tihvavy of t:he trheolocjical ^tminavy PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY mm •a BR 305 .H36 1876 Hardwick, Charles, 1821- 1859. A history of the Christian church durina the 3h'i Iv2> HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. A HISTOEY V'^^ OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH DURING Cljt '§.tioxmniion. CHARLES HARD WICK, M.A. LATE FELLOW OF ST CATHARINE'S COLLEGE. DIVINITY LECTURER AT KING'S COLLEOK, AND CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. FIFTH EDITION, REVISED BY W. STUBBS, M.A. RKGIU3 PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, Hontion ; MACMILLAN AND CO. 1876. [.4/i. Rights reserved.'] •Goo, lityll boke; be ferfull and quake for drede For to appere in so bjf presence : To alia folke that the seen or rede, Submytte tbyselfe with homble reverens To be reformed, where men fynde offence; Mekely requerynge, voyde of presomcyoun, ^Yhere thou felyst to do correccyoun.' CAJIBEIDGE: PEIKTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AT THU UNIVEESITT PEES8. TO THE REV. G. E. COREIE, D. D. MASTER OF JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, IS INSCRIBED WITH SENTIMENTS OP GRATITUDE, AFFECTION, AND RESPECT, BY HIS FRIEND AND FORMER PUPIL. K. P. PREFACE. The following Chapters are intended as the sequel and companion to 'A History of the Christian Church during the Middle Age.' The author had indulged the hope of giving this new portion to the public at a less distant interval, but found his progress constantly retarded by other duties and eno^ascements. In traversing ground which furnishes so many topics, always full of deep and sometimes melancholy interest to the student of Church-history, he was actuated by the principles which guided him throughout the composition of the previous volume. His earnest wish has been to give the reader a trustworthy version of those stirring incidents which mark the Keformation-period ; without relinquishing his former claim to characterise particular systems, persons, and events, according to the shades and colours they > assume, when contemplated from an English point of view, and by a member of the Church of England. Cambbidge, February 5, 1856. This third edition is substantially a reprint of the second, which was published in 1865 under the editor- ship of the Rev. Francis Procter. A few passages have been rewritten and the whole carefully revised. WILLIAM STUBBS. Kettbl Hall, Oct. 1872. CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION .... 1—10 CHAPTER I. THE SAXON SCHOOL OP CHUBCH-REFOllilEES, AND ITS PROPAGATION 11—100 Germany 11 — 72 Prussia 73 74 Denmark, Norway, and Iceland 74 — 73 Sweden 78 — 82 Poland 82—86 Bohemia and Moravia 86—88 Hmigary and Transylvania 88—92 Spain 92—96 Italy 96—100 CHAPTER II. THE SWISS SCHOOL OF CHURCH-REFORMERS, AND ITS PROPAGATION .... lUl — 151 Switzerland 101—121 France 122—130 Scotland 131-145 The Netherlands 145— lul CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. PAGE CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE SAXON AND THE SWISS EEFOEMEES . 152 — 164 CHAPTER IV. THE ENGLISH AND IKISH EEFOEMATION . 165 — 249 England 165—242 Ireland 243-249 CHAPTER V. SECTS AND HERESIES ACCOMPANYING THE NEW MOVEMENT . 250 — 273 Freethinkers 250 — 251 First Eace of Anabaptists 252 — 258 Second Eace of Anabaptists, or Mennonites .... 258 — 262 Socinians 262 — 266 Schwenckfeldians 266 — 268 Family of Love 268 — 271 Brownists, or Independents 271 273 CHAPTER VI. THE COUNTEE-EEFOEMATION . . . 274 — 311 Mediating Party 274 — 279 CouncU of Trent 280 — 300 InquiBition 301—302 Jesuits 303—311 CHAPTER VII. EELATHONS OP EASTEEN AND "WESTEEN CHUECHES . 312 — 319 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER VIII. CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH, AND ITS RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER Eoman Communion Englisli Communion Saxon Communion Swiss Communion S2Q—ZrA 320—327 327—339 339—347 347—35-1 CHAPTER IX. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY 355—398 CHAPTER X. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH . 399—413 A HISTOKY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. lUfuriiiatioii Iniair. That Europe would ere long be shaken by some purifjdng tempest was the general expectation of far-sighted men at the begmning of the sixteenth century. The scholar wdio was holding a familiar converse with past ages, or who noted from his cloister the portentous stillness which in spite of prevalent corruptions was pervading all the atmo- sphere of the Church, agreed in this foreboding with the politician who directed the affairs of nations, and mixed freely in the strifes and turmoils of the world. They could not, it is true, foresee the depth of the convulsion, nor the marvellous rapidity with which it would be propagated, nor the vast upheaving it would cause in every sphere of human thought. Much less could they divine the special nature of the instruments^ whom GoD was shaping for the execution of His purpose. Yet their knowledge and ex- perience told them that disorders such as they beheld in the administration of the Church had grown intolerable, and, unless a remedy were soon applied, might prove the ruin of the system which had fed them for so many years. ^ The nearest guess, perhaps, was made in the follo-winp; passage, written just before the birth of Luther: 'Ecclesiam per concilium refor- mare non poterit omnis humaua facultas : sed alium modum Altissimus procurabit nobis quidem pro nunc incognitum, licet lieu! pric foribus existat, ut ad pristinum statum ecclesia redeat:' see Hottinger, Hist. Ecc. Bffic. XV. p. 413, quoted in Middle Age, p. 371, n. 3. Anticipa- tions of some mighty change: nisto7^y of the Christian CJiiuxh. A number of converging trains^ of influence had been lately rousing and enlarging the mind of Western Chris- tendom. It could no longer be subdued by motives, or repressed by fetters, which had once been all-constraining. New importance was attached to individual freedom, and a higher value set on individual souls. The hazy light which flo'ated over the institutions of the Mediaeval period, adding to it much of its dignity, picturesqueness and romance, was giving way to fuller and more rational illumination : and as this increased the circle of its i^ower, mankind grew more impatient of authority, and more inclined to question the traditions of their fathers. Every order of society was stirred: it silently drew up a catalogue of grievances'*, and watched its opjDortunity to clamour for redress. The feelings of the many were exasperated by the scandalous lives of the ecclesiastics. Members of the higher class resented their encroachments, envied their predominance, and thirsted for a part of their superfluous wealth. Those bishops even who Avere desirous to promote the better or- ganization of their dioceses, felt themselves restrained by the corrujit examples and the arbitrary intermeddling of the popes: while in addition to this general want of con- fidence in the existing state of things, a party of doctrinal reformers was emerging, almost simultaneously, in verj' different quarters. It consisted of friars, clerics, monks and laymen, all perceiving more distinctly every day, that most of the practical corruptions on the surface of society had sprung from deeper causes than was commonly supposed, and therefore, that a reformation to be really efiicacious 1 Middle Age, pp. 415, 416. 2 A specimen is found in the well-known Centum Gravamina adversus sedem Romanam totumque ccclcsiasticinn ordinem arrayed before the diet of Nuremberg in 1522. Erasmus writing (Dec. 12, 1524) to Duke George of Saxony, who was adverse to the Lutherans, did not hesitate to make this declaration: 'Cum Lutherus aggrederetur hanc fabulam [i.e. of in- dulgences], totus mundus illi mar/no consensu applausit. . . . Susceperat enim optimam causam adversus corruptissimos Scholarum et Ecclesiae mores, qui eo progress! fuerant ut res jam nulli bono viro tolerahilis vide- reiur.^ EpUt. lib. xxi. ei?. 7. Lond. 1642. To the same effect writes Surius, a contemporary, and one of Luther's greatest enemies (in Gieseler, 'Vierte Periode,' p. 30, n. 17. Bonn, 1840, vol. v. p. 231. ed. Edinb.) : *In ipsis hujus tragoedice initiis Aisus est Lutherus etiam plerisque viris gra- cibus ct erudilis non pessimo zelo moveri, planeque nihil spectare aliud quam Ecclesiae reformationem, cujus quidam deformes abusus non parum mi'.lc habebant bonos omnes.' Reformation Period. must commence with acts of daring, not to say of violence, — with rooting up the numerous aftergrowths of error, that had smothered, or at least obscured, the genuine dogmas of the Church. As these convictions gradually became more definite and urgent, it was necessary to inquire respecting the machiner}^ by which a reformation might be carried into effect. Two plans seemed possible : the one involving the co-operation of the pope and hierarchy, and through them extending to the whole of western Christendom ; the other starting from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities of each particular state or nation, and removing the abuses which especially atiected it. According to the first idea, the Roman pontiff, wielding as of old a spiritual supremacy, might constitute himself the head and leader of the risingf movement. Foremost to acknowledge that 'many abominations had for a long time existed even in the holy see, yea, that all things had been grievously altered and perverted' \ he might call together the most able representatives of the Church, inquire more narrowly into the growth of prevail- ing evils, disinter the ancient canons, above all, give new publicity to the neglected oracles of God, and ascertaining, by the help of sounder scholarship now happily revived, how far the faith and practices of Christendom had swerved from early standards, might exert the remnant of his power in every court of Europe to replace religion on a firmer basis, and to restore it to its pristine purity. (1) If such a project may have fairly been considered within the bounds of possibility when Pius III. ascended the pontifical throne in 1503, the hope of realizing it ex- pired with his brief reign of six and twenty days". It was agitated, for a Avhile indeed, when Adrian occupied the place of Leo in 1522; yet the 'reforming' pontiff (so he ^ This was actually the admission of Adrian VI. in 1522. Sec his instructions to Francisco Chieregati, in llaynald. Annal. Eccl. ad an. 1522. § 06; The abb^ Kohrbacher in his lUst. Univ. dc VE(jUse Cathj- lique is unwilling to recognize the least corruption in the ^Icdiu'val Church, and professes to rectify the blunders of such men as Bosbuet, who could not shut thoir eyes to the most patent facts of history, The language of Adrian is, however, a great stumblingblock in the way of M. Kohrbacher, owing to his exalted views of pontilical infalhbility. See the opening of Liv. lxxxiv. 2 DoUinger, Ch. Hist. iv. 229. Engl. Transl. 1—2 INTRODUC- TION. Two pos sible me- thods of condvctinf) a reforma- tion. Xo chance of a re- formation starting fron*. tht popes: History of the Christian Church, lias been stjded) had scarcely cherished the magnificent idea when he also was carried prematurely to his graved With these two slight exceptions, we shall find the Soman curia, throughout the first quarter of the sixteenth century, persisting in its resolution to discountenance all change whatever. Conscious though it afterwards became that reformation of some kind or other was inevitable, it mani- fested no activity until the slumbers of the Vatican were broken by the prospect of a general revolt. And as the pontiff would not himself institute reformatory measures, so would he not tolerate the schemes of other church-autho- rities. The 'constitutional' reformers, who inherited the feelings that found expression at Constance and Basel, were no less hateful in his eyes than Hussites or Waldenses. He construed every wish they breathed for the recovery of the Church into designs for circumscribing his jurisdiction, or draining his revenues. In 1460, Pius 11. had actually forbidden all endeavours to invoke the aid of councils under pain of damnation ^ It was therefore not unnatural that many who sighed deeply over the degeneracy of Christendom should gradually lose faith in the pontifical authority, until they welcomed acts and agencies that once appeared abnormal, vicious and heretical. This gradual loss of confidence was doubtless expedited by observing the personal demerit of the popes. Never had they, speaking generally, been so unworthy, so flagi-' tious, and so despicable. When Luther was advancing to the highest academical distinction at Erfurt, the throne of St Peter, as men deemed, was still tenanted by Alexander VI.^ whose crimes have always staggered the most ardent champions of the papacy. When Luther crossed the Alps in 1511, himself, as he declares*, the very 'maddest' of 1 Sarpi, Hist, du Concile de Trent, Liv. i. c. 27. (i. 59 ed. Courayer.) ^ BiUlanum, ed. Cocquelmes, iir. pt. iii. 97. ' 2 3Iiddle Age, p. 339. Even Onuphrius Panvinius (the continuator of Platina), wlio thinks that the vices of Alexander were equalled by his virtues, characterizes him in the follomng terms: 'perfidia plusquam Punica, sasvitia immani, avaritia immensa ac rapacitate, inexhausta parandi filio imperii per fas et nefas libidine Mulieribus maxima addic- tus, ex quibus quatuor filios et duas filias tulit,' etc. Be Vit. Pontif. p. 360. Colon. 1600. * * Sciat [i. e. lector] me fuisse aliquando monachum et papistam insanissimum, cum istam causam aggressus sum, ita ebrium, ita submer- sum in dogmatibus papaB, ut paratissimus fuerim omnes, si potuissem, Beformation Period, those- devotees, he found that Julius II. the reigning * re- presentative of Christ,' bestowed his interest chiefly on the camp, and led his troops to battled These charges, it is true, do not apply to Leo X., who was remarkable for the polish of his manners, for his patronage of arts and learn- ing, and for the graceful brilliance of his court: yet even he associated with men who ill disguised their inhdelity, and though untainted by their vices, playtsd the part of the magnificent prince, instead of the unworldly prelate ^ He could, therefore, only smile or sneer ^ when he perused the l^rotestations of ' brother Martin ' against the impious sale of indulgences. Nor, had the popes been willing to promote a general reformation of the Church, could they have realized their wishes in the present state of European politics. Their standing, in relation to the civil power, Avas now no longer what it had been, when their edicts and anathemas found executioners in every province of the west, — when Innocent III. disposed of kingdoms, or when Hildebrand could ter- rify an emperor, and make him toil across the great St Bernard in the depth of winter to solicit the papal abso- lution. The nominal head of Christendom had shrunk at last into a cypher and a shadow. His reanimation was itself one consecpience of the religious war that stripped him of the half of his possessions. When Charles and Francis wrestled for the sovereignty of Europe, Leo was in turn the tool of the stronger party. After witnessing the overthrow of his valiant Swiss at Marignano, he abandoned the imperial cause, and threw himself into the arms of Francis, crying 'Misericordia'*. So far was he at least from listening to the groans and clamours of his spi- ritual subjects, that while their remonstrances were grow- occidere, aut occiclcntibns cooperari ct consGiitirc, si papa* vcl una syllaba obeclientiam detractareut:' Lutbor. 0pp. etl. 1545. ' Prief.' 1 WaddiugtoD, Hist, of the lieform. on the Continent, i. 53. Lond. 1841. 2 Onuph. Panvin., as above, p. 3G9; cf. Eoscoe's apolog}', in his Life and Pontificate of Leo X., cbap. xxiv. 2 According to a contemporary, Bandello, the episcopal novelist (Pref. to Novel. XXV.), the pope observed ' cbe Era Martino fosse un bellissimo ingeguo, e cbe coteste erauo invidie Fratesche.' Gieseler, v. 230. 4 Eauke, Fo^pes during the Sixteenth Century, i. 81, 82. 2ud ed. Lond. 1841. INTUODUC- TION. Further difdcaltiis raised by their poli- tieal iiisiff- nificaacc. 6 History of the Christian Church. IXIRODUC- TION. National as opposed to cectimc- meal re- formation: ing louder every day, he was occupied with diplomatic arts and specious subterfuges for preserving to himself a wreck of his ancient independence. Whether, then, we have regard to the hereditary preju- dices of their station, to their personal demerits, or their inability to move the leading sovereigns of the west, we find no reason for expecting that reformatory measures would be instituted by the Roman pontiffs. (2) The other course, as we have indicated, was to substitute domestic for oecumenical machinery, to make the reformation of each country a separate concern by lay- ing greater stress upon the principle of nationality, as dis- tinguished from that of papal universalism. This project, in addition to the scriptural and patristic arguments alleged in its behalf, accorded with the state of public feeling, as well as with the special circumstances of the times. A marked tendency in the same direction had in fact been already manifested in proportion as men felt the trans- forming influences of the fifteenth century. We trace it in the 'actions' of the council of Constance, where a deep dis- trust of ultramontane intermeddling prompted the idea of 'vote by nations' \ That idea was afterwards embodied still more fully in the 'Pragmatic Sanction' of Charles VII.^, which formed the bulwark of the 'Galilean Liberties,' and which at one time Maximilian thought of introducing into Germany ^ He also ventured to express a lively interest in the convocation of the anti-papal synod of Pisa* (1511), stating that as the court of Rome was backward, he would himself put an end to the delay; and therefore, in his capacity of 'steward and protector of the Church,' pro- ceeded to convene 'the council of which she was greatly in need'^. Another striking indication of this forwardness in separate countries under the guidance of the civil power occurred in 1527 during the captivity of the pope. In a 1 Middle Aqe, p. 332. 2 Ibid. p. 338. 3 Kanke, Hist, of Ref. in Germany, i. 270. 2nd ed. Lond. 1845. 4 Middle Age, p. 340, n. 1. 5 Kanke, ibid. It was on this occasion that the prelates wrote as follows (Nov. 12, 1511): 'Assurge, igitur, Caesar Optime, adesto, vigila; labitur ecclesia, opprimuntur boni, impii efferuntur, mergitur justitia, colitur impietas, surgunt in sinumque recipiuntur infideles,' etc.: apud Kicher. Hist. Concil. lib. iv. Part i. pp. 121, 122. Colon. 1681. Reformation Period. treaty then arranged between Henry VIII. and Francis I. it was provided that 'whatsoever by the cardinal of York, assisted by the prelates of England assembled and called together by the authority of the King, should be deter- mined concerning the administration of ecclesiastical affairs in the said kingdom of England... should, the consent of the king being first had, be decreed and observed:' anrl corresponding stipulations were inserted in behalf of ' Francis and his clergy '\ In strict accordance with these tendencies, we find the chief reformers of Germany and England placing them- selves in close alliance with the secular authority, as that which ouglit to guide and stimulate the new religious movement. Luther in his bold address^ *to the Christian potentates of the German nation' (June, 1520) urged dis- tinctly that as need required, and as the Roman pontiffs only hindered reformation, the 'secular sword' would be exerted lawfully in redressing grievances by means of what he termed 'a right free council.' He was contemplating, it is probable, the convocation of some body representing all the western churches: yet the principle he advocates would equally in his opinion justify the conduct of a synod whose proceedings were restricted to the German empire, and even to particular states. The English, among whom, in spite of the high-sounding legislation of the Tudors, church- authority was more clearly and consistently preserved, were taught to associate their reformation with the same idea of nationality. Thus in the preamble to the famous Act of Parliament^ relating to appeals (1532-3), which proved the harbinger of more decisive measures, it is de- clared on the authority of 'sundry old authentic histories and chronicles,' that this realm of England is an empire made up of spiritualty and temporalty, and that it has here been customary, when causes 'of the Law Divine,' or 'of spiritual learning,' come in question, to decide tiiem by con- sulting that 'part of the body j^olitic called the spiritualty, 1 Herbert's Life of Henry VIIT. p. 209. Loud. 1072. The historian remarks: *And here certainly began the taste that our King took of governing in chief the clergy.' 2 Schriften, ed. Walch, x. 296 sq. It was written in German for the Bake of reaching the public ear. 3 Stat. 2i Hen. VIII. c. 12. INTRODUC- TION. the princi- pie adopted ill GtV' many, and still more intcl' litjenthj b;/ (he English : 8 History of the Christian Church. INTRODUC- TION. svhject lioiocver for a while to the deci- sions of a general Council. Heconcilia- tion rend- dered home- less. now being usually called the English Church... without the intermeddling of any exterior person or persons.' And the same principle of action, variously applied, had been adopted in the other states and countries of the west. They all convinced themselves that it was now the first and paramount duty of 'every prince to redress his own realm ' \ We should remark, indeed, that notwithstanding oc- casional expressions of impatience and distrust, the project of submitting the grievances of tlie reformers to a body fairly representing all the Latin Church, was not abandoned till it grew entirely visiouary. Melanchthon and his friends affirmed^ in 1530, that with regard to most of the disputed points they acted but provisionally. Hermann, the arch- bishop of Cologne, whose 'Consultation' was the work of the same moderate school, looked hopefully as late as 1543 to some conciliar reformation : ' Which thinges nevertheless we set furth to be receyued and obserued of men commit- ted to our charge, none otherwise than as a beginninge of so holie and necessary a thinge, vntil a general reformacion of congregacions \i.e. churches] be made by the holie em- pire, by a fre and Christian council, vniuersall or nationall'^ And even Philip the Magnanimous, who shewed himself peculiarly erratic, and impatient, more than others, of all spiritual authority, evinced a willingness in 1545 to stand by the determinations of such a body, — 'a free, pious and general council '^ As soon, however, as the members of the counter-refor- mation party had recruited their broken forces, and had published the elaborate decrees which are the fruit of their weary conferences at Trent, all hopes of peace, of 1 In the ' Kinges Protestation agayiist the Pope,' a.d. 1536 (Fox, p. 1085, col. 2. ed. 1583), where this expression occurs, it is observed: ' They that be wisest do dispayre of a generall councel. Wherfore we think it now best that euery prince call a councell prouincial.' Cf. the reasons given at the same time (a.d, 1537) by the Germans, for not con- senting to a proposed council to be held at* Mantua. Le Plat, Menu- menta Concil. Trident, ii. 577. Lovan. 1782. 2 Kanke, Hist. Reform, in. 280. 3 Consultation, sign. Er. ii. Lond. 1547. See also Bucer's kindred language in his Scrvpta Duo Adversaria, p. 255. Argentor. 1541. * See, however, Credner s remarks on this profession in the ' Vorwort' (p. ccv.) prefixed to his edition of the Reformatio Ecclesiarum Hassice, Giessen, 1852. Beformation Period. unity, of reconciliation were utterly extinguished (1563). A synod, which the Romanist, however unhistorically, held to be a representation of the whole Church, having eventually obtained the formal sanction of the pontiff, .was calculated to satisfy alike the Gallican and ultramontane theories of infallibility, and therefore claimed the homage of all Chris- tians who recognized the jurisdiction of the Roman see. On the other hand, the different bodies of Reformers also went their way to strengthen their ecclesiastical organiza- tion, and developing the evangelic principles that drove them at the first into collision with the unreformed, gave character and permanency to their system by stereotyping their Confessions and other symbolical books. The breach was thus to all appearance made irreparable. Christendom that had for centuries been parted into East and West resolved itself still further ; now presenting to the eye a motley group (we cannot say confederation) of national and local churches. Few perhaps of those who thoughtfully examine the modern history of Europe, will question that the great dis- ruptions of the sixteenth century, though highly beneficial as a whole, entailed some formidable evils. The loss of that organic unity which served in by-gone ages as a powerful evidence in aid of Christian truth; the intermission of fraternal fellowship between communities related to each other not by blood and language merely, but, in some essential points, by creed ; the sad dismemberment of fami- lies; the multiplication of parties, schisms and factions rising out of religious prejudice, and often issuing in reli- gious wars; the growth of mental habits leading either to indifferentism on one side, or to interdicted speculations on the other; the diffusion of an egotistic, self-complacent and subjective spirit, making light of all ecclesiastical traditions and exciting controversies whose vibrations are still felt in almost every part of Europe ; — these were some of the immediate, and it may be, necessary, accompaniments of struggles which then rose between the ancient and modern modes of thought, between the Mediaeval and Reforming principles. But while confessing and deploring such re- sults, we should, on the other hand, reflect that in the present stage of man's existence, great advantages must generally be purchased by corresponding sacrifices; and INTROliUC- TION, Zo.«s and gain (if Christen- dom. lO History of the Christian Church. that if we fairly balance gain with loss, the Reformation is to be esteemed among our very choicest blessings. It recovered what is even more precious than ecclesiastical unity, — the primitive and Apostolic faith. From it, ac- cordingly, has dated a new era in the moral progress of the Western nations, and the spiritual development of man. It has, to some extent, replaced him in the liberty wherewith Christ had made him free. It has unloosed the trammels that oppressed not only his understanding, but his conscience. It has led to the rejection of that semi-Judaism in thought and feeling, which however it was overruled for good in training the barbaric nations of the north, was, notwithstanding, a melancholy relapse into the servile posture of the Hebrew, as distinguished from the free and filial spirit that should characterize the chil- dren of God. Above all, the Reformation vindicated for our blessed Lord the real headship of the Church, exalting Him as the One source of life and righteousness, and thereby placing saints, and priests, and sacraments, in their true subordination. Personal faith in Him, the Re- constructor of humanity, the living Way unto the Father, was now urged with emphasis unequalled since the age ot St Augustine : and this quickening of man's moral con- sciousness imparted a new stimulus to individual effort. Doubtless many wild exaggerations followed, and still follow, in the track of the great movement, partly owing to the natural waywardness of men, and partly to the irrepressible force of the revulsion caused by hatred of the ancient superstitions ; yet, in spite of all such drawbacks, it is manifest that the reformed are, as a rule, entitled to rank higher than the unreformed communities, surpassing these not only in the vigour of their intellectual faculties and their material prosperity, but also in the social, moral, and religious elevation of the people. ( II ; CHAPTER I. THE SAXON SCHOOL OF CHUBCII-REFORMERS, AND ITS PROPAGATION, GERMANY. To understand the nature of the Eeformation as it rose and spread in Germany, we must become familiar with the life of him who was its centre and its chief. Martin Luther was born at Eisleben, a small town of Saxony, on the 10th of November, 1483. Like Hildebrand, whose reformations constitute another epoch in the annals of the Christian Church, he issued from the lower strata of society \ A childhood, saddened by the hardness of his lot, and the undue severity of his parents, ended in his transfer at the age of fifteen to the thriving school ot Eisenach''^, where indigence compelled him not unfrequently to earn his bread by singing carols in the streets and neighbourhood. Yet no privations of this kind, however much they modified his natural temper, could depress the 1 ' I am a "peasant's son,' he says in his Tahle Talk, * my father, my grandfather, and my great grandfather were genuine peasants (rechte Bauern).' Eanke observes that the family was from i\Iohra, a village in the Thuringian forest, not far from the spot where Boniface, the apostle of Germany, first preached the Gospel. Jleform. Bk. ii. ch. 1. (i. 310K Another form of the name was Liider, out of which his enemies profess to have extracted the mystic number 606, the designation of the beast in the Apocalypse: cf. Audin, Hist, de la Vie de Martin Luther, i. 1, note, Paris, 1839. ■^ In the village school of Mansfeld, whither his parents removed soon after his birth, he was taught, among other thin<;s, tlie Creed, tlio Ton Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer, together with tlie Latin ( rrammar of Donatus. The year before (1497) Luther had been sent to a school of higher rank at Magdeburg, but was withdrawn, owing to tho inability of his parents to maintain him there. At Eisenach ho had relatives, who contributed sHghtly to his support. The best contemporary biographies of him are Melanchthon's Hist. Vit. Martin. Luther, ed. Heumann, 1711, and a second by Matthesius, Historieii von D. Martin Luthers Anfang, etc. first published in 1565. (IF.r.MANT, Earlij life of Luther, 0.1483): 12 Tlie Saxon School of Churcli-Reformey's, [chap. GERMANY. Develop- ment of his character. buoyant energies within him; and wlien arrangements had been made at length (1501) for sending him to the univer- sity of Erfurt, the leading features of his character were rapidly developed. In that large and sturdy frame, with appetites of corresponding vehemence, and passions ever calling loudly for restraint, there worked a spirit such as rarely tenants humanflesh, — commanding, fierce, impetuous, dauntless, and indomitable, while maintaining what he felt to be the cause of truth and righteousness, and yet com- bining with these manlier elements an awful consciousness of his dependence upon God, and childlike singleness of purpose. Of his intellectual eminence a presage had been given at Eisenach, particularly by the force and eloquence of his compositions, both in verse and prose : but the superiority of his talents grew most apparent when, on entering at the university, he soon eclipsed his fellow- students, and astonished his instructors, by the rapidity with which he mastered all the ponderous learning of the schools. It seems that Aristotle, whom he afterwards abhorred ^ was one of the chief instruments in this evolving of his mental powers. He also read the other standard authors of the age, such as Thomas Aquinas'^, Duns Scotus^, William of Ockham^ Gabriel BieP, Peter DAilly^, and Gerson'^; last of all, proceeding to the investigation of the Holy Scriptures^ which he studied with the help of the patristic commentators, more especially of St Augustine. His decided preference for the writings of this saint, a preference which involved considerations of the highest 1 In a letter dated May 18, 1517 (ed. De Wette, i. 57), lie spoke of Aristotle as then on the decline ('descendit paulatim'); and in 1520 he entirely abandoned the Aristotelic theory of substance and accident [De Captiv. Babylon. Eccl. Opp, ii. fol. 263, b. Jenas, 1600). He declared that the Western Christians were generally orthodox on the Eucharist, 'donee coepit Aristotelis simulata philosophia in Ecclesia grassari.' At last, according to Erasmus [Epist. lib. xxxi. ep. 99), he denounced the whole of the Aristotelic philosophy as diabolical. Singularly enough the dialectics and physics of the Stagirite had been the subject of his first academical lectures. 2 See Middle Age, pp. 267 sq. ^ m^^ p^ 270. ^ Ihid. p. 353 and n. 1. ^ xi)[(j^ p, 354. and n. 1. 6 Ibid. p. 354, n. 2. 7 Ibid. p. 358. 8 On his 'discovery' of a copy of the Latin Bible (1503) in the uni- versity library at Erfurt, see Merle d'Aubign^'s Hist, of the Reform, i. 208. Edinb. 1853, and Dr Maitland's Dark Ages, pp. 469, 505. Lend. 1845. I-] and its Propagation, 13 moment in relation to the history of Christian dogmas, may be traced in some degree to his initiation, at Erfurt, into the order of Augustinian hermits or friars (1505). The natural bent of Luther's mind was certainly not in the direction of monasticism : he was social, cheerful, strongly sensuous, passionately fond of art and music, and himself no mean composer: yet on reaching his twentieth year he gradually became the victim of religious melan- choly, which continued to hang over him and clouded all his being, until 1508. His mental agitations were pecu- liarly intense and awful, bordering, it would seem, on actual delirium, when he felt himself impelled into the cloisters of the Augustinian convent \ A noviciate of one year gave ample promise of his diligence, humility and devotion. He resolved, with all the vigour of a dominant will, that if ascetic practices could open the gates of heaven to any, he for one would enter there^. But not- withstanding all such brave determinations, his disquietude went on increasing. As the lectures of the schools had failed to satisfy his yearnings after holiness, and could not draw him into closer communing with God, so neither did the self-inflicted privations of his cell. The Reformation that was destined to produce such mighty throes and con- flicts in the whole of Christendom, was now foreshadowed in the night-long vigils of the penitent and terror-stricken friar. It is remarkable^ that one of his first comforters was an aged inmate of the convent, who with great sim- plicity reminded him of the article of his creed, ' I believe in the remission of sins,' — expounding it in such a way as to bring out more consciously man's personal trust in a 1 He had been brooding over the sudden death of an intimate friend (July, 1505) when he was overtaken in the mountains between Mansfeld and Erfurt by a terrific storm. His feelings were strongly excited by what he deemed the presence of a wrathful God, and he instantly made a vow to St Anne, that if he escaped he would enter a convent. On reach- ing Erfurt, he gave a farewell supper to his friends, and retaining only two books, his Virgil and Tlautus, betook himself during the night of Aug. 17, 1505, to the place of his reclusiou: cf. Waddiugtou, 1. 39 sq. „. ^ 2 Ranke, Reform, i. 319: Audin, Hist, de Luther, i. 88, 89. His trea- tise De Votis 3Ionasticis was written about sixteen years after. He there says that he became a recluse half imwillmgly, ' teiTore et agone mortis Bubita} circumvallatus, ' 3 Melanchthon, De Vit. Luth. p. 7. GERMANY. Becomes a friar at Erfurt, 1505, 14 The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. GERMANY. migrates to Witten- ^e?7,1508. gratuitous redemption \ Hence the origin^ of the peculiar emphasis which Luther uniformly placed upon this doctrine all the rest of his life. In 1508 the scene of his activity was changed: John Staupitz, the provincial of his order, and his sympathetic guide, securing his appointment as philosophical lecturer in the university of Wittenberg, which had been founded by the elector Frederic, only six years before. He there took the degree of bachelor of divinity (1509), and hence- forth his chief thoughts were concentrated on the study of the Bible ^ What had most attracted him in it were the epistles of St Paul, with which he now associated^ the anti-Pelagian writings of Augustine, and the sermons of John Tauler^, his fellow-countryman. The hours that were not occupied in preparing his academic lectures, he employed either in preaching to his brother-friars, or in parochial work at Wittenberg"'^; and during this time his ^ Ibid. The friar confirmed his interpretation by an extract from St Bernard. One passage in the Pauline Epistles (Rom. i. 17) caused Lu- ther great perplexity while he was thinking out his doctrine of Justifica- tion. He had been taught to understand bLKaLoavvq GeoO of the 'active' righteousness in virtue of which God punished sinners; but he finally held it to mean His ' passive' righteousness, by which the God of mercy justified mankind through faith in Christ. As early as April, 1616, he was engaged in actual warfare against the scholastic ' opinion,' or rather ' error,' as he adds. See his Letter to George Spenlein (De Wette, i. 16 sq.), where he goes on to exhort his brother-friar in the following terms, and thus proves that his doctrine of Justification was already far developed: 'Igitur, mi duleis Frater, disce Christum et Hunc crucifixum: disce Ei cantare et de teipso desperans dicere Ei: Tu, Domine Jesu, es justitia mea, ego autem sum peccatum Tuum: Tu assumsisti meum, et dedisti mihi Tuum: assumsisti quod non eras, et dedisti mihi quod non eram. . . . Igitur non nisi in Illo, per fiducialem desperationem tui et operum tuorum pacem invenies. Disce insuper ex Ipso, ut sicut Ipse suscepit te, et peccata tua fecit Sua, et Suam justitiam fecit tuam.' Gieseler, v. 221. 2 In a letter dated March 17, 1509, Luther expressed a wish to enter more systematically on the study of theology, ' ea inquam theologia, quae nucleum nucis et medullam tritici et medullam ossium scrutatur:' ed. De Wette, I. 6. He took his doctor's degree Oct. 19, 1512, and by that step considered himself bound especially to preach the Word of God: Melanch- thon, De Vit. Liith. p. 22. He had been ordained priest iu 1506. On the circumstances connected with his first celebration of mass, see Audiu, I. 89, 90. 3 Eanke (i. 323, note) has brought to light an interesting passage on this subject. * See Middle Age, p. 356, and n. 6. ^ He also acted for a while as deputy provincial of the Augustinians in the absence of Staupitz (Seckendorf, Lib. i. p. 20, col. 1), thus gaining I-] and its Propagation. T$ mental conflicts, though still frequent, had considerably abated. One remarkable • effect of Luther's growing in- fluence in the university \ was the dethronement of scho- lasticism both there and elsewhere. He shewed himself peculiarly hostile to the Mediaeval theories of human merit, and refuted thes^ by 'pointing, like the Baptist, to the Lamb of God, Who taketh away the sins of the world '^ It is, however, easy to detect in his mind, as in that of St Augustine, his great model, the temporary co-existence of divergent, and, in many cases, heterogeneous elements ^ The Saxon friar clung at flrst to every thing he found in the existing practice and traditions of the Church : yet, meanwhile he was fostering principles which in their logical results were adverse to the ruling spirit of the MediEGval system. It was only when the doctrine of indulgences was prac- tically forced upon him, in its most obnoxious shape, that he began to see the real contrariety between it and his view of justification by faith. The series of propositions which he posted up, on the 31st of October, 1517, chal- lenging 'a disputation for the purpose of explaining the power of indulgences,' evince "* a stedfast resolution to assail the very strongholds of scholasticism, — its theory of penances and superabundant merits. In putting forth those ever-memorable questions, where the ' thoughts fly out from his mind like sj)arks from the iron under the a deeper insiglit into tlie state of practical religion, as well as manifesting great aptitude for matters of business. 1 He writes (May 18, 1517), 'Theologia nostra et S. Augustinus pro- spere procedunt et regnant in nostra universitate, Deo operante Mire fastidiuntur lectiones sententiarUe, nee est, ut quis sibi auditores sperare possit, nisi theologiam banc, id est Bibliam, aut S. Augustinum, aliunive ecclesiastica) auctoritatis doctorem vclit protitcri:' ed. Do Wette, i. 57. In otber words, Lutber exactly reversed tbe state of tbings wbicb pre- vailed in tbe time of Koger Bacon: see Middle Aije, p. 298, n. 2. In tbe same year (Sep! 4, 1517) be had publisbed a long list of tbcses vindicat- ing Augustiniadism in its more stringent form, and insisting most em- pbatically on tbe moral impotence of man uuqmckened by tbo Holy Spirit: Loscber's Reformat ions-acta, i. 539 s(i, Gieseler, v. 222. '^ See Melancbtbon's Life^ as above, p. 12. 3 E.g. wben be visited llome (1511), be tells us in the Tablc-Talk, that he climbed tbe Scala Santa on bis knees in order to obtam the plenary indulgence attached to that act of penance: 'but a voice witbin bim constantly reproached him, while he did so, crying, Tbe just shall live by faith.' * Middle Age, p. 411, pp. 430 sq. GEItMANY. atiacls the doctrine of indid- genres, 1517. i6 Tlie Saxon School of Church- Bef or mers, [chap. stroke of the hammerV he was more especially stimulated by discovering that some of his own parishioners^ had gone with the multitude to Jiiterbock, a neighbouring town, where Tetzel, the Dominican friar, advertised his wares for sale^. Yet Luther was still very far from con- templating any rupture with the church-authorities. His animadversions were restricted to a class of topics on which several of the schoolmen had expressed themselves with freedom almost equal to his own. He even enter- tained a hope^ that Leo X. would prove his patron, or at least discountenance the shameless traffic which he laboured to repress. And such a hope is quite accordant with the general tone of Luther's mind: for nothing can be more groundless than the idea that he was actuated by a revolutionary spirit, or had aught in common with the vulgar demagogue. He started with a feeling of the deepest reverence for all institutions which he had been taught to view as the depositories of Divine authority^. 1 Eanke, Reform, i. 340. ^ See Luther's own statement in his treatise against Hans Wurst (1541): Schriften, ecT. Walch, xvii. 1703. His earnestness was also shewn by the letter he addressed (Oct. 31, 1517) to Albert, archbishoj) of Mentz and Magdeburg (De Wette, i. 68), where he speaks as follows of the prac- tical effect of preaching the indulgences : ' in quibus non adeo accuso prffidicatorum exclamationes, quas non audivi, sed doleo falsissimas intel- ligentias populi ex illis conceptas, quas vulgo undique jactant, videlicet, quod credunt infelices anim£e si literas indulgentiarum redemerint, quod securi sint de salute sua ; item, quod anima) de purgatorio statim evolent, ubi contributionem in cistam conjecerint; deinde, tantas esse has gratias, ut nullum sit adeo magnum peccatum, etiam (ut aiunt) si per impossibile quis matrem Dei violasset, quin possit solvi: item, quod homo per istas indulgentias Hber sit ab omni poena et culpa. ' 2 Audin's remark on these transactions has more than his usual amount of candour: ' C'dtait un mdtier honteux dout toute ^me rehgi- euse rougissait pour Tezel, et Ton comprend la colore de Luther contra ce vendeur de choses saintes,' etc. i. 124. It should be also added, that the papal nuncio Miltitz afterwards repudiated the extravagance of Tetzel, and censured him with great severity (Waddington, i. 193). Notwith- standing, the main principle on which indulgences were based, was reaffirmed by Leo X. (Loscher, ii. 493). ^ In the Preface to his works, written the year before his death, he i says, ' In iis ccrtus mihi videbar me habiturum patronum paparn, cujus fiducia tum fortiter nitebar,' etc, Gieseler, v. 229. ^ A remarkable instance of this may be seen in the letters which he wrote in 1517, when he sent (Oct. 31) copies of his theses on indulgences to Albert, arcibishop of Mentz and Magdeburg (De Wette, i. 67 sq.), and to his own diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg. The latter conjured him, by his love for peace, to stop the agitation he was raising, and for a I-] o,nd its Propagation. 17 One of these he recognized in the Latin Church as go- verned by the pontiffs, and therefore it was only after painful struggles that he lost all faith in their upright- ness, and had courage to repudiate their claims. His confidence appears to have been shaken first on noticing the ultra-Romanism of those who undertook the advocacy of the old abuses. After skirmishing with Tetzel^ and a more respectable scholar of the university of Frankfort-on-the-Oder, Conrad Koch, surnamed Wimpina^ Luther had to meet the formal charge of insubordination, brought against him by three ardent champions of the papacy. These were John Mayr of Eck, commonly known as Eckius^ the vice-chancellor of the university of Ingolstadt, who from his eloquence and intellectual cultivation may be styled the Luther of southern Germany; Sylvester Mazolini da Prierio (Prie- rias*), a Dominican of Kome, and 'master of the sacred while he hesitated whether he should recal his work or not: *Malo obe- dire qiiam miracula facere, etiamsi possem.' Letter to Spalatinus, ed. De Wette, i. 71: cf. Waddington, i. 85 sq., Stephen's Essays in Eccl. Biogr. 1. 813 sq. 2nd ed. ^ Tetzel's own production (Loscher, i. 481) is in answer to Luther's two sermons on indulgences, preached in German about the same period: cf. Seckendorf, Lib. i. p. 26, col. 1. As a Dominican, he was backed by all the influence of his order, so that for a time the disputation looked like a mere squabble between the Dominican and Augustinian friars. It might have been described far more accurately as a struggle between the Thomist champions of scholasticism and the new generation, who reverted directly to the Bible and the earlier Fathers. 2 Wimpina was called in to his aid by Tetzel (Jan. 1518), at the sug- gestion of the archbishop of Mentz, who was profiting by the sale of the indulgences, and therefore felt that the attack from Wittenberg was levelled partly at himself. Luther ultimately {Prcf. to his Latin works) charged on this prelate the whole blame of the disruption that ensued. Wimpina's Disputationes are printed in Loscher, i. 503 sq. He extolled the powers of the pope (' papa ea, qure fidei sunt, solus habet determi- nare'), and even committed himself to the following statement (Disp. 11. §17): 'Doceudi sunt Christiani, quod Ecclesia multa tenet ut cathoHcas veritates, quaa tamen sicut nee in canone BiblicB, ita nee a doctoi-ibiis anti- quioribus j)onuntur.^ Gieseler, v. 232. ^ For his Obelisci, together with the Asterisci, which Luther pub- lished in reply to them, see Loscher, in. 333 : cf. Seckendorf, Lib. i. p. 30, col. 2. Up to this time they were intimate friends; but after Eck's criticism had been circulated extensively (as ho declared, contrary to his own wishes), he gradually became the chief antagonist of the reformer. On his high reputation as an academic, see Ranke, Ilef. i. -141, 445, who adds (p. 449) that he, like Luther, was a peasant's sou. 4 His production (Dec. 1517) is entitled Dialogue in prasumptuonas M. LutJieri Conclusicnes : Loscher, 11. 12 sq., Seckendorf, p. 31. He K. P. 2 OERMANV. Controversy with Wild- pina, Eck, Pvicrius, i8 The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. GEEMANY. and Hoch- straten. palace ;* and an ignorant inquisitor, Hochstraten\ pro- fessor of theology at Cologne, and the unblushing advo- cate of persecution. As the arguments which they ad- vanced were ultimately based upon the despotism and virtual omnipotence of the popes, they had necessitated an inquiry on the part of Luther into wider regions than his thoughts had hitherto been traversing. At first he shewed his usual reverence for the character and jurisdic- tion of Leo X.^: but in the spring of 1518, while these feelings were still dominant, we find him drawing a dis- tinction^ between the infallibility of Holy Scripture and that of the most able pontiff, and denying to the latter any authority to ' speak from himself alone,' independently of general councils, except indeed as the interpreter of the decrees which they had promulgated. On the 7th of the folloAving August (1518), Luther was cited to, appear in Rome within sixty days, the charge against him now assuming, even in the highest quarters, the more serious form of heresy*: but owing to the gene- defends all tlie worst extravagances of Tetzel, and in reference to the papal power maintains (1) that the Church of Eome is ' virtuaUter' the Church Catholic, and (2) that the supreme pontiff is ' virtualiter ' the Church of Eome. Luther declares m reply, that he knows of no form in which the Church exists 'virtualiter' except a council, repudiating the counter-theory by pointing to the 'monstrous' deeds of pontiffs, such as Julius II. and Boniface VIII. Gieseler, v. 232. ^ Seckendorf, Lib. i. p. 38. 2 Thus he ends his letter to the pontiff (dated Trinity Sunday, 1518) with the following passage: ' Prostratum me pedibus tuis, beatissime pater, offero, cum omnibus quae sum et habeo. Vivifica, occide, voca, revoca, approba, reproba, ut placuerit: vocem tuam vocem Christi, in te praesidentis et loquentis, agnoscam,' etc. : ed. De Wette, i. 122. 3 One of his main positions in answering Prierias is the well-known dictum of St. Augustine: 'Ego solis eis libris, qui canonici appellantur, hunc honorem deferre didici, ut nuUum eorum Scriptorum errasse fir- missime credam,' etc. (Ep. ad S. Hieronym. inter Hieron. 0pp. iv. pt. ii. p. 630, ed. Bened.) Gieseler, v. 233. But he expressed himself more clearly on this head (May, 1518) in his Eesolutiones Disputationum de Virtute Tndulgentiarinn. Loscher, ii, 183 sq., Seckendorf, Lib. i. pp. 33 — 37. This document, though forwarded to the pope (May 30) and his own diocesan (May 22), was not printed till the following August. ^ This charge though hinted at before was first advanced distinctly in the papal brief of Aug. 27 (Loscher, ii, 437) and drew from him the strongest declaration of his catholicity. He had in fact already antici- pated it (Aug. 21, 1518): 'Ha?reticus nunquam ero; errare disputando possum, sed statuere nihil volo, porro nee opinionibus hominum captivus tieri:' ed. Do Wctte, i. 133. I] and its Propagation. 19 rous interposition of his friends at Wittenberg \ the task of judging him and thereby crushing the incipient refor- mation, was committed to the papal legate in Germany, the cardinal Thomas de Vio of Gaeta (hence called Caje- tanus), who had made himself conspicuous both as a Do- minican and as a defender of the Summa of Aquinas. Lu- ther, armed with the safe conduct of the emperor Maximi- lian, met liis adversary for the first time at Augsburg on the 10th of October ^ He was then charged with contra- dicting a decision of Clement VI. respecting the meritori- ous treasury of the Church ; and, secondly, with holding that faith in the efficacy of sacraments is always an essen- tial precondition in order to receive the grace which they communicate, — this latter doctrine being one which the cardinal denounced as altogether novel, though he after- wards expressed his willingness to pass it over, provided Luther would abandon the first of his positions. That indeed was made the battle-field of three successive con- ferences. Unmoved alike by the paternal mildness of the legate and his dignified remonstrance, the accused per- sisted in repudiating the scholastic dogma of indulgences ; and on the last of these occasions did not hesitate to question the binding force of many papal edicts, which he now subordinated more distinctly to the voice of Holy Scripture, to the ancient Fathers, the determinations of general councils, and even to the reason of the individual Christian, where he chances to have been more accurately informed ^ To these and other arguments the cardinal ^ Luther thns alludes to the intercession of the Elector Frederic, who seconded the general wish of the university: ' Scripsit mihi illustrissimu^^ Princeps, se in causa mea egisse, ut legatus Cajetanus scri])serit ad urbem pro mea causa committenda ad partes: et interim id me debere expectare. Ideo spero censuras non venturas esse. Displiceo autem mullis, pluribus, plurimis.' Letter to John Lange, Sept. 9, 1518; De Wette, i. 141. 2 See his letter to Spalatinus of this date {Ibid. i. 143); his other let- ters written from Augsburg (pp. 145 — IGl) ; Seckendorf, Lib. i. pp. 45 sq., and Eanke, i. 428, 429. It was on this occasion that Stuupitz on his arrival at Augsburg, partly through fear and ]iartly through affection, released the friar from his vow of obedience: cf. Waddiugtou, i. 159, 160. Luther regarded this as no friendly act, and spoke of it as bis first excom- munication. His old superior hesitated for a while, as he expressed it, 'inter Christum et papam' (De Wette, 1. 558), and then finally aban- doned him. ^ He quotes a passage from the canonist Panormitanus in support of this last assertion. The whole passage is remarkable : ' Pneterea, quara o <■} GEKMANY. Interview with Caje- tanus. Real sub- ject of d s- pute. 20 Tlte Saxon School of CJmixh- Reformers, [CHAP. replied by peremptory orders, that Luther should at once recant^ or come no more into his presence; and the cul- prit, apprehending that violence would be employed against him, escaped by night from Augsburg, after lodg- ing an appeal to the Roman pontiff (Oct. 16)1 Fresh machinery wais soon, however, set in motion for reclaiming the erratic friar. On this en-and, Charles von Miltitz, agent of the Elector Frederic at Rome, had been dispatched into his native country ^ Nor could Leo have employed an apter instrument. The conduct of the nuncio breathed conciliation and forbearance. He admitted the existence of scandalous abuses in the administration of the Church; and finding on his interview with Luther, at Altenburg, Jan. 3, 1519, that he could not persuade him to publish any formal recantation of his vehement language, he was ultimately content to leave the controversy for the adju- dication of some German prelate*, only with the under- standino' that the two belligerent parties should be in the mean time bound to silence ^ multffi decretales priores correctse sunt per posteriores. Ideo et lianc forte [viz. an Extravagant of Clement VI.] pro tempore suo corrigi posse. Panormitanus quoque, Lib. i. de elect. C. signijicasti, ostendit in materia fidei non modo generale concilium esse super papam, sed etiam quemlihet fidelem, si melioribus nitatur autoritate et ratione quam papa, sicut Petro Paulus, Galat. ii.:' De Wette, i. 151. 1 His determination not to cry 'revoco' at tlie simple bidding of the legate is thus referred to in a letter dated Oct. 14 (De Wette, i. 161): ' Aber ich will nicht zu einem Ketzer werden mit dem Widerspruch dev Meinuug, durch welche ich bin zu einem Christen worden: ehe will ich sterben' etc. 2 The title of the document is ' Appellatio a Pontifice male informato ad melius informandum ' (Loscher, ii. 484). He appears to have drawn it up in compliance with the wishes of his friends (see his letter to Caje- tanus, Oct. 18: De Wette, p. 164). On his return to Wittenberg he pre- pared an appeal from 'the pope to a future council' (Loscher, ii. 505), pleading the recent example of the University of Paris, ' adhffisurus Pari- siensibus, in eventum quo hanc priorem appellationem de plenitudine potestatis, imo tyrannidis, refutaret papa.' Letter dated Oct. 31, 1518 : De Wette, i. 166. 3 The pope manifested a strong desire to conciliate the Saxons, by sending their Elector the golden rose (Ranke, lief. i. 431); and it is pro- bable that Miltitz was further influenced by remarking the almost univer- sal popularity of the new movement. See the evidence collected by Gie- seler, v. 242, ed. Edinb. (in, i. § 1. n. 37. ed. Bonn.) 4 The archbishop of Treves, who appears to have been a moderate man, was induced to undertake the task, but gave it up when the fresh complications arose soon afterwards. 5 See Luther's letter to the Elector Frederic, written immediately after !■] and its Propagation. 21 But this armistice, wliicli seemed convertible into a lasting peace, was ere long broken by the entrance of an- other combatant. Andrew Bodenstein, or Carlstadt^ (as he is more generally entitled from the name of his birthplace), was Luther's senior by some years, being already dean of tlie theological faculty at Wittenberg, when the latter took his doctor's degree. Although offended in the outset by the critical boldness^ of the new professor, Carlstadt soon adopted most of his reformatory principles, and in the end having pushed them, through his want of intellectual balance, to the wildest consequences^, grew notorious as an ultra-protestant, and a precursor of the German rationalists^. He was, however, one of Luther's bosom-friends^ when he consented, in the summer of 1519, to hold an amicable dis- putation at Leipzig*^, touching the contested doctrines of gi'ace and human freedom. His opponent was no other than the erudite and brilliant Eck, whom we have seen already throwing down his gauntlet in behalf of the in- sulted schoolmen. Providence had so arranged, that at the very time when the electors of the empire were re- solving, by their vote at Frankfort, to enlarge the vast dominions of Charles V. (June 28), the theological dispu- tants^ had entered in their turn upon a series of questions the interview: De Wette, i. 207. Gieseler, v, 242. He expresses deep regret for the violence of his language with regard to the Church of Rome : of. Audin's denunciations of what he considers the hypocrisy of the reformer at this period (i. 233 sq.j with Waddington's account, i. 193 sq. ^ See C. F. Jjiger, Andreas Bodenstein von Carhtadt: Stettin, 1856. 2 So we find Luther stating in 1516, when he proved that the treatise De vera et falsa panitcntia, quoted in the middle ages as St Augustine's, was not really his: De Wette, i. 34. ^ He was banished from Saxony in 1524, partly through Luther's influence. At Orlamiinde, a parish connected with the university, he had broached most extraordinary opinions, especially with regard to the obli- gation of the Mosaic law (Eanke, Jlef. ii. 204), and we shall afterwards find him proceeding to still greater lengths. ■*■ e.fj. As early as 1520, 'he entertained doubts whether Moses was really the author of the books which bear his name, and whether the Gos- pels have come down to us in their genuine form.' Ibid. ii. 20. 5 See Luther's letter to him, written in the spring of 1519: De Wette, I. 249 sq. « It appears that Eck had spoken to Luther on this subject during the diet of Augsburg (1518), and after agreeing tbat tbo disputation should be conducted in the most friendly manner, had published a schedule or prospectus containing thirteen theses, in January 1519 (Loscher, iii. 210. Gieseler, v. 244). 7 Their sessions lasted from June 27 to July 16 : see Luther's letters, GERMANY. Carlstadt joins the Reforma- tion. Disputn- tion witk Eck at Leipzig, 1519. 22 The Saxon School of Church- Reformers , [cHAP. GERMANY, Lufher's part in the digcu-ssions. that were destined to modify even more directly the whole course of European history. Several days indeed were suffered to elapse before the interest of the audience was thoroughly aroused (the controversy in the hands of Carl- stadt having reference chiefly to the Augustinian doctrine^ of free-will and other like recondite topics) : but in the morning of July 4, a deep sensation was produced in every quarter of the hall when Luther's thoughtful, resolute, and care-worn figure ascended the platform, and gave utterance to convictions hitherto but half developed even to himself. He had now reached the flower of manhood, being five-and- thirty years of age. Many circumstances had combined to point him out as the reformer of the German churches, and the vision of some sanatory movement ^ stretching far be- yond the grievances discussed in medigeval synods, had been actually presented to his mind : yet at this period there is not the slightest evidence of his intention to stand forward and assume the office of a leader. The pacification that grew out of his recent interview with the nuncio, added to the public disgrace^ of Tetzel, his antagonist, disposed him more particularly to repress or moderate his vehemence : and therefore when he joined the Wittenbergers on their way to the theological tournament at Leipzig, he still thought him- self in full communion with the Latin Church, if not on the most friendly footing with the pontiff^ His impetuous spirit written July 20 and August 15 (De Wette, i. 284 sq., i. 290 sq.), and a full collection of documents in Loscher, iii, 215 sq., in. 292 sq. 1 Carlstadt's great proposition was: 'Omne bonum opus totum est a Deo.' Eck's counter proposition was: ' Omne opus bonum esse a Deo, sed non totaliter.' a Thus in bis ' Responsio' to Prierias (1518), he makes the following statement (Loscher, ii. 301; Gieseler, v. 236): 'Ecclesia indiget rqforma- tione, quod non est unius hominis Pontificis, nee multorum cardinalium officium, sicut probavit utrumque novissimum concilium, sed totius orbis, imo solius Dei.' He adds, however: ' Tempus autem hujus reformatio- nis novit solus Ille, Qui condidit tempera.' In 1519, writing to Christo- pher Schemi (Feb. 20), he seems to have become more conscious of his mission, and more irreconcileably hostile to the papacy: ' Saepius dixi, hucusque lusum esse a me : mmc tandem seria in Romanum pontificem et arrogantiam Romanam agentur:' De Wette, i. 230; Gieseler, v. 244. 3 See above, p. 16, n. 3. * Cf. n. 2. That his feelings continued to be more estranged m the interval appears from other letters ; c.(j. writing to Spalatinus, March 13, he lets fall this hint : ' Verso et decreta pontificum, pro mea disputatione, et {in aurem tibi loquor) nescio, an papa sit antichristus ipse, vel aposto- lus ejus.' Gieseler, v. 245. About a year later, the suspicion here I-] and its Pt'opagatfon. 23 had, however, been profoundly stirred, when he discovered that the points which Eck intended to reopen at this dis- putation included several which Miltitz had promised should not for the present be revived \ The irritation was again increased, when Eck, in the debate with Carlstadt, animadverted on certain arguments he had himself ad- vanced respecting the nature of the primacy conceded to the Church of Romel On this absorbing question, there- fore, turned the memorable struggle of July, 1519. It ended by eliciting from Luther a distinct avowal on the fol- lowing subjects; — that the Latin Church is not exclusively the Church; that Orientals^, who have never recognized the papal monarchy, are not on that account ejected from the pale of Christendom; that the ascendancy at length ob- tained by Roman pontiffs is traceable to no Divine appoint- ment in their favour, but to human laws and institutes; that the directing influence of the Holy Ghost is not of noticed had considerably ripened. He had read the treatise of Laurentius Valla, proving that the ' Donation of Constautine' (see Middle Afje, p. 361, XI. 2) was a forgery, which so exasperated him that he thought the papacy capable of all enormities: ' Ego sic angor,' he writes to Spalatinus, vigil, Matthias [Feb. 23], 1520, ' ut prope non dubitem papam esse proprie anti- christum ilium, quem vulgata opinione expectat mundus' (De Wette, i, 420). As Eanke, however, well remarks, Luther meant no more by this title than that ' the doctrine of the Church was corrupted, and must be restored to its original purity:' Reform. 1. 457: cf. Audin, i. 259. He still spoke half respectfully of Leo X. considered in his personal capacity, and represented him (Oct. 1520) as * a Daniel in Babylon :' De Wette, I. 498. 1 This departure from the terms of the pacification seemed to justify his own share in the discussion. For instance, in writing to the Elector Frederic (March 13), he says that he had felt himself bound to remain silent on the disputed topics, so long as the opponents did the same, and then adds: 'Nun aber Doctor Ecke unverwarneter Sach mich also aii- greift, dass er nit mein, sundern der ganzen E. K. Cr. Universitiit zu Wit- tenberg Schand und Unehr suchen vermerkt wird' etc. De Wette, i. 237. 3 Eck's 13th thesis was a denial of the proposition, 'Romanam Eccle- siam non fuisse superiorem aliis ecclesiis ante tempora Sylvestri,' wbich, as Luther wrote (De Wette, i. 261), ' extorted' from him a counter-thesis, denying to the papacy its claim of ' jus divinnm.' Gieseler, v. 244. Au- din's remark is therefore not exaggerated: ' Si Luther triompbe k Leipzig, 11 n'y a plus de papaut^...si I'homme I'a fait, I'homme ]ieut lo defaire.' 3 The importance of this distinction was manifested soon afterwards, when Luther (Nov. 7, 1519) quoted the Greeks as an authority for deny- ing that purgatory is to be pressed as an article of faith ; ' curu Gra'ci illud non credentes nunquam sint habiti ob hoc pro luereticis, nisi apud no- vissimos haereticantissimos hjEreticantes : De Wette, i. 367 ; Gieseler, v. 249. GERMANY. New prin- ciples devc- loiicd. The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. GERMANY. Excommu- nication of Luther, 1520. such a kind as to exempt the councils of the Church from possibiUty of error ; and that one of these has erred in fact by censuring Huss, the great Bohemian reformer, some of the articles on which his condemnation rested being truly evangelicaP, and borrowed from the works of St Augustine. The mingled horror, indignation, and dismay of the scho- lastics, who had listened to the statement of these novel truths, shewed that Luther's sin had now become unpar- donable ^ Instead of limiting his opposition to the gross excesses of the vendors of indulgences, instead of combat- ing the authority of individual doctors, like Aquinas, he had openly impugned the jurisdiction and decretals of the popes, and gone so far as to question the infallibility of councils. He was accordingly retained in outward union with the pontiff by a very slender thread ; and even that was to be severed, after some delay', by the condemnatory 1 Loscher, iii. 360. In Feb. 1520, Luther wrote to Spalatinus (De Wette, I. 425), that on reading the works of Huss, which now reached him from Bohemia, he was amazed at the correspondence of his own views with those of his precursor : ' Ego imprudens \i. e. without being conscious of it] hucusque omnia Johannis Huss et docui et tenui: docuit eadem imprudentia et Johannes Staupitz: breviter sumus omnes Hus- sitne ignoriintes: denique Paulus et Augustinus ad verbum sunt Hussitas.' This affinity between his views and those of the Bohemians had akeady furnished matter for a controversy between him and Jerome Emser, a Swedish canonist, who lectured at Leipzig, and was present at the great discussion: see De Wette's note, Luthers Brief c, i. 337. 2 Immediately after the dispute (July 23), Eck addressed a letter to the Elector of Saxony, urging him to resist the errors propagated by Luther, and to burn his books. He also elicited opinions condemnatory of the reformers from the universities of Cologne, Leipzig and Louvain (cf. Audin, i. 266 sq.), and finally went to Rome to stir up the pontiff against his old adversary (Waddington, i. pp. 244, 245). On the 26th of Feb. 1520, Luther writes to Spalatinus: 'Eccius Romam ivit impetra- turus contra me abyssos abyssorum... Credo hominem totum in furiam versum' (De Wette, i. 421). Wrought upon by his representations, Leo X. appointed Eck his nuncio for carrying out the sentence of excom- munication (June 15, 1520), — an appointment little calculated to allay the animosity of the reformers (Eoscoe, Life of Leo X. ii. 217, Lond. .1846; Gieseler, v. 266). The process by which the bull was manufactured is detailed in Ranke, Reform, i. 473 sq. 3 See his letters to the emperor Charles V. (Jan, 15, 1520), to the archbishop Albert (Feb. 4), and to the bishop of Merseburg (Feb. 4), complaining that he could not obtain a fair hearing (De Wette, i. 392 sq.): and especially his famous letter to Leo X. written after Oct. 13, 1520, in Latin and German: De Wette, i. 497 sq. It is far from corresponding to A.ndin's description (' ceuvre brutale, que ni Wiclif, ni Jean Huss, ni J drome de Prague, ni Arius, ni Pdlage n'auraient os6 tracer:' i. 274), being rather a most eloquent and biting satire on the court of Rome, partly I-] and its Propagation. 25 bull of Leo, launched against him, June 15, 1520, and publicly burnt at Wittenberg in the following December \ In addition to these bold opinions on the subject of church -authority, at least so far as such authority was absolutely vested in the court of Rome, the Saxon reformers had already been compelled to systematize their teaching with respect to faith, to penitence, to justification and free-will. These doctrines were, in truth, most intimately bound up with their discussions from the very first. De- sirous above all things of exalting Christ^ as the Redeemer of the world, they lost no opportunity of preaching free salvation in His name. The eye or hand by which the blessing of forgiveness is appropriated ^ they held to be a true and lively faith, communicated supernaturally to the concealed under professions of deference and respect. It was composed immediately after a last interview with Miltitz at Liclitenberg (Oct. 13 ; De Wette, i. 495), where, by invoking the mediation of Luther's brother Augustinians (Staupitz in the number), he flattered himself that he had cemented a reconciliation with the pope. Eek, however, arrived at Leipzig (Oct. 3) with the excommunicatory bull, while these negotiations were proceeding (De Wette, i. 491); and the result was, that Luther, fitter wavering for a moment, answered the papal fulmination in a strain that bordered upon absolute defiance. ^ See Middle Age, p. 412, On Aug. 3, 1520, his mind was already made up. He wrote as follows to John Voigt, an Augustinian friar in Magdeburg: ' Nihil timemus amplius, sed jam edo librum vulgarem con- tra Paj^am de statu EcclesicB cmendando ; hie papam acerrime tracto, et quasi antichristum. Orate Dominum pro me, ut prosit verbum meum Ecclesiae Suae.' De Wette, i. 475: cf. p. 478. On the 17th of November he renewed his appeal to a future council, begging the German states to suspend their condemnation of him till he had been tried by fair judges, ' et Scripturis dignisque documentis convictus.' ^ See Luther's remarkable language cited above, p. 14, n. 1. 3 Thus in Luther's Comment, on the Epist, to the Galatians, which was in the press as early as May 16, 1519 (De Wette, i. 274), he writes (on II. 16), in opposition to the 'fides formata' of the schoolmen: 'Fides Christiana non est otiosa qualitas vel vacua siliqua in corde, qua) possit existere in peccato mortali, donee caritas accedat et earn vivificet; sed si est vera fides, est quicdam certa fiducia cordis et firmus assensus quo Christus apprehenditur; ita ut Christus sit objectum fidei, imo non objectum sed, ut sic dicam, in ipsa fide Christus adest...Ha?c vera sunt bona opera, quce fluunt ex ista fide et hilaritate cordis concepta, quod gratis habemus remissionem peccatorum per Christum.' In his small treatise. Be Libcrtate Christiana, of which he sent a copy to the pope in 1520, he handles the same topics, asserting that true faith cannot sub- sist together with works, but exi)laining this paradox as follows: ' h.e. si per opera quaecunque sunt simul justificari priBSumas.' He afterwards adds in reference to Christian works: 'Bona opera non faciuut bonum virum, sed bonus vir facit bona opera;' union with Cluist being neces- sary to the production of real holiness. GERMANY. Other doc- trines jtro' pounded by the re- formers. 26 The Saxon ScJwol of Church- Reformers , [chap. GERMANY. Exaqrjera- tiojus. human spirit, acquiescing in the merciful purposes of God, and thus, in Augustinian phraseology, 'obtaining what the law enjoins.' So strong indeed was their conviction of man's actual and hereditary sinfulness, that language well- nigh failed them in describing his corruption and the im- potence of all his spiritual and moral faculties imtil they are revivified from heaven. In other words, the Saxon reformers invariably directed their heaviest weapons at the current theories of justification, which ascribed undue im- portance to the human element, or factor, in the process by which man is reconciled to God. But while engaged in reasserting principles like these, they were at times betrayed, especially in the early stages of the Reformation, into distinct onesidedness, and even into serious errors^ Fresh from the perusal of the anti-Pelagian writings of Augustine, Luther more than once expressed himself in terms which almost did away with the necessity of re- pentance. His confusion may be further illustrated by the language of certain 'Paradoxes' which he offered to maintain against all comers at Heidelberg*'' (April 26, 1518). One of these declared that 'free-will after original sin is a mere name' ('res est de solo titulo'), — thus verging far in the direction of fatalism^, by representing man as entirely 1 Thus, in 1524 {Pref. to the Neio Testament), Luther was disposed to estimate the worth of particular books of the Bible by the prominence with which they stated what he deemed the doctrine of Holy Writ. St John's Grospel was 'das einige zarte, rechte Hauptevangelium;' St Paul's epistles, especially those to the Komans, Galatians and Ephesians, toge- ther with the first of St Peter's, were the books that pointed men to Christ; in comparison of which, therefore, the epistle of St James might be neglected as an epistle of straw (' eine rechte stroherne Epistel gegen sie, denn sie doch keine evangelische Art an ihr hat'). It does not appear that this view was ever modified or retracted: Davidson's Intr. to Neio Test. III. 339. As early as 1520, when reasoning against the sacramental character of extreme unction, he seemed to have adopted an old suspicion respecting the Epistle of St James, as though it were unworthy of the spirit of an apostle: De Captiv. Babylon. Eccl.; 0pp. ii. fol. 284, Jente, 1600. See Gieseler, v. 263, Eor this he was severely rebuked by Henry VIII. in the Libellus Regius adverstis Martimim Lutheruvi hceresiarchum, sign. t. 1. Lond. 1521 : cf. Lee's Inspir. of Holy Scrip, p. 435, Lond. 1854. 2 Waddington, i. 114 sq. ' As early, however, as 1527, some of the reformers abandoned this extreme position, partly owing to a controversy with Erasmus, of which more will be said hereafter. See the evidence fully stated by Laurence, Bampton Lectures, pp. 248 sq., pp. 282 sq., 3rd. ed. : cf. Mohler's Sym- bolik, I. 43 sq., 124 sq. Eng. transl. The latter disputant neglects to mention that Luther strongly recommended Melanchthon's Loci Covi' 1] and its Projmgation. 27 passive under the influence of Divine grace: while others tended to beget a naked antinomianism, by stating that * he is not justified who does many works, but he who without any work has much faith in Christ ' \ A mind so resolute, capacious, and commanding soon attracted to itself disciples and auxiharies. One whom he had gained on the occasion just referred to was Martin Bucer^, a Dominican of Alsace, who on displaying more than ordinary talents was sent by his superiors to com- plete his studies in the chief school of the Palatinate. In the following summer (Aug. 25, 1518), he was joined at Wittenberg by a more able and less vacillating colleague, Philip Schwarzerd, or Melanchthon, whose congenial spirit, while it freely yielded from the first to Luther's influence, reacted with no inconsiderable force on his instructor, and has left a deep impression on the whole of the Saxon theology. Melanchthon sat at Luther's side in the waggon that conveyed the disputants to Leipzig. He was then only two-and-twenty years of age, having been born at Bretten, a small town in the Palatinate, on Feb. 16, 1497; yet partly owing to his natural gifts, and partly to the careful lessons of John Reuchlin^, his famous kinsman, he had made such great proficiency in rhetoric, in classical studies, and in Hebrew, as to be the pride and wonder of the university ^ The steps by which an earnest scholar of this class had passed into the theological standing-ground iiuines in their corrected form, and thus virtually, at least, retracted his own assertion of an irresistible Divine necessity. ^ ' Non ille Justus est qui multum operatur; sed qui sine opere mul- tum credit in Christum.' 2 Luther makes the following reference to him (Feb. 12, 1520), in writing to Spalatinus, 'Habes epistolam Bucerianam, fratris vel solius in ista secta [i.e. of the Dominicans] candidi, et optimee spei juvenis, qui mc Heidelbergaj et avide et simpliciter excepit atque conversatus fuit, dignus amore et tide, sed et spe :' De Wette, i. 412. 3 See Middle Age, p. 361, n. 4, and Kanke's Reform, i. 297—305. ^ Luther's notice of him written Sept. 9, a fortnight after his arrival, is highly interesting : * Eruditissimus et Grajcanicissimus Philippus Me- lanthon apud nos Grffica profitetur, puer et adolescentulus, si astatem consideres, caeterum noster aliquis, si varietatem et omnium fere libro- rum notitiam spectes, tantum valet non solum in utraque lingua, sed utriusque lingua? eruditione : Ebraeas quoque non incognitas habet literas.' De Wette, i. 141. On Jan. 25, 1519, he was giving lectures in Hebrew: Jbid. p. 214. Dollinger (Die Reforviation, 1. 359 sq. liegensburg, 1851) has done far more justice to Melanchthon than to Luther. GERMANY. Bucer [b. 1491) and Me- lanchthon 0. 1497) join the Lutheran^' movement. Melanch- thon's cha- racter; 28 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. GERMANY. especially OH a Di- vine. of Liither were not long nor arduous. After the disputation of Leipzig, we find him addressing a very temperate ac- count of it to his friend QScolampadius (Hausschein), a Franconian, who had also manifested leanings to the new opinions. He next espoused the cause of Luther with much greater warmth in a reply to the emphatic sentence^ launched against him by the theological faculty of Paris (April 15, 1521). But the sphere of thought for which Melanchthon shewed the greatest aptitude, was that of sys- tematic theology^, in which indeed it would be difficult to overrate the influence he exerted upon the mind both of Germany and of other European countries. This had been evinced especially by his Loci Communes Rerum Theologi- carum, of which three editions appeared in 152 1^ Though considerably modified from time to time, it kept its old position as the text -book of the Lutheran divines, embracing a calm statement of their favourite points of doctrine, and a formal vindication of their system in the eyes of Christ- endom at large. One feature in this work is very notice- able, — viz. the array of scriptural proofs which it exhibits, indicating Melanchthon's determination that all arguments and all authority whatever ought to be subordinated to the written Word of God*. But while the master-spirits of the Saxon reformation were proceeding hand in hand with their gigantic enter- prise, *a perfect model of true friendship,' one of them ^ The title is Adversus furiosum Parisiensium Theologastrorum Deere- turn Philippi Melanthonis pro Luthero Apologia: Luther. 0pp. ii. fol. 427 sq. Jenffi, 1600. In fol. 428, b, we have this characteristic passage: ' Jam cum articuli fidei nulli sint, nisi quos pr^escripserunt sacrje literae, cur impium est, vel a conciliis, vel ab universitatibus, vel a S. Patribus dissentire, modo a Scriptura non dissentiamus?' He had already con- tended for this view (Aug, 1519) in a small treatise Contra J. Eckium: Opp, ed. Bretschneider, i. 113. ^ Cf. Banke, Reform, i. 458. It is interesting to notice the terms with which Luther speaks of him in writing to Staupitz as early as Oct. 3, 1519 : ' Si Christus dignabitur, multos ille Martinos pr^stabit, diabolo et scholasticcB theologies potentissimus hostis : novit illorum nugas simul et Christi petram: ideo potens poterit. Amen.' De Wette, i. 341, 342. 3 * It was originally a mere collection of the opinions (?) of the apostle Paul concerning sin, the law and grace, made strictly in accordance with those severe views to which Luther had owed his conversion.' Eauke, Reform, ii. 40 : cf. Gieseler, in. pt. 1. p. 100, n. 84. (v, 276, 277, ed. Edinb.) ^ Cf, above, n. 1. !•] and its Propagation. 29 peculiarly commissioned to abolish errors and give rise to holier impulses, the other, by a calmer and more philo- sophic process, disentangling truth from its perversions, and devising measures for its future conservation, letters of encouragement and even promises of active help came in from various quarters, and from men of very different tem- per. One of these was Ulrich von Hut ten \ who after dis- tinguishing himself as a contributor to the Epistolce Obscu- rorum Viivrum, the most crushing satire which an age of satirists has levelled at the champions of mediaeval igno- rance, put forth some dialogues against the crimes of the ecclesiastics and the scandals of the papal court^ As many of these libels were, however, calculated to excite political turbulence^, going so far even as to advocate an armed resistance to the church-authorities, both Luther and Melanchthon openly renounced all friendship with their authors*. The great battle of the sixteenth century was in its earlier stages to be fought with other weapons. We have seen" how confidently Luther threw himself on the protection of the civil power in 1520, urging, in the absence of general councils, a domestic reformation in each state. This German manifesto was succeeded by a work ^ It has been usual to rank this turbulent spirit (half soldier half scholar, with the chief promoters of the Reformation ; but as Seckendorf observes (Lib. i. p. 131, col. 1), the service which he rendered to it was in reality not so great. His works have been collected by Miinch, Berlin, 1821. See Middle Age, p. 361, n. 4, and Hallam's Liter, of Europe, i. 408 sq. Lond. 1840. Rauke (i. 462) mentions a satire which appeared in March, 1520, with the title Der ahcjehohelte Eck, surpassing, as he thinks, the Epistolce Obscurorum Virorum. ^ These appeared in 1520, the most envenomed being called Vadiscus or Trias Romana. In the same year (before Sept. 11) he wrote to Luther ' se jam et Uteris et armis in tyrannidem sacerdotalem ruere;' De "Wette, I. 4S6: cf. p. 492. "^ To such results they actually led in the case of Franz von Sickiiigeu, another of the 'reforming' adventurers who made war upon the arch- bishop of Treves, and was slain while defending one of his castles in 1523. He had more than once urged Luther to confide in his protection: e.g. in 1520. De Wette, i. 470, 475; Gieseler, v. 252. ^ Thus Luther, after corresponding with them (cf. De Wette, i. 451, 469), expressed liis strong repugnance to their scheme (Jan. 16, 1521). He is writing to Spalatinus: ' Quid Huttenus petat, vides. Nollem vi et Cfede pro Evangelio certari: ita scripsi ad hominem. Vcrbo victus est mundus, Verbo servata est Ecclesia, etiam Verbo reparabitnr: sed et Antichristus, ut sine manu ccepit, ita sine manu couteretur per Verbum.' Ibid. p. 543; Gieseler, v. 252. 5 Above, p. 7. GERMANY. Ulrich von Hutten (d. 1523). Luther !^ treatise On the Baliy- lonish Cap- tivity, 1520. ;o The Saxon ScJiool of Chui^ch- Reformers, [chap. GERMANY. Attacks the scholastic doctrine of the mcramenfs. in Latin which he had composed with the intention of justifying his hatred of the schoolmen, and of stirring up the rest of Christendom to follow his example in breaking off the spiritual trammels of the papacy. The famous Prelude on the Babylonish Captivity of the Church was written in the autumn of 1520. It is everywhere disfigured, more than other treatises of Luther, by the coarse denun- ciations and unseemly bitterness which characterize too great a portion of the polemical hterat.ure of the age\ We may describe it as a vigorous fulmination against the mediaeval doctrine of the sacraments. Strictly speaking, he reduced the number of these holy ordinances from seven to two ('Baptismus et Panis')"; for although he concedes the name of sacrament to absolution^ ('poenitentia'), he denies it any outward or visible sign appointed by the Lord Him- self According to his view the sacrament of Baptism was the only one which had not been seriously corrupted^ in the time of papal despotism. The Eucharist he argued ought to be administered under both kinds, departure from this jDriniitive rule amounting to impiety^ He also entirely 1 ' If, at this great distance of time, we pick out of the writings of this individual many very harsh expressions, nay particular words which are not only coarse but absolutely gross, nothing of any moment can be proved or determined by such selection. Indeed the age in general, not only in Germany, but in other very highly civilized countries, was cha- racterized by a certain coarseness in manners and language, and by a total absence of all excessive polish and over-refinement of character.' F. von Schlegel, Phil, of History, pp. 400, 401. Lond. 1847. The asperity of his denunciations had somewhat abated towards the close of his hfe: but in 1520 he was ready to defend it, by quoting the example of prophets, apostles, and the Lord Himself (De Wette, i. 499). ^ ' Proprie tamen ea sacramenta vocari visum est, qu» annexis signis promissa sunt. Csetera, quia signis alligata non sunt, nuda promissa sunt. Quo fit, ut si rigide loqui volumus, tantum duo sunt in Ecclesia Dei sacramenta, Baptismus et Panis:' 0pp. ii. 285 b, Jenae, 1600; Giese- ler, V. 264. The latter name gave gi'eat offence to Henry VIII. whose Libellus Regius (in reply to Luther) is dated 'quarto Idus Julii,' 1521: see sign. c. 2. When questioned on this part of his treatise at Worms (0pp. II. fol. 417), he qualified his language by the clause 'licet non damnem usum et morem in sacramentis Ecclesias nunc celebratum.' 3 Fol. 260 b. ^ 'Benedictus Deus et Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Qui secun- dum divitias misericordite Suse saltern hoc unicum Sacramentum servavit in Ecclesia Sua illibatum et incoutaminatum a constitutiouibus homi- num:' fol. 270 b. He contended (fol. 271 a) that baptism is ' primum et fundamentum omnium Sacramentorum,' and according to his royal censor elevated it in such a way as to disparage penance (sign. i. 1). ^ Fol. 262 b : cf. fol. 417 a. He does not, however, deny the efficacy !•] and its Projyagation. 31 repudiated the Thomist view of consecration, and put forth in opposition to scholastic dogmas on the real presence what may be regarded as an outline of the 'Lutheran' theory \ In every portion of the work he lays (as might have been anticipated) an unwonted stress on the necessity of faith, — the precondition or subjective ground without which sacraments are alwa}'s inefficacious ^ But another doctrine, more important still in many of its practical relations, was now pushed into unusual promi- nence, — the sacerdotal character of all the baptized. He touched this question, it is true, in other works ^ composed about the same period, yet the meaning of it does not seem to have been fully grasped until the prospect of his ex- communication made him look it more directly in the face. He then contended that ordination does not confer an in- delible or distinctive character, that all Christians are the priests of God; and not this only, but that every official priest is a mere delegate of the congregation, elected by of the sacrament, even as administered under one kind, nor does be recommend the restoration of the cup by force. ^ e.g. 'Esse videlicet verum panem verumque vinum, in quibus Cbristi vera Caro verusque Sanguis non aliter nee minus sit, quam illi [i.e. the Thomists] sub accidentibus suis ponunt.' At Worms he explained (fol. 417 a) that he had not condemned the opposite view absolutely, but had declared it to be no 'article of faith.' In his merciless reply to King Henry VIII. (dated July 15, 1522), he went much further, and denounced the doctrine of transubstantiation as impious and blasphemous {Ibid. fol. 528 b). ^ Thus with regard to Baptism, he argues (fol, 270 b) : ' Nam in hac [i.e. the Divine promise] pendet uuiversa salus nostra; sic autem est observanda, ut fidem exerceamus in ea, prorsus non dubitantos nos esse salvos postquam sumus baptizati. Nam nisi haec adsit aut paretur fides, nihil prodest baptismus, imo obest, non solum tum cum suscipitur, sed toto post tempore vitse:' cf. fol. 266 b, where he speaks of the clergy as generally in a most perilous condition, and even as ' idolaters,' for losing sight of the necessity of faith in the Divine promise. Miihler (Si/inhoUk, I. 288 sq. Engl, transl.) maintains the absolute need of this susceptibility in all persons whom the sacraments really benefit, and endeavours to make out that the Lutherans not only misrepresented the Schoolmen (cf. Eanke, Ref. i. 486, note), but were afterwards driven to a virtual readop- tion of the mediaeval theory, viz. that 'sacraments confer grace' (p. 295). 3 He had already touched upon it in his treatise De Libertate Christi- ana (cf. Waddington's remark, i. 256), and more distinctly in his Addres.'} to the German nobles (June, 1520: Schriften, ed. Walch, x. 296 sq.). Jn the latter we have the following inference from 1 Pet. ii. 5: ' Darum ist des Bischofs Weihen nichts anders, denn als wenn er an Statt uud Per- Bon der ganzen Sammlung einen ans dem Haufen nehme, die alle gleiche, und ihm befehl, dieselben GeicalffUr die andern axiszurichten." (Gieseler, v. 254.) GERMANY. His theory of the Christian priesthood. 32 GERMANY. Popularity of h is views. Polioj of Charles V. The Saxon School of Church -Beformers, [chap. them as their organ, and performing all his ministrations in their name\ He also stated his conviction that neither pope, nor bishop, nor any man whatever, has the least right to impose his constitutions on private Christians, except with their consent^; thus adding new importance^ to the lay-element in the Church. The tendency of these opinions accorded so completely with the wants and wishes of the public mind in Saxony, that Luther had no immediate cause to fear the operation of the papal bull. As it was promulgated by Eck its able advocate, one town after another rose against it, or perused it with indifference and contempt*. The cause of the reformer was the cause of piety, of learning, and of free- dom ; it was also felt to be the cause of Germany'; and when at length the wise Elector Frederic® openly became its champion, influenced by the personal character of Lu- ther, and in spite of a profound abhorrence of all heresy, it gained a vantage-ground from which it could not be dislodged by all the engines of the papacy. Even if Charles Y. had been more acquainted than he 1 Fol. 282 b. This principle (on the carrying out of which see Eanke, Ref. II. 494) led him to maintain in the following year that the right of evangelical teaching appertains to all the faithful (Waddington, i. 393, 394). At Worms, however {0pp. ii. fol. 418 a, Jena, 1600), when ques- tioned on this point, he somewhat modified his language : ' Non autem omnes habent tisum et ministerium, sed solummodo ordinati in hac potes- tate.' Henry VIII.'s critique has great force (sign. r. 2): 'Qua ratione Christiani omnes sacerdotes sunt, eadem etiam ratione reges sunt.' 2 Fol. 273 b. He then draws this sweeping inference: 'Ideo orationes, jejunia, donationes et quaecunque tandem papa in universis Decretis tam multis quam iniquis statuit et exigit, prorsus nullo jure exigit et statuit, peccatque in libertatem EcclesiaB toties quoties aliquid horum attentave- rit.' (Gieseler, v. 262.) 3 Cf. 3Iiddle Age, p. 324. 4 See the evidence collected in Gieseler, v. 266, 267, n. 65. Still, as Eanke remarks {Reform, i. 477), the arms thus wielded by the pope had not lost all their ancient terrors. 5 ' Relinquat Eomanos Germania et revertatur ad primates et episco- pos snos' {Ibid. i. 468), is a fair specimen of the state of public feeling. 6 See respecting him the contemporary life by George Spalatinus, his chaplain {Friedrichs des Weisen Leben), reprinted at Jena, 1851. He first indicated some disposition to screen Luther from his enemies, Dec. 8, 1518; but on the 13th of that month (De Wette, i. 195) appears to have so far wavered that the reformer held himself in readiness to with- draw from the electorate into France: ' dissensitque, ne tam cito in GaUiam irem. Adhuc expecto consilium ejus.' It seems that he was finally confirmed in his devotion to the cause of Luther by a conversation which he held with Erasmus: Seckendorf, Lib. i. p. 125, col. 2. I-] and its Propagation, 33 was with the workings of the German mind, it is not likely that the state of his other dominions, and his conflict witjfi the French in Italy, would have allowed him to treat the Lu- theran movement with a greater measure of forbearance. His present policy was to abstain from everything that might involve him in a quarrel with the pope\ To this result conspired the admonitions of Glapio his confessor, and the artifices of Aleander'"^, the learned but unscrupulous nuncio, who took part in the execution of the bull of Leo X. Directed by their influence Charles convoked his first Diet at Worms, and introduced himself to the assembled states on the 28th of January, 1521. As soon as the poli- tical business was concluded, Luther, in obedience to the summons of the emperor, determined^ to present himself, and vindicate his cause before his enemies. His progress was a kind of triumph; it elicited the frequent sympathy and acclamations of his countrymen^ and even as he entered Worms (April 16), the crowd that flocked together gazed with deep emotion on the simple friar who had dared to call ^ Ou these iDolitical questions, see Eanke, Reform, i. 518 sq. 541. In spite, however, of the wish of Charles to gratify the pope, the states of the empire signified their imjiatience of the temporal power of Leo by drawing up a long list of Gravamina : see it in Luther's Schriften, ed. Walch, XV. 2058 sq. ^ According to Audin and the school he represents, Aleander was * un des plus habiles ndgociateurs de I'dpoque, une des gloires, en meme temps, des lettres et de la science' {Hist, de Luther, i. 3-13): while others (fol- lowing Luther himself) draw a very different picture: Seckendorf, p. 125, col. 1. Glapio acted more the part of a mediator, and was even suspected of leaning towards Lutheranism: ibid. pp. 143, 144; Hanke, liej'onn. i, 531, 532. ^ As early as Dec. 21, 1520, and before the imperial summons (Nov. 28) was communicated to him by Frederic, he writes (De Wette, i. 534): ' Ego vero si vocatus f uero, quantum per me stabit, vol jiigrotus advehar, si sanus venire non possem.' The elector declined to let him go (p. 542), until Luther urged him, Jan. 25, 1521. In this letter (p. 552), the reformer expresses a strong desire to prove his own innocence before the Diet; ' ut omnes in veritate experiantur, me hactenus nihil ex temeraria, indeliberata et inordinata voluntate, aut propter temporalem et sa^cula- rem honorem et utilitatem, sed, quicquid scrips! et docui, secundura meam conscientiam, juramentum, et obligationem ut indiguum doctorem sanctffi Scripturas,' etc. On March 19 (?), in answer to a first summons (dated March 6), that he should proceed to Worms, not for re-examiua- tiou of the questions at issue, but simply to give or refuse his retractation, he informed the elector (De Wette, i. 575), that such an errand was likely to be altogether bootless. At this time he confidently expected that, iu spite of the imperial safe-conduct, he should share the fate of Huss. -» Waddington, i. 339. R. P. 3 GERMANY. LntJur at Worms, 152L 34 The Saxon School of Church- Eeformers, [chap. GERMANY. in question the supremacy of Rome. On the following day^, he was conducted to the grand assembly of the em- pire. There we find him reaffirminc: what he had so often urged on previous occasions,- -that unless he were con- victed of heresy by texts of Holy Writ, he neither could nor would subscribe a recantation of his doctrines ^ After some delay in which the efforts of an intermediate party had been fruitlessly employed to modify his views, he claimed the protection of his passport, and set out immediately on his return to Wittenberg (April 26). Relieved by his withdrawal, the adversaries of the reformation now pro- ceeded to insist on the forcible execution of the papal bull, by which he was condemned. A struggle followed, during which it grew more evident that Aleander and the ultra- montane party, whom he led, were still possessed of their old ascendancy among the princes of the empire^; and eventually, on May the 26th, an edict was extorted from the Diet, proclaiming the imperial ban against Martin Luther as a heretic and outcast from the Church of God. In this sentence every one of his protectors and adherents was equally involved ; his writings were prohibited, and a censorship of the press '^ appointed to control the publication, both of them and of all kindred works. ^ De Wette, i. 587. The best authority for what follows is the Acta printed in Luther's Works, Jeute, 1600, ii. fol. 411 b, sq. : cf. Eanke, Beform. i. 533 sq. ^ ' Hie Lutherus : Quando ergo serenissima majestas vestra, domina- tionesque vestry, simplex responsum petunt, dabo illud, neque cornutum, neque dentatum, in hunc modum : Nisi convictus fuero testimoniis Scripturarum, aut ratione evidente (nam neque Papce neque conciUis soils credo, cum constet eos errasse stepius, et sibi ipsis contradixisse,) viotus sum scripturis a me adductis, captaque est conscientia in verbis Dei, revocare neque possum neque volo quidquam, cum contra conscientiam agere neque tutum sit neque integrum. Hie stehe Ich. Ich kan nlclit anders. Gott helff mir. Amen.'' Ibid. fol. 414 a. Gieseler, v. 273. It was on this occasion that Luther won the good opinion of Philip of Hes- sen, who said, ' If you be right, Sir Doctor, may God help you.' Eanke, Reforvi. i. 538. ^ It is remarkable, however, that his persecutors despaired of accom- plishing his condemnation, so long as all the members continued at the Diet. It is said that to give the edict an authority which it did not pos- sess, they misdated it on the 8th instead of the 26th of May on which it was issued. Waddington, i. 367, 368, Pallavicini, Hist, del Concllio di Trenti, lib. i. c. 28. The document itself in its German form is given by Walch, Luther's Schrlften, xv. 2264. The execution of the edict was far from general, many states suppressing it either from sympathy with Luthcx, or through fear of exciting tiu-bulence among the people. , ^ In matters theological this censorship was awarded to the bishop in I-] and its Propagation. 35 But Luther was not suffered to expire like Huss, Avhose course his own had hitherto so strikingly resembled. As he entered the Thuringian forest on his return from Worms, he was arrested^ by some friendly horsemen, and transferred by a circuitous route to the secluded castle of Wartburg, which belonged to his unswerving patron, the elector of Saxony. In the disguise of Junker George, he was enabled to pursue his theological labours', and completed what has ever since been felt to be among his very best productions, — the translation of the New Testament^ into the standard dialect of Saxony. His active pen was also keenly oc- cupied in controversial literature "*. Perhaps the boldest of his new essays was the answer to Catharinus^, a young Thomist and Dominican, who ventured to defend the most extreme opinions on the papal supremacy. In this treatise, conjunction with the faculty of the Holy Scriptures in the nearest uni- versity. ^ See his own account, dated May 14, in a letter to Spalatinus ; De Wette, III. 7. His disguise appears to have been rendered complete: * Ita sum hie exutus vestibus meis et equestribus indutus, comam et bar- bam nutriens, ut tu me difficile nosses, cum ipse me jamdudum non noverim.' The consternation which his disappearance caused among his friends and admirers is well expressed in a lament of Albert Dui'er, quo- ted in Gieseler, iii. 1, p. 95, n. 81 (v. 274, 275). 2 ' Ego otiosus hie et crapulosus sedeo tota die : BibHara Grajcam et Hebraaam lego. Scribo sermonem vernaculum de confessionis auricu- laris libertate: Psalterium etiam prosequar, et Postillas, ubi e Wittem- berga accepero, quibiis opus habeo, inter quffi et Magnificat inchoatum expecto.' De Wette, ii. 6. •* The first edition appeared in September, 1522. The translation of the Old Testament was postponed (cf. De Wette, ii. 123) for a short time, in order that he might consult his literary friends; but one part of it also appeared in 1528. The first complete edition of the Lutheran Bible, including the Apocrypha, was not published till 1534. Gieseler, v. 284. On the older German versions of the Scriptures, see Middle Ar/c, p. 300, n. 2; and cf. The Bible in Every Land, p. 175, Lond. 1848, and Audin, Hist, de Luther, i. 49G sq. ^ Besides those mentioned in the text, he wrote a fiery Confutatio of Latomus, a theologian of Louvain (Ojjp. ii. fol. 379 sq. Jense, lOOO). The epilogue (dated ex Pathmo mca, xx Junii, 1521) contains the following passage (fol. 411): ' Sola enim Biblia mccum sunt, non quod magni apud nie pendatur libros habere, sed quod videndum, an dicta ratrum ab adversario bona fide citentur:' cf. De Wette, ii. 17 sq. It is dedicated to his friend Justus Jonas, who had joined him at Erfurt, and shared his danger at Worms. Another work (cf. n. 2) was a treatise on 'Private Confession' [Von der Beicht), dedicated June 1, 1521, to Sickingeu, and published in the following August or September (De Wette, ii. 13). The object is to reform, not to abolish, the usage. 5 Cf. De Wette, i. 569, 570, 582. The treatise itself is in his Worls, as above, fol. 350 sq. 3—2 GERMANY. y ' II i$ retreat at Wart- huv'j. Writes af/ainst Catharlnns and others. The Saxon School of Church-Beformey's, [chap. GERMANY. Carhtadt and the vltra- reformers. while vigorously assailing the main position of his adver- sary, Luther did not hesitate to argue that the only notes or characteristics of a Christian church are the two sacra- ments, Baptism and the Eucharist, and more especialty the Word of God^ He also dedicated separate works to the denunciation of 'private masses V and 'monastic vows^,' the former being in his eye an impious mechanism for ele- vating tlie clergy, and the latter an invasion of Christian liberty, and one of the impostures by which Satan had propped up the current theory of human merit. The furious vehemence that breathes throughout these treatises, an index of the mental tempest^ in the midst of which they were composed, would naturally enkindle a desire in his more zealous followers to eradicate the system which had countenanced such vast and manifold enormities. The great reformer was himself indeed opposed to popular demonstrations which might lead to violent intermeddling with established usages, and so embarrass the civil power. But he soon found that he had been unconsciously stimu- lating passions which neither he nor his temperate col- 1 Fol. 356 b. He had also arrived at the conclusion that the 'syna- gogue of Papists and Thomists' was not the Church, but Babylon, 'nisi parvulos et simplices exceperis.' ^ Opp. II. fol. 441 sq. This work, of which the German title is Vom Missbrauch der Messen, was dedicated to his brother-friars the Augusti- nians of Wittenberg, Nov. 1, 1521, but was not pubhshed till ' January 1522 :' cf. De Wette, ii. 106 sq. The Augustinians had already desisted from the performance of ' private' masses. 3 0pp. II. fol. 477 b, sq. It was dedicated (Nov, 21, 1521) to his father : cf . De Wette, ii. 100 sq. He had some time before made up his mind as to the lawfulness of marriage in the secular clergy, such as Carl- stadt ; but the members of religious orders who had bound themselves by special vowa appeared to occupy a different position. He had soon after- wards (March 28, 1522) to deplore irregularities committed by several monks, who acted out his principles: ' Video monachos nostros multos,' he wrote to John Lange, one of the self-emancipated friars, ' exire nulla causa alia quam qua intraverant, hoc est, ventris et libertatis carnalis gratia, per quos Satanas magnum fcetorem in nostrl verbi odorem honum excitabit.' 4 During his seclusion at Wartburg, Luther was assaulted by tempta- tions to sensuality which he had scarcely known before : see his letters of July 13 and Nov. 4, 1521 (De Wette, ii. 21, 89). So violent also were his mental agitations that, while occupied in preparing his treatise on the abuses of the mass, he believed that he was visited at midnight by the Evil Spirit, and constrained to hold a conference with him on that sub- ject. Luther himself published a narrative of this interview in 1533: cf. Waddington, i. 398, 399; Audin, i. 421 sq. I-] and its Propagation. leagues were able to control in Wittenberg itself. The leader of these ultra-reformers was Carlstadt. Kegardless of all counsels which suggested the propriety of pausino- till the multitude could be more thoroughly instructed in the nature of the change proposed, he altered^ the Eucha- ristic office on his own authority, abolishing the custom of previous confession, administering the elements in both kinds, and neglecting most of the usual ceremonies. One important section of the German church who hitherto beheld the march of the reformers with unmingled sym- pathy, had now seen cause to hesitate and tremble for the issue. Their forebodings were increased on learning that the town of Zwickau in Misnia, which had also felt the impulse of the Lutheran movement, was already giving birth to the distempered sect of Anabaptists, whose fanati- cism, it will be noticed""^ afterwards, imparted a distinctive shape and colour to the history of the times. Exactly when these troubles were assuming their most formidable aspect ^ Luther reappeared at Wittenberg, 1 See the account in Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschneicler, i. 512. He had already attempted something of the kind in October, 1521, but did not carry out his plan fully until the next Christmas-day: Eanke, II. 19. 