ 88 ἔχετε pio ἕξετε 
 
 XVII 2 δώσει 7 ἔγνωσαν pro ἔγνωκαν εἰσιν pro ἐστιν 
 11 οὐκέτι κἀγὼ ᾧ pro ovs ἡμεῖς ἕν ἐσμέν 18 ἑαυτοῖς 
 19 dow καὶ αὐτοὶ 20 πιστευόντων 22 κἀγὼ 24 δέδωκάς 
 pro ἔδωκάς 
 
 XVIII 4 ἰδὼν pro εἰδὼς 6 ὅτι om. 7 ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτοὺς 
 15 ἄλλος sine ὃ 16 ἐκεῖνος pro ὃ ἄλλος 20 λελάληκα 
 τῇ om. 22 παρεστώτων ὑπηρετῶν παρεστηκὼς OM. 
 24 ἀπέστειλεν οὖν 26 6 συγγενὴς pro συγγενὴς dv 28 πρωὶ 
 pro πρωία 29 φησι pro εἶπε 80 κακοποιῶν 98 6 
 Πιλᾶτος (hoe aecentu passim) πάλιν 34 ἀπεκρίνατο pro 
 ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ ἀπὸ σεαυτοῦ 86 Ἰησοῦς sine ὁ ὑπηρέται 
 οἱ ἐμοὶ ἠγωνίζοντο ἄν 87 Ἰησοῦς 8ἴη6 ὁ ἐγώ 1° om. ~—- 89 ὑμῖν 2° 
 om. ἀπολύσω ὑμῖν 40 πάλιν om. 
 
 ΧΙΧ 1 ὁ Πιλᾶτος ἔλαβε 3 ἐδίδοσαν 4 οὐδεμίαν 
 αἰτίαν ἐν αὐτῷ 5 ἰδοὺ pro ἴδε θ ἴδον ὑμεῖς αὐτὸν 
 7 ἡμῶν om., υἱὸν Θεοῦ ἑαυτὸν 9 Ἰησοῦς om. 10 ἐξουσίαν 
 2° om. sed add. m. 8. in margine 11 αὐτῷ pro ὁ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ 
 οὐδεμίαν 12 ὁ Πιλᾶτος ἐζήτει ἐκραύγασαν ἑαυτὸν ποιῶν 
 14 ὥρα ἣν ὡς τρίτη 17 οὖν pro δὲ ‘EBpaicri δὲ pro ὃς 
 λέγεται Ἕ βραϊστὶ 20 ὁ τόπος τῆς πόλεως “‘Pwpaiori, 
 Ἑλληνιστί 21 τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων εἰμι 28 ἄραφος 25 Μαριὰμ. 
 ἡ τοῦ Κλοπᾶ Μαριὰμ 26 αὐτοῦ om, 21 ἴδε 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 13t 
 
 ὃ μαθητὴς αὐτὴν 28 ἤδη πάντα 29 οὖν om. σπόγγον 
 οὖν μεστὸν τοῦ ὄξους ὑσσώπῳ 81 ἐπεὶ παρασκευὴ ἣν ante ἵνα 
 τοῦ σαββάτου ἐκείνου 88. ἴδον 94 ἐξῆλθεν εὐθὺς 
 36 πιστεύητε δὲ pro γὰρ 98 ὁ 1° et 2° om. αὐτοῦ pro 
 τοῦ Ἰησοῦ 89 αὐτὸν pro τὸν Ἰησοῦν 42 αὐτόν pro τὸν 
 Ἰησοῦν 
 
 XX 8 καὶ 6 Πέτρος 4 τάχειον 5 τὰ ὀθόνια κείμενα 
 μέντοιγε 11 Μαριὰμ 15 ἔθηκας αὐτόν 16 Ῥαβουνί 
 ad finem versus add. καὶ προσέδραμεν ἅψασθαι αὐτοῦ 
 17 Ἰησοῦς sine 6 21 καὶ εἶπεν pro εἶπεν οὖν 6 Ἰησοῦς om. 
 23 ἀφέωνται 25 αὐτοῖς om. 28 καὶ 1° om. 29 Θωμᾶ om. 
 
 ΧΟ ΧΤῚ ὁ Ἰησοῦς trakw 8 ἐνέβησαν εὐθύς om. 4 ἔγνωσαν 
 pro ἤδεισαν 5 ἔχητε 6 post εὑρήσετε add. οἱ δὲ εἶπον δι 
 ὅλης νυκτὸς κοπιάσαντες οὐδὲν ἐλάβομεν ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ σῷ ῥήματι βαλοῦμεν 
 ἴσχυον pro ἴσχυσαν 11 ἐνέβη οὖν pro ἀνέβη μεγάλων 
 ἰχθύων 18 οὖν om. 17 καὶ λέγει Κύριε 18 ζώση 
 οἴση 25 ἃ pro ὅσα ad finem evangeltt Ἑαγγέλιον κατὰ 
 
 Ἰωάννην et statim postea 
 > A 12 a Sf, 
 εὐαγγελιστῶν τεσσάρων θεῖοι λόγοι 
 γραφέντες ὧδε λῆξιν ἔσχον τῶν πόνων 
 litteris magnis scripta sunt 
 
 COLOSSIANS. 
 
 I 2 καὶ Κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ om. 6 post καρποφ. add, καὶ 
 αὐξανόμενον 10 ἐν τῃ ἐπιγνώσει 14 διὰ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτοῦ om. 
 16 ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς sine τὰ 20 dv αὐτοῦ om. ἔσται τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς 
 γῆς 22 παραστῆσαι 24 παθήμασι sine μου Χριστοῦ 
 ἐν τῷ σώματί μου ὅς ἐστι 27 γνῶναι pro γνωρίσαι 
 
 II 1 ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν 2 τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς τοῦ Χριστοῦ 
 8 γνώσεως sine τῆς 7 ἐν πίστει ἐν αὐτῇ 12 ἐκ νεκρῶν 
 18 ὄντας τοῖς 20 εἰ sine οὖν σὺν Χριστῷ 28 ἐθελοθρησκίᾳ 
 
 III 4 τότε καὶ ὑμεῖς φανερωθήσεσθε ἐν δόξῃ σὺν αὐτῷ 5 τὰ 
 μέλη sine ὑμῶν 7 ἐν τούτοις 12 οἰκτιρμοῦ 15 ἐκλήθητε 
 ἐν σώματι ἑνί 16 ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν τῷ Θεῷ 18 ἰδίοις 
 om. 20 ἐν κυρίῳ 22 ὀφθαλμοδουλίαις φοβούμενοι τὸν 
 Κύριον 23 καὶ 1° om. ἂν pro ἐὰν 25 κομίσηται 
 
 IV 3 διὸ καὶ 6 ἀποκρίνασθαι 9 γνωρίσουσι 
 
132 
 
 IV. CODEX EVANG. 1071. 
 
 Or all the minuscule MSS. which we saw in the libraries 
 of the monasteries on Mount Athos the one now numbered 
 104 A in the Laura catalogue was far the best, indeed it was 
 the only one which presented any great features of interest. 
 It was not difficult to identify it as the MS. which Dr. Gregory 
 has numbered 1071 in his catalogue in the Prolegomena to 
 Tischendorf’s ed. maj. viii. 
 
 Dr. Gregory’s description is as follews :— 
 
 *1071 in Ath. Laurae; saec xii, 28-3 x 19-5 membr, coll. 2, 
 ll 26. 27, Carp. Eus.-t, capp-t, capp, titl, sect, (Me 234: 
 16, 9) can, syn, men, subscr ut A, στιχ; Evy; Le 22, 43. 44 
 deerat, m. ser. add. in mg.: Joh. 8, 6 κάτω κεκυφὼς τῷ δακτύλῳ 
 κατέγραφεν : ὃ, 9 ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν "lovdalwy ἐξήρχετο ἀρξάμενος 
 ἀπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων" ὥστε πάντας ἐξελθεῖν et multa alia. In 
 Calabria nisi fallor exaratus, manibus duabus, partim litteris 
 Neritinis. Vidi 27 Aug. 1886, 
 
 There is only a little to be added in the way of technical 
 description, but the following points may be noted. 
 
 (1) According to our notes the summary account should also 
 contain /ect. pict. I much regret, in the light of subsequent 
 investigation, that we did not look more carefully into the 
 nature of the lections. Probably they are the ordinary ones, 
 but I cannot speak with certainty, and considering that a 
 connexion perhaps exists between this MS. and Codex Bezae, 
 it would be worth while for the next scholar who goes to 
 the Laura to look into the question more carefully. I should 
 be inclined to guess that, as Dr. Gregory did not notice 
 the presence of any lection marks, they are not a complete 
 system, but only a few which caught our eye, or rather, as 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 133 
 
 I judge from the handwriting of the note on this point, 
 Mr. Wathen’s eye. 
 
 The pictures are not illuminated, and are unlike those in 
 any MS. which I saw on Mount Athos, but I have since seen 
 in the Bodleian a MS. (MS. Douce 70), the pictures of which 
 remind me of those in cod. 1071. Probably the explanation 
 that they were prepared for illumination, but never finished, is 
 as true for 1071 as it certainly is for Douce 70. In the picture 
 before the fourth Gospel it is important to note that the Latin 
 words Ln principio erat verbum appear on the page of the open 
 book which St. John is represented as holding. 
 
 (2) I feel sure that it was written by three rather than by 
 two hands, whose work was distributed as follows :— 
 
 Scribe A wrote quaternions I, 7 and 8 containing the 
 introductory matter (Carp. Eus.-t. Capp-t and, I think, syn. 
 men.), and Mt 22, 13-end of Capp-t. to Mark. 
 
 Scribe B wrote quaternions 2 and 9-23, containing Mt 1, 
 1-7, 26 wxoddunoev and Met, 1 to the end of the Gospels. 
 
 Seribe C wrote quaternions 3—6, containing Mt 7, 26—Mt 
 22, 13 δήσαν-. 
 
 It is noticeable that in the seventeenth quaternion scribe B 
 has inserted two conjugate leaves between the seventh and 
 eighth folia of the gathering. If there is no other irregularity 
 in the make-up of the MS. this gives a total of 186 folia, but 
 our notes say that the MS, contained 181 folia. As this 
 discrepancy did not strike us until we had left the mountain, 
 it is impossible to do more than record the fact without offer- 
 ing any explanation. 
 
 (3) Literae Neritinae means the writing of the school of 
 Nardo, or Neritum, near Rossano, the existence of which 
 is recorded by De Ferrariis in his tract De Situ Lapygiae}. 
 
 ' Tn hac urbe de qua nunc loquimur et gymnasium quondam fuit Graecarum 
 disciplinarum tale, ut cum Mesapii Graeci laudare Graecas literas volunt 
 Neritinas esse dicant. Sunt enim hae literae perpulchrae et castigatae et 
 jis, quibus nune utuntur impressores, Orientalibus ad legendum aptiores.— 
 Antonius Galateus (De Ferrariis), De Situ Iapygiae, ed. 1558, p. 122. 
 
134 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 I think that Dr, Gregory here alludes to the writing of the 
 scribe B, but I do not feel sure, as I only know Literae Neritinae 
 through description. However, I do not feel the least hesita- 
 tion in affirming a complete agreement with Dr. Gregory in 
 his belief that the MS. came from Italy. The Latin words 
 in the picture of St. John are evidence that it came from 
 a district where Latin was more or less known, and the hand- 
 writing has a peculiar stiffness 1, very difficult to describe, but 
 easy to recognize, which is often characteristic of Italian MSS. 
 I much regret that, for some reason which we could not under- 
 
 stand, we were not allowed to photograph even a specimen of 
 this MS. 
 
 The Provenience and History of the Codex. 
 
 It will be seen from the foregoing remarks that the codex 
 came from Κ᾽, Italy or Sicily—there is little difference between 
 the two regions, palaeographically considered. It remains to 
 be seen whether the exact home of the MS. can be found, and 
 the explanation of its being taken to Mount Athos be dis- 
 covered. Father Chrysostom, when the problem was put 
 to him, affirmed that the answer was easy and certain. 
 There had been, he said, in the twelfth century, a movement 
 of rapprochement between 8, Italy and Constantinople, which 
 had resulted in the foundation of a monastery on Mount 
 Athos, endowed by the Greek merchants connected with 
 Amalfi, and therefore called ᾿Αμαλφινῶν. This monastery was 
 afterwards known, doubtless when the connexion with Italy 
 had been broken, as τὸ Mopdivdv—an obvious corruption of the 
 earlier title. After a period of prosperity it fell into ruins, 
 and its library and lands were taken over by the Laura, The 
 ruined tower on the top of a precipitous and thickly-wooded 
 hill may be seen on the right hand of the path as one approaches 
 the Laura from Ivéron, 
 
 1 See Batiffol’s essay in L’ Abbaye de Rossano, 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 135 
 
 The only reference to this monastery which I have been 
 able to find in books about Mount Athos is in De Vogité’s 
 Syrie, Palestine et Mont Athos, a little book which gives a 
 charming and most lifelike description of the ‘Holy Moun- 
 tain.’ He says on p. 263: ‘En méme temps (the closing years 
 of the twelfth century) ἃ instigation d’Innocent III une 
 tentative est faite pour latiniser le principal centre monastique 
 de Vorthodoxie. es Amalfitains ces infatigables pionniers 
 qu on retrouve 4 l’avant-garde de toutes les entreprises occi- 
 dentales en Orient fondent le couvent catholique d’Omorphoné 
 dont les ruines abritent aujourd’hui des chevriers sous un toit 
 de lierre dans un des sites les plus pittoresques de la presqu’ile.’ 
 . Unfortunately he gives no authority for this statement, and I 
 have not been able as yet to find any. The ancient ‘Chronicon 
 Amalfitanum’ published by Muratori is mutilated at this 
 point, but one of the few fragments relating to this period 
 recounts a mission to Constantinople, and the obtaining of the 
 body of St. Andrew from that city. This at least shows the 
 Amalfitans in the neighbourhood of Athos, and dealing in 
 monastic ‘properties. It should also be noticed that the 
 period in question is that of the Montferrats and the Roman 
 kingdom of Thessalonica, when a Latinising movement is quite 
 probable. Therefore there can be little doubt that Father 
 Chrysostom’s suggestion is a very reasonable one, but caution 
 demands a statement of countervailing considerations. 
 
 If Dr. Gregory is right in identifying part of cod. 1071 as 
 written in the hand characteristic of the school of Nardo, it 
 weakens the case for Amalfi, because Nardo is close to Rossano, 
 not to Amalfi, and there is some, though not very good 
 evidence, that there was in the twelfth century a monastery 
 on Mount Athos definitely connected with Calabria. This 
 evidence is found in the life of St. Bartholomew! of Simeri, 
 near Rossano, St. Bartholomew was a person who in early 
 life became a kind of hermit in the mountains near Rossano, 
 
 Printed in the Bollandist Acta SS. Sept. vol. viii. 
 
136 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 and afterwards founded several monasteries in the district, 
 including St. Mary’s of Patira. He is said to have made 
 a journey to Constantinople, and to have been very well 
 received by the Court, especially by a pious noble named 
 Calimeris, who gave him many valuable presents, and—the 
 chronicler continues—6é7ep εἰς τὸ “Ayiov ὄρος ἐκέκτητο μονα- 
 στήριον ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις πατέρος ἡμῶν καὶ οὐρανοφάντορος 
 Βασιλείου αὐτῷ ἐδωρήσατο, εὐεργετεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἐκ τούτου ἢ 
 εὐεργετεῖν μάλα εἰκότως οἰόμενος, οὗπερ τὴν προστασίαν ταῖς 
 πολλαῖς ἐκείνου δυσωπηθεὶς ἱκετείαις ὁ μέγας ἀναδεξάμενος πολλῆς 
 ὠφελείας τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ ἀσκηταῖς ἐγένετο πρόξενος λόγοις ὁμοῦ καὶ 
 ἔργοις ῥυθμίσας αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸ μέλπιον (]. βέλτιον) ----(η. some 
 details recounting Bartholomew’s departure and his appoint- 
 ment of a successor—o.d καὶ μέχρι τῆς σήμερον ws φασὶ τὸ 
 μοναστήριον “τοῦ Καλαβροῦ᾽ παρὰ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις ἐπονομά- 
 ζεται. 
 
 Again, there does not seem to be any entirely trustworthy 
 evidence as to the existence of this monastery. It is not 
 mentioned (nor is τὸ Mopdurdv) by John Comnenus? in his 
 description of Mount Athos, but this does not prove more 
 than that it did not exist in the seventeenth century when 
 John Comnenus wrote. The whole question of these two 
 monasteries ought to be inquired into by the next scholar 
 who visits the mountain. 
 
 At present one can only say that cod, 1071 was probably 
 once in the library of either τὸ Μορφινόν or the monastery of 
 τοῦ Καλαβροῦ, whither it was imported either from Amalfi or 
 from the neighbourhood of Rossano. The importance of this 
 fact will probably be considered to lie in the light it may 
 possibly throw on the locality in which the Codex Bezae was 
 preserved in the twelfth century, for, as will be shown later, 
 there is in the text of the pericope adulterae in cod. 1071 
 a point of close connexion with the Codex Bezae. 
 
 1 Printed in Montfaucon’s Palaeographia Graeca. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 137 
 
 Evidence other than textual which connects Cod. 1071 with 
 other MSS. 
 
 This is given by the stichometric enumerations and subserip- 
 tions which are found at the end of the Gospels. They are as 
 follows :— 
 
 At the end of St. Matthew: Εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ Mardaiov 
 ἐγράφη καὶ ἀντεβλήθη ἐκ τῶν ἐν ἱΙεροσολύμοις παλαιῶν ἀντιγρα- 
 φῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αγίῳ Ὄρει ἀποκειμένων. στχ. Bb (2500). 
 
 At the end of St. Mark: Εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ Μάρκον ἐγράφη καὶ 
 . ἀντεβλήθη ὁμοίως ἐκ τῶν ἐσπουδασμένων. στχ. ap, (1590). 
 
 They are omitted at the end of the two other Gospels. 
 This indication of provenience, whatever it may mean, groups 
 cod. 1071 with the following MSS, at least, and probably 
 with others. 
 
 A? (ix) in the Bodleian: brought from ‘the East’ by 
 Tischendorf in 1853. Probably therefore originally part of 
 the library of St. Catherine’s monastery on Mount Sinai. 
 
 20 (xi) at Paris: brought from the East in 1669. 
 
 117 (xv) in the British Museum: apparently nothing is 
 known of its history except that it once belonged to Bentley. 
 
 157 (xii) in the Vatican Library : written, perhaps in 1128, 
 for the Emperor John II Porphyrogenitus, presumably there- 
 fore in Constantinople. 
 
 164 (xi) in the Barberini Library: a palimpsest. Written 
 by Leo, priest and scribe, and purchased in 1168 at Jerusalem 
 by a certain Bartholomew. Probably therefore written in 
 some Eastern monastery. 
 
 262 (x? xii) at Paris: probably written in Italy, but 
 afterwards sent to Constantinople, and brought back in 
 1735. 
 
 428 (xiii) at Munich: history apparently unknown. 
 
 565 (ix) at St. Petersburg: said to have been written by 
 
 1 A of course has not got the subscription to Matthew, and in the other 
 
 MSS. quoted sometimes one of the Gospels lacks the subscription. 
 VOL. V, PART II, L 
 
138 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 the Empress Theodora; afterwards in the monastery of 
 Houmish Khan in Pontus. 
 
 566 (ix) at St. Petersburg: the other half of cod. A, which 
 Tischendorf seems to have separated as he did in other cases. 
 
 829 (xii ? xi) at Grotta Ferrata: almost certainly written 
 in S. Italy or Sicily. Dr. Gregory’s question whether it may 
 not be ‘consanguineus familiae 13, i.e. a member of the 
 Ferrar group, may be definitely answered in the negative. 
 
 The scanty information which may thus be gathered from 
 catalogues about these MSS. suggests that the group to 
 which they belong may be divided into two—an Eastern and 
 an Italian branch. To the former belong A, 20, 157, 164, 565, 
 566 (which may perhaps be subdivided into Constantino- 
 politan and Sinaitic branches); to the latter belong 262, 829, 
 1071. 
 
 The question remains to be decided, what is the original 
 home of the family. I think that Sinai is the most likely 
 place. This conclusion is reached from a consideration of the 
 subscription. This it will be remembered runs as follows :— 
 
 Εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ Ματθαῖον ἐγράφη καὶ ἀντεβλήθη ἐκ τῶν ἐν 
 “Ἱεροσολύμοις παλαιῶν ἀντιγραφῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αγίῳ Ὄρει ἀποκει- 
 μένων. ; 
 
 At first this appears to identify’ Jerusalem and the Ἅγιον 
 Ὄρος. But there seems no reason for thinking that any 
 monastery at Jerusalem was ever called a holy mountain. 
 Τὸ Ἅγιον Ὄρος, according to Father Chrysostom, for whose 
 great learning and instinct on such points I learnt while at 
 the Laura to have the greatest respect, felt confident that it 
 meant neither Jerusalem nor (considering the early date of A 
 566, 565) Athos, but definitely Sinai. He boldly emended 
 ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις into ἐκ τῶν “Ἱεροσολυμειτῶν, adding 
 (what is perfectly true) that the terminations of words in 
 colophons are often so abbreviated that they may mean almost 
 anything. 
 
 1 This seems to be Bousset’s view in his Text-kritische Studien. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 139 
 
 I think therefore that probably Sinai is the original home, 
 and that the subscription means that the archetype of the 
 group came originally from Jerusalem, and was, at the time 
 when it was used, preserved in the library at Sinai. 
 
 The Teaut of this Family. 
 
 At present it is impossible to say whether any members of 
 the family have preserved the original text. The majority have 
 undoubtedly reverted to the ordinary Antiochian type, but 157, 
 565, 1071 (especially 565), have texts of some value, and A 566, 
 262, 829 have a certain number of interesting readings. ΤῸ 
 work the subject out fully would be a long and delicate piece 
 of work, but the impression which I have at present is that 
 no close genealogical connexion can be shown to exist between 
 any of the MSS. in this group at all similar to that found in 
 the Ferrar group or the group which is headed by cod. 1. It 
 is possible that further study may reveal a more remote con- 
 nexion, and may even connect them with other well-known 
 MSS. which do not possess this interesting colophon, which 
 would then acquire a further importance. 
 
 An attempt has been made by Dr. W. Bousset, in his Zewt- 
 kritische Studien, to deal with the subject somewhat on these 
 lines. He considers that all these MSS. belong to a large 
 group headed by the uncials KII(M) which he thinks may be 
 connected more or less closely with Jerusalem, and have affini- 
 ties with the text of Origen. There is no question that KII(M) 
 possess a peculiar text which may represent some definite 
 recension, but it may be doubted whether MSS. like 157, 565, 
 1071 can be rightly claimed as belonging to this group. 
 They have some points in common with it, but they have 
 many more in which they disagree, not only with it, but also 
 among themselves. The whole problem raised is full of diffi- 
 culties, and at present no adequate solution has been offered. 
 If however any advance is possible, it is probable that it will 
 be made by dealing with the smaller and definite families first, 
 and afterwards bringing them together into larger groups. 
 
 L2 
 
140 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 The Text of Cod. 1071. 
 
 The collation with Lloyd’s text of the whole of St. Mark, 
 and of several chapters from the other Gospels, which is given 
 in the following pages, will probably be sufficient to give a 
 fair impression of the character and value of the codex. It 
 must however be understood that this is not based on photo- 
 graphs, but only on a necessarily hurried collation, which was 
 made at the Laura by Mr. Wathen and myself, and naturally ~ 
 must have suffered from the haste with which it was made. 
 We did not collect orthographical variants simply as such: 
 the spelling of cod. 1071 is very bad, offering in this respect 
 a great contrast to the mass of the MSS. in the libraries on 
 Mount Athos. I have not attempted any full analysis of the 
 different readings, but at the conclusion of the collation I have 
 drawn attention to some of the more interesting variants, and 
 especially to the text of the pericope adulterae. 
 
 ST. MATTHEW. 
 
 V 1 post ἀνέβη add. ὃ ᾿Τησοῦς 13 βληθὲν ἔξω καταπατεῖσθαι 
 18 ἰῶτα ἐν τῇ κεραίᾳ post νόμου add. καὶ τῶν προφητῶν 
 19 ἐντολῶν μου τούτων 20 ὑμῶν ἡ δικαιοσύνη 22 εἴπῃ 
 τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ μωρέ 25 per’ αὐτοῦ ante εἶ 28 ἐπιθυ- 
 pica. αὐτὴν 29 σκανδαλίζει σε ante ὃ δεξιός 32 μοιχευ- 
 θῆναι pro μοιχᾶσθαι 86 ποιῆσαι ante λευκὴν 89 δεξιὰν 
 sine σου 40 post ἱμάτιόν add. σου 42 das pro δίδου 
 44 om. καλῶς ποιεῖτε τοὺς μισοῦντας ὑμᾶς 47 φίλους pro 
 ἀδελφοὺς οἱ ἐθνικοὶ pro τελῶναι 48 ws pro ὥσπερ 
 
 ὁ οὐράνιος pro ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς 
 
 VI 1 προσέχετε δὲ 8. γνῶ pro γνώτω 4 ὅπως ἤ σου 
 ἐλεημοσύνη ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ αὐτὸς ἀποδώσει omissis verbis omnibus 
 quae inter ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ 1° et ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ 2° interponenda sint 
 
 5 προσεὔΐχεσθε et ἔσεσθε pro προσεύχῃ κοτιλ. 14 ὑμεῖς pro 
 ὑμῖν 20 οὐδὲ βρῶσις οὔτε κλέπτουσιν 28 ὀφθαλμὸς 
 sine σου 24 post οὐδεὶς add. οἰκέτης 26 ovre...ovre... 
 οὔτε 28 οὐ κοπιῶσιν οὐδὲ νήθουσιν 82 ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα 
 
 τὰ ἔθνη ἐπιζητοῦσιν 
 ΧΙ 8 ἀποστέλλει 8 αὐτῶν pro ἑαυτῶν 18 ποιή- 
 σατε αὐτὸν 14 χωλοὶ καὶ τυφλοὶ 18 post ἐπανάγων 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 141 
 
 add, ὃ ᾿Ἰησοῦς 22 αἰτεῖσθε pro αἰτήσητε 24 post αὐτοῖς 
 add. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν 26 post διατί om. οὖν post ἐὰν om. 
 δὲ 28 post ἄνθρωπός add. τις σήμερον post ἐργάζου 
 30 ἑτέρῳ pro δευτέρῳ 38 post υἱὸν add. αὐτὸν 
 
 XXIII 5 γὰρ pro δὲ 10 ὑμῶν post ἐστιν 19 post 
 μεῖζόν (1) add. ἐστι 20 καὶ ἐν τῷ καθημένῳ ἐν πᾶσι 21 κατοι- 
 
 κήσαντι 
 ST. MARK. 
 
 I 2 καθὼς γέγραπται ἐν “Hoalg τῷ προφήτι 5 post ‘Tepo- 
 σολυμῖται add. πάντες 7 κύψας om. 9 ἐκείναις post ἡμέραις 
 10 ὡς pro ὡσεὶ 15 ante λέγων om. καὶ 16 αὐτοῦ τοῦ Σίμωνος 
 17 γενέσθαι om. 19 post δίκτυα add. αὐτῶν 21 εὐθὺς pro 
 εὐθέως 23 ante λέγων add. φωνῇ μεγάλῃ 25 αὐτῶν pro αὐτοῦ 
 26 φωνήσας pro κράξαν 27 ἅπαντες πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντας. 
 τί ἐστι τοῦτο εἰ τίς ἡ κιτιλ. 83 καὶ qv ὅλη ἡ πόλις 
 85 ἀναστὰς ἀπῆλθεν ὃ ᾿Ιησοῦς 36 ὅ τε Ξίμων 37 σε ante 
 ζητοῦσιν 42 ἡ λέπρα αὐτοῦ 45 dvvacbat ante αὐτὸν 
 φανερῶς post εἰς πόλιν πάντοθεν ᾿ 
 
 II 1 εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐν οἴκῳ pro εἰς οἶκον 
 3 φέροντες ante πρὸς αὐτὸν 5 σου ai ἁμαρτίαι σου ut vid. sed 
 coll. est ambigua 8 αὐτοὶ διαλογίζονται 9 σου post κράβ- 
 βατόν 10 ἀφιέναι post ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς 11 ἔγειρε ἄρον sine 
 καὶ 12 ἐνώπιον pro ἐναντίον 13 post πάλιν add. ὃ Ἰησοῦς 
 ἤρχοντο PTO ἤρχετο 16 post πίνει add. ὃ διδάσκαλος 17 ante 
 ov χρείαν add. ὅτι ov yap ἦλθον 18 οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν dap. 
 οἱ μαθηταὶ τῶν φαρ. μαθηταί σου pro σοὶ μαθηταὶ 21 οὐδεὶς 
 stné kat 28 ante τοῖς σάββ. om. ἐν οἱ pa. αὐτοῦ et npEavto 
 24 post ποιοῦσιν add. ot μαθηταὶ 25 λέγει pro ἔλεγεν 
 26 ἱερεῦσι μόνον 
 
 III 6 ἐποίησαν 7 post Ἰησοῦς add. γνοὺς παρὰ τὴν 
 θάλασσαν ἠκολούθησαν post ᾿Ιουδαίας 8 ἐποίει ὃ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 11 ἐθεώρουν προσέπιπτον ἔκραζον 12 αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 13 εἰς τὸ ὄρος ὃ Ἰησοῦς 16 καὶ ἐπέθηκεν αὐτοῖς ὀνόματα, τῷ 
 Σίμωνι Πέτρον 17 ᾿Ιακώβου sine τοῦ 18 Ματθαῖον τὸν 
 τελώνην 20 μηδὲ pro μήτε 23 αὐτοῖς 6 Ἰησοῦς 25 δυνή- 
 σηται pro δύναται σταθῆναι post ἐκείνη 27 ἀλλ᾽ οὐδεὶς 
 δύναται εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ εἰσελθὼν τὰ σκεύη αὐτοῦ διαρπάσαι 
 28 τὰ ἁμαρτήματα post ἀνθρώπων ἐὰν pro ἂν 80 ὅτι 
 ἔλεγον ὅτι 31 καὶ ἔρχονται pro ἔρχονται οὗν ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ 
 καὶ ot ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ 32 περὶ αὐτὸν ὄχλος πολύς καὶ 
 
142 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica, 
 
 λέγουσιν pro εἶπον δὲ 33 καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει καὶ 
 pro ἢ 84 ad fin. vers. add. οὗτοί εἰσιν 35 ἐὰν pro ἂν 
 μήτηρ μου 
 
 IV 1 jw ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς 8 σπεῖραι τὸν σπόρον αὐτοῦ 
 4 σπείρειν αὐτὸν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ OM. 5 καὶ ἄλλο pro ἄλλο 
 δὲ γῆς βάθος 6 καὶ ὅτε ἀνέτειλεν ὁ ἥλιος pro ἡλίου κιτ.λ. 
 8 αὐξανόμενα εἰς τριάκοντα καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἐν ἑκατόν 
 9 αὐτοῖς om. 10 καὶ ὅτε pro ὅτε δὲ ἠρώτων Pro ἠρώτησαν 
 11 λέγεται pro γίνεται 12 βλέψωσιν συνῶσι 15 εὐθὺς 
 16 ὁμοίως εἰσιν 18 οὗτοί εἰσιν 2° om. ἀκούσαντες 20 ἐν 
 pro ev ter 21 ὑπὸ pro ἐπὶ τεθῇ pro ἐπιτεθῇ 22 ἔλθῃ εἰς 
 φανερόν 24 ἀντιμετρηθήσεται 25 ἐὰν pro ἂν 26 ἔλεγεν 
 αὐτοῖς 81 κόκκον pro κόκκῳ μικρότερον 32 μείζων 
 πάντων τῶν λαχάνων τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς 84 τοῖς ἰδίοις μαθηταῖς 
 35 εἰς πέραν sine τὸ 86 πλοῖα pro πλοιάρια 87 καὶ τὰ 
 κύματα pro τὰ δὲ κύματα ἤδη γεμίζεσθαι αὐτώ 88 αὐτὸς 
 ἣν ἐν τῇ πρύμνῃ 41 οἱ ἄνεμοι ? 
 
 Vi 1 Τεργεσηνῶν 2 ὑπήντησεν 3 μνήμασιν pro μνη- 
 μείοις οὔτε ἀλύσεσιν οὔτε πέδες 4 αὐτὸν 1° om. οὐδεὶς 
 ἐδύνατο αὐτὸν δαμάσαι 5 ἣν ante διαπαντὸς, ἐν Tots 
 μνήμασιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν 6 ἀπὸ om. 7 λέγει pro εἶπε 
 11 πρὸς τὸ ὄρει 18 ἀγέλη πᾶσα 16 καὶ διηγήσαντο δὲ 
 19 πεποίηκε καὶ ἠλέησέ σε ὁ Θεὺς (7 ὃ κύριος om.) 22 παρακαλεῖ 
 27 τοῦ κρασπέδου τοῦ ἱματίου 88 τρέμουσα διὸ πεποίηκεν 
 40 πάντας 41 ταλιθὰ κούμ 4 
 
 VI 2 τούτο πάντα pro τούτῳ ταῦτα ὅτι Om. 3 δὲ om. 
 4 ovyyevedow αὐτοῦ 11 ἂν om. οὐ μὴ δέξωνται Σοδόμοις 
 καὶ 14 Ἡρώδης τὴν ἀκοὴν Ἰησοῦ 15 om. 17 φυλακῇ sine τῇ 
 26 διὰ δὲ τοὺς ὄρκους ἤθελεν 80 καὶ 2°0m.  Ξ88 οἱ 
 ὄχλοι Om. 85 προσελθόντες οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ 
 37 δηναρίων διακοσίων 88 ἐπιγνόντες 89 ἀνακλιθῆναι 
 44 ὡσεὶ οη.. 48 τοὺς ὄχλους 52 αὐτῶν ἡ καρδία 54 αὐτὸν 
 οἱ ἄνδρες τοῦ τόπου ἐκείνου 
 
 VII 6 ὅτι om. ἐπροφήτευσεν ὅτι ὃ λαὸς οὗτος 11 ὁ 
 ἄνθρωπος ͵ 18 διὰ τὴν παράδοσιν ὑμῶν ἢν 15 κοινῶσαι 
 αὐτὸν 16 6 ἔχων pro εἴ τις ἔχει 19 καθαρίζων 24 εἰς 
 οἰκίαν 260 Συροφοινίκισσα τὸ γένη 28 τῶν πιπτόντων 
 ψιχίων τῶν παιδίων OM. 29 ἐκ τῆς θυγατρός σου τὸ δαιμόνιον 
 80 ἐπὶ τὴν κλίνην 31 ἐξελθὼν ὁ ᾿Τησοῦς ἀπὸ 86 αὐτοὶ 
 μᾶλλον περισσοτέρως 
 
 VIII 1 πάλιν πολλοῦ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῖς om, 2 ὄχλον τοῦτον 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 143 
 
 3 ἀπὸ μακρόθεν 4 ὧδε om. 6 αὐτοῖς pro τῷ ὄχλῳ 
 7 εὐλογήσας αὑτὰ εἶπεν παραθεῖναι αὐτὰ 8 ἐχορτάσθησαν πάντες 
 σπυρίδας πλήρεις 9 τετρακισχίλιοι ἄνδρες 10 καὶ ἐμβὰς 
 εὐθέως 12 ἑαυτοῦ pro αὐτοῦ ov pro εἰ 13 πάλιν 
 ἐμβὰς εἰς πλοῖον διῆλθεν 14 ἐπελάθοντο οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ 
 ἕνα ἄρτον μόνον 16 ἐν ἑαυτοῖς pro πρὸς ἀλλήλους 19 κοφίνους 
 κλασμάτων ἤρατε πλήρεις 21 οὔπω 22 ἔρχονται pro ἔρχεται 
 28 αὐτοῦ pro αὐτῷ 24 εἶπεν pro ἔλεγεν ὅτι om. 
 ὁρῶ om. 28 ἀπεκρίθησαν λέγοντες 81 τῶν ἀρχιερέων 
 33 ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς 84 εἴ τις pro ὅστις 35 οὗτος 
 om. 86 τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὅλον τὸν κόσμον 88 ἐὰν 
 pro ἂν 
 
 IX 2 ᾿Ιωάννην sine τὸν 3 ἐγένοντο λευκᾶναι οὕτως 
 5 καὶ θέλης ποιήσωμεν τρεῖς σκηνάς 7 καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐγένετο 
 ἀκούετε αὐτοῦ 9 καὶ καταβαινόντων ἀναστῇ ἐκ νεκρῶν 
 12 πρῶτος pro πρῶτον καθὼς pro καὶ πῶς 18 πάντα ὅσα 
 15 ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐξεθαμβήθησαν 16 ἑαυτούς 17 ἄλαλον 
 καὶ κοφόν 18 ἐὰν pro ἂν 19 εἶπεν αὐτῷ 22 ἐφ᾽ 
 ἡμᾶς κύριε 23 τὸ om. 25 ὃ ὄχλος 23 τοὺς πολλοὺς 
 28 εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ kar ἰδίαν ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν, διὰ τί 
 88 ἦλθεν ὃ ᾿Τησοῦς διελογίζεσθε πρὸς ἑαυτούς 84 τίς 7 
 μείζων 88 ἔφη pro ἀπεκρίθη δὲ om. ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι 
 τὰ δαιμόνια ὃς οὐκ ἀκολουθεῖ ἡμῖν OM. 89 ποιήσας pro ποιήσει 
 40 ἡμῶν }Ί7Ὸ0 ὑμῶν bis 41 μου om. ὅτι οὐ μὴ 42 μικρῶν 
 τούτων 45 ἔκκοψον καλὸν γὰρ 
 
 X1 καὶ διὰ ἢ καὶ εἶπεν ἕνεκεν 8 σὰρξ μία 10 ἐπη- 
 ρώτων 11 ἂν pro ἐὰν 17 ἰδού τις πλούσιος προσδραμὼν 
 καὶ 20 ad fin. add. τί ἔτι ὑστερῶ 21 εἰ θέλεις τέλειος 
 εἶναι ὕπαγε πτωχοῖς 8ἴη6 τοῖς σταυρόν σου 28 τοῖς 
 μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ λέγει 24 εἶπεν pro λέγει τεκνία χρήμασι 
 sine τοῖς 25 τρυμαλιᾶς ῥαφίδος διελθεῖν 27 παρὰ ἀνθρώ- 
 ποις τοῦτο ἀδύνατόν ἐστιν Θεῷ sine τῷ 28 ἤρξατο δὲ 
 29 καὶ ἕνεκεν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου 80 πατέρας ζωὴν αἰώνιον 
 κληρονομήσει 81 ἔσχατοι sine ot 33 γραμματεῦσι sine 
 τοῖς 84 ἐμπτύσουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ μαστιγώσουσιν αὐτὸν 85 τοῦ 
 Ζεβεδαίου λέγοντες αὐτῷ σὺ ποιήσῃς 40 ἡτοίμασται 
 ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός μου 48 μέγας γενέσθαι ὑμῶν διάκονος 
 44 ὃς ἐὰν 48 αὐτὸς δὲ pro ὃ δὲ 50 ἀναπηδήσας pro 
 ἀναστὰς 51 αὐτῷ ὃ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν τί σοι θέλεις ποιήσω 
 52 αὐτῷ pro τῷ Ἰησοῦ 
 
 XI 1 ἐγγίζουσιν 6 Ἰησοῦς καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα 
 
144 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 A 
 ‘ 
 
 καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς Βιθφαγὴ καὶ 2 ἀγάγετέ μοι 3 τί λύετε τὸν 
 πῶλον pro τί ποιεῖτε τοῦτο 4 δεδεμένον τὸν πῶλον 5 ἑστώ- 
 των 6 ἐνετείλατο αἰἰτοῖς 7 φέρουσιν pro ἤγαγον 8 καὶ 
 πολλοὶ pro πολλοὶ δὲ 9 ὠσαννὰ τῷ ὑψίσκχῳ 10 καὶ εὐλογημένη 
 11 ante εἰς τὸ ἱερόν Om. καὶ 2) ἔτι pro ἤδη 18 ἀπὸ μακρόθεν 
 εἰ ἄρατι φφύλλα μόνον 14 6 Ἰησοῦς om. μηκέτι εἰς τὸν 
 αἰῶνα ἐκ σοῦ καρπὸν μηδεὶς φάγοι 15 τοὺς ἀγοράζοντας 18 οἱ 
 ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς 19 ὅταν pro ὅτε ἐξεπορεύοντο 
 20 παραπορευόμενοι πρωὶ 21 ἰδοὺ pro ἴδε 22 ὃ Ἰησοῦς 
 23 εἰ ἔχετε πίστιν πιστεύσετε λέγετε (sed infra αὐτῷ, δ. 1) 
 24 ὅτι πάντα προσεύχεσθε καὶ αἰτεῖσθε 28 ἢ τίς σοι 
 ἔδωκεν τὴν ἐξουσίαν 29 Ἰησοῦς om. κἀγὼ ὑμῖν ἐρῶ ἕνα 
 30 ᾿Ιωάννου, πόθεν ἦν ; ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἢ 81 διελογίζοντο οὖν om. 
 32 ἐὰν om. ᾿ 88 τῷ Ἰησόῦ λέγουσιν 
 
 XII 1 ἄνθρωπος ἐφύτευσεν φκοδόμησεν αὐτῷ πύργον 2 ἀπὸ 
 τῶν καρπῶν 6 ἕνα εἶχεν ὑιὸν (et add. καὶ 1) αὐτὸν sine καὶ 
 ἔσχατον πρὸς αὐτοὺς 7 γεωργοὶ θεασάμενοι αὐτὸν ἐρχόμενον πρὸς 
 ἑαυτοὺς εἶπον 8 ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν 11 ὑμῶν pro ἡμῶν 
 12 ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν παραβολὴν ταύτην 14 καὶ pro οἱ δὲ 
 εἰπὲ οὖν ἡμῖν, ἔξεστιν ἐπικεφάλεον δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; 
 17 τῷ Καίσαρι ἐθαύμαζον 18 ἐπηρώτων 19 ἵνα pro 
 ὅτι 20 ἑπτὰ οὖν ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν γυναῖκα καὶ 
 ἀπέθανε καὶ ἀποθνήσκων 21 μὴ καταλείπων σπέρμα pro καὶ 
 οὐδὲ k.T.A. 22 καὶ οἱ ἑπτὰ ἔλαβον ἔσχατον πάντων καὶ ἣ 
 γυνὴ ἀπέθανεν 428 ἀναστάσει οὖν 25 ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ 26 τοῦ 
 βάτου ἐγὼ εἰμὶ 6 Θεὸς ᾿Ιακὼβ καὶ ὁ Θεὸς Ἰσαὰκ 27 οὐκ 
 ἐστὶν Θεὸς ante ζώντων om. Θεὸς 28 ἰδών pro εἰδὼς 
 πάντων pro πασῶν 29 πρώτη πάντων ἐντολὴ 80 αὕτη 
 ἐστὶν ἡ πρώτη ἐντολή 81 αὐτῆς pro αὕτη (vel ὁμοία αὐτῆς, 
 αὕτη 1) 84 οὐκ ἐτόλμα 85 Aad ἐστι 86 ἐν πνεύ- 
 ματι ἁγίῳ 87 πῶς pro πόθεν 
 
 XIII 1 εἶπεν pro λέγει 2 ἀποκριθεὶς ὃ Ἰησοῦς ἀφεθῇ 
 ὧδε 4 ταῦτα πάντα 6 εἰμὶ ὁ Χριστός 7 ὁρᾶτε μὴ 
 8 ἀρχὴ ταῦτα πάντα 9 ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνας καὶ βασιλεῖς 
 10 πρῶτον δεῖ 11 προμεριμνήσηται 12 καὶ πατὴρ τέκνον μὴ 
 14 ἑστὸς ἐν τόπῳ ὅπου 18 χειμῶνος μηδὲ σαββάτῳ 19 κτίσεως 
 κόσμου 20 ἐκολόβωσεν ὁ Θεὸς 24 τῶν ἡμερῶν ἐκείνων 
 pro ἐκείνην 28 ὅταν ἤδη ὃ κλάδος αὐτῆς ἁπαλὸς 29 εἰδῆτε 
 ταῦτα 80 ταῦτα om. 82 ἢ pro καὶ οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν 
 οὐρανῶν οὐδὲ ὁ υἱὸς εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος 84 ὡς γὰρ 
 γρηγορήσῃ 86 εὑρήσει 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 145 
 
 XIV 8 πολυτίμου pro πολοτελοῦς τὸν ἀλάβαστρον δ τοῦτο 
 τὸ μύρον 6 ἐν ἐμοί pro εἰς ἐμέ 7 πάντοτε εὖ ποιῆσαι 
 8 ἔσχεν τὸ σῶμά μου 9 ὅπου ἐὰν 10 ᾿Ιούδας 
 Ἰσκαριώτης (sine 6 bis) αὐτὸν παραδῷ 11 ἀργύρια 
 πῶς αὐτὸν εὐκαίρως 18 λέγων pro καὶ λέγει 14 κατάλυμά 
 μου 15 ἡμῖν pro ὑμῖν καὶ ἐκεῖ 16 καὶ ἐξῆλθον 
 ἑτοιμάσε αὐτῷ οἵ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ 19 λυπεῖσθαι καὶ ἀδημονεῖν 
 ἐγώ εἰμι (τ) 22 καὶ εὐλογήσας 24 ἐκχυνόμενον εἰς 
 ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν 27 διασκορπισθήσονται τὰ πρόβατα τῆς ποίμνης 
 29 εἰ καὶ 30 σὺ σήμερον 81 ὁ δὲ Πέτρος μᾶλλον 
 ἐὰν δέῃ με σύν σοι ἀποθανεῖν 82 προσεύξομαι 85 προσελθὼν 
 86 τοῦτο ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀλλ᾽ ὅ τι σύ 37 ἔρχεται πρὸς τοὺς 
 μαθητὰς 88 γρηγορεῖτε οὖν 40 αὐτῶν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ 
 ἀποκριθῶσιν αὐτῷ 41 ἀπέχει τὸ τέλος 42 μου pro pe 
 43 Ἰούδας ὃ Ἰσκαριώτης ὧν om. 46 ἐπέβαλον τὰς χεῖρας 
 αὐτῷ 50 ἀφέντες αὐτὸν of μαθῆται ἔφυγον πάντες 51 ἠκολού- 
 θησεν 52 ἔφυγεν γυμνός δ8 ἀρχιερέα Καιάφαν 55 ἵνα 
 αὐτὸν θανατώσουσιν 58 τοῦτον τὸν ναὸν ἀχειροποίητον 
 pro τὸν χειροποίητον 59 ἦν om. 61 οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο οὐδέν 
 62 ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτῷ σὺ εἶπας ὅτι ἐγώ 64 εἶναι 
 post θανάτου 65 περικαλύπτειν αὐτῷ αὐτοῦ om. post 
 πρόσωπον προφήτευσον νῦν ἡμῖν Χριστέ, τίς ἐστιν ὁ παίσα σε 
 (510) 66 κάτω ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ 68 οὔτε οἶδα οὔτε σὺ 
 τί λέγεις 69 παρεστῶσιν 
 
 XV 3 post πολλά add. αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο 6 ἀπέλυσεν 
 12 πάλιν ἀποκριθεὶς τὸν βασιλέα 18 ἐκραύγαζον pro 
 ἔκραξαν 14 ἐκραύγαζον pro ἔκραξαν σταύρωσον σταύρωσον 
 15 ποιεῖν pro ποιῆσαι 16 ἔξω τῆς αὐλῆς 17 χλαμίδα 
 κοκκίνην καὶ πορφύραν 18 6 βασιλεὺς pro βασιλεῦ 20 τὴν 
 χλαμίδα καὶ πορφύραν 22 τὸν Γολγοθᾶ 23 διδοῦσι 
 ἐσλαψινισμένον (sic habet collatio) pro ἐσμυρνισμένον 24 καὶ 
 σταυρώσαντες δὲ διεμέρισαν 25 ὅτε pro καὶ 26 ᾿Ιουδαίων 
 οὗτος 80 κατάβηθι 82 εἰ ὃ Χριστὸς Ἰσραήλ ἐστιν 
 πιστεύσωμεν αὐτῷ 33 καὶ γενομένης pro γενομένης δὲ 84 τῇ 
 ἐννάτῃ ὥρᾳ 35 «ide pro ἰδοὺ 86 τε om. 99 υἱὸς 
 Θεοῦ ἦν 6 ἄνθρωπος οὗτος 40 καὶ 2° om. ἡ τοῦ 
 om. 41 καὶ 1° om. 43 ἐλθὼν pro ἦλθεν 46 cis pro ἐπὶ 
 
 XVI 1 ἡ τοῦ om. τὸν Ἰησοῦν pro αὐτόν 2 τῇ μιᾷ τῶν 
 σαββάτων 9 ἀναστὰς δὲ 6 Ἰησοῦς 11 ἐκεῖνοι pro κἀκεῖνοι 
 14 ἐγηγερμένον ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν 16 ὅτι ὃ πιστεύων pro ὃ πιστεύσας 
 19 κύριος Ἰησοῦς 
 
146 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 ST. LUKE. 
 
 XXII 3 ante Σατανᾶς om. ὃ καλούμενον 4 ἀρχιερεῦσι 
 καὶ γραμματεῦσι στρατηγοῖς τοῦ λαοῦ 5 ἀργύρια 6 ὀμο- 
 λόγησε 8 ἀπέστειλεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς 9 ἑτοιμάσωμέν σοι 
 10 ὑπαντήσει 14 ἀπόστολοι om. 16 αὐτὼ pro ἐξ αὐτοῦ 
 18 add. ἀπὸ τοῦ viv sed quo loco per incuriam in collatione non 
 notarr 19 κλόμενον pro διδόμενον 25 ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς 
 26 post ἡγούμενος add. γένεσθω 27 μείζων ἐστι 80 ἐπὶ 
 δώδεκα θρόνων 84 ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς 35 οὐδ᾽ ἐνός 86 δὲ 
 
 pro οὖν 897 εἴ pro ἔτι 88 ἰδοὺ ὧδε μάχαιραι 42 παρενέγκαι 
 48, 44 om. m. pr. sed addidit m. alt. eiusdem fere temporis 
 47 προῆγεν pro προήρχετο ad fin. vers. τοῦτο yap σημεῖον 
 δέδωκεν αὐτοῖς ὃν ἂν φιλήσω αὐτός ἐστιν 49 τὰ ἐσόμενα 
 52 ἐξήλθατε post ξύλων add. συλλαβεῖν με 58 ἡ ὥρα 
 ὑμῶν 57 ἠρνήσατο sine αὐτὸν οὐκ οἶδα αὐτὸν 60 ante 
 ἀλέκτωρ om. ὃ 61 Ἰησοῦ pro Κυρίου πρὶν ἢ 64 ἐπηρώτησαν 
 προφήτευσον ἡμῖν Χριστὲ 66 ἀπήγαγον 69 ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν δὲ 
 71 εἶπαν μαρτύρων pro μαρτυρίας 
 
 XXIII 1 ἤγαγον πρὸς pro ἐπὶ 2 npéav pro ἤρξαντο 
 ηὕραμεν 3 ἀποκρίθει αὐτῷ λέγων 8 ἐξ ἱκανῶν χρόνων 
 11 περιβαλών τε 12 ὅ τε Ἡρώδης καὶ ὁ Πιλᾶτος ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ 
 ἡμέρᾳ 15 ἀνέπεμψεν γὰρ αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς 17 ἀνάγκει δὲ 
 εἶχεν αὐτοῖς κατὰ ἑορτὴν ἀπολύειν ἕνα 19 ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ pro εἰς 
 φυλακήν 20 δὲ pro οὖν προσεφώνησεν αὐτοῖς 22 ἄξιον 
 pro αἴτιον εὑρίσκω pro εὗρον 25 ante φυλακὴν om. τὴν 
 26 ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς TO σταυρῶσαι ante ἐρχομένου om. τοῦ 
 27 γυναῖκες pro γυναικῶν ante ἐκόπτοντο Om. καὶ 32 ἤγοντο 
 δὲ αὐτῷ σὺν τῷ Ἰησοῦ καὶ ἕτεροι δύο σὺν αὐτῷ συναιρεθῆναι 
 33 ἦλθον pro ἀπῆλθον εἰς pro ἐπὶ 84 ἔβαλλον 
 85 ἐξεμυκτήριζον δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ ὁ ἐκλεκτός 
 37 σῶσον σεαυτὸν καὶ κατάβα ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ 45 ἐσχίσθη δὲ 
 48 ὄχλοι om. θεωρίσαντες 51 ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς προσεδέχετο 
 53 αὐτὸ 1° om. αὐτὸν pro αὐτὸ 2° ® pro ov οὐδεὶς 
 οὐδέπω “ = ad. fin. vers. τεθέντος αὐτοῦ" ἐπέθηκε τῷ μνημείῳ λίθον 
 55 αἱ γυναῖκες ἀπὸ pro ἐκ 56 δὲ om. 
 
 XXIV 1 ἦλθον ὄρθρου βαθέος μνημεῖον pro μνῆμα 
 8. εἰσελθοῦσαι δὲ κυρίου om. 10 ἡ Ἰακώβου 18 εἷς sine ὃ 
 ante Ἱερουσαλὴμ. om. ἐν 20 αὐτὸν παρέδωκαν 84 ὄντως 
 ἠγέρθη 44 καὶ εἶπεν pro εἶπε δὲ 47 ἀρξάμενος 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 147 
 
 ST. JOHN. 
 
 V 5 ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος 7 vai κύριε ἄνθρωπον δὲ 8 ὕπαγε 
 εἷς τὸν οἷκόν σου PTO καὶ περιπάτει 10 κράβαττόν σου 11 ὁ δὲ 
 ἀπεκρίθη 12 ἐστιν om. ἐκεῖνος 6 ἄνθρωπος 14 λέγει 
 pro εἶπεν 15 ἀπήγγειλεν 17 αὐτοῖς λέγων 18 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι 
 19 ἀπεκρίθη 22 οὐδὲν γὰρ κρινεῖ 28 θαυμάσητε 
 ἀκούσωσιν 80 ἀλλὰ καθὼς 86 δέδωκέ ante ποιῶ 
 om. ἐγὼ 88 ἐν ὑμῖν μένοντα 44 ἀνθρώπων pro ἀλλήλων 
 μονογενοῦς pro μόνου AT πιστεύετε pro πιστεύσετε 
 
 VI 2 ἠκολούθη δὲ ἐθεώρει PTO ἑώρων 3 ὄρος sine τὸ 
 5 τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ὃ Ἰησοῦς Mm. pr. om. πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον sed 
 add. m. sec.in rasura 7 ὃ Φίλιππος ἀκρκέσωσιν pro ἀρκοῦσιν 
 9 & om. ὃς pro ὃ 11 ἔδωκε pro διέδωκε 17 ante 
 πλοῖον om. τὸ γεγόνει οὔπω pro οὐκ 21 ἐγένετο τὸ πλοῖον 
 22 εἰδὼς pro ἰδὼν ἐκεῖνο OM. πλοῖον pro πλοιάριον 
 23 ἄλλα δὲ πλοιάρια ἦλθεν τῆς Τιβεριάδος οὗ pro ὅπου 
 24 πλοιάρια pro πλοῖα 27 βρῶσιν 2° om. 29 ante Ἰησοῦς 
 om. 6 38 ἀπὸ pro ἐκ 40 γάρ pro δέ TOU πατρός 
 μου pro τοῦ πέμψαντός pe 42 Ἰησοῦς om. οὗτος λέγει 
 45 ἔστην pro ἔστι οὖν om. 46 ἐώρακέν τις 47 εἰς 
 ἐμὲ om. 51 ὁ ζῶν om. ζήσει pro ζήσεται 52 οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι 
 πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὴν σάρκα δοῦναι 55 ἀληθής (1 bis) 
 57 ἀπέσταλκε ὃ πατὴρ ὁ ζῶν ζήσει pro ζήσεται 
 58 ζήσει pro ζήσεται 60 6 λόγος οὗτος 63 λελάληκα 
 pro λαλῶ 64 ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὴ om. 66 πολλοὶ 
 τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ἀπῆλθον 68 οὖν om. 70 ἐξελεξάμην τοὺς 
 δώδεκα 71 ᾿Ισκαριώτου παραδιδόναι αὐτόν 
 
 VII 1 μετὰ ταῦτα ante περιεπάτει 8. σου 2° οὔ. ἃ σὺ ποιεῖς 
 4 τι ἐν κρυπτῷ 8 οὐκ ἀναβαίνω ὃ ἐμὸς καιρὸς 10 εἰς τὴν 
 ἑορτὴν ante τότε 12 ἦν ante περὶ ἄλλος ἔλεγεν pro ἄλλοι δὲ 
 ἔλεγον 15 ἐθαύμαζον οὖν 21 ante Ἰησοῦς om. ὃ 29 ad 
 fin. vers. m. sec. add. καὶ ἐὰν εἴπω ὅτι οὐκ οἷδα αὐτὸν ἔσομαι ὅμοιος 
 ὑμῶν ψεύστης 30 τὰς χεῖρας pro τὴν χεῖρα 31 πολλοὶ ἐκ 
 τοῦ ὄχλου οὖν τούτων OM. 32 ἤκουσαν οὖν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς 
 καὶ οἵ Φαρισαῖοι 33 αὐτοῖς om. 35 εὑρίσκομεν 36 6 Adyos 
 οὗτος 40 τῶν λόγων. τούτων pro τὸν λόγον 41 ὅτι οὗτός 
 οἱ pro ἄλλοι 42 7 οὐχὶ ἔρχεται ὃ Χριστός 43 ἐγένετο 
 ante ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ 46 ἐλάλησεν οὕτως 50 πρὸς αὐτὸν 
 νυκτὸς τὸ πρῶτον 
 
 VIII 1-11 codex sic habet:—’Inoots δὲ ἐπορεύθη εἰς τὸ ὄρος 
 
148 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 a " a ν ‘ , ΄ > a ees ‘ a 
 τῶν ᾿Ελαιῶν ὄρθρου. καὶ πάλιν παραγίνεται εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, καὶ πᾶς 
 ε Ν Νν Ν , 3979 3 4 ” Ν ε ΄“ 
 ὁ λαὸς ἤρχετο καὶ καθίσας ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς. Αγουσιν δὲ οἱ γραμματεῖς 
 καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι γυναῖκα ἐπὶ ἁμαρτίᾳ εἰλημμένην, καὶ στήσαντες 
 αὐτὴν ἐν μέσῳ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ ἐκπειράζοντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἵνα ἔχωσι 
 
 -“ 3 - , σ ε A ’, > ’ 
 κατηγορεῖν αὐτοῦ, Διδάσκαλε, αὕτη ἡ γυνὴ κατείληπται ἐπαυτοφώρῳ 
 μοιχευομένη. Μωυσῆς δὲ ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ νόμῳ διακελεύει τὰς τοιαύτας 
 λιθάζειν: σὺ τί λέγεις; 6 δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς κάτω κεκυφὼς τῷ δακτύλῳ 
 
 / > Ν Ὁ ε ᾿ς > ἡ > Lol 3 , 
 Karéypapev εἰς τὴν γῆν. ὡς δὲ ἐπέμενον ἀνερωτῶντες ἀνέκυψεν 
 
 Ἀ > > n ¢ > , Ce a > 3 cas , 
 καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὃ ἀναμάρτητος ὑμῶν πρῶτος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν βαλέτω 
 
 ’ = \ , ΄ “ , , > ‘ psd 
 λίθον: καὶ πάλιν κατακύψας τῷ δακτύλῳ κατέγραφεν εἰς τὴν γῆν. 
 “ ᾽ A ᾽ ΄ γ47 ΠΡΟ 4 “τὰς a , 
 ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐξήρχετο ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων 
 ¢ , > A \ ΄ ’ Ate Ss , ἮΝ 
 ὥστε πάντας ἐξελθεῖν, καὶ κατελείφθη μόνος, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἐν μέσῳ οὖσα. 
 » , ah A = a \ a et > a , 
 ἀνακύψας δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν τῇ γυναικὶ Ποῦ εἰσίν ; οὐδείς σε κατέ- 
 
 κρινεν ; κἀκείνη εἶπεν Οὐδείς, κύριε. καὶ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπεν Οὐδὲ ἐγώ σε 
 
 κατακρίνω" πορεύου, ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν μηκέτι ἁμάρτανε. 12 ἐλάλησεν 
 αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 16 δὲ om. 17 δὲ om. 19 ἂν ἤδειτε 
 21 αὐτοῖς om. ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις 28 ἔλεγεν pro εἶπεν 
 24 ἐὰν γὰρ . . . ὑμῶν om, 25 εἶπεν οὖν pro καὶ εἶπεν 
 26 λαλῶ pro λέγω 27 ἔγνωσαν δὲ 29 καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκέν 
 ὃ πατήρ om. 35 6 υἱὸς. .. αἰῶνα om. 86 ἔστε pro 
 ἔσεσθε 38 ἃ pro ὃ bis 40 ἄνθρωπος πατρός pro Θεοῦ 
 42 οὖν om. 44 ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ διαβόλου 46 με om. 
 δὲ om. 48 οὖν om, 53 σὺ om. 59 καὶ διελθὼν 
 
 A -“ 
 ἐπορεύετο καὶ παρῆγεν 
 
 The most interesting feature in this collation is the very 
 remarkable similarity of the text of the pericope adu/terae to 
 that found in Codex Bezae. 
 
 It includes no less than eight variants which are peculiar 
 to D 1071, though one of them, ἐπὶ ἁμαρτίᾳ pro ἐπὶ μοιχείᾳ, 
 is supported by the version of the story which, according to 
 Eusebius, was quoted by Papias from the Gospel according 
 to the Hebrews, and by the Edschmiadzin Codex, published 
 by Mr. F.C. Conybeare in the Lxpositor for December, 1895, 
 p- 406. 
 
 This striking similarity suggests the possibility that the 
 scribe of cod. 1071 made use of Codex Bezae, at least in this 
 passage, and in that case we have a valuable hint that Codex 
 Bezae was in the South of Italy in the twelfth century— 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 149 
 
 a suggestion which is strongly supported by Dr. Rendel 
 Harris book on the Annotators of Codew Bezae. In 
 any case the scribe of cod. 1071 must have had as an 
 exemplar for the pericope adulterae either Codex Bezae or 
 a MS. with a similar text. As the text of cod. 1071 
 as a whole is not remarkable for any similarity to Codex 
 Bezae, it would seem as though he only used it in order 
 to correct his usual exemplar. The question therefore 
 arises whether he may have made this use of it in other 
 passages. To afford some data for answering this question 
 I have appended a list, which is intended to be illustrative 
 rather than exhaustive, of passages where cod. 1071 has 
 the support of only a few other MSS. It will be seen 
 that in some of these passages cod. 1071 is found together 
 with Codex Bezae. But in the majority of instances this 
 is not the case, and cod. 1071 has readings in common with 
 almost every type of authority in turn. 
 
 Therefore I think that although it is quite probable that 
 the seribe of cod. 1071 had access to Codex Bezae and made 
 use of it in the pericope adulterae, it is improbable that he 
 did so elsewhere, and except in the case of the pericope, there 
 is no reason for thinking that the evidence of cod. 1071 is 
 merely a direct copy of the evidence of Codex Bezae. 
 
 Mt V 18 post νόμου add. καὶ τῶν προφητῶν c. 13-124-543 5653 
 arm syr-hr Iren-lat 22 ante μωρέ add. τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ c. L, 
 1-209 13-124-543 700; ff, syrr-sin-cur arm boh 44 καλῶς 
 ἐνὸν μισοῦντας ὑμᾶς om. c. NB, 1-209 22; k syrr-sin-cur boh; 
 Athen Clem Orig Iren-lat Cyp 
 
 VI 5 προσεύχεσθε... ἔσεσθε c. 8* eb CBZ, 1-118-209 22 lat 
 pler sah boh syr-hl mg arm-codd Orig Clem Aug 24 οὐδεὶς 
 οἰκέτης ὁ. LA, al. paue. 28 κοπιῶσιν οὐδὲ νήθουσιν c. SB, 
 1-118-209 4 33; Athan Clem 32 ταῦτα yap πάντα A, 
 13-124-543; cf ff, vg; Aug 32 ἐπιζητοῦσιν c. NB, 1-118- 
 209 4 13-124-543 22 207; Max 
 
 XXI 24 post αὑτοῖς add. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὁ. nulla auctoritate 
 26 οὖν om. c. DL, 28 126 700 al; a be ff, 9 syr-sin-pesh; Orig 
 
 Mc I 7 κύψας om. c. D, 28 256 565 17 γενέσθαι om. c. 
 
150 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 I-118-131-209 13-69 28 48 108 115 127 258 274 700; Ὁ syrr- 
 sin-pesh aeth perss 26 φωνῆσαν pro (φωνήσας) κράξαν c. BL, 
 33; Orig Dam 36 6 τε Σίμων ο. (D)KII, 1-118—131-209 
 690-124-543 28 al. pauc. (D* τε Σίμων, 1)" τότε Σίμων) 45 δύνα. 
 σθαι αὐτὸν c. NP, 225 245 292 700 
 
 II 8 φέροντες πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ. NBL, 33 16 ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει ὃ 
 διδάσκαλος ὑμῶν ο. LA, 69-346 al. pauc.; f ff, g, 1 vg boh 24 
 ποιοῦσιν οἱ μαθηταί σου c. DM, 1-118-131-209 13-69-124-346— 
 543 28 61 115 161 472 565 7oo; latt syrr-sin-hr aeth 25 
 λέγει pro ἔλεγεν c. NCL, 13-69-124-543 28 33 Joo bdfg,igq 
 vg (ait) boh 
 
 III 16 ἐπέθηκεν αὐτοῖς ὀνόματα τῷ Σίμωνι Πέτρον c. 33 238; aeth 
 33 καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει c. NBCLA; vg boh syr-hl 
 
 IV 8 αὐξανόμενα ο. NB 11 λέγεται pro γίνεται c. 1), 28 64 
 124 565; abc ff, g,1q 41 οἱ ἄνεμοι c. N°“ D)E, 1-118- 
 131-209 33 al. pauc.; ὁ g, iq boh pesh aeth; Vict-Ant 
 
 V1 Τεργεσηνῶν c. $@LUA, 1-118-131-209 28 33 565 700 al. 
 pauc.; boh syr-sin-hl-mg Epiph. Thphyl. (? Orig) 27 τοῦ 
 κρασπέδου τοῦ ἱματίου c. M, 1-118-209 33 33 add. διὸ 
 πεποίηκε C. 1), 50 124 565 a ff? i arm (syr-sin defic.) sed haec et 
 λάθρα addunt 
 
 VI 2 πάντα c. (N)(C*)A, al. pauce. f g, g, ve 7 τοὺς 
 δώδεκα μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ c. D, 474 569 b ff, g, iq (sed D latt om. 
 αὐτοῦ) 26 ἤθελεν pro ἠθέλησεν ο. I1*, 1-209 al. ραλιο. 99 
 
 ἀνακλιθῆναι ο. NB*S@, 1-118-209 13-69-346-543 28 157 565 
 700 al. paue. 
 
 VII 31 ἀπὸ pro ἐκ ¢. 565 836 περισσοτέρως ο. NDW4, 61 Joo 
 
 VIII 2 ὄχλον τοῦτον 6. Lal. pauc.; ab cf ff, g, iq boh syrr- 
 sin-pesh 4 ὧδε om. c. DH, 69; be ff, iq go 8 ἐχορτάσθη- 
 σαν πάντες ο. KMII, 33 al. paue. 24 εἶπεν pro ἔλεγεν c. N*C, 
 al. pauc. 
 
