H- Srom f0c &i6rart of (profcBBor ^amiief (ttXiffer in (gtemori? of '^x THB LIFE OF LUTHER, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY PROGRESS OF THE 3^£fotmation; ALEXANDER BOWER. Qiiantus vir Lutlierus, quantis dotibus excellat, quanta animi fortUudine et constantia, quanta doctiiiiai efficacia. Calvin, Ep. ad Bidlinger, PRINTED FOR ROBERT BALDWIN, 47, PATERNOSTER-ROW. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH ; AND JOHN CUMMING, DUBLIN. 1813. C. Ualdvvin, Printer. Nj;iA Bricljje-stroet, LoixicNi. TO THE VERY REVEREND GEORGE HUSBAND BAIRD, D.D. ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF THE HIGH CHURCH AND PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, THIS I^IFE OF LUTHER, IN TESTIMONY OF REAL ESTEEM, IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY HIS MOST OBEDIENT SERVANT, ALEXANDER BOWER. College Library, Edinburgh^ May 1, 1813. a 2 INTRODUCTION. In contemplating the Reformation effected by Luther, it is difficult to decide whether our admira- tion should be more .excited by the magnitude of the event, or by the appearance of total inadequacy in the means. On the one hand, we see a hierarchy of absolute dominion ; on the other, a humble and unknown individual. The doctrine of "the former rested on the steadfast belief of many ages, and was supported by the concurrence of powerful sovereigns; that of the latter arose from solitary meditation in an obscure corner, and, during many years, could boast of no other temporal support than toleration. Yet it was ordained, in this memorable contest, that strength should yield to weakness, and that the humble should triumph over the lofty. To trace the course by which Providence was pleased to ac- complish this wonderful revolution, is the task pro- posed in the following pages — a task which involves the relation of events of the highest interest to the members of the Protestant communion, and not un- profitable, we may hope, in regard to the improve- vi INTRODUCTION. ment of our personal conduct. If we examine his- tory with a view to conclusions of practical utility, we shall find no part of it better calculated to awaken a sense of the vanity of power, and to warn us how far impatience and pride may be rendered instrumental to their own humiliation. In endeavouring to discover the means employed by Providence to effect this sudden change, our at- tention is directed chiefly to two things — the state of the times, and the character of him who was made the principal agent in the cause. In regard to the former, tlie revival of learning, recent as it was, had operated sufficiently to render the under- standings of men equal to the comprehension of an improved doctrine. The progress of civilization, though not rapid, was sufficient to demonstrate the grossness of many of the practices of the Romish church. The season for crushing the advocates of a new creed by treachery and assassination was past. Germany and a considerable part of Europe were in a condition to appreciate and to welcome that in- formation, which, a century before, would have been branded, by general consent, as a dangerous and damnable heresy. Nor must it be forgotten that the prince, under whose protection Luther was destined to act, took greatly the lead of the majority of his cotemporaries in discretion and sound judg- ment. In the personal character of Luther we discern INTRODUCTION. vii many qualities calculated to enable him to discharge with success the important duty to which he was called. A constitutional ardour for devotion, a boundless thirst of knowledge and a fearless zeal in communicating it, were prominent characteristics of this extraordinary man. At the age when others indulge sanguine expectations of success in life, Luther withdrew from the flattering prospect, and secluded himself in the recesses of a monastery. Here, on discovering a copy of the Bible, he for- sook all other employments and became immersed in the study of the neglected volume. Called after- wards to teach others from the pulpit and the pro- fessor's chair, he soon departed from the beaten track, and promulgated his discoveries without the slightest fear of civil or ecclesiastical power. An unwearied perseverance in theological research led him to detect farther errors, and to relinquish, step by step, many of his early opinions. In all situa- tions Luther is the same, — pursuing indefatigably the knowledge of the word of God, and never scrupling to avow his past mistakes whenever the confession could facilitate the inquiries or confirm the faith of others. It was in vain that the head of the church and the chief of the German empire combined to threaten and proscribe him — he braved with equal courage the vengeance of either power, and continued to denounce, with an unsparing hand, the prevalence of corruption. viii INTRODUCTION. These are the leading features of the subject which I have endeavoured to elucidate. In addition to the narrative, I have attempted occasional obser- vations on Luther's theolooical and controversial writings. Along with these I have interspersed some remarks on the general state of education and knowledge in that age. On all points of conse- quence a reference is made to a specific authority ; but the extent of labour bestowed on research, I wish estimated rather by an examination of the book, than by any previous enumeration on my part. — It remains that I express my acknowledg- ments to those friends who have taken the trouble to superintend my work in its progress to publica- tion, and have bestowed on it that attention which distance from the place of printing, and the press- ure of other avocations put out of my power. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. FROM THE YEAR 14'83 TO 1508. I'AGE Luther's birth and parentage 1 . . education • ^ Observations on the state of the universities 4 Death of Alexius ^ Lutlier goes into a monastery 7 Observations on monastic institutions 8 Luther's dittress of mind 1 1 Discovers a copy of the Bible 13 His eagerness in studying it 14* Savonarola, Kempis, and others 17 CHAPTER n. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. Luther appointed a professor at Wittemberg 19 Visits Rome > ^ ^0 Exchanges the philosophical for the theological chair at Wittemberg -^ Observations on the scholastic philosophy; the Platonists, the Aristotelians, Positivi, Sententiarii, Mystici 24? Progress of Luther's studies -7 Begins to question and to oppose prevailing tenets 31 CONTENTS. ^ CHAPTER III. YEAR 1517. PAGE Strength of the church 35 Account of " Indulgences " 37 Tetzel, quaestor for the sale of " Indulgences " 42 Luther opposes the sale of " Indulgences " 43 His offer of a public disputation 45 letter to the archbishop of Mentz 50 Tetzel's threats 52 Tetzel's book burned by the Wittemberg students 53 CHAPTER IVt YEAR 1518. Luther anxious to avoid a rupture with the pope ^S His letters to several persons BQ A friendly disputation held at Heidelberg 61 Luther is opposed by Eckius, a Dominican 66 by Prierio, a Dominican 68 Leo X. dilatory in resisting Luther 72 Influence of the elector Frederick of Saxony 73 Mission of the legate Cajetan, to Augsburg 75 Luther summoned to Rome 77 Frederick consents that Luther shall appear at Augsburg. . 80 His journey thither 82 His interviews with Cajetan 85 His subsequent letters to Cajetan 91 Cajctan's complaint to Frederick 93 Luther's disquietude 94 Frederick's answer to Cajetan 97 I^utiier appeals to a general council 99 Close of the year 1518 100 CONTENTS. » CHAPTER V. TEAR 1519. PAGE Death of the emperor Maximilian 101 Proceedings of Miltitz, the papal nuncio 102 Circulation of Luther's writings 108 The Franciscan ]\Iinorites 109 Public disputation at Leipsic with Eckius 110 Duiie George of Saxony 1 17 Luther's farther publications 118 increased occupation 121 End of 1519 121 CHAPTER VI. YEAR 1520. Luther's letters to Charles V. and others 122 IVIiltitz the nuncio 121' Letter from Luther to Leo X. 125 Leo proceeds against him 129 issues a bull against Luther 131 applies to Frederick against Luther 133 Protection oftered to Luther in Frauconia 134 Luther continues to publish 137 Popular discontents at the bull 139 Luther burns a copy of the hiu\ and of the canon law .... 145 Observations on the canon la^v 147 Remarks by Erasmus 14S Extension of the controversy , . 149 Leo's reiterated application to the elector Frederick 150 End of 1520 151 CHAPTER VIL YEAR 1521. Observations on the policy of the papal court 152 Proposed reference to crowned heads 154 xu CONTENTS. PAGE Francis T 154 Charles V 155 Luther excommunicated by the pope 156 Luther apprized that he would be summoned to the diet at Worms 157 Determines to accept the summons 158 Aware of the danger of going thither , 159 Proceeds to Worms 162 Called before the diet 164< His conference with the princes of the empire 168 His interviews with others 169 The majority of the diet hostile to him 171 Luther carried to the castle of Wartburg 172 His situation and conduct there 173 He continues to write and publish 175 Henry VHL of England writes agaiost him 178 Luther's answer 179 Death of Leo X 179 End of 1521 179 CHAPTER VHL YEARS 1522 AND 1523. laither occupied in translating the Bible 180 Observations on that work 181 Objections of the Catholics to his translation 184< Precipitate conduct of his friends at Wittemberg 185 Luther returns to Wittemberg 186 Explains his tenets to his friends 189 His difierences with Carolostad J 91 Continues to publish 192 Opposition of duke George of Saxony 195 Election of pope Adrian VI 196 His character 197 Adrian's ackno'.vlcdgment of corruption in the church. . . . 199 The " Centum Gravamina" 201 Ferdinand of Austria 204; CONTENTS. xiii PAGE Christiern of Denmark 201 Henry VIII. of England 205 Progress of the Reformation 205 Flight of the nuns from the convent of Nimptschen 207 The Bohemian sectaries 208 Duke George of Saxony 211 Louis, king of Hungary 212 Martyrdom of two Protestants at Brussels 213 Luther's occupations and anxiety 214? Cochlaeus, an opponent of Luther 215 Fisher, bishop of Rochester 215 End of 1523 216 CHAPTER IX. YEARS 1524 AND 1525. Election of pope Clement VII 217 Cardinal Campegio 218 Diet of Nuremberg 2'20 . • Ratisbon and consequent proceedings 22f? Progress of the Reformation in Prussia 226 Vehemence of Carolostad 226 Luther finally leaves his monastery 228 Erasmus writes against Luther 229 Luther's reply 230 Death of the elector Frederick of Saxony 231 War of the peasants 233 Luther's marriage 235 Henry VIII. of England 238 End of 1525 239 CHAPTER X. FROM THE YEAR 1526 TO 1537. Rapid progress of the Reformation 240 Distinction between the biography of Luther and the farther history of the Protestants .^ 240 xlv CONTENTS. PAGE Luther occupied in translating the Bible 241 His farther publications 242 Reforms the Saxon church 244 Diet of Spires in 1529 245 The Reformed give in their celebrated " Protest" 246 Zwinglius and Ocolampadius hold a disputation with Luther 217 Luther's subsequent publications 250 Articles of Torgau 252 Diet of Augsburg 253 The " Augsburg Confession" 254 Luther's occupations at Coburg 254 Co-operation of the Protestant princes 255 Death of Luther's mother — of Zwinglius and Ocolampa- dius 257 - of the elector John of Saxony 258 Conduct of duke George of Saxony 259 Paul III. elected pope 261 Verger, the papal nuncio, sent to Luther 261 Their interview described 262 Death of Erasmus 264 Articles of Smalcald 265 CHAPTER XL FROM THE YEAn 1537 TO 1546. Luther's illness in 1537 266 Recovers and resumes his functions 267 Publishes two editions of his translation of the Bible 267 His other publications 267 Death of duke George in 1539 268 Conferences at Worms and Ratisbon in 1540 and 1541 .... 268 Decay of Luther's health in 1545 269 His irritation of mind 270 He withdraws from Wittemberg 271 Is prevailed on to return 272 His journey to Eisleben ,.«...., 273 CONTENTS. XV PAGE His occupations tliere 274 His last illness 274 His death and funeral 277 His character 280 Observations on his works 284 private life, i ^ ..... i 288 His widow and children 291 APPENDIX. NOTES. Calumnies about Luther's birth 293 Hutten and Buchannan on the ignorance of the monks. . . . 294 University degrees — Lombard's book of sentences. . . . 295, 305 Luther's situation as a monk 296 Commentators on Scripture who preceded him 297 A monk's exposition of the doctrine of justification 298 Extemporary preaching 299 Particulars relative to Savonarola , , . 299 Thomas a Kempis ^. SOI Gerson 302 Taulerus 302 Gabriel Biel 503 • Cammeracensis 304 Origen 304 Abelard 30.> — — — Thomas Aquinas 306 ' Dunscotus 306 ■ Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion 30» Luther's avowal of early attachment to the pope 308 Lorenzo Pucci, cardinal datary 309 Discrepancy between Luther and Guicciardini , , . 310 Abuses in the Catholic church 310 Definition of the word " suffrage " 311 Staupitz, provincial of the Augustinians in Saxony 312 The Dominican order 313 Spalatin, secretary to the elector Frederick 313 Leipsic disputation in the year 1519 314 Maimbourg's history ...,,, 315 xvi CONTENTS. PACK Luther*s letter to the pope in 1520 316 Practice of burning obnoxious books 316 Profligacy of Leo X 317 Bohemian sectaries . , ^ 317 Diflerent opinions about the circumstances of Luther's parents 319 Cochlaeus 320 APPENDIX PAPERS. EXTRACTS AND MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS. Biographical notice of Ocokmpadius 32.5 Zwinglius 328 Bucer 330 Henry VIIL — Observations on his book against Luther. . . . 332 Cajetan's letter to Frederick on Luther's appearance before him at Augsburg 336 Luther's rejoinder to that letter 34^1 Centum Gravamina — an extract with a notice of tlie prin- cipal topics , 360 Augsburg confession — extracts from it witli a summary of its contents 36S Luther's preface to the fa-st volume of his v.orks published in 1515 375 Melancthon's preface to the second volume 387 Observations on Luthec's character, by Camerarius 408 Leo's bull against Luther in 1520 41 1 Luther's treatise on monastic vows 422 • — ' preface to his translation of the Old Testament . . 435 Particulars relative to Carolostad, Spalatin, Justus Jonas, and Cruciger 440 Funeral verses on Luther 415 Melancthon's observations on the conference at Worms, held in 1540 449 Letter from Melancthon to Luther, containing an account of the conference of Smalcald in 1510 457 Letter from INIelancthon to Luther on the subject of the • conference at Ratisbon in March 1541 .... 460 THE LIFE OF LUTHER. CHAPTER I. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. J- HE year of Luther's birth has not been deter- mined with complete certainty. His mother, when questioned by Melancthon, was accustomed to answer, that she was certain as to the day, (the tenth of November) but not in regard to the yeai-. His brother, Jamt=s Luther, however, has related, and with the appearance of accuracy, that he was born in the year J 483. The place of his birth was Eisleben or Eislebon, an obscure town in the county of Mansfcld and electorate of Saxony. He was baptized on the following day and called Martin, after the saint to whom that day is dedicated in the Roman calendar. The names of his parents were John Luther and Mar- garet Lindeman. His father was employed in the mines, and being remarkable for assidtuty, rose, in the course of years, from an humble station to B '^ THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the possession of some property, and discharged with rcspectabihty the functions of a local magis- trate. In his days of extended reputation Luther did not cease to pay a tribute of respect and affec- tion to his father. He inscribed to him his cele- brated book on " Monastic Vows," composed in the year 1521, a time when his fame had become dif^ fused throughout Europe.* The foundation of that devotional ardour which formed the prominent feature of Luther's character appears to have been laid by the careful tuition of his mother. " In matre Margareta^ cum cc£.ter(^ erant virtutes, turn verd prcecipue lucebat pudi- citia, timoj^ Dei et invocatio ; ijituebantm^que in ea?n cttterce mulieres lit in ea'cmplai' Tirtufum." t The impressions of maternal care received confir- mation at the school of Eisleben, where Luther was placed under the care of a pious teacher of the name of George Omilius. Notwithstanding tho corruption of the church of Rome, and its indif- ference or rather opposition to the progress of a iinowledge of the Scriptures, it was customary to teach the youth catechisms containing the elemen- tary principles of Christianity. At the age of fourteen, Luther was removed to a school at Mag- deburg, along with a youth of the name of John Ileineck, who eventually rose to distinction, and with whom Luther continued during life in habits of close intimacy. After remaining a year at Mag- deburg, he was sent to a school of great repute at the town of Issenach or Eisenach, and placed under the protection, it is said, of his mother's * See Appendix A. f Mfclaijctlioo Via:l\ T. ii. Luther, Oper. FROM THE YEAll 1483 tO 1508. 3 telatioiis.* Here the foundation of his future eminence was laid. The charge of educating youth was, in that age^ entrusted to the Romish clergy, or rather to the different monastic Orders esta.^ blished in that communion. There prevailed among these Orders a considerahle degree of competition and rivalship ; for by presiding over seminaries of education, and by displaying zeal in teaching, opportunities were afforded them of disseminating their own particular tenets. The school • at Isscnach was conducted By Fran- ciscans;, and the name of Luther's master was John Trebonius. Rude and tedious as was the mode of teaching in that age, it is probable, that in regard to this seminary, some diminution of difficulty was pro- duced by the care of Trebonius, and the lessons held forth in the instructive writings of Erasmus. "Erasm'i scr'iptis. Jam hwiiata erant jtwentutis stiidia ad LatiiKZ et Grcecce IhigucB cog7iitionem. Monstrato jam dulciorc genere doctrina, multi, bonis et libcris i7igenus prctditi, ahliorrere a barbarica et sophist ica doctrina monachorum incipiebatit.^^^ At this early age Luther, we are told, applied to the study of grammar VvMth all the ardour which characterized his subsequent exertions. His exercises were su- perior to those of his schoolfellows, and afforded, by their animation and fluency, an assurance of his future eloquence. This was strikingly exemplified in the composition of Latin verses, which formed the subject of emulation between him and his young associates. ;|: * Seckend. L. i. 20. f Melancthon, Praef. in Oper. Luther. — Wittemberg, 15^6. % Praef. Melch. ad. Seckend. p. 21. B 2 4 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Having gone through with much applause the Ordinary course at school, Luther repaired to the university of Erfurt in the beginning of 1502. The state of universities in that age was worse, if possible, than that of the schools ; the mode of teaching philosophy being much more liable to cor- ruption than the simpler process of explaining the elements of language. Though the writings of the Greek and Roman authors had been, by this time, introduced into circulation by means of the art of printing, the general taste was formed on very dif- ferent models. The highest honours that learning could bestow had for ages been connected with proficiency in a refined and subtile logic, which consisted of little else than an accumulation of metaphysical quibbles. The writings of Aristotle were believed to contain all the science that human genius was capable of acquiring. No latitude was allowed to the exercise of the inventive powers in the cultivation of other departments of knowledge. Erven the studies of the Peripatetic school were pro- secuted under incalculable disadvantages from per- verted translations of the works of its founder, and from commentaries still more intricate than the originals. Year after year was spent by the student in acquiring a familiarity wqth the complicated rules of the school logic ; while physics and ethics were regarded only as convenient materials for the exercise of syllogistic ingenuity. Instead of aiming to arrive at truth by the patient course of inductive reasoning, the ambition of the age was to seek dis- tinction by a dexterous ap})lication of syllogism to the solution of all inquiry. Luther being directed, like the other pupils, to FROM THE YEAR 1488 TO 1508. 5 labour in this unprofitable field, became remarkable in it, as in the languages, for close assiduity and rapid progress. His teacher of logic was an en- thusiast in that science. He was named lodocus, and in compliance with the fashion of the age as- sumed the additional title of " Doctor Issenacensis.'* Not content with promulgating his doctrines from the professorial chair, this indefatigable advocate of Aristotle ventured afterwards to publish a work en- titled " Summa Philosophiae Naturalis." This took place in 1517? by which time Luther was rising fast into reputation, and had begun to expose the absurdity of the scholastic theology. It hap- pened that lodocus did not long survive his pub- lication ; and Luther appears to have apprehended tliat the tranquillity of his latter years had been disturbed by the rude attacks which his favourite science had received from the hands of his former pupil.* Though obliged to waste a great deal of time in the construction of barbarous syllogisms, Luther found means to prosecute the study of Latin, and to read Virgil, Livy, Cicero, and other classics. His preceptor in this department was of the name of Grieif, or with the addition of the termination common in these days of classical pedantry, Gry- phius. Whether Luther began to learn Greek when at Erfurt or afterwards, has not been ascer- tained. In most universities Greek and Hebrew were unknown. At the university of AVittemberg, Melancthon was the first professor of Greek. His appointment took place at a date considerably sub- * See Appendix B. © THE LIFE OF LUTHER, sequent to the time we are treating of, viz. in 15] 8, and Luther, though then occupying the station of a professor, did not scruple to avail himself of the classical attainments of his friend and colleague, to extend his knowledge of the Greek language * Luther took the deoree of master of arts in O ISOS.-f- The reputation, which he had acquired by the successful prosecution of his studies, induced his relations to urge him to embrace the profession of the law, a sure road, as they imagined, to the attainment of wealth and honour. He was pre- vailed on to make a beginning in that study, but his serious and ardent cast of mind soon tended to lead him in a diiferent course. That alteration of his pursuits which the course of inclination would have produced in the progress of years, was acce- lerated by the occurrence of a most extraordinary circumstance. In the year 1504, walking out one day with a young friend of the name, it is said, of Alexius, they were overtaken by a dreadful thunder- storm, and Alexius vv^as struck dead at his side. The fall of a friend whom he ardently loved, and the awful scene around him, raised in Luther's mind a succession of serious meditations. He saw, or he thought he saw, in a stronger light than ever, the vain and fleeting nature of all terrestrial enjoy- ments, and determined at once to withdraw himself from their pursuit. Prompt in all his resolutions, he vowed upon the spot that, if God were pleased to deliver him from the danger of his situation, he would enter a monastery, and spend the remainder * Graecum praeceprorem, illo salvo, alium non desidero. Lib. K Ep. 57- Luih. Fr.xf. Seckend. p. 43. ■\ See Appendix C. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 150S. 7 of his life sequestered from the world and its temp- tations. It was in vain that his parents, unwilHng that he should relinquish the fair prospect before him, endeavoured to dissuade him from this sudden determination. He persisted in his purpose, and regarded the impression of his mind as a special command of the Almighty. The power of social attachment was strongly felt by Luther, and it required a commanding impulse to make him take a step which was to separate him from his companions and friends. His vow to be- come a monk had been made in secret, and com- municated to none but his parents. From his youthful associates he was aware that he should meet with nothing but dissuasion ; his cheerfulness of temper and playfulness of humour possessing attractions which they would be unwilling to re- linquish. To these agreeable qualities he added a fine voice and great taste for music ; an accomplish- ment which not only rendered him acceptable in society, but supplied a soothing resource in those accesses of low spirits to which persons of his ardent temperament are occasionally subject. Dear, however, as was the society of his companions, he accounted it indispensable to part from them, and took farewell by calling them togetlier one evening when he entertained them with music, and broke to them his determination as conclusive and irre- vocable. It was in 1 505 that Luther entered the Augus- tinian monastery at Erfurt. From what cause he was induced to give a preference to that Order neither himself nor any of his friends have ex- plained : a silence the more to be regretted, as the a THE LIFE OF LUTHER, knowledge of the cause might have tended to elu« cidate several parts of his history. His connection with the Augustinians gave a colouring to his re- ligious opinions, and formed his creed in regard to some*" leading doctrines of the Gospel, before he had an opportunity of access to the fountain head ; for he had not yet seen a copy of the Scriptures. It may not be foreign to our subject, to say a few words on monastic institutions generally. They have existed, in one form or another, in all countries and climates ; but more particularly in India, Egypt, and Syria. The introduction of the Pla- tonic philosophy into the Christian schools of divi- nity appears to have greatly contributed to their establishment. Some of the early Christians adopt- ed the favourite theory of the Platonists, that the body is an incumbrance to the soul, and that it is in consequence of this union that our faculties arc confined within a narrow compass. It was a natural transition to suppose that the more the body was mortified the greater was the approximation to per- fection, and that those, who voluntarily submitted to a life of austerity and self-denial, were the fa- vourites of heaven. The first enthusiasts of this description were Paul of Thebes and Antony of i^gypt in the third century. These men were ac- customed to practise excessive austerity, and had, in the next century, a number of imitators, though a considerable time elapsed before the followers of monastic habits were associated into a body. The first Order was that of the " Coenobites," or bre- thren of the " common life," as the word implies, who lived together in fixed habitations ; the second • were hermits (e^ >i/AtT»») who lived in solitude , and FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 150S. V the third, anchorites (avap^w^rirai) who professed to carry the practice of monkish austerities to excess. So far these names were indicative merely of the mode of hfe ; but, in process of time, the monks incorporated themselves into particular so^ cieties, under the protection of certain saints. It was in the fifth century that the monks came to he considered in the light of ecclesiastics, and to call for the erection of appropriate buildings. During the dark ages their importance gradually increased, and in the eleventh century the Pope declared them exempted from the jurisdiction of the sove- reign of the country which they inhabited. Luther, ardent in all his undertakings, was im- patient to conform, in the fullest manner, to the regulations of his new profession. On assuming the monastic garb, he returned his clothes to his father's house, and sent also his annulus magisteriiy or ring conferred on him when he was made Master of Arts. His zeal for the patron of his Order, however it had been acquired, was so great that he at one time entertained a wish to exchange his name of Martin for that of Augustine. Noji solum acer- rimo studio doctrinam Ecciesice discit, sed etiam summa discipliiice severitate se ipse regit, et om- nibus e.vcrcitiis lectiomcin, disputatiomnn, jejuni- Oram, precum, omnes lorige super at.* — The Order of the Augustinians was founded, or rather new modelled, in the thirteenth century, by pope Alex- ander VI. They followed the rules of the bishop of Hippo, from whom their name was taken, and •* Melancthon— Praf. 10 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, whose writings were of course esteemed oracular.* Of the profound ignorance of monks in regard to whatever bore a relation to classical literature, we may form some idea from the tenour of their cur- rent maxim ; " Quanta melior GrammaticuS) tanto pejor T/ieologus.**'jf On entering the monastery, Luther left hehind him all his books, with the exception of Virgil and Plautus.;|; His preference of the former is easily accounted for by his characteristic gravity, and though the motive of his attachment to the writings of Plautus is less obviously connected with his pre- dominant feelings, we may safely conclude that the wit and good sense of that author must have been the source of the flivourable impression. It is also to be kept in mind, that at this period of the Re- former's history, neither his principles nor the man- ners of the age were calculated to produce that disgust at indecent allusions which he so strongly felt after becoming acquainted with the Scriptures. j] Luther on embracing the monastic profession was very imperfectly acquainted with the routine of the discipline. In these solitary retreats, according to his anticipation, no intrusion of worldly cares was permitted, and life was wholly devoted to the service of God, But he soon found that the por- • See Rodolpb. Hospinian de Monachls, L. vi. a work which contains a great deal of very curious information, printed at Geneva, 1669. Al«o Gabriel d'Emilianne's History of the Monastic Orders. London 1693. And Mosheim passim. •)• Hollinger de Necessit. Reform, p. 6. To attain a proper idea of the depravity of the monks before the Reformation, see the '^ Fasciculus Rerum expctendiWum." X iSeckend. p. 21 , ll See Appendix D. FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. U tlon of humiliating drudgery was not inconsider- able, and that the senior members made it devolve, with an unsparing hand, on the noviciates. This drudgeiy consisted in the performance of menial and other degrading offices. It is a standing rul© in these societies to be independent, either in reality or in appearance, of all external assistance. At one time Luther vv^as obliged to stand as porter at the monastery ; at another he was ordered to go through the town to beg. As the monks professed the most abject poverty, the avowal that they lived by beg- ging was accounted no degradation. The rudeness of the age conduced, in some respects, to lessen the mortification ; but after making every allowance, it must have been difficult for an independent mind, like Luther's, to reconcile itself to the practice of such an abject employment.* Certain it is that his former cheerfulness was now succeeded by frequent fits of melancholy. His impressions respecting his doom in a future state were of the most gloomy cast. Ignorant as yet of those truths of Christi- anity which alone can afford relief in such a situa- tion, he was under the necessity of seeking support in the advice of others. He disclosed his case accordingly to Staupitz, the head of his Order in Germany. Staupitz, who, as we shall find in the sequel, was a man of superior understanding, spared no pdns to restore his mind to tranquillity. He recommended submission, and told him that such trials could not fail to turn out for his good, adding, it is said, that God was to make use of him for the accomplishment of important purposes.-}* * See AppeiK^x E, | Seckendorff, p. 19. 