2 See Chapter v. On the sects and heresies accompanying the new movement. The genuine representatives of the reformation at Zwickau were Frederic Mycouius, a Franciscan priest, who became associated with Luther in 1518, and a second of his intimate friends, Nicholas Hausmaun. ^ Three of the leading Anabaptists, to escape from the police, took refuge in Wittenberg, at the very end of the year 1521. On the 1st of January, 1522, Melanchthon speaks of them as then present {IVorks, i. 533). He was himself, in the first instance, too favourably disposed towards them {ibid. i. 513: ' Magnis rationibus adducor certe, ut con- temni eos nolim'). The point to which, after their prophetic gifts, they ventured to assign the chief importance, was a denial of infant baptism; and Melanchthon, perplexed by the paucity of direct scriptural proofs in its behalf, and by the doctrine of vicarious faith ('tides aliena') wbich seemed to be involved in the discussion, wrote to Luther at "Wartburg for advice. The reply of the reformer is dated Jan. 13, 1522 (De Wette, II. 124: sq.); and though it did not absolutely denounce the Anabaptistic teachers, it suggested considerations fatal to their claims (in tliis letter we find early traces of the Lutheran theory respecting the infusion of faith into the soul of the infant candidate for baptism), Carlstadt, on the contrary, allied himself at once with the prophets of Zwickau, and, sheltered by their oracles, proceeded to the most fanatical lengths (Eanke, II. 24: — 26): Melanchthon, in the mean time, seeming paralysed and offering little or no resistance, even while students went away from the GERMANY. Hise of Anabap- i/6//t,1521. The Saxon School of Church- Beformers, [CHA.P GERMANY. Lutlier's consterna- tion, and reap- 2>earance at Witlen- i^crr/,1522. (March 7, 1522). He saw that nothing but his own per- sonal influence coukl restrain or even regukite the torrent which was threatening to involve his work in the destruc- tion he had planned for mediaeval errors ; and therefore in spite ^ of all the anxious fears of Frederic, who had little chance of screening him from the imperial ban, he vowed with characteristic heroism, that, cost him what it might, a vigorous effort must be instantly made to vindicate his teaching. It is highly probable that the intense emotion caused by these disorders at Wittenberg contributed in some degree to moderate the whole of his future conduct. He had now discovered that one tendency of the reforming movement which he headed, was to shake men's faith not only in what may be termed erroneous excrescences, but in the body of the truth itself; that intellectual, if not moral, licence would readily supervene on the removal of the ancient yoke ; and that accordingly his followers must be guarded from the serious dangers which beset them, both on the right hand and on the left. He acted in this spirit when on Sunday, March 9, 1522, he resumed his pastoral duties. Carlstadt was condemned to silence^; the apostles of Anabaptism were dismissed^ in very coarse but truthful language; all the customary service was restored, except those passages in the Canon of the mass which plainly pointed to the notion of material sacrifice; the university, urging that there was no longer any need of human learning. Gieseler, v. 278—281. 1 See his very spirited letter to the Elector (March 5, 1522): De Wette, II. 137 sq. ; Gieseler, v. 282, 283. The importance he attached to the present crisis was shewn in the following passage: 'Alles, was bisher mir zu Leide gethan ist in dieser Sachen, ist Schimj^f und nichts gewesen. Ich wollts auch, wenn es hatte konnen seyn, mit meiuem Leben gern erkauft haben ' (p. 138) : cf . Audin, i. 481 sq. ^ Luther's own account of this step (March 30, 1522) is worthy of especial notice: ' Ego Carolstadium offendi, quod ordinationes suas cas- savi, licet doctrinam non damnarim, nisi quod displicet in solis ceremo- niis et externis faciebus laborasse eum, neglecta interim vera doctrina Christiana, hoc e^i, fide et charitate. Nam sua inepta docendi ratione eo populum perduxerat, ut sese Christianum arbitraretur per has res nihili, si utraque specie communicaret, si tangeret [i.e. the consecrated ele- ments], si non confiteretur, si imagines frangeret. En malitiam SatanaB, ut 2)er novam speciem molitus est erigcre ad ruinam Evangelii :' De Wette, 11. 177: Gieseler, v. 283. Cf. Waddington, ii. 11, 12. The mystical turn of Carlstadt had already excited the distrust of his former colleague. ■^ See Letters of April, ibid. pp. 179, 181, and the fuller account of Camerarius, Vit. Melanchthonis, § 15. I.l and its Propagation. 39 Eucharist was now administered under one or both kinds indifferently; and it is even noticeable in Luther's teach- ing from the pulpit, that he laid far greater emphasis upon the need of sobriety and Christian charity, as fruits and consequences of justifying faith \ A second cause, however, soon conspired to bring the Lutheran doctrines into fresh discredit. They were taking root^ both far and wide, when elements of discord and insubordination, such as we already witnessed in the Bohemian Taborites, broke out into the Peasants' War^ (1524), The leaders of this insurrection were tainted by the Anabaptist doctrines recently suppressed at Wittenberg, and some were probably instigated by the violent ha- rangues of Carlstadt, and other preachers of his schooP. * Cf. Eanke, ii. 39, 40, Audin, ii. 16 sq.; and especially the course of sermons which Luther preached at this juncture on masses, picturCvS, communion jn both kinds, and other controverted subjects {Schriften, ed. Walch, XX. 1 sq.). He had now fairly apprehended a principle which afterwards served him on many trying occasions, viz. that all ecclesias- tical rites and usages were legitimate, provided they did not contravene some clear statement of Holy AVrit (' Quod ergo non est contra Scriptu- ram, pro Scriptura est, et Scriptura pro eo:' De Wette, i. 128). On this principle he retained a large proportion of the media3val usages (cf. his earliest liturgical regulations in Daniel's Codex Lit. Eccl. Luther, pp. 75—112). ' Fallitur mundus,' wrote Melanchthon soon afterwards {Works, I. 657), 'cum unum hoc agi a Luthero judicat, ut publicie ca3re- monia3 aboleantur...Verum non de Cieremoniis dimicat Lutherus, viajus quoddam docet, quid intersit inter hominum justitiam et Dei justitiam.' On the contrary, it is quite clear that in the appUcation and working out of his convictions, Luther was continually guilty of extravagance. Not long after his return to Wittenberg, he levelled a (Gennan) tract against the whole hierarchy. This was followed by his ' Bull,' composed in a spirit as pontifical as that which had been manifested by any of his opponents. He soon afterwards put forth a sermon Dc Matrimonio, where his 'intemperance d'imagination' has furnished Audin (ii. H3 sq.) with materials for a powerful onslaught. Luther was himself married June 2, 1525, and, as if desirous of adding one scandal to anotlicr, was married to the nun, Catharine von Bora, who had escaped two years before from a convent in Misnia : cf. Waddington, ii. 117 — 127, with Audin, II. 251 — 277. ^ The diffusion of the new opinions at this period in other European countries will, for the sake of clearness, be traced below. ^ See Ranke's excellent sketch of this outbreak, Befonn. Bk. iir. ch. vi. A fermentation had been already going on for more than thirty years. ** On their expulsion from Saxony, both Carlstadt and the Anabaptist Thomas Miinzer went into the district of the U.pper Bliine. It is not quite clear, however, that the fcn-mer, while proclaiming his new doctrine of the Eucharist, had circulated opinions directly tending to sedition: ibid. pp. 20G, 222. GERMANY, Penmnts' War. The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. They went so far indeed as to proclaim that unbelievers might and ought to be exterminated by the sword (one instance of their gross perversion of the Old Testament), and that a kingdom should meanwhile be founded in Ger- many, consisting only of ' the faithful \' Their social theories were no less extravagant, yet notwithstanding all the prejudices it was likely to offend, the new contagion spread with marvellous rapidity, and fixed itself especially in Svvabia, Franconia, Thuringia, and Alsace. Although these startling tendencies may have been considerably strengthened by a misconception of the Lutheran opinions, it is certain that as soon as the insurgents had avowed their objects, Luther^ shewed himself the most unflinching of their foes. He was no advocate of communism : he preached the sternest doctrines of obedience to the civil magistrate; and it was owing partly to his strenuous efforts that the south of Germany was rescued from the scourges of a general revolution. His influence had however been materially weakened by the recent course of politics, and in exact proportion as the hope of carrying out his reforma- tions by the aid of the imperial legislature was shewn to be illusive ^ He was, therefore, left without the power of ^ Ihid. p. 105. The author of these ravings was Milnzer, the best account of whom is that of Strobel, Lebcn, Schriften und Lehren T. Miuit- zers, Niirnberg, 1795. The same writer in his Beytrdgcn znr Llteratur (ii. 7 sq.) has printed the twelve articles (drawn up perhaps by Heughn) in which the peasants stated their demands and grievances (Feb. 1525). The desire of spiritual as well as social reformation was expressed, which indicates some admixture of religious elements. ^ He had already warned the Elector Frederic, Aug. 21, 1524 (De "Wette, II. 538 sq.); and his Ermalmiing zum Frieden auf die 12 Artikcl der Bauerschaft in Schivaben {Schriften, ed. Walch, xv. 58 sq.) appeared in May, 1525: cf. Melanchthon's letter to Spalatinus (April 10, 1525): 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 733. The insurrection was finally suppressed by the united arms of the reforming and unreformmg states, one of the most active leaders being the Elector John the Constant of Saxony, who succeeded on the death of Frederic (May 5, 1525). 2 A few days after Luther's return from his seclusion, the states of the empire met together at Nuremberg. With them Adrian, the new pope (elected Jan. 9, 1522), opened a negociation; and while admitting the extreme corruptions of the church (cf. above, p. 3, n. 1), was anxious above all things to secure the extiri)ation of Lutheranism. The Diet answered (March 6, 1523) by the Centum Gravamina (Brown's Fascicu- lus, I. 354 sq.), analogous to those drawn up at Worms (cf. above, p. 33, n. 1), and reflecting very strongly on existing church-abuses. They also took no steps for carrying out the damnatory edict of the former Diet. Afterwards, indeed, when Clement VII. succeeded Adrian (Nov. 19, 1523), I-] and its Propagation. 41 guiding and counteracting many social impulses which his resistance to the papal despotism had stimulated into feverish activity; and henceforth our attention must be drawn to the conflicting operations of three different forms of thought : (1) the Media3val or scholastic, (2) the Lutheran or reforming, and (3) the Anabaptist or revolutionary \ It was natural to expect that many persons, from their want of real sympathy with the dominant religion, would either directly or indirectly promote the objects of such men as Luther, till at last they were alarmed by the exaggerations of the ultra-reformers, and were driven, by the prospect of still wilder consequences, to revert in many particulars to their original position. By far the most distinguished member of this class ^ was Desiderius Eras- mus^ of Rotterdam (b. 1467). He had preceded Luther in assaults on the scholastic methods; and the twenty-seven editions through which his principal satire (Mwpta? 'E7- Kwfjiiov) passed during his own life-time furnish proofs of the enormous influence he exerted on the spirit of the six- teenth century. He was perhaps the ablest classic of his age, and had few equals in theology. He contended that and tlie states had reassembled at Nuremberg, it was decreed (April 18, 152-i), among other things, that the edict of Worms should be vigor- ously executed, * as far as might be possible,' and that the pope should immediately assemble a free sjaiod for the determination of religious dif- ferences. The papal legate Campeggi, by a series of diplomatic ma- noeuvi'es, was able at the same time to overthrow the Council of Kegency, a majority of whom were favourable to the new doctrines. In conse- quence, however, of this act, a resolution was finally carried, to the effect that in the following November a meeting of the states should be con- vened at Spires, where lists of controverted topics should be openly pre- sented and discussed by representatives of the different princes. But this 'general assembly' was vehemently opposed by the legate, and as jjositively forbidden by the emperor ; and in the place of it a provincial congress, consisting of determined enemies of the reformation, met at Ratisbon (llegensburg) in June, 1524 (Ranke, 11. 177 sq.), for tbe pur- pose of cementhig a religious league, and of repressing the Lutherans. Hence originated the religious separation of the German sovereigns, which has never since been healed. 1 Cf. Mr Hallam's remarks, Lit. of Europe, i. 482 sq. Lond. 1840. 2 Other members of it, e.g. George Wizel (Wiceliusl, John Haner, John Wildenauer (Egranus), Crotus Rubeanus, Wilibald Pirkhcimer, have been sketched by Dollinger, Die lieformation, i. 21 sq. 3 See the life prefixed to Le Clerc's edition of his Works (from^ which Jortin's biography was mainly taken), and Miillor's Lchcn dcs Erasmus von Rotterdam, Hamburg, 1828. Erasmus had many points of resem- blance to Laurentius Valla; on whom see Middle Age, p. 3G1, u. 2. GERMANY. Scceders from the ranks of the reform- ers. Erasmus and his in- flicence. The Saxon School of Church-Beformers, [chap. Christian knowledge should be drawn directly from the fountain-head of truth, the New Testament in the origiual^ He pointed to the vast superiority of the ancient Fathers as compared with the more popular authors of the Middle Ages^; and partly owing to his independent genius, and partly to the greater prominence which he assigned to doctors of the Eastern Church, his Paraphrases were the means of opening a new era in the history of biblical criticism. What Erasmus plainly wanted was religious depth and fervour, a deficiency that influenced not only the complexion of his scriptural exegesis, but the whole tone of his character. Ardently devoted to the interests of literature, he was unsparing in his censures of monastic imorance and narrow-mindedness, ineWance and obscu- rantism : he was also conscious that a swarm of gross abuses^ were disfis'ni'ii^sr the administration and ritual system of the Church : he more than once had courage to proclaim the need of some extensive reformation, and even to avow affinity with Luther* : yet as soon as the defences of the papacy, which his own writings undermined, began ^ Like Laurentius Yalla, he pointed out numerous errors in the Vul- gate, and to correct them set about the preparation of his Greek Testa- ment (cf. Middle Age, p. 361, n. 5). The Comphitensian Polyglott [ibid, n. 2) manifests the opposite tendency by altering the Greek Text, in some cases at least, so as to make it square with the Vulgate. 2 In the Dedication to his paraphrase on the Epist. of St James {0pp. VII. p. 1115, ed. Le Clerc), he makes the following bold statement: ' Si a solo Thoma \i.e. from Aquinas] dissentirem, videri possum in ilium ini- quior. Nunc et ab Ambrosio, et ab Hieronymo et ab Augustino non rare dissentio, sed reverenter; in Thomam etiam candidior quam ut multis bonis et eruditis viris gratum sit: sed hanc reverentiam non opinor me debere Hugonibus aut Lyranis omnibus, etiamsi Lyrano [cf. Middle Age, p. 360] nonnihil debemus.' It is worthy of notice, that while the favour- ite Latin commentator of Erasmus was St Jerome, Luther's was St Au- gustine ('Augustino in scripturis interpretandis tantum posthabeo Hiero- nymum, quantum ipse Augustinum in omnibus Hieronymo i^osthabet'): Letter in De Wette, i. 40 (dated Oct. 19, 1516) ; cf, i. 52, where Luther adds (March 1, 1517) that a Christian is not truly wise who knows Greek and Hebrew, ' quando et beatus Hieronymus quinque Unguis monoglosson Augustinum non adaequarit, licet Erasmo aliter sit longe visum.' ^ See, for example, his Colloquirs which appeared in 1522, and of which 24,000 copies were printed in the single year 1527 (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i. 490) ; or his Enchiridion 3Iilitis Christiani, pubUshed as early as 1503. 4 Thus he writes to Zwingli (Aug. 31, 1523; Zwingl. 0pp. vii. pt. 1, 308, Zurich, 1828) : ' Lutherus scripsit ad (Ecolampadium, mihi non multum esse tribuendum in lis, quae sunt Spiritus. Velim hoc ex te dis« !■] and its Propagation. 43 to shrink and totter, his timidity and want of earnestness were instantly betrayed\ We see him parting company''' with men like Luther, Mclanchthon, Zwingii, and (Eco- lampadius, whom he formerly esteemed the benefactors of their generation, and the harbingers of brighter days ; and althouoii his hatred of mere scholasticism continued to be no less deep and vehement, it was eventually overbalanced by the feelings of disgust with which he contemplated the advances of the Lutheran party. The last important ser- vice which he rendered was to strengthen^ the bias of the elector Frederic in favour of their cause (1520). In 1524, however, his neutrality was changing very fast into decided opposition. Little doubt existed on this point after the publication (in September) of his Diatribe de Libera Arbi- trio^, where he vigorously assailed the new opinions in a cere, doctissime Zwingii, quis sit ille Spiritus. Nam videor mihi fere omnia docuisse, quce docet Lutherus, nisi quod non tam atrociter, quod- que abstinui a quibusdam ffinigmatibus et paradoxis.' ^ Perhaps fastidiousness and want of resolution would be fitter ex- pressions; moreover it could hardly be expected that for the mere pur- pose of destruction Erasmus could join cordially with men whose moving principles were opposed to his own in such important points as that of free will. However he says of himself: ' Si corrupti mores EomanoB cu- riae postulant ingens aliquod ac prffisens remedium, certe meum aut mei similem non est banc provinciam sibi sumere.' He had before stated in the same letter to the Cardinal Campeggi (Dec. 6, 1520): ' Siquidem ut veritati nunquam fas est adversari, ita celare nonnuuquam expedit in j loco...Qua3dam inter se fatentur theologi, qua3 vulgo non expediat elferri' {OjUJ. III. pt. 1, 596). '^ See Waddington's impartial account in ch. xxiii, Erasmus conti- nued to exchange letters of frigid courtesy with Melanchthon after he had altogether broken with Luther. His last words respecting himself, wi-itten not long before his death at Basel (July 12, 153G), are very remarkable: 'Lutherana tragoedia intolerabili ilium oneravit invidia. Discerptus est ab utraque parte, dum utrique studet consulere' (ibid. p. 20G): cf. his Epist. Ub. xv. ep. 4, and Luther's Briefe, i. 525, 52(5. To- wards the close of his hfe he wrote a short treatise De Sarcienda Eccles'uc Concordia with a pacific object, which elicited a reply from Latomus of Louvain: see Latom. 0pp. fol. 172 sq. Lovan. 1579. His influence in j)romoting the English reformation will be noticed below. 3 The Elector consulted him at Cologne (Nov. 5, 1520), on which occasion Erasmus declared : ' Lutherus peccavit in duobus, nempe quod tetigit coronam Pontificis et ventres monachorum.' On tlie same occa- sion he di-ew up a number of Axiomata (decidedly favourable to Luther), which, to the great annoyance of their author, soon afterwards appeared in print: Luther, 0pp. ii. fol. 314 a, Jeme, 1000. •* The ostensible cause of his sei)aration from the reformers was a quarrel with Hutten (cf. Luther's letter of Oct. 1, 1523 ; De Wetto, ii. 411, 412) ; but it is plain that other agencies (among the rest, the influ- ence of Henry YIII. of England) impelled him to the composition of the GERMANY. His f/rov)- ing dislike of the re- formers. Contro- versy he- ticeen him and Luther, 1524. The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [cHAP. quarter felt to be especially open to attack. He left the main positions of the Lutheran School untouched ; he mani- fested no inclination to defend the pride, the profligacy, the impiety of the court of Rome or of the German ecclesias- tics, but exhausted all his learned Avit and metaphysical acumen, to disprove the tenet of necessity as advocated in the writinsrs and discourses of the Saxon doctors. The reply of Luther, which appears to have occupied him till the folio wins: autumn \ was entitled Be Servo Arhitrlo. It is throughout distinguished by his characteristic force and vehemence of tone; but argumentatively speaking is a failure. Every cloud of mystery enveloping the questions which he took in hand' continues to hang over them. The doctrine of God's absolute predestination, with its comple- mentary doctrine of absolute reprobation, is restated in the most emphatic terms. The freedom of the human will, in any sense, anterior to the infusion of the supernatural gift of faith, is quite as positively denied ; and even after such infusion, it is argued, that the spiritual acts of man are not properly and ultimately his, but rather manifestations of some independent energy within himl The author not- withstanding has declared that by these statements he does not disparage the importance of good works, nor teach that God is in the least degree indifferent to the qualities of human actions. The rejoinder of Erasmus, entitled Hyper- aspistes Diatribes, and put forth immediately afterwards* treatise on Free Will. When it was published he wrote (Sept. 6, 1524) to his royal correspondent, ' Jacta est alea.' See Gieseler, v. 336. ^ His own unwillingness to enter on the controversy, as stated in the Preface, may have contributed to this delay: 0pp. iii. fol. 161, Jenas, 1603. 2 Some of the mysteries were still further darkened by his own dis- tinctions; e.g. fol. 189 b: ' Illudit autem sese Diatribe ignorantia sua, dum nihil distinguit inter Deum pradicatum et absconditum, hoc est, inter Verbum Dei et Deum Ipsum. Multa facit Deus, quae verbo Sue non ostendit nobis. Multa quoque vult quae verbo Suo non ostendit Sese velle. Sic non vult mortem peccatoris, Verbo scilicet. Vult autem illam voluntate ilia imperscrutahili.'' •* E.g. ' Obsecro te, an non nostra dicuntur quam rectissime, quffi non fecimus quidem nos recepimus vero ab aliis? Cur igitur opera non dice- rentur nostra, qure donavit nobis Deus per Spiritum? An Christum nou dicemus nostrum, quia non fecimus Eum, sed tantum acceiDimus?' fol. 194 a. 4 A second book more carefully written was published in the following year. I-] and its Propagation. 45 (Feb. 20, 1526), was characterized by all the vehemence and bitterness of Luther. With it ended, for the present, this interminable controversy; but not until Melanchthon^ was at least persuaded that far greater caution would be necessary in his future disquisitions touching the freedom of the human will, and other kindred subjects. In the mean while several states of Germany, determined to resist the progress of the new opinions, had constituted a religious league ^ Their example was soon followed by negotiations of John^ the Constant, elector of Saxony, and the landgrave Philip of Hessen*, — two of the most powerful princes of the empire, and alike devoted to the cause of reformation. The treaty into which they entered is commonly called the ' League of Torgau,' where it was ratihed, May 4, 1526, although in truth concluded at Gotha in the previous February ^ Other princes, more ^ Cf. above, p. 26, n. 3. In subsequent editions of the Loci Comimines he altered or suppressed the very passages which Luther had cited triumphantly in his own behalf. The extracts given by Gieseler, iii. ii. 191 sq. (ed. Bonn) shew a gradual change in the convictions of Melanch- thon. In 1535 he denounces the 'stoical' notion of necessity, having learned in the mean time that the human will is a concurring party in the work of salvation, and possesses the power of resistance : ' Deus ante- vertit nos, vocat, movet, adjuvat, sed nos viderimus ne repugnemus. Constat enim peccatum oriri a nobis, non a voluntate Dei.' The edition of 1548 was still more explicit on this point {ibid. p. 223, n. 31). The language there used is constantly quoted afterwards in what was called the ' Synergistic controversy,' (touching the relation in which human liberty stands to free will), — a fierce discussion stimulated in 1555 by the trea,tise of John Pfeffinger, De Libero Arbitrio, which was answered by Nicholas Amsdorf. This controversy is intimately connected with two others branching out of the same ideas: (1) the Majoristic, commencing about 1554, between George Major (a divine of Wittenberg) and Amsdorf, on the question whether good works are necessary to salvation (see Gieseler, iii. ii. 213 sq. ed. Bonn) ; (2) the controversy between Flacius lUyricus (an ultra-Lutheran) and Victorinus Stregel of Jena (circ. 1560), in which the former argued that original sin is ' quiddam substantiule in homine,' thus verging far in the du-ection of Manichaism [ibid. pp. 253 sq. ). 2 See above, p. 40, n. 3. 3 He was more resolute and active in the cause of reformation than his brother (who died May 5, 1525), and began his reign by recommending Luther's Postills to the Saxon clergy, and urging them ' ut Yerbum Divi- num et Evangelium secundum verum et Christianum sensum priedicareut et interpretarentur :' Seckendorf, ii. 48, col. 2. * Luther and he had met at the Diet of Worms (1521), and in 1524 Melauchthon had completed his conYersion to the side of the Reformers {0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 703). 5 Ranke, Eef. ii. 393. GEUMANY. ' . ' Modifica' tion of MC' Lanchthoti'i views. Ilelif/ious Leagues. 46 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. GERMANY. Diet of Spires, 1526. Project of reform. particularly those of Lower Germany \ united in the com- pact, and on the 12th of June they all agreed at Magde- burg to stand by each other with their utmost might, in case they were violently assaulted ' on account of the Word of God or the removal of abuses.' In this temper they proceeded to the Diet of Spires, Avhich opened a few days afterwards (June 25) with fresh discussions on the state and prospects of the German Churchy So prevalent was the desire among the representatives to extirpate ecclesiastical abuses that, in spite of vigorous efforts on the part of the clergy present, many salutary changes were recommended by the different committees. One of their reports insisted, for example, on the expediency of legalizing the marriage of the clergy, and of permitting the laity in future to com- municate either in one or in both kinds. It was proposed, in like manner, that the stringent regulations respecting fasts and confession should henceforth be mitigated, that private masses should be all abolished, and that in the administration of Baptism and the Eucharist, the Latin and German languages should both of them be used. An order on the subject of preaching which had issued from the Diet of 1523 was now republished, with an augmentation savouring also of the Lutheran tenets, viz. that Scripture 1 The treaty was signed by the dukes Ernest and Francis of Bruns- wick LUneburg, duke Henry of Mecklenburg Schwerin, prince Wolfgang of Anhalt Cothen and the Counts of Mansfeld Gebhard and Albert. The imperial city of Magdeburg was also admitted (June 14), and in the fol- lowing September, Albert, duke of Prussia (formerly grand-master of the Teutonic order), followed their example: Luther's Schriften, ed. Walch, XVI. 532 sq. The cities of Nuremburg, Strasburg, Augsburg and Ulm soon afterwards gave in their adhesion. The cause of the allied reformers had been elaborately pleaded just before by Melanchthon and other Wit- tenberg divines, who undertook the task in obedience to the wishes of the Elector of Saxony, and sent their production to the diet of Augsburg (Nov. 1525). They contended (1) that it was lawful to abolish manifest abuses, without the permission, and even in spite, of the episcopal authorities: and (2) that it was lawful to continue the preaching of the new doctrines in defiance of the edict of the emperor : Waddingtou, ii. 213. 2 See all the Acts in Walch, xvi. 2-13 sq., and cf . Rauke, Ref. ii, 397 sq. The place of the emperor, who found himself engrossed in the affairs of Italy, and in counteracting the influence of the ' sainte Ligue de Cognac' (May 22, 1526), was occupied by his brother the archduke Ferdinand. This prince, although decidedly opposed to the Reformers, was so alarmed by the rapid progress of the Turks into the territories of the king of Hungary, that he did not venture to execute the rigorous orders of the emperor. I.] and its Propagation. 47 must be always expounded by Scripture. But these me- morable resohitions of the empire were again defeated by the obstinate adherence^ of Charles V. to the established usages of Christendom. At lene^th indeed we see him driven, first, to the abandonment of his design for executing the anti-Lutheran edict of Worms by appealing to the sword, and secondly, compelled to sanction the great prin- ciple of domestic reformation, by tolerating the existing forms of worship and belief in single districts of the em- pire'^: yet his failure to comply with the predominating wishes of this Diet was a very serious evil. It destroyed, perhaps for ever, the religious unity of the German states, and left the advocates of reformation, in the absence of all synods, to proceed in organizing ecclesiastical constitutions each one for itself. No sooner was this new machinery set in motion, than political circumstances tended for a while to favour its development. The emperor had been entangled on the one side in a quarrel with Clement VII.^ which terminated in the storming of Rome (May 6, 1527), and the surrender of the pontiff. On the other side, the fall of Lewis II.* king of Hungary and Bohemia, in his efforts to withstand the armies of the mighty Ottoman at Mohacz (Aug. 29, 1526), diverted the attention of the archduke Ferdinand (brother and representative of Charles), who trusted to enlarge the 1 He had issued an admonition from Seville (March 23, 1526), to cer- tain princes and lords of the empire, bidding them to remain stedfast in the 'old faith,' and to use their influence for uprooting ' heresy.' He had also charged his commissioners at the diet to withhold assent from every resolution that ran counter to established practices: Hanke, Eej. ii. 391, 40(5. 2 The words of the Kecess, derived from the report of a reformatory committee and accepted by the archduke Ferdinand, stand thus : ' f iir sich also zu leben, zu regieren und zu halten, wie eiu jeder solchcs gegen Gott und Kais. Mt. hoffet und vertrauet zu verantworton.' See the whole of this important document in Walch's Luther, xvi. 2G0. =* The best account is in Rauke, lief. Bk. iv. ch. iii. The state of feel- ing in the army is illustrated by the following passage : ' Soldiers dressed as cardinals, with one in the midst bearing the triple crown on his head and personating the pope, rode in solemn procession through the city, surrounded by guards and heralds: they halted before the castle of St Angelo, where the mock pope, flourishing a huge drinkiug-gliiss, gave the cardinals his benediction : they even held a consistory, and promised in future to be more faithful servants of the Roman empire: the papal throne they meant to bestow on Luther:' ibid. p. 4iU. * Ibid.m. lY. ch. iv. GERMANY. Separate action of reforming states. The Saxon School of Church-B.eformers, [cHAP. honours of the house of Austria by establishing his preten- sions to the vacant thrones. The months consumed in struggles for the gaining of these objects proved a breath- ing time to the reformers \ They argued that the right of adjusting controversies, which was felt to be inherent in the whole collective empire, had been now transferred to individual states ; and on this ground it was that the Saxon 'visitors''" commenced their task in 1527. The tenderness with which the leaders of it were disposed to handle the traditional usages of Christendom is everywhere apparent. While proclaiming with their former earnest- ness the doctrine of justification by faith, and thus repu- diating the scholastic theories on human merit, and the efficacy of human ordinances, they laboured to suppress the controversies that still raged respecting minor questions, such as the authority of the pope or prelates generally. It seems to have become the foremost policy of Luther, quite as much as of Melanchthon, to subvert the Medieval errors by implanting vital truths of Christianity^ within the hearts 1 Individuals among them, however, were cruelly handled, and even put to death for their opinions : e.g. a priest named Wagner (Carpenta- rius) was burnt at Munich (Feb. 8, 1527), and Leonhard Kaiser at Scher- ding, in the diocese of Passau (Aug. 18, 1527). Luther's epistle to the second of these martyrs (May 20, 1527) is printed in De Wette, iii. 179. The beginning is highly characteristic: ' Captus est homo tuus vetus, mi Leonharde, sic volente et vocante Christo, Salvatore tuo, Qui etiam novum Suum hominem pro te tuisque peccatis dedit in manus improbo- rum, ut sanguine Suo te redimeret in fratrem et cohaeredem vitte asternae.' Sleidan also notices the death of two scholars at Cologne in 1529 : Reform. p. 121 (Lond. 1689), and other instances of persecution are added by Kanke, Ref. iii. 53 sq. - Certain visitors were nominated by the elector to examine the moral and intellectual condition of each parish. The Instructions which were sent in their name to every clergyman in Saxony, drawn up by Melanchthon with the approval of Luther, are very remarkable (see them in Walch's Luther, x. 1902 sq. ; cf. Seckendorf's account. Lib. ii. sect. xiii. §§ 36, 37). Erasmus, struck by the moderation of these visitors, declares {Ejnst. Lib. xx. ep. 63) : * Indies mitescit febris Lutherana, adeo ut ipse Lutherus de singulis propemodum scribat palinodiam, ac caeteris [i.e. the Zwinglians and Anabaptists] habeatur ob hoc ipsum haereti- cus et delirus.' This critique, however, rests on a complete misconcep- tion of Luther's principles. Provided institutions did not run directly counter to the Word of God, he was in favour of retaining them, or at least he viewed the retention of them as a matter of comparative indif- ference (cf. above, p. 39, n. 1). On the present occasion, it is true, he went as far as the utmost verge of moderation by allowing in some cases the administration of the Eucharist in one kind: but even this was quite consistent with his former opinions (cf. above, p. 30, n. 5). 3 These feelings strongly manifested at the present juncture, gave I-] and its Projyagation. 49 of his fellow-countrymen ; and seldom in the history of the Church have labours of this kind been followed by so large a measure of success. The other German states^ in whicli the Lutheran tenets were adopted trod, with some occa- sional deviations, in the steps of Saxony. But all of them ere long had cause to tremble for the safety of their institutions when the storms of war passed over, leaving Charles and Ferdinand at liberty again to vindicate the old opinions. A fresh Diet was convoked at Spires^ for March 15, 1529. On this occasion the imperial message, breathing anger and intolerance, added to the flames already burning among the adversaries of the Re- formation, and impelled them to resume more vigorous measures. After a sharp struggle the pacific edicf^ of the former Diet of Spires (1526), by virtue of which important changes had been consummated in numerous provinces of Germany, was absolutely repealed (April 5); and the re- formers, pleading that such revocation violated both the laws of the empire and the sacred rights of conscience, fearlessly drew up the document^ which has obtained for birth to Luther's Catechisms (the smaller a compendium taken from the larger). They were both written in German, but translated almost immediately into Latin. See them in F, Francke's Libri Symbolici Eccl. LutherauiB, Pars. ii. pp. 63 — 245, with the editor's prefatory obser- vations, pp. XV. sq. The general adoption of them in schools led to their recognition as ' symbolical.' 1 This was universally the case in Lower Germany (Ranke, Eef. ii. 514). A different scheme (as we shall see hereafter) had been adopted by Philip the landgrave of Hessen, in a kind of Synod held at Homburi^ (Oct. 21, 1526). The proceedings were materially influenced by Francis Lambert, formerly a Franciscan at Avignon, whose sympathies, espe- cially on the doctrine of the Eucharist, were strongly Zwinglian: see his Epistola ad Colonienses (relating to this synod), Giessfe, 1730, and the Jteformatio Ecclesiarum Hassice (1526), ed. Credner, Giessen, 1852. 2 For the chief transactions with regard to the Reformers see Walch's Luther, xvi. 315 sq. : cf. Ranke, Uef. Bk. v. ch. v. 3 See above, p. 47, and n. 2. The emperor at the same time pledged himself to call a general council, or at least a national assembly very soon. Anabaptists were to be punished by death, and preachers were in future to follow the interpretation of Holy Scripture that was approved by the Church. ^ It proceeded from the elector John the Constant of Saxony, the margrave George of Brandenburg, Ansbach and Culmbach, the dukes Ernest and Francis of Brunswick Liineburg, the landgrave Philip of Hessen, and Wolfgang of Anhalt Cothen. Fourteen of the cities also joined in this protest : Strasburg, Nuremburg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nbrdlingen, Heilbroun, Reutlingen, Lssna, St Gall, Weissenburg and Windsheim. lu answering the argument of the R. P. 4 GERMANY. New Diet of Sjtires, 1529. 50 The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. them and their posterity the name of Protestants (April 19). The resolution which they manifested at this crisis was indeed remarkable, sufficient even to convince the ministers of Charles V. that nothing but the convocation of same free council in Germany itself was likely to compose the multi- plying discords. The force, however, of such protests was materially abated by contentions in the camp of the reformers. Post- poning, as before, the full consideration of the different causes which produced these subdivisions, it should here be noticed, that a movement, similar at first in spirit to the Lutheran, though of independent growth, had risen in the midst of the Helvetic confederacy. Its author was a parish- priest, Huldreich Zwingli. Instigated, it is possible, by Carlstadt, the evil genius of the Reformation, who, after taking refuge^ in Basel (1524), assumed a posture of direct hostiUty to Luther and his school, the Swiss reformer had in 1525 arrived at the conclusion^, that the Eucharistic imperial party with respect to the interpretation of the Bible, they eon- tended that so long as the Church itself was the subject of dispute, the best method of expounding hard texts of Scripture was to call in the help of clearer passages. ^ Before he was compelled to quit Orlamiinde (cf. above, p. 21, n. 3), Luther paid him a visit, and preached with great vehemence against fanatics of every class (image-breakers included). He also condemned Carlstadt's teaching on the Eucharist, and by the deposit of a piece of gold pledged himself to confute any vindication of it which Carlstadt might publish. The ultra-protestant soon afterwards spoke of Luther in the most contemptuous terms, styling him, ' einen zweyfachen Papisten und Vetter des Antichrists:' Waddington, ii. 90, This irritated Luther to write an Epistle to the Strashurgers (Dec. 15, 1524: De Wette, ii. 577); and a short treatise Against the Celestial Prophets (Jan. 1525: Walch, XX. 186 sq.), in both of which he denounced the sacramental theories of his opponent. Carlstadt next apologized, recanted his erroneous tenets, and in the autumn of 1525 returned to Wittenberg. He seems, however, to have fallen back eventually on most of his old positions (? 1528: cf. De Wette, iii. 549), and quietly withdrew to Switzerland, where he died, Dec. 24, 1543. The fullest biography of him is by FUsslin, Prankf. 1776. ^ His views, of which more will be said hereafter, were developed in the De Vera et Falsa Eeligione, published in 1525. He differed in some shades from Carlstadt and others, but agreed with them substantially. Thus Carlstadt interpreted the words of institution deiKTiKws (maintaining that our Lord while pronouncing them pointed to His own body) ; (Eco- lampadius then at Basel gave the literal meaning to ea-rl, but took the predicate to a^ixd /xou figuratively : while Zwingli construed earl as equi- valent to 'symbohzes' (significat) : cf. Hagenbach, Hist, of Doctrines, ii. 296, 297, Edinb. 1852. In the Fidei Ratio which he addressed to Cliarles V. in 1530 {Confess, in Eccl. lie form. ed. Niemeyer, Lips. 1840, I-] and its Projmgation. 5^ elements are in no respect the media or conductors by which the Body and Blood of Christ are conveyed to the communicant ; or in other words, that ' the sacrament of the altar' being designed to quicken our intellectual apprehen- sion of spiritual things, there is in it ' only bread and wine, and not the very Body and Blood of Christ.' In opposition to this tenet of the Sacramentarii, Luther^ taught, as one of the most central truths of Christianity, that nothing but the literal acceptation of our Saviour's language was ad- missible. Without defining accurately the manner of the Eucharistic Presence, he contended that the Body of the Lord was truly there, and absolutely refused to hold com- munion with all persons who insisted on resolving the words of institution into figures, or who construed them as nothing more than symbolical expressions pointing to the barely commemorative aspect of the Lord's Supper. To this divergency, which we shall see hereafter was connected pp. 24 sq.), Zwingli took a somewhat higher ground in speaking of the sacraments, but still denied tj^at the outward and visible sign is ever made the medium for conveying the inward and spiritual grace: cf. (jrieseler, iii. ii. pp. 154, 155, Bonn. 1852. ^ See the germs of the Lutheran doctrine above, p. 31, n. 1. He had been strongly tempted at one time to adopt the symbolical interpretation of our Saviour's language (DeWette, ii. 577, Gieseler, v. 338), but resisted what he thought would have been fatal to Christianity. His various treatises on the Eucharist as well as some by others of his party {e.g. Bugenhagen, Brentz and Schnepf) will be found in Walch, xx. Bucer, who tried to act as a mediator between the Swiss and Saxon schools on this question, regretted (in 1537) that any one had ever written against Luther, whose original impression was that Carlstadt wished to get rid of all 'externals' in religion, and who therefore in opposing him attributed too much to the outward part of the Lord's Supper. Luther was charged with holding the doctrine of ' impanation,' but repelled the charge by stating that he left the 'manner' of Christ's presence an open question (Walch, XX. 1012). ' Consubstantiation ' is the term more commonly employed to characterize his own theory. In writing to the Swiss, how- ever (l)ec. 1, 1537: De \Vette, v. 85), he puts the matter thus : ' Wir las- sens gottlicher Allmachtigkeit befohien seyn, wie Sein Leib und Blut im Abendmal uns gegeben werde, wo man aus Seinem Befehl zusammen kommt, und Sein Einsatzung gehalten wird. Wir deuken da keiner Aulfahrt und Niederfahrt, die da sollt geschehen; sondem wir bleiben schlechts und einfaltiglich bei Seinen W^orten: das ist Mein Leib, das ist Mein Blut.' Melanchthon's views were, in the first instance, almost as rigorous as those of Luther. In 1529 he characterized the ZwingUan dogma as 'impium' {Opp. ed. Bretschneidcr, i. 1077), but he afterwards approximated more nearly to the standing-ground of Calvin and an inter- mediate school, who hold at least the virtual Presence of Christ in the Eucharist: cf. below, p. 58, n. 1, and Gieseler, iii. ii. I'JO. 4—2 GEKMAKV. Luther^s counter- statenwn on the E char ist. 52 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. Conference of Mar- burg, 1529. with very different conceptions of other doctrines of the Gospel, must be traced the alienation that grew up between the Saxon theologians (of Northern and Middle Germany) and the Swiss (including also parts of Southern Germany^). The incompatibility of their opinions was peculiarly appa- rent, when the landgrave Philip, anxious either to confirm his own belief respecting the Eucharist, or to strengthen the defences of the Reformation in its threatened conflict with the emperor, secured a meeting of the Protestant chiefs' at Marburg (Oct. 1, 1529). This fruitless conference is on other grounds remark- able, as giving birth to the first series of dogmatic defini- tions (fifteen in number), on which the Articles and other symbolical writings of the Lutherans were generally mo- delled. Subscription to the series, as revised and aug- mented at the conference of Schwabach^ (Oct. 16, 1529 j, ^ Especially the towns of Strasburg and Ulm, the former being chiefly influenced by the moderate teaching of Capito and, in part, of Bucer (see their writings on this subject in Walch's Luther, xx. 445 sq.) ; the latter by that of Conrad Sam. It was in Strasburg, however, that an intermediate party, with slight leanings in the direction of Zwinglianism, continued to exist ; as we may judge especially from the Confessio Tetrapolitana (apud Niemeyer, pp. 740 — 770), which the reformers of that town, in conjunction with those of Constance, Mem- mingen and Liudau, presented to Charles V. at Augsburg (July 11, 1530). For the definition respecting the Eucharist, see pp. 760, 761. 2 Eanke, Ref. iii. 189 sq. These ' princes of the Word,' as a con- temporary poet calls them {Ibid. p. 191), included Luther, fficolampadius, Bucer, Zwingli, Melanchthon, Schnepf, Brentz, Medio, Osiander, Justus Jonas, Myconius, Jacobus Sturm (of Strasburg), and others. Zwingli cleared himself from the suspicions which hung over his orthodoxy re- specting the Divinity of our Blessed Lord ; he also professed his agree- ment with the Wittenbergers on original sin and the effects of baptism. It was otherwise when the theologians entered on the fifteenth article of the series before them, that relating to the Eucharist. Both parties felt the ' difference to be fundamental, and they separated, not indeed without assurances of mutual charity, but with a firm conviction that their principles would not allow them to work together. Cf. Melanch- thon's account (0pp. ed, Bretschneider, i. 1098 sq. ) with Zwingli's (in Hospinian's Hist. Sacramentaria, ii. 77 sq.). Luther despaired of the conference from the first : see his letter to the landgrave (June 23) in De Wette, iii. 473, and others written immediately after the con- ference (Ibid. pp. 511 sq. 518, 520, 559). One addressed to John Agri- cola (Oct. 12) contains the following 'Postscript' of Melanchthon: 'Valde contenderunt ut a nobis fratres nominarentur. Vide eorum stultitiam, cum damnent nos, cupiunt tamen a nobis fratres haberi. Nos noluimus eis de hac re assentiri. Sic omnino arbitror, si res adhuc integra esset, non moturos amplius tantam tragoediam.' 2 See the XVII. Schwabach Articles in Walch's Luther, xvi. 681 I-] and its Projyagation. was made an indispensable condition of membership in the reforming league; and after undergoing, in the hands of Melanchthon, further modifications and additions, the seven- teen Schwabach Articles, for the most part, reappeared in the Confession of Augsburg \ presented to Charles V. on the 25th of June, 1530, during the sessions of the Diet in that place. Restrained by the political ascendancy of anti- Lutheran influences^ alarmed by aberrations of the Ana- baptists, and discouraged also by the recent failure to appease the scruples of the Swiss, the authors and com- pilers of this manifesto exceeded even their characteristic moderation, both in what they have pretermitted, and in what they have advanced. It consists of two parts, the former having reference to articles of faith, and proving how very much the Lutherans 778. Their spirit is essentially Lutheran throughout (cf. Ranke, iii. 197). The immediate effect of this test was to exclude the cities of Ulm and Strasburg (cf. above, p. 52, n, 1) from the league; and at a meeting held at Schmalkald (Dec. 1529), the rest of the Oberlanders followed their example. ^ The fullest account of this document is in Weber's Kritische Gesch. der Augsh. Confess. It is analysed in Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, ch. II. The idea of presenting such an apology was suggested by Briick (Pontanus), senior chancellor of the elector of Saxony (March 14, 1530). He also took part in the work of revision, which continued for some time (till May 31). That it received during this interval the approbation of Luther, who remained behind at Coburg, is shewn by his note to the elector John (May 15, 1530). He remarks very characteristically, that he was not the man to improve upon it, ' denn ich so sanft und leise nicht treten kan.' When read before the states by Dr Bayer (the junior chancellor of Saxony) it bore the signatures of John, elector of Saxony ; George, margrave of Brandenburg Ansbach ; Ernest, duke of LUneburg ; Philip, landgrave of Hessen [who for the present surmounted his mis- givings on the Sacramentarian controversy] ; John Frederic, electoral l^rince of Saxony ; Francis, duke of Luneburg ; Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt; the senate and magistracy of Nuremberg; and the senate of Reutlingen. 2 To this new ascendancy contributed the retreat of the Turks, who had pitched their camp before Vienna itself (Sept. 20, 1529) ; the pa- cification of Italy and the investing of Charles V. (Feb. 24, 1530) with the insignia of the Roman empire at Bologna (see Ranke, lief. Bk. v. ch. vii. viii.) ; but still more the absolute refusal of Luther to sanction the active resistance of the Protestants, on the ground that their religion ought not even to be defended by appealing to the sword {Ibid. in. 202 sq. De Wette, in. 560 sq.). He went so far so to dissuade the elector John (May 22, 1529) from entering into a fresh league with the landgrave Philip, because such a step would involve religious communion with many persons who were holding fundamental errors ('wider Gott und das sacrament') : De Wette, in. 455 : cf. iv. 23 sq. Tlie Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. held in common with the rest of Christendom^; the latter^ stating on what scriptural and patristic grounds they had rejected certain errors and abuses. The general tone of this Confession is humble, modest, and apologetic : yet so violent were some of the opponents of the Reformation who had listened to the reading of it, that they urged the emperor to gird on his sword immediately and execute the edict of Worms. Instead of this, however, Charles adopted the advice of the more moderate members^ of his party. He directed a committee of divines, then present at Augs- burg, four of whom, Cochlseus, Eck, "Wimpina, and Faber, were among the ablest champions of scholasticism, to write a confutation^ of the Lutheran document. Their answer was eventually recited before the Diet on the 3rd of August ; and soon after, on the opening of a conference (Aug. 16) between the leading theologians ° of each party, many of 1 The adherents of the Confession did not hesitate to make the following declaration (§ xxii.) on this point : ' H^c fere summa est doctrinae apud nos, in qua cerni potest, nihil inesse quod discrepet a Scripturis, vel ab ecclesia Catholica, vel ab ecclesia Eomana, quatenus ex Scriptoribus nota est' (or, as the last clause stands in Melanchthon's contemporary version, ' aus der Vater Schrift.'). 2 The second Part of the Confession is based on Articles drawn up by certain Lutheran divines who met the elector at Torgau on the third Sunday in Lent (1530), in anticipation of the Diet : cf. Melanch- thon's Works, ed. Bretschneider, iv. 973 : Gieseler, iii. i. p. 246, n. 4. '^ See the extracts in Gieseler, in. i. p. 250, n. 7, shewing that indi- vidual prelates were favourable to many of the changes introduced by the Lutherans, but could not endure the thought that these should emanate from an unauthorized friar ('hoc est turbare pacem, hoc non est ferendum'). 4 Printed in the Append, to Francke's Lihr. Symbol. Eccl. Ltith. pp. 24 — 69. For some analysis of it, see Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 26 sq. 2nd ed. It underwent great modification after the first draft was shewn to the emperor (July 13). Another confutation was published by Hoffmeister, an Augustinian friar, with the title Judicium de Articulis Confess. August., quatenus scilicet a Catholicis admittendi sint aut rejiciendi, Colon. 1559. 5 The unreformed were represented by Eck, Wimpina and Coeh- Iffius; the reformed by Melanchthon, Brentz and Schnepf. Sec the particulars of this attempt at mediation in Walch'sLtif/t^r, xvi. 1668 sq. and Eanke, Ref. in. 306 sq. Melanchthon, much to his annoyance, was charged with treachery to the cause of the reformers, more espe- cially on account of a concession by which he offered to subject them afresh to the jurisdiction of the bishops: cf. his letter addressed to Luther (Sept. i. 1530; ed, Bretschn. ii. 336) with Luther's letter to him (Sept. 11: De Wette, iv. 162, 163). It is plain that the great reformer was vehemently opposed to very many of the concessions. The following are specimens : ' Summa, mihi in totum displicet tractatus '•] and its Propagation. 55 the serious differences on points of doctrine were so far adjusted that the rest appeared to those engaged in it no longer incapable of reconciliation. Such hope, however, weakened by the opposition of the sterner Lutherans, vanished altogether, when Campeggi^ the papal legate reasserted all the strongest arguments in favour of the jurisdiction of the Roman Church. Inflamed by his repre- sentations, and more conscious as the interviews proceeded that real harmony was unattainable, the Diet finally issued another edict enjoining the reformers, at least until a coun- cil could be summoned, to appoint no more married priests, to practise auricular confession with the same minuteness as in former years, to abstain from mutilations of the Canon of the mass and from all language tending to disparage private masses, and even to acknowledge that communion in one kind is quite as valid as in both'^ A threat was at the same time suspended over them, importing that if they continued firm in their resistance after May 5, 1531, the unreforming states would instantly adopt coercive measures. The necessity of acting still more vigorously in self- defence now led to the formation of the Schmalkaldic League^ (March 29, 1531), by which the Protestants bound de doctrinae concordia, ut quse plane sit impossibilis, nisi Papa velit papatum suum aboleri' (Aug. 26: De Wette, iv. 147). ' Oro autem ut abrupta actione desinatis cum illis agere, et redeatis, Habent con- fessionem, habent Evangelium : si volunt, admittant ; si nolunt, vadaut in locum suum. Wird ein Krieg draus, so werde er draus : wir haben gnug gebeten und getban ' (Sept. 20 : De "Wette, iv. 171). We may not unnaturally suppose, that these and like expressions wi'ought a considerable change in Melanchthon, He soon afterwards indeed drew up his Apology for the Augsburg Confession (the second of the Lu- theran symbolical books), departing far more freely from the medijeval modes of thought. See respecting it Francke, Lihri Sijmb, Eccl. Luth. Proleg, c. iii, ^ Eanke, Bef. iii. 310. His opinion seems to have been that the controversy on matters of doctrine was chiefly, if not altogether, verbal (Gieseler, iii. i. p. 260, n. 22) : while Melanchthon assured bim (ed. Bretsch. ii. 170), that the reformers were continually incurring tlie hatred of many persons in Germany itself, 'quia Ecclesiic llomaiup dogmata summa constantia defendimus.' It was on matters affecting the papal supremacy and the constitution of the Chm-ch that the}' ultimately fell off from each other. 2 Eanke, ibid. The Eecess of the diet, which dissolved in November, 1530, is given in Vv'alch, xvi. 1925 sq. 3 The jurists of Wittenberg laboured to abate the scruples still felt by many of the theologians with regard to the lawfulness of resisting the emperor, even in self-defence (Eanke, Ref. in. 348). GERMANY. Edict ad- verse to the Lutherans. Measvrei in self- defence. 5^5 The Saxon School of Church- Reformer s, [chap. themselves for six years to help each other in maintaining the distinctive ground Avhich they had occupied in the Augsburg Confession. They next endeavoured to fortify their position by political alliances with France \ and other powers antagonistic to the house of Austria. But their pre- servation at this juncture is mainly traceable to the Otto- man Turks "'*, who in the summer of 1532 swept over the plains of Hungary with two hundred and fifty thousand men, and even climbed into the fastnesses of Styria, where they seem to have shaken for a moment the indomitable heroism of Charles V. himself. In order to enlist the arms of every German province in repelling these invaders, he opened fresh negotiations with the Protestants, whom he ultimately satisfied by promulgating the religious peace of Nuremberg^ (July 23, 1532). According to the terms of this first con- cordat, the existing state of things was to continue among those of the reformers who recognized the Confession of Augsburg, till the subjects in dispute could be authori- tatively adjusted either in some 'general free council/ or in some future diet. After the retreat of Solyman, the emperor attempted by all means to stimulate the reigning pontiff, so as to convoke the synod contemplated in the peace of Nurem- berg. Although he made little or no progress during the pontificate of Clement VII., Paul III. (elected Oct. 13, 1534) was more willing to start negotiations for this purpose with the Protestants'*; and even when hostilities 1 Eanke (in his Civil Wars and Monarchy in France^ i. 198, 199, Lond, 1852) observes that the French monarch was inclined to extend these negotiations to rehgious matters, and that he had invited Me- lanchthon to take part in a free congress of theologians, which was only defeated by the vigorous efforts of the Sorbonne. That Francis intended to use the religious differences of Germany as a weapon against Charles is clear ; it was a fatal weakness in the reformers to call in French aid at all under the circumstances. 2 Eanke, Ref. Bk. vi. ch. vi. Miller, Hist. Philosophically Illustrated, III. 19, 20, Lond. 1849. The second of these writers has drawn attention to the fact that Solyman's hostility was diverted from the German empire soon afterwards by his war with Persia, leaving the Protestants again at the mercy of Charles V. 3 See the account of the negotiations in Sleidan, Ref. pp. 160, 161, Lond. 1689, and the documents in Walch, xvi. 2210 sq. John the ('onstant, elector of Saxony, died Aug. 16, 1532. His successor was John Frederic the Magnanimous. * Clement VII. well knew that all the terms which he proposed would I] and its Propagation. 57 broke out again between the emperor and the French, he so far persisted as to make arrangements for the holding of a synod at Mantua^ (M^ay, 1637). On the other hand, the Wittenberg divines could not regard a council constituted in the papal fashion as either * free ' or ' general,' and ac- cordingly proceeded to restate the doctrines which they felt themselves constrained to vindicate at all hazards, in a formal manifesto entitled the Schmalkaldic Articles'^ from its reception by the members of the Protestant League (Feb. 1537). Their opponents at the same time entered into a more formidable confederacy (the 'Holy League '^ as it was called) including Charles V., Ferdinand, the elector of Mentz, the archbishop of Salzburg, the dukes of Bava- ria, duke George of Saxony of the Albertine line (to be distinguished from the Elector, who was of the senior or Ernestine line), and duke Henry of Brunswick Wolfen- biittel. Counting as they did, however, on the help to be afforded by political adversaries'* of the emjDeror, and also be rejected : but his successor manifested more earnestness and equity (see Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschn. ii. 962 sq.). Luther (June 16, 1532) mentions the earlier ' Articuli' of the papal and imperial nuncios : ' ...per quos Papa detulit nobis articulos quosdam de concilio celebrando, scilicet ut agatur in ea re secundum suum placitum et more priorum conciliorum, h. e. in quo damnemur et comburamur, sed verbis lubricis et tah Pontifice dignis :' De Wette, iv. 454. And we can hardly avoid drawing a conclusion from other passages of his letters {e. g. one written in the previous April or May, in conjunction with Bugenhagen), that he was now opposed to any conciliar determination of the subjects in dispute. On his interview with Vergerio at Wittenberg, November 7, 1535, see the various accounts in Waddington, iii. 189 sq. I See the bull in Eaynald. Annal. EccL ad an. 1536, § 35. The same pontiff, two years later (1538), appointed a reformatory commission, which produced the famous Consilium delectorum Cardinalium et alio- rum prcelatorum de emendanda Ecclesia, printed in Le Plat's Monum. Concil. Trident, ii. 596 sq. Lovan. 1782. ^ This formulary was afterwards adopted as another ' symbolical ' writing of the Lutherans. See an account of its history as well as the work itself, in Francke's Lib. Symh. EccL Luth. Part ii. The original form of it was written by Luther himself in German (Dec. 1536), and submitted by him to his colleagues (p. vi.). Melanchthon signed it only with the following qualification respecting the pope (p. 40) : ' De Pon- tifice autem statuo, si evangelium admitteret, posse ei, propter pacem et communem tranquillitatem Christianorum, qui jam sub ipso sunt, et in posterum sub ipso erunt, superioritatem in episcopos, quam alio- qui habet, jure humano etiam a nobis permitti.' 3 The documents in Walch, xvii. 4 sq. : of. Leo, Universalgeschichte, in. 157, 158, Halle, 1838. * Chiefly that of Francis I. and Henry VIII. the latter of whom, GERMANY. Continued hostilities. Colloquy of Jiatisbon, 1541. The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. on the friendship of one section of the Swiss reformers \ they were enabled to maintain their ground so firmly that fresh overtures were made by Charles to bring about, it possible, some lasting reconciliation. Never since the outbreak of the struggle did reformed and unreformed approximate so closely as at the Colloquy held in Eatisbon^ (154:1). The papal legate sent on this occasion was Caspar Contarini, who on many subjects, more especially the doctrine of justification, had betrayed a leaning towards Protestantism; and as he found himself confronted by Melanchthon and others, all of whom evinced unusual readiness to make concessions for the sake of as we shall see hereafter, opened negotiations with the Lutherans on both diplomatic and religious grounds. 1 Luther himself, as early as Jan. 22, 1531 (De Wette, iv. 210), had manifested a more pacific disposition towards the moderate party of the ' Sacramentaries,' represented by Bucer (of. above, p. 52, n. 1, respecting their Confessio). The four cities where they most abounded had in 1532 accepted the Augsburg Confession, and by establishing the Concordia Vitebergensis (May, 1536 : see Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschn. iii. 75 sq. ), the two parties were drawn still more closely to each other. On this occasion the phraseology respecting the Eucharistic presence stood as follows: 'Cam pane et vino vere et substantialiter adesse, exhiberi et sumi Corpus Christi et Sanguinem ' (at the same time denying the theories both of transubstantiation, of ' local inclusion in the bread,' i. e. impanation, and also of ' any lasting conjunction apart from the use of the sacrament'). In a new edition of the Augsburg Confession in 1540, Melanchthon went further still, and altered the authorized expressions, 'quod Corpus et Sanguis Christi vere adsint et distribuantur in coena,' into ' quod cum pane et vino vere exhibeantur Corpus et Sanguis Christi:' Leo, as above, p. 158. That his views never har- monized entirely with those of Luther on the subject of the Eucharist, is rendered probable by a statement recently brought to light in Eatze- berger's Handschr. Gesch. fiber Luther, etc. ed. Neudecker, Jena, 1850, pp. 85, 86, 94. He felt that Luther had written on the mysterious presence ' nimis crasse. ' He was himself content, as he observes [Oj^p- vii. 343, ed. Bretschn,), with the 'simplicity' of the words of institution, adding very forcibly : ' Longe est alia ratio sacramentorum ; ut in ipsa actione Spiritus Sanctus adest baptismo et est efficax in baptizato, sic cum sumitur coena, adest Christus, ut sit efficax. Nee adest propter panem, sed propter sumentem.' 2 The fullest collection of the Acts is that given in Bretschneider's Melanchthon, iv, 119 sq. The Protestant representatives nominated by the emperor were Melanchthon, Pistorius, and Bucer ; their opponents being Eck, Juhus Pfiug and John Gropper. Eck was, however, kept in the bacl^ground by Contarini, respecting whom see Waddington, iir. 311 sq. The basis of the conference was an essay called the Book of Concord, or Interivi of Ratisbon {Melanchth. iv. 190 sq.), the author of which is unknown. It consisted of a string of definitions, so con- structed ' as to evade, as far as possible, the most prominent points of difference.' !■] and its Propagation. 59 peace, a hope was entertained in almost every quarter, that the raging controversy was about to be composed. They actually arrived at an agreement (May 10) on the state of man before the Fall, on free will, original sin, and lastly, on what was felt to be a turning-point in their discussions, on the justification of the sinner^: yet here even they per- ceived eventually that deeper sources of division existed in the ordinances and constitution of the Church as governed by the Roman pontiffs. Partly for this reason, and partly because the hotter spirits on both sides could not endure the thought of reconciliation^ the proceedings of the Col- loquy were altogether void of fruit. An instance of the great rapidity with w^hich the new opinions were diffused in many distant states occurred soon afterwards at Cologne, where Hermann^ von Wied, the prince-archbishop, determined mainly by the arguments adduced at Ratisbon, had set on foot a vigorous reforma- tion, and invited Bucer and Melanchthon to assist him in the carrying forward of his work^ Some kindred measures were advancing in other dioceses, when the sword of perse- cution was again unsheathed by Charles and his adherents. On the 18th of September, 1544, he concluded the peace 1 On this subject tbe collocutors arrived at the following conclusion : • Firma itaque est et sana cloctrina, per fidem vivam et efficacem justifi- cari peccatorem. Nam per illam Deo grati et accepti sumus propter Christum... Et sic fide in Christum justificamur, seu reputamur justi, i.e. accepti, per Ipsius merita, non propter nostram dignitatem ant opera.' Cardinal Pole, among others, congratulated Contarini on this unison : see Ranke, Foper,, i. lG-4, 1G5, by Austin, 2nd ed. '^ Leo, as above, pp. 1G4 sq. 3 One of the best accounts of him and the reformation which he headed is in Seckendorf, Lib. in. pp. 435—448. He struggled for some time against the papal excommunication launched in 1546, but was afterwards deposed, and died in seclusion, Aug. 13, 1552 : Sleidan, Ref. pp. 340 sq., 573, Lond. 1689. 4 See Melanchthon's letters [Opp. v. 112, ed. Bretsch.) on the con- struction of Hermann's Einfaltiges Bedenken, etc., 1543, or, as the title stands in the Latin version of 1545, Simplex et Fia DeUheratio, etc. Either the German original, or this Latin version, was also translated into English in 1547, and (more correctly) in 1548. As a form of service it approximated closely to the * order ' of Nuremberg, composed by Luther in 1533. He was, however, dissatisfied with expressions m the work relating to the Eucharist, supplied, as it appears (Melanchthon, as above) by Bucer; on the ground that the author had avoided clear statements touching the real presence ; ' von der Substanz (i. c. of the Eucharist) mummelt es, dass man nicht soil vernehmeu, was er davon halte in aller Masse :' De Wetto, v. 7u8. GERMANY. HeTmnnn, Archf)i>. of Colo23 and 1524, the principles of the reformation had been generally v/elcomed in large and distant towns like Frankfort-on-the-Main, Magde- burg, Ulm, Strasbnrg, Hall (in Swabia), Nuremberg, Hamburg, Bremen, and Stettin : see Gieseler, iii. i. pp. 122 — 125 (ed. Bonn). 2 Panzer, as quoted by Eanke, Ref. 11. 90, 91. In addition to these works of Luther, 215 were published in 1523 by other persons in favour of the reformation, while not more than 20 can be enumerated on the opposite side. From the same year are dated the first Lutheran 'hymns,' winch produced an immense effect. Art also was enlisted in the same service. After Lucas Cranach went to live at Wittenberg, woodcuts of his more polemical pictures were frequently inserted in Luther's works. GERJIAKT. Heasons of this pro- gress. Effect of Lufher'!^ writings : of ATc- lanchtlions lectures: The Saxon ScJiool of Churcli-Iieformers, [chap. countries, from the Baltic to the Tyrol, but Poles, Hun- garians, Transylvanians, Bohemians, Danes, French, Eng- lish, and even Greeks and Italians \ Still it may be doubted if the masses would have been so speedily pro- pitiated in favour of the new opinions, had not other agents emanating from a different quarter added an especial impulse. These were members of the mendicant brother- hoods, whom pontiff after pontiff^ had invested with that freedom of speech and elasticity of organization which con- verted them into the aptest instruments for aiding to de- throne their patron. Immediately after the promulgation of the edict of Worms, we find a host of itinerant friars^ Dominicans, Augustinians, and, most of all perhaps, Fran- ciscans, ardently declaiming in the cause of Luther: the only effect of their expulsion from one town or village being to scatter seeds of Protestantism in many others far and wide. Such desultory efforts were at length, however, superseded and forbidden when the different states, as we have seen^ completed each one for itself the organization of their new religious systems, and thus checked the me- nacing preponderance of democratical ideas which the course of Luther's movement had been tending to produce. It is impossible to ascertain exactly, or to state in general terms, how far the 'old religion' kept its ground in those parts of Germany where both the government and a majority of the people had accepted Lutheranism. Still if we may argue from the application of one single test, — the measure of resistance offered to the Interim, — the reforma- tion must have always been more deeply rooted in the north than in the south. 1 See the interesting revelation in Eatzeberger, Handschr. Gesch. iiber Luther, etc. ed. Neudecker, Jena, 1850, p. 80. 2 Middle Age, pp. 231 sq. 3 The Augustinians of Misnia and Thuringia, many of whom were Luther's personal friends, were the first to join his party, and we soon hear of zealous Augustinians preaching at Magdeburg, Osnabruck, Ant- werp, Eatisbon, Nuremberg and other distant places (cf. Eanke, Bef. ii. 74). Of the more distinguished Franciscans we may mention Brismann, Frederic Myconius, Conrad Kling and iEgidius Mechler, Eberlin of Giinz- burg, Henry of Kettenbach and Stephen Kempen. The Dominicans had an able representative in Bucer : cf. above, p. 27. The Carmelites, or fourth order of friars, yielded Eck's favourite pupil, Urban Eegius (Konig) ; while from the order of the Prcemonstratensian Canons issued one of the most active of the northern reformers, Bugenhagen. 4 Above, p. 48. 1.1 and its Propagation. 73 PRUSSIA. We now pass onward to review the bursting forth of Luther's spirit into states and countries not included in the limits of the German empire. One of these was east- ern Prussia, subject to Albert, margrave of Brandenburg, in his capacity of grand-master of the Teutonic order \ During his stay at Nuremberg, 1522, he was impressed by the discourses of Osiander, and in the following year was ready to admit the Lutheran 23reachers into his own terri- tory^. By their influence the bishop of Samland, George Polentz^, the earliest prelate who manifested a decided leaning to the Wittenbei'gers, promoted an efficient reform- ation. In 1525 the progress of the new opinions was so great that when the country was converted into a secular dukedom, the entire population signified their cordial ac- quiescence, and rejoiced to rank themselves among the fol- lowers of Luther. A German liturgy was soon afterwards introduced, adhering as closely as might be to the ancient forms'*; the convents were changed into hospitals; and by the help oi Post ills, or expository discourses on the Epistles and Gospels, regularly sent from Wittenberg, the doctrines of the clergy were kept in general harmony with each other, and also with the tenets advocated in the Lutheran metropolis. It was only when he planted the university of Konigsberg (1544) that Albert made provision for the future independence of the Prussian Church". ^ Middle Age, p. 215. The political status of the Order had been changed, however, by the ' peace of Thorn,' 1466, in virtue of which the western, or best, portion of their territory had passed into the hands of Poland, and even the remainder was held of the Polish king as feudal lord. This modified supremacy was only resigned as late as 1666, while Prussia was not erected into a kingdom until 1701. '■^ See above, p. 46, n. 1. The preachers sent were Brismann and Amandus. 3 Eanke, Ref. ii. 526. The other bishop, Erhardt von Queis, bp. of Pomezania, afterwards joined the movement. One of the best authorities for the early church-history of Prussia, both before and since the reform- ation, is Hartknoch's Preuss. Kirchenhist. Frankf. 1686. *■ Ranke, Ibid. p. 532. We gather from the same source that owing to the continued prevalence of Slavonic dialects (cf. Middle Age, p. 240), it was necessary to appoint interpreters ('tolken')to help the German parish-priests, by rendering their sermons into the ancient language of the country. 5 The reforming party in Prussia was greatly strengthened in 1548 by PRUSSIA. 74 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [cHAP. PRUSSIA. Polish, or Western Prussia \ together with the minor states^ of Curland and Livonia, gradually underwent a similar transformation, owing partly^ to their frequent intercourse with Wittenberg, and partly to the favourable influence of the Polish sovereign, Sigismund Augustus, who by granting plenary freedom of religion to the towns of Dantzig, Thorn and Elbing had facilitated the triumph of the Protestant opinions (circ. 1560). DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND. It was very natural for Albert, duke of Prussia, to ally himself by marriage with the royal family of Denmark, since in 1526 that country also had received the Lutheran preachers, and evinced its resolution to stand forth in their defence. Upon the dissolution of the union of Calmar*, by which Denmark, Sweden and Norway had been formerly linked together, Frederic I. duke of Schleswig-Holstein, occupied the throne vacated by the tyrant, Christian II." the arrival of multitudes of Bohemian bretlireii, who were ordered under most severe penalties to leave their country within forty-two days (May 4, 1548). Duke Albert offered them an asylum in his states, whither they migrated under the guidance of Matthias Sionius, the chief of the whole community. Krasinsld, Ref. in Poland, i. 149, 150. Lond. 1838. On the early influence of Konigsberg, see Ibid. p. 158. 1 This province had submitted to the Polish king Casimir III. to escape from the oppressions of the Teutonic knights : Krasinski, i. 111. 2 See Tetsch, Kurldnd. Kirchengesch. Eiga, 1767. Luther had ad- dressed a circular letter to reformers in Eiga and the neighbourhood as early as August, 1523 (De Wette, ii. 374). ^ Dantzig, roused by the example of Knade (1518) and other preachers, took the lead in casting off the Mediaeval superstitions. The archbishop of Gnesen, John Laski, tried in vain to soothe the agitation, which issued in acts of violence. Five churches were seized by the reforming party, and given to those who favoured Lutheranism (Krasinski, as before, I. 112 sq.). After proceeding to greater lengths the popular movement was repressed imder Sigismund I. [Ibid. pp. 119 sq.) by a sanguinary counter-revolution (1526). But the check thus given to the reforming doctrines was of short duration [Ibid. pp. 124 sq.). Their revival was mainly due to Klein, a Dominican, who lived in Dantzig till 1546. ^ On the subject of this union, which lasted from 1397 to 1524, see Miller, Hist, philos. illustrated, ii. 357 sq. 3rd ed. The agent, who dis- solved it and liberated-^his country, was Gustavus Vasa, on whose achieve- ments see Geijer, Hist, of the Swedes, ch. viii. translated by J. H. Turner, and a History of Gustavus Vasa (anonymous), Lond. 1852. ^ He once affected to embrace the Eeformation (see Miinter, Kir- chengesch. von Ddnemark und Norwepen, in. 19 sq. Leipzig, 1833); but whatever may have been his personal belief (pp. 84 sq.),liis efforts chiefly I-] and its Propagation. 75 (1523). One of the severe conditions pressed on their new monarch by the Danish hierarchy, had required that he should by no means tolerate those 'heretics of Luther's school '\ whose efforts seem to have already won for them a band of followers anxious to subvert or revolutionize the church-establishment. Accordingly, although the personal convictions of Frederic sided with the advocates of reform- ation, whom he openly favoured in his other territories, he was under the necessity of pausing ere his plans were carried out. Some progress, it is true, was made in August, 1524, when he put forth an edict guaranteeing to his subjects in the duchy of Schleswig the liberty of choosing their own religion^: for the Lutherans, encouraged by this public manifestation of the royal sympathy, advanced with greater boldness in his new dominions. Jutland was the province where their tenets, planted first at Wiburg by John Tausen^, yielded the most plenteous fruit. In 1526 the king him- self was no longer able to disguise his predilections, but passed over to the side of the reformers: and in the folio w- aimed at the depression of the ecclesiastics. See the constitutions which he published for this purpose in 1521 : Ibid. pp. 41 sq. At his invitation the theological faculty of Wittenberg had dispatched to Copenhagen (Dec. 1520) a reformer named Eeinhard, whose discourses being for the most part unintelligible to the Danes, were interpreted by a Carmelite of Helsingor, Paul Elia {Ibid. pp. 20, 26). This remarkable Carmelite afterwards quitted the reformers, and reverted, like Erasmus, to his old position {Ibid. p. 167), on the grouuds stated by himself in the following extract : ' Ab initio iis {i. c. Protestantibus) favere visus est, quando res e carpendis tantum abusibus ccBpta fuit : et ubi ab indulgentiarum abusibus (unde coepta est omnis tragoedia) ad ipsas indulgentias tollendas, a sacerdotum abusibus ad exterminandum ipsum saeerdotium, a sacramentorum abusi- bus ad ipsa sacramenta evertenda, breviter ad ipsum Christi nomcn ex orbe delendum res coepit progredi, retrocessit.' Quoted, from his Confu- tation of the Danish Confession, by Munter, as above, p. 442, n. — Chris- tian I, rendered further service to the reformation by promoting tbe translation of the New Testament, the work being done by two of his nobles, Miehelsen and Pedersen {Ibid. p. 84, pp. 128 sq.). 1 Munter, iii. 145. ^ Ibid. p. 565. The closing words are remarkable: * soudern cin Jeder sich in seiner Eeligion also sollte verhalten, wie er's gegen Gott den Allmachtigen mit reinem Gewissen gedaclite zu verantworten. ' ^ He was born in Fiihnen (1494), and after studying at Louvain and Cologne proceeded to Wittenberg, where the lectures of Mclanchtbon determined him to advocate the Lutheran doctrines {Ibid. ji. 74), after his return to his convent at Antworskow in 1521. From Jutland the reform'ation was propagated next in Malmoe (1527), which so alarmed the bishops that they wrote in search of coadjutors to the anti-Lutherans of Germany {Ibid. pp. 188—197). DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND. 76 Tlie Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND. ing year a diet held at Odense endeavoured to adjust the controversy which had been excited, by granting liberty of conscience to adherents of both parties \ While the German Protestants were drawing up their first Apology (1530), the Danes put forth a kindred manifesto'^ in the diet of Copenhagen. It consisted of forty-tliree articles, embracing a plain summary of scriptural truths, especially as they were held to have been misconceived or under- valued during the Mediaeval period. Frederic died April 10, 1533, and left the task of carrying out his reformations to his son, Christian III. This monarch had some years before been brought under the personal influence of Luther^ while travelling in Germany, and therefore when his strug- gles with the partizans of his youthful brother John, and also of his exiled predecessor, Christian II., had resulted in the triumph of his arms^ he earnestly promoted the ascendancy of the new opinions. The higher clergy, who had joined his rivals, were imprisoned and despoiled of their temporalities^: and on the 12th of August, Christian III., in order to proclaim his absolute adoption of Lutheranism, was crowned® by Bugenhagen, whom he fetched from Wit- ^ Ibid. p. 207. The bishops, who might be consecrated in future, were forbidden to fetch the pallium from Eome, and the marriage of the monks and clergy was legalized. ^ Ibid. p. 299. They were already in possession of the Schwabach and i Torgau Articles (see above, pp. 52, 54, n. 2), which explains the partial resemblance of the two Confessions. Although the Danes did not include the aberrations of Zwingli or the Anabaptists in their present censiu-es, they held fast the 'Lutheran ' tenets on all controverted points : e.g. Art. XXVIII. on the Eucharist, See the entire aeries, as above, pp. 308 — 317, and the troubles it excited, pp. 336 sq. The Augsburg Confession was finally accepted by the Danish duchies in 1562, and by the kingdom of Denmark in 1569 : Ibid. p. 305. ^ He had attended the memorable diet of Worms with his accomplished tutor John Eantzau, both of whom were filled with admiration of the great reformer (Miinter, Ibid. p. 146). * Ibid. p. 435. The part of John was taken almost entirely by the clergy, in the hope of counteracting the known tendencies of his brother. The revival of the claims of Christian II. was due to the commercial jealousy of the people of Lubeck, who felt that both Sweden and Denmark under the new regime would interfere with the ascendancy of the ' Han- seatic league : ' cf. Miller, iii. 113, 115. ^ Miinter, Ibid. pp. 448 sq. Most of the canonries and prebends, owing to the intercession of Luther, were not confiscated. Ibid. p. 450. The prelates, with one exception, were afterwards set at liberty, on the understanding that they should not oppose the Eeformation : p. 458. ^ pp. 500 sq. Luther's remark is (De Wette, v. 88): 'Pomeranus 1-] and its Propagation. 77 teiiberg for that purpose. Under the same auspices the reformation was diffused through every part of Denmark. 'Bishops/ or, more strictly speaking, superintendents \ were established in the ancient sees; the university of Copen- hagen was re-organized^; the Lutheran forms supplied a model for the new liturgical regulations, and in 1538 the name of Christian III. of Denmark was inscribed amonsf the warlike Protestants who banded together at Schmal- kaldl The kingdom of Norway, absorbed by Denmark in 1537, evinced no general disposition to imitate the policy of Frederic, so long as she continued in possession of her ancient independence. Very slight impressions had been made upon the coast at Bergen"*, where corresjwndents of the Hanseatic league kept up some intercourse with north- ern Germany. But after the accession of Christian III. the archbishop of Drontheim and his powerful ^^artizans were all compelled to bow before the Danish influenced Some of the refractory prelates were violently handled, others signified their readiness to be divested of their tem- poral jurisdiction, and ultimately contributed to the esta- blishment of Lutheranism^, according to the forms received already in the dominant country. Iceland, also, after some resistance, followed in this track, the chief of the reforming party being the youthful Cisser Einarsen'^, elected to the bishopric of Skalholt in {i.e. Bngenhagen] adliuc est in Dania, et prosperantur omnia, qua) Dens tacit per eum. Regem coronavit et Reginam, qiiasi vents ejjiscoputi.' Most of the ceremonial was adapted from the ' Pontificale Eomanum.' ^ These were 'consecrated' by Bugenhagen (Sept. 2, 1537) : Ibid. pp. 502, 503. The government of the Danish church was in future carried on by twelve of these ' bishops,' of which six were established in Den- mark, four in Norway, and two in Iceland : while in the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein the Lutheran consistories were substituted for episcopacy. 2 Among other things three divinity-professors were appointed to lecture on the Old and New Testament and the Fathers : pp. 470, 477. 3 p. 512. 4 Miinter, as before, p. 372 : of. p. 157. 5 For an account of the struggle, see, as before, pp. 515 sq. 6 Ibid. p. 526. 7 Ibid. pp. 534 sq. He was examined by the professors at Copen- hagen, confirmed by the king, and ordained as 'bishop' or superintendent at the age of twenty-live. The leader of the anti-reformation party was John Aresen, bp. of Holum, who after the death of Einarsen in 1548 excited DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND. 78 The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [CHAP» DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND. 1540. His German education, partly carried on at Witten- berg itself, prepared him for the work confided to his hands; and, aided by the countenance of Christian III., the revolu- tion which he wrought in his own diocese was propagated in the other districts of the island. In spite of brief reactions in the sixteenth century, and of more vigorous efforts stimulated chiefly by the Jesuits in the seventeenth, all these countries have maintained their strictlv Lutheran character. SWEDEN. The same events that gave to Frederic the supremacy of Denmark placed Gustavus Vasa on the neighbouring throne of Sweden^ (June 7, 1523). But years before his elevation the reforming doctrines had been scattered at Strengness, in his native country, by students fresh from Wittenberg (1519). The chief of these were two brothers, Olaf and Lawrence Peterson'^, who on the outbreak of a persecution designed to extirpate the modern ' heresy,' ex- perienced the protection of Gustavus. A disputation^ was the populace to rebellion, and was executed at Skalholt, Nov. 7, 1550 : pp. 542—547. ^ Frederic I. put forth a claim to the allegiance of the Swedes, but met with no encouragement (Geijer's Hist, of the Swedes, by Turner, p. 107). The history of the reformation in Sweden has been written by Dr Anjou, bishop of Wisby, and translated by Dr Mason, New York, 1859. 2 Anjou, pp. 70 — 75 ; Geijer, p. 110. Their first antagonist was Bishop Brask of Linkoping, who procured a brief from pope Adrian VI. to authorise the forcible repression of Lutheranism. He speaks in 1523 of the tendency of the new movement as ' contra decreta SanctiB Komanaa ecclesisB ac ecolesiasticam libertatem ad efiectum, ut status modemra ecclesise reducatur ad mendlcitatem et statum ecclesice prlmitivce.^ Ibid. n. 1. Notwithstanding his protests, Gustavus patronized the two re- formers, making the elder of them chief pastor at Stockholm, and giving the latter a professorship of theology at Upsala. One of their distin- guished followers, Lawrence Anderson of Strengness, was at the same time elevated to the chancellorship. To him the Swedes were indebted for a translation of the New Testament. ^ The disputants were Olaf Petersen and doctor Galle, provost of Upsala. Although Gustavus maintained that the changes which he contemplated would have reference chiefly to external matters (' de ritibua quibusdam ab hominibus inventis, pr^esertim immunitate praelatorum ecclesiffi : ' cf. Gieseler, iii. i. p. 482, n. 2), it is quite obvious, from the present string of questions, that nearly all the main points of Lutheranism were already mooted (Geijer, p. 110, n. 2). For this reason the Danish theologian Elia now attacked both Gustavus and Peterson with great vehemence : see MUnter, as before, iii. 243 s;i. !•] and its Propagation. 79 subsequently held (Christmas, 1524) in order to prepare the church in general for the changes contemplated by the court. In 1526 we find the king himself discoursing^ from his saddle on the uselessness of Latin service, and suggest- ing the abolition of monastic orders. Soon afterwards, on learning that his measures would provoke a spirited re- sistance, he convened a diet in Westeras, and threatened to resign his sceptred All the representatives, alarmed at the remembrance of the old oppressions of Christian IL, besought Gustavus to continue as their leader, and even granted him the power of occupying the castles and strong- holds of the bishops and of settling the future incomes both of them and of their canons^ He next asserted his entire supremacy'' in matters ecclesiastical, appropriated to the service of the crown a large fraction of the clerical revenues, suppressed the monasteries '^ and restraining some of the extreme adherents of Lutheranism^ as well as of the Mediaeval tenets, organized the Swedish church in nearly the same form as that v/hich we have seen adopted by Christian III. of Denmark. Lawrence Peterson, a preacher of moderate views, was made the 'archbishop' of Upsala: and in a second diet^ held at Westeras in 1544, the re- ^ Greijer, p. 114. 2 Geijer, pp. 115 sq. ; Anjou, p. 192. There were present four bisliop?, of whom Brask was one. Alluding more especially to him Gustavus asked, Vlho would be the kmg of such mere creatures of the pope ? (p. 117.) 3 Geijer, p. 118 ; Anjou, pp. 202, 203. Another point conceded was, that preachers should have liberty to proclaim the pure word of God; and although the representatives of the burghers, miners and peasants, indicated little or no sympathy with this decree, or with the Lutheran movement generally, the barons added to the phrase 'pure word of God,' ' but not uncertain miracles, human inventions and fables, as hath been much used heretofore.' ^ E.g. He did not scruple to adjudicate in spiritual causes, and he appointed and deposed ecclesiastics simply on his own authority. Two bishops whom he had deposed in 1523 retired to the Dales, and excited a rebeUion {lUst. of Gustavus, as above, p. 118 sq.) They were eventu- ally executed at Upsala, Feb. 1527. Ibid. p. 125. ^ Geijer, p. 111). « E. g. He advocated the retention of nearly all the ancient service- books and ceremonial, at least until the people could be better instructed in the elements of Christianity [Ibid. pp. 119, 125, 108); and this course was chosen by the clergy in a synod held at Oerebro in 1529. On their proceedings, which Geijer omits, see Baaz, Inventarium Eccl. Sueo- (Jothorum, pp. 239, Lincop. 1G12; Anjou, pp. 255 — 262. ^ 7 Geijer, 127. In 1539 the king had grown dissatisfied with some of tLe superior clergy, and seemed deiiirous of substituting Tresb} teriauism SWEDEN. 8o The Saxon School of Church-Beformers, [cHAP. formation as moulded by his influence was at length established everywhere in Sweden. But changes based so generally upon the royal fiat were not likely to be carried out in peace, especially among a people, who have been with justice designated 'Frenchmen of the North.' Gusta- vus therefore had to quell a very formidable insurrection, headed by the peasant Nils Dacke and inflamed in East and West-Gothland by reactionary priests^ (1537 — 1543). The reign of the distempered and ill-fated Eric^ deposed in 1569 and ultimately poisoned, had been marked by no fresh phases in the aspect of the Swedish Church, except- ing what may have been silently produced by his devotion to the Calvinistic tenets: but no sooner was the monarchy transmitted to his brother, than the ashes of extinguished controversies were all lighted up afresh. John was married to a Polish princess, who zealously adhered to the heredi- tary faith. He was moreover always fond of studying ancient literature^ and longed to see the pictures which his warm imagination drew of early Fathers and of primitive Christianity displayed in actual life. Impelled by these ideas he arranged a new liturgy for Sweden (1576) in such a manner as to justify suspicions of his tenderness for Mediaeval doctrines ^ Anxious to propitiate the papacy on in the place of the Episcopal form of government. George Norman, recommended to him by Melanchthon, was appointed as inspector-general of the whole clerical order (Geijer, p. 125; Anjou, p. 299). Sweden has, however, continued to be governed by an archbishop and thirteen bishops, on whose consecration see Palmer, Treatise on the Church, i. 297, 298, 3rd ed. , and especially the Colonial Church Chronicle for 1861. 1 Geijer, pp. 125, 126. 2 pp. 145 sq. ; Anjou, p. 370. On his proposals for the hand of our Queen Elizabeth, see Geijer, p. 141. He was stimulated by Burrey, a French Calvinist, formerly his tutor. 3 He had leisure for these studies during his imprisonment, which commenced Aug. 12, 1563. Of modern writers none struck him so much as the conciliatory Belgian, George Cassander (Geijer, p. 166; Anjou, p. 440), whose Consxdtatio de ArticuUs Rellgionis inter Catholicos et Pro- testantes controversis he afterwards (1577) caused to be printed at Stock- holm, 4 Of. on these subjects Eanke, Hist, of the Popes, ii. 83-87. Lond. 1841. The Liturgy of king John is in both Swedish and Latin. It wa^ drawn up (according to Geijer, p. 160) by himself and his secretary, Peter Fechten, on the plan of the missal authorized by the Council of Trent, but with sundry omissions and modifications. It was published with a preface by the new archbishop, and as his work. One other bishop had also sanctioned it already, and at the diet of 1577 it was very generally '•] and its Propagation. 8i political^ as well as on religious grounds, he did not scru- ple to dispatch an envoy to the court of Gregory XIII.^, and even entrusted certain Jesuits^ whom he invited from the Netherlands with the management of a college he had lately founded in Stockholm. In 1578 an able and accom- plished member of that order, Anthony Possevin*, arrived in Sweden for the purpose of completing what he hoped would prove the 'reconciliation' of the whole country. Lawrence Peterson, the venerable archbishop of Upsala, had died five years before this crisis (Oct. 1573), and had been succeeded by a man of very different principles, Lawrence Peterson Gothus^, his son-in-law, and no less willinsf than was the kino^ to surrender the distinctive dogmas of the Lutherans for the sake of outward unity with Christendom at large. But exactly when all things favoured the belief that Sweden would ere long be sub- jected afresh to the dominion of the Koman pontiff, the capricious monarch suddenly changed his course and per- secuted those whom he had recently caressed. Owing either to the efforts of the Protestants of other countries, or to the stiffness of the pope himself in holding back con- adopted, not however without provoking a decided opposition from the bishops of Linkoping and Strengness. The former of these was after- wards stripped of his episcopal vestments in his own cathedral for calling the pope Antichrist. ^ Kauke, as above, p, 82. 2 He actually requested that the pope would institute prayers throughout the whole world for the restoration of ' the catholic religion. ' Among the conditions under which this change was to be wrought, he stipulated that the Eucharistic service should be in Swedish, that the laity should communicate in both kinds, and that no claims should be made by the ecclesiastics on those church-estates that had been confis- cated: Geijer, p. 169. 3 Their own account is still extant, and is used by Geijer. Two of their number arrived from Louvain in 1576, giving themselves out as evangelical preachers, and quoting the reformers as their own. The king ordered aU the clergy of Stockholm to attend their public lectures, and himself took part in theological disputations, where the adversary of the pope was generally worsted. * Progreditur tamen pater, ' says the narrative, 'quotquot auditores veniant, insinuat se in familiaritatem aliquoriun, nunc hunc, nimc ilium, dante Deo, ad fidem occulte reducit:' p. 168, n. 4. * Banke, pp. 84, 85; Anjou, pp. 509 sq. 5 After his nomination he subscribed seventeen articles, in which the restoration of the convents, the veneration of saints, prayers for the dead, and the reception of the Mediaeval ceremonies were approved. He was then consecrated (1575) with great pomp: Geijer, pp. 167, 168. R. P. 6 SWEDEN. 82 Tlte Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. cessions without which there was no prospect of con- ciliating the acquiescence of the Swedes, a second mission of the Jesuit Possevin resulted in his absolute discomfiture \ His colleagues were compelled to leave the country ; and on the death of queen Catharine (1583) scarcely any vestige of the late reaction could be traced except in the perverse determination^ of the king to force his own Romanizing liturgy on his unwilling subjects. It was formally revoked^, however, in the famous * Kirk-mote* held at Upsala in 1593 under the auspices of his brother Charles, duke of Siidermanland ; at which period also the Augsburg Confession* was solemnly adopted as the standard of Swedish orthodoxy, to the absolute exclusion of all other symbols. POLAND. Attention has been drawn already^ to the progress of the Lutheran tenets in the western provinces of Poland. Their reception in those provinces had been facilitated by the influence of the Hussites, who, as we have seen^, ex- isted in considerable force, at least until the middle of the fifteenth century. The fermentation they produced was afterwards revived by the migration of a host of refugees whom Ferdinand extruded from Bohemia in 1548. Owing to their close relationship and cognate language, these ^ Eanke, p. 86. It is not improbable that the faihire of some poli- tical schemes in which he had calculated on the papal co-operation may have tended to produce this sudden estrangement. This much is certain, that he issued a proclamation threatening to banish every Eomanizer, and that some of the converts were very roughly handled: Geijer, p. 169. 2 See Geijer, p. 170. ' Priests who refused to follow it were deposed, incarcerated, and driven into exile.' 2 The Service-book introduced by Lawrence Peterson was now stamped with synodical authority, and Luther's short Catechism became again the recognized manual of instruction: Geijer, j). 184. * Geijer, p. 184; Anjou, p. 594. Not\vithstanding the bias of the duke himself in favour of Calvinism, the bishops and others who were present on this occasion proved their ' orthodoxy' by denouncing the fol- lowers of Zwiugli and Calvin by name {Ibid. p. 185). When Charles afterwards ascended the throne (1599), he continued to labour hard in his study with the hope of recoucihng the Lutheran and Calvinistic Formularies [Ibid. pp. 201 sq.), but was ultimately driven to confirm the Augsburg Confession in a royal assurance given at Upsala (March 27, 1607). His liberal spirit was, however, transmitted to his son, Gustavus Adolphus, the religious hero of the Thirty Years' War. 5 Above, p. 74. ^ Middle Age, p. 410. Ij and its Froj^agation. 83 Bohemians were enabled to disperse^ 'reforming' tenets far more widely than their German fellow-workers. Still a party tinctured with the Lutheran principles^ had formed themselves into a secret society at Cracow long before the death of Sigismund I. (1548). The members of it were distinguished by their rank and learning; but the licence of their speculations very soon divided them from each other and propelled the more adventurous into wild and deadly errors. It was only after the accession of Sigis- mund Augustus (1548) that Protestantism according to its genuine form obtained a wider circulation among the Poles. This monarch was himself a fautor at least of the new opinions^, and during his reign of four-and-twenty years they penetrated into all orders of society in spite of the most resolute opposition ^ Their progress was, however, ^ Krasinski, i. 336 sq. 2 The Italian, Francis Lismanirii, provincial of the order of Francis- cans and confessor to Queen Bona, was the leading spirit of this club. He possessed a large library of anti-Eomish books. Some of his fellow- members are enumerated by Krasinski, Bef. in Poland, i. 138 sq. At one of their meetings where religious subjects were discussed with the greatest freedom, a priest of Belgium, named Pastoris, to the hoiTor of some others, attacked the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, which had already been impugned elsewhere by Servetus. Hence the origin in Poland of the sect misnamed Socinians {Ibid. p. 140). ^ In 1549 Calvin dedicated to him the Commentary on the Epistle to the Hehreics, urging him to proceed with the work of the Eeformation: 'Agedum ergo, magnanime Eex, faustis Christi auspiciis, curam cum regia tua celsitudine, turn heroica virtute dignam suscipe; ut aeterna Dei Veritas, qua et Ejus gloria, et hominum salus continetur, quacunque im- perium tuum patet, jus suum Antichristi latrocinio ereptum recuperet.' Laski, the Polish ecclesiastic (see above, p. 70, n. 4), on his return to his native country (Dec. 1556), repeated these exhortations, and strengthened them by letters from Melanchthon, and by presenting (a modified form ofj the Augsburg Confession. The king, however, seemed unwilling to act decisively until the reformers could agree among themselves (Kra- sinski, i. 275) : but still shewed his bias by appointing men who favoured the reformation to the vacant bishoprics (p. 414). * This evinced its power especially in the synod of Petrikow (1551), where Hosius, bishop of Varmia (Ermland), who afterwards iiitroduced the Jesuits into Poland {Ibid. pp. 406 sq.), advocated the most bitter per- secution {Ibid. pp. 172 sq.) : see his own Coiifexsio CaOioUdC Fidei at the beginning of his Works, Colon. 1584, and cf. Krasinski, i. 400 sq. On the contrary, the Polish diet which assembled in the following year ma- nifested a decided leaning to the Protestants (pp. 186 sq.). But these afterwards suffered much by the secession of tlieir champion Orzechow- ski (Orichovius), formerly a student at Witteiiberg, who, 1559, after several oscillations, finally reverted to the Eomau Catholic Cluirch {Ibid. p. 198). G— 2 84 Tlie Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. somewhat checked when at the death of Sigismund Au- gustus the crown of Poland became simply elective, and her sovereigns, mostly drawn from other countries, threw their weisfht into the Romish scale. At first indeed this change was scarcely sensible, the Transylvanian prince, Stephen Bathori\ who was elevated to the throne in 1575, proclaiming himself the friend of religious toleration : yet in the following reign of Sigismund III. crown-prince of Sweden' (1587—1632), his devotion to the Mediaeval principles inherited from a Polish mother and his Roman- izing father John, had strengthened the reactionary move- ment, which by gaining over the nobility and educational establishments resulted in the overthrow of Protestantism. Sigismund was materially assisted in this work by the untiring efforts of the Jesuits. But their triumph is perhaps still more attributable to the conflicts which distracted and disabled their opponents. During the brief interregnum that followed the death of Sigismund Augustus, the Polish diet resolved (Jan. 6, 1573) to maintain a reciprocal in- dulgence of all religious factions in the state, uniting, in a spirit of complete impartiality, to treat them all as ' Dissi- dents ^' not because they had departed from some author- ized doctrines, but merely as an indication that they disagreed among themselves. These 'Dissidents,' however, included not only the Romish party, and the three phases of 'orthodox' Protestantism, the Saxon, Swiss, and Bohe- mian (vulgarly called ' Waldensian'), but also a large body of ' SociniansV many of them being Poles by nation, and 1 The brief reign of Henry of Valois had intervened, extending only to four months of 1574. On the reign of Stephen, see Krasinski, ii, 43 sq. Miller {Phil. Hist. iii. 108) quotes him as saying that ' the Deity had reserved three things to Himself, the power of creating, the knowledge of futurity, and the government of the consciences of men.' He was, not- withstanding, a patron of the Jesuits, and founded, chiefly for them and their disciples, the university of Vilna (Krasinski, ii. 53), besides winking at their persecution of the Protestants, pp. 58 sq. 2 See Geijer, Hist, of the Swedes, p. 165: Krasinski, ii. 91, 92. The reaction is again visible in the proceedings of the Romish synod held at Gnesen in 1589, where the most ultramontane principles are reaffirmed, with the sanction of pope Sixtus V. {Ibid. ii. 96, 97). 