 IX 22 post ἡμᾶς add. κύριε c. 262 (cf DG, 565; ἃ " g, i q arm) 
 38 ἔφη pro ἀπεκρίθη ο. RBAW; boh syr-pesh Os . .. ἡμῖν OM, 
 c. NBCLAYW, τὸ 115 346; f boh syr-sin-pesh aeth arm perss 
 
 XK 21 post iorepet add. εἰ θέλεις τέλειος εἶναι c. al. pauc.; arm; 
 Clem (et add. ante ἕν KMNII, 13-69-124-346-543 28 565 al. 
 pauc.; boh syr hl οὗ aeth) 40 ad fin. vers. add. ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός 
 μου c. R* etch, y-118-209 al. pauc.; a syr hl mg 
 
 XI 3 τί λύετε τὸν πῶλον ο. 1), 13-69-124-3 46-543 28 565 700; 
 ab f ff, i arm Orig 
 
 XII 14 ἐπικεφάλεον c. 1), 124 565 ; k (capitularium) 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 151 
 
 XIII 32 ὁ πατὴρ μόνος ὁ. 13-124-346-543 262 565; ak sah 
 aeth. ; 
 
 KIV 41 ἀπέχει τὸ τέλος ὁ. 1), 13-69-124—-346-543 565; dq 
 (suffict finis) 
 
 XV 12 πάλιν ἀποκριθεὶς c. NBC, 33; syr-hl aeth 13 éxpav- 
 γαζον ὁ. 472 565 46 cis τὴν θύραν c. A 
 
 Le XXII 4 add. καὶ τοῖς γραμματεῦσιν ὁ. CP, 48 60 106 127 
 254 346 700; a bce ff, il q syrr-sin-cur-pesh-hl arm aeth; Eus- 
 
 dem 47 προῆγεν 1), 1-118-131-209 69-124 22 al. pauc. 
 XXIII 1 πρὸς pro ἐπὶ ὁ. L, 157 al. pauc. 3 ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ 
 λέγων ο. D (1-118-131—-209); a (sah boh) 27 γυναῖκες c. 1), 
 243; ¢ f sah syr-cur-pesh 85 ἐξεμυκτήριζον δὲ αὐτὸν c. ND, 
 1-118--131--209 239 248 482; ἃ ὁ arm-ed ὃ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ 
 ὃ ἐκλεκτὸς ὁ. 13--9--124--546--243 (126 472); sah boh syr-hr-hl 
 arm; Eus-dem 58 add. ad fin. vers. τεθέντος αὐτοῦ: ἐπέθηκε 
 
 τῷ μνημείῳ λίθον c. D; ὁ sah (sed add. ὃν μόγις εἴκοσι ἐκύλιον) 
 XXIV 8 κυρίου om. c. f sah syrr-sin-cur-pesh 44 καὶ εἶπεν 
 pro εἶπε δὲ c. D; ace f ff, 1 q vg syr-pesh-hr aeth- 
 Jo V 38 ἐν ὑμῖν μένοντα c. NBL, 1-118-209 (13)—124 33 al. 
 
 pauc.; Cyr 44 τοῦ μονογενοῦς Θεοῦ cf. Eus-prep. μόνου τοῦ ἑνὸς 
 ΨΙ 17 οὔπω ο. NBLD, 33 13-69-124-543 al. pauc.; ἃ be syr- 
 hr; Cyr 47 cis ἐμὲ omc. NBLT; arm 57 ἀπέσταλκε ¢. 
 
 D, 13-69-124-543 al. paue. 
 
 VII 8 οὐκ pro οὔπω ὁ. NDKMII, 17 389 482; abce al boh 
 syrr-sin-cur 
 
 VIII 24 ἐὰν ... ὑμῶν om. Ὁ. 118*-209* 33 al. pauc.; ff, 
 85 ὁ υἱὸς. . . αἰῶνα om. c. NXT, 33 124 al. pauc.; Clem. 
 
V. SOME CHAPTERS OF THE ACTA PILATI. 
 
 Axy attempt at textual criticism of the A recension of 
 Acta Pilati is rendered a task even more difficult than it 
 naturally is by the obscure and subjective arrangement of 
 the text and apparatus in Tischendorf’s edition. So far 
 however as a superficial examination of the material can 
 show, the MSS. which Tischendorf quotes are none 
 of them very closely related. He uses, at least partially, 
 nine Greek MSS., ABCDEFGHI (among which BFH 
 and CGE seem to form groups, though with much mixture), 
 a Latin version, and an early Coptic version. To this 
 apparatus Mr. Conybeare added in Studia Biblica, iv. 3, two 
 Armenian versions, which are substantially the same, trans- 
 lated into Greek and Latin. The text now printed is that 
 of another Greek MS., which may be called J. 
 
 This is ff. 3227-336" of a paper MS. at the Laura, 
 numbered A 117, written in the fourteenth or fifteenth 
 century. Had time not been pressing, or had the monks 
 been willing to allow the codex to be photographed, it would 
 have been possible to give the text complete. As it is, I 
 can only offer the results of an exceedingly hurried collation 
 of chaps. 1, 3-12, made with a copy of the 1853 edition of 
 Tischendorf’s Lvangelia Apocrypha, which Father Chrysostom 
 very kindly lent us. 
 
 There can be little doubt that this MS. does not belong 
 to any group of MSS. used by Tischendorf, and that while 
 in some places the hand of the redactor is apparent, in others 
 the text has every appearance of being early. 
 
 Any elaborate analysis would be out of place, but it 
 may be well to mention briefly a few points which seem 
 
 interesting. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 153 
 
 1. There are a considerable number of places where a text 
 hitherto found only in versions now receives the support of 
 a Greek MS. Among others the following are noticeable :— 
 
 (a) Preface. Ἐν ἔτει ἐννεακαιδεκάτῳ : so Lat. (Copt.) 
 Arm.*: ef. Eusebius’ Chronology. 
 
 (8B) 1,3. ὅτε με ἀπέστειλας : so Lat. Copt. Arm. All 
 Greek MSS. prefix κύριε ἡγεμὼν or a similar phrase. 
 
 (y) 1, 6. Λέγει τοῖς “lovdatois: ef. Arm.4 λέγει αὐτοῖς. 
 Gk. Lat. Copt. read λέγει τοῖς ἀρχισυ!αγώγοις καὶ τοῖς πρεσ- 
 βυτέροις τοῦ λαοῦ. | 
 
 (5) 1, 6. κάμπτονται ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν καὶ προσκυνοῦσιν : the 
 Coptic is the only other authority for καὶ προσκυνοῦσιν. 
 
 (ε) 5,1. Add. ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὅλα : so Lat. Arm. (Copt.). No 
 Greek MSS. read this, but there is a trace of it in a fairly 
 widespread reading: οὐκ ὀλίγα. 
 
 (ὦ 12, 1. ἐμφανισθεὶς : so Arm. Others apparently 
 παρεκβάς. 
 
 2. Certain readings which have no support are interesting. 
 Chief among these are :— 
 
 (a) 6, τ seqq. In most authorities the evidence of the 
 various Jews who testify to miracles of healing is introduced 
 by the phrase παραπηδήσας. (On the possible origin of 
 this see Dr. Rendel Harris’ Homeric Centones.) In J this 
 phrase is consistently omitted, but in three places the 
 similarly descriptive touch is added that the evidence was 
 given ‘yeTa daxpvwv.’ 
 
 (8) 6, 2. The evidence of the κωφός is not given in any 
 other authority. 
 
 (vy) 9-10. The two malefactors. In all other authorities, 
 except one passage (16, 7) in Arm.8, Δυσμᾶς is always men- 
 tioned first, is on the right hand, and is the penitent thief. 
 In J the exact opposite is the case, and this fact becomes 
 important in the light of the lecture on the subject of these 
 names delivered by Dr. Rendel Harris at Mansfield College, 
 where he showed reasons for thinking that in the primitive 
 
 form of the tradition the names and characters were as in J. 
 VOL. V, PART II. M 
 
154 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 The existence of such a MS. was unknown to him when he 
 first wrote his lecture, though he knew of it in time to 
 mention it—a remarkable, and indeed unusual, confirmation 
 of theory by discovery. 
 
 (5) 12, 1. The statement that the room was sealed 
 with Kaiaphas’ signet is unique. It is an extraordinary 
 addition, whether early or late, since taken in ‘connexion with 
 the fact that Kaiaphas had also charge of the key, it creates 
 an obvious and irresistible chain of circumstantial evidence 
 that Kaiaphas secretly let Joseph out of his prison. 
 
 Ὑπομνήματα Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ πραχθέντα ἐπὶ 
 Ποντίου Πιλάτου ἱστορήσαντος Νικοδήμου καὶ συν- 
 τάξαντος αὐτοῦ γράμμασι ῥωμαϊκοῖς, ἑβραϊκοῖς καὶ 
 ἑλληνικοῖς΄. 
 
 ᾽» 5 “ \ a « ’ὔ͵ ld 
 
 Εν ἔτει ἐννέα καὶ δεκάτῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας Τιβερίου Καίσαρος 
 βασιλέως ἹῬωμαίων καὶ Ἡρώδου τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ πρώτου Ἡρώδου 
 βασιλέως τῆς Γαλιλαίας τῇ πρὸ ὀκτὼ καλανδῶν ᾿Απριλλίων ἥτις 
 
 \ o 
 ἐστὶν Mapriw καὶ ἐπὶ ὑπατίας “Ρούφου καὶ “Povpedtwvos ἐν τῷ 
 / Ν ΄ “ > / , ee Sa / 
 τετάρτῳ ἔτει τῆς διακοσιοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέων 
 a , \ - Ν 
 τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ᾿Ιωσήπου καὶ “Avva καὶ Καϊάφα, ὅσα κατὰ τὸν 
 Ν \ \ / a 7 ete > a a 
 σταυρὸν καὶ τὸ πάθος τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ συν- 
 4 x ἢ / \ / “΄ ε “ \ a “a 
 έταξεν κατὰ ἀκρίβειαν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς ἱερεῦσι Kal Tots λοιποῖς 
 
 Ιουδαίοις οὗτος. 
 « »" 
 
 1.1. ‘O”Avvas καὶ Καιάφας καὶ Σουμὴν καὶ Δοθαὴλ καὶ Γαμαλιὴλ 
 Ἰούδας καὶ Νεφθαλεὶμ ᾿Αλέξανδρος “Eppdos καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν 
 Ἰουδαίων ἦλθον πρὸς Πιλᾶτον κατηγοροῦντες τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ περὶ 
 πολλῶν πράξεων λέγοντες ὅτι Τοῦτον οἴδαμεν υἱὸν εἶναι Ἰωσὴφ 
 τοῦ τέκτονος ἀπὸ Μαρίας γεννηθέντα, καὶ λέγει ἑαυτὸν εἶναι υἱὸν 
 
 a \ , na cal 
 Θεοῦ καὶ βασιλέα, οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῦτο ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σάββατα βεβηλοῖ 
 
 ‘ \ / , ε a 4 , μέ , Nees 
 
 Kal τὸν πάτριον νόμον ἡμῶν βούλεται καταλύειν" νόμον δὲ ἔχομεν 
 
 ἧς A \ 
 τοιοῦτον ἐν σαββάτῳ μὴ θεραπεύειν τινά οὗτος δὲ χωλοὺς καὶ 
 λεπροὺς καὶ τυφλοὺς καὶ παραλυτικοὺς καὶ δαιμονιζομένους 
 
 ‘The MS. has at this point the Prologue of Ananias, but I did not 
 collate it. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 155 
 
 an 3 \ Tad 
 ἐθεράπευσεν ἀπὸ κακῶν πράξεων. ᾿Αποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος λέγει 
 >? tal 7 al ’ 4 3. , 2 \ XU 
 αὐτοῖς Ποίων κακῶν πράξεων ; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ" Tons ἐστὶν καὶ ἐν 
 a \ 
 Βεελζβοὺλ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων ἐκβάλλει τὰ δαιμόνια καὶ 
 PX 
 
 a Sy, 6 , - , > cal ε Ta Q a ΟῚ 
 πάντα αὐτῷ ὑποτασσεται" λέγει αὐτοῖς ὃ ΠΠΙιλᾶτος᾽ τοῦτο οὐκ 
 ἔστιν ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ ἐκβάλλειν τὰ δαιμόνια, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν θεῷ. 
 
 en 3 o n , ᾽ “Ὁ Ν Cee Ef. 
 
 2. Λέγουσιν ot ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τῷ Πιλάτῳ, ᾿Αξιοῦμεν τὸ ὑμέτερον 
 
 an a n \ a 
 μέγεθος ὥστε αὐτὸν παραστῆναι τῷ βήματι ἡμῶν καὶ ἀκοῦσαι αὐτόν. 
 Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος ὁ Πιλᾶτος τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους λέγει, Δύναμαι ἐγὼ 
 eee: - 
 ἡγεμὼν ὧν βασιλέα ἐξετάσαι ; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Ἡμεῖς οὐ λέγομεν 
 βασιλέα αὐτὸν εἶναι ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος ἑαυτὸν λέγει. Προσκαλεσάμενος 
 δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος κούρσουρα λέγει αὐτῷ, Μετὰ ἐπιεικείας ἀχθήτω 
 ὁ Ἰησοῦς. Ἐξελθὼν οὖν 6 κούρσωρ καὶ ἐπιγνοὺς αὐτὸν προσε- 
 , \ Ἂς Ἂν Ι a \ ? A e 
 κύνησεν, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ καθάπλωμα τῆς χειρὸς αὑτοῦ ἥπλωσεν 
 \ a \ 
 χαμαὶ καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ, Κύριε ὧδε περιπάτησον καὶ ἐπίβηθι ὅτι ὁ 
 ς [4 “ ID 7 Ν ΕἾ a Cee 7 ς , 
 ἡγεμών σε καλεῖ. ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ὃ ἐποίησεν ὃ κούρσωρ 
 κατέκραξαν τοῦ Πιλάτου λέγοντες, Διὰ τί μὴ ὑπὸ πραίκωνος εἰσ- 
 al 53 οι ς , \ \ ε , , 3s 
 ελθεῖν GAN ὑπὸ Kovpooupos, καὶ yap 6 κούρσωρ θεασάμενος αὐτὸν 
 \ a \ 
 προσεκύνησε Kal TO φακεύλιον ὃ εἶχεν ἥπλωσε χαμαὶ Kal λέγει 
 αὐτῷ Κύριε ἐπίβηθι ὅτι ὁ ἡγεμών σε καλεῖ. 
 
 3. Λέγει ὁ Πιλᾶτος τῷ κούρσουρι Τί τοῦτο ἐποίησας ; λέγει αὐτῷ 
 
 « 
 ὁ κούρσωρ, Ὅτε με ἀπέστειλας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλ- 
 , \ tal a 
 é€avdpov εἶδον αὐτὸν καθήμενον ἐπὶ ὄνου καὶ οἱ παῖδες τῶν 
 ε ς “ Ν Hh 
 Ἑβραίων “Ἑβραϊστὶ ἔκραζον κλάδους κατέχοντες ἐν ταῖς χερσίν, 
 ἄλλοι δὲ ἐστρώννυον τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν λέγοντες Σῶσον δὴ ὁ ἐν 
 e , 5 / ΡΟ] Δ' 2 ἄγαν κα ἣν 
 ὑψίστοις, εὐλογημένος ὃ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀνόματι κυρίου. 
 
 4. Καὶ κράζουσιν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι λέγοντες, Οἱ μὲν παῖδες τῶν Ἑβραίων 
 “Εβραϊστὶ ἔκραζον σὺ δὲ πόθεν γινώσκεις ᾿Εβραϊστὶ “ἕλλην ὦν ; 
 λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ κούρσωρ, ᾿Ηρώτησά τινα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, τί ἐστιν 
 ὃ κράζουσιν ᾿Ἑ βραϊστὶ οἱ παῖδες ; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, 
 
 a “ \ 
 ‘Qoavva’ λέγει δὲ αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος Kal τὸ ὡσαννὰ τί ἑρμηνεύεται ; 
 
 , 24 a Bs a ε . 
 λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Σῶσον δή" λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος Εἰ ὑμεῖς 
 
 lal Ν ἃς ca 
 μαρτυρεῖτε Tas φωνὰς τὰς παρὰ τῶν παίδων λεχθεΐσας, τί ἥμαρτεν 
 € / δ «ς S39 fe a / € “ 
 ὁ κούρσωρ ; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπων. Λέγει ὃ ἡγεμὼν τῷ κούρσουρι, [Ἔξελθε 
 
 \ CA / , ld Ν 
 καὶ οἵῳ βούλει τρόπῳ εἰσάγαγε αὐτόν: ἐξελθὼν δὲ ὁ κούρσωρ 
 3 cal , a , “- 
 ἐποίησεν τῷ σχήματι τῷ πρώτῳ ἁπλώσας τὸ φακεύλιον αὐτοῦ καὶ 
 
 / pet a mA ἈΝ -“ 
 λέγει τῳ Ιησοῦ Κύριε, ὧδε ἐπίβηθι καὶ εἴσελθε ὅτι 6 ἡγεμών σε καλεῖ. 
 
 M 2 
 
156 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 wi a \ nr 
 5. Εἰσελθόντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ καὶ τῶν σιγνοφόρων κατεχόντων 
 “ -“" a 
 τὰς προτομάς, ἐκάμφθησαν ad’ ἑαυτῶν at προτομαὶ τῶν σίγνων καὶ 
 4 σ΄ ἊΨ a. , Ν ¢. 73. ᾿ al fod a 
 προσεκύνησαν τῷ Ἰησοῦ ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τὸ σχῆμα τῶν 
 τί ῶ ἐκά φθ α ὶ / a ee nr ἔ ζ 
 σίγνων πῶς ἐκάμφθησαν καὶ προσεκύνησαν αὐτῷ, ἐμμενῶς ἔκραζον 
 κατὰ τῶν σιγνοφόρων, ἐμβριμώμενος δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος κατὰ τῶν 
 ᾿Ιουδαίων λέγει αὐτοῖς, Τί κράζετε κατὰ τῶν σιγνοφόρων ὅτι αὐτοὶ 
 ν -πῷ" od a“ / € ᾽ cal x 
 ἔκαμψαν αὐτὰς τῷ προσκυνῆσαι ; λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς 
 lal «ε Lal n 6 
 Πιλᾶτον Ἡμεῖς εἴδομεν πῶς ἐκάμφθησαν ai προτομαὶ ὑπὸ τῶν 
 , ‘ 4, > “ / Ν « 
 σιγνοφόρων καὶ προσεκύνησαν αὐτῷ. προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ ὃ 
 Πιλᾶτος τοὺς σιγνοφόρους λέγει αὐτοῖς, Τί τοῦτο ἐποιήσατε ; 
 n ε a 
 λέγουσιν τῷ Πιλάτῳ, Ἡμεῖς ἄνδρες “EAAnuictal ἐσμεν καὶ 
 \ a a a ra 
 ἱερόδουλοι καὶ πῶς εἴχαμεν προσκυνῆσαι αὐτῷ; Kal yap ἡμεῖς 
 Ν \ φ te “ δι σὺν \ 
 κατέχοντες Tas προτομὰς αὗται ap ἑαυτῶν ἐκάμφθησαν καὶ 
 προσεκύνησαν αὐτῷ. 
 6. Λέγει τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ὁ Πιλᾶτος ᾿Εκλέξασθε ὑμεῖς ἐν ἑαυτοῖς 
 Χ Ν 4 ᾿] , \ ’ \ 7 a 
 ἄνδρας δυνατοὺς ἐν ἰσχύι καὶ κατασχέτωσαν τὰ σίγνα καὶ ἴδωμεν 
 »π a , 5389.56 n \ a 3 
 el ἑαυτοῖς κάμπτονται ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν καὶ προσκυνοῦσι. ἐπιλεξάμενοι 
 δὲ οἱ τριβοῦνοι ἄνδρας ἐκ τοῦ λαοῦ δώδεκα ἐν ἰσχύι δυνατοὺς 
 δέδωκαν αὐτοὺς κατασχεῖν τὰς προτομὰς καὶ στῆναι ἔμπροσθεν 
 τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. καὶ λέγει ὁ Πιλᾶτος τῷ κούρσουρι “ExBade τὸν 
 ᾽ “A Ν [4] 7 Ν 7 / ’ / σ ’ 
 [ησοῦν ἔξωθεν τοῦ πραιτωρίου καὶ εἰσάγαγε αὐτὸν πάλιν οἵῳ βούλει 
 τρόπῳ. ᾿Εξῆλθε δὲ ὁ Ιησοῦς ἔξω τοῦ πραιτωρίου σὺν τῷ κούρσουρι. 
 Προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος τοὺς κατέχοντας τὰς προτομὰς τὸ 
 , / > o > , Ν, a 7 , “ ᾽ ΟὟ > 
 πρότερον λέγει αὐτοῖς, ὀμόσας κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅτι Eav ov 
 lal n Ἄν νυ» na 
 καμφθῶσιν at προτομαὶ τῶν σίγνων εἰσελθόντος τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ, 
 7 n Ν Ν € n pe, δ΄" ΄ fol 
 ἀποτεμῶ Tas κεφαλὰς ὑμῶν, ἐκέλευσε δὲ τῷ κούρσωρι τοῦ 
 εἰσελθεῖν τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐκ δευτέρου: καὶ πολλὰ παρεκάλεσεν 
 a a \ \ “ 
 ὁ κούρσωρ ἵνα ἐπιβῇ τὸ φακεόλιον αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐπέβη καὶ εἰσῆλθεν, 
 εἰσελθόντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐκάμφθησαν πάλιν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν τὰ σίγνα 
 καὶ προσεκύνησαν τῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ. 
 * * * * * * * 
 III. 1. Θυμοῦ οὖν πλησθεὶς ὁ ἡγεμὼν ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ πραιτωρίου 
 καὶ λέγει πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους, Μάρτυρα ἔχω τὸν ἥλιον ὅτι οὐδεμίαν 
 , ’ e / 5» bd “” ᾽ Ν e.. “Ὁ - “ 
 αἰτίαν εὑρίσκω ἐν αὐτῷ. ᾿Αποκριθέντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι εἶπον τῷ 
 Πιλάτῳ Εἰ μὴ ἦν οὗτος κακοποιὸς οὐκ ἄν σοι παρεδώκαμεν αὐτόν" 
 
 λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Λάβετε αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς καὶ κατὰ τὸν νόμον 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 157 
 
 Con ὑπ ’, Ce Ay / Se Lee: a 3 yy 2 tal 
 ὑμῶν κρίνατε αὐτόν λέγουσιν αὐτῷ, ‘Hyiv οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἀποκτεῖναι 
 οὐδένα" λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Ὑμῖν εἶπεν ὁ Θεὸς μὴ ἀποκτεῖναι. 
 ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοί; 
 ON Pale ϑ 5 Lol 9 BN , Ν Ρ 
 2. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν μετ᾽ ὀργῆς εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον καὶ προσκαλεσάμε- 
 Ν ΓΙ an 2 3997 , 5" “ / @ Ψ a 
 vos τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν κατ᾽ ἰδίαν λέγει αὐτῷ, Τί οὗτοί cov καταμαρτυροῦσι; 
 ὁ ὁὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐσιώπα" λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Πιλᾶτος Μήτι ἐγὼ 
 ᾽) or τ we ἂν BN \ \ ° N / ΄ 
 Ιουδαϊός εἰμι ; τὸ ἐθνος τὸ σὸν καὶ πᾶν τὸ πρεσβυτέριον παρέ- 
 2 3 / I dee} id "ἢ /4 e? “ «ς / Cee Ἂς 
 δωκὰν σε ἐμοΐ, τί ἐποίησας ; ἀπεκρίθη ὁ Inoots, H βασιλεία 7 ἐμὴ 
 a). My, 3 a a , 5 eee 5. a , eee ΄ 
 οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου" εἰ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου ἦν ἡ βασιλεία 
 Ἐπ δὴν «Ἂς e ¢ 4 ἘΣ ἡ Nee ,ὔ ΟΝ e Ἂν a a 
 ἡ ἐμὴ οἱ ὑπηρέται οἱ ἐμοὶ ἡγωνίζοντο ἂν iva μὴ παραδοθῷ τοῖς 
 ᾿Ιουδαίοις" νῦν δὲ ἡ βασιλεία ἡ ἐμὴ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐντεῦθεν. λέγει 
 αὐτῷ ὁ Πιλᾶτος Οὐκοῦν βασιλεὺς εἶ σύ; ἀπεκρίνατο ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς, 
 Σὺ λέγεις ὅτι βασιλεύς εἰμι ἐγώ, ἐγὼ εἰς τοῦτο γεγέννημαι καὶ εἰς 
 τοῦτο ἐλήλυθα εἰς τὸν κόσμον ἵνα πᾶς ὁ ὧν ἐκ τῆς ἀληθείας 
 3 ,ὕ a een ! > 7 ¢ 2 rae) 9\/ 1 
 ἀκούῃ pov τῆς φωνῆς" λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ []Πιλᾶτος. Τί ἐστιν ἀλήθεια ; 
 ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ; ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀλήθεια οὐκ ἔστιν" λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 ὯὯῬ Co. ε Ν aN 40 λ / ny 7 5 BY cal 5 Α 
 pas, οἱ τὴν ἀλήθειαν λέγοντες πῶς κρίνονται ἀπὸ τῶν ἐχόντων 
 τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 
 IV. 1. Καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὁ Πιλᾶτος ἐξῆλθεν ἔξω τοῦ πραι- 
 sy an 
 Twplov πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς, Ἴδε ἐγὼ οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν 
 εὑρίσκω ἐν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τούτῳ" λέγουσιν αὐτῷ, Οὗτος εἶπεν δύναμαι 
 καταλῦσαι τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον καὶ διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἐγεῖραι αὐτόν" 
 λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Ποῖον ναόν ; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ, “Ov φκοδόμησεν 
 Σολομὼν ἐν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕξ ἔτεσι καὶ οὗτος λέγει διὰ τριῶν 
 ἡμερῶν ἐγεῖραι αὐτόν ; λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, ᾿Αθῷός εἰμι ἀπὸ 
 τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ δικαίου τούτου, ὑμεῖς ὄψεσθε: λέγουσιν οἱ 
 3 a a lal fal 
 Ιουδαῖοι, Τὸ αἷμα αὐτοῦ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ τέκνα ἡμῶν. 
 , Ν lal an 
 2. Προσκαλεσάμενος (Ὁ) δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους τοῦ 
 “ \ {2 a Ν 
 λαοῦ καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς, Μὴ οὕτως λάθρα ποιήσατε, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄξιον 
 ? a a a \ 
 θανάτου κατηγορεῖτε αὐτοῦ, 7 yap κατηγορία ὑμῶν περὶ θεραπείας 
 καὶ βεβηλώσεως σαββάτου ἐστίν" λέγουσιν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ 
 a e 
 ol γραμματεῖς πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα, Κατὰ Καίσαρος ἐάν τις βλασφη- 
 ΤᾺ + na na 
 μήσῃ, ἄξιος θανάτου ἐστίν, οὗτος κατὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐβλασφήμησε. 
 / a 
 3. Προσέταξε δὲ 6 ἡγεμὼν ἐξελθεῖν τοὺς Ιουδαίους καὶ προσ- 
 / a la) a 
 καλεσάμενος τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν λέγει αὐτῷ Τί ποιήσω σε ; λέγει ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
 x , fad an © 
 τῷ Πιλάτῳ, Οὕτως ἐδόθη" λέγει ὁ Πιλᾶτος Πῶς ἐδόθη ; λέγει ὁ 
 
158 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 ’ a M fal \ ε a / \ -“ / 
 Incods, Μωυσῆς καὶ οἱ προφῆται mpoexnpvéay περὶ τοῦ θανάτου 
 
 \ “ nar 
 pov καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως" παριστορήσαντες δὲ of ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ 
 ἀκούσαντες λέγουσι τῷ Πιλάτῳ, Τί πλεῖον θέλεις καὶ μεῖζον τῆς 
 βλασφημίας ταύτης ἀκοῦσαι; λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Εἰ οὗτος ὁ 
 
 / , > \ fal 
 λόγος βλάσφημός ἐστιν, περὶ τῆς βλασφημίας ταύτης λάβετε 
 αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς καὶ ἀπαγάγετε εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ὑμῶν καὶ κρίνατε 
 a a / c , 
 αὐτόν" λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τῷ Πιλάτῳ, Ὁ νόμος ἔχει ὅτι ἄνθρω- 
 πος εἰς ἄνθρωπον ἐὰν ἁμαρτήσῃ ἄξιός ἐστιν λαμβάνειν τεσσαρά- 
 ρ μαρτήσῃ μ ρ 
 κοντα παρὰ μίαν, ὁ δὲ εἰς Θεὸν βλασφημῶν λιθοβολίᾳ λιθοβολη- 
 θήσεται. 
 val “ a \ 
 
 4. Λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Λάβετε οὖν αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς καὶ οἵῳ Bov- 
 λεσθε τρόπῳ ἀμύνασθε αὐτόν" λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, ᾿Ημεῖς 
 βουλόμεθα ἵνα σταυρωθῇ" λέγει 6 Πιλᾶτος Οὔκ ἐστιν ἄξιος 
 σταυρωθῆναι. 
 
 / € lal 
 
 5. Περιβλεψάμενος δὲ ὁ ἡγεμὼν εἰς τοὺς περιεστῶτας ὄχλους 
 θεωρεῖ τινας δακρύοντας τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς, Οὐ πᾶν 
 τὸ πλῆθυς θέλει αὐτὸν ἀποθανεῖν" λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι 
 τοῦ λαοῦ Διὰ τοῦτο ἤλθαμεν ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἵνα ἀποθάνῃ, ἑαυτὸν 
 
 ‘ a“ \ 
 υἱὸν Θεοῦ καὶ βασιλέα λέγει. 
 
 V.1. Νικόδημος ἄρχων τῶν Ιουδαίων ἔστη ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ Πιλά- 
 
 , ᾽ lal je ’ὔ ,ὔ ᾽ fal a a -“ 
 Tov λέγων, AEG τὸ ὑμέτερον κράτος εὐσεβῆ τοῦ μακροθυμεῖν ἀκοῦσαι 
 μου" λέγει ὁ Πιλᾶτυς, Εἰπὲ ὃ βούλει" λέγει ὁ Νικόδημος, Εἶπον 
 
 a nA a \ a 
 τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις καὶ Aevirats καὶ παντὶ τῷ 
 
 tet) a a , ε \ ΡΣ , , “ 
 λαῷ ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ, Τί συζητεῖτε μετὰ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τούτου, ὅτι 
 cw φ cal \ , 5 7 Ν ° γὼ N 
 ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος σημεῖα καὶ παράδοξα ἐποίησε καὶ ποιεῖ ἃ οὐδεὶς 
 ἐποίησεν, ἄφετε οὖν αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ βούλεσθέτι πονηρὸν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 
 
 >> ~ \ a a , > \ \ a 
 εἰ ἐκ Θεοῦ ἐστι TA σημεῖα ἃ ποιεῖ σταθήσονται" Kal yap Μωυσῆς 
 ἀποσταλεὶς παρὰ Θεοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλὰ σημεῖα ἐποίησε ἃ εἶπεν 
 αὐτῷ ὁ Θεὸς ποιῆσαι ἔμπροσθεν Φαραὼ βασιλέως Αἰγύπτου, καὶ 
 > 3 Lal / Ν Ν XN > \ φὰ 5 7 
 ἦσαν ἐκεῖ θεράποντες ἄνδρες Φαραὼ καὶ αὐτοὶ σημεῖα ἃ ἐποίησεν 
 Μωυσῆς“ ἐποίησαν ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὅλα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ τὰ σημεῖα ἃ ἐποίησαν 
 
 ᾽ 5 Ν “A , \ > ‘ Ν / c , 
 οὐκ ἦσαν ἀπὸ Θεοῦ ἀπώλοντο καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ πάντες οἱ πιστεύοντες 
 
 ΓΦ 8.5 ee υ ¥ a ἌΣ we ¥ 
 αὐτοῖς" καὶ viv ἄφετε τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον, οὐ yap ἐστιν ἄξιος 
 θανάτου. 
 
 2. Λέγουσιν οἱ Ιουδαῖοι τῷ Νικοδήμῳ, Σὺ μαθητὴς αὐτοῦ ἐγένου 
 
 \ Ν , e Ν ᾽ “A “~ / \ ᾽ Ν c 4 
 καὶ τὸν λόγον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ποιεῖς ; λέγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ Νικόδημος, 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 159 
 
 a , Ὧν τὸς an 
 Μὴ καὶ 6 ἡγεμὼν μαθητὴς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο καὶ τὸν λόγον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ 
 - cad \ a ’ ’ 
 ποιεῖ; οὐ κατέστησεν αὐτὸν Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀξιώματος τούτου ; 
 a a ᾿ς > , 
 ἦσαν δὲ of ᾿Ιοιδαῖοι ἐμβριμώμενοι καὶ τρίζοντες τοὺς ὀδόντας 
 Lal [2] Co , 
 αὐτῶν κατὰ τοῦ Νικοδήμου, λέγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Τί 
 re \ 3 , € n Ἂν ᾿ a td ’ at AY 
 τρίζετε τοὺς ὀδόντας ὑμῶν κατὰ τούτου ἀκούσαντες Tap αὐτοῦ; 
 / ΕΝ “-“ “ Δ Ν. 3 , > a LA \ 
 λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τῷ Νικοδήμῳ, Τὴν ἀλήθειαν αὐτοῦ λάβῃς καὶ 
 a al 7, ΓΑ XN 
 TO μέρος αὐτοῦ" λέγει αὐτοῖς Νικόδημος, ᾿Αμήν, ἀμήν, λάβω καθὼς 
 εἴπατε. 
 A n b] 
 VI. 1. Tus δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐλθὼν ἔμπροσθεν ἠξίου 
 εἰπεῖν λόγον" λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Πιλᾶτος, Εἴ τι θέλεις εἰπέ" ὁ δὲ μετὰ 
 \ Μ 
 δακρύων ἔλεγεν, Τριάκοντα ὀκτὼ ἔτη ἐπὶ κλίνης κατακείμενος ἤμην 
 a a \ oF ag na 
 καὶ ἐν ὀδύνῃ πολλῇ ὑπῆρχον Kal ἐλθόντος τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ πολλοὶ 
 ‘ t 
 δαιμονιζόμενοι Kal ποικίλαις νόσοις κατακείμενοι ἐθεραπεύθησαν 
 ἄν 3 a , / [2 “ 5 , / 
 tm αὐτοῦ, καί τινες νεανίσκοι κατελεήσαντές με ἐβάστασάν με 
 \ a ’ ἡ πα" (ἢ , κ᾿ 5. Thy eter ε 
 μετὰ τῆς κλίνης καὶ ἀπήγαγόν με πρὸς αὐτόν" καὶ ἰδών pe ὁ 
 ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐσπλαγχνίσθη καὶ λόγῳ μόνῳ αὐτός με ἐθεράπευσεν 
 \ a 
 εἰπὼν “Apov τὸ κράββατόν σου καὶ περιπάτει. οἱ Ιουδαῖοι εἶπον 
 πρὸς τὸν Πιλᾶτον, ᾿Αξιοῦμεν τὸ ὑμέτερον μέγεθος καλεῖν ποίαν 
 ε Ξ Ν 
 ἡμέραν ἐθεράπευσεν αὐτόν" ὁ δὲ ἔφη Σάββατον εἶναι καὶ πολλοὺς 
 rf \ ΄ , / a 4 ’ a 
 δαιμονιζομένους καὶ ποικίλαις νόσοις συνεχομένους τῷ λόγῳ αὐτοῦ 
 5. , 
 ἐθεράπευσεν. 
 σ Ν Ἂς , 3 a 4 3 Ν BY τι 
 2. “Ἕτερος δὲ μετὰ δακρύων εἶπε τῷ Πιλάτῳ ᾿Εγὼ τυφλὸς ἐγεν- 
 νήμην, φωνῆς μὲν ἀκούων (2) πρόσωπον δὲ οὐκ ἔβλεπον, καὶ παρά- 
 a 3 a an , 
 yovtos τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐφώνησα φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγων ᾿Ελέησόν pe, υἱὲ 
 Δαυίδ' καὶ ἐλεήσας με ἐπέθηκε τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλ- 
 μούς μου καὶ εὐθέως ἀνέβλεψα. “AdAos κωφὸς εἶπε ᾿Εγὼ ἤμην μὴ 
 λαλῶν καὶ ἥψατό μου τῆς γλώσσης καὶ παραχρῆμα ἰάθην. “ἕτερος 
 > 
 εἶπεν ᾿Εγὼ κυρτὸς ἤμην καὶ λόγῳ ὥρθωσέ pe. 
 Ν / 2 Q , 5 , a 4 , 
 VII. Γυνὴ δέ τις ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἐβόησεν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγουσα, 
 Κ Nae ε fa) EA Ν 2€ , “ , wake / 
 at ws αἱμορροοῦσα ἤμην καὶ ἡψάμην τοῦ κρασπέδου τοῦ ἱματίου 
 > a A a a 
 αὐτοῦ Kal ἔστη ἡ ῥύσις τοῦ αἵματος ἡ δι’ ἐτῶν δώδεκα" λέγουσιν οἱ 
 > a « a , ” Ν ε “Ὁ 9 ὔ 
 Ιουδαῖοι ᾿Ημεῖς νόμον ἔχομεν μὴ ὑπάγειν γυναῖκα εἰς μαρτυρίαν. 
 ν ral a 
 VIII. λλλοι δὲ πολλοὶ ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων μετὰ δακ- 
 / e -“ 
 ρύων ἐβόων, Οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος προφήτης ἐστὶν καὶ τὰ δαιμόνια αὐτῷ 
 / \ “ e “ 
 ὑποτάσσονται καὶ πᾶν πάθος" λέγει ὁ Πιλᾶτος πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους 
 
 Ν \ : lad lal 
 Tous εἰπόντας Kal τὰ δαιμόνια αὐτῷ ὑποτάσσονται καὶ πᾶν πάθος, 
 
160 Studia Buiblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 cal ᾽ \ 
 
 Διατί καὶ of διδάσκαλοι ὑμῶν οὐκ ὑπετάγησαν αὐτῷ ; αὐτοὶ 
 a \ 
 λέγουσιν “Hyets οἴδαμεν ὅτι καὶ τὸν Λάζαρον ἤγειρεν τετραήμερον 
 ἐκ τοῦ μνημείου ἔμφοβος δὲ γενόμενος ὁ Πιλᾶτος λέγει πρὸς τὸ 
 πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, Τί θέλετε ἐκχέαι αἷμα ἀθῷον ἀδικῶς; 
 1Χ.1. Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος κατ᾽ ἰδίαν Νικόδημον καὶ τοὺς δώ- 
 Ν “ ΄ 
 δεκα ἄνδρας τοὺς εἰπόντας μὴ γεγεννῆσθαι αὐτὸν ἐκ πορνείας φησί, 
 / n ΄ 
 Τί ποιήσω ὅτι μεγάλη διάστασις γίνεται ἐν τῷ λαῷ; οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν, 
 Lal \ 
 Ἡμεῖς οὐκ οἴδαμεν, αὐτοὶ ὄψονται. Tpocxaderdpevos πάλιν ὁ 
 Πιλᾶτος ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων λέγει αὐτοῖς, Οἴδατε ὅτι ἡ 
 / econ 3 Xt ‘ n 4.» μ᾿ 5 ΄ “ 
 συνήθεια ὑμῖν ἐστιν κατὰ ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων ἕνα ἀπολύεσθαι τῶν 
 δεσμίων" ἔχω οὖν δέσμιον κατάδικον τὸν λεγόμενον Βαραββᾶν 
 καὶ τοῦτον ἑστῶτα κατενώπιον ὑμῶν τὸν λεγόμενον Χριστόν, εἰς 
 ral 5 ’ Leer «ς / 5 > aie: a“ μὴ / 5 ’ 
 ὃν οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν εὑρίσκω ἐν αὐτῷ, ποῖον οὖν θέλετε ἀπολύσω 
 ὑμῖν; οἱ δὲ ἠτήσαντο τὸν Βαραββᾶν τὸν δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦν ἔλεγον 
 “ = “a 
 Σταυρωθήτω" ἕτεροι τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλεγον Οὐκ εἶ φίλος τοῦ 
 ΄ an “ \ 
 Καίσαρος ἐὰν τοῦτον οὐ σταυρώσῃς ὅτι εἶπεν ἑαυτὸν υἱὸν Θεοῦ καὶ 
 βασιλέα" τάχα τοῦτον εἶναι θέλεις βασιλέα καὶ οὐ Καίσαρα. 
 2. ᾿Οργισθεὶς δὲ αὐτοῖς ὁ Πιλᾶτος λέγει πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους, 
 > \ a ε n / » \ a 3 / Ἑ a δ 
 Ael τὸ ἔθνος ὑμῶν στασιασταί εἰσιν, καὶ τοῖς εὐεργέταις ὑμῶν ἀντι- 
 λέγετε: λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, Ποίοις εὐεργέταις ; λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ 
 Πιλᾶτος, Ὃ Θεὸς ὑμῶν ἀπὸ δουλείας σκληρᾶς ἐρρύσατο ὑμᾶς 
 “ee 
 
 ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὡς διὰ ξηρᾶς dujyaye, 
 
 the ΕΝ ὦ 
 
 καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ διέθρεψεν ὑμᾶς, μαννᾶ καὶ ὀρτυγομήτραν ἔδωκεν 
 
 ΄ 
 
 > / 
 
 cal ce \ , “ 
 ὑμῖν, καὶ ἐκ πέτρας ὕδωρ ἐπότισεν ὑμᾶς καὶ νόμον ἔδωκεν ὑμῖν" 
 ε a > ae 7 , ‘ ‘ , Ν Ν 
 ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐστήσασθε μόσχον χωνευτὸν καὶ παρωξύνατε τὸν Θεὸν 
 « lal Vg | Si “ / αν ὦ " / “ « Ν 
 ὑμῶν καὶ ἐζήτησεν ἀπολέσαι ὑμᾶς, καὶ λιτανεύσας Μωυσῆς ὑπὲρ 
 ὑμῶν εἰσηκούσθη καὶ οὐκέτι ἐθανατώθητε, καὶ νῦν ὑμεῖς καταγγέλ- 
 λετέ μου, ὅτι ἐγὼ μισῶ τὸν βασιλέα. 
 
 4. Πλησθεὶς οὖν ὀργῆς ὁ Πιλᾶτος ἀναστὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος 
 
 a a cal ε “ 
 
 αὐτοῦ ἐζήτησεν ἐξελθεῖν" λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, ᾿Ημεῖς βασιλέα 
 4 Ν Fe \ > Ν > A \ Ν « / ny 
 οἴδαμεν τὸν Keloapa καὶ ov τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν, Kat yap οἱ μάγοι δῶρα 
 προσήνεγκαν ἀπὸ ἀνατολῶν ὡς βασιλεῖ καὶ Ηρώδης ἀκούσας παρὰ 
 τῶν μάγων ὅτι βασιλεὺς ἐγεννήθη ἐζήτησεν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι. 
 
 ‘ 2 Ν » a + = , " a , , 17 
 γνοὺς δὲ ὁ πατὴρ αἰτοῦ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ Μαρία λαβόντες αὐτὸν 
 ἔφυγον εἰς Αἴγυπτον" καὶ ἀκούσας Ἡρώδης ἔπεμψε καὶ ἀνεῖλε 
 τοὺς παῖδας τῶν ᾿Εβραίων τοὺς γεννηθέντας ἐν Βηθλεέμ. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 161 
 
 na \ 
 4. Kat ταῦτα ἀκούσας 6 ἡγεμὼν ἐφοβήθη σφόδρα καὶ κατεσείσθη 
 τῇ χειρὶ τοὺς ὄχλους τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ὅτι ἔκραζον, καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς 
 ἢ Χειρ X ibe se Y - 
 « 3 “ 
 Οὗτός ἐστιν ὃν ἐζήτει Ηρώδης ; λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, Οὗτός ἐστιν᾽ 
 ὁ οὖν Πιλᾶτος λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπενίψατο τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ ἀπέναντι 
 ne , , 3 Could 5 5 Ν a ψ a / , A 
 τοῦ ἡλίου λέγων, AOwos εἰμι ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος TOD δικαίου τούτου 
 ὑμεῖς ὄψεσθε" πάλιν λέγουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, Τὸ αἷμα αὐτοῦ ἐφ᾽ 
 - AS ‘ lal 
 ἡμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ τέκνα ἡμῶν. 
 
 5. ᾿Ἑκέλευσε δὲ 6 Πιλᾶτος ἑλκυσθῆναι τὸν βηλὸν οὗ ἐκαθέζετο. 
 
 ᾿Απόφασις κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. 
 
 Τὸ ἔθνος τὸ σὸν κατέπλεξέ σε ὡς βασιλέα διὰ τοῦτο ἀπεφη- 
 \ a a a a 
 νάμην κατὰ σοῦ πρῶτον φραγελλοῦσθαι διὰ τὸν θεσμὸν τῶν 
 > n ἐ \ , 2 “ μον a ΠΟΥ 1.) nm 
 εὐσεβῶν βασιλέων, Kal τότε ἀναρτᾶσθαι ἐπὶ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐν τῷ 
 , € Ie Ν \ Ν , , Ν ee » \ 
 κήπῳ. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς δύο κακούργους σὺν αὐτῷ Γέσταν καὶ 
 Δυσμᾶν. 
 
 a a , 
 
 Χ. 1. Λαβόντες δὲ of Ἰουδαῖοι τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἐκ 
 
 a 7 \ AS , Ν 9. σὰ ν δ SaeN peek. 
 TOU πραιτωρίου καὶ τοὺς κακούργους σὺν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτε ἀπῆλθον ἐπὶ 
 BY , 1¢/ SN pe we eee > a \ 7 δος 
 τὸν τόπον ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ καὶ περιέζωσαν αὐτὸν 
 
 τ" 
 
 4 na \ 
 λέντιον καὶ στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν περιέθηκαν αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν 
 >’ “ e Ν δ Ἂν , - 3 ἧς 3 
 αὐτοῦ, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς δύο κακούργους ἐκρέμασαν Γέσταν ἐκ 
 δεξιῶν καὶ Δυσμᾶν ἐξ εὐωνύμων, 6 δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἔλεγε, Πάτερ 
 " 5. δ 3... ἊΝ ¥ / a Ξ \ , Nee ἐλ 
 ἄφες αὐτοῖς, οὐ γὰρ οἴδασι τί ποιοῦσιν" καὶ διεμερίσαντο τὰ ἱμάτια 
 αὐτοῦ οἱ στρατιῶται, βάλλοντες κλήρους" εἱστήκει δὲ ὁ λαὸς 
 a , \ na 
 θεωρῶν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐξεμυκτήριζον αὐτὸν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ 
 if wy” 5 ἊΨ AQ > ’ ΄σ 
 ἄρχοντες λέγοντες, ΓΑλλους ἐσώσας, σεαυτὸν οὐ δύνασαι σῶσαι, 
 5 cr 3 a a Ὁ / b) x a a 
 εἰ vids ἐστιν τοῦ Θεοῦ οὗτος καταβάτω ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ. 
 ἐνέπαιζον δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ στρατιῶται προσέφερον δὲ ὄξος λέγοντες, Εἰ 
 σὺ εἶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων σῶσον σεαυτόν. ᾿Εἰκέλευσε δὲ 6 
 Πιλᾶτος μετὰ τὴν ἀπόφασιν εἰς τίτλον ἐπιγραφῆναι τὴν αἰτίαν 
 >’ a / ε “. a ε + al \ Ἢ val Ν x 
 αὑτοῦ γράμμασι ῥωμαϊκοῖς ἑβραϊκοῖς καὶ ἑλληνικοῖς, καθὼς εἶπαν 
 οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ὅτι βασιλεύς ἐστι τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. 
 2. Εἷς δὲ τῶν κρεμασθέντων κακούργων ὀνόματι Δυσμᾶν λέγει 
 Ν BY > a > = τὸ BY “- BY NEE 00S a 
 πρὸς τὸν Inooty, Ei σὺ εἰ 0 Χριστὸς σῶσον σεαυτὸν καὶ ἡμᾶς 
 2 \ SS ὧῇ Pine V, , 3 , 2 A “ a 
 ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ ἕτερος ᾧ ὄνομα Τέσταν ἐπετίμα αὐτῷ λέγων 
 Οὐδὲν φοβῆσαι τὸν Θεὸν ὅτι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ κρίματι εἶ; καὶ ἡμεῖς 
 μὲν ἄξια ὧν ἐπράξαμεν ἀπολαμβάνομεν, οὗτος δὲ οὐδὲν κακὸν 
 
162 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 \ lal a , 
 ἔπραξεν" καὶ ἔλεγε τῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ, Μνήσθητί μου Κύριε ὅταν ἔλθης ἐν 
 a , ᾿Ξ Ὁ Ν "» ὦ κων δ Ὁ 5 Δ ΄ 
 τῇ βασιλείᾳ σου" εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς ᾿Αμήν, ἀμήν, λέγω σοι 
 > fal “ 
 ὅτι σήμερον μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἔσῃ ἐν τῷ παραδείσῳ. 
 
 ΧΙ. 1. Ἦν δὲ ὥρα ὡσεὶ ἕκτη καὶ σκότος ἐγένετο ἐφ᾽ ὅλην τὴν γῆν 
 ἕως ὥρας ἐνάτης, σκοτισθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἡλίου ἐσχίσθη τὸ καταπέτασμα 
 a μι. ἢ ene, “ ee = , a t 
 Tod ναοῦ μέσον ἀπὸ ἄνωθεν ἕως Katw* καὶ φωνήσας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ 
 ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς εἶπε Βιαδὰ γεφί KvOpwol ὃ ἑρμηνεύεται Els χεῖρας 
 
 7 Ν ἧς ΑΝ e \ a“ »"κ "δ, > ‘ 
 σου παρατίθημι τὸ πνεῦμά pov’ Kal τοῦτο εἰπὼν ἐξέπνευσε. ᾿Ιδὼν 
 
 ’ c {2 ’ Ν Ν Ν Ν , J , Ν 
 τοίνυν ὁ ἑκατόνταρχος τὸν σεισμὸν καὶ τὸ γενόμενον ἐδόξασε τὸν 
 Θεὸν λέγων ὅτι Ὃ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος δίκαιος ἦν, καὶ πάντες οἱ 
 θεωρήσαντες τὰ σημεῖα τύπτοντες ἑαυτῶν τὰ στήθη ὑπέστρεψον 
 ᾿ Ν c / , 
 εἰς THY αγίαν πόλιν. 
 
 c X.€ , 3 la “ Λε , 4 εἶ , 
 
 2. Ὁ δὲ ἑκατόνταρχος ἀνήγγειλε τῷ ἡγεμόνι πάντα τὰ γενόμενα" 
 5 ,ὔ Ν ε - \ ε Ν Ε] a " 3 a 
 ἀκούσας δὲ oO Πιλᾶτος καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ ἐλυπήθησαν ταῦτα 
 
 \ 
 σφόδρα καὶ οὐκ ἔφαγον οὐδὲ ἔπιον τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην" μετα- 
 καλεσάμενος δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Θεωρεῖτε 
 τὰ γενόμενα ; λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, "Εκλειψίς ἐστι τοῦ ἡλίου, 
 κατὰ τὸ εἰωθός. 
 
 3. Εἱστήκεισαν δὲ οἱ γνωστοὶ αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ μακρόθεν, καὶ γυναῖκες 
 ς , S20) ΕἿΝ Ava oe , a a 
 αἱ συνακολουθήσασαι αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας θεωροῦσαι ταῦτα 
 καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνήρ τις ὀνόματι ᾿Ιωσὴφ βουλευτὴς ὑπάρχων ἀνὴρ δίκαιος 
 καὶ ἀγαθὸς οὐκ ἦν συγκαταθέμενος τῇ βουλῇ αὐτῶν καὶ τῇ πράξει 
 a “ -“ el 3 
 τῇ πονηρᾷ, ἀπὸ ᾿Αριμαθίας μιᾶς πόλεως τῆς Ἰουδαίας, ὃς προσ- 
 εδέχετο καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ, οὗτος προσελθὼν τῷ 
 Πιλάτῳ ἠτήσατο τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ καὶ καθελὼν αὐτὸ ἐνετύλιξεν 
 5 ’, “A Vey, : PY 3 , σι 3 Ls ᾽ 
 ἐν σινδόνι καθαρᾷ καὶ ἔθηκεν αὐτὸ ἐν μνημείῳ λαξευτῷ, ἐν ᾧ οὐκ 
 3 > \ ͵ ’ 
 ἢν» οὐδεὶς πώποτε τεθείς. 
 
 XII. 1. ᾿Ακούσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ὅτι τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ 
 eA 2.9 / >» aaa \ \ , Ν ee 
 ηἡτήσατο ὁ ᾿Ιωσήφ, ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς δώδεκα τοὺς εἰπόντας 
 
 Ν cal b] 7 \ Ν , ‘9 € 
 μὴ γεγεννῆσθαι ἐκ πορνείας καὶ τὸν Νικόδημον καὶ ἄλλους ἑτέρους 
 πολλούς, οἵτινες ἔστησαν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ Πιλάτου καὶ μετὰ 
 δακρύων διηγήσαντο τὰ θαυμάσια αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐβούλοντο ἀνελεῖν" 
 πάντων δὲ ἀποκρυβέντων ὁ Νικόδημος ὥφθη αὐτοῖς μόνος, ὅτι 
 Ka € Ν Μ na > 7 eon \ / | ὧϑ Ν 
 οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἄρχων τῶν Ἰουδαίων ὑπῆρχε, καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Σὺ 
 πῶς εἰσῆλθες εἰς τὴν συναγωγήν ; ὅτι συνεστιάτωρ αὐτοῦ εἶ καὶ 
 
 , / ° fal \ a 3 ”A / a: Φ > tal ε 
 τὸ μέρος αὐτοῦ μετὰ σοῦ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι αἰῶνι" λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 163 
 
 Νικόδημος, ᾿Αμὴν γένοιτό μοι καθὼς εἴπατε" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὁ 
 
 \ cal a 
 
 ᾿Ιωσὴφ ἐμφανισθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς, Τί ὅτι ἐλυπήθητε κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ 
 
 / “ ? , \ a ΄ 3 a ‘3 , πος 
 
 ματαίως, ὅτι ἠτησάμην τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰησοῦ καὶ ἐνετύλιξα αὐτὸ 
 , \ / | BEA gk a a , \ 
 
 σινδόνι καὶ τέθεικα αὐτὸ ἐν τῷ καινῷ pov μνημείῳ καὶ λίθον 
 4 ἊΝ a ΄ a , \ bel 
 
 μέγαν προσκυλίσας τῇ θύρᾳ τοῦ σπηλαίου Kat ἀπῆλθον ; 
 a a \ 
 
 καὶ οὐ καλῶς ἐπράξατε κατὰ τοῦ δικαίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ λόγχῃ 
 
 «ε 
 
 αὐτοῦ ὑπεβάλλετε μὴ μεταμεληθέντες. Κρατήσαντες δὲ of 
 > a a cal \ 
 Ιουδαῖοι τὸν ᾿Ιωσὴφ ἐκέλευσαν αὐτὸν ἀσφαλῶς τηρεῖσθαι, καὶ 
 >? cal o 
 
 λέγουσιν πρὸς τὸν Ἰωσήφ, Γΐνωσκε ὅτι ἡ ὥρα οὐκ ἀπαιτεῖ πρᾶξαί 
 τι κατὰ σοῦ ὅτι σάββατον διαφαίνει, καὶ γίνωσκε ὅτι ταφῆς οὐ 
 καταξιωθήσηῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ἔσονται αἱ σά ῷ ϊ τεινοῖς τοῦ 
 
 non, σονται at σάρκες βρῶμα τοῖς πετεινοῖς τοῦ 
 οὐρανοῦ καὶ τοῖς θηρίοις τῆς γῆς" ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιωσὴφ λέγει 
 αὐτοῖς, Οὗτος ὁ λόγος τοῦ τυράννου ἐστὶ Γολιάθ, ὃς ὠνείδισεν τὸν 
 
 n \ 
 
 Θεὸν ζῶντα καὶ τὸν ἅγιον Δαυίδ, εἶπεν yap ὁ Θεὸς ᾿Εμοὶ ἐκδίκησις 
 κἀγὼ ἀνταποδώσω, λέγει Κύριος, καὶ νῦν ὁ ἀκρόβυστος τῇ σαρκὶ 
 \ , Le / Ν oe 5 , Ἂς n 
 καὶ περιτεμνόμενος TH καρδίᾳ λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπενίψατο τὰς χεῖρας 
 
 ’ a 3 / Coe 4 4 / ᾽ Lol 4 >I >) Ν Ψ A “ Ψ 
 αὑτοῦ ἀπέναντι τοῦ ἡλίου λέγων ᾿Αθῷός εἶμι ἐγὼ ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος 
 a e a 5 A an 
 τοῦ δικαίου τούτου ὑμεῖς ὄψεσθε" Kal ἀπεκρίθητε αὐτῷ λέγοντες 
 Τὸ αἷμα αὐτοῦ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ τέκνα ἡμῶν, καὶ νῦν φοβοῦμαι 
 ΄ ἘΠ δυο. ΤΩΝ , 2_\ x 7, δἰ “γὴν ε ¥ Ε 
 μήποτε φθάσει 7 ὀργὴ Κυρίου ἐπὶ τὰ τέκνα ὑμῶν ὡς εἴπατε 
 , 
 ἀκούσαντες δὲ τοὺς λόγους τούτους ἐπικράνθησαν κατὰ Tov Ἰωσὴφ 
 σφόδρα τῇ ψυχῇ, καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενοι ἐνέκλεισαν εἰς οἶκον φυλακῆς 
 καὶ ἐσφραγίσαντο τὴν θύραν τῷ δακτυλιδίῳ τοῦ Καιαφᾶ. 
 2. Τῷ δὲ ἐρχομένῳ σαββάτῳ ὥρισαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς τοῦ εὑρεθῆναι 
 a an oan a a \ 
 πάντας ἐν TH συναγωγῇ TH μιᾷ TOD σαββάτου, καὶ συναθροίσαντες 
 > al lol a a 
 οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ ἐβουλεύσαντο ποίῳ 
 Ζ 5) 7 ἈΝ ? 7 Ν Say. Ν 3 
 θανάτῳ ἀποκτείνωσιν τὸν ᾿Ιωσήφ, καὶ ἐκέλευσαν μετὰ ἀτιμίας 
 ἀχθῆναι αὐτόν" ἀνοίξαντες δὲ τὰς θύρας τῆς φυλακῆς οὐχ εὗρον 
 αὐτόν, καὶ ἐξέστη πᾶς ὁ λαός, λέγοντες ὅτι Τὰς σφραγῖδας εὕρομεν 
 σώας καὶ τὴν κλεῖδα ἔσχεν 6 Καιαφᾶς" καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ οὐκέτι 
 
 ἐτόλμων ἐπιβαλεῖν τὰς χεῖρας. 
 
164 
 
 VI. A FRAGMENT OF THE ACTA THOMAE, 
 
 In his edition of the Acts of Thomas in Acta Apostolorum 
 Apocrypha Tischendorf quotes the variants of five MSS. 
 which he calls ABCDE, and to these M. Bonnet has added 
 PQRS. The text which is now printed is that of another 
 fragment, which I shall call T, found in cod. 476 in the 
 library of Ivéron, a paper MS. of fourteenth century. The 
 negatives of the photographs of T which I used will be 
 found in the Bodleian Library under the Pressmark MS. Gr. 
 th. f. 8, and are numbered 1-7. 
 
 Mr. Burkitt has pointed out to me that T belongs to the 
 same family as B (Paris, Nat. Gr. 1468). It is impossible 
 to say without collating B exactly how close the connexion 
 may be, as Tischendorf does not quote B fully but only in 
 select and important passages. But the following readings 
 are sufficient to demonstrate the general connexion of B 
 and T, and to help any one who may wish accurately to 
 determine their relations I have followed the photographs 
 exactly in matters of spelling and accentuation. 
 
 (a) 12. ἐὰν ἀπαλλαγῆτε τῆς ῥυπαρᾶς κοινωνίας ταύτης γίνεσθε 
 ναοὶ ἅγιοι καθαροὶ ἀπαλλαγέντες πλήξεων καὶ ὀδυνῶν φανερῶν 
 τε καὶ ἀφανῶν καὶ φροντίδας οὐ περιθήσεσθε βίου καὶ τέκνων, 
 ὧν τὸ τέλος ἀπώλεια ὑπάρχει.---Α ΟΡ with small variations. 
 
 ἐὰν τηρήσητε ἑαυτοὺς ἀμέμπτους τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ βίου τούτου 
 ἔσεσθε ἀεὶ [B ναοὶ] ἅγιοι ῥυσθέντες ἀπὸ πάσης φθορᾶς φανερᾶς 
 τε καὶ ἐναποκρύφου καὶ φροντίδων ἀνωφελῶν καὶ ἐπιβλαβῶν.---- 
 BT, and the closeness of agreement is equally marked for 
 several more lines, 
 
 (8B) 16. καὶ ἀπελθόυτες κατεμίγησαν airo~—ACEPQ., 
 
 καὶ ἀπελθόντες ἔλαβον παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ λουτρὸν τῆς χάριτος ἐν 
 ὀνόματι πατρός κ.τ.λ.--- ΒΤ, 
 
 (γ) 24. Instead of the account which begins in codd., 
 ACEPQ καὶ εὐθέως πέμψας and continues to the end of the 
 story, covering four pages in M, Bonnet’s edition, BT have 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 165 
 
 καὶ πέμψας ἐξέβαλα τὸν θωμᾶν κιτιλ. finishing the whole 
 narrative in a few lines. 
 
 These examples might be added to at length, and prove 
 a close relationship between B and T. In the absence of 
 a complete collation of B it is impossible to say more 
 definitely what the relationship is. The next scholar who 
 deals with the text of the Acta Thomae will no doubt be able 
 to throw light both on this point and on the relationship 
 which the ordinary 1 texts and this text bear to the Syriac Acts. 
 
 TEXT. 
 
 II. ... ἀγάγη. Kal εἶδεν ὅμοιον τοῦ Θωμᾶ ἐστῶτα καὶ 
 ε lel Ν. 4 \ b] ἴω » \ nan 
 ὁμιλοῦντα THY νύμφην. Kal λέγει αὐτῷ, οὐχὶ πρῶτος πάντων 
 ἐξῆλθες ; πῶς οὖν εὑρέθεις ὧδε ; καὶ 6 Κύριος εἶπεν αὐτῶ, Οὐκ 
 
 an c nN a ‘ 
 
 εἰμὶ ἐγῶ Θωμᾶς, ἀδελφὸς δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰμι, καὶ ἐκάθισεν ὁ Κύριος 
 ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης, καὶ ἤρξατο διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς καὶ λέγειν, 
 
 12. Μνημονεύσατε τέκνα μου ἅπερ ὁ ἀδελφός μου ἐλάλησεν 
 
 Σίν \ ΄, el ies ,ὕ \ a “ “ 2\ 
 μεθ’ ὑμῶν καὶ τίνι ὑμᾶς παρέθετο, καὶ τοῦτω γνῶτε, ὅτι ἐὰν 
 
 ΄ ε Ν zy eds x ‘ a 7 i ¥ 
 
 τηρήσειτε ἑαυτοὺς ἀμέμπτους τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ βίου τούτου, ἔσεσθαι 
 ἘΠΕ lef ε , Sea , “ vs ΠΣ 
 ἀεὶ ἅγιοι ῥυσθέντες ἀπὸ πάσης φθορᾶς, φανερᾶς τε καὶ ἐναπο- 
 κρύφου, καὶ φροντίδων ἀνοφελῶν καὶ ἐπιβλαβῶν, ἐὰν γὰρ 
 
 / δ, σὰν ’ a > an / 7, SS \ 
 γένωνται ὑμῖν παιδία ἕνεκεν αὐτῶν μέλλεται τύπτειν τινὰς καὶ 
 
 lal lal \ lal a 
 
 ἁρπάζειν ὀρφανοὺς καὶ καταπονεῖν χηρῶν καὶ ταῦτα ποιοῦντες 
 ὑποβάλλετε αὐτοὺς εἰς τιμωρίας κακίστας: ἀλλὰ μείνατε 
 «ς ᾿ i Ν 5 x , if BL ~ ~~ 
 ἁγιάσαντες αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ πάντων, προσδοκούντες ἀπολαβεῖν Tapa 
 
 na a / “ 
 τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ νυμφίου τοὺς στεφάνους τοὺς ἀφθάρτους. ταῦτα 
 διδάξας αὐτοὺς ὁ Κύριος ἐξήλθεν εἰπὼν αὐτοῖς, Ἣ χάρις τοῦ 
 Κυρίου ἡμῶν ἔσται μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν. 
 
 13. Οἱ δὲ νέοι ἀκούσαντες ἐπίσθησαν τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν᾽ ἔμειναν 
 
 9 a ᾽ 
 δι᾿ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς μήδ᾽ ὅλως ὑπνώσαντες. ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου 
 ὁ βασιλεὺς πληρώσας τράπεζαν εἰσήνεγκεν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν καὶ 
 εὗρεν αὐτοῦς καθημένους ἀντίκρυς ἀλλήλων τὴν δὲ ὄφιν τῆς νύμφης 
 
 ? It is perhaps worth while to mention that we also photographed some 
 pages of cod. Iver. 275, which contain part of the Acts of Thomas in the more 
 ordinary form. It did not seem worth publishing, but the negatives of my 
 photographs are to be fuund in the Bodleian under the Pressmark MS. Gr. 
 th. f. 8, if any scholar wishes to go more clusely into the question. 
 
166 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 ἀσκέπατον οὖσαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτῆ, Διὰ τὶ οὕτως κάθη μόνη ἰδία 
 
 \ ᾽ / 5 » κα ” , e “ , an 3 ’,ὔ 
 καὶ οὐδε σκέπη, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἤδη χρόνον ἱκανὸν συμβιώσασα τῷ ἀνδρί 
 σου; 
 
 14. Ἣ δὲ ἀπεκρίθη λέγουσα ᾿Αληθῶς πάτερ ἐν πολλῆ ἁγάπη 
 « , \ n 7 ε -“ > , “ Ν ij Lad 
 ὑπάρχωμεν, kal τῶ Kuplw ἡμῶν εὐχώμεθα ὅτι τὸ σκέπασμα τῆς 
 
 ? , ee τὰν ὦ Ow Ey) / , ε Ul b] a 
 αἰσχύνης ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀφήρηται διότι ἑτέρω γάμω ἀληθινῷ συνε- 
 ζεύχθημεν. καὶ ἐν ἡμέρα χαράς μου οὐκ ἐνεπαίχθην καὶ ἐν 
 ἡμέρα ταραχῆς οὐκ ἐταράχθην. 
 
 15. “Ὁμοίως κἀκεῖνος ἤρξατο λέγειν, Εὐχαριστῶ σοι δέσποτα 
 Ἰησοῦ Χριστὲ, ὁ διὰ τοῦ ξένου δούλου σου ἐμφανίσας ἡμῖν, ὁ τῆς 
 στῶσεώς με λυτρωσάμενος, 6 ἑαυτὸν καταγαγῶν ἕως ἐμοῦ τοῦ 
 ταπεινοῦ; Ὅτι πρὸς καιρών με ἀπαλλάξας 6 ἀπολλυμένω δοὺς 
 χείρα βυηθείας. Κύριε Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὁ τῶν ὅλων ἡμῶν δεσπότης 
 καὶ βασιλεὺς, ἅγιος καὶ ἀληθινὸς, εὐχαριστοῦμεν σοι περὶ πᾶντα. 
 
 16, Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς διέρρηξεν τὴν αἰσθῆτα αὑτοῦ 
 κράζων, Ἐξελθόντες ταχέως φέρετέ μοι τὸν πλάνον ἐκεῖνον, ἐγὼ 
 
 Ν ’ὔ ‘ δ ὦ δ » , id Ν e n > νΝ 5 / 
 yap ἰδίαις μου χερσὶν αὐτὸν εἰσήγαγον, ὃς δὲ εὑρῶν αὐτὸν ἀγάγει 
 ’ Ν , Va x» asf , > fal 
 
 μοι σώζει μου τὴν θυγατέρα, καὶ 7) τι ἂν αἰτήσει δώσω αὐτῶ. 
 