12 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, He went farther, and prevailed on the prior of the monastery to exempt Luther from the task of de- grading services, and to allow him time for the pro- secution of his studies, which until then had been discouraged in the convent. The general ignorance of classical literature at the time of the Reformation is clearly illustrated in Villers' Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the Reformation of Luther. This work is ably trans- lated into English, and will be found to contain the best exposition of the political, religious, and literary state of Europe in the l6th century which has yet been published. The faculty of theology at Paris went at this time (see Villers, p. 93) the length of declaring before the parliament assembled, that " re- ligion was undone if the study of Greek and Hebrew teas permitted." The language of the mendicant monks was still more singular: Conrad, of Heres- bach, a grave author of that age, relates the follow- ing words from the mouth of a monk — " They have invented a new language, v»'hich they call Greek : you must be carefully on your guard against it : it is the mother of all heresy. I observe in the hands of many persons a book written in that language, and which they call the New Testa- ment, It is a book full of daggers and poison. As to the Hebrew, my dear brethren, it is certain that whoever learns it becomes immediately a Jew." It was in 1507 (2d May) and in Luther's twenty- fourth year, that he entered into orders and cele- brated his first mass. This dale is the more re- markable, because he discovered about the same time a Latin copy of the Bible lying in the library FROM THE YEAR 1483 TO 1508. li of the monastery. He eagerly laid hold of this neglected book, and persevered in studying it with so much diligence, that he was able in a short time to refer with ease and promptitude to any particular passage. In the present day, we can with difficulty conceive how a copy of the Bible could remain un- noticed by the whole of a religious fraternity, or that a person so respectably educated as Luther, should be unapprized that the whole of the Scrip- tures was not read to the people in the public ser- vice of the church. It was with no small surprise ^.hat he discovered that there were many passages in the New Testament that were not thus read. The most striking of these Luther committed to memory, and treasured up, with equal diligence, many parts of the Prophetic Scriptures.* The History of Hannah and Samuel made, we are told, a strong impression on him.-j- Samuel had been dedicated to God from his infancy ; and Luther, in the fervour of his devotional zeal, seems to have re- gretted that an equally early consecration had not fallen to his own lot.;}; In this zealous prosecution of his studies, he had little opportunity of deriving assistance from the labours of others. The writings of the Fathers, with the exception of those of Augustine, were * Seckendorff, p. 21. f 1 Sara. ch. i. ii. Melchior Adam. X So minutely have anecdotes relative to Luther been re- corded, that the copy of the Bible which he found is said to have been bound in red morocco. He read it over and over v?ith such fixed attention as to impress on his mind a local recollection of many remarkable passages. The same was the case with him in regard to the voluminous writings of Saint /Augustine ; a circum- stance, which contributed a good deal to facilitate references in in his frequent controversies. 14 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, wholly unknown to him. His knowledge of Greek was very imperfect, and with Hebrew he was en- tirely unacquainted.* Besides, the only copy of '^ the Scriptures as yet in his possession w^as the Latin vulgate. Erasmus had not yet published his edition of the New Testament, and since the days of Jerome, no very eminent example had been given of the application of sound criticism to the sacred canon. -j- Deprived thus of information from the researches of others, Luther would often spend a whole day in meditating on a few particular pas- sages. To this he was prompted equally by thirst of information, and the disquieted state of his mind. Before his acquaintance with the Bible, he had, like other persons, been satisfied with the current doctrines, and had never thonght of examining a subject in which he suspected no error. Now, how- ever, he was sufficiently advanced to perceive that liis early creed must be abandoned, without having gone far enough to find another in its place. His former melancholy returned, and continued to do so at intervals, until his views of divine truth ac- quired clearness and consistency. During his state of uncertainty, when reflecting on the wrath of God and on the extraordinary examples of punishment recorded in Scripture, he was sometimes struck with such terror, as almost to faint away. " I have seen him," says Melancthon, " so much agitated by eagerness of temper when engaged in a dispute on doctrine, as to find it necessary to throw himself on a bed in an adjoining chamber, m here he would fall down in prayer, and frequently repeat these * See Appendix F. f Seekend, p. 21. FROM THE VEAR 148S TO 150b\ 13 words : * He hath concluded all in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon all." Jn those agitations of mind, Luther's resort was to the works of Augustine, who was in his eyes an oracle of equal price as Jerome in those of Erasmus, When we consider that these Fathers had long been raised to the rank of saints, while their writings were regarded as on a level with the Scriptures, we shall find little cause of surprise at the extent of the predilection, however extravagant, of Erasmus and Luther. It required the lapse of another century, and the labour of future reformers, to show the comparativ^e unimportance of the authority of the early ecclesiastical writers. This was first done with success by the celebrated French protestant John Daille, in his valuable treatise concerning the use of the Fathers, published in 1031; since which, it has been generally understood that the proper de- fence of Christianity is to be sought in the Scrip- tures alone. Luther, absorbed in study, and averse to con- sume time in the uninstructive routine of Romish ceremonies, became unmindful of the forms of the monastery. He would read and write with such ardour for days together, as to overlook the hours prescribed for divine service by the canons. He was, on the other hand, rigid in the observance of the penance enjoined to his profession. Under the ab- surd impression that uncommon virtue is attached to abstinence, the Catholic priest and his people are directed, on pain of excommunication, to celebrate mass fasting. Those v/ho act up to the letter of the law, make it a rule to abstain from food from mid- night to noon. Luther, strictly conscientious, wa!« 16 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, accustomed to read mass in the course of his duty without partaking of nourishment; and it appears, that he was sometimes induced to try his power of abstinence so far as to fast for three days suc- cessively, an experiment unavoidably attended with the most debilitating effects. These, joined to ex- cess of sedentary application, brought on an illness which had nearly assumed a fatal aspect. The ter- rors of divine wrath, and the horrors of perpetual punishment, bewildered his imagination, and de- spair had nearly overpowered him, when the sooth- ing interpretations of an old brother of the Order brought consolation to his distracted mind. This venerable monk conversed with him at great length, taking as his text the article in the creed ; " I be- heve in the remission of sins;" and impressing him with the conviction that "justification was of grace by faith."*" The perusal of a discourse of Bernard, on the " Annunciation," tended farther to confirm Luther in the reception of this doctrine. It became a favourite subject with him in his future writings, and his opinion of it is explained at large in his Commentaiy on the " Epistle to the (ialatians," a work which he was accustomed to prefer to all his other publications. In this point, as in man}'^ others, his belief was founded on the reasoning of his ad- mired Augustine. It is but fair to the Augustinians to remark that, amid the general ignorance of the age, they were not altogether so inattentive to the study of divinity as the other religious Orders. This is proved by several circumstances. At the reformation of the * Ses Appendix G FROM THE YEAR 14S3 TO 1508. 17 theological faculty or college at Paris, towards the beginning of the l6th century, the Augustiniaii monks were selected to furnish the college of di- vinity with a Scriptural bachelor.* Luther, too, found in his Augustine superior, Staupitz, a zealous adviser of the study of the Scriptures, in preference to any other pursuit. In the technical language of the times, Staupitz recommended to him to become a good '^ Textualls et Localis,'' by which he meant the acquisition of a thorough knowledge of the texts of Scripture, and an expertness in quoting them. Stimulated by this advice, and by his own ardour, Luther did not confine himself to solitary study, but frequently preached and did other duty for the clergymen settled in the neighbouring vil- lages. This exercise answered the double purpose of instructing the people, and of giving him that facility in public speaking which is to be attained by practice only.-j^ The more we examine the theological works pub- lished before the time of Luther, the less will be our surprise at his hesitation and embarrassment in respect to points of faith which are now put out of all doubt. These works were, in general, of a class much fitter to perplex than instruct. The least de- fective publications of recent date were the writings and sermons of the unfortunate Savonarola, and the * Eacli of the mendicant Orders had been formerly called on for a Scriptural bachelor ; but at the Reformation the call was confined to the Augustinians ; a compliment sufficiently indica- tive of their superior information. Luther was a Scriptural bachelor, (Mosh. vol. iii. p. ^5S, note q.) and so was Melanc-- thon. Seckend. p. 43. ■f See Appendix H. c IS THE LIFE OF LUTHER, well known book, " De Imitationc Christi," ascribed to Thomas a Kempis. In justice to the works of Taulcrus too, it must be admitted that, though in- terspersed with mystical jargon, they had been in- strumental in cherishing a spirit of devotion, and in diffusing, on the subject of Christianity, notions somewhat less inaccurate than had hitherto been current. They had been of service likewise, by at- tracting attention to the works of Augustine and Bernard.* But these books, taken all together, formed feeble guides in the wide field of theology to an anxious and inquiring mind. * See Appendix I. FUOM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 19 CHAPTER 11. FROM 1508 TO 1517. A HE discovery of the art of printing had, by this time, promoted considerably the revival of learning. Among the German princes, the more enlightened became strongly impressed with the advantages attendant on the establishment of respectable seminaries of education. At a Diet held at Worms, in 1495, it had been agreed among the electors that each should become the founder of a university, Luther's sovereign, Frederick, elector of Saxony, surnamed the Sage, was fully alive to the advantages of erecting such an establishment in his territory. He had fixed its site at Wittemberg, and was at this time anxiously employed in the selection of able teachers. Staupitz, being consulted in regard to the scholars among the Augustinians, had no hesitation in bearing a flattering testimony to the attainments of Luther. The consequence was the appointment of Luther to an academical chair in the university of Wittemberg, in 1 508, at the early age of twenty-five. The department which Luther was called to fill was the professorship of logic. He was fitted for it as well by his general erudition, as by an expertness at the scholastic philosophy, acquired by the habit of reading public lectures at Erfurt. Now that it be- came the regular object of his official duty, he im- c 2 20 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled ardour, and became such a proficient, as to be able almost to recite by heart the logical commentaries of Gabriel and Cammeracensis.*' To this thorough acquaintance with his subject, he joined the advan- tage of a prompt elocution. Nothing fell from him with an air of indifference ; all was clear and ani- mated, and he soon became not only an able but a highly popular professor. \His labours in the philosophical chair, ardent as they were, had by no means the effect of rendering him inattentive to ecclesiastical affairs. A circum- stance, which soon after occurred, showed the extent of his reputation among his Augustinian brethren. A dispute having taken place in regard to matters of discipline, between the vicar general of the Augusti- nians in Saxony and seven of the convents subject to his jurisdiction, Luther was considered a fit per- son to proceed to Rome, and procure a satisfactory settlement of the point in question .-J- Unacquainted with the habits of the Romish dignitaries, and a stranger, in a great measure, to the corrupt ways of the world, Luther imagined that on visiting the holy citv, the residence of the Vicar of Christ, he was about to become a witness of the exercise of every Christian virtue. LIow great then was his surprise on beholding the luxury, licentiousness, and de- * See Appendix K. f Ulenberg, Vit. Luther, p. 9. This author may be relied on in the present case, although, in general, his hostility to Lvithcr leads him into misrepresentation. He says of the Reformer, erat acri quidem etjidici, sed vehe/uejiti, pertinaci atque impetuoso ingenio. For a character of Ulenberg, see Chiudc's Defence of the Reformation, p. 102. Ed. 1673. PROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 21 bauchery, which pervaded all ranks. "I have seen," he says, " the pope and the pope's court, and I have had opportunity of personally observing the morals of the Roman clergy. — " I celebrated mass there, and I had occasion to see it celebrated by others, with so much indecency that I am still unable to think of it without disgust. — I have seen courtesans place themselves at the very altar, laugh- ins: and behavincj in the most irreverent manner. I have heard them say over the bread and wine at the altar : ' Bread thou art, and thou shalt re- main bread ; wine thou art, and thou shalt remain wine." — The Italian clergy were accustomed to say mass with so much haste and indifference, that be- fore Luther came to the Gospel rjart of the seivice, they had found means to run through the whole, and ridiculed him openly for the devotional air with which he performed it. Disgusting as were these scenes, their practical influence on Luther's future conduct was of the most beneficial kind. They contributed more than any thing to open his eyes to papal delusion, and he used often afterwards to exclaim, ^' That he would not, for the value of a thousand florins, have missed the instruction aflbrded hira by the journey to Rome." We must, notwith- standing, keep in mind that his dislike was con- fined, at this early period, to the conduct of indi- viduals: the time was not yet come for the adoption of a similar feeling towards the institutions of the church. Distant, however, as it was, several of his friends had already ventured to predict tha-t he would one day confound the doctors, and lay the foundation of a new creed. They founded their ex- pectation on his intimate acquaintance with Scrip- 22 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ture, and on his deriving from it " principles which neither Sophists, Scotists, Albertists, nor Thomists, could controvert." In truth it was his acquaintance with the sacred volume which gave him, as we shall see hereafter, a decided advantage over his antago- nists. " This kind of knowledge was so rare," says Mosheim,* *' that when Luther arose, there could not be found, even in the university of Paris, which was considered as the first and most famous of all the public schools of learning, a single person qua- lified to dispute with him, or oppose his doctrine, upon a scripture foundation." On returning from Rome, Luther took the de- gree of Doctor in Divinity. This title was conferred on him under flattering circumstances ; the elector Frederick voluntarily engaging to defray the ex- pense, and the Augustinians using much entreaty to jDrevent his declining the proffered honour. The possession of this literary distinction was eventually conducive both to his personal safety and to the success of the Reformation. It conferred on him the right of teaching publickly, as well as privately; a right which he never failed to urge when his op- ponents wished to prevent him from delivering pub- lic discourses. Frederick now condescended to hear him preach, and was much struck with the strenirth and soundness of his doctrine. Audixit Fredcricus conc'ionantem ; et vim ingejiii, et nervos oratio)i'is ac rerum bonitatcvi expoiitarum in coji" cionibus, admiratus t'A-^.-j" Divinity continuing Luther's favourite study, the elector was pleased to accede to his wish of direct- # Vol. iii. p. 298. t Melancth. Praef. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 2S ing his attention to it exclusively, and permitted him in 1512, to exchange the philosophical for the theological chair in the university. It would be difficult to conceive any thing more erroneous or perverted than the mode of teaching divinity in those days. The plain doctrines and precepts of the Gospel were little known ; and divinity, like morals and physics, was considered a mere praxis, on which to found a display of logical dexterity. The influence of this vitiated routine afl'ccted Luther, as well as his cotemporaries, and has been found to leave its traces on a later age. — It may not be unin- structive to trace, at some length, the rise and pro- gress of the singular alliance which so long existed between Christianity and the Greek philosophy. If we go back to its commencement, we find that Platonism was the system first connected with our relii^ion. Origen, the author of this extraordinary conjunction, was born in Alexandria, about the year 185, and was taught his philosophic creed by the Platonists of that degenerate school. Applying the habit of system-making to religion, he became the first who attempted to reduce the tenets of Christianity into a connected scheme. Before the time' of this philosopher no other arrangement than that of the New Testament had been thought of. In the labours of Origen, the execution is more open to reprehension than the intention. Partial to the creed of the latter Platonists, he was unwillinsf to account any part of it irreconcileable to the Chris- tian doctrine, and accordingly undertook the ardu- ous, or rather impracticable task, of establishing their harmony and coincidence. No doubt of the divine authority of both seems ever to have entered 24 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, his mind ; and the influence of his name, joined to the great popularity of the Alexandrian academy, soon made it fashionable to incorporate their doc- trines with the religion of Jesus.* The Platonic philosophy bore, it must be ad- mitted, a nearer resemblance to Christianity than any other system. The study of it had a tendency to excite meditation on the nature of the Deity, and on the relation between the Supreme Being and the human mind. But the latter Platonists went in- finitely beyond the outline prescribed by their founder, and carried their credulity so far, as to imagine that every difficulty or mystery in Chris- tianity might be solved by means of a reference to his writings. It was in this manner that they at- tempted to explain the nature of the Trinity, of the person of Christ, of the Incarnation, and of other doctrines of equal obscurity. The author of the works attributed to Dionysius the Areo- pagite, (but which were in reality written to- wards the end of the fifth century), carried the matter still farther, and sought in Platonic princi- ples an explanation of the Scripture appellations of God, as well as of the nature of the hierarchy, and many other questions equally remote from the com- pass of Greek philosophy. After the lapse, however, of three centuries, a time approached when the popularity of the alliance between Christianity and Platonism was about to be shaken ; and the latter was to yield its place to the Peripatetic doctrine. In the sixth century, Boethius began to apply the princij^les of Aristotle to an ex- * See Appendix L, FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 25 planation of Christian tenets, and in the eighth cen- tury, John, of Damascus, both pubhshed an abridg- ment of Aristotle's philosophy, and made use of it in a work in which he attempted to reduce all ques- tions in theology to a system. The circumstance of Origen being deemed a heretic by the church, was a powerful argument for gradually exchanging th© Platonic for the Aristotelian doctrine, and, by the eleventh century, the analytics of Aristotle became very generally taught. John the Sophist, RoscelinCj and Anselm, were the first who gave extensive popularity to that method. They were succeeded by the famous Abelard, Gilbert, and others, who read public lectures on the Aristotelian logic.-—* Otho, of Freisinghen, is considered to have been the first who introduced it into Germany. But it may be fairly suspected that neither the plausible character of the Aristotelian logic, nor the zeal of its advocates, could have rendered its adoption so general, if the church of Rome had not stood in need of its aid. Its abstract and subtile nature presented a very convenient medium for the defence of the absurdities of the Catholic creed. The obscurities of transubstantiation were trans- formed into plausible doctrines by the magic of the mood and figure of the founder of the Pagan Lyceum. In the days of Luther, the teachers of divinity might be divided into three classes, accord- ing as they had adopted the respective tenets of tlie Positivi, the Sententiarii, or the 3Iystici, — The Posithn had several additional appellations, being called Biblici, or Bible Doctors, Dogmatici or Didactic Divines, and Vetercs or Ancients. Their method appears to have been liable to fewer objec- 26 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tions than that of the others. Though in their illustrations of religious doctrines, they unfortunate- ly disregarded the aid of learning or reflection, they not unfrequently made reference to Scripture for the confirmation of their tenets. An undue rever- ence for tradition indeed led many of them astray ; yet we can perceive in their attempts to explain the Old and New Testaments, the outline of a plan which, in a less ignorant age, would have led to in- structive conclusions. The " Scntentiarii" were by far the most numer- ous and popular of these sects. Their name was derived from the deference which they showed to the " Magister Sententiarum," the noted Peter Lombard, archbishop of Paris, in the middle of the twelfth century, author of the four books of *' Sentences." This work consisted of a compila- tion of passages, extracted from the writings of the Fathers, and was an attempt both to reconcile their contradictions and to correct the errors already in- troduced by the scholastic philosophy. Though now an object of contempt, this production was so thoroughly adapted to the standard of the age, that it w^as soon received as a text-book throughout European seminaries, and the task of commenting on it became a favourite object of rivalship. From its contradiction, in various respects, to the system of theology defended by the school logic, the Scntentiarii were at first cautious of taking the latter as the vehicle of their speculations; but the magic of the Aristotelian name, and the influence of the celebrated Abelard,* proved superior to all objections. * See Appendix M, FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 27 The explanation of the " Sentences," and the culti- vation of the school logic went, by a happy coin- cidence, hand in hand ; while, to complete the de- lusion, the adherents of this creed thought proper to overlook all reference to the authority of the Scriptures. The Mystici, or Mystics, diftcred considerably from either of tlie preceding. Their great rule was to loosen the stress laid on the externals of religion, and to direct the attention to the cultivation of the love of God. They were in general persons of warm temper and upright intentions, exemplary in their morals, but strongly actuated by enthusiasm. Although Luther, in his lectures on divinity, does not appear to have adhered to any of these sects, we may safely infer, that from constitutional feeling he was attached to the Mystics ; while his plan of literary research approached to that of the Biblical Doctors. Divinity having now become the object of Luther's professional duty, as well as of his choice, he im- mersed himself in the study of it with redoubled ardour. It was in his eyes the " imcleus nucis^^ the " medulla tritici et ossium.""* The first subject on which he delivered lectures was the Epistle to the Romans, a choice probably founded on a desire to explain to his pupils his con- ception of the Doctrine of Justification. His next exercise was an illustration of the Book of Psalms, in which he chiefly followed the exposition of Augustine. As he advanced in his researches, he became, as is usual, more conscious of his dencicn- * Seckend. p. 19, 28 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, cics. He now felt the necessity of acquiring a knowledge of Hebrew, One of the most eminent restorers of learning. John Reuchlin, surnamed Capnion,* had already enforced the necessity of a knowledge of this language to all v*'ho aimed at pro- ficiency in Biblical criticism ; but he had been op- posed by the whole host of scholastic philosophers. Luther, however, thought differently, and spared no pains to drink deep of Scripture knowledge at the fountain head. Nor did he fail to direct a por- tion of his time and labour to the study of Greek, although it does not appear that he was anxious to make much farther progress in that language than was necessary to a thorough acquaintance with the New Testament. We have no evidence of his giving much attention to the perusal of Greek classics ; but his omission of this branch of study is to be attributed more to the absorption of his mind in theological pursuits, than to an imperfect knowledge of the language, his acquaintance with which is at- tested by very competent judges. -|~ In proportion as Luther's views became extended, his antipathy to the Aristotelian philosophy in- creased. Tliis is apparent from his letters to Spa- latin in 1514 and 1516; and a letter to John Langus, a zealous Aristotelian, written February S, 151(3, contains this whimsical declaration. " If^" "^ See Appendix N. + Ipse etiam Lutherus Graccac ct Ilebraicas linguee studiis se dedere ccepit, ut cognita sennonis proprietute (?t phrasi, et liausta ex fontibus dcctrina, dcxteriiis judicare possit. Melanct. Pra3f. Lutherus harum linguarum (Grascarum ct Hebraicarum) rudis non est, Erasmi Adagia. Op. torn, iii. p. 933, FROM THE \:EAR 1508 TO 1517. 21) said Luliier, " I did not know that Aristotle was a man, I would not be ashamed to say he was the devil." Yet, though Luther was aware of the fallacy of the school logic in the investigation of truth, the influence 'vhich it continued to have on his habits exhibited a remarkable proof of the strength of early impressions. It is in a great measure to the turn for disputation created by a scholastic educa- tion, that we are to attribute the subsequent occur- rence of dissensions between him and his friends, as well as some remarkable tenets bequeathed by him to his followers, and maintained by Protestant sects to the present day. The gradual and almost imperceptible progress towards change in the mind of Luther, prevented any suspicion from being excited by his early dis- coveries of fallacy in the Romish creed. His official superior, Staupitz, had no hesitation in ap- pointing him his vicar, to examine into the state of the monasteries in Saxony, and to exercise in his absence a general superintendence. In this capacity Luther had occasion to visit nearly forty Augustini- an monasteries, which gave him a very favourable opportunity of disseminating instruction, as well as of laying the foundation of that personal attachment to himself, which was so fully displayed in his sub- sequent troubles. No man, hov.'evcr, was less solicitous to make a study of ingratiating himself with the world. Of this some idea mav be formed by an extract of a letter addressed, June 8, 151D, to Spalatin, in which, speaking of his sovereign, the elector, he says, " Many things please your prince, and are wonderfullj'^ esteemed by him, which dis- please and are an abomination to God. I do i^ot 2 so THE LIFE OF LUTHER, deny, that in the transaction of the ordinary affairs of life he is the most prudent of men ; but in things which relate to God, or the salvation of the soul, I esteem him, as well as Pfethnger,* almost seven times blind." Luther discovered equal candour in acknowledg- ing his slow progress in attaining the knowledge which produced his change of religious opinion. Li the preface to his works, written a short time before his death, he thus expressed himself : " I was at iirst alone, and certainly unskilful, and unfit for the management of so great aft'airs. I mention these things, that he who shall read my works may keep in mind that I was one of those who (as Augustine writes of himself) profited by writing and teaching, and not one of those, who from nothing are said to become suddenly very great divines, though they have neither laboured, attempted, nor experienced any thing ; but, by one glance at Scripture, are said to make themselves perfectly masters of its spirit." The following passage is from the same preface, and is extremely characteristic of Luther's vehe- mence : " Let the reader know that I was formerly a monk, and that when I engaged in the cause of Reformation, I was a most frantic papist ; so in- toxicated, nay, so drenched in the dogmas of the- pope, that I was quite ready to put to death, if I had been able, or to co-operate with those who would have put to death persons who refused obedience to the pope in any single article. Thus, I was not ice and coldness itself, in defending the * PfofRngcr was chamberlain and minister to Frederick. Seckend. p. 20. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 31 papacy, like Eckius and his associates, who appeared to me to act more from selfishness (ventris causa), than from conviction. Even to this day they seem to me to do the same, and to make a mockery of the pope like Epicureans. I, on the other hand, was in thorough earnest, being dreadfully afraid of the day of judgment, and desirous, from my in- most soul, to be saved." * It vi^ould gratify a laudable curiosity to be able to trace with accuracy Luther's progressive advance in knowledge and change of views; but until 1517, when he declared himself in open hostility to the church of Rome, our materials, in this respect, are scanty. Few of his early letters have been pre- served. Among those which remain, one of the most remarkable was written the year before the period which we have mentioned. It was addressed to Spalatin, his steady friend and advocate at the court of Saxony. It bears date October 19, 15l6, and contains observations on the works of the Fathers, but more particularly on the mode of studying or interpreting the Scriptures attempted in the preceding year by Erasmus. " The reasons," says Luther, " which induce me to oppose Erasmus, a very learned person, are the following. In interpreting what^ the Apostle says with respect to the righteousness of works, or of the law, or one's own righteousness, he under- stands the ceremonial and figurative observances en- joined by the Mosaic law. And again, although he admits the doctrine of original sin, he seems un- willing to allow that the apostle treats of that * See Appendix O. 32 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, aubject in the fifth chapter of the Epistle to the Iloinans. Now, whoever has read what Augustine has written against the Pehigians, especially in his treatise on the " Spirit and Letter ;" his discourse on the " Merit and Remission of Sins," and his argu- ments against two letters of the Pelagians, and against Julian, must perceive how little he indulges in his own sentiments ; rather expressing what Cyprian, Nazianzen, Rheticius, * Irenaeus, Hilary, Olym- pius, Innocent, and Ambrose have defended. Per- haps Erasmus does not rightly understand the meaning of the apostle, but Augustine is v,'orthy of more credit than he has been willing to grant Iiim. Indeed I do not hesitate to dissent so far from Erasmus, that, in regard to interpreting Scripture, I prefer Augustine as much to Jerome, as he prefers Jerome to Augustine. Not that I am com- pelled to approve of what Augustine has delivered, in consequence of my profession as a monk of his Order, or that I valued his works much before I had an opportunity of perusing them ; but because I perceive that Jerome has devoted the whole of his attention to the historical meaning of Scripture. It is a singular circumstance that he expounds Scripture much more ha})pily when he treats of it incidentally, as in his letters, than when he at- tempts a foi'mal exposition, as in his Opiiscula. The righteoiisness of the law or of works does not consist in the observance of ceremonies, but rather in obeying all that the Decalogue enjoins. Actions performed independently of tlic faith of Christ * Rhetlcius was bishop of Autun, and nourished about the year :^20. Vid. Trethem. de Script. Eccles. ap. Bibliothec. Ec« clesiasti. Fabric, p. 18, See also Cave's Hist. Lit. FROM THE YEAR 1508 TO 1517. 