3 See Jura et Libertates Dissidentium in Beligione Christiana in Regno Polonice, etc. pp. 7 sq. Berol. 1708, and Krasinski, ii. 11 sq. The name 'Dissidents' subsequently meant 'Dissenters,' or sectaries distinct j from the religious body authorized by the state. 1 * Cf. above, p. 83, n, 2, and below, chap. v. Laelius Socinus (the I-] and its Fi^opagation. the remnant refugees whose errors were not tolerated in the other parts of Europe. When the anti-Trinitarians began to celebrate their worship in several of the principal districts, Rakow^ serving them as a metropolis, the indig- nation of all the Christian bodies turned against them; and it may have been the general feeling of alarm excited by their progress that induced the jarring confraternities of the reformers to neglect their minor quarrels and nego- tiate a peace. This object had in truth been gained already^ by two of the contending parties, the Swiss and the Bohemians; and after some anxious correspondence^ with the 'school of Wittenberg,' the Polish Lutherans yielded to the representations of the rest and Avere included in their union by the 'Consensus*' of Sandomir (April 14, 1570). But notwithstanding the pacification thus effected, elder Socinus) visited Poland in 1551, and appears to have determined Lismanini in favour of anti-Trinitarianism (Krasinski, i. 279). Soon afterwards (1556), Peter Goniondzki (Gonesius) openly asserted this heresy, combining with it a denial of infant baptism, which he also treated as a 'development' (p. 347). Others (many of them foreigners) followed in his steps (pp. 350 sq.). The ' Swiss ' school of Pieformers solemnly condemned these errors in 1563 (p. 359), but still their authors (called Pinczovians from the town of Pinczow where they flourished) were able to keep their ground. A few years later they divided among themselves, one party advocating ' Arianism, ' the other naked ' Socinian- ism.' Faustus Socinus, nephew of La^lius, settled in Cracow (1579). His errors were embodied in the Rakovian Catechism composed by Smal- cius and Moskorzewski, and published first in Polish (1605): Ibid. ii. 357 sq. 1 On its great importance as a school, see, as before, pp. 380 sq. It was, however, abolished in 1638, and in 1658 the Socinians were expelled from Poland by an edict of the diet. 2 At the synod of Kozminek (1555) ; Ibid. i. 342, 343. 3 Ibid. pp. 368 sq. ^ See the document, as confirmed by a subsequent meeting held at Vlodislav in 1583 (Niemeyer, Confess. Eccl. Reform, pp. 551 sq. and the editor's Pref. pp. Ixix. sq.). On the doctrine of the Eucharist, which was a turning-point in their disputes, the following is their definition : * Deinde vero quantum ad infelix illud dissidium de Coena Domini attinet, eonvenimus in sententia verborum Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ut ilia orthodoxe intellecta sunt a Patribus, ac inprimis Irenaso, qui duabus rebus, scilicet terrena et coelesti, hoc mysterium constare dixit: Neque elementa signave nuda et vacua ilia esse asserimus, sed simul reipsa credentibus exhibere et prrestare fide, quod significant : Denique ut expressius clariusque loquamur, eonvenimus, ut credamus et confiteamur Bubstantialem preesentiam Christi non significari duntaxat, sed vere in CcEua eo vescentibus repraseutari, distribui et exhiberi Corpus et San- guinem Domini symbolis adjectis ipsi rei, minime nudis, secundum Sacramentorum naturam.' CL Krasinski, i. 381 sq. S6 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. there was still no cordial sympathy between the Saxon and the Swiss reformers. The divergences, which we shall trace at length hereafter in their fundamental prin- ciples, were fatal to all schemes for binding them together. As early as 1578 the Lutherans of Lithuania, who as Ger- mans had a strong affection for the Augsburg definitions, laboured hard to dissolve^ the union of Sandomir. Other machinations countenanced by eminent divines in Germany were set on foot with the same object, and although the spirit of dissension was occasionally checked^ and softened, it could never be extinguished. The chief energy of both these parties was expended in unseemly acrimony, instead of wrestlino: with the errors of the anti-Trinitarian or the Romanist^. BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. The close affinity between the principles^ of Huss and Luther would naturally promote an interchange of friendly offices among the schools which they had founded. Some of the Calixtines or Utraquists, who maintained a separate existence notwithstanding the occasional absorption of members of their confraternity into the Latin Church^, had opened a correspondence with the Wittenbergers as early as 1519; and although their doctrines did not seem entirely unexceptionable, Luther offered them the right hand of Christian fellowship^. He had still, however, no 1 Krasinsld, ii. 77. 2 As by the synod of Vlodislav mentioned in p, 85, n, 4. Several of the fresh discussions had reference to the way in which the outward and inward parts of sacraments are connected with each other. Ibid. ii. 83 sq. 3 One of the last attempts to draw them more nearly to each other was in the Colloquium Charitativum held at Thorn in 1045 {Ibid. ii. 245 sq. : Niemeyer, pp. G69 sq.) : but the theological faculty of Wittenberg dissuaded the Lutheran nobles of Poland from taking part in it, on the ground that the Confessions of the two gi-eat parties were incompatible. ^ See above, p. 24, and n. 1 : and Middle Age, p. 410, n. 6. 5 Middle Age, pp. 409 sq. ^ Kanke mentions notwithstanding, that the more rigorous section of them were hostile to Luther in 152(3, when Ferdinand, on his election to the throne of Bohemia, gave fiill efficacy to the Compactata (see Middle Age, p. 409, n, 2), Still the number of the Lutheranized Calixtines was very considerable, and one effect of the Eeformation was to draw them far more closely to the Brethren. Some of them eventually united them- I-] o,nd its Propagation. sympathy with 'Picards' (the Moravians, or United Bre- thren), stamping them as little better than heretics on account of their theory touching the manner of Christ's jDresence in the Eucharist^ (1520). But two years later he saw cause to rrioderate his condemnation of them^, and finally assisted in completing what he deemed the minor imperfections of their creed. In 1532 they published with the sanction of himself and other Wittenberg divines a formal statement of their tenets^ in the shape of an Apology addressed to George, margrave of Brandenburg, which was followed in 1535 by the presentation of a regular Confession of faith to Ferdinand, king of Bohemia*. So decided were the leanings of this country in favour of the Reformation, that in 1546 an army of volunteers arrayed themselves upon the side of the elector of Saxony as he embarked in the Schmalkaldic war^ Accordingly, the overthrow of the Protestants entailed on them a series of most bitter persecutions. All who recognized the title 'Brethren' were ejected from Bohemia by a royal edict (May 4, 1548), and to the number of a thousand pro- ceeded through Poland and Silesia in quest of the asylum granted them by Albert, duke of Prussia*'. In the mean- selves with the Swiss Confession. See the extracts in Gieseler, iii. pt. i. pp. 444, 445. ' Middle Arje, p. 410, n. 1, and Luther's Srhriften, xix, 554 sq., where he speaks of these Brethren as heterodox on other points as well (' etliche mehr Ketzerstuck haben ') : cf . also xix. 1593 sq. 2 The following characteristic passage occurs in a letter to Spalatinus (July 4, 1522; De Wette, ir. 217): ' Picardi apud me legates habuerunt, de fide sua consulentes. Inveni ferme omnia sana, nisi quod obscura phrasi et barbara utuntur pro Scripturae phrasi. Deinde quae me movent, sunt, quod, parvulorum baptismum nullius fidei et fructus asserunt, et tamen eos baptizant [cf. Middle Age, p. 294, n, 3], et rebaptizant ad se venientes ex nostris ; deinde septem sacramenta ponunt. Nam ccelibatus sacerdotalis inter eos placet, cum non necessarium faciant, sed liberum. Adeo nusquam est in orbe puritas Evangelii. An et fidei et oporum sanam habeant sententiam, nondum liquet, valde enim dubito : de Eucharistia nihil falsum video, nisi faUant verbis, sic nee de baptismo.' 3 To this Luther himself wrote a preface (Walch, xiv. 30G). On its literary history, see Niemeyer, Confess. Eccl. Eeforvi. Prajf, pp. xxxvi, sq., and Gieseler, iii. pt, i. 440, n. 4. 4 Printed in Niemeyer, as above, pp. 771 sq. Subsequently (1542), a deputation of them visited Luther, and completed this religious alliance. They were headed by George Israel, a pastor of great eminence, who afterwards, while in Poland, contributed largely to the establishment of the Consensus Sendomiriensis : see above, p. 85. 6 See above, p. 61. ** Above, p. 73, n. 5. 8S The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. time a majority of tlie Calixtines who were not included in this persecution grew dissatisfied with the imperfect freedom^ which had been conceded to their forefathers. They determined to assume the standing-ground of Pro- testants, in spite of vigorous efforts of the Jesuits ^ who attempted by all possible means to isolate them, with the hope of thus facilitating their * conversion. ' In conform- ity with precedents already shewn in Poland ^ they now effected a religious union with the remnant of Bohemian Brethren, presenting the Confession'^ by which it had been ratified to Maximilian 11. in 1575, and subsequently in 1608 to Rudolph II. But although the pressure of political difficulties occasionally enabled them to wring concessions^ from the imperial government, the influence of the counter-reformation party, and especially the machi- nations of the Jesuits, prevailed, ere long in banishing every one of them who had the courage to avow his principles (1627). The author of this sentence was Ferdinand II. ^ who with equal rigour extirpated Protestantism, wherever he was able, from the rest of his dominions. HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA. Owing partly to the links of intercommunication fur- nished by 'Waldenses V or,in later times, Bohemian brethren, 1 The Compactata, as above, p. 86, n. 6. 2 These had entered the country as early as 1552 ; see Balbinus, de Rebus Bohem. Lib. v. c. 12, and The Reformation and Anti-Reformation in Bohemia (anonymous), (Lond. 1845), i. 73 sq. The College called the * Clementinum ' was organized for them by the learned Canisius. At first they captivated the people by professing that their main object was to teach the sciences gratis. ^ In the Consensus Sendomiriensis : above, p. 85. * Printed in Niemeyer, as above, pp. 819 sq. The subscription to the Epistola Dedicatoria is as follows: 'Barones, Nobiles, Pragenses, et reliquaB civitates omnium trium Statuum regni Bohemici sub utraque communicantium ; ' the three Estates being the Saxons, Swiss and Bohe- mian Brethren : cf. Tlie Reformation, &c, in Bohemia, i, 105 sq. ^ e.g. A perfect religious equality was granted them in 1609, but the grant was soon rescinded. 6 See Schiller, Thirty Years' War, pp. 60 sq. Lond. 1847 ; and in greater detail, The Reformation, &c. in Bohemia, i. 256 sq. His plans were formed in early life, while he was a pupil of the Jesuits at Ingol- stadt. '' About 1315 we find as many as 80,000 Waldenses in Hungary : Hist, of thfi Protestant Church in Hungary, translated by Craig (Lond. 1854), I-] and its Propagation. 89 partly to the force of national sympathy among the nume- rous Saxon colonists who had been planted for some years in Hungary and Transylvania, both of these distant regions felt the impulse of the Lutheran movement at a very early stage \ In spite of bloody persecutions instigated by the members of the hierarchy, the reformers were enabled to gain complete ascendancy in several towns and districts'^. Many of the youths who flocked for education to the German universities had found their way to Wittenberg^, and nearly all of them on their return attempted to diffuse the principles which they.had learned from Luther and his colleagues*. After the defeat and death of Louis II. of Hungary in 1526^ the right of succession was vigorously disputed^ by Ferdinand 1. and John Zapolya, voyvode of Transylvania, both of whom endeavoured to secure the co- operation of the bishops by denouncing the promoters of religious change'. But, favoured by the long continuance of the civil war and the comparative inipunity which it afforded, Lutheran tenets never ceased to root themselves more deeply in all quarters and in minds of every class. In Hermannstadt and other towns of Transylvania where the monks had clamoured for the execution of the penal p. 16. Their descendants in Upper Hungary, Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia were called Hussites, and their numbers were in all probability augmented by the followers of Huss {Ihid. pp. 18 sq.), with whom they had a manifest affinity. ^ Merchants of Hermannstadt imported some of Luther's books, which they purchased at Leipzig fair, into Transylvania as early as 1521 : and in the same year, George Sz^km^ry, archbishop of Gran, ordered a condemnation of similar books to be read from the pulpits of the principal churches of Hungary {Ihid. p. 33). Severe edicts were also issued agaiust Lutheranism in 1523 and 1525, by the influence of other prelates : see Ribini, Memorabilia Augustance Confessionis in Regno Hungarice, etc, i. 10 sq. 2 Among other favourers was queen Mary, who had listened to the arguments of her chaplain, John Henkel: Hist, of Prot. Church in Hun- f/ary, p. 30. As usual, the preaching friars were efficient auxiliaries {Ibid. p. 36). ^ See the list, as before, p. 38. * To them is due the foundation of the flourishing High School at Oedenberg {Ihid. pp. 71, 95). ^ See above, p. 47. ^ Ranke, Eef. 11. 476 sq. Among the supporters of Ferdinand was Peter Per^nyi, the first reforming magnate in Hungary. Ibid. p. 479. 7 Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, pp. 42 sq. Ferdinand, in his edict given at Ofen, Aug. 20, 1527, complains that even Anabaptists and Sacramentaiians (Zwinglians) were gaining ground. HUNGARY AND TRANSYL- VANIA. The Saxon School of Church- Beformers^ [chap. edicts, they were driven from their cloisters and threatened with death itself if they persisted in refusing to 'live according to the Gospel \' One of the more active propa- gandists in that region was John Honter^, who on his return from Switzerland in 1533 established a printing- office at Cronstadt, and by it as well as by his exhortations from the pulpit laboured to disseminate the new opinions. In the meantime Hungary was profiting by the discourses of Matthew Deva}^^ a favourite pupil of the Wittenberg reformers. He published in 1533 a Magyar translation of the Epistles of St Paul^, which was foUov/ed three years later by a version of the Gospels ; and in other ways con- tributed effectually to the enlightenment and moral exalta- tion of his countrymen. It seems that in the early part of the unbroken reign of Ferdinand (1540 — 1564), this influential reformer (called 'the Luther of Hungary') abandoned his original views ^ respecting the nature of the Presence in the Eucharist, and joined the standard of the Swiss (circ. 1544). Chiefly in consequence of his defection, all the miserable altercations we have traced elsewhere had reappeared among his converts. The arguments of Lutheran polemics on the one hand, and the fulminations of the diet of Presburg on the other, strove in vain to check 1 Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 49. The monks and nuns either left the place, or laid aside the dress of their order in eight days. ^ Gieseler, iii. pt. i. p. 463 : Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 59. ^ Ibid. pp. 50 sq. He was more than once imprisoned before his second visit to Wittenberg (1536) and his ultimate establishment in the district between the Eaab and the Balaton lake (1537). * Ihid. p. 52. The whole of the New Testament appeared soon after- wards in Magyar [Ibid. pp. 58, 59), and in Croatian as early as 1562 {Ibid. p. 77). s He had cordially accepted the Augsburg Confession in 1536: Ibid. Another of the waverers was the count Francis von Eeva, who corre- sponded with Luther on this matter, and received his reply dated Witten- berg, Aug. 4, 1539: Ibid. pp. 56, 57. In proof of different tendencies five of the leading cities of Upper Hungary on this side of the Theiss were ready to avow their old devotion to Lutheranism, by drawing up (in 1549) the Confessio Pentapolitana, which is a mere extract from that of Augsburg, as modified by Melanchthon. It is printed at length in Kibini, as above, i. p. 78 sq. The earlier synod of Erdod, held in 1545, is claimed by both parties : Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, pp. 61, 62. In 1563 party-spirit raged even more fiercely at the synod of Tarczal [Ibid. pp. 80, 81), and later in the century instigated the Wittenbergers to expel from their University no less than twenty-five Hungarian students who would not sign the Formula Concordia (cf. above, p. 67): Ibid. p. 107. I-] and its Propagation. 91 the innovations of the *Sacramentarians\' A rupture between the two Confessions grew inevitable ; and after the middle of the sixteenth century, if we except the German residents, a great majority of the Hungarian reformers had evinced their bias for the Calvinistic dogmas. Their Con- fessio Czengerina^ (drawn up at Csenger in 1557 or 1558) is strongly marked by such peculiarities, while in 1566 they openly united themselves with the Swiss school ^ It was different in the province of Transylvania, where Saxons formed the chief ingredient of the population. After the death of John Zapolya (1540), his widow, mainly through the favour of the Turks, succeeded in establishing the claims of her son who was a minor ; and on finding that the reformation-party had become politically superior to their adversaries, granted like religious privileges to that class of them who recognized the Augsburg Confession^ (1557). Similar concessions were at length extended to the Transylvanian followers of the Swiss. Nor was the toleration of the prince John Sigismund restricted to these three varieties of ' orthodox ' Christianity. He afterwards included among 'authorized religions' that propounded by the anti-Trinitarians of Poland*, who on failing to esta- blish their principles in Hungarj'^ retired into Transyl- vania', and infected nearly all the inhabitants of Clausen- burg. Accordingly, as soon as the Jesuits were let loose on this divided province, under the patronage of Stephen ^ They were as usual classed with Anabaptists: see Eibini, on the diet of Presburg, i. 70. 2 Printed in Niemeyer, pp. 539 sq. On the mistakes of Bossuet respecting it, see Niemeyer' s Pref. p. Ixix. It is still the common Con- fession of the Eeformed Hungarians. ^ The Helvetic Confession which they now embraced had been printed at Torgau in 1556, and was already laid before a Convention of ministers at Ddbrccsin, in 1558: Prot. Church in. Hungary, pp. Gl), 85. * The following extract from the royal edict is given by Gieseler from Benko's Transsilvania (Vindebon. 1778) : ' Ecclesias quoque Hungaricas in religione cum Saxonibus idem sentientes regina sub patrociuium recipit, et ministris illarum justos proventus integre reddi et admiuis- trari mandaturam so promittit.' 5 See above, p. Si; and cf. Pagct's Hungary and Transylvania, 11. 502, Lond. 1839. '' Eibini, as before, i. 204 sq. ' An Italian, Blandvater, was their chief, and a synod held at War- dein openly repudiated the doctrine of the Holy Trinity: Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 86. HUNGARY AND TRANSYL- VANIA. The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. Bathori^ king of Poland (1579), they began to reap con- siderable harvests, and would jDrobably have been still more successful, had they not been forcibly expelled^ by a decree of December 16, 1588. Their efforts at the same conjunc- ture were especially concentrated on the neighbouring states of Hungary^, and with the old results. SPAIN. It was natural that a movement which convulsed the whole of Germany should be transmitted to the other territories of Charles Y. In Spain, moreover, strong pre- dispositions* in favour of the Reformation had existed for some time anterior to the breach between the pope and Luther, partly owing to the scandalous cori'uptions of the Spanish Church^, and partly to disgust excited by the Inquisition^, which had there put forth its most malignant energies. Accordingly, we find the writings^ of the Saxon friar translated and distributed in the Penin- sula as early as the date of his excommunication ; papal briefs admonishing the state-authorities to check the new opinions on the threshold, and the watchful eye of the ^ See above, p. 84, n. 1. ^ Hist, of Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 104, ^ Ibid. pp. 101 sq. According to the same authority (p, 73), when their extraordinary remedies began to be applied, * only three families of the magnates adhered still to the pope. The nobility were nearly all reformed, and the people were, thirty to one, attached to the new doc- trine.' In like manner we find Paul Bornemisze {al. Bornemissa), bishop of Weissenburg in Transylvania, quitting the country in 1556, on account of the almost universal prevalence of anti-Eomish doctrines : Ibid. p. 69. ^ Even Balmez, Protestantism and Catholicity, c.xxxvii. Engl. Trans,, admits the existence of this feeling as well as the rapid spread of Luther- anism. See the evidence collected by De Castro, Spanish Protestants, passim, Lend. 1851, and M'Crie, Hist, of the Reform, in Spain, Edinb. 1829. s See Middle Age, p. 348. 6 See Llorente, Historia critica de la Inquisicion. In its earlier form (cf. Middle Age, p. 290, n. 2), it had suppressed the Cathari of Spain, but was even more terrible when re-estabhshed in Castile (1478), for the purpose of detecting Jews {Ibid. p. 319: Prescott's Ferdinand and Isa- bella, ch, vii). On the outbreak of the Lutheran reformation (1521), the pope was under the necessity of revoking the mitigation of its severities, which he had before determined upon at the request of the Cortes : Ranke, Ref. I. 526, 7 M'Crie, pp. 123, 124. These volumes, which included the Com- mentary on the Galatians, appear to have been supplied through Antwerp. I] and its Propagation. 93 inquisitor-general superintending their repression \ For a while, however, all such measures proved entirely ineffec- tual. Headed by two brothers, Juan^ and Alfonso^ de Valdes, the reforming school increased from day to day in numbers and importance. It had representatives among the retinue of Charles V. himself ; and both in Seville and Valladolid the crowd of earnest Lutherans was so great that cells could hardly be at last procured for their incar- ceration. Seville owed its knowledge of the Lutheran doctrines to a native of Andalucia, Rodrigo de Valero*, who suddenly abandoned a life of idle gaiety and dissipa- tion, and devoted himself entirely to the study of the holy Scriptures and the interpretation of them to all per- sons who came within his reach °. He afterwards evinced the depth of his convictions by adhering to this course in spite of the Inquisitors, by whom he was eventually shut up in a monastery at San Lucar (1541). The most famous of his converts was doctor Juan Gil (Egidius), whose academical distinctions^ induced the emperor to nominate 1 De Castro, pp. 16, 17. ' Juan de Valdds was a jurisconsult Mghly esteemed by the emperor. He became secretary to the Spanish viceroy at Naples, where he also made numerous disciples, and died in 1540 {Ibid. pp. 17, 18, Ticknor, Hist, of Sjjanish Literature, ii. 19). For a list of his writings, see De Castro, pp. 23, 24. The first in the series is entitled Tratado utilisimo del Benejicio de Jesucristo. M'Crie, (pp. 142 sq.) points out the mystical turn of his writings, which may be attributable to his acquaintance with the works of JohnTauler, whom Luther also strongly admired: cf. above, p. 14. 3 De Castro, pp. 25 sq. Alfonso was for some years secretary to the high chancellor of Charles V. : but there is great confusion between the acts and writings of the two brothers: Ibid. p. 26, M'Crie, p. 141, note. In a contemporary account of the diet of Augsburg (1530) in Walch's Luther, xvi. 912, mention is made of an Alphonsus ' Kais. Maj. Hispa- nischer Canzlar,' who informed Melanchthon in a friendly spirit that his countrymen were taught to regard the Lutherans as no better than infi- dels. The charges formally adduced by the inquisitors may be seen in Llorente. 4 De Castro, pp. 26 sq. ; M'Crie, pp. 146 sq. 5 'Whether he had any other means of instruction [than the Vulgate], or what these were, must remain a secret ; but it is certain that he was led to form a system of doctrine not different from that of the reformers of Germany, and to lay the foundations of a church in Seville, which was Lutheran in all the main articles of its belief:' M'Crie, p. 147. ^ De Castro, pp. 30 sq. He was educated at AlcaU, and promoted to the office of magistral canon (chief preacher) in the cathedral at Seville in 1537. Valero advised him to abandon the scholastic authors, and give himself exclusively to the study of the Bible. Eespecting his more distinguished coadjutors, see M'Crie, pp. 154 sq., pp. 206 sq. The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. him for the valuable bishopric of Tortosa (1550). His affection for Valero had not, however, escaped the eye of the Inquisitors. He was, accordingly, accused of Luther- anism, and lodged in prison till he had expressed his willingness to make a public abjuration^ of some points alleged against him (Aug. 21, 1552). But even this mea- sure did not satisfy his persecutors, who restrained him from the exercise of all his ministerial duties, and con- demned him to the dungeons of the ' Holy Office.' When he finally regained his liberty (1555) he settled at Yalla- dolid. Some of the inhabitants of that city were devoted to the Reformation ^ and until his death in the following year, Egidius had the courage to avow himself a member of the Lutheran confraternity. Another of their leading pastors was Domingo de Rojas^, a Dominican of noble birth, who circulated the productions of the Wittenberg divines, and also added to them many kindred writings of his own. By his exertions Agustin Cazalla^ one of the court-preachers, who had been converted to the Lutheran creed while travelling in Germany, took up his residence at Yalladolid ; and favoured by his talents and authority the new opinions were diffused not only there, but in the neighbouring towns and villages ^ Cazalla was, however, wanting in the courage of the Christian martyr: at the scaffold '', with the 'sambenito' on his shoulders, he expressed a strong desire of reconciliation with the Church, and thus obtained a partial commutation of his sentence. 1 See De Castro, pp. 34 sq., who throws new light on this suhjeet. The applications for the vacant see of Tortosa furnish M'Crie with ample materials for reflecting at large on the ' duplicity, the selfishness and the servility of the clergy' (p. 16B). 2 It seems to have been planted there by Francisco de San Eoman, a native of Burgos, who had spent his early years in Flanders (De Castro, p. 40, M'Crie, pp. 170 sq.). He learned to reverence Luther while resi- dent at Bremen, and finally died a martyr's death (circ, 1545) at Yalla- dolid. 3 De Castro, pp. 114 sq. ; M'Crie, p. 225 sq. He was educated by Carranza, the future archbishop of Toledo, respecting whom see below, p. 95, n. 5. ■* De Castro, pp. 93 sq. ; M'Crie, pp. 226 sq. His confessor in early life was the same Carranza. At first he was an active opponent of the Lutherans both in Germany and in Flanders. 5 M'Crie, p. 231. ^ De Castro, p. 96. He was allowed to be strangled and then burnt, instead of being burnt alive. I-] and its Propagation. 95 It was on discovering the extensive propagation of the Lutheran doctrines that the efforts of the ' Holy Office' were now directed with redoubled zeal to the repression of all heresies and innovations. Charles V.\ from his seclusion at Yuste, was continually advocating this repressive policy ; and when his son Philip II. arrived in 1559 to take the government, it grew obvious that tlie days of Spanish Protestantism were numbered \ Philip has been termed the 'Nero of Spain ^' His dark and saturnine fanaticism displayed itself in guiding the machinery of the Inquisi- tion and extracting pleasure from the torment of his victims. Informations, arrests and autos-de~f4 were multi- plied"*, the sufferers being almost universally addicted to the principles of Luther^, and embracing men and women 1 De Castro, pp. 84, 85 : cf. Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles V., from which it appears that he never manifested the slightest inclination to relent. 2 The Inquisitors had reserved a large number of Protestants, in order that their execution might signalize his return. He was accord- ingly present with his court at an auto held in Valladolid, Oct. 8, 1559, •where many illustrious prisoners suffered at the stake (De Castro, pp. 110 sq.). ^ Ibid. p. 120, where the parallel is drawn at length: cf. Schiller's portrait, Revolt of the Netherlands, i. 391, 392, Lond. 1847. De Castro (ch. XXII.) attempts to make out that the alleged imnatural hatred of Philip to his son, Don Carlos, originated in the prince's tenderness for Lutheranism. ^ See M'Crie, pp. 239—336. Prescott's Philip JI. Bk. ii. ch. iii. Ticknor, Hist. Span. Lit. i. 427 sq. '-* On the charge of Lutheranism brought against Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, see De Castro, ch. ix. — xii. This prelate had already distin- guished himself in England by preaching down the Eeformation, and also at the council of Trent: but the occurrence of Lutheran phraseology in his Commentaries on the Christian Catechism, printed at Antwerp in 1558, excited the suspicions of the Inquisition, and the hatred of his ene- mies, one of whom was the learned Mclchior Cano. On the other hand, the Catechism obtained the approbation of certain deputies appointed to examine it by the C(3uncil of Trent : but their report was not ratified by the whole of that assembly. To escape from the violence of the Inquisi- tion, Carranza next appealed to Pius IV., who, in spite of the murmurs of Philip, took the case into his own hands. Difficulties were, however, constantly thrown in the way of a decision til] the accession of Gregory XIII., who ruled that the Spanish primate had drawn ' bad doctrine from many condemned heretics, such as Luther, CEcolampadius, Melanchthon,' &c., and called upon him to abjure the errors contained in sixteen propo- sitions {Ibid. pp. 181, 182). Carranza read the abjuration provided for him, and died soon after^vards at Rome (May 2, 157G). See the Vida de Bart. Carranza, written by Salazar de Mendoza, a work which was kept back by the Inquisition, and published at last in 1788. He evidently believed that the prosecution of Ciirranza was suggested by the policy of SPAIN. The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, [chap. of all ranks. In 1570 the work of extermination was com- pleted. Before that date, however, many of the Spanish Protestants had found aquiet resting-place in other countries, in Germany, in Switzerland, in France, in the Netherlands, and more especially in England \ Francisco de Enzinas (otherwise called Dryander*'') was an example of this class. He had pursued his studies in the university of Louvain^ where, excited by the biblical writings of Erasmus, he pre- pared a Castilian version of the New Testament, which was published at Antwerp in 1543. For some time he had cultivated the friendship of Melanchthon, and on being charged with heresy at Brussels escaped to Wittenberg. In 1548 he found his way to England, where the interest of archbishop Cranmer^, to whom he was strongly recom- mended, soon installed him in the professorship of Greek at Cambridge. ITALY. The inability of the Reformation to strike its roots in Southern Europe was still further illustrated by its rise and fall in every part of Italy. When Luther called in question the established theories of human merit, the lite- Philip II. , or the rival hatred of Valdez. The propositions which he was made to abjure cannot be found in his suspected Catechismo. 1 See M'Crie, p. 347. They formed a congregation in London during the reign of Elizabeth (p. 367); their pastor, after 1568, being Antonio del Corro (Corranus), whose orthodoxy was suspected (p. 372) : cf. Par- ker's Correspondence, ed. P. S. p. 340, n. 1, and p. 476. 2 Enzina =' evergreen oak.' De Enzinas was accordingly styled Du Chesne by French writers, and Dryander by himself and others. On his translation of the New Testament and other attempts of the sort in Spain, see Ticknor, Hist. Span. Lit. i. 425. A large collection of the works of the Spanish reformers was printed between 1850 and 1865 under the title 'Reformistas Antiguos Espanoles,' Madrid, ed. B. B. Wiffen. 3 De Castro, pp. 37 sq., M'Crie, pp. 188 sq. He had two distin- guished brothers, Juan and Jayme, both of whom were like himself devoted to Lutheranism. The former was put to death by the Boman Inquisition. * M'Crie, p. 197. John Laski, or a Lasco, to whom he was previously known (p. 189), informs us that on July 19, 1548, Dryander was already in London, where he was preparing to take part in a rehgious conference : Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, p. 72, n. 2 : 2nd ed. On June 5, 1549, we find him sending a Latin compendium of the Prayer-Book to Bul- linger {Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 350, Camb. 1846), and complaining of some parts of that formulary. !•] and its Propagation. rature of that country had been for some years contracting a most sceptical and anti-christian tone^: but at the close of the reign of Leo X. the symptoms of improvement were becoming visible. A club, or confraternity, of devout scholars'", to the number of fifty persons, and including Gaspar Contarini, Sadoleti, Giberto and Carafifa, all of whom were afterwards advanced to the rank of cardinal, was organized at Rome itself, under the designation 'Ora- tory of Divine Love.' There is indeed no evidence of a direct connexion between this body and the Lutheran movement^; but the fundamental doctrine of the Witten- berg reformer, that of justification by faith in Christ, was also the inspiring principle of Contarini and his friends. In the political troubles that befel the rest of Italy soon afterwards, one section of them had retired to Venice, where the spirit of devotion which hitherto animated them was strengthened by continued intercourse. Of fresh accessions to their body, none were more distinguished by their zeal and piety than Reginald Pole the English refugee'', and Brucioli, the author of a new Italian version of the Holy Scriptures^. They had also an ally in cardinal Morone^ archbishop of Modena: while similar principles were ^ Middle Age, p. 352, n. 1 ; p. 355 : Waddington, Reform, i. 57 sq. " Kaiike, Hist, of Popes, i. 135 sq. Lond. 1841. 3 Luther's works, however, as well as those of Me5anchthon, Bucer and Zwingli, were circulated in Italy at an early period, and read with great avidity: M' die's Hist, of Reform, in Italy, pp. 34 sq. Edinb. 1827. For Contarini's approximation to the Lutherans at Eatisbon, see above, pp. 58 and 59, n. 1. His own works have on this account suffered frequent mutilations : e. g. his treatise Be Justificatione (cf. Ranke, Ibid. p. 206, note), and his treatise De Fotestate Pontijicis (cf, Twysden, Vind. of Church of England, p. 144, n. 5, Camb. 1847). * He had visited Padua ('the Athens of Europe') as eai'ly as 1519, and had thus become acquainted with many of the Italian literati : see Phillips's Life of Pole. With regard to Contarini's teaching on the doc- trine of justification, Pole declared that his friend had ' brought to light the jewel wliich the Church kept half concealed ' (Ranke, Popes, i. 138) ; and Flaminio, another of their circle, stated the same doctrine exactly in the style of Luther {Ibid. p. 139). 5 M'Crie, Ref. in Italy, pp. 54 sq. The New Testament appeared in . 1530, and the remaining books in 1532. ^ See an account of him in Schelhorn's Amrpnitates lAterarice, xii. 537 sq. In 1557 he was imprisoned by order of Paul IV., and certain Articles brought against him proving his t nidency towards Lutheranism, According to the third of the series [Ibid. p. 568), 'dixit Concilium Tridentinnm quoad articulum justificationis esse retractandum,' and according to the eighth, ' tenuit, opera nostra, quantumcunque in gratia Dei facta, non esse meritoria. ' R. P. / ITALY. The Saxon School of Church- Reformers, [chap. zealously diffused at Naples by the Spanish secretary Juan de Valdes^ who died in 1540. It was out of this evano-elic movement that a very influential treatise on the Benefit of Christ's Death had issued in 1543. By whomsoever written"'' it secured the powerful patronage of Morone^ and must henceforth have contributed to the dissemination of a healthier spirit, not indeed identical with Luther's, but presenting very strong analogies to it. When the Inquisitor at length arose to counteract the spread of 'Lutheranism' in Italy, as many as forty thousand copies of this work, either in the original or in translations, fell into his hands. But meanwhile other forms of thought ^ directly bor- rowed from the writings of the Wittenberg and Swiss divines, had gained extensive currency in districts lying- far beyond the Alps. We find reformers taking shelter in the duchy of Ferrara^, and even welcomed at the court. At Modena, Locarno, Milan, Lucca, Mantua, Siena, and still more at Naples ^ Luther had his correspondents and auxiliaries ^ Bologna in like manner, notwithstanding its position in the Papal States, excited the congratulations of Martin Bucer^ on the zeal and numbers of the converts: while in all the leading towns of the republic of Venice^, 1 Cf. above, p. 93, n. 2. - The Italian original of this very scarce work was reprinted in 1855 with a learned Introduction by Mr Churchill Babington. The author was probably Aonio Paleario (della Paglia), a friend of Pole, Flaminio and others of that school. He was at last apprehended by the Inquisitors, and committed to the flames at Eome (1570). The Spanish form of the treatise Del Benejicio di Giesit Ohristo Crocijisso, referred to above (p. 93, n, 2), was in all probability one of the numerous translations of it, and may have been due to ' un monaco di San Severino in Napoli, discepolo del Valdes,' which explains the lan- guage of the Inquisitors cited by Eanke, Popes, i. 141, note. ^ Eanke, Ibid. The same charge is brought against Morone in the proceedings mentioned above, p. 97, n, 6. 4 Cf. M'Crie's classification, pp. 105, 166. 5 Calvin himself was one of these (circ. 1535), and exercised great influence over the mind of the duchess: M'Crie, Ecf. in Italy, p. 70, ^ See the evidence collected by Gieseler, iii. i. p. 498, n. 16 (ed. Bonn). 7 M'Crie, pp. 75 sq. ^ Ibid. p. 83, 8 Ibid. pp. 89 sq. As early as 1528 Luther wrote (De Wette, iii. 289) ; ' Lffitus audio de Venetis quae scribis, quod verbum Dei receperint.' See also Original Letters, ed. P. S. pp. 357, 358. From the Venetian territory sprung Matthias Flacio (Flacius Illyricus, also called Francowitz), the chief compiler of the Catalogiis Testium Teritatis (cf. Middle Age, I] and its Propagation. owing partly to the anti-E,omish spirit that prevailed, and partly to the thriving commerce that expanded her intelli- gence and laid her open to suggestions from the neigh- bouring countries, * Lutlieranism ' had won a series of brilliant victories (1530 — 1542). Two of its most active propagators in Italy at large were Bernardino Ochino^ a capuchin, of small acquirements, but unwearying in devotion to the cause he had embraced; and Pietro Martire Ver- migli'^, a canon-regular of the order of St Augustine and a very able scholar. The sermons of Ochino, who remained in outward communion with the Church, were interrupted (1542) by a message questioning his orthodoxy, and citing him before the Roman tribunals ; on which he fled across the mountains to Geneva. Peter Martyr was ere long com- 13elled to follow his example, seeking an asylum at Ziirich and Strasburg; and after various fortunes both the exiles^ went to England (1547), and became the guests of arch- bishop Cranmer. All the lamentable feuds which had divided the camp of the Reformers in other districts re- p. 372, n. 3), and the Centurice Magdeburgenses (see Bowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. pp. 105 sq.). He became a pupil of Melanchthon, but was afterwards violently opposed to him : cf. above, p. 64, n. 1. Another of the Venetian reformers was Pierpaolo Vergerio, bishop of Capo d'Istria, who, after serving as papal legate in Germany (above, p. 56, n. 4), seceded to the Protestants in 1548, diffused their principles in the Grisons, and died at Tubingen in 1565 (M'Crie, pp. 378, 379). His brother Giovanni Battista Vergerio, bishop of Pola, also joined the Keformation (Ibid p. 137). 1 See M' Crie, pp. 108 sq. 2 Ibid. pp. 117 sq. He was called Vermigli, to distinguish him from a second Peter Martyr, a Milanese of Anghiera (hence Anglerius), who spent the greater part of his life at the court of Madrid. On the re- former see Schmidt's Vie de Pierre Martyr Vermigli, Strasburg, 1835. 3 See Strype's Cranmer, ii. 153, n.'^; ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc. Their travelling expenses, of which a curious bill is preserved {Archceologia, XXI. 471), were paid by the privy council. Ochino, who had obtained a prebend at Canterbury (May 9, 1548), writes from London (July 17, 1548) to Musculus of Augsburg, denouncing the ' abominable Interim :' Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 335. Peter Martyr was made professor of divinity at Oxford in 1549 : but both of them retreated on the accession of queen Mary, establishing themselves eventually at Ziirich (M'Crie, p. 383). There, however, Ochino was charged with advocating anti- Trinitarianism and polygamy {Ibid. pp. 391 sq.), and after ineffectual attempts to find a shelter in other countries, died in Moravia (1564). Another of his fellow-countrymen, Jerome Zanchi, who was on the point of joining him and Peter Martyr on their visit to England {Ibid. p. 403), distinguished himself by his opposition to those errors, and by the general sobriety of his theological views {Ibid. pp. 390, 405). 100 The Saxon School of Church-Reformers, <&c. [chap. i. ITALY. produced themselves in Italy \ where anti-Trinitarianism, as we encountered it in Poland'^, threatened to be also rife'. But few disciples, of either the orthodox or hetero- dox, were able to survive the barbarous activity of the Inquisition ^ 1 Ibid. pp. 138 sq. The Italians, as a body, were most favourable to tbe Swiss. 2 Above, pp. 84, 85. 3 M'Crie, pp. 149 sq., pp. 385 sq. On the Socini (Lselius and Faustus), with whom Ochino was allied at Ziiricb, see below. Chap. v. 4 See M'Crie's fifth chapter, on 'the Suppression of the Keformation in Italy.' The leader of the counter-movement, which began in 1542, was Cardinal Caraffa, afterwards Paul IV., whose nephew, Caraccioli, son of the marquis of Vico, was one of the most eminent of the Italian reformers. ( lor ) CHAPTER II. THE SWISS SCHOOL OF CHURCH-REFORMERS, AND ITS PROPAGATION, SWITZERLAND. As Luther stands unrivalled in the group of worthies who conducted what is termed the Saxon Reformation, Zwingli's figure is originally foremost in the kindred struggles of the Swiss. He was born^ on New Year's day, 1484, and was thus Luther's junior only by seven weeks. His father was the leading man of Wildhaus, a parish in the Toggenburg, where, high above the level of the lake of Zurich, he retained the simple dignity and truthfulness that characterized the Swiss of olden times, before they were so commonly attracted from their native pastures to decide the battles of adjacent states ^ Huldreich Zwingli, being destined for the priesthood, sought his elementary education at Basel and Bern, and after studying phi- losophy for two years at the university of Vienna, com- menced liis theological course at Basel under the care of Thomas Wyttenbach, a teacher justly held in very high repute^. At the early age of twenty-two, Zwingli was ^ On the boyhood and early training of Zwingli, see Schuler's Huld- reich Zwingli, Zurich, 1819. The best contemporary Life of him is by Oswald Myconius, the reforming preacher, who died at Basel in 1552. It is reprinted in Stiiudlin's Archiv fiir Kirchcngesch. Vol. i. 2 Their services were especially solicited by the pope on one side, and the French on the other. Hence arose the custom of pensions by which a French party had acquired general ascendancy in Switzerland at the beginning of the sixteenth century : Eanke, Ref. iii. 65, 66. 2 He belonged to the same school as Erasmus, and besides inspiring his pupils with a love of classical literature, excited them against the more extravagant of the Mediaeval notions. Zwingli says {0pp. iii. 544, ed. Schuler) that he learned from Wyttenbach ' solam Christi mortem pretium esse remissionis peccatorum. ' SWITZER- LAND. Early ca- reer of Zwingli {b. 1484). 102 The Swiss School of Church-Befo7iners, [chap. appointed priest of Glarus (1.506). He carried with him into his seclusion a passionate love of letters, and especially of that untrodden field of literature which was exciting the profoundest admiration of the age, — the classical remains of Greece and Rome. To these he long devoted his chief interest ; for although he was not unacquainted with the writings of the Middle Ages, scholasticism had never any charm for him, and exercised but little influence on his mental train- ing. Thus while Luther undervalued the wisdom of the heathen poets and philosophers, Zwingli venerated them as gifted wdth an almost supernatural inspiration \ At the same time other traits no less distinctive in his character were strongly brought to light. Zwingli was from first to last a genuine republican, not only by the accident of birth in the Helvetic confederacy, but as it seemed by an original instinct of his nature. Hence we find the pastor of Glarus busily engaged in politics, com- posing patriotic allegories'^ in denunciation of 'the foreign- ers,' taking the field with his courageous flock, and even present at the battle of Marignano, where his countrymen at last succumbed beneath the chivalry of France (1515). But in the meanwhile an important change was passing over the complexion of his private studies. In 1513 he applied himself with characteristic ardour to the cultivation of the Greek language ^ and accepting the principles of exegesis then advocated by Erasmus, resolved that the Bible, and especially the New Testament in the original, should be in future his great touchstone for determining 1 Eanke, iii. 63. Walter (Gualther), his son-in-law, whose Apology for him was prefixed to the edition of his works which appeared in 1545, has to answer the following charge among others : ' Quosdam ex Ethni- corum numero, homines impios, crudeles, horrendos, idololatras et Epi- curi de grege porcos, Sanctorum ccetui adnumeravit :^ sign. 5. 2 These were entitled Der Lahijrinth, and Fabelgedicht vom Ochsen und etlichen Thieren, written in 1510. 3 ' Coepi prffidicare Evangelium,' he writes in 1523, * antequam Lu- theri nomen unquam audivissem. Atque in eum usum ante decern annos operam dedi Grcecanicis Uteris, ut ex fontibus doctrinam Christi hanrire possem :' 0pp. (ed. Gualther, 1545), i. fol. 38 a. He did not in- deed condemn the reading of the Fathers, himself studying Origen, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine and Chrysostom, and, like Erasmus, feeUng a strong preference for Jerome's commentaries. Still he spoke of brighter days not far distant when Christians would value nothing but the Word of God ('ut neque Hieronymus neque caeteri, sed sola Scriptura Divina apud Christianos in pretio sit futura'): Ibid. i. fol. 87 b. and its Propagation. "■] the nature and the limits of religious truth. In all this process, notwithstanding some analogies, the course of Zwingli had diverged considerably from that of the Wit- tenberg reformer. Luther, as we saw, was forced into collision with the Church-authorities by an internal pressure of the conscience, a profound and overwhelming impulse of his moral sensibilities. Though disciplined to habits of submission, and by nature indisposed to break away from the traditions of the past, he was nevertheless unable to repress the storm of holy indignation that arose within him on beholding the practical substitution of man's righteous- ness for Christ's \ of justification by the law for justification by faith. But if this error had been once corrected, Luther's quarrel with the dominant school of theologians would in all probability have ceased. Zwingli, on the contrary'^, had no such reverence for the Church, and no such bond of union with antiquity. His thoughts were for the most part circumscribed within his native mountains, and con- centrated on the parish where his lot was cast. That joyous heart, of which his cheerful countenance^ was the unfailimr index, had been well-nigh unacquainted with the spiritual tempests in which Luther learned to fathom the abyss of human depravity, and tested the victorious power of faith : and therefore what the Saxon friar undertook as the result of holy impulses and spiritual intuitions, the Swiss clergy- man was rather aiming to achieve by the employment of his critical and reasonins^ faculties. He rose at lenjrth to controvert established usages and dogmas of the Church, because he had not foimd them in his careful study of the Greek Testament. The Swiss reformer had thus many points in common with Erasmus, and accordingly as soon as the literary chieftain came to Basel in 1514, frequent communications^ passed between them. ' There is nothing,' wrote Zwingli, * of which I am prouder than to have seen Erasmus.' But in 1516 he began to manifest far greater boldness than his learned correspondent °. Having been transferred to Ein- 1 Cf. above, p. 39, n. 1. " Eanke, Ref. iii. 96. ^ 'Inf^euio amcBnus et ore jucundus supra quam dici possit erat,' is the description of him by Oswald Myconius. He had also a fine musical taste. ■* See, for instance, Erasmi Epist. Lib. xxxr. ep. 52. ^ Erasmus was, however, the chief agent in determining his course: 103 SWITZER- LAND. Zwingli contrasted with La • tker. His friend' ship with Erasmus. The Swiss School of Church- Bef or mers, [chap. siedeln^ in the autumn of that year, he laboured to divert his people^ from the grosser forms of image-worship and other like corruptions, and even wrote to his diocesan, the bishop of Constance, urging the necessity of minor reforma- tions. Two years later he was appointed to a preachership in the collegiate church of ZUrich (Jan. 1, 1519) where he found a more appropriate arena for his eloquence, and where his force of character at once exalted him to the position he retained during the rest of his life. His efforts had at this period a threefold tendency, — to vindicate the absolute supremacy of Holy Scripture, and establish what he deemed a juster method of interpretation^; to purify the morals^ of the citizens; and to recall the Swiss confedera- tion to those principles of independence on which it had been founded. In the spring of 1519 some correspondence took place between the Zlirichers and Leo X. respecting a Franciscan friar ^ who had ventured to reopen the dis- 0pp. I. fol. 55 b, ed. Gualther. He had learned from a poem of bis friend that Christ was the true ' Patron ' of the sinner and the helpless. ' Hunc enim vidi unicum esse thesaurum pii pectoris, quin coepi scriptis Bibliorum Sacrorum veterumque patrum diligentius intendere, certius quiddam ex his de divorum intercessione venaturus. In Bibliis Saeris plane nihil reperi. Apud quosdam veterum de ea re inveni, apud alios nihil,' 1 His removal to this lonelier district (' Eremitorium ') was chiefly caused by the hatred of the French party in Glarus: cf. p. 100, n. 2: but it must have conduced to the development of Zwingli's principles by securing him more leisure for reading and reflection. According to a letter of Capito (quoted in Middle Age, p. 412, n. 5), he was then medi- tating on a plan ' de pontifice dejiciendo.' 2 Waddington, ii. 271, 272. In a passage cited by Gieseler (iii. i. p. 139, n. 29, ed. Bonn.; v. 304, ed. Edinb.) he declares that as early as this period (1517) he plainly told the cardinal of Sitten (Sion) ' dass das ganze Papstthum einen schlechten Grund habe, und das allweg mit gwaltiger heiliger Schrift.' ^ Instead of preaching exclusively from the select passages of Holy Scripture contained in the ' Lectionarium,' he expounded whole books, beginning with St Matthew ('idque absque humauis commentationibus ex solis fontibus Scripturre Sacrae'): 0pp. i. fol. 37 b, ed. Gualther. In his Architeles (an apologetic treatise, dated Aug. 23, 1522), he men- tions the order in which the other books were taken, and gives his reasons for adopting it: Ihid. i. fol. 132 b. * His friend Oswald Myconius {Ad Sacerdotes Helvetia, Tiguri, 1524, pp. 5, 6) enlarges on the moral and spiritual improvements he effected; and his own personal character, which after early youth had been most exemplary (cf. 0pp. i. fol. 227 a), added force to his exhortations. ^ See, respecting this ' Tetzel of Switzerland,' Waddington, Ref. ii. 272, 273. One of his earliest opponents was Bullinger, dean of Brem- garten, whose son Henry became distinguished as a Swiss reformer, and 11.] and its Propagation. 105 graceful traffic that drew forth the animadversions of Luther in 1517. The obnoxious agent was immediately withdrawn, and so amicably, that the Swiss reformer, who directed the resistance of his fellow- townsmen, still con- tinued to enjoy a pension given him by the pope\ In the following year, however, his harangues at Zurich had in- duced the cantonal authorities to publish a decree enjoining that pastors should henceforth have perfect liberty to preach all doctrines that could claim the warrant of the Holy Scriptures, and thus threatening to precipitate a crisis very near at hand'*. The fermentation spread from day to day in all the orders of society. Accordingly, in 1522, a for- mal charge was made against the innovators^ by the bishop of Constance, and substantiated before the chief authorities of the canton, but without eliciting a favourable answer. We may ascertain the very quick development of the reforming tenets at this epoch from the Sixty- Seven Arti- cles^, or propositions, which Zwingli offered to maintain has left an account of the circumstances in his Hist, of the Reformation (reaching to 1532) : ed. J. J, Hottinger, i. 17 sq. From this period Zwingli was suspected of 'Lutheranism' (cf. 0pp. i. 37 b sq. ed. Gualther), although he seems to have proceeded very independently: above, p. 102, u. 3. He wrote, for instance, in 1523 {Ojyp. i. 38 a) : ' Nee ignoro Lu- therum multa adhuc dare intirmis, ubi aliter posset, in quibus ei non subscribe, ut in sermone De decern Leprosis audio (non enim legi) eum aliquid tribuere confessioni auriculari,' etc. ^ It amounted to 50 gulden, and was granted, ostensibly at least, to encourage him in the prosecution of his studies: but one object of his patron may have been political, viz. to command the services of such a man in the struggle of the papacy against the French. He openly resigned it in 1520. His importance was felt to be so great that even after the Keformation was fairly commenced pope Adrian wrote him a cajoling letter (Jan. 23, 1523), preserved in Bullinger (as above), i. 83, The same feeling had induced the legate (1518) to appoint him as one of the acolyth-chaplains of the pope: see Waddington, 11. 278. 2 Ranke, Ref. in. 73. 3 Many of the Ziii-ichers violated the rule of fasting in the Lent of 1522, which was the original cause of the bishop's interference. Zwin- gli's letter giving an account of the circumstances is printed in the new edition of his works (in. 7 sq.). He next justified the conduct of the innovators in a vernacular treatise entitled Von Erkiesen 2md Fryh^it der Spysen, and very soon afterwards (cf. D'Aubign^'s note, Ref. ir. 533, Edinb. 1853) broke through the law of celibacy by marrying a widow of Zurich, Anna Reinhardt; not, however, making his marriage public till April, 152-4. This fact throws light upon the movement which he headed in the summer of 1522, for the sake of inducing the Diet and the bishop of Constance to legaUze the marriage of priests: see his Works, 1. fol. 110 sq. ed. Gualther. ^ Printed in both German and Latin by Niemeyer, Libr. Symb, SWITZEK- His rapid movements and suc- cess. io6 The Swiss School of Church-Reformers, [CHAP. SWITZER- LAND, before tlie senate and people of Zurich as early as January 1523. His triumph, in the estimation of his audience, was complete, since all the main positions he advanced were absolutely undisputed \ Acting on the principle that every Christian congregation and community is competent to resrulate its own affairs'^, the men of Zurich afterwards proceeded with a large amount of unanimity to place themselves beyond the jurisdiction of the bishop (Oct. 28), and organize a system of Church-government in accordance with the new convictions. The obvious effect of their pro- ceedings was revolutionary. While the Saxon doctors were content with the removal of such practices as ministered to superstition or were calculated to obscure the memory of Christ, the Zwinglians soon became persuaded that ritual of all kinds was adverse to the freedom and simplicity of the Gospel^, interfered with rather than promoted the edi- fication of the worshipper, and therefore ought to be cur- tailed at least in every one of tho^e particulars which 'have no ground or warrant in God's Word\' The leading pp. 3 sq. In the July of the same year he published, also in German, a very copious exposition of those Articles, which was rendered into Latin by his schoolfellow and ardent coadjutor, Leo Judae {Opp. i. fol. 3 — fol. 109, ed. Gualther). 1 His chief opponent was John Faber, the vicar-general of the bishoi? of Constance, and originally favourable to the Eeformation, but now a vigorous advocate of Medisevalism : see, for instance, a philippic of Justus Jonas (Tiguri, 1523) entitled Adversus Joannem Constant. Vlca- rium, scortationis patronmn, etc. Several members of religious orders had also begun to assail Zwingli as early as 1519, and were not silenced until their foundations were converted into schools (1524). 2 See Eanke, Ref. iii. 79 sq. The inhabitants of the canton were prepared for these changes by the discourses of Zwingli, of the abbot of Cappel and of Conrad Schmid, and still more by Zwingli's Brevis et Christiana in Evangelicam doctrinam Isapoge {0pp. i. fol. 264 sq. ed. Gualther), written originally in Swiss-German (1523), and circulated by the authority of the canton. 3 e.g. Zwingli makes the following statement in the Ratio Fidel, ad- dressed to Charles V. in 1530 (Niemeyer, p. 31) : ' Credo cerimonias, qua neque per superstitionem fidei neque verbo Dei contrarise sunt (quan- quam hujusmodi nescio an quce inveniantur) per charitatem tolerari, donee lucifer magis ac magis allucescat, posse,' etc. Ebrard {Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl, Frankf. 1846, ii. 58 sq.) has endeavoured to defend Zwingli against the charge of revolutionizing the ritual system. Calvin, it is urged, was the real culprit. ^ Hence the simplification, amounting almost to the annihilation, of their" ancient liturgy: see Daniel's Codex Liturg. Eccl. Reform. Proleg. pp. 5 sq., and the formularies which he prints. At Easter, 1525, as 11.] and its Propagation. 107 characteristics of the Mediaeval system, which, after its theory of human merit, had most excited the hostihty of Zwingli, were the use of images and the estabhshed doc- trine of the Mass\ He dedicated a separate treatise'^ to the latter of these topics, examining the structure of the Eucharistic office, and evincing his desire to see it utterly abolished, rather than amended or recast. A vigorous ad- versary of these changes had to be encountered in the bishop of Constance^ who endeavoured to regain his hold upon the Zurichers in 1524; but those whom he addressed were deaf to his expostulations, as well as to remonstrances that issued from the other cantons ^ Zwingli had, in truth, become the oracle of the whole community. Meanwhile a kindred agitation was proceeding in the most enlightened spot of Switzerland, — the university and town of Basel"\ Its chief author was John Hausschein, or CEcolampadius, whom we saw in correspondence with Me- lanchthon as early as the disputation of Leipzig^ On the recommendation of Capito^, another of his friends, he was advanced in 1515 to a preachership in the cathedral of Basel, and numbered in the brilliant circle of divines and scholars who rejoiced in the society of Erasmus I This Ranke also remarks (iii. 88), the Mass was reduced to ' a regular love- feast.' ^ These points were especially considered in the Isagoge, above men- tioned, fol. 274 b sq. 2 I)e Canone MisscB Epichiresis (dated Oct. 9, 1523) ; lb. fol. 175 b sq. 3 Waddington, Ref. 11. 303, 304. * The most decided antagonists were those of Lucem, Freyburg and Zug {Ibid. pp. 295 sq.). ^ The fullest account is given by J. J. Herzog, Das Leben Johannis (Ekolampads und die Reformation der Kirclie zu Basel, Basel, 1843. 6 Above, p. 28 : Herzog, 1. 107. 7 Herzog, i. 118. Wolfgang Capito himself had quietly sown the seeds of Reformation in Basel, where he became professor of divinity. He afterwards belonged to the intermediate school of Strasburg (cf. above, p. 52, n. 1, and Jung's Gcsch. der Reform, der Kirche in Stras- huTfj, I. 86 sq.), where he died in 1541. In 1537 he dedicated a treatise entitled Res2)07istim de Missa, Matrimonio et jure Magistratus in reli- gione to Henry VIII. of England, on which see archbishop Cranmer's letter to the author in Cranmer's Works, ed. Jenkyns, i. 192. Capito was backed in his reformatory efforts by Hedio, who also migrated to Strasburg. 8 Erasmus taught him * to seek for nothing but Christ in the Holy Scriptures' (Herzog, i. 121), and while preparing the first edition of the New Testament, employed him in comparing the quotations there made with the Hebrew original {Ibid. 120). SWITZEK- LAND. CEcolam- padius {h. 1482) and the re- formation at Basel; io8 Tlie Swiss School of Church-Reformers, [chap. position lie exchanged in 1518 for another preachership at Augsburg \ but on finding it beyond his powers, he modestly retreated to a convent at Altomiinster in the diocese of Freising (April 23, 1520). At first he was resolved to spend his days in private study and devotion ^ but the preference he had learned to cherish for the doc- trines of the Wittenberg reformers made him more and more an object of suspicion^, and eventually induced him to revisit Basel (Nov. 16, 1522). He now proceeded, after his re-establishment in the university, to place himself in close relation with Zwingli*, who was making rapid strides in the adjoining canton. For some time the work of reformation at Basel was thwarted by the opposition of the bishop and one party of the academics. It advanced, however, in the senate^, who not only recognized the principle that CEcolampadius was at liberty to preach whatsoever was commanded, or repudiate whatsoever was condemned, in Holy Scripture, but permitted disputations** to be held in which a number of the Mediaeval tenets were openly impugned (1523, 1524). A similar tendency of public feeling was soon afterwards betrayed at Bern', whose citizens at first reoarded Luther and his Avritinofs with distaste approaching to abhorrence. Softened by the eloquence of Sebastian Meyer and Berchthold Haller, many of them were prepared to follow in the steps of Zurich, when a demonstration of the anti-reforming party, planned by Eck, the indefatigable foe of Luther, was arranged, at a general assembly of the Swiss cantons, to be held at Baden^ (May 16, 1526). 1 Herzog, i. 132 sq. _ 2 j^^^ j, 143 gg, 3 The general tone of Hs sermons was in favour of the Lutherans, and a treatise adverse to the practice of compulsory confession (Ibid, i, 175) added to the indignation of his brother-monks. In April 1522 (some time after his flight), we find him with Francis von Sickingen at Ebernburg, where he continued preaching the reformed opinions till November. 4 Ibid. pp. 212 sq. ^ Ibid. pp. 280 sq. At this period (1525) Wycliffe's Trialogus (see Middle Age, p. 387) was pubhshed at Basel, and could not fail to make a deep impression. *• Ibid. I. 234 sq. One of the reforming challengers was William Farel, a French exile, of whom more will be heard hereafter: see p. 113. "^ See Kuhn's Reformatoren Berns in XVI. Jahrlmndert, Bern, 1828. 8 Herzog, ii. 4 — 20. The invitation proceeded from the diet of Lucern (March 23) : Bullinger, as above, i. 337. II.] and its Propagation. 109 The object of the chief promoters was to counteract the power of Zwingli. He, however, did not answer^ to the challenge ; and accordingly the principal burden^ of the disputation was imposed on OEcolampadius, who contested the established doctrines of transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the mass, the intercession of the Virgin and the saints, the use of images, and purgatory. Eck was no less ener- getic on the other side, defending his positions with great learning and acumen; and after eight and twenty days, the audience being strongly in his favour, a decree, subscribed by nine out of the twelve cantons who recognized the meeting, was drawn up in condemnation of the Zwinglian movement. Still, in spite of this very serious check, the Reformation was, in the course of the three following years, established by various agencies not only in Appenzell, Mlihlhausen, Biel, Schaffhausen, Constance, St Gall, Glarus and Toggenburg, but also in the haughty state of Bern, and finally in BaseP. Of the five cantons where it was resisted no less vigorously, the principal was Lucern, from which a bosom-friend of Zwingli, Oswald Myconius^ had been forcibly expelled (1522). In April, 1529, their hatred of the Reformation urged them to conclude a treaty with the house of Austria, and the bitter conflict^ that ensued could only be decided on the sanguinary field of Cappel, where Zwingli, true to all his patriotic and military principles, was left among the slain^ (Oct. 11, 1531). 1 He had been warned that his life was in danger {0pp. ed. Schuler, VII. 483) : cf. Waddington, 11. 313. See his allusions to the Disputation {0pp. II. fol. 114, ed. Gualther) and various tracts and letters on the subject {Ibid. fol. 565— fol. 601). ^ One of his chief coadjutors was Haller of Bern (Herzog, 11. 10) ; while Eck was supported by John Faber (above, p. 106, n. 1). 3 On the political rivalries contributing to the success of the Eefor- mation in those cantons, see Kanke, Ref. in. 107, 108. The Bernese were considerably influenced by a disputation (the counterpart of that held at Baden), which was opened on the 7th of January, 1528 : cf. Wad- dington, II. 331 sq. Haller was the chief representative of the Ee- formers, but was reinforced by Zwingli, fficolampadius and a host of other theologians (Herzog, 11. 62). Bucer was among them. After a feeble resistance the ten Theses Bernenses (Niemeyer, p. 15) were accepted by the vast assemblage as portions of the future creed of the community. * Above, p. 101, n. 1. Ho ultimately succeeded fficolampadius at Basel. ^ See Eanke's full account, Bk. vi. ch. ii, iv. ** ' He was found dying by two common soldiers, who exhorted him to SWITZER- LAND. DispiUa- tion at Baden f 1526. Ascend' ancy of the reformers in many cantons. no The Swiss School of Church-Iteformers, [cHAP. Before this crisis in the fortunes of his country he had learned to systematise the doctrines of the early Swiss reformers, more especially in his well-digested Commentary on True and False Religion^, which appeared in 1525 to the delight of his disciples. Notwithstanding all the heavy charofes""^ brouo^ht ao^ainst him then and afterwards, it seems impossible to convict him of departure from the central verities of Christianity, such as the Incarnation, the Atonement, the Personality of the Holy S23irit, and other tenets of that class. But with respect to the con- dition of the human subject, and the application to him of the means vouchsafed for his recovery, Zwingli was at variance with all other branches of the Christian Church. He modified the doctrine of original sin^ to make it har- monize with the rest of his theological system. Deeply conscious of the absolute sovereignty of God^ he shrank from every form of thought and practice that appeared to confess himself to a priest, or, as it already seemed too late for that, at least to receive the blessed Virgin and the saints into his heart. He made no answer, and only shook his head; they did not know who he was ; they thought him some obscure *' stubborn heretic," and gave him a death-stroke.' Jhid. p. 406, 1 0pp. II. fol. 158 b — fol. 242 b : ed. Gualther, It is a system of theology arranged under twenty-nine heads, and is said to have been composed in fulfilment of a promise he had made ' multis trans Alpes doctis piisque hominibus, quorum nonnulli multa mecum de plerisque fidei rebus coram contulerant.' 2 e.g. At Marburg he had to satisfy the Lutherans respecting his belief in the Divinity of our blessed Lord (above, p, 52, n. 2), and Walter (Gualther) in the elaborate Apologij prefixed to his works was under the necessity of repelling the charge of Nestorianism which some had brought against him (sign. 7 5). ^ See his Declaratio de Peccato OriginaU: 0pp. 11. foL 115 b sq. He did not deny that the contagion, whatever it might be, extended to all (cf. his Reply to Eck's Propositiones, Ibid, ii. fol. 578 b) : but maintained that its damnatory effect was certainly removed in the case of such children as were born of believing parents, and probably in the case of others. Walter, his apologist, writing after the doctrine of original sin had been restated in the most rigorous form by Calvin {Instit. lib, iii. c. 23), is anxious to reduce the amount of divergency as far as possible (sign, e 3). But see Zwingli's own defence: Opj). ii, 89 b, 90 sq. His notions on this subject were closely connected with difficulties relating to infant baptism and the salvability of the heathen : cf. Laurence, Bampton Lect. pp, 295 sq., Oxf. 1838. * See Herzog, i. 317. With this conviction is to be associated his doctrine of predestination (see his Ratio Fidei, in Niemeyer, p. 19), which he derived rather from the nature of God than of man, and which in fact bordered on the heathen view of a philosophical necessitv: cf. Hagenbach, ii. 260, Edinb. 1852. n.] and its Propagation. Ill be resolvable into tlie worship of the creature, and in this way had been driven to disparage all external agencies and media instituted for the culture of the human spirit, and as such entitled to respect and reverence. Zwingii was persuaded that the grace of God is always given to man immediateh/ , without the intervention of church, or priest or sacrament. He therefore held that Baptism^ was no means of grace, but merely the external ba-dge of mem- bership in a community, the sign that he was formally devoted to the service of Christ, or the certificate of spiritual life, which if at all imparted, was imparted independently of the material element. Prolonged discussions with tlie Anabaptists^ who had found their way to Switzerland^ as early as 1525, had only tended to develope these ideas, and consequently it is difficult to screen their author from the charge of insincerity when he accepted Luther's definition* at the conference of Marburg (1529). The same conception of the sacraments was even more explicitly avowed wdien Zwingii turned to the examination of the Eucharist^ As 1 He wrote a formal treatise De Baptlsmo {0pp. ii. 56 b sq.), and handled the subject in many other places, e.g. in the De Vera et Falsa llcligione (Ibid. I'ol. 199 sq.). In the first he writes 'Baptismus foederis vel pacti signum est, non in hunc finem institutmn, ut eum qui baptizari solet justum efficiat vel fidem baptizati confirmet. Impossibile eniiu est nt res aliqua externa fidem hominis internam confirmet et stabiliaV (fol. 03 b). - See especially his Elenchus contra Catahaptistas, ii. fol. 7 sq. He thought that the defence of infant baptism was much simplified by dis- sociating it from all idea of remission of sins (cf. ii. 121 b), and thus represented the baptism ordained by Christ as standing on the same level with John's baptism (ii. 74, 200). 3 Herzog has given interesting accounts of their conferences with (Ecolampadius at I3asel: i. 301 sq., ir. 75 sq. ■* Zwingii there signed the following statement (Seckendorf, Lib. ii. p. 138, col. 1) : ' Baptismum esse sacramentum ad fidem a Deo insti- tiitum et prteceptum, non nudum sig)ium ant tesseram professionis Chris- tiausE, sod et opus Dei, in quo fides nostra requiritur et per quam regene- ramur.' For this and other reasons Luther was peisuaded that the Swiss reformer had acted dishonestly: cf. Dyer, Life of Juhn Calvin, p. 181, Lond. 1850. ^ ' Nihil ergo eorum, quse externa sunt, fidem firmare vel nos in ilia certiores reddere potest. Quod idem simili ratione de Eucharistia quo- que, vel Coena Domini pronunciamus:' Opp. ii. 63 b. Cf. above, p. 50, n. 2, and Zwingii, De Vera et Falsa llelipione (ii. fol. 202 — fol. 210). In this treatise he refers (fol. 209 a) to WyclilYe and the VValdeuses as also holding the opinion that 'est' = ' significat' in the words of institution: and some of his recent biographers (cf. (iieseler, iii. i. p. 192, n. 27, ed. Bomi.) assert that even while at Glurus ho was acquainted with their SWITZER- liAND. ^ y ' His theory of the Sa- craments. tl2 The Swiss ScJiool of Church- Bef or mey^s, [cHAP. SWITZER- LAND. <—^ -* he dissociated all idea of spiritual blessing from the act of baptism, so the consecrated Bread and Wine had in his theory no more than a mnemonic office, putting him in mind of Christ and of his union with a Christian body, but inoperative altogether beyond the province of the intel- lect. This theory, at first elaborated by the criticism of the sacred text, was afterwards supported by recondite specu- lations on the nature of the Saviour's glorified humanity \ Like Carlstadt, he contended that the Body of Christ being now locally in heaven cannot be 'really' distributed to faithful souls on earth : which drew from Luther"^, now become the furious enemy of both, the counter-argument, that the humanity of Christ in virtue of its union with the Godhead is exalted far above all natural existences, and being thus no longer fettered by the sublunary conditions of time and space may be communicated in and by the Eucharistic elements. The fall of Zwingli, instantly succeeded as it was by the death of GEcolampadius^ seemed at first a fatal blow Continua- tion of his unyrk. writings, and also with the work of Ratramn {Middle Age, p. 167). He certainly implies at the opening of the present section that he had arrived at his new theory some time before he pubUshed it to the world. CEcolampadius, who adopted substantially the same view as the result of his discussions with the Anabaptists (Herzog, i. 320 sq. : ii. 93 — 115, 222 sq.), expounded it with so much critical abihty that Erasmus, writ- ing to Pirkheimer (June 5, 1526), said he would himself have regarded it with favour 'nisi obstaret consensus Ecclesiae.' He supposed, how- ever, that the doctrine of the Swiss did not exclude the idea of a spiri- tual, or virtual presence of Christ ('modo adsit in symbolis gratia spiri- tualis'): and Walter, the apologist of Zwingli, is anxious to establish the same construction {' Verum Christi Corpus credimus in Coena sacra- mentaliter et spiritualiter edi, a religiosa fideli et sancta viente:^ Prasf. sign. S 5). If Zwingli ever held this view of ' spiritual manducation,' he must have embraced, or developed it, only a short time before his death. The passage of his writings most in favour of it has been referred to above, p. 50, n. 2. 1 See, for instance, the chapter ' De Allceosibus duarum Naturarum in Christo,' in his Exegesis Eucfiaristice Negotii ad Martinum Lutherum (1527); 0pp. II. fol. 351 bsq. ^ See, for instance, his Grosses Belicnntniss (Walch, xx. 1180 sq.), where he denounces the Zwinglian hypothesis as absolutely ' diabolical * and as a freak of the unsanctified reason of its author: cf. below, Chap. III. , on later phases of this controversy. '^ He died at Basel, Nov. 24, 1531. In the October of the previous year he had been visited by a deputation of Waldenses, who were desi- rous of knowing more about the Reformation : see Herzog's Romanische Waldei2ser, pp. 333-376, Halle, 1853. Among other things CEcolampa- dius told them that the Swiss Reformers attached less importance to the I.] and its Propagation. 1 1 to their party: but ere long tke vigorous efforts of two able followers, Henry Bullinger and Oswald Myconius, were successful^ in replacing it to some extent upon its former basis. Fresh auxiliaries were also unexpectedly arriving. Hitherto the reformation had penetrated those cantons only which were peopled by the German-speaking Swiss : but in the year preceding the death of Zwingli a profound impression had been made at Neufchatel by William Farel^, a Frenchman, who proceeded with the same impulsive zeal and eloquence to rouse the slumbering spirits of Geneva. He had actually succeeded in compass- ing the overthrow of papal power ^ (Aug. 26, 1535), when a second of his countrymen, the doctor who was afterwards to give an appellation to no inconsiderable party in the Western Church, appeared on the same arena. John Chauvin, Cauvin or Calvinus'^, was a Picard Apocalypse, the second and third epistles of St. John, the second of St. Peter, and the Epistle of St. Jude, than to the other writings of the Sacred Canon. ^ On the vicissitudes which it had to encounter, see Hess, Leberis- (]csch. BuUingers, Zurich, 1828 sq. Biillinger afterwards enjoyed a high reputation among some of the English Eeformers, partly owiug to the generosity with which he had entertained the Marian refugees at Ziiricli, and partly on account of his anti-Eomish and anti-Lutheran writings. Many of his communications on these subjects will be found in the Zurich Letters and the Original Letters published by the Parker Soc. 2 He was a native of Gap, in Dauphin^ (b. 1489), and on being expelled from France by the denunciations of the Sorbonne, he went to Basel (cf. above, p. 108, n. 6), and afterwards diffused the principles of the Reformation as far as Moutiers in Savoy. The fullest life of him is liy Kirchhofer, Zurich, 1831: cf. Eanke's Civil Wars and Monarchy vi France, i. 205 sq. Lond. 1852. ^ The nature of the constitution of Geneva facilitated this result. It was formed of thi-ee distinct powers, (1) that of the prince-bishop, who was non-resident, (2) that of the duke of Savoy, who had acquired the vice-regency, (3) that of the burgesses, who at this period were generally republican in their tendencies, and as such had cultivate! the friendship of the Swiss, especially of Bern, in order to counterbalance the encroachments of the bishop and the duke (Gaberel, Hist, de VEglisc de Geneve, i. 62, Geneve, 1853). Farel, on arriving there (1532), pro- duced credentials with which the Bernese had furnished him, and although he was expelled in the first instance, he returned under the same protection at the end of the following year (1533), and accompanied by Viret and Froment, pushed the reformation with the greatest vigour. At length, after consideralde turbulence, the council of Two Hundred published an order proclaiming the adoption of the reformed religion based upon the Gospel (Gaberel, i. 162-1G8). * Three Lives of Calvin, written from different standing-points, are (1) by Henry (a German evangelical), Hamburg, 1835-1844, (2) by E. P. 8 114 The Swiss School of Church- Reforme7^s, [chap. born at Noyon, July 10, 1509, his father being one of the notaries in the ecclesiastical court of that place, and secre- tary to the bishop. At the age of fourteen he indicated a precocious aptitude for classics, dialectics and philosophy, under the tuition of Mathurin Cordier (Corderius) at the High-School of Paris, and subsequently entered the uni- versities of Orleans and Bourges, in both of which he stu- died jurisprudence also with singular devotion and success \ His mind, however, had already been directed to the higher fields of theological investigation", and on the death of his father he not only gave himself entirely to these studies, but cast in his lot witli an obscure and struggling confraternity at Paris who were bent on expe- diting reformations in the Church. Yet, notwithstanding the acuteness of his moral instincts and the general severity of his character^, Calvin proved himself deficient in that Christian heroism* which is everywhere conspicuous in the histor}'' of the Wittenberg reformer. When the prospects of his party had been darkened in the French metropolis, chiefly through the violence and indiscretion" of the members, he fled with some of his companions to Basel (Oct. 1534). It was there, in the society of Bucer, Capito, and other Audin (a French ultra-montanist), Paris, 1841, and (3) by Dyer, onr impartial fellow-countryman, Lond. 1850, The most favoui-able of Ms earlier biographers was Beza, his disciple and successor at Geneva. ^ At the age of twenty-one the University of Orleans invited him to give his judgment touching the divorce of Henry VIII. (Dyer, p. 8). He pronounced against the lawfulness of marriage with a brother's widow. 2 He was originally destined for holy orders, and his father accord- ingly secured him a chaplaincy in the cathedi-al of Noyon before he was twelve years old. Somewhat later (in 1527, when Calvin was eighteen) he was presented to a living, for although not of age to be ordained, he had received the tonsure, and was thus thought capable of holding it, and even of preaching occasionally {Ibid. p. 7). One of these prefer- ments he afterwards sold, to the disgust of Audin (i. G3). He traced his own 'conversion' to a sudden call of God (see the account in his Preface to the Comment, on the Psalms) : but we may fairly suppose that it was accelerated by his intercourse at Bourges with Melchior Wolmar, the German professor of Greek: Dyer, p. 9. •^ Thus at school he never joined in the amusements, and much less the follies of the other boys, and even reprimanded them with severity (' severus omnium in suis sodalibus censor,' according to Beza). 4 In the Preface above cited he confesses: 'Ego qui natura timido, molli et pusillo animo me esse confiteor.' ^ On the posting up of anti-papal placards at Paris (Oct. 18, 1531) by some of the more intemperate reformers, see Dyer, pp. 2S sq. IL] and its Propagation. 115 SWITZER- LAND. kindred spirits, that he finished the original draft ^ of the Institutio Christiance Eeligionis, ere long advanced to the position of a text-book for the Calvinists in every part of Europe. In it, as finally expanded and revised, they found a masterly statement of their views of Christianity. The work is divided into four books, the first relating to our knowledge of God as the Creator ; the second to oar know- ledge of Him as the Redeemer ; the tliird to the conditions on which man receives the grace of Christ, and the effects that follow such reception ; and the fourth to the external media and supports by which he is united to the Christian community, and afterwards retained in his connexion Avith it. In handling these great questions at the age of twenty- seven, the author shews that he had already^ grasped the leadinof thouo-hts that enter into the construction of the • • • system of theology with which his name has ever been associated; for all his bold conceptions of original sin, election^, reprobation, church-polity, corrective discipline, and even his peculiar doctrine of the sacraments, are there consistently advanced, although it may be not completely balanced, rounded, and matured. In all this treatise, more especially if we compare it UU ori with Melanchthon's Loci Communes, we discern not only the effect produced on Calvin by his legal education, but the workings of an independent miud. With him begins the second generation of reformers. While accepting most of the conclusions of Erasmus and the Wittenberg divines, he could by no means view them as indisputable. A course of laborious study concentrated on the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures had been spent in verifying those con- clusions, in determining the place of single doctrines in re- lation to the rest, and in binding all of them together in a modern Suminco Theolorjice. The speculative and dictatorial 1 The oldest Latin edition now extant is dedicated to Francis I,, and in a copy before the present writer, the dedicatory letter hears date * Basi- lofe, Calend, Auf,msti, an. 153G' [not 1535], but Henry (followed by Dyer) makes it probable that the I)istitntio liad already appeared in French. ^ One of the minor changes in subsequent editions was the withdrawal of passages that npoke, as lie believed, too freely in favour of religioua toleration (Dyer, p. 34). ■^ Archbp. Laurence seems to overstate his case when he endeavours to shew {Bampton Lectures, pp. 347 sq. Oxf. 1838) that Calvin's original idea of election differed from his later: of. Dyer, as above, p. 31, note. 8—2 ginality and spe- culative jjenius: 1 1 6 The Swiss School of Church- Reformers, [chap. element in Calvin's genius had betrayed itself in his con- tempt for the dogmatical decisions of the Church, and his presumptuous undervaluing of the terminology, if not the doctrines, of the ancient creeds ^ There was accordingly a special fitness in the theatre on which he had been called to act^; for as the civil constitution of Geneva had been recently subverted, the principles of government which he adduced were calculated to attract republican sympathies by giving laymen fresh importance in the administration of church-affairs, while, on the other hand, he carried with him a body of religious doctrine that controlled and even captivated for the moment by its novelty, comi^act- ness and concinnity of form. At first, however, the extreme severity^ of the Cal- vinistic discipline was more than his new flock would tolerate. Botli Farel and himself were banished (May 22, 1538), after they had fully carried out their principles and 1 He was accused of Arianism as early as 1536 (Dyer, pp. 68 sq.), and Lutheran writers {e. g. Gerhard, Loci Thcolog. n. 1481 sq. Jena, 1625) stigmatized the 'Calviniani' most severely. Bj). Bull has also vehemently impeached his orthodoxy on the same subjects, because he had spoken of the Nicene prelates as 'fanatici,' and characterized expressions like ' Deum de Deo, Lumen de Lumine,' etc. as mere /Jarro- Xoyla: Defensio Fidel Nice?icc, Sect. iv. cap. i. § 8 (p. 255, ed. 1703). Still his writings and conduct seem to prove that although he disparaged the terms ' Trinity ' and ' Person,' and would not subscribe to the three Creeds upon the ground that to impose them on the conscience of indi- viduals is an act of tyranny (Dyer, p. 70), it would be unjust to rank him either with Tritheists, Arians or Socinians. His own appeal was to the Catechismus Genevensis, of which he was himself the author: see it in Niemej^er, pp. 126 sq. - After his departure from Basel (perhaps at the close of 1535), he had visited Ferrara (see above, p. 98, n. 5), and also his native town (Dyer, p. 36). It was then his intention to settle at Basel or Strasburg, but owing to the wars between .France and the emperor, he was com- pelled to adopt the circuitous route through Savoy and Geneva. On reaching the latter place (towards the end of August, 1536 : cf. Gaberel, Hist, de VEglise de Geneve^ i. 202), Farel, in a moment of so-called inspiration, threatened him with the curse of heaven, if he refused to share the task of carrying out the reformation. •* E.g. The preachers quoting 1 St. Peter iii. 3, would not allow the adorning of brides 'plicatura capillorum' (Ranke, Civil Wars, d;c. in France, i. 214, note). Graver subjects of contention immediately arose (Dyer, pp. 74 sq.), and it is probable from a MS. Vie de Farel (Kanke, as before), that Anabaptists circulated immoral principles, thus aggravating the licentiousness of the Genevese. The subsequent struggles of Calvin with the 'Patriots' of Geneva, as they called themselves, or 'Libertines' as he nicknamed them, till many pages of his biography. II.] and its Propagation. 117 also planted them securely in Lausanne \ Their chief crimes^ were that they resisted the magistrates of the republic, who would fain have brought some features of their ritual into harmony with that of Bern, and ulti- mately refused to administer the Holy Communion to the Genevese until the city manifested a more docile spirit, and was purged from its more scandalous corruptions. Calvin now betook himself to Strasburg, where he was advanced to a professorship of theology, and where he also acted as the pastor of the French congregation. At the same time he established more intimate relations with the German Protestants, especially^ with Bucer and Meianchthon. His leisure hours at Strasburg were gene- rally devoted to his favourite studies : and to them ac- cordingly we owe the earliest of those Commentaries, which, in spite of all their blemishes, have elevated Calvin to the foremost rank of biblical divines. His growing re- putation soon inspired the Genevese with a desire to rein- state him as the spiritual head of their republic. Troubles also had befallen them'* ; and it was felt in many quarters that their obstinate resistance to the godly discipline of the reformers had provoked the indignation of Heaven^ ^ This was the effect of a disputation (Oct. 1, 1536) in which Calvin, Farel and Viret were conspicuous. On the last of these reformers, see Jacquemont's Viret, Reformateur de Lausanne, Strasburg, 1836. ^ See Dyer, pp. 79 sq. Gaberel, i. 218 sq. A synod held at Lau- sanne in mid-leut, 1538, was adverse to Caivin and Farel, who there- upon carried their appeal in person to another meeting of Swiss Ke- formers, held at Zurich (April 29). A reconciliation was here effected between the rival ministers of Bern and Geneva, but in spite of the remonstrances of the Bernese ambassadors addressed to the Council of (Geneva (May 22), the general assembly of this latter place determined on the banishment of the refractory ministers. '^ He met both of these divines at the diet of Eatisbon (1541), whi- tlior he had been sent as the 'Lutheran' representative of the Stras- burgers. The contrast between himself and Meianchthon is forcibly shewn by one of his letters to the Wittenberg professor on the subject of the Interim: Calvin, Epist. cxvii. : cf. Epist. cxli. He seems to have had a higher opinion of Luther (see Dyer, pp. 182 sq.), and even on the much disputed doctrine of the Eucharist, he was during his residence at Strasburg suspected by the Swiss party of 'Lutheranism:' Ihid. p. 401. 4 Gaberel (ch. ix.) gives an account of 'Geneve pendant I'exil de Calvin.' Some French and other ecclesiastics assisted the ex-bishop, Pierre de la Baume, in his attempts to re-enter his old diocese, and through the treachery of the ' first syndic' of Geneva, their scheme was at one moment not unliliely to be realized. ^ llanke, Civil Wart \'c. in France, i. 215: cf. Hooker, Ecd. .Pol. Pref. ch. II. § :V ii8 The Swiss School of Cliurch-Beformers, [CHAP. Calvin, tlierefore, was invited by the Council to return, and after hesitating for a while arrived at Geneva on the 13th of September 1541. Henceforth his power ^ was not less Hildobrandine than his temper and capacity. The exercise of spiritual jurisdiction was absolutely vested in a consistory, of which he was himself the standing presi- dent, and whose decisions, often harsh and m.erciless^, were guided by his sovereign will. Nor was the dog- matism of Calvin limited to the minute republic of the Genevese. His rugged spirit chafed continually amid the controversies that distracted western Christendom^ ; and foreign states, in admiration of his wondrous power and learning, did not scruple to receive direction from his lips'*. Although he found himself unable to compose the His return to Geneva, and the vastness of Jus influ- ence. ^ The ecclesiastical code, on wliicli it was founded, and in which we recognize the hand of the accomplished lawyer, was, to nsc the expres- sion of M. Gaberel (i 2(36) ' nn ph^nomfene l^gislatif, dont I'dquivalent ne se pr^sente que chez les Spartiates et les Hebreux.' It will be here- after considered more particularly in the chapter On the Constitution and Government of the Church. ^ The case of the Spanish physician, Servetus (Miguel Servede), who was burnt at Geneva (Oct. 27, 1553) for publishing and defending anti- Trinitarian and Pantheistic errors, is fully examined by all the three biographers above mentioned, p. 113, n. 4: cf. also Quarterly Review, No. 176, pp. 551 sq. The instances there quoted of divines who justi- fied and even applauded Calvin's conduct in this tragedy, may be aug- mented by the name of Field, who in his treatise Of tlie Church (i. 288, ed. Eccl. H. S.) alludes to 'the just and honourable proceeding' against Servetus. The truth is, what are now called the principles of toleration were not understood by any of the great religious jDarties. Beza on this occasion put forth an elaborate treatise De Hcereticis a civili Magis- tratu puniendis, to shew that such punishment ought in certain cases to be capital. ^ See, for instance, his Antidoton adverstis Articulos Facidtatis Theo- logiccB Sorhonicce, in reply to twenty-five Articles of doctrine issued in 1542 ; or his Dcfensio sauce ct orthodoxce Doctrines de Servitute et Libe- ratione humani Arhitrii, directed against a work of Pighius on this sub- ject, and published at Geneva, 1543. He also levelled tracts at Anabap- tists, Libertines, and finally at ' Nicodemites' (temporizing Frenchmen, who although reformers at heart, complied with Komish rites and cus- toms, thus going to Christ secretly, and in the spirit of Nicodemus). In addition to these struggles he had numerous controversies more per- sonal in their nature, e. 1), suggesting numerous relaxations of the church-law in favour of the separatists. The whole of this remark- able document, which is ascribed to Montluc, the 'reforming' bishop of Valence, is in De Thou (Thuanus) Hist, sui Teinporis,lib. xxviii. c. 6. H.] arid its ProjMfjation. 127 disciple, the accomplished Theodore Beza\ and by other ministers and lay-deputies of the Huguenots : the main subjects of discussion being the doctrine of the Eucharist, and what was even more difficult, the jurisdiction and authority of the Church. The principles of the Swiss reformers were also ably advocated by Peter Martyr'"^, who arrived from Ziirich Avhile the Colloquy was proceeding (Sept. 21) ; but if we except the clear reiteration of Cal- vin's language on the virtual, as distinguished from the physical, manducation of Christ through the reception of the consecrated elements ^ no present good resulted from the labours of this meeting"*. It had little or no force in checkinof the disastrous outbreak of hostilities. Althou(]^h an edict was promulgated in January 1562^ removing all the penalties that heretofore had been suspended over their relio^ious exercises, the massacre of several Huo^uenots at Vassy (March 1, 1562), while unarmed and congregated in the act of worship'^, roused their brethren into fury : they demanded the immediate punishment of the duke of Guise by whom that outrage had been fully sanctioned, if not directly instigated. Many towns immediately declared their sympathy with the Huguenots, and others were in- duced, ere long, to take up arms in their behalf. Beza^ 1 See the account in Schlosser's Lehen des Theodor de Beza, pp. 101 sq., Dj'er's Life of Calvin, pp. 488 sq., and Smedley, i. 161 sq. 2 Bulliuger also bad been consulted by Beza respecting the language he should employ : Dyer, p. 488. ^ ' In the commission, to which the most learned and moderate men on the Catholic side were appointed, they actually agreed to a formula concerning the spiritual reception through faith, which was satisfactory to both parties :' Eanke, Civil Wars, &c. i. 294 : cf. Smedley, i. 195. This formula, hoAvever, was rejected by the other prelates to whom it was referred, and still more absolutely by the Sorbonne. * One inauspicious consequence to the Huguenots was the secession of king Anthony of Navarre, who had been for some time oscillating between contradictory views of the Eucharist (Kanke, i. 309 ; De Felice, I. 145 sq.). He died very soon afterwards, and his wife, who continued to be one of the most zealous reformers, brought up their son (the future Henry IV.) in her principles. * Eanke, i. 297. The Huguenots on receiving this indulgence had to 'bind themselves by a solemn oath to teach no other doctrines than those contained in the books of the Old and New Testaments, and in the Creed of the Council of Nicoea, to submit to the municipal law, and not to hold their synods without permission from the royal officers.' *' See Smedley, i. 219 sq. ; De Felice, i. 150 sq. "■ Like other ministers he not only maintained that war was lawful, but enjoined it as a duty under present circumstances; i.e. in order to FRANCK. The Swiss School of Church- Refoinners, [chap. who remained in France for some time after the Colloquy of Poissy, was actively engaged among the combatants, inspiring his disciples with fresh courage, and assisting at the councils of their military leaders, Conde and Coligny. The first battle was now fought at Dreux^ (Dec. 19, 1562), and though contested obstinately on both sides, resulted in the overthrow and dispersion of the Huguenots. They were, however, liberated from this new embarrassment immediately afterwards by the assassination of the duke of Guise^ and the conclusion of the peace of Orleans, which was followed by an edict of Pacification published at Am- boise March 19, 1563, and promising religious liberty^ to Calvinists, although the measure of it was much inferior to what they had previously enjoyed. This settlement accordingly became a mere suspension of hostilities : it gave the combatants on either side a breathing-time, which they employed in preparations for a longer and a bloodier conflict (1567 — 1570). One act of violence'* was rapidly succeeded by another; the atrocious pictures of the ordinary civil-war were darkened in this case by deeds of private vengeance^ and the outburst of liberate the crown from tlie Guise pai-ty as well as to assert the binding force of the edict of January. This justification appeared satisfactory to Philip, landgrave of Hessen, and also to the Queen of England : Eauke, I. 318, 319. On Elizabeth's manifesto in favour of the Huguenots (or, more correctly, against the Guises), see Smedley, i. 243, 214. In the wars that followed, the Huguenots received material support from foreign Protestants. 1 Pianke, i. 820 sq. 2 The assassin was a fanatical Huguenot named Poltrot de Merey. On the question touching the complicity of the Calvinistic leaders in this act, see Dyer, Life of Calvin, pp. 506 — 508. ^ They were guaranteed the freedom of public service only in those towns and cities which were in their hands on March 7, 1563; one place being moreover allotted in every bailiwick, outside of which they were permitted to hold their religious meetings : Eanke, i. 326, 327. Coligny expressed his strong dissatisfaction on learning the terms of the treaty as negociated by Condc : De Felice, i. 169. 4 The enormities committed are chargeable almost equally on both factions. De Et^lice, in particular, laments the relaxation of discipline among the Huguenots, and also their fanatical outrages. 'They broke the consecrated vessels, mutilated the statues of the saints, and scattered their relics. These excesses produced in the hearts of the Catholics a rage which it is impossible to describe.* ^ Soon after the battle of St Denis (Nov. 10, 1567), which proved fatal to the Constable Montmorency, his place was supplied by the youthful Duke of Aujou. Under him the war was reopened (March 13, n.] and its Propagation. fanaticism, regardless of all discipline, and deaf to all the gentler instincts of humanity ; and when at length the tempest seemed to be exhausted \ and the Huguenots again assembled in great numbers at the French capital, the transient calm was broken by the shrieks and execrations rising from the diabolical massacre, that was perpetrated under the guidance of Catharine de' Medici, on the morning of St Bartholomew' (Aug. 24, 1572). By it there fell in Paris, according to the most moderate calculation, two thousand Protestants, and in France at large as many as twenty thousand. The noble-hearted Coligny perished in this number, while the two young cousins, Henry prince of Conde and Henry of Navarre^ escaped with difficulty; both of them compelled to purchase safety by the tempo- rary abjuration of their faith. But after the Calvinistic party rose again, and proved its heroism at the siege of La Rochelle, the new monarch, Henry III., who succeeded in 1574, saw reason for in- creased alarm at the predominance of the Guises. The ecclesiastical" predilections of this family, no less than their political interests, were more and more identified with the advances of an ultra-Romish faction in the state ; and therefore, instead of uniting with the feeble king in his pacificatory measures, they finally proceeded to negotiate a League^ with Philip II. of Spain, in order to secure the extirpation of reformed opinions, not in France only, but in the Netherlands. Their attitude became in truth so menacing as to drive the king into open war with them, and ultimately to effect a reconciliation between himself and the political Huguenots^ (1589). Immediately after- 1559) by a victoiy over the HuguenotiS at Jarnac, wliere Cond^ their general was taken prisoner, and assassinated with the approbation of the duke: Smedley, i. 322, 13213. Henry of Navarre was henceforth recog- nized as ' Protector ' of the Huguenots. ^ The peace of St Germain-en-Laye was concluded Aug. 8, 1570, and provided that the Huguenots should be in future unmolested on account of their religion: Ihid. i. 343, 344. ^ See the excellent narrative in Eanke, Civil Wars, &c. ir. 1 — 51: and cf. Audin, Hist, de la ISaint-Barthelemy, Paris, 182G. The horror which the massacre excited in England is well expressed by Sir Thomas Smith, in Smedley, ii. 55. ^ Henry of Navarre was not restored to the Huguenots till 1576 : on his escape see Smedley, ii. 133. His cousin died prematurely in 1588. ^ On its origin and character see lianke, ii. 137 sti. s Ihid. pp. 225 sq. K. P. 9 Tlie Swiss School of Church-Reformers, [chap. wards Henry was assassinated \ and notwithstanding the papal interdict against the Bourbons^his crown descended to their branch of the royal family as represented by the protestant Henry of Navarre, whose struggles with the League were only terminated four years later by his own abandonment of protestantism^ (June 25, 1593). He did not, however, withdraw his sympathies entirely from his old adherents ; and accordingly, while the principles on which he governed France were tending to bind up her wounds and silence many of her wildest factions, they had also the effect of vindicating in some measure the forgotten liberties of the Gallican Church ^ The perfect freedom of the Huguenots in matters of religion was also guaranteed in the celebrated document^ entitled, from the place of its publication, the ' Edict of Nantes,' and solemnly declared to be perpetual and irrevocable (1598). 1 The assassin was Jacques Clement, a Dominican of Sens, on whom see Smedley, ii. 273 sq. 2 See the imperious bull of Sixtus V. (Sept. 9, 1585) in Goldast, Monarch. Imperii, iii. 124, On its arrival in Paris, Pierre de I'Estoile {Memoires, p. 299, ed. Petitot, 1825) remarked the general indignation with which it was received by the Parliament, one member going so far as to recommend that it should be burnt ' en presence de toute I'Eglise Galhcane.' Henry IV. was exempted from its operation with some difficulty by Clement VIII. (Sept. 17, 1595). ^ He seems to have been determined chiefly by political considera- tions (cf. Eanke, ii. 389 sq.), which led him, as he pleaded, ' to sacrifice his convictions to his duty,' He was influenced doubtless by his friend and minister, the duke de Sully (Baron de Eosny), who although a Calvinist, belonged to a lax or ' liberal ' section of the party. Their prin- ciples are indicated by the following extract from the Memoires de Sully (iv. 47, Paris, 1827) : ' Si les protestans ne croient pas tout ce que les catholiques croient, du moins ceuxci ne peuvent-ils nier que nous ne croyons rien qu'ils ne croient comme nous, et que ce que nous croyons renferme ce que la religion Chr^tienne a d'essentiel; le Decalogue, le Symbole des Apotres et I'Oraison Domiuicale dtant le grand et g^n^ral fondement de notre commune croyance. En voilk assez.' Henry had a very different adviser, and the Huguenots a very different champion, in Philippe de Mornay (seigneur Duplessis), a learned and zealous reformer : see De Felice, i. 263 sq. One of his most celebrated works (1598) is ' entitled, De V institution, usage et doctrine du Saint Sacrement de VEu- charistie en VEylise Ancienne. * There was already in France a considerable party adverse to those decisions of the Council of Trent which related to the constitution of the Church and its reform : see Eanke, i. 332. ^ See, respecting it, Benoist, Hist, de Vedit de Nantes, Delft, 1693. II.] and its Propagation, 131 SCOTLAND. The fears that Scotland entertained of lier immediate neighbour, had for centuries induced her rulers to negotiate alliances with France \ At the beginning of the Reforma- tion-period this connexion led to the ascendancy of French interests in the government ; and in proportion as Henry VI 11. of England advocated his selfish scheme for expe- diting the union of the two crowns, the leaders of the Scottish nation had been still more under the necessity of looking to their continental friends for counsel and support. The second queen of James V. of Scotland was Mary of Lorraine, a daughter of the duke of Guise, whose family we saw identified with projects aiming at the extirpation of the Huguenots, and the establishment of ultra-Roman- ism ^ It was accordingly to be expected, that during the minority of the daughter of James V., the celebrated Mary Queen of Scots, by whom he was succeeded in 1542, and also after the marriage of this princess to the dauphin in 1558, the foreign influence would not only continue to prevail, but throw up barriers in the way of those who undertook to urge the reformation of the Scottish Church. Yet, notwithstanding the resistance thus offered by political arrangements, Scotland was ultimately shaken in its turn by the great convulsions of the sixteenth century. It is possible that some faint echoes of the Lollard doc- trines^ lingered here and there ; but he Avho first dissemi- nated the characteristic tenets of the Lutherans was Patrick Hamilton. His name occurs amono- the earliest entries at the Hessian University of Marburg"^. On returning to his ^ At first the influence of the French was employed in mediating; between England and Scotland, but after 1346 they frequently instigated the Scots to invade the neighboui'ing kingdom. 