 , , = Cad ΄ ‘ ’ὔ \ ο 
 
 Απελθόντες οὖν περιῆλθον πᾶσαν τὴν» περίχωρον καὶ μὴ 
 εὑρῶντες ἦλθον ἐν TO ξενοδοχείω καὶ εὕρων ἐκεῖ τὴν αὐλητρίαν 
 
 ‘ , ‘ > a \ 5 lal Φ . Ν 
 μόνην κλαίουσαν περὶ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἀναστᾶσα ἦλθεν πρὸς τοὺς 
 
 / δ ἈΦ ᾽ Ca δε a > al ε Ν ,ὕ , 
 νέους καὶ ἦν συν αὐτοῖς ἐξὑπηρετοῦσα αὐτοῖς. οἱ δὲ νέοι κατή- 
 \ BY / Ν Ν , Ν a 
 
 χησαν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα. μετὰ δὲ χρόνον ἤκουσαν περὶ τοῦ 
 ἀποστόλου, ὅτι ἐν tH ᾿Ινδία διδάσκει, καὶ ἀπελθόντες ἔλαβον 
 παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ λουτρὸν τῆς χάριτος, φωτισθέντες ἐν ὀνόματι πατρὸς 
 καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου πνεύματος, ὦ πρέπει πᾶσα δόξα τιμῆ κράτος 
 , , \ / 9 ’ > ‘\ 
 μεγαλωσύνη προσκύνησις καὶ βασιλεία ἀτελεύτητος εἰς τοὺς 
 
 αἰώνας. i 
 
 17. Ὅτε δὲ ἦλθεν ὁ ἀπόστολος ἐν τῇ ᾿Ινδία pera ᾿Αββάνη τοῦ 
 ἐμπόρου εὐθέως ἀνήγαγεν τῶ βασιλεῖ περὶ τοῦ οἰκοδόμου, καὶ 
 χαρὰς πχησθεῖς ἐκέλευσε εἰσελθεῖν τὸν Θωμᾶν καὶ λέγει αὐτῶ, 
 Ποίαν ἐργασίαν οἷδας ἐν ξύλοις, καὶ ποίαν ἐν λίθοις ; ὁ δὲ ἀπό- 
 στολος λέγει, Ἔν μὲν ξύλοις ἄροτρα, καὶ ζυγοὺς, καὶ πλοία, 
 τραχιλέας, καὶ κῶπας" ἐν δὲ λίθοις, στήλας, καὶ ναοὺς, καὶ 
 πραιτώρια βασιλικὰ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς χαρὰς πλησθεῖς εἶπεν ; 
 
 - 
 
 Καγὼ τοιούτου χρείαν εἶχον, ἀλλὰ κτίσον μοι παλάτιον. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 167 
 
 18. Kai λαβὼν αὐτὸν διελέγετο αὐτῶ περὶ τῆς οἰκοδομῆς τοῦ 
 παλατίου τὸ πῶς τεθῶσιν οἱ λίθοι, καὶ ὅτε ἦλθεν πλησίον 
 τοῦ τόπου ἔνθα ἐβούλετο τὴν οἰκοδομὴν ποιῆσαι λέγει αὐτῶ, Ὅδε 
 βούλομαι, καὶ ὁ ἀπόστολος λέγει, καὶ γὰρ καὶ ὁ τόπος ἐπιτήδιός 
 ἐστιν πρὸς οἰκοδομήν, ἦν δὲ ἁλσώδης ὕδατα πολλὰ ἔχων, καὶ λέγει 
 αὐτῶ ἴΑπαρξαι τοῦ κτίζειν, καὶ 6 ἀπόστολος λέγει ᾿Εν τῶ καιρῶ 
 τούτου οὐ δύναμαι κτίσαι, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν, Πότε δὲ, καὶ 
 ὁ ἀπόστολος λέγει, ὙὝπερβορετίου, καὶ τελειῶ O ξανθικῷ, ὁ δὲ 
 βασιλεὺς λέγει Πᾶσα οἰκοδομῆ θέρους οἰκοδομεῖται, σὺ δὲ 
 χειμῶνος κτίζεις, καὶ ὁ ἀπόστολος λέγει, Οὕτως ὀφείλη γενέσθαι, 
 καὶ 6 βασιλεὺς εἶπεν Eis τοῦτο σοι δοκεῖ, κἂν διαχάραξόν μοι 
 αὐτῷ ἵνα ἴδω, ἐπειδὴ διὰ χρόνου ἐρχομένου ἐνταῦθα. ὁ δὲ ἀπό- 
 στολος λαβὼν κάλαμον ἐχάρασσεν μέτρον. Καὶ τὰς μεν θυρίδας 
 πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἥνοιξεν πρὸς τὸ φῶς, τὰς δὲ θύρας πρὸς δύσιν, 
 τὸ δὲ ἀρτοποιΐον πρὸς λίβα, τὸ δὲ ἀγωγὸν τοῦ ὕδατος εἰς 
 ἄρκτον. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν τόπον λέγει, ᾿Αληθῶς ἄνθρωπε 
 τεχνίτης el, καὶ πρέπει σοι βασιλεῖ ἐξυπηρετείσθαι, καὶ καταλείψας 
 αὐτῶ χρυσίον ἱκανὸν ἀπεδήμησεν. 
 
 19. Καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν ἀπέστελλεν αὐτῶ δαπάνας καὶ ἄλλα 
 ἐπιτήδια, ὁ δὲ ἀπόστολος περιήρχετο τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὰς κώμας 
 οἰκονομῶν τοὺς δεομένους. ἔλεγεν γὰρ Τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶ 
 βασιλεῖ δοθήσεται, καὶ ἄνεσις ἔσται τοῖς πολλοῖς. μετὰ δὲ 
 χρόνον ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς μαθεῖν εἰ ἔκτισται τὸ 
 παλάτιον" καὶ δηλοῖ αὐτῶ ὁ ἀπόστολος Τὸ μὲν παλάτιον ἔκτισται, 
 τὸ δὲ στέγος περιλείπεται. Καὶ ἀνατεῖνας τὸ ὄμμα πρὸς τὸν 
 Κύριον εἶπεν, Εὐχαριστῶ σοι δέσποτα ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστὲ ἀπέθανον 
 γὰρ ἵνα ζωοποιήσης με, καὶ πέπρακάς με ἵνα πολλοὺς ἐλευθερώσω, 
 οὐκ ἐπαύσατο δὲ ἀναψύχων τοὺς δεομένους καὶ τοὺς ἐν θλίψει 
 ὄντας καὶ ἔλεγεν, Ὃ Κύριος ἡμῶν οἰκονόμησε ταῦτα, ὅτι αὐτός 
 ἐστὶν τροφεὺς τῶν ὀρφανῶν, καὶ τῶν χηρῶν προστάτης καὶ τοῖς 
 θλιβομένοις γίνεται ἀνάψυξις. 
 
 20. Μετὰ δὲ χρόνον ἦλθεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τῆ πόλει ἐρωτῶν 
 τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ περὶ τοῦ παλατίου, καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῶ Οὐδὲν 
 ἔκτισται, οὔδε ἕτερόν τι ἐποίησεν ἀλλὰ περὶἔρχεται τὰς πόλεις 
 καὶ τὰς κώμας ποιῶν εὐσεβείας καὶ χωριγῶν τοῖς πένησιν, καὶ 
 
 , e \ x > 
 διδάσκει ἕνα Θεὸν εἶναι τὸν Χριστὸν, καὶ πολλὰ ἐστὶν ἄπερ 
 
168 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 ποιεῖ" νεκροὺς yap éyelpn, καὶ κυλλοὺς θεραπεύει, καὶ δαίμονας 
 ἀπελαύνει, καὶ φορεῖ ἕν ἱμάτιον, τὸ δὲ βρῶμα αὐτοῦ ἐστὶν ἄρτος 
 καὶ ὕδωρ. εἰ ὅτι μάγος ἐστὶν οὐκ οἴδαμεν, ἀλλὰ αἱ ἰάσεις αὐτοῦ 
 a a a \ n 
 ἃς ποιεῖ, καὶ τὸ ἀπλοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπιεικὲς τοῦτο σημαίνει, ἢ ὅτι 
 δίκαιος ἐστὶν ἢ ἀπόστολος Θεοῦ, πικνοτέρως γὰρ νηστεύει. ταῦτα 
 , ε Ν tal \ > a ‘ ” / 
 ἀκούων ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ τὴν ὅψιν προσέτρεψεν. 
 “ \ “ n 
 21. Καὶ θυμοῦ πλησθεὶς ἤνεγκεν τὸν Θωμᾶν καὶ λέγει αὐτῶ 
 "Εκτισάς μοι τὸ παλάτιον ; καὶ ὁ ἀπόστολος λέγει ἴκτισται, καὶ 
 ὁ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν Πότε οὖν βλέπομεν αὐτῷ ; καὶ ὁ ἀπόστολος 
 λέγει “Apre ἰδεῖν οὐ δύνασαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε ἐξέλθης τοῦ βίου τοῦ 
 προσκέρου τούτου. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὀργισθεὶς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν 
 n Cs n 
 βληθῆναι εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἅμα τῶ ἐμπόρω ᾿Αββάνη ἕως ἀνα- 
 / ‘ > na \ “ 5 “ > , é «ε Ν 3 , 
 κρίνηται περὶ αὐτῶν Kal οὕτως ἀπολέσει αὐτούς: ὁ δὲ ἀπόστολος 
 ἀπεὶν λέγων τῶ ἐμπόρω Μὴ λυποῦ, ἀλλὰ μόνον πίστευσον. καὶ 
 ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ κόσμου τούτου ἐλευθερωθείση, εἰς δὲ τὸν μέλλοντα 
 bial / ΄ , “ Ν a 3 td ε “ 
 αἰῶνα ζωήν αἰώνιον κληρονομήσεις τῆ δὲ νυκτὶ ἐκείνη 6 τοῦ 
 cal \ na fal 
 βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς ἀθυμία ληφθεῖς περὶ τοῦ συμβάντος τῶ 
 ἀδελφῶ αὐτοῦ πέμψας λέγει αὐτῶ, ᾿Ιδοῦ ἀδελφὲ πάντα σοι παρα- 
 , Ν ,ὔ ‘ Ν / VA Ν x Ν 
 τίθημι, τὴν τε οἰκίαν καὶ τὰ πράγματά μου, ἐγὼ γὰρ διὰ τὴν 
 συμβάσαν σοι λύπην ἀθυμία ληφθεῖς ἀποθνήσκω, ἀλλὰ ἀνάπαυσόν 
 μου τὴν ψυχὴν ὑπεξερχόμενος δεινῆ τιμωρία τῶ μάγω ἐκείνω. 
 ὁ δὲ εἶπεν ᾿Ενεθυμήθην περὶ αὐτοὺς κατακαῦσαι ἐκδάρτους. 
 22. Ὁ δὲ πάραυτα ἀπέδωκεν τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς 
 ἐπένθει τὸν ἴδιον ἀδελφὸν, καὶ ἐβούλετο εἰς πολύτιμον κενουργίαν 
 ε 
 πορφύραν αὐτὸν καταφθῆναι. οἱ δὲ ἄγγελοι λαβόντες τὴν ψυχὴν 
 αὐτοῦ ἀπήγαγων ἐν τῷ παραδείσω δεικνύοντες αὐτῇ τοῦς ἐκεῖ 
 , \ a οὖ “ ε ᾿ 5 ν᾿ ἐπ ral 
 τόπους καὶ οἰκήσεις καὶ ὅσα 6 Θεὸς ἀγαθὰ ἡτοίμασεν τοῖς dya- 
 πῶσιν αὐτὸν, καὶ ὅτε ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομὴν τοῦ Θωμᾶ ἐπηρώτη- 
 ᾿ « a ,ὔ ‘\ ν συ ᾿ 
 σαν αὐτὴν οἱ ἄγγελοι ποῦ βούλεται τὴν οἴκησιν ποιῆσαι, καὶ 
 ἀποκριθεῖσα εἶπεν, Δέομαι ὑμῶν κύριοί μου εἰς ἕν τῶν κατωγέων 
 ,ὕ U , a Ν “ > we AS > / ᾿] x 
 τούτων ἐάσατέ pe μεῖναι, καὶ εἶπον αὐτῆ ἐκείνοι, Οὐ δύνη, ἐπειδὴ 
 τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου ἐστὶν, ὃ οἰκοδόμησεν ὁ χριστιανὸς ἐκεῖνος, καὶ 
 J 4 / δ a , ’ / 
 ἀπεκρίθη λέγουσα Δέομαι ὑμῶν, κύριοί pov, συγχωρήσατέ μοι 
 ἀπελθεῖν ἵνα ἀγοράσω αὐτὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖ, οὐ γὰρ οἷδεν αὐτῶ ὁ 
 ἀδελφός μου. 
 
 23. Καὶ εὐθέως ἀφῆκαν αὐτὴν οἱ ἄγγελοι, καὶ ἐλθοῦσα εἰς τὸ 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 169 
 
 a 3 a3 Ν, “ a Ν Saeed 3 id , 
 σῶμα αὐτοῦ ἀναστὰς λέγει τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν, ᾿Απελθόντες ταχέως 
 ’ Q 5 ΄ See. 7, 2 > cat ν» 
 φέρετέ μοι τὸν ἀδελφόν μου, ἵνα αἰτήσομαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ αἴτημα, 
 καὶ ἀπελθόντες εὐηγγελίσαντο αὐτῶ περὶ τοῦ ἰδίου ἀδελφοῦ. 
 fal \ 
 ὁ δὲ ἀκοῖσας χαρὰς ληφθεὶς ἦλθεν Kal κατεφίλη αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ 
 λέ 5. σι Αἴ Nae ἢ Ν Ν \ [4 / 
 έγει αὐτῶ, Aitnow τινὰ ἔχω πρὸς σὲ Kal μή Pov παρακούσης, 
 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺυς λέγει αὐτῶ, ᾿Αδελφέ μου ἐὰν ἔστιν ἕως τῆς 
 κεφαλής μου, οὐ μή σε παρέλθω" τότε λέγει αὐτῶ, ᾿Αδελφὲ, τὸ 
 Δὲ: A 5) ° b) a , fs etree . ev. Ἂς 
 παλάτιον ὃ ἔχεις ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς πόλησόν μοι αὐτῶ ὅπερ σὺ 
 > > « Nee ee \ , 5 2 “ Lg te / 
 οὐκ οἷδας. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Καὶ ἐμοὶ παλάτιον ἐν οὐρανοῖς ποῦ ὑπάρχει; 
 \ “ of oJ , ’ ς x 3 a 
 καὶ εἶπεν, Ὅπερ ὠκοδόμησέν σοι ὃ χριστιανὸς ἐκεῖνος. 
 \ lat a 
 24. Kat εἶπεν αὐτῶ, ᾿Αδελφὲ, ἐκείνω πωλῆσαί σοι οὐ δύναμαι 
 Sh Ἂς 3 b) ’ + ce) 33) cal at ὦ o Ν 
 ἀόρατον γὰρ ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ εὔχομαι καγῶ ἐπιτυχεῖν αὐτό. ἔχομεν δὲ 
 τὸν οἰκοδόμον καὶ κτίζει σοι. καὶ πέμψας ἐξέβαλεν τὸν Θωμᾶν, 
 \ , 3 n , ε an ΝΜ 5 , ’ 
 καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Συγχώρησον ἡμῶν ἢτι ἐπλημμελήσαμεν Els TE 
 a \ ad a a - 
 ἀγνωοῦντες, καὶ ποίησον ἡμᾶς κοινωνοῦς γενέσθαι ἐκεῖνου οὗ 
 κηρύσσεις. 
 € ry a 
 25. O δὲ ἀπόστολος λέγει Kayo ὑμῖν συγχαίρω κοινωνοῦς 
 γενέσθαι αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας. καὶ λαβὼν ἐφώτισεν αὐτοὺς 
 , a lal Ν a / fal 
 δόσας αὐτοῖς TO λουτρὸν τῆς χάριτος ἐν ὀνόματι TOD πατρὸς, Kal 
 an ny \ lal a an 
 τοῦ υἱοῦ, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος. καὶ ἀναβάντων αὐτῶν ἐκ τοῦ 
 7 wie? De σὸς fe N ε Nn eet , A \ 
 ὕδατος ἐφάνη αὐτοῖς ὁ σωτὴρ ὡς τὸν ἀπόστολον θαυμάσαι" Kal 
 “ / \ a a 
 φῶς μέγα ἔλαμψεν. καὶ στηρίξας αὐτοὺς ἐν τῆ πίστει ἐξῆλθεν 
 a ‘ a - 
 πορευθεῖς τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν Κυρίῳ, ὦ πρέπει πᾶσα δόξα καὶ 
 
 lal ε , “ 
 βασιλεῖα ἡ ἀτελεύτητος εἰς τοὺς αἰώνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν. 
 
 VOL, Yo ΡΑΒΤ ΤΙ Ν 
 
170 
 
 VII. A CATALOGUE AND DESCRIPTION OF THE 
 BIBLICAL MSS. WHICH WE EXAMINED. 
 
 Tue following catalogue contains a short description of 
 all the MSS. which we saw on the mountain. In the case 
 of most of the libraries it only supplements the catalogue of 
 Prof. Lambros, but in the case of the Laura there is not at 
 present any published catalogue, and Mr. Wathen therefore 
 specially devoted himself to the task of producing a list of 
 the vellum MSS. of the Gospels in that library. So far 
 therefore as the Laura is concerned, the catalogue is chiefly 
 his work, but we usually consulted together as to the date 
 of the MSS., and often consulted Father Chrysostom. It 
 will be seen that most of the MSS. have numbers in bold 
 type attached to them. These refer to Dr. Gregory’s Te«t- 
 Kritik, and Dr. Gregory has been so kind as to go through 
 my notes, and add to each new MS. the number which 
 he proposes to assign to it in his next edition. 
 
 CATALOGUE. 
 ‘VATOPEDI. 
 
 N.B.—The catalogue now in use at this library is quite different 
 from the one in Paris which Dr. Gregory used for his 
 Prolegomena to Tischendorf. 
 
 1. Vatop. 5 (xiv). A beautifully illuminated copy of the works 
 of Athanasius. <A partially obliterated note at the beginning— 
 βιβλίον βασιλικὸν τοῦ (1 τὸν) καὶ Twav .. . ὀνομασθέντος διὰ τοῦ 
 θείου καὶ ἀγγελικοῦ σχήματος Ἰωασάφ. I doubt greatly whether we 
 read this note correctly. 
 
 2. Vatop. 7 (xii), the works of Athanasius. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 171 
 
 3. Vatop. 27 (Acts 1528) (xi) ff. 185 (19 x 14) vell. Acts (from 
 xv. 20) Heb. Cath. Paul. (om. Eph.) ory. subs. ποθ. lect. syn. 
 men. (imperfect). Text ordinary. om. Acts xv. 34. 
 
 4. Vatop. 58 (Evan. 1434) (xii) vell. Evv. κεφ. (Mc. Jo. only) 
 lect. (imperfect). A later (xili-xiv) hand added the pericope adulterae 
 at the end of Luke, but it is also found in the usual place. Text 
 ordinary. 
 
 5. Vatop. ror (Evan. 1485) (xi) vell. Evv. xed. subs. pict. 
 vers. στιχ. (Bx, ,ax, Ba, Bt) στασ. Pericope adulterae obelized. 
 Text ordinary. 
 
 6. Vatop. 106 (Evan. 1486) (xiii) ff. 212 (21-8 x 15-4) vell. 
 col. 1. Evv. κεφ. tit. στιχ. (Le. only Bw) subs. (Le. only) syn. men. 
 (Sept. Oct. missing). The quaternion containing ff. 112-119 has 
 been supplied by a later (xv) hand. Several marginal notes 
 correcting faults in the text, some by the first hand, others by 
 a contemporary scribe, e.g. Me. 11. 24 om. ἐν τ. σάββ. ms. Mm. 5. 
 in mg. Me. v. 15 om. καθήμενον ins. τη. 5. in mg. Me. xv. 28 
 om. vers. ins.m.s.in mg. Le. 11. 20 om. καὶ αἰνοῦντες ins. M. 8. 
 inmg. Le. il. 31 om. ὃ ἡτοίμ .. . λαῶν ins. τῇ. p. in mg. Le. vii. 
 20 om. vers. ins. m. 5. in mg. Le. x. 27 om. ἐξ ὅλης THs... ivy. 
 σου ins. τῇ. 8. In mg. 
 
 7. Vatop. 218 (Acts 1524) (xiii) ff. 418 vell. Written by two 
 contemporary hands. Paul. Heb. Jac. 1. 2. Pet. Jude. Imperfect. 
 syn. at beginning. Text ordinary. 
 
 8. Vatop. 221 (Evan. 1437) (xi—xii) vell. Le. only with a com- 
 mentary which describes St. Luke as μαθητὴς Πέτρου, κεφ. τιτ. 
 Text ordinary. A photograph of this MS. is contained in Bodl. 
 MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 
 
 9. Vatop. 758 (Evan. 1488) (xi-xiii) ff. 340 (15-5 x 12:2) vell 
 col. r. Evv. κεφ. τιτ. amm. eus. tab. στιχ. (— Bx Bo Br) subs. 
 prol. (Mt. ἕρμ. ὑπὸ ‘Iw. Le. μαθ. Πέτρου) pict. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp. 
 Text ordinary. adult. obelized. 
 
 PANTOCRATOR. 
 
 10. Pant. 24 (x). Octateuch with Hexaplaric notes. I was 
 inclined to think that this MS. may have come from ὃ. Italy or 
 Sicily, as the colouring reminded me of the MSS. of the Ferrar 
 group, but I do not feel certain. We photographed it throughout 
 for the Cambridge Septuagint, and were greatly assisted in doing 
 
 NZ 
 
172 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 this by the very kind way in which the ἐπίτροποι of the monastery 
 gave us facilities and help. 
 
 11. Pant. 28 (Acts 509) (ix—x). A catena on the Pauline and 
 Catholic Epistles. It appears to contain a considerable amount of 
 quotation from Theodore of Mopsuestia. Several photographs 
 of it are to be found in Bodl. ΜΆ. Gr. th. f. 8. The text itself 
 seems ordinary. 
 
 12. Pant. 36 (Evl. 1058) (xiii) ff. 242 col. 2 vell. Text ordinary. 
 
 13. Pant. 39 (Evan. 1892) (x—xi) (26-6 x 22-5) ff. unnumbered. 
 col. rvell. Evy. κεφ. τιτ. amm. eus. tab.-xed. στιχ. (By ακ Bo Br) 
 subs. lect. syn. men. A full commentary in the margin. (Me. Vict. 
 Ant.) Photographs in Bodl. MS. Gr. th, f. 8. 
 
 14. Pant. 44 (Apoc. 1526) (ix—x) vell. A fragment of the 
 Apocalypse written in half-uncial with the commentary of Andreas 
 in minuscule. Probably the earliest MS. extant of this commentary. 
 Photographs of two pages in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 
 
 15. Pant. 52 (Evan. 1399 1) (xi) veil. Evy. xed. τιτ. amm. eus, 
 tab.-(ked.-can.) pict. lect. vers. Ep. ad Carp. syn. Text ordinary. 
 Mt. viii. 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κιτιλ. This MS. was not numbered, 
 and we were not sure whether it really was Pant. 52. That number 
 is iow attached to it. 
 
 IyéRon. 
 
 16. Iver. 2 (Evan. 989) vell. The account in the Prolegomena 
 to Tischendorf is accurate. The commentary in St. Mark is that 
 of Victor of Antioch. 
 
 17. Iver. 5 (Evan. 990) vell. Text ordinary. 
 
 18. Iver. 19 (Evan. 994) (ix—x) vell. A text and catena written 
 continuously and arranged in great confusion, containing apparently 
 only Matt. and John, The commentary is chiefly anonymous, but 
 there are a few extracts from Origen, Irenaeus, Theodore Mops., 
 Severianus, Apollinarius, Gregory Thaum., and Cyril Alex. 
 
 19. Iver, 21 (Evan. 995). Text ordinary. 
 
 20. Iver. 30 (Evan. ? 999) (xiii) ff. 260 (23:2 Χ 17) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. act. cath. paul. hebr. xed. τιτ. amm. tab.-xed. στιχ. Me. 
 only ax subs. prol. lect. Text ordinary. In the Prolegomena 
 Dr. Gregory gives 998 to Iver. 30. But the numbers appear to 
 have been altered, for Iver. 30 does not correspond to his descrip- 
 tion of Evan. 998, and seems to be Evan. ggg. 
 
 21. Iver. 52 (Evan. 1008) (xii—xiii) (22-2 x 14-6) vell. Evy. and 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 173 
 
 in a later hand (? xv), act. cath. κεφ. tir. tab.-xed. ory. lect. syn. 
 men. adult. obelized. Text ordinary. 
 
 22. Iver. 56 (Evan. 1006) (xi) ff. 221 col. 1. Evv. apoc. “κεφ. 
 τιτ. amm. eus. tab.-Ked. στιχ. (Bx ακ Bw Br) subs. intro. lect. syn. 
 (imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but in Mt. viii. 13 add. 
 καὶ ὑποστρέψας k.T.A., and in the pericope adulterae there are two 
 notes: (1) τὸ κεφάλαιον τοῦτο τοῦ κατὰ Θωμᾶν εὐαγγελίου ἐστίν, (2) 
 ἔγραφεν ἑκάστου αὐτῶν ἁμαρτίας. At the end there are many 
 extracts from Patristic writers. We noted the following :— Titus 
 of Bostra, Kosmas, Eusebius, Dionysius the Areopagite, Hesychius, 
 Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ammonius, Origen. 
 
 23. Iver. 68 (Evan. 1012) (xi) ff. 260 (23:2 Χ 17) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. xed. τιτ. amm. eus. lect. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary. 
 
 24. Iver. 72 (Evan. 1014) (xi—xii) (16-5 x 11-6) vell. Evv. κεφ. 
 τιτ. amm. eus. tab.-xed. prol. Text ordinary. 
 
 25. Iver. 275 (xii) vell. A full account of its content is given 
 by Lambros in the Cambridge catalogue. It seemed to me to be 
 possibly a S. Italian MS. Some photographs are to be fouud in 
 Bodl. M8. Gr. th. Ὁ 8. 
 
 26. Iver. 476 (xiv) paper, various acts and martyrdoms, fully 
 described by Lambros. Photographs of a fragment of the Acts of 
 Thomas are to be found in Bodl. MS. Gry. th. f. 8, and are edited 
 above, pp. 164-9. 
 
 27. Iver. 665 (Evan. 1028) (x—xi) (25 x 17) col. 1. vell. Matt. 
 κεφ. TIT. amm. eus. tab.-xed. lect. In bad condition. Text ordinary. 
 
 St. ANDREW'S. 
 
 28. Andr. 1 (ix) uncial. (Evan. 5) there is nothing to add to 
 Dr. Gregory’s description except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted. 
 Photographs in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 
 
 29. Andr. 3 (Evan. 905) (xii) vell. Text ordinary. 
 
 30. Andr. 4 (Evan. 908) (xiii) vell. Text ordinary. 
 
 31. Andr. 5 (Evan. 906) vell. Text ordinary. 
 
 32. Andr. 6 (Evan. 1482) (xii) ff. 226 (14-6 x 11-3) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. κεφ. rir. tab.-can. amm. subs. lect. syn. Ep. ad Carp. 
 
 33. Andr. 8 (1 Εν]. 579). A lectionary (xiii) not Evan. 907. The 
 numbers at this library have obviously been much altered since 
 Dr. Gregory’s visit. 
 
 34. Andr. 9 (Evan. 1488) (xi—xii) ff. 267 (21-7 x 15-6) vell. 
 Paul. cath. evv. xed. τιτ. amm. eus. prol. lect. syn. men. tab.-(xed.~ 
 can,) vers. Text ordinary. 
 
174 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 St. GreGory’s. 
 
 35. Greg. 3 (Evan. 922). Description in the Prolegomena to 
 Tischendorf is accurate, but it should be added that the στίχοι are 
 Bohs, αφσι, Bxo, ov. The subscription to Mt. is ἐγράφη καὶ 
 ἀντεβλήθη ἐν στίχοις Bois κεφαλαίοις τνη, ἐξεδόθη δὲ x.7.A. and to 
 Me. ἐγράφη καὶ ἀντεβλήθη ὁμοίως ἐν στίχοις αφσι κιτικλ. This is 
 a corrupted form of the subscription found in A &c. The text 
 seemed ordinary, except that Mc. xv. 28 is omitted, but it should 
 be examined again; we were only three hours in the monastery, 
 and neither of us was well. 
 
 36. Greg. 156 (Evan. 923). The description in the Prolegomena 
 is accurate, but add—pict. subs. men. syn. The MS. seemed to us 
 to belong to the thirteenth rather than the twelfth century. 
 
 
 
 Sr. Dionystvs. 
 
 37. Dion. 4 (Evan. 924) (xii) vell. Evv. κεφ. tir. tab.-(xed.-can.) 
 amm. subs. Ep. ad Carp. prol. pict. 
 
 38. Dion. 8 (Evan. 927) (written by Theoktistos in 1133) ff. 
 280 (22-2x17-4) col. 1 vell. Evv. act. cath. paul. xe. tur. tab.- 
 (xed.-can.) eus. amm. subs. euthal. hypoth. pict. men. syn. Ep. ad 
 Carp. An extract from the Apostolic Constitutions at the beginning. 
 Text ordinary. Photograph in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 
 
 39. Dion. 10 (Evan. Q). The description in the Prolegomena 
 is quite accurate. The text is ordinary. We noted the following 
 readings:—Mt. xvi.19 καὶ ὃ ἐὰν Avo. ... end of verse is omitted, but 
 added by the first hand in the margin. Mt. xxvi. 71 mg. ἐν ἄλλῳ" 
 καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖ καὶ οὗτος ἦν. Mt. xxvii. g οὔτ᾽ ἐξ Ἵερεμ. ἀλλὰ 
 Ζαχαρίου. Me. vi. 20 πολλὰ ἃ ἐποίει, but the ἃ although certainly 
 by the first hand seemed to have added at the end of the line. Le. 
 Xxil. 43-4 asterisked, but probably only for liturgical reasons, as 
 a note is added ὑποστρέφετε cis Mar. A + is added at the 
 beginning of each line of the pericope adulterae. 
 
 40. Dion, 22 (Evan. 980) (xi-xii) ff. 227 (19-4 15-4) col. 1 
 vell. Evy. (1 f. missing at the end of Jo.) κεφ. ter. tab.-xed. 
 (missing for Mt.) pict. Text ordinary. 
 
 41. Dion. 25 (Evan. 983) (xii) ff. 293 (19x 14-6) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. xed. ter. tab.-xed. amm. eus. subs. lect. syn. men. Text 
 ordinary. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 175 
 
 42. Dion. 26 (Evan. 934) (xii) ff. 260 (18-4 x 12-7) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. κεφ. ter. tab.-xed. (missing for Mt.) amm. subs. prol. στιχ. 
 (Bx «x — —). The subscription to Mark is ἰστέον ὅτι τὸ κατὰ 
 Μᾶρκον ay. εὐαγγ. ἑβραίδι διαλέκτῳ γραφὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ εἰς ἰλημ ἐξεδόθη 
 μετὰ χρόνους δέκα τ. x. ad. Text ordinary. om. Me. xv. 28. 
 
 43. Dion. 28 (Evan. 986) (xii) ff. 69 (16-9 x11) col. x vell. 
 Fragments of Mt. and Me. κεφ. ?amm. lect. Text ordinary. 
 
 44. Dion. 29 (Evan. 987) (xi) vell. Evv. rir. tab.-(xed.-can.) 
 amm. subs, prol. Ep. ad Carp. A Latin scribe (? xv) has written 
 an interlinear translation of a few words. Text ordinary. 
 
 45. Dion. 30 (Evan. 938) (written by Χαρίτων in 1319) (16-4 x 
 11-4) vell. Evv. κεφ. tur. tab.-(kep.-can.) ἀναγν. prol. subs. syn. men. 
 ory. (Mt. only). Text ordinary. adult. obelized. 
 
 46. Dion. 40 (Evan. 948) (x) ff. 297 (14:6 11-5) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. κεφ. tir. amm. pict. lect. Text ordinary. 
 
 47. Dion. 67 (Evan. 950) (xii) ff. 39 (20-8 x 13-4) vell. Frag- 
 ments of Le. and Me. in considerable confusion. Text ordinary. 
 
 PROTATIL 
 
 [This is the library of the church of the κοινότης or parliament of 
 the monks at Karyes. | 
 48. Prot. 41 (Evan. 1097) (x—xii) (18x15). A copy of the 
 Gospels made up from MSS. of different dates, at least one 
 of which seemed to me to be S. Italian. xe. tur. amm. tab.-Ked. 
 lect. pict. "A few exegetical notes in the margin. Text ordinary. 
 
 Tuer LAURA. 
 
 49. Laur. 1 (Evan. 1074) (xii—xiii) ff. 200 (12-2 x 9) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. (Jo. incomplete) xed. τιτ. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) harm. 
 lect. Ep. ad Carp. This MS. is remarkable for the amount of 
 lectionary matter which is incorporated into the text, e.g. Mt. 
 vi. 14 εἶπεν ὁ Κύριος: ἐὰν ἀφῆτε κιτιλ. Mt. xxvi. 39 add. ὥφθη 
 δὲ ἄγγελος κιτιλ. [We could find no other ‘Ferrar’ σϑϑαϊηρΆ.] 
 Text otherwise ordinary. om. Mt. xvi. 2. 3. 
 
 50. Laur. 2 (Evan. 1489) (xi) ff. 328 (14-6 x 10) col. τ vell. Evv. 
 κεφ. Tir. tab.-xep. amm. pict. lect. syn. adult. om. Text ordinary. 
 
 51. Laur. 3 (Evan. 1440) (xiii) ff. 206 (15x11) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. xed. τιτ. amm. eus. tab.-xed. lect. syn. Perhaps 8. Italian. 
 Text ordinary. 
 
 52. Laur. 4 (Evan. 1421) (xiii and a few quaternions from an 
 
176 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 earlier MS. ? xi) ff. 210 (14x11) col. 1 vell. Evy. xed. eus. amm. 
 tab.-(ked.-can.) subs. στιχ. (Mt. only By in an early quaternion) 
 lect. pict. Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary. 
 
 53. Laur. 5 (Evan, 1442) (xiii) ff. 301 (13-5 x 10-8) col.1. Evv. 
 κεφ. Tir. amm, tab.-xed. subs. lect. syn. Text ordinary. 
 
 54. Laur. 6 (Evan. 1448) (a. 1047) ff. 308 (14 x 9-8) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. xed. Tur. eus, amm., tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. vers. lect. syn. men. 
 Ep. ad Carp. Text ordinary, but Mt. xvi. 2, 3 and adult. are 
 marked with —. 
 
 55. Laur. 7 (Evan. 1444) (x) ff. 345 col. 1. Evy. τιτ. amm. 
 eus. tab.-xed. prol. (Κόσμα Ivd.) pict. men. Mt. xvi. 2. 3 with / 
 Me. xv. 28 om. Jo. vii. 52 οὐκ ἐγείρεται, but margin Π οὐκ ἐγήγερται. 
 Text otherwise ordinary. 
 
 56. Laur. 8 (Evan. 1445) (a. 1323) ff. 278 (16-8 x 13-5) col. 1 
 vell. Evy. κεφ. tab.-xed. amm. subs. στιχ. (By, 2x, ,Bo, Br) lect. 
 pict. syn. men. adult. obelized. Text ordinary. 
 
 57. Laur. 9 (Evan. 1446) (xii) ff 187 (17x 11-8) col. 1 vell, 
 Evy. κεφ. τιτ. amm. pict. Text ordinary. 
 
 58. Laur. 10 (Evan. 1447) (a. 1337) ff. 230 (16-8 x12) col. 1 
 vell. Evy. xed. rir. tab.-can. amm., prol. subs. lect. syn. Reckonings 
 of κύκλοι ἡλίου. Text ordinary. 
 
 59. Laur. 11 (? Evan. 1077) (x) ff. 263 (17-5 x 12-2) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. κεφ. tit. eus. amm. prol. pict. lect. (syn. men. by a later hand). 
 Le. xxii. 42 with X. Le. xxi, 4 add. in mg. ταῦτα λέγων ἐφώνει 
 
 
 
 ὁ ἔχων ὦτα κιτιλ. Jo, vill. 13 om. Jo, vill. 14 om. ὑμεῖς... ὑπάγω. 
 adult. obelized. [So our notes, but Dr. Gregory says deest. It is 
 this which makes me doubt whether this is really Evan. 1077.| 
 Text ordinary. 
 
 60. Laur. 12 (Evan. 1076) (xi) ff. 280 (16-1 x 11-9) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. κεφ. tur. tab.-xed. amm. subs. (but placed before each Gospel) 
 lect. (m. s.) pict. syn. Me. 111. 25 om. but ins. m.s.in mg. Le. 
 iv. 6 om. ὅτι ἐμοὶ παραδέδοται but tvs. m. 5. in mg. adult. om. 
 but ems. at the end of the Gospel with the note :---εὕρηται καὶ ἕτερα 
 ἐν ἀρχαίοις ἀντιγράφοις ἅπερ συνείδομεν γράψαι πρὸς TO τέλει TOD αὐτοῦ 
 εὐαγγελίστου ἅ ἐστιν τάδε καὶ ἀπῆλθεν ἕκαστος K.T.X. 
 
 61. Laur’ 13 (Evan, 1448) (xi) ff. 255 (16-5 x 12-6) col. 1 Il. 35 
 vell. Evv. act. paul. cath. pss. prol. tab.-(xed.-can. but xed. for Mt. 
 missing) amm. eus. tir. κεφ. lect. subs. Mt. viii. 13 add. καὶ 
 ὑποστρέψας κιτιλ. Mt. xviii. 11 add. ζητῆσαι καὶ. Le. xxii. 47 
 add, τοῦτο yap σημεῖον κιτιλ. Text otherwise ordinary. 
 
 62. Laur. 14 (Evan, 1449) (xi) ff. 319 (16-4 x 11-3) col. 1 vell. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 177 
 
 Evv. κεφ. vir. tab.-can. eus. amm. apx. τελ. (not lect.) syn. men. 
 Ep. ad Carp. om. Jo. iv. 3 ims. m. 8. in mg. Mt. v. 44 om. 
 εὐλογεῖτε τοὺς καταρωμένους ὑμᾶς. Me. xv. 23 om. Jo. vill. 42 
 om. but ims. m. 5. in meg. 
 
 63. Laur. 15 (Evan. 1080) (ix—x) ff. 411 (19-4 x 13-2) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. with commentary (semi-uncial) in the margin in places. Evv. 
 κεφ. tir. tab.-xed. eus. amm. prol. (Mt. ἑρμηνεύθη ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωάννου) pict. 
 Mt. ix. 13 om. εἰς μετάνοιαν. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. but ims. m.s. in mg. 
 Me. xv. 28 om. Le. vil. 28 om. ὃ δὲ μικρότερος to end but zs. τη. 5. 
 inmg. Le. xxii. 43, 44 marked with X. adult. om. Photograph 
 in Bodl. MS. Gr. th. f. 8. 
 
 64, Laur. 16 (Evan. 1078) (xxi) ff. 192 (18-4 x 14-7) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. xed. tab.-can. amm, prol. subs. (at the beginning) στιχ. (Bx, 
 ax, Bo, ,Br) lect. Mt. v. 44 om. καὶ διωκόντων ὑμᾶς but ins. τη. 5. 
 Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. Me. xv. 28 om. Le. vi. 4 om. καὶ ἔλαβεν. Le. 
 Vi. 10 om. ὑγιὴς but ins. τη. p. Le. xi. 4 ἀλλὰ ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
 πονηροῦ is obelized. adult. at the end of Jo. with the same note 
 as in 60, 
 
 65. Laur. 17 (Evan. 1450) (xi) ff. 273 (18:4 Χ 14) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. xed. τιτ. tab.-xed. amm. lect. pict. syn. Mt. v. 44 om. καὶ 
 διωκόντων ὑμᾶς but irs. τη. s.in mg. Mt. ix. 13 om. εἰς μετάνοιαν. 
 Le. xxl. 31 om. τὸ θέρος... ἐγγύς ἐστιν. 
 
 66. Laur. 18 (Evan. 1451) (xii—xili) ff. 254 (18x 13-4) col. 1, 
 Evy. xed. τιτ. eus. amm. subs. Many pages missing and in bad 
 condition. 
 
 67. Laur. 19 (Evan. 1452) (a. 992 by Ἰωάννης) ff. 266 (18 x 14-4). 
 Evv. xed. tur. tab.-(can.-xed.) amm. eus. prol. Ep. ad Carp. The 
 ammonian sections are written in green ink and the canons in red. 
 adult. obelized. 
 
 68. Laur. 20 (Evan. 1453) (xiii) ff. 207 (17-1 x 13-6) col. 1 Il. 27. 
 Evy. tab.-xed- (Mt. missing) dvayv. (pis, σα, pil, EB) lect. subs. στιχ. 
 (Bx jax Po —). 
 
 69. Laur. 21 (Evan. 1454) (xii) ff. 256 (18-2 x 14-5) col. τ Il. 21 
 vell. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-(can.-xed.) eus. amm, prol. subs. vers, pict. 
 Ep. ad Carp. Mt. vii. 13 om. καὶ πολλοὶ... dv αὐτῆς but zs. τη. 5. 
 in mg. 
 
 70. Laur, 22 (Evan. 1455) (xi-xii) ff. 283 (18-1 x 13-8) col. 1 
 Nl, 22 vell. Evy. xed. rer. tab.-xed. ous. amm. lect. pict. syn. men. 
 Ep. ad Carp. 
 
 71, Laur. 23 (Evan. 1079) (x) ff. 271 (201 x 14-5) col. 1 ll. 24 
 vell. Hvyv, xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(ked.-can.) prol. pict. lect. men, 
 
178 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 (imperfect) Ep. ad Carp. Mt. xxvii. 9 διὰ Ἡσαίου τοῦ προφ. 
 Le. xxii. 43 f. with X. Jo. v. 4 with x. 
 
 72. Laur. 24 (Evan. 1466) (xiii) ff. 227 (18-8 x 14-1) col. τ Il. 33. 
 Evv. act. paul. cath. xed. tur. amm, tab.-xed. prol. subs. lect. 
 
 73. Laur. 25 (Evan. 1457) (xii-xiii) ff. 254 (19-6 x 14-4) col. 1 
 ll. 25 vell. Evy. κεφ. rer. tab,-can.amm. pict. Mt. xviii. τα ζητῆσαι 
 καὶ σῶσαι. Le. vi. 4 om. ἔλαβε cal. adult. om. 
 
 74. Laur. 26 (Evan. 1458) (x) ff. 323 (19 x 14-8) col. 1 Il. 20 vell. 
 Evy. κεφ. ter. amm. eus. tab.-xep. Me. xv. 28 om. but add. τα. s. 
 inmg. adult. om. but a new page containing it has been inserted. 
 
 75. Laur. 27 (Evan. 1459) (xiii) ff. 210 (19-5 x 13-8) col. 1 
 ll. 23 vell. Evv. κεῴ. tur. amm. tab.-xed. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. 
 adult. om. 
 
 76. Laur, 28 (Evan. 1460) (xii) ff. 263 (17-8 x 13-8) col. 1 ll. 21 
 vell. Evv. κεφ. rer, amm, eus. tab.-(xep.-can.) subs. στιχ. (Bx, α 
 Bo, Br) pict. Ep. ad Carp. om. Le. ix. 55 but add. m. 5. in sak 
 adult. marked with ~. 
 
 77. Laur. 29 (Evan. 1461) (xiii) ff. 330 (20x 14-5) col. 1 ll. 20 
 vell. Evv. xed. tab.-xep. prol. subs. vers. στιχ. (Bx, αχ, βω, Br) 
 lect. syn. men. dvayv. adult. marked with —. 
 
 78. Laur. 30 (Evl. 1078) vell. 
 
 79. Laur. 31 (Evan. 1462) (?date) ff. 265 (20-915) col. 1 
 ll. 20 vell. Evy. κεφ. subs. στιχ. (Bx, αχ, Bo, Br) tab.-xed. lect. 
 syn. men. dvayv. adult, with —. 
 
 80. Laur. 32 (Evan. 1468) (xii) ff. 213 (19-7 x 13-8) col. 1 ll. 26 
 vell. Evv. xed. tir. tab.-xep. amm, subs. lect. pict. vers. adult. 
 with —. 
 
 81. Laur. 33 (Evan. 1464) (xi-xii) ff. 292 (20-5 15-4) col. 1 
 I]. 20 vell. Evy. κεφ. tir. tab.-xed. amm. subs. 
 
 82, Laur. 34 (Evan. 1465) (xii) ff. 308 (20-9 x 14-7) col. τ Il. 24 
 vell. Evv. κεφ. tur. tab.-(can.-xep.) amm. prol. subs. (Mt. only) 
 στιχ. (Mt. only Bx) lect. syn. men. Mt. xvi. 2, 3 om. 
 
 83, Laur. 35 (Evan. 1466) (a. 1270) ff. 233 (20x12-7) col. x 
 vell. Evy. xed. tur. amm. lect. pict. men. syn. Jo. vii. 8 om. ἐγὼ 
 οὔπω... ταύτην but ins. m. 5. in mg. 
 
 84. Laur. 36 (Evan. 1467) (xii-xiii) ff. 343 (20-613) col. 1 
 ll. 23 vell. Evv. κεφ. rir. amm. eus. lect. syn. men. (imperfect). 
 Mt. vill. 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κιτιλ. Mt. xxvi. 73 om, καὶ yap 
 ἡ λαλιά x.7.A, but ins. τη. 5. ἴῃ mg. adult. with —. 
 
 85. Laur. 37 (Evan. 1468) (xii—xiii) ff, 245 (20:6 x 14-9) col. 1 
 ll. 24 vell. Evv. κεφ. τιτ, umm. eus. prol. vers. tab.-(xed.-can.) syn. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 179 
 
 men. Ep. ad Carp. At the end some notes on exegetical diffi- 
 culties, e.g. σχόλια εἰς τὸ ἡ ὥρα ἣν ὡσεὶ 5. 
 
 86. Laur. 38 (Evan. 1469) (xiii) ff. 172 (20x 15-4) col. 1 vell. 
 Evv. (imperfect) xed. tir. prol. lect. syn. (imperfect). 
 
 87. Laur. 39 (Evan. 1470) (x) ff. 215 (20-6 x 14-7) col. x Il. 22 
 vell. Evv. κεφ. tur. amm. tab.-(xed.-can.) subs. lect. Ep. ad Carp. 
 Mc. xv. 28 om. but inms.m.s. in mg. Le. vi. 4 om. καὶ ἔδωκεν καὶ 
 τ. p.a. but 7rs.m.s.inmg. Jo, vill. 14 om. ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε κιτ.λ. 
 but ins. m. 5. in mg. Jo. viil. 24 om. ἐὰν yap py κιτιλ. but ins. 
 m.s.inmg. adult. om. 
 
 88. Laur. 40 (Evan. 1471) (xi) ff. 396 (19-8x 14) col. 1 ll. 18 
 vell, Evv. xed. tur. tab.-xep. amm. eus. subs. (not Mt.) στιχ. (Bx; 
 ax, βω, Br) lect. syn. men. adult. c. —. 
 
 89. Laur. 41 (Evan. 1472) (xii) ff. 306 (19-2 x 4:5) col. 1 Il. 21 
 vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. prol. tab.-(xed.-can.) lect. syn. Ep. ad 
 Carp. Mt. viii. 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κιτιλ. Mt. xix. g om. 
 καὶ ὃ ἀπολελ. κιτιλ. but ins. in m.s. in mg. Mt. xxi. 7 om. καὶ 
 ἐπεκάθ. κιτ.λ. but add, τη. 5. in mg. 
 
 90. Laur. 42 (Evan. 1478) (xi) ff. 227 (21-3 x 16-5) col. 1 Il. 26 
 vell. Evy. xed. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) prol. Ep. ad Carp. 
 Mt. xxviii. 9. om. ὡς δὲ ἐπορεύοντο .. . αὐτοῦ but add. m. 8. in mg. 
 adult. om. 
 
 91. Laur. 43 (Evl. 1074) vell. 
 
 92. Laur. 44 (Evan. 1474) (xii) ff. 416 (22-8 x 16-6) col. 1 Il. 19 
 vell. Evv. xed. tur. amm. eus, tab.-xed. lect. syn. men. Mt. viii. 
 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κ.τ.λ. 
 
 93. Laur. 45 (Evan. 1475) (xii) ff. 270 (22:5 x 16) col. τ ll. 20 
 vell. Evv. xed. τιτ. amm. tab.-(xep.-can. ) subs. στιχ. (Bx, aX; Bo, 
 Br) lect. pict. syn. Mt. viii. 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κιτιλ. but 
 this is now marked with dots. Jo. 111. 31 om. ὃ dv... ἐπάνω 
 πάντων ἐστὶ καὶ but add. τη, 5. in mg. 
 
 94. Laur. 46 (Evan. 1476) (xii—xiii) ff. 348 (21-2 x 15-8) col. 1 
 ll. 21 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. prol. eus. κεφ. tur. Subs. pict. syn. men. 
 lect. ἀναγν. 
 
 95. Laur. 47 (Evan. 1477) (xiii) ff. 286 (21-9 x 16) col. 1 Ha. 
 Evv. tab.-xed. prol. vers. κεφ. tur. subs. στιχ. (Bx. XS Br) syn. 
 men. lect. ἀναγν. 
 
 96. Laur. 48 (Evan. 1478) (x) ff. 217+13 (21:5 x 18-2) col. 1 
 Il. 24 vell. (but the 13 added leaves are paper). Evv. tab.-(xed.-can.) 
 prol. Ep. ad Carp. amm. eus. κεφ. tur. subs. (at the beginning). 
 Le. vi. 4 om. καὶ ἔλαβε καὶ. Le. xx. 11 om. ἕτερον .. . πέμψαι but 
 
180 Studia Briblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 add, m.s.inmg. Jo. Vv. 9 om. καὶ εὐθέως... περιεπάτει but ins. 
 m.s.inmg. Jo. v. 12 om. verse but add. m.s.in mg. Jo, vii. 8 
 originally written ὑμεῖς ἀνάβητε εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν ταύτην ὅτι ὃ ἐμὸς 
 καιρὸς κιτιλ. but ταύτην has been erased and a later hand has 
 written over it ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀναβαίνω. Jo. vill. 7 om. vers. but add. in 
 mg.; and so also small omissions are made and corrected in Jo. x. 6, 
 xX. 12, x. 18, X. 32, Xlll. 32, xiii. 33. We spent some time over 
 this MS., but at last came to the conclusion that although 
 there were more than the usual number of variants, it was not 
 of great value, but had merely been written somewhat carelessly. 
 
 97. Laur. 49 (Evan. 1479) (xi) ff. 266 (21-5 x 16-3) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. xed. tiv. amm. eus. tab.-xed. prol. subs. vers. lect. syn. men. 
 ἰὰ}.-κυκλ. 7A. at the end and tab.-xcukA. σελην. at the beginning. 
 
 98. Laur. 50 (Evan. 1480) (xiii) ff. 243 (21:5 15-3) col. 1 
 ll. 26 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. κεφ. dvayv. lect. syn. men. adult. 
 obelized. 
 
 99. Laur. 51 (Evan. 1073) (x) ff. 334 (22x 17-4) col. τ. Evv. 
 act. extracts from Fathers, an uncial leave at the beginning 
 contains a lection beginning Mt. xxiv. 37, amm. lect. syn. men. 
 Mt. ix. 13 om. εἰς μετάνοιαν. Mt. xvi. 2-3 om. but ins. m. 5. In 
 mg. Me. xv. 28 om. Le. 1. 17 om. but ins. m.s. in mg. Le. 
 xxii. 44 marked 3 and with a lectionary note κατὰ ματθ. κεφ. 
 σῦς, i.e. Mt. xxvi. 4o. adult. om. but vii. 53 is inserted by a 
 later hand. The extracts from the Fathers are (1) Chrysostom eis 
 τὴν πρόδοσιν τοῦ ᾿Ιούδα καὶ THY παράδοσιν τῶν μυστηρίων : (2) εἰς τὸν 
 σταυρόν, k.7.A. apparently anonymous: (3) Gregory Nanz. on the 
 Passover, and εἰς τὴν βραδυτῆτα: (4) εἰς τὴν καινὴν κυριακήν : (5) 
 νουθεσία γερόντων πνευματικῶν κατὰ μονάχων. 
 
 100. Laur. 52 (Evan. 1481) (xi) ff. 222 (21 x 16-3) col. 1 Il. 22 
 vell. Evy. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-xed. vers. κεφ. tur. pict. 
 
 101. Laur. 53 (Evl. 1075) vell. 
 
 102. Laur. 54 (Evan. 1482) (xiii) ff. 395 (22-5 15-7) col. 1 
 ll. 25 vell. Evy. act. cath. paul. tab.-xed. prol. xed. subs. lect. 
 pict. syn. men. dvayv. στιχ. (Bx, 4x, Bo, Br). adult. obelized. 
 Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο yap x.7.X. 
 
 103. Laur. 55 (Evl. 1076) vell. Uncial. 
 
 104. Laur. 56 (Evl. 1077) vell. Uncial. 
 
 105. Laur. 57 (Evan. 1483) (xi) ff. 272 (24-4 x 19) col. 1 1]. 20. 
 Evy. Ep. ad Carp. tab.-(can.-xed.) prol. vers. eus. amm. tir. κεῴ. 
 lect. Mt. xvi. 14 om. ἕτεροι dé Ἱερεμίαν but add. m. s. in mg. 
 Mt, xxiii, 8 διδάσκαλος ὁ Χριστός and tr. πάντες . . . ἐστε tO V. 9. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 181 
 
 106. Laur. 58 (Acts 1525) (a. 1118) ff. 142 (23-4 17-3) 
 col. 2 act. cath. paul. Euthal. martyr.-Paul. ory. Text 
 ordinary. 
 
 107. Laur. 59 (Evan. 1484) (xii) ff. 299 (22:6 Χ 16-5) col. 1 
 ll. 20 vell. νυν. tab.-xed. amm. xed. tir. The name of the scribe 
 seems to have been Μάξιμος, as this name is written by the first 
 hand at the end of the MS. Mt. xix. g om. καὶ ὃ ἀπολελ. 
 . «- - μοιχᾶται. Mt. xix. 18 om. οὐ μοιχεύσεις. Me. 111. 1 om. 
 πάλιν. Me. 111. 5 om. ὑγιὴς ὡς 7 ἄλλη. Me. vi. 17 om. Φιλίππου. 
 Me. vi. 24 om. vers. Me. vii. 8 om. ἀφέντες. . . ἀνθρώπων. 
 Me. x. 19 Om. μὴ ἀποστερήσῃς. Me. x. 27 om. πάντα... θεῷ. 
 Me. xi. 7, 8 om. ἐπ᾿ aira...dd0v. Mc. xv. 28 erased. Le. vi. 4 
 ἔφαγε erased. Le. xx. 16 om. τοὺς γεωργοὺς. Le. xx. 24 after 
 δηνάριον a line is erased. Le. xxil. 44 kal . . . προσηύχετο is 
 erased, ΧΧΙΙ. 47 om. καὶ ἤγγισε. .. αὐτόν. But all these omis- 
 sions are corrected by a later hand, who also added to Le. xxii. 
 48 τοῦτο τὸ onp. κιτιλ. . . . ἔστε to the end of v. 9, but a later 
 hand has written the ordinary text in the margin. 
 
 108. Laur. 60 (Evan, 1485) (xi—xii) ff. 228 (23-6 x 18-6) col. 1 
 Il. 21 vell. Evv. amm. eus. κεφ. tur. pict. Me. xv. 28 om. Le. 
 xiv. ὃ om. ὑπό... . κατακλ. but add. τὰ. 5. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο 
 yap onp. κιτ.λ. 
 
 109. Laur. 61 (Evan, 1486) (a. 1098) ff. 233 (24:3 x19) col. 1 
 vell. Evv. xed. rir. tab.-can. amm. eus. men. syn. Ep. ad Carp. 
 adult. obelized. 
 
 110. Laur. 62 (Evan. 1487) (xii) ff. 275 (23:7 Χ 16-5) col. 1 
 11. 22 vell, Evy. tab.-xed. prol. κεφ. lect. subs. (Jo. missing) στιχ- 
 (BX> 2X, —» —) syn. men. dvayv. adult. marked —. Le. xxii. 47 
 add, τοῦτο yap «.t.X. 
 
 111. Laur. 63 (Evan. 1488) (xii) ff. 271 (24-2 x 18-1) col. 1 
 ll. 22 vell. LEvv. tab.-xed. prol. vers. cep. lect. dvayv. subs. στιχ- 
 (Bx; αχ, ,Bo, Br) syn. men. adult. marked with signs of doubt- 
 fulness. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο ... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 112. Laur. 64 (Evan. 1489) (xii) ff. 289 (22:7 Χ 16-1) col. 1 
 ll. 24 vell. Evv. tab.-xed. prol. κεφ. lect. subs. syn. men. ἀναγν. 
 adult. marked as doubtful. Lc. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο. . . οὗτός 
 ἐστιν. 
 
 113. Laur. 65 (Evan. 1490) (xii) ff. 309 (23 x 16:8) col. 1 vell. 
 Evy. act. paul. cath. κεφ. tur. amm. eus. tab.-(xed.-can.) prol. vers. 
 lect. syn. men. Ep. ad Carp. 
 
 114, Laur. 66 (Evan. 1491) (xii—xiii) ff. 195 (22-9 x 16-5) col. 1 
 
182 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 ll. 26 vell. Evy. tab.-cep. amm. tir. κεφ. subs. pict. Me. xv. 
 28 om. 
 
 115. Laur. 67 (Evan. 1492) (a. 1342) ff. 343 (23-5 x 14-7) col. 1 
 ll. 21 vell. Evy. prol. vers. tab.-xed. tur. κεφ. subs. wie (Bx Xs 
 Bw, Br). adult. obelized. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο γὰρ... αὐτός 
 εστιν. 
 
 116. Laur. 68 (Evan. 1498) (xiv) ff. 182 (25:4 ΧΙ17.2) col. 1 
 Ml. 4 25 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. κεφ. lect. subs. ἀναγν. pict. mics Bx 
 ax, ,Bw, Br). adult. obelized. 1,6. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο γὰρ. 
 αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 117. Laur. 69 (Evan. 1494) (xii) ff. 267 (25:1 Χ 17:1) col. 1 
 11. 28 vell. Evv, tab.-xep. prol. vers. tur. κεφ. lect. subs. στιχ. 
 (Bx, ,ax, Bw, Br) ἀναγν. Mt. viii. 13 add. καὶ ὑποστρέψας κ-τ.λ. 
 Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο yap... αὐτός ἐστιν. adult. obelized. 
 
 118. Laur. 70 (Apl. 1118) vell. 
 
 119. Laur. 71 (Evl. 1078) vell. 
 
 120. Laur, 72 (Evl. 1079) vell. 
 
 121. Laur. 73 (Evan. 1495) (xii—xiii) ff. 263 (24-6 x 18-6) col. 1 
 ll. 29 vell. Paul. (imperfect) cath. evv. tab.-xed. prol. lect. subs. 
 amm. (erased) ἀναγν. syn. men. 
 
 122. Laur. 74 (Evan. 1496) (xiv) ff. 284 (24-5 x 18) col. 1 Il. 22 
 vell. Evy. prol. tab.-xep. κεφ. lect. subs. στιχ. (Bx, — —, —) 
 dvayv. syn. men. adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 add. 
 TOUTO .. . αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 123. Laur. 75 (Evan. 1497) (xiii) ff. 345 (24:7 18-3) col. 1 
 1]. 21 vell. Evy. prol. tab.-xed. amm. tir. κεφ. lect. subs. syn. men. 
 Le. vi. 4 om. καὶ ἔλαβε. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο. . . αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 124. Laur. 76 (Evan. 1498) (xii—xiii) ff. 217 (25-3 x 16-3) col. 1 
 vell. Evv. κεφ. tur. amm. tab.-xed. lect. prol. pict. syn. men. 
 
 125. Laur. 77 (Evan. 1499) (xii—xiii) ff. 230 (24-5 x 17-2) col. 1 
 ll. 28 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. lect. dvayv. subs. syn. men. Le. xxii. 
 47 add. τοῦτο yap... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 120. Laur. 78 (Evan. 1500) (ix) ff. 156 (21-7 x 18-3) col. 1 
 1]. 17 vell. in poor condition. Mt. iv. 13-Mc. xv.16. harm. at the 
 bottom of the pages. amm. eus. tir. xed. lect. mus. Some marginal 
 notes written in an uncial hand. Mt. ix. 13 om. eis μετάνοιαν but 
 add. m. s.inmg. Mt. xvi. 3 om. ὑποκριταί but add. τι. 5. in mg. 
 The same also adds in the next line καὶ τῆς γῆς after οὐρανοῦ. Mt. 
 XVi. 11 περὶ ἄρτων. Mt. xviii. 11 ζητῆσαι καὶ is added above the 
 line. Me. i. 1 καθὼς. Me. xiv. 12 om, τῶν ἀζύμων ... ἔθυον but 
 add. m. s. in mg. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 183 
 
 127. Laur. 79 (Evan. 1501) (xiii—xiv) ff. 201 (22-9 x 17-5) col. 1 
 ll. 33 vell. in poor condition. Act. paul. cath. evv. euthal. tab.- 
 κεφ. harm. dvayv. κεφ. lect. subs. vers. (Mt. missing) στιχ. (—, ax, 
 po, —)syn. men. Le. xxil. 47 add. τοῦτο yap... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 128. Laur. 80 (Ev]. 1080) vell. 
 
 129. Laur. 81 (Evl. 1081) vell. 
 
 130. Laur. 82 (Evl. 1082) vell. Uncial. 
 
 131. Laur. 83 (Ev. 1083) vell. 
 
 132. Laur. 84 (Evl. 1084) vell. 
 
 133. Laur. 85 (Evl. 1085) vell. 
 
 134. Laur. 86 (Evl. 1086) vell. Uncial. 
 
 135. Laur. 87 (Evan. 1502) (xii—xiii) ff. 409 (26-8 x 17-5) col. 1 
 11. 17 vell. Evv. Ep. ad Carp. prol. tab.-(xed.-can.) amm. tur. κεφ. 
 lect. syn. men. Mt. v. 44 om. καὶ διωκόντων ὑμᾶς. Mt. xvi. 2-3 
 om. but add. τὰ. s.inmg. Mt. xvi. 4 om. tod προφήτου but add. 
 m.s.in mg. Mt. xvill. 11 om. Mt. xxiii. 13, 14, these verses 
 are transposed, and μακρά is omitted. Me. 1, 27 om. τί ἐστι τοῦτο; 
 Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο. . . αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 136. Laur. 88 (Evl. 1087) vell. 
 
 137. Laur. 89 (Evl. 1088) vell. 
 
 138. Laur. go (? Evl. 1098) vell. 
 
 139. Laur. gt (Evl. 1090) vell. 
 
 140. Laur. 92 (Evl. 1091) vell. Uncial. 
 
 141. Laur. 93 (Evl. 1092) vell. 
 
 142. Laur. 94 (Evi. 1098) vell. 
 
 143. Laur. 95 (Evl. 1094) vell. 
 
 144. Laur. 96 (Evl. 1095) vell. 
 
 145. Laur. 97 (Evl. 1096) vell. Uncial. 
 
 146. Laur. 98 (Evl. 1097) vell. 
 
 147. Laur. 99 (Evan. 1508) (a. 1388) ff. 261 (29-3 x 22-2) col. 2 
 Il. 33 vell. Evv. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. vers. tab.-xed. κεφ. 
 
 lect. subs. στιχ. (Bx; ax, Bo, Br) ἀναγν. syn. men. adult. obelized. 
 Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 148. Laur. 100 (Evl. 1098) vell. 
 
 149. Laur. ror (Evl. 1099) vell. 
 
 150. Laur. 102 (Evl. 1100) vell. Uncial. 
 151. Laur. 103 (Evl. 1101) vell. 
 
 152. Laur. 104 (Evan. 1071) v. pp. 132-51. 
 153. Laur. 105 (Evl. 1102) vell. 
 
 154. Laur. 106 (Evl. 1108) vell. 
 
 155. Laur. 107 (Evl. 1104) vell. 
 
184 
 
 156. Laur. 108 (Evl. 1105) vell. 
 
 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Uncial. 
 
 157. Laur. tog (Evan. 1504) (xiii) ff. 93 (29x 20-8) col. 2 
 
 Il. 29 vell, in poor condition, Le. iv. 1—Jo. 
 
 tir. lect. syn, men. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 Laur. 
 
 158. 
 1.589. 
 100. 
 101. 
 162. 
 109. 
 164. 
 165. 
 166. 
 167. 
 168. 
 169. 
 col. 1 ll. 41 vell. 
 
 Le. 
 tro (Evl. 
 r11 (Evl. 
 112 (Evl. 
 113 (Evl. 
 114 (Evl. 
 115 (Evi. 
 116 (Evl. 
 117 (Evi. 
 118 (Εν]. 
 ττο (Evl. 
 120 (Evl. 
 
 xxl. 47 add. τοῦτο .. 
 1106) vell. 
 1107) vell. 
 1108) vell. 
 1109) vell. 
 1110) vell. 
 
 1111) vell. 
 1112) vell. 
 1113) vell. 
 1114) vell. 
 1115) vell. 
 1116) vell. 
 
 tab.-xed. amm. κεφ. 
 
 = fa 
 + GUTOS ἐστιν. 
 
 146' (Evan. 1505) (a. 1084) ff. 268 (16-5 x 12) 
 
 Evy. act. cath. paul. pss. 
 
 (xep.-can.) vers. amm. xed. tir. lect. pict. 
 
 TOUTO... 
 
 ee > 
 αυτος €OTLV. 
 
 170. Laur. 172 (Evan. W) v. pp. 94-131. 
 171. Laur. 173 (Evan. 1509) (xii—xiii) ff. 332 (21-4 x 14) col. 1 
 
 Ep. ad Carp. tab.- 
 
 Le. xxii. 47 add. 
 
 Evy. act. paul. cath. prol. ἀναγν. lect. subs. (Me. only) 
 
 > ’ » 
 αὐτὸς ἐστιν. 
 
 Il. 31 vell, 
 στιχ. (—, ax, —, —) syn. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο... 
 
 172. Laur. 209 (Evan. 1506) (xiv) vell. A fragment of text 
 with Theophylact’s commentary, almost illegible in most parts. 
 In the list of Apostles it reads ZeBedatos instead of Θαδδαῖος. 
 
 173. Laur. 233 (Evan. 1507) vell. A catena with text at least 
 in places, includes quotations from Origen, Chrysostom, Eusebius, 
 ‘Theodore Mops., Cyril Alex., Titus Bost. 
 
 174. Laur. 270 (Evv. 1508) (?date) ff. 448 (21-7 x 14:4) 
 col. x ll. 27 paper. νυ. act. cath. paul. tab.-xep. κεφ. ἀναγν. 
 prol. vers. lect. subs. στιχ. syn. men. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο 
 
 . αὐτός ἐστιν. adult. obelized. 
 
 175. Laur. 288 (Evan. 1510) (xi) ff. 211 (20-8 x 16-3) col. 2 
 ll. 28 vell-in poor condition. Evy. xed. tur. tab.-xed. amm. eus. 
 lect. syn. (on paper). Me. xv. 28 om, 
 
 ᾿ There is a double numeration in use at the Laura, (1) a continuous system, 
 which is used in the catalogue ; (2) hy shelves, each being numbered with 
 a letter. These numerations can be interchanged, and either is sufficient in 
 asking for MSS., but it may be well to remember that 1-120=1 A-120A, 
 
 121-240=1 B-120 B, and so on, the number of MSS. in a row of shelves 
 varying, but approximating to 120. 
 
Texts from Mount Athos. 185 
 
 176. Laur. 289 (Evan. 1511) (xiii) ff. 138 (22:2 Χ 17) col. 1 
 ll. 28 vell. in poor condition. Evy. tab.-kep. amm. tur. κεφ. lect. 
 στιχ. (ax, —, βχξ, —). Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 177. Laur. 290 (Evan. 1512) (xiv) vell. A fragment of Gospels 
 in very bad condition. 
 