33 such as were done by the Fabricii, Regiili, and other persons, who are held in estimation among men, but whose motives were not influenced by the Gospel ; such works, I say, had no more relation to what in the Scripture is called righteousness^ than apples have to figs. I oppose the doctrine of Aristotle, who says that by doing justly we are ^ jiistijied' unless that term be used in a peculiar sense. The just perform good works, but it is first necessary that the state of the person be changed ; the works follovv of course — Abel was accepted before his offerings — but of this elsewhere. I am now to beg that you will discharge the duty of a friend and of a Christian, and inform Erasmus of what I have written. I hope, and am anxiously desirous, that his authority may become celebrated ; I am at the same time afraid lest, by means of the same authority, many may be induced to adopt the manner of defending the literal method, that is the dead letter, of which Lyra's commentary is full, and almost all commentators since the days of Augustine."* This letter is interesting as containing an ex- position of Luther's sentiments on a most im- portant doctrine in opposition to the church, before he had any thought of commencing the work of Reformation. The time, however, was now arriving, when that opposition, though confined to mere opi- nion, was about to create him enemies. Saxony was at that time divided into two principalities, governed by two distinct branches of the House of Saxony. Frederick, as representative of the elde » Seckend. p. 23, D 34 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, branch, held the rank of elector; George, head of the younger branch, was the hereditary ruler of an extensive territory, comprehending Dresden, Leip- sic, and several other cities of importance. He had the title of duke, and was extremely dift'erent, both in his religious creed and in general disposition, from his relation Frederick. Having heard of Luther's fame, and having prevailed on Staupitz to send him to Dresden to preach, the Reformer, instead of se- lecting inoffensive topics, had the boldness to deliver his real sentiments on the " assurance of faith and predestination." Not satisfied with declaring tenets at open variance with those of the bigotted court of Dresden, he held a public disputation in that city with the sect of Thomists, on the twenty-fifth of July, 1517, the nature of which, in connection with his previous discourse, made a lasting im- pression on the duke and those around him. We shall in the sequel have frequent occasion to re- cur to the conduct of this prince, and to notice his inveterate hostility to Luther and the Reformation, YEAR 1517. 35 CHAPTER III. YEAR 151/. \YE are now arrived at that ]3art of Luther's history when, from a state of obscurity, he ven- tured to come forward as the antagonist of the doctrines of tlie church. We shall find him pro- mulgating his opinions from the outset with a boldness which attracted the attention of all Ger- many, yet nothing was farther from his wish than to proceed to the extremity of a quarrel with the See of Rome. He was in many respects not only a sincere but a zealous Catholic. Besides, the power of the church was so transcendent as to render almost ridiculous any deliberate project of opposition on the part of an individual. To ques- tion the foundation of her authority had been hitherto accounted not only an aggression on the laws of civil society but rebellion against the will of God. The papal decrees were ratified, it was believed, in heaven ; nay, the presence of the Almighty, it was affirmed, attended his church and protected her from error. She was thus con- sidered to possess the right of demanding unlimited submission to her decrees. The antiquity of her doctrine was deemed incontrovertible evidence of its truth ; and above all, it was accounted the duty of every Christian to maintain the " unity of the faith." The memory of those who had attempted D 2 36 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, to propagate new doctrines was held in detestation, and even Luther, as we shall see hereafter, was re- tarded in his bold career by the dread of incurring the name of schismatic, In addition to this powerful hold over public opinion, the leaders of the church possessed the command of more direct weapons of oflence. Ex- communication and capital punishment had, in former ages, been employed with fatal success in crushing the spirit of innovation. The Bohemians were now silent. The Waldenses and Albigenses were contented to live in the fastnesses of the Alps, purchasing the liberty of free \vorship by seclusion from the rest of the world. Nor was there any reason to expect that the ecclesiastical rulers of the sixteenth century would be more disposed than their predecessors to forego an appeal to decisive extremities.* If we look to the personal character of the Pontiffs, who preceded the rmed, but was rather to be considered a notice of a certain progress in inquiry made on the part of an individual, who was desirous of farther information. Luther's " propositions," or " theses," as they w"ere termed, consisted in a chain of affirmations and deductions intimately related to each other. Though apparently nothing more than a scries of abstract reasonings, it was easy to foresee that, if permitted to extend, tliey would have a direct and serious ef- fect on certain branches of church revenue. His views of the nature of repentance differed materially from those on which the sale of Indulgences was conducted. The current doctrine in resrard to '* confession and compensation" proceeded on the supposition that all previous guilt was cancelled by the performance of these acts. Indulgences WTre of still greater efficacy, and were represented as con- taining the pardon of sins not yet committed. * Luther, i. 51. YEAR 1517. 47 Luther subjected these extravagant tenets to an analysis on the principles of the general doctrine of repentance. From the tenor of Christ's command to repent, we ought not, he maintained, to contem- plate the discharge of a solitary act of contrition, but the habitual and daily exercise of penitence. Peni- tence administered under the name of a sacrament by a priest could, in his opinion, have no exist- ence ; the true repentance enjoined by Christ con- sisting in internal compunction, accompanied by ex- ternal acts of mortification. As Indulgences were founded on the assumption that the pope could for- give sin, Luther proceeded to scrutinize and define this part also of the Catholic creed. The Holy Fa- ther, he said, was neither able nor willing to remit any punishment except that which is prescribed by the canons ; or such as he himself might have im- posed by virtue of his personal authorit)^ Strictly speakingj the pope, he added, could in himself be the author of no remission, but merely the declarer of what was granted by God. We see here by what gradual steps Luther began to limit his im- pressions of the extent of the papal prerogative. So little was he, as yet, disposed to question the autho- rity of the church, that he declared the offender, in a case of forgiveness thus communicated, bound to profess his submission to a priest, and to consider him, in that instance, as God's vicar. Luther assumed a more decided tone in repro- brating the notion of benefiting by Indulgences the souls of the dead. By a course of reasoning, which in that day was not accounted superfluous, he main- tained that the prescriptions in the canon law rela- tive to penitence were applicable only to »the living i 2 48 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, that penance was originally imposed not after abso- lution but before it, and was chiefly intended as a test of the sincerity of the offender's contrition. " The Holy Spirit in the pope," he said, " always excepts in his decrees the articles of death or neces- sity. The punishment endured in purgatory is in- tended, like all other punishment, for the most salu- tary purposes, and before any one can be relieved from it, his soul must increase in charity. His Holiness can affect the souls m purgatory, not by power but by intercession, and therefore does well to publish forgiveness to souls by way of suffrage only.* The indiscriminate pardon of sins held out by the Lidulgences can, if granted at all, be granted to those only who approach very near to perfection. To hold forth to the multitude the promise of a general pardon must be productive of the worst con- sequences. How indecent is it in those who are employed to sell Lidulgences to affirm to the igno- rant populace, that the soul, for whom they purchase a pardon, escapes from purgatory as soon as their money tinkles in the chest! Let not the public be induced to prefer the purchase of Indulgences to acts of charity ; for the relief of the jjoor is among the first of Christian duties. If the Holy Father," he added, " knew the exactions of those mercenary preachers, he would rather that the palace of St. Peter's should be burned to ashes, than built with the skin, f^esh, and bones of his sheep.'' Such is the outline of these propositions, the pub- lication of which constituted in a manner the first act of the Rclbrmation. They contained evident in - * See Appendix S, YEAR 1517. 49 dications of a vigorous understanding, mixed, how- ever, with a strong hms to early impressions. While they show that Luther had closely studied Augus- tine's doctrine of repentance, they prove likewise that he had turned the subject attentively in his own mind. Unaided bv anv other direction, he had at- tained, what was very rare in that age, a correct conception of the necessity of sincere penitence to the enjoyment of mental comfort. But in doing justice to him in this respect, as well as to his know- ledge of the Scriptures and church history, we can- not help being struck with the extent of his faith in the doctrine of purgatory and in the power of the pope. His whole career, however, is an example of the slow steps by which the mind, when left to its own resources, is destined to arrive at a know- ledge of truth. No disputants having accepted his invitation, Luther deteru)ined to print and publish his " Propo- sitions." The novelty and boldness of the opinions w^hich they contained, along with the rational foun- dation of his reasoning, procured them a very rapid, circulation throughout Germany. Known hitherto only in a limited circle as a professor, the circulation of his " Propositions" made him one of the most public men in the empire. The respect which he showed to the authority of the Fathers recommended his work to the reflecting and moderate, while the discrimination evinced in his definitions of the power of the pope was calculated to stagger, in some de- gree, the belief of those who had hitherto bowed to it as infallible. In regard to that point there was indeed considerable diHerence of opinion, but there was hardly room for any other feeling than admira- E 60 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tion as to another — I mean the necessity of inward contrition and the indecency of selHng a general pardon through the medium of an Lidulgcnce. At the time of giving a challenge to a public dis- putation, Luther addressed a letter to Albert, arch- bishop of Mentz, who has been already mentioned as deriving considerable profits from the sale of In- dulgences. This letter is remarkable as a specimen of his zeal for his tenets, and of his freedom in ad- dressing his superiors. After repeating the sub- stance of the " Propositions," he proceeds to tell the prelate, " I do not complain so much of the manner in ■which the ' Lidulgcnces' are published, (which I have not witnessed,) as of the injurious effects which they are calculated to produce upon the multitude, who believe that, if they purchase these pardons, they are certain of their salvation, and exempted from punishment. Good God !" (he exclaims,) ** the souls intrusted to your care are stimulated to what will lead them to ruin ; and how hard must be the account which you will have to render to God with respect to all these. From this cause I could be silent no longer, for no one can be certain of his salvation by any gift conferred ujjon him by a bisliop. It is by the grace of God alone that salva- tion can be obtained. Works of piety and charity are infinitely better than Indulgences; and yet they are not preached to the people with so great pomp or zeal, nay they are supplanted by the Indulgences. The first and only duty of bishops is to instruct the people in the Gospel, and the love of Christ. Jesus never commanded Indulgences to be published. What horror therefore must that bishop experiepceji YEAR 1517. 51 and how great his danger, if he allow the sale of In- dulgences to be substituted among his flock in j)re- ference to the doctrines of Revelation ? Shall not Christ say to such persons, * Ye strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel ?' What can I do, most ex- cellent prelate and illustrious prince, but intrcat you by the Lord Jesus Christ, to direct your at- tention to this subject, to destroy the book which you have sanctioned by your arm.s,^ and impose upon the preachers of Indulgences a very different method of recommending them, lest some one should arise and confute both them and that book to the great reproach of your Highness ? The conse- quences of this I dread extremely, and yet I fear it must happen unless a speedy remedy be applied." It is apparent from this letter that Luther was not apprehensive of that insincerity in the character of the archbishop, which in the sequel he found cause to suspect. Still less was he avt^are that it would rest with himself to fight the battle with the rapacious exactions of the church. Meantime the boldness of his language began to draw the attention of all Germany. His friends of the Augustinian fraternity, particularly the prior and sub-prior of the monastery of Wittemberg, more alive to danger than himself, and less confident of a successful issue, beseeched him to consult the safety of the Order, and to cease exposing himself to personal hazard. But Luther was not to be stopped, and would give no other re- ply than " that if the cause were not of God it would fall, but if it were of God, its progress could not be resisted." * This was a book recommending the purchase of Indul- gences, on the title-page of which were the archbishop's arms, £ 2 52 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Tetzel, M'hose passion far surpassed his prudence, published soon after, at Frankfort in Branden- burg; two theses in opposition to those of Luther. His ignorance evidently disqualifying him for such compositions, they have been generally ascribed to Conrad Wimpina, professor of divinity in Frank- fort. Their style is such as sufficiently to discover the weakness of the Romish cause, and the dicta- torial tone of the Dominican fraternity. The first thesis consisted of one hundred and six positions ; the second of fifty.* To mortify Luther and to make a show of respect for Tetzel, no fewer than three hundred monks were present at the disputation on the former of these theses.-^ Neither of these productions entered into a thorough discussion of Luther's arguments, but assuming a priori the pope's infallibility, asserted, as a necessary conse- quence, that every thing at variance with this fun- damental position must be false. This course of reasoning we shall find frequently pursued byLuther's opponents. The Catholics thought it unanswerable, and were not for some time aware that the day was past for })roving the pope's infallibility by the weapons of syllogism. Tetzel, proceeding in his intemperate course, took occasion to throw Luther's work publickly into the fire, an indignity which the students of the univer- sity at Wittemberg were not long in retorting on the publication which bore his name. The latter of these transactions excited much surprise : an account * They are to be seen in Lutlier, i. 94 — 98. Extracts are in Seckend. p. 26, 27. See also Slcid. L. i. Sarp. L. i, f Scult. An. 1517. YEAR 1517. 53 of it is given by Luther in the following letter, ad- dressed to his friends, John Langus and lodocus : — " That you may be informed of what actually happened respecting the burning of Tetzel*s pro- positions, the following is the true state of the case. Tlie students are exceedingly disgusted with the ancient sophistical mode of study, but very much attached to the study of the Holy Bible, and per- haps also very friendly to me and my cause. When they were informed that a person had come from Halle, sent by Tetzel, the author of the positions, they immediately went to him, and threatened the man for daring to bring such things to Wittemberg. Some bought copies from him, others took them by force, and having given notice of a meeting, invited every one that chose to be present at the burning and funeral of Tetzel's positions, to come to the market place at two o'clock. They there burned all the other copies, to the number of nearly eight hundred. They did this without the knowledge of the elector, senate, or rector of the university, or indeed of any of us. Such a grievous injury done to the man by our students certainly vexed me as well as every body else. Tliough I am nowise to blame, the abuse, I am afraid, will be imputed to me. It has made a great noise eve?'y vi here, greater perhaps than was necessary ; yet it must be confessed they have some reason for being angry. What will happen I know not, unless that my situation, already critical, may become more so in consequence of it." In another letter Luther says, " I am astonished that you could believe me the author of the burning of Tetzel's positions. Do you think me so totally 54 THE LIFE OF hVTUEK, destitute of common sense, that I, a member of the church, should, in a place not my own, attempt to do so great an injury to one who holds so high an office asTetzel."* — Luther's enemies were, as he had foreseen, exceedingly disposed to throw the blame on him, but, however gratified he may have been by this testimony of the attachment of the students, there is no room to suspect him of being instru- mental in this indignity to the pope's agent. In a subsequent declaration from Tctzel, the orthodoxy of his creed was maintained against all opponents without mentioning by name an individual so ob- scure as Luther.-j- Tetzel made an appeal to the prejudices of the age, by declaring his readiness to undergo the ordeal of fire and water in justification of his tenets : and Luther, equally convinced of the orthodoxy of his new opinions, was not slow in volunteering a submission to the same test.;|; Luther's compositions advanced this year with a promptitude which gave an ample assurance of his future activity. They consisted, in the first place, of his '' Propositions" printed 31st October, and of a sermon in German, on the subject of Indulgences. To these was added a more elaborate work, a " De- fence of his Propositions," which he prepared before the expiration of the year, but was prevented from publishing for the present by the solicitations of his friends, particularly his diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg. Enough, however, was sent forth to awaken the minds of men, and to excite that dis- position to doubt and scrutinize, which generally precedes a revolution of opinion. ♦ Melch. Ad. Seckend. p. 25. f Seckend. p. 26, t Luth. i. 133. YEAR 1518, 65 CHAPTER IV. YEAR 1518. XvESOLUTE as was Luther's character, a con- siderable time elapsed before he came to an open rupture with the court of Rome. The year 1518 is remarkable by furnishing proofs of the gradual na- ture of his change in opinion, and of an anxiety that bis warmth of language should not be construed into direct and unqualified assertion. The circula- tion of his " Propositions" had far exceeded his calculation, and many persons were disposed to assume their contents rather as declared opinions than as materials subnutted for examination. These mistakes and the extraordinary ferment produced throughout Germany, led him, as we sliall see by and by, to make to the abettors of Indulgences an offer of a mutual cessation of controversy. A few concessions would at this time hfive satisfied him ; but, to use his own word?, "^ the poor monk was despised." The offer being mistaken by his antagonists for an avowal of weakness, lie was obliged in self-defence to continue his polemical labours. Hence those farther investigations and discoveries which led liim to attack corruption at its fountain head. But long before this decisive result, he composed various papers, which show a solicitude to prevent the public from carrying his notions too far, as well as to make the church instrumental in 56 TflE LIFE OF LUTHER, accomplishing her own reform. The first of these, which we shall notice, was addressed to the bishop of Brandenburg already mentioned, whose name was Jerome Scultetus. Luther, treating him with the respect due to an official superior, had trans- mitted him last year a notice of the substance of his intended publication in defence of his propositions. It is in this sense that we are led to understand an expression in Luther's first letter to the pope, ^' Monui prlvatim aliquot magnates ecclesiariim.'' The prelate, startled at the boldness of the argu- ments, exerted himself to effect a delay in their publication, and, with this view, paid Luther the compliment of sending to him an abbot of distinc- tion. The condescension was pleasing to Luther, and induced him to postpone his publication. But his mind was too strongly engrossed by the interest of his subject to allow him to relinquish it, and we find him accordingly addressing, June "2, 1518, a letter to the bishop, which, under the appearance of an explanation of the controversy, may be regarded as a kind of apology for deviating from his cautious counsels. '* There lately appeared," he says, " in our neighbourhood, new and unheard of opinions re- specting the nature of Indulgences. The learned as well as the unlearned were astonished at them. Not only my intimate friends, but many who were unknown to me, requested by letters, and, on oc- casion of personal intercourse, applied verbally for my opinion in regard to the new doctrines which had been published. For some time I avoided any open declaration, but at last the dispute became so YEAR 1518. Bf violent, that I was induced to go so far as even to incur the danger of oft'ending the pope. " But what could I do ? it was not in my power to determine any thing upon the subject, and I was afraid to contradict those whom I wished to respect. They however argued so plausibly in attempting to prove what is false and vain, that, to confess the truth, they arrested my attention, and fairly in- volved me in the controversy. That I might please both parties, I judged it most expedient, neither to assent to nor dissent from either, but in the mean time to reason upon the subject, until the church should determine what our opinions ought to be. I therefore published a disputation, and invited all persons publickly to declare their sentiments. As 1 knew several very learned men, I requested them in private to open their minds to me. I perceived that neither the doctors of the church, nor the canonists, generally, supported my opinions. There were only a few canonists and scholastic doctors who seemed to approve, and even they were not very hearty in their concurrence." After exposing the ridiculous conduct of those who belong to the church, and are yet unable to contend with heretics, he thus proceeds : " When I gave a general challenge to dispute with me upon the subject of Indulgences, no one appeared. I then perceived that my published dis- putations were more widely dispersed than I had wished, and were every where received, not as matter of discussion but as positive affirmation. I was therefore compelled, contrary to my hope and wish, to publish the arguments for the propositions, and thus expose my ignorance. I thought it better to 58 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, incur the shame of being deficient in knowledge than to allow those to remain in error who took for granted that my propositions were asserted as un- doubted truths. Of the accuracy of some of them I myself was doubtful, and of several I am ignorant. Some persons deny them, but I assert none pertina- ciously. I submit them all to the holy church and the pope." After complimenting the bishop on that humanity and humility in the discharge of his high office, which made him almost as much venerated as the pope, he adds : " It is most just that I should lay first at your feet what I have been employed in. I therefore en- treat you to receive my trifles, that all may know that I assert nothing confidently. I not only give you leave but beseech you to blot out whatever you think fit ; nay, I shall not be concerned if you should burn the whole. I declare once more, that I affirm nothing confidently ; on the contrary I even argue with fear. Not that I stand in dread of the bulls and threats of those, who, not knowing what it is to doubt, wish to circulate v^ hatever they dream, as gospel ; I confess that their audacity, joined to their ignorance, induced me not to give way to my own fears. Had not the cause been of so great importance, no one should have known me beyond my own corner. If the work be not of (lod, I do not pretend that it should be mine ; let it come to nothing, and be claimed by no one. I ought to seek nothing else, than that I should not be the occasion of error to any one." The respect which Luther had shown to his dio- cesan, he determined not to withhold from the YEAR 1518. SJ» superior of his Order. To Staupitz, his provincial and benefactor^* he enclosed a printed copy of the defence of his propositions, requesting him to trans- mit them to the pope, that the mahcious insinua- tions of his enemies might be counteracted. " I request," he says, " that you will send these trifles of mine to that most excellent pontiff, Leo X. that they may serve to plead my cause at Rome. Not that I M^ish you to be joined with me in the danger ; for it is my desire that these things be done at my own hazard. I expect that Christ, as judge, will pronounce what is right by the mouth of the pope. To those of my friends who would alarm me for the consequences, I have nothing else to sav than what Reuchlin said ; ' He who is poor, has nothing to fear; he can lose nothing.' I possess no property, neither do I desire any. — There re- mains to me only a frail body, harassed by con- tinual illness, and if they take away my life by open violence, or stratagem, they make me but little poorer. I am satisfied with the possession of my Redeemer and Propitiator, the Lord Jesus Christ, whom I shall praise as long as I exist. If any one be unwilling to join with me in these praises, what is that to me ? Let him raise his voice after his own fashion. The Lord Jesus will save me for ever."'!" This letter may be regarded as a faithful picture of the predominating feelings in Luther's breast. His anxiety to save his friends from the danger connected with his cause, his indifference to money, * See Appendix T. f Luth. i. 100. Extracts arc made from this letter by Melcli. Ad. and Seckend. p, 33. 60 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the calmness with which he contemplated death, are the infalhble indications of a pure and con- scientious character. Can we require a more con- clusive proof, that neither selfish attachment to his Order, nor enmity to the Dominicans, had any share in stimulating his opposition to Indulgences? On the day of writing to Staupitz he addressed also a letter to the pope, the tone of which is nearly the same as that of the epistles which we have quoted. The principal addition consists in his urging a claim to the privilege of engaging in public disputations, on the ground of being a Doctor in Divinity. His enemies had loaded him with re- proaches, and charged him with depravity of morals; but " were such the case, is it probable," he asks, *' that so illustrious a prince as Frederick of Saxony would have taken me under his protection, or allowed me to remain a Professor in his uni- versity?" His letter concludes thus: — " I prostrate myself at the feet of your Holiness, with all that I am and have. Give the command of life or death, call or recall, approve or disapprove, as you may judge fit: I acknowledge your voice to he the voice of Christ, presiding and speaking in 3'ou. If I have deserved death, I will not refuse to die. The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof."* From this, as well as from subsequent letters, it is a})parent that Luther was little acquainted wit!) Lco*s real character. On another occasion, much about this time, we find him extolling Leo as the best of pontiffs, and affording, by his re])utation for integrity and learning, matter of exultation to all * Luth. i. 101. Scckend. p. 33. YEAR 1518. 61 good men. " But what," he adds, " can this most dehghtful person do alone in so great con- fusion ? One who is worthy to have been pontiiF in better times, or in whose pontificate the times ought to have become better. In our ao;e, we de- serve only such popes as J ulius II. and Alexander VI. or some atrocious monsters similar to what the poets have created ; for even in Rome herself, nay in Rome more than any where else, good popes are held in ridicule." * This language, however different from that which Luther subsequently held with respect to Leo, was, we have no reason to doubt, perfectly sincere. Leo was at that time the object of admiration through- out Europe, and Luther could hardly fail to par- ticipate in the general predilection. Whilst Luther was thus intent on explaining his opinions and motives to his superiors, he learned that his Augustinian brethren dissented from some points in his new doctrine. He determined ac- cordingly to embrace the first favourable opportu- nity of openly discussing the controverted topics. This was afforded at the annual assembly of the Order, held soon after midsummer at Heidelberg^ Luther previously published twenty-eight theses on divinity, which he proposed to defend ; and sub- joined twelve corollaries from them, calculated to show the power of his arguments in opposition to the Greek philosophy, particularly in regard to the doctrines of Aristotle, Plato, Parinenides, Pytha- goras, and Anaxagoras. The journey from Wit- temberg to Heidelberg he performed, long as it * Seckend. p. 35. 62 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was, on foot, a mode of travelling which corre- sponded with his ideas of Christian humility. He was received most kindly on his journey by Lau- rentius a Bibra, bishop of Wurtzburg, who was decidedly hostile to the new plan of retailing In- dulgences, but unfortunately lived too short a time to evince his friendship for Luther.* Luther carried with him a letter of recommenda- tion from the elector Frederick to the prince Palatine, a precautionary safeguard which the boldness and obnoxious tendency of his writings rendered ad- visable. It deserves to be noticed, that the elector's recommendation was confined to a private letter, that Prince being too cautious to declare himself, in the face of the church, the patron of Luther. From the same motive, Luther had not yet been admitted to any personal communication with the elector, the arrangements in his behalf having been conducted by his friend Spalatin. The theses debated at Heidelberg were of a much more comprehensive character than those previously published on the subject of Indulgences. The first twelve of the twenty-eight relate to the nature of good works ; the succeeding four to free- will. In those that follow, Luther deduces certain consequences from his previous reasoning, and enters on a discussion of tlie nature of good and evil, the operation of the law, and the tendency of what he terms false wisdom. Crude and undefined as his ideas are, they possess a claim on our at- tention on account of their subsequent operation, * Seckend. p. ^9, says of him, " Ex familia equestri Fran- coniae splendidissima et vctustissima,*' and adds signiticantly, *' non uno adlinitatis nexu mihi juncta.'* YEAR 1518, 63 the early impressions of Luther being In many- cases discernible in the future history of the Re- formed Church. The respondent in this public debate was M. Laurentius Beyerus, a monk of his own Order. Though two combatants only were named, many others entered the lists, and the disputation was attended, as well by the professors and students of Heidelberg, as by many of the inhabitants of the city. Among the doctors present, the most eminent was Martin Bucer, who, though he had only passed the rank of " scholar," was already possessed of sufficient sagacity to dis- cover the errors of popery. Bucer eagerly listened to the controversy, took notes of what was spoken, and applied for explanations to Luther, who was much gratified with his keenness for inquiry. Bucer, having arranged his notes, and corrected them by the explanations which he received from Luther, published an account of the debate, and while he commends highly the moderation of both parties, passes a particular encomium on Luther's earnestness and diligence.