2 Above, pp. 126, 129. 3 Respecting the ' Lollards of Kyle,' who to the number of thirty persons were cited before the King and his Council in 1494, see Knox, Hist, of the Reform, in Scotland (reprinted for the IVodrow Societij, Edinb. 1840), i, 7 sq. The tenth and eleventh articles would be espe- cially obnoxious to the authorities : ' That everie faythf uU man or woman is a preast :' ' That the unctioun of kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ' (p. 9). Knox welcomed these precursors on the ground that God had thereby retained within the realm ' some sponk of His light, evin in the tyme of grettast darkuess :' p. 10. * Above, p. 68 ; cf. Rauke, Ref. ii. 539. 9—2 SCOTLAND. The Swiss School of Cffiurch-Reforyners, [chap. native country, where he enjoyed the rank of titular abbot of Ferne\ we find him preaching with considerable freedom and effect against the practical corruptions of the Church, ascribing them to serious errors in the general teaching of the clergy, and propounding the ideas he had imported from Germany on the nature of baptism, faith, free-will, penances, auricular confession and purgatory. He was also charged with holding that the popes are ' Antichristian,' and that every priest has been invested with as much authority as they. Opinions of this startling character excited the abhor- rence of the ecclesiastical rulers^, and brought their chief abettor to the stake (March 1, 1528). The same hos- tility was afterwards manifested by the parliament of Scotland, when 'the smoke of Patrick Hamilton having infected as many as it blew upon'^, a rigorous act was passed (June 12, 1535) * against those who hold, dispute or rehearse, the damnable opinions of the great heretic Luther '^ But this fulmination also proved inefficacious; 1 According to Mr Laing, the editor of Knox, Hamilton 'was not in holy orders ' (i. 14, n. 3) ; yet the contrary is plainly stated in John Frith's contemporaneous preface to A Brief Treatise of Mr Patrike Hamilton, called Patrike's Places : ' who, to testifie the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him Priesthode (even as Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,) that he might be admitted to preache the pure Word of God' [Ibid. p. 20) : cf. Spotswood, Hist, of the Church and State of Scotland, pp. 62, 63, Lond. 1677; Calderwood, Hist, of the Kirk of Scotland (reprinted for the Wodroiv Soc. Edinb. 1842), i. 73 sq. ; and P. Lorimer, Precursors of Knox (including Patrick Hamilton, Alexander Alane, or Alesius, and Sir David Lindsay), Lond. 1857. 2 Their sentence is given by Calderwood, i. 78 sq. , as well as a 'Letter Congratulatorie ' from the 'Master and Professors of Theology at Louvain' (April 21, 1528), commending their orthodoxy and prompt- ness in despatching the misbeliever. The same doctors mention that England, 'the next neighbour' of the Scots, was then altogether free from heresy, owing partly to ' the working of the bishops, among which Koffensis [i. e. Fisher of Eochester] hath shewed himself an Evangelicall Phoenix,' and partly to the influence of the King (Henry VIII.), who was ' another Mattathias of the new law' (p. 82). 3 The author of this expression was 'a meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay, famylliar to Bischope James Betoun ' (Knox, i. 42), who had observed that after Hamilton's death the new opinions spread with great rapidity. Eespectiug the principal s.ufferers, of whom a majority seem to have been mendicants, see Calderwood, i. 86 sq. * This, according to Bp. Keith, Hist, of the affairs of Clmrch and State in Scotland, i. 27 (reprinted for the Spottisicoode Society, Edinb. 1844), was in ratification of proceedings which began ten years before. Five years later a reformatory act was passed (March 14, 1541), requiring II-] and its Propagation. the German theology was more and more insinuated into the understandings of the thoughtful and the hearts of the devout; the cleric, monk and friar whom it had impressed, were half-unconsciously creating a predisposition for it in the feelings of their flock and neighbourhood ; and after England consummated her quarrel with the papacy in 1534, and had begun to manifest decided leanings towards Lutheranism, a shelter was provided there for such of the reforming propagandists^ as could hold their ground no longer in the sister kingdom. By this means the progress of the reformation in Scotland was made to coincide with the growth and diffusion of a spirit less opposed to union with the English. In 1543 their monarch opened fresh nesfotiations^ with the view of facilitating^ such a union, and of thereby strengthening the foundations of the Church in Britain. At first the regent'^, with one section of the Scottish nobility, less favourable to the French connexion, ' all archbishops, bishops, ordinaries and other prelates, and every kirk- man in his own degree, to reform themselves, their obediences and kirkmen nnder them, in habit and manners to God and man,' etc. Ibid. p. 29. Other evidence exists to shew that on the death of James V. (1542) the need of reformation was more generally felt; e.g. it was allowed by the parliament (March 15, 15-48) that all persons might have ' the Holy Writ, to wit, the New Testament and Old, in the Vulgar tongue, in English or Scotch, of a good and true translation,' &c. Ibid. p. 89. ^ Of this number the more influential were (1) the Dominican, Alex- ander Seaton, who became chaplain to the duke of Suffolk (Galderwood, I. 87 sq.); (2) Alexander Ales (Alesse, Alesius, or Alaue), a canon and priest in St Andrews, whom we find disputing in the English convoca- tion (?) as the guest of Cromwell in 1536 [Ibid. i. 93 sq. : cf. Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, p. 38), and afterwards installe. 545, n. 3. On these grounds rested the Concordia Vitc'bci-goi.sis (1530) : see above, p. 58, n. 1. The tenacity with which Bucer clung to his quasi- Lutheran theory in opposition to John Laski and others, who symbolized more fully with the Swiss, is seen in the angry letter of Max-tin Micronius, dated London, Oct. 13, 1550: Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 572; cf. Ibid. p. 052. ^ See above, pp. 119, 127. It is worth observing, that Calvin speaks m no measured terms of Zwingli's aberrations on the doctrine of the sacraments: e.-g. in writing to Viret (1542) he characterizes the original dogma of the Zilrich reformer as "profana, ' and in a letter to Zebedaus (1589) as 'falsa et pcrniciosa.' Other passages of the same kind are col- lected in Gieseler, 111. pt. ii. p. 171, n, 44 (ed. Bonn). j The doc- trine of the Eucha- rist one chief sub- ject of con- ttntion. How nioli- fed by Calvin. Conflicts between the Saxon [chap. arms, and even to embrace eacli other. Partly owing to the influence exercised by the conciliatory Bucer, but still more to Calvin's reputation and his powerful arguments, the leadmg Swiss divines^ had gradually receded more and more from the position occupied by Zwingli, till the contro- versy was no longer touching the reality of Christ's pre- sence in the Eucharist, nor of His actual communication then and there to every faithful recipient. So far the Lutheran and Calvinist were now agreed : yet while the former taught that Christ was present in the elements and so connected with them after consecration, that even the wicked to their detriment became partakers of His glorified humanity, the latter contended no less strenuously that Christ is not communicated in or through, but rather with the consecrated Bread and Wine ; the union of the outward and inward parts of the sacrament being always conditioned by the faith of the recipient, and the communication of Christ to the believing soul effected only in a mystical or supersensuous way by some specific action of the Holy Ghosts Nor could the Eucharistic controversy^ be long restricted to the liow ; polemics felt themselves conducted further in the logical development of their ideas, and henceforth they enquired more narrowly into the what. That Christ was verily and indeed communicated some- how or other to the faithful, and communicated in virtue of some connexion with the elements themselves, had been conceded alike in Switzerland and Germany; but when it was demanded whether the thing communicated was ^ The Z'liricliers at first demurred and the Bernese continued their opposition still longer: see Thomas, La Confession Helvetique, pp. 98 sq., (xen^ve, 1853: Ebrard, as above, ii. 484 sq. The Confessio Helvetica Posterior composed by Bullinger in 1562, and avowedly in more general harmony with the Augsburg Confession, was formally accepted by the Swiss in 156G, and thus constituted the last of their symbolical books (in Niemeyer, pp. 402 sq. ). For its declaration 'De Sacra Coena Domini,' see pp. 518—523. 2 The following extract from a Confessio Fidei de Eucharistia, drawn up by Farel, Calvin and Viret, and signed by the Strasburgers, Bucer and Capito, is a remarkable proof that tlie humanity was then deemed the inward part of the Eucharist: 'Vitam spiritualem, quani nobis Christus largitur, non in eo duutaxat sitam esse confitemur, quod Spiritu Suo nos vivificat, sed quod Spiritus etiam Sui virtute cariiis Sua3 vivificee nos facit jiarticipes, qua participatione in vitam ffiternam pascamur:' quoted in Schenkel, i. 5G5, n. 1. 3 Ebrard, ii. 526. Ml.] and the Swiss Ilefovmevs. 3D Mtlcmch- thon's art r sion to ri- gorous de- finitions. the corporal matter of our Saviour's glorified liumanity (the Lutheran hypothesis), or whether it was the com | ilex Person of the Christ, Divine no less than human (which the Calvinist as vigorously maintained), the disputants had launched on questions full of the profoundest mystery, he- cause relating to the mode in which the properties of the Godhead and the manhood coexist and interpenetrate each other in the undivided Christ \ ' Of those who shrank from the discussion of the awful topics thus propounded, none was more conspicuous than Melanchthon^ Satisfied on reaching the conclusion that Christ is truly present in the Eucharist, and that His pre- sence is most tridy efficacious in all persons who faithfully receive Him, the devout Reformer invariably discouraged those ulterior speculations, and at length, when he had par- tially succeeded at Wittenberg itself, attempted to cement a union with his fellow-workers in Switzerland. It w^as in the execution of this purpose that, having obtained the sanction^ of Luther, he published in 1540 a new^ edition of the Augsburg Confession, known as the Confessio Van'ata, where, tosrether with some subordinate chanws on other topics, he hoped to state the doctrine of the Eucharist in such a manner as to reconcile the more judicious members of the two great parties. Ere long, however, many of the sterner Lutherans were prejDared to combat such modifica- tion on the ground that it amounted to a virtual surrender of the truth delivered to the ancient Church. Their op- position was confirmed by the intemperate fulminations which Luther liad liimseH"'^ put forth not long before his last illness, with the hope of crushing every remnant of those Zwinglian errors that continued to deny the doctrine of the real presence. According to the same objectors, Me- lanchthou so far wavered on the subject^ as to justify a 1 On the opening of tliese questions by Z^Yingli, sec above, p. 112. - Above, p. 58, n. 1. •* 'Dass diese Variata bloss die Geltung einer Privatschrift gehabt, ist eine Chiiniire.' Ebrard, ii. 520. Respecting the motives of MeLinchthon for advocating tlie change, sec Francke's IJhr. Symh. Eccl. Luther., part I. Proleg. p. xxviii. n. 13, and for Luther's position with respect to it, Ebrard, ii. 473 sq., Kalmis, pp. 3'JO sq. 4 Above, p. GO, n. 3. ° That Melauchthou was in truth dissatisfied with the rigorous defini- •tions of the Wittenbergers is next to certain. In addition to the passages quoted above, p. 58, u. 1, we find him writing as follows. 'Egoque, ne His conse- quent un- 2>onulariti\ Conflicts hetiveen the Saxon [chap. strong suspicion that he would eventually recede still fur- ther from the principles of his great colleague ; and his fresh compliance^ Avith the Leipzig Interim, though it re- lated to a different class of questions, naturally tended to diminish their respect for him, and shook their faith in his consistency. The death of Luther in the midst of these conflicting elements relaxed the powerful ties that hitherto had bound his followers into one community. The Phi- lippists, or party favourable to Melanchthon, who appear to have been most numerous in the Electorate of Saxony'"^, were now publicly charged with holding too elastic notions on the hierarchy and ritual of the Church^, with modifying some of Luther's fundamental principles touching the rela- tion of the grace of God to human freedom^, and most of all with manifesting partial sympathy for Calvin's doctrine of the Eucharist, on which account they were at last en- titled ' Crypto-Calvinists.' It seems that hatred of Melanchthonism was secretly at work in stimulating a revival of this latter controversy, which took place in 1552. The author of the new commo- longissime recederem a veteribus, positi in usu sacramentalem Prossen- tiam, et dixi, datis his rebus, Christum vere adesse et efficacem esse. Id profecto satis est [cf. Hooker's Eccl. Pol. v, lxvii, 2]. Nee addidi incki- sionem, aut conjunctionem talem, qua affigeretur tuj dprci} to aui/aa, aut ferruminaretur, aut misceretur. Ego vero realem (coujuuctiouem) i^ono, hoc est, ut signis positis adsit vere Christus efficax : ' quoted, with other like passages, in Schenkel, i. 553, n. 1: cf. Kahuis, pp. 389 sq. Calvin, however, at a critical juncture, strove in vain to draw from him a con- fession that they held precisely the same doctrine: see Dyer, Life of Calvin, pp. 409, 410. The most important difference between them was, that Calvin's theory of the Eucharist was traversed by his other theory of absolute predestination, which Melanchthon strongly repudiated: see Thomas, La Confession Helvetique, p. 105, and below, p. 161. ^ Above, p. 63. 2 The opposite party ('Flacianists,' above, p. 64, n. 1) seem to have been strongest in ducal Saxony (that is, the States of the Ernestine dukes) and the north of Germany. In 1557 they called upon Melanchthon to revoke his errors, and from the record of the fruitless negotiations that passed between him and them, we ascertain the more promiiient subjects of complaint {C}pi^- ed. Bretschn. ix. 23 sq.) : 'Rejiciantur omnes contrarii errores Papistarum, Interinristarum, Anabaptistarum, Sacramentarioram Ex articulo de justificatione tollantur omnes corrupteLe, pugnantes cum sincera doctrina Aiiostolica et Augustana confessioue, prrecipue cor- ruptelai de necessitate operum ad salutem — Ne liat conciliatio cum Papis- tis de casremoniis, etc. ' ^ See above, pp. 63, 64, and p. 57, n. 2. ^ Above, p. 45, u. 1. HI.] and the Stviss Reformers. 157 tioii ^ was Joachim Westfal, one of the Lutheran ministers at Hamburg. He began with an assault on the Consensus Tlgurinus'^, the joint work of Bullinger and Calvin. At first indeed the Swiss divines made no reply to his production ; but the barbarous conduct of some ultra- Lutherans^ in refusing an asylum to John Laski, or A'Lasco, and a number of religious emigrants who had accompanied him from England (Sept. 1553), on the out- break of the Marian troubles, roused the indignation of the Genevese reformer; and the controversy"* that ensued, though modified occasionally by the gentleness of Bul- linger, could only tend to widen and perpetuate the breach that yawned between the two great parties of the day. Until this period Calvin seems to have believed himself in general li?a-mony^ with the adherents of the Augsburg Confession : he had lived on friendly terms with them at Strasburg, and had never openly renounced their fellow- sljip : but so violent was the feud excited by the works of Westfal and his numerous abettors, that when Calvin came to Frankfort in 1556, he was observed to stand aloof entirely from the Lutheran ministers^. Laski also, who for many years had mingled freely in the Eucharistic contro- versy', laboured to promote a better understanding between Fresh out- break of the Each a- ristic con- troversij. sq. ^ See the accomit at length in Ebrard, 11. 536 sq., and Dyer, pp. 402 , and cf. the remarks of Kahuis, pp. 403 sq. Above, p. 119. He also directed his attack against Peter Martyr, whose work l)e Sacramento Eucliaristice had appeared at Zihicli in 1552. Peter Martyr's determined hostility to the Augsburg Confession, and to Lutheranism in general, afterwards induced him to migrate from Stras- burg to Zurich: cf. Zurich Letters, ed. P. S. 11. 48, 111, •* The refugees, one hundred and seventy-five in number, were driven by stress of weather into the Danish port of Helsingor (Oct. 13), but the magistrates comi)elled them to re-embark, on finding who and what their leader was (cf. above, p. 70, n. 4). Some German towns followed this example. At length the sufferers found a resting-place at Dantzig. "* The various works in reply to Westfal are enumerated by Gieseler, III. ii. p. 218, n. 18 (ed. Bonn). ^ Cf. Ebrard, 11. 545. « Dyer, p. 438. 7 He was considerably at variance with Bncer on the subject in 1550 (above, p. 153, u. 1), and in 1552 appeared at London his iirevin ct dilu- cida dc sacrameiitis Kcclesicc Chrlsti tractatio, where, in compliance with the wish of Calvin, he expresses himself favourably en the subject of the 'Consensus Tigurinus:' see 'Epistola ad Regeni' prefixed to the treatise, sign. * 6. His account of the Lutheran doctrine will be found on fol. 36 b. Fourteen years later (15(')()) he put forth a tract in conjunction with Yale- randus Pollanus, liobert Horn and others, for the purpose of defending Calvin separates from the Lathtrans iqb' Conflicts hetween the Saxon fCIIAP. c.'.'itrn o-rrs/c-'i in 1h<'. Pala- tiuatc. the hostile confessions \ He was driven to desist, however, when Brentz^ an ultra-Lutheran of Wlirtemberg, required that Calvinists should not only sign the Augsburg formu- lary, but profess their faith in what had now become a cardinal tenet of the Saxon school, the omnipresence of Christ's glorified humanity. During the next ten years the Eucharistic quarrel was still more embittered, and the alienation rising out of it and other like disputes grew almost universal. This melancholy result appeared from the continuous struggles of the two great parties even in remote districts, such as Hungary^ and Sweden*, but particularly in one German province that became notorious for the acrimony of its T/^r stormy j theological disputations, — viz. the Palatinate. Perhaps there is no country where the Reformation gained a footing that experienced so many alternations of worship and be- lief '^ In sixty years it twice adopted Lutheran tenets and twice relinquished them for the conclusions of the Genevese reformer. We have seen^ that, notwithstanding the dif- fusion of reforming modes of thought, the Roman pontiff was not actually dethroned in the Palatinate till 1546. The agents then employed were, for the most part, in himself and tliem against the charge of deviating on the subject of the Eucharistic presence from the statements of the Augsburg Confession. The title begins Purgatio Ministrorum in Eccledis Peregrin. Francofurti, etc. Basil. 1566, mense Decembri. ^ Dyer, p. 437. 2 See Ebrard's chapter entitled 'Brenz unddie Ubiquitat' (ii. 646 sq.). The necessity of believing in the ubiquity of Christ's glorified Body was involved in many of Luther's arguments as early as 1525, but the first writer who insisted upon it as an article of the faith was Timaim, a minister of Bremen (1555). It may be said to have been fully developed in the treatise of Brentz (1561) entitled Be Personali Unione duarum Naturarum in Christo et ascensione Cliristi in ccelum ac scssione Ejus ad dexteram Dei Patris, qua vera Corporis et Sanguinis Cliristi prccsentia in Caina explicata est et conjirmata. ^ Above, p. 90. * Above, p. 82. With respect to Poland, see p. 83, n. 3, pp. 85, 86, and for a specimen of the state of feeling in the northern states of Ger- many, p. 68, n. 5, where the word 'Zwinglianer' is meant to designate the Swiss school in general. 5 Schiller, Thirtij Years' TFar, p. 37, Lond. 1847. After the last of these changes, which were all effected arbitrarily by the civil j^ower, the Calvinistic teachers that were given to the elector Frederic IV. , at the age of nine years, 'were ordered, if necessary, to drive the Lutheran her3sy out of the soul of their pupil with blows.' <» Above, p. 69: cf. Ebrard, ii. 577. m.] and the Stciss Reformers. 159 alliance with Melanclitlion ; and accordingly his modified opinions on the Eucharist and other subjects, as expressed in the Confessio Van'ata, had obtained a general currency. Being himself a native of the district, he was much re- spected in the university of Heidelberg, which he visited in 1557, and thereby strengthened^ the impression which the fame of his piety and writings had produced. But in the following year, the ultra-Lutherans, who misconstrued liis unwillingness to speak distinctly on the Eucharistic question, repeated the attempts to undermine his influence". Loud in their assertions that the orthodoxy and integrity of the Reformation were in danger, they prevailed in gaining the ear of the elector Otho Henry (1556-1559), and on the arrival of Heshus, whom he nominated ixeneral- superintendent of the Church in the Palatinate, the old materials of controversy were all lighted up afresh ^ The 'Crypto-Calvinist' selected for attack was one of the deacons of Heidelberg, William Klewitz (Klebitius). There is perliaps nothing in the earlier phases of the quarrel, sickening as they often are, that matches the extreme acerbity of the present combatants ; and Frederic IIL, who succeeded Otho in 1559, exerting Avhat was now an ordi- nary stretch of the prerogative, endeavoured to supi^ress 1 Ebrard, 11. .^80. *^ They seem to have been instigated more especially by the proceed- ings of a Conference held at Frankfort in 1558, when, stung by the re- proaches of the anti-reformation party, the Protestaut princes determined to publish a decree (March 18), enjoining all persons to hold fast by the Augsburg Confession, and at the same time adding determinations on certain points then controverted. Eespecting the Eucharist it is decreed, ' dass in dieser, des Herrn Christi, Ordnung seines Abeudmals er wahr- Iriftig, lebendig, wesentlich und gegenwartig sey, audi mit Brod nnd Weiu, also von ihm geordnet, uns Christen seiu Leib und Blut zu essen und zu trinken gegeben,und bezeugethiermit, dass wir seine Gliedmassen seyen, applicirt uns sich selbst und seine guaiiige Verheissung, und wirkt in uns-' sec Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschn. ix. 489 sq. One of the princes who subscribed this pacificatory document wss Christopher, duke of Wih-tcmberg; but as if to shew that he believed it condemnatory of Zwinglians and Calvinists, lie proceeded to banish them from his terri- tories. At the same time John Frederic, duke of Saxe-Gotha, placed himself at the head of the extreme Lutherans, and iiublished a Coiifu- tatio (Jena, 155!)) of the chief ' corruptohx) ' and sectarians of his age, including both the 'Synergistic' or 'free-will' party and the Zwiuglians. ^ On a contemporary dispute at Bremen, between Timann (above, p. 158, n. 2) and Hardonberg, a Crypto-Calviuist, and its connexion with the present troubles, see Ebrard, ir. 582 sq. IMelanchthon died in the midsi of this ' rabies theologorum ' (April 19, 15 GO). i6o Coiiflicts between the Saxon [chap. Triumph of h\odified Calvinism,. Further rl- citisitudes. Fresh di- vcnjcncics the furious agitation by displacing both the leaders, and enjoining silence on the rest. He afterwards proceeded to evince a bias for the ritual and dogmatic system of the Calvinists, although discarding not a fev,r of the more start- ling peculiarities^ developed by the writers of that school. Under his auspices the Heidelberg, or Palatine, Cate- chism, so deeply clierished and so widely circulated by the moderate Calvinists of later times^, was given to the public. The compilers of it were Olevianus and Ursinus, the former symbolizing witli the doctor of Geneva, the latter with Melanchthon. They availed themselves of the existing catechisms, especially of one arranged by Calvin for the members of his flock, and of a second which had been constructed by John Laski in 1553. Yet notwithstanding these affinities the work has steered away as fiir as possible from speculative topics, while in its exposition of the Eucharist it has retained the middle place marked out by the Confessio Variata^. In the following reign, however, that of Louis IV., which commenced in 1576, these changes were as suddenly reversed by the establishment of ultra- Lutheran tenets. Ministers suspected of a leaning either to the modified principles of Melanchthon, or still more to Calvinism, were very roughly handled, being driven from their parishes, and even chased across the frontiers. The persecution raged till 1583, when Frederick IV., the new elector, determined to fetch back the exiles, and revive the interdicted usages and doctrines. Calvinism, in its most rigorous form, was subsequently taught from every pulpit ; and at the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, the south of Germany exhibited the shocking spectacle of Lutherans and Reformed recoiling from each other, in the hour of need, with hatred scarcely less implacable than that which animated both of them in the hostility they bore to Rome*. For, as the century advanced, these two great parties 1 Ibid. pp. 598 sq. - It is said to combine Tintimite cle Luther, la clart(^ de M^lanc- thon, et le feu de Calvin:' Thomas, La Confession Hclvetique, p. 113: see it (German and Latin) in Niemeyer, pp. 390 sq., with the editor's Praf. pp. Ivii sq. The compilers seem to have followed the order of the Epistle to the Eomans, omittinj^ ch. ix.-xi. ^ Niemeyer, pp. 409-411; Ebrard, pp. G04sq. 4 Schiller, Thirty Years' War, p. 38. III.] and the Stviss Beformers. .161 found their principles diverging more and more, and even threatening to result in a complete antagonism. Postponing for the present the investigation of their numerous litur- gical differences, which nevertheless liad been produced in a considerable measure by their different conceptions of the Eucharist \ we may observe again that they regarded the most central dogma of the Incarnation from two distinct points of view^ The Lutherans, to establish their peculiar ideas of ubiquity, had dwelt with special emphasis upon the union of Divine and human in the Person of the Christ ; the Calvinists, in order to evade the force of such an argument, as uniformly placed a greater stress on the distinctness of the Natures. Thus the foTmer were exposed to charges of Eutychianism; the latter of a tendency in the direction of Nestorianism. But though such formidable accusations frequently recurred, they were outnumbered by a second class of controversies, relating either to Calvin's dogma of predestination abstractedly considered, or to its effect in traversing the sacramental tenets^ advocated by himself and members of his party. Melanchthon who on other points has been suspected of approximating closely to the Genevese reformers, was on this entirely at variance with them''. And the opposition which he offered accord- ingly to the Consensus Tigurinus was perpetuated and intensified by the more rigorous followers of Luther. So Ions: indeed as Calvin seemed to take his stand in the position occupied by St Augustine, he was unfformly treated with respect ; but no sooner w^as it made apparent that, through his identifying the grace of regeneration and the grace of perseverance, he limited the efficacy of sacra- ments to the particular class of Christians destined to be ultimately saved, than feelings of disapprobation, bordering ^ See Kalaris, Die Lehre vom Ahendmahle, p. 424. 2 Above, pp. ll'i, IIG. ^ Above, p. 119, and n. 2. * Hence when Calvin forwarded the ' Consensus Tif:jurinns ' to him, | ho refused to endorse it (see Ebrard, 11. 530) : and the ' Consensus Gene- vensis,' drawn up by the Swiss during the controversy of Calvin with Bolsec (above, p. 118, n. 3), was equally distasteful to Melanchthon. 'A cet <^gard,' says Thomas, La Confession Helvetiqvc, p. 105, 'c'est lui, parmi les E^formateurs, qui s'eloigna le plus de Calvin dont 11 se rap- procha tellement sur d'autrcs points.' According to the same writer Bullinger himself ' Melanchthonized ' on the subject of predestination; pp. 141, 142. between the txoo rival schools : rcstprrfinfj the Incar- nation; 11. P. 11 Predfsti' naiwii ; and the hearing of this 'Upon the efficacy of Sacra- ments. I 62 Conflicts hetiueen the Scwon [chap. on disgust, found utterance in the public manifestoes of the Lutherans, as well as in the writings of their principal divines^ These feelings are betrayed especially in the Formula Concorch'ce, the last in order of the Lutheran Confessions, or symbolical books. On the death of Melanchthon in 1560, the party who were treading in his footsteps and abstain- irjg, like himself, from arbitrary speculations on the nature of the presence in the Eucharist, had constantly exposed themselves to the assaults of more decided Lutherans '^ ^ Thus to take tbe case of baptism as bandied by Gerhard {Loci Thcol. IV. 81G, Jenas, 1623). After quotmg an objection of the Anabaptists, he says that it was borrowed from Beza and his party, ' qui statuunt infantes qnosdam, absolute Dei decreto rejectos, non regenerari, etiamsi millies baptizentur,' In the name of the Lutherans, however, he declares : ' Sed cum hoc errore nobis nihil est eommercii, qui infantes etiam repro- bos, h. e. eos qui progressu a^tatis a gratia excidunt, et a?ternum pereunt, atque hoc modo se reprobos esse ipso actu ostendunt, vere per baptismum regenerari dieimus.' As early as 15G9 the Kirchen-Ordnung of Bruns- wick and Liineburg (pp. 04, 65, Hannover, 1853) rebuked certain ' Calvi- nisten ' for their teaching on the subject of infant baptism, particularly for representing that sacrament as little more than obsignatonj of grace already communicated to the elect; (baptismum sane jam non pro medio ullo nostra) salutis, sed pro obsignaculo potius habere nos, oportet intel- ligamns, nedum ut per baptismum primum omnium Christo Domino in- seramur,' is, for example, the view of Laski, J)e Sacravientis Ecclesixe, fol. 10 b, Lond. 1552). The Saxons even proceeded further, and in a series of Articuli Visitatorii issued at the close of the century, described the general teaching of the Calvinists on infant baptism as ' falsa et erronea ' (Francke's Libri St/jubol. Eccl. LiitJieraiue, Pars iii. Append, p. 119). The following are specimens of the tenets there censured ; ' Non omnes, ^ qui aqua baptizantur, consequi eo ipso gratiam Christi aut donum fidei, sed tantum electos Electos et regenitos non posse fidem et Spiritum Sanctum amittere aut damnari, quamvis omnis generis grandia peccata et flagitia committant.' ^ One of the last persecutions inflicted by the ultra-Lutherans occur- red in Saxony itself (1;j74). The elector Augustus had been induced cbiefly by the arguments of Peucer, son-in-law of Melanchthon, to adopt the Calvinistic sUitements res}3ecting the Eucharistic presence, which were formally accepted by the ' Consensus Dresdensis ' (Oct. 1571). As soon, however, as the ' Crypto-Calvinists ' expressed themselves more plainly in their Exegesis loersjjicua Controversice de Co^na Domini (1574), many of their leaders were imprisoned, and others had to seek for safety in flight: see Oieseler, iii. ii. p. 267. (ed. Bonn). After these reverses, ' Philippism,' or 'Ciypto-Calvinism,' was principally found in the Palati- nate, in Nassau, and in Anhalt. The principles which it continued to avow are stated at length (1579) in the liepetitio Anhaltina (Niemeyer, pp. 612 s((.), ' extructa super fundamentum S. Literarum, juxta consen- sum totius orthodoxn^ antiquitatis, et scholaslicorum sinceriorum, cum quibus consentit et Lutherus, ubi hunc locum [/. c. respecting the hypo- static union] ex professo et solide tractat.' HI,] and the Swiss Beformers. 163 Controversies which then raged in many quarters, most of all in the distracted Church of the Palatinate, were pouring rancour into these deplorable divisions ; and it was accord- ingly made obvious that, unless some measures were de- vised for settling the more prominent and irritating ques- tions of the day, the mighty system raised by Luther and his coadjutors was in danger of exploding. Three persons now came forward to superintend the work of pacification \ They were Andrea, chancellor of the university of Tu- bingen, Chemnitz, the most able theologian in the north of Germany and ecclesiastical superintendent of Bnmswlck, and Chytrseus, a professor in the university of Kostock. After several interruptions they completed their tasb at Bergen near Magdeburg in 1577, from which circumstance tiie Formula of Concord has been termed the 'Book of Bergen.' It consists of two parts, (1) the 'Epitome' or outline of the Christian faith, according, to the views of Lutheran orthodoxy, and (2) the 'Solida Declaratio,' a lucid and elaborate exposition of the former. In this trea- tise, coloured as it is by all the disputations^ of the period, we bell old the full development of Lutheran tenets under a scholastic and coherent shape, not only as they stand contrasted with Tridentine Romanism and Anabaptism of every hue, but also as distinguished from the characteristic features simultaneously brought out in the j^roductions of the Swiss reformers. The Booh of Concord, Avhere the ^ See Anton's Gesch. der Coneordienfonnel, Leipzig, 1779. and Francke's Praf. to the third part of the Libj-i Symbolici Eccl. Lutlicr., where the work is printed at length. 2 Thus of the eleven chapters contained in the ' Epitome,' the first, De Peccato Ori(jinis, is meant to vindicate the truth against Flacius II- lyricus (above, p. 45, n. 1); the second, J)c> Libero Arhitrio, against the Synergistic party (above p. 45, n. 1) and others, who appeared to swerve in the direction of Pelagianism ; the third, De Juxtitiajidci coram Deo, against Osiander and his school (above, p. 64, n. 1) ; the fourth, De bonis Operibns, with reference to the Majoristic controversy (above, p. 45, n. 1); the seventh, De Cvcna Domini, against the Sacramentarii (Zwiugli, Calvin and the rest); the eighth, De Persona Christi, against the same; the eleventh, De (Cterna Prcedestinatione ct Electione Dei, against the same (the object being to establish a distinction between the pra'science of God and His predestination, and to affirm the conditional character of the Divine decrees). To which is added, in the form of an Appendix, a condemnation of heresies and sects which had never embraced the Augs- burg Confession, — ^Vnabaptists, Schweukfeldians, new Arians, and Anti- Lrinitarians. 11—2 1 64 Conflicts among the Beformers. [chap various symbolical writings of the Saxon school had been combined in 1580, was not indeed accepted with absolute unanimity in all the states and churches which continued to revere the memory of Luther\ Still the principles con- solidated in the formulary of this period will be found to have exercised a very general sway in Lutheran commu- nities at the conclusion of the sixteenth century. 1 Fj. g. The Formula of Concord was not received in Denmark, see Miinter, iii. 304, note. The feelings it excited in the several states of Germany may be inferred partly from the names of the subscribers (Francke, in. pp. 15 sq. ), and partly from evidence collected in Gie- seler, in. ii. pp. 302 sq. (ed. Bonn). An illustration of the way in which it was regarded by tlie reforming party in the Netherlands, is furnished by Brandt, i. 364, 365. IV ( 1^5 ) CHAPTER IV. THE ENGLISH AND IRISH REFORMATION. ENGLAND. In 1521 the English monarch forwarded to Rome a copy of the treatise he had just completed in refutation of 'Martin Luther the heresiarch\' On this occasion, Clerk, the envoy ^ who presented the sumptuous manuscript to Leo X., expatiated on the perfect orthodoxy of his country- men and their entire devotion to the Roman pontiff; — little dreaming that in the course of the next thirty years an era fatal to the old opinions would have dawned on every shire of England as on other parts of Western Christendom, and least of all anticipating that one of the prime movers in the changes then accomplished would be Henry VIII. himself, who in return for his chivalrous vindication of the schoolmen had been dubbed 'Defender of the Faith^.' ^ Above, p. 30, n, 2 : cf. Audin's narrative in his Hist, de Henri VIII. I. 259 sq. Paris, 18-47. The zeal of the monarch was inflamed and his arguments supj)orted by the leading prelates of the day. Thus Fisher bp. of liochester preached at St Paul's (May 12, 1521) 'again y® pernicious doctryn of Martin Luther;' his sermon professing to have been 'made by y® assyngnement of y^ moost reuerend fader in God y^ lord Thomas cardinal of York' [i. e. Wolsey]. Two years later appeared the same pre- late's more elaborate defence of Henry VIII. entitled Adsertionis Luther- ance Confutatio, and also Powel's Fropugiiacidum, the title of which cha- racterizes Luther as an infamous friar and a notorious ' Wicklifist.' On subsequent passages between the two chief antagonists, Henry VIII. and Luther, see Waddington, ii. 107 sq. 2 In 1523 we find him made bishop of Bath and "Wells (see Godwin, De PrcesuUbus Atujlite, p. 387, Cantab. 1743); and afterwards among the prelates who subscribed the English Articles of 1536. His 'Oratio' before the pope is prefixed to the original edition of the Libellus Begins. For other proofs that England was supposed to be uncontaminated by heresy as late as 1528, see above, p. 132, n. 2. ^ See tlie bull of Ijco X. by which this title was conferred (Oct. 11, 1521) in Wilkins, Concil. iii. G'J3. The title itself, however, was not new. ENGLAKD. Henry VUI. and Luther. 1 66 The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. Lollardism compara- tively in- operative. There is good reason^ for concluding that throughout the dark and troublous period called the 'wars of the Roses/ a few scattered seeds of Lollardism continued to bear fruit in the remoter parts of England ; nor after the accession of Henry VII., when the authorities in Church and State obtained more leisure for pursuing their repres- sive policy, could the elements infused into society by Wycliffe and his colleagues be entirely trodden out^ It is remarkable, however, that the rise, the progress, and the final triumphs of the English Reformation, were not sensibly affected by his principles. They may have, doubt- less, given birth to certain undercurrents of religious feel- ing which predisposed one fraction of the English people to accept the new opinions : the circulation also of th'e Wycliffite versions of Holy Scripture, and of tracts like those preserved in the * Poor Caitif 7 ni^y have shaken here and there the confidence which men had formerly reposed in the established errors and abuses : yet the impulses by which this country was aroused to vindicate its independence of all foreign jurisdictions, to assert the ancient faith, and to recast the liturgy and other forms of public worship, are not traceable to any of the feverish haying been applied to previous kings, e.g. to Henry lY. (1411); Ibid. III. 334. ^ The fullest, if not always the fairest and most critical, account is that of Foxe, Booke of Martyrs, pp. 658 sq. Lond, 1583. Many of his examples in the reign of Henry VI. are taken from the diocese of Norwich, 2 Thus in 1485 several persons were burned at Coventry for holding Lollard doctrines {IMd. pp. 777, 778) : and in 1521 (to pass by other cases of persecution in the interval) a considerable number of what were termed .'laiowne-men,' or 'just-fastmen' {Ibid. p. 820), were driven to recant or .else put to death at the instigation of John Longland, bishop of Lincoln {Ibid. pp. 821 — 837). The term 'knowne-men' was applied by the Lollards to themselves from 1 Cor. xiv. 38: see Pecock's Repressor of overmuch blaming of the Clergy, Part i. ch. xi, p. 53, ed. Babington, in Chronicles and Memorials, &c. Among other grounds on which the^ suffered the following is very noticeable: 'Some for reading the Scrip- tures or treatises of Scripture in English ; some for hearing the same read.' Foxe maintains that all these victims were uninfluenced by the writings of the Wittenberg reformer (p. 819). See other evidence of the same purport in Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, i. 27 sq. Lond. 1681. Colet, in his famous Sermon, 'made to the Convocation at Paulis' (Knight's Life, p. 298, Lond. 1724), writes in 1511: 'Wo are also now a dayea greued of heretykes, men mad with merueylous folysshenes: but the heresies of them are nat so pestilent and pernicious vnto us and the peo- ple, as the euyll and wicked lyfe of prestes. 3 See Middle Age, p. 420. The English and Irish Beformation. IV.] agitations which the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries produced. The real causes of the change, however mixed and multiform they may have been, are all resolvable into three descriptions : First, the feelings of distrust, and ultimately of resent- ment, which had been awakened and exasperated by the follies, schisms and usurpations of the papacy \ — a class of feelings frequently appearing in transactions of the older English parliaments ^ but never suffered to explode until the crown, on the humiliation and extinction, by the wars of the Roses, of the older nobility, had found itself in a position to withstand the judgments of the spiritual courts and fix a limit to the vast predominance obtained by the superior ecclesiastics ^ Secondly, the higher standards of intelligence and piety prevailing in the English universities'*, especially among ^ See aLove, pp. 3-fi, and Middle Aar, pp. 321 sq. - Numerous instances have been collected by Twysden, Hist. Vindica- tion of the Church, pp. 79 sq. Camb. 1847. ^ See above, p. G. In 151(3 a sermon was preaclied by Eederminster, abbot of Winchcombe, in which he endeavoured to establish the exemp- tion of the clergy from the punishment of the secular judicature, — an effort which after some controversy induced the king to reassert his own supremacy in most decided langiiage: cf. the account in Burnet, i. 13 sq., who is mistaken, however, where he says that the abbot published a book ('mist avant un lieu d'un decret' is the hmguage of the Laiv Report to which the historian himself refers). Another illustration of the way in which the jiirisdiction of the temporal courts was reasserted may be seen in the case of Eichard Hunne (151(3),; Burnet, Ibid. The same tendency is still more manifest in a scarce tract C-* written at first in Latin by bishop Fox in 1534), which seems to have appeared just before the final act of separation from Eome, with the title A treatise concernynge the diuiaion hitweene the spirytualtie and temporaltic (Camb, Univ. Libr. ab, 13, ()): while the translator of the Constitiitiens Prouinciallcs and of Otho and Octhobone (1534) is under the necessity of declaring in his Preface that the document is 'nat put forthe to bynde any o-f our most gracious soueraygne lorde the kynges subiectos.' 'For the clergy of this realm e (wliome comenly we have vsed to call the churche, or the spiritaltie) witliout thassent of y^ kynges hyghnes, the nobilite and comens of this realme, haue neuer had, ne yet haue, any iuste and lawful power to make any constitutions or lawes ouer any of our saj'de soueraygne lorde the kynges subiectes.' This translator nevertheless declares himself an ad- versary of the 'now lerning lately si:)rongcn.' * Erasmus himself visited Oxford as early as 1497, where he made the acquaintance of Colet, Linacre, Sir Thomas More and others. He subse- quently became the Lady Margaret professor of divinity and also professor of Greek at Cambridge, under the auspices of Fisber, president of Queens' College (1505-15U8), and bishop of Rochester (1504-lo35). Another Cam- bridge worthy was George Stafford, whose lectures in divinity had pro- 167 ENGLAND. Agencies at icork in producing the English refoiina- tion. i68 The English and Irish Reformation. [chap that class of students who imbibed the literary tastes, and with them the reformatory spirit, propagated by Erasmus. Thirdly, the direct influence which had been exerted by the circulation in England of Lutheran tracts^ and other publications tending to produce analogous results. The first of these three causes would naturally operate most in the immediate atmosphere of the court. It was, however, by no means restricted to that narrow circle : it affected also a large knot of bishops'", who, while tlr?y abandoned their belief in the papal supremacy almost without a scruple, could see nothing to amend in other dogmas authorized, or commonly advocated, in the Avhole of "Western Christendom. The second cause was felt es- pecially among the thoughtful and more earnest class of academics^ whose extended knowledge of antiquity had strengthened their distaste for mere scholasticism, had duced a mighty change in the course of study pursued by Latimer: see the account prefixed to Latimer's Remains, p. xxvii. ed. P, S. ^ As early as 1520 Polydore Vergil mentions the importation of a great number of 'Lutheran books' {Hist. Angl. Lib, xxvii. p. 57: this part of the work is misplaced in the Leyden edition of 1651). In 1521 Cardinal Wolsey issued a mandate 'de extradendis M. Lutheri libris;' see Wilkins, Concil. in. 690 sq. and Audin, Hist, cle Henri VIII. i. 275. Other proceedings of the same kind wei-e instituted in 1526, and one of Wolsey's latest admonitions to his royal master was ' on God's name, that he have a vigilant eye to depresse this newe sorte of Lutherans;' Cavendish, Life ofWoUey, p. 272, new ed. Lond. 1852. 2 The bishops with the exception of Fisher acquiesced in all the earlier changes brought about under Henry VIII. In the words of Pugin, Earnest Address on the Establishment of the Hierarchy (Lond. 1851), 'the remonstrance' of Fisher was 'unsupported by his colleagues' (p. 2), and 'a catholic nation' was 'betrayed by a corrupted catholic hierarchy.' Some of them evinced no ordinary share of zeal and learning in defence of their new opinions. See, for instance, Bp. Gardiner's 'oration' (1535) De Vera Obedientia (in Brown's Fasciculus, ii. 802 sq. : cf. Maitland's Essays on the lieformation, No. xvii. No. xviii. respecting the Preface), and Bp. Tunstall's remarkable sermon against the papal supremacy (1539), reprinted in 1823. The former of these prelates very stoutly defends the title 'summum in terris caput Ecclesia3 AnglicanaB' as applied to Henry VIII., laying special stress, however (p. 810], on the phrase in terris, and also on the epithet Anglicance. 3 Above, p. 167, n. 4. At the close of the 15th century, Dean Colet, whose life by Knight presents an excellent picture of this class of minds, revived the practice of lecturing at Oxford on Holy Scripture instead of the Schoolmen (cf. Luther's method, above, p. 15, n, 1). He was also thoroughly Erasmian in his advocacy of the Greek language; and Henry VIII. rendered valuable service to the same cause by a mandate which he transmitted to Oxford in 1519: see Warton, Engl. Poetry, iii. 5, 6, Lond. 1840. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 169 widened the horizon of their theological studies, and im- j^elled them to more sedulous investigation of the Bible and the Early Fathers. Such pursuits, however, had not seriously weakened their attachment to the hierarchy, the service-books, or ritual institutions of the English Church. The third of these causes, harmonizing it would seem with trains of thought and feeling already generated by the Lollard movement, was more popular in its form and sometimes threatened to be democratic in its growth and operation. It would act most beneficially indeed so long as it gave prominence to sacred truths which had been grievously displaced or half-forgotten during the inertness of the Middle Ages ; but its balance was destroyed, and therefore it became the parent of disorder and confusion, when it afterwards endeavoured to effect the violent eradi- cation of whatever had been associated in the public mind with superstitions and abuses. Out of these threefold agencies, combined as they have been and modified through combination, rose the complex structure known as the 'Reformed Church of Eno-land,' whose eventful history has therefore ever since exhibited the operation of various elements, instinct with life and spirit, but imperfectly adapted and attempered to each other. The Reformers based their work upon the prin- ciple that Christian nations, and consequently national churches, do not owe allegiance, as a matter of Divine right, to any foreign potentate whatever^; — thus recover- ing^ on the one side the idea of royal supremacy as it was ^ See above, p. 7. 2 Gardiner in his De Vera Obedientia (Brown, 11. 808) has many striking observations on this point: e. fj. 'Nam quemadmodum apiid ju- risconsultos, ut loquuntur ipsi, jurisdictioncs iuterdum varia? ab eodem manantes non so invicem perimunt, sed mutuis auxiliis consistentcs con- currunt: sic quod Apostolis et iis, qui in eorum locum succedunt, re- gimen Ecclesiffi committitur, nulla in parte id quod ante a Deo princi- pibus commissum est, toUere, miuuereve censeatur. Neque minor sane est parochi cura parochianorum, quod curare etiam debet episcopus, uec episcopi jurisdictio ideo nulla putetur, quod, superiorem agnoscat arcbiepiscopum .... Quemadmodum itaque iis suo quisque munere fun- gens, non detrahere sibi invicem, sed auxiliari videtur, sic quod Apostolis, et qui in eorum locum succedunt, regimen Ecclesire commissum reperi- tur, id quod antea a Deo principibus commissum est, haudquaquam tollitur.' He afterwards asks (p. 811): 'Quoties autem legimus causas liaereseos apud C.esares et principes agitatas, ipsorumque examine discus- sas f uisse ? Si antiquas retro priucipum leges excutiemus, quam multas ENGLAND. General character- istics of the Re formed Church of Enjland. I70 KNGLAND. Proximate cause of the movement. The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. exercised of old by men like Constantine, Justinian or Charlemagne, and on the other side maintaining the com- petency of domestic synods to correct all deviations from the ancient faith which may exist within the limits of their own jurisdiction. The Reformers, in the second place, secured the oneness of the Modern with the Mediaeval church of England by preserving the continuity of its or- ganization, by unbroken ties of holy orders, by innumerable traditions of thought and sentiment, of faith, of feeling and of ritual, such especially as the Prayer Book has retained in common with the service-books of other churches. In the third place, the Reformers openly directed their appeal to the intelligence and reasoning powers no less than to the conscience of the individual churchman, affirming the necessity of personal faith in God and personal fellowship with Christ, the new Man from heaven, insisting on the right of each who has been gifted with the critical faculty to ascertain the real basis of his creed, and thus connecting a revival of religion with the growth of intellectual freedom and the onward march of man and of society. The Reformation in this country did not spring, like the analogous events of Germany and Switzerland, from any single leader, though it also was considerably affected in its earlier stages by the force of one great impulse. To understand the proximate causes of the change, we must revert to a collision that commenced in 1527 between the English monarch and the pontiff touching the Romish doctrine of divorce \ The eldest son of Henry YIL, prince Arthur, was married Nov. 14, 1501, to Catharine, daughter reperiemns ad religionera et Ecclesiam pertinentes ipsormn regum jussu et autoritate latas, promulgatas, ac demaudutas execiitioni ? ' ^ The following extract is takeu from an Apolociy for king Henry VIII., written in 1547 by "William Thomas: 'For, incontinently after Campegio's departure [Oct. 1529 j, the kynge assailed in conscience of his first divorced matrimonye, both by the law of God, and also by the publique consent of the whole church of England, and hys barons and hys commons, preceded unto his second matrymonye, without further bribe or sute unto the pope, so that Clement seyng hys lyne broken, and the fish escaped with the hooke or bayte, like a mad ragyng dog vomited his fulminacions, and by consistorial sentence excommunicated both kynge and country; aflfirmyng that the kynge began to rebell against the Komayne see, for none other reason but because hys holy fatherhed woulde not graunte hym the licence of the new mariage.' Quoted ia Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 143, Lond. 1852. The English and Irish Beformation. IV.] of Ferdinand king of Aragon. The prince \ however, died in the following April, and his thrifty father, unwilling to restore the dowry of so great an heiress, succeeded in pro- curing a bull of dispensation^ from pope Julius II. (Dec. 26, 1503) for the sake of marrying Catharine to his other son, the future Henry YIII. The parties were accordingly affianced, and their nuptials ultimately solemnized (June 3, 1509), soon after the accession of the royal bridegroom to the throne of his father (April 22). One daughter, Mary, born on the 18th of Feb. 1516, was the sole surviving issue of the union ; and for this cause either alone, or as combined with others ^ it was rumoured in the summer of 1527 that Henry had become dissatisfied with his position, and intended to divulge his scruples to the pontiff in the hope of obtaining an immediate divorce. The tedious negotiations that ensued were still further complicated by manoeuvres of cardinal Wolsey* on the one side and of ^ That the marriage was never actually consummated is urged by Eoman-catholic historians: e.rj. Audin, Hist, de Henri VIII. i. 53. It is so stated by King Ferdinand ; Pocock, Becords of the Reformation, ii. 42G. 2 Keprinted in Audin, i. 543, 544. The ostensible object of the pope was to cement a union between the kingdoms of Spain and England. But for some cause or other Henry VII. afterwards changed his mind, and before the prince was old enough to ratify the contract, forced him to declare against it. The marriage was accordingly suspended till the death of Henry VII., which occurred April 21, 1509. ^ Many persons, as Dodd remarks {Church Hist. ed. Tierney, i. 17G, Lond. 1839), believed that Anne Boleyn, whom Henry afterwards mar- ried, ' stood behind the curtain all the while ;' but the same writer pro- ceeds to state that in his opinion other motives had ' concurred to carry on the divorce.' Wolsey is very often charged with being the real insti- gator of it (see Turner, Modern Hist, of England, ii. 146 sq. Lond. 1828, and the note in p. 118 of Cavendish, Life of Card. Wolsey, Lond. 1852) ; while Cardinal Pole unhesitatingly aflirms that the idea was originally suggested to Henry by certain obscure divines whom Anne Boleyn sent to him for that purpose: cf. Aiidin, i. 387. The spirit in which Henry com- menced the process may perhaps be more truly gathered from the answer he addressed to Clerk, bishop of Bath: 'The bull is good or it is naught. If it be naught let it be so declared; and if it be good, it shall never be broken by no ways for me.' Turner, Ibid. p. 162. * Whatever may have been Wolsey's first impressions, a long letter which he wrote Dec. 5, 1527, contains the strongest arguments that could be urged in favour of tlie divorce (see it in Burnet, ' Eccords,' Vol. i. No. III. Lond. 1681). Partly through his efforts and partly through those of Gardiner who went to Rome upon the same business, the pope was actually induced to admit the justice of Henry's cause and thus to recognize the invalidity of the marriage (July 23, 1528) ; though his dread of the emperor soon afterwards constrained him to repudiate the admission : cf . Turner, i. 223, 257, on the one side, with Audin, i, 45G, on the other. i7r ENGLAXD. Marrlar/c of Ilenrj VIII. Project of divorce : The English and Jj'ish Reformation. [cHAP. Catharine's imperial nephew Charles V. upon the other. But Henry had at length the satisfaction of ascertaining that his case would be adjudged in London, Wolsey and another legate, the cardinal Campeggio\ being the ap- pointed arbitrators. After fresh evasions and delays, both Catharine and himself appeared in open court^ at the house of the Black Friars, June 21, 1529. It was now currently reported that some regular sentence of divorce was on the eve of publication ; but on the 23rd of July, Campeggio alleging the practice of the Roman consistory, adjourned the court for vacation until the following October, and in the mean time Catharine had received express permission from Clement YIl.^ to carry her appeal to Rome^ The spirit of the English monarch was by nature vehe- ment and boisterous, fiery and impatient of control. He had joreserved, however, a large amount of moderation^ during the years already wasted in the prosecution of his object, yet no sooner did he hear of the last formidable obstruction than the storm of his displeasure burst, and ^ Henry had in 1524 conferred on liim the bishopric of Salisbury (God- win, De Prcesulihus, p. 353, Cantab. 1743); and on other grounds it was expected by the courtiers that his judgment would be favourable. He arrived in England at the close of September, 1528. ^ See the full and interesting report in Stow's Annales, pp. 540 sq. Lond. 1631. The King's principal advocate was Sampson, afterwards bishop of Chichester, and author in 1535 of a short treatise De Vera OhecUcntia Refji prcestanda (in Brown's Fascic. ii. 820). On the side of Catharine, the leaders were Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and doctors Standish and Ridley, the last being uncle of the great reformer (Caven- dish, Life of Wolsey, p. 127, Lond. 1852). The archbishop, Warham, who had originally objected to the marriage, yielded when the dispensa- tion was issued, and afterwards inclined to the side of Catharine. ^ Clement, during his struggle with Charles (above, p. 47), earnestly implored the help of Henry VIII., but the latter excused himself upon the ground that the war between the emi^eror and the pope was ' not for the faith, but for temporal possessions,' Turner, ii. 104, note. 4 Dodd, I. 196, note. In the same work will be found, 'Appendix,' No. XIX. the bull of Clement (March 7, 1530), forbidding Henry to contract a second marriage, until the first shall have been judicially and properly annulled, as also No. xxxiv. the definitive bull (March 23, 1534) declaring the original marriage to be valid. A large number of documents on the History of the Divorce are given in the Appendices to Burnet; by Mr. Pocock in his Records of the Reformation, Oxford, 1870; and by Theiner in his Vetera Momimenta Hihernorum et Scotorum, Rome, 1864. s E.g. at the outset of the negotiations he declared that having had patience for eighteen years, he would ' stay yet four or five more.' Turner, II. 162. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. ^73 lighted irretrievably upon the head of the favourite, Wol- sey\ It is a remarkable symptom of the times that in disgracing his old minister, Henry YIII. had the boldness to employ a weapon which had been provided to his hands among the ancient statutes of the realm, — one of the acts of Prcemimire\ which required that no papal bull should be executed in England till the royal licence was obtained; whereas the lawyers in conducting the impeachment most unscrupulously contended that the cardinal in exercising his legatine functions had omitted to obtain such licence, and had therefore placed himself within the range of a tremendous penalty. A progress made by Henry at this juncture was the means of introducing to his notice the man who w^as to take the most prominent, if not the most influential, place in the earlier proceedings of the English Reformation. Thomas Cranmer^ was born at Aslacton in Nottingham- shire, July 2, 1489. At the age of fourteen he proceeded to Jesus College, Cambridge, where after passing through the ordinary course of study"* he applied himself in 1519^ 1 See Cavendisli, Life of Wolscy, pp. 158 sq. LoncT. 1852. Although his property was confiscated, he was left in possession of the sees of York and Winchester: see Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 57, Lond. 1672, ^ Stat. 16 Kich. II. c. 5, in Stephens' Eccl. Statutes, i, 89 sq. The effect of the enactment {Ibid. p. 94, n. 1) was to put the persons attainted in a writ of pnemunire out of the King's protection, thus disabling them from having any action or remedy by the King's law or the King's writs, and confiscating all their lands and tenements, goods and chattels to the Crown. In the present case, however, Wolsey was provided with the King's licence under the great seal, and therefore one main charge of his accusers fell entirely to the ground (Cavendish, p. 196). He was at last accused of a treasonable correspondence with foreign states (Turner, ii. 297), and died on his way to London, Nov. 29, 1530. 3 See Strype's Memorials of Archbp. Cranmer (ed. E. H. S.), Oxf. 1848 — 1854, and Le Bas, Life of Archbp. Cranmer, Lond. 1833. ** According to Stiype, he was ' nursled in the grossest kind of sophis- try, logic, philosophy moral and natural : not in the text of the old philosophers, but chiefly in the dark riddles of Duns, and other subtile questionists,' In 1511 he seems to have formed his great acquaintance with the writings of Erasmus (p. 3). '^ Long before this date (circ. 1514) he married, and forfeited his fellow- ship at Jesus College, to which he had been elected in 1512. He was restored, however, on the death of his wife, which occurred within one year afterwards. On graduating in divinity, he was made ' preelector theologicus' of his college. Some additional light is thrown upon Cran- mer's boyhood by the narrative of his secretary, Ralph Morice, used oc- casionally by Strype, and of which an extract is printed in the British ENGLAND. Fall of Wolsei/. 7??.sc of Crannier, The English and Irish Reformation. [CTIAP. ENGLAND. Jfis opi- nion touch- in (I the divorce. to a closer examination of Holy Scripture, and advanced to the degree of doctor of divinity in 1523. When Henry, five years later, had determined to consult the principal universities at home and on the continent^ in order that he might if possible be armed with verdicts in his favour, Cambridge was included in the list, and Cranmer's name among the doctors chosen to discuss the problem. He did not, however, join in the proceedings'*, owing to his absence from the university: but in 1529 on meeting Gardiner and others of the royal retinue at Waltham in Essex ^ he expressed himself so clearly on the subjects uppermost in the mind of all, both canonists and courtiers, that Henr}?- was induced to send for him* and ultimately acted on his counsels. These were that the final adjudication of the controversy should be guided by the verdicts of the uni- versities, without submitting it afresh to the chicanery of pontiffs like Clement VII. The Cambridge doctor then Magazine, Vol. xxxvi. pp. 165 — 169. Miicli of the archbishop's diffidence aud timidity is traceable to 'a marvellous severe and cruell schoolmaster.' ^ Cavendish, Life of Wolseij, pp. 119, 120; who adds that 'diverse commissioners were incontinent appointed to this matter, who were divided as some to Oxonforde, some to Cambridge, some to Lovaine, some to Paris, some to Orleaunce, some to Bononye, and some to Padway, and so forthe.' Eight of these foreign determinations, bearing date 1529 aud 1530, are printed in Burnet, ' liecords,' Vol. ii. No. xxxiv.: of. Dodd, i. 200 sq. Turner, ii. 171, note, on the question as to whether any of the universities were blinded by bribes. ^ Le Bas, i. 32. For documents relating to the decisions of the Eng- lish Universities, see Burnet, 'Eecords,' Vol. in. No. xvi. and Dodd, i. 369 sq. 3 See the printed account of Morice, as above, p. 167. After in- forming us that 'Dr Stephens [Gardiner], the King's secretary, and Dr Fox, almos}Tier to the King,' were ' the great and only chief doers of the King's said cause at that time,' he adds that they and Cranmer were ' of old acquaintance, and meeting together the first night at supper, had familiar talk concerning the University of Cambridge, and so entering into further communication, they debated among themselves that great and weighty cause of the King's divorcement.' It would seem, however, that the plan had been suggested to the king by Kobert Wakefield and considered by the bishops as early as 1527. See J. H. Blunt, Reforma- tion of the Church of England, Oxford, 1869, pp. 129, 132. ^ Strype, i. 6. Cranmer was now consigned to the hospitality of Thomas Boleyn, earl of Wiltshire, a distinguished scholar and correspond- ent of Erasmus, and father of Ainie Bolejai, the next queen of Henry. He there composed his earliest treatise on the great question of the day, contending that marriage \vith a brother's widow is contrary to the law of (Tod. The work, however, appears to bo lost : see Dr Jenkyns' Pref. to his edition of Cranmer's liemalns, p. viii. Oxf. 1833. IV.] Hie English and Irish EeforTnation. 175 proceeded to develope his ideas on the papal supremacy, concluding that in cases like the present where the dis- pensation was believed to be at variance with the word of God, and the decisions of Councils and Fathers, it must be treated as completely null and void. He next consented to appear as one of the advocates of this principle at Rome itself \ where he resided with the king's ambassador in 1530 for the sake of mastering the repugnance, or of quieting the apprehensions of the pope. The death of archbishop Warham, which occurred Au- gust 23, 1532, resulted in Cranmer's elevation to the primacy of England. At first indeed he hesitated'"^, owing partly to his constitutional diffidence and partly to his foresight of the dangers that were thickening on his path ; but on the 30th of March, 1533, he was consecrated at St Stephen's, Westminster. Soon afterwards (May 23) he ventured to assert the independence of the English Church more plainly by pronouncing that the marriage of Henry with Ca.t;harine of Aragon had been invalid from the very fi^st^ These symptoms of hostility to Rome had been accompanied by a series of parliamentary enactments*, 1 Strype, i. 17 sq. In July, 1532, we find him at Nuremberg (Seclcen- dorf, lib. III. p, 41, col. 1) labouring to win over the Lutheran princes v.ho had hitherto been adverse to the project of his royal master (Le Eas, I. 40, 41). 2 Strype, i. 31 sq. Le Bas, i, 51 sq.: cf. Dodd, i. 212 sq. Before his consecration, where., according to the Mediaeval form, he had to take an oath of fidelity to the pontiff, he stated in the most public manner under what limitations he recognized the jurisdiction of the Roman Church. See the documents in Strype, i. Append. No, v. sq. One of the limita- tions stood as follows : ' Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum aut juramenta, quovismodo me obligare, quominus libere loqui, consu- lere, et consentire valeam, in omnibus et singulis, reformationem reli- gionis Christianas, gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanaj, aut praerogativam coronae ejusdem, reipublicKve commoditatem, quoquomodo conceruen- tibus,' etc.: cf, Gardiner's view of the same oath. Be Vera Obedientia, p. 819, 3 See the sentence in Wilkins, in, 759. Henry had been already married privately to Anne Boleyn (Jan. 25, 1533). Cranmer was not present at the ceremony (see Strype, i. 35, n."), but on the 28th of May he gave sentence in confirmation of the marriage. The fact that the princess Elizabeth was born on the 7th of the following September has naturally created a presumption adverse to the character of the new queen. For examples of the state of public feeling when the marriage was announced, sje Orlqinal Letters, ed Ellis, 11. 41 sq. Lond. 1825. * Htnt. 23 Hen. VIII. c, 20 (a.d, 1531); 24 Hen, VIII. c, 12 (\.i.. 1532); 25 Hen. VIIL c. 20, c. 21 (a.d, 1533). ENGLAND. Cranmer beeomes archbltshoi) 176 The English and Irish Reformation. [CHAP. hreach with Rome. Depression iif ecc/c- siudlcs. which not only forbade the payment of annates to the pope, and all appeal to his tribunals, but in 1534 entirely extirpated his jurisdiction with regard to other matters. We have seen that long before this rupture numerous indications had been given of Henry's purpose to curtail as far as possible the privileges of the ecclesiastics \ and the stirring circumstances in which he had been placed would naturally suggest the thought of dealing a still heavier blow. Accordingly we find him ready to maintain as early as 1531 and during the primacy of Warham^, that all the members of the English priesthood in admitting the claims of Wolsey to the exercise of legatine functions had so acted as to have incurred the penalty of Praemunire. This penalty, however, with his characteristic insincerity, the monarch now proposed to mitigate^ on the payment of exorbitant fines and with the understanding that his ecclesiastical supremacy should in future be more plainly recognized by all orders and estates of Englishmen. In furtherance of the latter object he assumed the title 'sole protector and supreme head of the Church''.' But mem- bers of Convocation who manifested very slight reluctance with regard to other changes would not tamely acquiesce at once in this exorbitant demand of Henry. The subject was repeatedly discussed in the southern province (1531), and after a debate of three days, it w^as determined that the title ' Supreme head on earth of the Church of England' could only be accepted with the limiting condition ' so far as may be consistent with the Law of Christ'^ {'quantum 1 Above, p. 1G7, n. 3. 2 Ou Warliam's opiuion touching the royal supremacy, see Strype, i. 29, 30. ^ See Burnet, i. 106 sq., Dodd, i. 232 sq. The province of Canterbury paid £100,000, and that of Yort, £18,840. ^ Kings were in olden times not unfrequently spoken of as * patroni ' of the Church. The writers in behalf of the 'Galilean Liberties' have especially drawn attention to such expressions, and have pointed out cases where the I^ng was called ' chef terrien de Tesglise,' ' chef-protec- teur,' and the like. See Twysden, Vindication of the Cfinrch, pp. 125 sq. Such titles were, however, open to objections on the score of profanity ; and with regard to that of ' supreme head,' queen Elizabeth formally dis- claimed it, substituting for it 'supreme governor:' cf. Article xxxvii. of 1562 with Article xxxvi. of 1552, and see Zurich Letters, ed. P. S. i. 24, 33. Archbp. Parker {Correspondence, p. 479) still ' feared the prerogative was not so gi-eat as Cecil's pen had given it her.' 5 See Burnet, i. 112, 113, and l)odd, p. 234, with the editor's note. IV.] The English and Irish Beformation. ^77 per Christi legem licet'). The act of Parliament \ how- ever, by which this title was secured to Henry VIII., in 1533, materially determined the future conduct and com- plexion of the English Reformation. It vested in the crown one class of rights and functions which the Roman pontiff and his agents had previously usurped, though not indeed without continual murmurs, expostulations and re- buffs. Ecclesiastics were constrained in future to acknow- ledge the ultimate jiuisdiction of domestic courts^: they ^^ere to recognize no earthly sovereign, master, or superior, beyond the conhnes of the English monarchy: they were disabled from meeting in their convocations, or provincial synods, until the metropolitans who summoned them ob- tained a special licence from the crown''. The acknowleclgement of the title thus modifietT was made in the convo- cation of Canterbury, March 22, and in that of Yorlc, May 4, 1531. Fitzlierbert, Coke and other lawyers maintain that the enactment passed at this juncture (1534: iStat. 2() Hen. YIII. c. 1) to confa-m Henry's view of the royal supremacy, was but declaratory of the old common law of En<,dand: see Bramhall, Jn>it Vindication, Works, i. 151, 152, Oxf. 1842. And that the subversion of all church-authority was not contemplated, is ol)vious from the fact that the oath of supremacy was now takea by Fisher of Kochester, and in all probability by Reginald Pole. ^ This is the celebrated Act known as the ' Submission of the Clergy,' (/. e. their submitting to be prosecuted under the prannunire): see Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 1*J ; in which it is observable that the limiting clause ' quantum per Christi legem licet ' had been fraudulently suppressed. - Polydore Vergil, the Italian, who was then archdeacon of Wells [AvfiL Hi.st. lib. XXVII. p. 86*, Lugd. Batav, 1651), refers to these changes in tiic following words : ' Interea habetur concilium Londini, in quo Ecclesia Anglicana formam potestatis nullis ante temporibus visam induit. Hen- riciis enim rex caput ipsius Ecclesiie constituitur, eique ob id munus primi fructus omnium sacerdotiorum vacantium ac eorundem decimiB quotannis l)erpetua} assignantur [26 Hen. VIII. c. .3]. Item causarum modus poni- lur, ut reus primo pvovocare deberet ad episcopum, deinde ad archiepisco- ]ium, et postremo ad ipsum regem [/. e. in Chancery, or to a Court of belegates appointed by the King, Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19, § 4]; quo sic in ulla adniinistratione rerum, qiuB ad Ecclesiam pertinerent, Eomani pontiticis auctoritate minime opus foret.' ^ On the early records of the Convocation, see Middle Age, p. 240, n. 1, and Lathbury's Jlist. of tlie Convocation, 2nd ed. Anterior to 1533 [i.e. to the passing of the Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19), the archbishop of each province could assemble his provincial synod at his pleasure, the sovereign also having the right to summon the clcrgj' of both provinces by a royal writ to parliament; and likewise to direct the summoning of the convocations by the archbishops. The latter was indeed thought by some to be an infringement of the liberty of the Church (see an example belonging to the fourteenth century in Carte, Hint, of England, ii. 333), but still the mandates of the king were continually issued. In 1533 it ENGLAND. * V ^ Modified relations ff the Church. and civil power. R. P. 12 The English and Irish Beformation. [cHAP, It is indeed unquestionable that Henry VIII., although he fortified liis chief positions by adducing precedents from Mediaeval history, was nevertheless outstripping all his English predecessors, and was bent on stretching the royal prerogative as far as ever he was able\ The plainest indication of this tendency was given when he appointed Thomas Cromwell, a politician trained under the eye of WoLsey, to be his own vicegerent, or vicar-general, in ec- clesiastical matters (1535). Still in 1534: when the extra- vagant pretensions of the papacy were openly called in question and submitted to the test of Holy Scripture, Henry was inclined to pay more deference to the English convocations than to the English parliament ; regarding the inquiry as ecclesiastical or spiritual, and therefore being anxious to secure the co-operation not only of the church- legislature, but of all the other institutions which were thought to represent that branch of 'the body politic* called 'the spirituality' I Actuated by such feelings he consulted both the southern and jxorthern convocation, the universities, the cathedral chapters, and the conventual establishments, all of which with only a few dissentient^ was cTotermined (1) that convocation can only be assembled by the king's wiit; (2) that before proceeding to 'attempt, alledge, claim, or put in ure, or enact, promulge or execute any new canons, constitutions, ordinance provincial or other,' an additional licence must be obtained from the crown; (3) that such canons and constitutions must be formally sanc- tioned by the same authority. ^ Thus in the Stat, 26 Hen. YIII. c. l,the parliament empowered him to visit, repress and reform 'all such errors, heresies, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities, whatsoever they be, which hij any manner spiritual authoritij oi' jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reformed,' &c. Visitors (like the ' Missi' of Charlemagne) were appointed under this act, and during their visitation the bishops were restrained from the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction (see the document in Wilkins, iii. 797). At the same time Commissions were issued by the king to some of the bishops, possibly to all, empowering them to exercise jurisdiction within their dioceses : one of many illustrations of the temporary confusion pro- duced in men's minds respecting the nature, source and limits of spiritual and secular authority: cf. Cranmer's IVurks, ed. Jenkyns, ii. 101, 102. Tv/o years later (Stat. 28 Hen, VIII. c. 10) the 'oath of supremacy' was drawn up, and all officers, civil and ecclesiastical, the clergy at their ordi- nation, and members of the universities about to graduate, vs-ere compelled to take it, under pain of treason: cf. the expanded form of the oath in Stat. 35 Hen. VIII. c. 1. § xi. ^ See the extract given above, p. 7. 3 One of these dissentients was the venerable Fisher, bp. of Rochester, v/ho vras beheaded soon afterwards (June 22, 1535) upon a charge of high IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 1 79 voices answered, that the Roman pontiff was not autho- rized by Holy Scripture in putting fortli his claim to juris- diction within the realm of England'. In 1534, however, the Reformation was still barely dawning on the country. Those who led the anti-papal movement had no very clear intention of proceeding further, so as to remove the mass of errors and abuses handed down from the Middle Age. The first act of Parliament * concerning restraint of pay- ments' to the see of Rome, declares^ that 'our said sove- reign the king and all his natural subjects, as well spiritual as temporal,' continued to be * as obedient, devout, catholic and humble children of God and holy Church as any people be witliin any realm christened ;' and for several years after this enactment few and fitful are the auguries of reformation visible in that quarter. The archbishop, it is true, had himself broken through the law enforcing clerical celibacy, and had married for his second wife (1532) the niece of Osiander, the distinguished Lutheran of Nurem- berg^; yet little or no evidence exists to prove that when treason. His main crime was that he refused to be sworn to an oath in conformity with 8tat. 25 Hen. VHI. c. 22, binding him to maintain the succession of Ann Boleyn's children, and thereby declaring the absolute nullity of Henry's marriage with Catharine of Aragon. The next victim of that act was Sir Thomas More, beheaded July 6, 1535. See Burnet, i. 155 sq., Audiu, ii. 126 — 180, Turner, ii. 370 sq. Both of them, as we know from one of Cranmer's letters, written in their behalf (Strype, i. 339, 340), were wilhng to be sworn to the oath itself, but would not ac- cept the preamble. 1 See the documents in Wilkins, iii. 748 sq. Eymer's Fcedera, &c. XIV. 487 sq. ed. 1728. Hall, the chronicler, in speaking of these enact- ments and decrees, gives utterance to a feeling which must have been very general : ' By the which, ' he says, ' the pope, with all his college cf cardinals, with all their pardons and indulgences, was utterly abolished out of this realm. God be everlastingly praised therefore:' cf. Dodd's method of accounting for the acquiescence of the English people, i. 243, 244. =* Stat. 23 Hen. VIII. c. 20: cf. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 21, § xix. where it is affirmed that the country had no intention ' to decline or vary from the congregation of Christ's Church, in any things concerning tlie very articles of the Catholic faith of Christendom.' The same feelings are more largely expressed in bp. Tunstall's letter to Pole (dated July 13, 1536 : Burnet, Vol. in. ' llecords, ' No. lit. ), with reference to the cardi- nal's harsh and unscrupulous treatise, I)e Unitate Ecclesiaxtlca (1535); on the history of which, see Schclhorn, Amocnitates Hist. Eccl. i. 11—190, Francof. 1737. 2 See above, p. 175, n. 1, and Le Bas, i. 47. In 1634 he privately sent for her to England, wbere she remained till 1539. 12—2 ENGLAND. Reforma- tion at first con- fined to the rejection of thej^apaoj. Tlie English and Irish Beformation. [cifAP. the papal supremacy was abolished either he^ or any of the king's advisers were contemplating deeper changes in the ecclesiastical system of the realm. The alienation of Erasmus^ from the continental reformers must have also operated powerfully among his friends in England, coun- teracting numerous tendencies to reformation which ho may have excited there, and more especially augmenting the distrust of Lutheran principles. A party favourable to such changes did, hov/ever, gra- dually emerge and rise into importance. The same year that witnessed the commencement of Henry's negotiations with the pontiff (1527) was marked by the appearance of a small cluster of students at Oxford^, fascinated by the German theology. They seem to have been principally inmates of Corj^us Christi College, which may therefore be regarded as the cradle of the new generation of reformers. At Cambridge also men like Thomas Bilney^ who Avas charged with Lollardism and burnt in 1532, betrayed a growing predilection for the new opinions. One character- istic of this party was their wish to see the study of the Bible generally revived: and on the appearance of Tyn- dale's version^ of the New Testament, notwithstanding all ^ For example, Craumer participated iu the condemnation of John Frith, who was burnt at Smitlitield, July 4, lo83. 'His said opynyon, ' writes the archbishop (June 17), ' ys of suche nature that he thoughte it not necessary to be beleved as an Article of our fay the, that ther ys the very corporall presence of Christe within the Oste and Sacramente of the Alter, and holdethe of this poynte muste [most] after the opynion of CEcolampadious ' [above, pp. 107 sq.]: Original Letters, ed. Ellis, ii. 40, Lond. 1825, Many of Frith's writings were published iu Vol. iii. of the Works of the English and Scotcli Reformers, eel. Eussell, Lond. 1829. He also distinguished himself b.y his denunciations of the received doctrine of purgatory in reply to Sir Thomas More's Supplication of the poor silly souls puling out (f Purgatory, which in its turn was an answer to the lam- poon entitled TJie Supplication of the Beggars by Simon Fish (reprinted, from Foxe, in Dodd's Cli. Hist. ii. 419 sq. ). ^ See above, pp. 43 sq. ^ The predilection for Lutheran ism was nowhere shewn more strongly 'than in the Cardinal's College, and particularly by the members who had been received into it from Cambridge [cf. Le Bas, Life of Cranmer, i. 30]. Among these members, John Clark liad a right of claiming the prece- dence:' Fiddes, I/ife of Cardinal Wvlscy, \). 416, Lond. 1724. They studied Lixther's own books. ■* The fullest account of him is by Foxe, pp. 998 sq. ed. 1583. Bilney seems to have exerted great influence on the training of bishop Latimer, and also of archbishop Parker. He was first prosecuted for heresy in 1527, before Tuustall, then bishop of Loudon, but escaped by recanting. 5 See above, p. 147, u. 2. His translation, of which two Gospels Tlie English and Irish Reformation. IV.] attempts to put it down\ the fermentation which had liitherto existed chiefly in tlie Universities was rapidly diffused through all classes of society. It is remarkable that one of the first overtures made by Henry to the German princes, who upon the basis of the Confession of Aujjfsburof had entered into an alliance known as the Schmalkaldic league, occurred in the eventful year 1534. His main object was undoubtedly political', yet, by inviting Melanchthon more than once to England^ he manifested a less warlike disposition than his previous fulminations would have led us to expect. In the same year also Cranmer actually prevailed upon the convocation of Canter- bury to join him in requesting that Henry would authorize an English version "* of the Bible for general distribution, — one example where the various lines of thought, the Medi- aeval and Reforming, promised to converge and harmonize more fully. appeared at Hamburg in 1524, is repriutecT in Bagster's English Hexapla, from, the Worms edition of 152(5. ^ E. [). A royal proclamation was issued in 1530 'for dampning of erronious bokes and heresies and prohibitinge the havinge of Holy Scripture translated into the vulgar tonges of Englische, Frenche or Dutche, ' etc. (printed in Notes and Queries, 1st S. vii. pp. 422, 423). Before this date, however, constant efforts had been made to suppress all copies of Tyndale's translation (Foxe, p. 1077), Of the first edition (1525), which contained 3000 copies, only one is at present known to exist. But from that time until the year 1611, when our authoi'ized version was put forth, no less than 278 editions of the Bible and New Testament in English issued from the press : Bible of Every Laud, p. 163. 2 Strype, EccJ. Memor. i. 225—228,' Lond. 1721. 3 'Ego jam alteris Uteris in Angliam vocor,' writes Melanchthon in March, 1534 : 0pp. ed. Bretsch. ii. 708. See other exemplifications of this friendly feeling in Laurence, Bainpt. Lect. Serm. i. n. 3 : and cf. liitzeberger's contemporaneous Handschrift. Gcsch. iiber Luther, &c. pp. 79, 80, Jena, 1850. •* Le Bas, i. 106: and, on later translations, see Anderson, Annals of the English Bible, Lond. 1845. The archbishop divided Tyndale's translation of the New Testament into nine or ten parts, distributing these among the bishops for correction, and receiving favourable answers from most of them, Gardiner in theni;mbei\ On the other hand, Stokes- ley, bishop of London, who had already shewn his anti-reformation bias, refused to make his contribution, on the ground that the reading of the Scriptures was injurious to the laity; it 'doth nothing else but infect them with heresy. ' The court pcrliaps shared this feeling, since Cran- mer's design appears for the present to have miscarried. The whole ]Uble in English was, however, privately published by Coverdale in the following year (1535). In the June of 1536, the Convocation repeated their request to Henry, and in 1537 we find Cranmer presenting to the monarch with his approbation an English Bible ' of a new translation and iSi ENGLAND. l82 The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. ENGLAKD. Anahap- tisvi. First series 0/ Articles. But in order that the future course of our inquiry may be cleared and simplified, it must be carefully remembered that in England, as in continental states, a revolutionary party had been fostered in the very shadow of the Reform- ation. They are distinguished for the most part by their general name of Anabaptists \ Many of their tenets coin- cide with extreme positions of the Lollards, and it is con- sequently hard to say, in the case of England, how far the startling eccentricities that meet us at the very outbreak of the Reformation were of native growth, or were imported by the Anabaptist refugees from Germany and the Nether- lands. As early as 1536 the southern convocation^, which assembled on the 9th of June, had found it necessary to deal with this class^ of questions among others. The manifesto then authorized may be regarded as the starting- point of the English Reformation, and is certainly a faithful index of the sentiments that actuated the more zealous and intelligent members of the Church. It is entitled Ai^ticles to stabli/she Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us, and to avoyde contentious opinions'^. After much discussion^. a new print,' usnally entitled Matthew's Bible, but in reality the work of Tyndale, Coverdale and Eogers. Two years later (1539) the same version considerably revised was issued with an able Preface by Cranmer himself, and is therefore commonly known as ' Cranmer's,' or ' The Great Bible.' This publication was fully sanctioned by the crown, but in 1542, when the anti-reformation party obtained a fresh ascendancy at court, an act of Par- liament was passed (3-4 and 35 Hen. VIII. c. 1), interdicting the perusal of the New Testament in English to women and artificers, 'prentices, journeymen, serving men of the degree of yeomen or under, husbandmen and labourers. 1 Traces of them in England occur as early as 1536. In 1538 a royal commission was directed against them (Oct. 1: Wilkins, iii. 536), and Stow (p. 576) mentions the capture and execution (Nov. 27) of ' Dutch Anabaptists.' At a later period of the reign of Henry, and in that of Edward, swarms of them crossed the channel, ' evil disposed people,' affirming ' that England is at this day the harbour for all infidelity:' see a letter of Sir Thomas Chamberlayne, dated Brussels, June 7, 1551, in Tytler's England under Edw. VI. &c. i. 379, 380. ^ Latimer, appointed to the see of Worcester (Aug. 1535), now appears among the leading prelates favourable to reformation (cf. above, p. 167, n. 4). He preached the sermon at the opening of the Convocation [Ser- mons, pp. 33 sq. ed. P, S.), by the appointment of Cranmer. ^ See the list of 'mala dogmata' in Wilkins, iii. 804. 4 Reprinted, with collations of the different texts, in Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, Appendix i. ^ There is great uncertainty as to whether the debate reported in Foxe, pp. 1182 sq., took place on this occasion or in the following year (1537). IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 183 managed on the one side by the primate and on the other by Stokesley bishop of London, Henry himself through his vicegerent interposing not a few suggestions ^ a com- promise appears to have been effected between the two great parties in the house ; for with the almost solitary exception of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, the leading representatives in convocation eventually subscribed the formulary'''. The names of Lee, archbishop of York, and Tunstall, bishop of Durham, are also included in the list as third and fifth subscribers. It is, however, next to cer- tain, that the northern province, where the great majority of the people were averse to all dogmatic changes, and even to the abolition of the papal monarchy^, had not assented to the Articles of 1536. On the contrary, some of the bolder malcontents, both priests and laymen, hearing that 'several bishops had made a change in the funda- mental doctrines,' laboured to excite an insurrection, which could only be appeased by announcing that such alterations were regularly effected, and by exhibiting the autograph subscriptions of the church-authorities ^ This document, if we consider it as a whole, retained Baker, Notes on Burnet (of which extracts are printed in the British Ma- gazine, XXXVI. 179), is of opinion that the meeting there alluded to was a mere ' convention of bishops and divines,' intrusted with the preparation of the Institution of a Christian Man. Ales or Alane (see above, p. 133, n. 1), who took part in the proceedings till silenced by Cranmer (Foxe, p. 1184), published an account of his discussion with Stokesley. The title is On the auctorite of the Word of God, against the Bishop of London, said by the translator to have been the work of ' Alexander Alane Scot ' (there is a copy in the Bodleian Library). ^ Hardwick, as above, pp. 39 — 41. 2 A facsimile of the signatures is prefixed to Vol. i. of Dodd's Ch. Hist. ed. Tierney. Cromwell, as the representative of Henry, is the first subscriber. ^ Wilkins, iii. 812 : Strype's Eccl. Mem. t. 247, 248, Lond. 1721. * Hardwick, as above, p. 50. The agitation in Lincolnshire may have been exasperated by bp. Longland's mandate (Wilkins, iii. 829) enjoining the clergy to avoid controversial topics, and to preach four times a year, ' secundum Articulos, qui nuper per serenissimam regiam majestatem, ac totuni hnjus rerjni Anglice clerum in Convocatione sua sanciti fuere.' On earlier symptoms of rebellion in the North, see Turner, 11, 296, 297. The Yorkshire and Cumberland rebels, who were headed by Eobert Aske and others, called their movement 'an holy and blessed pilgrimage,' or 'the pilgrimage of grace,' and were at one time so formidable as to make Henry think of reuniting himself with Eome [Ibid. p. 474, n. 21). On their dispersion in the spring of 1537, very many of the leaders were put to death (Dodd, i. 266, 267), including the three abbots of Fountains, Jervaux and Eievaux. ENGLAND. Character of the new formulary. Tlie English and Irish Reformation. [chap. the animus of the Middle Ag^es. Some indeed of the ob- jectors noticed that allusion had been only made to three sacraments\?;i^. baptism, penance, and the Eucharist^: yet these are all handled precisely in the Mediaeval fashion. Touching the doctrine of justification^, which appears to have been already made a subject of dispute, the synod has attempted to preserve a middle course, between the Lutheran hypothesis on one side, and those schoolmen who refused to sever the idea of remission of sins from that of Christian holiness or renovation. In the second division of the formulary, consisting also of five articles, the judgment of the Church is added with respect to wliat are there, entitled ' laudable ceremonies.' It includes a brief discus- sion of the reverence paid to images, of the invocation of saints, and also of the doctrine of purgatory, which was now beginning to encounter a determined opposition from the more advanced reformers ^ The result however was, 1 Hall's Cliron. fol. 228, ed. 1583. On the probable reasons which made the Convocation abstain at this time from definitions respecting the four subordinate ' sacraments,' see Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer's Works, pp. x\d. xvii. 2 Cranmer's ' judgment of the Eucharist' was further indicated in 1537 by his strong disapprobation of a work on the subject presented to him by the Swiss scholar, Joachim Vadianus. The doctrine it maintained was Zwiuglian: see Cranmer's letter to the author, Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 13. After praising Zwiugii and (Ecolampadius, so far as they had assisted in correcting 'papistical and sophistical errors and abuses,' he adds: 'I wish that they had confined themselves within these limits, and not trodden down the wheat together with the tares ; that is, had not at the same time done violence to the authority of the ancient doctors and chief writers in the Church of Christ.' ^ Nicholson, of Southwark, who printed 'Lutheran' woi'ks, put forth, in 1536, a ' Treatyse of Justification by faith only.' In the same year Bucer's Mctaphrasis (on the Epistle to the Eomans) was dedicated to archbp. Cranmer with a eulogistic preface (Argentorat. 1536). Archbp, Laurence has pointed out [Bampt. Led. p. 201, Oxf. 1838) that the defini- tion in Art. v. of 1536 is borrowed from Melanchthon's Loci Thcologici ; but he fails to observe how the following part of the sentence, ' that is to say, our perfect renovation in Christ,' betrays the touch of another school of theologians. * See above, p. 180, n. 1, respecting Frith. Latimer also in his Con- vocation sermon, p. 50) has some caustic sentences against those 'that begot and brought forth our old ancient purgatory pick-purse.' The sermon is indeed one of the best commentaries on the Articles put forth immediately afterwards, and it is manifest that the preacher if he had been permitted would have advanced far less cautiously than some of his brother prelates. Very similar enormities were brought to light as far back as 1511 in the famous Convocation sermon of Dean Colet; see Knight's Life of Colct, pp. 289 sq. .IV.] The English and Irish Beforniation. 185 that tliese traditions were in substance and effect to be |jerpetuated, after the more flagrant and blasphemous abuses of them had been carefully pruned away. Among tlie signatures appended to these Ten Articles were found the names of certain abbots and priors, who may be regarded as the last examples of a race devoted to annihilation. The work had been commenced by Wolsey\ who, under the protection of papal as well as royal li- cences, dissolved no less than tliirty religious foundations, chiefly for the purpose of endowing colleges at Oxford and iit Ipswich. The idea of a more extensive measure of con- fiscation, or rather diversion of monastic propert}^ to the general uses of the Church, which had been contemplated by Wolsey, seems to have been taken up by his master, with a special reference to his own necessities. C'romwell, in his capacity of vicar-general, undertook a visitation of all the monasteries in 1j3o: and, as many charges of sliameless immorality were brought against the inmates, more especially of the smaller houses, an act of Parliament^ 1 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. pp. 146, 147. The best materials for a history of the series of coiiQsciatioiis that ensued are in Three chajiters of Letters relatiiir/ to the stqypre.-^sioii of Monasteries, Lond. Camd. Soc. 1843 : of. Do.U, i. 251—2^4. Wolsey in 1529 had obtained very large powers of dealing vdth the monastic property for the purpose of founding bishoprics. In 1532 Henry had obtained a bull from' the pope for tlie erectioa of six new bishoprics to be endowed by the suppres- sion of religious houses (Burnet, i. 121), and ten years later five ad- ditional sees were founded at (Jhester, .Gloucester. Peterborough, Bristol and Oxford: see Stat. 34 and 35 Hen. VIII. c. 17, § iii. Westminster was to be added to the list, and Thomas Tiiirlebywas actually consecrated bishop, Dec. 9, 1540; but the foundation wi^s soon afterwards deemed unnecessary. This, however, was a small fraction of Henry's scheme, as we find from the draft of a bill preserved in the Letters just cited, pp. 263, 264, where he contemplated the erection of nine additional bislioprics. He also converted foLirteen abbeys and priories into cathedral and collegiate church?s, placing a dean and chapter in eich. These wei'e Canterbury, llochester, Westminster, Winchester, Bristol, Gloucester, Worcester, Chester, Burton-on-Treut, Carlisle, Durham, Thornton, Peter- borough and Ely, hence entitled 'of the new foundation.' Another of his projects (/o/(/. p. 202) as corrected in his own jiandwriting was to devote the spoils of the monasteries to religious, charitable, and literary uses, that ' Godes worde myght the better he sett forthe, chyldren broght up in lernying, clerces nuryshyd iu the universities, olde servantes decayd to have lyfynges, allmeshousys for pour folke to be sustaynyd in, reders otf Grece, Ebrew, and Latyne to have r,'ood stypende' &c. A:c. But the ' great spoiler ' was a 'small restorer;' audit seems most probable that the larger measure for forming new sees was Wolsey 's, the smaller act of justice Henry's own. 2 27 Hen. VIII. c. 28. The number of religious houses now dissolved ENGLAND. Sa2-)pres- slon of tJiC r el i [I ions houses. 1 86 The English and Irish Beformation. [cHAP. was passed in 1536 transferring such of them to the crown as were not above the annual value of £200. The larger houses were at this time mentioned honourably, as if they had continued to fulfil the purpose of their institution : yet in the brief interval of four years they also were discorpo- rated and dissolved^, their treasures thrown into the royal coffers, and their lands all parcelled out among the friends of Cromwell, or the tools and favourites of the court. A few voices, bishop Latimer's''' among the rest, were raised in deprecation of these sweeping measures, to secure, if possible, that some of the religious houses might be spared, and dedicated to pious uses. In the mean while reformation, as distinguished from such wanton acts of demolition, had effected some mea- surable progress by the putting forth of the Bishojjs' Book or 'Institution of a Christen Man'^, drawn up by a com- mittee of prelates and divines in 1537. It comprises an exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Seven Sacraments, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and also of the much-contested doctrines of justification and purgatory. The compilers at the same time felt them- selves under the necessity of discussing other points to which the novel aspect and position of the English church imparted great significance. They contended, for example, that the fabric of the papal monarchy was altogether human ; that its growth was traceable partly to the favour and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to am- bitious artifices of the popes themselves ; that just as men was 376, their animal revenue about £32,000. In this case, however, the grantees, or purchasers of the suppressed convents, were bound to keep hospitality there as in former times. 1 Stat. 31 Hen, VIII. c. 13. By this enactment the total number of suppressed monasteries was augmented to 645, the yearly income of which, together with that of colleges, chantries and otlier establishments also dissolved, was not much less than £160,000, a sum exceeding the third part of all the ecclesiastical revenues of the kingdom. Twenty- seven mitred abbots were by the same change excluded from the house of Lords, thus effecting an important alteration in the political constitu- tion of England : see Miller, Hist. Phil, ilhis. iii. 218. 2 Jiemains, p. 411, ed. P. S. So far from relenting in this particular, the English monarch by act of Parliament 37 Hen. VIII. c. 4 secured that the few remaining chantries and even the colleges for learning should be placed at his disposal. 3 Printed in Formularies of Faith put forth by authority during the reign of Henry VIII. Oxf . 1825. IV.] The Enrjlish and Irish Iteformation. 187 originally made and sanctioned it, so might the}'-, if occa- sion should arise, withdraw from it their confidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have stood anterior to the Middle Ages. It was, nevertheless, admitted in this formulary, that the Roman church^ was not unchristian, but that in connexion with other national and independent communities it entered into the formation of the universal brotherhood, which Holy Scripture terms the Cluirch. Alhision has been made already^ to the friendlier dis- position manifested by Henry and the leading members of his council in reference to the progress of the Lutheran movement. In the December of 1535 two envoys^, bishop Fox and doctor Heath, whom he dispatched to Saxony, liad interviews on matters of religion with some of the more influential of the Wittenbergers*. This discussion Avas prolonged into the following April ; and although the disputants were still unable to agree entirely, their nego- tiations were reopened under favourable auspices in 1538. On the last occasion three German delegates were sent across to England* (May 12). Many conferences took place by order of Henry YIII. himself, the doctrines of the English church being represented by a select committee of divines. The most pacific member of this body was the primate, whose convictions with regard to many, if not most of the disputed points, approximated^ to the views main- tained by the disciples of Luther and Melanchthon. In ^ See especially pp. 55, sq. The moderation of this statement is remarkable as compared with the atrocious bull of excommunication launched by Paul in. Aug. 30, 1535 (Wilkins, in. 792 sq. ; cf. Turner, 11. 4G9). 2 Above, p. 181. '^ See Strype, Eccl. Mem. i. 225 sq. ** Two of these were Pontanus (see above, p. 53, n. 1) and Francis Burckart (Melanchthon's jror/us, ed. Bretsch. 