 178. Laur. 293 (Evan. 1513) (xi-xii) ff. 169 (21-7 x 16-8) col. 1 
 I]. 23 vell. Mt. xvi. 15-Jo. xix. 4 tab.-ced. amm. eus. κεφ. Tir. 
 lect. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο ... αὐτός ἐστιν. 
 
 179. Laur. 294 (Evan. 1514) (xi) ff. 261 (22 x 17-6) col. τ Il. 20 
 vell. Evy. tab,-xep. amm. eus. tir. κεφ. lect. subs. στιχ. (Bx, aX, 
 Bo, Br). Le. xxii. 43, 44 marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 
 add. τοῦτο... αὐτός ἐστιν. Jo. v. 3, 4 marked with x. adult. 
 marked with +. 
 
 180. Laur. 295 (Evan. 1515) (xiii) ff. 164 (22-5 x 17-5) col. 2 1], 
 26-7 vell. Evv. amm. rir. lect. syn. men. adult. om. but add. 
 m. s. in mg. 
 
 181. Laur. 296 (Evan. 1516) (xiv) vell. Theophylact with text 
 of Gospels in places. 
 
 182. Laur. 298 (Evan. 1517) (? date) ff. 265 (21-6 x 15-7) col. 1 
 11. 20 vell. Mt. vii. 13-Jo, xiii. 13 tab.-Ked. tur. κεφ. subs. στιχ. 
 adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 add. τοῦτο... αὐτός ἐστιν 
 in mg, 
 
 183. Laur. 320 (Evan. 1518) (xi) ff. 410 col. 2 Il. 29-31 vell. 
 Evy. act. cath. paul. apoc. prol. tab.-xep. harm. lect. subs. ἀναγν. 
 omy. Syn. men. adult. marked as doubtful. Le. xxii. 47 add. 
 τοῦτο... . αὐτός ἐστιν. We thought that this might be Evan. 1072. 
 
 184. Laur. 340 (Evan. 1519) (xiii-xiv in our opinion, but 
 Father Chrysostom thought it was earlier) ff. 179 (25-5 x 19) col. 2 
 Il, 26 vell. Evy. tab.-xed. amm. eus. tur. κεφ. lect. syn. men. musical 
 notes. Lc. xxii. 44 marked with xX. 
 
 185. Laur. 341 (Evan, 1520) (xi) ff. 80 (23-7 18-5) col. 1 
 Nl, 22 vell. Le. vi. 7-Jo. tab.-xep. amm. tir. xed. subs. στιχ. 
 adult. om. 
 
 186. Laur. 350 (Evl. 1117) vell. 
 
 187. Laur. 359. Commentary of Chrysostom. vell. 
 
 VOL. V, PART IT ο 
 

 
III. 
 
 THE PLACE OF THE PESHITTO VERSION 
 IN THE APPARATUS CRITICUS OF THE 
 GREEK NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 τ 
 [6. Η. Gwittram, B.D.] 
 
 VOL, V, PART III. P 
 

 
SYNOPSIS 
 
 Discoveritzes and hypotheses in connexion with Syriac 
 
 Biblical Texts require a fresh consideration of the place of the 
 Peshitto in New Testament criticism. The following pages 
 will supplement the essay in Studia Bib/ica 111 on the materials 
 for the criticism of the Peshitto Text. 
 
 Circumstances connected with the recent edition of the 
 
 Tetraeuangelium Syriacum, pp. 192, 193. 
 The evidence of the Peshitto is important only so far as it 
 is an independent witness to the Greek Text, p. 193. 
 
 I. Relation of the Peshitto to cod. A and the Cursives. 
 
 ek W HH "᾿ 
 
 5. 
 LE -x 
 
 σὴ: 
 Sy 
 4. 
 
 {TL 
 
 I. 
 2. 
 
 . Preliminary test in the Four Gospels, pp. 194, 195. 
 
 . Contents of Peshitto MSS., p. 195. 
 
 . Definition of ‘Traditional Greek Text,’ pp. 196, 197. 
 
 . Examination of the text of the Peshitto in St. Matt. i—xiv, 
 
 pp. 197-207. 
 Summary of the evidence of the Peshitto, pp. 207, 208. 
 . Readings of the Peshitto which agree neither with those of 
 cod. B, nor with the Traditional Text, p. 209. 
 Such readings collected from St. Matt. i-xiv, pp. 210-217. 
 Results, pp. 217, 218. 
 The existence of these readings shows :— 
 a, Either that the Cursives embody many peculiar readings, 
 which full collation would bring to light, p. 218. 
 b. Or that the Peshitto is the sole witness to such readings, 
 Ῥ. 219. 
 It is admitted that the Peshitto Text :— 
 Was universally received in the Syriac Church, 
 Is fully attested by manuscript evidence, 
 
 3. Was never superseded, p. 220. 
 
 P2 
 
190 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 4. But as regards the use of the Peshitto by Syriac writers :— 
 a. Aphraates quoted a different Text, p. 221. 
 b. The evidence of Ephraim has been claimed for the Peshitto ; 
 Mr. Burkitt’s opinion; pp. 221-222. 
 Witness of other Syriac writers, p. 222. 
 IY. 1. Two problems :—(r1) the antiquity, (2) the value of the 
 Peshitto, p. 223. 
 2. The Peshitto is an independent witness to the text of the 
 Gospels, but is not the ‘ sheet-anchor’ of the Traditional 
 Text, p, 224. 
 
 VY. Demonstration that the evidence of the Peshitto is not necessary 
 to the Traditional Text, for that is sufficiently attested by other 
 witnesses; Examples; Results; pp. 225-229. 
 
 The evidence for the true text of the Greek Testament, pp. 229, 
 230. 
 
 VI. Considerations in view of conjectures as to the history of the 
 Syriac Version, or Versions, pp. 231, 232. 
 
 The suggestion that Rabbula was the author of the Peshitto 
 
 agrees with some facts and statements, but is :— 
 
 1. Not adequately attested in Syriac history, p. 232. 
 
 2. Leaves unexplained the disappearance of the pre-Peshitto 
 Text, p. 232, 
 
 3. Does not account for the universal acceptance of the Peshitto 
 in the fifth century, p. 233. 
 
 If Mr. Burkitt’s theory be accepted, it follows that the 
 
 Peshitto :— 
 
 1. Was published in its present form before A.D. 435, p. 233. 
 
 2. Represents readings of ancient Greek MSS. no longer 
 extant, pp. 233-234. 
 
 3. Is the authorized text of an important part of the Catholic 
 Church, p. 235. 
 
 Thus the new theory, if it could be accepted, would be 
 found to have enhanced the value of the Peshitto, by giving 
 it a date and an origin, while modifying its position in the 
 Apparatus Criticus of the Greek New Testament. 
 
THE PLACE OF THE PESHITTO VERSION 
 IN THE APPARATUS CRITICUS OF THE 
 GREEK NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 The third volume of Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica contained an 
 essay by the present writer entitled 726 Materials for the Criticism 
 of the Peshitto New Testament. During the eleven years which 
 have elapsed since the publication of that volume, advance 
 has been made in our knowledge of the Syriac texts current 
 amongst the Syriac-speaking Christians of the early centuries of 
 our era. An event of no small importance was the discovery 
 and publication of the Lewis Palimpsest of the Syriac Gospels}. 
 Expectations long cherished by New Testament critics seemed 
 now on the point of realization. The solitary position of the 
 Curetonian had presented grave difficulties in accounting for 
 its origin. It was hoped that the Lewis MS. would be 
 a powerful supporter of the Curetonian Text. It was hailed 
 as a second witness to the ‘Old Syriac.’ Much disappoint- 
 ment however has followed the examination of the Lewis 
 Text. It has been found that it so lends its authority now to 
 the Curetonian, now to the Peshitto, that its presence adds 
 to the confusion of the position. . 
 
 Again, Mr. Burkitt has traversed the opinion 3, which was 
 commonly held, that St. Ephraim used the Peshitto Version, 
 and has argued, after re-examination of his works, that in 
 many passages he quotes a different text. Lastly, the publica- 
 tion last year of the text of the Holy Gospels (which comprise 
 about half of the Peshitto New Testament *) from the materials 
 described in my former essay, has placed the Peshitto Text 
 in its earliest form (as far as the evidence goes) in the hands 
 
 * The Four Gospels in Syriac transcribed from the Sinaitic Palimpsest, 
 ον and Studies, vol. vii. No. 2, ‘St. Ephraim’s Quotations from the 
 
 Gospels,’ by F. Crawford Burkitt. 
 ’ The Peshitto Canon does not include 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, Jude, Revelation. 
 
192 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 of scholars'. The time has come for determining the position 
 of the Peshitto in the Apparatus Criticus of the New Testa- 
 ment, especially in view of the theory which has recently been 
 broached by Mr. Burkitt” as to the origin and history of the 
 great Syriac Version. 
 
 The pages which follow will form an Appendix to the edition 
 of the Peshitto Text, as the former essay served for a Prolego- 
 menon to it. The circumstances which have Jed an author to 
 investigations resulting in the production of his book are, as 
 a rule, of no importance for the reader. In the present case 
 they would certainly not be mentioned by me, were it not for an 
 insinuation made by one of my reviewers*. His words are :— 
 
 ‘We even venture to doubt whether Mr. Gwilliam would 
 have spent these laborious years* over the restoration of the 
 great version to its first form if he had not been so deeply in- 
 volved in the struggle’ [ between two rival Schools of Criticism]. 
 
 No such doubt is to be entertained. Some remarks in 
 an early edition of Scrivener's Introduction, read long ago, 
 suggested the need of a revision of the printed text of the 
 Peshitto. Several years after an opportunity was afforded 
 of residing in London and collating Syriac MSS. in the 
 British Museum. Subsequently a Prospectus was put out, and, 
 at the suggestion of various scholars, other collations were 
 made. These were wholly superfluous as regards the evidence 
 of the Peshitto to the Greek Text of the New Testament, and 
 exceeded the limits of P. E. Pusey’s design ; but the work 
 which has been published is intended to serve as a book of 
 reference not only in questions of reading, but also in many 
 
 * Tetraeuangelium Sanctum (Pusey et Gwilliam), Oxonii, mpcccct. 
 
 2 Op. cit., pp. 2, 57. 
 
 * Mr. J..Rendel Harris in The London Quarterly Review, January, 1902, 
 p- 100, foot. I recognize and thank him for his courteous remarks about the 
 execution of the work; but the greater part of his review is occupied by 
 a criticism of the views of Burgon and Miller and those who agree with them, 
 
 * We are credited with having bestowed more years upon the Tetraeuan- 
 gelium than we can claim to have so spent. For such a period we ought to 
 have more toshow. ‘The truth is, my predecessor and I made our collations 
 as opportunity served for visits to libraries. After I took up the work, 
 
 I often laid it aside, sometimes for many months together, while engaged in 
 other studies and occupations, 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T, 193 
 
 details of Syriac grammar and language, some of which, being 
 derived from documents hitherto uncollated, are now offered 
 for the first time to Oriental scholars. There seems to be no 
 need to treat the text of the rest of the Syriac Testament in 
 the same exhaustive fashion; but I do not regret that for the 
 most important part—the Four Holy Gospels—the evidence for 
 our readings has been collected from all quarters, and stated 
 in full. Time has not been misspent, since the hours have 
 served for an exhaustive and final survey of a field hitherto 
 unexplored. No doubt can hereafter be entertained of the 
 character and contents of the great version in common use 
 in the Syriac Church. We have also made some advance 
 towards a revision of the text of the other books of the New 
 Testament. For these, the amount of diplomatic evidence is 
 not nearly so great. Many questions concerning punctuation 
 and vocalization have already been settled in editing the 
 Gospels. The careful collation of a few very ancient and 
 accurate MSS. of the Acts and the Epistles would com- 
 plete the work and provide ample attestation of the text to 
 be finally adopted. 
 
 In the present essay an attempt will be made to determine 
 the position of the Peshitto in New Testament criticism. 
 We shall follow up the lines of evidence now available as to 
 the nature and history of the Peshitto Text. We shall 
 inquire, what is its right and authority to speak and testify 
 to the readings of the Greek Testament, before we admit it into 
 the witness-box. Ifthe Peshitto Version merely reproduces the 
 Traditional Greek Text in a Syriac dress, it is worth no more 
 than any ordinary Greek copy, and of these we already possess 
 a multitude. If the Edessene and the Constantinopolitian read- 
 ings are borne on streams of independent derivation, then, when 
 they agree, the Greek Text, which they support, can certainly 
 claim avery high degree of attestation. But if these readings 
 are derived from the same immediate source, the evidence 
 for them is not twofold because spoken in two languages. It 
 is only the reiterated testimony of one class of witnesses. 
 
194 
 
 1, 
 
 1. It seems to be commonly assumed that the text of the 
 Peshitto represents in Syriac the Greek readings of codex A 
 and the majority of Greek MSS., as distinguished from 
 those of codex B and such authorities as side with it. The 
 opinion expressed in Miller’s Scrivener? may be placed beside 
 that of Westcott and Hort, who say ... ‘it was perceived 
 that the Vulgate Syriac Version differed from early Versions 
 generally, and from other important early documentary 
 authorities, in the support which it frequently gave to the 
 common late Greek Text?.’ We will subject these opinions 
 to the test of our own independent examination. 
 
 We may begin with the testimony of the Peshitto in a 
 collection of passages from the Four Gospels, which will be 
 found in an Appendix to the Edition of the Greek Testament, 
 issued by the Clarendon Press in 1889°. Some of the 
 passages there given were intended to afford examples, of 
 readings, which have no relation to our present inquiry. 
 They are places in which there is no opposition between the 
 mass of copies and codex B; or, where the Syriac idiom con- 
 veys no information about the variation in the Greek Text. 
 It must also be remembered that, as far as the Peshitto is 
 concerned, they are an arbitrary and disconnected series, and 
 do not afford an adequate view of the text as a whole. Still, 
 they will serve our purpose for a preliminary notice, and they 
 yield the following results :— 
 
 In St. Matthew the mass of copies are supported by the 
 
 DOV Ol. 11 Ὁ; 30D. 
 
 7 The New Testament in the Original Greek. Introduction, § 188. 
 
 3. Novum Testamentum. Accedunt Tres Appendices. The text of the 
 Oxford Edition by Bishop Lloyd in 1827 has been revised by Dr. Sanday, who 
 
 has added the Appendix Delectus Lectionum notatu dignissimarum, of which 
 we have made use, 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 195 
 
 Peshitto in thirty-six places, and cod. B, with, or without, 
 the consent of some other authorities, in six places. 
 
 In St. Mark the numbers are twenty-one and one re- 
 spectively. 
 
 In St. Luke twenty-five and five. 
 
 In St. John twenty-two and five. 
 
 Thus we find that what is confessedly a superficial and 
 
 inadequate view, seems to confirm the common opinion, to 
 which we have adverted. Perhaps that opinion arose from 
 partial and insufficient investigations. We will therefore 
 pursue the inquiry more exhaustively. 
 _ 2, We note first that a Peshitto MS. .of the New 
 Testament contains less than a Greek copy’. The Canon 
 was limited to the Holy Gospels, the Acts with 1 Peter, 
 James, and 1 John attached, the fourteen Epistles of St. Paul. 
 Next we find that the text of the Gospels exhibits, in all 
 Peshitto MSS., some marked divergencies from the Tradi- 
 tional Greek Text. The story of the woman taken in adul- 
 tery is absent from St. John, the latter part of Matt. xxvii, 
 35, that it might be fulfilled, &e., and the Blessing of the Cup 
 in Luke xxii. 17, are omitted, while to Matt. xxviii. 18 are 
 added the words and as my Father sent me, I also send you. 
 
 From this survey of the character of the Peshitto in broad 
 outline, we must pass to a more minute examination of the 
 text. It will indeed be impossible to effect an exhaustive 
 examination within the limits of the present essay, but 
 passages can be examined, which will afford specimens, fully 
 sufficient in number and importance, of the character of the 
 translation as a whole, We will take the first fourteen 
 chapters of St. Matthew. They occupy about one-eighth of the 
 
 1 See The Materials, &c., Studia Biblica, iii. p. 53 n*, p.57 n. Most of 
 the extant Syriac Biblical MSS. are copies of the Gospels only. Of the 
 forty-two copies employed in the recently published T'etraeuangelium, only 
 five, Nos. 12, 16, 17, 33, and 42, contain the Peshitto New Testament 
 complete, 
 
 A clear and sufficient account of the MSS. of the Peshitto New Testament, 
 known to be extant in different libraries, is given by Dr. Gregory in the third 
 
 and supplemental volume of Tischendorf’s Novum Testamentum Giaece ; see 
 cap. ix, c, pp. 828-851. 
 
196 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 text of the Four Holy Gospels in the Peshitto—a substantial 
 portion; and in comparing the Syriac translation of them 
 with the Greek original, we have the assistance of the first 
 division of Part I of Prebendary Miller’s Zeatual Commentary 
 upon the Holy Gospels’, This portion of the great work, 
 which Miller planned, but did not live to finish, consists of 
 the fourteen chapters, which we propose to examine. In all 
 places, where the rival schools of criticism differ in the read- 
 ings which they prefer, the evidence of Manuscripts, Versions, 
 and Fathers is set forth, fully and impartially, by the 
 lamented author; but it was not part of his design to quote 
 readings, which have never been adopted by any of the lead- 
 ing critics; we must therefore supplement Miller’s annota- 
 tions by those given in Tischendorf’s Novum Testamentum, in 
 order to discover how far the Traditional Greek Text is sup- 
 ported by the Peshitto, and in what readings the latter agrees 
 with the text of codex B. 
 
 3. Here we wish to state distinctly that by the ‘ Traditional 
 Greek Text’ of the New Testament, we mean the text which 
 has been handed down to us by and in the Catholic Church, 
 and which is contained in the mass of copies and is attested 
 by ecclesiastical writers*. We do not necessarily mean the 
 ‘Textus Receptus.’ Everybody knows that the latter is only 
 a text, found in a particular edition, to which this title was 
 assigned by the editor. This text has no authority whatever 
 beyond that of the few MSS., on which it ultimately rests *. 
 
 1 A Textual Commentary upon the Holy Gospels largely from the use of 
 materials, and mainly on the Text, left by the late John William Burgon, B.D., 
 by Edward Miller, M.A., 1899. 
 
 2 See The Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels vindicated and established, 
 Burgon and Miller, 1896, p. 5 and passim; Revision Revised, p. 269 (xiii), 
 with which compare p. 21, note 2. Miller indeed (op. cit. "Introduction, 
 p. vii) sets the Zextus Receptus in contrast to the texts of Tischendorf and 
 others, but that he recognized that it possessed no inherent authority is clear 
 from the words used in the Introduction to the Traditional Text, p. 5. The 
 paragraph is from his pen, not Burgon’s. 
 
 3 The editions issued by the Elzevirs, of one of which the editor says 
 * textum habes ab omnibus receptum’—whence the familiar appellation—are 
 practically identical with the earlier editions of Stephens, and therefore rest 
 on the MSS. Stephens employed. These MSS., for the most part, exhibited 
 the readings which belong to the Traditional Greek Text. See more in 
 Scrivener’s Introduction, ed. 4, vol. ii. chap. vii. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 197 
 
 Tf, as in truth is the case, it coincides to a very large extent 
 with the Traditional Greek Text, this fact alone, not the 
 name ‘ Receptus, imparts any weight, or importance, to its 
 readings. Yet in the heat of the controversy which followed 
 the publication of Ze Revision Revised opponents were heard 
 to sneer at the late Dean Burgon, as though he quoted the 
 Textus Receptus—or, which is practically the same thing, 
 Lloyd’s Greek Testament—as an authority’. Burgon, who 
 had devoted a lifetime to the textual problem, knew better 
 than to show such ignorance. When he quoted the Zewxtus 
 Receptus, or Lloyd, he did so because those editions give the 
 readings of the Traditional Text of the Catholic Church. So 
 far was he from a superstitious deference to those late forms 
 of text, that he deliberately proposed, and intended to publish, 
 a large number of emendations, in order to bring the current 
 text into harmony with that of the majority of MSS. and 
 the readings of the Fathers 3. 
 
 4. We now proceed with our examination, setting down 
 first the reading of the Traditional Text, then comparing with 
 it the reading of codex B, and noting to which side the sup- 
 port of the Peshitto inclines. In a few cases some other 
 Greek readings are added. 
 
 St. MatrHew, i-xiv. 
 
 Title. Τὸ κατὰ Ματθαῖον Δγιον Εὐαγγέλιον. 
 Some MSS. EvayyeAtov κατα Ματθαιον. 
 B Kara Μαθθαιον. 
 Pesh. sks0y JLojoi> basso τοῦδ οἱ the Holy Gospel, the 
 Preaching of Mattat. 
 I. 1. Pesh. ..09 represents Δαυιδ of the majority, or perhaps 
 Δαυειδ of B &e., but not Δαβιδ of Textus Receptus. 
 5. Boof: so Pesh. JSs, but B Boes. 
 6. Δαυὶδ δὲ ὃ βασιλεύς : Pesh. and B om. o βασιλευς. 
 7. ᾿Ασά : so Pesh. heo/, but B Acad. 
 1 Several years afterwards the same charge was brought against the Dean 
 by Dr. Salmon in Some Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the New 
 Testament, see pp. 3 and 4. For Miller’s reply see The Present State af the 
 
 Textual Controversy respecting the Holy Gospels, pp. 24-26. 
 2 See Appendix to this essay, 
 
198 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 10. ᾿Αμών : so Pesh. oro, but B Αμως. 
 
 15. Ματθάν : Pesh. «διδῶ seems to represent Μαθθαν of Β" ". 
 
 The evidence of the Peshitto with reference to variations in the 
 spelling of some other names is not adduced, because it is not 
 certain in these cases what forms of the Greek it really supports. 
 
 18. Ἡ γέννησις is probably supported by Pesh, oS. ; B yeveors. 
 
 μνηστευθείσης yap: Pesh. and B om. yap. 
 
 25. Δὐτῆς τὸν πρωτότοκον : so Pesh., but B om. 
 
 II. τι. Εἶδον τὸ παιδίον : so Pesh. with B and most, but Text. 
 Recept.’ and a few authorities εὗρον τ. 7. 
 
 17. Ὑπὸ ‘Iep.: B and, as it seems, Pesh.® δια. 
 
 18. Θρῆνος καὶ κλαυθμός. B om. θρην. κι; Pesh., having only 
 3.55, may be held to support the omission. 
 
 19. Kar ὄναρ φαίνεται: B daw. x. ov., which is the order of the 
 Peshitto, but is also a natural Syriac order; it is, however, 
 supported by ND and others and the Latin. 
 
 21. Ἦλθεν, B εἰσηλθεν. Pesh. here Jh/, but at v. 20 SNS is 
 used for the compound verb. 
 
 23. Ναζαρέτ: Pesh. Ls 3, though with different vowels, gives 
 final 6, as many uncials and cursives read, against Text. Recept., 
 Bmai and others. 
 
 III. 3. Ὑπό: Pesh, as it seems δια (see ii. 17), so B. 
 
 6. “Ev τῷ ᾿Ιορδάνῃ : B and Pesh. add orapw. 
 
 7. To βάπτισμα αὐτοῦ : Bom. αὐτου ; so Pesh., but seems to have 
 read epxopevovs βαπτισθηναι, cp. Luke iii, 12. 
 
 11. Βαπτίζω ὑμᾶς is the order of Pesh. against B; but being 
 the natural order of the Syriac it is, perhaps, not clear evidence 
 of reading. 
 
 12. ᾿Αποθήκην : Pesh. and B add avrov. 
 
 14. B omits ᾿Ιωάννης, Pesh. reads as the majority. 
 
 16. Καὶ βαπτισθείς : Pesh. and B βαπτισθεις de. 
 
 Εὐθὺς ἀνέβη is the order in B and Pesh. B omits αὐτῷ, which 
 is found in the majority and Pesh. 
 
 IV. 3. Καὶ προσελθὼν αὐτῷ 6 πειράζων εἶπεν. Pesh. omits avtw, 
 and reads ezev avrw with B &c. 
 
 5. Ἵστησιν : Pesh. probably εἐστησεν as B. 
 
 9. Ταῦτα πάντα σοι δώσω : 80 Pesh. against B. 
 
 =p, LAAso for Maréar, Luke iii. 24. ? See preceding page. 
 8 Versions, including the Syriac, cannot be relied on for evidence in all 
 cases as to the particular preposition in the Greek original, but the Peshitto 
 
 seems usually to have rendered ὑπὸ by @38, and διὰ by ©, or gad. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 199 
 
 10. ’Oziow pov: Pesh. with B and Text. Recept. omit, against 
 the majority. 
 
 12. ᾿Ακούσας δὲ 6 Incots: so Pesh.; Bom. o Ιησους. 
 
 13. Here B* reads Naapa, see 11. 23. 
 
 Καπερναοὺμ, in the majority, but pow 225 in Pesh. corresponds 
 to καφαρναουμ, of B. 
 
 τό. Hide φῶς μέγα; Pesh. Jiu fos Jsoax, which seems to 
 represent the order of B. 
 
 18. Περιπατῶν δὲ (sine addit.) Pesh. with B and the majority, 
 but Text. Recept. and some cursives add o Incovs. 
 
 23. Ὅλην τὴν Γαλιλαίαν : Pesh. JS oSa>, which agrees with 
 ev ody TH Τ'αλιλαια, the reading of B; but Pesh. adds the o Iyaovs, 
 which B omits, 
 
 24. Pesh. has and before δαιμονιζομένους, which B omits. 
 
 V. 4,5. Pesh. has the verses in the usual order, which is also 
 that of B and nearly all authorities, 
 
 9. Αὐτοὶ viol is the reading of the majority and of B, Pesh. seems 
 to omit the avro. with δὲ and some others, 
 
 11. ‘Pjya, which B omits, is expressed in Pesh. 
 
 Ψευδόμενοι : so Pesh. with B and nearly all authorities. 
 
 13. Βληθῆναι ἔξω, καὶ καταπ.: 80 Pesh. asghho sas Johaby, but 
 perhaps the idiom would hardly allow another rendering. B βληθεν 
 εἕω, OM. και. ; 
 
 22. Eixy: so Pesh. and the majority; B omits. 
 
 25. Ἔν τῇ ὁδῷ per αὐτοῦ. Pesh., in the order of B, per’ αὐτου 
 ev τὴ 000. Pesh. has the second σε παραδῷ, which B omits. 
 
 27. Pesh. with B and others omits τοῖς ἀρχαίοις, which Text. 
 Recept. reads. 
 
 28. After ἐπιθυμῆσαι B and the majority read αὐτὴν, others 
 αὐτῆς ; some omit; Pesh. has the pronoun. 
 
 30. Βληθῇ εἰς γέενναν : 80 Pesh. QQ; B εἰς γέενναν απελθη. 
 
 31. 9 in Pesh. probably expresses ὅτι, which B omits. 
 
 32. “Os ἂν ἀπολύσῃ : B ras ο απολυων, so Pesh. 
 
 Ὃς ἐὰν ἀπολελυμένην γαμήσῃ is exactly expressed in Pesh.; B o 
 ἀπολελυμενὴν γαμησας : a few authorities omit the clause and μοιχαται. 
 
 39. Τὴν δεξιάν σου. Pesh, expresses gov, which δὲ and others 
 omit. B reads it with the majority. 
 
 44. Εὐλογεῖτε τοὺς καταρωμένους ὑμᾶς : Bom.; Pesh. ον. αος5ὸ 
 yaad gs, and bless him who curseth you. 
 
 Καλῶς ποιεῖτε τοῖς μισοῦσιν ὑμᾶς : Bom.; Pesh. has the words 
 with and prefixed. 'T, Ἡ, and a few cursives τοὺς μισοῦντας. 
 
200 | Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 Τῶν ἐπηρεαζόντων ὑμᾶς, καί : so Pesh.; B om. 
 
 47. Φίλους in the majority, Pesh. and B adeAdous. 
 
 Τελῶναι : so Pesh.; B εθνικοι. 
 Οὕτω (or -ws) in the majority, but Pesh. with B ro αὐτο. 
 
 48. Ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς : Bo ovpavos. Tischendorf quotes the 
 Peshitto for the former, but the evidence is doubtful. Τὸν ἐν τοῖς 
 οὐρανοῖς, V. 16, and 6 οὐράνιος, vi. 14, are each rendered by 
 J.soa>9; in neither place is there any variation in the Greek. 
 
 VI. 1. ’EXenpoovvny of the majority (not B) is almost certainly 
 intended by Pesh. JKoys, the regular word for ἐλεημοσύνη. δικαιο- 
 σύνη is rendered by Jhasho. 
 
 4. Pesh. reads with the majority αὐτὸς before ἀποδώσει, and the 
 concluding words ἐν τῷ davepd. B omits both. 
 
 5. Προσεύχῃ, ἔσῃ : so Pesh. with the majority against B. 
 
 Ὅτι ἀπέχουσι. Pesh. has 9 = οτι, but it may be inserted 
 idiomatically ; B om. 
 
 6. Ἔν τῷ φανερῷ : so Pesh. as majority; B om. 
 
 12. ᾿Αφίεμεν. Pesh. cosa. ἀφήκαμεν, as B. 
 
 13. Pesh. has the Doxology with the majority against B, but 
 omits ἀμὴν according to the best MSS. 
 
 15. Ta παραπτώματα αὐτῶν om. Pesh. and a few against majority 
 with Β. 
 
 16. Pesh. has 9 = ore: see ver. 5; Bom. 
 
 18. Ἔν τῷ φανερῷ, added by Text. Recept., though not part of the 
 Traditional Text, is omitted by Pesh. with B and the majority. 
 
 20, Οὐδέ: so Pesh. and the majority, but δὲ and Curet. και. 
 
 21. Ὑμῶν ... ὑμῶν - so Pesh.; Boov .. . cov. 
 
 22. Ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς Pesh. with the majority; B adds σου. 
 
 ᾿Εὰν οὖν Pesh. and majority, including B; δὲ and Curet. omit. 
 
 24. Mappova Text. Recept., most MSS. papwva, so Pesh. 
 
 25. Καὶ τί πίητε: so Pesh. with the majority; B and others 
 ἡ τι π.» S and others om. 
 
 32. Pesh. with the majority reads οὐράνιος, which is omitted by 
 &, Old Latin and Curetonian. The Lewis palimpsest is defective 
 in the latter part of ch. vi. 
 
 33. Βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ : so Pesh. with the majority; B om. 
 
 VII. 2. Here again (cp.v. 48) Tischendorf quotes Pesh., as though 
 Nwolkoo necessarily represents μετρηθήσεται, the reading of B 
 and the great majority ; but it may stand for the variant ἀντι- 
 μετρηθήσεται, Cp. «οι for ἀντικαλέσωσιν, Lk. xiv. 12, where the 
 ἀντὶ is neglected. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 201 
 
 5. Τὴν δοκὸν ἐκ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ σου. This, whether intentionally or 
 not, is the order followed in Pesh. B ex τ. od. σ. τ. δοκ. 
 
 8. νον in Pesh. (and so Cur.) seems to express the pres. 
 ανοιγεται of B. 
 
 9. Tis ἐστιν ἐξ ὕ. ἄνθ., ὃν ἐὰν αἰτήσῃ. Pesh. Jas yaaLs ais 
 wou Sess, which implies ἐστιν, but not ἐάν ; both are omitted by B. 
 
 10. Kai ἐὰν exactly the ato of Pesh.; B ἡ και. 
 
 12. Pesh. omits οὖν with slight support, against the majority. 
 613,14. Ἧ πύλη bis; so Pesh. with majority including B. 
 Westcott and Hort omit. 
 
 14. Τί Pesh. and most MSS.; B* and others ort. 
 
 15. Pesh. with B omits δὲ after προσέχετε. 
 
 τό. Σταφυλήν : B σταφυλας, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh. ; 
 but the evidence is doubtful, for the pl. }Aus may represent the 
 collective force, which σταφυλὴ often has, see Grimm’s (Thayer) 
 and Blomfield’s Lexx. to the Gk. T., 5. v. 
 
 19. Πᾶν, as the majority; but ovv is added by some Greek MSS. 
 and the Curetonian. 
 
 24. Ὁμοιώσω αὐτόν. Pesh. reads ομοιωθησεται as B. 
 
 29. Οἱ γραμματεῖς : Pesh. and B add avtwy. Lachmann with 
 Pesh. against B adds καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι. 
 
 VIII. 2. Ἐλθὼν of the majority was probably read by Pesh.; 
 cp. rendering of ver. 19, προσελθὼν = Θεῷ. B προσελθων. 
 
 3. “Haro αὐτοῦ 6 Ἰησοῦς : so Pesh. with the majority ; B omits 
 ὁ Ἰησοῦς. 
 
 5. Εἰσελθόντι δὲ αὐτῷ. Text. Recept. and a few MSS. with 
 Pesh. against B have τῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ. 
 
 Καπερναούμ, see iv. 13. 
 
 4. Pesh. om. καὶ with B. 
 
 8. Adyw: so Pesh. with the majority, including B. Text. 
 Recept. λόγον. 
 
 9. Ὑπὸ ἐξουσίαν : so Pesh. with the majority, but B adds 
 TACO O/LEVOS. 
 
 10. Οὐδὲ ἐν τῷ Ἰσραὴλ τοσαύτην πίστιν : so Pesh., but B παρ᾽ 
 ουδενι τοσ. πισ. εν τ. Io. 
 
 13. Καὶ ὡς : Pesh. omits καὶ with B. 
 
 ‘O παῖς αὐτοῦ : so Pesh.; Bom. αὐτου. Pesh. and the majority 
 (including B) ἐν τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐκείνῃ, where Lachmann reads ἀπὸ τῆς ὥρας 
 ἐκείνης. 
 
 15. Διηκόνει αὐτῷ: so B and the true text of Pesh., but Pesh. 
 Edd. and a few MSS. yoo, αὐτοῖς. Greek MSS. are divided. 
 
202 Studia Biblica et Ecclesitastica 
 
 21. Τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ : so Pesh.; B om. αὐτου. 
 25. Οἱ μαθηταί : Bom., Pesh. soonrah, his disciples. 
 Ἡμᾶς : so Pesh.; B om. 
 
 27. Ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ is also the order of Pesh.; B transposes. 
 
 28. Τεργεσηνῶν : Ταδαρηνων B, so Pesh, 
 
 29. Bom. Ἰησοῦ, against Pesh. 
 
 31. “Exitpewov: so Pesh.; B αποστειλον. 
 
 32. Pesh. Jesus, εἰς τοὺς xorpous, as B, 
 
 IX. 2. ᾿Αφέωνται, perfect, see Winer’s Gr., xiv. 3 ἃ. Pesh. 
 qaaae is possibly the present αφιενται as B, but ep. the various 
 Syriac renderings at Lk. vii. 43, 47, 48. 
 
 Xo ai ἁμαρτίαι σου in the majority, so Pesh., Β σου at apapriat. 
 
 4. ᾿Ιδὼν in the majority, B and Pesh. edus. 
 
 Ὑμεῖς ἐνθυμεῖσθε : Pesh. omits ὑμεῖς with B. 
 
 5. Pesh. perhaps supports αφιενται, see ver. 2. 
 
 Sov in B and the majority; Pesh. Φ σοι, as Text. Recept. 
 
 6. ᾿Βγερθείς : B eyewpe, for which Tischendorf quotes Pesh., where 
 Nvasa pos certainly favours the reading of B, but may be only 
 due to the Syriac idiom. 
 
 8. ᾿Εθαύμασαν : Β εφοβηθησαν, so Pesh. 
 
 11. Εἶπον : Pesh., τοιοῦ , dicunt, represents (perhaps) ελεγον of 
 B, but a well supported v.1. is o:s0/ , dixerunt. There are some 
 variations of order in the Greek of the second clause: Pesh. agrees 
 with the majority and B. 
 
 12. Ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἀκούσας εἶπεν αὐτοῖς : 50 Pesh.; B om. Ιησους and 
 αὕὔτοις. 
 
 13. Eis μετάνοιαν : B and Pesh. omit. 
 
 14. Νηστεύομεν πολλά: so Pesh. ; B om, πολλα. 
 
 17. ᾿Απολοῦνται: Pesh. 530 in the same form as the two 
 preceding verbs, seems to express the present ἀπολλυνται of B. 
 
 18. Εἷς ἐλθών. Pesh. has [ager] S20 gue [hass/] JL? ; by com- 
 parison of the rendering of viii. 2, it may be inferred that the trans- 
 lator read εἰς προσελθων, the reading of B, or, perhaps, tis προσ. 
 
 Aéywv: Pesh. omits yor, which is read in the majority and B. 
 
 22. Pesh. has the Ἰησοῦς, which Tischendorf with x omits. 
 
 23. Λέγει αὐτοῖς : B εἐλεγεν, omitting αὐτοῖς : Pesh. ἌΝ οὶ δ, 
 which seems to represent ἐλεγεν αὑτοῖς. 
 
 26. Pesh. with the majority has αὕτη. 
 
 32. “AvOpwrov κωφόν : Pesh. ας», omitting avOpwrov as B. 
 
 33. [Ὅτι] οὐδέποτε : Pesh. pos ), without 9, certainly favours 
 the omission of or: in the majority of MSS., including B. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 203 
 
 34. This verse is contained in Pesh., as in almost all authorities, 
 including Β. 
 
 35. Ἔν τῷ λαῷ : B and Pesh. omit. 
 
 36. “EoxvApévor: so most MSS. and B, but Pesh. oom ell seems 
 to represent exAeAvpevor of other MSS. and Text. Recept. 
 
 X. 2. Kai ᾿Ιάκωβος : Pesh. with B; the majority omit και. 
 
 3. Λεββαῖος 6 ἐπικληθεὶς Θαδδαῖος : so Pesh., but B omits Λεββ. 
 o επικληθ. 
 
 4. Kavavirns. Pesh. Justo represents kavavatos of B, 
 
 8. Before or after Xe. καθαρ., B, Text. Recept., and others insert 
 νεκρους eyeipere; 80 Pesh, (ed. Schaaf.), but the MSS. omit. 
 
 το. Ῥάβδους : thus many uncials and cursives, but Pesh. \\aw 
 sing. with B and others. 
 
 Ἔστιν is expressed by Pesh., B omits, 
 
 12. Pesh. as B and the rest, without the addition in δὲ and the 
 Latin. 
 
 14. ᾿Εξερχόμενοι : so Pesh., ep. the rendering of Mark xi. 19; 
 B adds εξω. 
 
 Tov κονιορτὸν τ. 708. in B and the majority; Pesh. εϑ IL, © 
 J represents τ᾿ Koy. ex τ. 708. of δὲ and Latin, cp. the rendering of 
 Acts ΧΙ]. 51. 
 
 19. Δοθήσεται yap ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τί λαλήσετε (OF -ητε): 
 so Pesh. and B; a few omit. 
 
 23. For ἄλλην or ἑτέραν the evidence of the Peshitto is uncer- 
 tain; the same Syriac is sometimes used for the former, sometimes 
 for the latter, cp. Matt. iv. 21 and vi. 24. 
 
 33. Pesh. seems to confirm αὐτὸν κἀγὼ of the majority; B καγω 
 αυτον. 
 
 ΧΙ. 2. Δύο τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ : B (with Pesh.) δια τ. pad. avr. 
 
 5. Καὶ before χωλοί, κωφοί, and πτωχοί, which some omit, is 
 found in Pesh., also before νεκροὶ with B and others, but against 
 the majority. 
 
 8. Ἔν μαλακοῖς ἱματίοις : B omits ἱματίοις, also εἰσὲν at the end 
 of the verse. Pesh. reads both. 
 
 9. δεῖν ; προφήτην ; so Pesh., but B has προφητὴν dev ; 
 
 10. Οὗτος γάρ: so Pesh., but B omits yap. Pesh. has ὃς κατὰ- 
 σκευάσει With B and the majority. 
 
 15. ᾿Ακούειν, which B omits, is read by Pesh. 
 
 16. Ἔν ἀγοραῖς καθημένοις : Pesh. has καθημενοις first, as B, and 
 reads ev [τὴ] ayopa as D and some cursives. 
 
 Τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτῶν : so Pesh. as Text. Recept. against B, 
 
 VOL. V, PART III, Q 
 
204 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 17. ᾿Ἔ Πθρηνήσαμεν ὑμῖν : so Pesh.; B omits υμιν. 
 
 19. Τῶν τέκνων αὐτῆς : Β τ. epywv av., and so Pesh. 
 
 21. Χοραζὶν and Βηθσαϊδὰ are favoured by Pesh.; B Χοραζειν, 
 Βηθσαιδαν. 
 
 σποδῷ : καθημενοι, which is added in δὰ and others, is not in Pesh. 
 
 23. Καπερναούμ, : see note on iv. 13. 
 
 καταβιβασθήσῃ : so Pesh. with the majority; B καταβηση. 
 
 γενόμεναι ἐν σοί : this is the order of Pesh., but B ev σοι γεν. 
 
 ἔμειναν : B exewev, and Pesh. has fem. sing. in agreement with 
 Sodom. 
 
 26. ’Eyévero εὐδοκία : this is the order of Pesh., but B has evdoxia 
 eyev. 
 
 XII. 3. ᾿Ἐπείνασε : so the majority with B and Pesh., but some 
 add avros. 
 
 For Δαυὶδ see note on 1. 1. 
 
 4. ἜἜφαγεν : so Pesh. with the majority, but B edayov. 
 
 Otis: Pesh. sing., as B, but laa, bread, for ἄρτους precedes. 
 
 8. τοῦ σαββάτου : so Pesh. with the majority, but Text. Recept. 
 and some cursives prefix και. 
 
 10. Ἦν : so the majority; B omits; Pesh. and others yy exe. 
 
 11. Tis ἔσται: (cass Sis recognizes an εσται [or ἐστι], which 
 a few omit, against the majority, including B. 
 
 14. Οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐξελθόντες in 
 the majority, but B and Pesh. transpose εξελθ. δε οἱ Pap. συμβ. ελ. 
 K. QUT. 
 
 15. Ὄχλοι was read by Pesh.; B omits. 
 
 22. Προσηνέχθη αὐτῷ δαιμονιζόμενος τυφλὸς καὶ κωφός : 50 the 
 majority, but B and Peshitto προσηνεγκαν avtw δαιμονιζομενον 
 tupAov Kat κωφον. 
 
 Ὥστε τὸν τυφλὸν καὶ κωφόν : so the majority, but Pesh. and 
 afew transpose τ. kwd. x. τυφ. καὶ λαλ. : B omits τ. τυφ. kar and καὶ 
 before AaAew: Pesh. omits the latter καὶ, but the construction is 
 different. 
 
 25. Band others omit 6 ᾿Ιησοῦς : Pesh. read it with the majority. 
 
 27. Ὑμῶν ἔσονται κριταί : the order of the majority, with which 
 Pesh. 29 yaad ov agrees. B xpira eo. vp. 
 
 28. Ἂν Πνεύματι Θεοῦ ἐγώ, the order of the majority, including 
 B; so Pesh.; many cursives eyw ev Πνευματι Θεου. 
 
 31. Τοῖς ἀνθρώποις at the end of the verse is omitted by B but 
 read by Pesh. . 
 
 32." Ἐν τῷ viv αἰῶνι in the majority, B rovrw tw aw: Pesh. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 205 
 
 seems to have had τω awvit tovrw, as a few MSS. read, but 
 Jao loads stands for ἐν τῷ νῦν αἰῶνι, Titus ii. 12; cp. 2 Tim. 
 iv. 10. 
 35: Θησαυροῦ : so the majority with B and Pesh.; others add 
 TS καρδιας. 
 38. ᾿Απεκρίθησαν : B adds avrw: Pesh. aS polo 22s GL, 
 απεκριθησαν . . . λεγοντες avTw. 
 Καὶ Φαρισαίων : so Pesh., B omits. 
 40. Ἔσται : Pesh., as the majority, without καὶ following, which 
 is added by D. 
 44. ᾿Επιστρέψω eis τὸν οἶκόν pov is also the order of Pesh., but 
 B has εἰς τ. ovx. μ. ἐπιστρεψω. 
 46. Ἔτι δὲ... ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ. B omits δε, N omits αὐτου, Pesh. 
 read both, 
 41. Pesh. has this verse, which B omits. 
 XIII. 1. Aé, ἀπό: B omits; Pesh. read de, and απο, or ex. 
 9. ᾿Ακούειν : so Pesh., B omits. 
 11. Εἶπεν αὐτοῖς : so Pesh. with B and the majority. δὲ omits 
 avuTolLs. : 
 14. Αὐτοῖς in the majority; Pesh. had ez’ avrow, as D and 
 others, or ev, the reading of a few MSS. 
 15. Tots ὠσί in the great majority, but Pesh. read row wow 
 αὐτῶν bis, which has little support. 
 16. Τὰ ὦτα ὑμῶν : so Pesh.; B omits υμων. 
 17. Pesh. read γάρ, which δὲ and a few omit. 
 22. Tod αἰῶνος τούτου : so Pesh.; B omits τουτου. 
 23. Τὴν γῆν τὴν καλήν : this is the order of Pesh., but it is the 
 natural order of the Syriac. B and others τὴν καλὴν γὴν. 
 24. Σπείροντι: Pesh. 935 is the σπείραντι of B. 
 28. Οἱ δὲ δοῦλοι : so Pesh.; B omits. 
 31. Pesh. as the majority with B; ἐλαλησεν for παρέθηκεν in D 
 and others. 
 33. Αὐτοῖς : δὲ and others add Aeywv: Pesh. as the majority. 
 34. Οὐκ: }} without pre almost proves that Pesh. read οὐκ, and 
 not οὐδεν of B and others. 
 35. Προφήτου : so Pesh., δὲ adds Hoaov. 
 Κόσμου : B omits, Pesh. reads it. 
 36. ‘O Ἰησοῦς : Bomits; Pesh. has it after τότε at the beginning 
 of the verse. 
 Φράσον : B διασαφησον : dp. seems to be intended by s#® of 
 Pesh., cp. as9o/ for διεσάφησαν in XViil. 31. 
 
 Q 2 
 
206 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 37. Pesh. had αὐτοῖς, which B omits. 
 
 40. Τούτου : so Pesh., B omits. 
 
 43. ᾿Ακούειν : so Pesh., B omits; ep. ver. 9. 
 
 44. Πάλιν ; so Pesh., B omits. 
 
 Kai πάντα ὅσα ἔχει πωλεῖ : Pesh. omits και, and has the order 
 moet 7. 0. €xet, Which agrees with B's text. 
 
 45. ᾿Ανθρώπῳ ἐμπόρῳ : Pesh. πὰ Jaa, B omits av6p. 
 
 46. Ὃς εὑρών : Pesh. waa e? 2 seems to represent the 
 reading of B evpwv de. 
 
 51. Λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ ᾿Τησοῦς : Pesh. and the majority; B omits. 
 
 Κύριε: B omits, Pesh. has >, Our Lord. 
 
 52. Kis τὴν βασιλείαν : Β τη βασιλεια : Pesh. LaaSsaX\ probably 
 represents the former, but it is not certain. 
 
 55. Ἰωσῆς : this (or rather Iwoy) was the reading of Pesh. with 
 the majority. B Τωσηφ. 
 
 57. Τῇ πατρίδι αὐτοῦ: B omits αὐτου. In Pesh. ota, o 
 certainly expresses either αὐτου, or the v. 1. ιδια. 
 
 XIV. 3. Pesh. reads αὐτόν, which B omits. 
 
 Kai ἔθετο ἐν φυλακῇ : this is also the order of Pesh., but might 
 represent the v. 1. azebero: B has ev φυλακὴ απεθετο. 
 
 4. Αὐτῷ 6 Ἰωάννης is also the order of Pesh., but B transposes 
 o I. and avr. 
 
 6. Τενεσίων δὲ ἀγομένων : B γενεσιοις δὲ γενομενοις : a few γενε- 
 σιων δὲ γενομενων : Pesh. ods. Kno .} Joo 22, which favours 
 some case of γενόμενος : cf. the rendering of ἦγον αὐτὴν ἡμέραν by 
 μου, woogas in Esther ix. 17. 
 
 9. Pesh. read ἐλυπήθη ὃ βασιλεύς, διὰ δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους, as the 
 majority ; B λυπηθεις ο β. δια τ. op. 
 
 12. Ἦραν τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ἔθαψαν αὐτό in the majority; B πτωμα 
 and avrov. Pesh. o,a9 oda ade favours πτῶμα, and omits 
 αὐτὸ or avrov, but reads his corpse. 
 
 13. Καὶ ἀκούσας : B ακουσας de, which is supported by Pesh. ve? 
 
 14. Pesh. has 6 Ἰησοῦς, which B omits. 
 
 15. Of μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ : so Pesh.; B omits αὐτου. 
 
 ᾿Απόλυσον : a few authorities add ovr, but not Pesh. 
 
 18. Αὐτοὺς ὧδε: so Pesh.; B wde avrovs. 
 
 19. Λαβών in the majority and B., but Pesh. and a few καὶ 
 λαβων. 
 
 22. Καὶ εὐθέως ἠνάγκασεν ὃ Ἰησοῦς τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ. B and 
 others with Pesh. omit Ἰησοῦς. A few omit εὐθεως and δὲ and 
 several avrov: Pesh. reads both. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 207 
 
 24. Μέσον τῆς θαλάσσης ἣν : so the majority; Pesh. Loo finns 
 ς Jhogbco/ ls? «©, which agrees with B's reading σταδιους 
 ποόλλους απὸ τῆς γης απειχε. 
 
 25. ᾿Απῆλθε in the majority, B ηλθε, which seems to be supported 
 by JL? of the Peshitto, for ἀπηλθε is generally rendered by yj). 
 
 Ὃ Ἰησοῦς, which B omits, is read in Pesh. 
 
 26. Kai ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ot μαθηταί : B ou δε μαθηται Wovres avtov : 
 Pesh. as the majority, but reading hzs disciples. 
 
 27. Αὐτοῖς 6 ᾿Ιησοῦς in nearly all MSS.; B o Inyo. avrous: a few 
 omit o Incovs: Pesh. has but Jesus at once spake with them. 
 
 28. Αὐτῷ ὁ Πέτρος εἶπε... πρός σε ἐλθεῖν: B o Πετρος evrev 
 avtw, ελθειν προς σε, which readings correspond to solo 5 fluro 
 ghad Jl? oS yano ... o% in Pesh. 
 
 29. ᾿Ελθεῖν is represented by Jhlsy of Pesh.; B καὶ ηλθεν. 
 
 30. “Avepov ἰσχυρόν : B omits ἰσχυρον, Pesh. reads it. 
 
 33. ᾿Ελθόντες προσεκύνησαν : so Pesh.; B omits ελθοντες. 
 
 34. Τεννησαρέτ: B, but not Pesh., prefixes εἰς. 
 
 36. Παρεκάλουν αὐτόν : so Pesh.; B omits avrov. 
 
 5. In examining the character of the Peshitto in fourteen 
 chapters, we have noted the readings of the version in two 
 hundred and forty-three verses or places; but several of 
 these readings have no importance for the purpose in hand. 
 In not a few cases the evidence of the Peshitto is doubtful. 
 In others, where the witness is clear, the Greek readings, 
 which are attested by the Syriac, have no direct connexion 
 with the subject of our inquiry. An instance of the latter 
 class of passages is Matt. 11. 11, where the agreement of the 
 Peshitto with B is of no significance, for the majority of MSS. 
 of all ages supports the same reading, while only a very few 
 have the alternative reading of the Textus Receptus. We 
 exclude therefore the seventy-six following places :— 
 
 Witle 1 ΠΡ ll, 23 Tie hye Ta Os Va Aa, be ONT, 17. 
 27, 28, 3.1, 50. 405 νι 5 D5 τ τῷ. 20, Ὁ}, 24,325 vu 
 5. hy 1 15. FO; 10, 720: Ville yO ΠΡ Eas Ix. 2,556, ΤΕ bis; 
 185. 22, 26,39 oA 9G Σοῦ 52, 4, Τῇ 72: ΧΙ ἢ: 10 b, 
 ΤῸ: 21 bs slo. ΤΟΣ ΤΠ Ὁ ἢ, 28, 52. 35 AO; ΧΠῚ 11, 14, 
 ὙΡ 1: 31:..35. 55: ΠῚ Σὶν. ΠῚ; Τὸ: 72. 
 
208 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 The remaining one hundred and sixty-seven passages form 
 two groups; (I) those in which the Peshitto supports the 
 readings of the majority of Greek MSS., (II) those in which 
 the Peshitto supports the readings of codex B. 
 
 I. 1.5, 7, τὸ, 18a, 25; 1: 21; il. 14, 163 iv. Ὁ; tae 
 243 V. 11, 22, 25 Ὁ, 30, 32b, 44 ter, 47 Ὁ ; vi. 1, 4 bis, 5a bis, 
 6, 13, 21, 228, 25, 333 Vil. 9, 10, 143 Vill. 2, 3, 9, 10, 14, 
 ΟἿ, 25 bis, 27, 29, 315 ix: 2, 12, 14, 293 =. 5) TO) 145 95; ἘΠ 
 8 bis, 9, 10a, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23 bis, 26; xii. 4, 15, 25, 27, 31, 
 38, 44, 46, 47; xiii. 1, 9, 16, 22, 23, 28, 34, 35, 36 bis, 37, 40, 
 43, 448, 45, 51 bis, 55, 573 xiv. 3 bis, 4,10, 14, 15a, 18, 25, 
 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 34; 36. 
 
 111 Ὁ, 15, 185 Ὁ ii. 17, 18. 10; ig, 6, ἢ, τῷ, Τό ΒΗ: ΠΣ 
 3, 5, 10, 13 b, 16, 23; Vv. 25 a, 32a, 47 bis; vi. 12; vii. 8, 9, 
 15, 24, 29; Vill. 5, 7; 13, 28, 32; ix. 4 bis, 5, 8, τὸ, τὴ τ 
 92, 953 X. 2, 4,105. αἱ: Ὁ, 5,20, 10, 23-bis; xa. 45 ee 
 38; xill. 24, 44 b, 46; xiv. 6, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 28. 
 
 Several of the verses, which are cited, involve more than 
 one distinct point in the evidence ; they are therefore neces- 
 sarily entered in the summary under more than one head. 
 Some of the verses, which are excluded, may be thought to 
 contain evidence of the connexion of the Peshitto with the 
 majority of the MSS. on the one side, or with cod. B on the 
 other. We have preferred in all cases of doubt to exclude 
 the verse, rather than to seem to overstate the case; but a few 
 instances more or less would make no real difference in the 
 general result, which is as follows :— 
 
 In fourteen chapters the readings of the Peshitto are found 
 to support the Traditional Greek Text in one hundred and 
 eight places, and the Text of codex B in sixty-five places— 
 more than half the number. 
 
209 
 
 TI. 
 
 1. It is not our intention in this essay to pursue our in- 
 vestigations beyond the Holy Gospels. Questions concerning 
 the value of the evidence of the Peshitto are limited to those 
 books for the present; when Curetonian Epistles and a Lewis 
 Acts have been discovered, a wider field will be opened up ; but 
 the results we have already obtained, and the considerations 
 to follow, are, we think, sufficient in amount and weight to 
 stamp the character of the Peshitto as a whole. These results 
 will by some be received with surprise; yet Westcott and 
 Hort have already said ' :— 
 
 ‘Nevertheless the two texts are not identical. In a con- 
 siderable number of variations the Vulgate Syriac” sides with 
 one or other of the Pre-Syrian texts against the Antiochian 
 Fathers and the late Greek text, or else has a transitional 
 reading, which has often, though not always, some Greek 
 documentary attestation.’ 
 
 The first two assertions in this quotation are, on the whole, 
 confirmed by our examination of the text of Matt.i-xiv. The 
 last assertion is somewhat vague, but appears intended to 
 mean that the Peshitto readings form a connecting link 
 between the texts which the writers call respectively 
 ‘Pre-Syrian’ and ‘ Antiochian and late.’ To complete our 
 investigation, we will now collect from the same chapters of 
 St. Matthew those places in which the Peshitto witnesses 
 to independent readings, as distinguished from those in which, 
 as we have already seen, it supports either codex B or the 
 Traditional Greek Text. We will add in each case a com- 
 
 1 New Test., Introd., § 189 
 
 ? By which they mean the Peshitto. As has often been pointed out, this 
 epithet expresses the reception and popularity of this version, but assumes 
 a theory about its origin which is still a subject of discussion. 
 
210 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 parison with the Curetonian and the Lewis! MSS., and give, 
 where necessary or desirable, confirmatory readings, especially 
 those of D, and the evidence of the Old Latin; but we shall 
 not attempt to exhibit the attestations in full: space would 
 not permit, and the reader can verify our conclusions from 
 the pages of 'Tischendorf. 
 
 2. Str. Martruew, i—xiv. 
 
 I. 20. Om. ἰδού, also ii. 1, and often. As the use of Jo, Zo, is in 
 accordance with Syriac idiom, it is difficult to believe that a trans- 
 lator would fail to employ the particle, if δου were before him in 
 his Greek MS. Sometimes, but not often—e. g. xii. 49g—Jo, lo, is 
 introduced, where there is no ἰδου in the Greek. Cur. and Lp. 
 omit at i. 20, but at 11. 1 read and lo. 
 
 23. Μεθ᾿ ἡμῶν 6 Θεός, «ον cos, Our God zs with us, but our 
 may be intended to express 6. Cur. and Lp.as Pesh., but trans. ὃ. ?. 
 
 25. ᾿Εγίνωσκεν : Pesh. ὁμβϑ..», ἔγνω αὐτήν, the reading of D and 
 the Old Latin. Cuy. and Lp. different. 
 
 II. 1. Om. ἰδού, 586 i. 20. 
 
 Τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, Jyoosed por Mas, Bethlehem of Judah (so Cur. 
 and Lp.) as ver. 6, and so ver. 5. 
 
 5. Om. αὐτῷ : so NP Chrys. (codd. Moscuenses 3), but not Cur. 
 and Lp. 
 
 6. Om. γῆ, Pesh. Cur. Lp. 
 
 8. Etrev: Pesh. adds yoo, αὐτοῖς, with Cur. and Lp. Pesh. 
 has the order π. τ. παιδιου ἀκριβως : so Cur.; Lp. omits ἀκριβως. 
 
 Ἐπὰν δὲ εὕρητε, ἀπαγγείλατέ μοι, οἱ cowokmuaals lwo 
 Holes, And when ye have found him, come tell me. It is doubtful 
 if the translator had avrov, but probable that he read devre. Cp. 
 xxviii. 6, where δεῦτε ἴδετε is rendered chee εοἱ!. Cur. and Lp. 
 as Pesh. 
 
 11. Pesh. σμύρναν και λίβανον. So Cur. and Lp. 
 
 13. Om. ἰδού, see i. 20; so Cur. and Lp. 
 
 14. Ὁ δὲ ἐγερθείς : Pesh. Cur. Lp. But Joseph arose. This is 
 hardly to be reckoned a v.l.; probably the name is added for 
 clearness ; yet it is supported by Old Latin MSS. 
 
 ? T shall use the symbol Zp., which I employed six years ago when writing 
 in the Critical Review, to indicate the palimpsest discovered and published 
 by Mrs. Lewis. Every one calls the companion text the Curetonian, after its 
 discoverer. Appellations which tend to confuse the Sinai Palimpsest with 
 the Codex Sinaiticus, may mislead some readers, S resembles 8, the symbol 
 of a tenth century MS. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. ὅττι 
 
 19. Τοῦ Ἡρώδου : Pesh. Cur. Lp. add τοῦ βασιλέως, having, as it 
 seems, the same reading as in ver. I, and again omit idov. 
 
 21. Joseph added, as ver. 14; not Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 23. Αἄξεξ sing., the Prophet, Pesh. Cur. and Lp. 
 
 III. 3. Pesh. omits λέγοντος, with slight support. Cur. and Lp. 
 read it. 
 
 8. Καρποὺς αξίους Pesh. with Cur. and Lp. 
 
 το. Ἤδη δέ: Pesh. a? Jo, reading, as it seems, Ἰδοὺ δέ. Cur. 
 Lp. Joo, καὶ ἰδού. 
 
 12. Pesh. reads ἅλωνα, σῖτον, and ἀποθήκην as if plurals; Cur. so 
 reads the last two, Lp. the second only. All omit αὐτοῦ after σῖτον. 
 
 16. ᾿Ιδού omitted in Pesh., read in Cur. and Lp. 
 
 IV. τ. Tod Πνεύματος : Pesh. and Cur. add la yao, ἁγιωσύνης, 
 i.e. ἁγίου, but rather as an explanation than following a different 
 reading. Lp. follows the Greek. All have the order ὑπὸ τ. rvev. 
 εἰς τ. ερημον with & K. 
 
 15. Pesh. omits καὶ before γῆ, and proceeds \sa.sy \u30/, which 
 certainly looks like a reading 600s, for the adverbial sense of the 
 accusative ὁδὸν would require a preposition before Luso?, Cur. 
 and Lp. read καὶ but have δὲ as Pesh. 
 
 19. Λέγει αὐτοῖς : Pesh. and Cur. add Jesus’. Ὑμᾶς : Pesh. 
 with D and Old Latin MSS. adds γενεσθαι: not Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 20. Δίκτυα : Pesh. adds avrwyv: so Cur. and Lp. 
 
 23. Pesh. omits the second πᾶσαν: not Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 24. lotsa bs eel gedalo ee BaD Wad? em, τοὺς κακῶς 
 ἔχοντας. .. καὶ τοὺς βασάνοις συνεχομένους, the repetition of 
 ον suggesting that Pesh. read τοὺς before βασάνοις. Cur. and 
 Lp. are different and diverge from the Greek. 
 
 V.1. Ἰδὼν δέ: Pesh. adds Jesus, as iv. 19; not Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 11. Pesh. JlaSae> eS foo fas Ilo Xo yaass. Three 
 transpositions, as though reading καθ᾽ ὑμῶν πᾶν ῥῆμα πονηρὸν ἕνεκεν 
 ἐμοῦ ψευδόμενοι. ῥῆμα πονηρὸν is the usual Syriae order of noun 
 and adjective, the other two changes are not required by the idiom 
 and certainly suggest a different order in the Greek. Cur, and Lp. 
 have καθ᾽ ὑμῶν in the same position: the former certainly, the 
 latter probably, omits ῥῆμα. Cur. has ψευδόμενοι before ἕν. ἐμ.: 
 Lp. omits it. 
 
 * It may be said with good reason that this addition is like that of Joseph 
 in 11, 14 and 21, but Dr. Sanday treats the addition or omission of Jesus in 
 xvi. 21 as a var. lect., see Append. p. 107. On the other hand, the case of 
 copies, with which Dr. Sanday was dealing, is different from that of a Version, 
 
212 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 12. Ogu esperar, Then rejoice, as though reading τότε χαίρετε. Not 
 Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 17. Old editions of Pesh. omit the second ἦλθον. The true text 
 agrees with the Greek, so also do Cur. and Lp. 
 
 31. Pesh. Cur. Lp. omit δέ, 
 
 36. All transpose and add o>, as though reading ποιῆσαι ἐν 
 αὐτῇ μίαν τρίχα λευκὴν ἢ μέλαιναν. 
 
 37. ἢ} Mo καὶ od οὔ, Pesh. Cur. Lp. 
 
 44. Pesh. vas ly CBS, τῷ κατάρωμένῳ ὑμᾶς, in sing. Cur. 
 and Lp. omit the clause. 
 
 45: Ὅτι: Pesh. 9 oo, He who. Pesh. also transposes ἀγαθοὺς 
 kat πονηρούς. In each case P is supported by Cur. Lp. and some 
 Old Latin MSS. 
 
 VI. 1. Προσέχετε: Pesh. (not Cur. nor Lp.) adds δέ, with δὲ and 
 others. 
 
 5. Φιλοῦσιν : Pesh, and Cur. add στῆναι, the Old Latin reading, 
 and omit ἑστῶτες. Lp. omits the verse. 
 
 17. Pesh. transposes, Νίψαι τὸ πρόσωπόν σου, καὶ ἄλειψαι τὴν 
 κεφαλήν gov. So Cur. Lp. is defective to vili. 3. 
 
 18. φῶ θυ, oo, αὐτὸς ἀποδώσει σοι, Pesh., not Cur. 
 
 32. Πάντα yap ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη : so the true text of the Peshitto, 
 but the old editions and some MSS. add ων, τοῦ κόσμου. 
 Cur. adds xsl», with the same meaning. Οἶδε γάρ: Pesh. (not 
 Cur.) de, with slight support. 
 
 VIL. 16. gy 519 gs, ἀπὸ δὲ τ. καρ. ai., Pesh. ; Cur. S.oo, οὖν. 
 
 VIII. 2. go foig, λεπρός τις, Pesh. and Cur. 
 
 3. Τὴν χεῖρα: Pesh. adds αὐτοῦ with Cur. Lp. and &. 
 
 4. Waar, to the Priests, pl., Pesh. and Cur. The reading of Lp. 
 is conjectural, and given as sing. by the Editors. 
 
 Τὸ δῶρον: so Pesh., but a well supported v.1. is yisiao, thy 
 gift. Cur. and Lp. have the gift. 
 
 5. Pesh. adds τις, as ver. 2; so Cur. In Lp. there is a 
 lacuna. 
 
 8. Pesh. has oo μος 2. The same construction is found in 
 ver. 13. Probably in each case o stands for the article and does 
 not represent a reading ἐκεῖνος. Cur. and Lp. have also om, but 
 here before the noun, ver. 13 after as Pesh. 
 
 12. Ἐκβληθήσονται : Pesh. κοῶϑυ, shall go forth; so Cur. and 
 Lp. with x. 
 
 14. Πέτρου: Pesh. θα, Σίμωνος, cp. Mark i, 29 in the 
 Greek. So Cur. and Lp. 
 
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. T. 213 
 
 16. owas, τὰ πνεύματα αὐτῶν, Pesh., but Cur. and Lp. only 
 Ww ἡ , αὐτά. 
 
 23. wae ado do. There is no Jesus in the Greek, but see 
 note on ii. 14. Cur. and Lp. are both defective here. 
 
 24. Αὐτὸς δέ : Pesh. adds Naas, Jesus, as in the preceding verse ; 
 so vers. 26, 28, 32. Cur.is defective to x. 32. Lp. has not the 
 addition, here or below, but is defective in the beginning of ver. 26. 
 
 25. Κύριε: Pesh. here, and ix. 28, xiii. 51, has Ge, Our Lord, 
 but the difference is rather of idiom than of reading. Lp. agrees 
 with Pesh. Cur. is defective: at xiii. 51 both omit the word. 
 
 26. Pesh. and Lp. the wind in the singular, with ἐξ and others. 
 
 27. Pesh. and Lp. omit καὶ before οἱ ἄνεμοι. 
 
 29. Pesh. om. ἰδού : cp. note on i. 20. 
 
 32. Pesh. omits ἰδοὺ and the second χοίρων : so Lp., but there 
 are many differences between the texts. 
 
 33. Joo pesado, as though reading πάντα τὰ γενόμενα : ep. the 
 Syriac of xvii. 31. Lp. has ‘so, zavra, but the rest is illegible. 
 
 IX. 2. Pesh. om, ἰδού, as villi, 29 above, Lp. is defective, here 
 and the next two verses, 
 
 3. Καὶ ἰδού, τινὲς τ. y.: Pesh, τινὲς δὲ τ. γ. 
 
 4. Εἶπεν : Pesh, adds αὐτοις, with D and some others. 
 
 5. Pesh. seems to have ᾿Αφ. σοι ai ἁμαρτίαι cov, reading both σοι 
 and gov. Lp.the same. On ἀφέωνται or ἀφίενται see note on ix, 2, 
 p. 202. 
 
 6. Pesh. om. τότε (with M) and has [2;420 oo, for which see 
 note on viii, 8. Lp. reads τότε but has p ood. 
 
 10. Pesh. omits ἐγένετο and reads αὐτῶν ἀνακειμένων, with δε ἢ, 
 It also omits καὶ ἰδού. Lp. is defective. 
 
 15. For πενθεῖν Pesh. has p Ὡς, νηστεύειν, with D and Old 
 Latin MSS. Lp. follows the Greek. 
 
 16. Pesh. omits δέ: so Lp. 
 
 18. Pesh. om. ἰδού. Lp. Joo, καὶ ἰδού. 
 
 19. Pesh. transposes, καὶ of μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἠκολούθησαν αὐτῷ, 
 reading 3rd pers. pl. as E and some other copies. Lp. follows the 
 Greek. 
 