* Luther's own account of it is as follows: " Tlie doctors willingly admitted my disputation, and debated with such modesty as to entitle them greatly to my esteem. Theology indeed seemed foreign to them ; nevertheless they skirmished both acutely and pleasantly, excepting the fifth and * Bucer afterwards became distinguished among the Refor- mers. For an account of him see Melch. Ad. Vit. Buceri, et Scripta Anglicana fere omnia Buceri, published at Basil in 1577. Dr. Bates has inserted the account of his death in his Vit. Select. Vir. p. 250, &c. London, 1681. 61 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, junior doctor, who made the whole meeting laugh by exclaiming, " Were the common people to hear these things, they would stone you to death." On an assembly thus open to conviction, Luther could not fail to make a powerful impression, and he seems to have gained a fresh accession of courage from the result of this debate ; for on his return home we find him writing to his former master, lodocus Issenacensis, and apprizing him that " all the Wittemherg doctors, nay the whole university, with the exception of one licentiate, (Sebastian,) were now of his way of thinking ;" adding, " that many ecclesiastics and respectable citizens now unanimously say, that they had neither known nor heard Christ and the Gospel before." The defence of Luther's disputation propositions was published under the title of " Resolutiones" or " Solutions," and was addressed to the pope. His reasons for giving them to the world were, " that he might conciliate his adversaries, yield com- pliance with a variety of solicitations, and undeceive those who thought him absolute and dogmatical in his mode of assertion." In conformity with the custom of the age, he inserted a solemn protesta- tion of his sincerity as a disputant. Disputo ergo hie, et qmtro vcritatcm, testis lector, testis audi- tor, testis 'vel ipse /icereticce pravitatis iucjuisitor.* Nor was he behind-hand with his opponents in asserting in a determined tone, the trutli of his tenets, and the heresy of whoever should differ from him. Ea qua: jam dixi, protestor vie non dubitare, sed paratus sum ignem et mortem sus- * Luther, i. p. 132. This was Tetzel's title as connected with the Inquisition. YEAR 1518. 65 cipere pro illis, et hcEreticuin asseram omnem qui contra sapuerit* The composition of these " resolutions " discovers no ordinary degree of acuteness, and fully war- rants Luther's high reputation as a disputant. It is remarkable that though his early predilection for Aristotle had been by this time exchanged for a very different feeling, the " resolutions" are com- pletely in the style and manner of a dialectician. His arguments may be traced to four distinct sources : the Scriptures, in the knowledge of which he far surjjassed his opponents ; the Fathers^ with whose writings his acquaintance was at least equal to theirs ; the canon law ; and lastly the authority of Gerson and other celebrated doctors of the church. Though his chief stress was laid on Scripture and the Fathers, he had not yet come to the length of disregarding the authority of clerical law, or the arguments of the leaders of the schools. It was about the middle of this year that the respected name of Melancthon was added to the Wittemberg university, in the capacity of Greek professor. This nomination is ascribed by Luther to a wish, on the part of the elector, to give him an associate in theological labours. It appears, however, to have been more directly the con- sequence of an application from the elector to the celebrated Reuchlin, the restorer of Oriental lite- rature in Germany. Reuchlin likewise recom- mended Ocalampadius, as Hebrew professor ; but that eminent scholar was already engaged to accept * Luth. i. 133. F 6G THE LIFE OF LUTHER, an appointment of that nature at the university of Bazil. Meantime the disputations and writings of Lu- ther had abridged considerably the revenue arising from the sale of Indulgences in the North of Ger- many. The better part of the Catholic priesthood became ashamed of the traffic, while those who were less scrupulous, durst not venture to urge the multitude to purchase. But in so very numerous a body, it was not to be expected that antagonists to Luther would long be wanting. The first who took the field against him was John Eckius, a Dominican, and professor of divinity at Ingoldstad. To a book which he pubhshed against Luther, he gave the whimsical title of " Obclisci," in reference to the marks ('f^'f') used in printing to indicate notes ; and from a wish that the public should con- sider his performance as merely a series of annota- tions. Luther and he had formerly been on terms of friendship, a circumstance which made the Re- former complain of the illiberal ity of sending him no previous notice of the intended work. Eckius, uneasy at the charge, afiirmed tliat the book had been sent to press without his knowledge. His remarks, he said, were originally communicated to his bishop in a private pat*quet, and had they been meant for publication, would have been composed with more pains. Well might he exert himself to apologise for the deficiency of his book, for a poorer performance can hardly be imagined. It was wholly unworthy of the future fame of the author, and afforded a striking example of the weakness of the scholastic philosophy in the re- YEAR 1518. 67 search of truth, or refutation of error. The in- falhbihty of the pope, the testimony of learned doctors, and a string of logical common places, constituted the basis of Eckius' superstructure. An attack of this nature could only serve to add fuel to Luther s ardour. He speedily published an answer under the correspondent title of Asterisci (**). But in this as in many other controversies, the disputants had failed in fixing their first prin- ciples* "^ Fat tor hcec omnia esse vera" says Luther, '^ si scholastica sunt vera. Quod Eckius asserit, ego nego ; et sic est petitio principii.'" * The tone of Luther's answer is, we must confess, exceedingly high, and partakes sometimes of a scurrility which can be extenuated only by a con- sideration of his constitutional warmth, and of the manners of the age. " Were I assured," he says, *' that Eckius was an angel seated in the midst of the seraphim, I should still declare him an impious enemy of charity, and a deceiver of the credu- lous, so long as he shall teach that barren Indul- gences arc good for the people, and that the pre- ference of charitable actions to the purchase of Indulgences savours of the Bohemian schism." After expressing himself very properly respecting those who flattered the pope, he proceeds to place the controversy on a just foundation. " I request," he says, " those opponents, who are willing to do me a service, not to attempt to terrify me by flat- tering the pope, nor by quoting writers on scho- lastic theology, but to instruct me by substantial arguments from Scripture and the Fathers." — Lu- * Luth. i. 154. F 2 €8 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ther's answer appeared to the jjublic in the light of a victory, and is said to have brought him a con- siderable number of converts. His next antagonist was a person of greater rank. Sylvester de Prierio, a Dominican like Eckius, and master of the pope's palace at Rome, entered the lists, in the persuasion that the refutation of Luther's heresy was one of the easiest things ima- ginable. In his dedication to Leo, Prierio takes occasion to say that he did not know who this Martin Luther was ; that the answer he had com- posed was the labour of three days only ; that he was certain of victory ; and would not fail, as soon as he saw Luther's other works, to write something more worthy of attention than this dialogue. Nothino; in fact can be more insionificant than this production of Prierio. Though called a dialogue, it contains nothing but Luther's theses and short scholia by Prierio, consisting of a string of suc- cessive allegations on the authority of St. Thomas, the universality of the church, and that never- ending theme, the pope's infallibility. He had no more scruple than Tetzel in recommending Indul- gences, by asserting that the soul tievv to heaven as SQon as the " money tinkled in the chest." Ha alludes to the power of the Inquisition, and advises Luther to beware lest vengeance, in some shape or another, overtake him. Were the pope, he adds, to present Lutlier with a good bishopric and a ple- nary indulgence to repair his church, he would soon abound in more courteous language. Luther, determined not to be behindhand with Prierio, wrote a rejoinder in two daNs, retorting his personalities with no sparing hand, and declaring YEAR 1518. 69. his arguments so futile, that he could disprove them by writing whatever came uppermost. '* You are sunk," he said, " in the darkness of Thomas Aquinas, and must come better armed to the next combat if you hope to escape without dis- grace." Nothing, however, could abash the con- fidence of Prierio ; he replied in the form of a letter addressed to Luther, repeating what he had previously advanced, defending Thomas Aquinas with great zeal, boasting of his high office at Rome, and taking no slight degree of credit for the honour paid, as he believed, to his works at Leipsic. He called this second essay " Epithoma," in honour of the angelical doctor, and he concluded by appealing, with great self-complacency, to the decision of the public. Prierio's pertinacity made Luther lose all patience. He wrote an answer in which, not con- tented with speaking of Prierio in a manner suffi- ciently contemptuous, he treated his book in terms which, to be tolerated, require rather more than the extenuating medium of a dead language. ^' Tot tantisqiie blasphemiis a capite ad pedes usque re- fertum, ut in medio Tartaro ah ipsomet Satana editum lihellum existimem* The Dominicans, it appears, felt ashamed of Prierio's defence, for in a letter written to Langus about the middle of Sep- tember, Luther says, " the Dominicans are buying up the copies of Sylvester's dialogue, and are sup- pressing it, but we are re-printing it at Wittem- berg." The extravagant tone in which Prierio extolled the pope's power and his superiority to a general ♦ Luth.i. 189. 70 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Council, however agreeable to Leo or his minions, was kept up with too little disguise. It had been the policy of the court of Rome to account such superiority its prerogative, but to forbear' bringing forward the invidious assertion. The imprudent length of Prierio's assumption led Luther to reflect on the extraordinary consequences of which acqui- escence would be productive. And here we meet with the first symptom of that alienation from the church which afterwards became so conspicuous in Luther. ^^ Were such/' he says, " the sentiments entertained at Rome, happy are they who have separated from the church and gone out from the midst of that Babylon! Cursed are they who hold communion with her! If the pope and cardinals do not check this mouth of Satan and compel him to recant, I solemnly declare before them, that I dissent from the Roman church and renounce her with the pope and cardinals as the abomination of the holy place." On reading these bold expressions, we can hardly resist the inference that Luther was actuated by a confidence of support and protection. The con- currence of his brethren at Wittemberg, the popu- larity of his preaching, the success of his public disputations, and the steady though cautious as- ' sistance of the elector, were all calculated to inspire him in some measure with courage. But the length to which he went must have been much more the result of his constitutional temper than of a calculation of strength. Accordingly, it was not without much doubt and disquietude that he ven-> tured to maintain his early struggle with the church. X^ooking back at a future period to these days of YEAR 151S. 71 anxiety, he exclaims, " How many things my heart suffered during the course of that first and second year, and how great at that time was my unfeigned humihty — I might almost say, despair. Ah ! how little is this known to those who fol- lowed me, and who were enabled to attack with impunity the wounded majesty of the pontiff." * Among his other early antagonists was James Hoogstraat, an inquisitor of Louvain, who, without bestowing time on the reasoning in Luther's doctrine, advised Leo to cut him off at once by fire and sword .-l^ Hoogstraat had been the persecutor of the famous Reuchlin, to whom Luther compares himself in many passages of his works. The Re- former's reply to Hoogstraat was marked by no tame characteristics. He exposed his ignorance of that scholastic philosophy of which he pretended so much knowledge; upbraided him with brutality, and finally recommended to the pope to consult the inte- rests of the church by inflicting punishment on this inquisitor of heretics who was so illiterate as not to know in what heresy consisted. The writings of Luther and the answers to them having now been some time before the public : the feebleness of the latter excited surprise in many who had never doubted the ability of the church to defend by argument whatever she assumed the right to do. From the increased diffusion of know- ledge, and the peculiar political situation of Ger- many at that time, the Catholics felt themselves unable to stop the progress of heresy in the sum- * Luth i. 50. Seckentl. p. 38. -j- Sleitl, L. i. Melch. ad Sarp. L, i. Seckend. p. 38. 7^ THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mary method of earlier days. It is to this cause chiefly that we are to ascribe what has been called the inactivity, in the first instance, of the court of Rome towards Luther. It will be in vain to seek to account for it by a tolerating disposition on the part of Leo. Liberal as he was, in the patronage of literature and the arts, the men who in his court cultivated the works of Greece and Rome durst not indulge in those effusions of independence which mark the celebrated writers of antiquity. On the contrary, the habit of flattering and of showing an unqualified approbation of his measures will be found the characteristics of those who surrounded him. It is true that for some time Leo paid very little attention to Luther's opposition. Considering it below his dignity to discuss the merits of a dis- pute carried on in an obscure part of Germany, he was disposed to let it be finished by those with whom it had begun. In process of time this con- troversy, he thought, would, like many others, fall into oblivion. Voluptuous and averse from busi- ness, he was accustomed to devolve the laborious part of his ofllice on Julius, afterwards Clement VII. and had consequently not the means of forming a due estimate of the danger to be apprehended from Luther.* Maximilian, the emperor of Germany, though ostensibly attached to the pope, had no disposition to persecute Luther. He was remarkable for mild- ness of tem])cr, and having had the curiosity to read Luther's theses, he is reported to have said to Pfeff 'ngcr, one of Frederick's ministers, " Your * See Appendix U. YEAR 1518. ^ 73 monk's theses are not to be despised. He will give the priests some trouble. Tell Frederick that he should protect Luther, as it may happen that he will have need of him." * The want of cordiality in Maximilian towards Leo arose from his having discovered that the pon- tiff, while pretending friendship for him, was en- gaged in secret intrigues with the king of France. *' Had not Leo also deceived me," said Maximilian on this occasion,^ " he would have been the only pope whom I could have called an honest man." ;|? But had the court of Rome even been assured of the zealous co-operation of Maximilian against Luther, their point would not have been gained; for the influence and reputation of Frederick was such as to form a counterpoise in the Diet to imperial authority itself. Of this, ample evidence had been given by two questions which Frederick had lately been instrumental in carrying. 1st. That the pope should not, under pretext of a Turkish war, ex- haust Germany by means of Indulgences ; 2dly. That no king of the Romans should be elected during the life of Maximilian. Unwelcome as the latter measure was to the emperor's feelings, Frederick still remained on good terms with him, partly by uncommon discretion of behaviour, and more perhaps from the emperor's conviction that, the preservation of Frederick's good will was the most likely method to secure the transmission of the imperial title to his grandson Charles. While the influence of Leo with the emperor * Seckend. p. 42. f Ibid. p. 43. j: Nisi me hie quoque papa i'efellissct, ille unicus esset cujus bonam fidera laudare posetn. Ibid. p. 43. 74 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was thus limitedj it was, for obvious reasons, still less powerful with Frederick. It had long been an object with the secular princes of Germany to lessen the pecuniary exactions of the church of Rome among their subjects. But the blind reverence of the people to the church rendered such opposition a matter of great delicacy and difficulty; and the above mentioned resolution of the Diet was one of the few examples in which it had been attempted with success. A controversy which, like Luther's, tended to lessen the bigoted adherence of the people to the pope, had, in secret, the good wishes of Frederick and of most of the neighbouring princes. This reason, however, from not being avowed, has been less generally regarded as a motive for Frederick's protection than the import- ance of Luther to the university of Wittemberg — not that the last was of inconsiderable operation, for Luther's energy, as a preacher and professor, had excited a strong interest in his behalf, on the part both of the students and of the people. There were other circumstances, too, which tended to fortify Frederick against the intrigues of the church. The attachment of a scholar, so well known throughout Germany as Melancthon, seemed to bring over the cause of literature to Luther's side. kSeveral persons in Frederick's confidence had become patrons of the new doctrine : and it was not the character of the court of Saxony to forsake a resolution which it had once adopted.* In this age of civil and military contention, the independence of Europe appeared to be threatened * See Appendix V. YEAR 1518. 75 from the East. Selim I. son of Bajazet II. after subduing the nations in Asia adjacent to the Turkish empire, seemed determined to turn the tide of warfare towards Christendom, and to rival the ex- ploits of Alexander and Caesar.* The powerful influence of relii^ion was called forth to stimulate the Mussulmen to embark with alacrity in the prosecution of the war. The island of Rhodes and the kingdom of Hungary appeared the two vulne- rable points. Leo feared, or affected to fear, for the former, and Maximilian was seriously alarmed for the latter. Leo ordered public prayers to be offered up, and exhorted all Christian princes to suspend their animosities and fly to the succour of religion. He thought proper also to send to Germany, on a special mission, one of his con- fidential servants, cardinal Thomas deVio de Gaete, surnamed Cajetan.-j^ The Catholic writers repre- sent the formation of a leag^ue ag^ainst the Turks as the sole object of Cajctan's mission to the emperor, as well as of his appearance at the Diet of Augsburg in the capacity of pope's legate. There can, how- ever, be no doubt, that he had orders to accomplish a settlement of Luther's afl'air, and, if we may depend on the accuracy of the Reformer's con- jecture, Cajetan was commissioned also to obtain the tenths decreed by the Lateran council. :|: The unexpected death of 8eliin having put an end to the ostensible plea for the mission, and a grant of * Guicciard. L. xiii. f He was one of the thirty-one cardhials created by Leo in one morning in July 1517. Vit. Pontiff, p. l^, 21. \ Seckend. p. 42. 7<; THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the tenths being found impracticable, Cajetan's principal employment proved to relate to Luther. Cajetan was a man of address, and zealous for the support of the pope's authority ; but his temper was impatient, and he was particularly stimulated against Luther by the indignities offered to the Dominican Order of which he was a member. During the dis- cussion of the Turkish war in the Diet, Cajetan had, for the sake of example, gone the length of offering the revenue of the church for the purpose of repell- ing the infidels. A favourable impression was thus made on the emperor. Other acts were employed to gain over particular members of the Diet. The archbishop of Mentz, who already enjoyed the un- precedented favour of possessing two archbishopricks and to whom the sale of Lidulsences had been originally committed, was now promoted to the rank of cardinal. These manosuvres so far succeeded that the emperor, influenced, no doubt, by views of policy, was made to come forward as a declared enemy to the new doctrine. He wrote or rather signed a letter to the pope, in which he censured not only Luther's theses but his public discourses, and particularly specified that in regard to the two articles of Lidulgences and excommunication, his opinions were ^'heretical and damnable^ Referring to a very ancient decree of the ])ope's consistory, by which doctors are prohibited from disputing on any doctrine unless it be pronounced doubtful in the decretals, he declared, in direct terms, the pope's right to interpose his judgment. He next expressed his confidence that whatever decision might be given at Rome would be in conformity to truth. He YEAR 1518. 77 beseeched his Holiness, therefore, to put an end to the diffusion of such opinions, because even men in power had become patrons and defenders of Luther's errors. He concluded by promising to approve whatever the pope should determine, and to cause it to be observed throughout the empire. It requires but a slight examination of this letter to trace in its tone and substance the dictation of an ecclesiastic. Maximilian, a total stranger to theological discussions, is here made to handle them with the familiarity and decision of a practised con- troversialist, and to allude to the elector of Saxony with a want of deference completely at variance with his usual temper and conduct. This remarkable epistle was dated from Augsburg, 5th August, Leo, stimulated by the Dominicans and others, seemed now to exchange his inactivity towards Luther for promptitude and decision. Before re- ceiving Maximilian's letter, he had summoned Luther to appear within sixty days at Rome. This summons appears to have been presented to Luther on the 7 th of August, and could not fail to excite in him considerable alarm. Some intelligence of the machinations going forward at Augsburg had probably been communicated to him, but of their real extent, it is evident he was not aware. There was, however, little room to hesitate about the fate that would await at Rome whoever had been so daring as to oppose the views of the priesthood. Still less could he entertain a doubt of the decision that would take place in his own case, because the two persons whom Leo had constituted his judges, had already declared his theses heretical. These were his antagonists, Sylvester de Prierio and Jerome Jrs THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Ghiiiucci, bishop of" Ascoli and auditor of the apostoHc chamber.* In this situation, Luther de- termined to have recourse to the elector, through the medium of his cordial friend, Spalatin. Both being then at Augsburg, Luther lost no time in transmitting them the summons, and in proposing that Frederick should use his influence to procure the appointment of a commission to examine into his cause in some part of Germany. In the mean time his friends were a good deal at a loss for au excuse for his not repairing to Rome. This difliculty was solved, it appears, by a suggestion of his own, that it would be a suflicient apology " if the elector were to refuse a safe conduct, or to deny him per- mission to leave Wittemberg." The summons to Luther was followed, on the part of the court of Rome, by a dispatch to Cajetan, composed in a style sufficiently calculated to show the length to which the church would have been disposed to carry the punishment of Luther. He and iiis doctrines are described by very abusive epithets, and the act of publishing his opinions without consulting the church, the mistress of the faith, is termed rash, presumptuous, and licentious. The cardinal is then informed that orders had been given that Luther should first ap])ear before him at Augsburg, where he was to be kept in safe custody until matters should be arranged for presenting him before the apostolic cliair at Rome. If Luther should recant his opinions, Cajetan was empowered to receive him into the bosom of the church, but if * Ghinucci was afterwards nuncio at the court of Henry VIII. who made him bishop of Worcester, Paul III, created him a cardinal. Ciacon. Vit. Poiitif. p. 1505. YEAR 1518- 71* he continued obstinate, he and all his adherents were to be declared excommunicated and accursed. All civil and ecclesiastical authorities were enjoined, at the hazard of incurring the same penalty, to seize Luther and send him to Cajetan. This high tone, however, was assumed only in the letter to the pope's agent. A dispatch from the court of Rome to the elector of Saxony, written on the same day, is couched in terms so very different that one could hardly think they issued from the same quarter. Nothing is there said of imposing penalties on Frederick in the event of his refusing to assist in apprehending Luther — the high rank of the house of Saxony, the personal virtues of Frederick, the merits of his ancestors, above all, their zeal for the holy see, formed the leading topics of this polite communication. " Such a prince," added Leo, *' was not likely to constitute himself the protector of a heretic, who, in the vain hope of countenance from his sovereign, had let loose the reins of his pride." With that diplomatic art which so early characterised the court of Rome, no notice was taken of the elector's avowed interference in behalf of Luther, but an apj>earance of disbelieving all such reports was assumed, and a caution given to the elector to avoid any thing calculated to excite suspicions of that nature. Leo concluded by men- tioning that he had committed the affair to Cajetan, and by requesting Frederick to lend his aid to de- liver up Luther to him. From the ordinary motives of statesmen as well as from the personal character of Frederick, there is little doubt that his interest in Luther proceeded less from zeal than from policy. His conduct on the so THE LIFE OF LUTHER, present occasion has a tendency to confirm this opinion. Apprised of the serious intention of the court of Rome and too cautious to declare himself in opposition to her, Frederick steered a middle course. He urged to the pope the propriety of adopting less severe language, and of consenting to refer Luther's examination to a German tribunal. All this, however, was expressed in very moderate terms, and, after conversing with Cajetan, at Augsburg, Frederick, as we shall see presently, became dis- posed to go a step farther, and consented that Luther should appear before the legate. In concurrence with the other measures of the court of Rome against Luther, means were now adopted to render him obnoxious to his own Order. Xvhere Cajetan happened to be, and where a step was proposed which seemed at variance with the late conciliatory proceedings. Luther having in his conversation with Miltitz expressed no aversion to defend himself before the archbishop of Treves, tlie admission was laid hold of, and it was resolved to send for him to plead his cause in presence of the archbishop. This desire was communicated in a letter from the electorof Treves to Frederick, bearing date 3d Pvlay. Frederick was aware that no good could result from the pro- position, but, without giving it a negative, replied from Heldburg, one of his castles iji Franconia, that he would make the communication to Luther, and converse personally with the elector of Treves on the subject when they should meet at Frankfort. On the death of IVLiximilian, the electors took ur.aviimously the determination of offering the im- perial crown to Frederick. It had been the policy of their ancestors to avoid conferring this high rank C'culo mihi dntn, discessimus. E^o sic me gesst quasi has Itali' itUt:$ el siniulqtiqnes nqi} intelli^eran. Scckend. p. 63. YEAR 1519. 105 on a prince, who from the magnitude of his power in other respects might be dangerous to their hberties. This objection apphcd strongly to both competitors, Francis and Charles. On the other hand;, they saw in Frederick a prince who, without possessing too much power from his hereditary do- minions, was admirably calculated to administer the affairs of the empire. But Frederick knew too well the disquietudes of governing to be tempted by the dazzling offer. He absolutely declined it, and gave, as his principal reason, that the danger to the em-? pire from the side of Turkey, called for the nomi^ nation of a povvcrful prince. Charles, he added, had, as well from his German descent, as from being the hereditary sovereign of the countries most ex* posed to the Ottomans, the first claim in his opinion, to the suflfVages of the Diet. These arguments were decisive of the election in favour of Charles, which took place accordingly on the meeting of the electors at Frankfort, in the month of June. In regard to Luther, an understanding took place that his pro-r posed appearance before the elector of Treves should not be insisted on, but that his case should be taken into consideration at the first Diet held by the young emperor. The papal court took a very lively interest in the proceedings relative to the election of an emperor. To Charles they were strongly adverse, the power of that prince in Italy being already such, that, with the addition of the empire, it could not fail to bo subversive of the independence of the holy See. So long as there remained a hope of giving effect to the. expectations of Francis I., the pope spared no pains to court so powerful a member of the electoral coU 106 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, lege as Frederick. And even after that hope was gone, the weight of Frederick's poUtical influence rendered it desirable, to avoid giving him occasion of offence. Here, therefore, lay the secret of the forbearance displayed by the court of Rome in re- gard to Luther, who enjoyed, as they well knew, the good wishes of his prince. Luther meanwhile continued to discharge his duty as professor and preacher with his usual energy and success. Nor was he dilatory in ful- filling his promise to Miltitz of addressing a dutiful letter to the pope. He wrote it from Altenburg on 3d March, I519. Miltitz having demanded satis- faction for Luther's irreverence towards his Holiness, Luther declared himself exceedingly concerned at the charge, and maintained that his whole conduct had proceeded from a desire to defend the honour of the church. The wrath of Leo he could not bear, and yet knew not how to extricate himself from it. He was ready to recant as soon as his conviction should enable him, but his writings, in consequence chiefly of the opposition of his antagonists, had been very generally circulated and had made an impres- sion not easily effaced. Moreover, Germany abound- ing in well informed men, the true way for him to honour the church was to be very cautious how he recanted, or gave occasion of ecclesiastical scandal to the world. " It is those, most Holv Father, whom I have resisted, who have brought disrepute on the church. Under the shelter of your name, and through means of the coarsest pretexts, they have gratified a detestable avarice and put on the most revolting hypocrisy. Now they proceed to throw on me the blame of the mischief that has YEAR 1519. 107 happened, but I protest before God and man, that I never did, nor at present do wish to make any infringement on the power of the church or your Hohness, confessinp; in the fullest manner that nothing in heaven or earth is to be preferred to it, except the power of Christ Jesus, who is Lord of all." He then repeats his offer to observe silence on the subject of Indulgences, provided his oppo- nents would do the same ; that he would recom- mend it to the common people to reverence the church ; that he was anxious that discord should cease ; and was ready to pursue any course by which these desirable thinfrs could be accom- plished.* This letter, like Luther's communication to Ca- jetan, has exposed him to the charge of great hypocrisy from his opponents. When considered, however, along with the prejudices under which he was educated and continued to labour, we can have very little doubt that it was expressive of his real sentiments. As yet he was far from declaring himself an enemy to the general measures of the court of Rome, because his state of knowledge, with which his resolutions never failed to keep pace, was not sufficiently advanced for the adoption of such a determination. There can be very little doubt that, wavering as he was, he inclined to the hope of a reconciliation with the church. His own opinions were by no means fixed ; his studies were only in progress, and his inconsistencies are in a great measure to be accounted for by a very con- spicuous feature in his character — the habit of com- * Luth. i. 235. Sleid. L. i. Seckend. p. 65. 