11. IDS), who insisted on subscription to the Confession of Augsburg as a preliminary to the ad- mission of the English monarch into the Schmalkaldic League. To this requirement Henry objected ' unless certain things in tlieir Confession and Apology should by their familiar conferences be mitigate.' Luther and Melanchthon were both present at interviews held in \Vittenberg during January 1530, Ibid. iii. 20: cf. in. 101, n. 2. ° Kespecting them and the fruit of the negotiations that ensued, see Hardwick's Hist, of the Articlei<, pji. 50 sq. ^ See his letter of Aug. 23, 1538, written a short time before the re- turn of the German ' Orators,' in his Works, ed. Jenkyns, i. 203, 204, ENGLAND. Covferences tcith the Lutherans : how frus- trated. .Hie English and Irish Reformation. [cHAV. the end, however, he was unsupported by his episcopal col- leagues, Avho, mainly owing to the influence of Gardiner^ and Tunstall"'^, clung with great tenacity to some 'abuses' which were most obnoxious to the German envoys. It was indeed quite obvious that Henry for the present had re- solved to countenance no further relaxations either in the ritual or in the dogmatic system of the Church. A brief period of reaction^ w^as commencing. The negotiations with the German envoys, to say nothing of the prejudices raised in many quarters by the dissolution of the monasteries and by other acts of violence, had thrown fresh light on the essential contrariety between some aspects of the ' old' and 'new learning'^; and bishop Gardiner was not the man to overlook tlie slightest reflux of the tide, or waste an oppor- tunity that promised to advance the interests of his part}^ This able ecclesiastic had invariably opposed the Witten- berg reformers, his antipathy increasing rather tlian abating after his return from diplomatic missions on the continent, by which he had obtained a clearer insight into the de- velopment of Protestantism. Content with the extrusion of the Roman pontiff^, he adhered on other subjects to the ^ Gardiner had consistently opposed the negotiations throughout: Strype, Eccl. Mem. i. Append. No, lxv. 2 See the ' King's Answer,' written with Tunstall's help, to the German ambassadors on the taking away of the chalice, against private masses, on the celil)acy of the clergy, &c., in the Addenda of Burnet, i. No. viii. (pp. 347-360). ^ This reaction may be said to have culminated (1543) in the Stat. 34 and 35 Hen, VIII, c. 1, enjoining that recourse must be had to the catholic and apostolic Church for the decision of controversies, denouncing Tyndale's ' false translation' of the Bible, restricting the use of the New Testament in English to one class of the community (above, p. 181, n. 4), and abolishing all books that comprised any matter of Christian religion, Articles of Faith, or Holy Scripture, contrary to the doctrine set forth slthence a. d. 1540, or to be set forth by the king. The influence of the same reactionary school is visible in The Necessari/ Doctrine and Erudi- tion for any Christian Man (also printed in Formularies of Faith, Oxf. 1825). It is a revised edition of the Bisliops' Book, above, p. 186, sanc- tioned by Convocation and enjoined by royal mandate. * These became the recognized expressions for characterizing the ' Mediieval' and 'Eeformiug' parties: e. (j. Cranmer (Works, i, 375, ed. Jenkyns) speaks of 'the best learned men reputed within this realm, some favouring tlie old, some the new learning, as they term it (where in- deed that which they call the old is the new, and that which they call the new is indeed the old),' ^ Above, p. 16s, n, 2 : to which may be added a vigorous sermon preached on the papal supremacy in the following reign (1548). Gardiner IV.] Tlie English and Irish Beformation. 189 dogmas of the stricter class of schoolmen ; and accordingly, as soon as he beheld the growth in England of religious novelties that threatened to produce a revolution in the church-establishment, his energies were all employed \ and often unscrupulously misdirected^ to evade, postpone or counterwork a movement which he dreaded. It is probable^ that the ascendancy at court of Gardiner and others like him led to the enactment of the statute of the 'Six Articles'"* (1539), 'for the abolishing of diversity of opinions;' or, in different words, for punishing with death, and otherwise, all 2^ersons who might dare to call in question some of the more startling of the Mediaeval dog- mas. Cranmer^ argued boldly, but in vain, against the passing of this brutal measure : still its operation seems to have been checked", in part at least, as early as the fol- lowing year. Indeed the personal influence of the primate shewed itself in nothing more conspicuously than in the charm which he exerted on the boisterous and intractable became master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, as early as 1525, and beld tbe office till 1549. In 1588, seven years after his elevation to tbe see of "Winchester, he was elected chancellor of the University (see Godwin, I)e Fnesulibus, p. 237, and notes). 1 A good example of his controversial powers is furnished hj his De- cJaration (against George Joye : cf. Maitland's Essays on the Reformation, l^p. 4:sq.), Lond, 1546. - Gardiner is charged with taking part in the persecution of Ann Askew, who was tortured and burnt in 1545. Foxe, pp. 1234 sq. ed. 1583. On her case, however, see J. H. Blunt's Reformation of the Church of Eur/ - land, p. 539; Hook, Lives of the ArcJibishoiJs of Canterbury, vii. 03, 64; Froude, Hist, of England, iv. 497. ■^ Strype's Cranmer, i. 160. The king was displeased with Cranmer and others of his school (according to Strype) ' because they could not be brought to give their consent in the parliament that the king should have all the monasteries suppressed to his own sole use.' The charge recently brought agahist Cranmer to the eti'ect that he among other courtiers sought to enrich his family by the spoils of the church, is fully examined iu Mr Massingberd's Enylish lief ormat ion, Append. E, 2nd ed. 4 31 Hen. VIII. c. 14. The Articles were first ' resolved by the Con- vocation.' They enforce a belief (1) in the physical change of the Eucha- ristic elements, (2) in the doctrine of concomitance, or the non-necessity of communion in both kinds, (3) the sinfulness of marriage after receiving the order of priesthood, (4) the absolute obligation of vows of chastity, &c., (5) the scripturalness and efficacy of private masses, (6) the neces- sity of auricular confession (/. e. compulsory). s Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 512 : see also Mr Scudamore's vindication of Cranmer on this subject: England and Borne, p. 255, Lond. 1855. ^ Maitland's Essays, as above. No. xir. ENGLAND. Checked, however, by Cranmer. The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. nature of his sovereign. Notwithstanding the ability and astuteness of Gardiner his rival, the archbishop never lost^ his hold on the affections of the English court ; and to the influence that he wielded there we must ascribe the public traces of a Reformation-spirit Avhich occur at no distant intervals until the close of the present reign. For instance, in 1541 and 1542 we find" him superintending a revision of the Service-books and advocating the general use of Homilies for the instruction both of ' ignorant preachers' and of their flocks. In 1544 a Litany^ appeared m English under the same auspices ; and as it was expressly meant by the compilers to direct and elevate the public worship of the Church, they must have recognized in its establishment the triumph of one fundamental principle on which the 1 See, for example, Strype's Cramner, i. 261 sq. 2 Strype, Eccl. Mem. Bk. i. ch. 50. In a session of the southern convocation (March 3, 1541 : Wilkins, iii. 8(31, 8G2) it was decreed that the ' Use ' of Sarum should in future be observed by all clerics in the pro- vince of Canterbury, Immediately afterwards (15-41) appeared a new edition of the ' Pars Estivalis ' of the Sarum Breviary, entitled ' Portifo- rium...nouiter impressum et a plurimis purgatum mendis ' (Libr. Queens' Coll. Camb. K, 17, 28). In 1542 the archbishop notified the king's pleasure (Feb. 21 : Wilkins, iii. 863) ' that all mass-books, antiphoners, portuises [breviaries] in the Church of England should be newly examined, corrected, reformed...' and that after ejecting 'superstitious orations, collects, versicles,' &c. their place should be supplied by services ' made out of the Scriptures and other authentic doctors.' Portions of the Bible in English were also ordered to be read. And it is further manifest from the proceedings of Convocation in 1547 {Ibid. iv. 15, 16), that new Service- books had been actually prepared by order of that body during the reign of Henry VIII. Homilies of some kind or other appear to have been also drawn up and submitted to the Convocation of Canterbury. Such per- haps were the Po.Htils on the Epistles and Gos2}<^ls, edited and in part com- posed by Richard Taverner (1540), clerk of the Signet to the king (ed. Cardwell, 1841). Two of these Fostils have reappeared in the autho- rized Homilies for the Passion and the Resurrection. The Lutheran tendencies of the editor were shewn as early as 1536, when at Crom- well's order he translated the 'Augsburg Confession' and the 'Apology' for it, 'whiche booke,' he says (fol. 2) 'after the judgement and censure of all indifferent, wyse and lerned men, is as fruitfull and as clerkly com- posed as euer booke was ' &c. ^ The basis of this formulary, which is almost identical with the present Litany, was furnished by a Medinsval English Prymer (see Middle Age, p. 420), some additional hints being drawn apparently from Her- mann's 'Consultation' (above, p. 59, n. 4, and cf. Procter, On the Prayer- Book, pp. 253 sq.). In the Kin(/''s Primer set forth (1545) by Henry ' and his clergy to be taught, learned and read, and none other to be used throughout all his dominions,' the Litany was also incorporated. See the Three Primers, ed. Burton, Osf. 1834, and Maskell's Dissertation, prefixed to Vol. ii. of the Monumenta Eitualia, Lond. 1846. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 191 Keformation was to be conducted, viz. the use of * such a tongue as the people understandeth.' It is true that efforts of this kind were often neutralized in practice by the oppo- sition or inertness of the anti-reformation school, yet all of them were clearly pointini^ onwards in the same direction, and were thus preparing the way for deeper changes, — changes that could only be effected when a kindlier spirit had bec^un to breathe in the immediate neiohbourhood of the throne. Edward VI., the child of Henry's third wife, Jane Sey- mour, was acknowledged king of England, Jan. 28, 1547. when only nine years old. Although his natural gifts ^ were such as to exalt him far above the ordinar}'' conditions of childhood, he must always have been swayed in a con- siderable measure by his guardians and advisers. Two of these were his maternal uncle Seymour, duke of Somerset"'^ ('the Protector'), and Dudley, duke of Northumberland, whose struggles for ascendancy indeed are one great feature in the political annals of his reign. By the mysterious falP 1 See the sketch in Lodge's Portraits, i. 169 sq. Lond. 1849. Ex- tracts are there given from the private Journal of Edward. On the general character of his education, see Strype's Life of Sir John Cheke (one of his first tutors), best edition, Oxford, 1820. The council of re- gency included Cranrner, archbishop of Canterbury, and Tunstall, bishop of Durham, both of whom, like the other prelates, took out roj'al com- missions, as in the reign of Henry VIII. (above, p. 178, n. 1), empowering them to exercise coactive jurisdiction in all causes cognizable by the spiritual courts. The practice was, however, immediately afterwards dis- continued. '^ Seymour, then earl of Hertford, was declared * Protector of the king's realms and governor of his jDerson ' on the 1st of Feb. 1547, and in the following month became ' master of all the deliberations of the council, and in effect the sole director of the affairs of the kingdom : ' Carte, iii. '.i04. It was owing chiefly to his influence that objections ui-ged by the princess Mary, as well as by Gardiner, Bonner and Tunstall, in the hope of arresting all immediate change, were absolutely overruled. See, for instance, the royal Injunctions of 1547, in Wilkins, iv. 3-8, by which, among other important regulations, a threat was suspended over all persons who ' let (t. e. prevented) the reading of the Word of God in English.' ^ See Turner, Modern Hist. iii. 281 sq. Somerset appears to have been a rapacious, unprincipled man, who was determined to hold power by pushing the Keformation, while Northumberland made use of religious war cries chiefly to subserve his private schemes, and ultimately avowed himself in favour of the Mediieval system : see Stryj^e's Cranmcr, Append, to Bk. III. Ko. Lxxiii. (ill. 4(>2), where he warns the people just before his execution (Aug. 22, 1553) against ' thes sedycyouse and lewde preachers that have opened the booke and knowe not how to shutt yt.' ENGLAND. Political striifff/les tinder Ed- %card VI. 192 Tlie English and Irish Reformation. [CHAP. ENGLAND. State of P'O'ties in thtChurch. of tlie Protector and his execution (Jan. 22, 1552), tlie youthful monarch was eventually transferred into the hands of Northumberland, a statesman who employed his talents chiefly in the aggrandizing of himself; and who. by the marriage of his son Guildford Dudley to Jane Gi-ey^ the great-granddaughter of Henry VII. (May, 1553), obtained the sanction of his royal master to a visionary project for divertinof the succession to the crown''^ in favour of his own connexions. But while projects of this kind were occupying the minds of English politicians, a far mightier agitation had besfun to heave within the bosom of the Church. At the accession of king Edward, it w\as manifest that the eccle- siastics, whom his father had in vain^ attempted to unite by leoislative pressure, consisted of two great parties, one of which (the Mediaeval) as represented by Gardiner^, bishop of Winchester, was adverse to all further changes ; while the members of the other (the Reforming) party were as anxious to move freely onwards and complete the work they had inaugurated in the former reign. This second ^ Ihid. pp. 230 sq. Edv/ard's health bad ah-eady begun to fail in the spring of 1552. ^ A written agreement, determining Jane's succession and displacing tbe two princesses, Mary and Elizabeth, was signed by nineteen lords of the council and five judges. Cranmer, who at first objected, was event- ually brought over and subscribed among the rest (cf. Strype's Cranmer, Bk. III. ch. 1). A legal deed was afterwards drawn up, to which the young king attached his signature (June 21) fourteen days before his death : Turner, Ihid. pp. 333, 33-1. Queen Jane was accordingly pro- claimed July 10, 1553 : see the notes in Nicolas, Literary liemains of Lady Jane Grey, Lond. 1825. •^ See the remarkable speech addressed to them not long before his death, in Stow, Awiales, p, 590, ^ This prelate had fallen under the displeasiire of Henry VIII., and his name was accordingly not included in the council of regency. When the royal Injunctions of 1547 (above, p. 191, n. 2) appeared, Gardiner re- fused to promise obedience, and was committed to the Fleet, Sept. 25, where he remained till Jan. 7 of the following year (Carte, iii. 214:). He was ultimately deposed, for non-conformity, i'eb. 14, 1551, Bonner bp, of London having already shared the same fate, Sept. 21, 1549 (cf. Turner's remarks, iii. 316, 317). Another infiuential leader of the anti-reforma- tion party was cardinal Pole, whose quarrel with his relative Henry VIII. on the divorce -question had compelled him to live on the continent. Tur- ner (ill. 254 sq.) charges him with instigating a formidable insurrection that occurred in 1549 ; but cf. Dodd, 11, 25, note. Cranmer's elaborate Ans^cer to the Fifteen Articles of the Rebels is printed in Strype, Vol. 11. App. No. XL. IV.] Tlie English and Irish Beformation. 193 clasi, however, must be carefully subdivided. Laying out of the question a multitude of revolutionary spirits, Ana- baptists and other sectaries who started up afresh at the beginning of the new reign^, the party in the Church that favoured progress was composed of elements in some de- gree at variance with each other. One active section of the church-reformers, constituting what may be entitled the first race of Puritans, embraced opinions such as we have traced in those parts of Switzerland^ in which the prin- ciples of Zwingli and CEcolampadius had taken root. They bore the general name of ' Sacramentaries ; ' and some of their brother-reformers, both here and on the continent, did not scruple to place them in the same class with Anabap- tists ^ On the other hand, the more conservative among the reforming theologians of this country manifested a oTowinsf bias for the Saxon as distinij^uished from the Swiss theology. During the first two years of Edward VI., archbishop Cranmer may himself perhaps be termed the leader of this schooL He was never, it is true, a servile follower of the Wittenbercf divines*. The visrour of his o o ^ Hardwick's 7/('si. of the Articles, pp. 89 sq. On the various shades of Anabaptism, and also on the ' Family of Love,' see below, chap. v. ^ See above, pp. 105 sq. Calvin does not appear to have been gene- rally known in England until the close of Henry's reign. A list of books prohibited in 1542 as given by Burnet, Vol. i. 'Eecords,' p. 257 (ed. 1681), is augmented by Baker [Brit. Mag. xxxvi. 395), and in the latter cata- logue we find The Ly tell Tretyse in Frensche of y" Soper of the Lorde made by Callwyn, and also The Wor-ks cuerij one of CalJwyn. ^ Thus in the Fostils edited by Taverner (above, p. 190, n. 2) we have the following passage : ' Beyng ones admonyshed of my errour, I wol not obstinately defend the same, but subniyt my selfe to the iudgement of the churche which I wold hartely wyshe that other wold do the same. Then these diuerse sectes of Anabaptistes, of Sacrameutaries, and of other heretiques shulde not thus swarme abrode. Then shuld the Christen church be in much more quiet then it is : ' p. 229. (Cf. the particulars furnished at this period by the letters of Richard Hilles to Bullinger, Oriyinal Letters, ed. P. S. pp. 208, 221, 26(>.) In Kke maimer the first statute of the new reign, 1 Edw. VI. c. 1, contains heavy censures of all persons who * unreverently speak against the blessed sacrament in ser- mons, preachings,... rhimes, songs, plays or jests,' (cf. Lamb's Collection of Letters, &c. p. 85, Lond. 1838), proceeding at the same time to legalize communion under both kinds in conformity with a unanimous decree of convocation (Dec. 2, 15-17: Strype's Cranmer, 11. 37). Carte (111. 219) sees a further proof of the ' moderation' of the English Church in a pro- viso there inserted, declaring that this change is ' not to be construed to the condemning of the usage of any church in foreign countries.' * llichard Hilles (a Zwinglian) in writing to Bullinger, June 4, 15-19, was able to report that the prelates seemed, ' for the present at least, to R. P. 1.3 ENGLAND. A fin (lies v:ith the Swiss; and Saxon Tkeoloyy. Cranmcr\^ views at this period. 194 The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. ENGLAND. Pi'hlica- tioii of the Huiiiilie.s ; reasoning faculties secured a large amount of independence to the measures he adopted : his exalted station in the Church and his profound respect for the decisions of an- tiquity had equal force in urging him to modify the wilder and more democratic tendencies of Lutheranism : yet, in so far as he had points of contact on doctrinal questions with the reformers out of England, Cranmer was at first disposed to side most cordially with it. No better illustration of this leaning can be offered than a treatise published with his sanction in 1548, and commonly en- titled Cranmer's Catechism^. It is for the most part bor- rowed from a German catechism, and through the medium of a Latin version made in 1539 by Justus Jonas the elder, one of Luther's bosom-friends. The sacred topics there discussed embrace the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Decalogue and the doctrine of the Sacraments, all of which are handled in the characteristic manner of the Witten- bergers. For example, the first and second command- ments are consolidated into one ; penance or absolution is still regarded as an evangelical sacrament ; while the expressions bearing on the nature of the Eucharistic \kq- sence leave no doubt that Cranmer and his friends were not unwilling to accept the Lutheran hypothesis'^ The same desire to cleave as far as mioht be to existinsj usages and other traditions of the past, was shewn in the proceedings instituted, or more strictly recommenced ^ on be acting rightly;' and then adds, with a spice of sarcasm, 'for the pre- servation of the public peace, they alford no offence to the Lutherans, pay attention to your very learned German divines, submit their judg- ment to them and also retain some popish ceremonies :' Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 2G6. 1 A short instruction into Christian Relir/ion, Oxf. 1839. The Latin form of the Catechism is also printed in the same volume : cf. Kocher's Catech. Gesch. der lie form. Kirchen, pp. 61 sq., Jena, 1756. The chief English variations in the work are an additional discourse against the worshipping of images (cf, the Mandatum in Wilkins, iv. 22), and an exhortation to prayer. In Cranmer's dedication of it to Edw. VI. (also printed in his Works, ed. Jenkyns, i. 326 — 32U) he expresses his anxiety to have the youth of England * brought up and tended in the truth of God's holy Word.' 2 The only apparent symptom of misgiving is one that has been no- ticed by Le Bas (i. 312) where the English speaks of our ' recei\ing ' the Body and Blood of Christ, the Latin of the 'presence;' but this variation might really have been accidental. ^ Above, p. 190, n. 2. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. ^95 the accession of king Edward, for the authorizing of Homi- lies^ to be read in churches every Sunday, and also for translating, expurgating and recasting the various Service- books^ of Sarum, Lincoln, York and Bangor, so as to compile one *Use' that should in future be the vehicle of worship to all members of the English Church, The whole of these proceedings Avere conducted under the general direction of archbishop Cranmer; still, as he was only one of a select committee to whom the task of redistribution and revision was consigned, his influence may, or even must, have been considerably modified by the suggestions of the other members ^ Their first production was an English Order of the Communion\ which in 1548 w^as grafted on the Latin office for the Mass ; and it is notice- able that some few elements of the additional service have been borrowed from the well-known 'Consultation' of Hermann, archbishop of Cologne, compiled in 1543 with the assistance of Bucer and Melanchthon. But this meagre ^ The First Book of Homilies (twelve in number) appeared in 1547. Three at least, including that Of the Salvation of Mankind, or Justifica- tion, appear to have been written by Cranmer himself, while those ' Of the Misery of all Mankind,' and ' Of Christian Love and Charity,' were the work of Bp. Bonner and his chaplain : see Pref. to the Cambridge edition, 1850, p. xi. The same purposes would be subserved by the royal Injunctions of 1547 (Wilkius, iv. 4), directing the clergy to provide, ' within three months after this visitation, one book of the whole Bible, of the largest volume in English; and within one twelve-months next after the said visitation, the Faraphrasis of Erasmus also in English upon the Gospels;' both of these being set up in churches for the use of the parishioners. ^ Eichard Hilles makes the following comment (June 4, 1549) with regard to the prevailing animus of those who arranged the new Communion Office : ' We have an uniform celebration of the Eucharist throughout the whole kingdom, but after the manner of the Nuremberg churches and some of those in Saxony; for they do not yet feel inclined to adopt your rites [i. e. of the Swiss] respecting the administration of the sacraments :' Orifiinal Letters, ed. P. S. p. 2G6. ^ Some of these ' notable learned men ' were Day bp. of Chichester, Goodryke bp. of Ely, Skyp bp. of Hereford, Holbeach bp. of Lincoln, Ridley bp. of Rochester, Thirleby bp. of Westminster [see above, p. 185, n. 1], May dean of St Paul's, Taylor dean (afterwards bp.) of Lincoln, Haines dean of Exeter, Robertson afterwards dean of Durham, Redman master of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Cox afterwards bp. of Ely: see Procter On the Frni/er-Book, p. 23, n. 2. ^ Printed in Wilkius, iv. 11 sq., together with a sober proclamation issued with the hope of checking some of the hotter spirits : cf. Procter, pp. 325 sq., where the parallel passages of Hermann will be found at length, 13—2 ENGLAND. rjradual consVrae- tion of the Prayer- Bo ok. ig6 The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. ENGLAND. Further changes in Cranmer'^s view of the Eucharist. and incongruous form of service was only tentative, being ere long superseded and eclipsed by the appearance of the noblest monument of piety, of prudence and of learning, which the sixteenth century constructed, viz. the 'Book of Common Prayer.' Materials for some work like it which had been brought together during the reign of Henry YIII. were reproduced^ in 1547 at the request of the lower house of convocation (Nov. 22); and after a protracted conference held at Windsor in the summer of 1548, the arduous task of the committee seems to have been completed. They agreed, with few exceptions''', in recommending the First Frayer Booh of Edward VI., which was accordingly sub- mitted for approval to the convocation and tlie parliament ^ and ultimately used in almost every parish of the king's dominions*, ' England, Wales, Calais and the marches of the same' (Whitsunday, June 9, 1549). Before the date of its publication an important change had been effected in the views of Cranmer touching the vexed question of the Eucharist, — a question which, as we have seen, was under- lying all the controversies of the Reformation period. ^ See above, p. 190, n. 2. While the work of revision was proceeding, it was found necessary to repress a number of liturgical innovations : see, for instance, ' A proclamation against those that do innovate, alter, or leave done, any rite or ceremonie in the church of their private autho- rity,' &c. Wilkins, iv. 21. Preachers in like manner were restrained or silenced : Ibid. p. 27. 2 Dodd, whose list of commissioners is somewhat different from the one above quoted, contends (ii. 28 sq.) that the minority of the bishops were opposed to the revision. He seems to attribute its general adoption to the fact that the Prayer-Book carried ' a pretty good face and varied very little, only in certain omissions, from the Latin Liturgy.' ^ Thus in rebuking Bonner, bishop of London, for his negligence, and charging him to ' see to the better setting out of the Service-Book within his diocese,' the king's council remind him (July 23, 1549) that * after great and serious debating and long conference of the bishops and other grave and well-learned men in the Holy Scripture, one uniform Order for common prayers and administration of the sacraments hath been, and is most godly set forth, not only by the common agreement and full assent of the nobility and commons of the late session of our late parliament, but also by the like assent of the bishops in the said parliament, and of all other the learned men of this our realm in their synods and convocations provincial:' Wilkins, iv. 35. After such testimony it is quite amazing to find a writer like Mr E. J. Wilberforce {Principles of Church Authority, p. 264, 2nd ed,) declaring that the statements respecting the convocational authority of the Prayer-Book ' are so loose and vague as to prove nothing.' ^ The 'Act for Uniformitv of Service,' &c. was passed Jan. 15, 1549 [not 1548): see Stat. 2 and 3 Edw. VI. c. 1. IV.] Tlie English and Irish Reformation. 1 97 Hitherto the English primate had maintained in a most public and coercive form^ that, after the consecration of the elements, the outward and inward parts of the sacrament are so identified, that all who receive the one are thereby made partakers of the other, yet with the invariable proviso that the faithless and impenitent receive a curse and not a blessing. But as early as December, 1548, when a discus- sion was held upon the subject anterior to the passing of Edward's Act of Uniformity (Jan. 15, 1549), he appears to have receded far from this position^ and to have adopted the hypothesis of a virtual as distinguished from a local presence of Christ's glorified humanity, in close resemblance to that section of the Swiss reformers who had acquiesced in Calvin's method of explaining the mysterious Presence. In this view concurred the able and devoted Nicholas Ridley, who had acted for some time as chaplain to the archbishop ^ and was now promoted to the see of Rochester (Sept. 4, 1547). Yet neither of them, as we may conclude with certainty from their adoption of the First Prayer-Book of Edward, was inclined to question that the Body and Blood of Christ were in some way or other communicated ^ See, for instance, his opinion touching the proceedings against Lam- bert, ' a Saci-ameutar}^' and others, in Le Bas, i, 182 sq., and his strong censure of Z\Yingli, above, p. 184, n. 2. One of the earliest proofs of his departure from the mediteval tenets respecting the sacrificial character of the Eucharist, is found in the Queries concerning the Mass (at the begiu- niug of 1548): ]l'orks, ii. 178 sq., ed. Jenkyns. 2 The following account of this important disputation is given by Bartholomew Traheron in a letter addressed to Bullinger and dated Lon- don, Dec. 31, 1518: 'On the 14th of December, if I mistake not, a dis- putation was held at London concei'ning the Eucharist, in the presence ('in consessu') of almost all the nobility of England. The argument was sharply contested by the bishops. The archbishop of Canterbury, contrary to general expectation, most openly, firmly, and learnedly maintained your opinions upon the subject' \i.e. the Swiss opinion in its modified form and as about to be restated in the Consensus Tigurinus of 1549]. The same writer goes on to mention that the bishop of Rochester (Kidley), who had rejected the dogma of transubstantiation as early as 1545, on reading the work of llatramn [Middle Age, p. 1G7), defended the same position, and that the result was a ' brilliant victory of the truth.' But the bias of Traheron is discernible in the next sentence where he adds, that ' it is all over with Lxitheranism' ('video plane actum de Lutheran- ismo') ; and it is even probable that he misunderstood some parts of the disputation, for in a hi;rried postscript appended to his letter by John ab Ulmis we read, * The foolish bishops have made a marvellous recantation.' 3 See Gloucester llidley's Z/ft! of Ridley, Lond. 17C3; and cf. the notes in Wordsworth's Eccl. Biography, Vol. tu. 1 sq. ENGLAND. Ridley on the saiiic question. The English and Irish Beformation. [CHAP. to the faithful in connexion with the Eucharistic elements \ The animus of that Service-book^ was primitive and even Mediaeval; very much of the material was drawn* directly from the older Offices, and in the portions where new elements of thought are visible, the sources which supplied them were the Breviary of cardinal Quignones^ recom- mended by pope Paul III., and still more the Consultation of archbishop Hermann of Cologne. For instance, the Baptismal office was indebted very largely to this formu- lary, and through it to one of Luther's compilations'', made as early as 1523. Such peculiarities, however, proved offensive to one party in the Church of England. They manifested what was held to be unjustifiable tenderness for ' Popery,' and countenanced, in some degree, those * Lutheran' rites and tenets^, which by the extreme reformers began to be esteemed of kindred origin. The fall of Somerset*^, at the same conjuncture, tendmg to revive the hopes of Gardiner 1 E. (J. Ridley states the matter thus (in his Brief Declaration of the LorcVs Siijrper, Works, ed. P. S. pp. 10, 11) : ' The controversy no donbt which at this day troubleth the Church (wherein any mean [i.e. moderately] learned man, either old or new, doth stand in) is not, whether the holy sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ is no better than a piece of common bread, or no ; or whether the Lord's table is no more to be re- garded than the table of any earthly man; or whether it is but a bare sign or figure of Christ and nothing else, or no. For all do grant that St Paul's words do require that the bread which we break is the partaking of the Body of Christ,' &c. ^ It is })rinted in parallel columns with the later versions of the Prayer- Book, in Keeling's Liturgia Britaunicce ; Lond. 1842. Cardwell's Prayer- Books of Edward VI. Oxford, 1852. It is also published by the Parker Society, and in a volume by itself by H. B. Walton, Oxford, 1870. •^ His reformed Breviary was first printed in 153G. In the title it professes among other things to be 'ex sacra et canonica Scrij^tura... accurate digestum.' 4 See Vas Tanfbiichlein verdeutscht dnrch D. Martin Luthcrn (1523) in Daniel's Codex Liturg. Eccl. Luther, pp. 185 — 201. ^ See above, p. 195, n. 2, i:>. 197, n. 2, for the remarks of Hilles and Traheron, both of whom were opposed to ' Lutheranism.' Subsequently it was the fashion to class Lutherans with 'semi-papists' and 'Ecebo- lians:' e.g. Zurich Letters, i. 169, ii. 201, 202. The latter term was derived from a sophist of Constantinople (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. iii. 13) : ScTTiS ro7s rjdecFL tQv ^aaCkcwv iirofxepos evl fx^v Is^wpcrravTlov diairvpcos ^pia- TLavi^eiv vireKplvaTo' eirl 5e lovXiapou yopyds "FiWrjv ecpalvero' koI addts iierd. ^lovKiavov ^picTTLavl^eLv rfieKe' pi\pas "yap eavTov TrprjvTJ irpo ttjs ttvXtjs toO evKT7)piov OLKOV, TTaTTjcraT^ /me, ejioa, to dXas to auaiadrjTOV tolovtos [xh odv Kod Perhaps 13p. Ridley, who had materially influenced the develop- ment of Cranmer's ideas on this question, is one of the best expositors of his meaning. In the ' last examination before the commissioners ' (Rid- ley's V^orks, ed. P. S. p. 274), there is a debate respecting this use of the word 'real.' Ridley's conclusion is as follows: 'I answer, that in the R.P. U j:\GLAND. 2IO The English and Irish Beformation. [CPIAP. fr. though the elements were simply figures of an absent Saviour, quickening men's belief in Him and symbolizing His flesh and blood, there is no lack of passages in which the Eucharist is also represented as the means by which some vast and supernatural blessing is communicated to the spirit^ of the faithful recipient. Such was probably the state of mind in which the archbishop and some of his more active coadjutors now resolved to modify the structure of the Eucharistic office in the first Edwardine Prayer-Book. They approached the task allotted to them under strong excitement, not indeed persuaded that the office then in use was absolutely^ un- justifiable, but prompted by a gradual modification of their own feelings and ideas to alter some particulars which gave a handle to objections on the one side, and offended scru- sacrament of the altar is the natural Body and Blood of Christ vere et realiter, indeed and really, for spiritually, by grace and efficacy; for so every worthy receiver receiveth the very true Body of Christ. But if you mean really and indeed, so that thereby you would include a lively and a moveable body under the forms of bread and wine, then, in that sense, is not Christ's Body in the sacrament really and indeed.' ^ Thus at the opening of his Defence he has in his mind the aber- rations of a party by whom the Eucharist 'hath been very lightly esteemed, or rather contemned and despised, as a thing of small or of none effect' (p. 292), as well as of the opposite party by whom that holy institution was ' abused.' In p. 306, he asks : ' What thing then can be more comfortable to us than to eat this meat and drink this drink? Whereby Christ certifieth us, that we be spiritually and truly fed and nourished by Him, and that we dwell in Him, and He in us. Can this be showed unto us more plainly than when He saith Himself, He that eateth Me, shall live by Me ? Wherefore whosoever doth not contemn the everlasting life, how can he but highly esteem this sacrament ?' In pp. 437, 438 it is affirmed, ' Forasmuch as the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper do represent unto us the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, by His own institution and ordinance; therefore, although He sit iu heaven at His Father's right hand, yet should we come to this mystical bread aud wine with faith, reverence, purity and fear, as we should do, if we should come to see and receive Christ Himself sensibly present. For unto the faithful, Chiist is at His own holy table present with His mighty Spirit and grace, and is of them more fx-uitfully received than if corporally they should receive Him bodily present. ..And they that come otherwise to this holy table, they come unworthily, and do not eat and diink Christ's flesh and blood, but eat and drink their own damuation; because they do not duly consider Christ's very flesh and blood which be offered there spiritually to be eaten and drunken, but despising Christ's most holy Supper, do come thereto as it were to other common meats and drinks, without regard to the Lord's Body, which is the spiritual meat of that table.' 2 See Cranmer's language just cited, n. 1 above : and cf. above, p. 205. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 2JI pies on the other. And tlie changes ultimately brought about are found to correspond with this construction. To say nothing of the less material additions, substitutions and suppressions, the new office omitted the formal invocation (eVi/cXr^crt?) of the Holy Ghost upon the elements, converted the prayer of oblation into a thanksgiving, and replaced the ancient words made use of at the delivery of the ele- ments, * The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ,' &c. by ' Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee.' In the last example, the old formula was quite compatible with a belief in transubstantiation : the new formula, on the contrary, was made consistent even with the lax hypo- thesis of Zwingli. Yet the various modifications thus effected wrought no very serious changes in the character of the Prayer-Book. It was still, in all its leading features and in the great bulk of its materials, an accumulation of ancient wisdom, a bequest of ancient piety : it was the form of words and bond of faith unitmg English worshippers with saints and martyrs of antiquity ; it was ' the Primi- tive Church speaking to the generations of these latter days ' \ Allusion has been made ah'eady to a series of Articles'"^ which Cranmer had begun to use in his own province as early as 1549. A test of this description had become more needful in proportion as the growth of the Eeforming party excited deadlier opposition, and as members of it were themselves developing eccentric institutions and irregular modes of action. The Prayer-Book, it is true, supplied one valuable test of orthodoxy, and one powerful instru- ment for steadvinor the belief as well as c^uidino- the devo- tions of the English people : but in order to secure an adequate amount of harmony in preachers, lecturers and others similarly occupied, the want of sometliing more concise in shape and definite in phraseology was felt by many of the English prelates. There is reason to believe that such a manifesto would have been regularly autho- rized soon after the accession of King Edward, had not 1 Professor Bhiiit's Four Servwna, pp. 05 sq. Camb. 1850. 2 Above, p. 2U1. These were possibly tlie same as the string of Articles sent to Gardiner (July 8, 1550), from the Privy Coimcil: see the royal order for subscription in Willdns, iv. 03. 14—2 ENGLAMD. General Conft'sKinn of Faith. Tlie English and Irish Reformation. [chap. ENGLAND. Cranmer^ cherished an idea of drawing the continental Protestants together, and uniting them in one communion with the EngUsh Church. This fusion was in truth attempted^ in some measure, as early as 1538, when cer- tain Lutherans were invited to discuss the controversies of the day with a select committee of English prelates and divines, and on the subsequent revival^ of the scheme the Articles drawn up on that occasion might have furnished a convenient basis for the conferences. Melanchthon, who was then the medium of communication, was also requested^ to attend the congress of 1548. He seems, however, to have treated the idea as visionary and impracticable, owing probably to the experience he had gathered after sharing in the failures of like projects on the continent. For Cran- mer did not limit his invitations to one school of theolo- gians^ Bucer, Fagius, Peter Martyr, Laski, Dryander, Calvin and Bullinger were all solicited to aid in the ad- justment of disputed questions, more especially of that 1 The credit of the plan, however, seems to be Melanchthou's : see Laurence, Bampt. Lectures, pp. 222 sq. ^ See above, p. 187. 3 Melanchthon wrote in favour of it to Henry VIII. March 26, 1539, and again in 1542, expressing himself as follows on this last occasion : ' Quod autem ssepe optavi, ut aliquando auctoritate sen regum, sen alio- rum piorum principum, convocatl viri docti de controversiis omnibus libere cnlloquerentur, et relinquerent posteris firmam et perspicuam doctrinam, idem adhuc opto.' See other evidence to the same effect in Laurence, as above, pp. 224 sq. '* Cranmer in writing to John Lasld (July 4, 1548: Works, ed. Jenkyns, I. 330) urges him to bring Melanchthon with him (' si ullo modo fieri poterit'): and a letter written to Melanchthon himself (Feb. 10, 1549 = 1550: Ibid. i. 337) repeats the invitation: 'Multi enim pii doetique viri partim ex Italia [e. (j. Peter Martyr and Ochino], partim ex Germania [e.g. Bucer and Fagius] ad nos convenerunt et plures quotidie expecta- mus, cujus ecclesifc chorum si ipse tua pniesentia ornare et augere non gravaberis, baud scio qua ratione gloriam Dei magis illustrare poteris.' As late as March 27, 1552, the same point is pressed in another letter of great interest (Ibid. i. 348), from which we learn that the 'causa sacra- mentaria' was still agitated, and that Bullinger had been invited. ^ See Laski's letter to Hardenberg (July 19, 1548) of which an extract is printed in Jenkyns's Cranmer, i. 330 n. ". Cranmer himself, writing to Laski in the same month (as above, n. 4), gives the following account of his motives in planning the conference, and of his wishes with respect to the management of it: ' Cupimus nostris ecclesiis veram de Deo doc- trinam proponere, nee volumus cothurnos facere aut ambiguitatibus ludere ; sed semota omni prudentia carnis, veram, perspicuam, sacrarum literarum normae convenientem doctrime formam ad posteros transmit- tere,' etc. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 21 which in the Reformation-period was the source of many others, — the doctrine of the Eucharist. Occasional notices importing that such a conference, though postponed from time to time, had not entirely vanished from men's thoughts are traceable^ until the spring of 1553. Yet long before this date effectual mea- sures had been taken by the English primate and his friends to remedy the inconvenience that resulted from the want of some authorized Confession. It is also most remarkable that notwithstanding the decided bias of one party in favour of the Swiss divines, the model chosen for the guidance of the compilers was a Lutheran document, the celebrated Confession drawn up at Augsburg in 1530, or rather a string of Articles*'' derived from it, with sundry adaptations and expansions, during the visit of the Lutheran envoys in 1538. Accordingly, the animus of the English series published in 1553 is found to be accordant in the main^ with Saxon rather than with Swiss theology. The object of archbisliop Cranmer, who had been for- mally instructed by the court in 1551 to undertake the framing, or at least re-casting* of this manifesto, was to bring about, if possible, *a godly concord in certain matters of religion.' The Church of England, we have seen already, was divided into angry lactions. Gardiner and his allies, exasperated by the quick development of reform- ^ The last trace occurs in a letter from Cranmer to Calvin (dated March 20, 1552 = 1553): Works, i. 346. 2 The ' Thirteen Ai-ticles ' of 1538 are reprinted in Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, Append, ii. : of. pp. Gl sq. of the same work. ^ The chief exception is in the 29th Article of the series ('Of the Lordes Supper'), where the idea of a 'reall and hodilie presence (as thei terme it) of Christes fieshe and blonde' is rejected. Still even here it is remarkable that the authorized series did not like Hooper's (below, n. 4) proceed to the formal rejection of ' any maner of corporall, or locall pre- sence of Christ in, under, or with the bread and wine.' * It is now almost certain that a series of Articles analogous to those compiled in 1551 and 1552, had been already circulated by individual bishops on their own authority. Such may have been Cranmer's series of which mention is made above, p. 201. Such were unquestionably the Articles used by Hooper in visiting his dioceses, as we know from the 'liesponsio I'otcrabiiiiim sacerdotnm Ilenrici Joliffe et Rohrrti Joiu The new state-council contained a mixture of reformed and unre- formed, the latter preponderating: see Camden, Annales, pp. 2, 3, Lugd. ENGLAND. Earlji ineasiiren of EUza- hcih. '24 Tlte English and Irish Beformation. [ciiAP, ENGLAND. all the pulpits of the kingdom were reduced to silence^; party names were interdicted ; warnings were addressed to those who on the one side favoured ' superstition,' and to those who on the other were inclined to laxity, or dis- regarded holy things I But in the spring of 1559 it grew apparent that Elizabeth was determmed at all risks" to brave the indignation of the pontiff ^ even while foreseeing that the powers whom he had rallied in the hope of con- quering the world afresh, might all be turned against her. In resisting such a foe, she counted not only on her per- sonal popularity, but on the deep repugnance felt by many of her subjects to reunion with the Roman see. Batav. 1623, and Turner, in. 507, n. 45. Yet Cecil and Bacon were the most intimate advisers. 1 The royal order is dated Dec. 27, 1558 (Wilkins, iv. 180). It proves that the Keformers were again emerging from their concealment ; and the same is visible in the records of the southern convocation, when the lower house (Feb. 1558 — 1559), by way of protest reaffirmed the old opinions. Ibid. j). 179. 2 See Bacon's speech at the meeting of parliament, Jan. 25, 1559, in D'Ewes, Journals, &c. p. 12. '^ An important ' Device for Alteration of Religion, in the first year of Queen Elizabeth,' is printed in Burnet, 'Kecords,' Ptirt ii, Bk. iii. No. 1. The dangers likely to ensue are stated and discussed with great calmness, apparently by Cecil and Sir Thomas Smith. The first of them runs as follows : * The bishop of Kome, all that he may, will be incensed, he will excommunicate the Queen's highness, interdict the realm, and give it in prey to all princes that will enter upon it ; and stir them up to it by all manner of means.' The sixth is more remarkable as shewing how thoroughly these statesmen realized the difiiculties of the position : ' Many such as would gladly have alteration from the Church of Home, when they shall see peradventm-e that some old ceremonies be left still, for that [because] their doctrine, which they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only and all other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented and call the alteration a cloak' d Papistry, or a mingle-mangle ' (p. 328, ed. 1683). In the solution of this latter diffi- culty he foreshadows the whole course of their administration (p. 330), ' Better it were that they [the iiltra-reformers] did suffer, than her high- ness and commonwealth should shake or be in danger ; and to this they must well take heed that draw the Book,' [meaning probably the re- vision of the Prayer-Book]. ^ She announced the fact of her accession to the pope as well as to the other continental potentates. But Paul IV. replied that she was illegitimate, that by ascending the throne without his sanction she had insulted the authority of the apostolic see, &c. Heylin, ii. 268, Dodd, II. 120 with Tierney's note. The natural result was that she instantly ordered Carne, the English ambassador, to return from Eome: and when Pius IV. manifested a more conciliatory spirit two years later, (see Ch. Butler's Historical Memoirs of the Catholics, i. 152, 158) the golden opportunity had passed. IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 225 The first proceedings^ of the legislature, though some were strongly adverse to the papal claims, provoked no formidable opposition, if we except the bill in which it was proposed to reinvest the crown with the ecclesiastical supremacy^ enjoyed by Henry VIII. and Edward. The proposal was, however, finally accepted, in spite of nume- rous scruples ^ rising from a total misconception of its pur- port and effect. The same measure made it lawful to the queen and her successors to constitute ecclesiastical com- missions'* for correcting and repressing every kind of schism and misbelief, provided alwa3^s that nothing should from henceforth be accounted heresy, but what had been so adjudged 'by the authority of the canonical Scriptures, or by the first four general councils or any of them, or by any other general council wherein the same was declared heresy by tlie express and plain words of the said canonical Scrip- tures, or such as hereafter shall be ordered, judged or determined to be heresy by the high court of parliament of this realm, with the assent of the clergy in their convo- cation.' The next important measure was an act for legalizing the Book of Common Prayer, and for establishing religious 1 E. g. Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 3, ' for recognition of the Queen's highness to the imperial crown of the realm,' and 1 Eliz. c. 4, ' for the restitution of the first-fruits to the crown' (above, p. 177, n. 2): Mary having relin- quished her claim to these latter. ^ Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 1. The title is very remarkable : ' An Act to restore to the crown the ancient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical and spiritual, and abolishing all foreign powers repugnant to the same.' In Caudrey's case (Coke's 5th licport, p. 8), it was contended that this was not a statute introductory of a new law, but declaratory of the old. 'which,' as Mr Stephen remarks {Eccl. Stat. i. 353), 'is true with regard to a general right of jurisdiction in the crown over the state ecclesias- tical : but it does not apply to the entire statute, ' •* Elizabeth tried to soften these by laying aside the title ' Supreme Head' (above, p. 170, n. 4), and still more pointedly in the InjiDictions which she issued during the same year (Cardwell's Documentary Annah, I. 20U). It was there declared that she did not challenge any more authority than ' under God, to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms,' which is still further explained in Art. XXXVII. as modified in 1562. The oath of supremacy, however, as enjoined in sect. xix. of this enactment was refused by all the Marian bishops, except Kitchen of Llandaff. See Heylin, 11. 293, 294 on their deprivation and subsequent treatment. Bonner was the only prelate who experienced any thing like undue severity. * Sect, xviii. and sect, xxxvi. R. P, 15 ENGLAND. ' . ' JRe-esta- blishnient of the royal supremacy. Drfniit'on of heresy. The Eliza- bet hail Praycr- BooL 226 KVGLAKD. Character (if ardii)p. Parker. Tlie English and Irish Reformation. [chap. uniformity^ in all parts of England. Changes^ were, how- ever, introduced into that formulary, partly for the sake of adding to the ceremonial" which had been considerably reduced in the later years of Edward, and still more with the intention of correcting errors not unlikely to be prompt- ed by his second Prayer-Book, with respect to the specific nature of Christ's presence in the Eucharist ■*. The predilections of the court, as manifested in these I changes, were still further shewn by nominating Matthew ! Parker for the new archbishop of Canterbury. Elected by I the chapter of that cathedral (Aug. 1, 1559), and regularly^ consecrated at Lambeth on the 17th of the following December, he ]3i^oceeded with a happy mixture*^ of pru- ^ Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 2. The Preamble refers to the act of Mary's 'par- liament by which the Praj'er-Book had been taken away, to the great decay of the dne honour of God, and discomfort to the professors of the truth of Christ's religion.' In sect.* xiv. all persons, 'having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent,' are enjoined 'to resort to their parish church or chapel accustomed. ..and then and there to abide orderly and soberly during the time of the common prayer, preaching, or other ser- vice of God,' under certain penalties. 2 See Procter, pp. 54 sq. A disputation was held at Westminster March BO, 1559, in order to prepare the way for the introduction of the reformed service-book, which was ordered to be used on ' the feast of the " nativity of St John Baptist ' (June 24) : see the particulars in Cardwell's Conferences, ch. i. ii. ^ By Stat, i Eliz. i. c. 2, sect, xxv., the ' ornaments of the church and of the ministers thereof,' were restored as in 2nd year of Edw. VI. 4 The sentences employed at the distribution of the elements (above, p. 210) by the two Edwardine Prayer-Books were now combined; 'lest, under the colour of rejecting a carnal, they might be thought also to deny such a real presence as was defended in the writings of the ancient Fathers :' Heylin, i. 287. Eor the same reason the ' Declaration on Kneeling ' (above, p. 206, n. 4) was dropped, much to the discontent of some reformers : see Zurich Letters, i. 180, ed, P. S. : and cf. Ibid. p. 105. ^ On the 'Nag's-Head' fable and other objections to the 'succession' of the English bishops, see Le Courayer, Validity of the Ordinations of the En(jlis]i, new ed. Oxf. 1844. Haddan's notes on Bramhall's Works, Oxford, 1842-5 ; and Aposiolical Succession, Oxford, 1869 ; also Baile}^ Ordiuuni Aufilicanoruni defensio, London, 1870. The consecrators of Parker were Barlov/, vScory, Coverdale and Hodgkin (suffragan of Bed- ford), On his biography in general, see Strype's Life of Parker and his own Correspondence printed by the Parker Society. ^ It is curious to notice how the Eomanist Dorman, in his Disproufe of 31. NoioeUes Reproufe (Antwerp, 1565) aclcnowledges that Parker, Guest (of Kochester), and Cheynie (of Gloucester) were men 'in all re- spectes (heresye set aparte) worthy to beare the office off true bishoppes in Christes churche ' (fol. 108 b). He also adds that Parker was nick- named 'Matthewe mealmouthe,' a 'Linccwolsy bishoppc,' ttc. The IV.] Tlie English and Irish Beformation. 0'-> -7 dence, gentleness and firniness to reorganize tlie body over which he had been summoned to preside. He shewed himself the great conservative spirit of the English Reform- ation \ sheltering many a treasure from the general wreck of ancient literature entailed by the destruction of the monasteries, and importing the same thoughts and feelings into his arrangements for securing the stability of religion. Parker had remained in England daring the reign of Mary. Hc3 was, therefore, less addicted than some others whom he styles ' Germanical natures"', to the models of religious worship they had studied on the continent. His enemies indeed have censured him as little better than a Lutheran ^ owing to the views he held on controverted subjects, more especially on the doctrine of the sacraments. Yet 'he was Lutheran only in so far as Luther had revived the doctrine of the Early Church, and ' followed the examples of the ancient and worthy Fathers'*. The new primate was, however, scarcely seated on his throne at Canterbury, when the troubles that were destined to embarrass all the rest of his career, began to peep above the surface. The exiles who had hastened home on hear- ing that the storm of jDersecution was exhausted by the qneen also tlioup;ht Lim on some occasions 'too soft and easy,' while divers of bis brethren (Corres^^ondence, p. 173) noted him ' too sharj) and too earnest in moderation, which,' he adds, ' toward them I have used and will still do, till mediocrity shall be received amongst us.' ^ His opinion of men like Knox is cited above, p. 137, n. 4 : cf. his Corrc'.fjJondcnce, p. 435. ^ Correspond, p. 125. 3 See Dorman, Bispronfe, as above, where he says that this was the case with respect to the Eucharist: foi. 52 a: and in Heads of Doctrine (above, p. 2Ul, n. 5), he revived the expression ' conferre gratiam' (so obnoxious to the Ciilvinists) in describing the efficacy of both the sacra- ments. Together with Cox of Ely he defended the use of a crucifix or cross, in the Queen's chapel : see Zurich Letters, i. 07, 08, ii. 41, 43. * See Parker's Correspondence, p. Ill :' cf. his last will in Strvpe's T.ife, Append. No. c. Another scholar of like mind was Edmund (leste ((iuest), wlu) having remained in Phigland during tlio Marian troubles, was promoted to the see of Rochester (Jan. 1559 = 1500), and afterwards to that of Salisbury. On him devolved the principal burden of revising the Prayer-lJook, owing to Parker's illness. See his Life, by H. G. Dugdale, Lond. 1.S40, where his Treatise arjainste the prevee Masse in the belialfe and furtheraunce of the viooste holije Connmiuyon (Lond. 1548), and other pieces, are reprinted. Parker nmst have also found a zealous fellow-worker in Alley, bp. of Exeter, who took an active part in the synod of 1503. His opinions may be gatlirred from the Foore Man's Librarie, a large collection of theological mi::celluiiies, Lond. 1505. 15—2 ENGLAND. T/te rell- f/ious pecu- liarities ff the ixiks. 228 The English and Irish Beformation. [CHAP. ENGLAND. Their spe- cuhtfive theology. death of Mary, were in many ca.ses^ strongly tinctured by the characteristic doctrines of the Swiss. The violence of ultra-Lutherans^ in the north of Germany had driven many of them into the arms of Bullinger and Calvin. Accordingly, when the earliest manifesto^ of this party was drawn up in the spring of 1559, to answer the 'vain bruits of the lying Papists,' they could boast that its com- pilers 'had not departed in the slightest degree from the Confession of Zurich'*.' But although these Articles were mainly in accordance with the formulary of 1552, they do not appear to have been satisfactory either to the English primate or to the court ; for in the same year a totally dif- ferent list^ (eleven in number) was published by authority, and appointed to be 'holdenof all parsons, vicars and curates,' in attestation of their general agreement with each other. The former series entered somewhat largely on a class of speculative topics^ which had been discussed indeed by all successive ages of the Church remarkable for intellectual activity, viz. the truth of God's fore-knowledge and the 1 The chief exceptions seem to have been those (like Young, after- wards archbishop of York) who took refuge at Wesel: see Soames, FAizabethan EeUoious History, pp. 20, 21. Lond. 1839, 2 On the persecution of Laski and his friends, see above, p. 156: and the contemporary narrative of Utenhovius, as above, p. 218, n. 3. '^ Some account of it is given by Strype {Annals, i. 115, ed. 1725). It professes to adhere very closely to the Edwardine Articles of 1552, and does so in discussing many of the principal topics. The article on predestination (§ 3) is much fuller; that on justification is almost entirely new; while prefixed to the articles on 'the civil magistrate ' (§§20—22) is an earnest disavowal of any sympathy with books like that of Knox (above, p. 137). Sandys, in writing to Parker, April 30, 1559, mentions that the authors of this series intended to pubhsh their v,'ork • so soon as the parHament is ended,' adding, ' I wish that we had your hand unto it f Burnet, ' Kecords,' Part ii. Book in. No. ii. The entire document is still among the MSS. of Corpus Chr. Coll. Camb. No. cxxi. § 20. Parker alludes to it in his Correspondence, p. 66, and as late as 1566, applies to Cecil for the manuscript {Ibid. p. 290). 4 So Jewel writes to Peter Martyr April 28, 1559 : Zurich Letters, I. 21. 5 Printed in Wilkins, iv. 195 sq., and Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, Append. No. iv. It must have been published at the very end of 1559, since Parker was not consecrated till Dec. 17. 6 Strype, Annals, i. 115, where, however, the whole of the Article on Predestination is not printed. The compilers lay great stress upon this doctrine, adducing the authority of St Augustine to the same effect, yet freely admit the dangers which may follow from one-sided apprehension of it, and concede that ' in this our corrupt age,' it ought to be handled ' sparely and circumspectly.' IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 229 ground of His predestination, as those doctrines bear upon the parallel truths of human freedom and of moral respon- sibility. In the reign of Henry VHL such questions had been very warmly agitated^ here as well as on the conti- nent: they also taxed the spirit of the Marian martyr''^, while in hourly expectation of his summons to the stake : but at the opening of the new reign, after many of the refugees had learned to systematize their tenets by con- tinued intercourse with leading Swiss divines, the con- troversy on predestination and the points immediately connected with it had begun to occupy a central place in their theology, and even threatened here and there to swallow up all other Christian doctrines^ On the contrary, the Articles of 1559 abstained from such disputes, restricting their definitions to the funda- mental verities embodied in the creeds, or to those contro- versies where the Church of England was completely at issue with the Romanists. And when it was at length proposed to reconsider the Forty-two Articles of Edward VI., on the assembling of the first Elizabethan Convocation 1 See especially bp, Gardiner, Declaration (against George Joye), fol. xxxix. and p'i»i. In fol. Ixxiiii. bo writes : ' The true teachynge of Cbristes Cburcbe abborretb necessitie, and yet worsbyppeth for moost certayne trutbes Goddes prouidence, election, and predestiuacion, wbere- by we be taugbte tbat God is auctor of al our beltb, weltb and saluacion, tbe cyrcumstaunce of wbicb workyng in God in bis election and predes- tinacion, altbougbe it be as impossible for mans wit to frame witb [i.e. make consistent witb] our cboyse and free wyll as to deuise bow a camell sbulde passe tbrougb tbe eye of an nedle witbout makj-ng tbe nedles eye bygger or tbe camell lesse ; yet tbat is impossible for man is not impossible for God.' * See Laurence, Authentic Documents relating to tlie Predcstinarian Controversy, Oxf. 1819. Tbe prisoners in tbe King's Bencb disagreeing on tbe doctrine, one of tbem, Bradford, prepared a statement wbicb be submitted to Cranmer, Eidley and Latimer, tben imj^risoned at Oxford. Eidley alone seems to bave replied to tbe inquirers, but bis 'godly and comfortable treatise,' as Coverdale terms it, is no longer extant. Im- mediately afterwards be wrote to Bradford : ' Sir, in tbose matters I am so fearful tbat I dare not speak fartber, yea almost none otberwise tban tbe text dotb, as it were, lead me by tbe band : ' Works, ed. P. S. p. 368. ^ InHaweis' Sketches of the Reformation, p. 95, Lond. 1844, an account is given of a clergyman wbom Parker cbarged not to preacb controversial sermons on tbe Livine Counsels ; wbereupon tbe zealots rebuked bim, arguing tbat predestination, ' as tbe only doctrine of salvation,' ougbt to be preacbed evei'ywbere, and before all audiences. Tbe excessive rigour of tbis scbool, and tbeir doctrinal aberrations, bave been exposed in an adverse spirit by Heylin in bis liistoria Quinqu-Articularis. ENGLAND. Revision of the Articles. 2^0 Tlie English and Irish Pieformation. [cHAP. (Jan. 1562 — 3), the changes introduced bear witness to the presence of the same controlling spirit \ Instead of drawing hints from the Helvetic Confessions, Parker had recourse to one of Saxon origin^, distinguished for its moderation, and actually presented by the state of Wllrtem- berg to the assembled council of Trent (1552). As finally remodelled at this time, and regularly sanctioned by the convocation of the southern province^ the Articles had undergone important modifi cations \ The statements of the Churcli were amplitied on certain doctrines, more especially those in which her teaching had been misrepre- sented; other subjects were omitted altogether, owing partly to the disappearance of the forms of misbelief at which they had been levelled, and partly to a manifest anxiety of the compilers to abstain, as far as might be, from scholastic questions : while in reference to the Eucha- rist^, of which the statement may in every case be taken 1 This remark may be extended to the Second Boole of Homilies, pre- pared perhaps during the reign of Edward VI. , and published by autho- rity in 1563 : although a greater portion of the material out of which the book was framed is traceable to foreign sources. " Above, p. C5. Some light is thrown upon this question by the fact that immediately after the accession of Elizabeth, a party of the English reformers were anxious to adopt the Augsburg Confession (see Strype's Annahy a.d, 1558, pp. 53, 174, Lond. 1725), and in the following year they had succeeded in persuading the Queen to make overtures for join- ing the Schmalkaldic League : see Jewel's letter to Peter Martyr (April 28, 1559): Zurich Letters, i. 21; cf. pp. 54, 55, and ii. 48. 3 Although the northern convocation does not appear to have exerted any direct influence on the compilation of these Articles, and may not have formally accepted them till 1605, the archbishop of York, and the bishops of Durham and Chester, subscribed in the synod of the southern province on this occasion. See Lathbury, Hist, of Co7ivoc. pp. 165, 166, 1st ed. , and Bennet On the XXXIX. Articles, p. 206, who makes it very probable that the northern clergy were consulted by the archbishop at the beginning of Feb. 1562 (=1563). ^ See them detailed at length in Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 125 sq. 5 The exiles, on presenting their Articles of Christian Doctrine in 1559 (above, p. 228, n. 3), expressed themselves at considerable length on the 'Lordes Supper' (Art. xiv.: MS. p. 155): ' ...in the due administracion of this holie supper we do not denye all maner of presence of Christes bodie and bloude, neither do we thinke or sale, that the holie sacrament is onely a nakid and a bare signe or figure in the which nothing elles is to be reeeyued of the faithfull but common bread and wyne...yet we do not alow tlie corporall, carnall and real presence which they teache and mayn- teyne.' Their position is, affirmatively speaking, that ' to the beleuer and worthie receyuer is verily given and exhibited whole Christ, God and man, with the frutes of His passion.' Some of them, however, were dissatisfied IV.] Tlie English and Irish Reformation. 2^1 as one of the best criteria for deciding the special character of all confessions issued at this period, the Church of England occupied a more distinct and independent place than ill the previous list of Articles. The llomish theory of transabstantiation was repudiated quite as strongly as before : the theory, alike of Romanist and Lutheran, touch- ing the manducation of our Lord's Body by the wicked, was no less obnoxious to the majority of the synod ^ : yet in order to establish a position equally removed from Zwin- gli's, they determined that the Body of Christ is after a heavenly manner given, taken and eaten in the Lord's Supper, and at last withdrew a clause'"^ which in the former Articles denied the possibility of ' the reall and bodilie presence (as thei terme it) of Christes fleshe and blonde,' upon the ground that His humanity is locally restricted to the place of His glorification. The proceedings of the synod threw fresh light upon the tendency of public feeling and the relative strength of parties then existing in the Church ot" England. For example, overtures^ were made in order to effect, if possi- Avith the changes made in 15»33. For example, Humphrey and Sampson \Yriting to Eullinger (July, 15(56), and pointing out the 'blemishes that still attach to the Church of England,' complain: 'Lastl.y, the Article composed in the time of Edward VI., respecting the spiritual eating, "vvhich expressly oppugned and took away the real jiresence in the Eucha- rist, and contained a most clear explanation of the truth, is now set forth among us mutilated and imperfect:' Zurich Letters, i. 165. Cf. the ana- logous complaints on the withdrawal of the Declaration about kneeling, above, p. 226, n. 4. ^ It is a remarkable symptom that this article was, notwithstanding, dropped in the printed copies, and not restored till 1571. ■-^ Dorman, in his Disproufe of M. Nowcllcs lleproufe (1565), insists more than once on the divisions among the English prelates on tbis subject (fol. 53 a, fol. 103). In 1571, however, Parker seems to think that no material difference had been perpetuated : Correspond, p. 379. One of tliem, Cheynie, bp. of Gloucester, openly defended the doctrine of Luther {ZitricJi Letters, i. 185, 186) as late as 1567: cf. Strype, Aimals, i. 563. ^ See the account in Strype's Annals, ch. xxix. (i. 335 sq. ed. 1725). Sandys, then bishop of Worcester, mooted the question respecting the fiign of the cross : but the greater part of the objections issued from the lower house, where the paper of reformanda was subscribed by dean Nowell, the prolocutor, and thirty-two other members. One of tlieir proposals was to modify the thirty-third article, which had just been approved by the convocation. And even after this project failed, another motion, aiming at nearly the same objects, was introduced into the lower house (Feb. 13), and lost by only one vote. ' Those that were for altera- tions,' writes Strype, ' and for stripping the English Church of her cere- ENGLAND, Open in a of the ridutl- istic con- troversy. The English and Irish Reformoiion. [chap. ble, some sweeping changes in the ceremonial as enjoined by the Elizabethan Prayer-Book, and the Act of Uniform- ity. Many of the exiles, unaccustomed for some years to services which if consistently performed would bear fre- quent resemblance to the ritual of the Middle Ages, lost no time in circulating threats or murmurs or misgivings. The administration of the sacraments was thought to 'savour altogether of Lutheranism'^: the champions of the Prayer-Book were reputed a 'papistical'" or at the least a ' Lutherano-papistical ministry '^ The earliest censures of these disaffected churchmen contemplated more especially the use of the cross in baptism, 'all curious singing and playing at the organs/ copes, surplices, saints' days, caps and gowns, and most of all perhaps the practice of kneeling at the sacrament. Nor was the disaffection limited to some of the more ignorant or clamorous members of the ' Swiss' party. It is painful to record that several^ of the most able monies and usages then retained and used, were siicli (as I find by their names subscribed) as had lately lived abroad:' p. 337. ^ Zurich Letters, ii, 159; the author of this expression being George Withers, who was then a great champion of the non-conforming or dis- affected churchmen: see Soames, Elizab. Hist. pp. 57 sq. ^ Parker and Burghley were stigmatized as such: Parker's Correspond. p. 479. The archbishop remarks, however, ' If I, you, or any other, named great papists, should so favour the pope, or his rehgion, that we should pinch Christ's true Gospel, woe be unto us all.' 2 Grindal and Home, writing to Bullinger and Gualter (Feb. 6, 1567), declare that the adoption of the authorized vestments, contrary to their own wishes and convictions, was the only means of preserving the Church from ' a papistical, or at least a Lutherano-papistical ministry:' Zurich Letters, i. 177, cf. Ibid. ir. 143. Gualter, in writing to Beza (July 23, 1566), speaks of the English clergy in general as 'wolves, papists, Lu- therans, Sadducees and Herodians ' (Ibid. ii. 125). ^ E. g. Miles Coverdale, bishop of Exeter in the time of Edward, was not allowed to re-enter his diocese on this account. See the biographical notice prefixed to his Remains, ed. P. S. 1846. Thomas Sampson, dean of Christ Church, and Lawrence Humphrey, president of Magdalene Col- lege, Oxford, Thomas Lever of Cambridge, and John Foxe the ' martyro- logist,' are other examples of the same inflexibility, and were fellow- sufferers of Coverdale (see Soames, pp. 29 sq. pp. 74 sq.). But besides these open adversaries of the ritual, a large proportion of the bishops taken from the refugees had similar objections. Grindal bp. of London, Pilkington bp. of Durham, Home bp. of Winchester, are some of the chief members of the class (Soames, pp. 21 sq.). Even Jewel at first agreed with Peter Martyr in terming the vestments ' relics of the Amor- ites ;' see Le Bas, Life of Jewel, pp. 74 sq. It is also obvious that of the clergy who had licence to preach (about one-thii'd of the whole body), very many were swayed by the same antipathies; Soames, p. 32. IV The English and Irish Reforniation. 233 scholars and most energetic preachers, — men whose hearts were overflowing with affection for their parishes, whose name is still revered among the worthies of their genera- tion, and whose writings still inform and edify the Church, — were victims of these petty scrujdes, and must therefore be in part responsible not only for the agitations of that age, but also for the mightier tempests whicli eventually broke upon their country, levelling alike the altar and the throne. Yet Parker, on the other hand, how much soevei' he might sympathize with tender consciences, could not be forced from his position. He saw at once the revolutionary nature of the movement \ and supported ""^ by the Queen and Cecil (now lord Burghley) was resolved to offer it the most decided opposition ^ What is generally known as the ' vestment-controversy' may be said to have reached its highest point in 1566, about which time the mal-con tents were branded with the name of Puritans, or Precisians. Not a few of the church authorities, who heretofore had winked at non-conformity, avowing that they held their places chiefly for the sake of keeping out objectionable ministers ^ were now resolved to execute the law. They ENGLAND. ^ See his Correspondence as early as 1566, pp. 284, 285. The mutual counteraction caused by these disputes was also painfully present to his mind: Ibid. pp. Gl, 321. '■^ See the royal Advertisements (15G4) in Wilkins, iv. 247 sq., and the Proclamation against the despiscrs or breakers of tJw orders prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer (1573). Ibid. pp. 278, 279. 2 E. g. in his Articles to be inquired of icitltin the diocese of Canterbury (1569): Ibid. pp. 257 sq. The lawlessness with which he had to struggle may be gathered from an official paper in Strype's Life of Parker, p. 152 The first specimen runs as follows : ' Some say the service and prayers in the chancel, others in the body of the church ; some say the same in a seat made in the church, some in the pulpit with their face to the peojDle ; some keep precisely the order of the Book, others intermeddle psalms in metre; some say with a surplice, others without a surplice.' Yet these were only the beginnings of disorder: for even Mr Marsden, ///sf. of tJie Early Puritans, admits, pp. 54, 55 (Lond. 1850), that the extravagance afterwards disi)layed by some of the party, ' almost defies exaggeration. Every form of Church-government, and every distortion of Christian doc- trine, had for a while its boisterous advocates.' ^ Such for instance was the plea of Grindal and Horno {Zurich Let- ters, I. 177). When the latter of these prelates gives a living to Hum- l)hrey, after his liberation from the restraint in which he had been placed lor non-conformity. Jewel refused to institute him (Le Bas, pp. 155 sq.), and subsequently made himself peculiarly obnoxious to the Puritans {Ibid. 198). On Grindal's further reasons for comijliauce see Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 135. The English and Irish Beformation. [CfiAP. were convinced that Puritanism when fully grown would prove itself the natural enemy of episcopacy, and would destroy all kinds of organization, where the people were not virtually supreme \ This inference was supported by the fact that some of the more advanced leaders of the Puritans refused to countenance the public worship, and at last departed altogether from the communion of the Church''^ (1567). Meanwhile the opposite (or 'Romanizing') party had been thrown into a similar agitation, and resolved to follow the example of the early Puritans. A section of the ^Marian ecclesiastics, it is true, had already been deprived^ on their declining to accept the oath of supremacy or sanction the new Prayer-Book (1559) ; but the great body of them still adhered to their positions, either from self-interest or from higher motives, until 1570. In that year originated the Anglo-Roman schism. The pontiff (Pius V.) had hitherto restrained his indignation in the hope of winning back the Queen and her advisers by a gentler process, but his patience was at length exhausted. A bull of excommuni- cation'' was posted on the gates of London-house, denounc- ^ The rapidity of this development is seen in a joint-communication of the two archbishops Parker and Sandys (1573), where they declare that ' in the platform set down by these new builders we evidently see the spoliation of the patrimony of Christ, a popular state to be sought. The end will be ruin to religion and confusion to our country.' ^ See Haweis' Sketches of the Reformation, p. 189, and Zurich Letters, I. 201. 2 On the bishops, see above, p. 225, n. 3 : and Parker's address to them (March 26, 1560): Corresp. p. 111. The entire number who ceased to minister was one hundred and eighty-nine : Strype's Annals, i. 171, 172, Dodd, II. Append. No. xliv. : ci. Z uric 1 1 Letters, j. 66. Some withdrew to the continent, especially to Louvain, while others who nominally con- formed appear to have read the services at church, and said mass in private houses : Eishton, the continuator of Sanders, De Origine ac pro- gressu Schismatis Anplicani, p. 292, Colon. 1585. ■* Printed inWilkins, iv. 260, 261, and Camden's Annales, pp. 183 sq. Lugd. Batav. 1625 ; but differently dated in the two copies. It was really issued April 27, 1570. The following is among the charges brought against Elizabeth: ' libros manifestam hasresim continentes toto regno proponi, impia mysteria et iustituta ad Calviui praescriptum a se suscepta et obser- vata'etiam a subditis servari mandavit.' Camden goes on to say (p. 186) that this bull was obnoxious to the more sober 'Pontificii,' 'qui prius privatim sua sacra intra parietes satis secure coluerunt, vel recepta in Ecclesia Auglicana sacra sine conscientite scrupulo adire non recusarant.' On the general question of the schism produced in 1570, see Fulwood's Hoina liait. Append, pp. 314-318, Camb. 1847. IV.] The English and Irish Beformation. 235 ing vengeance on Elizabeth, and commanding all her sub- jects to violate their oaths of allegiance, under pain of sharinc: in the like anathemas. In connexion with this wrathful manifesto, a rebellion^ was again fomented in the northern shires of England : priests and Jesuits^ educated on the continent, especially at Douay^, were sent over in great numbers with the t^Yofold object of exciting political troubles and disseminating the pecidiar dogmas of Tri- dentine Komanism. Accordingly the English statesmen were disposed lienceforth to handle them more roughly^ Some indeed of those who cherished an affection for the old learning gradually accepted the principles of the Re- formers, and their reabsorption would perhaps have been facilitated if the English Church had not been torn by scandalous divisions ■\ Eor the patience of the rulers in both Church and State continued to be largely taxed by the advances of refractory spirits, who, although they did not openly abandon the established worship nor reject the definitions of Christian doctrine promulgated in the ^ The best account is that of Stow, Annales, pp. 663 sq. 2 As early as 1568 the members of this order had begun to infest the Chm'ch of England under the disguise of Puritanical ministers, their objects being to divide and so to conquer: see the case of Thomas Heath as taken from the register of the see of Eochester, in Dugdale's Life of Edm. Gcste, i)p. 46, 47. 3 On the llomish ' Colleges founded abroad,' see Dodd, Part iv. Art. iii. From the continuator of Sanders we learn that before 1585 as many as 800 * seminary priests ' had been supplied by the establishments at Douay and Eome for 'missionary' work in England. Many of these Anglo- liomanists had been distinguished members of the English universities, c. g. Harding (Jewel's antagonist), Stapleton (aiathor of the Promptua- rixim GathoUaini), and cardinal Allen, the mainspring of the movement (Soames, pp. 92 s(];.). ^ Thus Uurghley writing soon after the horrid massacre of St Bartho- lomew (above, p. 129), complains (Sept. 11, 1573) of being ' bitten with a viperous generation of traitors, papists, and I fear of some domestic hidden scorpions.' Executions were, however, almost imknown till after this date. They became more frequent on the discovery of Babington's plot for the assassination of queen Elizabeth (Carte, iii. 600 sq.), which also led to the execution of her rival, Mary queen of Scots (1587), In the following year a heavier blow was inflicted on the llomanists by the destruction of Philip's grand Armada, which aimed at nothing less than the subjugation of England for the pope, ^ Thus archbishop I'arkcr, in deploring the Romeward tendencies of certain persons ixi 1572, was of opinion that the change was brought about in part at least, * by the disordered preachings and writings of some Puri- tans, who will never be at a point :' Curroipond. p, 392. ENGLAND. The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. Progress of the Puri- tans. Articles, were drifting more and more from their original position. Shielded, in some measure, by the profligate earl of Leicester \ and despairing, as they urged, that reformation would originate in high quarters, they put forward a sar- castic A dmonition to tJie Pay^liament^ (1572) ; in which among denunciations of the Prayer-Book^ and the hierarchy"* they proceeded to recommend the institution of a new church, whose *holy discipline' should copy the presbyterian mo- dels then exhibited in Scotland and Geneva. Two great champions who had measured swords ah-eady in the pulpits, schools, and lecture-rooms of Cambridge, now stood for- ward to assail and to defend the En^-lish Church, its government, its service-books, and general organization. These were Thomas Cartwright^ and John Whitgift®, the latter beins- uro-ed to undertake the office, and assisted in discharging it, by Archbishop Parker^, whom he ultimately ^ See above, p. 151, n. 1. His intense dislike of the archbishop is shewn in Parker's Correspond, p. 472. 2 The first Admonition, written chiefly by John Field and Thomas Wilcox, appeared in 1572, after the Parliament was prorO;Q;ued. In a letter of Beza's appended to it, the Genevese reformer insisted on the import- ance of pm-e ' discipline ' as well as pure doctrine. 3 The ritual portion of it is denounced throughout, and even the body of the work is stigmatized as ' that prescripte Order of seruice made out of the masse-booke,' sign. a. iiij. ed. 1572. Hence the origin of Puritan substitutes for the Prayer-Book, on which see Procter, pp. 83 sq. ^ The bishops are declared to be the ' cheefe cause of backewardnesse and of all breache and dissention,' sign. A. They are also told that their ' kingdom must downe, hold they neuer so hard.' s Cartwright (the T. C. of Hooker) became fellow of St John's College in 1560, and of Trinity College three years later. In 1570 he was ap- pointed to the Margaret professorship, but deprived in the following year when Whitgift was vice-chancellor. In 1573 he wrote his RepUe to Whit- gift's Ansiocre to the Admonition, which is printed at length in Whitgift's Defense (157-4). In 1575 and 1577 Cartwright proceeded with the contro- versy in his Second Re pile. He was now absent from England, at Geneva and elsewhere, till 1585, when on venturing home he experienced many acts of kindness from his former adversary, then archbishop of Canter- bury. ^ See Str^^pe's Life of WJdtfjift, which together with his Lives of Parker and Grindal is full of materials for the history of this critical period. 7 Soames, p. 174. Parker died soon afterwards, May 17, 1575, so hateful to the Puritans that, under the Commonwealth, colonel Scott one of the regicides converted the cliapel at Lambeth where he was burie I 'into a hall or dancing-room.' His remains were also exhumed, the leaden coffin sold, and the bones buried in a dunghill: Ibid. p. 206, note. They were recovered and reburied at the Eestoration. IV.] The English and Irish Befoiination. ^37 succeeded in the primacy of England (1583). Cartwright's violence suggested similar attacks \ and Whitgift's bold defence of his position was the means of rallying some of the dispirited ecclesiastics and opening the eyes of all to the insidious and volcanic agencies by which they were surrounded". The principles involved in these disputes on church- organization and church-ritual were most clearly brought to light in what is called the ' Martin Marprelate ' contro- versy^, which originated in a series of scurrilous libels (1588), where the queen, the bishops, and the rest of the conform- ing clergy, were assailed with every kind of contumely. It was in the House of Commons that the advocates of sweeping changes found their principal supporters during the reign of Elizabeth. There as early as 1570'* bold attempts were made to modify the offices of the 1 E. g. the famous Book of Discipline (1589) by Walter Travers, who was for some time Hooker's coadjutor at the Temple and his theological opponent. - The great production on that side of the controversy is Bancroft's sermon preached at St Paul's cross in Feb. 1588 = 1589. In it he main- tained that bishops were as an order superior to priests and deacons, that they governed by Di\ane appointment, and that to deny these truths was to deny a portion of the Christian faith. On the effect produced by it see He^'hn's i//si. of Presbyter, p. 284. ^ Several of the tracts produced by these discussions have been re- printed by Petheram. Eespecting others see Maskell's History of the Martin Marprelate controversy, Lond. 1845. The question as to the authorship of the tracts is still undetermined. Penry, Throgmorton, Udal and Fenner are commonly said to have taken an active part. That many of the Puritans sympathized with them is plain from the treatises themselves: Maskell, pp. 216 sq. ; cf. Marsden, Early Puritans, pp. 198 sq. on the other side. In Bishop Cooper's Admonition to the People of England (a sober reply to the earlier pamphlets, which appeared in 1589) the wide diffusion of their principles is equally manifest: 'Who seeth not in these dayes, that hee who can most bitterly inueigh against Bishops and Preachers, that can most boldely blaze their discredites, that can most vncharitably slaunder their Hues and doings, thinketh of himselfe, and is esteemed of other, as the most zealous and earnest furtherer of the Gospel,' p. 2: cf. the Eoyal proclamation (Feb. 13. 1588 = 1589), in Wilkins, iv. 340, and Bacon's JVorks, iii. 135 sq. ed. 1765. 4 See Strj-pe's Annals, ii. 63 so^., Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, p. 151. The Queen had in 1566 expressed her determination to resist such intermeddling (cf. Parker's Corresjmnd. p. 291) ; and in the slight modifications of the Articles made by Convocation in 1571, no reference was made to the proceedings in the House of Commons, nor to the act of the same year, 13 Eliz. c. 12, by which subscription to that formulary was exacted from aU candidates for holy orders. ENGL.\ND. Martin Marprelate contro- versy. Puritani- cal ttnd- encies of the Parlia- ment. 2:;8 Tlie English and Irish JReforniation. [chap. ENGLAND. Whltgiffs primacy, and its ef- fects. Church, and even to reject those Articles of EeHgion that sanctioned the Homilies, the Ordinal and the eccle- siastical ' traditions.' The restraining of the Queen's pre- rogative was commonly associated in men's thoughts with the advancement of the Puritanic interest, and hence it is most probable that half compliance with their scruples was covertly intended by the framers of the celebrated act of Parliament requiring 'ministers of the church to be of sound religion '\ Under Grindal, who succeeded Parker in the primacy (1575), the relaxation of church-discipline was most deplorable^, owing to either his latent sympathy with Puritanism or the excessive gentleness of his disposi- tion. Whitgift Avas accordingly compelled to act with an amount of firmness that too often wore the aspect of severity. He enforced subscription^ to the Articles and also to the Prayer-Book : he revived the court of High Commission* as it had been instituted in the first year of queen Elizabeth : he carried out the mandates of tlie crown for checking the irregular action of ministers and other members of the Church who met together periodically 'for the exercise called prophesying '^ By this vigorous course 1 This is the act referred to in the previous note: cf. Hist, of the Ar- ticles, pp. 149, 226 sq. The Puritans construed it in such a manner as to exempt themselves from one class of Articles, swearing to those 'whicli only concern the confession of the true faith and the doctrine of the sacraments :' hut the Coiwocation of the same date required subscription equally to the entire series. 2 Fuller, who is certainly not inclined to press severely on Grindal, complains of his extreme laxity towards the close of his life: Ch. Hist. Bk, IX. p. 138. Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, was another illustration of the same spirit, Cecil writes of him to Parker as early as Aug. 12, 1561 : he ' is blamed even of the best sort for his remissness in ordering his clergy. He winketh at schismatics and Anabaptists, as I am informed. Surely I see great variety in ministration. A surplice may not be borne here. And the ministers follow the folly of the people, calling it charity to feed their fond humour. Oh, my lord, what shall become of this time?' Parker's Correspond, p. 149. Yet similar complaints were still uttered in 1593 by Bancroft iu his Survey of tlie pretended Holy Discipline, p. 249, Lond. 1593. 3 See the Articles touching preachers, &c. (1584) in Wilkins, iv. 307, and, on the archbishop's difficulties, his letter (May 9, 1584) to Sir Chris- topher Hatton, in Nicolas's Life of Hatton, pp. 371, 372, Lond, 1847. ■* Martin Marprelate's indignation at this step may be seen in Maskell as above, pp. 143 sq, 5 Elizabeth's prohibition of these preachings and prayer-meetings Is dated May 7, 1577: Wilkins, iv. 289, Many of the bishops [e. g. (xrindal and Parkhurst) had formerly recommended such ' exercises.' But although IV,] The Englisli and Irish Reformation. 239 of policy, pursued for many years, he was enabled to rescue the Church of England from the yoke of 'the pretended holy discipline.' More than once indeed, the current both of theological literature and of popular feeling had been turned in the direction of Geneva; but when Bancroft was advanced to the archbishopric of Canterbury in 1604, the apprehensions caused by such a tendency were calmed and dissipated. That important section of the Church who viewed episcopacy as Diviaely ordered and as therefore absolutely binding on all Christians, had obtained a fresh predominance, which, notwithstanding many con- flicts and reverses, they preserved throughout the follow- ing century. Amid the 'disciplinarian' troubles which had led to this result, the special dogmas of the English Church were brought less frequently^ on the arena of polemical discus- sion. It is obvious that the type of the theology prevailing in the Universities and thence diffused into the country- parishes, was strongly Augustinian, owing eithf^r to the deference which the Latin Church had ahvays yielded to the great doctor of Hippo, or in many cases to the influence exercised by continental theologians, who in spite of all their independence were deeply tinctured by tlie Augustinian spirit. Bullinger"'* and Calvin may be cited as examples of the latter class ; and the one-sidedness^ which characterizes some of their conceptions of Christian doctrine was betrayed by not a iew of their disciples in this country. That one- sidedness, indeed, although not entirely irreconcileable with our own Articles of Religion, was continually abated here by the unspeculative tone and unpolemical statements of the Liturgy, — a species of corrective, which if felt at all, was far less operative in other communities ; and therefore as tbey might in some instances lead to the edification and instrnction of tlie audience, they were easily convertible into occasions fi)r assailing' tlie established usages of the church and for reflecting on the government : see Soames, pp. 100, 224, 22('), Marsden, pp. 104 sq. ^ Bp. Carleton in hi'A Examination (cf. Bp. IMontague's Appeal), pp. 8, 121, Lond. 1(520, and otlicr writers of more recent times (c. //. Marsden, })p. 205 sq.) have very mucli overstated their case when they maintain that no quarrel was moved ' against the doctrine of our Church ' during the Elizabethan period. '^ His 'Augustinianism,' liowever, was in form much milder than that of Calvin: above, p. 101, n. 4. ^ See above, pp. 119, 161, 162. ENGLAND. Doctrinal character- istics of tlie Eliza- bethan 2>c- riod. 240 The English and Irish Beformation. [chap. long as men embraced the Prayer-Book cordially, their theological opinions were less likely to be marked by those extravagancies^ of thought and feeling which had grown too general on the continent. But, on the other hand, it should be recollected that many of the earliest race of Puritans abhorred the teaching of the Prayer-Book. In their Admonition it is said to be ' full of abominations,' one passage of the Ordinal they branded as 'ridiculous and blasphemous,' and even that portion of the Church's mind which is transmitted in the Articles, they did not think above suspicion. Some, for instance, were considered ' lame ' or mutilated '^ others ' eyther too sparely or else too darkely set downe'^ As in the Prayer-Book they ob- jected to the supplication that 'all men maybe saved'*, so in the Articles they sighed for more distinct assertions of their favourite dogma, that all Christians added to the number of the elect, on fallinof into sin, must of necessitv be rescued from the consequences of their falP. In spite, however, of these scruples not unfrequently repeated, it is certain that the public formularies were thought by a majority of English churchmen to be reconcileable with the Institutio of Calvin*^, which accordingly became a sort ^ That such extravagancies did find their way into England is plain, however, from the passages collected in Heylin's Hist. Quinqu-ArticuL e.g. Part in. ch. xvii, § 4. The sternest advocate of them was William Perkins, whose ^ Armilla Aurea, containing the order of the causes of salvation and damnation,' appeared in 1592. 2 See above, p. 230, u. 5 on the feelings excited by the modification of the Article on the Lord's Supper. George Withers in writing to the prince elector Palatine (before 1567) remarks: ' I will not touch upon the doctrine of our church, which, though sound in most respects, is however lame in others:' Zurich Letters, 11. 162. ^ Cf. Whitgift's remarks upon this passage in his Ansioere, pp. 298, 299, Lond, 1573. 4 See Whitgift's Defense, p. 739, Lond. 1574. 5 The authors of the Seconde Admonition, p. 43, Lond. 1573, after denouncing some of the bishops for their tyranny and ' flat heresie in the sacrament,' add that 'some be suspected of the heresy of Pelagius.' 'For the first, that is, concerning the sacrament, the bishops are notoriously knowne which erre in it, and for free-will not onely they are suspected, but others also. And indeede the booke of the Articles of Christian reli- gion speaketh very daungerously of falling from grace,' etc. This objec- tion to the sixteenth Article frequently recurs. ^ Hence the name ' Calvin o-papistae,' which the non-conforming Puri- tans applied to other chiarchmen : Stapleton, Promptuar. Cathol. Part i. p. 285, Part in. p. 116, Colon. 1594. On the vast authority of Calvin see Hooker's ironical note on A Christian Letter (Works, i. 139, n. 33, IV-.] Tlie English and Irish Beformation, 241 of Oracle and text-book for the students in the Universities. The same is true of Bullinger's productions, more especially the Decades, which as late as 1586 were recommended^ by the southern convocation with the hope of facilitating the preparation of young- curates who were still unlicensed to preach. Even Whitgift himself and his more active coad- jutors, though sympathizing more with St Augustine than with any of the modern divines^, were strongly adverse to those views of Christianity which represented all mankind as equally embraced within the circle of God's love and pity, which insiste;! on some kind of freedom in the human will as necessary to the constitution of a moral agent, and urged the possibility of spiritual suicide in those who had once become partakers of regenerating grace. The Lambeth Articles^, approved by the Archbishop on the 20th of November, 1595, are rigorous statements of the very opposite conclusions. Yet the changes which this for- mulary underwent*, as well as the resistance it eventually Osf. 1841), wliere he ends by asking ' Doe we not daily see that men are accused of heresie for holding that which the Fathers held, and that they neuer are cleere, if they find not somewhat in Calvin to justify themselues?' 1 'Every minister having cure, and being under the degrees of master of arts, and bachelor of law, and not licenced to be a public preacher, shall before the second day of February next provide a Bible, and Bul- linger's Decads in Latin or English and a paper book,' etc. Wilkins, iv. 321. 2 That there was no disposition to accept every thing that bore the name of either Calvin or Luther, is seen from Whitgift's letter to the canons of Lincoln (June 29, 1590), where he blames the dean of that establishment (Cxriftin) for using language which appeared to attribute actual sinfulness to Christ, although the same language might be found in ' Luther, Calvin and some others,' whom, the primate and his colleague add, 'we also in our judgments do therefore mislike:' Nicolas's Life of I{atton,Y>- 487. Whitgift on a different occasion stated that 'the' doc- trine of the Chm-ch of England did in no respect depend upon them.' Strype's Whitgift, p. 4il, Lond. 1718. •^ This manifesto is ultimately traceable to a controversy at Cambridge between Whitaker, the regius professor of divinity and Baron (Baro) the Lady Margaret professor: the latter of whom was compelled to withdraw for teaching among other things, that 'Christ died sufficiently for all,' and maintaining that the denial of this doctrine is contrary to the Articles : see Hardwick's Hist. ch. vii. The ulterior question Cur fructus mortis Cliristi ad oinws Adami posteros non pervcniat, is discussed by Baro in another tract [Camb. Univ. MSS. Gg. i. 29, fol. 46 b sq.). ** See Hard wick as above. Append, v. Expressions in the original draft which were ' ad mentem Calvini' were changed into others 'ad men- tem Augustini.' Hutton, archbishop of York, who suggested an alteration in Art. vi. observed that as it stood it was opposed to St Augustine, who did E. P. 16 ENGLAND. Commence- ment of reaction. The English and Irish Reformation. [chap. encountered \ furnish proofs that England was produc- ing a new race of scholars and divines, who, in propor- tion as they disengaged themselves from foreign ties and modern influences, proceeded more directly to the source of sacred literature, and raised their * scheme of divinity upon the noble foundations of the Fathers, the Councils, and the ecclesiastical historians '^ Before the expiration of the sixteenth century. Hooker had completed his immortal treatise Of the Laws of Eccle- siastical Polity in which the choice thoughts and language and the masterly arguments are scarcely more impressive than the spirit of humility and reverence which is breathed in every chapter. Overal had now succeeded Whitaker at Cambridge, where without materially receding from the j)rinciples of St Augustine, or exposing himself to the re- proach of semi -Pelagian ism, he advocated doctrines virtu- ally extruded from the Calvinistic system; while Andrewes, not inferior in the depth and area of his learning, nor the lustre of his piety, to any worthies of the bygone genera- tions, had become the champion of the English priesthood and the favourite preacher at the court. The spirit of destruction which in the second quarter of the century effected wonders in condemning creature worship, in up- rooting theories of human merit, and expelling popery, was now at length succeeded by a deeper, calmer, more construc- tive spirit, — one whose mission, while it counteracted errors on the right hand and the left, was more especially to vindi- cate and prove the catholicity of the Church ^ not consider that the 'regenerate' or 'justified' were necessarily the 'elect:' 'Eeprobi quidem vocati, jiistificati, per lavacrum regenerationis renovati sunt, et tamen exeunt.' Strype's Whitpift, p. 461. Hooker's view of the Lambeth Articles may be seen in his Works, i. p. oil. and elsewhere; Saravia's in Strype's Whitgift, Bk. iv. Append, xxiv.; and Andrewes', in his Minor Works, pp. 294 sq., Oxf. 1846. 1 They never obtained a synodical sanction in this country, and even Whitgift instructed the university of Cambridge to regard them as ' the private judgments' of the compilers: Strype, p. 462. - The expression of Young, bishop of Kochester, in 1600, when he ordained the future archbishop Laud : see Le Bas, Life of Laud, p. 6, Lond. 1886. Men were in truth becoming sick of those ' compendiums and abbreviatures' which had been fashionable for a time in the universities, — a 'course of sums and commentaries,' which in the words of Bacon {Works, I. 126, ed, 1765) 'is that which doth infallibly make the body of sciences more immense in quantity and more base in substance.' 3 This twofold aspect of the Church of England and the middle place IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 243 IRELAND. It ivS remarkable that a country which had been, osten- sibly at least, deprived of its political independence by the force of papal instruments, should afterwards become ex- travagant in its devotion to the pontiffs. At the exj^iration of nearly four centuries from the conquest under Henry II., English monarchs still continued to govern with the title 'lords' of Ireland. But in 1541 this title was exchanged for ' King,' in order to assert the plenary jurisdiction of the dominant country, and obliterate all traces of connexion with the Church of Rome. For after Henry VIII. had consummated his quarrel witli the pontiff in 1534, he lost no time in causing every part of his dominions to recognize his own ecclesiastical supremacy. This recognition was formally completed by the Irish Parliament^ in 1537, but one large section of the clergy, instigated by messages from the pope'^ and headed by Archbishop Cromer of Ar- magh, determined to resist the operation of the measure. On the other hand, Henry YIII. secured to himself an energetic fellow-worker, by the nomination of George Browne^, provincial of the English Augustinian friars, to the see of Dublin (March, 1535). Instead, however, of attempting the enlightenment of Ireland through the me- dium of the native language, it was now the obvious policy wbicli it has occupied between the Mediaeval and the merely Protestant systems, has occasioned some perplexity to our continental neighbours bothEomanist and Reformed. Thus Gieseler (in. ii. p. 26): 'So bildete sich die Englische Episcopalkirche, welche sich von den IrrthUmeru der KomischenKirche trennen, aber dasKatholischePriesterthum nicht fahren lassen wollte, und welche in Folge davon in eine schwankende Mitte zwischen Katholicismus und Protestantismus gerieth, indem sie bald die heil. Schrift als alleinige Quelle der Lehre anerkaniite, bald audi der Tradition der iiltern Kirche ein gesetzgebendes Ansehen zuzugestehen sich genothigt sah:' cf. Moliler's Syvtbulik, 11. 132 (Eng. Trans.), where he speaks of 'internal self-contradiction' as 'carried to the extremest pitch.' 1 Stat. 28 Hen. VIII. c. G [Ireland]. The Preamble begins: 'Where divers good and wholesome laws and statutes be made and established within the realm of Engbuul for the adnulling and utter taking away of appeales in cases spiritual from the Bishop of liome and see apostolike,'&c. 2 The agents of the pontiff also stimulated some of the disaffected chieftains to recover the importance of their families by rising in behalf of the papal claims. 2 See the Reformation of the Church in Ireland... set forthe in the life of George Browne, printed iu The FJio&nix, 1. 120 sq., Loud. 1707. 10— 2 lEELAN'D. 244 TJie English and Irish Reformation. [cHAP. IRELAND, of the government to Anglicize the country^ by clirecting that spiritual promotions should be given only to such as could speak English, and that English should be taught in all the parish-schools'. The ignorance of the people, which is said to have been extreme, would hardly be corrected by such projects, while on the other hand their nationality was wounded more and more. Throughout the reign of Henry VIII. the ecclesiastical affairs of Ireland observed the same general course which we have noticed in the sister-country. Certain images and relics^ that ministered to superstition were banished from the churches. Monasteries'^ were dissolved in spite of earnest representations pointing out the benefits which they conferred on almost every order of society. But on the accession of Edward VI. no progress in the way of spiritual and moral reformation is distinctly visible. A new Irish primate, DowdalP, who had been appointed in 1543, was secretly devoted to the papacy, and adverse to all changes both in dogma and in ritual. His influence, it is true, was somewhat counteracted by the efforts of archbishop Browne, and when the viceroy, Antony St Leger, in a meeting of ecclesiastics heM at Dublin (March 1, 1551), enjoined the use of the First Edwardine Prayer-Book, on the ground^ 1 Mant's lUst. of the Church of Ireland, i. 123, Loncl. 