 28. sac «ὦ ὁ, but perhaps as before (viii. 8) only the article 
 is intended, οἱ τυφλοί. So Lp. 
 
 30. whol? Jems00, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνεῴχθησαν : so Lp. 
 
 32. ἀϑὸὸ τα, θυ ,50, And as Jesus went forth, they 
 brought. ἰδοὺ is omitted. Lp. omits ἰδού, but otherwise follows 
 the Greek, 
 
214 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 36. ᾿Ιδὼν δέ: Pesh. adds Ἰησοῦς (not Lp.) with some support. 
 
 37: Tore: Pesh. 0, καὶ : Lp. eegeos, τότε. 
 
 X. τ. ᾿Βξουσίαν : Pesh, adds κατὰ with E and others, but not Lp. 
 
 κὐῤεοῦϑο, καὶ μαλακίαν, πᾶσαν being omitted ; so Lp. 
 
 2. poasshy ve? (oo de?, Ἐκείνων δὲ τῶν δώδεκα. In Lp, the 
 sentence is inverted, but there is no ἐκείνων. 
 
 4. Pesh, prefixes καὶ to Σίμων, and reads hgh a0, S'earjuta; so 
 Lp. Both omit καὶ before παραδούς. 
 
 10. Μή: Pesh. and Lp. lo, μηδέ. 
 
 24. Διδάσκαλον : Pesh, adds αὐτοῦ with Lp. and &. 
 
 25. Pesh. has always ocdjXxs, Belzebub; so Cur. So also 
 Lp. here ; in the other places the MS. is defective. 
 
 28. Kai before ψυχὴν is omitted by Pesh. and Lp. 
 
 30. Pesh, adds ὑμῶν after κεφαλῆς. So apparently Lp., but the 
 wording is different. 
 
 XI. 5. Pesh. has καὶ before λεπροί, as well as the other nouns, 
 So Cur. Lp. is defective here. 
 
 14. Δέξασθαι: Pesh. aSas, δέξασθε, as E and some cursives, 
 but not Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 20. Tore ἤρξατο : Pesh. adds Jesus. So Cur. Lp. is defective. 
 
 21. Pesh. prefixes Jog sxo}6, and he was saying; Cur. sho, 
 and he said; Lp. defective. 
 
 πάλαι dv: Pesh, ge? +39. The same occurs at Luke x. 13. It 
 
 looks like a reading δέ, for ἂν is usually passed over in the Syriac 
 rendering. Cur. as Pesh. Lp. is again defective. 
 
 24. oad μιμοῦ , λέγω σοι, Pesh,, with slight support. Cur. 
 omits the pronoun; Lp. is defective. 
 
 XII. 2. δόντες : Pesh, adds αὐτοὺς with Cur. and Old Latin 
 and some Greek MSS. Lp. is defective to ver. 7. 
 
 5. Pesh. om. τοῖς σάββασιν : so Cur. 
 
 9. Ἐκεῖθεν: Pesh. adds Jesus (not Cur.) with C and some 
 others. 
 
 10. Pesh, reads Kai ἄνθρωπός τις : see note on i. 20: Cur, has 
 ἰδοὺ and τις. 
 
 11, Pesh. and Cur. omit τοῦτο and read κρατεῖ, ἐγείρει, with D and 
 others. Lp. seems also to have the present tense, but is defective. 
 
 13. Pesh, Kai ἐξέτεινε τὴν χεῖρα αὐτοῦ, and omits ὑγιής. So Cur. 
 and, as it seems, Lp., but the writing is in part defective. 
 
 24, 27. See note on x. 25. 
 
 30. $A 09,450, as though they read σκορπίζων σκορπίζει. So 
 Cur. In Lp. the writing is lost. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 215 
 
 32. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι μέλλοντι, but the repe- 
 tition of the noun is almost required by the idiom. 
 
 44. Σεσαρωμένον : Pesh, prefixes καὶ with Cur. Lp, δὲ and others. 
 
 46. For ἰδοὺ Pesh. has οἱ ῥ, ἦλθον. Cur. and Lp. agree with the 
 Greek, 
 
 49. Pesh. ‘kal, ἰδού, of adeX,, repeating ἰδού, which is so often 
 omitted, cp. i. 20, Cur. as Pesh,, but Lp. has a different 
 expression. 
 
 XIII. τ. shso... aay (cited by Tischendorf) exactly represent 
 ἐξῆλθεν καὶ ἐκάθητο, but participle and finite verb are often resolved 
 into two finites, with or without copula. Lp. here omits and, 
 Cur, agrees with Pesh, 
 
 10, Pesh. adds αὐτοῦ to of μαθηταί, with Cur. Lp. and others. 
 
 13. Pesh. yoosax at end of clause, as though reading λαλῶ 
 αὐτοῖς : but inferences from order of words are somewhat doubtful, 
 Cur. and Lp. as Pesh. 
 
 18. Lssj2 WNxs, τὴν παραβολὴν τοῦ σπέρματος. Cur, and Lp. 
 agree with the Greek. 
 
 23. Tov λόγον : Pesh. adds pov, eS, and has the order ἀκούων 
 τ. Noy. μου. Cur. and Lp. have this order, but not pov. Old Latin 
 q has verbum meum. 
 
 Ὃς δὴ καρποφορεῖ: Pesh. and Cur. [515 eo20, which perhaps 
 represents δέ, the reading of A, rather than δή. Lp. has and then tt 
 . yreldeth, the Old Latin reading. 
 
 28, Pesh. (against the majority, but with D and Old Latin) has 
 the order λέγουσιν (not εἶπον) αὐτῷ οἱ δοῦλοι : but it is a natural 
 Syriac order, Cur. and Lp. as Pesh. 
 
 29. Οὔ: μήποτε: Pesh. haads, omitting οὔ, but Cur, and Lp. 
 have it. The negative is implied in either reading. 
 
 Pesh. (with slight support) ἅμα αὐτοῖς καὶ (2?) τ. σῖτον. Cur. 
 and Lp. transpose, καὶ τ. σῖτον ἅμα avr. 
 
 30. His δέσμας : Pesh. Jo ecohso «οὐ ojamle, dyno. avta δεσμας: 
 so Cur. Lp. with Old Latin and some Greek MSS. 
 
 32. Μεῖζον τῶν : Pesh. μ. πάντων τῶν. So Cur. Lp. and some 
 Greek MSS. 
 
 41. Τοὺς ποιοῦντας : Pesh. Cur. Lp. all them which do. 
 
 48. ᾿Αναβιβάσαντες : Pesh. adds αὐτήν, with some support. It 
 has the καί, which some omit, and after καθίσαντες, proceeds vee 
 ey ons35/ 13:9: they selected ; and the good they put into 
 vessels, Cur. and Lp. have αὐτὴν and καί, but express the latter 
 part of the verse differently. 
 
216 Studia Biblica et Ecclesitasiica. 
 
 54, 57+ Pesh. for πατρίς has |Nts_x, city. So Cur.; also Lp. at 
 ver. 54, at 57 it is defective '. 
 
 XIV. 1. Ἔν ἐκείνῳ : Pesh. adds δέ: so Cur. and, no doubt, Lp., 
 but the writing is defective. 
 
 4. At the end Pesh. adds JL4s?, wife; so Cur., but not Lp. 
 
 6. Laisa pee, ἐν μέσῳ τῶν ἀνακειμένων, cp. Mark vi. 22. So 
 substantially Cur., but Lp. omits the clause. 
 
 7. Ὡμολόγησεν : Pesh. hres, sware, with slight support, but not 
 Cur. nor Lp. 
 
 8. Pesh., with Cur. and Lp., has She said, Give me here. The 
 order was perhaps altered for the sake of the Syriac idiom, but it . 
 is supported by the Greek of D. 
 
 9. Pesh. adds at the end oN, to her, with Cur.; so apparently 
 Lp., but the word is illegible, 
 
 13. Πεζῇ : Pesh. hana, as if reading διὰ ξηρᾶς, but the same 
 rendering of πεζῇ is found in Mark vi. 33. Cur. more literally 
 Sq; ΤΡ. is defective. 
 
 15. Τοὺς ὄχλους : Pesh. adds haste, τῶν ἀνθρώπων, not Cur.; Lp. 
 is defective. 
 
 16. Pesh, omits ᾿Τησοῦς, with Cur, Lp. δὲ and D. 
 
 19. Ἐπὶ τοὺς χόρτους : Pesh. και Sox, on the ground, but Cur, 
 lam», Lp. hoda., to express the χόρτους. 
 
 μίας. ame Jind) KOH «ΟΝ, CHO, and 
 gave to his disciples (omitting τοὺς ἄρτους) and the disciples set 
 them before the multitudes. Cur. He brake the bread and gave to 
 his disciples and his disciples gave to the multitudes ; 50 Lp.? Pesh. 
 has some slight support from the Old Latin. 
 
 21. Pesh. omits ὡσεί: so Cur.; Lp. is defective. 
 
 24. Pesh. omits 767, with D and Old Latin MSS. It also has 
 reer Jax Mass, βασανιζόμενον πολύ. Most of Lp. is illegible. 
 Cur. does not read ἤδη or uges. Cur. and Lp, have and they were 
 distressed, mas. pl. 
 
 58. 20. kos. bis, water, for τῆς θαλάσσης. τὴν θάλασσαν, looks 
 like an early error for θῶ, sea. Lp. is defective at ver. 25, and 
 has sa, at ver. 26. Cur. has bose ver. 25, bya. ver. 26. 
 
 1 The Syriac expresses ἃ special meaning of the word— native place,’ in 
 general, hence ‘city.’ Besides instances in the Gospels, it is so used by Philo 
 and Josephus; see Thayer’s Grimm’s Lexicon, Blomfield’s Lexicon to the 
 Greck Testament, s.v. It would therefore be unreasonable to suppose that the 
 Syriac had a reading πόλις. 
 
 " On «ῷ90), which is read in Cur. as well as in Pesh., but not in Lp., see 
 
 remark on the use of oo, viii. 8, above. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 217 
 
 26. Tischendorf quotes Pesh. for the inversion περιπατοῦντα ἐπὶ τ. 
 θάλ., but the order seems due to the Syriac idiom. Cur. and Lp. 
 have the same order. 
 
 29. Ὁ δέ: Pesh., with E and others, adds Ijcods: not Cur.; Lp. 
 is defective here. 
 
 31. Ὁ Ἰησοῦς: Pesh. \sx0, our Lord. Cur. has Jesus, Lp. is 
 defective. 
 
 34. Pesh. smaicy (the land) of Génésar. So Cur. and Lp. 
 
 3. In our examination of the text of these fourteen chapters, 
 we find one hundred and thirty-seven places where the render- 
 ings in the Peshitto agree neither with the Greek Text of codex 
 B, nor with that of the mass of Greek copies. In this number 
 we do not include the variations in v. 17 and vi. 32 a, because 
 the true text of the Peshitto! is now found to be in agreement 
 with the Greek; nor viii. 4 Ὁ, because, though there is a well- 
 supported reading ‘thy gift, the true text appears to be ‘the 
 gift,’ as the Greek ; nor the doubtful readings in viii. 8, 13, 
 25, ix. 28, xill. 54, 57,Xiv.Igaand 26. In the majority of the 
 hundred and thirty-seven places, the Peshitto has the support 
 of the Curetonian and the Lewis, or one of them. In many 
 others it is supported by the Old Latin, or by a few Greek 
 copies. There remain thirty-one places—almost one-fourth 
 of the whole number—in which the Peshitto appears to stand 
 alone; places, at least, where no variation in other authorities 
 is quoted by Tischendorf in his notes, with the two exceptions 
 (if exceptions they be) which we have recorded below. As 
 the presence of such a large number of Peshitto readings in 
 only fourteen chapters is significant, it will be well to collect 
 and set them down. They are :— 
 
 ii. 21 Joseph added ; iii. 16 ἰδοὺ omitted ; iv. 15 καὶ omitted ; 
 23 second πᾶσαν omitted; 24 τοὺς added; v. 1 Jesus added ; 
 12 τότε prefixed ; 44 the singular τῷ καταρωμένῳ ὑμᾶς ; vi. 18 
 αὐτὸς inserted before ἀποδώσει; vil. 16 δὲ added; vill. τό 
 αὐτῶν added; 23 Jesus added, and below; 29 ἰδοὺ omitted ; 
 
 1 At v. 17 the MSS. and the American Edition have the second avg 
 ἦλθον. At vi. 32 the addition is found in two important copies, but is 
 rejected by the majority. See Tetraewangelium, pp. 39 and 48. 
 
218 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 33 πάντα τὰ γενόμενα; 1x, 2 ἰδοὺ omitted; 3 Tires δὲ 
 τῶν γραμματέων ; 10 καὶ ἰδοὺ omitted; 18 ἰδοὺ omitted ; 
 32 Jesus for αὐτῶν ; 47 καὶ for τότε ; x. 2 ἐκείνων added; xii. 
 46 ἦλθον for ἰδοὺ ; xiii. 18 τοῦ σπέρματος ; 23 pov added to 
 τὸν Adyov!; 29 omission of οὔ ; 48 the reading they selected ; 
 and the good they put”; xiv. 13 the probable reading διὰ ξηρᾶς; 
 15 τῶν ἀνθρώπων added; 24 πολὺ added; 26 ἐπὶ τὰ ὕδατα ; 
 31 the reading Our Lord. 
 
 4a. We have noted that two of these Peshitto readings 
 receive external support, one from a codex of the Old Latin, 
 the other from a passage in Chrysostom. It is in a high 
 degree probable that others of the readings agree with variants 
 in some of the cursive copies, the bulk of which has never 
 been examined exhaustively *. At present our argument is 
 merely negative: in these many places the Peshitto appears 
 to stand alone. We can however foresee that ultimately one 
 or other of two positions must be taken. If the many Peshitto 
 readings, which witness to Greek variants such as are found 
 in none of the best known copies, are hereafter discovered to 
 represent variants lurking, some in one, some in another, 
 cursive copy, it will follow that the cursives embody much 
 independent matter ; that they are not mere replicas of one 
 archetype, the reproduction, in publishers’ style, of a single 
 text; that they can no longer be disregarded by those who 
 would settle the text of the Greek Testament on an irre- 
 fragable basis. If they contain nothing but one late type of 
 text, let them be laid aside, and the issue will be between 
 Tischendorf’s codex δὲ, and Westcott and Hort’s codex B, If 
 they represent a large number of very ancient, but now lost, 
 archetypes, we shall neglect the greater part of the evidence 
 if we only admit the testimony of a few uncials. 
 
 1 Tischendorf adduces Old Latin q as a sole authority for this addition, 
 
 2 Tischendorf quotes from Chrysostom a passage resembling this reading, 
 but adduces no authority of MSS. or Versions. 
 
 * Gregory in Tischendorf's Nov. Test. Gr. (vol. iii, viii, p. 453) recognizes 
 that some cursives witness to a text much older than themselves, and adds, 
 * haud ita multi vero ad hunc diem accurate examinati sunt,’ 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 219 
 
 b. This will be one position. But an alternative may have 
 to be taken. It may be that whether the cursive texts be 
 hereafter resolved into many, or proved to be only one, the 
 Peshitto will be found to possess a large store of readings, 
 which unquestionably presuppose variations in the Greek, and 
 yet are supported by no Greek copies now known to us. Full 
 allowance must here be made for differences, which are rather 
 of translation than of reading; still there will yet remain 
 a considerable number of places, where the Peshitto (as dis- 
 tinguished from the Curetonian and the Lewis) will be an 
 independent witness to very ancient Greek readings, and will 
 claim to be heard in addition to the attestations of δὲ and B. 
 Westcott and Hort in their Jntroduction, to which we have 
 already referred, suppose that there was ‘an authoritative 
 revision [of the Greek] at Antioch, which was then taken as 
 a standard for a similar authoritative revision of the Syriac 
 Text.’ But since we have shown that the Peshitto readings 
 do not exactly represent any extant Greek Text, it follows 
 that, if the conjecture of the Cambridge Doctors be right, the 
 Peshitto is the so/e witness to a very ancient and authorita- 
 tive type of the text of the New Testament. 
 
 VOL. V, PART III. R 
 
220 
 
 it: 
 
 At this stage in our investigation it may be convenient 
 to re-state what is known and generally admitted in con- 
 nexion with the history of the Peshitto Version of the New 
 Testament. 
 
 1. No one questions the fact that it has been received for 
 many centuries as their accredited version by both branches 
 of the Syrian Church 1. 
 
 2. The text of the version is attested by an exception- 
 ally large number of very ancient MSS. These, though 
 written in different localities, exhibit the text at various 
 epochs with a certainty and uniformity, which is almost, 
 or quite, without a parallel among the MSS. of ancient 
 books 3. 
 
 3. The pre-eminence of the Peshitto was due to the high 
 estimate in which it was held, and not to the absence of 
 competitors. At the beginning of the sixth century, and 
 again at the beginning of the seventh, revisions were under- 
 taken ὃ with a view to bringing the text of the Syriac into 
 conformity with the type of Greek text then prevalent, 
 and rendering the translation more literal and accurate ; but 
 neither of these revisions superseded the ancient Peshitto. 
 
 4 ἃ. So far all critics are in agreement. But it has been 
 supposed that in the era preceding the time when our oldest 
 copies of the Peshitto were written, some other form of trans- 
 lation was in general use. It was observed that Aphraates ἡ, 
 whose Homilies were composed between A. Ὁ. 337 and 345, and 
 
 * For the history of the Syriac Versions of the New Testament see Wright, 
 Syriac Diterature, pp. 6-20, where many authorities are quoted. Cp. 
 Mr. Burkitt’s Karly Christianity outside the Roman Empire, pp. 15, 18, 19. 
 
 4 Compare Mr, Rendel Harris’ remarks in L. Q. R., pp. 103, 104. 
 
 3. The Philorenian, by Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabog, in 508, and the- 
 Hark leian, by Thomas of Harkel, in 616. 
 
 4 For Aphraates and Ephraim see Wright, Syriac Literature, pp. 32-38, 
 and the article ‘ Ephraim’ in Dictionary of Christian Biography. 
 
 
 
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N. TI. 221 
 
 therefore are anterior to our earliest Peshitto MSS., did not 
 habitually quote from the New Testament Peshitto Text. 
 The usage of this writer is of importance in the question, 
 because his Homilies contain a very large number of Biblical 
 citations, and afford sufficient materials for arriving at a 
 definite conclusion. 
 
 b. The usage in citations of the other great Syriac writer of 
 the period, Mar Ephraim }, is perhaps the pivot on which the 
 present controversy will turn. Formerly it was supposed that 
 Ephraim made use of the Peshitto. If, as appeared to be the 
 case in not a few places, he used some other translation from 
 time to time—perhaps his own independent rendering—yet 
 the presence of the Peshitto in his writings was proof of the 
 antiquity of the version, and that it was known, and in use 
 amongst Syriac writers, in a period earlier than that of our 
 earliest copies of it’. Many years ago I indicated that the 
 solution of the problem might be found by a careful examina- 
 tion of all the quotations in the earliest Syriac writers ὃ. 
 Mr. Burkitt has proceded on the path, which I pointed out as 
 the route to our destination; and his observations and con- 
 clusions are, naturally, to me of peculiar interest. After an 
 exhaustive study of the genuine works of Mar Ephraim, he 
 contends that the resemblance of Ephraim’s quotations to the 
 Peshitto Text is due to corruption of Ephraim’s own text, 
 and that the true text of Ephraim, as attested by the best 
 MSS. of the Father’s writings, shows that he used the Dzates- 
 sarow in the main*. Hence Mr. Burkitt infers that the 
 Peshitto did not exist in the fourth century. His inference 
 
 1 See Mr. Woods’ ‘Examination of the New Testament Quotations of 
 Ephrem Syrus’ in Studia Biblica, vol. iii. 
 
 2 It is allowed by all Syriac scholars that some of the oldest of the extant 
 MSS. of the Peshitto N.T, are not later than the fifth century, and were 
 perhaps written about a hundred years after the death of Ephraim, which 
 took place in 373. A recent examination of the most ancient Syriac MS. in 
 the Bodleian Library, a Tetraeuangelium, has led to the conclusion that it is 
 much older than has hitherto been supposed, and rivals in antiquity all, 
 except a few, of the oldest copies. See a note by the present writer on ‘The 
 Age of Dawkins 3’ in The Journal of Theological Studies, April, 1902. 
 
 8 In a paper published in Studia Biblica, vol. i; see pp. 168, 169. 
 * On the disuse of this work in the Syrian Church see p. 232 (2) below. 
 
 R 2 
 
222 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 is exposed to the obvious objection that the use of the Diates- 
 saron does not preclude the existence of Separate Gospels. 
 He even admits the use of the Peshitto in eight out of his 
 forty-eight selected examples. But Mr. Burkitt’s theory 
 derives support from the phenomena presented by those few 
 quotations which have been traced in other extant remains of 
 the Syriac literature before the fifth century. It is not dis- 
 puted that they bear a greater resemblance to Curetonian, 
 or Lewis, readings, as the case may be, than to the Peshitto 
 Text. But from the fifth century and onwards the Peshitto 
 held undisputed possession of the field in the usage of the 
 Syrinus. A theory of its origin is demanded, and Mr. Burkitt 
 considers the action taken by Bishop Rabbula affords sufficient 
 explanation of the rise of the great version +. 
 
 1 Burkitt, op. cit., p. 57; see also p. 232, n. I, below. 
 
223 
 
 ΙΥ. 
 
 1. Our inquiry presents two problems which are related, but 
 yet distinct: (1) the antiquity of the Peshitto, (2) its place 
 amongst the witnesses to the Greek Text of the New Testa- 
 ment. Mere antiquity is not the hall-mark of value. A 
 version might have been made at the beginning of the second 
 century from a Greek copy, which was inaccurate, or imperfect, 
 or had even been wilfully vitiated. Such a work, in spite of 
 its antiquity, could not outweigh the evidence of much later 
 Greek copies, which would attest the text of their archetypes, 
 though themselves separated from them by a long interval. 
 The origin and history of the Peshitto Version of the New 
 Testament is an interesting literary problem, and, of course, 
 the date of the version, if it could be ascertained, would be an 
 important element in determining its value; but the date is 
 not the only consideration, We still have to take account of 
 the Greek MSS. on which it was based, of the authority by 
 which it was promulgated, of the estimate in which it has 
 been held by the Church, in her character as the Keeper of 
 Holy Writ. 
 
 2. We claim to have shown in the preceding pages of this 
 Studium that the Peshitto bears an independent witness to the 
 Greek Text of the Holy Gospels. It exhibits, as we have 
 seen, readings which are almost peculiar to itself. It not 
 unfrequently sides with the text of codex B, It more often 
 supports the readings of the Traditional Text ; but language 
 has been used about it, which implies a far closer relation to 
 the latter Text than our observations confirm. The Peshitto 
 is supposed to be its main support, and has been called its 
 ‘sheet-anchor.’ So when Mr. Burkitt’s investigations seemed 
 to result in depreciation of its authority, the paean of victory 
 
224 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica 
 
 was raised’. It was confidently asserted by those who dis- 
 parage the Traditional Text, that the cause of their opponents 
 had suffered shipwreck and was hopelessly lost. But the 
 school, in which I have for many years been.a scholar, has 
 never considered the Peshitto the sheet-anchor of our position. 
 I have yet to Jearn that Serivener or Burgon ever set such an 
 extravagant value on the Peshitto, although, as we allow, they 
 held the evidence of that Version in very high esteem. The 
 epithet ‘sheet-anchor’ was invented in the opposite camp, 
 perhaps by Dr. Sanday *. It was first used in my hearing by 
 him in his speech at the Debate on New Testament Criticism, 
 held in New College five years ago*, Those who spoke on the 
 other side were careful to insist on the necessity of weighing 
 all the evidence. Their language is opposed to any intention 
 of making some single part the sole support of the whole ‘+. 
 We admit that Burgon and Miller held the Peshitto Version 
 in very high esteem, but we are sure that their estimate would 
 have been modified in deference to any certain conclusions 
 derived from accurate study of the history of that Version. 
 But even in the extravagant supposition that the Peshitto 
 was the worthless rendering of a falsified Greek codex, palmed 
 off upon good Bishop Rabbula by a erafty monk of Antioch ; 
 even if thus the Peshitto had to be expunged from our 
 Apparatus Criticus, the critical position of the late Dean 
 Burgon would be unchanged. He would still have said, 
 ‘I base my text on the evidence of all the available and 
 credible and creditable witnesses °.’ 
 
 1A note of triumph sounds all through Mr. Rendel Harris’ review in 
 L. Q. R. and reaches fortissimo in the last paragraph. 
 
 2 Mr. Burkitt, in a letter to the Record dated Feb. 24 last, says, ‘ The 
 statement that the Peshitta New Testament was the ‘‘ sheet-anchor” of the 
 defenders of the Textus Receptus represented my own deliberate opinion.’ 
 Allowing that for Textus Receptus must be substituted Z'raditional Text, as 
 we have already explained, yet the statement shows an entire misapprehension 
 of our position. Our primary witnesses are the MSS. Versions and Fathers, 
 however valuable, are only subsidiary, not essential, supporters. 
 
 ° The Oxford Debate on the Textual Criticism of the New Testament, with 
 a Preface explanatory of the Rival Systems, 1897. 
 
 * See Miller’s introductory speech, Debate, pp. 4 and 16, and compare my 
 own remarks, p. 30. 
 
 5 Thus in substance he expressed himself repeatedly. See, for example, 
 Revision Revised, pp. 338, 330. 
 
225 
 
 V. 
 
 We will see how the evidence for the Traditional Text 
 would be affected by the omission of the testimony of the 
 Peshitto. To avoid the slightest suspicion of partiality, we 
 will again avail ourselves of the presentment of evidence given 
 _ by our opponent, Dr. Sanday, in the Oxford New Testament, 
 and if from the readings, which begin on p. 102, we take 
 always that which stands at the top of each page, we shall 
 clear our selection from any appearance of design. We ask 
 the reader to note that here is no question to which side the 
 evidence belongs, as when discussion arises on the reading of 
 a copy, or the text which underlies a passage in a version. 
 The evidence of the Peshitto has already been allowed to our 
 side by Dr. Sanday. We simply inquire what difference 
 it will make in the verdict if we direct this witness to stand 
 down. 
 
 1. Matt. i. 25 τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς τὸν πρωτότοκον : OY, υἱὸν only. We 
 will quote Burgon’s own words’. ‘Only SBZ and two cursive 
 copies can be produced for the omission. . . . Besides the Vulgate, 
 the Peschito and Philoxenian Syriac, the Aethiopic, Armenian, 
 Georgian, and Slavonian Versions, a whole torrent of Fathers are 
 at hand to vouch for the genuineness of the epithet. ... And how 
 is it possible that two copies of the ivth century (Bx) and one of 
 the vith (Z) ... backed by a few copies of the Old Latin, should be 
 supposed to be any counterpoise at all for such an array of first- 
 rate contemporary evidence as the foregoing’ (namely, the Fathers, 
 whom he quotes by name)? It is clear that the subtraction of the 
 more important Syriac Version, though it would affect the evidence, 
 would not change the Dean’s decision, for that is based on the 
 consentient testimony of the bulk of MSS. and Fathers; nor, on 
 our principles, can the verdict be different, even though we add 
 to the Dean’s statement, that the Curetonian and the Memphitic- 
 Thebaic side here with B and x. 
 
 1 The Revision Revised, p. 123. 
 
226 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 2. Matt. v. 44 ἐπηρεαζόντων ὑμᾶς kai. These words are omitted 
 by NB and some other authorities. The scale is not turned, if we 
 withdraw the Peshitto from the mass of evidence by which the words 
 are supported. 
 
 3. Matt. vil. 14. ὅτι is the reading of 8*B* and some other 
 authorities, τί of such a mass of authorities, that the omission of 
 the Peshitto, which supports it, can make no possible difference in 
 the result. 
 
 4. Matt. xi. 19. ἔργων, the reading of δὶ and B*, is here sup- 
 ported by the Peshitto, in spite of which we accept the Traditional 
 reading τέκνων, which is found in nearly all copies. 
 
 We pass the reading at the top of the next page (106), because 
 the Peshitto is not there cited, nor is its evidence available with 
 certainty. Some other readings will be passed over for the same 
 cause. We take next :— 
 
 5. Matt. xix. 9 καὶ 6 ἀπολελυμένην γαμήσας μοιχᾶται. Burgon 
 wrote ?:—‘ Those thirty-one letters probably formed three lines in 
 the oldest copies of all. Hence they are observed to exist in the 
 Syriac (Peshitto, Harkleian and Jerusalem), the Vulgate, some 
 copies of the Old Latin, the Armenian, and the Ethiopic, besides 
 at least seventeen uncials (including B®), and the vast majority 
 of the cursives.’ It is obvious that the omission of the Peshitto 
 from such a formidable list would not affect the Dean’s decision. 
 
 The addition in Matt. xx. 28 (p. 109) and the omission in xxii. 
 44 (p. 110), with some other variations on subsequent pages, do 
 not enter into the present discussion. The next is:— 
 
 6. Matt. xxvi. 28. καινῆς, which Westcott and Hort, bound by 
 their allegiance to codex B, omit, is attested by such a multitude 
 of witnesses, that the further evidence of the Peshitto is super- 
 fluous, though gratifying. 
 
 7. Marky. 1. Τερασηνῶν 8*BD and the Latin. Tadapnvav A 
 and the majority, with the Peshitto. Here the evidence of the 
 Peshitto is of more consequence than in some of the instances 
 already considered; but even without it, Ταδαρηνῶν enjoys the 
 support of the mass of witnesses. 
 
 8. Mark ix. 23. With or without the Peshitto, πιστεῦσαι will be 
 read by those who accept the testimony of the majority of witnesses. 
 
 9. Mark xi. 3. ‘Traces of πάλιν linger on only in those 
 untrustworthy witnesses NBCDLA, and about twice as many 
 
 1 The Causes of the Corruption of the Traditional Text of the Holy Gospels, 
 Burgon and Miller, 1896, p. 40. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N. T. 227 
 
 cursive copies, Burgon’. After this it matters little that the 
 Peshitto here sides with the majority against B. 
 
 10. Mark xv. 28. The omission of this verse in ‘a very few 
 ancient authorities’ was brought about ‘by the influence of the 
 Lectionary practice,’ according to Burgon’s explanation in Causes 
 of Corruption of Text, pp. 75-8. 
 
 11. Luke iv. 18. It has been said that the words ἰάσασθαι 
 τοὺς συντετριμμένους τὴν καρδίαν are open to suspicion as being 
 a genuine portion of the Old Testament Text, but not also of the 
 New?*. We accept them, however, on the authority of the mass 
 of copies, with, or without, the Peshitto. 
 
 12. Luke vi. 48. The gloss διὰ τὸ καλῶς οἰκοδομῆσθαι αὐτήν, 
 exhibited by NB and a few others as the genuine text, cannot be 
 accepted in place of the familiar words against the evidence of the 
 great majority, whether we include the witness of the Peshitto 
 or not. 
 
 13. Luke x. 1. ἑβδομήκοντα NA, &c.; B and a few authorities 
 add δύο. The Peshitto for the former reading is a counterpoise to 
 the Curetonian and Lewis for the latter, but its absence would 
 not turn the scale against the weighty evidence of the mass of MSS. 
 
 14. Luke xi. 4. The witness of the Latin for the clause ἀλλὰ 
 ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ is divided, but it is found in the 
 Curetonian, though not in the Lewis, and even without the ‘ sheet- 
 anchor’ of the Peshitto, is secured by overwhelming weight of 
 diplomatic evidence. Only a slavish adherence to δὲ and B could 
 induce editors to omit it. 
 
 15. Luke xvi. 12. ἡμέτερον cannot be read on the authority 
 of B and L, with some slight further attestation, when ὑμέτερον is 
 attested by a host of witnesses, irrespective of the Peshitto. 
 
 16. Luke xxiii. 15. (1) ἀνέπεμψα γὰρ ὑμᾶς πρὸς αὐτόν, or (2) 
 ἀνέπεμψε yap αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς. Seven uncials (including δὲ and B 
 and some cursives are quoted for the latter reading, which is 
 necessarily adopted by those editors who follow 8 and B. The 
 former reading is that of the majority of MSS. and of the Latin, 
 and receives some support from the reading for 7 sent him to him, 
 which is found in the Curetonian, the Lewis, and the Peshitto. 
 The additional testimony of the latter confirms the authority of 
 reading (1), but we do not deem the evidence essential to our 
 decision. 
 
 1 The Revision Revised, p. 57 bot. 
 ? See Scrivener’s Plain Introduction (ed. Miller), i. p. 13. 
 
228 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 17. Luke xxiii. 45. καὶ ἐσκοτίσθη 6 ἥλιος receives almost 
 unanimous support. Those who prefer rod ἡλίου ἐκλείποντος have 
 (says Burgon’) ‘but a single Version—vot a single Father—and 
 but three-and-a-half Evangelia to appeal to, out of perhaps three 
 hundred and fifty times that number.’ Such a weight of evidence 
 for the traditional reading is hardly affected by. the fact that the 
 Peshitto sides with it. In such a case its testimony is immaterial. 
 
 18. Luke xxiv. 42. The omission or retention of the words 
 ᾿ καὶ ἀπὸ μελισσίου κηρίου is the subject of a Dissertation of twelve 
 pages by Dean Burgon, and forms Appendix I of The Traditional 
 Text. It will be seen by reference to the summary of evidence on 
 pp. 250, 251, that the testimony of the Peshitto, though included, 
 is not essential to the writer’s decision. 
 
 It would consume space without necessity, and tire the 
 patience of the reader, if we were to add other examples. 
 These eighteen, taken almost at random from three Gospels, 
 are enough to illustrate our position. So great is the wealth 
 of attestation to the Traditional Text of the New Testament, 
 that the evidence of a Version or a Father can, argumenti 
 causa, be laid aside. No ‘sheet-anchor’ is required where 
 there is no fear of drifting. The loss of codex B would be 
 fatal to the stability of the structure raised by more than one 
 critical editor. Without the Old Latin the advocates of 
 Western readings would lack an indispensible witness. As 
 the discovery of 8 afforded a support to the text of B, so the 
 presence or absence of the Peshitto may affect the evidence 
 which we accept, but would not turn the scale so as to disturb 
 our estimate of the whole text. I do not deny the possibility 
 of our judgement being altered as to some particular and 
 isolated readings ; but in the vast majority of cases the verdict 
 depends on the different principles adopted by the rival schools 
 in sifting the evidence, and not on the attestation of an 
 individual witness. Formerly it was lawful to take our stand 
 on the acknowledged antiquity of the Peshitto. It was im- 
 possible indeed to prove, but neither was it possible to disprove, 
 that the version dated from the third or second century, the 
 
 1 The Revision Revised, p. 64. 
 
Peshitto Version in App. Crit. of Greek N.T. 229 
 
 latter being the era assigned to it by many competent scholars. 
 Now Ephraim and Rabbula have been summoned to intercept 
 the connexion with such great antiquity. But New Testa- 
 ment critics cannot wait, and delay the settlement of the 
 Greek Text, while experts are arguing about the date of a 
 Version. We are bold to sweep the difficulty aside, and 
 dispense with the evidence of the Peshitto. We do not admit 
 that its evidence is of no value. We insist that even on the 
 hypothesis of our opponents, it is adjudged to be a witness 
 of ancient readings, while it is most assuredly an independent 
 witness. Yet, in spite of its value, we can afford to do with- 
 out it, so abundant is the evidence which the Providence of 
 God has provided for the establishment of the Text of His 
 Word. 
 
 For the evidence for the true text of the New Testament is 
 not the witness of the venerable codex B, taken alone; nor 
 the reconstruction effected by the labours of Drs. Westcott and 
 Hort; nor the independent testimony of ‘Western’ docu- 
 ments?; nor the occasional consent of a few very ancient 
 copies, which are frequently at variance in their witness ; but 
 the sufficient evidence is the testimony of the Catholic Church, 
 as shown in the form of text which she has handed down to 
 us. In saying this we do not mean that one unvarying 
 form has been current in all places and at all times. There 
 have been corrupt as well as correct copies. Some Versions 
 were made from better MSS. of the original than others 
 “were. Some of the Fathers were more critical than others, 
 and sought out the best readings, while others quoted with 
 little regard to accuracy. There is therefore not only room, 
 but an imperative demand for the exercise of the most search- 
 
 1 Although Westcott and Hort assigned to codex B a position of paramount 
 importance, they sometimes rejected its evidence (which usually they accepted 
 unhesitatingly) in a way which certainly savours of arbitrariness. An 
 example is Matt. vi. 22, where, with the majority, they read ἐστιν ὁ ὀφθαλμός; 
 but B (with some support) adds σου, which Lachmann adopted. Compare 
 the strictures in Revision Revised, p. 307. 
 
 ? For this form of Text see Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New 
 Z seg (Kenyon), chap. viii, § 4, Salmon, op. cit., chap. vi; Oxford Debate, 
 
 ref., p. ix, 
 
230 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 ing criticism in dealing with the readings of Holy Scripture. 
 ‘It is the study,’ said Burgon, ‘of a lifetime.’ Codex B, as 
 interpreted by Dr. Hort, is evidence enough for some. Those 
 who are not satisfied with the witness of one MS., and the 
 explanations of one clever mind, desire judicially to sift all 
 the evidence. To them the Peshitto is a most important 
 witness, because it is independent, and speaks from out of 
 a remote past; but it is not the ‘sheet-anchor’ of their 
 textual faith. They rest on the collective wisdom of the 
 Church, not on the opinions of a part only. In arguing for 
 the antiquity of the Traditional Text, Miller has said? that 
 it is confirmed by the witness of the Peshitto. He does not 
 say proved, nor does he claim the witness as zecessary for the 
 argument. If the witness has not all the evidence to give, 
 with which he was credited, Miller’s argument may be modi- 
 fied, but his conclusion is not disproved. Mr. Burkitt’s 
 contention does not remove the Peshitto. We still need it, 
 though not in the pressing and imperative sense, which has 
 been supposed. We shall continue to appeal to it, even if the 
 conditions of the problem are somewhat changed. 
 
 1 See the Preface to Oxford Debate, p. xiv. 
 
231 
 
 Na 
 
 In the uncertainty which enwraps the origin of the Peshitto 
 conjecture has special attractions, but on the present occasion 
 I shall content myself with the humbler, but not, I think, 
 unprofitable task of inviting the reader to consider certain 
 aspects of conjectures which have been made to serve for 
 history in a region of mist and obscurity. 
 
 1. It was recognized that there was ample evidence to 
 witness to the spread of the Gospel in Syria at a very early 
 period in the Christian era, in view-of which it was not 
 unreasonable to conjecture that the Holy Scriptures were 
 translated into the Syriac vernacular even as early as the 
 second century A.D.1, The Peshitto Version occupied the 
 field, and was by tradition credited with being the ancient 
 and original Syriac Bible, of which some later versions were 
 revisions. 
 
 2. Comparison with the history of the Latin Versions next 
 suggested the conjecture that the Peshitto was evolved from 
 some earlier version. This conjecture had the advantage of 
 offering an account—though not an adequate and satisfactory 
 one—of the relation of the Peshitto Text to another Syriac 
 Text (the Curetonian) which, meanwhile, had been brought 
 to England from Egypt”. It had also the effect of greatly 
 reducing the antiquity of the Peshitto. 
 
 3. When it was discovered that writers anterior to the 
 episcopate of Rabbula® did not always and accurately quote 
 from the Peshitto, while writers of subsequent ages were 
 evidently familiar with the Peshitto Text, and used it as their 
 
 1 See Burkitt, op. cit., pp. 9-13; Miller’s Scrivener, vol. ii. chap. ii. 
 
 2 Mr. Rendel Harris, however, has justly insisted on ‘the fallacy of 
 reasoning in textual matters from analogy.’ L.Q. R., pp. 103, 104 
 
 3 He was Bishop of Edessa from 411 to 435. See article by Εἰ. Vensbiedt in 
 Dictionary of Christian Biogr aphy, and Wright’s Syriac Literature, pp. 32-38. 
 
232 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 vernacular, it was further conjectured that Rabbula was the 
 author of the present form of the Peshitto Text. This con- 
 jecture is useful as offering an explanation of a somewhat 
 obscure statement in the Life of Rabbula, that ‘ he translated 
 by the wisdom of God which was in him the New Testament 
 from Greek into Syriac, because of its variations, exactly as 
 it was 1. 
 
 On the other hand the conjecture is unsatisfactory in that 
 it leaves unexplained the following facts :— 
 
 1. That a very great and memorable event in the history 
 of Syriac Christianity is unnoticed in Syriac literature except, 
 if it be so, by the meagre allusion already quoted. If the 
 Peshitto was composed in the earliest days of the spread of 
 the Gospel in Syria, its story may well be lost in the mists of 
 a most remote past. But the conjecture is, that it arose at 
 a time when there was great activity amongst Syriac writers. 
 Their silence on so important a subject is very remarkable. 
 
 2. The loss of the Older Text. If it be granted that the 
 Curetonian and the Lewis are Pre-Peshitto copies, it must be 
 allowed that their divergences one from another are so great 
 that at the best they only contain some Old Syriac Text *; 
 and they are only two in number against the multitude of 
 Peshitto copies. To attempt to account for their differences 
 does not come within the scope of this essay, and in our 
 present knowledge would probably be futile. On the other 
 hand, the fact that they are connected by the application to 
 both of the term Mepharreshe may be significant. It is not 
 unreasonable to suppose that they represent first attempts to 
 carry out the order of Rabbula, that copies of the Separated 
 
 1 The words as given by Overbeck are Jo? Kanaus ce? aad 
 mArwaa Sho αν, | ere ~~ Jen boku .ο.59 
 choo Spools μο gol a Se | SOG The order in his Canons relating to 
 the Holy Gospels is as follows :—- μοοῦον ο laos JLaSnbS Joo 
 ΒΕ Ku? Joow [agar ydqwo/ jhe eeodas?, ‘Let the 
 Priests and Deacons take care that in all the Churches there be a Gospel 
 d’ Mepharreshe, and that it be read.’ Ephraemi Rabulae aliorumque Opera 
 Selecta (Overbeck), pp. 172, 220. 
 
 2. See p. 236 n. below. 
 
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T. 233 
 
 (Mepharreshe) Gospels were to be substituted for the Diales- 
 saron, which hitherto had been much in use ?. 
 
 3. Quite as remarkable as the loss of the Old Syriac Text 
 was the rapidity with which (on Mr. Burkitt’s hypothesis) 
 the new Peshitto Text sprang into favour. As far as we can 
 judge from the evidence of Peshitto MSS. now extant, the 
 old Text was entirely neglected, and copies of the new were 
 multiplied without admixture of Old Syriac elements. 
 
 If however these various difficulties present so little force 
 to some minds that no hesitation is felt in accepting Mr. Bur- 
 kitt’s conjecture, then it should be noted that certain con- 
 sequences will follow, and necessarily, from the hypothesis. 
 
 1. The origin of the Peshitto Text is traced to a very early 
 date in the history of the authorities for the Text of the New 
 Testament. Rabbula’s episcopate lasted from A.D. 411-435. 
 Within that period ex hypothesi the Peshitto was produced. 
 It is therefore as old as any of the oldest MSS. of the Greek 
 Testament, with the exception of x and B. 
 
 2. Rabbula translated afresh, where necessary, from the 
 original. Therefore he had access to Greek documents. It 
 is obvious that an ecclesiastic in his position, who was 
 approaching the formidable task of a revision of the Text 
 of the New Testament in use in his country, would employ 
 the most accurate documents which he could obtain. If he 
 was not satisfied with those which were accessible in his own 
 country, he could send to Alexandria or to Constantinople for 
 better copies °. We know nothing, and my reader is free to 
 
 1 See The Traditional Text, chap. vi, ‘Witness of the Early Syriac 
 Versions.’ Prebendary Miller favoured the hypothesis that in various parts 
 of Christendom incorrect readings and extraneous glosses were handed down 
 beside the streams of genuine traditional text and authorized translation, and 
 that this erroneous matter was gradually rejected, and now only survives in 
 certain documents or classes of documents. Compare the Dialogue with an 
 Objector in Revision Revised, pp. 320-328. 
 
 2 Dr. Salmon, op. cit., pp. 84, 85, recognizes that the Syrian reviser ‘had 
 one important advantage over us in his better knowledge of the current text 
 of the fourth century.’ This is indeed true; but such considerations are too 
 much neglected by those who would set the arm-chair conjecture of the modern 
 student above the testimony of contemporaneous witnesses. 
 
 5. He had friends in both cities, for he corresponded with Cyiil and preached 
 at Constantinople. See Wright, op. cit., pp. 48, 49. 
 
234 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica 
 
 adopt any conjecture he pleases; but this he must grant, 
 that Rabbula’s Greek MSS. exhibited a Text which is not 
 identical with what is read in codex A, or in any other codex 
 in our Apparatus Criticus. This we have already demonstrated, 
 from the broad features of the Canon down to the minutiae 
 of trifling variations. The readings (as distinguished from 
 renderings) which are peculiar to the Peshitto, may with 
 propriety be called ‘Syrian Readings,’ because they depend 
 on the Greek readings, which were accepted by the great 
 Syrian Bishop, whether he used imported MSS. or copies 
 preserved in Syrian Libraries. They are not, however, 
 identical, as we have seen, with the ‘Syriac Readings’ con- 
 demned by Drs. Westcott and Hort, and they often agree 
 with the readings of codex B, the great authority of the 
 Cambridge Doctors. As regards their age, it would be no 
 unreasonable supposition that Rabbula used copies made 
 a century or so before his time, copies as old as, or older than, 
 Ν and B. Even if he used copies made in his own day, to 
 his own order, these would represent more ancient documents, 
 On any hypothesis, Rabbula’s Peshitto represents the readings 
 of Greek codices of great antiquity, and independent alike of 
 the oldest uncials and the latest cursives 1, 
 
 This aspect of the question was enforced by Dr. Waller in 
 a correspondence between Mr. Burkitt and himself, which 
 appeared in the Record newspaper in the early months of the 
 year 1902. Mr. Burkitt retorted that it was ‘a new plea.’ It 
 is not so. Our plea is one and the same always. We plead 
 the judgement of the universal Church. In an inquiry such as 
 this, which is partly literary, partly historical, partly theological, 
 fresh discoveries affect different portions of the evidence, 
 When the readings of the codex Rossanensis were made 
 known, Dr. Sanday described it as ‘lending its support 
 decidedly to the defenders of the Traditional Text®.’ At an 
 
 1 T would also refer the reader to what I have written before in Studia 
 Biblica, vol. ii. pp. 265, 2 
 
 6. 
 2 Studia Biblica, vol. i, The Text of the codex Rossanensis (2), p. 112, 
 
Peshitto Version in A pp. Crit. of Greek N.T. 235 
 
 earlier date the discovery of the Codex Sinaiticus strengthened 
 the position of those who base their text on a few ancient 
 documents. But, though the presentment of the evidence 
 may be modified, the rival schools of criticism remain in hope- 
 less antagonism, because they differ on first principles. 
 
 3. The Peshitto has long enjoyed the authority belonging 
 to common use and general acceptance in an ancient branch 
 of the Catholic Church, and thus occupies a superior position 
 as compared with the two other forms of Text, the Curetonian 
 and the Lewis. These have no history, and can claim no 
 authority beyond the antiquity imparted to some of their 
 readings by the resemblance they bear to quotations in early 
 Syriac writers. The two Texts are contradictory on the 
 supreme question of our Lord’s human nature, and the Lewis is 
 heretical in some of its statements?. But the Peshitto enters 
 the witness-box to testify to the Text of the New Testament 
 with the weight of accepted credibility. Its Text has been 
 handed down to us as that which the Syriac Church has 
 received as authentic. It represents a stage in the process of 
 eliminating ancient textual errors—for it is well known that 
 some of the worst were perpetrated in the earliest ages?— 
 and preserving the genuine readings. I venture to remind 
 my readers that my argument has always been, ‘We know 
 that the Peshitto is ancient, but we know nothing, indis- 
 putable and adequate, about any earlier version. We do not 
 deny ® that such may have existed, but we contend that it 
 certainly was neither the Lewis nor the Curetonian, in their 
 present forms.” ‘No one,’ says Mr. Burkitt 4, ‘supposes that 
 S. Jerome used either of the particular MSS. which we call 
 a and ὦ as the basis of his revision.’ Perhaps not. But the 
 epithet ‘Old Syriac’ was constantly prefixed to a reading 
 copied from the Curetonian, or is nowadays prefixed to one 
 
 1 See Church Quarterly Review, April, 1895, pp. 112-114. 
 
 ? See Causes of Corruption in the Traditional Text (Burgon and Miller), 
 pp. 12, 13; Miller’s Serivener, II, chap. ix, §§ 2, 3. 
 
 * Cp. my words in Studia Biblica, i. p. 1723 ii. pp. 89. 90. 
 
 * δι Ephraim’s Quotations, p. vii. 
 
 VOL. V, PART III. 8 
 
236 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 taken from the Lewis, as though ‘ Curetonian,’ ‘ Lewis,’ and 
 ‘Old Syriac’ were equivalent terms; a very inaccurate mode 
 of expression, in view of the hopeless differences between the 
 Curetonian and Lewis Texts '. 
 
 If Mr. Burkitt is right in ascribing the present form of the 
 Peshitto New Testament to the pen of Rabbula, he has (I fear, 
 unintentionally) greatly enhanced its weight, by giving it a 
 definite history, a distinguished origin, and the shelter of an 
 authoritative authorship. He reminds me that I appealed 
 unto Caesar, and he thinks the appeal will result in a decision 
 to the condemnation of our cause. As far as judgement has 
 yet been pronounced, we have nothing to complain of. The 
 path I indicated, when followed up, has led to a satisfactory 
 result. The unknown author of the Peshitto has been found 
 in the person of a distinguished churchman, who revised an 
 ancient work by Greek MSS. which have no representatives 
 now extant, and thus has transmitted to us an independent 
 witness to the Greek Text of the New Testament. We wait 
 with curiosity to see whether further research will establish 
 the truth of Mr. Burkitt's hypothesis, or whether it will fail 
 to bear the weight of the difficulties which attend the adoption 
 of it. Meanwhile we note an interesting resemblance between 
 the work of Mr. Burkitt and of Drs. Westcott and Hort. 
 They (albeit unwittingly) established the antiquity of the 
 Textus Receptus of the Greek. He has confirmed the authority 
 of the Textus Receptus of the Syriac. 
 
 1 Mr. Burkitt (ibid.) recognizes the divergence between these forms of 
 Syriac Text. I add the words of an eminent and well-known Orientalist, 
 whose name T do not mention, as I quote from a private letter. After speaking 
 of the peculiar interest attaching to the new edition of the Tetraeuangelium, 
 because of the possible connexion of Rabbula with the Peshitto, he says, 
 ‘ Allerdings wire es viel wichtiger, wenn wir die alte Uebersetzung in ihrer 
 urspriinglichen Gestalt hiitten. But this he explains is unattainable, on 
 account of ‘die grossen Abweichungen des Sinaiticus von Curetonianus.’ 
 
 « 
 
237 
 
 ADDENDUM 
 
 Tuer death of Prebendary Miller has delayed, but, we hope, 
 will not put a stop to, the publication of Burgon’s Text. The 
 portion, however, of the Textual Commentary already printed 
 affords good examples of the changes which Burgon considered 
 were demanded by the evidence. Instances will be found in 
 every chapter. As interesting specimens we may quote :— 
 Matthew ii. 11, Textual Commentary (Miller), p. 8. Here 
 Textus Receptus reads εὗρον τὸ παιδίον, but Burgon with 
 Westcott and Hort and the Revisers reads εἶδον τ. 7. 111. 8, 
 p- 12; T. R. καρποὺς ἀξίους, Burgon, W. H., Revisers, καρπὸν 
 ἄξιον. iv. 10, p. 18; Burgon, ὀπίσω pov, which T. R., W. H., 
 and Revisers omit. v. 21, p. 26; T. R. and W. H. ἐρρέθη, 
 Burgon with Lachmann and cod. B, ἐρρήθη. ν. 47, p. 38; 
 T. R., W. H., Revisers, ἀδελφούς, Burgon, φίλους. vi. 18, 
 p- 46; T. R. at the end of the verse adds ἐν τῷ φανερῷ, Burgon 
 and W. H. omit with B. vii. 14, p. 553 τί στενὴ 7 π., Burgon 
 and Revisers’ margin; ὅτι o. ἡ π., T, R., W. H., Revisers 
 Text. vill. 15, Ὁ. 60; διηκόνει αὐτοῖς, T. R.; διη. αὐτῷ, Burgon, 
 W. H., Revisers. The reader may be surprised to discover 
 that Burgon frequently accepted the readings of Westcott 
 and Hort. In these cases those editors are supported by the 
 majority of the Greek MSS, and by the Fathers. 
 

 
BAPTISM AND 
 CHRISTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 THE AGES OF PERSECUTION 
 
 Scope of the inquiry undertaken. 
 
 It is the object of this essay to examine the evidence from 
 archaeology as to the custom of the early Church, while only 
 such references to literature will be made as may serve for the 
 purpose of illustration. The first three chapters will deal with 
 the positive side of the question, by considering the actual 
 representations of the rite that have been preserved, while in 
 the last two the negative evidence will be examined, by 
 studying such fonts as have survived from early days, with a 
 view to determine whether their. structure was such as would 
 admit of the submersion of a catechumen. 
 
 Direct evidence as to the custom of the Ante-Nicene Church 
 is confined to the paintings of the catacombs of Rome. They 
 are by far the most important witness that has survived, for 
 they have been preserved where stuffs have perished, house- 
 hold articles broken, even inscriptions and marbles destroyed. 
 They were hidden from public gaze; and so the expression of 
 Christian sentiment and representation of Church custom could 
 be freely painted, and moreover after the Lombard invasions 
 of the seventh and eighth centuries, when the bodies of the 
 saints were removed within the walls of the city, they became 
 entirely neglected, so that their frescoes escaped the fate of so 
 many ancient monuments that were destroyed in later building 
 and restoration. 
 
 In representations of baptism there is sometimes a consider- 
 able difference of opinion as to whether that of Christ is 
 
 VOL. V, PART IY. a 
 
240 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 pictured or that of a catechumen. For our purpose it is a 
 matter indifferent, for though the doctrinal significance of 
 S. John’s baptism was entirely distinct, there is no reason to 
 suppose that it was conceived of as varying in method. 
 
 It is generally assumed that the usual custom of the early 
 Church was to baptize. by ‘total immersion, and though the 
 reasons for supposing that affusion may have been practised 
 even by the Apostles have often been set out and may be 
 found in any special treatise on the subject, it is generally 
 taken for granted that it was only in exceptional cases that 
 the latter method was adopted. 
 
 This assumption is based mainly on the evidence supplied 
 by literature. No doubt the works which have survived to 
 the present day represent what was best in the thought of the 
 early Church and so most worth preserving, and we do well in 
 giving them the first place in our consideration, since it is 
 always more profitable to study what is typical of any age, even 
 if the average stood at a lower level ; but we must not forget 
 that the writings of the Fathers, as giving the best work of the 
 leaders of the Church, tend to depict the ideal in their minds 
 rather than to chronicle the actual that lay before their eyes. 
 
 The average of Christian sense and practice is best discovered 
 by studying the way it worked itself out in liturgies and in 
 the recognized devotions of the people, but even the Church 
 orders will reveal to us what was aimed at rather than what 
 was attained. To find out what was actually done by the mass 
 of Christians we must turn to the evidence of archaeology, for 
 which the data are drawn so largely from cemeteries and other 
 regions where the popular will has always had freest scope. 
 
 So, were a stranger to examine our customs to-day, he would find 
 frequent allusions in sermons to the symbolism of baptism 
 which would seem to assume the practice of total immersion ; 
 on turning to the Prayer Book he would suppose it to be the 
 custom, and affusion to be permitted occasionally, but an exam- 
 ination of the fonts in our churches would prove submersion 
 always impossible for adults and nearly for infants. 
 
 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 241 
 
 Ex. 1. Fresco in the Crypt of Iucina. c. 100 A.D. 
 
 The earliest representation is that painted over the door of 
 one of the chambers of what was probably the original erypt 
 of Lucina on the Appian way (Fig. 1). 
 
 It now forms part of the catacomb 
 of S. Callistus and dates from the 2 
 first or early second century 1%. 
 The scene is that of the baptism 
 of Christ. The Baptist, clothed in ΞΞ 
 
 an exomis, stands on the right; he WM I 
 _ stoops forward and holds out his \\ 
 | right hand to a nude figure moving 
 “towards him as if to come out of the 
 water. The dove flying towards the right is seen above the 
 figure of the Saviour. 
 
 The fresco is -61 m. high and -4 broad. A copy was made 
 by an artist named Dickmann under the supervision of Mgr. 
 Wilpert in 1884; since that time it has considerably faded. 
 The tongue of land on which the Baptist stands in the re- 
 production in De Rossi, as well as the water-line, do not appear 
 in the original. Wilpert noticed that the traces of colour 
 were more blue under the figure of the Baptist and of a greener 
 shade beneath that of the Saviour. The olive branch indicated 
 in the beak of the dove in De Rossi is emphasized in Garrucci, 
 whose picture is that most frequently reproduced, but seems 
 
 Fig. 1. 
 
 to have been inserted in his copy from some confusion with 
 the left wing of the bird. 
 
 From the relative position of the figures the water could not 
 have been pictured as rising higher than the knees of the 
 
 1 Rémische Quartalschrift (in future R. Q.S.), 1896, p. 335: ‘Die Taufe 
 Christi auf vorconstantinischen Gemiilden der Katacomben, von A.de Waal.— 
 De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. i, p. 324, tav. 14, Rome, 1864.—Garrucci, 
 P. R., Storia dell’ arte cristiana, vol. i, p. 203; vol. ii, tav. i, Prato, 
 1873.—Schultze, V., Archiologie der christlichen Kunst, p. 365, Miinchen, 
 1895. 
 
 T2 
 
242 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Saviour, as the Baptist seems to have been represented as 
 standing on dry ground. 
 
 The painting has been explained as symbolical of deliverance 
 from persecution (Garr., vol. i, p. 203) and as the saving of 
 S. Peter (Martigny, Dict.’ art. Pierre). V. Schultze interprets 
 it as the baptism of a catechumen on the ground that our Lord 
 would not have been represented naked in pre-Constantinian 
 times. Against this opinion see Dr. J. Strzygowski, Icono- 
 graphie der Taufe Christi, p. 3, Miinchen, 1885, and the fresco 
 in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus described 
 below. 
 
 Ex, 2. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments 
 in 5. Callistus. ὁ. 200. 
 
 The so-called gallery of the sacraments in the cemetery of 
 S. Callistus dates from the second or early part of the third 
 century. The sacrament of baptism is represented in the 
 two oldest cubicula. 
 
 In the first, A?, the baptizer stands on dry ground to the 
 left of the picture (Fig. 2). He is 
 clothed in a white toga, and his feet 
 are bare. He lays his right hand on 
 the head of the catechumen, and in 
 his left holds an object generally con- 
 sidered to be a scroll. 
 
 The catechumen is represented as 
 a boy, nude, holding his hands straight 
 down and inclining a little to the left 
 towards the baptizer. The water rises to the ankles. 
 
 
 
 The fresco is between two loculi; above the upper one is 
 a shipwreck, and in the corresponding place on the wall to 
 the left is Moses striking the rock and a man fishing in the 
 water which flows from it 1. 
 
 1 De Waal, FR. Q. S. 1896, p. 344.—De Rossi, vol, ii, tav. 11 and 15, ce. 12 and 
 13.—Garr,, vol. ii, tav. 5, 3. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 243 
 
 Ex. 3. Fresco in the Gallery of the Sacraments 
 an S. Callistus, ὁ. 200. 
 
 In the other cubiculum, A%, the baptizer stands on the right 
 side with bare feet and a cloth round his loins (Fig. 3). The 
 catechumen is again represented as a boy, nude, holding 
 his hands down and slightly 
 turning his faceaway, Both 
 are standing in the water, 
 and the baptizer is in the 
 act of pouring water over 
 his head. The falling water 
 is represented by six large 
 strokes of dark blue paint. 
 The dove behind the right- 
 hand figure flies towards the 
 
 
 
 group. 
 
 Above is represented Jonah being cast out of the ship and 
 swallowed by the whale, to the left is a man fishing, to the 
 right a man carrying his bed, generally described as the para- 
 lytic (Mark ii, 12), but more probably intended for the sick 
 man of Bethesda (John v. 9). The symbolism of the whole 
 leaves no doubt that a scene of baptism is represented, 
 while the absence of the dove in the first example suggests 
 that it is perhaps a catechumen rather than our Saviour that 
 we have before us ?. 
 
 In the reproduction in De Rossi the strokes indicating the water 
 are too finely drawn, and the water-line is represented as 
 passing behind the knees and leaving the baptizer’s feet dry as 
 well as those of the baptized down to the ankles, below which 
 he shows the picture as destroyed. Garrucci and others copy 
 him. The water should cover the ankles, allowing the feet to 
 show through the water. The dove is omitted in De Rossi and 
 Garr., but is given in the R.Q.S. The picture in the latter is 
 
 1 De Waal, R. Q.S. 1896, p. 344.—De Rossi, vol. ii, ὑῶν. 13 and 16, ec. 12 
 and 13.—Gaurr,, vol, ii, tav. 7, 2. 
 
244 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 reproduced by photography from a painting and does not show 
 the blue strokes of water. 
 
 Ex. 4. Fresco in the Cemetery of SS. Petrus and 
 Marecellinus. ὁ. 250. 
 
 Another representation occurs in the roof of eubiculum 54 
 in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus (Bosio’s num- 
 bering), and dates from the middle of the third century 
 (Fig. 4). The Baptist is 
 represented on the left , 
 standing on dry ground with | 
 his left foot raised on a | 
 stone, leaning a little for- _ 
 ward and laying his right 
 hand on the head of Christ. 
 He wears a cloak or skin 
 reaching to the knees and 
 leaving the right shoulder 
 
 Fig. 4. and arm free. The Saviour 
 
 is represented as a nude boy, 
 
 standing in the water, and His arms raised as in prayer. 
 Above in the clouds is the dove flying downwards. 
 
 The dove, taken with the fact that the three corresponding 
 scenes represent the Magi following the star, the Adoration, 
 and (?) the Annunciation, leaves no doubt as to the subject 
 and forms a link to Ex. 1 in the erypt of Lucina, where the 
 baptism of Christ is represented, and Exx. 2 and 3 where the 
 person baptized is a boy}. 
 
 
 
 It is interesting to note that the newly baptized were commonly 
 called pueri or infantes (cf. Le Blant, Etude sur les sarcophages 
 chrétiens antiques de la ville d’Arles, p. 27). The custom of 
 giving them a mixture of milk and honey mentioned by 
 Tertullian (De Cor. 3, Adv. Mare. i, 14: ‘Ile [Dominus] .’.. 
 nec aquam reprobavit creatoris, qua suos abluit, nec oleum, 
 
 1 Wilpert, J., Hin Cyclus christologischer Gemélde aus der Katacombe der 
 heiligen Petrus und Marcellinus, Freiburg im B., 1891. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 245 
 
 quo suos unguit, nec mellis et lactis societatem, qua suos in- 
 
 fantat’) is enjoined in the Canons of Hippolytus, ch. 19,§ 144, 
 
 as teaching them that they have become as little children, 
 
 ‘ut doceant eos qui communicant iterum se natos esse ut 
 
 parvuli, quia parvuli communicant lac et mel. In § 148 
 
 however the custom is regarded as a symbol of the future life. 
 in the promised land, the waters of baptism corresponding to 
 
 those of the Jordan, and thus further emphasizing the similarity 
 of the baptism of Christ as conceived in the popular imagina- 
 
 tion with the administration of the sacrament .as men were 
 
 accustomed to witness it. Later tradition declared that the 
 
 stone on which the Baptist stood while pouring the water over 
 
 our Saviour’s head was preserved in the church on the banks 
 
 of the Jordan at the traditional place of Christ’s baptism, 
 
 where it served as the: prototype of the bishop’s cancellarium 
 
 usually found in early Christian baptisteries. (Garr., vol. 1, 
 
 Ῥ. 368, quoting Epiphanius.)* 
 
 Another example is mentioned by De Waal (2. Q. 5. 1896, 
 p. 346) as having been discovered by Wilpert in the cemetery 
 of Domitilla but as not having been edited. No description 
 is given, but it is attributed to the same period as the examples 
 above. 
 
 Beyond these there are two pictures of doubtful significance, 
 and two with possible but improbable referenee to baptism. 
 
 Ex. 5. Fresco in the Cemetery of Praetestatus. 
 Second century. 
 
 In the cemetery of Praetestatus there is a fresco, dating from 
 the end of the second century, the meaning of which has been 
 much disputed. It represents three beardless figures, clothed 
 in tunic and toga but with bare feet (Fig. 5). That on the 
 right stands with the head slightly turned to the left; the 
 two figures on the left hold long cane-stalks with leaves in 
 their hands ; that in the hand of the central figure touches the 
 head of the figure to the right, round whose head are short 
 
 * Peregrinatio Silviae, ed. Gamurrini, ch. 68, p. 98, who quotes Pautinus 
 Ep. 21 ad Sev. and the Itinerarium Burdigalense. 
 
246 Studia Brblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 strokes of paint. Τὸ the extreme right is a growing cane on 
 the bend of which is a dove. Near the picture are painted 
 the woman with the issue of blood and the woman of Samaria, 
 giving no clue to the meaning of the scene. 
 
 This fresco is usually interpreted as the Passion of Christ, 
 though mainly on the ground that the figures are clothed and 
 so could not represent baptism ‘by immersion.’ Passion scenes 
 are rare at so early a date, but baptism scenes it is true are 
 hardly less so. The whole is in a peculiar style of painting 
 
 
 
 Fig. 5 (after Garrucci). 
 
 due, according to De Rossi, to the work having been executed 
 by Greek artists. 
 
 On the other hand the presence of the dove would seem to 
 indicate baptism ; the canes have been interpreted as symbol- 
 izing the Jordan; and the second figure may be a disciple 
 witnessing the event, or a representative of the church as in 
 the mosaics in the church of 5. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna 
 in the series depicting our Lord’s miracles. The marks round 
 the head, usually explained as representing the crown of thorns, 
 have a parallel in the indications of water in the freseo in the 
 cemetery of S. Callistus (Ex. 3) mentioned above, though 
 here they are much smaller 1. 
 
 * Garr., vol. i, p. 368, and vol. ii, tav. 39, 1.—De Rossi, Bullettino di archeo- 
 logia cristiana, 1872, p. 64. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 247 
 
 Garrucci first explains the fresco asa scene of the Passion; then, 
 after a long discussion, concludes that it represents our Lord’s 
 baptism. De Rossi in the Bullettino describes it as the 
 mocking of the soldiers, though without discussing the question. 
 F. X. Kraus interprets it as the crowning with thorns, and 
 refers to Le Blant (Revue de Vart chrétien, 1894, p. 37) as 
 seeing Docetic influence in it, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, 
 vol. i, p. 161, Freiburg im B., 1896, 
 
 Ex. 6. Symbolical fresco in S. Callistus. 
 Third century. 
 The region of S. Soter in the cemetery of S. Callistus dates 
 
 from the third century. A fresco painted on the semicircle at 
 the back of an arcosolium in one of its chambers has given it 
 
 
 
 Fig. 6 (after Garrucci). 
 
 the name of the chapel of the sheep. A loculus has been cut 
 across the picture since it was painted, but its general features 
 are clear (Fig. 6). 
 
 In the centre is the Good Shepherd carrying a sheep on His 
 back and with two at His feet. On either side water is falling 
 and two men are hurrying to it, holding out their hands to 
 drink from it. Below are sheep at each corner, over which 
 the water descends in a shower. 
 
 On the wall to the right is represented a beardless Moses 
 
248 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 raising his left foot on a stone to loosen his shoe, then a bearded 
 figure striking the rock, while a third hastens toward it holding 
 out his hands in the 
 same attitude as the 
 two figures in the cen- 
 tral painting (Fig. 7). 
 The painting opposite 
 represents the miracle 
 of the multiplication of 
 
 
 
 the loaves }. 
 To understand the 
 significance of this pieture we must consider three post- 
 
 Fig. 7 (after Garrucci). 
 
 Constantinian representations of baptism. 
 
 Ex. 7. Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. 359. 
 