108 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mitting without hesitation to writing the impres- sions of the moment. By way of counteracting any intemperance in his former pubHcations, he now printed in German, and in a cheap form for general circulation, a religious treatise, discussing, with a very gentle hand, the contested points of the intercession of saints, purgatory, church censures, and the efficacy of good works. Yet, at the same time, it appears from his correspondence with Spa- latin, that he was beginning to become seriously doubtful of the title of the see of Rome to the res- pect of the Christian world.* It was in the beginning of this year, that the bishop of Brandenburg, Luther's diocesan, devi- ated from the passive course which he had hitherto held in regard to the Reformer's aft'airs. He called Luther before him, and expatiated at great length on his rashness in engaging in so arduous an enter- prise. But Luther was too resolute to be deterred from his purpose, either by the admonition of men of rank or by a calculation of the consequences to himself. Nor was there wanting intelligence of a different nature to animate him in his course. He was informed about this time by the celebrated printer John Frobenius of Bazil, that liis writings were read and approved of at Paris even by the doctors of the Sorbonnc ; that the whole edition which he had printed was dispersed in Italy, Spain, and elsewhere, and had received the general a])pro- bation of the learned. IntcHigencc equally agree- able was communicated to the elector of Saxony, a short time afterj in a letter from Erasmus at Ant- * Seckend. p. TO. YEAR 1513. 103 werp : " I perceive," he said, " that Luther's books are most eagerly read by all the best judges of this place." * Frederick's answer to Erasmus bore ho- nourable testimony to the Reformer, and showed how acceptable he accounted such communications. Not long after, Erasmus gave Luther an equally favourable testimony in regard to the sentiments of our countrymen : " Your writings," he said, " have warm admirers in England, and among persons too of the highest rank." t — Important communications these, and proceeding from a highly respected quarter; but the sequel will shew that the eventual conduct of this distinguished scholar, in regard to the Re- formation, little corresponded with his favourable disposition at its outset. Meanwhile the body of the clergy, regular as well as secular, began to employ their influence in checking the progress of Luther's doctrine. The Franciscan Minorites held a convention at Interbok, and, without considering their own incompetency, proceeded to take Luther's writings under con- sideration. Their rooted antipathy to the Augusti- niaiis gave a spur to their researches for the detection of heresy in a member of that body. They ventured to enumerate fifteen specific points containing the principal topics in which Luther differed from the church of Rome, along with some others more nearly relating to themselves, the Reformer having boldly asserted that the claim of the Bohemians to the title of Christians was superior to that of the * " Certe hie video libros Lutheri ab optimis quibusque cupi- dissime legi." Luth. i. 237. f " Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis scripti* optime eentiunt, et iunt hi maximi." no THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Minorites. They submitted the grievous catalogue to the bishop of Brandenburg, in the confident ex- pectation that it would lead to an interdiction of any farther circulation of such obnoxious senti- ments. But Luther had encountered more formida- ble enemies than the Minorites or his diocesan, and retorted on the former in a style which they little expected. Referring to tlieir acknowledged defici- ency in learning, he expressed surprise at their presumption in attempting to decide on what they did not understand. He called on them to apo- logize for their /ashness and to restore to him his good name, without which he was determined to publish their " scrawl," and subjoin a confutation in which their ignorance should be exposed to the world. After briefly refuting tlieir positions, he concluded by ofi'ering them the choice of ])eace or war. The result was, that the Minorites undertook no farther hostilities with this unsparing adversary. The public attention was next called to a dis- putation more worthy of the Reformer's cause. Among the numerous converts to his doctrine, he now reckoned the archdeacon of the church of All Saints at Wittemberg. The name of this zealous advocate was Bodenstein, but with the affectation common among the literati of the age, he assumed the adjunct of Carolostadius, derived from Caro- lostad in Franconia, the place of his birth. He was older than Luther, having jiresided as dean when the latter received his doctor's degree in 1512.* He had already published a pamphlet in opposition to Eckius, who lost no time in rejoining. * Seckend. p. 72. YEAR 1519. Ill Carolostad again took up the pen, but both parties soon became eager to relinquish this indecisive mode of warfare for a more conspicuous exhibition by pubhc disputation. The city of Leipsic was chosen as the place of meeting, and thither each party repaired with their friends on the appointed day, 27th June. Luther was now persuaded to de- viate from his former humility, and no longer entered the scene of discussion alone and on foot. His cause had grown in importance, and his friends had multiplied. It was determined therefore that their entrance into Leipsic should be n)ade with con- siderable 6clat. Carolostad led the procession, seated alone in a chariot; Bernim, prince of Pome- rania, a student at the university of Wittemberg and its honorary rector, followed, accompanied by Luther and Melancthon ; while a number of the stu- dents, zealous in Luther's cause, and wearing armour, according to the fashion of the day, brought up the rear. An unlucky accident to Carol ostad's carriage, the breaking of a wheel as he passed 8t. Paul's church, aflorded matter of ex- ultation to his superstitious opponents. The disputa- tion was conducted in the presence of George, duke of Saxony, who, however, took occasion to with- draw at what he thought a fit opportunity of ihrowino; odium on Luther's cause. There were present, likewise, the members of the duke's council, the magistrates of Leipsic, the doctors and bachelors of the university, along with a number of persons from the city and adjacent country, among whom the theses had been dispersed. The greatest formality was abserved. Scribes were ap- pointed to take notes of the debate, and the intro- 112 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ductory oration was delivered by a literary man, named Mosclanus, who afterwards gave an account of the disputation. Eckius, though hardly thirty years of age, had acquired fame by his disputations in no fewer than eio'ht universities. Carolostad was less accustomed to rapidity of debate, but amply provided with notes and references to authorities. He had brought along with him a carriage loaded with books, and referred, during the disputation, to one volume after the otlier with indefatigable perseverance. The subjects, however, were unprofitable, the ab- struse doctrine of the freedom of the will being the principal point of debate and involving the dis- putants in the endless subtleties of the schoolmen. A whole week was lost in tliesc incomprehensible arguments, and Mclancthon, who v.as a hearer, declared that it first gave him a practical demon- stration of what the ancients understood by '• so- phistry." Carolostad excited respect both by his zeal and erudition, but his antagonist v,as superior in ease of elocution. Eckius maintained that he had brought over his opponent to his sentiments ; for that Carolostad believed in the same doctrine, though he rejected the authority of the Scotists and Thomists. The fact was that Eckius was tired of the debate with Carolostad and eager to enter the lists, with a more conspicuous antagonist. " Before the disputation had begun at all, he came up to me," says Luther, '' with a familiar air, and said, that he had heard that I declined to come forward as a debater." To this, I answered, " How can I take a share in the debate, since I am unable to procure a pro- tection from duke George ? He has permitted me YEAR 15iy. 113 to enter Leipsic as a spectator only." On this, Eckius said, " It was on your account I came hither ; if I am not permitted to argue with you, I will not with Carolostad. If I succeed in obtain- ing a protection for you, will you then dispute with me ?" I made answer, " Procure it and I wilj." Eckius on this withdrew and obtained the desired protection." * The contest between these distinguished com- batants began on 4th July at an early hour. Luther had published thirteen propositions to be defended by him, and Eckius had published thirteen others in direct opposition. These related chiefly to the doc- trine of Indulgences, of repentance, of purgatory, but, above all, to the pope's prerogative, as supreme head of the church. The last was selected to begin the debate, on account either of its superior in- terest, or, as has been suspected, through the art of Eckius, who aimed at gaining favour by vindicating the claims of the pontiff^ — in this the point of all others dearest to Romish prejudice. It had the effect likewise of placing Luther on very delicate ground. Both parties acknowledged the pope as universal bishop, but on what foundation ? Eckius affirmed that he derived his rank from divine authority : Luther boldly advanced that it arose only from human institutions. Eckius was very sententious in argument, and appealed to the authority of the Fathers : Luther here found him- self at home, subjected the passages quoted to a rigid scrutiny, and maintained that they were too vague to establish the question of divine right. -* Luth.Praef. I 114 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Five days were devoted to this part of the contro- versy, and the disputants continuing as wide of each other as at the outset, it was mutually agreed to quit the subject and discuss the doctrine of pur- gatory. The defence of Indulgences, the primary source of all this warfare, was now abandoned and ridiculed even by Eckius. Finally the doctrine of i-epentance was agitated and the disputation ended on the 1 5th July. The best account of this celebrated debate is given by Melancthon. Tlie disputants, he says, were often apt to fall into extraneous discussion, but were entitled, on the whole, to great praise. Caro- lostad was distinguished by ardour and perse- verance ; Eckius by the variety and prompt appli- ■cation of his arguments ; while Luther gave equal proofs of vivacity, learning, and zeal. When the disputation was concluded, John Langius of Lcm- berg delivered an oration, ascribing considerable merit to Luther and Carolostad, but discovering an evident partiality to Eckius. It was necessary that a decision on the subjects in dispute should be given by some competent authority, and a reference was made by common consent to the universities of Paris and Erfurt, Luther taking the precaution to reserve an ultimate appeal to a general council. The members of the university of Leipsic had seen too much of the interest taken by their students in Luther s cause, to venture on giving a decision. The young men had listened to him with eager attention, and many of them now left their seminary and repaired to Wittemberg.* • Seekend. p. 92. See Appendix W, YEAR 1519. 115 Whatever moderation Eckius discovered in tlie course of the disputation, appears to have forsaken iiim immediately after it. Whether disappointed at the indecisive issue of the dehate, or irritated by Luther's vehemence, he wrote, so early as the 23d July, to the elector Frederick, insisting that Lu- ther's books should be burned. Fresh fuel was added to his flame, a few days after, by the dis- covery, some how or other, of the contents of a letter from Melancthon to Ocolampadius, which des- cribed the disputation, without allowing Eckius the share of praise to which he thought himself en- titled. This brought forth an angry letter from the impatient disputant to Melancthon, whom he treated as a mere grammarian, unfit to form an opinion on a theological point. Melancthon returned an answer, which, along with the various pieces relative to this disputation, is inserted in Luther's works. To the intemperate letter addressed to the elector Frederick, that prince, with his usual caution, re- turned a civil but general answer. Eckius now lost all patience, and, in a subsequent letter, poured a torrent of abuse on the character and doctrines of Luther. The Reformer retaliated with his accus- tomed spirit, alleging, in exulting language, that Eckius had been found inferior in argument to Carolostad. Nothing however was more mortifying to Eckius than a satirical pamphlet printed under the humble title of an " Answer by the unlearned Lutheran Canons."* It was published anonymously, but was afterwards acknowledged by Ocolampadius. * " Responsio Indoctorum Canonicorum Luthcranorum." I 2 116 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, At the same time the professor of canon law at Leipsicj whose name was Jerome Emser, took up the pen against Luther, and assailed him with much asperity. The Reformer lost no time in giving a reply and in retorting his adversary's in- vective with redoubled vehemence. It remains to mention the opinions pronounced on these subjects by the universities. Cologne and Louvain, being entirely subservient to the court of Rome, decided against Luther in the course of a few months. But the Parisian doctors gave no opinion till 1521; when, without taking notice of the Leipsic disputation, they extracted some theses from Luther's books and passed a formal censure on them.* The effect of this celebrated disputation was to widen greatly the breach between the church and Luther, and to give an additional range to the flame of his opposition. The bishop of Mersburg, apprehending this result, had endeavoured to pre- vent the disputation, and had affixed an interdict of it on the doors of the church where it was to take place. But duke George, confident of the success of his Catholic champion, made the senate order the paper to be torn down and the man who had affixed it to be put in prison. It was in a similar expectation of victory to Eckius, that duke George relaxed so far from his original intention as to let Luther come forward as a disputant. The churches of the city, however, were shut against the Re- former as a preacher, and it was with much dif- * Luth. ii. 36, 37. Seckend. p. 93. YEAR 1519. U? nculty that Bernim, prince of Pottierania,^ got leave for Luther to do duty before a Hmited audience in the castle. Luther gladly ascended the pulpit and the discourse which he delivered bore the marks of his usual animation. Instead of accom- modating himself to the feelings of duke George and his court, he enlarged, with great energy, on his own favourite doctrines, and gave unpardonable offence to the bis^ots around him. He has inserted an abstract of this sermon in his works,* and it is to it, along with the doubts which he ventured to express of the justice of the decrees against Huss by the council of Constance, that lie in a great measure ascribes his final rupture with the pope. His diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg, now lost all hope of reclaiming him to the church, and duke George was mortified beyond measure at the failure of a disputation from which he and Eckius had expected so much. The duke was a weak man and easily blinded by those about him. He had no turn for free inquiry or even for scholastic eru- dition. The long disputation about the pope had completely tired him, and he broke it oft' by a re- mark which, in his opinion, was quite conclusiv^e, " Be his right divine, or be it human, he is still pope of Rome." Luther had now leisure for farther publications, and printed, in September this year, his commentary on the epistle to the Galatians. It is said to have been prepared for the press from notes taken by • Vol. i. p. 292. 118 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the hearers of his discourses on that epistle. When shown to Luther, he was struck with their accu- racy and consented to their publication. In this work he continued to speak respectfully of the pope, though in the succeeding editions he changed his tone. None of St. Paul's epistles require more patient examination than that to the Galatians. The ambiguity and frequent recurrence of the word " law " and the allegory in the fourth chapter, have a considerable tendency to perplex the inquirer. In those days hardly any thing like rational criti- cism had been applied to the sacred canon, and the reader, who expects in Luther's commentary a critical exposition of the epistles, cannot fail to be disappointed. The Reformer, at all times too eager to arrive at a conclusion, wrote this work with a view to the refutation of certain tenets of the Catholics, so that after an illustration of the doc- trine of justification by faith, we find him chiefly occupied with exposing the ignorance and unprin- cipled habits of the ecclesiastics. Its store of practical remark has given it a kind of permanent popularity, and Luther himself, when living after- wards in the greatest conjugal happiness, looked back \vith predilection to this early eflbrt, and used to say of it, in reference to his wiie's name, Eplstola ad Galatas est mea Epistola, cut me ■despondi; est mea Catharina de Bora.* Amidst all his avocations Luther found leisure to write a little work for the comfort of the sick, which he entitled " Tessaradeca Cousolaturia pro laborantibus ct oiieratisr The immediate occasion * Seckend. p, 134.. 139, YEAR 1519. 119 of its composition was an indisposition of the elector Frederick. It is a curious production, and contains evidence of that contemplative turn of mind which was all alonj^ conspicuous in Luther. To bring relief to the mind of his patron, he ex- hibits a picture of the situation of mankind as it is affected by the unpleasant circumstances inherent in ou'r present depraved state. He next takes a compre- hensive survey of the various evils attendant on our condition, dividing them rather whimsically, into those which are " future or before us ; past or behind us ; above or below us ;" and finally " on our right and loft." In the latter part of the treatise, he endeavours to supply antidotes for this long catalogue of misfortunes. The work contains a number of ingenious observations, mixed, it must be confessed, with remarks indicative of Luther's peculiarities and ardour. A very compe- tent judge, (Erasmus,) makes an explicit acknow- ledgment of its piety and merit.* It was towards the end of this year that Luther began to express without reserve his dissent from the church of Rome on the subject of the sacra- ment. His ideas on this head were never very clear ; and were productive, as we shall find in the sequel, of disputes between him and other eminent reformers. He, as well as the followers of the church of Rome, were no doubt misled by the words of the institution, which they took in a literal instead of a figurative sense. Luther saw, in j)art, the fallacy of the Catholic doctrine, but he went * In the year 1523 Erasmus wrote, in regard to this treatise : " Mitto libellum qui magnopere probatus est." 120 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, no farther than to supply its place by the theory of " consubstantiation," which is still less consistent than the kindred notion of " transubstantiation." This vision he had adopted at an early period of life, and adhered pertinaciously to it throughout his career. His predilection to this theory, must, l;ke that of the Romanists to theirs, be ascribed in great measure to the attachment so frequently ap- parent in the mind to what it does not understand. Luther had very little assistance in his studies, and the age in which he lived was not sufficiently im- pressed with the simplicity of the real doctrines of the Gospel to regard the bread and wine in the com- munion as plain bread and plain wine. The church of Rome, desirous to exalt the priesthood above the laity, affected to consider the former as mem- bers of a distinct society. Accordingly in their sacrament the wine is not distributed to the laity, and the boldness of the Bohemian schismatics in deviating completely from this distinction, appeared to Luther to be going a step too far. This and some other unlucky differences lessened consider- ably the connection between him and that perse- cuted people ; and his work on the Galatians, which we have just mentioned, contains abundant proof of his hostility to this part of their tenets. At the close of this year (27th December) the ejlector Frederick received from his cousin, duke George, a letter intreating him to discourage and oppose Luther. Matters were however now so far altered that the title of Doctor ct vir celeberrimus was granted to Luther even by an enemy. The duHe enlarged on Luther's presumption in always VEAR 1519. 12k printing his discourses, as if no one were capable of instructing mankind but himself. Desirous of connecting Luther with the odious names of Huss and Jerome, the duke warned his cousin lest Luther, from being professor of divinity at Wit- temberg, should become heresiarch of Prague. More than six thousand persons in Bohemia had, he understood, received the communion in both elements after tlie publication of Luther's sermon on the sacrament. The elector returned an imme- diate answer to the duke's letter, and stated that he never had and never intended to constitute himself the defender of what Luther had published ; that he studiously avoided taking any part in the con- troversy, and accordingly did not pretend to form a judgment on the publication on the sacrament which had called forth his cousin's letter. He made, however, the important addition that he had heard it praised by several persons whom he deemed competent judges and good Christians — a pretty significant declaration of his determination to protect the Reformer. Luther's occupations had now increased so much that we find him, in his letters to Spalatin, com- plaining greatly of their multiplicity. In addition to his routine of duty as an Augustinian, and to his labour in teaching, his correspondence was wonder- fully extended, and the demand on his conver- sation, by friend and stranger, formed a very serious tax on his time. It was in the course of this year that Tetzel died. Jeaving a memory equally odious to both parties. J22 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER M. YEAR 1520. X HE year 1520 was no less remarkable than the preceding for a display of Luther's activity. Scarcely was it begun when he published in German a pam- phlet on the sacrament. About the same time he ventured to address a letter, in defence of the new doctrine, to the young emperor Charles V. That prince was under great obligations to Frederick, and Luther, who, like others, was as yet a stranger to his cold, calculating character, entertained hopes that the impulse of gratitude might render him to- lerant, if not favourable, to the reformed cause. He makes in this letter a declaration to the follow- ing effect. " The violent publications which have taken place are to be ascribed to the intemperance of my enemies. My object has been to circulate nothing but evangelical truth in opposition to traditionarv superstitions. I have called, but in vain, on my adversaries to point out in what respect my opinions are erroneous. I now find it necessary, after the example of Athanasius, to invoke the protection of the Lnperial majesty, but I desire it no longer than until my arguments have received a fair hearing, after which I shall either conquer or be conquered." A few days after, Luther gave to the world, in the YEAR 1520. H3 shape of a protestation, or open declaration of his tenets, a repetition of what he had written to the emperor. This was speedily followed by a letter, dated February 4, and addressed to Albert, archbi- shop of Mentz. It was expressed in terms equally respectful and submissive as the letter to the em- peror; but, being directed to an ecclesiastic, it con- tained a fuller statement of the theological discus- sion. Imputing the hostility displayed against him, in a great measure, to persons who had never read his writings, Luther entreated the archbishop to take the trouble of perusing them. The prelate's reply was expressed in a style of greater attention than might have been expected from a personage so completely devoted to the court of Rome. It was addressed " Honorabili et religioso nobis in Christo dilecto, Martiim Luthcro, Theologize Professorir*^ The sequel, short as it was, bore the mark of coming from a practised politician. The archbishop avoided any discussion of Luther's works, by declaring that he had not had leisure to peruse them ; and accordingly would not attempt to censure them, but leave that to his superiors who had already un- dertaken the task. He inculcated strongly the pro- priety of moderation, and, whilst he saw no harm in learned men indulging in speculations on contro- verted points, he conceived that such discussions might be injurious to the multitude. Luther's object in these letters was to show that his sentiments were less violent than report had stated them. On the day of writing to the archbi- * Luth, ii. 46. 124 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, shop of Mentz, he addressed the bishop of Mers- burg on the same subject, but in a style of greater freedom. The reply likewise contained a much more direct reproof than had been administered to him by the archbishop of Mentz. He paid Lutlier, hoAvever, the compliment of styling him " venerable brother," and promised to give his observations at more length when they should happen to meet. The caution shown by both prelates sufficiently in- dicates that Luther's cause had acquired too much popularity to make open contradiction advisable. We now return to Miltitz, who had, in the be- ginning of the preceding year, made a favourable outset in the negociation with Luther. Since then he had had the mortification of seeing his measures arrested in their progiess by the impatience of others, and Luther rendered much less tractable by the po- pularity of his publications. Miltitz, however, was still desirous of doing all he could to prev-ent matters from going farther wrong.* But it was an arduous task to give a satisfactory direction to so many indi- viduals opposite in temper and actuated by contrary motives. The letters of Miltitz are still extant in the library of Saxe-Gotha, and, if they create no favourable impression of his candour, they show that the temperate conduct which he desired to pursue was much more likely to prove successful than that which was adopted by others. f After various conferences of less importance, Mil- titz determined to make a vigorous effort to prevail * See Appendix X. ■f Seckendorft' has preserved them and has inserted their sub- stance in pp. 98, 99, of his work. YEAR 1520. 125 on Luther to express by letter his esteem for the pope, and beseech his Holiness to interfere according to his wonted goodness. With this view he pre- vailed on the Augustinians to send a deputation to Luther with a request to that effect. Luther pro- mised to comply and to prefix the desired letter to his next publication. This produced the famous address to the pope published along with his treatise on " Christian Liberty." It is so remarkable as to have a claim on the particular attention of all who analyze the progressive changes in the Reformer's conduct. Its chief object appears to have been an exemption of the pope personally from the^eharges made by Luther against the church of Rome. Such, no doubt, was the desire of Miltitz and the Augus- tinians, and such, it is probable, was Luther's in- tention in beginning to write the letter. But he seems to have become so warmed with his subject, as to devote himself much more keenly to the accu- sation of the church than to the vindication of its head. His letter is in substance as follows. " It is impossible for me to be unmindful of your Holiness, since my sentiments concerning the papal office are held forth every where as the chief cause of continuing the contest. By means of the impi- ous flatterers of your Holiness, who, without cause, are full of wrath against me, I have been compelled to>appeal from the See of Rome to a general Council. But my affection for your Holiness has never been alienated, though I begin to despise and to triumph over those who have sought to terrify me by the majesty of your authority. One thing, however, I cannot despise, and that is the cause of my writing 126 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, this letter ; I mean the blame thrown on me for re- flecting on your Holiness personally." To this charge he gives an explicit contradiction, and panegyrizes Leo strongly, comparing him to Daniel in Babylon and to Ezekiel among scorpions. " I have," he adds, " inveighed sharply against un- christian doctrines, and reproved my adversaries se- verely, not for rudeness but for impiety. So far from being ashamed of this, my purpose is to de- spise the judgment of men and to persevere in this vehemence of zeal after the example of Christ, who called his opponents a generation of vi])ers, blind hypocrites, and children of the devil. The multi- tude of flatterers has rendered the ears of our age so delicate that as soon as we find that our sentiments are not approved, we immediately exclaim that we are slandered ; and, when we find ourselves unable to resist truth, we accuse our adversaries of detrac- tion, impatience, and impudence. But let me ask, of what use would salt be if it were not pungent ? or the point of a sword if it did not wound ? Cursed is the man who doth the work of the Lord deceit- fully." After assuring the pontiff that he never harboured any malice against him, and that he would yield in any thing cxce])t the word of truth, which he would neither desert nor den}^, he adds, in emphatic lan- guage, *' I have resisted and shall continue to resist what is called the court of Rome as long as the spirit of faith shall live in me. Neither your Holiness nor any one will deny that it is more corrupt than Ba- bylon or Sodom, and sunk, as far as I understand, YEAR 1520. 127 in the most deplorable, desperate, and avowed im- piety. I lament that under the sanction of your name and under pretext of the good of the church, the people of Christ should be made a laughing stock. Not that I attempt impossibilities, or expect that the endeavours of an individual can accomplish any thing in opposition to so many flatterers in that Babylon replete with confusion. But I consider myself as a debtor to my fellow men, for whose welfare it behoves me to be solicitous, so that those pests of Rome may destroy a smaller number and in a more humane manner. During many years nothing has been poured on the world but monsters both in body and mind, along with the worst ex- amples of all worst actions. It is clear as day that the church of Rome, in former ages the most holy of churches, has now become a den of robbers, a scene of prostitution, the kingdom of sin, death, and hell, so that greater 'wickedness is not to be con- ceived even under Antichrist himself. Your Holi- ness sitteth like a lamb in the midst of wolves. What opposition is it possible that you, with your very learned and excellent cardinals, can make to such monsters ?" After this extraordinary description, Luther pro- ceeded to relate his successive transactions with Cajetan, Eckius, and Miltitz. lie entreated Leo to exert his authority in checking those flatterers who were the enemies of peace, and declared that the attempt to make him recant could not fail to in- crease the present confusion, for he would never consent that any one should lay down a law for the interpretation of the word of God. " On the two 128 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, conditions of not requiring me to recant, and of per- mitting me to interpret Scripture according to my own judgment, I am willing to do or to suffer any- thing ; I wish to provoke no one ; neither do I wish to receive provocation ; but if provocation be given me, since Christ is my master, I will not be silent."