1841. 2 Archbp. Browne's Letter to Cromwell (Sept. 6, 1535), Ibid. p. 115. The same animus is shown in tlie phrase ' Church of England and Ireland,' which began to be used in 1538: Ibid. p. 145. Cf. Stat. 1 Edw. VI. c. 1, § 7, which enjoins that the communion shall be administered ' under both kinds' to ' the people within the Church of England and Ireland.' 3 Ibid. I. 125, 141. 4 The first onslaught was made in 1537. Stat. 28 Hen. VIII. c. 16 [Ireland] : see the particulars in Mant, i. 155 sq. 5 Primate Cromer died March 15, 1543. For some account of his successor see James Ware, Hist, of the Irish Bishops, in Vol. i. of his Hist, and Antiq. pp. 91 sq., Dublin, 1764. Dowdall. although professing to be somewhat in favour of the reformation, was afterwards deprived for non-conformity, Oct. 20, 1551, and the primatial jurisdiction transferred to the see of Dublin. The new archbishop of Armagh was Hugh Good- acre (consecrated Feb. 2, 1553) ; but he died six monthg after. 6 See the royal order in Mant, i. 195. John ab Ulmis writing from England (May 29, 1551 : Orininal Letters, p. 433, ed. P. S.) was pro- bably influenced by the appearance of this order when he spoke as fol- lows : ' With respect to the Irish, Welsh, Manksmen, and those of Jersey and Holy Isle, you must have the same persuasion of them as of the English, namely, that all these islands entertain right opinions as to religion.' IV.] The English and Irish Reformation. 245 that it was ' the Liturgy and prayers of the Church trans- lated into our mother-tongue,' one section of the bishops acquiesced in the arrangement. The new service^ was accordingly celebrated for the first time at Dublin (Easter-day, 1551) in Christ-Church cathedral. During the same year instructions had been -also given for render- ing the whole Prayer-Book into Irish "'^ ; but this reason- able plan, which might hereafter liave produced a deeper change in the religious history of Ireland, was defeated for some cause or other. One of the foremost champions in the ranks of the reformers was John Bale^ originally a Carmelite friar, whom Edward VI. promoted to the see of Ossory, and who was consecrated Feb. 2, 1553. His bold and ener- getic operations^ were, however, speedily interrupted by the death of his royal patron, an event which, as we saw above, reversed the sweeping measures contemplated on both sides of the channel. Mary's policy in Ireland, as in England, was directed to the restoration of the papal monarchy^; and with it rose again the ritual and doctrinal system of the Middle Ages. Where the progress made by the reformers had been slight and superficial, there was 1 A copy of the Prayer-Book as thus authorized for the use of the Irish Church is in the Library of Emmauuel College, Cambridge. The second Praj^er-Book of Edward VI. 'does not appear to have been ordered for the observance of the Irish Church during the short period that the king survived its enactment.' Mant, i. 258. '^ Ibid. p. 204. The difficulties in respect of language were felt to be so great that arrangements were made at the same time for translating the Prayer-Book into Latin for the use of those ecclesiastics and others who did not understand English : see Original Letters and Papers (con- nected with the Irish Reformation), ed. Shirley, pp. 47, 48, Lond. 1851. The same project was revived in the second year of Elizabeth, it being alleged that the Irish language was difficult to print and that few persons could read the Irish characters : Stat. 2 Eliz. c. 2, s. xv. [Ireland]. 2 See the biographical notice prefixed to his Select Works, ed. P. S. 1849. ■* See his own account in the Vocacyon of John Bale to the bishoprick of Ossnrie, printed in the Harleian Miscellany, vi. 437 sq. 5 This restoration was effected in Ireland by the Stat. 3 and 4 Phil. and Mary, c. 8 [Ireland], 'repealing statutes and provisions made against the see apostolick of Rome, sithence the twentieth year of king Henry the Eighth, and also for the establishment of spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions and hereditaments conveyed to the laity.' Two years before (1554) the restored primate Dowdall, acting under a royal commission, deprived the archbishop of Dublin together with three other prelates favourable to the Rcformatiou : Mant, i. 235, 236. IRELAND. 2-|6 Tlie English and Irish Beformatioii. [CHAP. IRELAND. hardly any symptom of resistance to the counter-reforma- tion : and in the reign of Elizabeth, while the commis- sioners whom she appointed to examine the spiritual con- dition of the English dioceses^ were enabled to report most hopefully, the news transmitted from the sister-island'^ gave but little satisfaction to the government. It is remarkable, however, that notwithstanding the general disaflPection of the clergy, only two^ out of the whole number of the Irish prelates openly refused to acquiesce in the Elizabethan reformation. By the influence of this body, the enact- ments of their English colleagues were synodically accepted"* in 1560, so that the connexion which had been already formed between the two Churches was now rendered still more intimate. For several years after the accession of Elizabeth it was the custom even of the Romish party^ to frequent the services of the Church : but active emissaries of the pontiff soon endeavoured to reduce this number of conformists ; and when Pius V. had launched his damnatory bulP in 1570, secessions from the Church became more frequent, and the bias of the Irish more decidedly in favour ^ See Jewel's Works, ed. Jelf, viii. 128 sq. 2 Thus the lord deputy, the Earl of Sussex, writes to Cecil, July 22, 1582 : ' Our relygyon is so abused, as the papysts rejoyce, the uewters do not myslike changes, and the fewe zelouse professors lamente the lacke of pyete. The pepell withowt dysciplyne, utterly voyde of relygyon, come to divine servyce as to a May game. The mynysters for dishaby- lite and gredynes be had in contempt ; and the wyse fere more the impieti of the licentiouse professers than the superstityon of the erronyouse pa- pists : ' Original Letters (relating to Ireland), edited by Shirley, pp. 117, 118, Lond. 1851. The difficulties of the Irish problem had already been presented to Elizabeth's advisers ('Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in the obedience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Eome'): Burnet, 'Eecords,' Bk. in. No. i. 3 Palmer, Treatise on the Church, i. 425, 3rd ed. ; Mant, i. 278. The question of the real adhesion of the majority of Irish prelates on this occasion has been debated recently by Dr Maziere Brady and Dr A. T. Lee; and it would certainly seem probable, the evidence being of an unsatisfactory character, that in those parts of Ireland which were less amenable to English Jurisdiction, the assent of the bishops was of the most " economical " description. However on the vacancy of the sees the English ministers appointed men attached to the reformation ; and as many of these vacancies did not occur until after 1570, the pope also nominated. Hence although the deprivations on Elizabeth's accession were very few, a double succession of prelates, in many of the sees, fol- lowed the creation of the schism. 4 Elrington, Life of Usshcr, p. 42, Lond. 1848, the reference being to the synodal recognition of the English Praver-Book. 3 Mant, I. 159. ^ Above, p. 234. / IV.] The English and Irish Beforniation. 247 of the ' old ' opinions. Many of the ultra-papists did not scruple to negotiate a union with the king of Spain^ in order to promote the re-establishment of Mediaeval tenets. Their schism was thus promoted by the growth of principles that led to civil insubordination, and that ere long issued not unfrequently in acts of absolute rebellion. The Irish Church had meanwhile been enfeebled like its English sister by domestic quarrels and perplexities. The new jDrimate, Adam Loftus (Lofthouse), consecrated in March, 1563, and transferred to Dublin in 1567, was actuated by the strong antipathies^ w^hicli we have noticed in Elizabethan prelates of the dominant country : and the impulse thus communicated by him in the coarse of his long and active administration gave the Irish reformers the severe and somewhat Puritanic character, which they retained until the following century. In one respect their system differed widely from the English : for while the latter had endeavoured to fence in the truths which had been vindicated, by compiling the Thirty-nine Articles of Religion, and exacting subscription from all candidates for holy orders, the short series of eleven Articles^ drawn up 1 Thus in 1568 the titular bishops of Cashel and Emly were sent by certain confederated rebels to the pope and Philip II. of Spain, im- ploring help against Elizabeth: Mant, i. 286. Another of the chief agents of the Eomish party was Eichard Creagh, a native of Limerick, who is said to have returned from the continent ' non sine liberalissima Pii Pont. Max. [i. c. Pius V.] munificentia, ut et oves suas in Hybernia e truculentissimorum luporum ac le^ennB faucibus everteret, atque eis officiose ac pie prneesset.' Eoth, Analecta, quoted in Palmer, as above, I. 428. At the close of the sixteenth century O'Neal, earl of Tyrone, headed a most formidable rebellion in which he was supplied with funds by the court of Spain, and instigated by the indulgences and benedictions of the pontiff, who moreover sent him a consecrated plume composed of what was gravely termed the feathers of the Phcenix : Mant, i, 286. 2 Thus he writes to Cecil (July 16, 1565) in the following urgent terms : ' what inconvenience were it to thrust owt of ther livings and ministery so many godly and learnid preacheres, only for this, that they will not be lyke the papistes, the professed ministers of Sathan and Antichrist, in supersticious and wicked order of apparell and outward sheawe.' He then begs Cecil to ' remove and quight take awaye all the monuments, tokenes and leavings of papistrye ; for as longe as any of them remaynes, there remaynes also occasion of relapes unto the abolishyd superstition of Antichrist:' Original Letters, ed. Shirley, pp. 214 sq. Brady, bishop of Meath, appears to have taken the other side in the controversy. He thus reflects on the primate in a letter addressed to Cecil (Sept. 14, 1566: Ibid. p. 272): 'If he saie I haue drawen back- ward, I onlie saie againe he hath drawen to fast forward.' * See above p. 228. IRELAND. TJie English and Irish Reformation. [cirAP. by Parker in 1559 continued to pass current as a test of Irish orthodoxy, having been put in circulation for that purpose by the deputy and the bishops in 1566, when it was ordered to be read by all incumbents ' at their posses- sion-taking, and twice every year afterwards '\ The want of some closer and more comprehensive test was never satisfied until the Dublin Convocation of 1615 put forth a longer series of Articles^ although the formulary of the sister-island may have been occasionally adopted by indi- vidual prelates. When efforts were eventually made to prosecute the Irish reformation more independently of England, it is obvious that the general theology of the Irish Church was very strongly Augustinian, if not absolutely Calvinistic in its character. The Lambeth Articles, in which those tend- encies had reached their highest point in England, were accepted by the Dublin Convocation of 1615, and engrafted on the new formulary^ The most gifted advocate of such opinions* was a nephew of the Irish primate, James Ussher, who in critical acumen and in general scholarship was second to no worthy of the times in which he flourished. At the early age of nineteen he w^as deemed a match for one of the most learned Jesuits who assailed the doctrines, of the Reformation, and when he was at length promoted to the chair of theology in the newly founded college at Dublin^ his fame went on increasing, and his prin- ciples were rapidly diffused among the clergymen of Ire- land. Nothing can however be more unsatisfactory than the 1 The series has been reprinted from the original edition in Elring- ton's Life of Ussher, App. pp. xxiii. sq. 2 See Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, eh. viii. ^ Even the modifications introduced into the Lambeth series for the sake of preserving the Augustinian distinction between the grace of re- generation and the grace of perseverance are dropped in the Irish formu- hiry. Thus it is maintained (Art. XXXVIII.) that ' a true Uuely iustif.ying faith and the sanctifying spirit of God, is not extinguished, nor vanisheth away in the refienerate, either finally or totally,' while the corrected Lambeth proposition says, ' nou evanescit in electis* 4 See ELrington's Life of Ussher, accompanying the new edition of his Works. 5 The building, after many obstacles, was commenced March 13, 1591 ( = 1592), and James Ussher was one of the first three scholars: Mant, I. 320. The first provost after the honorary appointment of arch- bishop Loftus was Hooker's antagonist, Walter Travers. IV.] T!ie English and Irish Reformation. 249 picture^ of religion and its ministers presented to us at the death of Queen Elizabeth. Among the crowd of evils under which the country laboured, we may mention that the plan for printing the New Testament in the vernacular language was not realized"'^ till 1602, while the translation of the Prayer-Book, though completed at an earlier date, obtained no public sanction, and was therefore very seldom if ever used. In such a state of mal- administration it is scarcely matter of surprise that Bacon found the Irish people so degraded ; ' blood, incontinency, and theft' being ' not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the nation,' and presenting what he deemed insuperable barriers to the progress of ' religion reformed.' 1 Spenser, the author of the Faerie Qiieene, in his Vieio of the State of Ireland, written about 1595, reflects in the strongest terms both on clergy and people : and Sir Francis Bacon, referring to the same period in his Considerations touching the Qaeeti's service in Ireland, gives the same verdict. 2 The translation was suggested as early as 1571, when queen Eliza- beth provided a printing press and a fount of Irish types. In 1585 Walsh, bishop of Ossory, was murdered in his own house, while engaged in the prosecution of the work (Mant, i. 294). The prelate who eventually carried it through the press was Daniel or O'Donnell, archbishop of Tuam. Among other hints given by Bacon for the advancement of piety he mentions 'the recontinuing and replenishmg the college begun at Dublin, the placing of good men to be bishops in the sees there, and the taking care of the versions of Bibles and catechisms and other books of instruction into the Irish language:' ^Yorks, iii. 215, Lend. 1765. IRELAND. ( 250 ) [chap. CHAPTER Y. SECTS AND HERESIES ACCOMPANYING THE NEW MOVEMENT The seeds of scepticism, disbelief, and speculative licence, had been scattered here and there as early as the four- teenth century by William of Ockham and that class of schoolmen who embraced the ' nominalistic ' principles as modified in some of his productions \ At the middle of the following century a stronger impulse was communicated in the same direction by the literati of southern Europe^, owing partly to the feverish thirst which had been there excited for the works of Greek philosophers, and partly to a predilection felt in several quarters for the wdld and mystic Cabbala of the Jews. No sooner, therefore, was the pressure of the papal yoke abated^ than multitudes of free-thinkers, who had hitherto been yielding a hollow and occasional compliance with the ritual institutions of the Church, began to ventilate their theories more publicly, and even went so far as to establish independent organiza- tions, with the hope of leavening the whole of western Christendom. Their fundamental tenet was the self-suffi- ciency of human reason, or the right of private Christians to determine, each one for himself, the course to be pursued 1 See Middle Age, p. 353. 2 Ibid. p. 355. John Sturmius, in a scarce epistle 'Ad Cardinales Delectos' (Argentor. 1538), sign, n, 2, makes the following complaint on this subject : ' Nam quid potest ibi syncerum dici ubi pro religione super- stitio, pro Divina sapientia hominum philosophia, pro Christo Socrates, pro sacris Scripturis Aristoteles atque Plato in Ecclesiam irruperunt? Neque haec ita intelligi velim, quasi reprehendam philosophic studium... sed sic se res habet, ut nisi divinitatis cognitio jDrasmonstratrix, mens ipsa hominis errans et vaga ad loca spiuosa deviaque deducatur.' 3 ' The dam, which for so many centuries had repelled human under- standing from truth, was too suddenly torn away, for the outbreaking torrent not to overflow its appointed channel.' Schiller, Hist, of Revolt of the Netherlands, p. 382, Loud. 1847. v.] Sects and Heresies, (tc. 251 in all religious matters : little or no deference being paid to formularies, creeds, and immemorial usages of the Church, nor even to the voice of Holy Scripture, where its oracles appeared at variance with those inspirations which were held to flow directly from the source of light and wisdom to the individual spirit. The jDromoter of such lawless speculations, it is true, was frequently excited, in the first instance, by the Re- formation-movement. He accompanied it so long as it accorded with his notions, or lield forth a prospect of complete emancipation from authority; but when he ascer- tained its real character, especially the strong determination it continued to evince in favour of the absolute supremacy of an objective revelation, as distinguished from his dreamy self-reliance, and onesided spiritualism, he seems to have been immediately converted into one of its implacable opponents : while the leaders of the movement, although differing from each other on some minor topics, uniformly^ saw in him the special instrument of Satan for corrupting, thwarting, and discrediting the work which they were straining every nerve to carry out. ^ See, for instance, Luther's beliaviour on the appearance of Anabap- tisin, above, pp. 37, 38. The innovators were at first treated with more tenderness in Switzerland (above, p. Ill) : yet Zwingli afterwards wrote vehemently against them in his EJenchus contra Catabaptistas, and Bullinger in his Adversus omnia Catahaptistarum prava Dogmata, ed. Ti- gnri, 1535. The former is even said to have urged the magistrates of Zurich to punish them capitally (using the expression 'Qui iterum mergit, mergatur:' see Brandt, Hist, of Reform, in Low Countries, i. 58). Hooper in like manner was an energetic opponent of them (above, p. 199, B. 4). The denunciations of John Knox are no less clear and frequent : ' Sone after that God had sowen his good sede, began the deuill to sowe the cockell and darnell, I mean the pestilent secte of anabaptistes, whose frutes did sodeinly appere to the great slander of Christes Euangill, and to the giief of many godly heartes : ' An.sicer to a great nomher of blas- phemous cauillations (15G0), p. 408. While Kidley in a letter to Brad- ford, not long before his martyrdom, supplies the following additional testimony: 'Wliereas you write of the outrageous rule that Satan, our ghostly enemy, beareth abroad in the world, whereby he stirrcth and raiseth up so pestilent and heinous heresies, as some to deny the blessed Trinity, some the Divinity of our Saviour Christ, some the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, some the baptism of infants, some original sin, and to be infected with the errors of the Pelagians, and to rebaptize those that have been baptized with Christ's baptism already; alas, Sir, this doth declare this time and these days to be wicked indeed ! ' Works, p. 367, ed. P. S. FREE- THINKERS. Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. FIRST RACE OF ANABAPTISTS. The great majority of these revolutionary spirits were at first distinguished by the general name of Anabaptists \ owing to the prominence they gave to their denial of the Church's teaching on the efficacy of infant-baptism ^ and their consequent reiteration of the sacred rite in cases where it was administered in childhood. But this feature of their system can hardly be regarded as its principal characteristic. The first race of Anabaptists who sprang up, as we have seen, while Luther was concealed at Wartburg (1521), under the guidance of an obscure draper of Zwickau, named Claus (Nicholas) Storch, were animated by a deep conviction that the kingdom of Christ would be ere long established visibly on earth, and that the subjects of it, guided by a light within them, would be all ex- empted from human laws and human magistrates, and even raised above the elementary stages of religious knowledge furnished by the holy Scriptures. Thus, apart from minor aberrations which this picture served to stimulate, the Anabaptist opened his career with three main principles of 1 So general was the term that John Gastius, whose work De Ana- baptistanim Exordio etc. appeared at Basel in IS-iG, makes mention of seven distinct sects (pp. 496 sq."). 2 Cf. above, p. 37, n. 3. We see from evidence there adduced how difficult the question of infant-baptism appeared at first sight even to one of the most thoughtful of the Reformers. Zwingli also confesses (Werke, ii. i. 245, new ed.) that for some time before he wrote (1525), he had been the victim of like misgivings: cf. above, p. Ill, n. 2. Bucer even seems to have felt at one period that infant-baptism might be placed among the 'res non-necessarias ' {Scripta Duo Adversaria, pp. 142, 145, Argentorati, 1544); but afterwards when pressed by his opponent he maintained the following ground (p. 248) : ' Baptisma infantium et ab Apostolis acceptum fuit, ut vetustissimi Patres affirmant, et certo conclu- ditur ex Scripturis' etc. It should also be remembered that some of the sectaries themselves estimated the effects of baptism very highly when it was administered to conscious and believing subjects : see Der Wieder- tnufer Lehr und Gehcimniss aus hell. Schrlft ivlderlegt, durch Justum Menium (1530) in Luther's Works, Wittenberg, ed. ii. 292, and Mohler's Symholik, ii. 162, Lond. 1843. Schenkel in like manner (Das Wesen des Protestantlsmus, i. 462 sq., Schaffhausen, 1846) adduces extracts to shew that Servetus held the most ultra-Medi£eval opinions in this matter. Still their general leaning was in the very opposite direction : sacraments being treated as * nothyng els than outward sygnes of our profession and felowship, as the badges of capitaines be in warre.' Hermann's Consul-, tation, sign, t, viii. Lond. 1547. v.] the Neiu Movement. 253 action. Placing himself in the position^ of the Israelites of old, he laboured to subvert existing institutions for the sake of realizing his visions of a Millennial kingdom. In anticipation of that kingdom he subordinated the written Word of God to inspirations of the individual preacher""^. And as one example of his disregard for old traditions he rejected infant-baptism on the ground that it was quite superfluous, if not utterly absurd. The Peasants' war^ which broke on many parts of Germany in 1524 afforded an example of the way in wdiich these principles might be applied. But long before a check was given to their extravagancies in that country, the fermentation they produced had spread on every side, and roused the indignation both of civil and ecclesiastical authorities*. The emissaries of Anabaptism found their way to Switzerland'^ in 1525, and in Sweden had created serious disturbances as early as the autumn of 1524*^. It was not, however, till a party of them rose in Holland and Westphalia, when they were established in the town of Miinster^, that the ultimate tendencies of their opinions were fully brought to light. At the beginning of 1534 that city swarmed with Anabaptists, and so formidable 1 Ranke, Reform, iii. 566, who shews that the idea of introducing the millennial reign by force was adoi)ted gradually. The imaginations of the Anabaptists would be stimulated by the version of the Hebrew pro- phets, which appeared under the auspices of Hetzer and Johannes Denk as early as 1527, i. e. five years before Luther's version was completed. 2 The insufficiency of the Bible was one of the first points agitated by the prophets of Zwickau (Ranke, 11. 22), their reasons being that the •written word was inefficacious (' unkriiftig '), and therefore that men are to be taught only by the Spirit: see Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschn. I. 534. This belief in a continuous inspiration of the same kind as that vouchsafed to the founders of Christianity induced Nicholas Storch to appoint twelve apostles from among his own followers, some being of his own trade. The more intelligent of that number were Marcus Stiibner and Martin Cellarius, students from Wittenberg: always, of com-se, excepting the erratic Carlstadt. 3 Above, pp. 39, 40. * Ranke, in. 570 sq. fi Above, p. 111. 6 Geijer, Hist, of the Sivedos, by Turner, p. 112. The two emissaries were Knipperdolling, afterwards one of the leaders of the sanguinary fa- natics of Sliinster, where his bones are still kept in an iron cage in the church-tower, and Melchior Rink, a disciple and colleague of Thomas Miinzer : above, p. 40, n. 1. 7 On the troubles that ensued see Brandt, Be/arm. i. 61 sq. ; Ranke, III. 573 sq.; and Jochmus, Gesch. der Kirchen-reformation zu Miinster und ihres Uiitergangs durch die Wiedertdujer, Miinster, 1825. ANA- BAPTISTS. 254 Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. ANA- BAPTISTS. was their influence that in the month of February they possessed themselves of the supreme power by substituting for the old authorities a number of their own fraternity, chiefly peasants and unlettered artisans. Such of the inhabitants of Miinster as demurred to these proceedings and afterwards refused to abjure their baptism were ruth- lessly ejected in the depth of winter, every street re- echoing the fanatic cry, ' Out with the ungodly.' But the bishop of Munster, aided by some neighbouring princes, instantly resolved to strike a blow for the recovery of his jurisdiction. The city was beleaguered on all sides (May, 1534) ; while John Bockhold of Leyden, an adventurer who had gradually been elevated at the instigation of Anabaptist 'prophets' to the rank of 'king of Sion,' in- spired his frantic followers with a hope that God would signally interpose for the confusion of their enemies. This hope, however, was eventually disappointed. The fortifica- tions of the town were stormed on the 24th of J une, 1535 ; an awful carnage followed, and many leaders of the revo- lution shared the fate of their king, being tortured to death with red-hot pincers in the market-place of Munster. It is worthy of remark that in the rescue of the city from their dominion. Reformer and Romanist were fighting side by side, — a fact which tended in some measure to promote a better understanding between the two Confessions, or at least to shew the strong aversion of the Lutheran states to Anabaptist doctrines. These doctrines had in truth assumed the most flasri- tious character. They may have been advocated here and there by simple-hearted Christians, who, captivated by the bright ideal of a Christian Church which filled the earliest dreams of Anabaptism, yielded their assent to its erroneous dogmas, without plunging into all the depths of immo- rality^; but the influence of that system on the many was disastrous and disgusting. It became, as modified by John of Leyden, a revolting compound of fanaticism and sen- suality. The Bible was the only book there tolerated, and that on the condition that the orthodox interpretation 1 Thus in the Layman's Guide of John Anastasius (Brandt, i. 99), the writer while deploring the errors of the Anabaptists, allows that even in Holland, ' some of them lived nnblameably and died bravely for the articles which they believed to be Divine.' v.] the New Movement. 255 must be sought exclusively among the Anabaptist * pro- phets' \ All who were admitted to the 'true baptism' had every thing in common. They were incorporated into a fraternity that was to constitute the germ of the Millennial kingdom ; and in their monarch they accordingly beheld the representative of God Himself, the lord of all the earth. Yet these exalted visions had no power to check the outburst of the basest and the coarsest passions ^ On the contrary, they served to madden and intoxicate their subjects. The abolition of all oaths and vows resulted in a general disregard of social and domestic obligations, and the union of depravity and bloodshed which appals us in the history of the Miinster Anabaptists has scarcely any equal in the registers of human crime. One result of their suppression in that city was the gradual abatement of their vehemence in preaching doc- trines adverse to the general order of society. But in the meanwhile their feverish and unbridled speculations, vary- ing often from each other, and related only by the wild confusion of idoas common to the great majority, had forced them into more direct collision with the central dogmas of the Church. Some of their extravagancies are most apparent as we trace the progress of the English refoiination, which after the catastrophe of Miinster, had begun to be aifecte*il by the Anabaptist leaven^: but they meet us also more or less in every district of the continent in which the same religious spirit was fermenting. Guided 1 Eanke, iii. 583. 2 Ihid. 587 sq. 3 See above, p. 1F2, and n. 1. The proclamation of 1538 adverts to their heresies in general terms; but two years later (see Stat. 32 Hen. VIII. c. 49, § 11) the following points are specified as held by persons then excluded frcmi the king's pardon : ' That infants ought not to be baptized, and if they be baptized they ought to be rebaptized when they com to lawfull age: That it is not leaf all for a Christen man to beare office or rule in the Commen Welth : That no mans lawes ought to be obeyed : That it is not leafull for a Christen man to take an othe before any judge : That Christe toko no bodily substaunce of our blessed lady : That Synners aftre baptisme cannot be restored by repentaunce : That every maner of Death, with the tyme and houre thereof, is so certainely prescribed, appointed and determyned to euery man of God, that neither any prince by his sworde can allre it, ne any man by his owne wilfulnes prevent or chaunge it : That all things be common and nothing severall.' Owing to this rigorous policy of Henry VIII., the Anabaptists made small progress in this country during his reign : but on the accession of Edward, they abounded iu the south of England, more especially in Kent 256 Sects and Heresies accompanying [CHAR ANA- BAPTISTS length here- by their special hatred of all Lutheran tenets, one class of Anabaptists argued strongly for the freedom of the human will, rejected the doctrines of original sin^ and the atone- ment, and even urged the competence of man to earn his own salvation by a course of virtuous living^. They assailed the common formula by which salvation was attri- buted to 'faith only'^ They rejected all the sterner views of God's predestination : they beHeved in the defectibility of Divine graced The asfitation of these Questions seems to have propelled another section of the Anabaptists into the denial of our blessed Lord's Divinity^ — a phase of misbelief which will be noticed more at after. Li the former party the prevailing tone of thought was strongly rationalistic : but a second school was more in- clined to mysticism. They started from a deep conviction and Essex: Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 87. On the character of their tenets, see Hooper's letter (June 25, 15'19), Ibid. pp. ^5, ^'o: and Lewis, Hist, of the Rise and Progress of Anahaptism in England, Lond. 1738. ^ In addition to the authorities cited above, p. 251, n. i, and p. 252, n. 1, see Hermann's Consultation, Lond. 1547, sign, t, iiii. sq. Writ- ing of the Anabaptists he says : ' Bicause they admitte not original sinne, they also refuse the baptisme of chyldren, and in |r.5 miiche as in them lyeth, they drawe awaye the moste parte of men from God and eternall saluation : ' sign, t, vii ; cf. v, ii. In like manner the eighth of the En- glish Articles of 1552 complains ' that the Anabaptistes doe now a dales renue' the heresy of Pelagius. See also the Fltformatio Legum Ecclesi- asticarum, De Hieresibus, c. 7, Oxon. 1850. 2 One of the stoutest advocates of this view was Johannes Denk, a young and learned Anabaptist, whose doctrines were diffused in two or three years in the Ehine-district, in Switzerland, in Franconia, in Swabia, and even as far as Moravia : see an article by Heberle, in the Studien und Kritiken, 1855, 4tes Heft, pp. 817 sq. As Eanke had already ob- served {Reform, in. 559), 'the basis of his doctrine is, that God is love; which, he said, flesh and blood could never have understood, had it not been embodied in certain human beings, who might be called divine men, or the children of God. But in one of them, love was supremely exem- plified.: — in Jesus of Nazareth. He had never stumbled in the path marked out by God : He had never lost his unity with God : He was a Saviour of His people, for He was the forerunner of all those who would be saved. This was the meaning of the words, that all should be saved by Christ.' 3 Mohler. on this account, welcomes them as to some extent among his own fellow-workers in demolishing Lutheranism : Syvibolik, 11. 165, Engl, transl. ^ See a forcible statement of their reasons in John Knox's Answer to a gr^at nomher of blasphemous Cauillations, &c. (1560), pp. 236 sq. 5 The followers of Johannes Denk may be quoted as examples: see above, n. 2. V] the New Movement. that humanity was now degenerate and corrupt, but argued^ that as the taint of evil is restricted to the ' tiesh/ it cannot penetrate into the better and more spiritual province of man's being. In spite however of these dualistic distinctions, tliey felt that harmony can be effected between the two component elements of human nature. The task of bring- ing it about they allotted to the Saviour: and as it would seem, in order to secure that He should Himself be alto- gether sinless, they maintained that His humanity was ])eculiar^, not consisting of flesh and blood which He de- rived from the substance of the Virgin. Their views re- specting predestination were most rigorous^, and they even [)leaded that a man who is indeed regenerate^ is exempted from the possibility of sinning, and remains the temple of the Holy Ghost whatever be the quality of his outward actions. One or both these schools were also ' universalistsV i.e. contended for the restoration of all things, and even for the ultimate conversion of the Evil Spirit. Others advo- 1 Eanke, in. 563. ' See, for instance, Hooper's treatise (1549) entitled A Lesson of the Incarnation of Christ, tiater Writings, ed. P. S., where tliis Docetic view is refuted. Joan of Kent was burnt for holding it (May 2, 1550). The heresy is thus stated iu the Refonnatio Legum Eccl. c. 5 : 'Alii Eum sic Deum judicant ut hominem non agnoscaut, et de corpore nugantur de cceIo Divinitus assumpto, et in virginis uteruin lapso, quod tanquam iu transitu per Mariam quasi per canalem aut fistulam prffiterfluxerit.' ^ ' They maintain a fatal necessity, and that beyond and besides that will of His, which He has revealed to us in the Scriptures, God hath another will by which He altogether acts under some kind of necessity, ' Original Letters, ed. P, S. pp. 65, 66. ^ See, for instance, the propositions maintained by Champneys in Strype's Cranmer, ii. 92, 93, ed. E. H. S. Augsburg Confession, Part i. Art. XII. and Reform. Leg. Eccl., de Hferesibus, c. 9. The natural con- sequence of this tenet was 'antinomianism.' To shew the great variety of strange opinions that now agitated the Church, it is stated in the same chapter of the Reformatio Legxim that other Anabaptists held an opposite view, viz. that sin after baptism, or regeneration, is possible, and when committed, absolutely unpardonable. ^ ' Nee minor est illorum amentia, qui periculosam Origenis hieresim in hac ffitate nostra rursus excitant ; nimirum omnes homines (quautum- cunque sceleribus se contaminaverint) salutem ad extremum consecuturos, cum definite tempore a justitia Divina pa'nas de admissis liagitiis luerint.' Reform. Leg. c. xi. They sought to establish their theory on the termi- nability of future punishment partly by referring to abstract ideas of God ani partly by broaching new interpretations of the word 'eternal' and other scriptural phraseology. See Heberle's article, above cited, pp. 826 sq. In p. 830, note, the arguments are summed up as follows : ' Gott kcinne und moge nicht ewig ziirnen; so heisse ewig nicht immerwiihrend, Bondem lang.' ANA- BAPTISTS. R. p. 17 Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. catecP the materialistic notion that souls will sleep through- out the interval between death and judgment. Others went so far^ as to defend polygamy, as well as the com- munity of goods, impugned the lawftdness of oaths and warfare, and denied the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. Their unworthy speculations touching the authority of the Bible, the nature and efficacy of the sacraments, the office of the Church, the jurisdiction of the clergy, and all species of ecclesiastical discipline, we gather with sufficient clear- ness from the facts adverted to above. In short, if Ana- baptism had prevailed, it would have reared its throne upon the ruins of all ancient institutions, and have trampled under foot the Word of God itself. SECOND RACE OF ANABAPTISTS, OR MENNONITES. Ere long, however, a new body of extreme reformers issued from obscurity, and occupied a prominent place in the commotions of the period. Unlike the earlier race of Anabaptists, they possessed a single leader, a more uniform and definite system of opinions, and an organization more coherent and compact. Their founder was a clergyman of Wittmarsum in Friesland, named Menno Symous or Simonis, who, after devoting a considerable time to the study of the New Testament ^ and the works of the Reformers, abandoned his pastoral duties at the age of forty (1536), and became the founder of a sect in Holland over whom he continued to preside till Jane 13, 1561. Although his followers have in vain attempted to establish their antiquity* a,nd independence of the Anaba^Dtists ^ Reform. Leg. c. xii. ^ jyi^^ c. xiii. — xv. 3 Among other lives of him there is one by a preacher of the Men- nonite community, Menno Sipnonis geschildert, von B. K. Koosen, Leip- zig, 1848. The best sources for their general history are found in Schyn's Hifit. CJivistianorum, qui in Belgio fcederato Memionitce appellantur, Am- eteloJami, 1723; the same writer's Hist. Mennon. plenior Deductio, 1729; and Menno's Works (in Dutch), collected in 1646. After 1570 the Dutch name for the sect was 'Doopsgezinden'= Dippers. ^ Thus Schyn (Deductio, c. 1) wishes to connect them with the early Christians, who are said to have rejected infant-baptism ' ex institutione Domini nostri Jesu Christi, exemplisque Apostolorum,' and also with the Waldenses, The resemblance in the latter case is not entirely destitute of point : see Middle Age, p. 294, n. 3, and for Peter of Bruis, Ibid. p. 2D0, n. 3. v.] the Neio Movement. proper, it must be at once conceded that the principles of the sect are free from nearly all the dark fanaticism which stains the records of the older party. The chimeras, rising- out of their belief in a Millennium, were gradually exploded; and so far from advocatinof the idea of a continuous ' in- spiration,' the Mennonites had soon grown notorious for their strict and even servile deference to the phraseology of the Bible. Menno, while distinguished for his zeal and indus- tr}'-, was far less cultivated than some other leaders of the period, and the practical bent of his own mind induced him to disparage human learning, to ridicule ' the wisdom of the worldlings,' and especially to throw aside a large proportion of the theological terminology then current in the schools\ It was impossible, however, for this system to maintain its ground, unless provided with some formal statement of the doctrines it was aiming to disseminate. Accordingly, in Menno's life-time, he contrasted portions of his own teaching with the corresponding dogmas of the Koman and Reformed communities^; and after his death the 'Confession of Waterland' drawn up in 1580 by two Mennonite preachers, Ris and Gerard, was accepted in many questions as the public test of orthodoxy^. It com- mences with a vague ex2:)ression of belief in the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and Incarnation, and then determines that the guilt of Adam has not been transmitted to his progeny, although some taint of sinfulness was through his fall ingrained into the several members of the human ^ See Menno's Worl:s, pp. 606 sq., and other passages quoted in Gieseler, iii. ii. p. Oi, n. 8 (ed. Bonn). For example, they were opposed to all definitions respecting the Holy Trinity, and to such words as viro- craais and ' Persona.' The same aversion to dogmatic statements, couch- ed in phraseology not found in the holy Scripture, is still manifest even after they had been compelled to publish a confession of their faith (15S0) : cf. Schyn, Deductio, p. 82, where such words as 6fj.oovaios are repudiated, ' quia sacra Scriptura ea hand novit, et periculosum est de Deo aliis ac ScripturiE verbis loqui.' A similar feeling urged them to denounce the use of oaths cfcc. , which they thought in violation of the letter of the Bible, to adopt the washing of the brethren's feet as an in- dispensable ceremony, and to reject infant- baptism as hoth ' superstitious and antichristiau :' see Menno's Works, p. 882. 2 The treatise was entitled Van het rechte Christen gcJoove, and ap- peared in 1556. The Lutherans he charges with holding that faith is alone necessary to salvation, and with gross departures from the moral law : the English and Zwinglians with serious errors respecting the In- carnation, with teaching that there are ' two Sons in Christ.' * The Latin form in Schyn, Hist. Cliristianorum, etc. pp. 172 sq. 17—2 Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. species, so as to disturb, without destroying, the equili- brium of the \vill\ The death of Christ is viewed as a propitiatory sacrifice, of which the benefits extend to all mankind without exception, he only failing in the end to profit by it, who through wilfulness refuses to embrace the offered mercy, and so dies incorrigible'^. The faith which in their system constituted the subjective ground of pardon and justification, is a faith that ' worketh by love,' — a faith that leads men to participate in that true righteousness, which Christ, through the co-operation of the Holy Spirit, will infuse into the Christian soul I Of such members, and of such alone, the Church of God consists, according to its proper definition*. It is also capable of being recog- nized by certain visible badges or mnemonic actions, called the sacraments, in respect of which Menno's language is in harmony with that of Zwingli and the earlier Swiss reformers ^ Owing to his theory of original sin, no place was left for infant-baptism ; but the ostensible ground, on which that usage was at first rejected both by him and by his followers, is said to be the absence of direct and une- quivocal warrants in the wTitings of the New Testament®. Unlike the more fanatic race of Anabaptists, who considered that every Christian was entitled to assume the functions of a teacher, Menno entrusted the government of the sys- tem he had founded to a regular ministry, with strict injunctions that the several ordinances they prescribed should always be deducible from the letter of the Word of God^ But the connexion of Menno's principles with 1 This appears to be the right interpretation of Art. iv. and Art. v. when taken together: cf. Mohler, ii. 181, 182. 2 Art. VII. The following extract will shew the nature of their tenets on the Divine decrees : ' Omnes, qui poenitentes et credentes gratiosum istud Dei in Christo beneficium admittunt aut accipiunt, atque in ea per- severant, sunt et nianent per Ejus niisericordiam electi, de quibus Deus ante jacta mundi fundamenta decrevit, ut regni et gloriae coelestis parti- cipes evaderent.' 2 Art. XX., Art. xxi. The difference, at least in phraseology, between the Mennonite and the Lutheran is here complete : cf. above, p. 259, n. 2. * Art. XXIV. ^ See Art. xxx. sq., and above, pp. lllsq. 6 Above, p. 259, n. 1. 7 'In hac sua sancta Ecclesia Christus ordinavit Ministerium Evan- gelicum, nempe doctrinam Verbi Divini, usum saerorum Sacramentoruin, curamque pauperum, ut et Ministros ad perfungendum istis ministeriis : atque insuper exercitium fraternae allocutionis, punitionis et tandem v.] the New Movement. those of Anabaptism is betrayed at least in one particular, — in his speculations touching the nature of the civil and spiritual authorities, and their relation to each other. He taught obedience^ it is true, to every officer of state in all things not actually prohibited by the Word of God ; but so adverse in his eye were civil functions to the genius of the Gospel, and so incompatible with a belief in the reality of that spiritual kingdom which our Lord has constituted in the Church, that earnest Christians, he contended, could not with a safe conscience undertake the duties of the secular functionary, and were more especially precluded from enofa^ins: in all kinds of war. The Mennonites'^ were broken, during the lifetime of their founder, into two parties, (1) the Waterlanders, or 'coarse' Mennonites, who afterwards became the leading sect, and flourished in that district of North Holland whence their name has been derived, and (2) the 'refined' Mennon- ites, who were chiefly Flemings, Frieslanders, and Ger- mans ; each of these again comprising a separate confrater- nity. They were all for some years exposed to sharp and sanguinary persecutions, chiefly owing to their reputed connexion with the earlier race of Anabaptists : but in Holland most of them were able to elicit some favours from William, prince of Orange, and ultimately obtained a formal toleration in 1626. A few offshoots of the sect are also traceable in other regions, in Switzerland, in the Palatinate, and even in Moravia, from whence, after being amotionis eorum, qui in impoenitentia perseverant : qufe ordinationes in Verbo Dei conceptte solummodo juxta seusum ejusdem Verbi exequendas suut.' Art. XXV. ^ Art. XXXVII. After stating that we must pray for thoso in authority, and pay taxes &c, without murmuring, tiie article proceeds : ' Potestatem lianc politicam Dominus Jesus in regno Suo spirituali, Ecclesia Novi Testamenti, non instituit, neque hanc officiis Ecclesitie Sua) adjunxit : neque discipulos aut sequaces Suos ad regalem, ducaleni, vel aliam vocavit...sed passim ab Eo (Cui voce e coelo audita auscultandum erat) vocantur ad imitationem inermis Ejus vita) et vestigia criicem ferentia; et in Quo nihil minus apparuit, quam mundanura regnum, potestas et gladius. Hisce omnibus igitur exacte perpensis (atcpie insuper, non pauca cum munere potestatis pohticjt! conjuncta esse, ut bellum gerere, liostibus bona et vitam erijiore etc. qua) vita) Christianorum, qui mundo mortui esse debent, aut male aut plane non conveniunt), hinc a talibus ofiticiis et administrationibus nos subducimus.' 2 The authorities for the subsequent history of the Mennonites are as above, p. 2<3S, n. 3. Cf. Mosheim, Eccl. Ilint. in. 13G, sq. Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. roughly handled, they were all extruded by Ferdinand II. in 1622, and driven into Hungary and Transylvania. SOCINIANS. The same initial impulse, that gave birth to all che varied and conflicting forms of Anabaptism, stimulated somewhat different tendencies in persons whom we may consider the precursors of the Unitarians, or Socinians, They constitute the rationalistic party of that stirring epoch. What the Anabaptist had been anxious to effect by the remodelling of social life, the Antitrinitarian for the most part dreamed of doing by the expurgation of theology\ Devoted in some cases to the study of the pagan writers, and exulting in the consciousness of intellectual freedom, he either overleapt or trampled underfoot those ancient boun- daries by which the supernatural elements of Christianity were fenced from the intrusions of irreverent criticism. At first, however, some of the promoters of the heresy were actuated by reasons which contained a very large admixture of the Anabaptist spirit. John Denk^, whose writings more than those of any other person influenced the development of the rationalistic phase of Anabaptism, had impugned the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and laboured to establish a belief in the simple manhood of our blessed Saviour. Others, who were also ranked with Anabaptists, pushed their speculations into the same mysterious provinces, 1 See Trechsel's works Die j)rotestantischen Atifitrinitarier (1st Book, including Servetus and Ms predecessors, Heidelberg, 1839 : 2nd Book, extending as far as the elder Socinus, Heidelberg, 1844). Mobler {Symbolik, II. 822) contends "svith justice that Socinianism 'bequeathed to a later period the work of its own consummation, namel.y, the entire abandon- ment of those elements of supernaturalism, which in its origin it had not wholly rejected :' but when he urges that Socinianism itself is a legi- timate product of the Keformation, he forgets the real parent and the circumstances of the birth. Socinianism, as modified by the Socini, came from Italy, where long before the outbreak of the Lutheran move- ment, scepticism and infidelity had been most rife : see above, p. 96. Zanchi, himself an Italian (above, p. 99, n. 3) complained to Bullinger, when writing from Chiavenna, of the heterodoxy of his countrymen on these subjects, and used to say, 'Hispania [the birth-place of Servetus] gallinas peperit, Italia fovet ova, nos jam pipientes pullos audimus :' quoted in Gieseler, iii, ii. p. 62, n. 6 (ed. Bonn). 2 Above, p. 256, n. 2. Hetzer, one of Denk's associates, espoused the same tenets and was executed in 1529 at Constance. v.] the New Movement. adopting^ in one case the misbelief of Arius, in a second that of Sabellius, in a third that of Photinus. Among the earliest works in which the doctrine of the Holy Trinity was openly assailed is the De Trinitatis Er7^orihus of an Aragonese physician named Servede''' (Servetiis), which appeared in 1531. Its author had accompanied Charles V. to Italy in 1529, and in the following year took up his residence at Basel, where he allied himself with the Reformers. The notions which he there elaborated spread in many quarters, and more especially infected a consider- able number of persons in Lombardy^ all of whom were dissatisfied wdth the present aspects of religion, and anxious to reform the Church by striking at the root of creeds and catechisms, as well as by repudiating infant-baptism and the current views on justification. Of these misbelievers the greater part, including Bernardino Ochino*, were gradually ejected by the Inquisition, and betaking themselves to Switzerland procured a shelter in the Orisons, at Zurich, and also at Geneva^ in which town Servetus after many wanderinsfs^ was at last committed to the flames upon a O -i- charge of blasphemy (Oct. 27, 1553). Meanwhile a fresh asylum was discovered by the leading spirits of this school in some of the chief towns of Poland. A literary club^, of wdiich the president w^as an Italian, Lismanini, provincial of the order of Franciscans, seems to have been the first arena where the doctrine of the Holy Trinity was openly ^ Trechsel, as above, Bk. i. § i. 2 See references, as above, p. 118, n. 2. 2 Trechsel, Bk. ii. p. 391. The doctrines rejected by these Antitri- nitariaus were said to have been imported into Christianity 'per philo- sophos Grfficos.' * Above, p. 99, n. 3, and Trechsel, Bk. ii. pp. 221 sq. 5 A community of Autitrinitarians began to form in Geneva as early as 1542, which was the year when the Inquisition instituted its first proceedings against them : Trechsel, Bk. ii. p. 280. 6 After leaving Basel he travelled in Franco under the name of jMi- chael de Villeneuve, settling at last in Vieune, where he published (1553) his Christianismi Jlestltutio : tutiiis ecclesice apostolicce ad sua Umi)ia vocatio etc. This work abounds in wild and impious speculations, and exposed the author to the oflicers of the Inquisition, from whom, how- ever, he escaped and fled for refuge to Geneva. A similar execution took place at Bern in 15G{j, when John Valentinus Genlilis was beheaded for uttering Antitrinitarian doctrines. See the contemporary narrative of Benedict Aretius, entitled Valcnt. GentUis justo capitis suj^pliciu BerncE affecti brevis historia, Genevre, 1567. 7 Above, p. 83, n. 2, and p. 84, u. 4. Sects and Heresies accoinjmnying [chap. called in question, and the agitations thus occasioned were agrcrravated durincf the visit of another Italian, Lselias Soci- niis^ in 1551. But the latter had suggested rather than avowed the heresy with which his name was afterwards associated, leaving his nephew, Faustus Socinus^, who set- tled at Cracow in 1579, to fix the special character of the Unitarian creed, to harmonise discordant views with refer- ence to the nature and the offices of Christ, and thus by giving to their system a colder tone and a more critical direction, to separate it altogether from the feverish agita- tions of the day. Among the principal characteristics of Socinianism, as represented in his works and those of his immediate fol- lowers^, we notice the comparatively high position there awarded to the teaching of the Bible'*. Some inaccuracies they granted may have crept into it here and there, but only with respect to smaller matters which in no degree abate its paramount authority^. Yet this admission in the judgment of Socinians was compatible with a denial of 1 He was a native of Siena, but fled from Italy in 1547. He after- wards travelled in Switzerland, France, England and Belgium, and was in Poland during part of the year 1551 and again in 1558. His chief residence however was at Zurich, where he managed to conceal his here- tical opinions, and died May 14, 1562. 2 He survived till 1604. See the short Life by a Polish knight, Przyp- covius, prefixed to the Works of Faustus Socinus (in two volumes, folio), Irenopoli, 1656; and Toulmin's Memoirs of the Life, Character, d:c. of Fausttis Socinus, Lond. 1777. The expulsion of the entire sect from Poland in 1658 and the 'establishment' of Socinianism in Transylvania have been noticed already, p. S5, n. 1, and p. 92. '"^ Their writings are all collected in the Bibliotheca Fratrum Polono- riim, quos Unitarios vocant, Irenop, 1656. That which approaches most nearly to the character of a symbolical book is the Bacovlan Catechism; above, p. 85, and Toulmin, pp. 258 sq. 4 For example, Faustus Socinus declares (0pp. ii. 362) that he re- garded ' God only as his Instructor, and the sacred Scriptures as his only guide :' see other passages to the same effect in Toulmin, pp. 162 sq. The authority of the Bible as a genuine revelation is also strongly affirm- ed in his (unfinished) Lectiones Sacrcs; 0pp. i. 290, col. 2, where he even urges that 'reason' can hardly be adduced in opposition to Divine truths, ' cum Christiana religio non humane rationi ullo pacto innitatur, sed tota ex voluntate Dei pendeat, et ex ipslus patefactione.' 5 Thus with regard to the alleged discrepancies in the Gospels, So- cinus wrote as follows (De Auctoritate S. Scriptur(e, 0pp. i. 267, col. 1) : 'Dico igitur, quod attinet ad repugnantias aut diversitates, qufe in Novi Testamenti scriptis inveniantur, nullam esse, quae aut non videatur quidem vera, sed tamen non sit, aut non in re sit parvi, seu potius nuUius moment!.' v.] the New Movement 265 our blessed Lord's Divinity. They looked upon Him as a man, although, as it was acknowledged, not a mere man, seeing that He was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and therefore may be called, and is, the Son of God\ Before entering on JHis public labours, He was thought to have been elevated into the immediate presence of God Him- self, in order that He might be there invested with autho- rity ; and as the high reward of the obedience which He shewed in His capacity of Pattern-man, of Teacher, and of Legislator, He was finally admitted to a share of the Divine sovereignty, and made in one sense equal with the Father. For this reason we may fairly be required^ to offer Christ a secondary kind of adoration, provided only that it never trenches on the worship which we pay to God Himself. Socinus in like manner denied the ^^erson- ality and proper Godhead of the Holy Spirit, and betrayed inadequate conceptions touching the nature and efhcacy of Divine grace. Original sin^ had not been recognized i-n the construction of his system : neither did he view the death of Christ as in any way conducing to the re-establish- ment of those relations between God and man which are subverted by iniquity. Christ, it is conceded, by virtue of His bright example urges men to acts of self-denial and the practice of repentance, and by His powerful interces- sion helps them to subdue the evil tendencies of their nature ; but every trace* of mediation and satisfaction being 1 See, for instance, tbe chapter of the liacovian Catechism, ' De Cogni- tione Christi,' where examples will be found of that shallow and in many cases violent criticism, by which the principal texts declaring our Sa- viour's pre-existence and Divine nature are explained away. 2 The strong convictions of Socinus on this point are fully stated in his controversy with a section of his followers who were distinguished as the ' Nou adorantes:' see the Bisputatio inter F. S. ct Clii-i.-itianum Francken, de honore Christi (0pp. n. 767 sq. ; of. Touhnin, pp. 332, 333), and more especially l)c Jesu Christi invocatione etc., a disi)utauon be- tween Socinus and Francis David, superintendent of the Unitarians in Transvlvania (0pp. 11. 709 sq.). 3 6pp. II. 510, 541. 4 Thus the Racovian Catechism in cap, viii. ('De Morte Christi'), after pointing out how the death of Christ was necessary in order to teach us how to die and to confirm the promise of Ciod to man, asks the question : ' Nonne est etiam aliqua alia mortis Christi causa?' _ To which the answer is, ' Nulla prorsus : etsi nunc vulgo Christiani sentiunt, Christum morte Sua nobis salutem meruisse, et pro peccatis nostris ple- narie satisfecisse, qure sententia fallax est, et erronea, et admoium perniciosa :' cf. Toulmin, pp. 178 sq. SOCINIANS. 266 Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap.' SOCINIANS. thus obliterated, the justification of the sinner is ascribed to a forensic act of God, by which he graciously remits the penal consequences of transgression to all persons who, from faith in Christ as the Revealer, have fulfilled the precepts of the moral law\ The teaching of Socinus on many kindred questions (such, for instance, as the doctrine of the sacraments^) may be inferred from what is known already of his system. In one respect he seems to have origmated a theory widely different from that of the ratio- nalistic school of Anabaptists, whom at other times he followed. He affirmed the ultimaie annihilation of the damned ; whereas they commonly explained^ the word ' eternal' in such a manner as to warrant a belief in the corrigibility and therefore in the actual restoration of all created beings. SCHWENCKFELDIANS. The founder of this sect of mystics was Caspar Schwenckfeld^ a Silesian noble, born in 1490. At the earliest outbreak of the Reformation, he allied himself with Lutheranism, contributing to the success which it ex- perienced in his neighbourhood. His mind, however, was ill-balanced, hasty and fanatical ; and perplexed by the portentous aspects of the Eucharistic controversy which opened in 1525, he fancied that the true solution of the. mystery^ involved in our Saviour's language was commu- nicated to himself by a particular revelation. According to his view the sacraments are not media or conductors by which God imparts to man the supernatural gifts of grace ; but, on the contrary, these gifts come down into the soul of 1 See Mobler's investigation of this point (ii. 340, 341), wliere he rejoices to find Socinus refuting ' the Protestant doctrine on faith and works.' 2 See his treatise De Ecclesia, 0pp. i. 350, 351. 3 Above, p. 257, n. 5. * See J. Wigand, De Schicenckfcldtsmo, Lipsia?, 1587, and Erblcam, Gesch. der protcstant. Sekten in Zeitalter der Reformation, Hamburg, 1848, pp. 357 sq. s Erbkam, p. 360, where an account is given of his intercourse -with Luther and Bugenhagen at Wittenberg on the sacramental question. His own leanings were then in the direction of Zwinglianism, for in his interpretation of the ' words of institution,' he made tovto the predi- cate (' what bread is, that is my Body, viz. food '). ; v.] the New Movement. 267 the regenerate immediately, or rather spring up in it, owing to the inhabitation of the Word of God, who therefore can dispense with^ the external Word contained in holy Scripture, as well as with all other species of 'creaturely' intervention. The root of these notions lay in wild and half-Docetic views respecting the Incarnation of our blessed Lord. Schwenckfeld, it is true, defended himself against the imputation of denying the humanity entirely; but he nevertheless persisted in affirming that the flesh of Christ is not the flesh of a created being''; that the mortal nature He inherited from His Virgin-mother was only the transient form assumed by a humanity which came from heaven, and had its origin in God the Father ; and that in His l^resent state of glorification. His whole being is so deified, that even the human nature is properly Divine, though not confounded altogether with the Godhead I Christ, the Logos, having thus entered into the line of humanity, and invested it with an ineffable glory, is the life and sustenance of all regenerate spirits, dwells in them con- tinually, becomes to them the root of righteousness, and so prepares them for a fidl participation of the Divine essence and perfections. Although the author of these transcendental tenets had numerous followers in Silesia, he was himself compelled to quit the country in 1528. We next find him consorting with various sections of the Anabaptists", and occasionally with 1 He declares that the * ahnighty eternal Word proceeds out of the mouth of God directly and immediately, and not through the Scripture, external Word, sacrament or any other created thing (' kreaturlichkeit ') in earth or heaven :' see the German original in Gieseler, iii. ii, p. 104, u. 5 (ed. Bonn). He rejected the Lutheran view of justification on the same ground, as too historical, resting too much on promises contained in a cold and lifeless document : Ibid. p. 109, n. 10. Bp. Alley was pro- bably referring to this peculiarity when he spoke of ' Swinckfeldians and other fantasticall heades, which do depraue the holye Scripture :' Foorc 3Ian's Librarie, i. 171, a. Lond., 15(55 ; cf. John Knox's account of his interview with an Anabaptist in London ' the winter before the death of king Edward:' Ansioer to a great nomher of blasphemous Cauillations, &c. pp. 405 sq. 2 See Borner's investigation of this dogma in his Entwichliinps-gesch. dcr Lehre von der Person Christi, pp. 207 sq. Stuttgart, 1839, and Hahn's Schwenckfeldii sententia de Cliristi Persona, Vratislav. [Breslau], 1847. ^ His own explanations may be seen in his Confessioii, of which extracts are printed in Gieseler, as above, pp. 104 — 108. ^ Eanke {Picform. in. 508) thinks it highly probable that Schwcnck- £eld's inlluence contributed largely to the development of the more SCnWENCK- FELDIANS. Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. Swiss Reformers ; yet none of them appear to have entirely satisfied his theory of religion. About the year 1540, when the chief positions he had occupied were understood by the Reformers, Schwenckfeld was denounced as a Eutychian heretic^; and in spite of all the sympathy which he exacted here and there by his unblemished life and earnestness of purpose, these denunciations were continually repeated ""^ after his death, which took place on the 10th of December, 1562. FAMILY OF LOVE. A coarser species of fanaticism is traceable to one David George^, or Joris, a native of Delft in Holland, who was born as early as 1501. In 1536 he made himself con- spicuous by laying claim to special revelations, and attempt- ing to compose the differences which separated the two branches of Dutch Anabaptism''; and soon afterwards pro- ceeded with untiring diligence to organize a system of his own. Three years later he was driven out of East Fries- land, and ultimately to Basel, where, assuming a new name, he passed, until his death, in 1556, as one of the Reformers. The main peculiarity of this adventurer consisted^ in affirm- mystical forms of Anabaptism (see above, pp. 257, 258), according to which the body of Christ was not created, but derived from heaven. And it is certain that Melchior Hoffmann, who headed this party until his imprisonment at Strasburg (1533), acknowledged Schwenckfeld as his coadjutor. 1 See, for instance, Melanchthon's Works, ed. Bretschn. ix. 32J: sq. In the Kirchen-Ordnung of Brunswick (cited above, p. 68, n. 5) the ' Schwenckfeldianer ' are denounced with other misbelievers. 2 Thus, their errors are solemnly repudiated in the Appendix to the Formula Concordice (Francke, Llhri Symbol. Eccl. Luther. Part iii. pp. 214, 215). In addition to the points above mentioned, they wei'e charged with holding that a man truly regenerate can fulfil the whole law, that a Church cannot exist without active power of excommunication, and that ministers cannot ojaiciate rightly who are not truly renovated, just and pious, 2 See the Historia vita, doctrlnce ac rerum fjestariim Davidis Georrjii hceresiarchce, by Nicolas Blesdyk, his son-in-law, Deventr. 1642, and a still earlier Life (German and Latin) composed in 1559 ' durch den Rector und die Universitiit einer loblichen Stadt Basel.' His name was per- petuated in Davidistce and Davidians, of which the former occurs in the Liturgia Peregrinorum Francofordice (ed. 1555), and the latter in Becon's Works, ed. P. S. p. 415. A more contemptuous title of the sect was ' Davists.' -* Brandt, Reform, i. 74 sq. s His works are all in Dutch (the principal being T' WonderhoecJCf v.] the New Movement. 269 ing that lie was the second David, in whom as the Messiah, born after the Spirit, ancient prophecy would reach its true accomplishment. The Word of God, he argued, was in him exhibited with all its spirituality; and therefore he was sent into the world to raise men out of their subjec- tion to the introductory oeconomies, such as had been instituted under the Old and New Testaments : and thus securing for his followers a complete emancipation from every phase of legalism, he preached a new and higher dispensation which was to be characterised by perfect right- eousness and perfect love. But long before the death of David George, the princii^les of these Libertines, as they were now occasionally styled, had found a second advocate in Henry Niclas, or Nicholas, born at Amsterdam. Quitting his birthplace in 1533, he fled, on the suppression of the Miinster Anabaptists, to Emden in West Friesland, where he undertook, in a series of fantastic publications, to combat all existing varieties of religion \ whether Komish or Re- formed, and thus establish what he termed the Family of Love"''. After the Low Countries ^ England was the theatre in which this sect appears to have obtained the greatest number of adherents. As early as 1552 it gained a footing published in 1542, and again, with additions, in 1550) : see extracts and references in Gieseler, m. ii. p. 54, n. 9 (ed. Bonn). On his ' life and doings,' see The Displaying of an horrible sect of grosse and wicked Heretiqxu's, naming themselues tJie Family of Loue, &c. by J. B. [John Eogers], Lond. 1579, sign. A iiii. sq. 1 ' Henrie gaue himselfe to writing of bookes, which he pnt in print, especially one among the rest, which was the chiefe, called The glasse of ri'jhteousnes the lesse : for he compiled two bookes of that title, where- ia he certifieth his Familie of loue, that they must passe foure most terrible castels ful of combersome enemies, before they come to the house of loue : the first is Joltn Caluine, the seconde the Papistes, the third Martin, Luther, y^ fourth y® AnabajHists : and passing these daungers they may be of the familie, else not : this is testified by a man of credite, one Adrian Gisling, who did read the same in a Dutche booke ' &c. llogers, Ibid. A iiii. b. '^ One of those which rendered him notorious was entitled Euange- linni lieyni, the Gospel and ioyfull message of the kingdome. See the large extracts from it in Kuewstub's Confutation of monstrous and horrible heresies, taught by II. N. and embraced of a number, icho call themselucs the Familie of Loue, London, 1579. Another work ' trans- lated out of Base Almain' and circulated in England, was the 'Memo- rabilia Opera Dei : certaine wonderfull Works of God which hapned to H. N. even from his youth,' &c. , ' published [without date] by Tobias, a Fellow Elder with H. N. in the Household of Love.' ^ See Brandt, Eefurm. i. 105. TAMTIiY OP LOVE. 2JO Sects and Heresies accompanying [chap. FAMILY OF LOVE. in Kent^ and notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of Cranmer and the royal Council, was extensively propagated in some other districts. In the reign of Mary, traces of it were detected in the town of Colchester'"^, in the Isle of Ely, and in various districts of the Eastern Counties ; and more than once during the reign of Elizabeth^ it threatened to diffuse itself in all parts of England, culminating about the year 1579. The main positions of the sect as modified by Henry Niclas were substantially the same as those already noticed. It shewed itself a compound of principles derived from the more mystical schools of Anabaptism and of the most sweeping Antinomianism. Relying on a series of special revelations, the Familists explained away the * letter of the Bible;' affirming, for example^ that the birth of Christ ' of the Virgin Mary out of the seed of David,' means only the promulgation of 'pure doctrine out of the seed of love.' Although the conduct of some members was apparently correct and irreproachable^, 'divers fell ^ Strype's Cranmer, it. 410, ecT. E. H, S. ^ See the remarkable narrative of William Wilkinson, entitled A Confutation of certaine Articles deliuered vnto the Family e of Lone, toith the exposition of Theophilus, a supposed Elder in the sayd Familye vpon the same Articles, Loncl. 1579, ^^iii. sq. [For the use of this and other scarce tracts relating to the Familists, the writer was indebted to Dr Corrie, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge.] ^ For a royal proclamation ' against the Sectaries of the Family of Love' bearing date Oct. 3, 1580, see Wilkins, iv. 297. 'In many shires of this our countrie,' writes Eogers (Pref. A iii. b), 'there are meetings and conventicles of this familie of love, and into what number they are grown, my heart reweth to speake,' &c. : of. Parker's Correspondence, ed. P. S. pp. 61, 321, and Stowe's Chron. p. 679, the latter of whom narrates ' the disclosing of Dutch Anabaptists.' ^ See the form of abjuration in Wilkins, iv. 296. The numerous points contested by the Familists may be inferred from the running titles in Wilkinson's Confutation (see n. 2), 'No Church,' 'No Truth,' ' No Baptisme,' ' No Ministrie,' ' Of uniting into God,' ' Blasphemy,' ' H. N. I)a[vid] Ge[orge] his scholler,' 'H. N. an heretique,' 'No learn- ing,' 'H. N, must be beleued,' ' Eeuelations,' 'Of Shrift,' 'Gospel a literal seruice,' 'Scripture learned,' 'Keligion dissembled,' ' Libertie to sinne,' 'Libertines,' ' Lyfe proveth not Eeligion,' ' Triall by Scripture,' ' Heretickes punished. ' 5 This is reluctantly admitted, for example, by Wilkinson, in his Epistle Dedicatorie ; and in 'the judgement of a godly learned man, W. C.,' prefixed to Knewstub's work (as above, p. 269, n. 2), we have the following passage : ' But howsoever they seduce some goodly and zealous men and women of lionest and godly conuersalion, placing them at the porch of their Synagogue, to make a shewe of holinesse, and to stand there as baites and stalles to deceive others : yet alas who can v.l the New Movement. 271 into gross and enormous practices ; pretending in excuse thereof that they could, without evil, commit the same act which was sin in another to do\' On this account espe- cially they were exposed to the tribunals of the bishops and the civil magistracy, and in the course of the next generation the sect appears to have gradually died out^. BROWNISTS, OR INDEPENDENTS. Robert Browne ^ although he did not graduate in Cambridge, was a member of Corpus Christi College. There, attracted by the zeal and talents of Thomas Cart- wriofht, he allied himself with the earlier race of Enoflish Puritans, and swelled the clamour they were raising against the liturgy, the ritual and the organization of the Church ^ As early as 1571, the founder of the Brownists, then domestic chaplain to the duke of Norfolk, refused to sign those Articles of Religion^ which related to public worship and ecclesiastical government. In 1581 the vio- lence of his invectives against the whole church-system led to his temporary incarceration at Norwich. About the same time he put forth a Treatise on Reformation without tarry- ing for any^, which brought him once more under the sen- tence of the magistrate, and after his dismissal he reverted without blushing vtter the shame that is committed in the iuwarde roomes, and as it were in the heart of that Synagogue of Satan ?' ^ Such is the confession of William Penn {Fref. to the Journal of George Fox, i. 7, 8, Lond. 1852), who finds, however, many germs of truth among the mystics of the sixteenth century. 2 One of their last assailants was Henry More, in his Mystery of Iniquitij, e. g. pp. 187, 188, Lond. 16G4. ^ On the founder of Brownism and its early fortunes, see Neale, Hist, of the Furitans, i. 374 sq. Lond. 1732 ; Heylin, Hist, of the Presby- terians, pp. 295 sq. Oxf. 1670 ; and Hanbury's Hist. Mcviorials relating to the Independents, i. 18 sq. Lond. 1839. Fuller (Church Hist. Cent. XVI. pp. IGG sq. Lond. 165G) may also be consulted. Browne, he says, returned from Zealand ' with a full crie against the Church of England, as having so much of Home, she had nothing of Christ in her discipline.' ■* See above, pp. 233 sq. 5 Neale, i. 280. 6 In 1582 appeared at Middleburg, where the press was unrestrained, A Book u-hich sheweth the Life resibus pressa Ecclesia. Carere ea absque detrimento potest niultis vocum inanitatibus, quas sasculis aliquot pneter necessitatem invenit monastica atque academica scientia, et inventas imprudenter ingessit quorundam fastus, adeo ut carnifieina) simul et gehenn.'e tradatur ovicula Christi, qua^ illas nou certo crediderit. Suaserim itaque sobrietatem iis, qui e scholis supcrsunt. Ineant obsecro cum animo suo rationem, quam mininre (Jhristiana3 professioni congruat, non solum novum docendi genus inve- hcre, verum etiam nova quiudam docere qute nescivit antiquitas.' MEDIATING PARTY. Wizel: his chief suggestions. 2 76 The Counter-Reformation. [chap. MEDIATING PARTY. Cassander. advocates of reconciliation was George Cassander \ born in the Low Countries (1515). To this object he devoted his whole life, in spite of the continual animadversions which his writings elicited from both the parties whom he wished to mollify and reunite. His principal work was undertaken at the request of the emperor Ferdinand I., who, finding himself comparatively independent of the Papal court ""^j attempted to propitiate his Lutheran subjects in the closing year of his reign (1564). With this ol3Ject he employed Cassander, then engaged at Duisburg on a similar errand'', to draw up a summary of Christian doctrine, in the order of the Augsburg Confession, so as to mark those articles in which there was a prospect of agreement. Hence the famous Consultatio de Articulis Religionis inter Catholicos et Protestantes controversis, where Cassander, resting* on the Holy Scriptures as the basis of belief, and reverting to the Fathers of the first six centuries for the exposition of all doubtful texts, proposes to relinquish the erratic speculations of later theologians, together with those portions of the liturgy and discipline of the Church that swerved from ancient models. He next suggests the application of his general principle to many of the topics then dividing Christians from each other, and even dares 1 Tabaraud, p. 299. Cassander's collected WorTcs, of which many had been condemned at the council of Trent, were published in Paris, 1(316. 2 Above, p. 66. 3 While the guest of William, duke of Cleves, he examined the whole question of infant-baptism, with especial reference to the argu- ments of the Anabaptists. See two treatises on this subject in his Works, pp. 703—779. * 'Divina Scriptura, tanquam certissima qufedam regula, veteres in controversiis, qua statim post Apostolorum discessum extiterant, diju- dicandis usi sunt : sed saape in his contentionibus evenit, ut de sensu et intelligentia harum Divinarum literarum non conveniret, ac uon pauc£8 controversiaa ort© sint, quarum in iis Di\dnis literis non tam certa et aperta explicatio reperiebatur. Quare semper necesse fuit ad consensum universalem vetustissimarum Ecclesiarum, tanquam ad publicum et firmissimum testimonium vivffi apostolicoB doctrin£e et verae scriptorum apostolicorum iutelligentite provocare, quod et hodie usu venire videmus ...Elucet autem hoc publicum Ecclesite testimonium maxime in iis scriptoribus atque scriptis, quae fueruut ab astate Constantini usque ad ffitatem Leonis, vel etiam Gregorii. ' Fnef. The same principles had been aheady (1561) enunciated in his De Officio pii Viri in hoc Ecclesia Dis- sidio, which being published anonymously was attacked by Calvin on j the supposition that its author was JBaudouin (Balduinus), the celebrated I lawyer. VI.] Tlie Coimter- Reformation. 277 to ask for a considerable limitation of the functions exer- cised by Roman pontiffs'. In addition to these formal measures for securing the unity of Western Christendom, there had always been a party, who, without being fully conscious either of their opposition to the Mediaeval tenets or of their close approxi- mation to the ground of the Reformers, acted for a while as moderators between the two great bodies in collision. Of these we saw a bright example in Gaspar Contarini'^ Lasting benefits resulted from his efforts at the Colloquy of Ratisbon, and his conciliatory spirit was shared by a large circle of acquaintance, embracing among others Reginald Pole. To their writings may be added those of John Wild^ (or Ferus), a learned Franciscan who died at Mentz, Sept. 3, 1554. His sermons, and still more his numerous exegetical treatises, all savour strongly of the Lutlieran spirit ; or rather they shew that he was able to return by indepen- dent iDrocesses to fountains from which many of the Lutheran tenets were immediately derived. While points of contact were thus multiplied in one direction, other theologians who had no sympathy what- ever with the Lutheran movement were stimulated by it to withdraw the more extravagant positions of the school- ^ In noticing this point, Tabarand remarks (pp. 304, 305) : 'Parmi les abus manifestes qui avoient servi de prc^texte an schisme, et qui contri- buoient a I'entretenir, on doit mettre en premiere ligne la puissance ex- orbitante du pape, porte h, cette dpoque k un exefes, qui faisoit g^mir les bons catholiques.' Other mediators are mentioned by this writer, among the rest Beatus Rhenanus, and later in the century Martin Fum6e. A work of different character, but jrarportiug to aim at the same results, was the Be Strategematibus Satamc in Jieligionis Negotio, by a native of Trent, Aconzio (Acontius), who relinquished Eomanism in 1557, and taking refuge in England dedicated his production to queen Elizabeth (1565). He outraged his patrons, however, by the extreme 'liberalism' of his suggestions, and was excommunicated by Grindal on suspicion of 'anabaptistical and Ariau' tendencies. Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 45, Lond. 1710. 2 Above, pp. 58, 97, 98. He also assisted in drawing up a reformatory scheme in 1538: see above, p. 57, n. 1. ^ See Dieterich, Dissert. Jlistor. de Joanne Fcro, monacho et concio- natore Moguntino, teste veritatis Evangelica, Altorf. 1723, and (the continuator of) Eleury, Hist. Eccl. Uv. cl. ch, Ixviii. ; the latter of whom observes : ' Quelques-ims de ses traitez ont 6t6 corrompus par les Pro- testants, et ses ouvragcs n'ont pas 6t6 agr^ablcs h, la congregation de Y Index.'' On the IGth of June, 1559, his Commentary on St Matthew was suppressed by order of the doctors of the Sorbonne [Ibid. liv. cliv. ch. liii.), ' parcequ'il contenoit beaucoup d'erreurs, et mume des heresies.' MEDIATING PARTY. Contarlni. JohnFerus. Correctives of Ech, Emser, and the rest. 278 Til e Counter- licf or mation. [chap. MEDIATINa PAETY. Occasional attempts at Ik'forma- tion hy means of aijnods. men, and assist in the diffusion of intelligence and the promotion of administrative reforms. Confronted by ar- dent preachers of the 'new learning,' tlie champions of scholasticism looked out for enmnes of defence analoii^ons to those by which they were assaulted. Eck, at the sug- gestion of Campeggio, aimed at counteracting the influence of Melancbthon's Loci Communes by putting forth in 1525 a rival publication, entitled Loci Communes contra Hcereti- cos^. Emser, who was also conspicuous for his hatred of the Lutherans, undertook in 1527 a new translation of the Bible ^ into German, with the hope of satisfying wants expressed in every quarter: while vernacular treatises, such as that of Berthold^, bishop of Chiemsee, which ap- peared in 1528, evince the clear determination of some prelates to keep pace with the necessities of the age, and furnish what they deemed the best corrective of those doctrines which the Wittenbers^ers were disseminatinsf in all quarters through the agency of the press. The same determination was in other provinces com- bined with strenuous efforts to remove at least a portion of the gross abuses in the manners of the clergy and their general administration of church-affairs, — abuses which had proved so scandalous to laymen, and had given to the Reformer his chief pretext for opening an assault on the ecclesiastical system. This necessity, as we have seen, was felt occasionally by popes themselves ^ and councils in like manner entered here and there upon the same course of action. Thus, a synod of the province of Sens, held 1 First printed, and dedicated to Henry YIII. of England in 1525, i.e. four years after the corresponding work of Melanchthou. A fourth edition enlarged and amended appeared at TLibingen in 1527, and was especially directed ' adversus Lutheranos. ' 2 Cf. Audin, Hist, de Luther, I. 493 sq.; "Waddington, Reform, u. 19 sq. It was very little more than a fraudulent reprint of Luther's ver- sion. In 1534 the counter-reformation party obtained another German Bible (based upon the Vulgate) from the pen of Dietenberger, a Domi- nican of Mentz ; and in 1537 Eck issued his translation, following the Vulgate for the Old Testament, and Eraser's Lutheran version for the New: being prompted, as he says in the Preface, solely by a wish to counteract 'viele falsche Dolmetschungen.' ^ The title is Teiotsche Theolofjey (reprinted at Munich, 1852), It was probably meant to rival the media3val treatise Eyn teutsch Theologia, which Luther edited at the very outbreak of the Keformation : see Middle Age, p. 357, n. 4. ^ Above, p. 3, p. 57, n. 1. VI.] Tlie Counter-Beformation. 279 at Paris (1528), and most violent in its condemnation of Lutheranism\ confesses the existence of corruptions'. Some restraints are placed upon the dress and conduct of ecclesiastics; ministers and people are charged to be decor- ous in the celebration of public worship; images of a lascivious or unscriptural character are interdicted, and the credulity of those who thirsted for new miracles re- buked. All music adverse to devotion is excluded from the churches, and directions given in order to secure the better execution of parochial ministrations, as well as more exemplary and efficient preachers I Similar injunctions were promulgated at the same period by the French clergy assembled in the council of Bourges*. But a council gathered in 1536 by Hermann, archbishop of Cologne, who himself, as we have seen, became eventually a convert to the Lutheran doctrines, was exclusively devoted to the reformation of the clergy and the disciplinary system of the Church ^ In every part of their acts we may discern how great had been the pressure of the times'', and how ^ e. g. ' Untim illud videmns in primis liactenus observatum ab iis, qui propagandis h.Teresibus animum intenderint, ut ea sibi dicenda puteut, quse maxime placitura videantur; quo prurientes multitudinis aures demulceant, et a severioribus patrum avertant institutis. Hac ratioiie Mahometica quondam pestis invaluit. Hoc aucupio Lutlierus,' etc. Labbe, xiv. 455, ' See the ' Decreta morum,' as above, 465 sq. 2 § XXXVI. , where it is significantly added : ' Quod si secus fecerint, aut si populum more scurrarum vilissimorum, dum ridiculas et aniles fabulas recitant, ad risus cachinnationesque excitaveriut : aut, quod deterius est, si prfelatis Ecclesiae, principibus, sacerdotibusque detrax- crint, ac tandem populum ab obedientia superiorura retraxerint, eum- demque ab solutione decimarum ac aliorum, ad quae jure Divino et positivo sunt omnes obstricti, abalienaverint; nos volumus tales tarn in- eptos et perniciosos concionatores ab officio prfedicationis suspendi,' etc. 4 Labbe, xiv. 42G sq. ^ j^/^. 434 sq. ^ Among other striking proofs of this, the clergy are incited (Pars 11. c. 5) to the constant reading of the Bible ('nuuquam a manibus eorum liber legis, hoc est Biblia, deponatur'). Then follows a promise to undertake the revision of the Breviary. ' Nam cum olim a sanctissimis patribus institutum sit, ut solas Scripturne sacrfc in Ecclesia recitarentur, nescimxis qua inmria accident, ut in earum locum successerint alia cum his neutiquam comparanda, atque interim historioB Sanctorum tam inculte ac tam ncgligenti judicio conscriptre, ut nee auctoritatem habere \ideantur, nee gravitatem. Deo itaque auctore, deque consilio capituli nostri, ac theologorum, aliorumque piorum virorum reformationem breviariorum meditabimur : ' Pars 11. c. 6; cf. c. 11. This project for revising the Breviary was elsewhere carried out in the same year by cardinal Quignones, who published under the authority of Clement YII. 1 MEDIATIN'O PARTV, The Co unter-Reformation. CHAP. considerable was tlie fraction even of those adhering to distinctive doctrines of the Mediseval Church, who had been elevated by the moral agitations of that epoch, and made alive to the necessity of promoting domestic reforma- tions in each country. But these measures, instituted here and there in sepa- rate provinces of Christendom, and with a view to the redress of local grievances, were all at length compounded into one «-rand effort by the convocation of the Council of Trent. Here it is that the machinery was provided for working out the counter-reformation; here it is that all the Churches in communion with Kome determined the last development of their principles, and here the canons and decrees were framed, which fastened on those Churches their peculiar characteristics, and stereotyped their aber- rations from the primitive and apostolic faith. The convocation of a general council had been long demanded in all parts of western Christendom^ But the pontiffs, either entangled in political affairs, or trembling lest the scenes of Basel and Constance might be re-enacted under less favourable circumstances, and their own pre- roc^atives impugned with even greater freedom, suffered all the most critical years of the controversy to expire without acceding to the urgent wishes of their subjects. The bull of PaurilL, convoking such a synod and fixing its precise the first edition of liis Breviarium Romana Curice, ex sacra et canonica Scriptura, necnon Sanctorum historiis summa vigilanlia decerptis, accu- rate digcstum: cf. above, p. 198. Part vi. of the above council contains, in twenty-seven chapters, the temperate directions of Hermann and the other prelates for the due 'ministration of the Word.' 1 See above, p. 8 and n. 2, p. 57. The project for convening a council to be held at Mantua (Ma;/ 23, 1537) being found abortive, the pope was induced to convene another at Vicenza (May, 1538): but not a single prelate came. Jealousies that now sprang up between the pope and emperor (above, p. 61), stopped all further progress till May, 15i2, when the results of the first colloquy of Katisbon (above, p. 58) alarmed the papal consistory (cf. Kanke, Pojjcs, i. 201 note) and led to more serious negociations. The bull, on the authority of which actual proceedings were taken, is dated Nov. 19, 1544. On the general history of those proceedings, see Sarpi [al. Pietro Soave Polano], Historla del Concilia Tridentino (translated into French, with critical and other notes, by Courayer, Amsterdam, 1751) ; and Pallavicini's Istoria del Concilia di Trento, best edition, Koma, 16(55. Eanke, Popes, in. 304 sq., has a valuable 'Criticism of Sarpi and Pallavicini.' The best edition of the Decrees themselves is in the Lihri Symbolici Eccl. Catholicce, ed. Streit- wolf and Klener, Gottiuga?, 1846. VI.] The Counter-Reformation. 281 locality, was only promulgated May 22, 1542, and even then, as new obstacles continued to emerge in various (:[uarters, the first session was not actually held until the 13th of December, 1545, two months before the death of the fjreat Wittenbersf reformer, and soon after the massacre of four thousand Vaudois\ who had ventured to express their sympathy with the reforming movement. As soon as the proceedings opened^ it was obvious that the representatives, though mostly Italians, were men of different schools : and all the early sessions witnessed to the difficulty they experienced in coming to a definite agreement on questions of the day. At length, however, it was ruled '^ that in choosing their terminology, a chari- table regard should be always had to the discordant sentiments of both parties, and that certain questions should thus continue open, in order that the whole energy of the council might be concentrated on the various forms of misbelief which they were more especially engaged in controverting. It was also ruled, after many struggles, that questions of faith and practical reforms connected with them, should be discussed concurrently. Hence the ultimate form of the transactions issued by this council. The decrees on doctrine appear either as dogmatic treatises ('Doctringe'), or as short and pithy propositions (' Canones'). The former often represent the Romish doctrine with considerable fulness; the latter are denunciations of all classes of opponents: while intermixed with both of these we find a number of 'Decreta de Reformatione,' i.e. or- dinances relating to the ritual, discipline, and general organization of the Churches in communion with the Roman pontiff. The chief promoters* of the council, anxious to make 1 Above, p. 123, and Sarpi, i. 209, ed. Courayer. 2 The Gallican bisbojis, for example, seconded by Spaniards and a few Italians, proposed at the outset to modify the title of the Council by .adding the words 'Ecclesiam universam reprccseutan.'i,' after the prece- dents of Basel and Constance (Sarpi, i. 2-41). At the fourth session there was a hot contest between the Franciscans and Dominicans on the 'ini- ma(;ulate conception' of the Virgin: Ibid. pp. 313 sq. ^ Ibid. II. 30. This resolution was prompted by a violent dispute of the Franciscans and Dominicans respecting the manner of om* Lord's Presence in the Eucharist. * These were, of course, the papal legates, cardinal John del Monte (afterwards pope Julius III.), the cardinal-priest of Santa Croce, named COUNCIL OF TRENT. Discordan t elements at Trent. Order of proceed- inys. 282 Tlie Counter- Reformation. [CHAP; COUNCIL OF TRENT. V V ' Authoriiy of Scrip- ture and tradition. their work as full and systematic as possible, commenced the more important business by determining the canon of Holy Scripture. This subject was accordingly opened at a congress held Feb. 22, 1546, and two decrees relating to it promulgated at the fourth session (April 8). It was then decided^ by a vast majority of the represent- atives (between sixty and seventy in number) that un- written traditions, which have been received either from the mouth of Christ Himself, or from the impulse of the Holy Spirit, and continuously transmitted in the Church, are all to be accepted with respect and veneration equal to that which other Christians claim for Holy Scripture. On proceeding to a kindred topic, that respecting the several books which form the Canon, there was less unanimity; some^ desiring that no catalogue whatever should be pub- lished, others that distinctions should be drawn between Marcellus Cervinus, and the cardinal-deacon, Eeginald Pole, who however did not rejoin the Council in 154G, on the plea of ill health: cf. Kanke, Fopes, i. 208, 209, and note. The poi:)e's instructions to these legates may be seen at large in Eaynaldus, Annal. Eccl. ad an. 1545, § 47. 1 ' . . . . perspiciensque hanc veritatem et disciplinam contineri in libris scriptis, et sine scrip to traditionibus, qua ab ipsius Christi ore ab Apostolis acceptae, aut ab ij^sis Apostolis, Spiritu Sancto dictante, quasi per manus traditas, ad nos usque pervenerunt; orthodoxorum patrum exempla secuta, omnes libros tarn veteris, quam novi Testamenti, cum utriusque unus Deus sit auctor; necnon traditiones ipsas, tum ad fidem, tum ad mores pertinentes, tamquam vel ore tenus a Christo, vel a Spiritu Sancto dictatas, et continua successione in Ecclesia Catholica conser- vatas, pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit et veneratur.' For a Lutheran refutation of this article, see the elaborate work of Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Tridcntini, Part. i. pp. 5 — 96, Francof. 1578. One of the few opponents of it in the synod was Nachianti (Naclautus), bishop of Chiozza, who went so far as to affirm that the placing of Scripture and traditions on the same level was impious: see Sarpi, i. 293, together with Courayer's note, and Mendham's Memoirs of the Council of Trent, pp. 59, 60, Lond. 1834. ^ Sarpi, I. 263, 267. At the same time was published a Decretum de editione et usic sacrorum libroriim, asserting the 'authenticity' of the Vulgate version, correctly printed (cf, Mendham, p. 67); 'et ut nemo illam rejicere quovis prretextu audeat vel pr^esumat.' Then follows a warning against all new interpretations and all doctrines of development, ' ut nemo suae prudentiae innixus, in rebus fidei, et morum ad aedifica- tionem doctrinae Christians pertinentium, sacram Scripturam ad sues sensus contorquens, contra eum sensum, quern tenuit et tenet sancta mater Ecclesia, cujus est judicare de vero sensu et interpretationo Scripturarum sanctarum, aut etiam contra uuanimem consensum patrum, ipsam Scripturam sanctam interpretari audeat; etiamsi hujusmodi inter- ! pretationes nuUo nmquam tempore in lucem edendas forent.' The lame attempts of Mohler to reconcile this decree with any freedom of inquiry VI.] The Counter-Reformation. 283 canonical and deutero-canonical writings, while a third party, which eventually prevailed, contended for the im- portance of publishing a list of books, but were averse to the proposed distinctions. This twofold edict, which on its appearance seems to have startled all the Christian world, the pontiff^ in the number, may be said to have determined the character of all future business : and the ultra-montane prelates, flush(3d with their successes, lost no time in handling the chief dogmas in respect of which Reformers were unanimous in their belief that the Scholastics had departed from the Holy Scriptures and were swerving fast in the direction of Pela- gianism. These were the dogmas of original sin and justifica- tion. The decree relating to the former was read in the fifth session (June 17). Instead^ of laying down a full and scientific exposition of the doctrine which, it was discovered, the feelings of the present meeting could not bear, the prelates confined themselves to the publication of five anathemas, stating what original sin is not. Four of these are levelled at the tenets of Anabaptists or extravagant Reformers; while the last condemns the doctrines of the Saxonschool, according to which sin is not entirely extirpated by the grace of baptism, but only ' shaven, or not imputed '^ The subject of justification, which had been the source of many earlier controversies at this period, was encum- bered by far greater difiiculties. It therefore occupied the synod until Jan. 13, 1547, when an elaborate decree was promulgated, in sixteen chapters and thirty-three canons ; all of them plainly tending to magnify the human element or factor in the process of salvation, and one in particular anathematizing those who might demur to the assertion, [ or any scientific exegesis of the Bible may be seen in bis SijmholiU. 11. \ CO sq. : cf . Sarpi, i. 274-276. 1 Sarpi, I. 286. 2 Cf. Mobler's apology, i. 66, 67. 3 ' Si quis i^er Jesu Cbristi Domini nostri gratiam, qure in baptis- mate confertur, reatum originalis peccati remitti negat, aut etiam assei-it uou tolli totum id, quod voram et propriam peccati ratiouem babet, Red illud dicit tantum radi, aut nou imputari; anatbcma sit.' Sess. v. §5. See Cbemuitz, Examen, 'De reliciuiis peccati originalis,' Part. i. pp. 103 sq. Tbe Council grants, bowever, tbat tbere is in tlie regenerate a concupiscence (or 'fomos'), inclining to sin, but not sinful. On tbe connexion of tbis decree witb tbe dogma of tbe Immaculate Conception, Bee Sarpi, i, 312 sq., Pullavicini, Lib, vii. c. 7 COUNCIL OF TRENT. Decree on Onyinat Sill : on Justiji' cation. 284 The Counter- Reformation. [CHAI COUNCIL OF TRENT. Effect of this decree. that the good works of the justified man, as wrought by him through the help of God and the merit of Jesus Christ, do truly deserve increase of grace and eternal life\ Ac- cording to the Tridentine doctors, faith is the beginning, root and basis of justification, and is essential to all further progress ; yet it only becomes efficacious when love has been conjoined with it, as the animating and plastic principle. Justification in like manner has two aspects, one negative, the other positive : it is both forgiveness of sins and sanctification^ By it the union of the will of man with all forms of evil is annihilated, so that righteous- ness becomes inherent in the soul of the believer, who can by the grace of God fulfil the law, and be restored to the original freedom of humanity. As the Spirit of Christ has been transfused into his spirit, he feels himself entitled to pass onward from the thought of some initial righteous- ness, gratuitously imputed to him, and reposes on a conviction that he will be at last accepted and rewarded, because the righteousness of Christ is so appropriated as to produce in him a righteousness which lie can truly call his own. On the contrary, some influential members of the counciP, approximating closely to the tenets of the Lu- ^ Sess. VI. can. xxxii. The next canon publislies the anathema against all who think that this tenet derogates in any measure from ' the glory of God or the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord:' see also cap. viii. where an explanation is offered of the phrase ' justificari gratis.' Chemnitz (Part. I. p. 205), makes the following remark respecting this theory of human merit : ' Concilium igitur Tridentinum dicit, bona renatorum opera vere promereri vitam £Bternam. Atque ita simpliciter repetunt et stabiliunt scholasticorum commenta de merito condigni; quod scilicet renatorum opera in hac vita in charitate facta, ex condigno mereantur vitam seternam: hoc est, quod vita teterna exdebito justitise Divinas retri- buenda sit bonis operibus.' On the other hand, the Council was far from sanctioning the notion that man is at all able of himself to reach the state of justification ' sine pr£Bvenienti Spiritus Sancti inspiratione :' see Can. i. ii. iii. 2 * Quamquam enim nemo possit esse Justus, nisi cui merita passi- onis Domini nostri Jesu Christi communicantur : id tamen in hac impii justificatione fit, dum ejusdem sanctissimffi passionis merito per Spiritum Sanctum caritas Dei diffunditur in cordibus eorum, qui justificantur, atque ipsis inha3ret : unde in ipsa justificatione cum remissione pecca- torum hseo omnia simul infusa accipit homo per Jesum Christum, Cui inseritur, fidem, spem et caritatem :' cap. vii. ^ On the various discussions, all of which turned in reality upon the truth or falsehood of opinions held by men like Gaspar Contarini, see VI.] Tlie Counter-Reformation. 28^ theran, drew, as he did, very sharp distinctions between imperfect righteousness inwrought into the human spirit, and that perfect rigliteousness which is freely attributed to man in virtue of his incorporation into Christ, the second Adam. This party was, however, silenced by a large majority, while the leaders of the Reformation-move- ment, who had anxiously observed the course of the proceedings, were horror-struck by the denunciations of their favourite dogma. It was also ruled ^ on the same occasion that no living man may presume to rank himself among the number of those who have been predestinated to eternal life, in such a way at least as to infer his im- peccability or the certainty of his recovering from the consequence of any sin he may commit; and further^ that the grace of justification is lost not only by open infidelity where faith itself has perished, but also by each act of deadly sin. The prelates next determined to treat upon the doctrine of the sacraments, in order as before to meet objections urged by the Reformers against the number, nature, and effect of those ordinances. Thirty canons^ were accord- Sarpi, I. 335 sq. From the account of Laurentius Pratanus, written on the spot (among Le Plat's ifonu/zi. ad hist. Concil. Trident, spectant. \u. pt. II. p. 21), y;e learn that some of the representatives extolled 'the virtue of faith 'in a wonderful manner, especially Kichard Pates, sometime bishop of Worcester, and the Neapolitan bishop of Cava. Pole also warned the assembly not to reject an opinion simply because it was held by Luther (llauke. Popes, i. 204) : and even Seripando, who, as general of the Au- gustinian friars, had no love for the Wittenberg deserter, shewed a strong leaning to the same side (Ibid. p. 205). ^ Cap. xii., this clause however being added: 'nam, nisi ex special! revelatioue, sciri non potest, quos Deus Sibi elegerit.' The tenderness of the Council in speaking of predestination is explained by the circum- stance that many of the leading representatives were strongly Augustinian in their views. See an account of the warm discussions on this subject in Sarpi, i. 3G7sq. 2 Cap. XV. 3 Of these, thirteen relate to sacraments in general (which are de- clared to be seven in number and no more) : fourteen to baptism ; and three to confirmation. The sixth of the first series is as follows : ' Si quis dixerit sacramenta novre legis non continere gratiam quam signifi- cant; aut gratiam ipsam non ponentibus obicem non conferre; quasi sigua tantum externa sint acceptae per fidem gratia?, vel justitiao, et nottc quaedam Christiunne professionis, quibus apud homines discemuntur fideles ab infidelibus; anathema sit:' cf. above, p. 119, n. 2; Chemnitz, Examen, 'De Opere operato,' Part. ii. pp. 2 1 sq., and Mohler, Symh. i. 288 sq. Another canon of the series (§ xi.) denounces those who affirm COUNCIL OF TRENT. Discusf^ions 011 the S t- craments. 286 Th e Co un te r-Reformatio n. [chap. ingiy compiled and read at the seventh session (March 3); but the labours of the representatives had not extended far beyond the questions relating to baptism and confirma- tion when reports of a contagious disease afforded a convenient pretext for translating the council to Bologna^ (March 11). Before this time, however, something was effected in the cause of reformation^, agreeably to principles laid down at the commencement of the business. The need of such reforms was shewn to be most urgent by repre- sentatives of the imperial party; and several of the Spaniards, whom we shall hereafter see defending the inherent rights of bishops, did not hesitate to speak most freely on these topics, and even to reflect on the dictation of the Roman pontiff and his legates^ But, owing to the dexterity of the latter, "and the vast preponderance of Italians in the synod, all discussions of this class were so guided or diverted as to save the grandeur of the pa- pacy*. The non-residence of bishops, one of the main that the intention of the minister (' intentionem saltern faciendi, quod facit ecclesia') is not required for the efficacy of the sacrament : cf. Chem- nitz, as aboYe, pp. 30 sq., and for the disputes to which this canon gavo rise in the council, see Sarpi, i. 430 sq. 1 Above, p. 62. The 'Bulla facultatis' (Feb. 22, 1547) is reprinted in Lihri Symb. Eccl. Cathol. ed. Streitwolf, ii. 43, 44; but there is little doubt respecting the insincerity of the pontiff : see Mendham, as before, p. 119, and p. 1-Jl, note. 2 The opening sentences of the first 'Decretum de Eeformatione' de- serye notice: 'Eadem sacrosancta synodus, eisdem priesidentibus, et apostolicffi sedis legatis, ad restiUicndarn coUapsam admodian ecclesiasticam disc 12)1 inam, depravatosque in clero et populo Christiano mores emen- dandop, se accingere volens, ab iis, qui majoribus ecclesiis prasunt, initium censuit esfe sumendum. Integritas enim praesidentium salus est subditorum.' Lihr. Symb. Eccl. Cath. ii. 30. 