 The sarcophagus of Junius Bassus in the Crypt of 5. Peter’s 
 dates from the year 359. Its front consists of a double row of 
 scenes from the Old and New Testaments, standing in the re- 
 cesses of an arcade of carved and twisted pillars. In the spandrels 
 of the lower arcade are small reliefs in which Christ and the 
 Christian disciple are represented as lambs. In the second 
 space from the right He is represented laying His right fore 
 foot on the head of the disciple lamb, while a stream flows 
 over its head from the beak 
 of a dove and the hind 
 quarters of the lamb are 
 covered with a stream that 
 flows down from ἃ rock 
 ἐξα (ΕἸρ. 8). 
 
 The other reliefs repre- 
 sent :—first, on the right, 
 raising of the dead (much damaged) ; second, the receiving of the 
 law (?); third, the Lamb multiplying loaves ; fourth, the Christ 
 
 
 
 * De Rossi, vol. ii, Tay. d’Aggiunta A, and vol. iii, p. 70, tav. 9.—Garr., 
 vol, ii, tav. 18, 2 and 4. . 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 249 
 
 Lamb striking the rock (while a disciple lamb drinks from the 
 water which flows down in a stream similar to that represented 
 in the Baptism scene) ; and fifth, the Christ Lamb meeting the 
 disciple lamb in a ship at sea, 
 
 The similarity of the cycle with that in the Chapel of the 
 Sacraments in the cemetery of 8. Callistus leaves no doubt 
 of the meaning of the relief?. 
 
 The engraving in Garrucci fails to give the water flowing over 
 the hind quarters of the lamb. 
 
 Ex. 8. Unpublished drawing of a Sarcophagus. 
 
 De Rossi (Bullettino, 1876, p. 11) refers to an unpublished 
 drawing of a sarcophagus made by a Flemish archaeologist 
 Philip de Winghe, in which ‘the centre of the front is occupied 
 by the mystic lamb, whose feet are in a stream, while on its head 
 and back there flow two streams of water from the dove which 
 descends from heaven.’ 
 
 The feature of the stream flowing from the dove’s mouth 
 reappears in the mosaic representing the Baptism of Christ 
 in the Arian baptistery of Ravenna (S. Maria in Cosmedin). 
 According to Strzygowsky the same feattire was in the 
 original in the orthodox baptistery, but was destroyed and 
 remade to represent the water as poured from a vessel in 
 the hand of the Baptist (Icon. d. Taufe Christi, p. 10). 
 
 Ex. 9. Sarcophagus at Arles. I. Fourth—fifth 
 
 centurtes. 
 
 In the third chapel of the museum at Arles is a repre- 
 sentation of the Baptism of our Lord on the small end of 
 a sarcophagus of the fourth or fifth century. 
 
 The Baptist is represented bearded, standing on the left, 
 clothed in a skin which leaves his right shoulder free (Fig. 9). 
 He lays his right hand on the head of the Saviour and 
 slightly raises the left. The Saviour is represented as a 
 
 1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 322.— Bull, 1876, 10-11.—R. Q. S. 1896, p. 325. 
 
250 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 nude boy with his arms slightly raised and hands held up, 
 and turning towards the water which falls in a mass like a 
 twisted _ pillar 
 from a knob 
 of rock in the 
 centre. Over 
 the head of the 
 Baptist is the 
 dove with out- 
 stretched wings 
 flying down 
 towards _ the 
 middle, The 
 stone is divi- 
 ded down the 
 centre of the 
 stream of water, and on the other half (if the two parts 
 really belong to one another) is represented a figure in tunic 
 and pallium holding a scroll in his hand. The whole is very 
 roughly executed; the water flows over the feet of the 
 
 Saviour (the 
 
 
 
 Fig. 9 (after Garrucci). 
 
 engraving in 
 Garrucci does 
 not give this 
 feature). 
 
 On the cor- 
 responding end 
 is represented 
 Moses, bearded, 
 and clothed in 
 a toga, striking 
 
 
 
 a similar rock 
 
 
 
 Fig. 10 (after Garrucci). irom which a 
 ν᾿ similar stream 
 flows down (Fig. ro). On the right side of the water is 
 
 a Jew in tunic and chlamys running towards it and 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 251 
 
 holding out his hands to catch it as it falls. In the space 
 corresponding to that occupied by the Baptist is another 
 figure in tunic and chlamys holding up his hand in a similar 
 attitude. Such representations of Moses striking the rock 
 with the water falling in this peculiar way are very common 
 both at Arles and at Rome}, 
 
 With this should be compared the carving on another 
 sarcophagus-end in the same museum. 
 
 Ez. το. Sarcophagus at Arles. II, Fourth or fifth 
 century. 
 
 On the left is represented a beardless figure clothed in a 
 toga standing in front of a tree (Fig. 11), In the centre is 
 
 
 
 Fig. 11 (after Garrucci). 
 
 a stream of water flowing straight down from a knob of rock 
 in the form described in the last example. In the middle 
 of the stream directly under the rock stands a nude boy 
 
 * Garr., vol. v, tav. 351, 5 and 6.—Le Blant, Sarcoph. d’Arles, pl. xv. 1. 
 
252 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 holding his hands down and turning his face to the right. 
 The water half covers him. 
 
 The stone has either been sawn in two down the centre, 
 or is joined to a similar piece on which is represented the 
 stream of water towards which two figures are hastening 
 to drink}, . 
 
 The engraving in Garrucci represents the boy as more covered 
 by the water than he is in the original carving. 
 
 With these it is interesting to compare a passage in the 
 ‘African Acts of S. Perpetua’ (J. A. Robinson: Texts and 
 Studies, Cambridge, vol. i, p. 29). 
 
 In her second vision the saint sees her brother Dinocrates, 
 who had died at the age of seven years and no doubt with- 
 out having been baptized, trying to get at the water of a 
 font (piscina, κολυμβήθρα) to: drink, but is unable to do so as 
 the rim is above his head. In a later vision she sees him 
 cleansed, clothed and refreshed, the rim of the font is lowered 
 to his waist, the normal level, and he drinks water out of a 
 stream that never fails, which she interprets as a sign that 
 he has had the loss of the sacrament on earth made good to 
 him in heaven. 
 
 ‘Erat deinde in ipso loco ubi Dinocrates erat piscina plena aqua, 
 altiorem marginem habens quam erat statura pueri, et exten- 
 debat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. Ego dolebam quod et, 
 piscina illa aquam habebat, et tamen propter altitudinem 
 marginis bibiturus non esset. Et experrecta sum et cognovi 
 fratrem meum laborare. Sed fidebam me profuturam labori 
 eius, et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transivimus 
 in carcerem castrensem, munere enim castrensi eramus 
 pugnaturi; natale tune Getae Caesaris. Et feci pro illo 
 orationem die et nocte gemens et lacrymans ut mihi donaretur. 
 Die quo in nervo mansimus ostensum est mihi hoc; video 
 locum illum quem retro videram et Dinocratem mundo corpore 
 bene vestitum refrigerantem, et ubi erat vulnus video 
 cicatricem, et piscinam illam quam retro videram, submisso 
 margine ad umbilicum pueri, et aquam de ea trahebat sine 
 
 * Garr., vol. v, tav. 398, 9.—Le Blant, pl. i. figs. 2 and 3. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 253 
 
 cessatione ; et accessit Dinocrates et de ea bibere coepit; quae 
 fiala non deficiebat, et satiatus accessit de aqua ludere more 
 infantium gaudens et experrecta sum. Tune intellexi 
 translatum eum esse de poena.’ Ch. 7. 
 
 From these examples we see the close connexion of idea in 
 all these subjects. In each sarcophagus the representation of 
 Moses striking the rock so frequently associated with the 
 figures hastening to drink is connected with that of baptism ; 
 in the case of Ex. 9 with the baptism of Christ, in Ex. Io 
 with that of a catechumen, while in Ex; 7 the catechumen, 
 and in Ex. 8 Christ, are each symbolized by a sheep. 
 
 In the vision of 8. Perpetua we have the same idea of the 
 drinking of the water directly connected with baptism. 
 
 This general agreement in the fourth and fifth centuries 
 from France, Spain, and Rome points to a widespread conven- 
 tional symbolism, Christian sarcophagi do not show much 
 originality in execution, and repeat designs in forms little 
 _ different from those generally found in the catacombs. These 
 would need some time to become established and to spread 
 throughout the West. This fact, supported by the second- 
 century evidence from Africa, justifies us in holding that 
 the fresco in the chapel of the sheep in S. Callistus (Ex. 6) 
 should be interpreted as a symbolical representation of 
 baptism. 
 
 χα. 11,12. Gold treasure from Singaglia. 
 Seventh or erghth century. 
 
 This interpretation is further confirmed by a similar sym- 
 bolic representation of baptism on a gold treasure found in 
 1880 near Sinigaglia, and which came into the possession of 
 Cay. C. Rossi. The work is in the Lombard or late Ravennese 
 style, and is possibly as late as the seventh or eighth century, 
 but it carries on the traditional symbolism of the lamb and 
 the fish so frequently found in the catacombs. In one scene 
 a bishop is represented, standing on a mound with two sheep 
 
254 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 on each side (Fig. 12). He holds a palm branch in his left 
 hand, and in his right is a jug from which he pours water 
 over one of the sheep. There 
 can be no doubt that this is in- 
 tended to symbolize baptism as 
 the corresponding picture pour- 
 trays the Eucharist; and that 
 the sacrament so symbolized was 
 administered by affusion is proved 
 by another scene on the same 
 casket, where a bishop is repre- 
 sented in his vestments, holding a pastoral staff in his left 
 hand, while he pours water over the head of a kneeling 
 woman out of a spoon or bowl which he holds in his right 
 
 (Fig. 13}. 
 
 
 
 HL πιπ Π πῚ ἐκεί! 
 SN Ay a @ 
 
 aT ἠηπίηση ALT 
 
 Η = 
 HL r\ 
 EEN 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 Fig. 13. 
 
 Three doubtful representations. 
 
 A fresco in the cemetery of SS. Petrus and Mareellinus is 
 generally interpreted as the healing of the blind, but might 
 possibly refer to baptism. 
 
 1 Rf. Q.S. 1888, p. 148, 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 255 
 
 It represents a beardless figure clothed in a tunic and 
 chlamys and holding a rod in his left hand, while he lays 
 his right on the head of a boy who is clothed in a short tunic 
 and barefoot. The boy seems to lean back a little and hold 
 his hands in front of him, in which action Garrucci sees 
 an indication of blindness. 
 
 The companion picture represents a similar beardless figure 
 striking the rock. The rod in the hand of the principal figure 
 suggests some connexion of idea between the two, and the 
 healing of the blind is generally represented by the touching 
 of the eyes, rather than the laying on of hands ; but the absence 
 of any indication of water makes the reference to baptism very 
 doubtful 1. 
 
 A somewhat similar picture formerly in a cemetery on the 
 Via Latina (Garr. 40, 1) now destroyed, and a picture in the 
 cemetery of S. Domitilla, where a woman lays her hands on 
 the head of a girl (Garr. 33, 3), suggest that we have here 
 merely a scene of benediction. 
 
 Another painting in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may 
 possibly represent baptism. A figure to the right lays his . 
 hand on the head of another who is clothed in a long white 
 dress. After careful examination this has been pronounced by 
 Mer. de Waal as a representation of the healing of the blind, 
 but solely on the ground that the figure is clothed 3. 
 
 fx. 13. Glass fragment in the Vatican. Fourth or 
 SJifth century. 
 
 This, however, is no conclusive proof, as is shown by the cut- 
 glass fragment of the fourth or fifth century found in the ruins 
 of the Roman house near the baths of Diocletian, and now in 
 the Museo Cristiano of the Vatican Library. On it is a 
 clothed child apparently about to step to the right out of 
 
 1 Garr., vol. ii, tav. 44, 2 and 3. 
 
 ? Bull. 1888, tav. iiimHennecke, E., Aléchristliche Malerei und altkirchliche 
 Literatur, p. 70, Leipzig, 1896. 
 
 ΤΟ V, PART 1V. τ 
 
256 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 some vessel or pool which has been broken off (Fig. 14). She 
 turns her head to the left towards a male figure clothed in 
 a toga with a 
 halo round his 
 head. He points 
 with the right 
 hand to the child 
 and turns his 
 head to the left, 
 as if others were 
 following from 
 that direction. 
 His name Mirax 
 is given as well 
 as that of the 
 ehild = Alba. 
 
 Above from an 
 
 
 
 inverted pitcher- 
 
 Fig. 14 (after Garrucci), 
 
 mouth a stream 
 descends on the child’s head, the hand of a figure to the right 
 is laid on the head also; the rest is broken off. A dove flies 
 down to the left with an olive branch in its beak}. 
 
 It has been suggested that a/a=albata, and that the child 
 has been clothed in white after the actual baptism (cf. the con- 
 signatorium alvatorum built at Naples, below, p. 339). In the 
 absence of further indications, all we can say is that this fresco 
 in the cemetery of S. Priscilla may very well represent baptism, 
 but we have no sufficient proof to justify our using it as evidence, 
 
 Summary of evidence for the Ages of 
 Persecution. ; 
 To sum up the evidence from archaeology for and against 
 the practice of baptism by immersion in pre-Constantinian 
 times. We have four actual representations of the act, one 
 
 1 Garr., vol. vi, 464, 1.—Bull. 1876, tav. 1, 1, pp. 7 ff 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 257 
 
 from the first or early second century, two from the late 
 second or early third, one from the middle of the third. We 
 have one certain symbolical representation from the third, 
 one possible one from the second or third. ‘Two that are more 
 than doubtful date from the third. 
 
 Of the five certain representations four come from the 
 cemetery of S. Callistus, though only two from the same region, 
 one from that of SS. Petrus and Marcellinus. In favour of 
 immersion is the fact that the figure is represented naked and 
 standing in the water in all examples that certainly refer to 
 baptism (Exx. 1, 2, 3 & 4). 
 
 Against is the fact, that in no case is there any attempt to 
 represent immersion, and in two cases the actual affusion is 
 represented, once directly (Ex. 3), and once symbolically (Ex. 6). 
 
 In the three cases where the water is clearly marked it only 
 rises above the feet, and is therefore not deep enough to allow 
 of immersion. 
 
 In the paintings we have examined there is no sign of 
 influence from liturgical custom, or of desire for historical 
 accuracy. They are less self-conscious than those of later date, 
 and seem to aim simply at representing what was felt to be the 
 essential idea of baptism. 
 
 The obvious difficulty of representing immersion must be 
 allowed its full weight, We have no evidence to show how 
 it would have been attempted in pre-Constantinian times, but 
 the frequent representations in the fourth-century sarcophagi of 
 the drowning of the Egyptians suggest a very different treat- 
 ment. It is interesting also to compare the picture of the Flood 
 in the Vienna Genesis, the passage of the Red Sea on the 
 gates of S. Sabina at Rome (Fig. 15), or that of the figure. 
 of the Jordan on the chair of Maximian at Ravenna (Ex. 42, 
 Fig. 39), where the idea of immersion is intended to be 
 expressed. 
 
 To conclude, the direct evidence from archaeology alone 
 may not be conclusive to show that in pre-Constantinian 
 times baptism by affusion only was practised generally or 
 
 U2 
 
258 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 indeed in any one single case ; but it does show, that there 
 was nothing repugnant in it to the general mind, that no 
 stress was Jaid on total immersion, that the most important 
 moments were held to be those when water was poured over 
 the catechumen, and when the minister laid his hand on his 
 head. This, taken in connexion with the known customs of 
 later ages, makes it more than probable that the usual method 
 of administration was by affusion only. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 15 (after Garrucci). 
 
CHAPTER II 
 THE AGE OF THE COUNCILS 
 
 Christian Sarcophagi. 
 
 Arter the conversion of Constantine the Christian com- 
 munity rapidly increased in wealth, and now that persecution 
 had come to an end it was no longer necessary to bury under- 
 ground in the catacombs, or to conceal the fact when a tomb 
 belonged to one of the adherents of the favoured religion. These 
 two causes combined to make sarcophagi the most character- 
 istic examples of Christian art in the post-Nicene age ; for as 
 soon as there was no longer the same reason for buying 
 cheaply from the ‘ready-made’ pagan shops, or being content 
 with an ambiguous symbolism that would not attract attention 
 from outsiders, an original style grew up that was purely 
 Christian and was only very slightly influenced by the earlier 
 artistic tradition of Rome. 
 
 On the other hand the marked similarity to one another 
 in the examples that have survived, and the general low level 
 of workmanship that they display, seem to prove that they 
 were mere productions of journéymen-workers, turned out 
 mechanically from the shop. This, however, while detracting 
 from their artistic merit adds to their archaeological value ; 
 the fact that their choice and treatment of subjects are nearly 
 stereotyped shows that they reflect in some degree the general 
 mind of the church, and gives them a quasi-official sanction. 
 We must not, however, press this point too far, as the conven- 
 tional decoration of our modern cemeteries can hardly be said to 
 represent fairly the average Christian sentiment of our own day. 
 
 Most of these sarcophagi are of Roman origin and have 
 been collected in the Museo Cristiano at the Lateran. The 
 next largest collection is that of Arles, while several more 
 examples exist in various parts of Spain, France, and Italy. 
 
260 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 Those dating from the second century are very simple, being 
 merely ornamented with figures of the Good Shepherd or the 
 female figure raising her hands in prayer generally known as 
 an Orante. In the third century we find the ideas suggested 
 by the former of these elaborated into pastoral and vintage 
 scenes, a single design occupying as a rule the whole front of 
 the sarcophagus. In the early fourth century this is resolved 
 into a symmetrical disposition of a cycle of scenes usually sepa- 
 rated from one another under arcades; while in later examples 
 they are more crowded together and less clearly defined. The 
 examples at Rome date almost entirely from before the troubles 
 of the fifth century, though in France they probably continued 
 to be produced till a somewhat later date. Those preserved 
 at Ravenna are of a different type and represent a new 
 tradition. Thus the evidence that we may draw from this 
 source throws light on the custom of Latin Christianity and 
 of the western Chureh generally in the fourth and early fifth 
 centuries. 
 
 The baptismal representations on the sarcophagus of Junius 
 Bassus (359), and on two of those at Arles, have been already 
 described on pp. 248-251. 
 
 Ex. 14. Sarcophagus at Ancona. Fourth century. 
 
 On the lid of a sarcophagus in the cathedral of Ancona the 
 Saviour is represented as a nude 
 boy, standing immediately under 
 a stream of water which flows 
 behind Him from a sort of rose 
 (Fig. 16). He holds His hands 
 down and leans slightly to the 
 left towards the Baptist, who lays 
 Fig. 16 (after Garrucci). his right hand on His head, and 
 slightly raises his left hand. To 
 
 the right stands a figure (? of a prophet) with a scroll in his 
 hand, There is no dove. The group is to the extreme right 
 
 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 261 
 
 of the lid of the sarcophagus, the other subjects being the 
 Nativity and the Magi, Moses receiving the law (?), and 
 David and Goliath (9) 1. 
 
 The sarcophagus bears the name of Gorgonius ; but in the 
 opinion of Garrucci this can hardly refer to the man, mentioned 
 by Symmachus, who became consul in the year 379, unless 
 indeed he had his coffin prepared some time before his death, 
 since there is no mention in the inscription of his having 
 borne office. 
 
 Ex. 15. Sarcophagus from Soissons. Fourth or 
 
 fifth century. 
 
 A sarcophagus of the fourth or fifth century was formerly 
 at Soissons in the church of Ste. Marie. It had been used for 
 the tomb of S. Vodalis who died 720 a.D., and was seen by 
 Mabillon and published in the Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti 
 in 1703-39. 
 
 On it Christ is represented on the right as a boy, nude, 
 standing on dry ground, holding His hands down, and turning 
 slightly to the left (Fig. 17). Two 
 other figures clothed in tunic and 
 pallium stand on the left, both of 
 whom raise their right hands; the 
 left foot of the figure nearer the 
 Saviour is raised as if on a stone. 
 Between Christ and the Baptist 
 the water falls in a _ stream 
 broadening from a point. The 
 dove is seen above to the right. 
 
 The sarcophagus is divided into 
 five arcades, and in the niche corresponding is Moses striking 
 the rock; the other subjects are the woman with the issue of 
 blood, the centurion, and the soldiers sleeping by the cross ?. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 17 (after Garrucci). 
 
 1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 326, 1.—Str., p. 6, and taf. 1, 6. 
 2. Garr., vol. v, tav. 403, 4.—Le Blant, Les sarcophages chrétiens de la 
 Gaule, p. 14.—Str. p. 6, taf. 1, 7. 
 
262 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 Ex. 16. Sarcophagus at Madrid. 
 
 On a sarcophagus in the Academy of History in the Na- 
 tional Museum of Madrid, Christ is represented as a boy, nude, 
 and nearly up to His knees 
 in water which flows behind 
 Him from a boss of rock 
 above (Fig. 18). He holds 
 His hands down and turns 
 His head to the left. The 
 Baptist, clothed in an exomis, 
 stands on dry land on the 
 left, laying his hand on the 
 Saviour’s head and slightly 
 raising his left foot. The 
 dove is represented above on 
 the rock. 
 
 The other subjects are— 
 Moses striking the rock, the healing of the blind, Christ sur- 
 rounded by four apostles, and the sacrifice of Isaac’. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 18. 
 
 Ex. 17. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. JI. 
 
 The baptism of Christ is twice represented on sarcophagi 
 in the Lateran collec- 
 tion. 
 
 On that numbered 
 183 Christ appears as 
 a boy, standing in the 
 water which rises to 
 His knees, holding His 
 hands down and turn- 
 ing His face to the left 
 
 Mig. 19 (after Garrucci). (Fig. 19). The water 
 falls in two streams, one of which descends on the head of the 
 
 
 
 Saviour, while the other takes the usual pillar-like form to 
 
 1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 341, 3.-—Str., p. 6, taf. 1, 8. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 263 
 
 the right of the group and turning to the left flows over His 
 feet. The Baptist stands on the opposite side, clothed in a 
 skin, raising his left foot on a stone. 
 
 The hand of the Baptist holding a patera and the head of 
 the Saviour are restorations, as well as (?) the first of the two 
 streams just mentioned. 
 
 The other scenes are—Christ before Herod, the imprison- 
 ment of S. Peter, the manger and the shepherds, and the 
 raising of Lazarus}. 
 
 No mention of the restorations is made in the official catalogue 
 of the Museum. 
 
 Ex. 18. Sarcophagus at the Lateran. II. 
 
 No. 152 (a) is a fragment to the left of which the Baptist 
 is represented as bearded, clothed in a woollen exomis and 
 with bare feet. Christ stands nude, holding His hands down, 
 while the water rises to His thighs. The top part of the 
 carving is broken off, so that the position of the hand of the 
 Baptist, the existence of the dove, and the source of the 
 water cannot be determined. The rest of the fragment is 
 occupied by a scene of the mystic feast of fish and bread 2, 
 
 This fragment was discovered by Prof. Marucchi in the 
 Vatican gallery, and was transferred 
 to the Museo Cristiano in the Lateran 
 in 1866. 
 
 Ex. 19. Sarcophagus from 
 S. Maria Antiqua. 
 Another example has recently been 
 discovered in the excavation of the 
 church of S. Maria Antiqua in the 
 Forum (Fig. 20). The Baptist, clothed 
 in a toga, stands on dry ground to the 
 
 1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 316, 1.—Str., p. 6, taf. 1, 9. 
 ? De Rossi, Bull., 1882, p. go, tav. ix. 
 
 
 
264 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 right and lays his hand on the head of the Saviour. Christ is 
 represented asa boy, nude, and turning His head slightly to the 
 left. The water rises to His knees. The dove appears over His 
 head flying towards the right}. 
 
 Three Sarcophagi in bad condition. 
 
 Three others may be mentioned to make the list complete. 
 
 Ex. 20. 
 
 A part of a frieze from the Aliscamps at Arles, nearly 
 destroyed by exposure to the weather; published by Le 
 Blant from an earlier print *. 
 
 Ex. 21. 
 
 Another in a similar condition at Servannes near Arles, but 
 described in a sixteenth-century Latin MS. at Paris, in the 
 handwriting of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peirese, as possessing 
 the same features of the dove and the falling water (Ioan. 
 Bapta pellibus indutus baptizans superveniente columba aquam 
 de coelis cadentem rostro gestante) ὃ, 
 
 Ex. 22. 
 
 An unpublished sarcophagus in the basilica of SS. Nereus 
 and Achilleus *. 
 
 Two others at Naples, believed by Ciampini (J/ozn. vett., vol. 
 ii, ch. 4) to be those of Agilulphus, husband of Theodelinda 
 (590), and of Arrichius, second Duke of Beneventum (591), are 
 probably spurious °. 
 
 A doubtful example oecurs on a sarcophagus in the chureh of 
 Le Mas d’Aire on the Adour in south-west France. At the 
 
 1 Bull., 1901, p. 205, tav. vi. 
 
 * Le Blant, Sarcophages d’Arles, xii, fig. 3, text 24, xviii—Str., p. 7, taf. 
 , 10. 
 
 5. Garr., vol. v, tay. 316, 2.—Le Blant, xxix and xxx, text pp. 46 ff.—Str. 
 Ῥ. 8, tav. I, 13. 
 
 ‘ Kraus, Real-Encyclopaedie, art. ‘Taufe,’ and referred to by Grousset, 
 Etudes sur Vhistoire des sarcophages chrétiens, Paris, 1885, 105, n. 187. 
 
 > Kraus, 2.-F., art. ‘ Taufe,’ p. 834. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 265 
 
 extreme right a naked man is carved, turning towards the 
 right, with hands shightly raised. Before him a robed figure, 
 standing equally on both feet, lays his hand on the naked 
 man’s head. Both stand under a tree. No water is indicated, 
 but a dove (?) sits in the tree. Next to this group are 
 to be seen Adam and Eve on either side of the tree of 
 knowledge !. 
 
 This may be intended for a scene of baptism, as the 
 restoration to grace forfeited at the Fall, but is more probably 
 intended for the Creation of man. Pératé (Archéologie 
 Chrétienne, p. 323) describes it as ‘le baptéme d’un adolescent.’ 
 
 Summary of evidence from Sarcophagi. 
 
 Thus we have thirteen examples of the representation of the 
 baptism of Christ from sarcophagi. In every case where the 
 carving is perfect He is represented nude and as a boy, while the 
 Baptist lays his hand on His head or at least raises it with that 
 object. In one case (Ex. 15) He stands on dry ground, once the 
 water flows over His feet (Ex. 9), twice it rises to His knees 
 (Exx. 16, 17), once to the thighs (Ex. 18). In four cases it falls 
 from a knob of rock or spout, in two of which it falls all 
 over His body. 
 
 It will be noticed that in all examples hitherto cited, with 
 the exception of Exx. 1, 4 and 9, the Saviour is represented as 
 holding His hands down and not raising them in the attitude 
 of prayer. The dove also is usually represented as visible at 
 the moment of baptism ; whereas in Luke iii. 21 it is stated 
 that our Saviour was praying when the heavens opened, and 
 in all three Gospels the dove is described as descending after 
 He had gone up out of the water. It is obvious therefore that 
 the conception of the scene is drawn from current practice 
 rather than from the pages of Scripture. 
 
 In connexion with these it is interesting to study other 
 
 1 Garr., vol. v, tav. 301, 3.—Le Blant, Sarcophages de la Gaule, p. 98 and 
 pl. xxvi. 
 
266 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 evidence from the western Church as to the mode of administer- 
 ing baptism to catechumens. 
 
 Ex. 23. Tombstone from Aquileia. Fifth century. 
 
 We have described the Vatican glass fragment above, Ex. 13. 
 
 A similar treatment appears on a fifth-century tombstone at 
 
 Aquileia, which was probably erected in memory of a young 
 girl who died soon after her baptism. 
 
 She is represented as standing in a large bowl, nude, wear- 
 
 ing a necklace, 
 
 
 
 
 and holding her 
 
 OCENTISPOQV EM 
 ELECITDOMSPAVS AT: 
 V2 6 
 
 hands down 
 (Fig. 21). The 
 
 water streams on 
 
 
 
 
 
 her over the 
 crescent - shaped 
 lower edge of 
 a circular open- 
 ing which is 
 sown with small 
 
 Fig. 21 (after Garrucci). 
 
 crosses or stars 
 and out of which a dove flies. On the right a man in 
 a tunic lays his hand on her head; to the left stands a haloed 
 figure clothed in a toga and pointing to her with his right 
 hand. ‘There is a tree on each side of the group?. 
 
 This is described by Garrucci as an example of baptism by 
 affusion ‘as well as immersion’ (!). 
 
 Ex. 24. Spoon from Aquileia. Fourth or fifth 
 century. 
 
 From the same place comes a spoon, dating from the fourth 
 or fifth century, with a scene of the same nature engraved on 
 its bowl (Fig. 22). A nude figure stands in a large shallow 
 
 1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 487, 26.—Bull., 1876, tav. 1, 2. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 267 
 
 basin ; above him appears the dove from whose beak the water 
 descends. A figure to the left in an exomis holds a patera in 
 the stream over the head of the catechumen, while another 
 figure stands on the nght. At the point of the spoon on 
 the left is a figure in a toga 
 standing by a sort of altar’. 
 This spoon, which was 
 found with several others 
 inscribed with various names, 
 
 
 
 was probably not used for 
 liturgical purposes. Possibly Fig. 22 (after Garrucci). 
 
 it was a present given on the 
 
 oceasion of the ceremony pictured on it. 
 
 The feature of the stream from the mouth of the dove occurs 
 on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus (Ex. 7), on the ivories in 
 the Bodleian Library (Ex. 29), in the British Museum (Ex. 33), 
 at Amiens (Ex. 30), at Milan (Ex. 28), on the MS. of Rabula 
 (Ex. 34), in the Etzschmiadzin Gospel Book (Ex. 35), and 
 in the mosaic of the Arian baptistery at Ravenna, all of which 
 are described below. 
 
 Use of a patera in Baptism. 
 
 According to Strzygowski (Iconographie, p. 10) this feature 
 was also found in the original mosaic in the orthodox baptist- 
 ery (S. Giovanni in Fonte) in the same city. He maintains 
 that the patera from which the Baptist pours the water in the 
 picture, as it now appears, must be due to a later restoration, 
 on the ground that it is borrowed from a liturgical use first 
 arising in the fourteenth century. A similar vessel is, however, 
 represented on this spoon from Aquileia, which he seems to 
 have overlooked. 
 
 In the so-called Attila treasure at Vienna are two paterae 
 of gold weighing 287 gr. and 305 gr. respectively. They 
 are each of the same design, and have a cross in the centre 
 
 1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 462, 8. 
 
268 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 round which run letters read by Dr. Joseph Hampel as 
 
 follows :— 
 AEAYAATOCANATTIAVCONA(®1)EICTI(A)NTONAMAP(sic) TION 
 
 διὰ ὕδατος ἀναπλύσων ἀφιεὶς πάντων (sic) ἁμαρτιῶν (Fig. 23), 
 
 ‘if thou purifiest thyself with water thou shalt be free from all 
 
 sin.’ The word ὕδατος at least he considers to be certain. He 
 
 holds that these paterae were baptismal vessels (‘ Taufschalen ’) 
 
 and attributes them to the fourth or fifth century, Kondakov, 
 however, believes the 
 letters to be Bulgarian, 
 and would therefore 
 assign them to a date 
 later than 864, when the 
 Bulgarian race adopted 
 Christianity 1. 
 
 There is good reason 
 to suppose that a bronze 
 bowl with ἃ handle, 
 found in ruins above the 
 cemetery of Praetestatus 
 
 
 
 and now in the Museo 
 Kircheriano at Rome, 
 was also used for the administration of baptism. It is in the 
 shape of a hemispherical pan embossed with anglers, boats, 
 and fishes, and in the centre is the head of a river-god with 
 crab-claws growing out of his head, like those on the head of 
 the allegorical figure of Jordan in the Arian baptistery at 
 Ravenna (Fig. 24)", 
 
 In the history of 8, Silvester in the Lider Pontificalis (314- 
 335) we read that Constantine gave to the church which he 
 built at Ostia a basin of silver for baptism weighing 20 pounds 
 (‘pelvem ex argento ad baptismum pens, lib, xx.’ Lid. Pont. 
 
 * Hampel, J., Der Goldfund von Nagy Szent Mikiés, Buda-Pesth, 1886, 
 pp. 27 and 64, Fig. 16.—Kondakov, N. P., Geschichte und Denkméler des Byz, 
 Emails, p. 39. Another at Odessa, Venturi, Storia dell’ arte Italiana, 
 vol, ii, 1902, p. 30. 3 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 461, 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 269 
 
 S. Silvester, ch. 28). The weight of this vessel shows it must 
 have been used as a font, as in the two examples from Aquileia, 
 
 
 
 Fig. 24 (after Garrucci). 
 
 while the whole basin of the Lateran baptistery seems to have 
 been covered with silver (7d. ch. 13). A similar gift was made 
 by Xystus IIT (432-440) to the basilica of S. Laurence of a 
 ‘conca aurocalea pens. lib. xx,’ as well as of ‘ ministerium ad 
 baptismum vel paenitentiae ex argento pens. Jib. v’; either a 
 vessel used for oil, such as the ‘ patenam argenteam auroclusam 
 chrismalem pens. lib. v’ that Constantine gave to the ‘ titulus 
 Equitii’ near the baths of 
 Diocletian, or one similar to 
 that in the Museo Kircheriano 
 described above (Xystus, ch. 6, 
 Silvester, ch. 3). 
 
 Lx. 25. Cross-shaft at 
 Kells. c. 800, 
 
 A similar vessel also appears 
 in a baptismal scene on a broken cross-shaft at Kells, which 
 
 
 
 Fig. 25. 
 
270 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 was the chief seat of the Columban monks about the year 
 800 a. D. (Fig. 25)}. 
 
 Description of the Lateran font. 
 
 The font in the baptistery which Constantine built at the 
 Lateran is described in the Liber Pontificalis (Silvester, ch. 13) 
 as having been made of porphyry and overlaid with silver. 
 In the centre rose a candelabrum also of porphyry, ending in 
 a golden vessel containing balm, which burning with a wick 
 of asbestos served a double purpose of giving light and perfume. 
 On the edge of the piscina, probably opposite the steps by 
 which the catechumen entered the water, were life-sized silver 
 figures of Christ and the Baptist. Between them was a lamb 
 of gold, from whose mouth a stream of water fell into the 
 basin (unless indeed it flowed in four streams from a rock at 
 its feet, as so frequently represented in early Christian art), 
 while seven figures of stags ranged round its parapet served the 
 same purpose. 
 
 Fontem sanctum ubi baptizatus est Augustus Constantinus ex 
 lapide porfyretico et ex omni parte coopertum intrinsecus 
 et foris et desuper et quantum aquam continet ex argento 
 purissimo lib, iii viii. In medio fontis columna_porfy- 
 retica qui portat fiala aurea ubi candela est, pens. auro 
 purissimo lib, lii, ubi ardet in diebus Paschae balsamum lib. 
 cc, nixum vero ex stippa amianti. In labio fontis baptisterii 
 agnum aureum fundentem aquam pens. lib. xxx, ad dexteram 
 agni, Salvatorem ex argento purissimo, in pedibus y, pens. lib. 
 clxx ; in leva agni, beatum Iohannem Baptistam ex argento, 
 in pedibus v, tenentem titulum scriptum qui hoe habet ‘ecce 
 agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi’; pens. lib. exxv. 
 
 Cervos argenteos vil. fundentes aquam, pens. sing. lib. ]xxx. 
 
 Tymiaterium ex auro purissimo cum gemmis prasinis xlviill, 
 pens. lib. xv. 
 
 Innocent I (401-417) gave a similar stag to the ‘titulus 
 
 Vestinae’ weighing 25 pounds. 
 The figure of the stag is of frequent occurrence in connexion 
 
 ' J.Romilly Allen, Christian Symbolismin Great Britain and Ireland, p. 231. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 271 
 
 with baptisteries and baptismal scenes (e.g. at Salona, in the 
 cemetery of Pontianus, &c.). 
 
 -The water seems to have fallen in a stream from some such 
 head in the baptistery of S. Stephen built by Eustorgius at 
 Milan (early sixth cent.), which is thus described by Ennodius 
 (Carm. ii.149, Migne, Patr. Lat. lxiii. p. 361; cf. Bull., 1876, 
 Ῥ. 12):— 
 
 En sine nube pluit sub tectis imbre sereno, 
 Et coeli facies pura ministrat aquas. 
 
 Proflua marmoribus decurrunt flumina sacris, 
 
 ' Atque iterum rorem parturit ecce lapis. 
 
 Arida nam liquidos effandit pergula fontes, 
 Et rursus natis unda superna venit. 
 
 Sancta per aethereos emanat lympha recessus 
 Eustorgii vatis ducta ministerio. 
 
 The present building at the Lateran dates as far as the 
 lower part is concerned from the time of Xystus III (432-—4.40), 
 during whose pontificate the above description was written. 
 He, however, probably altered the outline but little, and there 
 is good reason to believe that the lists of Constantine’s gifts 
 were copied from contemporary records and do not represent 
 later accumulations (Duchesne, Lz. Pont., ad loc, notes ; cf. also 
 his description of the baptistery in Orzgines du culte chrétien, 
 
 Ῥ. 298). 
 
 Analogies from the customs of the Baths. 
 
 In Greek and Roman baths it was common for the water 
 to flow from the heads of animals (Dict. of Class. Antiq., art. 
 ‘Baths’). A Greek vase painting shows four women standing 
 under such jets (Fig. 26). It was also customary for the 
 attendant to pour water over the heads of the bathers, while 
 the bath was always followed by anointing, as an unction by 
 the bishop followed the act of baptism. 
 
 The orthodox baptistery at Ravenna was built by Bp. Neon 
 in 449-452 A.D. on the foundations of an earlier building, 
 supposed to have been a bath, while the Arian baptistery 
 
 VOL, V, PART Iv. x 
 
272 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 was similarly adapted a few years later (Ricci, Guida di 
 Ravenna, 1900, pp. 32 & Io). 
 We read in the story of the martyrdom of Perpetua that 
 
 = 
 Se 
 
 
 
 Fig. 26. 
 
 when Saturus was covered with blood from the bite of a 
 leopard, the crowd in the amphitheatre jokingly cried out 
 that he had been well bathed, using the language of the 
 baths, which the author writing at the end of the second 
 century interpreted as an allusion to baptism. 
 
 Inluxit dies victoriae illorum et processerunt de carcere in 
 amphitheatrum ... sequebatur Perpetua ... item Felicitas salvam 
 se peperisse gaudens ut ad bestias pugnaret, a sanguine ad 
 sanguinem, ab obstetrice ad retiarium, lotura post partum 
 baptismo secundo. 
 
 Et statim in fine spectaculi leopardo eiecto, de uno morsu tanto 
 perfusus est (Saturus) sanguine, ut populus revertenti illi 
 secundi baptismatis testimonium reclamaverit ‘salyum lotum, 
 salvum lotum,’ plane utique salvus erat qui hoc modo laverat. 
 
 ‘Salvum lotum’ is a phrase of the baths to which καλῶς ἐλούσω 
 corresponds. (Z'exts and Studies, vol. i. Passio Perpetuae 
 ec. 18 & 21; οἵ, Introd. p. 8.) 
 
 So fifty years later Cyprian argues that the recognized 
 analogy of the baths must not be pressed too far. He had 
 been asked whether men who received baptism in sickness 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 273 
 
 were to be counted true Christians, since they were not 
 washed in the life-giving water but had only had a little 
 poured over them (eo quod aqua salutari non loti sint sed 
 perfusi). He explains it is not necessary for the whole body 
 to be touched by the water, as if it were an actual bath with 
 salt of nitre and a seat to wash yourself in, so that aspersion 
 or perfusion is sufficient to constitute a valid sacrament (see 
 below, p. 312). 
 
 
 
 Fig. 27. 
 
 Analogy of Mithraie customs. 
 
 The Mithraic custom of baptism as practised in the third 
 and fourth centuries was probably borrowed from, or at least 
 influenced by, Christian practice. A conception of new birth 
 suggested by, or taught in opposition to, the Christian doc- 
 trine of baptism was supposed to be involved in the Tauro- 
 bolium. In the ceremony the recipient sat in a trench under — 
 a platform on which a bull was killed in such a manner as to 
 allow the blood to fall all over him. The man so purified was 
 described as ‘renatus.’ Symbolically this was represented in 
 art by a dog drinking at the stream that flowed from the 
 neck of the bull slain by the young Mithra (Fig. 27), as 
 
 Xx 2 
 
274 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Christian baptism was symbolized by the Jews drinking 
 from the rock struck by Moses, or 8. Peter, or by lambs, or 
 stags drinking at a fountain (Figs. 6, 10, 11, 38)’. 
 
 Summary of evidence for the Age of the Councils. 
 
 To sum up the conclusions drawn from the evidence from 
 sarcophagi, from the analogy of the baths, and of Mithraic 
 customs as to the practice of the Church in the Western 
 empire. 
 
 In the fourth and fifth centuries baptism took place before 
 a Witness or witnesses, in a fixed spot, either in a structural 
 baptistery, into which the water usually fell from a spout or 
 figure-head, or in a movable basin. In the latter case the 
 officiant poured water over the catechumen from a vessel ; in 
 the former he led him under one ‘of the spouts, and either 
 directed the flow over his head with the vessel or guided his 
 head under the water with his hands. This we know from 
 other sources was done three times. 
 
 An immersion may have preceded this, but there is no men- 
 tion of a double act by any writer of early date, and at least 
 it was not considered the most significant element of the rite. 
 With the peace of the Church the ceremony has become 
 slightly more elaborate, and the flow of water is fuller and 
 more continuous owing to the influence of the baths. The 
 officiant seems to have stood on a raised platform or step and 
 not to have entered the water himself. 
 
 L’immersion baptismale ne doit pas s’entendre en ce sens que 
 Yon plongedt entitrement dans l’eau la personne baptisée. 
 Elle entrait dans la piscine, ot la hauteur de l'eau n’était 
 pas suffisante pour dépasser Ja taille d'un adulte; puis on 
 la plagait sous une des bouches d’ou s’échappaient des jets 
 d’eau ; ou encore, on prenait de ]’eau dans la piscine elle-méme 
 pourla répandre sur sa téte. C'est ainsi que le baptéme est 
 représenté sur les anciens monuments *. 
 
 1 Bigg, C., Christian Platonists of Alexandria, p. 237. 
 
 2 Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien, p. 302; and also Eglises Separées, 
 
 Ρ. 93. 
 
CHAPTER ΠῚ 
 THE AGE OF NORTHERN INVASIONS 
 
 Christian Art after the fifth century. 
 
 TuERn are but scanty remains of early Christian art dating 
 from after the fifth century in Italy. The successive invasions 
 of Goths, Vandals, and Lombards, if not destroying as much 
 as is popularly supposed of the productions of earlier years, 
 left the country impoverished, and as little inclined to spend 
 much on costly works as it was able to train artists to execute 
 them. 
 
 In the East, however, the policy of Diocletian in removing 
 the seat of government from Rome, and the subsequent action 
 of Constantine in establishing a strong centralized power at 
 Byzantium, secured the firm holding together of the Empire 
 for many centuries. As a consequence Byzantine art long 
 survived that of Rome, and, in architecture at least, had 
 a development that compares not unfavourably with the 
 later evolution of the Gothic cathedral in the West. The 
 gradual elaboration of Syrian architecture, with its small 
 domed buildings, up to the construction of Justinian’s great 
 church of the Hagia Sophia is the most characteristic work 
 of Byzantine genius, though at the same time it is the feature 
 that has had the least influence on the artistic life of Western 
 Europe. 
 
 The question of the nature and influence of Byzantine art 
 cannot yet be said to be fully determined. Apart from 
 church building its chief productions seem to have been 
 illuminated manuscripts, and it was in executing them, and 
 possibly also in making designs for woven stuffs, that its 
 artists appear to have received their training. It became 
 therefore a characteristic of its less important works that 
 they were chiefly executed with the purpose of illustrating 
 
276 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 continuous historical narratives, and whilst showing con- 
 siderable skill in technique, they tended to become stereo- 
 typed and conventional from constant repetition of subjects 
 that differed but little from one another. This influence is 
 felt specially in mosaic work, ivory carving, and fresco paint- 
 ing, where it is generally a series of scenes that is pictured, 
 though in such objects as flasks, gems, or medals the same 
 style reappears |. 
 
 Ravenna. 
 
 An exception to the general artistic poverty of Italy in 
 the fifth and sixth centuries is to be found at Ravenna. As 
 the seat of the court of Honorius and under the enlightened 
 reign of Theodorie, it became for one hundred and fifty years 
 the most important city of the West, and a series of monu- _ 
 ments rose up within its walls upon which the most skilful 
 artists of the day were employed, and which attracted the 
 attention of Justinian. 
 
 The mosaic workers came from Rome, and the general plan 
 of the churches, which are almost the sole remains of the 
 former glory of the city, follows that of the Roman basilica, 
 while the classical spirit is still felt in the drawing of the 
 earlier figures in the Baptistery and S. Apollinare Nuovo. 
 The vigour of the Gothic race appears in the originality of 
 choice and treatment in the New Testament scenes in the 
 nave of the latter; and the essential difference between north- 
 ern and southern architecture is already seen in the mausoleum 
 of Theodoric, for there for the first time the horizontal line 
 gives way to the vertical as the characteristic feature in 
 construction, and in its erection the first step was taken 
 which inaugurated the change from classic styles of building, 
 just as his reign may be said to be the first beginning of 
 
 ' Kraus, F. X., Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, vol. i, bk. 9, and vol ii, 
 bk. 13, Freiburg im B., 1896; Strzygowski, J., Orient oder Rom, Introd., Leip- 
 zig, 1901. For a different view see Εἰ, Wickoff, Die Wiener Genesis, Wien, 
 
 1895, who sees in Byzantine art merely the last stage of the decadence of that 
 of Rome. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 277 
 
 the Middle Ages. Theodoric had been brought up at the 
 court of Byzantium, and the building of the church of 
 S. Vitale fell in the time of Byzantine rule. If Justinian 
 was not actually present at its consecration he regarded 
 himself as in some sense its founder. He appears on the 
 mosaics of its walls, and his authority seems to have modified 
 the plan of the building, and to have decided that the gallery 
 should rest not on wooden beams, as originally planned, but 
 on stone arches in accordance with the rules of Byzantium ’. 
 
 We have therefore at Ravenna an art in which three 
 different streams of influence, Roman, Gothic, and Byzantine, 
 united, and in which the extent to which each makes itself 
 felt can be traced with something like precision. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 28 (after Garrucci). 
 
 Fix. 26. Mosaic in the Orthodox Baptistery. 
 449-452. 
 Two important baptism scenes are to be found in the 
 mosaics of the baptisteries at Ravenna alluded to in the last 
 
 ' Ricci, C., Guida di Ravenna, p. 40, Bologna, 1g0o. 
 
278 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 chapter. That in the orthodox baptistery (Baptisterium 
 Ursianum or 8. Giovanni in Fonte) was probably set up 
 by Bp. Neon in 449-452. 
 
 Here Christ is represented bearded and with a halo, holding 
 THis hands down to His side, naked, and standing in the water 
 which rises to His waist (Fig. 28). On the left side is the 
 Baptist wearing an exomis and with a halo. He stands 
 on a promontory of rock with his left foot raised, holding 
 a jewelled cross in his left hand, while with his right he 
 pours water from a patera over the head of Christ. Over- 
 head is the dove flying downwards vertically; in the water 
 to the right is an allegorical figure of Jordan marked by 
 the name, a bearded man with a reed, holding a cloth in 
 his hands, Plants spring from the banks Ἶ. 
 
 According to Strzygowski the patera is a fourteenth-cen- 
 tury restoration, as ‘no such instrument was used till that 
 date.’ We have already considered the reasons for believing 
 in its use at an earlier period. The head and right arm of 
 the figure of Christ are restored, the halo and beard being 
 possibly modern additions. 
 
 Ex. 27. Mosaic in the Arian Baptistery. 
 
 In the Arian baptistery (S. Maria in Cosmedin) is a similar 
 mosaic occupying a corresponding 
 place in the centre of the dome. 
 
 In it Christ is represented 
 beardless, with a halo, holding His 
 hands down to His side, and up 
 to His waist in water (Fig. 29). 
 The dove flies down vertically from 
 above, and from its beak a stream 
 descends on the head of our Lord. 
 The Baptist stands to the right on 
 a rock which rises out of the water. He is clothed in a spotted 
 
 
 
 Fig. 29 (after Garrucci). 
 
 1 Garr., vol. iv, tavv. 226 and 227.—Str., p. 10, taf. 1, 14. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 279 
 
 skin and holds a enrved stick in his left hand, while he lays 
 the right on the head of the Saviour. To the left sits 
 Jordan, out of the water, and represented as an old man with 
 two crab-claws growing out of his head, holding a reed in 
 his right hand while he raises his left in astonishment 
 (Pss. Ixxvii. 16 and exiv. 5)1. 
 
 These two examples fall within the first and second period 
 respectively of the history of Ravenna’s greatness, while 
 Roman influences were still strong in her art, but had been 
 weakened by being transplanted and modified by new sur- 
 roundings. They show a new conception of the scene which 
 almost entirely breaks away from the old tradition, and would 
 appear to be due to an attempt to picture more exactly the 
 scenes of the Gospels. 
 
 Influence of apocryphal writings. 
 
 An interesting account of the apocryphal additions to the 
 story of our Lord’s baptism as related in the Gospels will be 
 found in a work entitled Hin bisher unbeachteter Bericht 
 iiber die Taufe Jesu, by Adolf Jacoby (Strassburg, Triibner, 
 1902). The author believes that he has traced them to a lost 
 Church Order connected with the Syriac Didasca/ia, and there- 
 fore dating from the third century. In certain fragments of 
 a fourth-century Epiphany sermon based on this document we 
 find it related that at the baptism of our Lord the waters of 
 the Jordan first fled back and then rose in a heap. Similar 
 allusions to the miracle are quoted from Ephraem Syrus 
 (325-379), Jacob Baradaeus (451), Jacob of Sarug (521), 
 from several Epiphany sermons of thé fifth or sixth cen- 
 turies, Cyril of Jerusalem (348, Cat. xii 15), from hymns of 
 Anatolius (450), and the Ambrosian collection. The narratives 
 of the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius (570-600) and others 
 state that the miracle was repeated yearly, and references to 
 the legend are found in Armenian and Coptic writings. 
 
 Jacoby believes that both the retiring of the water and the 
 
 1 Garr., vol. iv, tav. 241.—Str., p. 10.) taf. 1, 15. 
 
280 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 rising in a heap were dwelt on to emphasize the doctrine of 
 the Divine Nature of our Lord ; and that the former, which 
 is alluded to in all the above writings, was suggested by 
 Pss. exiv. 3, 5, Ixxvil. 16, while the latter, which is less 
 frequently dwelt upon, was regarded as an act of homage to 
 the Incarnate Word, and found support in Ps. xxvil. 3 (LXX). 
 
 He further holds that the influence of this widespread tra- 
 dition can be traced in Christian art, and to its influence 
 he ascribes the feature of the symbolic representation of the 
 Jordan first found in the Ravenna mosaic, and that of the 
 water rising in a heap to the waist or neck of the Saviour, 
 which first definitely appears in the fresco at Monza (Ex. 51, 
 ὁ. 700). It may be doubted, however, whether the legend 
 had any great influence on the artistic representation of 
 the scene, for though Jordan is shown in the Ravenna 
 mosaics as holding up his hands in astonishment, the water 
 is not represented as receding. The fear of the river is 
 emphasized only in the ivories at Ravenna and in the 
 British Museum (Figs. 39, 40), while in later examples the 
 tendency is for the allegorical figure to occupy a subsidiary 
 place or to be omitted altogether. 
 
 It is still more doubtful if the representation of the water 
 as rising in a heap to cover our Lord’s body has any con- 
 nexion with the legend. It seems rather to be merely the 
 conventional way of indicating the river in an age when the 
 laws of perspective were not understood. 
 
 The whole legend is obviously based on the Old Testament 
 stories of the passage of the Red Sea and of the passing of 
 the Jordan by the Israelites, and the rising of the waters 
 in a heap was supposed to have taken place, not round the 
 Saviour’s body for the purpose of covering Him, but in the 
 stream above, that He might stand on dry land while He 
 was being baptized, just as it stood to allow the Israelites to 
 pass over dryshod. The only persons in the whole eycle of 
 symbolism who are conceived of as submerged are the 
 Egyptians who pursued after the Chosen People. 
 
_ Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 281 
 
 Milan school of worres. ὁ. 500. 
 
 The rule of Theodorie (493-526) secured a time of com- 
 parative prosperity for the rest of Italy; and though the 
 government was in the hands of one of the conquering race 
 the old Roman civilization continued with very little con- 
 sciousness of change. The influence of Byzantium or of the 
 Goth would have been felt less elsewhere than they both were 
 at Ravenna, and in the art of this time the old tradition is 
 still strong. 
 
 To this period may be assigned five ivories of probable 
 Italian origin. 
 
 Ex. 28. Ivory in the Cathedral at Milan. ὁ. 500. 
 An ivory ‘five pieces’ book-cover (? originally a diptych) 
 in the treasury of the cathedral at Milan contains sixteen 
 scenes from the life of Christ. 
 In that of the baptism He is 
 represented as ἃ beardless 
 youth, nude, and standing up 
 to His knees in water which 
 falls from a pillar of rock in 
 a copious stream behind and 
 all round Him (Fig. 30). The 
 Baptist stands also up to his 
 
 
 
 knees in water, and holds 
 a crooked staff in his left Fig. 30. 
 hand. A stream flows from the beak of the dove 1. 
 
 Garrucci describes this last feature, which we have already 
 noticed above (p. 267), as a ray, the symbol of grace, and 
 quotes Chrysologus, Serm. CLX :—‘ Spiritus Sanctus in specie 
 columbae totam in caput parentis novi chrismatis pingue- 
 dinem fundit ut impleat illud quod propheta dixit “ Propterea 
 
 999 
 . 
 
 unxit te Deus tuus oleo laetitiae This does not, however, 
 exclude its being also intended for a stream of water, for we 
 
 1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 454.—Str., p. 13, taf. ii, 2. 
 
282 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 may notice the same feature in the Aquileia spoon (Ex. 24, 
 fig. 22), where it is in this stream that the baptizer holds 
 his patera; while in the relief at Monza described below 
 (Ex. 51), in the Berlin ivory from the Micheli collection 
 (Ex. 52, fig. 44) as well as in Exx. 53 & 54 (fig. 45), the dove 
 pours the water from a vessel held in its beak. 
 
 Ex. 29. Ivory in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 
 ὕ, 500. 
 
 A very similar treatment (Fig. 31) appears on another 
 book-cover in the Bodleian 
 Library at Oxford, as one of 
 twelve scenes in the life of the 
 Saviour, who is represented in 
 the centre throned and with the 
 four evil beasts under His feet 
 (Ps. xci.13). The features of the 
 pillar of rock, and of the water 
 falling from it as well as from 
 the dove’s beak and rising to the 
 
 
 
 Fig. 31. Saviour’s knees, are repeated, 
 while the Baptist holds the 
 crooked staff but stands on dry ground raising his left foot). 
 
 Ex. 30. Ivory at Amiens. ὁ. 500. 
 
 An ivory of the same school is 
 in the possession of M. Mallet at 
 Amiens, and was published by M. 
 YAbbé E. van Dreval in the Revue 
 de l’ Art Chrétien, XIX, 1875, pl. xix, 
 p- 352. In it the Baptist is repre- 
 sented as clothed in an exomis, hold- 
 ing a crooked staff and raising his left 
 foot (Fig. 32). There is a stream that 
 
 
 
 Fig. 32. 
 
 ? Str., p. 12, taf. ii, 1.—Westwood, Fictile Ivories in S. Kensington Museum. 
 Ῥ. 55, pl. 6. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 283 
 
 flows from the dove as well as a broad stream falling from a 
 bossy pillar of rock. The Saviour is pictured as a boy with 
 a simple halo and on dry ground 1. 
 
 Ex, 31. Werden Ivory at South Kensington 
 Museum. 
 
 The carving on the remains of an ivory box in South 
 Kensington Museum, and formerly at Werden in Rhenish 
 Prussia, is of very similar workman- 
 ship to the last two examples (Fig. 
 33). The Saviour is represented as 
 a nude boy and with a crossed halo, 
 Both He and the Baptist are up to 
 their knees in water, but on the left 
 is a personification of the Jordan Fig. 33 (after Garrucci). 
 holding branches in his hands, 
 
 
 
 leaning on a pitcher from which the water flows. The whole 
 work is marked with a certain originality that seems to 
 suggest the working of a new influence 3, 
 
 Stublfauth * points out the similarity of these works, and 
 believes them to be productions of a Milanese school of carving, 
 and to date from the latter half of the fifth century. He holds 
 that the example at Milan (Fig. 30) is the oldest, while that 
 at Amiens (Fig. 32) he suggests may date from the period 
 between the invasion of the Huns in 452 and that of the 
 Ostrogoths in 490. The Bodleian example he considers to be 
 Byzantine in its details and in the style of the seventh and 
 ninth centuries: but he holds it to be a modern forgery, mainly 
 however on the ground that it bears a Latin inscription. That 
 at South Kensington (Fig. 33) he would place a little later, 
 as having a crossed nimbus and generally showing a more 
 
 * Stublfauth, G., Die altchristliche Elfenbeinplastth, p. 75, Mohr, Freiburg 
 i. B. and Leipzig, 1896. 
 
 2 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 447, 3.—Westwood, No. 99. 
 5. Die altchristliche Elfenbeinplastik, pp. 74, 77, 199. 
 
284 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 developed style. Strzygowski1, on the other hand, considers 
 this last example to date from the time of Theodosius (392-395), 
 to which period he also ascribes the book-cover at Milan 
 (Fig. 30); while he holds the Bodleian ivory (Fig. 31) to be 
 a work of the school of Ravenna that became more and more 
 influenced by Byzantium in the sixth century. 
 
 Ex. 32. Ivory cover to the Missal of Gregory 
 at Munich. 9.0. 500. 
 
 A fifth example of the same school, though not mentioned 
 by Stuhlfauth, may be seen in the Royal Library at Munich, 
 where it forms part of the cover of the so-called missal of 
 Gregory the Great. (Cim. 143. Cod. Lat, 10077.) 
 
 The carving is somewhat worn, but the Saviour seems to be 
 represented as a boy without 
 a halo (Fig. 34). The Baptist 
 stands on dry ground, clothed 
 in an exomis and holding 
 a crooked staff; he raises his 
 right foot while he lays his 
 hand on our Lord’s head. 
 Jordan stands on the opposite 
 side holding in his left arm 
 a tree, and with an inverted 
 
 Fig. 34: pitcher from which the water 
 flows, rising to the thighs of the Saviour. The massacre 
 of the Innocents appears above and the miracle of Cana 
 below, as in the example from Amiens (Ex. 30, fig. 32). 
 The ivory is attributed in the lbrary catalogue to the 
 eleventh or twelfth century, but the choice of subjects 
 as well as certain peculiarities of treatment (e. g. the woman 
 throwing up her hands in the scene ef the massacre of the 
 Innocents) ‘seem to show that it is of the same school as the 
 above example, and dates from the fifth or early sixth century. 
 
 
 
 1 Das Etzschmiadzin Evangeliar, Wien, 1891. Cf. Kraus, Geschichte der 
 christlichen Kunst, vol. i, p. 507. 
 
Baptism and Christian A rchaeology. 285 
 
 Ex. 33. Ivory in the British Museum. ἢ c. 500. 
 
 To the same date may perhaps be referred an ivory in the 
 Christian Antiquities room in the British Museum, in which 
 the feature of the stream from the 
 dove’s beak reappears (Fig. 35). 
 In it the Saviour is represented 
 as a nude boy, with a halo, 
 holding His hands down and 
 standing on the ground. 
 
 The head alone of the dove 
 appears. The Baptist is scantily 
 
 
 
 Fig. 35 (from a photograph). 
 
 clothed in an exomis which 
 Jeaves both arms and legs bare, and he lays his hand on the 
 Saviour’s head. To the left stands a bearded figure with 
 wings, and clothed in a toga. ‘There are indications of 
 water behind the feet of Christ. On either side are candle- 
 sticks similar to those on an early fifth-century silver casket 
 in the Museo Cristiano at the Vatican, and to those on 
 a sarcophagus at Ravenna of the same period. The rest of 
 the ivory is occupied with the finding of Christ in the 
 temple, a rare subject which, however, also occurs on the 
 Milan ivory. 
 
 This example is ascribed to the fifth century, but its peculiar 
 features make it difficult to assign it to any particular place 
 or date 1. 
 
 Oriental types. Ex. 34. Rabula MS. at 
 Florence. 586. 
 
 The first baptism scene in which Christ appears bearded (if 
 the mosaic at Ravenna has been altered in restoration) is in one 
 of the miniatures of the Syriac Rabula MS. in the Biblioteca 
 Laurenziana in Florence (Fig. 36). In it the Baptist is 
 represented in the usual attitude, raising his left foot, but 
 
 ? Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities in the British 
 Museum, 1901, No. 293.—Graeven, H., Llfenbeinwerke aus Sammlungen in 
 England, No. 22.—Westwood, No. 154 
 
286 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 stooping as the Saviour is immersed in the water as far as the 
 
 waist. He turns His head a little aside, and the stream or 
 
 ray descends on it from above, where 
 
 GS) the hand with two outstretched 
 
 Q fingers appears in the heavens and 
 
 beneath it flies the dove. The Jordan 
 
 is marked by banks on which flowers 
 are growing ἷ. 
 
 The monk Rabula lived at Zagba 
 in Mesopotamia and wrote the MS. 
 in 586. It is the earliest example 
 that we possess of the art of illumi- 
 nation by miniatures that had such 
 a wonderful development in the later Middle Ages, and 
 undoubtedly influenced the work of the schools of Karl the 
 Great (Kraus, F. X., Gesch. d. christl. Kunst, τ, 463 & ΤΙ, 25. 
 Freiburg im B., 1895-7). 
 
 
 
 Ex. 35. Etzeschmiadzin Gospel Book. 6. 500. 
 
 Very similar in design is a miniature in the Gospel book of 
 Etzschmiadzin in Armenia. The hand in the heavens, the dove 
 and the stream or ray reappear, but the Saviour is represented 
 as beardless, without nimbus, and only immersed in the water 
 as far as His loins. 
 
 Strzygowski considers that this proves the MS. to be earlier 
 than the Rabula MS., and adds that while the style of dress 
 and the type of the apostles’ heads that appear in the margin 
 suggest that it dates from the sixth century, the architectural 
 ornamentation in which the pictures are set would seem to 
 point to the fifth. He is inclined to attribute it therefore to 
 the first half of the sixth. In any case the obvious connexion 
 of the two miniatures would point to an archetype of earlier date 
 than 586 “, 
 
 1 Garr., vol. iii, tav. 130.—Str., p. 17. 
 
 ? Strzygowsky, J., Byzantinische Denkmiiler, I, Das Etzschmiadzin Evan- 
 geliar, p. 73 and taf, 6, 2, Wien, 1891. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 287 
 
 | Kx. 36. Flask at Monza. Before 599. 
 
 A flask at Monza may also be of Syrian origin. It is said 
 to have been given by Gregory the Great to Theodolinda 
 (599), but is probably of earlier date, and would seem to have 
 served originally to bring back oil from the Holy Land, as is 
 shown by its Greek lettering. It is ornamented with seven 
 small scenes from the life of Christ. In that of the baptism 
 the Saviour is represented as a boy in the water up to His 
 knees. The Baptist in a tunic stands on dry ground raising 
 his left foot. An angel on the right holding a cloth shows 
 eastern influence. All three figures are haloed ’. 
 
 Ex. 37. Bronze Medal at the Vatican. 
 
 A bronze medal in the Museo Cristiano shows Christ up to 
 His knees in water. The Baptist raising his foot holds the 
 crooked staff in his left hand and lays his right on the Saviour’s 
 head. The word IORDA is written underneath, and around 
 is the legend ‘ Redemptio filiis hominum’. This object, if 
 genuine, was probably a keepsake from the Holy Land?. 
 
 Ex. 38. Censer from Syria. ? 6th century. 
 
 A censer found at the convent of Mar Muza el Habashi, 
 between Damascus and Palmyra, is now at the British 
 Museum (Fig. 36a). On it 8. John is represented standing 
 on the left with his right hand stretched out over the head of 
 our Lord, who appears as a boy, holding His hands straight 
 down, with the water rising to His knees, A single attendant 
 angel holds a cloth and the dove appears overhead. There is 
 a considerable distance between the hand of the Baptist and 
 the head of the Saviour on which he appears to pour the water. 
 The figures, however, are much worn, and in the companion 
 scenes the hands are all of the same peculiar long shape, so 
 
 1 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 433, 8.—Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 5. 
 
 2 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 480, 15.—Str., p. 14, taf. ii, 6.—Bull., 1869, p. 58. 
 
 VOL. V, PART IV, ¥ 
 
288 Studia Brblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 that it is impossible to say whether it was intended to show 
 an act of affusion 1, 
 
 The censer is attri- 
 buted -to the ninth or 
 tenth centuries, but the 
 scenes seem to follow a 
 much earlier tradition 
 and to be of the type 
 found in the West in 
 the fifth or sixth cen- 
 turies, just as the fifth- 
 century fonts of the 
 Hauran seem to be of 
 the same type as those of Italy and Africa (pp. 327, 350). 
 
 
 
 Fig. 36a. 
 
 Ex. 39. Horn Medallion from Egypt. ὁ. 500. 
 
 A horn medallion, found in the burial ground of Achmim, 
 near Panoplis in Upper Egypt, 
 represents the Baptist standing 
 on the banks of the Jordan 
 clothed in a short tunic and 
 laying his hand on the Saviour’s 
 head (Fig. 37). Both are beard- 
 less, and our Lord wears a cloth 
 round His loins. He crosses His 
 hands over His breast and stands 
 on dry ground. Both He and 
 the Baptist have each a plain 
 nimbus. The dove flies over- 
 head, and on the right bank 
 stands an angel in a tunic holding a cloth. This object is 
 attributed to ¢. 500 3, 
 
 
 
 * Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No. 540. Proceedings of the Society of Anti- 
 quaries in London, 1872. Plate opp. p. 290. 
 
 2. Forrer, R., Die friihchristlichen Alterthiimer aus dem Graberfelde von Ach- 
 mim-Panoplis, taf. xi, 1, Strassburg, 1893 ‘Die Zeit der Herstellung diirfte 
 die Mitte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Ch. sein.’ 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 289 
 
 Ex. 40. Seal at Rome. Sixth or seventh century. 
 
 A seal, which he attributes to the sixth or seventh century, 
 is mentioned by Stuhlfauth as existing in the museum of the 
 German Campo Santo at Rome. He describes the figure of 
 Christ as bearded, and mentions an angel holding a cloth as 
 in the last example ἢ. 
 
 Ex. 41. Fresco in the Cemetery of Pontianus. 
 Sixth century. 
 
 In a fresco in the cemetery of S. Pontianus in Rome Christ 
 is represented as an adult and standing up to His waist in 
 
 
 
 
 Se 
 | 
 nine 
 LT 
 
 
 
 == 
 a 
 | i 
 
 
 
 Fig. 38 (after Garrucci). 
 
 water (Fig. 38). He is bearded and hasa plain nimbus round 
 His head. The Baptist stands on a river bank to the right, 
 holding a reed in his hands; an attendant angel, covering his 
 hands with a cloth, appears on the left in a cloud. Below is 
 a stag drinking. -The painting has been attributed to the ninth 
 
 1 Stuhlfauth, G., Der Engel., p. 193, Mohr, Freiburg im B., 1897.—Bull., 
 1887, p. 48.—Rémische Quartalschrift, 1887, tav. iv, 4, p. 118. 
 
 Y 2 
 
290 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 or tenth century, but seems to follow the older Roman tradition 
 and more probably dates from the sixth?. 
 
 Byzantine types. 
 
 A new period of art as of literature arose with Justinian. 
 It had certain well-defined characteristics of its own, and 
 created types that became fixed in 
 later ages of decadence, and lasted 
 far into the Middle Ages with little 
 alteration. 
 
 Ex. 42. Chair of Maximian 
 at Ravenna. 454-556. 
 