* A letter expressed in this unexampled style could not fail to give the highest oifence at Rome. That offence was little alleviated by Luther's distinction between the pope personally and those who sur- rounded him. For many ages no other language had been addressed to Rome but that of the most profound respect. Examples had occurred of indi- vidual ecclesiastics becoming refractory, but they were soon crushed by the powerful arm of the church. While the greatest princes were in the habit of observing the most respectful tone in their communications with the holy See, such licence on the 2}art of an individual was not likely to be par- doned. Here, instead of a recantation, was a repe- tition and re-assertion of all that had already been declared most offensive. No wonder, therefore, that even the more moderate members of the Romish communion should look on this letter as a mockery of the pontiff. To an unprejudiced reader, it is chiefly remarkable as presenting a curious example of Luther's disregard of the customary rules of civi- lity, and an evidence of the all-powerful influence of truth on his mind. This and this alone appears to have actuated him, and to have prompted him to * Luth. L. ii. 1. et seq. Sleid. L. ii. YEAR 1520. 129 go to lengfths which every consideration of interest, and even of safety, would have forbidden. It is not a little extraordinary that Miltitz should have consented to transmit such a letter to Rome. On the accompanying treatise on " Christian Li- berty," Luther remarks to the pope : '^ This small tract published under your name, as an omen of ap- proaching harmony, I send you by way of specimen of the kind of study in which I would by preference employ my time, were I left in quiet by those pro- fane flatterers of yours." The essay is divided into two parts, the first containing an illustration of the proposition, that the " Christian is the most free lord of all, subject to none ;" and the second, " that he is the most ready to oblige all and subject to all." Nothing in the work has a relation to civil liberty ; it is strictly a description of the privileges annexed, in Luther's opinion, to the station of a Christian, and of the practical effects which these privileges naturally and necessarily produce. It may be fit to mention that there is a remarkable coincidence be- tween this little tract and the writings of the English puritanical divines.* It is now time to relate the hostile measures which Luther's undaunted perseverance drew on him on the part of the church of Rome. It was matter of surprise that they should have been so long delayed, but Leo, though without just pretensions to the virtues ascribed to him, was not of a hasty temper, and was, as has been already mentioned, afraid of offending Frederick. At last, however, the solici- * See Appendix Y. K 130 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, tations for the adoption of a decisive step came from so many quarters, and Luther himself discovered such bold pertinacity in issuing one hostile publica- tion after another, that Leo felt it necessary to alter his course. The Dominicans, and particularly Eckius^ were active in accelerating this determina- tion. The language of Eckius was wonderfully changed from the time when he invited Carolostad and Luther to that disputation which he expected would be to him a scene of triumph. In writing to the former on that occasion, he had called Luther their '^ mutual friend ;" but from the date of their vehement contest, he became his inveterate enemy. On Luther's part the animosity was equally strong, for in writing to a friend about Eckius, he exclaimed, " Totus infidus est, et aperterupit amicituejui^a.'"* Leo's first act was to appoint a congregation or assembly of cardinals, prelates, theologians, and canonists, to whom he remitted the whole manage- ment of Luther's affair. All were agreed on the necessity of directing the thunder of the Vatican against the new heresy ; but the peculiar feelings of the different classes composing the assembly led to violent disputes in regard to the mode of proceeding. The theologians proposed to lose no time in denounc- ing Luther's doctrines, the impiety of which, they said, was glaring, and acknowledged to the world : the canonists, on the other hand, maintained that no notoriety of crime could deprive any one of the inherent right of being heard in his defence. After long debates it was agreed to divide the cause into * Seckend. p. 93- YEAR 1520. 131 three parts ; the doctrine, the books, and the per- son. The doctrine, it was determined, should be condemned, the books burned at a time to be fixed, and Luther summoned to appear after a suitable in- tei*val. The composition of the bull gave rise to almost as much debate as the preliminary discussions. The members of the conclave rivalled each other in ex- pressing abhorrence of the new doctrine and attach- ment to the holy See. Cajetan, though in bad health, made himself be carried into the consistory, and a bitter contention arose between Peter Accolti, cardinal of Ancona, and Laurent Pucci, cardinal datary,* about the honour of composing the mani- festo against Luther. Each had prepared a draught, and was eager for the preference. Nothing less than the pontiff's authority could settle this competition, and the draught of Accolti, after undergoing several emendations, was preferred. The bull at last came out on June 15, and set forth the papal pretensions in the loftiest tone. After affirming that the Imperial crown had been trans- ferred by the papal See from the Greeks to the Ger- mans, it claims a power not only of inflicting eccle- siastical punishments, but of depriving refractory persons of their property and civil privileges. The extravagant bulls of Pius IL and Julius II. which declared it heresy to appeal from the pope to a Coun- cil, are cited and made a ground for Luther's con- * The datary is an high officer in the Roman chancery, through whose hands most of the appointments to the vacant benefices pass. This was the same Pucci who advised Leo to have recourse to the sale of Indulgences. K 2 132 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ^emnation. He is compared to Porphyry, the no- torious enemy of Christianity, and is spoken of as the reviver of the Greek and Bohemian schisms. Forty-one heresies are selected from his works and condemned as " pernicious, scandalous, and pesti- lential." Luther, and all who may favour his opi- nions, are made the object of the most violent de- nunciations. They are incapacitated from perform- ing any legal act, and declared guilty of high trea- son, infamous and unworthy of Christian burial. Luther is reproached for obstinately disregarding the admonitions and kindness of the pope; and that all remembrance of him may be obliterated from the society of the faithful, no one is to presume to read, preach, or publish his works. Such as are written are to be condemned to the flames, and such as he may hereafter write are to be received with the greatest suspicion. He is ordered to appear at Rome within sixty days to take his trial, and in case he should not obey the summons, the civil and eccle- siastical powers are commanded to seize him and his adherertts and send them to Rome. Here, at length, was the edict so long delayed from dread of the elector Frederick. The next point was to communicate it to that prince in the least offensive manner. With this view, the papal court deter- mined to avail itself of the following circumstance, although apparently ill calculated to forward conci- liation. One of the elector's agents, named Valentin Tcutleben, being employed to transact some busi- ness for him at Rome, experienced a degree of re- luctance on the part of the pope, which, as he wrote to his master, was to be ascribed to the circumstance YEAR 1520. 133 of his defending Luther. Frederick lost no time in replying to his agent, and denied ^' that he had ever undertaken the defence of Luther's opinions, Luther being prepared to defend them himself before equi- table judges, and ready, if refuted from Scripture, to recant. Luther," he added, " had offered to leave Saxony, and would have done so before that time, had not Miltitz interceded that he might not be sent aw^ay, lest he should go where he could write and act with greater freedom. To attempt the forcible suppression of Luther's opinions, or to cut him off by the exertion of ecclesiastical power, would be imprudent and dangerous. Measures of that descrip- tion were not fit in the improved state of public knowledge, nor was the strong hold which the Lu- theran doctrine had taken in Germany, to be set aside by any thing else than sound argument." This letter was communicated to the pope's mi- nister, and gave occasion to an immediate address to Frederick. With the ordinary art of the court of Rome, their dispatch proceeded on the assumption that Frederick was, in his heart, an enemy to Luther. It was written in Leo's name, and was in substance as follows : " I experience great satisfaction on learning that you have no connection with Luther, who is altoge- ther impious. I have on former occasions uniformly entertained a high opinion of your virtue, and your conduct at present fully confirms it. Luther has been introduced into the world, not by Christ but by Satan, that he might revive the heresies ofWick- liffe, Huss, and the Bohemians ; and that, by false interpretations of Scripture, he might give occasion 134 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, of sinning to the simple. There is danger lest he should set continence at defiance, do away confes- sion and penitence, favour the infidels by impure speeches, overturn the discipline of the church, and confound all things, sacred and profane. To such a pitch of pride and madness has Luther proceeded, that he despises the authority of Councils and of the holy See, preferring audaciously his own opinion to that of all others. In avoidino- intercourse with such a pest, your Highness has acted a part worthy of your ancestors : and I give thanks to God for en- dowing you with such a disposition. Hitherto I have borne with Luther's forwardness and rashness, in the hope that he would return to his right mind. But now, seeing that he profiteth nothing by admo- nition and gentleness, I have been compelled to ap- ply a violent remedy, lest he should corrupt many by the contagion of his example. Having therefore called a Council, and deeply weighed the question, it has been decreed by direction of the Holy Spirit, which on these occasions is never absent from the holy See,* to issue a bull in condemnation of Lu- ther's heresy. Of that instrument a copy is here- with transmitted you." The alarm which these hostile measures might have excited in Luther was opportunely counteracted by a very satisfactory testimony of attachment in a different quarter. Shortly before the publication of the bull, two German noblemen, Sylvester von * " Convocato concilio, re multum agitata atque discussa, tandem praeeunte Spiritu Sancto, qui in hujusmodi causis huic ganctaesedi nunquam abfuit," d-c. Luth. ii. 50. YEAR 1520. 135 Schaumburg, and Francis Seckingen, came forward and wrote to him with offers of protection against all personal hazard. The letter of the former, in particular, deserves to be recorded : " I understand," he said, " from several learned men, that your doctrine is founded on the Scrip- tures ; and that although you have offered to submit it to the decision of a general Council and to the judgment of pious and well informed men, you have reason to apprehend personal danger. You propose therefore to seek a refuge among the Bohemians. That plan I would earnestly entreat you to abandon, lest the nature of the connection should have the consequence of rendering your cause suspected and odious. I offer you my own protection and that of one hundred noblemen in Franconia, with whom you can live in safety until your doctrine has under-^ gone a deliberate investigation."* So clear a testimony of approbation could not fail to be highly acceptable to Luther, and we accord- ingly find him writing to his friend Spalatin (July 10), that " his expulsion from Wittemberg would only make the state of things worse, for not only in Bohemia, but in the very heart of Germany, there were persons both able and willing to defend him. Nor was it doubtful that, under their protection, he could animadvert on the papacy with more severity than when he held the responsible office of a public teacher under the elector of Saxony. He had long been doubtful how far Frederick would find it expe- dient to continue his protection, a consideration * Seckend. p. 111. 13<3 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, which, joined to a regard for the interests of the university of Wittemberg, had hitherto prevented him from going so far as he otherwise would. But now, were Frederick even obhged to withdraw his protection, the support of others would enable him to proceed in his career." " The die," he adds, " is cast, and I despise equally the fury and favour of Rome. — Never will I be reconciled or connected Vi^ith them. Let them condemn and burn my books. — I, in my turn, so long as I can procure fire, will condemn and burn publickly the whole pontifical code." It appears that on the 23d of August he wrote to Rome, and ventured to use expressions of correspondent energy.* Luther's friends, however, were less tranquil than himself. They prevailed on him to write to Spalatin, and to request him to use his interest with the elector to apply for an Imperial edict to prevent any one from condemning him unless it was previously shown that his tenets were inconsistent with Scrip- ture. In this letter Luther, always more interested about his doctrine than his personal safety, com- plained, in an earnest and aifecting manner, of the endless libels published against him, and expressed an ardent wish that jireachers might be found to promulgate his real sentiments among the people. Amidst all the alternations of fear and hope, Luther's active mind never gave way to sullen de spondency or indolence. Application to &tudy, as it had formed his chief pleasure in his early days, now constituted his best resource in a season of alarm. * Seckend. p. 111. YEAR 1520. 137 His next production was a book of a miscellaneous character, which he addressed to the emperor Charles V. and to the nobility of the empire. It was directed, among other topics, to a reproof of the vices of the clergy, and to a recommendation of the study of Scripture, of divinity, and other subjects lately in- troduced into universities. He reprobated prema- ture monastic vows, and animadverted on confession and on the disgraceful custom of begging, whether practised by monks or laymen. No one, he said, should be admitted into a monastery before the age of thirty. But the most serious part of the work consisted in an attack on the usurpations of the pa- pacy, and in an insinuation tliat Rome was the seat of Antichrist. Luther's next publication was his celebrated essay *' De Captivitatc Babylonica Ecclesiae." He here examined into the nature and use of the sacraments, which, as is well known, are, according to the Ro- manists, seven in number. From this enumeration Luther dissented, and denied the name of sacrament lo confirmation, holy orders, marriage, or extreme unction. But he continued to include penance in the list as well as baptism and the Lord's supper. In this, as in others of his writings, we have many vestiges of the impression made on his reasoning habits by the rules of the schoolmen. Instead of proceeding after the inductive method, to examine what the Scriptures had delivered respecting sacra- ments, he went on the plan of accommodating the passages in Scripture to a system previously adopted. This treatise was first published in Latin, but the general interest which it excited, made it soon be translated into German. 138 THE LIFE OF LUmER, That progressive advance in knowledge which every studious man experiences in himself, is very clearly exhibited in the writings of Luther. No man was less scrupulous in publishing his latest opi- nions, however they might vary from former im- pressions. The repeated attacks of his opponents obliged him, he said, to grow wiser in self defence. In the preamble to the " Babylonish Captivity," he requests booksellers and others possessed of copies of what be had published two years before on In- dulgences, to burn these copies, and to substitute for all that he had written, " Indulgent ice sunt aclu- latorum Romanorum nequitic£y His publication on the nature of the papacy he wished to condemn to the same fate, desiring his readers to adopt in lieu of his reasonings the concise definition, " Papatus est robusta venatio Romani EpiscGpi ;" for he was now certain that the papacy was the kingdom of Babylon.* An unfortunate misunderstanding took place at this time between the students and inhabitants of Wittemberg. Matters having proceeded to the length of a tumultuous assemblage, Luther was dis- satisfied with the students and reproved them in very severe terms. The keenness of his censure gave them great offence ; and even his friends at court, Spalatin and Amsdorff, (a canon of the colle- giate church at Wittemberg,) were apprehensive that he had gone too far and might injure the university. The dread of hurting that seminary, by the freedom of his writings, is enumerated by Luther among the many disquietudes of the first three years of his * Luth. ii. p. 62. YEAR 1520. 13S) reforming career. Some time after this, Spalatin visited the university with a view, probably, of as- certaining both its condition and the intended pro- ceedings of Luther after being apprized of the pope's bull. Spalatin's report of his visit has been pre- served and is curious. ** A proportion of the students,'* he says, " are absent, but this is chiefly on account of a contagious disorder, and the university is still very numerously attended. I saw four hundred young men studying divinity under Luther; and no fewer than six hun- dred Icarnincr the lanfruao^es under Melancthon. Luther continues in good spirits, and is writing against the papal bull, but declares that from re- spect to the elector he will express himself with mo- deration. I saw more than thirty letters addressed to Luther from princes, nobles, and doctors, in Suabia, Switzerland, and Pomerania, replete with expressions of piety and offers of consolation. So popular a preacher is he, that both the town church of Wittemberg and that of the monastery are too small to receive the crowd of his hearers." We come now to the important business of pub- lishing the bull in Germany. This part of the pro- ceedings also was undertaken by Eckius, who hoped to make it a kind of finish to his laborious exertions. In corresponding with his friends, he had boasted much of his services at Rome, and of his repeated conferences with the pope, one of which lasted no less than five hours. He took to himself the merit of being the first to expose Luther's heresy in a proper light to the heads of the church, who till then had been very imperfectly acquainted with it. MO THE LIFE OF LUTHER, So assiduous had he been in accelerating the pro- ceedings about the bull, that by the 3d of May matters had been got ready for dispatch at the next assembly of cardinals. Yet on his return to Ger- many, he endeavoured to represent his journey as undertaken with reluctance. But Luther, who, by some means not known, had got possession of one of his letters from Rome, published it with notes, and showed that Eckius' grand object, in these ex- traordinary exertions, was no other than his own preferment in the church.* Though the condemning bull was issued from the papal chamber on the ]5th of June, it was not pub- lished in Germany till a considerable time after- wards. It appears to have reached Wittemberg in the beginning of October, for on the loth of that month Luther wrote to Spalatin as follows : *' The pope's bull is come at last — Eckius brought it. We are writing many things to the pope con- cerning it. For my own part I hold it in contempt, and attack it as impious and false, like Eckius in every respect. Christ himself is evidently con- demned by it, and no reason is assigned in it for summoning me to a recantation instead of a trial. They are full of fury, blindness, and madness. They neither comprehend nor reflect on conse- quences. Meantime I shall treat the pope's name with delicacy, and conduct myself as if I consi- dered it a false and forged bull, although I believe it to be genuine. How anxiously do I wish that the emperor had the courage to prove himself a man, * Ep. Eckii. ap. Luth. ii. 48. Seckend. p. 116. YEAR 1520. 141 and, in defence of Christ, attack those emissaries of Satan. For my part I do not regard my personal safety — let the will of the Lord be done. Nor do I know what course should be taken by the elector; perhaps it may appear to him more for my interest that he should dissemble for a season. The bull is held in as great contempt at Leipsic as Eckius him- self.— Let us therefore be cautious lest he acquire consequence by our opposition, for, if left to him- self, he must fall. I send you a copy of the bull that you may see what monsters they are at Rome. If these men are destined to rule us, neither the faith nor the church have the least security. I re- joice that it has fallen to my lot to suffer hardship for the best of causes ; but I am not worthy of such a trial. I am now much more at liberty than be- fore, bein^ fully persuaded that the pope is Anti- christ, and that I have discovered the seat of Satan. — May God preserve his children from being de- ceived by the pope's impious pretensions. Erasmus informs me that the emperor's court is crowded with creatures who are tyrants and beggars, so that no- thing satisfactory is to be expected from Charles. This need not surprise us. ' Put not thy trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom there is no stay.' " Eckius, having left Rome with copies of the bull, reached Leipsic, big with expectation of the rever- ence that would be paid to himself and to the pope's mandate. He found, however, that matters did not admit of the rapid progress which he wished. The Reformation had now taken a firm and a general hold, George, duke of Saxony, bigoted as he was, H2 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, found it necessary, from the dissatisfaction of the people, to delay the publication. At first, time was taken on the plea that the consent of the bishop of Mersburg must be previously obtained, and on aj>- plication being made to that prelate, the publication was put off to the month of April in the following year. A letter written by Miltitz on 2d October throws some light on these matters. *' I found Eckius at Leipsic, very clamorous and full of threats. I invited him to an entertainment and employed every means in my power to discover what he proposed to do. After he had drunk freely, he began to relate, in ]3ompous terms, the com- mission he had received from Rome, and by what means he was to bring Luther to obedience. He informed me that he had caused the bull to be pub- lished in Misnia on 21st September, at Mersburg on the 25th, and at Brandenburg on the 29th. Eckius was in the habit of showing the bull with great pomp. He lodged with the public commis- sary: duke George ordered the senate to present him with a gilt cup, and a considerable sum of money. But notwithstanding the bull itself, and the pledge of public safety given to him, some young men oP family affixed on 29th September, in no less than ten places, bills containing threats against him. Terrified by these, he took refuge in the monastery of St. Paul and refused to be seen. He complained to Caesar Pflugius, and obtained a mandate from the rector of the university, enjoining tlie young men to be quiet, but all to no purpose. They have com- posed ballads upon him, which they sing through the streets ; and send daily to the monastery intima- YEAR 1520. US tions of their hostility. More than one hundred and fifty of the Wittemberg students are here, who are very mucli incensed against him." — Miltitz afterwards added that Eckius had made a nocturnal escape to Friburg.* Similar commotions took place in other parts of Germany, where attempts were made to publish the bull. The elector of Saxony declared it wholly un- advisable to attempt its promulgation in his do- minions. The bishop of Bamberg availed himself of some informality as a pretext for declining to publish it in his diocese. At the university of Erfurt the students tore a copy of the bull and threw it into the river.-j- Nay, the rector publickly encouraged them to pull down any copy of the bull which they might see posted up, and to oppose Luther's enemies by all the means in their power.t — • The elector of Brandenburg and Albert of Mecklen- burg passed through Wittemberg, in December, on their way to the imperial coronation, and held a very gracious conversation with Luther. The bishop of Brandenburg who accompanied them, actuated by very different feelings, was desirous of pub- lishing the bull at Wittemberg, which was in his diocese, but durst not attempt it. The clergy alone, cemented as they were in interest with the Roman See, appeared friendly to the bull, but even among them there were many who reprobated its ■* Seckend. p. 116. f Scultet. Annal. Evang. 1520. :J: Rector Academiae Eifurtensis programraate publice affixo Academicos hortatur, ut si qui Bullara videant affixam, discer- pant, et quo possunt raodo, Lutheri hostibus se opponant. Scultet. Aunal. Evang. 1520. 144 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, violent tone, and who, without venturing to speak in favour of Luther, cordially wished him success. In several parts of the country, where the ascendancy of the Catholics was too decided to ad- mit of opposition, there were not wanting proofs of a favourable disposition towards the new doctrine. At Mentz the populace received the bull with in- dignation, and the persons employed to put the books in the tire, did it at the hazard of their lives. Even at Louvain, considerable opposition was ex- perienced, and, though the influence of the heads of the university was such as to enable them to pro- ceed with the burning of Luther's books, a party among the students and inhabitants insisted on com- mitting, at the same time, to the flames a number of books of an opposite description. In Italy also, at Venice and Bologna, though no direct opposition was ofi^red, the partizans of Luther had become numerous. In the Palatinate the new doctrine was by this time planted, though not publickly acknow- ledged till three years after. The first regular step taken by Luther against the bull was a protest recorded before a notary and witnesses, and an appeal from the pope to a general Council. An appeal of the same nature had been entered by him a twelve-month before, but the re- spectful manner in which he then spoke of Leo was now exchanged for the most embittered expressions. Leo X. in impia sua tyrannide induratus perseverat — Iniquus, temerarius, tyramiicusjudc.v — Hereti- cus ct Apostata — Antichristusy blasphemus^ super- bus contempt or sane tee Ecclesice Dei,* * Luth. ii. 50. YEAR 1520. U$ The universities of Cologne and Loiivain having openly burned Luther's books, and a similar example having been given at Rome, the Reformer now de- termined to retaliate. He caused public notice to be given at Wittemberg, that he purposed burning the antichristian decretals on Monday, 10th Dec. So novel a scene excited great interest, and the con- course accordingly was immense. The people as- sembled at nine o^clock in the morning, and pro- ceeded, in regular divisions, to the spot in the neighbourhood where the ceremony was to be per- formed. Having there partaken of a slight repast, an eminent member of the university erected a kind of funeral pile and set it on fire: after which Luther took Gratian's Abridgement of the Canon Lav^ ; the letters commonly called decretals of the pontiffs ; the Clementines and Extravagants, and, last of all, the bull of Leo X. All these he threw into the fire, and exclaimed with a loud voice, " Because ye have troubled the holy of the Lord, therefore let eternal fire trouble you." Having re- mained to witness their consumption, he returned into the city, accompanied by the sime multitude, without the occiirrence of the slightest disorder.* So extraordinary a step, however cordially re- ceived by his countrymen, seemed to call for a formal justification in the eyes of others. With that view Luther published a set of reasons, which in- stead of proving a palliation of the act, had the effect, like his former vindications, of aggravating his offence. He warned the public not to be misled * See Appendix Z. L U6 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, hv high sounding titles, nor by declanriations about pontifical dignity, but to proceed to a rigid exa- mination of what was actually taught in those books. This, he said, was the true way to make them aware of their poisonous and abominable doctrine. He then enumerated thirty specific articles, as examples of the errors and usurpations of the papacy. The canon law, he said, went beyond all bounds. Among other things it contained the extraordinary doctrine that " the pope is God upon earth, superior to all belonging to heaven or earth, whether spiritual or temporal. All things belong to the pope, and to him no one dares say. What doestthou ?"* Towards the conclusion of the treatise Luther places in a very strong light the overbearing conduct of the popes towards all who ventured to dissent from them. '^ Never have the popes vanquished, either by Scripture or argument, any one who has spoken or written against them. — Their alternative has always been to excommunicate, burn, or put them to death, through the medium of kings, princes, and others devoted to the papacy." Luther's hostility to the canon law deserves par- ticular attention. He was by this time aware, that without the abolition of this ponderous and ill di- gested code, the projected Reformation in religion w^ould confer only a limited benefit on mankind. It is deeply to be lamented that he should have been less successful in the one than in the other. I can- * Papa est Deus in terris, superior omnibus coelestibus, terrenis, spiritualibus et secularibus. Et omnia papae sunt propria, cui nemo audeat dicere, Quid facis i Luth. ii. 122. YEAR 1520. 147 not more clearly explain the causes of his failure than by transcribing the words of his countryman, the learned and accurate Boehmer, a well known professor of law: " On the introduction into Germany of en- lightened views in religion, the canon law would probably have been annihilated had it not been for the interposition of the lawyers. Luther, even be- fore shaking off the papal yoke, had detected the imperfection, fraud, and impiety of this law. In his treatise addressed to the emperor and the nobility, he expressed a wish that the ancient laws of Ger- many should be restored, a measure which, had it been effected, would have placed our affairs, both pubHc and private, on a much surer foundation. It would have led to greater uniformity in our eccle- siastical law, to the cessation of tedious law-suits, and to the re-introduction of that German candour and honesty, which are so conspicuous in the in- stitutes of our ancestors. But Luther's boldness in burning the canon law gave deadly offence to the lawyers. Henning Goeden, and Jerome SchurfF were at that time pleaders of great reputation at Wittemberg, and believed, or professed to believe, that the abolition of the canon law would endanger the safety of the state. The fact was, that their own interest and convenience were at stake, the canon law forming the rule of the whole mode of procedure in law-suits. Hence arose the interfer- ence of these men, who, in an evil hour, proved the cause of preventing the abolition of the canon law, and the so much desired reform of ecclesiastical and civil law. The fact is, that from their igno- L 2 148 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, ranee of the law of nature and moral philosophy, the lawyers were ill qualiried to supply the want of the regulations established by a k)ng course of pre- cedents. Unaccustomed to exercise their reasoning and inventive powers, the blank occasioned by the absence of the canon law presented to their imagina- tions an irremediable chasm. Moreover, the study of the canon law had long been an object of great ambition, and superiority in the knowledge of it formed one of the leading features of professional distinction." We have already adverted to the favourable dis- position of Erasmus towards Luther and his writings. On the condemnation of Luther's doc- trine by the subservient universities of Louvain and Cologne, Erasmus was prompted to address to Spa- latin a set of axioms on the Lutheran cause. He had scarcely put them out of his hands, when, with his usual timidity, he begged that they might be returned to him lest they might do him an injury with the pope's nuncio.* These axioms however have been preserved, and the sentiments of so eminent a scholar deserve to be noticed. In the passage referring to the act of the two univer- sities, he says, " The motive of the proceeding is bad ; it is a love of tyrannic rule, and a wish to discourage literary effort. Out of so many univer- sities, two only have condemned Luther ; and they have done nothing more than publish a sentence, for they have not confuted him, nor do they agree among themselves." 'f- The court of Rome, how- * Seckend. p. 126. f Pons rei nialus est, odium bonarum literarum, et affectatia YEAR 1520. 