2 The very important letters and papers of Vargas, a doctor of lav?', who attended the council in behalf of the emperor, furnish cm-ious matter in illustration of this point as of many others. See respecting them Mendham's Memoirs of the Council of Trent, p, 144, note. Vargas complains bitterly of the papal legates, and declares that the mainspring of all the business was at Rome : 'A titulo de dirigir, los legados del papa se applican todo el concilio assi : y ninguna cosa se haze, ni propone, ni discute, ni difine, sino lo que ellos quieren, segun cl ordcn que de Roma tienen, y cada hora se les embia. Los prelados que el papa tenia aqui salariados no lo podian negar, y se dolian dello con los otros hombres pios :' ed. Le Vassor, p. 15, Amsterdam, 1G99. "* Thus the Preface to the second 'Decretum de Eeformatione' ends with the significant clause: ' Salva semper in omnibus sedis apostolicae auctoritate. ' The account of Massarello, secretary of the Council (see YL] Th e Cou7'iter-Eeformation. 287 sources to which the heresies and other evils of the age were not unfrequently ascribed, was made the subject of a decree in the sixth session (Jan. 13); and just before the transfer of the council a series of new regulations was drawn up in condemnation of pluralities, episcopal and otherwise, and with a view to the correction of abuses and anomalies in the general administration of the Church. Many of the prelates ^ satisfied already that the more important business of the council was all planned at Rome, were strongly adverse to a project of translation, which would bring them nearer to the pontiff, and in obedience to the wishes of the emperor continued to withhold their sanction'^ It also happened that the quarrel between these potentates was more and more embittered during the next few years. Partly therefore to intimidate the pope, and partly to extinguish feuds now raging in all districts of the German empire, Charles Y. determined to put forth a scheme of mediation called the Interim Au- gustanum^ on his own authority (May, 1548) : while the king of France, who from political rivalry espoused the quarrel of the Roman curia, was no less desirous^ of joro- clucing a considerable circumscription of the ultra-papal claims. The Council of Trent continued in a state of absolute suspension till March 14, 1551, when the new pontiff, Julius III., himself employed as chief legate in the former !Meudhain, Pref. ix. x.), is to the same effect. Writing on the 8th of Feb. 1547, he observes : ' Sed id imprimis attendendum est, quod, licet aliqui dixerint, quod Concilium non potest facere reformationem...hoc verum non est, quia concilium hoc legitime congregatum omnia potest in his, qua3 sihi a sua Sanctitate demandata sunt, in aliis autem nihil potest... In his autem qua^ Concilium non potest, et proprie spectant ad pontificem, asserunt legati, se paratissimos futuros mediatores, ut sua Sanctitas ea coucedat, quse a sua Sanctitate petuntur :' in Eaynald. Annal. Eccl. ad an. 15-47, § 31. 1 A brief account of all the ' fathers' who had taken part in the pro- ceedings uj) to this time, is given in the Libri Si/mb. Eccl. CatJioL, as before, 11. 50 sq. 2 About one-third of the prelates actually remained at Trent for some months, and negotiations were opened with the pontiff in order, if possible, to bring the council back. ^ See above, p. 02. 4 His instructions to the French ambassadors at Bologna (Aug. 12, 1547) are printed in Le Plat, Monum. iii. 047 sq. COUNCIL OF TRENT. Suspension of the Council. y Resump- tion of lusinciS. 288 The Counter-Jxefoiination. [chap. COUNCIIi OF TRENT. Decree on the EucUa- rht : business of the meeting, made arrangements^ for its re- establishment at Trent; and the proceedings were accord- ingly resumed, at this time with the full concurrence of the emperor, although in spite of angry protests from the king of France'"^, who threatened even to convoke a na- tional synod. Tlie first important subject which occupied the representatives was the mysterious and much-con- tested doctrine of the Eucharist. In reference thereto it was finally decided at the thirteenth session (Oct. 11, 1551), that after the consecration of the elements, our Lord Jesus Christ, very God and very man, is verily, really and substantially contained under the species of bread and wine"'; that each element contains the same as both together do; that in the consecration of these elements, there is a conversion of the whole substance of the bread into the substance of Christ's body, and a conversion of the whole substance of the wine into the substance of His blood, so as to justify the use of the term ' transubstan- tiation;' that the highest form of worship f Latria') is therefore rendered by the faithful to the sacrament of the altar. With respect to the communicants it is decided ^ See the ' Bulla Eesumptionis ' in LZ&r. Symb. Eccl. Cath. ii. 59 sq. 2 A misunderstanding had arisen between Henry II. of France and Julius "with reference to the duchy of Parma. Accordingly, Amyot was dispatched to Trent in order to protest against the whole proceedings of the ' convention.' The letters which he bore denied that the council was general, and therefore urged that neither the king nor his people would be bound by its decisions: ' imo vero se testari palam ac denuntiare, ad eadem se remedia ac praesidia descensurum, si necesse videretur, qui- bus majores sui, Francorum reges, in re consimili causaque uti consue- vissent; nee sibi quidquam antiquius fore, secundum fidei ac religionis integritatem, libertate et incolumitate Ecclesiffi Galhcae.' See the whole document in Le Plat, iv. 241. This threat appears to have mollified the pontiff: Sarpi, ii, 6. ^ Cap. i. Courayer (on Sarpi, ii. 46) remarks on this chapter: 'Si par ces termes reellement et substantiellement le Concile n'a voulu etablir qu'une presence effective et veritable, sans en dt^terminer la mani^re; c'est la doctrine de I'Antiquitc, et plusieurs Protestaus I'ont reconnu avec sincerity. Mais si par le terme de presence suhstantielle on a voulu nous faire entendre une presence corporclle et organiqiie., c'est ce que ni la raison ni I'autorite ne nous permettent de croire.' That the latter was the view intended by the ruling spirits of the Council is obvious from the language of the Catechismus Romanus, which thej authorized by anticipation. It is there stated (Part. ii. c. iv. qu. 27), 'Jam vero hoe loco etiam a Pastoribus expHcandum est, non solum verum Christi corpus, et quidquid ad veram corporis rationem pertinet, velxiti ossa et nervosa sed etiam totum Christum in hoc sacramento contineri.' VI.] The Coimter-JReformation. 289 COUNCIL OF TRENT onPenanre. tliat no man who is conscious of deadly sin should ap- proach the holy Eucharist without previous confession and absolution; and that while even the impenitent re- ceive Christ sacramentally, and those who communicate in will receive Him spiritually, the highest order of communicant is he who receives both sacramentally and spiritually, in faith, and will, and act\ This decree, ex- tending to eight chapters, is accompanied by eleven canons, which anathematize'"^ the Lutheran and Calvinistic tenets, as well as the more lax hypothesis of Zwmgli and the aberrations of Anabaptism. The next subject treated by the prelates under the head of Christian doctrine refers to* ' the sacrament of penance.' It is maintained (Nov. 25, 1551) that this ordinance was instituted by our Lord Himself; tha,t in its nature and design it is distinct from -baptism; that it is composed of three parts or acts, contrition, confession, and absolution ; that in it the priest is empowered to exercise the functions of a judged allotting to the sinner special acts of prayer and mortification, in the hope that he may thus regain the purity communicated to him at his bap- tism ; and further that the outward part or sign of the sacrament is contained in words by which the sentence of absolution is pronounced. It had been previously deter- mined'* that contrition, which is necessary to the efficac}^ of this sacrament, consists of inward sorrow and abhor- rence of the sin committed; yet that even the imperfect stage of it, which the scholastics termed attrition, as arising merely from the natural sense of shame or servile ^ ' TertioR porro sacramentaliter simul et spiritaliter ; Li aiitem sunt, qui ita se prius probaiit et instruunt, ut vestem nuptialem iuduti, ad Diviiiam banc mensam accedant:' cap. viii. 2 Thus the first ' cauon ' classes together all those who affirm that Christ is only present ' in signo vel figura [the Zwinglian hypothesis] aut virtute' [the Calvinistic hypothesis]: and in 'canon 11.' all those who demur to the idea of any physical change in the elements without denying the real presence [the Lutheran hypothesis] : cf. can. viii. ^ Cap. vi. Some further light is thrown upon this office by the ninth ' canon :' ' Si quis dixerit, absolutionem sacramentalom sacerdotis non esse actum judicialem, sed nudum ministerium pronuntiandi vel decla- randi remissa esse peccata contitenti, modo tantuni credat se esse absolu- tum ; aut sacerdos non serio, sed joco absolvat ; aut dixerit, non requiri confessionem poenitentis, ut sacerdos ipsum absolvcre possit ; anathema Bit.' See Courayer's note on Sarpi, 11. 05. * Cap. iv. R. P 19 ?90 Tlie Counter-Reformation. [chap. COUNCIL OF TRENT. Extreme Unction. Arrival of German Protest- ants. dread of punishment, may, where it operates in exchiding the wish to sin, be w^elcomed as a gift of God, and may 'dispose' the sinner to obtain forgiveness through the sacrament of penance \ It is also granted that satisfaction, or those penalties for sin imposed on the offender by him- self or by the priest in order to avert its temporal consequence, is only made availing through the satis- faction of Christ from whom 'all our sufficiency proceeds I' After a fresh series of anathemas, fifteen^ in number, levelled at all persons who venture to dispute the truth of any of these positions, the sacrament of extreme unction is defined in three chapters and protected by another list of corresponding fulminations. At the fifteenth session (Jan. 25, 1552), where the doc^ tors had intended to adjudicate upon the ' sacrifice of the mass' and the / sacrament of orders,' the course of proceeding was changed to allow a hearing to certain envoys from Maurice of Saxony and the duke of Wiirtem- berg, who had appeared at Trent, to plead the cause of Lutheranism before the members of the council*. They spoke most freely on some points of reformation, to the 1 '...declarat non solum non facere hominem bypocritam, et magis peccatorem, verum etiara donum Dei esse, et Spiritus Sancti impulsum, non adliuc quidem iubabitautis, sed taiitum moventis, quo poeiiitens adjutus viam sibi ad justitiam parat. Et quamvis sine Sacramento poeni- tentiae per se ad justificationem perducere peccatorem nequeat, tamen eum ad Dei gratiam in sacramento pcenitentia impetrandam disponit.' The same chapter repels as calumnious the accusation that ' Catholic writers ' have ever taught ' sacraraentum pcenitentife absque bono motu suscipi entitim gvatmrn conferre. ' The improvement of the tone of Romish theologians with reference to ' attrition ' is conceded by Chemnitz : Part II. p. 207. ^ Cap. viii. ; yet even here we notice the old disposition to place man's sufferings in the same line with Christ's, and lose sight of the distinction between suffering from the consequence of sin and suffering in the cause of Christ : ' Accedit ad hffic, quod, dum satisfaciendo pa- timur pro peccatis, Christi Jesu, Quipropeccatis nostrissatisfecit, ex Quo omnis nostra sufficieufcia est, conformes efficimur : certissimam quoque inde arrham habentes, quod si compatimur et conglorificabimur.' 2 One of the most unblushing is the sixth : ' Si quis negaverit, con- fessionem sacramentalem vel iuslitutam, vel ad salutem necessuriam esse jure Divino: aut dixerit, moclum secrete confitendi soli sacerduti, quern Ecclesia Catholica ab initio semper observavit, et observat, alienum esse ab institutione et mandato Christi, et inventum esse humanum : anathema sit.' * See above, p. 65 and Libri Symb. Eccl. Cathol. ii. 87 sq. for the ' safe conduct.' VI.] The Counter-Reformation. great delight of the more timid representatives^; but the sudden outbreak of the war in Germany, and the continual altercations that arose between the imperial and the papal authorities, induced the legates to procure a fresh suspension of the business: which accordingly took place on the 28th of April, 1552. In this second period of the council, as in that already noticed, a few questions of administrative reform had been discussed and carried, the principal relating to the rights, the functions and the jurisdiction of bi,\'hops. On the death of pope Julius III. the choice of the car- dinals lighted on Marcellus 11.^, from whose character all friends of reformation were prepared to augur that a limit would be placed, in his pontificate, to the abuses and dis- tractions by v/hich the Church of Rome was grievously afflicted. Marcellus died, however, on the twenty-second day after his election, leaving the tiara to a very different wearer, one v/ho from his vigorous intellect, the general severity of his rule, and his intractable temper, revived the picture of those earlier pontiffs, who had founded and cemented the towering edifice of Roman despotism. Paul IV. was always actuated by hatred of the emperor^, whom he regarded as the patron of heretics and the opposer of Italy. Political events, however, soon compelled him to 1 Thus Yargas (as translated by Le Vassor, Lcttres ct Memoires, p. 468) has the following notice of them, Jan. 24, 1552 : ' Les envoiez du due Maurice de Saxe, et ceux du due de Virtemberg ont dit aujourd'- hui fort an long en pleine congregation ce que nous n'osons pas dire nousmesmes sur le chapitre de la reformation' etc. The legates had, however, been instructed beforehand by the pontiff to prevent all fresh discussion of doctrines (Mendham, p. 159), and when the Wurtemberg ambassadors remonstrated on the unfairness of subjecting their creed to merely papal judges, they were only met by renewed demands of submission. [Ihld. pp. 160, 161.) 2 See llanke, Fopes, i. 28-4 sq. He was the cardinal of Santa Croce, the second legate at the opening of the Council of Trent. 3 Ibid. p. 291. The Neapolitan house of Caraffa from which he sprang had always sided with the French party against the Spanish and Germans, and, in addition to this hereditary "hatred, Paul IV. believed that the growth of Protestantism was mainly due to the conduct of Charles V., who favoured the reformers out of jealousy to himself. When Charles retired to the convent, in 1556, the pontiff was somewhat relieved : yet his violent and domineering temper continued to be always visible. For instance, ho imprisoned cardinal Moroue on a charge of heresy (above, p. 97, n. 6), and deprived cardinal Pole of his legateship (above, p. 222, u. ]}, for similar reasons. 19—2 291 COUNCIL OF TRENT. Fresh sua- pensioH nf tlie Coun- cil. Character and 2^olky of pope Paid I V. The Counter-Beformation. [chap. renounce liis thought of vengeance ^ but only left him greater liberty for indulging his second passion, which was to restore the Homan curia to its old predominance among the western potentates. Caraffa, it is true, had little or no faith in diets, colloquies, or general councils'"'. He, therefore, aimed at compassing his object either by acts of autocratic violence, or by adding to the outward pomp and decency of worship, or by correcting some ad- ministrative abuses that came under his immediate notice. This pontiff breathed his last on the 18th of August, 1559 ; and as his death was followed by fresh clamours of the Romish states demanding the completion of the works inaugurated by the recent council, the next pontiff, Pius IV., from policy as well as principle became alive to the importance of yielding to the public voiced Accordingly, after a suspension of ten years, a council naming itself oecumenical again assembled at Trent, Jan. 18, 1562. But the proceedings of this body had lost their former interest in the eyes of the spectators and dissentients. It is true * safe conducts^' were extensively offered to the continental Protestants ; our queen Elizabeth^, and even the czar of Muscovy himself °, were urged to send their delegates and share m the deliberations; yet as neither 1 Ranke, Popes, i. 310. ^ When the necessity of consulting a general council was suggested to liim, lie was transported with rage, and would not endure the thought of discussing religious questions ' in the midst of the Lutherans,' adding : ' Que c'etoit une chose fort inutile d'envoyer dans les montagnes une soixantaine d'eveques des moius hahiles, et une quarantaine de docteurs des moins ^clair^s, comme on avoit fait d^ja deux fois, et de croire que ces gens-lk fussent plus propres pour reformer le monde, que le vicaire de Jesus-Chi-ist assiste de I'avis de tous les cardinaux qui sent les colonnes de toute la Chr^tient^,' &c. Sarpi, ii. 153. 2 See the ' Bulla Celebrationis ' in Libr. Syinh. Eccl. Catli. ii. 95 sq., and Eanke, Popes, i, 334. Pius IV, seems to have acted on the advice or at the impulse of his nephew, Carlo Borromeo. ^ Lihr. Syvib. ii> 105 sq. ^ See Le Bas, Life of Bishop Jewel, pp. 113 sq., and Jewel's Epistola ad D. Scipioneni (Works, iv. 1093 sq. ed. P. S.). Scipio was a Venetian who wrote to Jewel, expressing his regret and amazement that the Eng- lish had declined to send an ambassador to Trent. Cf. the reasons alleged by the Princes 'of the Augsburg Confession' in Le Plat, Monum. iv. 67: [archbp. Parker's] Godly and necessary e Admonition of the Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent, London, 156-i: and Geddes, The Council of Trent no free assembly, London, 1697. « Sarpi, n. 207. VI.] The Coun ter-Reformation. 293 Pius nor his chief advisers ever dreamed of proposing to reopen those discussions which had ended, through one- sided advocacy, in a sweeping censure of the Reformation and its champions, we shall scarcely wonder that these invitations were disregarded by the whole body of Re- formers. Elizabeth of England took her place among the multitude of Christians in east and west, who then and afterwards repudiated the authority of the council as neither holy, free, nor general. Its later course indeed had only an occasional reference to matters lying beyond the jurisdiction of the pontiff. The great bulk of medi- aeval doctrines as recast or vindicated in the earlier sittings of the conclave had during the interval of ten years been commonly accepted by the counter-reformation party \ It was, however, made apparent when the prelates re- assembled that the task of settling the dogmatic points remaining open, but still more of framing rules of dis- cipline that might possess an absolute and universal authority, was beset with most gigantic difficulties. As soon as ever the proceedings were resumed''^, the Spanish section of the representatives contended that bishops are not simply nominees or vicars of the pope, but that epis- copal authority no less than papal rests on a Divine appointment; thereby impugning, half unconsciously, the very foundation of that autocratic system which had been gradually consolidated in western Christendom since the days of Hildebrand and Innocent III.'^ Amid the agita- ^ Eanfce, Popes, i. 335 and note. 2 The first resistance of the Spaniards was offered to the phrase ' pro- ponentibus legatis ac prsesidentibus,' at the reading of a decree for the continuation of the council (Jan. 18, 1562). The archbishop of Granada (Guerrero) headed this opposition: see Sarpi, 11. 261. On the 11th of March twelve articles of reform were submitted for examination, when the same prelate opened the question whether residence was binding on bishops by the Divine law. He affirmed that it was so, on the ground that episcopacy is a Divine institution. The papal legates, on the con- trary, dreaded nothing more than that claims to the /ms Divinum should be conceded to any save their master : and the article which gave rise to the contest was for the present withdrawn. See the disjmtes at length in Sarpi, ii. 286 sq., 328 : and cf. Mendham, pp. 218 sq. ^ * This assertion [of the original authority of bisliops] struck at the very root of the whole ecclesiastical system. The independence of the inferior authorities of the church, which the popes had so carefully la- boured to keep down, must have been restored by the development of this principle.' Eanke, Popes, i. 337. COUNCIL OF TRENT. Strurjfilc on the quditioii, of episeo- pacy. 294 The Counter-Beformation. [chap. tion of these questions envoys came from Ferdinand, the emperor, to press for changes equally distasteful in some quarters, and especially to members of the Roman curia. He resolved to second the general wish of his own subjects, by suggesting^ that the nomination of the cardinals should be reformed in order to secure the ap- pointment of more exemplary pontiffs. He insisted on the desirableness of administering the cup to laymen, of permitting priests to marry, of relaxing the laws on fast- ing, of erecting schools, of purifying the breviary and othei service-books, of circulating more intelligible catechisms, and of reforming convents. When the cardinal of Lor- raine appeared at the head of the French prelates, he supported these Germanic propositions^ pleading more especially for communion in both kinds: and therefore, had the principle of 'vote by nations' been adopted at this juncture, it is not unlikely that the Romish system would have undergone considerable changes. Still we must remember that the Spaniards, though distinguished by their anti-papal boldness and their clear convictions on the subject of episcopac}'', united with the Italians in denying the propriety of all concessions to the moderate school of the Reformers, and that both in the numerical preponderance of the- papal partizans, and in their diplo- matic artifices, the Roman curia still preserved abundant means for warding off the blow by which its independ- ence had been threatened. When the council proved peculiarly intractable^, when 1 See the propositions in Le Plat, Monum. v. 264 sq., and Kanke's remarks on them, Ihid. p. 338, note. 2 See the Memoire in Le Plat, iv. 562; Sarpi, ii. 322, 357, 519 sq. To add to the confusion, the Spaniards and French reopened the old quarrel as to the supremacy of a general council, and the duty of the pontiff himself to bow to its decisions. 3 ' The French jested about the Holy Ghost being brought to Trent in a knapsack. The Italians talked of Spanish eruptions and French diseases, by which all the faithful were visited in turn. When the bishop of Cadiz said, that there had been renowned bishops, aye, and fathers of the church, whom no pope had appointed, the Italians broke forth in a general outcry, insisted on his departure, and talked of anathema and heresy. The Spaniards retaliated the anathema on them. Sometimes mobs assembled, shouting Spain ! Italy ! Blood flowed in the streets, and on the ground consecrated to peace.' Eanke, Popes, i. 340; Mend- ham, pp. 251, 252. Owing to this riotous spirit no session could be held from Sept. 17, 1562, until July 15, 1563. VI.] Hie Counter-Reformation. 295 the position of affairs looked almost desperate, and no other expedient was at hand for quieting a turbulent section of the doctors there assembled, the pontiff sought reUef in private negotiation s\ with the emperor, with Philip II. of Spain, and also with the family of Guise who then directed almost entirely the counsels of the French monarch. So very skilful were these fresh manoeuvres, that without conceding aught by which the papal power would be materially abridged, the several courts were soon induced to interpose and check tlie zeal of their own representatives. As soon as this had been effected '^ the more trying business of the council was resumed, and brought to a more amicable close. In reference even to the question of episcopacy^, the Spanish bishops ulti- mately yielded, only with the understanding that the words of the decree should be so chosen as to leave them at liberty to reproduce their arguments at any future time. Similar adroitness was exhibited in stifling or restrainino- fresh discussions, while the members of the council finallv 1 Ranke, Ibid. pp. 344 sq. '^ Morone, who had been the pope's agent in mollifying the emperor, left Innsbruck, June 25, 1563, after a visit of nearly two months. 3 The revised form of the seventh canon as introduced Oct. 30, 1562, was as follows: * Si quis dixerit, non fuisse a Christo Domino institutum' ut essent in Ecclesia catholica episcopi, ac eos, cum in partem solhci- tudinis a Pontifice Romano, Ejus in terris Vicario, assumuntur, non esse veros et legitimos episcopos, presbyteris superiores, et eadem dignitate oademque potestate non potiri, quam ad haec usque tempora obtinuerunt : anathema sit.' Mendham, p. 248, note. To this the archbishop of Granada and others wished to add a clause, affirming that the episco- pate WHS of Divine right. The pope had endeavoured to parry this blow, by declaring that ' bishops held the principal place in the church, but in dependence upon the pope.' This, however, did not satisfy the cham- pions of episcopacy, who remained immoveable until July, 1563; and in the end, the canon was pared down and resolved into the two following (' De Ordine,' can. vii. viii.), so as to evade the question touching the Divine institution of bishops and their absolute dependence on the pope: ' Si quis dixerit, episcopos non esse presbyteris superiores ; vel non habere potestatem confirmandi et ordinandi; vel eam, quam habent, illis esse cum presbyteris communem : vel ordines ab ipsis collatos sine populi vel potestatis saecularis consensu aut vocatione irritos esse ; aut eos, qui noc ab ecclesiastica et canonica potestate rite ordinati nee missi sunt, sed aliunde veniunt, legitimos esse verbi et sacramentorum minis- tros; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit, episcopos qui auctoritate Romani pontificis assumuntur, non esse legitimos et veros episcopos, sed fig- mentum hominum; anathema sit.' The vagueness and ambiguity of this language elicited the special praise of the Jesuit Lainez : Mendham p. 262 : of. above, p. 281, u. 2. COTTNCIL OF TRENT. The pope has re- course fe private ne- gotiations: their effect. The Counter- Beformation. [chap. proceeded in the same spirit to deliberate on th(3ir defini- tions of Christian doctrine. The question touching the propriety of administering the Eucharist in both kinds^ had been warmly discussed and absolutely closed on the eve of the twenty-second session (Sept. 16, 1562), when the majority voted that it should be left for the pope to act therein as he judged best. On the following day (Sept. 17) the council pro- mulgated its decision with reference to the sacrifice of the Mass : contending among other things, that as the same Jesus Christ, who once offered Himself upon the cross, is there contained, and immolated without shedding of blood ('incruente') in the Christian sacrifice, this latter is truly propitiatory, and that by it we obtain mercy and find grace to help in time of need". It was also ruled that masses may be offered not only for the sins and wants of Christians while on earth, but also for those who having departed this life are still in need of purification. At the same time numerous regulations were drawn up, pro- viding for a better celebration of this sacrifice, and in other ways contributing to bring about more decency and reverence in public worship^. The discussion of the ' sacrament of orders,' which came next in point of time, occasioned, as we saw^ the mxost in- temperate controversies. At last, however, a decree was promulgated (July 15, 1563) affirming the reality of a visible priesthood which consists of different grades, and ^ The 'Doctrina de commmiione sub utraque sj^ecie, et parvulorum ' was issued July 16, 1562 ; but whether the chalice might in certain cases be conceded, was still a subject of discussion : see Sarpi, ii, 339 sq., and the 'Decretum super petitione concessiouis calicis' in Lib. SijJiib. Eccl. Cath. I. 84. ^ Cap. ii. where it is added : ' Una enim eademque est hostia, idem nunc offerens sacerdotum niinisterio, Qui Seipsum tunc in cruce obtulit, sola offerendi ratione diversa. Cujus quidem oblationis cruenta?, in- quam, fructus per banc incruentam uberrime percipiuntur : tantum abest, ut illi per banc quovis modo derogetur.' The meaning of this decree is further illustrated by the third (of nine) ' canons,' which as usual follow the decree : ' Si quis dixerit, missfe sacrificium tantum esse laudis, et gratiarum actionis, aut nudam commemorationem sacrificii in cruce peracti, non autem propitiatorium ; vel soli prodesse sumenti; neque pro vivis et defunctis, pro peccatis, pcenis, satisfactionibus, et aliis necessitatibus offerri debere : anathema sit. ' ^ See the ' Decretum de observandis et evitandis in celebratione mis- saB,' Libri Symb. Eccl. Cathol. i. 82 sq. ^ pp. 293, 295. VI.] TJiG Counter- Reformation. 297 has been gifted with peculiar and indelible character- istics. Bishops, it was also granted, are in some respect successors of apostles \ and as such they occupy a chief place in the orders of the hierarchy, are superior to priests, and execute specific functions, as ordination and confir- mation. The four dogmatic chapters bearing on these topics are accompanied by eight canons, where anathemas are hurled at many of the continental theories with re- ference to the nature of the ministerial office and the need of ordination^ A different series of resolutions, which appeared at the same time, promoted additional reforms among the bishops and clergy^ Some of those indeed were miserably insufficient in the eyes of the 'reforming' states, especially the French"*, whose ambas- sador spoke as usual with the greatest freedom on the subject; but their protests being ultimately overruled, the legates once again resolved to expedite the business of the council, and avert, if possible, all future outbreaks of rebellion. In the 24th session (Nov. 11) a decree was issued on the subject of marriage, which, it is alleged on the author- ity of ' universal tradition,' should be ranked among * the sacraments of the new law,' while fresh anathemas were pronounced on various misbelievers, and especially in condemnation of those who objected to the compulsory celibacy of regulars and ecclesiastics ^ ^ Cap. iv. : ' Proinde sacrosancta sjTiodus declarat, prnster ceteros ecclesiasticos gradus, episcopos, qui in Apostolorum locum successeruiit, ad hunc liierarchicnin ordiiiem pra^cipue pertinere : ' evading the ques- tion, however, touching the mode in which authority has been trans- mitted to them. ^ One has been cited above, p. 295, n. 3. Another runs in this wise: 'Si quis dixerit, non esse in Novo Testamento sacerdotium visibile et externum; vel non esse potestatem aliquam consecrandi et offerendi verum Corpus et Sanguinem Domini, et peccata remittendi et retinendi; sed officium tantum, et nudum ministerium pra^dicandi evangelium; vel eos, qui non pra^dicant, prorsus non esse sacerdotes; anathema sit;' can. I. cf. Chemnitz, Examen, Part. 11. pp. 239, 2-10. ^ Libri Symh. Eccl. CathoL ii. 119 sq. ^ Sarpi (ii. 558 sq.) gives a full account of their 'Articles of Eeforma- tiou' submitted to the council at the beginning of 1563, and also of the protestation of Du Ferrier (iir. 118 sq.), and its consequences (pp. 159 sq.). 5 ' Si quis dixerit, clericos in sacris ordinibus constitutos, vel regulares, castitatem solemniter professos, posse matrimonium contrahere, con- I tractumque validum esse, non obstante lege ecclesiastica, vel voto; et oppositum nil aliud esse, quam damnare matrimonium; posseque omuos COUNCIL OF TRENT. on Matri- mony : The Counter-Reformation. [chap. The last session was opened Dec. 3, and on that and the following day the body of Romish doctrine may be said to have been perfected. Decrees were published respecting purgatory, the invocation of saints, the worship of imasfes and relics, and the OTantin^r of indulofences. Of purgatory almost nothing is defined \ except that such a state or place exists, and that the souls detained therein are really aided by the suffrages of the faithful and the sacrifice of the Mass. The invocation of saints is justified upon the ground that holy men departed continue to offer up petitions for us, and that it is good and useful to desire their sympathy and ask them for the benefit of their intercessions ". Images, those doctors argued, ought to receive due veneration; not because they have any Divinity or virtue in them, but because, by honouring them, the honour is reflected or transmitted from them to those beinc^s whom they represent : while pardons or indulgences are justified, and said to have been always granted, because the Church originally received the power of so acting from Jesus Christ Himself, and because indulgences must prove highly serviceable to the Christian. Yet with refer- ence to all these controverted topics^ considerable care is manifested by the council to banish some of the more contraliere matrimonium, qui non sentiunt se castitatis, etiam si earn voverint, habere donum; anathema sit; cum Deus id recte petentibus non deneget, nee patiatur nos supra id, quod possunius, tentari:' can, ix. 1 The Catechismm Romanus (Part. i. cap. vi. qu. 3j supplies the defici- ency as follows: 'Praterea est Purgatorius ignis, quo piorum anwice ad definitum tempus cruciatce expiantur, ut eis in seternam patriam ingressus patere possit, in quam nihil coinquinatum ingreditur.' 2 'Illos, vero,' it is added, 'qui negant sanctos, asterna felicitate in coelo fruentes, invocandos esse ; aut qui asserunt, vel illos pro hominibus non orare ; vel eorum, ut pro nobis etiam singulis orent, invocationeni esse idololatriam ; vel pugnare cum verbo Dei, adversarique honori unius mediatoris Dei et hominum Jesu Christi ; vel stultum esse, in coelo regnantibus voce vel mente supplicare ; impie sentire ;' cf. Chemnitz, Examen, Part. ii. p. 136 sq. 2 Thus with regard to indulgences the decree continues : * Abusus vero, qui in his irrepserunt, et quorum oceasione insigne hoc indulgentiarum nomen ab haereticis blasphematur, emendatos et correctos cupiens, prae- senti decreto generaliter statuit, pravos qunestus omnes pro his conse- quendis, unde plurima in Christiano populo abusuum causa fluxit, omnino abolendos esse. Ceteros vero, qui ex superstitione, ignorantia, irreverentia, aut aliunde quomodocumque provenerunt; cum ob multi- plices locorum et provinciarum apud quas hi committuntur corruptelas commode nequeant specialiter prohiberi, mandat omnibus episcopis, ut diligenter quisque hujusmodi abusus ecclesiaB suae colligat, eosque m VI.] Tlie Counter-Reformation. 299 scandalous practices which had been frequent, if not general, in the period just preceding. Tlie only point in which the vehement protests of Reformers were entirely inefficacious, was the absolute supremacy of the Roman pontiff. That, althouoh the limitation of it had been foremost in the thoughts of many persons by whom the council was pro- moted, is not sensibly reduced in any one of the de- crees \ On the contrary, the life of Christendom, so far as it depended on the see of Rome, was thereby made to centre more and more completely in the person, will, and wishes of the popes. The oscillations of that mediating party, who were anxious in the early stages of the Reform- ation to profit by the zeal and learning of such men as Luther, were seldom visible after the promulgation of the rio^orous edicts fabricated in the middle of the sixteenth century. Still these edicts wrought a multitude of changes which imparted new vitality to the administrative system of the Romish Church. Discipline was often re-established in the diocese, the convent, and the parish. Pluralities were all discountenanced; appeals and dispensations made less frequent and practicable. A higher class of semina- ries was established for the moral and intellectual training of the clergy ; stricter rules were now drawn up for the direction of their lives and ministrations ; while the arti- cles of faith ^, to be hereafter pressed upon the conscience prima sj-nodo provinciali referat, etc. :' cf. Chemnitz, Part. iii. pp. 43 sq. One more decree was added on the same occasion, 'De delectu ciborum, jejuniis et diebus festis.' ^ See above, p. 28fi, n. 4. On the last day but one of the meetings a special provision (c. xxi.) was inserted with the same object : ' Postremo sancta synodus, omnia et singula, sub quibuscumque clausulis et verbis, quaj de morum reformatione atque ecclesiastica disciplina, tarn sub fel. rec. Paulo III. ac Julio III. quam sub beatissimo Pio IV., ponti- ficibus maximis, in hoc sacro concilio statuta sunt, declarat, ita decreta fuisse, ut in his salva semper auctoritas sedis apostolicce et sit, et esse intelHgatur.' Libr. Sijmb. Eccl. Cathol. 11. 214. The feelings of the majority were further shewn by committing to the pontiff the formation of a Catalof/ns Hbrorum prohibitorum, the preparation of a Catechism (the Catechismus Romamis, which appeared under his auspices in 1566), and the purification of the Breviary and Missal: cf. Mendham, pp. 320 sq. 2 A short summary of this was furnished by what is often called the Creed, of Pius IV,, or ^ Forma Jxiramenti Professionis Fidei, a cathe- dralibus et superioribus ecclesiis, vel beneficiis curam animarum habentibus, et locis Eegularium et Mihtiarum prosficiendis, observanda :' in Libr. Sijmb. Eccl. Cathol. i. 98—100. COUNCIL OF TRENT. * V ' The papal monarchy untouched. Practical reforms. 300 Tlie Counter- Reformation. [chap. of the pastor and expounded to his flock, were often less erratic, impious and revolting, than the speculations of some Mediaeval doctors \ Before quitting Trent, the members of the council^ in one body formally affixed their signatures to the official acts. On that occasion the number amounted to two hundred and fifty-five, of whom four were papal legates, two cardi- nals, three patriarchs, twenty-five archbishops, one hun- dred and sixty-eight bishops, thirty-nine proctors of absent- ees, seven abbots, and seven generals of religious orders. Nothing will more satisfactorily evince the party-bias under which the whole of the proceedings were conducted, than the fact that of this number one hundred and eighty- nine were Italians, some of them mere creatures, not to say stipendiaries, of the Roman curia. On the 6th of Janu- ary, 1564, the decrees of the council were confirmed by a papal instrument^, which gave the only sanction that was wanting to render the decisions valid in the eyes of those who recognized the infalhbility of the pontiff. But although a large majority of Christians in the Romish 1 'I hold it,' says Eanke {Reform, i. 268, note), 'to be the funda- mental error of Mohler's Syinbolik, that he considers the dogma of the council of Trent as the doctrine from which the Protestants seceded ; whilst it is much nearer the truth to say, that it was created by a re- action of ProtestantisDi.' ^ See the subscriptions in Libi'. Syjiihol. ii. 220 sq., and a brief account of the 'fathers,' 'orators' (ambassadors), and divines, who took part in some or all of the proceedings during this last period of the council, Ibid. pp. 224 sq. ■^ Ibid. pp. 232 sq. : cf. Sarpi, iii. 203 sq. This 'bulla confirma- tionis ' absolutely inhibits all private interpretations of the synodal acts, and reserves the privileges of sole expositor to the Roman see : ' Ad vitandum preeterea perversionem et confusionem, qu^e oriri posset, si unicuique liceret, prout ei liberet, in decreta concilii commentarios et in- terpretatioues suas edere : apostohca auctoritate iuhibemus omnibus, tam ecclesiasticis personis, cujuscumque sint ordinis, conditionis et gradus, quam laicis, quocumque honore ac potestate prteditis, praelatis quidem sub interdicti ingressus ecclesiffi, aliis vero, quicunque fuerint, sub excommunicationis latte sententiae poenis, ne quis sine au-ctoritate nostra audeat ullos commentarios, glossas, anuotationes, scholia, ullumve omnino interpretationis genus super ipsius concilii decretis quocumque modo edere, aut quidquam quocumque nomine, etiam sub pra3textu majoris decretorum corroborationis aut executionis aliove qua)sito colore, statuere. Si cui vero in eis aliquid obscurius dictum et statutum fuisse, eamque ob causam interpretatione aut decisione aliqua egere visum fuerit; ascendat ad locum, quem Dominus elegit, ad sedem videlicet apostolicam, omnium fidelium magisti-am, cujus auctoritatem etiam ipsa saucta synodus tam reverenter agnovit.' VI.] The Counter- Reformation, 301 communion were thus obliged to acquiesce in all the edicts of this synod, it was found distasteful in some quarters, -and has never yet been able to command a plenary obedi- ence from the Galileans of France \ In executing the mandates of the pope and his Triden- tine doctors, several prelates of the age displayed no ordi- nary zeal and vigilance, and reaped on every side a harvest of 'conversions.' For example, six provincial councils^ held at Milan under Carlo Borromeo^ between the years 1565 and 1582, abound with indications of the new and better spirit which had permeated many dioceses in com- munion with the Roman pontiff. Yet the brilliant victories of the counter- reformation party are frequently ascribable to different agencies. These were, first, the Inquisition, and secondly, the order of the Jesuits. At the time when they were both called into existence and proceeded at all hazards to repel and counterwork the enemies of Home, the pope Avas actually dethroned in more than half of Europe. The various provinces of Scandinavia and Great Britain were entirely lost, a large majority of the German states, which had been influenced exclusively by Wittenberg divines, and very many of the Swiss cantons, roused by emissaries from Zurich on the one side and Geneva on the other, had declared themselves uncompromising foes of Mediaeval tenets ; in Ireland, in Bohemia and Moravia, in Poland, Hungary, and Trans3dvania, nay, the Netherlands and France itself, the same discordant elements were now every- where at work, and threatened to j^roduce an utter abnega- tion of the papal supremacy. We have seen already how these elements were counter- acted and suppressed in Spain'*, in Italy ^ and other pro- vinces of Europe*', where popes and emperors had full sway, and dared to execute the ancient edicts' for exter- minating schism and misbelief. It was pope Paul IV., ^ See Courayer's JDiscours Ilistoriquc on this subject, at the end of Sarpi, III. 225—243. ^ Ljibbe, XV. 242, 337, 365, 408, 556, 706. 3 See above, p. 121. 4 Above, pp. 92, 95. 5 Above, pp. 99, 100. ^ Above, pp. 147, 148. On the occasional reappearance of Inquisi- tors in Germany and France at the early stages of the Eeformation, sec Limborch, Hist, of the Inquisition, Bk. i. ch. xxviii., Lond, 1731. 7 See Middle Age, p. 290, and n. 2. INQUISI- TION. Beginning of the reaction af/ainst Protest- antism. Modifica- tions of the Imjuisi- tion. ;o2 The Counter-Reformation. FCHAP. whose ardour, while he was yet a cardinal, led to the erection of a fresh tribunal for the whole world, analo- o-ous to that which had consumed so many holocausts of Moors and Jews and Protestants in the peninsula of Spain. The bulP which authorized this institution was published July 21, 1542. The immediate consequence in Italy was a general reign of terror, in the midst of which a laro-e band of academics and reformers fled and sought a home beyond the Alps, especially in Switzerland. Hence a leading principle of the Inquisitor was that ' to heretics, and especially to Calvinists, no toleration must be granted I' When cardinal Caraffa was himself exalted to the papal chair (1555), the rigours of the Inquisition were, if possi- ble, intensified ^. To him is also due the publication of a fuller Index librorum i^rohihitoruni*' (1559), by which he ^ Six cardinals (of whom the future pontiff, Paul IV. was one) were then made inquisitors-general 'in all Christian nations whatsoever.' The following is the substance of their instructions as abridged by Limborch [Ibidu ch. xxix. : Vol. i. p. 151): 'To proceed without the ordinaries, against all hereticks, and suspected of heresy, and their accomplices and abettors, of whatever state, degree, order, condition, and pre-eminence, and to punish them, and confiscate their goods : to depute a procurator-fiscal, notary and other officials necessary to the aforesaid affair : to degrade and deliver over to the secular court by any prelate deputed by them, the secular and regular clergy in holy orders : to curb opposers, to call in the assistance of the secular arm, and to do every- thing else that should be necessary : to substitute everywhere Inquisitors, with the same or a limited power : to take cognizance of appeals from other Inquisitors to them : to cite, forbid and absolve, in the court and out of it, simply or conditionally, from all ecclesiastical sentences, censures and punishments, all that should appeal to them.' 2 See Caraffa's rules in Eanke, Popes, i. '212, 213. 3 His peremptory bull of March i, 1559, is printed at length in Eay- nald. Annal. Eccl. ad an. 1559, § 1-4. — Another proof of his disposition was shewn in the establishment of the festival of San Dominico in ho- nour of the great Inquisitor (Ranke, Ibid. i. 314) : cf. above, p. 291, n. 3. * The first of these Indices appeared in 1519, under the auspices of the papal legate at Venice, Joh. della Casa : but its effects were slight compared with those produced by the edict of Paul IV. See it with notes arhong the Works of Vergerius (i. 236). The immediate consequences of it are thus described by a contemporary, Natalis Comes, quoted by Gieseler, iii. i. p. 510, n. 35 (ed. Bonn.): 'Tanta concremata est omnis generis librorum ubique copia et multitudo, ut Trojanum prope incen- dium, si in unum collati fuissent, apparere posset. Nulla enim fuit bibliotheca vel privata vel publica, quae fuerit immunis ab ea clade, ac non prope exinanita.' See more on these subjects in Mendham's Lite- rary Policy of the Church of Pome, &c., 2nd ed. Lond. 1830: and a modern apology for the Inquisition in Balmez, Protestantism and Catholi- city, c. XXXVI., Eng. transl. vr.] The Counter-Reformation. 303 hoped that he should be enabled to dry up the main sources of heretical pravity, if he could not stifle every whisper which was raised against the pontiff and the schoolmen. In a constitution^ of Pius V. (1566), a fresh demand was made of absolute obedience to the mandates of the Inquisitor-general : princes, judges, and all secular magistrates, w^ere earnestly implored to lend their help, and, under the succeeding popes'^, the organization of this merciless tribunal was still more developed, and treatises^ drawn up for the instruction of the various officials now employed in carrying out its sanguinary objects. Yet the harshness and inhumanity of these measures often issued in their own defeat. A few southern states of Christendom alone accepted the intervention of the 'Holy Office;' the rest excludiDg it either from religious principle, or from a dread lest the atrocities which it perpetrated should pro- voke a general rising of their subjects and imperil the established forms of faith and worship. Meanwhile, however, the current of the Keformation was retarded, and occasionally reversed, by the untiring efforts of the Jesuits. The founder of this body, it is true, himself took part in the remodelling of the Inquisition^, but the principles on wdiich his followers acted were per- suasive and pacific. Ignatius Loyola*^ (Inigo Lopez de Kecalde), the youngest scion of a noble Spanish house, was born in the province of Guipuscoa (1491), and educated at the court of Ferdinand the Catholic, Though not un- tainted by the vices of his age and station, Ignatius, even in his early manhood, and when thirsting for the reputa- tion of the perfect soldier, gave some passing intimations of his future destiny^. By nature ardent, visionary, and 1 Limborch, Ihid. i. 152, 153. 2 m^i^ pp 153 gq, ^ Two of tlieso were the Lipht of the Inquisition, by Bernard of Como, with annotatious by Francis Pegna (Koni. 1584), and in the fol- lowing year Eymeric's Directory of the Inquisitors, with the commen- taries of Pegna. Other works relating to the subject will be found in a collection entitled Tractatus Illustriuni Jurisconsidtorum de Criininalibus Inqnisitionis, Venet. 1584. ^ llanke, Popes, i. 211. 5 See the earliest lAvcs of him in the Acta Sanctorum, Jul. Tom. vii. pp. 634 sq,; and cf. Is. T&ylor' 8 Loyola and Jesuitism in its liudiments, ] Loud. 1849, and Busz, Die Gesellschaft Jesu, Mainz, 1853. j ^ He actually composed a romance of chivalry, the hero of which was | tlie first Apostle : llauke, Popes, i. 182. 1 JESUITS. Ignatius Lo>/n/a (cCi55e) The Coiinter-Beformation. [chap. romantic, all these tendencies were strengthened in him and developed during a long illness caused by wounds which he received in defending Pampeluna against the French in 1521. The tales of chivalry, by which his youthful imagi- nation had been fired, were then exchanged for the Legenda Aurea, and other writings more or less distinguished by the same phantastic spirit. Stimulated by the glowing and unworldly pictures there presented, he resolved to dedicate himself in future to the service of religion, and emulate the deeds of Christ, St Francis, and St Dominic \ Accordingly on his recovery he tore himself away from all his kindred and associates ; he visited the hermits in the solitudes of Montserrat ; on the eve of the Annunciation, 1522, he suspended his lance and shield before a wonder- working image of the Virgin''', abandoning thereby a tem- poral for a spiritual knighthood; and as he was more and more convinced of the enormity of moral evil, his austerities became more rigorous, and his self-reproaches more em- phatic and enduring. Yet unlike tlie Wittenberg reformer, who was then secluded also, in the castle of Wartburg, Igna- tius Loyola had only a slender knowledge of the Scriptures ; he had never been distinctly pointed to the way of recon- ciliation with God, nor to the real source of spiritual man- liness and grace. When consolation came at last, its origin 1 'Aderat interim Divina misericordia, qufe ex lectione recenti his cogitationibus alias subjiciebat. Cum enim vitam Christi Domini uostri ac sanctorum legeret, tum apud se cogitabat, secumque ita colligebat : Quid si ego hoc agerem, quod fecit beatus Franciscus? Quid si hoc, quod beatus Dominicus?' Acta antiqiiissima, as above, § 2. '^ All this was conceived in the spirit of ancient chivalry : ' Itaque statuit ad arma sua (ut inter milites dicitur) vigilias agere tota nocte una neque sedens neque jacens, sed vicissim stans et fiexus genua ante altare Domina3 nostrre Montis Serrati, ubi vestimenta sua deponere statuerat, et Christi arma induere' etc.: Ibid. § 17. To this period it is usual to refer the composition of his extraordinary Exercitia SjyirituaUa (often printed), the idea of which was suggested by a similar work of Garcia de Cisneros (Kanke, Popes, i. 232, note). The Exercises occa- sionally breathe the same military spirit, Christ and His host encamped at Jerusalem being opposed to Satan and his host whose metropolis lay at Babylon. Thirty days are devoted to the performance of these exer- cises, in order that the spirit may be thus thoroughly concentrated on itself, and the religious fancy stimulated to higher measures of ecstatic contemplation. The work, however, is comparatively speaking unenthu- siastic, which has led to the hypothesis that the first draft of Ignatius Loyola was materially altered in subsequent revisions. VI.] TJi e Court ter-Beformation. 505 was in a scries of reveries and visions \ where, as he be- lieved, the very deepest mystery of the Christian faith was sensibly revealed to liim, and so imprinted on the soul that rieithcr life nor death could afterwards obliterate the inrage, nor disturb the secret current of his joy. After wandering in this mood as far as Jerusalem (1523), in tlie hope of there accelerating the conversion of infidels, Ignatius went to Barcelona, to Alcala, and finally to Paris (1528), where he thought to qualify himself for more etKcient public teaching by a regidar course of study. Such a course, however, proved distasteful to hini', and instead of falling cordially into the habits of the university, he la- boured with no ordinary tact to spread his own enthusiastic and ascetic principles among the more able of his fellow students. Two whom he especially influenced^ were Faber, a Savoyard, and Xavier, a native of Navarre, and in their society it was that, in a cell of the college of St Barbara at Paris, he suggested and discussed the first idea of the 'Company of Jesus^' When matured"^, their chivalrous project was to sacrifice their lives in absolute poverty at 1 Tims at Manresa, where lie repeated the ascetic practices in which he engaged at Montserrat, 'he stood llxed on the steps of San Dominico and wept aloud: for he thovight in that moment the mystery of the Holy Trinity was visibly revealed to him. The whole day he spoke of nothing else.' Ibid. i. 188, A similar vision with similar effects ap- peared to the abbot Ealph of Fountains : see Dugdale, Mojiast. v. 304, new ed. ^ ' Quoties audiebat magistrum praelegentera, tarn multis intertur- babatur spiritualibus rebus, ut audire attente non posset.' Acta anti- quis.sima, § 82. This eccentricity, which in Spain exposed him to the suspicion of ' Lntheranism,' was still objectionable in the eyes of the authorities. He completed his college course, however, learning Latin, graduating in philosophy, and studying theology under the care of the l)ominicans. ^ See llanke's description, as above, pp. 192 sq. Excepting Faber all the earliest converts were Spaniards, e.ff. Salmeron, Laine;^ and Bobadilla. •* The name (in Spanish, Compania de Jesus), when first chosen, was designed to mark the spiritual knighthood of the members. ' Placuit omnibus,' writes one of the biographers of Ignatius Loyobi (Acta Sarict. Jul. Tom, VII. p. 471), ' ut a militari vocabulo Societas Jesu (suis enim cohortibus milites, quas vulgo Societates seu Compaguias appellant, ab ipsis fere ducibus nomen indunt) appellaretur.' A In 1534, the year when the papal supremacy was destroyed in Eng- land, Ignatius and his party met in the ciypt of the church of Montmartre, on the feast of the Assumption, and after receiving the Eucharist from Faber, already a priest, bound themselves together by a solemn oath and completed their dedication to the service of Christ and of the Virgin. 11. P. 20 JESUITS. Formation of a societi) of spiritual kniijhts. The Counter- Reformation. [chap. Jerusalem for the conversion of the Saracens, and the edifi- cation of Christians; or should obstacles arise and frustrate this intention, they vowed to place themselves unreservedly at the disposal of the poj^e for any kind of service he thought proper to enjoin. In the beginning of 1537, we find Ignatius Loyola with eight of his companions at Venice \ ready to embark upon their eastern pilgrimage. But the outbreak of hostilities between the Turks and Venetians made it necessary to abandon their idea of labouring in Palestine. Meanwhile tliey associated themselves with Caraffa, who had lately taken part in founding the confraternity of Theatins""^, and entering into priest's orders, opened their sacred warfare in the bold and indefatigable spirit of their leader, by preach- ing penitence and practising such acts of self-renunciation as were then almost unknown in the luxurious towns of Lombardy and central Italy. In 1543, the new order re- ceived the unconditional approbation of the pontiff ^ He saw in it the aptest instrument which that age supplied for warding off the bold aggressions on his own supremacy'*. ^ Tliere tlie members of the nascent order remained a year, working in parties of three each, for the conversion of profligates. 2 This order, which arose in 1524, under the auspices of Gaetano da Thiene and Caraffa, was intended to meet the cry for some thorough re- formation of the clergy: see Helyot, Hist, dcs Ordres Religieux, iv. 76 sq. The members were priests bound by monastic vows, and pledged to the duties of preaching, administration of the sacraments, and visiting the sick. Many of their sermons were delivered in the open air. The Bar- nabites, founded at Milan in 1530, were a kindred order : Helyot, Ibid. IV. 106 sq., Paris, 1792. ^ See the various documents in Litterce apostoUcce, qiiibus Institutio, Confirmatio ct varia Frivilegia continoitur Societatis Jesu, Antverp. 1635. As early as Sept. 27, 1540, the pontiff confirmed the rules of the order, but limited the number of members to sixty. Of these, Ignatius was elected president, or general, with the most arbitrary powers, so that the fortune, person, and conscience of the whole fraternity were placed in his hands, and the one principle of action in the Jesuit was simple and unreasoning obedience. As one of this order boasted in the fol- lowing century : ' Volvitur et revolvitur liominis unius nutu Societatis , universe tanta moles, moveri facilis, difficilis commoveri ' (quoted in Gieseler, iii. ii. p. 603, n. 2, ed. Bonn). 4 Thus in the Fonniila Vivendi of the order, as approved by the pope (Litterce apostoL, as above, pp. 9 sq.), the general statement of obedience to him, as the 'Vicar of Christ,' is heightened by the following passage : 'Ad majorem tamen nostrte Societatis humilitatem [self-surrender and the suppression of all human instincts being among its first principles], ac perfectam uniuscujusque mortificatiouem, et voiuntatum nostrarum VI.] The Counter -Reformation. 307 The Jesuits by their rules were secularized far more than any of their predecessors. They were liberated from offices of common worship, which not only absorbed the time of a conventual order, but seriously impaired the force and fi'eedom of its action on the world around it : while their zeal was uniformly directed to three objects made impera- tive by the moral agitations of that epoch, — plain and earnest preaching, the work of guiding and relieving con- sciences by means of the confessional, and most of all the superintending of educational establishments and otherwise securing the affections and co-operation of the young \ Of all the marvels that distinguish the Reformation- period, the progress of this Order is among the most extra- ordinary. In Spain, in Italy, in Portugal, a crowd of entliusiastic converts flocked to it from all gradations of society^ Schools and colleges, under the management of Jesuits, were built, enlarged, and multiplied continually. In some of these the learning was at first directly secular; but the spirit of Ignatius Loyola, sobered with the lapse of 3^ears, was ever present in such gifted teacliers as Lainez and Canisius ; operating with unwonted power upon the feelings and imaginations of the pupils, and establishing in every province a kind of * spiritual standing army/ which abuegationem snmmopere conducere judicavimiis, singulos nos ultra illud coiiiniune vhicnluni speciali voto astrlngi, ita ut qiiidquid rnodernus et alii Ivomaiii Poiitifices pro tempore existeutes jusseriut, ad profectum animarum et lidei propagationem pertiiiens, et ad quascuuque provincias )ios niittere volueriut, sine ulla tergiversatione aut excusatioue, illico, quantum in nobis fuerit, exequi teneamur; sive miserunt nos ad Tur- cas, sive ad quoscunque alios infideles, etiam in partibus, quas Tndi- cas vocant, existentes, sive ad quoscunque hicreticos seu schismaticos, sen etiam ad quosvis fideles. ' The speeches of Lainez, their second general, at the Synod of Poissy and the council of Trent, are specimens of the earnest but unscrupulous way in which this pledge had betn re- deemed : see Sarpi, 11. 23-1 sq., 339 sq. ed. Courayer. ^ Cf. Ranke's remarks, i. 193, where he truly adds: 'Thus, out of the visionary schemes of Ignatius, arose an institution of singularly practical tendency; out of tlie conversions wrought by his asceticism, an institution framed with all the just and accurate calculation of worldly prudence.' " This rapid influx of converts necessitated a development of the constitution of the Order. It consisted linally of four classes, noviciates or scholastici, coadjutors, professors of the three vows, and professors of the four vows. Of these the coadjutors were the most influential, being composed of learned priests who were expressly devoted to the education of the young : cf. liaukc, Fojjcs, i. 222. 20—2 JESUITS. Character- istics of the Societi/. Its rapid progress iii the south of Europe. 3oS TliG Counter-Fief ormation. [chap. JKSUITS. Penetrates into Ger- many and other cuantries. Onifrover- .s/f s between Jc.'iuits and Dominic- ans: was ready at the shortest notice to do battle for the ' old religion,' and to propagate whatever might seem true and fitting to the pope. Wlien the founder of this mighty system breathed his last in 1556, the company had possessed itself of thirteen provinces \ besides the Iloman, seven belonging to Spain and Portugal and their colonies. Yet no very marked suc- cesses had hitherto attended its operations either in France, in Germany, or in the Low Countries. The first establish- ment of Jesuits at Vienna^ dates from 1551, thirty mem- bers of the order having arrived iu that year under the auspices of the king of the Romans, Ferdinand, who, on ascertainino- the meaOTeness of the theological education then received by his clergy, placed the management of the university in the hands of Le Jay, an active and accom- plished Jesuit. About the same time other lodgments'' were effected at Cologne and Ingolstadt, from whence the emissaries issued with incredible rapidity, to labour with their wonted fervour and success'*. In the third quarter of the sixteenth century, owing largely to such eflbrts, the tide of Reformation was beginning to be turned^, in Ba- varia, in the Tyrol, in parts of Franconia and Swabia, in southern Austria, and in the Rhenish provinces; while members of the Company of Jesus were actively at work, from time to time, in Sweden^, Poland^, Hungary®, Bohe- mia and Moravia^, in Switzerland^*^, in the Netherlands*^ and in Great Britain ^'^ But as all these victories of the counter -reformation party were facilitated by dissensions in the camp of the Reformers, so the mightiness of the reaction was itself diminished in proportion as the youthful fervour of the 1 Ranke, Popes, i. 235. - Ibid. ii. 2G. 3 Ibid, pp. 27 sq. Some few of the early race of teachers were fur- nished by the ' Collegium Germanicum ' which was fouxicled at Rome by Julius III. in 1552 : but the majority were Spaniards and Italians, who ' conquered the Germans on their own soil, in their very home, and wrested from them a portion of their own country' (p. 36). ** E. g. in one district of Germany ' fourteen cities and market-towns, and above two hundred villages, containing in all 62,000 souls, were brought back to the catholic faith' in the single j'ear 1586 {Ibid. p. 126). ^ Above, p. 66. ^ Above, pp. 80, 81. 7 Above, p. 84:. ^ Above, p. 92. 8 Above, p. 87. ^"^ Above, p. 121. " Above, p. 151. 12 ^bove, p. 235. VI.] Tlie Coi I n ter-Befo rmat io n. 309 Jesuits evaporated, or was spent in mutual quarrels and domestic factions \ One of the disputes in which they were entangled by the theologians of their party, and which threatened more than once to bring them under the heavy lash of the Inquisitors, had reference to the long-contested doctrines of grace and free-will'^ Ignatius Loyola was himself a Thomist, and, as such, he had commended to their special reverence the elaborate writings of Aquinas^. But when feuds arose between the Jesuits and that order (the Dominican) of which he was esteemed the greatest luminary, his writings began to be disparaged by authorities of the former body, and at last their general, Aquaviva, openly departed from several of his main positions^ The ^ One of tliese was due to tlie circumstance that in the early years of the Order a vast preponderance of the abler members were of Spanish extraction. Accordingly the fifth general, Aqiiaviva, who was a Nea- politan (elected 1581), had to struggle with a large body of discontented subjects : Rauke, Popes, 11. 292 sq. ■'' As early as 1560 the Jesuits of Cologne, in their Censura de prceci- jynis Doctrines Coeleatis Capltihns, Colon. 1560, had given utterance to Pelagian or semi-Pelagian sentiments : see Chemnitz, Theolog'ue Jesu- vltaruni 2)racipua Capita, Lips. 1563. '^ See Constitutiones, Part. iv. c. 14 ('In theologia legetur vetus et novum Testamentum et doctrina scholastica divi ThomoB'). Lainez had already in a Declaratio of 1558 appended other instructions, authorizing the 'Master of the Sentences' (Peter Lombard), and any other divine whose work the general might deem ' his nostris temporibus accommo- datior.' The pontitf also, Pius V., shewed a bias in the same direction, by censuring in 1567 the Augustinian (anti-Jesuit) teaching of Bajus at Louvain : see the condemned propositions in Leydecker, Ilistor. Jan- scnismi, pp. 278 sq, Traj. ad Ehenum, 1695. On the other hand the theological faculty at Louvain, in 1580, condemned the teaching of the two Jesuits Less and Hamel, who, as they avow, in order to keep as far as possible from the standing-ground of the lleformers, had adopted princiijles hardly distinguishable from those of Pelagius. It is worthy of remark that, on the same occasion, the University as positively con- demned the lax opinions of these Jesuits touching the inspii-ation of Holy Scripture, into which also they were drawn by their desire to oppose the Protestants at every turn : see the condemned proj^ositions in Serry, Hist. Comjrcgatiomim de Auxiliis divinoi Gratice sub Clement. VIII. et Paul, v., pp. 11 sq., Lovan. 1700: and Mr Lee's Inspiration of Holij Scripture, pp. 438, 439. Perhaps the most able and candid of the Jesuit contjoversialists, in the second half of the sixteenth century, is Robert Bellarmine, a Tuscan, who died Sept. 17, 1621. His Disputati- ones de Controversiis CJiristiance Fidei (best edition, Venet. 1591)) has ever since kept its ground among standard polemical treatises : see Vita del Card. Bellarmino, by Giacomo Fuligati, lloma, 1024. * The Ratio atque Institutio Studiorutn drawn up under his authority appeared at Home in 1586. It was denounced in Spain as ' el mas peli- JESUITS. 310 The Counter-Ileformation. FCHAP. JESUITS. Gi'OK'tll of acini- Pcla- [/ianisiii. The con tro- vers]/ un- decided. plea put forward was, that more recent doctors had im- proved upon Aquinas, had elucidated many points which he was forced to leave in comparative obscurity, and, what was more important still, had furnished them with sharper and more serviceable weapons for assaulting both the Saxon and Swiss Reformers. This controversy, which ere long resolved itself into a struggle between the Jesuits and Dominicans, attained its highest point during the sixteenth century, when Molina, of the Company of Jesus and pro- fessor in the university of Evora in Portugal, published his treatise entitled Liheri arbitrii cum gratice donis, Divina prcescientia, providentia, prcedestinatione et reprohatione, Concordia (1588). The author ventures to reject the Augus- tinian theory of predestination \ asserting that events do not happen because God foreknows them, but rather that God foresees them because they will happen : while, in reference to the human aspect of this question, he contends that man is able to do good works without any assistance beyond the general gifts of God in nature'"^, but that having raised himself by his inherent faculties so as to per- form some elementary acts of penitence and faith, he then receives the supernatural grace of sanctification. The work of his acceptance is thus made so far Theandric, that Divine and human elements co-operate in nearly equal proportions. As these thoughts were running counter to the general stream of theology, reformed and unreformed, the Jesuits found it no easy matter to survive the storms they had excited, particularly in Spain ^, where the Dominicans were able to invoke the succour of the Inquisition, and were in other respects a formidable body. At last appeals were made to Rome itself, Oct. 9, 1596, on which the controversy groso, temerario y arrogante que jamas havia salido in semejante materia :' lianke, Popes, ii, 304, uote. 1 Ibid. pp. 306, 307. 2 Thus the second of the extracts made by the Congregatio de AnxiUis in 1597 (Serry, as above, pp. 241 sq.) runs as follows: 'Potest homo per vires naturae cum solo concursu general! Dei assentiri mysteriis super- naturalibus sibi propositis et explicatis (qualia sunt Deum esse triunum in personis, Christum esse Deum, et similia), tanquam a Deo revelatis, actu mere natural!.' 3 Eanke, ii. 308 sq. ' From that time a complete division arose be- tween the two orders. The Dominicans would have nothing more to do with the Jesuits, a large majority of whom, if not all, took part with Molina.' VI.] The Counter-Reformation. II appeared to have assumed an almost national character; the French siding with the Jesuits, and the Spaniards with their adversaries: while the pontiff, trembling lest he should offend either of these parties, and so deprive the papacy of its most learned and devoted champions, re- solved^ to leave the question altogether in suspense. He thereby illustrated two important truths, which are indeed emphatically urged upon our notice by the history of the Reformation, (1) that even the most rigorous institutions are unable to eradicate those principles of the human heart and understanding which issue in religious differences ; and (2) that the most despotic rulers have been forced to admit the necessity of granting, Avith respect to one mysterious class of topics, a considerable latitude of belief. 1 The first suspension took place after Clement VIII. had attended ' sixty- five meetings and thirty-seven disputations on all the points which could possibly come under discussion,' Ibid. p. 314. The subject was reopened under Paul V., whose leaning clearly was against the Jesuits, Imt after fresh discussions he also had not the courage to condemn them: Ihid. p. 365. JESUITS. ( 312 ) [chap. CHAPTEE YII. RELATIONS OF EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. The Eeformation being in its essence a product of the moral and intellectual re-awakening that dates from a revival of letters, a more earnest application to the study of the Bible, and the general deposition of the schoolmen, was restricted to those countries which had felt the im- pulses of the- preparatory movement. Few if any changes were accordingly effected by it in the eastern provinces of Christendom. The Turks were absolute masters of the patriarchate of Constantinople^; from the capture of Otranto, in 1480, they never ceased to trample on the rights of their Christian subjects, and struck terror into all the nations of the West^, until their overthrow and perma- nent humiliation at the battle of Lepanto, in 1571 : while Russia, destined to become the leading province of the * orthodox ' communion, was at present too far removed from western influences^ and had been too recently eman- 1 Some light is thrown upon the current doctrines of the Greek church, as explained to the Muhammedans at this period, by the two Confessions of Clennadius, patriarch of Constantinople : in Libr. Symbol. Ecc'l. OrientaUs, pp. 1 — 23, ed. Kimmel, Sense, 1843. 2 For example, as late as 1566, archbishop Parker drew up a '•Form to be used in Common Prayer, every Sunday, Wednesday and Friday, through the whole realm : to excite and stir all godly people to pray unto God for the preservation of those Christians and their countries, that are now invaded by the Turk in Hungary and elsewhere:' Liturgical Services, ed. P. S. pp. 527 — 535 : cf. Parker's Correspond, p. 289. 3 The discovery by English mariners of a way to the White Sea (1553) led to the first intercourse between Eussia and this country (Turner's it/odc^-u Hist, of England, iii. 298 sq. 2nd ed.). On the mis- chances that befel the ambassador sent to the court of Philip and Man- in 1556, 'with certaine presents and gifts, as a manifest argument of a mutuall amitie to be made and continued betweene their Maiesties sub- iects, for the commodities of both realmes and people,' see Stow's An," nalcs, p. 629. So little cultivated were the Kussian clergy of this period VII.] Relations of Eastern and Western Churches. 313 cipated from the iron bondage of the Tatars, to assist in settling the momentous questions that were stirred among the Wittenberg Reformers, Still the Easterns of the border-lands conld not be igno- rant of these mighty agitations \ nor the Westerns indif- ferent as to tlie condition of their Christian brother at a distance, and the verdict he might be inclined to pass on them and their proceedings. As early as 1525, the arch- duke Ferdinand directed his confessor''^ to collect authentic information respecting the religion of the Muscovites: and, on the other hand, Melanchthon, who had Greeks among his auditors^ and corresponded with members of the Greek church*, determined to make the patriarch of Constanti- nople acquainted with the genuine principles of Luther^ as contained in the Augsburg Confession, — a measure which, to the annoyance of the Komisli party*^, led to th - formation of more amicable relations than had hithert > subsisted (1559). In 1573, the emperor Maximilian II. appointed a Protestant ambassador at Constantinople, who took with him for his chaplain a Greek scholar of con- that, according to Levesqiie (quoted in Miller, Phil. Hist. iii. 100), 'three persons only among them were acquainted with the Latin language, nnd none of them had any knowledge of the Greek, though they belonged to the Greek Church,' A great change, however, was produced in all quarters during the reign of Michael, the founder of the liomanoli dy- nasty. ^ For example, a letter quoted in Gieseler, iii. i, p. 46 ed. Bonn), note, mentions that as early as 1543, \Yallachia, then subject to the Turks, had manifested a disposition to receive the doctrines of the Re- formers which passed over to them from Transylvania : ' Et quod mireris, Valachia quoque Transsylvanias vicina et Turcis subjccta evan- gelium recepit. Tarn Vetus quam Novum Testamentum sua lingua in Corona, Transsylvaniaa civitate, ixnpressa sunt,' 2 This was John Faber (the Swiss polemic, above, p, 106, n. 1), whose accoi;nt is preserved in the I)e Ixussorum, Moscovitaruni et Tnr- tarorum Relif/ione, Spira3, 1582, and reprinted (in English) by Mr Palmer, in his Dissertations on subjects relating to the ^Orthodox' or ^Eastern- Catholic^ Communion, pp. 82 sq. Lond. 1853. 3 Above, p. 72. * See Martin Crusius, Turco-grcecia (a collection of important docu- ments in illustration of this chapter), p. 543, Basil. 1584. ^ The translation of the Confession into Greek was made in 1551 by Paul Dolscius : cf. Melanchthon's IVorks, ed. Bretschn. ix, 021. It waV, afterwards translated into modern Greek by Michael Cantacuxenos, and also into the language of Georgia by order of a prince of that country. ^ Cf. Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, 11. 134, note. Lond. 1840. Corre- spondence beticten Constanti' noplc and II tttca- herg. 314 Relations of Eastern and Western Churches, [chap. J t( erupted iniKiH of (rnehs and Profefifanfs in Poland. siderable reputation, Stephen Gerlach, afterwards professor at Tubingen. By him the patriarch Jeremiah was invited to examine the Augsburg Confession, and overtures were actually made in order to cement a lasting union between the Greeks and Protestants. Jeremiah, it is true, was driven from his patriarchal throne Avhile the correspond- ence was proceeding, yet he continued the interchange of letters with the Tiibingen divines till 1582, at which date their communication ceased, without, as it would seem, producing any positive or permanent results \ The same disposition to establish an alliance with the Greeks was shewn by king John of Sweden, whom we saw negotiating''^ for a kindred purpose with the Jesuits and the Koman see. This project also was entirely fruit- less. At the close of the century, however, a new scheme for bringing about the fusion of the members of the Greek church and the Protestant confessions in Poland was com- menced with somewhat fairer prospects of success. The three Reformed communions, Saxon, Helvetic, and Bohe- mian, had already established a temporary pacification^ by the union of Sandomir (1570), and in 1599 it was arranged that representatives of these bodies should meet some Greek priests at Vilna" to discuss the terms of a confede- ^ See the whole correspondence in Acta et scripta theologoriim Wit- teberrjensiiim et patriarcha Constantinopolitani de Augustana Confessione, Wittenberg. 158 i. The renewal of this kind of intercourse through the agency of Cyril Lucar, who became patriarch of Alexandria in 1602, belongs to the next period of Church-history : cf. Smith's Collectanea de Cyrillo Lncari, Lond. 1707, and Neale's Eastern Church, 'Alexandria,' II. 356—455. 2 Above, pp. 80, 81. 'The King,' says Geijer (p. 169), 'now turned his thoughts to a junction with the Greek Church, but he finally adhered to his own scheme of religion, of which he considered his new Liturgy the proper expression.' ^ See above, pp. 85, 86. 4 Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, ir. 139 sq. Lond. 1840. They were impelled to this measure chiefly by the persecutions to which all of them were exposed, owing to the predominance of Romish influences under Sigismund III. The chief agent on the part of the Reformers was Tur- nowski, superintendent of the Bohemian Brethren. One of the pre- liminary questions he proposed for discussion ran as follows : 'Whether, according to the precepts of our Lord Jesus Christ, they would unite in love, and for mutual advice and assistance in common injuries and affairs against Antichrist and his servants, with those who, being satis- fled witli the true Word of God, submitted entirely to its rule and doctrine, considered Christ as their Pastor and the sole Head of the Church, received the sacraments according to His institution, admitted VII.] Belations of Eastern and Western Churches. 3^5 racy, religious and political, against the servants of the * Roman Antichrist' On assembling (May 24), the har- mony of the joroceedings was at first interrupted by the protests and unbending attitude of Isaac, the hegumenos of the convent of Dubno and Gedeon, who asserted that the only hope of union was for Protestants to abandon their * heresy' and pass over to the Greek church : but four days later, certain articles, eighteen in number, wliicli they all expressed their willingness to adopt, were drawn up as the preliminaries of the union, provided the consent of the patriarch of Constantinople were not finally withheld. The points here shewn to have been held in common by the Greeks and Protestants are these ^ : That tlie Scriptures are the source of truth and of the doctrine of salvation : that God is one in essence and three-fold in person : that the three Divine Personalities are consubstantial and co- equal, according to the Nicene Creed : that the summary of the Apostolic faith, called symholum, contains the marrow of true religion: that Christ, who is begotten of the Father before all worlds, truly became man and was born into the world for our salvation: that by offering Himself to God the Father for us, He in His death made a perfect atone- ment for our sins: that God is neither the cause nor maker of evil : that all men are conceived and born in sin : that pardon is extended to those who repent and are truly con- verted: that faithful Christians are obliged to the perform- ance of good works : that Christ alone is the Head of the Church, visible as well as invisible : that a regular ministry is needed in the Church of God for dispensing the Word and sacraments : that the marriage of the clergy is not prohibited : that infants ought to be baptized : that the Eucharist is to be administered to all the faithful in both tlie authority of the first uniform cecumenic councils, and considered the holy doctors, whose writings agree with the Scriptures, as teachers sent by God, and very useful for the edification of the Church?' Ibid. p. 142. 1 Ibid. pp. 148 — 150. Ten clergy of the Greek Eite were present on this occasion. It was during the oppressions that suggested the com- bined action of Greeks and Protestants that Cyril Lucar, who afterwards, as Mr Neale has worded it, ' was led to assimilate fearfully with Cal- vinian doctrine' (Alexandria, ii. 3(50), came to Poland as legate of Meletius Piga, patriarch of Alexandria, to assist in counteracting the advances of the Humanists {Ibid. p. iJG2). He gained his livelihood at Yilua by teaching Greek. Doctrinal points of contact. Relations of Eastern and Western Cliurches. [CHAP. kinds: that the Scriptures are silent touching any purga- tory for the purification of souls after death : that Christ having gone up to heaven in His body sitteth at the right hand of the Father, from whence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead : that as the happiness of the faithful is everlasting, so is the punishment of the damned interminable. On other subjects, such for instance as the procession of the Holy Spirit, or the invocation of saints, the worship or veneration of icons and relics, and the main principles of divine service, the differences appeared almost irrecon- cileable : yet, in order to facilitate the work of union, it was proposed to hold annual synods, alternately Protestant and Greek, for the discussion of these remaining articles \ But no reasoninof could induce the Greek divines to enter full}^ into such discussions until they had consulted the Eastern patriarchs, especially the mother-see of Constan- tinople ; and though nothing definite has been recorded of the answers forwarded by these authorities, we argue from the permanence of the division, that they were unfavour- able to the project. The two communities, however, en- tered on the same occasion into a political compact for the mutual defence of their rights and liberties against the violent manoeuvres of the Poomish party. That party had indeed been gaining fresh predominance* in the reign of Sigismund III., Avho, aided by Possevin, the accomplished Jesuit whom we saw at work in Sweden^, and by other members of the Company, expended his chief energies not only in retarding the advance of Protestant- ism, but in promoting the absorption of his ' orthodox' subjects into the church of Rome. One leading principle of action was to distribute all his public appointments ex- clusively among the Romanists^; and the threat of banish- 1 Ibid. p. 150. 2 See above, p. 84, and n. 2. The fury of his zeal is shewn by the circumstance that Nicephorus, a legate of the patriarch of Constantinople, who vehemently resisted the royal attempts to Komanize the Poles, was seized and strangled : Neale, as before, ii. 362. ■^ Above, p. 81. ■* This principle had been already (1568) suggested from Eome to one of his predecessors in order to eradicate the Protestants more speedily. The Polish monarch was exhorted to declare 'nullis se deinceps vel honores vel prtefecturas vel qua3cunciue tandem alia munera publice YU.] Relations of Eastern and Western Churches. 317 ment from the senate, added to the constant importunities of Sigismund, ultimately^ drove a number of the Polish prelates in Lithuania to abandon the Greek Rite, and seek communion with the Latins, on the basis formerly estab- lished at the council of Florence^ Such was the origin of the Polish Uniates^. They admitted the orthodoxy of the clause Filioque, they assented to the Romish view of pur- gatory, and acknowledged the supremacy of the pope: re- taining, however, the Slavonic language in the celebration of public worshii^, together with the ancient ritual and dis- cipline of the 'Greek' churches'*. The union was consum- mated in a synod held at Brest in Lithuania, Oct. 6, 1596, when the metropolitan of Kieff, and the other prelates who assented to the measure, excommunicated all persons who ventured to impugn it, or impede its operation. Not content with large advantages thus gained in Po- mandatnrum, nisi qui Christum aperte confessns fuerit et omni per- fidiae sive Lutlieristicae sive Calvinisticffi sive Anabaptistarum uuutium remiserit:' quoted in Eanke, Popes, 11. 379, note. ^ The first step in the work of ' reconciliation ' was to assemble the clergy at a synod in 1590 (Krasinski, 11. 135). But as this measure was abortive, Possevin and Scarga, another Jesuit in the confidence of Si- gismund, won over four Greek bishops and the metropolitan of Kieff, who carried their plan of a re-union in a second council held also at Brest or Brzesz in Lithuania, Dec. 2, 1594. Deputies were then sent to Clement VIII., who received them with open arms : and so far as their party extended the reconciliation was completed in the following autumn. But the greater part of the Greek nobility, with prince Constantine Ostrogski, palatine of Kieff, at their head, protested; and 'the prince assembled a numerous meeting of the nobility and clergy adverse to Kome, at which the bishoi)s, who had brought about the union, were excommunicated.' Ibid. pp. 137, 138: cf. the Kussian account in Mou- ravieff, Hist, of the Church of Russia, pp. 139 sq. Oxf. 1842. '^ See Middle Age, pp. 3GG sq. 3 'From this time,' says Mouravieff (p. 142), 'began the hard and long-continued struggle of orthodoxy against the Unia in all the Polish and Lithuanian provinces, and the persecutions of the Western Church, and more particularly of the civil government, against those who re- fused to betray the faith of their ancestors,' ^ lirasinski, 11. 137. Mouravieff's account is rather different : ' The conventicle of the Uniates and the Romans, after having solemnly con- firmed their first agreement for a union, which was sealed by the joint celebration of the liturgy in the same church, pronounced a similar sentence of excommunication [see note 1, above] against the orthodox; and thus the Church of Little llussia was divided into the Orthodox and the TJniate, both preserving, however, the same form, not only of external rite in the celebration of Divine service, but even of doctrine : for Rome at first allowed the Creed without alteration, and required nothing but the one capital point of submissiou to the pope :' p. 142, Polish ' Uniates.^ Jiomixh atlcnii>*s 0)1 Jiassia. 318 Relations of Eastern and Western Churches. [cnAP. land, the indefatigable emissaries of the lloman pontiff turned their thoughts to Russia, in the hope of compen- sating for the heavy loss he had sustained in other parts of northern Europe. John (Ivan) the Terrible had, as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, endeavoured to brace up the discipline of the Russian church, and regulate the lives of her ecclesiastics b}^ convoking the important council of the 'Hundred Chapters^' (1551): aud the Rus- sian prelates, about the same time, published their first anathema against a band of interlopers who appear to have I been introducing Lutheran tenets'^ from adjacent parts of Lithuania. They were also most emphatic in their censures of the Latins ^ whom they found endeavouring to seduce both flocks and pastors from their old allegiance. But when John soon afterwards became entangled^ in sangui- nary contests with Stephen Bathori, king of Poland, he resolved to extricate himself by calling in the aid of foreign powers, and was brought by this means into communication with pope Gregory XIII. By him the Jesuit Possevin was dispatched to the arena of dissension in the capacity of a mediator, and having negotiated a peace between the com- batants, on terms disadvantageous to the Russians, he proceeded to urge upon the czar the desirableness of recognising the supremacy of the pope and bowing to the judgments of the council of Florence. John, however, and his subjects were equally deaf to such proposals^ both on this and on subsequent occasions. It was towards the close of the sixteenth century that an event occurred in Russia which materially affected the Muscovite church in its relation to those other communi- ties in which the Greek Rite still continued to prevail. Since the fall of Constantinople, the metropolitans of all 1 ]\rouravieff, pp. 103—105. " 'About this same time Macarius [metropolitan of Moscow] presided at another synod of less note, which condemned the beginning of a heresy which was creeping in amongst us from Lithuania. Their rejection of the canons and ordinances of the Church, her ceremonies and icons, and their questioning the Divinity of the Saviour, discovered the guilt of Backsheen and his little knot "of followers.' Mouravieff, p. 108 : of. the translator's note. 2 Ibid. p. 112. ^ Ibid. p. 121. 5 Ibid. p. 122. A similar mission of Comuleo to Moscow in 1594 shared the same fate : Eanke, Popes, 11. 400. Founda- tion of the Russian [Kilriarch- ate. VII.] Belations of Eastern and Western Churches. Kiissia, though appointed by a synod of their own bishops and confirmed by no foreign see, had notwithstanding been regarded by themselves and others as dependent on the patriarchate of Constantinople \ But in 1588 a project was devised for bringing this old dej)endence to a close. It was determined by the czar, in concert with the Eastern churches and with the special cooperation of Jeremiah IL, patriarch of Constantinople, that as 'old Rome' had fallen a prey to heresy, and as the calamities of the age required such modification, a new patriarchate* should be instituted in Russia, so as to preserve inviolate the hierarchical ar- rangements of ancient Christendom. Yet with regard to the domestic organization of the Russian church, the change was little more than nominal. Job, the first patri- arch (1587 — 1606), exercised no other spiritual functions tiian had always appertained to Russian metropolitans, wdiile he stood on precisely the same footing with reference to the civil power ^ 1 See Middle Age, p. 129. 2 Mouravieli", ch. vi. In Appendix I. (pp. 289 — 324) this writer gives a full account of 'the coming of the patriarch Jeremiah into Kussia' (1587), when the cliange of government was planned and executed. The final consent of Jeremiah is thus expressed (pp. 302, 303) : ' Of a truth the Holy Spirit ahideth in your religious tsar, his thought has been in- spired from God ; and so also has this proper way of bringing it about. Since Old Kome has fallen through the Apollinarian heresy [this charge resting on a fanciful connexion between the views of Apollinaris respect- ing the Person of Christ and the Western custom of using unleavened bread in the Eucharist], and Constantinople, which is New Home, is in the possession of the unbelieving Turks, the children of Hagar, the great kingdom of liussia has surpassed all others put together in piety, and your Orthodox sovereign is named throughout all the world as the sole pattern of a Christian king. Therefore, by the providence of God, and by the prayers of the most immaculate Virgin, and the intercession of the great wonder-workers, Peter, Alexis and Jonah, and by the advice of the tsar, let this great work be accomplished.' ^ ibid. pp. 131, 132. ( 320 ) [chap. ROMAN COMBIU- NION. Perma- nence of Roman as- sumptions. CHAPTER VIII. CONSTITUTION^ OF THE CHURCH AND ITS HE L AT IONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. ROMAN COMMUNION. The fresh humiliations that continually befel the Eastern patriarchs at the commencement of this period wrought no very sensible effect on the internal economy of churches subject to their jurisdiction. Nor was Rome herself im- pelled by any of the sweeping changes, that now wrested from her grasp one half of her dominions, to remodel the constitution of the papacy, or lessen the exorbitance of her demands. She still affected a position immeasurably higher than the rest of the ' Apostolical sees ;' she claimed to be the mother and the mistress of all churches. While oriental Christians, in like manner, occupied their ancient ground with reference to the civil power, treating it as divinely instituted, and ascribing to the Christian monarch almost sacerdotal attributes, the opposite tendency was still betrayed by the adherents of the Roman pontiff, who argued that after the Mediaeval hierarchy obtained its full development, the secular power had been subordinated to the spiritual, and the popes entrusted with a moral juris- diction over all the nations of the globe. If we confine our thoughts, in the first place, to the internal organization of the church, we find that Luther's violent assaults upon the papacy were all converted into opportunities for reiterating its most arrogant assumptions. An inmate of the papal palace \ for example, whom we 1 This was Sylvester Mazolini, on whom see above, p. 17. Eanke {Ref. I. 470, 471) draws attention to another of his tracts entitled, De Juridica et irrefragabili veritatc Romance Ecclesia Romanique FontiJiciSy in which these sentiments occur ; e.g. in cap. iv. we have the following : 'Etsi ex jam dictis constat Komanum praesulem esse caput orbis uni- VIII.] Constitution of the Church, (tc. 321 saw in 1517, among the pamphleteers who laboured to suppress the nascent Reformation, was ready to contend that the Roman pontiff is the sole infallible arbiter of con- troversies, and resolver of all spiritual doubts ; that his monarchy, as foretold by Daniel, is the only true monarchy; that he is the foremost of all hierarchs and the father of all temporal princes ; that he is head of the whole world, nay, is himself virtually the whole world. In reference to the question of indulgences \ the same writer did not scruple to argue that, although the Bible was silent respecting them, the practice rested on authority still 'greater,' — the authority of the Roman Church and Roman pontiffs. Hence all other species of jurisdiction in matters spiritual was said to flow from the pope as from the single repre- sentative of Christ on earth. Bishops, in particular, whose office was originally viewed as resting on Divine appoint- ment, were esteemed by partizans of the papacy among its delegates and vicars : and Lainez^ openly avowed at the council of Trent in 1562, that to acknowledge the imme- diate derivation of their authority from Christ himself would be subversive of the argument that pontiffs have the right to censure and displace them in virtue of some Divine prerogative, and are at liberty to intermeddle in the administration of their dioceses. versi, qiiippe qui primus hierarcha et princeps sit omnium spiritualium ac pater oiuuium temporalium principum, tamen quia adversarius negat eum esse ecclesiam catholicam virtualiter aut etiam esse ecclesias caput, ea propter ostendendum est quod sit caput orbis et consequeuter orbis totus in virtute.' See also an account of Eck's treatise, De Primatu Fetri, Ibid. p. 472. 1 ' Venias sive indulgentiffi auctoritate Scripturae nobis non inno- tuere, sed auctoritate Ecclesue BomancB, Romanorumque Pontijicum, qiue major ef-e Cresarem, adhferet Gallo : quum sentit Galium sibi fore superiorem, deficit ad Cajsarem : atc^ue ha)C omnia agit sub titulo Christi et pacis.' ROMAN COM- MUNION. Papal con- nivance at the abso- Ititi.tiit of the Ci oion. 326 Constitution of the Churcli [chap. ROMAN COM- MUNIOK. SO to balance them against the lay-lords. In France, where the Pragmatic Sanction was superseded by the Concordat in 1516 \ the pope recovered the supreme eccle- siastical legislation and some portion of his old revenues : while the equivalent of the crown enabled Francis I. to make gigantic strides in humbhng the French ecclesiastics, and threatened to reduce them into absolute subjection. His kingdom reckoned at that time ten archbishoprics, eighty-three bishoprics, five hundred and twenty-seven abbacies, to all of which the sovereign, by this new Con- cordat, won the almost unrestricted power of nomination^ And the same unscrupulous disregard of the domestic liberties of the Church, and the distribution of its re- venues, will be found to characterize the papal policy in other countries during the first half of the sixteenth cen- tury. Adrian YI., for instance, went so far as to grant the dukes of Bavaria'* one-fifth of all the revenues of the Church in their territories, and even sanctioned their exercise of some important branches of spiritual juris- diction. In 1534, when Europe was beginning to cry out most loudly for some reformation of abuses, Clement VII. is reported to have given in commendam to his cousin cardinal de' Medici all the benefices of the whole world that might fall vacant during the next six months, with a permission to appropriate the fruits of them to his own use^ Charles Y., in like manner^, when his 'coffers were exhausted, armed himself with papal licences, in order that he might seize on some of the revenues 1 See Middle Age, p. 338. 2 Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, i. 125, 126. To shew the utter thraklom of the French Church at this period, it is recorded that in the following reign the king's mistress, the duchess of Valentinois, held in her own hands the distribution of all ecclesiastical benefices (Ibid. I. 230). 3 ^Ranke, Bef. II. 174, 175. * Sarpi, I. 451: cf. Courayer's note. Even if there be considerable exaggeration in this account, we have abundant evidence of the facility with which the popes either alienated church -property themselves, or winked at the alienation of it by others. The suppression of monasteries in England was first made under papal sanction (above, pp. 185, 186), and the lay-impropriators were confirmed in their possession of the church-lands by a bull of Julius III. (above, p. 217, n. 3). In France as late as the pontificate of Pius V., he authorized spoliations, which brought a million and a half of livres to the treasury. Eanke, Popes, ii. 66. 6 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 588, Lond. L672. viil] and its relations to the Civil Power. 327 of the Church ; but left the work of spoliation to his son, Philip II. At length, indeed, the pontiffs receded from the more extravagant j^ositions, in virtue of which they justified their ancient intermeddling with the temporalities of foreign churches ; but only to inflict still heavier blows upon the mouarchs of all future ages. The Jesuits, who were straining every nerve to reinvest their patron with absolute supremacy in Christendom, determined to oppose the new reactious in favour of the royal power, by arguiug that it stands on ground completely different from the papal. The latter, it was urged, is duo to an original Divine appointment; while the secular authority is only derived from God by an indirect process, — through the medium of societyS The people were thus held to be the ultimate source of temporal jurisdiction, and the true depository of the right of government. In other words, the progress of democracy was stimulated under the very shadow of the papal monarchy, and by its boldest cham- pions; in order that the civil power might be more readily subordinated to the spiritual, and the sovereign pontiff be enthroned at an immeasurable height above all other functionaries. ENGLISH COMMUNION. In all countries that threw off the Roman yoke, there was at first some vacillation and uncertainty respecting the minister of ordination, the court of ultimate appeal in spiritual matters, and the general constitution of the 1 See the discussion of this subject in Balmez, Protestantism and Catholicity, c. li. (Engl, transl, pp. 254 sq.). The aim of Suarez and Bellarmine, according to this writer, was to shew that tliere was neither in Scripture nor traiUtion ' the least foundation for establishing that civil power, like that of the sovereign pontiffs, has been instituted in a special and extraordinary manner ' (p. 257). 'At first sight,' he continues (p. 258), 'their language appears exceedingly democratical, from their frequent use of the words conimunit;/, state, societi/, jyeople; but on ex- amining closely their system of doctrine, and paying attention to the expressions they use, we perceive that they had no subversive design, and that anarchical theories never once entered their minds.' What they aimed at was ' to protect society against the disorder of despotism, with- out rendering it at the same time refractory or turbulent.' His con- clusion is not to be overlooked : ' The independence of the Church is thus estabhshed upon a solid basis.' E03IAN C03I- MUNIOX, The Jesuits, preachers of demo- cracy. Constitution of the Church [chap. Church \ Whereas the former tendency had been to raise the hierarchy above the jurisdiction of the crown, the present by the natural vehemence of reaction was to render the secular principle itself predominant, and make the clergyman ascribe his status either to the pleasure of the sovereign, or the vote of parliaments and diets. Mis- givings were accordingly expressed in some quarters lest a regal or imperial papacy should be substituted for the ancient thraldom, lest the banishment of Romanism should clear a way for the ascendancy of Byzantinism'"*, and lest the Church itself should be resolved into a function or department of the State. The special circumstances under which the English Reformation started were likely to evolve and strengthen these Byzantine tendencies; and some examples have, in fact, been noticed of the way in which they left an impress on the proclamations of the sovereign and the statutes of the realm. In this country, however, as the old episcopal organization was preserved inviolate, the succession 0/ ministers was also uninterrupted, and the spiritualty con- tinued to form a separate estate^. Parker was felt to occupy substantially the same position as Warham, and ^ 'The notions of many of the Keformers in Britain, as well as on the Continent, at an early period of their progress, were extremely con- fused, owing to their having been so long accustomed to identify the validity of all spiritual function, in the clerical order, with the preten- sions of the Roman see:' Russell, Church in Scotland, i. 165: cf. Gei- jer, Hist, of the Swedes, p. 125, and above, p. 178, n. 1. 2 Cf. Middle Age, pp. 49, 50. The term 'Eyzantinism' is preferable to the modern 'Erastianism,' — an appellation derived from the Graecized form of Lieber, the name of a Heidelberg physician, who was born in 1524. His main principle, which has been shared by very few even of those who do not differ widely from him on some other points, was that the source of all pastoral authority is the civil magistrate, who, whether Christian or not, possesses an inherent right to nominate and commission teachers of religion, and is under no necessity of admitting the least difference between priests and laymen. In ' Byzantinism ' on the con- trary, the king was invested with almost spiritual functions, because he was a Christian, standing to the Church in the same relation as David, Hezekiah, or Josiah stood to the Theocracy of old (cf. Carte's Life of Ormond, i. 39). It is remarkable that some modern zealots who have been most vigorous in their denunciation of 'Erastianism' lose sight of this distinction, proceeding on a supposition that the civil power is es- sentially unspiritual, if not altogether anti-Christian, and thus uncon- sciously falling into the errors of the Mennonite and other Anabaptists : see above, p. 261, and n. 1. ^ See above, p. 7. . yiil] and its relations to the Civil Power. 329 hierarchical ideas were thus transmitted, with few modi- fications, from the Mediseval to the Modern Church of England. The primates, in conjunction with their com- provincials, were still centres of ecclesiastical order. The old canon-law, except in those particulars where it had been traversed by recent enactments, was and is the standard according to which proceedings in the church- courts are regulated; and indeed the sole material change affecting the internal polity of the Church related to appeals from the metropolitan-tribunals, which could no longer be carried out of the island to the Roman pontiff^ but must pciss directly upwards to the king, who, by his delegates, had now the privilege of final adjudication. This peculiarity, although by no means unprecedented in the earlier histoiy of the Church"'', must have materially influenced the position of the English ecclesiastics, and their relation to the civil power. It was subversive of a state of things in which the clerks and priesthood gene- rally had, more or less, been severed and exempted from the common laws of the realm, in which a foreign juris- diction was allowed to overrule the sentence of the home- tribunals, and various usages and maxims were tolerated *in derogation of the regality of our lord the king'^ Yet where civil and ecclesiastical courts existed side by side, where secular and spiritual judges were both recognized, there is always a large class of mixed questions in which 1 See above, p. 177. In the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum (re- specting wliich, see above, p. 215, n. 4) the following regulation was drawn up on the order of appeals : 'Ab archidiaconis, decanis, et his, qui sunt infra pontiticiam dignitatem et jurisdictionem ecclesiasticani habent, ad episcopum liceat appellare, ab episcopo ad archiepiscopum, ab archi- episcopo vero ad nostram majestatem. Quo cum fuerit causa devoluta, eam vel concilio proviticiali definiri volumus, si gravis sit causa, vel a tribus quatuorve episcopis, a nobis ad id constituendis :' De Appellati- onihiis, cap. xi. 2 E. g. The Donatists, after having been heard by Melchiades, bishop of Rome, a.d. 313, and again by the council of Aries, a.d. 314, obtained a personal hearing, a.d, 316, i'rom Constantine. Mr Wilberforce, Prin- ciples of Church Authority, p. 174, 2nd ed. , who draws attention to these facts, endeavours to avoid their force by urging that the emperor ' only confirmed that which had been decided by the Church.' On the real principles involved in such appeals, see Bishop Gardiner, as above, p. 168, n. 2; p. IG'J, n. 2; and Van Espen's treatise ' De recursu ad Prin- cipem,' in his Jus Kcclesinsticum Univcisuvt, Tom. x. 1 sq. Venet. 