 The chair of Maximian (454- 
 556) in the treasury of the 
 cathedral at Ravenna still repre- 
 sents Christ as a boy, but the 
 water is made to rise as high as 
 His waist (Fig. 39). The Baptist 
 clothed in a skin stands raising 
 his foot as usual, while two angels 
 with cloths stand on the right. 
 Jordan is represented allegorically 
 
 
 
 in the water below as starting away In amazement. The 
 dove appears as usual overhead 3, 
 
 Ex. 43. Ivory at the British Museum. TI. 
 ? Siath century. 
 
 A very similar ivory carving is in the Mediaeval room at 
 the British Museum, where it is described as Italian and of the 
 sixth century. The workmanship is perhaps coarser, but the 
 general disposition of the figures is the same (Fig. 40). The 
 
 1 Garr., vol. ii, tav. 86, 3—Marrucchi, 0., Eléments d’ Archéologie Chrétienne, 
 
 vol. ii, p. 63. 
 * Gartf., vol, vi, tav. 418, 2.—Str., p. 15, taf. ii, 8. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 291 
 
 Baptist, clothed in an exomis, raises his left foot and lays his 
 right hand on the Saviour’s head, who is represented as a boy 
 with a thick mass of curly hair. The water rises to His 
 waist. Behind is a (?) female figure 
 covering her hands with a cloth, 
 and with a veil over her head; there 
 were probably originally two such 
 figures, but the right side of the ivory 
 is Imperfect. Below in the water is 
 Jordan, with crab-claws growing out 
 of his head, starting away in astonish- 
 ment. Above is the hand appearing 
 from heaven, while below is the dove 
 holding in its beak a circular object. 
 This may be intended for a crown or 
 halo (as on a font at Liége, ὁ. 1112), 
 but it is more probably a patera; for 
 though we do not find this feature 
 
 
 
 Fig. 40 
 (from a photograph). 
 
 elsewhere, it has a close parallel in 
 the examples of Lombardo-Roman art cited below, where 
 a pitcher is held by the dove in a similar manner }. 
 
 Ex. 44. Lvory from Marsal. 
 
 A fragment found at Marsal in Lothringen may have been 
 part of a similar scene. Only the figure of Christ remains. 
 The water rises to His thighs and His arms are crossed over 
 His breast, an attitude, before the finding of the medal at 
 Achmim (Ex. 39, fig. 37), known in no instance earlier than 
 an Armenbibel in Munich. The water falls from a hand. 
 The Baptist stood on the right, but the figure has been broken 
 off, as well as those of the attendant angels if they originally 
 existed. The Saviour is marked with a square nimbus, proving 
 that the custom of restricting that form to persons still living 
 
 * Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No. 294, pl. 7—Graeven, H., Elfenbeinwerke 
 aus Sammlungen in England, No. 28. 
 
292 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 in this world was not without exceptions. The work is 
 roughly executed '. 
 
 Ex. 45. Pillar at Constantinople. Sixth century. 
 
 A sixth-century representation of Christ’s baptism appears 
 in the carving of a pillar found at Constantinople, and now in 
 the museum of the Tscbinili Kiosk in that city. It shows 
 our Lord up to His thighs in the water, with the same two 
 attendant angels holding cloths on the left. The figure of the 
 Baptist is much larger than that of our Lord, but we cannot 
 tell whether He was pictured as a boy or with a beard as the 
 head has been broken *. 
 
 Ex. 46. Ring at Palermo. ? Sixth century. 
 
 Two attendant angels also appear on a ring found at Syracuse 
 and now in the museum at Palermo. The Saviour is described 
 as standing up to His breast in the water, and the work is 
 considered to be Byzantine and of the sixth or early seventh 
 century 8, . 
 
 The scene is one of a series running round the hoop of the 
 ring. The work is very minute, but in the reproduction in 
 Kondakov the water appears to rise no higher than the waist. 
 There are also scenes of the crucifixion and of the visit of the 
 Maries to the sepulchre, which Kondakov thinks are similar 
 in style to those on the flasks in the treasury at Monza 
 (Ex. 36). 
 
 1 Kraus, F, X., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Lothringen, vol. iii, p. 309 
 and taf. ii. 
 
 2 Strzygowski, Byz. Zeitschrift, 1892, p. 575, ‘Die alt. Byz. Plastik der 
 
 Bliitezeit,’ reproduced in Schultze, Archaeologie der altchristlichen Kunst, 
 Ρ. 331. 
 
 3 Salinar, Del Real Museo di Palermo, Palermo, 1873, pl. A. 1. Arch. 
 Journal, νοὶ. xxxviii, 1881, p. 154.—Kondakov, N., Geschichte und Denkmiiler 
 des Dyz. Emails, p. 264. A precisely similar ring is to be seen in the gold 
 
 - collection of the British Museum, Dalton, O. M., Catalogue, No.- 129, who 
 refers to yet another formerly in the Pichon collection sale catalogue, 1897, 
 No. 26, and figured by Schlumberger, Mélanges d’arch, byz., p. 67. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 293 
 
 Lombard and Carolingian types. 
 
 The seventh century in Italy is marked by the preponderance 
 of barbarism in eivil life, while all that survived of classic 
 culture was being gathered into the monasteries. After the 
 time of Gregory the Great (ob. 604) both liturgical custom 
 and ecclesiastical art underwent considerable modifications, and 
 it is from this era that it is usual to reckon the beginning of 
 the Middle Ages. 
 
 After this date therefore we may expect to find two widely 
 differing types of art. The one vigorous and original in idea, 
 but rough in execution and onlyslightly influenced by tradition ; 
 the other continuing the older style on its general conception, 
 but becoming more and more conventional, while the working 
 of the new spirit appears in details. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 41 (from a photograph). 
 
 Ex. 47. Rough wory carving at South Kensington. 
 
 To this period may be ascribed a very rough carving on 
 ivory in South Kensington Museum, which represents Christ as 
 
294 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 being baptized in a sort of tub-like font in which He stands 
 immersed to the waist (Fig. 41). On the reverse side is a fine 
 piece of work, probably of Carolingian origin and attributed to 
 the eighth or ninth century. The inferior work must therefore 
 be of earlier date?. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 42 (from a photograph). 
 
 Ex. 48. The Wessobrunner Gebet. 814. 
 
 In the ‘Wessobrunner Gebet,’ a MS. of the year 814, 
 preserved in the library at Munich, is an illustration of the 
 baptism of a Jew, who stands in a small cireular font which 
 reaches to his waist (Fig. 42)?. 
 
 Ex. 49. Ivory from S. Mark's chair at Grado. 
 Sixth or seventh century. 
 
 An ivory originally forming part of the chair of 5. Mark 
 at Grado, and now in the Museo Archeologico at Milan, is 
 considered by Graeven and Garrueci to be work of the 
 seventh century. It represents the Evangelist baptizing 
 Anianus with his wife and son, who stand up to the breast 
 in water in a large tank (the son up to the neck), while 
 
 1 Westwood, Fictile Ivories, No. 256. 
 
 ? Reproduced in Springer, A., Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte, vol. ii, p. 93, 
 Leipzig, 1902, 3rd edition. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 295 
 
 the saint stands on dry ground (Fig. 43). If the date he 
 correct this is the earliest representa- 
 tion of baptism in which submersion 
 could be intended '. 
 
 The chair is said to have been 
 brought from Alexandria to Con- 
 stantinople and to have been presented 
 to the church of Grado by the 
 Emperor Heraclius (610-640). If 
 this is the same chair the reliefs 
 must have been executed at an 
 earlier date, but they cannot, in the 
 opinion of Graeven, be much older. 
 
 
 
 A companion relief in the British = ~~~ ~> 
 Museum is attributed to the sixth Fig. 43 (from a cast). 
 century. 
 
 Ex. 50. Paliotto of S. Ambrose at Milan, 827. 
 
 The paliotto (altar frontal) of S. Ambrogio at Milan 
 was set up in the year 827 by Archbishop Angilbert and 
 executed by a certain Wolfinius, as shown by an inscription 
 on the back. On it is represented the baptism of S. Ambrose, 
 who stands naked in a small octagonal font which reaches 
 to his thighs, while an attendant pours water over his 
 head from a large pitcher ?. 
 
 Ex. 51. Relref at Monza. c. 700. 
 
 The use of a pitcher also appears in a relief in 5. Giovanni 
 in Fonte at Monza (ce. 700), where it is held in the beak of 
 the dove, which flies down in the centre overhead and pours 
 water from it over the head of the Saviour. The Baptist 
 stands on the left, and there is one attendant angel holding 
 
 1 Westwood, No. 156.—Graeven, H., Friihchristliche und mittelalterliche 
 
 Elfenbeinwerke aus Sammlungen in Italien, Rom, 1900, No. 44.—Garr., vol. i. 
 
 Ρ. 570. ϑ 
 2 Str., p. 36, tav. viii, 2. 
 
296 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 a cloth to the right. The water is here for the first time 
 definitely represented as rising miraculously in ἃ heap, 
 a feature which becomes very common in later times 1. 
 
 Ex. 52. Ivory from Micheli Collection at Berlin. 
 
 An ivory in the Berlin Museum formerly belonging to 
 the Micheli collection at Paris shows the dove as pouring 
 water from a pitcher over the 
 Saviour’s head, who is repre- 
 sented as a full-grown man, 
 nude, holding His hands down 
 and immersed in the water to 
 His thighs (Fig. 44). The 
 Baptist is clothed in an exomis 
 of skin, holding a crooked staff, 
 and on dry land. On the other 
 side is the figure of Jordan, out 
 
 
 
 of the water, nude, but with a 
 cloth over his lap. He points 
 upwards with his nght hand, 
 and in his left holds an inverted 
 pitcher from which the water 
 
 
 
 Fig. 44. 
 
 flows. Above are three winged 
 heads of angels holding cloths. The hand appears in 
 heaven over the dove. The work is ascribed to the seventh 
 century *. 
 
 Ex. 53. Ivory at Strassburg. 
 
 Another example presenting the same features is men- 
 tioned as being in the possession of Herr Forrer at Strass- 
 burg, and is mentioned by A. Jacoby in his Bericht tiber die 
 Laufe Jesu. The hand of God appears above. The dove 
 holds a pitcher in its beak, and an angel stands in the 
 
 1 Str., p. 33, tav. viii, I. 
 2 Westwood, No. 240.—Str., p. 36, taf. viii, 3. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 297 
 
 background to the right. 8S. John, on the left, lays his hand 
 on the Saviour’s head. Our Lord stands with the water 
 rising above His thighs, and Jordan hastens in astonish- 
 ment away to the right}. 
 
 Hix. 54. 
 
 The pitcher in the beak of the 
 dove also appears in a_tenth- 
 century ivory at Rheims, which 
 
 
 
 represents the baptism of Chlodwig 
 (Fig. 45) ?. Fig. 45 (from a cast). 
 
 Ex. 55. Gem found at Rome. 
 
 A gem found at Rome represents the Baptist and our 
 Lord, both clothed and standing in the water. The dove 
 rests on the head of Christ whom 8S. John appears to 
 embrace *. The water rises only as high as the ankles of the 
 two figures. 
 
 This ring was bought by Mr, Fortnum and is now in the 
 Ashmolean Museum at Oxford (No. 71 in the collection of 
 Christian gems; ef. The Archaeological Journal, vol. xxxvii, 
 1880, p. 360, where it is said that the object may be anterior 
 to the third century). . 
 
 Ex. 56. Fresco in a catacomb at Naples. 759. 
 
 A symbol of the open heaven from which the dove descends 
 appears in the fresco in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples, 
 which was painted soon after 759 under Greek influence 
 (Fig. 46). The two attendant angels also appear holding 
 cloths covering their hands, but they raise them and look up 
 as if in prayer. The Saviour is in the water up to the 
 thighs 4. 
 
 1 Jacoby, A., Bericht iiber die Taufe Jesu, Strassburg, 1902, p. 82. 
 2 Westwood, No. 325. 
 
 3 Garr., vol. vi, tav. 478, 41.—Bull., 1877, p. 48. 
 * Garr., vol. ii, tav. 94, 3.— Str., p. 18. 
 
298 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 This is considered by Strzygowski to be the earliest instance 
 in which the open heaven is represented, but we have already 
 
 
 
 met with it on the gravestone from Aquileia (Ex. 24, fig. 21). 
 How beautiful a feature this can be made can be seen in the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A Qs . ΚΟ 
 (SSS 
 
 D iniue IVAN. 
 an ea a ας 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fig. 47 (from a cast). 
 
 
 
 fresco by Fra Angelico in the 
 cloister Marco at 
 Florence, where the traditional 
 arrangement is preserved as 
 late as the fifteenth century 
 in nearly all its details. 
 
 of San 
 
 Ex. 57. Ivory from 
 Rheinau. 
 
 On an ivory in a collection 
 from KRheinau the 
 stands with His feet in a small 
 font (Fig. 47). The Baptist 
 
 Saviour 
 
 stands to the left, an angel on the right. The hand from 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 299 
 
 heaven and the dove with a stream issuing from its beak 
 
 also appear, as well as the 
 figure of Jordan seated 
 on a pitcher, and another 
 with a serpent and a fish 
 symbolizing (?) earth and 
 water ', 
 
 Ex. 58. Ivory from 
 Bamberg. 
 
 An ivory in the Royal 
 Library at Munich orig- 
 inally belonging to the 
 cathedral at Bamberg 
 shows an angel on the 
 right, S. John on the 
 left, as well as the 
 hand and the dove (Fig. 
 48). The water rises in 
 
 LOTS OV TST EE RP OF 
 
 2, 
 
 NARADA RNS 
 
 Fig. 48 (from a cast). 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 WA 
 
 
 
 
 ~— ὦ 
 "| 
 ,, 
 
 a heap to the waist, and above are symbolic figures of the sun 
 
 and moon with a host of angels *. 
 
 Ex. 59. Ivory at Darmstadt. 
 
 Another ivory from western Ger- 
 many now in the museum at Darm- 
 stadt shows Christ standing in a pool of 
 water with a scalloped margin. ‘T'wo 
 angels stand on the right (Fig. 49) 5. 
 
 The classic details of these three 
 works and their selection of fea- 
 tures from various schools suggest 
 that we have in them examples of 
 Carolingian art from the eighth or 
 ninth century, 
 
 1 Westwood, No. 277. = th; Nos 475; 
 
 
 
 Fig. 49 (from a cast). 
 
 3 ib., No. 299. 
 
300 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica., 
 
 The second Council of Nicaea (787) ordered a uniform mode 
 of picturing the scene. It ruled that Christ should be repre- 
 sented in the centre between the banks of the Jordan, with 
 S. John on the left and the two attendant angels on the 
 right, and so the similarity of treatment that had grown up 
 by custom was stereotyped by a positive enactment. The 
 custom of baptizing infants had by this time become almost 
 universal,-and as the administration of the sacrament no 
 longer formed a striking public ceremony, all temptation 
 to modify the pictorial representation of the Gospel scene 
 by the influence of liturgical custom was still further re- 
 moved. 
 
 Ex. 60. Menologion of Basilius II. 976-1025. 
 
 The earliest example of such an illustration is probably that 
 in the menologion of Basilius II (976-1025) in the Vatican 
 Library at Rome, where the correct disposition of the figures is 
 
 observed, and the water is represented as covering the body and 
 the shoulders '. 
 
 Summary of evidence from the age of the 
 northern invasions. 
 
 It will be noticed that in the examples from the fifth and 
 sixth centuries, where the older tradition is still strong, the 
 water is made to rise to the knees, while it is still repre- 
 sented as falling from a rock or fountain-head (Exx. 28-30, 
 figs. 30-32). In early Ravennese (Exx. 26, 27, figs. 28, 29) 
 and Oriental art generally it is made to rise higher, to the 
 thighs (Exx. 44, 45), or to the waist (Exx. 34, 35, 41, 43, 
 figs. 38-40). Intwo later examples it rises to the breast (Exx. 
 46, 49, fig. 43), while in the latest.example we have quoted 
 (Ex. 60)-it reaches as high as the neck. In all such exam- 
 ples, however, the Baptist is raised very little higher than the 
 Saviour (though in the Rabula MS. he has to stoop), and in most 
 
 1 Str., p. 10) tav. ii, II. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 301 
 
 cases it is only by disregarding the laws of perspective that 
 the water can be so pictured. In the fresco at Monza (Ex. 51, 
 ce. 700) the difficulty is avoided by showing the water rising 
 miraculously in a heap to the waist, and this feature appears 
 frequently in later examples (e.g. in the paliotto of Salerno 
 (eleventh century), the Egbert Codex at Trier (989-993), the 
 font at Liége (1112), &e.). In many later examples it rises 
 to the neck, but in no case does it cover the head. 
 
 First traces of the custom of submersion. 
 
 The Council of Chelsea (816) first ordered (Canon 11) that 
 priests were to take care not merely to pour the consecrated 
 water over the head of the infant, but always to ‘immerse’ it 
 in the font, as the Son of God set us an example when He 
 was thrice ‘immersed’ in the waters of Jordan. 
 
 Sciant etiam presbyterii, quando sacrum baptismum ministrant, 
 ut non effundant aquam sanctam super capita infantuum sed 
 semper mergantur in acria: sicut exemplum praebuit per 
 Semetipsum Dei Filius omni credenti, quando esset ter 
 mergatus in undis Iordanis?. 
 
 It is curious to note that the misunderstanding of the word 
 ‘mergo’ (mergatus) appears as Latin begins to die out as 
 a spoken language, and that it was in England that it was 
 first understood as involving svmersion. 
 
 In the middle of the ninth century baptism by affusion was 
 evidently still the more common practice. Walafrid Strabo 
 (849) comments on the fact that in the past ‘immersion: 
 was not considered necessary, and that in his day ‘it was 
 allowable to administer the sacrament by pouring water over 
 the catechumen, as S. Laurence is said to have done in the 
 case of the soldier who was converted by a vision of Christ 
 wiping the limbs of the saint after he had suffered torture. ‘It 
 is with us usually so administered’ he adds, ‘in the ease of an 
 
 1 Darwell Stone, Holy Baptism, p. 271, Longmans, 1899.—Haddan and 
 Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, iii, 584 (who note on the word 
 acria, ‘This word stands for aqua, or possibly for lavacro’). 
 
302 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 older man who cannot be baptized in a small font.’ It was 
 evidently coming to be considered that ‘immersion’ must 
 mean ¢ota/ immersion, and that this was the more perfect and 
 primitive way, though as a rule it was not feasible, except 
 in the case of children, in the fonts that existed. 
 
 De Eccl. Reb. XXVII. Notandum non solum mergendo verum 
 etiam desuper fundendo multos baptizatos fuisse, et adhuc 
 posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit, sicuti in passione beati 
 Laurentii quendam urceo allato legimus baptizatum. Hoe 
 etiam solet evenire cum provectiorum granditas corporum in 
 minoribus vasis tingi non patitur. 
 
 The modern Greek custom of dipping probably became 
 universal in the East between the ninth and eleventh centu- 
 ries, at the time when Byzantine art became stereotyped and 
 so strongly marked by liturgical custom, and when original 
 thought also gave way to rigid traditionalism. The Armenian 
 church similarly adopted it, but retained the more primitive 
 affusion side by side with the more recent practice. 
 
 In the time of Aquinas the newer mode of administration 
 prevailed almost universally, and he declares it safer to baptize 
 by ‘immersion,’ as it is the common use (Summa III, 66, 7. 
 Tutius est baptizare per modum immersionis quia hoe habet 
 usus communior), though other thirteenth-century evidence 
 shows that even in this ‘immersion’ it was considered 
 dangerous to allow the child’s head to go under the water. 
 (Augusti, Denkwiirdigheiten aus der christlichen Archéologie, 
 vol. vii, ch. 9, p. 235.) 
 
 It is curious to notice how this anxiety as to the method 
 adopted appears as infant baptism becomes the rule. Indeed 
 it is difficult to see how any one but a small child can be said 
 to be baptized, if the word is to be interpreted as involving 
 submersion. This was felt by Duns Scotus, who declared a 
 priest excused if he was weak, or if the candidate was a great 
 country fellow whom he could not lift. 
 
 Comment. in IV sentent. dist. 3, qu. 4. Excusari potest minister 
 a trina immersione, ut si minister sit impotens et si sit unus 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 303 
 
 magnus rusticus qui debet baptizari quem nec potest immer- 
 gere nec elevare. (Augusti, p. 217.) 
 
 In the sixteenth century in the English and Roman ritual 
 affusion is recognized as equally permissible, as was also the 
 ease in the Lutheran and Calvinistic bodies; and since that 
 time the mediaeval custom of dipping has ceased to be practised 
 in the West except by the English Baptist community. 
 
 Conclusion of positive evidence from Archaeology. 
 
 To sum up :— Ι 
 
 We notice from these sixty examples, ranging from the 
 first to the tenth century and coming from Rome, Gaul, 
 Spain, Milan, Ravenna, Armenia, Syria, Egypt, Byzantium, 
 Sicily, Ireland, the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the court of 
 Karl the Great, that the type is persistent, and lasts with little 
 real alteration from the earliest times till it hands on the 
 traditional form to mediaeval art. The oldest scenes simply 
 represent the idea of baptism; the slight modification of the 
 fourth century is due to elaboration borrowed from liturgical 
 custom ; and the more marked influence of Ravenna, Syria, 
 and Byzantium is due to an attempt to secure historic 
 realism. As far as there is any development in the actual 
 mode of administration it is towards submersion, but the 
 furthest step in that direction consists in representing the 
 water as rising (in most cases miraculously) as high as the 
 neck. 
 
 On the other hand :— 
 
 Illustrations of what probably indicates immersion are found 
 in two pontificals attributed to the ninth century, one in 
 the Minerva Library at Rome (Kraus, Realencyclopddie, art. 
 ‘Taufe’ p. 838), and one in the Library at Windsor. Both are 
 reproduced in Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, art.‘ Baptism,’ 
 § 43. In both cases it is an infant that is about to be 
 dipped, and in the latter a priest in alb and stole administers 
 the rite while a bishop in chasuble and stole descends from 
 
 VOL. V, PART IV. Z 
 
304 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 his desk and prepares to anoint the child. A similar scene 
 oceurs on the ivory book-cover of the Sacramentary of Drogo 
 at Metz (ninth century), where eighteen liturgical and other 
 scenes are repre- 
 sented. In the 
 eighth the water in 
 a small font under 
 a canopy is being 
 consecrated, while 
 in the ninth two 
 
 
 
 Fig. 50 (from a cast). 
 
 small children are 
 
 being dipped. Another scene shows the baptism of Christ 
 
 represented in the traditional manner, with Jordan and the 
 attendant angels (Figs. 50 and 51)}, 
 
 We have seen then that all the evidence of archaeology goes 
 to prove that the essential part of baptism was considered in 
 the early Church to be the pouring of water over the candidate's 
 head by the bishop, or the guiding his head under a descending 
 stream, followed by the laying on of hands. There remains the 
 question, whether this was preceded by a self-immersion, for 
 a bishop could not have actually dipped a grown man: such 
 an act might conceivably have taken place and yet not be 
 represented, just as the anointing that undoubtedly followed 
 does not appear in any of the examples we have examined that 
 date from before the eighth century. 
 
 To answer this question we must consider the evidence of 
 early Christian baptisteries, 
 
 1 Westwood, No. 295.—Kraus, F. K., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Loth- 
 ringen, ili, 575.— Geschichte, ii, p. 16. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 BAPTISM WITHOUT A FONT 
 
 Baptism in Apostolic times. 
 
 Bartism in apostolic times was no doubt administered without 
 any special font or building being set apart for the purpose. 
 The 3,000 converts at Jerusalem (Acts 11. 41), the jailor at 
 Philippi (xvi. 33), S. Paul at Damascus (ix. 18), the disciples 
 at Ephesus (xix. 5), may have been baptized in some sort of 
 bath, but it is difficult to imagine how the rite could have been 
 carried out by submersion. 
 
 The eunuch of queen Candace was baptized in the open air 
 (viii. 38), and the baptism of Lydia and her household (xvi. 
 15) may have taken place in the river near the place of prayer 
 where she met 8. Paul. Tertullian declares (De Bapt. 4) that 
 S. Peter baptized in the Tiber, and he evidently contemplated 
 the possibility of open-air baptism in his own day (6. 200). 
 
 Ideoque nulla distinctio est, mari quis an stagno flumine an 
 
 fonte, lacu an alveo diluatur; nec quicquam refert inter eos, 
 quos Ioannes in Iordane et quos Petrus in Tiberi tinxit, nisi 
 
 et ille spado, quem Philippus inter vias fortuita aqua tinxit, 
 plus salutis aut minus retulit. 
 
 The place of Christ's baptism. 
 
 The custom of open-air baptizing in the Jordan district. 
 continued at least as late as the fifth century. We have seen 
 how such a scene of open-air baptism was interpreted in art, in 
 the representations of our Lord’s baptism. The natural features 
 of the Holy Land, as well as local tradition, still further support 
 this interpretation as being correct in the point we are 
 considering, viz. the depth of the water. 
 
 Z2 
 
306 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 ‘At the foot of the hills there burst forth all the summer, 
 not only such springs as we have in our own land, but large 
 and copious fountains from three to twenty feet in breadth and 
 From one to three in depth, with broad pools of fish, and some 
 sending forth streams strong enough to work mills a few yards 
 away. These fountain-heads, as they are called, are very 
 characteristic features of the Syrian summer?.’ 
 
 Sylvia of Aquitaine (385-388) describes the traditional spot 
 as she saw it. The spring had a sort of pool in front where 
 it was supposed S. John had baptized, and she was told that 
 to that day the Easter baptisms for the candidates of that 
 district took place in the same spot 3. 
 
 Tune ergo quia retinebam scriptum esse baptizasse sanctum Io- 
 hannem inEnon iuxta Salim requisivi deeo quam longe esset ipse 
 locus. Tunc ait ille sanctus presbiter ; ecce hic est in ducentis 
 passibus; nam si vis ecce modo pedibus duco vos 101. Nam 
 haec aqua tam grandis et tam pura quam videtis in isto vico 
 de ipso fonte venit. Tunc ergo gratias ei agere coepi et rogare 
 ut duceret nos ad locum, sicut et factum est. Statim ergo 
 coepimus ire cum eo pedibus totum per vallem amenissimam 
 donec perveniremus usque ad hortum pomarium valde amenum, 
 ubi ostendit nobis in medio fontem aquae optimae satis et pure, 
 quia semel integrum fluvium demittebat. Habebat autem ante 
 se ipse fons quasi lacum ubi parebat fuisse operatum sanctum 
 Tohannem baptistam. Tune dixit nobis ipse sanctus presbiter, 
 in hodie hic hortus aliter non appellatur Greco sermone nisi 
 copostu agiu iohanni, id est quod vos dicitis latine hortus sancti 
 Iohannis. Nam et multi fratres sancti monachi de diversis 
 locis venientes tendunt se ut Javentur in eo loco. Denuo ergo 
 et ad ipsum fontem sicut et in singulis locis facta est oratio et 
 lecta est ipsa lectio, dictus etiam psalmus competens, singula 
 et quae consuetudinis nobis erat ubicunque ad loca sancta 
 veniebamus ita et ibi fecimus. Illud etiam presbiter sanctus 
 dixit nobis, eo quod usque in hodierna die semper cata pascha 
 quicumque essent baptizandi in ipso vico id est in ecclesia 
 
 ' Smith, G. A., Historical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 77 ; of the many 
 pools or streams of Aenon (πολλὰ ὕδατα), John 111. 23. 
 3 Peregrinatio Silviae, ed. Gamurrini, ch. 45, Ρ. 59. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology, 307 
 
 que appellatur opu Melchisidech omnes in ipso fonte 
 baptizarentur. 
 
 The place was also known to Eusebius (265-340). 
 
 Jerome in Eus. De situ et nominibus, 163, Migne, Patr. Lat. 
 tom, xxiii. p. 677 (Aenon juxta Salim ubi baptizabat Iohannes 
 sicut in Evangelio cata Iohannem scriptum est et ostenditur 
 nune usque locus in octavo lapide Scythopoleos ad meridiem 
 iuxta Salim et Iordanem); but he seems to place the scene of 
 our Lord’s baptism at Bethabara and mentions the custom of 
 Christian baptism in the river (182, p. 884). 
 
 In later times the baptism was believed to have taken place 
 at Bethabara in the river itself, and a cross was erected in the 
 water to mark the spot. Antoninus Placentius (570-600) 
 describes it as surrounded by marble steps by which it was 
 possible to go down into the water. The legend further 
 added that the water rolled back to allow the Saviour to stand 
 on dry ground. 
 
 Legends of the Apostolic Age. 
 
 The Acts of Xantippe, Polyxena, and Rebecca are a Gnostic 
 work dating probably from the third century, but using the 
 Acts of Paul, which are most likely of the second, and are 
 considered by Zahn to be orthodox. 
 
 Polyxena is described as meeting S. Andrew in a wood and 
 asking him for baptism. He replies, ‘ Let us go, my child, 
 where there is water.’ 
 
 They come to a spring where they meet Rebecca, a Jewess, 
 coming to draw, and a lion appears who tells the apostle to 
 baptize them, which he does in the name of the Trinity. 
 
 The story of the lion reappears in the Acts of Paul and 
 Thecla, and it is this legend that Jerome alludes to when he 
 speaks with contempt of the work with its story of a baptized 
 lion (baptizati leonis fabulam, De vir. elust. ch. 7)". 
 
 In the Clementine Homilies (Hom. xiv. 1) Mattidia is 
 described as being baptized‘on the sea-shore between some 
 
 1 James, M. R., Texts and Studies, vol. ii, no. 3, pp. 43-85, Cambridge, 
 1897. 
 
308 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 rocks. A river or spring where there is living water is 
 mentioned as a suitable place for baptism in Clem. Hom, 
 Contest. ch. 1; ef. Hom. xi. 261. 
 
 In the Acts of Linus the story is told of how S. Peter, 
 when imprisoned in the Tullianum (Mamertine prison) under 
 the Capitol, converted his two jailors Processus and Martinianus, 
 and after causing a spring to burst forth baptized them and 
 forty-seven others. The Acts date from the middle of the 
 fourth century, and were probably taken from an earlier Greek 
 form (G. Salmon in Dict. Christian Biography, art. ‘ Linus’). 
 The saints are commemorated on July 2 in the Roman Bre- 
 viary, and the story forms part of the lessons of the third 
 nocturn, The spring about which the story grew up is still 
 shown. The Tullianum was originally built as a well-house 
 over this spring, having the usual dome form that is charac- 
 teristic of the earliest buildings of Italy. The present floor 
 of the upper chamber dates from early republican times, but 
 the lower room was still in use in the fifth century a.D. 
 A small cireular hole forms the well-mouth, in which there is 
 a constant supply of water. The forty-nine people could not 
 easily have got into a room only 6 metres in diameter ; still 
 less could they have been dipped in the well. Doubts have 
 been cast on the Roman origin of the legend on this ground °. 
 
 Grisar considers the tradition is not earlier than the sixth 
 century, as the building remained a prison in Christian times 
 and was only converted into an oratory in the fifteenth. 
 
 Legends of the Ages of Persecution. 
 The Armenian Acts of Phocas, telling a story of persecution 
 
 in the time of Trajan (which has however been added to later), 
 deseribe the bishop as baptizing some soldiers in the sea *. 
 
 ' Clementis Romani Homiliae Viginti, ed. Dressel, 1853, pp. 296, 6, 247. 
 
 3. Grisar,“ H., ‘Der Mamertinische Kerker,’ in the Zeitschrift fiir kath. 
 Theologie, 1896, p. 102.—Lanciani, R., Zhe Ruins and Excavations of ancient 
 Rome, London, 1897, p. 287. 
 
 * Conybeare, Ἐν, C., The Apology and Acts of Apollonius, &e., 1894, ch. 
 xvi, p. 118. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 309 
 
 ‘When the soldiers saw it (a torch, Gr. version ‘more than ten 
 thousand lamps’) they rushed in, and throwing themselves at 
 his feet sought of him the washing of the font—and the blessed 
 bishop took the men and went as far as the edge of the sea 
 outside the city and gave them the seal in Christ.’ Cf. Acta 
 Sanctorum, July 14, vol. 111, p. 644. 
 
 Victor of Marseilles is said to have baptized in the sea at the 
 end of the third century (Ruinart, Acta Sincera, ‘8. Victor 
 Massil.’). 
 
 S. Apollinaris is said to have baptized in a house as well as 
 in the sea and in a river at Ravenna (Surius, 714. Sanct. 
 July 23, δὲ 2, 4, 11). 
 
 In the Acts of 5. Laurence we read how the saint baptized 
 Lucillus, a fellow prisoner, by pouring water over his head. 
 Hippolytus his jailor was baptized with nineteen others in 
 his own house and it would seem by the same method, though 
 the Acts speak of his being ‘raised out of the water,’ from 
 which we gather he stood in some bath or vessel. After he 
 had been brought before Decius, one of the soldiers named 
 Romanus, who had guarded him and had seen him tortured, 
 was converted by a vision of Christ wiping his limbs. So 
 the next day he brought a pitcher of water and cast himself 
 at the feet of the saint, who took the water from him and 
 gave him the baptism he desired. 
 
 Surius, Vit. Sanct. Aug. το, δὲ 16,17, 21. Tum beatus Laurentius 
 
 catechizavit Lucillum et accepta aqua dixit ad eum: Omnia 
 in confessione lavantur. Tu autem me pronunciante responde 
 ‘Credo.’ Benedixitque aquam et cum expoliasset eum fudit 
 super caput elus dicens, &c. 
 ...deinde more solito catechizavit eum, acceptamque aquam 
 benedixit et baptizavit eum ...et cum eum ex aqua elevaret ... 
 et praeclare baptizati sunt in domo... Porro Romanus urceum 
 afferens cum aqua opportunitatem captabat... accessit et aquam 
 afferens, misit se ad pedes beati Laurentii rogavitque cum 
 lacrymis ut baptizaretur. Et acceptam aquam benedixit et 
 baptizavit eum. 
 
 This incident is referred to by Walafrid Strabo (849). 
 
 < 
 
310 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 In the Acts of Pope Marcellus, a deacon named Sisinius 
 baptizes a certain Apronianus, who was sent to conduct him 
 to the prefect Laodicius. When they are both committed to 
 prison they are described as baptizing numbers who visited 
 them there. 
 
 The baptism of Apronianus, according to the story, took 
 place in a basin within the house; and in a later form of the 
 Acts it is narrated in similar words how the deacon Cyriacus 
 baptized a Persian princess in a silver bath (ep. the tombstone 
 from Aquileia, Ex. 23, Fig. 21). The place where he had 
 erected a baptistery in his own house was afterwards, during 
 the persecution of Diocletian, turned into a bath by a pagan 
 named Carpasius. 
 
 Eadem hora allata est aqua et catechizavit eum et benedixit 
 fontem et deposuit eum nudum in pelvim dicens &c... . et 
 elevavit eum de pelvi et duxit eum ad Sanctum Marcellum. 
 
 Cumque essent in custodia veniebant ad eos multi Gentiles 
 et baptizabantur cum omni fiducia’. 
 
 Catechizavit eam et allata aqua deposuit eam nudam in concham 
 argenteam.... Cum vidisset Carpasius placatum sibi Maxi- 
 minianum, petiit ab eo domum beati Cyriaci, qui confestim, 
 quod petebatur, ei concessit. Et cum introisset in eandem 
 domum, quam donaverat B. Cyriaco Diocletianus Augustus, 
 invenit locum ubi 8. Cyriacus fontem aedificavit, quem conse- 
 cravit beatus Marcellus episcopus, ubi frequenter baptizabat 
 S. Cyriacus venientes ad fidem. Tunc Carpasius vicarius paga- 
 nus crudelissimus, cum in eadem domo invenisset baptisterium, 
 fecit in loco eodem balneum, quasi ad deridendam legem 
 christianorum*. Cf. Augusti, Denkwiirdigheiten aus der 
 christlichen Archdologie, vol. 7, pp. 187, 189, 225. 
 
 The Acts in their present form seem to be of the fifth or sixth 
 century, though they are based on an earlier tradition. 
 Duchesne, Lib. Pont. vol. i, pp. xcix and 165. 
 
 Baptism in Special Circumstances. 
 A legend of the Diocletian persecution told in the spurious 
 Acts of Peter of Alexandria narrates how a woman in a storm 
 
 ? Gesta Marcelli Papae. Surii vit. Sanct., Jan. 16, § 3, 5, Ρ. 334. 
 * Acta Sanctorum, Boll., Jan, 16, vol. ii, §§ 16, 23, p. 7. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 311 
 
 at sea baptized her child with blood drawn from her breast, 
 and that when she brought it afterwards to the font, the water 
 turned to stone to prevent the repetition of the sacrament. 
 
 A tradition of the end of the fourth century relates that 
 S. Athanasius when a boy conferred baptism in play on some 
 children on the sea-shore at Alexandria. He was observed 
 by the Bishop Alexander, who, having ascertained that the 
 necessary questions had been duly answered and the water 
 poured over them (én/usa), declared the rite was not to be 
 repeated, but that it only needed completion. 
 
 Rufinus, H. 1. bk. i. ch. 14. Videt eminus puerorum super oram 
 maris ludum imitantium... statuisse traditur illis quibus 
 integris interrogationibus et responsionibus aqua fuerat infusa 
 iterari baptismum non debere sed adimpleri. 
 
 A story is told by Johannes Moschus (620) which he heard 
 from a certain abbot Andrew. He said that as a young man 
 he was very unsettled (ἄτακτος πάνυ, indisciplinatus valde et 
 inquietus fui) and that he fled into the desert of Palestine 
 with nine others, of whom one was called Philoponos and one 
 -was a Jew. The Jew fell ill, and though for some time 
 refusing to desert him, they at last saw it was necessary unless 
 they were all to die of thirst. The Jew begged for baptism, 
 but they demurred, as there was no bishop or presbyter among 
 them, and besides there was no water. Philoponos, however, 
 told them to strip him and set. him on his feet, which they 
 did with some difficulty. Then filling his hands with sand he 
 poured it thrice on his head, saying, ‘ Theodore is baptized, &e. 
 The Jew was at once healed, and on returning to Ascalon he 
 went to Dionysius thle bishop, who called his clergy together 
 to discuss the validity of such a baptism. Some argued that 
 it was valid, as it had been confirmed by a miracle; others 
 said that though Moses baptized in water, in the cloud and in 
 the sea, John in penitence, and Jesus in the spirit, and though 
 Gregory of Nazianzen mentioned the baptism of blood and 
 that of tears, no mention was made of sand; so the bishop 
 thought it best to take him to the Jordan and baptize him 
 
312 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 there, making Philoponos a deacon. No one, however, seems to 
 have objected to the baptism on the ground that he had not 
 been totally immersed in the sand}. 
 
 Καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ κόπου ὄρθιον αὐτὸν στήσαντες ἐξεδύσαμεν. ὁ δὲ Φιλόπονος 
 πληρώσας ψάμμου τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τρὶς κατέχεεν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ 
 λέγων κιτιλ. 
 
 In all the above cases of baptism administered in the ages 
 of persecution, or under special circumstances, we have seen 
 that submersion could not have been practised, and yet there 
 is no trace of justification of the method adopted as though it 
 were unusual or as if excuse were necessary. 
 
 Clinical Baptism. 
 
 The objection to the clinical baptism of Novatian (Eus. 
 H. FE. vi. 43) was not that he had not been dipped, but that 
 he had only sought the rite on his sick bed in fear of death, 
 and that he had never made up for the supposed necessity of 
 such an act by seeking the seal of the bishop according to the 
 rule of the Church. No stress is laid on the word ‘ by pouring’ 
 (περιχυθείς), but further instances of his cowardice are given 
 immediately after. 
 
 So Cyprian (Ep. 76, Migne, Patr, Lat. vol. iii, p. 1147), 
 after arguing that baptism out of the church is invalid, goes 
 on to answer the objections of those who considered that 
 persons who had been baptized in sickness ought not to be 
 called Christians, but clinics, on the ground that they were not 
 washed but sprinkled (zon loti sunt sed perfusi). He says it is 
 not as if it were an actual bath, and there were need of salt 
 of nitre (aphronitrum) and a seat (solium) to sit on while 
 washing yourself. He quotes Ezek. xxxvi. 25, Numb. xix. 8, - 
 12, 13, vill, 6-7, and xix. 9, and argues that aspersion is allow- 
 able if faith is sound ; but throughout, the contrast, as far as it 
 refers to the method of administration, is between sprinkling 
 and pouring over the whole body, while the sole objection to 
 
 1 Johannes Moschus, Pratum Spirituale, ch. 176, Migne, lxxxvii, pars iii, 
 Ρ. 3043+ 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 313 
 
 clinical baptism in his eyes is that it does not take place in 
 the presence of the Church. 
 
 Nec quemquam movere debet quod aspergi vel perfundi videntur 
 aegri cum gratiam dominicam consequuntur. ... Unde apparet 
 aspersionem quoque aquae instar salutaris lavacri obtinere et 
 quando haec in Ecclesia fiunt, ubi sit et accipientis et dantis 
 fides integra, stare omnia et consummari ac perfici posse 
 maiestate Domini et fidei veritate. 
 
 The synod of Neocaesarea (314-325) forbade the ordaining 
 of persons baptized in sickness, on the ground that their 
 acceptance of the faith had been forced on them by cir- 
 cumstances. The rule was only to be relaxed if on recovery 
 they showed a special zeal, or if (an unfortunate alternative) 
 there was a lack of candidates for Holy Orders. 
 
 ᾿Εὰν νοσῶν τις φωτισθῇ, εἰς πρεσβύτερον ἄγεσθαι οὐ δύναται... οὐκ ἐκ 
 προαιρέσεως γὰρ ἡ πίστις αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης... εἰ μὴ τάχα διὰ τὴν 
 
 BY a > a AY ‘ , iY bY , ae) , 1 
 μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτοῦ σπουδὴν καὶ πίστιν καὶ διὰ σπάνιν avOporev’, 
 
 Affusion in Church Orders. 
 
 In the Didaché it is considered the natural thing, if there 
 is no suitable tank with running or other water for the 
 candidate to stand in while the water is poured over his 
 whole body, that it should be simply poured over his head 
 alone, that being considered the only essential part of the 
 ceremony. In the Canons of Hippolytus the presbyter is 
 directed to keep his hand on the catechumen’s head while he 
 is being baptized, an injunction which would seem to preclude 
 the idea of dipping, as the water in which both presbyter 
 and catechumen stand is obviously shallow. (Haneberg, Canon 
 Ig. 125: ‘tum prima vice immergitur aquae, dum ille manum 
 capiti eius impositam relinquit.’) In the later so-called Canons 
 of Basil we find that submersion has come to be considered the 
 better way, though three handfuls of water poured over the 
 head and body are held sufficient as an alternative. 
 
 Findet man nichts, worin man untertauchen kann, soll er im 
 
 Namen der Dreiheit drei Hiinde voll Wasser auf sein Haupt 
 
 1 Conc. Neocaes. can. xii, Hefele, vol. 1, § 17. 
 
314 Studia Bibltca et Ecclestastica. 
 
 erhalten, und er soll Wasser auf sein Haupt und seinen gan- 
 zen Korper giessen und ihn baden’. 
 
 One would like to know, however, what was the original 
 Greek word, and whether possibly the idea of submersion has 
 not been due to either the Arabic or the Coptic translator 
 through whose hands the Canons seem to have passed in turn, 
 and whether in the earliest form the two alternatives were 
 not simply those of the Didaché. 
 
 Baptism in Private Houses. 
 
 In the earliest times, however, open-air baptism must have 
 been the exception, as such a ceremony could hardly fail to 
 attract attention. Before the conversion of Constantine 
 Christian worship could only be carried on in private houses 
 (domus ecclesiae), where the wealth of the owner formed 
 a protection, or in the catacombs, where probably as early as 
 the second century the Church had a legal position as a 
 burial guild; and it is only natural to suppose that baptism, 
 which was followed immediately by the Communion, was 
 conferred in the same places ”. 
 
 In private houses the rite could only have been administered 
 in the impluvium, in the middle of the atrium, or in a bath- 
 room. The atrium of a house was semi-public, and all 
 evidence seems to show that Christians met in the inner 
 peristylum, The arrangements of later churches in the West 
 long continued to follow that of the private house, the 
 catechumens being confined to the more public outer court, 
 where the fountain served for the ablutions of the faithful. 
 Bernini’s colonnade before 8. Peter’s at Rome, with its two 
 fountains, is the seventeenth-century development of the old 
 court of Constantine’s building in which Symmachus set up 
 the pine-cone fountain now in the Giardino della Pigna of 
 the Vatican. 
 
 ? Riedel, W., Die Kirchenrechtsquellen des Patriarchats Alexandrien, Leip- 
 zig, 1900, p. 282, canon 105. 
 
 ? Lightfoot, J. B., Historical Essays, pp.61-2.—Ramsay, W. M., The Church 
 in the Roman Empire, London, 1893. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 5315 
 
 Examples of baths in private houses can still be seen in the 
 house of Germanicus on the Palatine and in that of the 
 Vestals in the Forum. They lie to the right of the tablinum, 
 in the more private quarters of the house, but in neither of 
 them nor in the more public impluvium would submersion 
 have been possible. 
 
 In the bath described by Pliny (bk. v. ep. 6) there was a 
 piscina deep enough to swim in, but it is noticeable that the 
 basin described as a ‘baptisterium, though a large one, was 
 not of sufficient depth for that purpose. 
 
 Inde apodyterium balinei laxum et hilare excipit cella frigidaria 
 in qua baptisterium amplum atque opacum. Si natare latius 
 aut tepidius velis in area piscina est; in proximo puteus ex 
 quo possis rursus astringi, si poeniteat teporis. Cf. also Bk. 
 ii. ep. 17. Inde balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et effusa 
 cuius in contrariis parietibus duo baptisteria velut eiecta 
 sinuantur abunde capacia si mare in proximo cogites. 
 
 Baptism in private houses lasted as late as the sixth 
 century. We read that it was forbidden, except in cases of 
 necessity, in 527 at the Council of Dovin in Armenia (Can. 
 16; Hefele, vol. 111. ὃ 240), and at the Council ‘in Trullo’ 
 (Quinisext) at Constantinople in 692 it was forbidden, except 
 with the consent of the bishop (Can. 31, vol. iv. ᾧ 327). 
 
CHAPTER V 
 THE FONT IN THE EAST 
 
 Fonts in Egypt. 
 
 Egypt was probably the first country to develop a distinct- 
 ively Christian Art, just as she became early famous for her 
 literature and her catechetical school, and this art seems to 
 have continued with but little influence from outside. The 
 dome building-form is almost universally found, and shows 
 no sign of being modified by the Byzantine evolution that 
 produced 8S. Sophia or by the basilica development of Rome, 
 while at the same time the tradition of a domestic architecture 
 lasted long, especially in the disposition of monastic buildings’. 
 
 This is seen in the usual shape and position of the font. 
 Every Coptic church has what is called the Epiphany tank, 
 usually about 8 or 10 feet by 6, and 5 or 6 feet deep. 
 This, says Butler, ‘it is reasonable to suppose was used 
 for immersion, as it stands in the narthex, but there is no 
 distinct evidence or tradition that it was so. It seems rather 
 to be the Egyptian form of the fountain that developed from 
 the impluvium of the Roman house as described above. Just 
 as in the West it was used for ablutions, and after being 
 brought inside the church dwindled down to the holy water 
 stoup, so the Egyptian churches have a second form, generally 
 about 2 feet by one, placed at the west of the nave and used 
 for the mandatum and ablutions. 
 
 The font, on the other hand, is found in various positions 
 near the sanctuary, as the bath-room would have been in the 
 inner part of the house. It is described as ‘a deep circular 
 
 ? Butler, A. J., The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, Oxford, 1884.— 
 Schultze, V., Archdologie der christlichen Kunst, p. 115. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 317 
 
 basin like our modern fonts, though there is no trace of 
 separate circular or hexagonal baptisteries’ (Butler, pp. 22, 41). 
 
 Ex. 61. Dair Méri Mina. ? Fourth century. 
 
 Thus at Dair Mari Mina, between old and new Cairo, there 
 is a small font to the south of the apse at the east end. The 
 church was restored in 730, but this part is considered to 
 belong to the original fourth-century building (pp. 62, 73). 
 
 Fix. 62. Dair Abw’’s Sifain. ? Tenth century. 
 
 At Dair Abw’ ’s Sifain are two fonts consisting of large 
 basins built up into the masonry. One has a square enlarge- 
 ment east and west, at the bottom of which are two steps 
 ‘obviously adapted for immersion,’ though the font itself’ is 
 not more than 4 feet in depth, and apparently only about 
 3 feet in diameter ; the size of the other at the end of the 
 south aisle is about the same, and the depth 3 feet (p. 117). 
 The building of the church is ascribed to Christodulus (1060), 
 bat it is probably earlier, and was built or rebuilt in 927. 
 
 Three more dating from the seventh or eighth century are 
 mentioned as existing at the churches of Anba Shanida, Mari 
 Girgis, and Sit Miriam at Abu’ ’s Sifain in the usual position, 
 but no measurements are given (pp. 138 and 144). 
 
 Ex. 63. Abu Sargah. Third or sixth century. 
 
 At the church of Abu Sargah in old Cairo, an eighth- 
 century building with a sixth-century crypt, is a round font 
 imbedded in masonry of a diameter of 2 feet, while in the 
 crypt is a round stone vessel 30 inches across, which it is 
 suggested is part of the original second or third-century 
 building that was remade in the sixth (plan, pp. 201 and 203). 
 
 Ex. 64. Dair al Abiad. Third or fourth century. 
 At Dair al Abiad, the white monastery (Anba Shanitida) 
 dating from the third or fourth century, is a small chapel on 
 
318 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 the south side of the narthex which was probably a baptistery, 
 and was described by V. Denon in 1799 as ‘containing 
 a magnificent font for immersion’; from the plan (fig. 26) in 
 Butler it was about 4 feet in diameter. The basin seems to 
 have been sunk in a platform of masonry which was ascended 
 by a short flight of steps (pp. 17, 354 and vol. 11, p. 265). 
 
 On page 43 the author mentions the font at Dair 
 Abu’ ’s Sifain as a ‘very early font, which differs from the 
 others in being deeper and having on each side of the well 
 a short flight of steps; in other words, it is adapted more for 
 immersion than sprinkling.’ The steps, however, are elsewhere 
 described as only two in number, and the church dating from 
 the tenth century makes this example of /v/er origin than any 
 of the others cited; but even in this /arger type of /ate font it 
 would be impossible to ‘immerse’ any but a very undersized 
 man, though we need not therefore assume that the modern 
 custom of sprinkling was substituted for affusion. 
 
 Ex. 65. Al Adra. 
 
 At the little church by the cathedral of Al’ Adra is a font 
 described as standing in a recess 3 feet deep, in the form 
 of a deep round basin with a rim curving out and fluted sides. 
 The room is described as tiny and the church as little altered 
 from the day of its dedication, and probably one of the oldest 
 in Egypt (p. 226). 
 
 Legends of miraculous fonts. 
 
 Johannes Moschus(620) mentions a miraculous font (φώτισμα) 
 which he says existed at Cedrebatis, and which filled itself on 
 the eve of Easter and remained full till Whitsuntide. The 
 font is described as consisting of one block (μουόλιθον dv), from 
 which we see that the type with which he was familiar must 
 have been about the size of those described above. 
 
 A similar story is told by Gregory of Tours (sixth century) 
 of a font in Lusitania, which seems to have been of a cruciform 
 
 1 Pratum Spirituale, Migne, Patr. Graeco-Lat., \xxxvii, pars 111, p. 3107. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 319 
 
 shape, forming an exception to the usual rule in the West 
 where, as we shall see, the basins are generally circular or 
 octagonal. He relates that, though the doors of the baptistery 
 were sealed on Thursday in Holy Week, when they were 
 opened on Saturday the font was not only found full, but the 
 water was piled up like a heap of corn, and that it stayed so 
 until every one had drawn away all that was required for 
 their fields or their homes, but that as soon as the first 
 baptism took place in it it shrank back, and disappeared 
 when all had received the sacrament. The water rose 
 miraculously for the convenience of those who wished to 
 draw from it, but there was no need to rise to cover the 
 bodies of the catechumens. 
 
 Piscina namque est apud Osen campum antiquitus sculpta et ex 
 marmore vario in modum crucis miro composita opere. Sed 
 et aedes magnae claritatis et celsitudinis desuper a christianis 
 constructa est... Ac mirum dictu, piscinam quam reliquer- 
 ant vacuam reperiunt plenam, et ita cumulo altiore refertam 
 ut solet super ora modiorum triticum aggregari, videasque huc 
 illucque latices fluctuare nec partem in diversam defluere.. . 
 licet ubi infans primus intinctus fuerit, mox aqua reducitur et 
 baptizatis omnibus lymphis in se reversis ut initio produntur 
 nescio ita ut fine clauduntur ignaro’. 
 
 The same legend reappears in the description of the scene 
 of our Lord’s baptism by the pilgrim Antoninus Placentius 
 (570-600), where, however, the miracle is described as taking 
 place on the night of the festival of the Epiphany. It seems 
 also to be referred to by Theodosius (530) some years earlier. 
 
 Syrian and Egyptian Church Orders. 
 
 It is impossible to say with certainty whether the Canons 
 of Hippolytus (third century) contemplate the use of a special 
 font for baptism. They survive only in an Arabic version, 
 and are generally quoted in the Latin translation published 
 by H. Achelis in the Leipzig Teate und Untersuchungen, 
 
 1 Greg, Tur., De Glor. mart., i. 24, Migne, Patr. Lat., Ἰχχῖ, p. 725. 
 VOL. V, PART IV. Aa 
 
320 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 vol. vi, 1891, or in that of D. B. von Haneberg (Munchen 
 1870). 
 
 In the former, Canon 19, § 112 orders the catechumens to 
 assemble at cockerow by a current of water of a ‘bahr,’ pure, 
 prepared and holy (prope fluctuantem aquam maris puram, 
 paratam, sacram). This, Achelis seems to consider, contem- 
 plates the administration of the rite in sea-water. 
 
 Von Haneberg, on the other hand, believes it may refer 
 either to open-air baptism in a river or to a font, and in the 
 introduction to his edition of the Canons inclines to the latter 
 interpretation. 
 
 F. C. Burkitt in a note in the Journal of Theological Studies, 
 1900, p. 279, considers that the passage cannot refer to the sea, 
 as the word ‘ bahr’ is without the article, nor does he think 
 it can be applied to a piece of ecclesiastical furniture like the 
 ‘sea’ in Solomon’s temple, because the Arabic word ‘ tayyar’ 
 signifies not so much ‘waves’ as the current of a stream. 
 He holds that in Canon 29, § 213, where the dust of the 
 sanctuary is ordered to be thrown into the water of a ‘ bahr 
 tayyar’ (in aquam maris undosi), a running stream must be 
 implied as in the ritual enjoined in Lev. xiv. 5, 50. He would 
 prefer therefore to translate ‘let them assemble at cockcrow 
 by the water, a running stream pure, prepared, and holy.’ 
 W. Riedel, in the translation of the Canons in his Kirchenrechts- 
 quellen des Patriarchats Alewandrien, agrees with him, and 
 renders the passage ‘das Wasser eines reinen brausenden 
 Flusses’ (p. 211). 
 
 It is evident that the Arabic translator did not understand 
 the words before him in the original, so for its interpretation 
 we must rely on internal evidence and on parallel passages in 
 other Church Orders. The service as described in the Canons 
 clearly takes place in a church (δὲ 135, 142, &c.), and it is 
 more natural to suppose that the order to throw the dust of the 
 sanctuary into ἃ" running stream would refer to a fountain of 
 running water within the precincts of the building. The 
 killing of the bird, in Lev. xiv. 6, seems to take place at the 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 321 
 
 tent of meeting, and in verse 50 the running water seems to 
 be within the house that is to be purified. All this suggests 
 that a font is meant in the Canon. 
 
 This is further borne out by the parailel passages in allied 
 Church Orders. The Egyptian Heptateuch, first published by 
 H. Tattam in 1848, is given thus in his translation from the 
 Bohairic dialect (ὃ 46, p. 54) :—‘ And at the time of the cock- 
 crowing let them first pray over the water. Let the water be 
 drawn into the font or flowing into it, and let it be thus if 
 there be no scarcity. Butif there be a scarcity, let them pour 
 the water which shall be found into the font, and let them 
 undress themselves, ὅθ. The Sahidic version in Lagarde, 
 Aegyptiaca, Can. Ecclesiast. No. 46, p. 255, has the same words, 
 but adds ‘ and haste’ after the word translated ‘scarcity,’ and 
 continues ‘use what water can be found.’ 
 
 The Verona Latin fragment is defective, but the Ethiopic 
 statutes contain the same directions:—‘ At the time of cock- 
 crow let them pray first over the water, whether it was such 
 as flowed into the tank or was caused to flow into it. Ifthere 
 was difficulty let him pour water which has been drawn’ (from . 
 a well) ; and the Arabic statutes (MS, Vat. ὃ 34) say :—‘ At the 
 time of cockcrow let him pray first over the water, and let 
 the water be either running to the tank or running upon it. 
 Let it be thus unless there was urgent necessity ; if there was 
 constraint let him pour in water which is found.’ 
 
 So in the Syrian ‘Testament of our Lord’ (? fourth cent.) 
 in which a baptistery is specially mentioned, we find it ordered 
 that the water is to be pure and running (hoc autem modo 
 baptizentur dum accedunt ad aquas quae debent esse mundae 
 et fluentes) *. 
 
 These documents are based on a lost Church Order origi- 
 nating probably in Syria in the second century. They seem 
 
 1 I am indebted to the Rev. G. Horner for the above two unpublished 
 quotations. 
 
 2 Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, ed. I. E. Rahmani, Mainz, 
 1899, bk. ii. ᾿ 
 
 Aa 2 
 
322 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 to show that baptism took place, not in the open air, but in 
 a vessel within doors, and preferably in one that had a con- 
 tinuous stream running into it to keep it fresh, Such basins 
 would naturally be erected in churches, but where no such 
 fountain was available, water might be brought in and poured 
 over the head of the catechumen. 
 
 This explains the passage in the Didache which has 
 generally been interpreted as referring to open-air baptism :— 
 ‘Baptize... in living water. But if thou hast not living 
 water, baptize in other water, and if thou canst not in cold 
 then inwarm. And if thou have not either, pour water thrice 
 upon the head,’ &e. 
 
 οὕτω Bantioare... ἐν ὕδατι ζῶντι. ᾿Ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἔχῃς ὕδωρ ζῶν, εἰς ἄλλο 
 
 ὕδωρ βάπτισον" εἰ δ᾽ ov δύνασαι ἐν ψυχρῷ, ἐν θερμῷ. ᾿Εὰν δὲ 
 
 ἀμφότερα μὴ ἔχης, ἔκχεον εἴς τὴν κεφαλὴν τρὶς ὕδωρ κ-.τ.λ, 
 The natural place for the rite to be administered would be in- 
 doors, preferably in a fountain with running water ; but, failing 
 this, any tank or warm bath might be used. If no basin were 
 at hand of sufficient size to allow the catechumen to stand in 
 it while the water was poured over his body, it was enough 
 if it were poured thrice over his head, 
 
 Fonts in Syria. 
 
 Christianity spread rapidly in very early times in Syria. 
 From Jerusalem it passed to the lowlands of Palestine, whence 
 in the persécutions of Decius and Diocletian it sent a econ- 
 tinuous stream of martyrs to Caesarea (Eus. H. £. bk. VIII). 
 Flourishing communities existed from earliest times in the 
 great cities of Antioch, Edessa, and Damascus, but no remains 
 of their churches have survived, except at Tyre and Jerusalem. 
 “Οἱ the other hand, numerous traces of the Christianity of the 
 smaller towns and villages have been discovered, especially 
 of that which followed the Roman civilizing of the Hauran in 
 the second century ; and though the Diocletian persecution 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 323 
 
 seems to have swept away such buildings as may have then 
 existed, there are considerable remains of the fourth and fifth- 
 century churches with certain strongly marked architectural 
 features. The latest are of the middle of the seventh century, 
 while after the capture of Damascus by the Mohammedans in 
 635, only one single church is known to have been built in 
 
 ancient times. 
 
 Dine 60 Pyne ara: 
 
 The cathedral at Tyre was built by Bp. Paulinus in 314, 
 and is described by Eusebius in his sermon on the occasion of 
 its dedication, preserved in his Ecclesiastical History (bk. X, 
 ch. 4). It was evidently considered an event of great impor- 
 tance at the time, since it was the first large church that had 
 been built, and signalized the final triumph of Christianity. 
 He mentions the fountain (κρῆναι) for washing the hands that 
 stood in the atrium, and also alludes to adjoining buildings 
 (ἐξέδρας καὶ οἴκους) joined to the side (εἰς πλευρά) of the basilica 
 and united with the entrances into the centre of the structure 
 (ταῖς ἐπὶ τὸν μέσον οἶκον εἰσβολαῖς ἡνωμέτους), for those ‘whe 
 still require the purification and sprinkling (περιρραντηρίων) of 
 water and the Holy Spirit.’ 
 
 It is much to be regretted that his description is so vague, 
 and the remains of the ehurch so scanty. Erected at that 
 particular time it must have preserved the traditions of the 
 previous century, and shown what Christians would have 
 wished to build in the days of persecution had they been able ; 
 while it also formed a link with later times in that it probably 
 set the example which the churches of the fourth century 
 followed, and became the starting-point of the whole develop- 
 ment in church building in post-Constantinian times. 
 
 The ruins of the cathedral were explored by Dr. 8. N. Sepp 
 in 1845, when he reported that he discovered the old font in 
 the left aisle, and it is marked in this position in his plan 
 (Meerfahrt nach Tyrus, Leipzig, 1879, p. 217). In his de- 
 scription of the alterations and rebuilding of the thirteenth 
 
324 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 century, a font of the same shape is referred to as standing on 
 the right hand of the nave near the altar. 
 
 In 1874, however, he excavated one of the adjoining 
 buildings, and there discovered ‘a basin in the form of a drawn 
 out cross with three’ (four in the diagram) ‘steps at each end’ 
 
 (Fig. 52). It seems to have been 
 
 used later for burial purposes, and 
 
 ἔπ Γῇ fragments of an altar and ἃ sar- 
 
 eophagus ornamented with fairly 
 
 Fig. 52. good classical decoration were found 
 
 z near, pointing to a date in the fourth 
 
 century. This seems to have been the same font as that 
 
 which he discovered in 1845, but it had been broken in the 
 meanwhile. ' 
 
 The aetual basin is oblong, with extensions at either end for 
 the steps. The depth is 2} feet and the length 6 feet (? with- 
 out the extensions), the breadth is not stated. The draw-hole 
 is marked in the plan. 
 
 Dr. Sepp considers this to be the original font, and, after 
 describing it as probably the oldest basin for ‘immersion’ that 
 exists, adds that from its slight depth it could not have served 
 for adults, and therefore proves that infant baptism was 
 practised from earliest times! He does not suggest where 
 the adults could have been baptized, or the purpose of the 
 steps if the font was only used for infants. 
 
 Dr. Sepp also describes a spring in a rock chamber with 
 a yard depth of water (e//enhoch), which he identifies with the 
 source of the fountain in the atrium of which Eusebius 
 speaks. ; 
 
 The baptistery occupies a similar position in the description 
 of a chureh given in eh. 19 of the ‘Testament of our Lord,’ 
 a Chureh Order dating in its present form probably from the 
 fourth century, but based upon an earlier work. No deserip- 
 tion of the font, however, is given. 
 
 Intra atrium sit aedes baptisterii habens longitudinem viginti 
 
 et unius cubitorum, ad praefigurandum numerum completum 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 325 
 
 prophetarum, et latitudinem duodecim cubitorum pro adum- 
 brandis lis, qui constituti fuerunt ad praedicandum evangelium. 
 Aditus sit unus, exitus vero sint tres, 
 
 Velum ex bysso pura confectum habeat altare, quoniam est 
 immaculatum. Similiter domus baptismi [1. 6. baptisterium | 
 sit velo obtecta’. 
 
 Ex. 67. Amwas. Fourth century. 
 A fourth-century baptistery was discovered in 1884 at 
 
 Amwas (Emmaus) by Dr. C. Schick, containing a font in 
 remarkable preservation. The building is square with an 
 apse, in the middle of the chord 
 of which lies a cruciform basin 
 
 with rounded ends (Fig. 3 
 ie. 53 
 
 The area of the apse where the 
 bishop would have stood is raised 
 to a level with the rim of the = 
 basin, which is only half sunk Fic. 
 in the ground. Two steps lead 
 into it on the west side. On each side are shallow depressions 
 in the floor, connected with the basin by a drain which pierces 
 its side. These were. possibly the places where the newly 
 baptized stood to receive unction, and were constructed to 
 carry back the water that ran from their bodies. No 
 accurate measurements were taken, but the following are 
 approximate—breadth 3-5 metres, depth 1-35 metre. 
 Taking into account the fact that the basin is half sunk in 
 the level of the floor in which these curious depressions are 
 made, the water in it could never have been more than about 
 half a metre deep, or it would have run off through the drains 
 and covered the floor of the baptistery 3. 
 
 1 Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, ed. Rahmani, Mainz, 1899. 
 2. Schick, C., in Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, Bd. vii, 1884, 
 p. 15, with a picture. 
 
326 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Ex. 68, Beit’Atwa. ? Fourth century. 
 
 A font was discovered in 1875 at Beit’ Atiwa, near Hebron, in 
 a ‘ Byzantine building’ (Fig. 54). ‘In the centre is a square 
 basin, side 2 feet 3 in., 7 in. deep, four steps lead down’ (i.e. two 
 structural steps, as appears from the plan) ‘ 5 in. high, gin. 
 broad (i.e. the total depth 20 in.), the whole surrounded by four 
 segmental recesses, the external form being that of a rounded 
 cross ; the longest measurement pene 5% feet, the total height 
 outside 2 feet 4 in.’ 
 
 The font is described as ‘ fitted for immersion.’ Evidently 
 there were none of the descendants of the Anakim surviving?, 
 
 
 
 {- — ! Serie of Feat 
 wee ' 3 > a 
 anew on AB oe ee Ὁ τὸν» ἢ 
 
 Fig. 54. Fig. 55. 
 
 Ex. 68 a. 
 
 Another at Khtrbet Tektia, south of Bethlehem, is described 
 as octagonal, 4 feet high, 4 feet 3 in. in diameter (Fig. 55). 
 The plan shows only one step ®. 
 
 Ex.69. Deir Seta. ? Fifth century. 
 Among the extensive ruins of the Hauran very few traces of 
 
 baptisteries, have been found. The most important is that 
 
 * Conder, C. R., and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs, 
 1883, vol. iii, p. 321. 
 2 Ib., p. 368. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 327 
 
 of Deir Seta. It is a hexagonal building, some way from the 
 church, with a sort of portico adjoining. The sides are 15 feet 
 in length, so the diameter is some 30 feet. The central basin 
 is described as not visible because covered by the ruins of the 
 roof, but it is marked in the plan as hexagonal, with six pillars 
 that once supported a ciborium. If the plan is correct the 
 basin must have been some 8 to 10 feet across}. 
 
 Another at Moudjeleia is given on pl. Ixiii, but no 
 measurements are given. 
 
 There is one also at Qal’at Sim’an, the church built soon 
 after the death of Simeon of the pillar, who died 460. It is an 
 octagonal building, but nothing is said of the shape or size 
 of the font *, 
 
 In the ‘Acta Maris Apostoli’ is the following account of the origin 
 of a baptistery in Mesopotamia or Persia. The saint has 
 converted the king after casting out seventy-two devils from 
 his son, which fly out of his mouth in the form of strange 
 beasts, ‘regem vero et civitatem baptizavit in nomine Patris et 
 Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Fornacem autem regii palatii foderunt 
 usque ad aquas, et aedificavit beatus Mar Mares ecclesiam, 
 Et super aquam fornacis quam in puteum converterant aedifi- 
 cavit baptisterium, et puteus usque in hodiernum diem iuxta 
 testimonium nonnullorum baptisterium est; et signa magna 
 efficiuntur ab aquis illis.’ 
 
 The Acts are ascribed to the fifth or sixth century, but may 
 possibly be of the fourth, as there is no reference to Nestorianism 
 in them ὅ, 
 
 The churches of Asia Minor and Byzantium were closely 
 connected with that of Syria, and the fonts seem to have 
 been of the same shape as those which represent the earlier 
 traditions of Palestine. 
 