149 ever, thought proper to lay great stress on the sanction of these public bodies. Honourable men- tion of it was made in the bull, and the universities were called " agri dominici piissimce, religiosissimcB cultrices." In the course of this year, the elector Frederick being at Cologne, an interview took place between him and Erasmus. It was on this occasion that Erasmus made the ludicrous remark, that Luther had offended in two capital points — " He had touched the pope's supremacy and the bellies of the monks." Luther, according to his usual practice, replied with great spirit to the condemning sentence of the universities of Cologne and Louvain.* A new an tagonist soon after appeared in a Franciscan monk at Leipsic named Augustine. T® him also Luther gave a speedy reply ; -^ and in fact, he was indebted to the writings of opponents for a considerable share of the publicity of his cause. Even Cajetan now came forward and displayed his whole scholastic skill in asserting the divine origin and the infallibi- lity of the pope.J On the other hand there ap- peared on the side of Luther, and in support of the cause of free inquiry, an essay from the pen of tyrannidis. Duae duntaxat universitates condemnaruxit Luthe- rum ex tarn innumeris. Et condemnarunt tantum, non convi- cerunt; nee hae consentiunt. Axiom. Erasm. pro. Caus. Luth. * Luth. ii. 33. et seq. See in p. 115 of that vol. a short account of what took place at Cologne. t Seckend, p. 103. X The title of his book is " Card. Cajetani, de Divina Insti- tutione Pontificatus." It was printed at Cologne, in June 1520. Seckend. p. 107. 150 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Ulrich ITutten, a young man of fortune and lite- rary talents. He published Leo's bull and annexed to it short scholia,* exposing in very bold language the weakness of the papal argunients and the pre- sumptuous encroachments of that court. This auxiliary publication was soon followed by one from Luther, who was too confident of his cause to remain inactive. The title of this address to the public bore the stamp of his usual bold- ness— it was an " Answer to the execrable bull of Antichrist." In this, and in another treatise which speedily came forth, he passed in review the whole of the forty-one propositions enumerated by Leo. No longer satisfied Vvith offering these propositions as subjects for disputation, he affirmed them to be incontrovertibly true. So highly was this work esteemed at the court of Saxony, that Spalatin translated it from the Latin into German. The pope now thought the time had come to make a direct and pointed application to the elector Frederick, on the subject of Luther. With that view he sent, in the end of October, two nuncios, Jerome Aleander and Marin us Caracciolus, to Frederick, who was then at Cologne. Both were distinguished dignitaries of the church and mem- bers of the Conclave. They enlarged on the danger to which Germany was exposed by Luther's ex- ecrable writings, and, after requesting that his books should be burned and himself either impri- soned or sent to Rome, Aleander proceeded to state that the emperor, and all the other princes who had * Bossuet is in a mistake when he ascribes those notes to Luther. Hist, des Variat. Liv. i. Sect. 26. YEAR 1520. 151 been applied to, had consented to the pope's de- mand. The investigation of Luther's cause had, he added, been committed by the pontiff to him and Eckius. Urgent as this apphcation wasj the nuncios proved unable to extract an explicit answer from the wary Frederick. He replied in general terms, that it was a matter of great moment and required mature deliberation. On the 4th Nov. he returned an answer by his ministers, but took care to adhere to the same general language as before. He declared " that the request was very unexpected on his part, and that, while at a distance from home, he had heard that Eckius, contrary to the tenor of the pontifical decree, had wished to injure not only Luther but other learned men in his dominions, an assumption of power, on the part of an unautho- rised individual, which could not but be extremely offensive to him. Having been absent, he could not say with certainty what had been done by Luther and others after receiving the pope's bull ; but it might happen that in consequence of the provocation given to him, there was a general dis- position to approve of his proceedings." Finally, he requested •' that learned and good men should converse in a friendly manner on the whole business, and that Luther should be accounted entitled to protection and have an opportunity to plead his cause." 152 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER VH. YEAR 1521. A HE adherents of the court of Rome were iiiuch disappointed at the inefficient operation of the bull against Luther ; and the conduct of that court in this business has been subjected to those charges of impolicy which are generally applied to unsuc- cessful counsels. It has been said by many persons, that the bull was too long delayed ; by others, that its language was too violent and arbitrary. An eminent historian,* adverting to these charges, is of opinion that the conduct of the holy See on this occasion ^' bore few marks of its wonted sagacity." Were we, however, to extend our inquiries, we might find that its reputation for sagacity has been a good deal overrated. On analysing the history of former ages, we might discover that many mea- sures accounted, by Dr. Robertson and others, *' models of political wisdom," were nothing more than a close and unblushing application of those deceptions which men more artful than their neigh- bours have known how to apply in all ages. It was chiefly by a comparison with the other courts of Europe, that the policy of the Romish councils was estimated. Now we can hardly conceive any thing * Dr, Robertson, Charles V. 8vo. edition, vol. ii. p. 98. YEAR 1521. 153 less skilful, or more capricious, than the measures of the sovereigns of Europe in these ages. After the general improvement consequent on the revival of learning, it became a matter of great difficulty to prevent the occurrence of a schism similar to that which Luther produced. The only effectual way to obviate a revolution of that nature was, to desist sincerely and speedily from the practice of the gross frauds devised for a rude state of society. Clear and unquestionable as this appears, it would have formed an act of self-denial very seldom ex- emplified in the conduct of governments. Frauds are generally too lucrative, and the retention of arbitrary power too gratifying to our pride, to be relinquished otherwise than from necessity. His- tory is replete with examples of calamities originating in a blind pertinacity of this nature. And we need go no farther than the events of our own day to find a dreadful revolution take its rise from the re- fusal of the higher orders to bear an equal share in the burden of taxation. If we apply this reasoning to the conduct of the court of Rome, we shall not find that discrepancy in her policy at the sera of the Reformation and former ages, which many persons have imagined. Her strength lay in diplomatic intrigue, and the revolution commenced by Luther had its origin in a cause which no dexterity of that kind could re- move or overcome. The interest now generally excited by Luther's writings showed that his doctrines had taken a powerful hold on the public mind. Though they had not received the avowed protection of any prince, the impression made on many leading indi- 154 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, viduals in Germany seemed indicative of an ap- proaching separation from the church of Rome. Meanwhile many pacific and well intentioned per- sons, lamenting the vehemence of mutual recrimi- nation, and judging of the rest of mankind by themselves, were anxious to accomplish an ami- cable accommodation. To such persons it occurred that Luther's objection to the partiality of the judges hitherto named would be obviated by the appointment of exalted individuals, such as the emperor Charles, Henry VIIL of England, and the king of Hungary. But this expectation was ob- viously formed on no accurate estimate of the re- spective characters of these sovereigns. The magni- tude of Charles's empire rendered him an object of jealousy to all cotemporary princes, and to none more than the Roman pontift'. The possessions of Charles in Italy surrounded in a manner the ec- clesiastical territory, and obliged the pope to culti- vate for self-preservation a friendly connection with Francis I. Hence those interruptions to cordiality between Charles and the See of Rome which aflorded opportunity to the Reformation to expand itself in Germany. Nothing indeed could be more em- barrassing than the situation of the pope in regard to the rival sovereigns, Charles and Francis. To be on friendly terms with the one necessarily implied hostility with the other. But the pope was in no condition to brave the enmity of either; for while Charles was so near and formidable a neighbour, Francis had a strong claim on attention, as well from the extent of his political power, as from the danger of his embracing the liberal views of the Re- formers. This danger, says a protestant author, was YEAR 1S21. 155 by no means inconsiderable. Erat enim ille rex non qualis eum sunt consecicti postea; sed acerrimus re- rum estimator y judicii ad dignosccndum rerum non parvi, eruditoru7n Jautor, Jieque per se a nobis alienus.* Another difficulty in negotiating with the impe- rial court consisted in the rivalship and even dis- sension which e:jtisted among the emperor's counsel- lors. The Spaniards and Flemings were extremely jealous of each other, and the court of Rome found it necessary to cultivate both. Charles had hardly passed his twentieth year, and was as yet only beginning to acquire that sagacity which marked his future conduct. That his course of proceeding in regard to Luther's cause was at first very prob- lematical, appears to be beyond dispute. He, in common with many leading men in Germany, early discovered an inclination rather to favour a reform in the church, than to support the pretensions of the pontiff. So general was the impression made by the corruptions of the church, that George, duke of Saxony, who, as we have already seen, was a zealous papist, presented at this time twelve grievances on the subject of indulgences and the conduct of the clergy. All these circumstances . concur to show the general demand for a reform ; and there can be little doubt that had the decision of the question been left to the people, the cause of liberality would ha*e been as successful in France, Austria, and even in Italy, as in Saxony and in England. But these fair prospects were destined to be clouded by the intrigues of the court of * Beza, Vita Calvini. ioG THE LIFE OF LUTHER, Rome, and by the unfortunate connection existing between the church and the principal governments of Europe. In these days of limited education, the chief ministers in cabinets were ecclesiastics. At- tachment to their own Order was, of course, a predominant feeling- with them, and the church of Rome well knew how to make the impatience of princes to grasp a present object, subservient to the attainment of lastino; advantage to herself. The term granted to Luther having expired, a new bull made its appearance on the third of January, 1521, confirming the preceding in all its extent, with the serious addition of Luther's excommuni- cation. But this edict made very little impression, and its reception tended only to show the dimi- nished efficacy of papal fulminations, against the progress of opinion. Meanwhile another attempt at reconciliation took place between two persons in the employment re- spectively of Charles and Frederick ; Gregory Pon- tanus, the elector's chancellor, and John Glassio, a Franciscan and father confessor to the emperor. Glassio was a man of address, and began by be- stowing the highest praises on Luther's genius, and expressing great anxiety on the part of the empe- ror to be instrumental in reconciling to the church' so valuable a member. He next proceeded to ex- press his disappointment at the treatise termed the " Babylonish captivity," which, in his opinion, was infinitely inferior to Luther's other publications. To refute it, he added, would be no difficult matter, but his proposition was that Luther should disavow this treatise ; on which the pope would recall the YEAR 1521. 157 bull and excommunication, appointing at the same time men of learning and impartiality to try Lu- ther's cause in Germany. From the various inter- views which followed, it is apparent that the church of Rome had been sorely wounded by the publica- tion of that treatise. Glassio confessed that all parties were agreed on the necessity of a reform to a certain extent ; but, after all his efforts, this ne- gotiation was destined to experience the fate of the others. It was regarded on the part of Luther's friends as little else than an attempt to obtain the disavowal of the obnoxious treatise. The time had now arrived for holding Charles's first Diet. The city of Nuremberg being infested with the plague, the place of meeting was fixed at Worms. Thither Frederick repaired in company with Charles, and probably communicated with him at some length on the subject of Luther. Charles had previously requested Frederick to bring Luther along with him to the Diet, where he pro- mised that he should be well treated. With this application, however, the cautious elector declined to comply. He apprehended that Luther's appear- ance before that assembly would be productive of \ery serious discussion, and he determined ac- cordingly to delay it as long as possible. The Diet assembled in January and the agents of the court of Rome were indefatigable in their efforts to get a summons for Luther speedily issued. Frederick, apprized of all their machinations, gave Luther information, through the medium of Spa- latin, of what was likely to happen, and caused liim to be asked what course he would pursue ia 153 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, the event of his being summoned hy the emperor to appear before the Diet, a step which, in conse- quence of the urgency of the jjope's agents, he thought very probable. Luther's answer was con- veyed in a letter to Spalatin and was nearly as follows : " I shall certainly not hesitate to come, for I shall regard the emperor's summons as proceeding from God. If violence be offered to my person, an event not unlikely, I shall commend my cause to that God who delivered the three children from the fiery furnace. Should it not seem meet to God to preserve me, of what moment is my life com- pared with the life and sufferings of Christ ? It is not for me," he adds, " to determine whether the danger to the Gospel be greater or less by my life or death. The truth of God is a rock of offence placed for the falling and rising of many in Israel. My chief duty is to pray that Charles may not stain his administration, at the outset, with my blood or his own. Let me rather die by the hands of the Romanists, lest he and all connected with him should be involved in sorrow by a guilty parti- cipation. You well remember what befell the emperor Sigismund — after the murder of IIuss nothing: succeeded with him. He died without male offspring, and Ladislaus, his grandson, fol- lowed him soon to the grave, so that his name became extinct in a single generation. His wife Barbara was a disgrace to the name of queen. But if it be determined that I am to be delivered, not only to the pope but to the gentiles, let the Lord's will be done. I have told you my mind fully. YEAR 1521. 159 Your conjectures in regard to me are correct in every thing except as to the chance of my flight or recantation. I am unwilling to fly, but much more unwilling to recant. May the Lord Jesus send me support, for I can do neither without putting in hazard the piety and salvation of many persons." The elector's outward behaviour was extremely cautious ; but, from a variety of circumstances, there can be no doubt that he had undertaken the protection of Luther in good earnest. Charles, in the mean time, was induced to put his signature to several precipitate and inconsistent acts. He is- sued in January an order for summoning Luther before the Diet, but Frederick declining to forward it, the emperor thought proper to recall it. Fred- erick, apprehensive of personal danger to Luther, was determined that he should not undertake to come so far without a solemn pledge of protection. On the 25th January, Luther, we find, wrote to the elector as follows : " As to mvself I am most ready to appear at the imperial Diet at Worms, before equitable, learned, and good judges, pro- vided I obtain a sufficient security and a safe con- duct both for going and returning. By God's help I shall make it appear, to the conviction of all, that I have not been actuated by wilfulness, or by selfish views, but that whatever I have taught or vvritten has proceeded from my conscience, from an ardour for the salvation of the catholic church, and for the extirpation of the most dangerous abuses and superstitions." The next step which took place in the contra- dictory proceedings of Ci^rles, was a letter, dated 160 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, sixth March, summoning Luther to appear at Worms witliin twenty-one days. The letter is very short, and, while expressed in terms sufficiently attentive to Luther, it commands him peremptorily to appear hefore the Diet, and promises him protection in all the districts through which it was necessary for him to pass on his journey.* A private injunction was added, it has been said, against his preaching by the way. In addition to the guarantee of the em- peror, the princes, through whose territories Luther had to travel, pledged themselves respectively for his safety. Mean time the pope's agents, impatient to draw down a censure on Luther, procured an edict from Charles, dated next day, seventh March, directing that his books should be submitted to the inspection of the magistrates. But the college of the empire interfered, and made a respectful re- monstrance against taking any such measure until Luther should be hoard. This step, on the part of the college, if not indicative of a disposition to support Luther, showed at least that his cause had gained too much ground to be the object of pre- mature condemnation. Spalatin, having apprized Luther of the resolu- tion adopted by the emperor, added to the notice a communication that the object of his summons was the recantation of several of his opinions. Lu- ther replied on the IQth March, assuring Spalatin that he would not recant : " I shall tell the emperor * The address of the letter was " Carol us Dei gratia Roma- norum Iniperator, semper augustus, &c. Hoiiorabili nostro Di- lecto devoto Doctori Martino Luthero, Augustiniani ordinis. Luth. ii. 163. Sleid. L. iii. YEAR 152i. 161 Charles/' he said, ^^ that I am determined not to come, because it is to a recantation that he has summoned me. If that be all that is wanted, I might as well be asked to do it where I am. If, by this summoning, their intention is to put me to death, and, from the answer I am determined to give, to declare me a rebel, in that case I am willing to make my ap- pearance. I will not fly nor forsake the word in the field of battle. My enemies, I am persuaded, will never rest until they have put me to death." Various reasons contributed to induce Luther to adopt an affirmative determination in regard to the question of going to Worms. The eclat given to his cause by appearing before the emperor and the assembled princes of Germany, and the assurance that his friends were sufficiently numerous and powerful to prevent his being condemned unheard, were conclusive arguments to a mind wholly en- grossed with the promulgation of a new doctrine. Other circumstances co-operated indirectly to sti- mulate Luther to come forward in vindication of his doctrine. The Bohemians had begun to receive his publications favourably, and to translate several of them.* Henry, brother of the bigotted George, duke of Saxony, seemed to discover an attachment to the Lutheran cause. And it may deserve to be mentioned, as an indication of the diffusion of zealous efforts against the papacy, that an artist of some eminence, Lucas Cranachius, joined himself to Luther, and engraved on wood delineations of the history of Christ and Antichrist. To these the Reformer fur- » SeckencL p, H-8, M 1G2 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, nished inscriptions, and to the prints of Antichrist he had no scruple in subjoining extracts from the papal decretals, sufficiently explicit to point out the connection which he wished to establish be- tween the two. Frederick conducted himself in this critical junc- ture with his wonted judgment. He assumed more than his usual appearance of reserve, that he might not be suspected of partiality to Luther. To pre- vent any molestation to the emperor's messenger on the part of the people, he gave orders to the pro- vost and senate of Wittemberg, that a guard should, if necessary, be given him. On Luther's agreeing to obey the summons, the senate provided him with a covered waggon, the only mode of con- veyance then in general use in Germany. He was accompanied by his friends lodocus,* Amsdorff, and Sauvenius, a native of Denmark. He took with him likewise, as his counsel, Jerome Schui-fi"^ who has been already mentioned as an eminent lawyer. Eager to circulate his opinions, Luther took an opportunity of preaching at Erfurt on the nature of justification and the vices of the clergy. He exercised l:is talents in the same way at Issenach, so that the admonition against preaching by the road, if given at all, had not been acceded to by him. Wherever he arrived, he had the gratifi- cation of receiving marks of distinguished attention. The inhabitants of Erfurt, on hearing of liis ap- * This was a very different person from Luther's logical pre- ceptor of the same name. He was younger than Luther, and continued, as we shall Hnd in the sequel, a steady follow'er and friend of the Keformer. YEAR 1521. 163; proacli, came out in a body to receive him. But, by this time the fatigue of the journey, joined to anxiety of mind, had produced a considerable degree of illness. On arriving at Frankfort he wrote to Spalatin, " I have been indisposed ever since I left Issenach, nor am I yet recovered. The mandate of Charles was issued, I understand, to affright me, but Christ is alive and I shall enter Worms in spite of the gates of hell and the powers of the air — I am determined to meet Satan and to strike him with terror." — Luther's friends were not equally courageous. They were apprized of the emperor's hostile disposition, and began to look on the Reformer as a devoted victim. On reaching Op- penheim, he found letters from several friends and one from Spalatin himself, dissuading him from pro- ceedinsc to Worms. It was then that he made the homely but resolute declaration, '' To Worms I will go, were there as many devils there, as tiles on the houses." His boldness on this occasion appeared surprising at a future period to himself: For a short time before his death, in speaking of the cir- cumstance to his friends at Eisleben, he added, *' Thus you perceive that God can render a man undaunted ; I know not whether I should now have the courage to do so much." When drawing towards the close of his journey, .Luther received an invitation from Glassio, the emperor's confessor, to meet him at the residence of one of Luther's friends, at some distance from the road. But Luther, whether suspicious of Glas- sio, or, as is more likely, afraid of exceeding the li- mited term of twenty-one days, replied, " that he M 1 164 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, was determined to go whither he had been ordered by the emperor." Accordingly he reached Worms on the l6th April, attired in his friar's cowl, seated in an open chariot and preceded by the emperor's herald on horseback in his official dress. Several of the xSaxon nobles and others having come out to meet him, the whole formed a kind of procession and entered the city at ten in the forenoon. Before Luther reached the inn appointed for his residence, above two thousand persons were assembled ; and, in the course of the day, many of the men of rank connected with the Diet called to have a sight of a stranger of so great celebrity. Next day, 17 April, notice was sent from the emperor to Luther that his presence was required at the Diet in the afternoon. When the hour (four o'clock) came, the crowd was so great that the only access to the place of audience was through gardens and private houses. Even the roofs are said to have been covered with spectators. An intimation having been privately given to Luther not to speak except in reply, the proceedings commenced on the part of one John Eckius, Official * as it is termed, of the archbishop of Treves, and equally hostile to Luther as his namesake, the disputant. This ora- tor, in an audible voice, first in Latin and next in German, proposed two questions : " Whether Luther avowed himself the author of the books bearing his name?" to a collection of which he ♦ The " Official '* was an officer to whom an ecclesiastial prince, por.sessing, like the archbishop of Treves, extensive political power, was in the habit of delegating the detail of hi» spiritual jurisdiction. YEAR 1521. 165 then pointed ; and ^' Whether he was disposed to retract or persist in their contents ?" Schurff, Lu- ther's counsel, having required that the titles of the books should be read, they proved to be his com- mentaries on the psalms and the Lord's prayer, his treatise on good works, along with other pieces which were not controversial. Luther instantly acknowledged himself the author of these works, but in regard to the second question, he asked, no doubt by the suggestion of his counsel, that " time might be given hiin to consider his answer." One day was accordingly granted, accompanied, hovv^ ever, with an intimation that a written answer would not be received. The proceedings were thea adjourned, and several of the by-standers called aloud to Luther in an encouraging tone, not to be afraid of those who could kill only the body. If Luther's opponents were led, by his requiring time, to entertain any hope of hesitation on his part, they were speedily undeceived. On entering the Diet next day, Eckius recapitulated with great form, the proceedings of the day before, and asked Luther once more whether he retracted or persisted. Luther delivered an answer at great length, first in German and afterwards in Latin. Notwithstanding the awe of the assembly and the excessive heat froui the great numbers present, he spoke in a tone of clearness and confidence. He began by enlarging on the distinct object and tendency of his several publications. Some of them referred, he said, to the doctrines, others to the duties of Christianity, and were such as no person in the sober exercise of reason could find fault with. Adverting next tp 166 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, that part of his writings which regarded the papac}% so far from disguising his sentiments^ he expatiated on the baseness of which he would be guilty, were he to disavow what had been prompted by the perusal of the Scriptures and by the notorious corruption of the church. Repeating the words of our Saviour when before Annas, he said " If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; but if well, why smitest thou me?" He intreated that any one present, of whatever sta- tion, would undertake to point out his errors, in which case he promised, as he had frequently done before, to recant and to be the first to throw his own books into the fire. Eckius, who had discovered symptoms of impatience during the delivery of the defence, declared, as soon as it was ended, that Luther had not answered to the point, and ought not to express doubts about things that had been already defined and condemned by so many councils. Then as- suming a peremptory tone, he demanded a catego- rical answer whether he recanted or not ? Luther, addressing himself to the Diet, said, since a posi- tive answer is required of me, '* I have only to add, that unless I shall be convinced by Scripture, (for I can put no credit in the pope or in councils, as it is evident they have erred frequently and have even contradicted each other,) I say, unless my consci- ence be convinced by the word of God, I neither can nor will recant, since it is unworthy of an honest man to act contrary to his conviction — here I stand, it is impossible for me to act otherwise — so help me God." Eckius still affirmed that Luther had not answered the question, and, after some general conversation, informed Luther that the YEAR 1521. 167 emperor was disposed to make a distinction between his different works, but still insisted on his saying whether he defended every thing in his writings, or what part of them he would recant ? Luther then asked whether the emperor could mean to compell him to recant against his conscience and even with- out any means being used to convince him ? Having repeated his assertion, that councils had often erred, and Eckius having said that he could not prove any error on the part of a council, Luther, nowise re- luctant to tread on controversial ground, affirmed his readiness to enter into proof of what he had declared. The discussion was protracted to a late hour and some of the emperor's Spanish counsellors^ bigottedly attached to the pope, could not withold their murmurs at Luther on his leaving the Diet. The emperor being, in a great measure, unac- quainted with the mode of conducting the affairs of Germany, and impatient at the continuance of the controvery, allowed himself to be persuaded that the fittest course would be to excommunicate Lu- ther at once. This took place accordingly next day, 19th April, but being done without the assent of the princes, the efficacy of the decree was very dif- ferent from what would have attended a concurrent resolution of the Diet. Many persons of distinction continued to visit Luther, and the multitude gave evident signs of their interest in his cause. They surrounded his lodging in crowds, and appeared as if they could not be satisfied with beholding him. His opponents, apprehensive of the odium attached to premature condemnation, procured from the emperor a suspension, during three days, of ths 1(58 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, execution of the sentence, an interval which the archbishop of Treves proposed to occupy in an at- tempt to prevail on Luther to retract his opinions, or, at least, to promise silence for the future. The archbishop had long been desirous of a conference with Luther. It was he who, tv/o years before, had urged a meeting of this kind on the arrival of Miltitz in Saxony.* He appears to have enter- tained a hope that by mixing temperance with firmness in the treatment of Luther, he might be prevailed on to stop short in his career. Such a course could hardly have failed at the outset, but the case was now much altered by the mutual and repeated effusions of animosity, Luther, being invited to a conference with the archbishop and the other princes, consented to appear before them. They met to receive him on the 24th without the formality of constituting themselves into a council. Luther having repaired to the inn where the primate lodged, was addressed in very conciliatory terms by the chancellor of Baden, who acted on the present occasion as speaker to the princes. That officer, after pro- fessing a dislike to controversy, vindicated the con- sistency of general councils, and expatiated on the great commotions to be apprehended from Luther's books, in particular from the work on " Christian liberty." He mixed his censure, however, with a commendation of several of his writings, and en- larged principally on the hazard to be apprehended to the public tranquillity. The chancellor having ♦ See p. 104. YEAR 1521. 