 Ex. 70, Aladschadagh. Sixth century. 
 A baptistery near Myra in Lycia is described as built in 
 the form of a Greek cross with a breadth: of 4-5 metres 
 
 1 De Vogiié, Syrie Centrale, pl. exvii. 
 2 Ib., pl. exxxix-cli, 
 8 Analecta Bollandiana, 1885, iv, 79 and Introd., p. 45. 
 
328 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 between the pillars at the angles. The square basin (Tauf- 
 brunnen) still stands in the centre, and is -82 metres high 
 and -86 broad. The building is of the same age as the 
 neighbouring church, which is of the ‘usual early Christian 
 basilica form’ with a fore-court, and capitals ‘ resembling 
 those of S. Vitale at Ravenna.’ We may therefore place it 
 in the sixth century Ἷ. 
 
 Ex. 71. Giil Bagtische. Seventh century. 
 
 The ruins of a baptistery have been recently discovered at 
 Gil-Bagtische, two hours west of Vurla (Clazomenae). It 
 stood with its chambers for the preparation of the catechumens 
 on the north side of the church. The font was square and 
 constructed of white marble slabs, and seems to have stood 
 under a canopy. Three steps (two as given in the plan) led 
 down to it. The channels to fill and empty the basin are 
 still visible. The font itself is about 1} metres across, the 
 central slab being about 1 metre square. The depth is not 
 stated, but judging from the steps it must be rather less than 
 1 metre. The building is attributed to the seventh century. 
 
 Erhalten sind von dem Taufort die Fundamente der Umfassungs- 
 
 mauern, im Innern vier starke aufgemauerte Eckpfeiler, aus 
 gut gearbeiteten Quadern, und im Centrum das mit drei 
 Stufen versehene Taufbassin in weissem Marmor ausgefiihrt. 
 Die Marmorplatten waren mit Gips verkettet. Dass der 
 Wasserzufluss hier auch ein kiinstlicher war, beweisen die 
 Wasserrohre, die das eine oben an der SW. Ecke des Bassins 
 im Boden, das andre in der westlichen Umfassungsmauer 
 noch aufrecht, in situ, stehen. Unten im Bassin selbst, an 
 der Nordwand, fiihrte eine Thonrohrleitung das Wasser ab’. 
 
 Ex. 72. 8. Sophia, Constantinople. Fifth century. 
 A circular building at.the NE. angle of S. Sophia at 
 Constantinople ,is supposed to be the baptistery of the pre- 
 
 1 Petersen, E., and von Luschan, F., Reisen in Lykien, Wien, 1889, vol. ii, 
 pp. 38 ff. 
 2 Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Oct. 19c1, p. 568. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 329 
 
 Justinian church, and to have escaped the fire that destroyed 
 the old building in 532. It is 45 feet in diameter, but no 
 traces of a font are described. 
 
 In the Imperial Museum at Constantinople, however, is a 
 large marble font of oval quatrefoil shape, which was formerly 
 in the precincts of the Mosque Zeinab Sultana, to the west of 
 S. Sophia (Fig. 56). It is 8 ft. δὲ in. long, 6 ft. τὰ in. 
 
 oF 
 
 --τ- 
 
 x 
 fe S 
 
 Fig. 56. 
 
 wide, and 4 ft. 6 in. deep. At one end it can be entered by 
 a descent of two steps |. 
 
 In the illustration the section gives three steps, while the plan 
 has the usual two. Another smaller one is mentioned as 
 existing in the precincts of the Mosque Kotza Mustapha 
 Pasha (p. 81). 
 
 A small octagonal building described by Blouet (Zxploration 
 
 scientifique de la Morée, 1831) appears from the engraving 
 (pl. 3) to be merely a fountain. 
 
 ‘ Lethaby and Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia, London, ce 
 pp. 19, 81, 183. 
 
330 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica, 
 
 Ex. 73. Salona. Before 641. 
 
 A plan and description of the group of buildings that 
 formed the baptistery of the cathedral of Salona, near Spalato 
 in Dalmatia, was published in 1850 by Dr. Fr, Carrara (De’ 
 Seavi di Salona nel 1848, Vienna), but no description of the 
 font itself was given beyond stating that it was of marble 
 and mosaic. The plan, which is reproduced in Garrucci, tav. 
 278, and has been frequently reproduced in books of Christian 
 archaeology, is misleading, and represents it as T-shaped. 
 
 
 
 mY ὰ 
 
 
 
 A more accurate plan is given by Fr. Lanza in his work 
 Monumenti Salonitani inediti, Vienna, 1856, tay. ii. fig. 2. 
 He describes the font as square, and entered on three sides 
 by a descent of two steps (Fig. 57). On the third side there 
 seems to have been a desk for the bishop, and at the four 
 corners were red marble pillars which must have served to 
 support a canopy. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 33 
 
 Since that time unfortunately the font has suffered further 
 damage, as for some years there was no. curator of the ruins, 
 The steps have disappeared as well as the remains of the 
 bishop’s desk, The hole by which the basin was emptied 
 can still be seen and is shown in the illustration (Fig. 58), but 
 the leaden pipe mentioned by Lanza has gone. 
 
 In its present condition the font is 1 metre wide by -80 m, 
 deep, but originally it could not have been more than -70- 
 "80 m, square, and could only hold one person with difficulty, 
 A description of the recent excavations of the adjoining 
 
 
 
 Fig. 58 (from a photograph), 
 
 basilica, in the course of which the canal for conveying the 
 water to the baptistery was discovered, will appear in the 
 Bullettino @ Archeologia e Storia Dalmata for 1902. 
 
 I am indebted for the above information to the kindness of 
 Prof. Fr, Bulié, Director of the Museum at Spalato, who 
 considers that the font could not have been used for sub- 
 mersion (Untertauchung), and that the rite must have been 
 administered by affusion (Aufgiessen). 
 
 Salona was taken by the Avars in 641, and the inhabitants 
 fled to Spalato and took refuge in the ruins of the palace of 
 
332 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Diocletian. The baptistery must therefore be at least as old 
 as the sixth century. 
 
 Guida di Spalato ὁ Salona. Zara, 1894, p. 233. Nel centro 
 dell’ edifizio, lastricata tutto a mosaico di pasta di vetro 
 dorato, stava una vasca rettangolare di marmo a cui da due 
 lati salivasi mediante due gradini anch’ essi di marmo, mentre 
 al lato volto a borea faceva capo il tubo conduttore dell’ 
 acqua. Ai quattri angoli della vasca si rinvennero gli avanzi di 
 sottili colonne di marmo rosso, che probabilmente avranno 
 servito a sostegno di un ciborio a foggia di baldacchino posto 
 sopra la vasca battesimale. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 THE FONT IN THE WEST 
 
 Fonts in the Catacombs. 
 
 ΒΟΙΡΕΤΊΙ, in his description of the Roman catacombs pub- 
 lished in 1720, declares that several baptisteries were discovered 
 there. Only three, however, are known to exist. 
 
 Ex. 74. Cemetervum Ostrianum. ? Third century. 
 
 The first is in the Cemeterium Ostrianum on the Via No- 
 mentana, a few hundred yards beyond the church of S. Agnese, 
 and was discovered in 1876. No description of the font is 
 given in the account of the discovery in the Bullettino for 
 1876, or in Professor Marucchi’s chapter on the catacomb 
 in his E/éments d’archéologie chrétienne, vol. ii; but I am told 
 by the author of the latter work that it is formed by hollowing 
 out the rock to receive a natural spring, and that it is small 
 and not deep. The basin seems to be in a part that was 
 excavated in the third century. 
 
 In the Acts of Papias and Maurus we read that the saints 
 suffered death in the Diocletian persecution, and were buried 
 near the Via Nomentana, ‘ad nymphas ubi Petrus baptizabat.’ 
 
 The document dates from the fifth century, but ‘other dis- 
 coveries have identified the cemetery beyond doubt and proved 
 its connexion with very early traditions of the Apostle. 
 
 Ex. 75. Cemetery of Priscilla. Fourth century. 
 
 In 1901 the discovery of a baptistery was made in the ceme- 
 tery of Priscilla on the Via Salaria Nova, by Professor Marucchi 
 and the Commission of Sacred Archaeology. At the bottom 
 of the staircase of S. Silvester, near the chapel of the Acilii 
 Glabriones, is a small apse with a niche at its further end 
 
334 
 
 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 leading to a large tank at a slightly lower level (Fig. 59). 
 A grafito on the arch above, ‘ qui sitit veniat ad me et bibat,’ 
 
 Ε 
 
 
 
 Fig. 59. A, Entrance by 
 staircase of 25 steps. B. Apse. 
 c. Niche at the end of the 
 apse. D. Basin full of water. 
 E. Channel of water, F. Tra- 
 vertine pavement, G. De- 
 pression hollowed out in the 
 pavement. H, Drain to carry 
 off the water. xk. Modern 
 passage. 
 
 frequently found in _baptisteries, 
 proves that this chamber was used 
 for the administration of the sacra- 
 ment. The basin is about 3} 
 metres wide, 9 metres long, and 
 1-40 deep. 
 
 Professor Marucchi considers that 
 it may have been used for baptism 
 by ‘immersion,’ the candidate using 
 a wooden ladder or perhaps a single 
 stone ; but such a proceeding would 
 have been very awkward, and the 
 presence of a hollow in the traver- 
 tine floor of the apse above, and a 
 hole to carry off the water, makes 
 it quite unnecessary to suggest iti 
 even as an alternative method’. 
 Crostarosa, in the Report of the 
 Commission, holds that the water 
 was drawn from the tank and 
 poured over the head of the cate- 
 chumen, pointing out that the 
 
 niches in the wall (for lamps) are round the apse and leave 
 
 the ‘font’ in darkness, 
 
 In questa piscina poteva discendersi servendosi di pochi gradini 
 in legno o di una semplice pietra, essendo profunda soltanto 
 
 Im. 40. 
 
 Onde il battesimo vi si poteva conferire per 
 
 immersione, essendo accessibile la piscina, o anche per infusione 
 vedendosi innanzi all’ abside l’incavo per assicurare la pelvis (6) 
 e il foro per lo scolo dell’ acqua. 
 
 p- 164. In fondo allo scalone é il posto per il battesimo coperto 
 di un’ apside, in questa fu praticata un’ apertura per 
 attingere acqua dalla piscina e versarla sulla testa del 
 
 catechumeno, 
 
 2 Bull., 1901, p. 71 (plan and photographs, tavy. 2, 2a, and 3), 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 335 
 
 When Liberius (352-356) was forbidden by Constantius to 
 come within the walls of the city, he lived, we read, as an 
 exile in the cemetery of Novella on the Via Salaria. This 
 cemetery was an addition to that of Priscilla made by Marcellus 
 some fifty years before (Duchesne, Li). Pont., ch. xxxi, p. 164). 
 
 When Easter approached he was advised by Damasus 
 to baptize there, as S. Peter was said to have done in the 
 neighbouring Cemeterium Ostrianum on the Via Nomentana, 
 and 4,000 persons are said to have received the rite there. 
 Marucchi believes that the recently discovered baptistery was 
 made on this occasion, and ἃ graffito discovered on its walls 
 giving the consular date 375 makes it probable that the Acts 
 of Liberius, which are not later than the sixth century 
 (Duchesne, Lib. Pont., vol. i, p. exxii), contain a genuine tradi- 
 tion explaining the origin of this fourth-century structure. 
 
 Constantius iussit eum extra civitatem habitare: habitabat 
 autem ab urbe Roma millario tertio quasi exul in cymiterio 
 Novellae via Salaria. Veniens autem dies Paschae vocavit 
 universos presbyteros cives romanos et diaconos et sedit in 
 cymiterio. Damasus dixit ‘Baptiza in pelve ubi magister. 
 Pelvis illa non lignum, sed totus mundus est.’ 
 
 Erat enim non longe a cymeterio Novellae cymeterius Ostrianus 
 [sic] ubi Petrus apostolus baptizabat. Eodem tempore 
 Paschae baptizavit promiscui sexus numero quatuor millia 
 duodecim. Acta Liberii et Damasi, ed. Constant., Lpist. 
 Pont., p. 9; Migne, Patrol. Lat., t. viii, pp. 1388-93. 
 
 Ex. 76. Cemetery of Pontianus. Sixth century. 
 
 The baptistery in the cemetery of Pontianus on the Via 
 Portuensis dates from the sixth century. .It is formed by 
 allowing a natural spring to collect in an oblong trench 
 excavated in the rock. It is 2 metres wide and one deep, but 
 is seldom full. A flight of steps leads down to it, and there 
 is a small level space of about 4 feet across for the officiating 
 bishop to stand on. The fresco above, which leaves no doubt 
 as to the purpose of the excavation, has already been described !. 
 
 1 Marucchi, O., Eléments d’archéologie chrétienne, vol. ii, p. 63. 
 
 VOL. V, PART IV. Bb 
 
336 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 A font in the catacomb of S. Gennaro at Naples is 
 considered below. 
 
 Ex. 77. Alexandria. 
 
 In the description of the catacomb of Alexandria given in 
 the Bullettino for 1865, p. 60, we read of a large basin 
 excavated in the floor, which seems once to have been crossed 
 by a channel in which water flowed. No measurements are 
 given, but from the plan it seems to have been circular, and 
 a little wider than the loculi cut to receive the bodies, and 
 therefore presumably about 1 to 1} metres across. The 
 catacomb dates from the third century, and De Rossi holds 
 that ‘such a structure for holding water has the appearance 
 of a font rather than a well’ (p. 62). 
 
 Fonts in baptisteries. 
 
 Marcellus I (308-310) is said in the Liber Pontificalis to 
 have restored or established twenty-five churches for baptism 
 in Rome. No traces of such churches have survived, and it is 
 more probable that the author refers to parish churches where 
 preparation for baptism was carried on, as the administration 
 of the rite required the presence of a bishop. 
 
 Duchesne, Origines du Culte chrétien, p. 164. Eglises parois- 
 siales ol avaient lieu les instructions préparatoires au 
 baptéme ...Je dis les exercices préparatoires, car la célébration 
 du baptéme .. . requérant la présence de l’évéque, ces céré- 
 monies s’accomplissaient dans une réunion générale et non 
 par circonscription de paroisse. 
 
 Ex. 78. The Lateran baptistery. 
 
 The most important baptistery of the fourth century in 
 the West was that erected by Constantine at the Lateran, 
 which we have partially described above. The whole was 
 restored by Xystus III (432-440) and the upper pillars are 
 modern, but it is generally considered that the shape has not 
 been altered. The basin is octagonal and the depth about 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 5337 
 
 3 feet. It is 62 feet in diameter in a building of go feet 
 diameter, and is therefore unusually large in proportion to the 
 baptistery. It has a desk for the bishop on the north side, 
 and is entered on the south by two steps. 
 
 This is quite the largest that exists, and from the descrip- 
 tions was evidently considered something exceptional. It 
 seems to have been for the West what the church at Tyre 
 was for the East, and to have inaugurated a new type, but 
 whether as an amplification of a form already traditional, or 
 as a change from one almost identical with a private bath to 
 a building modelled on the pattern of the public thermae, it is 
 difficult to say. 
 
 Ex. 79. 8S. Stefano on the Via Latina. ὁ. 450. 
 
 That the latter was the case is suggested by the remains 
 of a baptistery in the ruins of the church of 8. Stefano on 
 the Via Latina, which dates from the middle of the fifth 
 century. It was built on the site of an old Roman villa and 
 the baptistery lay on the north-west, to the right of the 
 altar, in which direction are to be seen extensive remains of 
 baths. The font is circular, about 6 feet in diameter, and the 
 parapet has been broken away, but the hole for draining the 
 water away still remains as well as that by which it was 
 filled, showing that the present depth of about 3 feet is original. 
 Two semicircular masses of masonry fill up nearly half the 
 space, and were possibly the substructures of the pulpits in 
 which the bishop and his assistants stood 1. 
 
 This font suggested the plan on which an interesting modern 
 font has been constructed in the parish church of Lambeth for 
 the purpose of administering baptism by submersion, but it 
 has been found necessary nearly to double the diameter and 
 the depth, and to introduce seven steps by which the candidate 
 descends to the bottom. In the font at S. Stefano it was 
 found on experiment to be nearly impossible to crouch down 
 
 1 Marucchi, O., Hléments d'archéologie chrélienne, vol. ii, ch. 6, p. 200. 
 Bb2 
 
338 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica., 
 
 so as to bring the whole body below what would have been 
 the surface level of the water. 
 
 Exx. 80, 81. Naples. Fourth century. 
 
 Two fonts of similar shape and size remain in Naples. One 
 is in a building to the right of the apse of the basilica of 
 S. Restituta, the roof of which contains mosaics of the fourth 
 century; the hole for emptying the basin is still visible. 
 The other is in the court in front of the galleries of the 
 catacomb of S. Gennaro, Here the parapet of the font is 
 broken away, but the base of the bishop’s desk remains, and 
 opposite it on the east side the rim is broken for the descent 
 into the water. The hole for draining is still visible at 
 a depth of 3 to 4 feet. In the adjoining chamber are the 
 remains of a raised platform on which an altar once stood, 
 and of the seats in the apse on either side of the bishop’s 
 throne. They probably date from the fourth century, though 
 the roof has considerable remains of frescoes of the first or 
 early second century. The font is therefore probably also of 
 the fourth, though one is tempted to regard it as dating from 
 before the peace of the Church, and as abandoned when 
 another, copied from it, was erected in the basilica in the 
 city. 
 
 There is also a niche in the rock pointed out as the new 
 baptistery just under the fresco described above (p. 298). No 
 trace of the basin is left, but it must have been quite small, 
 no bigger than a modern font. ) 
 
 We read in the Gesta Episcoporum Neapolitanorum, written hy 
 John the Deacon of 8. Januarius of Naples, that S. Restituta 
 was built by Zosimus, apparently at the instigation of 
 Sylvester of Rome. Severus, who succeeded him, built four 
 basilicas, including that of S. Fortunatus, which he ornamented 
 with mosaic. Soter (465) built the church of the Apostles 
 and either a parish church or a baptistery (plevem post 
 Sanctum Severum secundus instituit; according to Muratori 
 plebe=ecclesiae baptismales sive parochiales), Victor, a con- 
 temporary of Pope Gelasius (492), built two basilicas outside 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 339 
 
 the walls, one dedicated in the name of 8. Stephen about 
 a mile out before the chapel of 5. Januarius, and another, 
 S. Euphemia, just outside the gate. Stephanus (496) built 
 the church ad nomen Salvatoris, which was generally known 
 as the Stephania. The apse of this church was destroyed by 
 fire, and was restored and decorated with a mosaic representing 
 the Transfiguration by John (532), but the church was again 
 destroyed by fire and rebuilt by Stephen (766). 
 
 Vincent (550-560) built the greater baptistery (baptisterium 
 fontis maioris) in or near the archbishop’s palace, and John in 
 the time of Pope Deusdedit (? Deodatus 615) built an additional 
 room for the administration of the unction that followed after 
 baptism (consignatorium alvatorum [ablutorum, Mur.] inter 
 fontes maiores a domino Sotero episcopo digestae et ecclesiam 
 Stephaniam per quorum baptizati ingredientes ianuas a parte 
 leva ibidem in medio residenti offeruntur episcopo et benedi- 
 ctione accepta per ordinem egrediuntur parti sinistrae. Id 
 ipsud et in parietibus super columnas depingere iussit). 
 
 Athanasius (847) carried out a great deal of ornamenting of 
 various churches at S. Januarius and elsewhere '. 
 
 The existing baptistery in 8. Restituta is usually identified 
 either with that built by Soter or with that constructed by 
 Vincent, but it is difficult to believe that the first basilica of 
 8. Restituta was without the font which formed so important 
 a feature of the churches at Tyre and Rome. More light will 
 no doubt be thrown on the subject by the new discoveries and 
 investigations of Mgr. G. A. Galante referred to on pp. 219 
 and 221 of the Rémische Quartalschrift for 1900, and in the 
 Bullettino for 1900, p. 99. 
 
 Ex. 82. Nocera det Pagam, near Naples. Fifth 
 
 century. 
 
 The baptistery of S. Maria Maggiore at Nocera dei ee 
 was a circular building, erected in the fifth century, 80 feet 
 in diameter and with an apse. The piscina is circular, with a 
 diameter of 18 feet and an octagonal rim. It was surrounded 
 
 * Johannes Diaconus Ecclesiae 8. Januarii Neapoli, Gesta Episcoporum 
 Neapolitanorum (Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 1723).—Also in 
 Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptorum rerum Langobardicarum et 
 Ltalicarum Saec. vi-ix, 1877. 
 
340 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 originally by eight pillars, of which three remain. Two steps 
 run round the inside of the basin, which is therefore not more 
 than 2 to 3 feet deep’. 
 
 The Dict. of Christ. Antiquities gives the depth as 5 feet. 
 Its authority appears to be Fergusson, whose elevation how- 
 ever gives a depth of about 3 feet. The plan and section in 
 Dehio and Von Bezold are from Isabelle, who gives the 
 diameter from pillar to pillar as 6-150 metres, that of the floor 
 of the basin 4 metres, and the depth, judging from the plan, as 
 about 1+ metre. 
 
 Baptistery of S. Peter's. 
 
 The baptistery of S. Peter’s was destroyed in the rebuild- 
 ing of the cathedral in the sixteenth century. It lay to the 
 right of the sanctuary, probably at the end of the north tran- 
 sept. A small font seems to have been constructed when the 
 church was built, which proved insufficient. In the time of the 
 Emperor Constantius the Catholic Christians were forbidden 
 to use the Lateran baptistery, and were compelled to go 
 outside the walls of the city for the administration of the 
 sacrament. We have seen above how Liberius at this 
 time (probably) had the font constructed in the cemetery 
 of S. Priscilla (p. 335), and the Acts of Liberius relate how 
 Damasus got permission to build a larger font at S. Peter's 
 with a more ample supply of water, and how he helped with 
 his own hands in its construction. The building was orna- 
 mented with mosaics by Longinus, prefect of Rome in 403. 
 
 The Acts date from the sixth century, but a contemporary 
 inscription in the erypt of S. Peter’s relates how Damasus 
 first made the cistern in the hill above, from which the water 
 was drawn. 
 
 Damasus dixit ... date mihi opera ministerii ut haec aqua 
 mundetur desuper cadavera hominum. Fecit autem cuniculos 
 ' Dict. Christian Antiquities, art. ‘ Baptistery.'.—Fergusson, Architecture, 
 
 vol. i, p. 385.—Dehio and Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, 
 Stuttgart, 1892.—Isabelle, Les Edifices cireulaires, Paris, 18355. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 341 
 
 duos et exinanivit locum illum qui est a dextera introeuntibus 
 in basilicam beati Petri apostoli. Habebat enim ibidem 
 fontem qui (sic) non sufficiebat. Et caecidit montem Damasus 
 manu sua. Et introivit plus quam consuetum est. Et con- 
 struxit fontem’. 
 The baptistery is thus described by Prudentius (Peristeph. xii. 
 31-41). 
 Dextra Petrum regio tectis tenet aureis receptum 
 Canens oliva murmurans fluento. 
 Namque supercilio saxi liquor ortus excitavit 
 Fontem perennem chrismatis feracem. 
 Nunc pretiosa ruit per marmora lubricatque clivum, 
 Donec virenti fluctuet- colymbo. 
 Interior tumuli pars est, ubi lapsibus sonoris 
 Stagnum nivali volvitur profundo. 
 Omnicolor vitreas pictura superne tingit undas, 
 Musci relucent et virescit aurum 
 Cyaneusque latex umbram trahit imminentis ostri, 
 Credas moveri fluctibus lacunar. 
 Pastor oves alit ipse illic gelidi rigore fontis 
 Videt sitire quas fluenta Christi. 
 
 African Fonts. 
 
 As early as the second century there was a flourishing 
 Christian Church in Africa. Chapels were erected at the 
 place where Cyprian was martyred and over the spot where 
 his body was buried, and probably many churches were built 
 in the long peace between the persecutions of Decius and 
 Diocletian, but no example is known to survive which dates 
 from before the conversion of Constantine. The fourth and 
 fifth centuries, however, were great ages of church building, 
 as the numerous consecration sermons of Augustine testify. 
 
 After the fall of Carthage, in 439, the Catholic Christians 
 were persecuted by the Arian Vandals, who preferred con- 
 fiseating the older churches to building new ones for them- 
 
 1 Migne, Patr. Lat., viii, p. 1392.—Duchesne, Lib. Pont., Introd. exxii.— 
 
 Kirsch, J. P., ‘Zur Geschichte der alten Petruskirche,’ Rémische Quartal- 
 schrift, 1890, p. 118. 
 
342 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 selves; and the overthrow of their dominion by Belisarius in 
 534 found the country too wasted to do more, as a rule, 
 than keep the older basilicas in repair. When the country 
 was again conquered by the Arabs at the end of the seventh 
 century, the churches, already in many cases only used in half 
 - their area, gradually fell into complete ruin. 
 
 Kx, 83. Carthage. ? Fourth or fifth century. 
 
 A baptistery was discovered at Carthage by Ser. Cesana in 
 1880. The font is described as octagonal, with two steps 
 going down into it. Among the ruins were found fragments 
 of plaster that had fallen from the dome over the basin, the 
 diameter of which measured 2-83 metres (‘frammenti d’intonaco 
 dipinto caduti dalla cupola dell’ ottagono, il cui diametro 
 maggiore ἃ di metri 2-83’). 
 
 A mosaic of four fish was also found, and near it some lamps 
 and an earthenware vessel (orciuolo fittile) of rough make and 
 ornamented with fishes, which De Rossi ascribes to the fifth 
 century, and suggests that it was used for baptism by 
 affusion 1. 
 
 Ex. 84. Damous el Karita. Fourth century. 
 
 The basilica of Damous el Karita had a large hexagonal 
 fountain in the atrium, which lay to the north side of the 
 church, while in the baptistery on the south side the font is 
 still to be seen. Itis circular below and hexagonal above. 
 Tt has a diameter of 3 metres and is entered by four steps. 
 The depth is estimated at -80--90 m. The hole for emptying 
 the basin is still to be seen®. 
 
 De Rossi suggests that this was the church referred to in 
 a sermon ‘ De passione SS. Donati et Advocati, printed after 
 
 1 Bull., 1881, p. 125. 
 
 2 Bull., 1898, p. 219.—Wieland, Dr. Fr., in αὐ μιν tiem 
 Stuttgart, 1890, pp. 25 and 31.—Gsell, 8., Mélanges d’archéologie et d'histoire, 
 Rome, 1894, p. 25. Several more sabe are mentioned in Les 
 monuments antiques de l Algérie, Paris, 1901, by the same author. Cf. also 
 R. Q. &., 1902, p. 81. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 343 
 
 the works of Optatus. Dr. Wieland thinks it may have been 
 erected on the spot where S. Perpetua suffered. 
 
 Ez. 85. Hammam el Inf. Fourth or fifth 
 century. 
 
 A baptistery recently discovered at Hammam el Lif, 
 opposite Carthage, has a cylindrical font -65 m. high on the 
 outside, and with a diameter of 1-24 m. (Fig. 60). The 
 centre of the basin has a further depth of -60 m. with 
 
 
 
 a diameter of -75 m., making a total depth of 1-25m. There 
 are six little recesses round the upper rim, but one of these 
 does not reach to the top as the side is broken by a step. It 
 was therefore impossible to fill the font to the brim, and the 
 water could never have been more than one metre deep. 
 
 Fix. 86. Tebessa, Before 439. 
 
 A monastic church at Tebessa (Theveste) near Carthage is 
 remarkable for its similarity in measurement to Solomon’s 
 temple at Jerusalem. Dated inscriptions show that it was 
 built before 439. 
 
 The baptistery stands to the right of the atrium, and is 
 described as a narrow oblong room (ein linglicher winkeliger 
 Raum), containing a circular font of 2 τη. diameter and 
 formed by three concentric stone rings. The outer ring is 
 partly original, but has been restored in later times from 
 material taken from a building of the classic period. A deep 
 
344 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 groove runs round the edge and served as a channel to convey 
 the water from some spring ἢ. 
 
 Dr. Wieland informs me 
 that the basin was at most 
 ‘80 m. deep. There seems 
 from the illustration in his 
 book (Fig. 61) to have been 
 a canopy over the font sup- 
 ported on pillars, the bases of 
 which remain. 
 
 Ex. 87. Tigart. 
 Sixth century. 
 
 
 
 At Tigzirt near Algiers is 
 a font which is described as 
 circular and formed out of three concentric stone rings. 
 It stands in a baptistery of cruciform shape with rounded ends. 
 The basin is -45 m. high on the outside and measures 1-80 in 
 diameter, and is therefore probably about -80 m. deep. The 
 drain for carrying away the water is still visible, but there 
 is no trace of any channel by which the font was filled. Two 
 large vessels were found near, which may have served to bring 
 the water, or it may have fallen from a fountain-head above as 
 in the Lateran baptistery and in that of Eustorgius at Milan. 
 The remains of a platform can be seen on the east side, which 
 may have served to facilitate the entrance into the water but was 
 more probably the base of the bishop’s desk. The bases of 
 two of the columns which supported the ciborium are still in 
 their place. The building would seem to be of the sixth 
 century, as it lies between the old Roman wall and the outer 
 Byzantine fortification, though it has been ascribed to the 
 early fifth century 7. 
 
 1 Bull., 1899, p. 51.-—Wieland, pp. 97, 98.—Ballu, A., Monuments antiques 
 de V Algérie: Tebessa, Lambese, Timgad, Paris, 1894. 
 
 * Wieland, pp. 172-3.—Gavault, P., Etudes sur les Ruines romaines de 
 Tigzirt, Bibliotheque d@ Archéologie Africaine, Fasc. 2, Paris, 1897, p. 88. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 345 
 
 Ex. 88. Tipasa. Fourth century. 
 
 At Tipasa, to the west of Algiers, there is another font of 
 almost identical form. It stands in a square baptistery 
 between the basilica and the sea. It is formed of three 
 concentric rings and measures 3-40 m. 
 in diameter, narrowing down to 1-30 
 in the centre, and is not more than 
 1 m.deep. The church is thought to 
 date from the fourth century 1. 
 
 Ex. 89. El Kantara. 
 
 The font from the church of El 
 Kantara on the island of Djerba has Fig. 62. 
 been transported to Tunis. It is made 
 of white marble and is of cruciform shape externally and 
 octagonal within. Its depth is only -60 m. (Fig. 62). 
 
 I am indebted to M. Pére Delattre, Supérieur des Péres Blancs, 
 S. Louis de Carthage, for this information as well as for the 
 details of the font at Hammam el Lif. 
 
 There is also a baptistery at Castiglione, near Algiers, which 
 lies under the apse of the baptistery (cf. the font at Amwas) *, 
 and another, dating from the fourth or fifth century, 1s 
 mentioned as existing at Busguniae on Cape Matifon, near 
 Algiers, in the Rémische Quartalschrift, 1901, p. οἵ. 
 
 Τ am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Wieland for many details 
 
 in the above section. 
 
 Ex. 90. Ravenna. 449-452. 
 
 The font in the Orthodox Baptistery at Ravenna is octa- 
 gonal, with a diameter of about 3-40 m. and a depth of about 
 13m. The entrance is opposite to the bishop’s desk which 
 is raised by two steps, so that the head ofa man standing in the 
 
 * Wieland, p. 183.—Gsell, S., Mélanges d’archéologie et @histoire, xiv, 
 
 Rome, 1894, p. 358. 
 2 Bulletin archéologique du Comité des Travaux historiques, 1896, pts. 1 ἃ 2. 
 
346 Studia Biblica et Ecclestastica. 
 
 water would be well below the reach of his hands (Figs. 63, 64). 
 A porphyry sarcophagus, raised up to the level of the desk, is 
 now used for a font, but originally 
 the rite could only be administered 
 by pouring water on the catechu- 
 men’s head, the water in the basin 
 being quite out of reach. The 
 building is supposed to have been 
 a chamber of the public baths 
 before it was converted to its present 
 Fig. 63. use by Neon (449-452) 1. 
 
 The basin has disappeared from 
 the Arian baptistery, but its site is marked by a round slab 
 of porphyry of about 3 m. in diameter, which was possibly 
 its floor. 
 
 
 
 Fig. 64 (from a photograph). 
 
 Ex. οι. Parenzo, Sixth century. 
 
 The baptistery of the cathedral at Parenzo is at the west 
 end of the building, and received its present form from 
 Jufrasius,in the first part of the sixth century; but this 
 building was erected on earlier foundations of a structure raised 
 
 1 Isabelle, Les Edifices circulaires et les Démes, Paris, 1855.—Ricci, C., 
 Guida di Ravenna, Bologna, 1900, p, 32. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 347 
 
 in 313, and this again on another of the second century. A 
 mosaic of the third century, with a pattern of fishes, has been 
 found on this lowest level, but it lies in a different part of the 
 church and is probably of secular origin. The baptistery is 
 8 metres across ; the hexagonal font appears to be about 3 m. 
 in diameter |. 
 
 Ex. 92. Ciwidale. 716-762. 
 
 The town of Cividale in Friuli (Forum 1111) near Aquileia 
 was for a long time in possession of the Lombards, and the 
 baptistery erected by the patriarch Calixtus (716-762) is 
 perhaps the earliest example of distinctively Lombard art. It 
 was restored by Sigwald in 774, and the font was brought into 
 the cathedral in the seventeenth century. It is octagonal and 
 surmounted by a ciborium. The height of the structure is 
 3:8 metres and its diameter 3 m. There are three steps (but 
 always pictured as two) leading up to the rim of the basin 
 and two to go down into it. In the section in Garrucci? the 
 steps are represented as steeper than usual. If the drawing 
 is correct, this would seem to be a sign of the beginning 
 of the attempt to introduce the practice of baptism by 
 submersion. 
 
 Es ist achteckig und hat eine Hohe von 3-8 Meter und einen 
 Durchmesser von 3 Meter. Zu demselben fiihren gegenwirtig 
 drei Stufen und zwei zum Hinabsteigen in die piscina concha 
 fontium. Ob urspriinglich statt der fiinf Stufen sieben vor- 
 handen gewesen, ist zwar wahrscheinlich, lisst sich aber nicht 
 mehr sicher stellen. Die oberste Stufe, auf der jene standen, 
 die bei dem Taufacte beschiftigt waren, wurde ‘fundamentum 
 aquae et stabilimentum pedum’ genannt. Den ganzen inneren 
 Raum nimmt die Piscina ein. Sie war, wie der Massstab zeigt, 
 hinlanglich geriumig zum Taufacte durch Immersion. 
 
 See, however, p. 351 below. 
 
 1 Bull., 1896, p. 14, and plan. 
 * Garr., vol. 6, tav. 425.—R. von Hitelberger von Edelberg, Gesammelte 
 kunsthistorische Schriften, III, Wien, 1884, p. 329. 
 
348 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Ex. 93. Poitiers. Fourth century. 
 
 A Merovingian baptistery dating from the sixth or seventh 
 century still exists at Poitiers. It seems, however, to stand 
 on the site of an older building, the font of which was 
 excavated in 1890 by M. P. C. de la Croix, Directeur des 
 Musées de la Société des Antiquaires de l'Ouest, &e. He 
 informed me that it was damaged by the building having 
 been used as a bell-foundry in 1827, but could be easily 
 restored. It was about 1 τὴ. deep, octagonal, and was 
 entered by three steps. The water, however, which came from 
 a third-century aqueduct, entered on a level with the bottom 
 of the basin and could never have been more than -21 m. deep. 
 He considers that the font dates from the fourth century. 
 
 Ex. 94. Aquileia. KHighth century. 
 
 An engraving of an eighth-century font at Aquileia is 
 given in Smith’s Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, where it 
 appears as an irregular hexagon with broken pillars at the 
 corners standing on a low parapet rim, and a step running 
 round inside. The plans, however, represent it as octagonal. 
 It seems to be of the usual size, and to have the usual two 
 steps running round the inside. It may therefore be 1 metre 
 deep'. 
 
 Ex.95. Schacheneck in Lothringen. Ninth or tenth 
 century. 
 
 At Schacheneck in Lothringen is a baptistery with a font 
 dating from Carolingian times (ninth or tenth century). 
 It is -80 m. deep, the inside diameter -g2 m., the outside 
 breadth 1-30 m., and the thickness of the rim -20 m. ; there is 
 a small circular opening at the bottom showing that the 
 present depth is original ’. 
 
 1 Holzinger, Dr. H., Die altchristliche Architectur, Stuttgart, 1889, pp. 
 Ἅ10 & 220, where the same two incompatible illustrations appear. 
 
 2 Kraus, F. X., Kunst und Alterthum in Elsass-Lothringen, vol. iii, p. 915, 
 with a picture. Prof. Kraus adds: ‘ Die Taufe geschah in diesen grossen Kufen 
 (about 2} feet deep) noch durch Untertauchen ’! 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 
 
 SYNOPTIC TABLE OF FONTS. 
 
 349 
 
 
 
 Place. 
 
 
 
 Fountain-heads in Palestine . 
 
 Fonts in Cemeteries. 
 75. Cemetery of Priscilla . 
 
 74. Ostrian Cemetery . 5 
 76. Cemetery of Pontianus . 
 81. Catacomb at Naples . . 
 77. Catacomb of Alexandria . 
 
 Egypt. 
 61. Dair Mari Mina 
 
 . 62. Dair Abu’ ’s Sifain 
 62a oe 
 63. ‘Abu Sargah . : 
 
 64. Dair al Abiad 
 65. Al’ Adra . 
 
 Syria and the East. 
 66. Tyre : : 
 67. Amwas 
 
 68. Beit ’AQwa . 
 
 68 a. Khirbet Tekfa . 
 69. Deir Seta. . 
 
 70. Aladschadagh . . 
 71. Giil Bagtische 
 72.8. Sophia. . . 
 
 73. Salona. . 
 
 Rome and early Italian. 
 78. Lateran baptistery . : 
 70. 5. Stefano on the Via Latina 
 80. 5. Restituta, Naples . 
 82. Nocera dei Pagani . 
 
 Africa. 
 83. Carthage. . . . 
 84. Damous el Karita . 
 85. Hammam el Lif 
 86. Tebessa . . . . 
 87. Tigzirt . 
 88. Tipasa - 
 89. El Kantara . 
 
 Late Italian and her Moet 
 go. Raverna . : : 
 gi. Parenzo . 
 92. Cividale . 
 
 93. Poitiers . . 
 94. Aquileia . 
 
 95-Schacheneck . 
 
 
 
 Date. 
 
 325-366 
 
 3rd cent. 
 6th cent. 
 4th cent. 
 3rd cent. 
 
 4th cent. 
 roth cent. 
 roth cent. 
 6th cent. 
 
 2nd or 3rd c. 
 3rd or 4the, 
 
 very old 
 
 314 
 4th cent. 
 
 ? 4th c. 
 
 ? 4th c. 
 5-6th c. 
 
 6th cent. 
 7th cent. 
 9 
 
 4-6th ο. 
 
 324-337 
 5th cent. 
 4th cent. 
 5th cent. 
 
 4-5th c. 
 4-5th c. 
 ΟἹ 
 
 before 439 
 6th cent. 
 4th cent. 
 Ὁ 
 
 440-452 
 6th cent. 
 716-762 
 
 4th cent. 
 8th cent. 
 
 g-Ioth ο. 
 
 Shape. 
 9 ἡ oblong 
 
 circular . 
 oblong . 
 circular . 
 circular 
 circular 
 
 circular . -. "- 
 circular). (Ὁ 
 circular . . 
 circular . . 
 circular . 
 circular 
 
 oblongiagis τς 
 cruciform with 
 rounded ends 
 
 squaley saa = 
 
 octagonal . 
 
 hexagonal with 
 cibori um 
 
 square . 
 
 square . : 
 
 oval quatrefuil 
 
 square with cibo- 
 rium 
 
 octagonal . 
 circular =) 
 circular . 
 circular . 
 
 octagonal . 
 hexagonal . . 
 circular τ ous 
 cire.with ciborium 
 Circular . . 
 circular 
 cruciform . 
 
 octagonal. . 
 hexagonal 
 octagonal 
 ciborium 
 octagonal . 
 hexagonal 
 ciborium 
 Circularey cole <« 
 
 with 
 
 Diameter. 
 
 3-20 ft. . 
 
 34 x gm. 
 
 small 
 
 Ze We ὁ 
 Gifts. 
 I-1}m 
 
 4ft. . Ξ 
 under 2 ft.. 
 
 6ft. . 
 3°5 Τὰ. 
 
 2ft. 3 in. 
 
 AMEE aane 
 8-10 ft.. 
 
 14m. 
 3ft.2} in, x6 ft. 
 1: in. 
 rm. . ῳ πὸ 
 
 62 ft. 
 Ota. 
 σα. 
 18 ft. 
 
 2.83 m.. 
 5 ὙΠῚ τ τ 
 1:25 m.. 
 YSIS 5. 005 
 1.80 τη. . 
 
 3-40 m.. 
 (poeta: 
 
 Depth. 
 
 1-3 ft. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1°40 m, [floor. 
 2 { hollow in 
 
 not deep. 
 Im. 
 
 3 ft. 
 
 μὴ 
 
 ? 
 4 ft. 
 
 3 ft. 
 2 
 
 ? 
 ? 
 2 
 
 ak ft. 
 
 35 m. 
 
 (water -70 m.) 
 
 20 in. (28 in. 
 outside), 
 
 4 ft.(outside). 
 
 9 
 
 “82 m. 
 
 1-15-95 m. 
 *80--90 m. 
 
350 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Two types of Fonts. 
 
 It will be noticed that these fonts may be divided into two 
 types. In the East they are generally small square or 
 circular basins (Exx. 61-65, 68 a, 70), while sometimes they 
 are elongated on four sides and so made the shape of a Greek 
 cross (Exx. 66-68, 71, 73). In the West they are usually 
 octagonal or circular, greater in diameter but not deeper, 
 while the two steps generally run round the whole cireum- 
 ference, the whole forming a wide shallow basin (Exx. 78, 86, 
 gt, &e. &e.). 
 
 There is often a parapet as well and a pulpit for the bishop 
 (xx. 78-81, go, &e.), while frequently we find pillars to sup- 
 port a ciborium over the basin (Exx. 69, 78, 82, 86, 92, 94). 
 
 Both types seem to have developed from the small baths 
 in domestic use in which baptism was administered in pre- 
 Constantinian times; but in the Hast they seemed to have 
 retained the features of the private bath, while in the West 
 and in the Roman Hauran in Syria they exhibit a strongly 
 marked uniformity of pattern that seems derived from the 
 public Thermae. 
 
 This conjecture is borne out by the numerous traditions 
 which tell of baths being converted into baptisteries, while 
 a glance at the still remaining frigidarium in the Stabian 
 baths at Pompeii is sufficient to show after what pattern the 
 western type was modelled. The shape is just that of the 
 circular baptistery with its four small apses, while the basin 
 itself of white marble is of similar proportions to many of 
 the fonts we have considered. It is 13 ft. 8 in. in diameter, 
 and about 3 ft. 9g in. deep. It is entered by two marble steps, 
 and has a seat running round it at a height of 10 in. from 
 the bottom. It was clearly therefore never more than half 
 full, as‘no one would sit on a seat more than a few inches 
 under the water’. 
 
 1 Cf. Cyprian, Ep. 76, referred to above, p. 312.—Concise Dictionary of 
 Greek and Roman Antiquities, Murray, London, 1898, art. ‘ Baths,’ p. 106. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 351 
 
 Depth of Fonts. 
 
 The depth can be ascertained with certainty in the cases 
 where the original drain-holes remain, and can usually be 
 calculated approximately from the steps leading down to the 
 water, which are almost invariably two in number. 
 
 The normal depth is under 3 ft., so that unless the font 
 were filled to the brim, the average depth of water would 
 have been about 2 ft.; im some cases 15 in. represents the 
 utmost capacity of the basin (Amwas, Beit ’Atiwa). In many 
 cases, where the font has disappeared, we are justified in 
 assuming a similar measurement, as its proportion to the size 
 of the baptistery does not vary much in the West. 
 
 Steps. 
 
 Much misunderstanding has arisen from the supposition 
 that it was usual to descend into the water by seven steps. 
 The number found is almost invariably two, and where three 
 are spoken of it will generally be found that the rim of the 
 font has been counted as the third, and that the font is 
 constructed with three concentrie rings. 
 
 The seven steps therefore referred to in literature are made 
 up by counting the paces of the catechumen, the first being 
 when he puts his foot on the edge to step in, the next two as 
 he descends the two inner rings of the font, the fourth as he 
 stands on the floor of the basin, and the remaining three as 
 he goes up out of the water. . 
 
 Cf. Isidore of Seville (633), de Divin. Offic. II. ch. 25 ‘Fons 
 autem omnium gratiarum origo est, cuius septem gradus sunt ; 
 tres in descensu propter tria quibus renuntiamus, tres in 
 ascensu propter tria quae confitemur, septimus vero is est, 
 qui et quartus similis Filio hominis extinguens fornacem ignis, 
 stabilimentum pedum fundamentum aquae in quo omnis 
 plenitudo divinitatis habitabat corporaliter.’ This passage 
 seems to have been misunderstood by R. von Eitelberger in the 
 quotation given above in his description of the font at Cividale. 
 
 VOL. V, PART Iv. ce 
 
352 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 It might seem at first sight as if a depth of 2 or 3 ft. were 
 sufficient to allow the whole body to be covered, but a little 
 consideration will show that it would be impossible in a font 
 only 3 ft. across. Even in the wider type of basin that was 
 common in the West it would be extremely awkward and 
 practically impossible, as any one will realize who has ever 
 tried to dip himself in the shallow end of an ordinary 
 swimming bath. The only example of those we have con- 
 sidered in which such a proceeding would have been possible 
 is perhaps that of the Lateran, where the rite was administered 
 by the Popes. When baptism is administered by total im- 
 mersion in modern times, it is found necessary to have a tank 
 in which the candidate can stand with the water up to his 
 neck or breast; or if the water is shallower the font must be 
 at least 8 ft. long, and the administrator has to enter the 
 water and lay the candidate on his back. In the early Church, 
 as we have seen, the bishop made use of a desk which raised 
 him well out of reach of the surface of the water. 
 
 Curtains. 
 
 The pillars in the Lateran baptistery are supposed to have 
 been hung with curtains. From early times the Church had 
 objected to men and women bathing together (Const. Apost. 
 1,9; Cypr. de hab. virg. 19), and the presence of deaconesses 
 would seem to imply that in the preparation for baptism the 
 sexes were kept apart, even if the rite was administered to 
 both at the same time (Can. Hipp. § 114; Const. Apost. 3, 15). 
 
 Augustine (de Civ. Dei xxii. 8) mentions a miracle which 
 came to his knowledge as having taken place in the women’s 
 quarter of the baptistery at Carthage (im parte feminarum 
 observanti ad baptisterium), which may refer to a separate font 
 or simply to a robing-room, such as are frequently found 
 adjoining the ancient baptisteries. There are said to have 
 been two separate buildings at Autun. 
 
 At the same time no special precautions seem to have been 
 taken to screen the candidates, who were made to take off 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 353 
 
 everything, even jewelry and false hair (Can, Hipp. § 115). 
 Chrysostom speaks of catechumens as being ‘as naked as 
 Adam in Paradise’ (Hom. 6 in Coloss.), Ambrose (Serm. 20) 
 points out how absurd it is for a man who was born naked, and 
 entered naked into the Church, to hope to carry his riches 
 into heaven. Cyril (Cat. Myst. 2) reminds the newly bap- 
 tized how they were naked in the sight of men and were not 
 ashamed. Athanasius accused Arius of inciting Jews and 
 heathens to break into the baptistery at Alexandria and 
 insult the catechumens; while Peter of Apamea was accused 
 of doing the same thing at Constantinople, and so frightening 
 the women there assembled that they fled naked into the 
 streets (Chryst. Hpist. 1 ad Innocent.'). 
 
 In the western Church, however, the ring of pillars carrying 
 a ciborium is a very common feature (as at Salona, Tebessa, 
 Cividale, and Aquileia), and these were probably used in later 
 times to secure the privacy that was not thought necessary 
 in earlier ages. The curtain mentioned in the description of 
 the church in the ‘ Testament of our Lord’ seems to have hung 
 before the door and not round the font (‘Similiter domus 
 baptismi sit velo obtecta,’ p. 325). 
 
 It is related of Otto of Bamberg that on converting the 
 Pomeranians (1124), he had three baptisteries constructed, one 
 for boys, one for women and one for men. He had three large 
 basins sunk in the ground so that they reached as high asa 
 man’s knee, and round them he had curtains hung on cords 
 tied to a circle of supports. The catechumens went inside 
 with their godparents, and there gave up their clothes to them, 
 and the priest standing outside the curtains, when he heard 
 the candidate enter the water, drew aside the curtain enough to 
 allow him to pour water thrice over his head. We have here 
 an interesting survival of the ancient custom at a time when 
 infant baptism must have been the rule, and when fonts were 
 of the type with which we are familiar to-day, being usually 
 raised on pedestals to facilitate the dipping which, we saw, 
 
 1 Bingham, bk. xi. ch. 11 sections 1-3. 
 Cc 2 
 
354 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 had by this time come to be considered the more perfect 
 way 1. 
 
 Cortinas circa dolia, fixis columnellis funibusque inductis, oppandi 
 fecit, ut in modum coronae velo undique cuppa cingeretur, 
 ante sacerdotem vero et comministros, qui ex una parte 
 astautes Sacramenti opus explere habebant, linteum fune 
 traiectum pependit...Sacerdos vero qui ad cuppam stabat, 
 cum audisset potius quam vidisset quod aliquis esset in aqua, 
 velo paululum remoto, trina immersione capitis illius myste- 
 rium Sacramenti perfecit. 
 
 Persistency of type. 
 
 The Western type of font that was established by the fourth 
 century lasts with singular persistency late into the Middle 
 Ages ; just as the traditional method of picturing the baptism 
 of our Lord underwent comparatively little modification in 
 the course of centuries. Fonts of the early Christian form 
 are found at Torcello (ninth to eleventh centuries), Florence 
 (eleventh to twelfth), Cremona (twelfth), Pisa (1153), Parma 
 (1196), while baptistertes from which the original basins have 
 disappeared are numerous. This conservatism in later ages 
 would seem to argue against any sudden change having been 
 made at the time of the peace of the Church. 
 
 Again, our examples have been taken from the catacombs 
 of Rome and Alexandria, from Palestine, Tyre, Egypt, the 
 Hauran, Asia Minor, Persia, Byzantium, Dalmatia, Rome of 
 the fourth century, Naples, Africa, Lusitania, the Lombard 
 and Merovingian kingdoms, and the Frankish Empire. In 
 none of these cases would submersion be easy or natural ; in 
 most cases it would be impossible. Such a remarkable 
 unanimity, in spite of differences in details, points back to 
 a much earlier original type of basin which certainly would 
 not have been large; and if we are right in holding that the 
 private bath in domestic use was the model which first 
 suggested the form and shape of the later structures, we may 
 
 ’ Acta Bolland., July 28, p. 395. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 355 
 
 confidently assert that baptism by submersion would have 
 been as difficult to carry out in them as it would have been 
 in the catacombs. 
 
 Sources of the popular error. 
 
 Besides the misunderstanding as to the way in which the 
 seven steps were reckoned, to which allusion has been made 
 above, three other sources of popular error may be mentioned. 
 
 It might be argued that the custom of consecrating the 
 water excludes the method of administration by bringing 
 the head of the catechumen under a stream descending from 
 a spout, which we saw reason to believe was sometimes 
 adopted. But it must be remembered that the idea that any 
 change in the water itself was brought about by benediction 
 is of comparatively late origin. It was rather the consecra- 
 tion of the ELEMENT of water that was considered to have 
 been effected by the baptism of Christ in the running stream 
 of Jordant. 
 
 The analogy between baptism and death, dwelt on by 
 S. Paul in the epistle to the Romans (vi. 4), has often been 
 quoted as involving submersion, and numerous passages 
 in the Fathers have seemed to support the belief that the 
 catechumen must necessarily have been entirely covered by 
 the water. Thus Cyril of Jerusalem, when he compares the 
 threefold immersion with the three days and nights of our 
 Lord’s entombment, and reminds his hearers that in their 
 baptism they saw nothing ‘as if it were night,’ uses language 
 which seems to imply total immersion. 
 
 Cat. Myst. xx. 4 οὕτω καὶ ὑμεῖς ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἀναδύσει τὴν πρώτην 
 ἐμιμεῖσθε τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν τῇ γῇ ἡμέραν καὶ τῇ καταδύσει τὴν νύκτα. 
 “Ὥσπερ γὰρ ὁ ἐν νυκτὶ οὐκέτι βλέπει, ὁ δὲ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐν φωτὶ διάγει, 
 οὕτως ἐν τῇ καταδύσει, ὡς ἐν νυκτί, οὐδὲν ἑωρᾶτε, ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀναδύσει 
 πάλιν, ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐτυγχάνετε ὄντες. 
 
 This is of course involved in our modern customs of burial, 
 where earth is piled on the coffin; but it may be questioned 
 
 1 Stone, D., Holy Baptism, ch. 1, note 13, p. 221. 
 
356 Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica. 
 
 whether such an idea was present either to the mind of the 
 Apostle, who was thinking of the burial of our Lord where 
 the body was simply laid in the tomb, or to the writers of the 
 early Church, whose customs of burial involved no more than 
 laying the corpse in a sarcophagus or carrying it down to 
 the catacombs. It is in the structure of the font rather than 
 in the water that they find their analogy, in the act of going — 
 down rather than in what they found when they descended. 
 Cat. Myst. iii. 12 τρόπον τινὰ ἐν τοῖς ὕδασι ταφείς, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐν τῇ 
 πέτρᾳ--- ἃ xx. 4, where the catechumens are reminded how they 
 were led to the κυλυμβήθρα ὡς ὁ Χριστὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐπὶ τὸ 
 προκείμενον μνῆμα. Cf. Bingham, bk. xi. ch. 11, sections 4--7. 
 
 Even where the custom of earth-burial obtained, to cast a 
 handful over the corpse was considered sufficient to constitute 
 an interment. It was in this way that Antigone disobeyed 
 the command of Creon that her brother’s body was to remain 
 without the honour of burial :— 
 
 τὸν νεκρόν Tes ἀρτίως 
 θάψας βέβηκε κἀπὶ χρωτὶ διψίαν 
 
 , , > , a » 
 κόνιν παλύνας καφαγιστεύσας ἃ χρή. 
 
 See the passages quoted by R.C. Jebb in his edition of Sophocles 
 (Cambridge 1883), describing the guilt incurred by any one 
 who passed by an unburied corpse without throwing earth 
 on it. 
 
 The words used to describe the administration of the sacra- 
 ment (βαπτίζω, λουτρόν, καταδύω, mergo, immersio, tingo) are 
 usually assumed to imply submersion. Even if this were 
 involved in their original meaning, the same expressions 
 might well be used if the rite were carried out in the 
 way described above. Similarly the colloquial English 
 word ‘to duck’ means strictly to dive, or push under the 
 water, but in common use it is applied to any serious wetting, 
 
 1 Soph. Ant. 245; οἵ, Hor, Carm. i. 28. 23-25 :— 
 
 At tu, nauta, vagae ne parce malignus arenae 
 
 Ossibus et capiti inhumato 
 Particulam dare. 
 
Baptism and Christian Archaeology. 557 
 
 and even to a simple lowering of the head, where there is 
 no question of water at all. 
 
 As a matter of fact, we have seen that’ whatever may have 
 been the theories of ecclesiastical writers on the subject, the 
 evidence from archaeology shows that they had little or no 
 influence on popular practice for at least 700 years, and it is 
 
 only when in the West Latin ceased to be the language in 
 ~ which people habitually thought, and when in the East the 
 growing rarity, of adult baptism made the Greek word patient 
 of an interpretation that suited that of infants only, that the 
 more literal meaning of the term began to be enforced. 
 
 Cf. Duchesne, Hglises Séparées, Paris, 1896, p.95. En somme, il 
 
 y aici une erreur d’'interprétation. L’immersion dont parlent 
 les anciens textes n’est pas autre chose que |’affusion actuelle, 
 pratiquée sans doute avec plus d’abondance, mais sans 
 différence essentielle. Et cette maniére de voir trouve une 
 confirmation dans l’emploi des mots ¢inctio, tingere, pour 
 désigner le baptéme. Ce synonyme est dans la langue 
 ecclésiastique latine depuis le temps de Tertullien. Or, que 
 signifie téngere? Tout simplement mouiller et non pas im- 
 merger. 
 
 It would be an ungracious task to trace how persistently 
 the greater number of archaeologists have repeated the state- 
 ment that baptism by immersion (i. e. suBmersion) was the 
 universal custom in primitive times, and to point out how 
 consequently they have been misled in judgement ; but we may 
 hope that the study here undertaken may at least have 
 done something to remove this cause of confusion, and settled 
 one small point among the many questions that make the 
 study of Christian antiquities one of such great difficulty. 
 
NOTE 
 
 THE list of fonts in Italy (pp. 336-340, 345-348) might easily 
 have been extended. A list of 59 baptisteries, dating from the 
 4th to the “11th centuries, is given in Lopez, 71 battistero di 
 Parma, 1864, pp. 249 ff. Some dozen of these are mentioned as 
 still possessing their original fonts, which are described as entered 
 by two or three steps and hexagonal (Pesaro, 4th cent., Trieste, 6th 
 cent., Pola in Istria, ?9th cent.), octagonal (Barzano, Galliano, 
 6th—7th cent.), square (Murano, Torcello, 11th cent.), or ‘like the 
 ancient baths’ (Cittanova) ; but no exact measurements are given, 
 except in the case of an early Lombard basin at Castrocaro near 
 Forli, which is rectangular, 1-40 m. by 60 m. and 53 m.deep. In 
 R. Cattaneo, Architettura in Jtalia, a small 7th or 8th century font 
 in the museum at Venice is described and pictured (p. τοι, fig. 
 44), and the remains of an earlier one at Torcello are mentioned in 
 Venturi, Storza dell’ arte italiana, vol. ii, Milan, 1902, p. 158. 
 
 10 would have been easy also to multiply examples of representa- 
 tions of the rite from the 8th-roth centuries.) A Carolingian 
 ivory in the Museo Nazionale at Florence represents the baptism 
 of Cornelius (H. Graeven, Friihchristliche wu. mittelalt. Elfen- 
 beinwerke, 1900, n. 29). The chapel of the Virgin erected at the 
 Vatican by John VII in 706 has been destroyed, but sketches 
 of the mosaics have been preserved, among which occurs a scene 
 of the baptism of Christ (Garr. 279, 1, and 280, 4); and in the 
 copy of the homilies of 8. Gregory Nazianzen in the Bibliothéque 
 Nationale at Paris (MS. Grec. 510, fol. 426), which was written 
 for Basil the Macedonian in 886, is a page containing twelve small 
 pictures of the Apostles, each baptizing a catechumen, who stands 
 immersed up to the breast in a round, square, or cruciform font. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Africa, Christianity in, 341. 
 
 — fonts in, 342-5. 
 
 Ages of persecution, summary of 
 archaeological evidence from, 
 256. 
 
 - ἜΡ of, 308-10. 
 
 Alexandria, font in catacomb of, 
 336. 
 
 Amiens, ivory at, 2&2. 
 
 Amwas, font at, 325. 
 
 Ancona, sarcophagus at, 260. 
 
 Angel, one attendant, 285, 287-9, 
 293, 295, 296, 298, 299. 
 
 —two attendant, 290-2, 297, 
 299, 300. 
 
 — three attendant, 296, 304. 
 
 Apocryphal writings, influence 
 of, 279. 
 
 Apostolic age, legends of, 307. 
 
 Aquileia, font at, 348. 
 
 — spoon from, 266. 
 
 — tombstone from, 266. 
 
 Aquinas, 302. 
 
 Archaeology, evidence of, distinct 
 from that of literature, 240. 
 
 Arles, sarcophagi at, 249-52. 
 
 Asia Minor, fonts in, 327-8. 
 
 Aspersion, contrasted with pour- 
 ing over the body, 312. 
 
 Attila treasure at Vienna, 267. 
 
 Baptism, methods of administra- 
 tion, 257, 274, 304. 
 
 — in the open air, 305. 
 
 — place of Christ’s, 306. 
 
 —administered to candidates 
 naked, 310, 353. 
 
 — with blood, 311. 
 
 — in play, 311. 
 
 — with sand, 311. 
 
 — clinical, 312. 
 
 — in Church Orders, 313, 319-22. 
 
 — in private houses, 314. 
 
 Baptisteries, in Church Orders, 
 321. 
 
 — octagonal, 327, 329, 338, 345. 
 
 — hexagonal, 327, 342, 346. 
 
 — circular, 328, 339. 
 
 —: square, 328, 337. 
 
 — square with an apse, 325, 345. 
 
 Baptisteries, cruciform, 344. 
 
 — narrow and oblong, 343. 
 
 — at S. Peter’s, 340. 
 
 — late Italian, 353, 354, 358. 
 
 Baths, analogies from customs of, 
 271) 212: 
 
 — in private houses, 315. 
 
 — fonts suggested by, 316, 350, 
 
 354. 
 
 Berlin, Micheli ivory at, 296. 
 
 British Museum, Byzantine ring 
 at, 292. 
 
 — ivories at, 285, 290, 295. 
 
 — Syrian censer at, 287. 
 
 Burial, analogy of, 355. 
 
 Byzantine art, nature and influ- 
 ence of, 275, 290-2. 
 
 Callistus, frescoes in cemetery of, 
 242-3, 247. 
 
 Carolingian art, 286, 293-4, 298- 
 300, 358. ἶ 
 
 Catacombs, fonts in, 333-6. 
 
 — importance of in archaeology, 
 
 239. 
 
 Chelsea, Council of, 301. 
 
 Church Orders, baptism in, 319-22. 
 
 — affusion in, 313. 
 
 Ciboria over fonts, 327, 339, 344, 
 347, 348, 350, 353. 
 
 Cividale, font at, 347. 
 
 Cloth, held by angel, 287-91, 
 292, 298-9. 
 
 Constantinople, carved pillar at, 
 292. 
 
 — fonts at, 328-9. 
 
 Crab-claws on head of symbolical 
 figure, 269, 278, 291. 
 
 Curtains, 352. 
 
 Cyprian declares clinical baptism 
 valid, 312. 
 
 Cyril of Jerusalem compares bap- 
 tism to burial, 355. 
 
 Darmstadt, ivory at, 299. 
 
 Dove, stream from beak of, 248, 
 249, 267, 278, 281, 285. 
 
 Drain, still existing in fonts, 324, 
 325, 329, 331, 334, 337) 338, 
 342, 344, 348, 351. 
 
360 
 
 Drinking, symbolical of baptiem, 
 247, 250-3, 273. 
 
 Egypt, fonts in, 316-18. 
 
 — horn medallion from, 288, 
 
 Epiphany tank, distinct from the 
 font, 316. 
 
 Etzschmiadzin Gospel book, 286. 
 
 Eustorgius, baptistery of at Milan, 
 27%. 
 
 Florence, Rabula MS. at, 286. 
 Fonts, represented in Christian 
 art, 293, 294, 297, 298, 304. 
 
 — two types of, 350. 
 
 — depth of, 351. 
 
 — legends of miraculous, 319. 
 — table of, 349. 
 
 Grado, ivories from chair of, dt 
 Milan, 294. 
 
 Hauran, fonts in, 326. 
 
 Heaven, opened at baptism, 265, 
 298. 
 
 — hand from, 286, 291, 298, 299. 
 
 Infantes, newly baptized called, 
 244. 
 Isidore of Seville, 351. 
 
 Johannes Moschus, story of bap- 
 tism with sand, 311. 
 
 — legend of miraculous font, 318. 
 
 Jordan, symbolic representation 
 of, 277, 278, 280, 283, 284, 290, 
 291, 296, 298. 
 
 Junius Bassus, sarcophagus of, 
 248. 
 
 Kells, cross at, 269. 
 
 Lambeth, modern font for sub- 
 mersion at, 337. 
 
 Lateran, font at the, 270, 336. 
 
 — sarcophagi in Museo Cristiano 
 at the, 252-3. 
 
 Legends, of baptism, 307-12. 
 
 — of miraculous fonts, 318. 
 
 Lombard art, 253, 293. 
 
 Lucina, fresco in the crypt of, 
 241. 
 
 Madrid, sarcophagus at, 260. 
 Mamertine prison, legend of, 
 308, 
 
 Index. 
 
 Marsal in Lothringen, ivory found 
 
 at, 291. 
 
 Milan, baptistery of Eustorgius 
 at, 271. 
 
 — school of ivories from, 281-4. 
 
 —ivories from S. Mark's chair 
 at Grado, 294. 
 
 — paliotto ‘of 8. Ambrose at, 295. 
 
 Mithraic custom, analogy of, 273. 
 
 Monza, relief at, 295. 
 
 — flask at, 287. 
 
 Munich, MS. at, 294. 
 
 — ivory at, 284. 
 
 Museo Kircheriano, bronze bowl 
 at, 268. 
 
 Naples, fresco at, 297. 
 — fonts at, 338-9. 
 Nocera, font at, 339. 
 
 Oxford, ivory in the Bodleian 
 Library at, 282. 
 —gem at, 297. 
 
 Palermo, ring at, 292. 
 
 Palestine, fonts in, 326. 
 
 Patera, use of in baptism, 254, 
 267, 274, 291. 
 
 Petrus and aoe fresco in 
 cemetery of, 24 
 
 Pitcher, in the oo. of the dove, 
 295-7- : 
 
 — used for baptism, 295, 302, 309. 
 
 Poitiers, font at, 348. 
 
 Pompeii, bath at, 350. 
 
 Pontianus, fresco in the cemetery 
 of, 289. 
 
 — font in the cemetery of, 335. 
 
 Praetestatus, fresco in the ceme- 
 tery of, 245. 
 
 Priscilla, font recently discovered 
 in the cemetery of, 333. 
 
 Prudentius, description of the 
 font at S. Peter’s, 341. 
 
 Pulpit for the bishop, 245, 337, 
 
 338, 344, 346, 350, 352. 
 
 Ravenna, the meeting point of 
 Roman, Byzantine, and Gothic 
 influence, 276. 
 
 — mosaic in baptisteries at, 277-8. 
 
 — ivory on chair of Maximian at, 
 290. 
 
 Red Sea, passage of, influence 
 on apocryphal descriptions of 
 Christ’s baptism, 280. 
 
Index. 
 
 Red Sea, submersion of Egyptians 
 in 257, 280: 
 
 8. Laurence, legend of, 309. 
 
 8S. Maria Antiqua, sarcophagus 
 found at, 263. 
 
 S. Peter’s, font at,~340. 
 
 Salona, font at, 330. 
 
 Sarcophagi, importance in ar- 
 chaeology of, 259. 
 
 — evidence from, 265. 
 
 Schacheneck in Lothringen, font 
 at, 348. 
 
 Soissons, sarcophagus at, 261. 
 
 South Kensington, ivories at, 283, 
 
 293. 
 Staff, crooked in hand of the 
 Baptist, 281-4, 298. 
 Steps, in fonts, 347, 351. 
 Strassburg, ivory at, 296. 
 Submersion, first traces of custom, 
 301-3. : 
 — of Egyptians, 257, 280. 
 — representation of, 257, 303. 
 —awkwardness of, in shallow 
 water, 352. 
 Sylvia of Aquitaine, describes 
 scene of our Lord’s baptism, 306. 
 
 
 
 
 
 361 
 
 Symbolic representation of bap- 
 tism, 247, 248, 253, 254. 
 
 Syrian types of representation of 
 baptism, 286-8. 
 
 —censer at British Museum, 
 287. 
 
 — fonts, 322, 326-7. 
 
 — miniatures, 286. 
 
 — flask at Monza, 287. 
 
 — medal at Vatican, 287. 
 
 Tyre, font at, 323. 
 
 Vatican, glass fragment at, 255. 
 Via Latina, font at S. Stefano in, 
 
 337- 
 
 Walafrid Strabo, 301. 
 
 Water, depth of, in representa- 
 tions of baptism, 257, 265, 274, 
 300. 
 
 — increases in depth in later 
 representations, 303. 
 
 — rising in a heap, 280, 295, 
 299, 300-301, 304. 
 
 — falling in a column, 250, 251, 
 262, 281-3. 
 
 — benediction of, 355. 
 
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