169 spoken in the name of the princes of the empire, Ijuther, in his reply, thanked these iHustrious per- sons for condescending to admonish him. He re- peated his charge against the councils, particularly the council of Constance for their treatment of IIuss, and reiterated the wish which he had already so frequently expressed, that all his doctrines should be examined and decided by Scripture. Having thus spoken, he retired to give the princes time to deliberate. On being called in again, the chan- cellor of Baden advised him to submit his works to the judgment of the emperor. Luther professed all due respect for Charles, and declared that instead of shunning, he courted examination, but no con- sideration could induce him to relinquish what the Scripture taught. He concluded by requesting them to intercede with the emperor and prevail on him to desist from compelling him to act contrary to his conviction. When he had concluded, the elector of Brandenburg, to bring the matter to a point, asked him Whether he had said that he was determined not to yield unless convinced by Scripture ? to which he immediately replied *' certainly." He then retired, and the princes, thinking any farther attempt vain, broke up their meeting and repaired to the Diet. The archbishop of Treves, however^ was deter- mined to make one effort more, and, on his invi- tation, Luther, accompanied by Schurff and Ams- dorff, repaired to a fresh conference at the arch-, bishop's. Here, along with that prelate, they met Eckius and Cochlseus, another ardent abetter of tho papal cause. These zealous advocates employed a 170 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, variety of arguments, as well to shake Luther in his creed, as to prevail on him to ahstain from writing or teaching. But Luther in this, and in every subsequent conference, scorned the idea of recantation, and adhered to his former text of re- ference to Scripture, and to Scripture alone. The archbishop having held a final conversation with liim, asked him, what remedy could be adopted by way of compromise ? to which Luther replied in the words of Gamaliel, (x\cts v.) "^ If this work be of men it will come to nought ; but, if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it." He persisted that the council of Constance had decided contrary to Scripture, and repeated that he would rather lose his life than renounce Avhat he considered the word of God. On his saying this, the archbishop desisted from farther urgency, dismissed him politely and promised him a safe conduct. Accordingly, on the same day, Eckius and the emperor's secretary de- livered him a safe conduct for twenty-one days, with an intimation that he might depart. To this they added, in a less gracious tone, that " since after so many admonitions, he was still averse to cherish a mutual good understanding or unity, Charles, as the defender of the Catholic faith, was determined to do his duty." They delivered to him also a prohibition as to preaching or haranguing the people on his road home. Luther's reply was "As it pleased Clod, so it is come to pass. I thank the emperor and the princes of the empire tor the gra- cious audience and the safe conduct they have given me. My wish is, for nothing but a reformation by means of the Scripture. In other respects I am YEAR 1521. 171 ready to suffer any thing for the emperor or the empire; hfe or death, good or evil report — re- serving nothing to myself but the freedom of con- fessins: and bearing; witness of the word of God." Next day, 26th April, having taken a cordial leave of his friends and patrons, he left Worms and pro- ceeded on his return, accompanied by the emperor's herald and the persons who had come with him from Wittemberg. Though the elector of Saxony avoided any open protection of Luther, his solicitude for him is evinced by a variety of documents which are still in. existence. So early as 1 6th January he had wTitten to his brother John that he had information of daily consultations, the main object of which was to induce the emperor to declare Luther an out- law. On 30th January he repeated a communi- cation to the same effect. Again, on 25th March, after complaining of the great fatigue which he en- dured in consequence of the accumulation of bu- siness at the Diet, he added, " Luther is summoned to appear at Worms. I know not whether he will think it advisable to come. Every thing goes on slowly, nor can I promise much good." On 23d April, the day of Luther's first audience, Frederick wrote to his brother, " If it were at all in my power, I should be very ready to assist Luther in whatever I could lawfully do. They seem intent on banishing him. You would be surprised were I to relate how much I am harassed. Whoever has been thought to favour him in any respect, is accounted a heretic." On Luther's arrival at Fried berg, on his return. 172 THE LIFE OF LUTKER^ he addressed letters, dated 2Sth April, to the einpcror and the princes, urging the propriety of appointing proper judges to examine his books. He was atten- tively received at most places, and, at the earnest request of the abbot of Hcisfeld, a Benedictine and prince of the empire, he ventured to preach not- withstanding the imperial interdict. At Friedberg the emperor's herald took his leave and returned to Worms, after which Luther went out of the ordi- nary road to visit his relations. It was then that an event took place which, had it not come from a friendly quarter, would have been calculated to plunge his friends in despair. The elector of Saxony, apprehensive from the spirit of the abet- tors of the papacy, of an attempt on Luther's per- son, determined to put him out of danger for a season. The measure had probably received Lu- ther's previous assent ; but be this as it may, the Reformer, while travelling along the skirt of the Thuringian forest near tlie river Werra and not far from tlie village of Schweina, was suddenly seized by a party of men in masks, who rushed forward on the road. They accomplished their commission without violence, and carried him back, through the forest, to the castle of Wartburg or Wartcmburg. This castle is situated on the highest mountains near Issenach, and is remarkable for commanding an extensive prospect. It had been, in ancient times, a residence of the landgraves of Thuringia. Here Luther found it necessary to remain a considerable time in a state of friendly confinement. The subsequent proceedings of the Diet were >uch as to show the expediency of this step, extra- YEAR 1521. 17s ordinary as it was. After some delay, incurred probably for the purpose of taking advantage of the departure of Luther's principal friends from the Diet, an imperial edict was issued which declared him a schismatic and heretic, and put him under the ban of the empire. A right was given to every one to seize the person and property of him and his adherents. This edict was not published until 26th jMay, although dated, for the sake of appearing the act of the Diet at large, so far back as the 8th May. How far the seizure and confinement of Luther at Wartemburg was the act of Frederick alone, or in concert with the princes friendly to the Reforma- tion, has not been ascertained. Certain it is that the emperor took no steps to follow up the pro- ceedings against Luther, and was not scrupulous in availing himself, in his future politics, of the divisions attendant on the diffusion of the new doctrines. The new mode of life consequent on his removal to the castle, was by no means agreeable to Luther. The want of sufficient exercise, the change from the plain diet of a monastery, but particularly his anxiety for the state of the church and the univer- sity of Witlemberg, all contributed to form subjects of complaint in his letters to his friends. His great apprehension was lest his absence from a participation in the exertions and troubles of his adherents, should be construed into a preference of personal safety to other considerations. In his letters to Melancthon we iind Ijim saying, " For the glory of the Scriptures and the consolation of 17i THE LIFE OF LUTHER, mankind, I would rather submit to a violent death than that you should think me languid in the cause. Even though I should perish, the word of God shall not perish, and you, I hope, like another Elisha would succeed Elijah. If the pope proceed to at- tack all who are of my sentiments, Germany must be involved in tumult, and the sooner the attempt is made, the sooner will he and his abettors be defeated." Though secluded from intercourse with the world, Luther was incapable of passing his time in inacti- vity or indifference. He continued to study as labo- riously as before, but the caution of Frederick and his ministers obliged him to delay publishing. The public disputations at the universities, too, were suspended, lest offence should be given to the church. Many of the professors, and among others Melanc- thon, considered this a serious invasion of acade- mical liberty. Luther, when informed of it, urged them to deviate without hesitation from the injunc- tions of the court, adding " had I followed Spa- latin's cautious admonitions, the one half of what I have done would never have been effected." The first essay, which Luther found means to publish from his retreat, was a short treatise in Ger- man, on the abuse of auricular confession. The people, he said, so fir from being benefited, were corrupted by it, and its chief use was to feed the ascendancy and luxury of the clergy. In contra- distinction to this practice, he exhibited an account of the true nature of confession from the Scripture. His next publication was a short practical work, consisting of notes on the Evangelists, the merit of YEAR 1521. 175 which was acknowledged even by his advei'saries. He carried on hkewise a controversy with James Latornus, a divine of Louvain, already known to the public by his disputes with Reuchlin and Eras- mus, and who had undertaken the defence of the decision given by his university in Luther's cause. Luther's zeal for the university of Erfurt, the scene of his early studies, led him about this time to compose an address to the students of that semi- nary. They had been wanting in respect to the clergy, and though this originated in partiality to his doctrine, he did not hesitate to write to them in a tone of reprehension. Another of his publica- tions related to the proper acceptation of the word " priests" in the New Testament. Connected with this question was the more important one of the pro- priety of the marriage of the clergy. It was now for the first time that he ventured to discuss this in- teresting question. He laid it down as a principle, that all men were at liberty to marry ; that ecclesi- astics were partakers of this general liberty ; and that marriage was even incumbent on those who felt themselves inclined to it. One exception, however, he made in the case of ecclesiastics, and that excep- tion was inclusive of himself; — it was of those who had made a spontaneous vow of celibacy. We shall see hereafter that in this, as in other points, his dis- sent from the established doctrine became gradually more complete. His friend Melancthon, who was not in orders, had married the preceding year. The consideration of these subjects led Luther to the composition of his celebrated work on " Mo- nastic Vows." Here he expressed himself with 17<5 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, great freedom on this fictitious and unnatural insti- tution. His father had, as we have already men- tioned, opposed iiis entering a monastery, and the treatise was dedicated to him as a tribute of filial affection. Another publication was prompted by a work of Ambrose Catherine, a Dominican, who had undertaken to controvert several of Luther's argu- ments, and who was eventually rewarded for his zeal by the attainment of high rank in the church. Luther in his answer confined himself to one con- cise and favourite allegation — that the pope was Antichrist. Though much superior to Catherine in strength of argument, he permitted himself to follow the example of that writer in the adoption of irri- tating and abusive language. In fact, one can hardly imagine a more bitter publication than this of Luther. — Another production of great boldness was a letter addressed on 25th November to Albert, archbishop of Mentz. The reply of this dignitary was by no means so severe as might have been ex- pected from Luther's confident tone. Albert was too cool a politician to quarrel with the Reformer, and seemed to discover a wish to tranquillize and flatter him. In these different publications, no allusion was made to his place of retreat. Ahhough fearless himself, he made no difficulty in conforming to those precautionary measures which his friends thought necessary for his security. The castle of Wartburg was occasionally visited by gentry and nobility as a hunting quarter ; and to prevent obser- vation, it was necessary for Lutiicr to assume the dress of a horseman. He sometimes even joined Y1L\R 1521. 177 the party in partaking of the sports of the field ; and, absent as his thoughts were from the scene before him, appearances were so well kept up, that the visitors Lo the castle do not appear to have found him out. The circumstance of his confinement, as it was calculated to increase the public sympathy for him, probably tended to favour the diffusion of his tenets. Various appearances indicated that they were begin- ning to take general root. In one point, however, matters went at this time contrary to his wish. The pubhc reproach which he had thrown on the canon law would, he flattered himself, have brought it into disrepute at Wittemberg, and he was accordingly much surprised to hear of the appointment of a pro- fessor to teach canon law in his own university. To this office his friend lodocus, or, as he afterwards chose to call himself, Justus Jonas, was nominated. This, joined to other circumstances, made Luther impatient to repair personally to Wittemberg, and satisfy himself about the measures that were going on. He ventured accordingly, without the elector's knowledge, to withdraw for a short time from the castle and re-appear among his friends. He found them proceeding very actively in the career of inno- vation. His brethren, the Augustinians, had gone great lengths. They had not only abolished private masses and the disgraceful custom of begging, but had granted a general exemption from the obligation of wearing the monastic habit, as well as liberty to whoever thought proper to withdraw from the Order. On the first of these topics, the abrogation of pri- vate mass, Luther addressed, in the month of No- N 178 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, vember, a treatise to his brethren. Though some- what apprehensive of their going; too far, he heartily approved of their principles, and composed a la- boured refutation of the tenets of the Romish church on the subject.* However the introduction of all these changes caused a great deal of serious debate in the fraternity. The elector found it necessary to interfere, and to depute Gregory Pontanus to in- quire into the points in dispute. On the other hand, certain persons being appointed to carry on the discussion on the part of the university, the result of their deliberation was a petition to the elector for nothing less than a general abrogation of mass throughout his dominions. Jonas, Carolostad and Melancthon, were in the number of petitioners. Luther was now to encounter an adversary of a new kind. Henry VIH. of England having, in the early part of life, paid some attention to the study of scholastic theology, was flattered by his courtiers into the belief of being able to obtain an easy tri- umph over the arguments of Luther. The " Ba- bylonish Captivity" having attracted his notice, he boldly undertook the task of defending the seven sacraments of the Romish conmmnion. He pub- lished a book and transmitted it, in the month of October, to Rome, where it was delivered, with the utmost formality, to the assembled conclave. The accomj)anyi!Jg address was " Anglonnn Rex Hen- ricus, Leo X* mittit hoc opus et jidci testem et aJ7iicitics." The title of " Defender of the Faith '* was immediately conferred on this distinguished ad- vocate of the church, * Luth. ii. 2M<. Sleid. L. iii. Seckend. p. 214. YEAR 1521. 17s Henry's book, considering the badness of his cause and the wretched system of learning then in vogue, is not destitute of merit. His courtiers had the effrontery to declare that it must have been written under the influence of the Holy Spirit. But Luther was not to be discouraged either by high-sounding encomiums or by the rank of his as- sailant. He returned a prompt reply, and had no scruple in describing the king by the most abusive epithets. It is needless to make any selection, as the whole treatise is full of them. The length to which he went, gave his enemies a handle of re- proach, and even caused regret among some of his friends. At the end of this year, the emperor Charles, who had hitherto dechned to carry the pope's bull into effect, began to act in hostility to the Reforma- tion. Some steps were taken, at the instigation, it is said, of Alexander, the pope's nuncio, towards persecuting the Lutherans in the Netherlands. Orders were likewise given to burn Luther's books at Vienna. Of all the remarkable events of this year, one of the least expected remains yet to be mentioned. This was the death of Leo X. which took place on. the 1 st or 2d of December. The suddenness of its occurrence, and the multiplied intrigues at the court of Rome, have given rise to a suspicion of poison ; but the examination of this question would be foreign to the object of our narrative. *= * Ciacon. Vit. Pontif, p. 1417, HIT. See Appendix A A. N 2 180 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, CHAPTER VIII. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. iiUTHER having, after a short absence, returned to the castle of Wartemburg, began to devote him- self to a labour of great importance — the translation of the Scriptures into German. The magnitude of the design was in correspondence with his ardent and enterprising cast of mind, and the seclusion of his present residence was favourable to the com-- mencement of its execution. Zealous, however, as he was, he soon discovered that the task was a very difficult one. In a letter to his friend Amsdorff, written in January, he says, " I am busily engaged in translating the Scrip-? tures, although conscious that I have undertaken a work above my abilities. I have now some ide£^. what it is to translate, and why no one who has at^ tempted it has put his name to his version.* I can- not venture to attempt the Old Testament unless you and your associates be present and assist me. If by any means it could be managed, that I could lodge * He alludes to the circumstance of no names being prefixed to the early translations of Scripture. This was probably owing to the custom of the tioies, and to the publicity of the individual! >^ho undertook these meritorious labours, tEARS 1522 AND 1523. 181 in complete secrecy with any of you, I would im- mediately come, and, with your assistance, would again go over what I have translated, that the work might be made worthy of being read by Christians. I hope that our translation will be superior to the Vulgate. The occupation is great and honourable, and may employ us all, since the salvation of man- kind is connected with it." The history of this noble monument of Luther's industry deserves to be recorded with minuteness. He had applied during the preceding summer, with extraordinary dihgence, to the study of the Greek and Hebrew. From the attempts which had been previously made to translate the Scriptures into German, Luther could derive little or no assistance. Versions of a homely kind had been published at Nuremberg in 1477, l'i83, 149O, and at Augsburg so late as 1518. The common people, however, were not encouraged to read them, and the vulgarity of the style, together with the miserable printing, was ill calculated to attract the attention of others. Li regard to the translation said to have been made in the days of Charlemagne, or the rhyming ver- sions of the dark ages, it would be ridiculous to notice them otherwiie than as matter of record. In the management of this great labour, Luther had frequently recourse to the assistance of his friends, and freely confesses the obligations which he owed to them. The reward of his industry has consisted in the approbation of his countrymen ever since the publication of his work. Catholic authors them- selves, while they make great objection to the sen- timents which, in their opinion, he has ingrafted 185 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, on the Scriptures, are loud in praising the perspi- cuity of the style. His manner of conducting his labour is explained in a letter which he addressed to Spalatin, after returning from his confinement to Wittemberg: " I translated not only John's Gospel but the ■whole of the New Testament in my Patmos ; but Melancthon and I have now begun to revise the whole of it, and it will, by the blessing of God, do us credit. We sometimes need your assistance to direct us to suitable modes of expression. Pre- pare yourself therefore, but supply us only with such words as are simple, and avoid all that arc confined in their use to the camp or court. We wish the book to be distinguished by the simplicity of its style. To accomplish this, in one difficult passage, we beg you will furnish us with the names, colours, and if possible, a sight of the precious stones mentioned in Rev. xxi." This request had reference to the elector's collection of gems. Spa- latin complied with the wish of his friends, and transmitted them the precious stones in question^ which, after due examination, they sent back.* Of the different books of the New Testament, Matthew's Gospel was published first, next Mark's, and the Epistle to the Romans. The other books soon followed, so that the whole came out by Sep- tember 1522. With a view to extensive circulation among the lower orders, Luther took care that the form of the edition should be cheap ; besides, the different books of the New Testament were pub- • Seckend. p. SOi. YEARS 1522 AND 1523. 1S3 lished separately and sold at a very low rate. The translation of this part of Scripture was only the beginning of his labours. He had the courage to proceed to the Old Testament, and, on 2d November he thus expressed himself in a letter to a friend: " In my translation of the Old Testament, I am only in Leviticus. It is inconceivable how much writing letters, business, conversation, and many other things, have interrupted my progress. I am now determined to shut myself up at home and to use dispatch, so that the five books of Moses may be sent to press by January. We shall print them separately: after that we proceed to the historical parts of Scripture, and, lastly, to the Prophets. The size and price render it necessary to make these divisions in the publication." Nor did his progress fall short of his expectation, for he was enabled to send the Pentateuch to press by the middle of De- cember. And in regard to the New Testament, such was the rapid sale of his translation, that a second edition was printed in the course of the same month.* In proceeding with his labours in the Old Tes- tament, Luther encountered various difficulties. Among other things, the proper names of animals were productive of much embarrassment ;-!- but no- thing could discourage him — he persevered, year after year, and had the satisfaction, as we shall find in the sequel, not only of completing, but of pub- * Seckend. p. 204. f The Hierozoikon of Samuel Bochart, a \tork replete with Roman, Greek, and Oriental learning, has now thrown great light on this obscure subject. IS J THE LIFE OF LUTHER, lishiiio; amended editions of his jziaantic under- taking. The chnrch of Rome was well aware of die danger to her superstitious legends and extravagant assump- tions from a good translation of the Bible. Her defenders have therefore directed many attacks against Luther's labour, and have presumed to ac- cuse it of frequently vitiating the sense of the ori- ginal. Of these various critics none "was more acri- monious than Jerome Emser, who, as we have al- ready mentioned, was professor of canon law at Leipsic. Offended, like the rest of his brethren, that Luther should prefer the Greek original to the Latin Vulgate, he hastened, in 1523, to publish, in German, critical notes on Luther's translation of the New Testament. The number of heresies and falsehoods, of which this zealot accused Luther in his translation, amounted to no less than fourteen hundred. Cochlaeus, equally hostile, but somewhat less presumptuous, is satisfied with estimating Lu- ther's misrepresentations at the reduced number of one thousand. But Emser put the seal to his own condemnation by borrowing largely from Luther in a subsequent translation of his own. In regard to the Epistle of James, the attacks which Luther's opponents made on his hasty translation, were more formidable ; but the means of supporting their ani- madversions by reference to canonical authority were either unknown to them or were very unskil- fully managed in their hands.* * Father Simon in his Hist. Crit. du Vieux Testam. endea- vours to throw great blame on Luther's translation, but from the examples which he has adduced, it may be suspected that either YEARS 1522 AND 1523. \i<» Meanwhile the civil authorities in Germany con- tinued their efforts to crush the Lutheran doctrine. The affairs of the emperor had rendered his presence absolutely necessary in Spain, but the government was entrusted in his absence to a regency extremely hostile to the Reformation. Accordingly on Ja- nuary 20, under the presidency of the elector pala- tine, an edict was issued at Nuremberg, command- ing the princes to proceed to punish those persons among the laity, who, in the language of the edict, " were profaners of the sacrament by partaking of the wine as well as of the bread." Equal rigour was enjoined towards those of the clergy who had ven- tured to depart from a state of celibacy. The bigoted George, duke of Saxony, was one of the few princes who thought proper to carry this decree into effect. He proceeded to imprison such of the monks as preached Luther's doctrine, and to recal from the universities those students who appeared to have imbibed a similar partiality.* It was at this time, that the Anabaptists began their enthusiastic career, and showed to what an outrageous length the spirit of innovation may be carried in the hands of deluded men. As a sequel in some measure of the Reformation, Luther was much affected by these irregularities. But a more direct cause of disquietude arose from the precipitate measures of his own friends. In his absence from Wittemberg, Carolostad had taken the lead and was advancing with very decisive steps. He had not he had read only a small part of it, or that he was no great critic in the German language, * Seckijid, p. 196. 186 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, only shaken himself loose of his clerical vow of celibacy and become a married man, a step df which Luther approved, but be had vehemently attacked the practice of having images in churches. The people, at his instigation, had even gone the length of throwing down those that were in the churches at Wittemberg and elsewhere. These proceedings Luther accounted precipitate, and was very unwill- ing to do any thing of the kind until the connnon people were better instructed, by which time, he argued, that images would fall of themselves. It has been suspected that he was unwilling to let Carolostad, or any other of his followers, take a lead in the career of Reformation ; a conjecture con- firmed, it must be confessed, by a passage in a letter from Luther to his friend Caspar Guttelius, in which, speaking of Carolostad, he says, " At ille cupicbat Jieri subito novus magister, et siias ordl- 7iationes in populo autoritate meet erigere" * Be that as it may, Luther determined to leave forth- with his place of confinement. As he could have no hope of obtaining the elector's consent, he resolved to withdraw without his knowledge, and to assign his reasons by letter. He accordingly left the castle on 3d March, 1522, and addressed the elector a letter of some length, which, while it shows decided independence, is marked, more pcrhajjs than any other production of Luther, with his characteristic eccentricities. It was expressed nearly as follows: " I am almost in despair at what has taken place at Wittemberg. My former sufferings were child's * Seckencl. p. 197. YEARS 1522 AND 152J. 18; play compared to this alarm, vvhicli is calculated to throw reproach on the gospel itself. My great source of confidence is in the consciousness of an upright life, and if you are not convinced of that, I am willin^j to be denounced by you. My gospel proceeds not from man but from the Lord Jesus, and I shall henceforth call myself a servant of Christ and an evangelist. That I might attract others to the right path, I have published such knowledge a8 I possess, but my strain of communication has been too humble. Now, however, when I see that my moderation tends to impede the progress of tlm gospel, I am unwilling to yield any longer even to please a prince, as I did last year, not through fear but for a different reason. I ventured to enter Worms without dreading innumerable devils, and since duke George is not equal in power to one devil, the faithful have cause to rejoice and to be courageous, for they have God the Father, on whom they can call. The wrath of the duke should he. scorned, and for my part I am resolved, were it necessary, to enter Leipsic, although tlie heavens should pour down for nine da3rs together nothing but rulers of still greater cruelty. I write these things to your Highness that you may know that I return to Wittemberg under a protection far more powerful than that of an elector. The sword is not wanted to defend my cause, for God will take it into his own hands. Your Highness's faith is weak, and I cannot think of relying on it for my defence. You wish to know what you should do, and say you have done less than became you. — I reply, that you have nothing to do, and have already done too much. 188 THE LIFE OF LUTHER, It is contrary to the will of God, tliat your High- ness or I should have recourse to arms in the de-. fence of niy cause. If you put belief in these things, you will be saved ; if not, I at least believe them, and must permit your incredulity to be a source of vexation to you. Since I decline obeying you, you are not to blame if I be apprehended and put to death. I have no wish to oppose force to the emperor, that the world may see that he has the power of treating the persons and property of your subjects as he pleases. You cannot be asked to act the part of an executioner to me. ^A ere that to be required, and I to be made acquainted with the situation in which it placed your Highness, I should take care (you may believe it or not,) that on my account you should be safe and uninjured in body, soul, and property." Frederick received this communication the day after it was written, and appears to have pardoned the singular freedom which Luther took. Lest the Reformer's warmth, however, should carry him too far, and lead him to measures injurious to himself, the elector commissioned Schurif to converse with him and to treat him kindly. No notice was taken of the letter which we have just quoted ; and it was merely proposed that Luther should address to the elector such a statement as might be fit to be shown to others. It was to contain a plain enumeration of his reasons for returning to Wittemberg ; adding that the step was taken without the elector's know- ledge, and was meant to injure no one. It was far- ther to be understood that Luther was not to preach in the great church of Wittemberg. To all this th« YEARS 1522 AND 1525. 18'J Reformer assented, and assigned, in the letter, three reasons for his return to Wittemberg — the invita- tion of the ecclesiastics and inhabitants of that city; the trouble in which his flock was involved ; and, lastly, the confusion which he apprehended might arise in Germany in consequence of the imprudent conduct of some of his adherents. lie took care, however, to subjoin the significant remark, that he should be under no apprehension were the contents of his former letter to be made known to the public. Luther's return to Wittemberg gave occasion to lively demonstrations of joy, the learned and un- learned partaking equally in the general exultation. Various reasons induced him to lose no time in ex^ pressing his sentiments on the commotions which had occurred in his absence. He therefore stated explicitly, in seven separate discourses, his opinion on the controverted points. After insinuating that the weak should be treated with kindness, and that hasty measures were contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, he proceeded in a strain which was chiefly remarkable as indicative of his remaining attach- ment to several of the superstitious customs of the church of Rome. He was not yet prepared for the abolition of public mass, and consented to the disuse ©f private mass, from a sense, not of the folly in- herent in the institution, but of the abuses which had crept into its practice. In expatiating on the evils of compulsory proceedings, he made a direct allusion to his having had it in his power to excite a tumult at Worms, had he chosen to render the em^ peror's stay there uncomfortable. In regard to lao THE LIFE OF LUTHER, images, he thought that, if not worshipped in churches, they might have been tolerated there, had not the excessive abuses introduced in regard to them rendered their removal expedient. The question of fasting, or abstaining from flesh, he left to every man's option. In treating of admission to the Lord's supper, he expatiated on the necessity of a pious preparation, faith above all being indis- penrahle, and that without which no one could be a worthy partaker of the ordinance. He concluded, these discourses with what ajjpears, in our age, a singular recommendation, — the utility of practising confession to priests. While we praise the modesty with which Luther submitte