1781. 2 See Ross, Reciprocal Obligations of the Church and the Civil Power, pp. 135, 136, Oxf. 1848, and Middle Age, pp. 249, 250. ENGLISH COM- MUNION. Consider- able in- crease of the royal power. 330 Constitution of the Church [chap. ENGLISH COM- MUNIOX. Ecelcsias- tical sii- premarjl of the Crown. the two authorities touch, and interpenetrate in such a manner, that it is not easy to prevent them from usurping one upon the other. This was felt especially at the period of the Reformation, when the fresh resistance of Enjjflish monarchs to the ultra-papal usurpations^ involved, among its natural consequences, the depreciation of all branches of ecclesiastical power. The sovereign who repudiated the verdicts of the Koman see gave utterance to his vehement antagonism by assuming to himself the designation, ' head of the Church'^: — a title, in the propriety of which, when somewhat modified, his subjects, both the spiritualty and temporalty, were finally induced to acquiesce. But the limits of this headship were not rigorously defined. The clergy, in particular, viewed it chiefly as a claim to the external government, or direction, of all orders both in Church and State. This qualification they secured by introducing the clause, ' as far as the law of Christ allows,' into the form by which they recognized the king's su- premacy; and when Elizabeth ascended the throne, she was immediately induced to publish an Injunction ex- planatory of the sense in whicli men swore allegiance to ^ 'Whatsoever power our laws did divest the pope of, they invested the king with it : but they never invested the king with any spiritual power or jurisdiction, witness the injunctions of Queen Elizabeth, -wit- ness the public Articles of our Church, witness the professions of King James, witness all our statutes themselves, wherein all the parts of papal power are enumerated, v^hich are taken away — his *' encroachments," his "usurpations," his "oaths," his "collations, provisions, pensions, tenths, first-fruits, reservations, palls, unions, commendams, exemptions, dispensations" of all kinds, "confirmations, licences, faculties, suspen- sions, appeals," and God knoweth how many pecuniary artifices more; but of them all there is not one that concerneth jurisdiction purely spiritual, or which is an essential right of the power of the keys; they are all branches of the external regiment of the Church, the greater part of them usurped from the crown,' (fee. Bramhall, Schism Guarded, Part I. Disc. IV. Works, ii. 458, 459, Oxf. 1842. It should moreover be care- fully borne in mind that the legislature in the first year of Elizabeth restored the Church of England not to the condition in which it stood at the death of Henry VIII., when the ecclesiastical power had been still further limited, but as he left it in the 25th year of his reign. A con- temporary defence of the Church-system, as thus restored, is furnished in An Ansioeare made by Rob. [Home] bishoppe of Wynchester to a Booke entituled The Declaration of suche scruples and stales of conscience, touchinge the Othe of the Supremacy, as M. John Fekenham by wrytinge did deliuer unto the L, Bishop of Winchester, with his Kesolutions made thereunto : Lond. 156B. ^ See above, p. 176, and n. 4. yiii.] and its relations to the Civil Power. 331 the sovereign as the 'supreme governor' of the Church of England ^ She there claims no more than the authority, ' which is, and v/as of ancient time, due to the imperial crown of this realm; that is, under God, to have the sove- reignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms, dominions, and countries, of what estate, either ecclesiastical or temporal, soever they be, so as no other foreign power shall, or ought to have, any superi- ority over them.' And one of the Articles of Religion^ in- tended, in like manner, to satisfy 'the minds of some slanderous folks,' declares that 'we give not our princes the ministering either of God's Word, or of the sacraments, ...but that only prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all godly princes, in holy Scripture, by God Himself: that is, that they should rule all states and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evil-doers.' In some particular branches, it is true, the powers now exercised by English monarchs threatened to exceed^ those 1 In tlie first of the lujunctions of 1559, she requires that ' all deans, archdeacons, parsons, vicars, and all other ecclesiastical persons shall faithfully keep and observe, and as far as in them may lie, shall cause to be observed and kept of other, all and singular laws and statutes made for the restoring of the crown the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical, raid abolishing of all foreign power, repugnant to the same:' calling upon them at the same time to maintain ' that the Queen's power within her realms and dominions, is the highest power under God :' and in the accompanying Admonitions to simiyle men deceived by malicious (quoted in the text) she adds: 'If any person that hath conceived any other sense of the form of the said Oatla, shall accept the same Oath with this interpretation, sense, or meaning, her Majesty is well pleased to accept ever}' such in that behalf, as her good and obedient subjects, and shall acquit them of all manner of penalties contained in the said Act, against such as shall peremptorily or obstinately take the same Oath.' - In Hooper's series the article stood as follows: 'The King's ma- jesty of England is to be taken and known as the only and supreme magistrate and power of the Church of England and Ireland;' and in the authorized article of the same period (1552) its form was : ' The king of Englande is supreme head on earth, nexte vnder Christe, of the Churche of Englande and Irelande:' but as early as 1559 the Heads of Doctrine substituted 'supremus Gubernator hujus regni,' etc. See llardwick's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 322, 398. 3 See above, p. 178, and n. 1. It is highly probable, however, that in acknowledging the crown as the ultimate source of episcopal authority (cf. Befonnatio Legum, 'De officio et jurisdictione,' p. 200, Oxf. 1850), the English prelates, reforming and non-reforming, had reference to mat- ters not purely spiritual, but ' those which the laws of the kingdom an- ENGLISH COM- MUNION. Constitution of the Church [chap. privileges which had been claimed by Christian princes and parliaments during the Middle Ages; but, in sub- stance, nearly all the changes now enacted were resto- rations of the ancient laws and usage of the Church, and thedegitimate consequence of protests which had scarcely ever died away in any part of Christendom. The placing of ecclesiastics had, for instance, been the immemorial right and privilege of the crown ^ The nomination of the leading bishops'"^ by the court had also been virtually an act of royal patronage ever since the reign of Constantine ; and after the pope began to lavish the bishoprics and other benefices of this country on 'aliens,' the freedom of episcopal elections^ was still farther violated by the English monarchs : while, in reference to the ultimate determination of church-doctrine, there was no lack of precedents'* in which it vv'as devolved by sovereigns on nexed to the episcopal office, viz. the civil institution of ecclesiastical courts, the privileges attached to the episcopal character as lords of par- liament, the civil penalties which then followed excommunications, legal protection to their ordinations, and other episcopal acts. ' Koss, as before, pp. 94, 95 : cf. the statements respecting the nature and limits of the royal supremacy in the Necessary Doctrine, pp. 286 — 289, Oxf. 1825. ^ Hence archbishop Chichely could speak to Henry V. (March 6, 1427), of ' the chireh of your loncl, of the wich God and ye, gracious lord, have maked me governor :' Duck's Life of Chichele, p. 35, Lond. 1681. Archbishop Laud inculcates the same principle (Remains, ii. ii. 68, Lond. 1700) : 'Our being bishops jure Divino takes nothing from the king's right or power over us. Por though our office be from God and Christ immediately, yet may we not exercise that power, either of order or jurisdiction, but as God has appointed us; that is, not in his Majesty's or any Christian king's kingdoms, but by and under the power of the king given us so to do. ' ^ See Middle Age, p. 51 and n. 4. ^ At first, indeed, the papal interference was rejected by affirming the ancient right of election. The parliament of 25 Edw. III. (1350) or- dained ' al honur de Dieu et profit de la dite eglise d'Engleterre, qe les f ranches elections des erceveschees, eveschees, et tutes autres dignites et benefices electifs en Eugleterre se tiegnent desore en manere come eles feiurent grantes par les progenitours nostre dit seignur le roi et par les auucestres dautres seignurs foundes' (Stephens, Eccl. Statutes, i. 62): but in the age immediately preceding the Reformation, the episcopal appointments were for the most part in the hands of the Crown {Middle Age, p. 341, and n. 5). ^ See above, p. 329, n. 2. So infrequent were appeals to Rome before the time of king Stephen, that Heniy of Huntingdon makes the following statement (ifi.si. lib. viii. p. 395, Erancof. 1601) : 'Anno decimo sexto, Tedbaldus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus et apostolic^ sedis legatus tenuit coucihum generale apud Londoniam in media Quadragesima [1151J, ubi VIII.] and its relations to the Civil Power. 333 committees of divines who had been called together by a royal writ. In the election and confirmation of bishops, certain changes then effected in the statute-k w of England are worthy of especial notice. While canonical forms were seemingly retained with all their old precision, the ap- pointment of the English prelates was in reality transferred entirely to the crown. On the occasion of a vacancy, it was enacted in 1533, that the king might grant ^ to deans and chapters of cathedral churches a licence under the great seal, * as of old time hath been accustomed,' empow- ering them to proceed to an election in due form ; yet, on the other hand, this conge d'eslire was uniformly accom- panied by a letter missive'^ containing the name of the person whom alone they should elect ; their only option being either to obey the king, or incur 'the dangers, pains and penalties of the estatute of Provision and Prae- munire '^ The fact of such election was then to be sisf- nified to the archbishop of the province by means of * letters patents,' requiring and commanding him to confirm'* the choice that had been made, and to invest^ and consecrate the person so elected to his future office, and 'to give and use to him all such benedictions, ceremonies, and other things requisite for the same, without any suing, procuring. rex Steplianus et filius siius Eustachius et Angliae proceres interfuerunt, totumque illud concilium novis appellationibus infreiuluit. In Anglia namque appellationes in usu non erant, donee eas Henricns "NYintoni- ensis, dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter iutrusit. In eodem namque concilio ad Komani pontificis audientiam ter appellatus est.' 1 Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 20. § 4. 2 The language is of this kind : * We have been pleased, by these our letters patents, to name, and recommend him unto you, to be elected and chosen : ' of. Stephens, Ibid. p. 155, u. 4. 3 Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 20, § 7. 4 Among the various instruments exhibited in the process of con- firmation (Stephens, p. 157, n. 2), one is a ' Citatio contra oj^positores ' by which the archbishop notifies the day of confirmation, and cites ' omnes et singulos oppositores (si qui sint) in specie, alioquin in genere qui contra dictam electionem, formam ejusdem, personamve in hac parte electam, dicere, objicere, excipere, vel opponere voluerint:' proceeding as before on the hypothesis that the election was bona fide. 5 Ibid. § 5. The act of investiture had formerly been a fruitful source of revenue to the popes, who had received out of England 'in the forty years last past, an hundred and sixty thousand pound sterling... an incre- dible sum.' Twysden, Vindication^ p. 112, Camb. 1847. ENGLISH COM- MUNION. Aj'>point- vieiit t>f bishops. OJ 4 Constitution of the Church [chap. ENGLISU COM- MUNIOX. CaU'Vq of CquiicHs. and obtaining, any bulls, letters, or other things, from the see of Rome, for the same in any behalf.' On the accession of king Edward VI., a further change was made in reference to the same weighty matters. TIkj appointment of bishops was, by act of parliament, confided absolutely to the crown\ upon a plea that the capitular elections *be in very deed no elections, but only by a writ of conge d'eslire, have colours, shadows, or pretences of elections, serving, nevertheless, to no purpose, and seeming also derogatory and prejudicial to the king's prerogative royal.' By this measure, the English usage was entirely assimilated to the German of the tenth century, and the Erench of the sixteenth ; the higher patronage of the Church relapsing altogether by an overt act of the legisla- ture to the hands of the civil power. This right of colla- tion was, however, nominally relinquished in the reign of Mary*, and with reference to England, queen Elizabeth made no effort to revive and re-establish the enactment of her brother, so that the statute of 1533 continues to deter- mine the practice of the English Church in the election of her bishops ^ Another point on which the civil and ecclesiastical authorities had always been divided, w^as the right of con- vening synods, and the operation of the laws and canons there enacted and promulged. In England, it had long been customary for individual bishops to meet in synod with the clergy of their dioceses, and for archbishops to convoke provincial councils at their pleasure; while the king himself, could by writ direct the clergy of the two provinces to meet in their separate convocations, or sum- 1 Stat. 1 Edw. VI. c. 2. *It hath been supposed by some, that the principal intent of this act was, to make deans and chapters less neces- sary, and thereby to prepare the way for a dissolution of them.' Burn, in Stephens, as before, p. 294, n. 1. 2 Stat. 1 Mar. Sess. ii. c. 2. The whole of the act 25 Hen. VIII. c. 2 ), was also repealed by 1 and 2 Phil, and Mary, c. 8 ; but being expressly revived by 1 Eliz. c. 1, s. 7, it re-established the method of election and confirmation, and indirectly repealed 1 Edw. VI. c. 2. In the case of Ireland, it is very remarkable that the Stat. 2 Eliz. c. 4 [Ireland] re- enacts for that country the English Stat. 1 Edw. VI. c. 2, thus abolishing the cong^ d'eslire, with the avowal, that to the crown ' appertaineth the collation and gift of all archbishopricks and bishopricks and suffragan bishops within this her highness' realm : ' Stephens, i. 401. 3 Cf. Carte, Hist, of England, iii. 215, 216. yiil] and its relations to the Civil Power mon the representatives of the spiritualty to parliament through the writs addressed to the several diocesans ; the latter custom had however been long disused^ In 1533 important modifications were introduced into the system of the Church with reference to these questions. Dio- cesan synods, it is true, remained exactly on their ancient footing'* ; but it was declared that the ' Convocations ' of the Clergy 'is, always hath been, and ought to be assembled only by the king's writ ;' that is, they were no longer permitted^ to meet and legislate until the metro- politan who sunnnoned them was armed with a specific authority from the crown ; while legal force was given to none of their constitutions, in foro exteriori, until a second, or confirmatory, licence was obtained from the same quarter. Notwithstanding, it is manifest, from the whole course of procedure in the Reformation-movement, that enactments of this kind were never intended* to super- sede the councils of the Church, nor to transfer the riijht of judging, in religious controversies, to the secular tri- bunals. The object of that policy was to draw men's thoughts completely from the see of Rome, to satisfy the monarch that the English clergy were more than ' half his subjects,' and to establish the competency of domestic judi- catures, in spiritual as in temporal matters^. Accordingly, 1 See above, p. 177, n. 3. 2 The following is the recommendation of the Reformatio Legum (' De Ecclesia et Miuistris ejus,' c. xix.) with reference to them : ' Quilibet episcopus in sua dioecesi habeat synodum, in qua cum suis presbyteris, jjarochis, yicariis et clericis, de his agat rebus qute jiro tempore vel con- stituenda sunt vel emendanda. Etenim aptissima proi'tcto medicina synodus est ad castigandam negligentiam, et toUendos errores, qui sub- inde in ecclesiis per diabolum et malos homines disseminantur ; fietque ut per hujusmodi synodos conjunctio et charitas inter episcopum et cle- rum augeatur et servetur.' ^ Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19. * One of the best proofs is in the Tteformatio Legum, as before, c. xviii. : ' Si contigerit in Eccles^ia gravem aliqusmdo exoriri causani, qu;B sine multorum consilio episcoporum baud facile possit finiri, tum archiepiscopus, ad cujus proviuciam ea causa pertinet, suos ei)iscopos ad proviuciale concilium evocabit Verum concilia hiec i:)rovincialia sine nostra voluntate ac jussu nunquam convocentur.' s The clearest proofs of this are furnished by the well-known pre- amble to Stat. '21 Hen. VIII. c. 12 ('For the restraint of Appeals'): cf. above, p. 7. In the Necessary Doctrine (or King's Book), the sovereign professes to act 'with the advice of our clergy' {Formularies of Faith, Oxf. 1825, p. 215), 'which doctrine also,' he adds (p. 210), 'the lords both spiritual and temporal, Nvith the nether house of our parliament. ENGLISH COM- MUXIOX. ' Convoca- tions.^ 33^ Coiistitution of the Church [chap. when tlie papal yoke was utterly broken off, with their own formal co-operation, there was no jealousy expressed with reference to the action of the church-legislature, and no disposition to invoke the help of other than ecclesiastics in deciding questions of Christian doctrine. The first series of Articles^ drawn up to establish unity, and to avoid con- tentious opinions, was submitted to the southern convoca- tion, and also carried with it the formal sanction of the northern prelates. And when, in 1540, it was thought desirable to compile a book''' containing the 'principal articles and points of our faith, with the declaration of other expedient points, and also for the lawful rites and ceremonies and observations of God's service within this realm,' the work was to be executed by ' the archbishops and sundry bishops of both provinces, and also a great number of the best learned, honestest, and most virtuous sort of the doctors of divinity.' Directions for the purging and remodelling of the ancient service-books^ proceeded have both seen and like very well.' And in the Institution of a Christian Man (Ibid, pp. 107 sq.), where the subject of episcopal authority is dis- cussed, one branch of tlie jurisdiction committed to ecclesiastics (priests and bishops) , ' by the authority of God's law, is to make and ordain cer- tain rules or canons concerning holy days, fasting days, the manner and ceremonies to be used in the ministration of the sacraments, the manner of singing the psalms and spiritual hymns (as St Paul calleth them), the diversity of degrees among the ministers, and the form and manner of their ornaments, and finally concerning such other rites, ceremonies and observances as do tend and conduce to the preservation of quietness and decent order, to be had and used among the people when they shall be assembled together in the temple : ' p. 110. So long as the Church ' was subject to infidel princes,' it is said that 'constitutions and canons' were enacted by bishops and councils ' with the consent of the people.' * Inso- much that kings and princes, after they had once received the faith of Christ, and were baptized, considering the same to tend to the further- ance of Christ's religion, did not only approve the said canons, then made by the Church, but did also enact and make new laws of their own, concerning the good order of the Church, and furthermore did also con- strain their subjects, by corporal pain and punishment, to observe the same ' {Ibid, p, 113). And then follows a clear distinction between the powers and privileges granted to ecclesiastics by the civil ruler, and what is transmitted to them by ' the authority of God and His Gospel.' 1 Above, pp. 182, 183. 2 See Stat. 32 Hen. VIII. c. 26. Twysden, who draws attention to this act {Vindication, p. 138), and also to the language of Stat. 2 and 3 Edw. VI. c. 1, with reference to the Liturgy, concludes that ' the King, in composing this book, did not assume to himself, or the parliament attribute unto him, any other than assembling of the bishops and other learned men together, to take their consultations.' 3 Above, p. 190, n. 2. VIII.] and its relations to the Civil Power. 337 from the southern convocation, with the acquiescence of the crown. To this body the work was finally submitted for their approbation \ The Articles of Religion were, in like manner, authorized, and afterwards revised by them^, and therefore the document was entitled, 'Articles, whereupon it was agreed by the archbishops ayid bishops of both j)'^^o- vinces, and the whole clergy, in the convocation:' while at the very opening of the seventeenth century, the principle of synodal action was re-affirmed in the most emphatic manner. The 139th of the canons of 1603, which form the standard of ecclesiastical law in dealing w^ith all persons over whom the church-courts exercise their ancient juris- diction, determines, under a penalty of excommunication, that the sacred synod of this country, 'in the name of Christ and by the king's authority assembled, is the true Church of England by representation ;' and the last canon strongly censures all 'depravers of the synod' as then congregated ^ The practical working of the Church of England, though affected in no very sensible degree by other modi- fications, Avas severely crippled and retarded at the Re- formation by the loss of her chief revenues. That the hierarchical element in the state had for some years been threatening to wax predominant*, and that a reduction of 1 Above, p. 196, n. 3: cf. p. 205. '^ Above, pp. 214, 229, 237, n. 4. To archbishop Parker the Church is indebted for the Forma sive descriptio Coiiiwcatiouin cclebrandcc, which still regulates the proceedings of the southern convocation. He has also left us some account of the clergy assembled in the 'convocation-societies' (Corre.'ijyond. p. 173, ed. P. S.) : 'I see some of them to be 2^ ^m rimarum, hac atque iliac ejlaunt, althongh. indeed the Queen's majesty may have good cause to Ibe well contented with her choice of the most of them,' etc. He then adds, ' though we have done amongst ourselves little in our own cause, yet I assure you our mutual conferences have taught us such experiences, that I trust we shall all be the better in governance fur hereafter.' The letter is addressed to Cecil, and dated April li, 15 oS. •* See Homilies, dc, p. 684, Camb. 1850. ** 'When the clergy in a kingdom are really (and not iipon the feigned pretences of sacrilegious persons) grown to that excessive grandeur, that they quite overbalance the laity, and leave the commonwealth neither sufiicicnt men nor suflicient means to maintain itself ; it is lawful by prudent laws to restrain their further growth, as our ancestors and all the nations of Europe have done, by prohibiting new foundations of religious houses, and the alienation of lands to the Church, without special licence... But eradication, to pluck up good institutions root and branch, is not reformation, which, we profess, but destruction.' Bramhall, ENGLISH COMMU- NIOX, Conji ora- tion of cJiurrh- 'proijertjj. R. P. 22 33S Constitution of the Church [chap. ENGLISH COMMU- NION. A ppropri- ations and i in2'>ropria- t'lons. its influence might be found expedient and desirable, is stipgested by the fact, that, during the reign of Henry YIL, the spiritual members of the house of peers outnumbered the lay-lords : while a very considerable proportion of the landed property had passed into the hands of ecclesias- tics, or at least of them and of monastic establishments. When, therefore, the cupidity of an English monarch prompted him to spoil the latter by confiscating the pos- sessioDs of religious houses \ the policy of the court not only satisfied the anti-papal spirit of the times, but tended to restore a somewhat juster balance in the general distri- bution of property. Henry, it is true, professed his wil- lingness to give the Church a fair equivalent, by appro- priating some at least of the monastic endowments to the founding of new bishoprics^, and so augmenting the pro- portion of the lords spiritual. This and other kindred pro- jects were urged upon his notice by some of his ' reforming' council : but the splendid scheme which had been devised was most inadequately carried out. A public benefit was saciificed to his extravagance, or the aggrandizement of needy favourites who assisted in the work of spoliation. It should not, however, be forgotten, that the enormities thus perpetrated by Henry VIII. w^ere, in a large degree, retributive. The monastic institutions of this country fat- tened on the propert}^ of clerics : they had frequently ob- tained permission either from the lords of the manor, from the crown, the bishops, or the court of Rome, to appro- priate^, and attach to their own society, the tithes of the parochial benefices, on the understanding that they made themselves responsible for the due performance of all pas- Just Vindication, Disc. ii. : Works, i. 119, Oxf. 1842 : cf. Twj'sden, Vindic. pp. 2—5, Camb. cd. \^ itli the monastic establishments, the vagrancy and beggary produced must have been enormous. - Above, p. 186, n. 1. 3 The theory, however, that the Norman Conquest was the occasion on which tithes were taken from the parochial Saxon clergy and given to the Norman monks (notes in Stephens on Stat. 15 Kic. II. c, 6; and 4 Hen. IV. c. 12) is quite untenable: for at that date tithes were not universally secured to the parochial clergy, nor was the custom of appropriation largely introduced before the reign of Stephen. See Johnson's Canons, ii. 41, 89, i'c. VIIT.] and its relations to the Civil Power toral functions. For this purpose, one of their own body, or, more commonly, a secular priest (' vicarius'), was en- trusted with the supervision of such parishes, receiving for his stipend only a fraction of the revenues, and too often manifesting a proportionate inattention to the poor as well as to the offices of worship. At the Reformation, all rectorial tithes which had been thus 'appropriated' to religious houses (male and female also) were, under the name of ' impropriations V entirely diverted from the parish, and bestowed upon the courtiers of Henry VIII., who treated them like other pieces of secular property. Yet, as alienations of the former class were by no means limited to England, so neither can the second be regarded as legitimate consequences of the English Reformation. 339 ENGLISH COMMU- NION. SAXON COMMUNION. In all those branches of the Church we have been just J^iference considerino^, it was commonly believed that the spiritual f^^'^^^J'^'^<^ authority connded to ecclesiastics had originated m the andforeiga Apostolic age, and been transmitted to them by Christ Jieformers. Himself through an unbroken series of ordainers. The pastors were thus held to be invested with a sacred charac- ter, which entitled them to special deference, and which made them independent of their flocks. But, on the con- tinent, the modes of thought were often widely different. The ultimate power of calling and ordaining was there vested in the church collective, so that ministers became the organs and representatives of the whole body, acting in its name, as well as for its benefit. In other words, as all the faithful are true priests, the nomination of particular teachers is merely to avoid disorder, and implies in the minister no more than a conventional authority depend- ing on the will of the congregation. But this principle, avowed in most emphatic terms by Luther*, and by Zvvingli also, at the outset of their ^ See Kennett's Case of Impropriations, and the augmentation of vicarages, cCx. Lond., 1704. 2 Above, p. 31 : see also Lut]t('r\^ Lelire von dcr Kirehe, by Julius Kostlin, Stuttgart, 1853, where a chapter (^ 4) is devoted to the relation of the 'universal priesthood' to the oiiice of preaching. One of Luther's special writings on the subject appeared in 1523, with the title De in- 22—2 Constitution of the Church [chap. labours^, was considerably modified in course of time, and as experience inculcated on its authors the necessity of curb- ing the extravagances of the individual spiiit'^ and sug- o-ested that the faithful were not so tauccht of God as to be ripe for their ideal constitution. Hence, in Saxony itself, as early as the Visitation of 1527, measures were adopted for securing to the Lutheran body a compact and sys- tematic organization of its own. In that country, and indeed all others, where the civil power was found pro- pitious to the Reformation, a close alliance was cemented between it and the ' new learning ,3 » Pastors were accord- stituendis 3flnistrts Ecclcsice (addressed to the senate of Prague, as a dissuasive against 'papistical orders'): 0pp. ii. fol. 545 sq. Jenro, 1000. Luther there distinguishes clearly between the universal right to teach, and the universal exercise of the right : affirming that authority for tliat purpose is conveyed only to one class of Christians, 'qui vice et nomino omnium, qui idem juris habent, exequatur officia ista publice, ne turpis sit confusio in populo Dei, et Babjdon quaedam fiat in ecclesia, sed omnia secundum ordinem fiant' (fol. 553, a). In the same manner he frequent- ly declared that some outward 'call' is necessary to the assumption of public ministrations. That call of God, however, might be formally made either through the senior members of the church, through the secular, or the ecclesiastical authorities (see Kiistlin, p. 74), but in every case it amounted only to the delegation of an individual possessing the very same inherent rights which are diffused in the whole community : cf . Mohler, SymhoUk, ii. 91 sq. 1 E. g. in the Architeles (as above, p. 104, n. 3), he writes, 'Nonunius esse videtis aut alterius de Scriptui'se locis pronunciare, sed omnium qui Christo credunt.' ^ There can be little doubt that many of the Anabaptists, as well as some preachers who excited the Peasants' War, had been themselves stimulated by the theories of the continental Eeformers respecting the nature of the ministerial office : above, pp. 36 — 38. The turning-point in Luther's own mind seems to have been his reappearance at Wittenberg in 152'i. In the following year, when writing to the Bohemians (as above, p. 339, n. 2), he had matured his plans for the providing of ministers where episcopal ordination was impossible or undesirable: 'Convocatis et convenientibus libere quorum corda Deus tetigerit, ut vobiscum idem sentiant et sapiant, procedatis in nomine Domini et eligite quern et quos volueritis, qui digni et idonei visi fuerint. Tum impositis super eos manibus iilorum qui potiores inter vos fuerint, confirmetis et commen- detis eos populo et ecclesias seu universitati, sintque hoe ipso vestri episcopi, ministri seu pastores. Amen : ' 0pp. ii. fol. 554 b. At Witten- berg, in May, 1525, the Lutherans determined to give ordination them- selves, Melanchthon justifying this, on the ground that the bishops neglected their duties : Eanke, Rrf. ii. 266. =* 'If,' says llanke {Ibid. ii. 488, 489), 'these ideas, which we may describe as ecclesiasti'i-ally democratic, afterwards triumphed in other countries, it was because the new church rose in opposition to the civil power; its real root and strength were in the lower classes of the people. But it was far otherwise in Germany. The new churches were founded viil] and its relations to the Civil Poiuer. ingly placed in all the parishes of Saxony ; over each small group of these, a 'superintendent^' was appointed, either on the election of his brother-ministers, or by the nomination of the civil power : while judicial functions, and the privi- lege of general direction in church-matters, were confided to a consistory^, which, in Wittenberg itself, was composed of eiglit members, two being professed theologians, and two doctors of law. The enactment of like measures, in otlier parts of northern Europe, gave the Lutheran polity those special characteristics in which it differs from the system afterwards organized by Calvin at Geneva. Indeed, as soon as the first vehemence of the Saxon movement was expended, and the Wittenbergers had esta- blished their positions with regard to what they deemed the ultimate source of spiritual authority, they manifested less and less desire to raise the edifice of the Reformation on a purely democratic basisl It was then at least conceded under the protection, tlie immediate influence, of the reigning authorities, and its [? their] form was naturally determined by that circumstance.' ^ Tlie regulations respecting superintendents were made as early as the Saxon visitation of 1527, and were chiefly meant to furnish an organization analogous to that which obtained under the episcopal system. ^ SeeRichter's collection of Kirchenordnungen ; his G^.sc/i. der evangel. Kirchenverfassung in Deutschland, Leipzig, 1851, and Stahl's Kirchen- verfassung der Protestanten, Erlangen, 1840. These consistories were in fact reproductions of the old episcopal courts and synods. The earliest rose at Wittenberg itself in 1539, with limited powers, so as not to in- terfere with the Visitors who had been appointed to superintend the settlement of the Eeformation in Saxony. According to one of Luther's epistles (De Wette, v. 329) that consistory was to have reference 'ad eausas matrimoniales (quas hie ferre amplius nee volumus nee possumus) et ad rusticos cogendos in ordinem aliquem disciplinoe et ad persolvendos reditus pastoribus,' &c. But the ultimate constitution of the body was definitively arranged in 1542 (see the regulations in Richter's Kirchenord. I. 307 sq.),when it was entrusted with the guardianship of true doctrine, the arrangements of public worship, and the supervision of morals both of pastors and of congregations. ^ Thus while Melanchthon argues (in 1537) for the right of the laity to assist the presbyters in determining Christian doctrine, he limits the exercise of the right to those who are competent to form a judgment ('idoueos ad judicandum') ; and then proceeds to state his views more fully: 'Nee debet esse [i.e. ecclesia] brjuoKparia, qua promiscxie concedatur omnibus licentia vociferandi, et movendi dogmata, sed dpiaTOKpaTia sit, in qua ordine hi, qui prasunt, episcopi et reges communicent consilia, et eligant homines ad judicandum idoneos. Ex his satis intelligi potest, cognitionem de doctrina pertinere ad Ecclesiam, i. e. ad presbyteros et principes: sed principes, re cognita et judicata, jam custodes esse externoe disciplinffi, et executores sententiie synodi.' Opp. ed. Bretschn. in. 468, Constitution of the Church [chap. everywhere that some order of ministers was necessary to the being, growth and conservation of the Church, not only for the sake of concord and decorum, but to drive the 'doctrine of the Scriptures into the hearts of men, that so present and future generations may be replenished with itV Nor can any of the Saxon leaders be convicted of utter- mcr violent theories in reference to the temporalities of the Church. Luther uniformly and emphatically opposed the secidarization of monastic property^, on the ground that it had been originally dedicated to God for the support of public worship, and that piety forbade tlie alienation of it from that object. He pleaded also for the augmentation of poor benefices, by transferring to them a j^ortion of the funds derived from richer parishes. All modifications of this kind he was desirous of entrusting to the secular magistrate, one of whose duties, he declared, is the protection of the Church from every species of rapacity, as well as from erroneous teaching and superstitious practices. Yet, in return for such general patronage and protection, the Wittenbergers never dreamt of placing themselves under the absolute guidance and dic- tation of the civil power in spiritual matters. They drew the sharpest possible distinction^ between the secular and ecclesiastical administrations, averred that the same person ought not to be at once a bishop and a prince, and even went so far as to maintain that one of the fundamental errors of the papacy was the amalgamation of temporal and spiritual offices. Still, the lack of ancient precedents in vindication of the orders and ]30sition of the Lutheran pas- 470. A few years later the riglit of congregations to elect their own pastors was practically denied, but they were still permitted to exercise a veto where the appointment of the patron was distasteful to them: Ibid. IV, 544. 1 Ranke, Rcf. ii. 495. 2 Ibid. II. 500; in. 519, 520: cf. also Bucer's Scripta Duo Adversaria, p. 253, Argentor, 1544. 3 Thus Luther writes to Melanchthon (July 21, 1530; De Wette, iv. 105): 'Primum cum certum sit, duas istas administrationes esse dis- tinctas et diversas, nempe ecclesiasticam et politicam, quas mire con- f udit et miscuit Satan per papatum ; nobis hie acriter vigilandum est, nee committendum, ut denuo conf undantur : ' see the formal statement to which this letter has reference in the Conf ess io Aug us tana, Part ii. Art. vii. VIII.] and its relations to the Civil Power. 343 tors, and, most of all, those trying circumstances under which the great religious peace^ was ultimately confirmed at Augsburg in IdjS, seriously facilitated the encroach- ments of princes^ in the petty states of Germany ; so that while, in some particulars, the civil magistrate did no more than regain his rightful jurisdiction^ he in others not unfrequently usurped ecclesiastical powers and privi- leges that were originally confided to the church-autho- rities, especially to the bishops. Both Melanchthon and Luther had foreseen this evil, as among the possible developments of the constitution they had given to the reformed community. They were con- scious that a gap existed, yet had no power to fill it up. The former expressed himself with peculiar warmth on this subject* as early as 1530, and repeatedly signified his 1 Above, p. 65. Hence arose the saying, 'Ciijusest regio, illius est religio.' ^ It is interesting to observe the way in -which Melanchthon, as early as 1540, justified the nomination of pastors by the secular magistrate. He says that bishops were always called and elected in the primitive Church 'per populum, i.e. honestissimos homines in singulis ordinibus:' and then adds : ' Sic nunc vocantur ministri in nostris ecclesiis vel per principes, vel per senatum in rebuspublicis. Et est pia et justa vocatio. Princeps et Senatores dupliciter habent jus vocandi: primum quia pras- sunt, et vult Deus gubernatores curare ministerium Evangelii: delude quia sunt praacipua membra ecclesiae.' 2 Gerhard {Loci Theologici, 'De Ministerio Ecclesiastico,' § 112) maintained, however, in reference to this subject, that the aBsumptiou of episcopal rights had been in practice considerably moderated : ' Tamen exercitium eorum ita temperant, ut qufedam capita ipsimet non adtin- gant, sed Ecclesias ministris relinquant, utpote prffidicationem Verbi et sacramentorum administrationem, potestatem clavium, examen eligen- dorum ministrorum, eorum ordinationem etc. ; qucnedam per Consisto- riales et Superintendentes peragunt, utpote ecclesiarum visitationem, causarum ecclesiasticarum, ad quas etiam matrimoniales spectant, diju- dicationem etc.; quaedam sil)i soils immediate reservent, utpote con-ti- tutionum ecclesiasticarum promulgationem, synodorum convocationem etc. ; qusedam denique cum consensu Ecclesiag administrent, utpote elec- tionem et vocationem ministrorum.' ^ In writing to Camerarius, Aug. 31, 1530, at a time when tbe hostile Confessions approximated closely to each other (cf. above, p. 5-4, n. 5), he says: ' Quanquara, ut ego quod sentio dicam, utinam, utinam possim non quidem dominationem confirmare, sed administrationem resti- tuere episcoporum. Video enim, qualem simus habituri ecclesiam, dissoluta TroXirei'a ecclesiastica. Video postea multo intolerabiliorem futuram tyranuidem, quani antea unquani fuit:' 0pp. ii. 334. Luther often expressed himself to the same effect in the closing years of his life: e.g. 'Satan pergit esse Satan. Sub papa miscuit Ecclesiam politia^; sub nostro tempore vult miscere politiam Ecclesias' (De Wette, v. 596). SAXON COMMU- NION. Lulheravs dmatisfed ivith their orr/aniza- tion. ;44 Constitution of the Church [chap. SAXON COMMU- NION. Cli nrch constitution in Den- mark ; readiness to adopt^ an episcopal organization, nay, even to accept the papacy as a human institution, provided the members of the hierarchy would consent to a reform of the erroneous doctrines then prevailing in the Church. He felt^ that institutions which came down with the sanction of the Fathers were established with a pious object, and having proved, in early times, most serviceable to the cause of Christianity, ought not to be abandoned, except for very urgent reasons. But beyond this point Melanchthon was unwilling to proceed : while others, in the second genera- tion of Lutheran ism, were inclined to reject episcopacy altogether, as synonymous with si^iritual domination, and betrayed considerable impatience even of the consistorial authority ^ The form, however, which the church-constitution of Saxony presented on the appointment of superintendents had rendered it more capable of accommodation to the wants of countries where the bishops were not adverse to the Lutheran movement. Of this we saw examples in Brandenburg, and Prussia, in some parts of which episco- pacy lingered until 1587. On the other hand, it was vio- lently suppressed in Denmark as early as 1536, the king ^ See above, p. 57, n. 2, and Seckendorf, Lib. iii, p. 258, 2 ' Hac de re in hoc conventu [/. e. at Augsburg] saepe testati sumus, nos summa voluntate cupere conservare politiam ecclesiasticam, et gradus in ecclesia factos etiam humana auctoritate. Scimus enim bono et utili consilio a Patribus ecclesiasticam disciplinam hoc modo, ut veteres canones describunt, constitutam esse. . , , Porro hie iterum volumus tes- tatum, nos libenter conservaturos esse ecclesiasticam et cauonicam politiam, si modo episcopi desinant in nostras ecclesias s£evire (' so die i^ischofe unser Lehre dulden und unsere Priester annehmen wollten ') : Apologia Confess. Cap. vii. Art. xiv, § 23 — § 27. Writing to Camerarius (Sept. 4, 1530: Ojjp. n. 3-41), Melanchthon speaks again both for himself and Luther, and urges that they had no desire to abolish episcopacy : ' Semper ita sensit ipse Lutherus, quem nulla de causa quidam, ut video, amant, nisi quia beneficio ejus sentiunt se episcopos excussisse, et adei^tos libertatem minime utilem ad posteritatem, Qualis enim cedo futurus est status ad posteros in ecclesiis, si omnes veteres mores sint aboliti, si nulli certi sint prsesides ?' 2 Thus the Flacianists, or anti-Melanchthon party, complain in 1561 of various encroachments on the liberty of individual ministers and members. Flacius apprehends on the one side the establishment of an imperial papacy (' ein kaiserlich Papstthum'), and on the other de- nounces the assumptions of the consistories, who had begun to cripple the action even of the superintendents : ' Pra^cipitatur religio et ecclesia in extremum periculum tyrannidis paucorum Consistorialium ' (quoted in Gieseler, in. ii. p. 374, n. 30, ed. Bonn). VIIT.] and its relations to ths Cloil Poivsr. 345 and his reforming council then, as it would seem, arriving at a strong conviction^ that the words 'bishops' and 'pres- byters ' are interchangeable in Holy Scripture, and imply no more than preachers and ministers of the Word. Tausen accordingly began to ordain'"^ such ministers; and the government established at Wittenberg was eventually introduced with little or no opposition ; the Danish super- intendents, though nominally elected, being, in fact, ap- pointed by the sovereign ^ In Sweden, on the contrary, the old episcopal arrange- ments have been all perpetuated. The royal authority ap- pears to have been exerted there as absolutely as in the neighbouring state of Denmark'*; and Gustavus Vasa, while plundering churches on the one side, and repressing the more zealous of the Lutheran prelates on the other, threat- ened, in 1539, to constitute the Swedish Church entirely on the presbyterian model. He refused, at the same co*n- juncture, to designate the bishops according to their ancient titles. But the brief reaction that arose in favour of Medisevalism, and shewed itself especially in the liturgic zeal of a succeeding monarch, re-established for a while the ancient services, and aided in maintaining an epi- scopal succession that has still its centre in the archbishop of Upsala\ But while Lutheranism was, in the north of Euroj^e, proved to be compatible with ancient hierarchical ideas, it had been presented in a very different shape to one im- portant district of Middle Germany. Philip, landgrave of Hessen, acting on the advice of Francis Lambert, a native of Avignon, convoked a synod at Homburg as early as 1526, in order that, as no more general settlement of the controversy could be obtained, he might determine the future constitution of the Church in his own principality*^. Starting from the ground that all genuine Christians are ^ 'Veri episcopi sive presbj'teri, quas voces sunt prorsus s^monjma?, nihil aliucl sunt quam concionatores et Verbi diviui puri ministri:' see the Articles of lo60 in Milnter, Kirchcngcsch. von Diincinark, iii. 315, Leipzig, 1833. ■■^ Ibid. III. 203—265. 3 Ibid. III. 503. "* Geijer, Hist, of the Sivedes, pp. 125 sq. 5 See above, p. 79, n. 7, and the authorities there cited. 6 Cf. above, p. -19, n. 1. SAXON COMMU- NION. ill Sweden ; and in Hessen. Constitution of the Church [chap. sharers in a common priesthood, and as such are authorized by the Word of God to sit in judgment on articles of faith, as well as on the public ritual, this meeting had pro- ceeded to frame a system of belief and practice for itself on purely democratic principles. They retained the name of ' bishops/ it is true, but only in the general sense of minister and overseer \ They voted that each congrega- tion should in future elect, and also, if necessary, should depose^ its own ' bishop,' because the privilege and duty of judging the 'voice of pastors' appertained to the commu- nity. They invited all persons who were disquieted in conscience, to come and unburden their grief either to the ' bishop,' or to any pious and discreet member of the congre- gation^, that from such they might obtain the comfort of God's holy Word. The right of excommunicating and absolving'^ they affirmed to be inherent in every saint, who has enrolled his name in the congregation, and submitted to its rules. They prohibited the study of canon-law^ at the Hessian university of Marburg. They made provision for the founding of town and village-schools, in which the Bible should be read twice every day^. In each year it was determined that all congregations, represented by the 'bishop' and lay-deputies, should assemble in general synod, to hear complaints and to unravel difficulties : while three visitors were to be chosen at the same time who might perambulate the country, for the sake of ascertaining 1 ' Prfpmonemiis autem, ne quis putet nos per episcopos alios intelli- gere qiiam ministros Verbi Dei: sic enim ab apostolis quorum cloctrinam sequimur Yocati sunt.' Reform. Eccl. Hassice, p. 3, eJ. Credner, Giessen, 1852. ^ Ibid. p. 36, ' quod ad earn spectet judicare de voce pastorum.' 3 This confession was meant to precede communion : ' si desolutas sunt eorum conscientite, laudamus et consulimus, ut adeant episcopum, vel illius adjutorem, aut aliquem ex piis doctisque fratribus, confitentes peccatum suum, et audituri ab eis Verbum sanctum:' Ibid. p. 5. 4 The administration of cburcli-discipline iiad presented great diffi- culties to tbe early Reformers, so that Luther in 1543 was favourable to the plan here adopted, viz. for the sentence to proceed from a vote of the congregation. Thus he writes to a friend in ducal Saxony (De Wette, V. 551): 'Placet exemplum Hassiacas excommunicationis : si idem po- tueritis statuere, optime facietis. Sed Centauri et Harpyias aulic® ffigre ferent.' Ultimately, however, the sentence of excommunication pro- ceeded from the consistories. ^ Reform. Eccl. Hassice, p. 43. 6 Ibid. pp. 43, 44. VIII.] and its relations to the Civil Power. 347 the condition of tlie Church, and transmitting a report to the next synod \ With regard to the qualifications of the ministers, it was ruled that any citizen of irreproachable life and competent learning might be selected without regard to his profession or employment'^ Thus, an extra- ordinary measure of self-government in the several congre- gations, a vigilant supervision of the whole body, and a rigorous code of discipline, were some of the more remark- able features in this novel constitution. SWISS COMMUNION. The same ideas were more fully carried out in those communities who followed in the steps of Calvin, or were organized under his own immediate superintendence: the chief difference in their practical effects arising from the circumstance that, in Hessen, the civil power w^as always favourable to the Reformation, while in those countries, where the polity of the Church had followed purely Cal- vinistic or Genevan models, either the civil rulers and nobility had been utterly opposed to the religious agitation, or else the previous state of feeling had been adverse to monarchical forms of government. In the case of ZUrich and the other German-speaking cantons of Switzerland, Zwino-li's aim was to encrraft the institutions of his new Church on the pre-existing republicanism ^ He started from the ground, that sovereignty, in spiritual as in tem- jjoral matters, is vested in the civic authorities of each community ('gemeinde'), and that all which Holy Scrip- ture teaches of the Church is predicable of small societies like it. From this community, as represented in the Grand Council, is derived the power to minister in sacred things; for Zwingii was soon driven by the rise of Auabaptism to 1 See Eanke's remarks, Ref. ii. 487, 488, where he adds : ' The ideas are the same on whicli the French, Scotch, and American (?) churches were afterwards founded, and indeed on which the existence and the de- velopment of North America may truly be said to rest.' 2 ' Cives pii et docti ac irreprehensibiles, cujuscunque ar.tis sint, in episcopos tlipi possunt. ' llcf. Eccl. Hass. p. 38. ' See Lavater, De ritihiis et institutis Eccl. Tipiirince, 1559, and Ranke, Ecf- m. 79, 80. The second of these writers draws attention (p. 77) to the early intercourse which took place between Zwingii and Lambert, the founder of the Hessian polity. SAXON COMMU- NION. Zwivgli's ideas on ch arch-or- ganization. 348 Constitution of the Chu7xh FCHAP. SWISS COMMU- NION. insist upon the absolute necessity of some external call\ Like others of the Reforming party, he argued in favour of each congregation electing its own minister: yet, in order to restrain plebeian and fanatic spirits, he would have the chief management, or initiative of such elections, commit- ted to persons of learning and experience; and the issue was, that a veto only remained in the hands of the populace. Hence the church-organization of Zurich, as regulated under the eye of Zwingli, was popular, without becoming absolutely democratic : it contained a blending of the old episcopal constitution^ or, more strictly speaking, elements akin to those of the Lutheran consistory, while professing to derive all power from the concurrence of the people. The character and position of its framer would alone suggest the inference, that he acted uniformly in correspondence with the secular authorities: indeed, the Church and State of Ziirich were, to his mind, nothing but two different aspects of the same institution^ ^ 0pp. II, fol, 52 sq. ed. Gualtlier. On fol. 53 b he proceeds to the question respecting the appointment of ministers. The freedom of elec- tion, he says, was lost dmdng the Middle Ages : ' Quis enim ignorat omnium fere ecclesiarum et pastorum electionem penes episcopos illos mitratos et fastu tm-gidos ?' Plebeian elections, however, seemed un- advisable, and he accordingly added (fol, 54 a) : ' Divinse ergo ordinationi et institutioni pristinae nihil perinde consentaneum videtur, quam si uni- versa fidelis alicujus populi ecclesia simul cum doctis aliquot piisque episcopis vel aliis yiris fidelibus et rerum peritis pastorem aliquem deligat ? ' 2 See Ebrard's eulogy of it, in Das Dogma vom lieil. AhendmaJil, ii. 63, note. Still it is indisputable that Zwingli had no wish to elevate the ministers above their flocks ; for he always denied to the former the right of excommunication, assigning that prerogative to the civil magistrate, as the organ by which the wishes of the community were carried into effect. Accordingly the church at large was considered as ultimately the excom- municator. CEcolampadius endeavoured to establish a different principle at Basel when he proposed to vest the power of excommunication in the ministers, but was forced to abandon his scheme soon afterwards (see Herzog, Das Leben Joli. QLcolampads, ii. 192 sq., Basel, 1843). At the close of his life, however, Zwingli had somewhat modified his ideas. He supposed, in 1530, that the civil magistracy might fail in its duties, and then the Church was at liberty to resume the right of excommunication : ' Ob aber die Oberkeiten ihr Amt nit thun weltind, alsdann mogind die gmeinen Kilcheu sich ihres Gwalts ouch gebruchen mit dem Bann, damit die Kilchen rein und ungeiirgeret bliebe:' quoted in Gieseler, iii. ii. p. 382, n. 42. ^ Thus, for example, he writes in his treatise De Eucharistia in 1525 {Ibid. p. 380, n. 39) : * Ita enim factum est, ut quicquid Diacosii [the Grand Council of the canton] cum Verbi ministris ordinarent, jam dudum in auimis fidelium ordinatum esset. Denique Senatum Diacosiorum viil] and its relations to the Civil Power. 349 An opposite tendency, however, shewed itself ere long ill that part of Switzerland where Calvin's influence grew predominant. If fully and consistently carried out, his prin- ciples would have resulted in the establishment of a Theo- cracy, or w^ould, at least, have elevated^ the spiritual above the secular magistrate; for, while accepting the protection of the latter, Calvinism denied his right to intermeddle other- wise in the administration of church-affairs. The novel insti- tutions of Geneva were cradled in the midst of revolution: anarchy prevailed in every quarter of the new republic; and the relaxation of morals, especially in the chief town and its vicinity, had reached a fearful and flagitious height. It was under these circumstances^ that Calvin entered on the w^ork of Reformation. He laboured to produce in men a deeper reverence for religious acts and persons, to make them conscious of the mystic union that subsists among all true believers, and especially to invest the doctrine of the visible Church with new significance, on the ground that it is instituted, not as any mere conventional establishment, but for the traininsf and maturinof of human souls in faith and holiness^ The government of this Church, the guardian- ship and definition of its doctrines, and the administration of adivimus, ut Ecclesia} totius nomine, quod nsns postiilaret, fieri jnberent, quo tempestive omnia et cum decoro agerentur...Sic utimur Tiguri Dia- cosiorum Senatu, qua3 summa est potestas, Ecclesiae vice.' ^ The spirit of Calvinism in this single particular resembles that of Komauism, while the Lutheran, Zwinglian, and, to some extent, the Anglican polities, all savour of Byzantinism. In his Institutio, lib. iv. c. 11, § 4, Calvin writes as follows : ' Non magistratus, si pius est, exi- mere se volet coramuni tiliorum Dei subjectione, cujus non postrema pars est, Ecclesiie ex Verbo Dei judicanti se subjicere: tantum abest ut judicium illud toUere debeat. . . Imperator bonus intra Ecclesiam, non supra Ecclesiam est.' In the previous section he draws the sharpest distinction between ecclesiastical and civil power, but insists on the im- portance of their harmonious cooperation: 'Sic conjunct^ debent esse operjB, ut altera sit adjumento alteri, non impcdimento.' The Genevan reformers were thus the deadly enemies of Erastianism (see above, p. 828, n. 2): and indeed one of the first assailants of Erastus himself, was Calvin's colleague and successor, Theodore Beza, whose tract De vera ex- coinininiicatione ct Christuaio Frci^hi/terio aj^peared in 1590. ^ See Hooker's narrative, prefixed to the Ecclesiastical Polity : ' The reason,' he says, ' which moved Calvin herein to be so earnest, was, as Beza liimself testitieth, "For that ho saw how needful these bridles were, to put in the jaws of that city " ' (i. 138, ed. Keble). ^ Although Mohler thinks the Genevese reformers * inexhaustible in their own self-contradiction,' he does Calvin justice in this particular (i. 126, 127). SWISS COMMU- NION. Calvin and thcGencran poliii/. 350 Constitution of the Church [chap. corrective discipline, the Genevese reformer placed entirely in the hands of ministers, associated with certain lay-elders\ who were chosen to represent the various congregations. For them he claimed both legislative and judicial functions, on the ground that such functions had been exercised by the Church in primitive and apostolic times. The ministers in Calvin's system were nominally elected by the people'"^, and ordained by the presbytery I They were all of equal rank and jurisdiction, such equality being, as he contended, in strict accordance with the verdict of Holy Scripture, in which the officers of the Church, whom Christ designed to be perpetuaP, are all represented as occupying the same level, and invested with the same authority. The judgment of an assemblage of these pas- tors, or church-synod, was esteemed so highly^, that regular synodic action was of the very essence of the Cal- vinistic system. It was determined^, that the first judica- 1 ' Duo autem sunt [/, e. of church offices] quae perpetuo manent, gu- bernatio et cura pauperum. Gubernatores fuisse existimo seniores ex plebe delectos, qui censurse morum et exerceudre discipline una cum ei)iscopis prseessent.' Instit. lib. iv. c. 3, § 8. The care of the poor was entrusted to deacons {Ibid. § 9), who thus became permanent ' church- officers.' 2 After insisting on the requisite conditions in those who are to be either 'episcopi,' deacons, or lay-elders, he adds {Ibid. § 15): * Habemus ergo, esse hanc ex Verbo Dei legitimam ministri vocationem, ubi ex populi consensu et approbatione creantur qui visi fuerint idonei. Prae- esse autem electioni debere alios pastores, ne quid vel per levitatem, vel per mala studia, vel per tumultum a multitudine peccetur.' The practical result, however, was, that pastors were elected by their colleagues, the people retaining a veto : while the secular authority was allowed to inter- pose in their confirmation, and also deputed two of four commissioners, who inspected them and their proceedings every year. ^ Ordination was so important in Calvin's view as to become quasi- sacramental : ' Sacramenta duo instituta, quibus nunc Christiana Ec- clesia utitur. Loquor autem de iis, qute in usum totius ecclesiaB sunt instituta. Nam impositionem manuum, qua ecclesioB ministri in suum munus initiantur, ut non invittis patior vocari sacramcntum, ita inter ordinaria sacramenta non numero.' Ibid. lib. iv'. c. 14, § 20. 4 See his distinctions, Instit. lib. iv. c. 3, § 1. In § 8 he adds signi- ficantly : ' Cffiterum quod episcopos et presbyteros et pastores et ministros promiscue vocavi, qui Ecclesias regunt, id feci ex Scripturse usu, qure vocabula ista confundit: quicunque enim Verbi ministerio funguntur, iis titulum episcoporum tribuit.' s 'Nos certe libenter concedimus, si quo de dogmate incidat discep- tatio, nullum esse nee melius nee certius remedium, quam si verorum ej)iscoporum synodus conveniat, ubi controversum dogma excutiatm*.' Ibid. lib. IV. c. 9, § 13. 6 See the Ordcnnances ecclesinstiques de Veglise de Geneve (published in 1541) in Eichter's Kirchen-ordnungen, as before, i. 342 sq. yiil] and its relations to the Civil Power. 351 tory should consist of twelve lay-elders and six ministers, Calvin himself contriving always to occupy the presidential chair. To this body, known as the Consistory, was entrusted the direction of religious and moral life in the whole com- munity, together with the right of excommunication. Its proceedings, based on theocratic notions, most of which had been derived from the Old Testament, were uniformly characterized by great severity^; for Calvin, who was virtu- ally the head and spirit of the whole system, determined, above all things, to restore the ancient discipline of the Cliurch, and in particular to exclude notorious sinners from that service which he held to be the crowning act of evangelic worship, — the reception of the Eucharist. The unrelenting sternness of his administration led, as we have seen"'*, to his temporary banishment; and, on his return, he had to struggle with a multitude of 'Libertines,' who were continually goaded and embarrassed by the heavy yoke which he imposed. One section of them at- tempted to carry an appeal from the decisions of the Consistory to the council of Two Hundred, in which the temporal supremacy was lodged. But Calvin had suffi- cient influence to repress these outbreaks of rebellion. He contended that, in spiritual things, the Council was it- self amenable to the Word of Christ, and that His Word was most authoritatively interpreted by members of the consistorial synod ^. The ascendancy obtained by this 1 See for example. Dyer's Life of Calvin, pp. 144 sq. Eanke [Civil Wars, dtc. in France, i. 217, 218) gives the following summary : ' The strongest fetters of discipline were laid upon outward conduct; the ex- penses of clothing and of the table were confined within certain limits ; dancing was prohibited, and the reading of certain books, such as Amadis, forbidden ; gamblers were seen in the pillory with the cards in their hands. Once a year an examination took place in every house, to ascer- tain whether the religious precepts were known and observed; mutual imputations of failings, which the members of the council observed in one another, were permitted at their sittings. No indulgence was known for transgression: a woman was burnt for having sung immodest songs ; one of the most distinguislied of the citizens was compelled to kneel in the great square, with an inverted torch in his Inmd, and publicly to entreat forgiveness, because he had mocked the dt)ctrine of salvation, and personally insulted the great preacher. In accordance with a requisition of an assembly of the people, adultery was made punishable with death : and the man who sulfered for it, praised God, in dying, for the strict laws of his native city.' 2 Above, p. 116. 2 Piuuke, as above, pp. 220, 221. SWISS COMMU- NION. Depression of tlie civil power. Constitution of the Church [chap. Develop- ment of the Calvinistic iwl'ity : dictation, which is illustrated in the civil code he was com- missioned to draw up, had armed the government of tlie Genevese reformer with corporal penalties : and many were the victims crushed, or silenced, by his terrible tribunals. The limited area of the territory, where Calvin's power was thus supreme, had checked the full development of his princijDles in reference to the constitution of the Church. In addition to the consistory, it is true, there was established at Geneva another body, called the 'Venerable Company,' with jurisdiction embracing contiguous congregations, and so extending: farther than that of sino^le consistories: but it was left for other states, in which the discipline of Calvin was received, to carry out the organization by framing the higher class of judicatories, known as' the provincial and the national synods. These existed in the Netherlands, in France, and finally in Scotland. The ecclesiastical govern- ment^ of the last had been uncertain and precarious till the Second Book of Discipline obtained the parliamentary ratification in 1592. At the outbreak of the Reformation prelacy was furiously subverted; but the tendency of thought seemed in the direction of a Lutheran rather than a Calvinistic polity. Superintendents''^ began to be nomi- nated as early as 1561, their field of action being coexten- sive with the ancient Scottish diocese; and in connexion with 'ministers' and 'readers' who were now subordinated to them, the chief local direction of ecclesiastical af- fairs was confided to their hands. The English Bishops also were esteemed their brethren'', notwithstanding the obnoxious titles which they bore. At length, however, the 1 See, in addition to tlie authorities quoted above, p. 141, Bp. Sage's Fundamental Charter of Presbytery, Lond. 1695 (reiJriuted by the Spot- tisiroode Society). ^ That quasi-episcopal powers were gi-anted to these officers, is obvious from the First Book of Discijdine, as above, p. 1-41, n. 4. They were not only to preach themselves thrice a week at least, but to provide ministers, or, in any case, readers for all the congregations. They were to try the life of ministers as well as of the people, and redress the various grievances that came under their notice. This pre-eminence of jurisdiction Knox and others meant to be perpetuated, as Dr Cook, the author of the Hist, of the lieformation in Scotland (Edin. 1811), himself allows: ii. 417. ^ See the letter addressed, in 1566, by ' the superintendents, ministers and commissioners of the Church within the realm of Scotland,' (in Knox's Works, n. 545, ed. Laing), where, as Russell {Hist, of the Church in Scotland, i. 250, Lond. 1834) pointed out, the true reading is that now given, and not ' the superintendents icith other "linisters,' &c. VIII.] and its relations to the Civil Power pre-eminence awarded to the superintendents grew intoler- able in the eyes of the more zealous members of the Kirk. An agitation was set on foot by Andrew Melville, after his return from the continent (1574), in order to assimilate the Scottish polity in all its parts to that which Beza, after Calvin, administered at Geneva. Its fundamental charac- teristic was, that no distinctions, in the rank of pastors, are authorized by Holy Scripture, and therefore that prelacy, or the superiority of any office in the Church above pres- byters, ought to be denounced as unholy, and resisted as tyrannical. The manifesto, which gives utterance to these principles, is the Second Book of Discipline. Yet the way to such conclusions was already opened by the earliest ordinances of the Scottish reformation. The ultimate church-authority then established was the General Assem- bly^ or, in Calvinistic phraseology, the National Synod, in which all the ministerial representatives were of equal authority: the superintendent, or, as he was styled in 1572, the 'bishop'", having no official pre-eminence above the simple presbyter. Hence the shadow of episcopacy that survived till 1592 derived its mission, orders, and jurisdiction altogether from a presbyterian source: and hence the new arrangements made at that epoch were no more than the legitimate consequence of principles in- herent in the creed of Knox and his Genevan associates. The Scottish Kirk, in common with all those who drew ^ See Book of the Universal Kirk of Scotlayid, ed. Bannatyne Club, 1839—1845. ^ At this epocli there was some prospect of restoring a modified epi- scopacy (see Sage, as above, pp. 185 sq.). Two of the resolutions passed in the convention at Leith are as follow : ' That ministers should receive ordination from the bishop of the diocese, and where no bishop was as yet placed, from the superintendent of the bounds : That the bishops and superintendents, at the ordination of ministers, should exact of them an oath for acknowledging his Majesty's authority, and for obedience to their ordinary in all things.' Still it must be granted, that one moving cause of tbis new arrangement was a desire to adopt titles known to the consti- tution of the country, in order that the transfer and inheritance of the church-estates might be simplified. A solemn declaration was made at the same time, reassuring the people that a return to the ancient style of archbishops, bishops, deans, chapters, and the like, did not imply the least countenance of popery or superstition ; and that the articles agreed upon were merely of the nature of an Interim, * until farther and more perfect order be obtained at the hands of the king's Majesty's regent and nobility : ' Ibid. p. 204. To the Presbyterian party this Interim ended in 1592 : to the Episcopalian in 1G12. K. P. 23 354 Constitution of the Church. [CHAP. viiT, SWISS C')jrMU- NION. their teaching from Geneva, shewed a like impatience of state-patronage and secular intermeddling^; while ecclesi- astical censures were as loudly fulminated, and the sword of excommunication in constant use. 1 The following specimen (quoted in Kussell, ii. 55, 56) is taken from a remonstrance of Andrew Melville, addressed to king James in 1596: 'We must discharge our duty, or else be enemies to Christ and you. Therefore, Sir, as diverse times before, so now I must tell you, that there are two kings and two kingdoms. There is Christ and His Kingdom, the Kirk, whose subject king James the Sixth is, and of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a head, nor a lord, but a member: and they whom Christ hath called and commanded to watch over His Kirk, and govern His spiritual kingdom, have sufficient authority and power from Him so to do ; which no Christian king should control nor discharge, but fortify and assist ; otherwise they are not faithful subjects to Christ. Sir, when you were in your swaddling clouts, Christ reigned freely in this land, in spite of all His enemies. His officers and ministers convened and assembled for ruling of His Kirk, which was ever for your welfare also, when the same enemies were seeking your destruction ; and have been by their assemblies and meetings since terrible to these enemies, and most steedable [helpful] for you. Will you now, when there is more than necessity, challenge Christ's servants, your best and most faithful subjects, for their convening, and for the care they have of their duty to Christ and you, when you should rather commend and countenance them, as the godly kings and emperors did? The wisdom of your Council, which is devilish and per- nicious, is this, that you may be served by all sorts of men, to come to your purpose and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papist and Protestant.' It is curious to observe that the English Puritans held the same doctrine. Cartwright declares, in his Etjjhj to Dr Whitgiffs Answer (pp. 180, 181), that the civil magistrates 'must remember to submit them- selves unto the churche .... to throw doune their crownes before the churche, yea, as the prophet speaketh, to licke the dust of the feete oi the churche.' ( 355 ) CHAPTER IX. ox THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. Although the Reformation of the sixteenth century has contributed in no small measure to develop all the noble j faculties of man, and thereby inaugurated a new phase of European civilization^, its primary effect was not propiti- ous''' to the cultivation of polite literature and gave no healthy impulse to the arts and sciences. The agitations, in the midst of which it flourished, interfered with the repose of students, or, converting some into ecclesiastical polemics, made them concentrate their chief attention on the primitive records of the Church, — the Fathers, Councils Canonists, and Historians. We accordingly meet with few if any, classical scholars in the latter half of the century, who proved themselves a match either in erudition or in elegance for giants like Erasmus, Ludovicus Vivos, or Jean Budd (Budoeus). Italy itself, which formed the cradle where the literature of ancient Greece had been revived. 1 Few writers question the reality of this change; but Balmez, in hi? Protestantism and Catholicity comjmred, has laboured to establish thai Europe suffered grievously even in its moral and social relations from the pi'cgress of the Lutheran movement. His main positions are, that European civilization had reached all the development that was possible for il before the rise of Protestantism ; that Protestantism perverted the course of civilization, and so produced immense evils ; and that all the progress. or apparent progress, which has since been effected, is made in spite of Protestantism. ^ Dollinger (Die Reformation, i. 418 sq.) has consequently some reason on his side when he infers from evidence there collected, that the Eeformation was not so exchisively the friend of literature as some have represented, ' It is generally believed,' says Warton {EngJ. Voetry, iii. 13, ed. 1840), ' that the reformation of religion in England, the most happy and important event in our annals, was immediately succeeded by a flourishing state of letters. But this was by no means the case:' cf, Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i. 464 sq., Loud, 1840, and Eoscoe's Life of Leo X. II. 237 sq., Lond. 1846. Decline ff polite lite- rature. On the State of [chap. could hardly boast of one Hellenist at the close of the present period \ Nor can this decline be ascribed entirely to the barba- rous intermeddling of the 'Holy Office' and the consequent fliofht of scholars from the southern to the northern states of Europe. England^, which had often furnished an asylum to such fugitives, was, generally speaking, in the same condition. The decline of taste is indicated most of all by the degenerate character of the Latinity, and the undue attention commonly bestowed on the less cultivated authors; while Greek, which at the opening of the six- teenth century, had, in spite of its alleged connexion with heretical doctrines ^ captivated a large class of students, now receded for a time and fell into comparative oblivion. These facts, however, cannot, in the present instance, 1 Eanke, Popes, i. 493. ' It is true,' he writes, * that another Aldus Manutius appeared at Eome, and that he was professor of eloquence; but neither his Greek nor his Latin could win admirers.' In other European countries some progress was visible in the second half of the century; as the names of Henry Stephanus (Estienne), Joseph Scaliger and Isaac Casaubon will sufficiently indicate. 2 See Warton, as above, pp. 14, 15. On p. 16 we have the following evidence from the founder of Trinity College, Oxford : ' He [cardinal Pole] advyses me to order the Greeke to be more taught there than I have provyded. This purpose I well lyke : but I fear the tymes loill not hear it now. I remember when I was a young scholler at Eton [cu-c. 1520], the Greeke tonge was growing apace; the studie of which is now a-late much decaid.' Luther himself regretted this unreasonable neglect of classical authors : cf. J. J. Blunt, Reform, in England, p. 104, 6th ed. 3 Priests in their confessions of young scholars, used to caution them against learning Greek: ' Cave a Graecis ne fias hasreticus.' And Erasmus, who mentions this and other like facts, had the greatest difficulties in obtaining currency at Cambridge for his edition of the Greek Testament. On the other hand, the following picture of a French savant, Duchatel (Castellanus), wiU both exhibit the voracity of students at this period, and the fastidiousness of their taste: 'Duchatel retrouva, dans I'emploi de lecteur, les loisirs qu'il avait eus a Bale lorsqu'il rempUssait les fouc- tions de correcteur dans I'imprimerie de Froben. II les consacra, n'en laissant rien perdre, a relire les anciens auteurs Latins et Grecs et k se perfectionner dans toutes ies etudes. Suivant le conseil de Platon, qui recommande aux gens studieux de ne remplir leur estomac qu'une fois par jour, il mangeait, a huit heures du matin, un morceau de pain, ne buvait a ce repas qn'mi verre de vin, et din ait a cinq heures. II donnait trois ou quatre heures au sommeil, et le reste de ses nuits au travail. Le matin, il eiudiait les philosophes et les math^maticiens ; dans I'apres- midi, les historiens et les poetes. Pour ses etudes nocturnes, il reservait la Bible, qu'il lisait en H^breu durant deux heures, et les interprfetes du Nouveau Testament, entre lesquels il prdf^rait saint Jdrome, trouvant que saint Aufjustin est uii sophiste de mauvais gout, qui ne sait pas trop sa grammaue.' Haureau, Francois 1" et sa Coiir, pp. 219, 220, Paris, 1855. IS.] Intelligence and Piety. r^7 be regarded as the omens of returning barbarism or symp- toms of intellectual poverty and weakness. Men's thoughts were feverishly intent on moral and religious, to the disre- gard of literary and scholastic questions. Yearnings were excited in their spirits, which could find no satisfaction in the cloudy reveries of Christian Platonism, nor in the frigid reasonings of Aristotle : and it was only when the Reformation was established, when the controversies it provoked were losing their original freshness and intense attraction, that the study of the pagan authors was more generally resumed, and sacred images replaced more freely ' by conceptions borrowed from the Greek mythology or the writings of philosophers who shed imperishable lustre on the speculations of the ancient world. The Reformation, itself one product of the intellectual enlightenment which sprang up in the former period", was in turn the parent of a moral, social, and religious revolu- tion. It allied itself, indeed, with the great Biblical movement of the age preceding; but, as the necessities of the case required, its progress rather coincided with the practical and mystical, than with the critical direction of that movement I When Luther burst the fetters that once held him in complete subjection to the papacy, the West- ern Church was lamentably fallen : it was ignorant, disordered, and demoralized. So deeply rooted was this feeling in the hearts of men, that numbers who had little or no personal affection for the author of Protestantism regarded his first onslaught with unqualified approbation'*. Reforms of some kind or other were felt to be imperatively needed, and the sanguine therefore hoped that Luther was himself the man whom Providence had now commissioned for restoring to the Church of God her ancient character- istics. ' Before the rise of the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresy,' is the confession of the prince of Romish controver- sialists*', 'according to the testimony of persons then alive, 1 See Warton, iii. 396 sq., on what he terms the * fresh inundation of classical pedantry.' 2 See Middle Afje, pp. 3G0, 3G1. 3 'Dor Zusammenschluss jener biblisch-praktischen und dieser mys- tischen Kichtuug ist das schopferische Prinzip der lieforination fjjeworden :' ])oruor, Entwickelungs-gesch. der Lehre von der Fer^ion Christi, ii. 452, Berlin, 1853. * Above, p. 2, n. 2. * Bellarmin. Concio xxviii.; Oi)p. vi. 29G, Colon. 1617; cf. above, p. C,n. 1. TkU: decline no proof of intdlectual degeneracy. Need of some moral revolution. Testimony of BeUar- nilne; 0)1 the State of [chap. there was almost an utter abandonment of equity in the ecclesiastical courts; in morals there was no discipline, in sacred literature no erudition, in Divine things no rever- ence. Religion was on the point of vanishing from the earth.' And similar witness had been borne already by another polemic who was struggling to resist the onward march of the Reformers; *I have frequently avowed,' he writes ^ 'that the discipline of the Church is ruined; that morals are corrupted ; that the lives of great men and of the clergy are defiled by licence, b}^ avarice, by ambition; that learning is utterly neglected, or else pursued only in a sordid and godless spirit, which is the reason why our pulpits are now filled by such ignorant, absurd, and silly preachers. I have complained also more than once that the cure of souls is disregarded; that parishes are aban- doned; that the great aim now is to get possession of sinecure benefices; and that there is no end of calumnious lawsuits and disgraceful traffickings in order to obtain ^ Bartliol. Latomus, in liis controversy with Bucer, printed in Bucer's Scripta Duo Adversaria, Argentorat. 1544, p. 27. It was not unnatural for Bucer to draw the following inference from such admissions (p. 216) : ' Non docetur ergo neque regitur a Spiritu Sancto vestra Ecclesia, hoc est, coetus vestrorum prelatorum, qui novas illas et peregrinas invexerunt doctrinas atque ceremonias.' Cf. above, p. 323, n. 2, where many of the prevalent corruptions are traced by the Roman cardinals to the excessive laxity and ignorance of ecclesiastics. Duchatel (the French scholar men- tioned above, p. 356, n. 3) was deterred from entering into holy orders by the same causes: 'Non semel mihi ingenue confessus est,' writes his biographer {IbicL p. 218, note), ' ut, si suo genio obsequi sibi integrum fuisset, sagatam quam togatam vitam, militarem quam ecclesiasticam in qua plerosqiie fere omnes flagitiose versarl vldehat, sequi maluisset.' And Luther's Preface to his Catechismus Minor pro j^arochis et concionatoribus tells the same distressing tale: 'Miserabilis ilia facies, quam proxime, quum Visitatorem agerem [a.d. 1527], vidi, me ad edendum hunc cate- chismum simplicissime et brevissime tractatum coegit. Deum immor- talem ! quantam calamitatem ibi vidi : vulgus, praesertim autem illud, quod in agris vivit, item plerique parochi, adeo nullam Christianae doc- trinae cognitionem habent, ut dicere etiam pudeat, Et tamen omnes sancto illo Christi nomine appellantur, et nobiscum communibus utuntur sacramentia, quum Orationem Dominicam, symbolum Apostolicum et Decalogum non modo non intelligant, sed ne verba quidem referre possint. Quid multis moror? nihil omnino a bestiis differunt. Jam autem quum EvangeUum passim doceatur, illi vel maxime Christianorum libertate fruuntur (Und nun das Evangelium kommen ist, dennoch fein gelehret haben, aller Freiheit meisterlich zu missbrauchen). Quid hie Christo respondebitis, episcopi, quibus ilia cura est Divinitus demandata? Vos enivi estis, quibus vel solis ilia Chriatiance rcligionis calamitas dehetur^ etc. : in Francke's Lihr. Symbol. Eccl. Lutheran. Part ii. p. 63. IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 359 admission to the priesthood. Accordingly from these evils greater still have issued, and do issue. Feuds have risen in the Church amounting almost to barbarity, religion is corrupted, ignorance of the Gospel is most rife, the ancient discipline is relaxed, all strength of principle is gone, and conduct is gi'own impious : there is contempt of God, con- tempt of magistrates, abhorrence of the priests; and, in a word, the mass of crimes and vices is so huge that, in our day, we find the burden almost intolerable.' In such a state of morals and religious intelligence, it seemed to be the foremost duty of each Christian pastor to impress again upon his flock the alphabet of the Gospel, rather than to follow in the wake of timorous and half- hearted chieftains like Erasmus, with a hope that the diffusion of politer literature would issue in the spiritual exaltation of society. The chief aim accordingly was to preach what the apostles and evangelists had preached at first, to Jew and Gentile, Greek and Roman, — 'Jesus Christ, and Him as crucified.' This verity became to all Reformers the substance of their choicest homilies, the centre, life and marrow of their theological system \ The image of the Crucified was ever printed on their hearts^: by it they stirred their audience to a deeper hatred of sin, and warmed in them an earnest and abiding love of the Almighty. While the general tendency of thought had been among the Orientals to lay stress on the Prophetic character of Christ, to worship Him as the great source of supernatural light and wisdom; while the Latins of the Middle Age adored Him chiefly as the King, incarnate, ^ Thus, for example, Oswald Myconius urged in his address AdSacer- dntcs Heloetice (Tiguri, 1524, p. 20): * Prtedicare enim E.v.augelium, quid aliud est quam pniedicare Christum pro salute nostra crucifixum? Quem si populo sic pnescripsissent, non potuissent certe vel de meritis operum, vel de satisfactionibus, Vel de intercessione sanctorum dicere. Ex missa non fecisscnt sacrificium. Idola in templa Christianoruni nunquam in- trusissent: nihil immutassent de iis qua? Christus statuit.' '^ See the fine passage in the EngUsh Homilie:<, pp. 425 sq. , Camb. 18o0. The vicarious nature of Christ's mediation is illustrated as follows in the same document (p. 487) ; 'For upon Him, He [God the Father] put our sins, upon Him He made our ransom : Him He made the mean betwixt us and Himself, whose mediation was so acceptable to God the Father, through His profound and perfect obedience, that He took His act for a full satisfaction of our tlisobedieuce and rebellion, whose right- eousness He took to weigh against our sins, whose redemption He would have stand against our damnation.' Consequent importance of reverting to the (/round of Apostolic Itreackei's. 360 On the State of [chap. crucified, and risen, as the Sovereign and the Judge whose visible dominion coincided with the hmits of the papal monarchy, new aspects of His character grew more fami- liar at the time of the Reformation. In asserting the malignity of evil and the moral impotence of man regarded in himself, the leaders of that movement pointed more distinctly and more uniformly to the Priest, the Substitute, the Reconciling- Victim. Thus the Wittenberg Reformer had been driven, through despair of his own efforts, to cry out as early as 1516^: ' Thou, Lord Jesus, art my Righteousness, but I am Thy sin: Thou hast taken mine, and given me Thine:' con- fessions which may be regarded as the prelude and epitome of all his future teaching on the justification of the sinner. Zwingli, notwithstanding the divergencies in his mode of training, and the difference in his natural temperament, had started from the same profound conviction. 'The death of Christ, and that alone,' he argued, * is the price paid for the remission of sins I' In other words, the sharp distinction thus established between the righteousness of God and man, between the salutary work done in us and the salutary work done for us, was a. leading characteristic of Reformed theology. ^ Above, p. 14, n. 1. In 1531 we find both him and Melanchthon stating their convictions on this subject with remarkable clearness (Me- lanchthon's Works, 11. 501 sq.). The latter writes (to Brentz): 'Ideo non dilectio, quae est impletio legis, justificat, sed sola tides, non quia est perfectio quaedam in nobis, sed tantum quia apprehendit Christum : justi sumus non propter dilectionem, non propter legis impletionem, non propter novitatem nostram, etsi sint dona Spiritus Sancti, sed propter Christum, et Hunc tantum fide apprehendimus.' While Luther adds a postcript: 'Et ego soleo, mi Brenti, ut hane rem melius capiam, sic imaginari, quasi nulla sit in corde meo qualitas, qua9 fides vel caritas vocetur, sed in loco ipsorum pono Ipsum Christum et dico: Haec est justitia mea; Ipse est quahtas et formalis, ut vocant, justitia mea, ut sic me liberem ab intuitu legis et operum; imo et ab intuitu objectivi istius Christi, qui vel doctor vel donator intelligitur ; sed volo Ipsum mihi esse donum et doctrinam per Se, ut omnia in Ipso habeam.' ^ See above, p. 101, n. 3. In like manner he declares [Fidei Eatio, in Niemeyer, p. 19) : ' Scio nullam aliam esse expiandorum scelerum hostiam quam Christum, nam ne Paulus quidem pro nobis est crucifixus: nullum aliud pignus Divinae bonitatis et dementias certius esse ac in- dubitatius, nihil enim feque firmum ac Deus est : et non est aliud nomen sub sole in quo nos oporteat salvos fieri quam Jesu Christi. Kelinquuntur ergo hie cum operum nostrorum justificatio et satisfactio, turn sanctorum omnium, sive in terra sive in coelis degeutium, de bonitate et misericordia Dei expiatio aut intercessio.' IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 361 It was not, indeed, alleged that previous generations had been wholly ignorant of such distinctions, or had ever ventured openly to impugn the doctrine of gratuitous jus- tification by faith in Christ \ Yet the Reformers were unanimous in believing that, if not denied, this verity had, in later times, been so grievously displaced and so com- pletely pushed into the back-ground, as to exercise far less than its original influence on the life and character of Christians, They felt that a large group of human and angelic mediators had been practically interposed between the worshipper and Christ Himself They had experienced how ideas of superabundant merit in the saint and his prevailing intercession, had so filled the spirit of the desti- tute and the sin-stricken, that Christ was virtually ex- cluded, and His mediating sacrifice constructively denied. The blessed Virgin, and a multitude of others whom the popular imagination had located in the heavenly palace, were thus either exalted into rivalry with the King of saints Himself, or made to intercept His glory from the worshipper. But in countries where the principles of the Reformation were adopted, all created mediators were dethroned, disparaged, or forgotten. Saints and priests and sacraments became at once subsidiary and ministerial; a wall of partition, which had separated Christ from the believers, and reduced them all into the servile state of Hebrews, was now broken down afresh; and in the con- sciousness of spiritual freedom which this thought of a gratuitous mercy had inspired, all notions of sufficiency, of human merit, of an adequate or a superfluous satisfaction, were utterly rejected. The 'ancient writei's and best ex- positors' had taught that Christ alone is 'the Author and Giver of remission of sins, justice, life and eternal salvation to all believers ; which thing,' it was contended, ' is so proper and peculiar unto Him, that no part or jDortion thereof may be, in any respect, imparted unto others without manifest sacrilege and blasphemy ^' ^ See, for instance, Cranmer's Notes and Avthoriticf^ on Justification, Miscellaneous Writings, od. P. S, pp. 203 sq. In the Homily Of Salva- t^■o7^, he writes to the same effect: 'And after this wise, to be justified only by this true and lively faith in Christ, speaketh all the old and ancient authors, both Greeks and Latins' (p. 23, Camb. 1850). 2 Bp. Woolton's Christian Manual, p. 5, ed. P. S. 1851: cf. Zwingli's as the sole Mediator, ;62 0)1 the State of [chap. Personal religion : how influ- enced by a hclief in inirgatory, A second feature of the ' new learning' was hardly less remarkable when traced into its practical consequences. The Reformation insisted, with unwonted emphasis, upon the fact, that man's religion is a personal concern; that his future destiny will be determined by the issues of a judg- ment which must bring him face to face with God, the Searcher of all spirits; and that he will not only be there dealt with as an isolated individual responsible for all his faculties of soul and body, but that his condition will be rendered irreversible by death, which fixes an eternal gulf between the justified and the condemned \ So long as men continued to believe in purgatory, the most careless trusted that, even if impenitent when he died, he might be corrigible hereafter, and might pass eventually into the circles of the blessed ; that the offerings of survivors might really turn to his advantage ; and therefore that he need not be deterred from his unholy habits by the prospect of the worm that never dieth, and the fire unquenchable. It is true, the doctors of the Mediaeval church'"^ had drawn distinctions between the temporal and eternal con- sequences of sin, and had sometimes impressed on their disciples the idea that purgatory was reserved for none, ex- cept that section of Christians, who, though justified, had not at death entirely liquidated the debt of penance which language, above, p. 103, n, 5. 'Oh !' says the English Homilist (p, 328), 'that all men would studiously read and search the Scriptures. Then should they not be drowned in ignorance, but should easily perceive the truth, as well of this point of doctrine, as of all the rest. For there doth the Holy Ghost plainly teach us, that Christ is our only Mediator and Intercessor with God, and that we must seek and run to no other.' 1 E. g. Latimer declares in his 4th sermon before Edw. VI. {Sermons, p. 162, ed. P. S.): ' There is but two states, if we be once gone. There is no change. . . .There are but two states, the state of salvation and the state of damnation. There is no repentance after this life, but if he die in the state of damnation, he shall rise in the same: yea, though he have a whole monkery to sing for him, he shall have his final sentence when he dieth.' The Homilist, in like manner, after quoting passages from the Fathers, urges the same thought on the attention of his audi- ence : ' Let these and such other places be sufficient to take away the gross error of purgatory out of our heads ; neither let us dream any more that the souls of the dead are anything at all holpen by our prayers : but, as the Scripture teacheth us, let us think that the soul of man, passing out of the body, goeth straightways either to heaven, or else to hell, whereof the one needeth no prayer, and the other is without redemption' (p. 339). 2 See Middle Age, pp. 308, 426, 427, 3rd edition. IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 3^»3 had been entailed by their misdoings; but so lax and scan- dalous was their theory with respect to the conditions on which eternal consequences of sin may be remitted, that multitudes were still satisfied with vague professions of regret or passionate self-reproaches on their death-bed, trusting for the rest to the effects of prayers and ofPer- ings made in their behalf by others, to grants of indul- gences, and, most of all, to special masses duly celebrated by the chantry- priests. It may be also granted, that the council of Trent ^ did something to remedy this flagrant evil, by publishing more accurate definitions respecting penance : yet the source of the disorder was unhealed. The re-assertion of a purgatorial fire'^ from which escape may be facilitated by vicarious services, was ever tempting man to postpone the settlement of his account with God to an indefinite future ; or in cases where the standard of religious earnestness rose higher, the ideas from which that dogma sprang were tending to produce a habit of mind in which the Christian rather studies to propitiate a Master, or disarm an angry and avenging Judge, than to be active from a principle of gratitude, holy from a love of holiness, unworldly from an aspiration to be Christ-like. The de- vout Reformer, on the contrary, looked up to God as to a reconciled Father. Conscious on the one hand, that he could never satisfy Divine justice by his self-inflicted tor- ments, and that, on the other hand, no fellow-mortal could be substituted in his place or alter the relation in which he stood to the Almighty at the hour of dissolution, he took refuge in the hope set before him in the Gospel, he put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and by his incorporation into the New Man from heaven, he found 'wisdom and righteousness and sanctification and redemption.' But this principle of personal faith in Christ the Medi- ator, was, in the system of the continental Reformers, closely interwoven with a second, — the sacerdotal character of every Christian. Luther so exalted the benefits of bap- tism' as to recognize in it the special agent by which God ' Above, p. 290, and n. 1. 2 See above, p. 298, n, 1. ^ Even where he was most vehement in his denunciations of papal tyranny and mechanical forms of worship, in his Prelude on the Baby- lonish Captivity of the Church, he expressed himself with great emphasis and vica- rious offer ings. Sacerdotal character of all the baptized : 3^H On the State of [chap. as stated hy Luther: imparts His choicest blessings and invests the human soul with new and nobler characteristics. From that time for- ward the baptized is consecrated to the Christian priest- hood, and is entitled to all privileges that flow from union with God in Christ. He is taught of God, his body is the temple of the Holy Ghost, and he alone is truly ' spiritual.' 'We have,' the potentates of Germany are reminded \ 'we have one baptism and one faith, and that is it which con- stitutes us spiritual persons. The unction, the tonsure, the ordination, the consecration conferred by a bishop or a pope may make a hypocrite, but never a spiritual man. We are all alike consecrated priests at our baptism, as St Peter says, Ye are priests and kings ; and if that conse- cration by God were not upon us, the unction of the pope could never constitute a priest. If ten brothers, sons of a king, and, having equal rights to the inheritance, should on this subject (cf. above, p. 30, n. 4): 'Baptism! sacramentum, etiam quoad signum, non esse momentaneum aliquod negotium, sed perpetuum. Licet enim usus ejus subito transeat, tamen res ipsa significata durat usque ad mortem, imo resurrectionem in novissimo die' [Ojyp. ii, fol. 273 a, Jense, 1600). . . .' Nunquam fit baptismus irritus, donee desperans redire ad salutem nolueris : aberrare quidem poteris ad tempus a signo, sed non ideo irritum est signum. Ita semel es baptizatus sacramen- taliter, sed semper baptizandus fide, semper moriendum, semperque vivendum' (fol. 273 b). . . .'Hanc gloriam libertatis nostras, et banc scientiam baptismi esse hodie captivam, cui possumus referre acceptum, quam uni tyrannidi Eomani pontificis ? qui, ut Pastorem primum deeet, unus omnium maxime debuit esse praedicator et assertor bujus libertatis et scientias, sicut Paulus,' etc. . . .'Quis dedit ei potestatem captivandae bujus nostr® libertatis, per baptismum nobis donatae ? ' [Ibid.) 1 See the whole of this remarkable (German) tract, in Walch's edition of his Works, x. 296 sq. It is Luther's first assault on the despotic 'walls' built up by 'Eomanists,' to keep the temporal ruler and his subjects under the direction of the spirituality ; and the main object is to depress the papal power by shewing that all Christians without exception, if true to their sacred calling, are alike ' spiritual ' men. He repeated his assertions in the tract, De instituendis ministris Ecclesue (cf. above, p. 339, n. 2): e.g. 'Sacerdos namque in Novo praesertim Testamento non fit, sed nascitur, non ordinatur, sed creatur. Nascitur vero non carnis, sed Spiritus nativitate, nempe ex aqua et Spiritu in lavacro regenera- tionis, Suntque prorsus omnes Christiani sacerdotes, et omnas sacer- dotes sunt Christiani. . . .Porro hanc sequelam esse fidelem et probam : Christus est sacerdos, ergo Christiani sunt sacerdotes, patet exPsal. xxii., Narrabo nomen Tuum fratribus meis. Et rursus, Unxit Te Deus, Deus Tuus, oleo pr® participibus Tuis. Quod fratres Ejus sumus, non nisi nativitate nova sumus. Quare et sacerdotes sumus, sicut et Ipse ; filii, sicut et Ipse ; reges, sicut et Ipse. Fecit enim nos cum Ipso consedere in ccElestibus, ut consortes et cohaeredes Ejus simus, in Quo et cum Quo omnia nobis donata sunt ' {0pp. ii. 518 b, 549 a, Jen®, 1600). IX.J Intelligence and Piety. 365 choose one from amonor them to administer the kinq;dom for them, they would all be kings, but one alone the minister of their common power. So is it in the Church.' Impelled by this conviction, scandalized by the mal-prac- tices of clergymen and monks, and, at the same time, smarting under the severe denunciations of the pontiff, the Wittenberg reformer made no effort to distinguish^ clearly between the rights and privileges which constitute the sacerdotal character of Christians generally, and the au- thority transmitted from our blessed Lord Himself to one special order of Christians who officiate in His name, and for the edification of His people. Luther seems indeed to have convinced himself that these two ideas are utterly incomj^atible. He was unable to perceive that, in the Hebrew Church, the priesthood was, in one sense, gi^anted to the whole community ; they were ' a kingdom of priests/' and yet the Aaronic ministrations were not thereby super- seded, — which at least was calculated to suggest the pos- sibility of analogous institutions in the Christian Church itself A bright but vague ideal had possessed the ardent imagination of Luther and his followers. They trusted that the time had come when Christians, rescued from the papal tyranny, would be capable of larger measures of self-government than were hitherto enjoyed, that worldli- ness and self-indulgence, hypocrisy, irreverence, and eccle- siastical ambition, would be banished from the midst of them, tliat the Church would re-appear in its true character as a holy and a happy brotherhood, where all the members find their pleasure in offering up spiritual sacrifices accept- able to God by Jesus Christ. We saw that as the Reformation proceeded''*, this vague and transcendental theory of the Church was considerably modified on the continent, and in England it had never many advocates or admirers. The recognition of all Chris- tians, as exalted by their fellowship with Christ to be both kings and priests to God, was there associated with firm belief in the Divine appointment and authority of the min- isterial office''. The faithful were instructed to obey their 1 Cf. Mr Derwent Coleridge's Scriptural Character of the Church, Serm. x. 2 Above, pp. 340, 343, 347. I ^ For exaiiiiile, Cranmer's Catechism of 1548 (respecting which see Want of clearness m his ideas. English viodifica- Hon of the doctrine. i66 On the State of [chap. spiritual pastors and masters, not as officers whom they had chosen for their representatives, but who were placed over them by the Lord, and gifted with specific powers and privileges in virtue of their ordination. But neither in this country, nor in continental Europe, was the promulgation of the ' new learning ' at once fol- lowed by results which satisfied the ardent wishes of its friends, and silenced the ungenerous cavils of its enemies. That some improvement was visible in the morals of the populace is confidently stated by one class of writers^: yet above, p. 194) contains the following passage on this subject: 'After Christes assention the apostelles gaue authoritie to other godly and holye men to minyster Gods worde, and chief ely in those places wher ther wer Christen men alredy, whiche lacked preachers, and the apostles theim seines could not longer abide with them. For the apostles dyd walke abrod into diuerse partes of the worlde, and did studye to plant the gospel in many places. "Wherefore wher they founde godly men, and mete to preache Gods worde, they layed their liandes vpon them, and gaue them the Holy Gost, as they theimselues receaued of Christ the same Holy Gost, to execute this office. And they that were so ordeyned were in dede, and also were called, the ministers of God, as the apostles theimselues were, as Paule sayeth vnto Tymothy. And so the minis- tration of Gods worde (which our Lord Jesus Christ hymselfe dyd first institute) was deryued from the apostles vnto other after theim, by im- position of handes and gyuynge the Holy Ghost, from the apostles tyme to our dayes. And this was the consecration, ordres, and vnction of the apostles, wherh)' they, at the begynnynge, made byshopes and pryestes ; and this shall contiuewe in the churche euen to the worldes ende. And what soeuer rite or ceremonye hath ben added more than this, commeth of mannes ordinaunce and policye, and is not commaunded by Goddes worde. Wherefore, good children, you shall gyue due reuerence and honour to the ministers of the churche, and shal not meanely or lyghtly esteme them in the execution of their office, but you shall take them for Gods ministers, and the messengers of our Lorde Jesus Christe. For Christ himselfe saieth in the gospel. He that heareth you, heareth me. And he that dyspiseth you, dyspiseth me. Wherefore, good children, you shal stedfastly beleue al those thinges, whiche suche ministers shall speake vnto you from the mouth and by the commaunde- ment of our Lorde Jesus Christ. And what soeuer they do to you, as when they baptyse you, when they gj^ue you absolution, and dystribute to you the bodye and blonde of our Lord Jesus Christe, these you shall so esteme as yf Christe hymselfe, in his awne person dyd speake and minister vnto you... And on the other syde, you shall take good hede and beware of false and priuye preachers, whiche pryuely crepe into cities, and preache in corners, hauyng none authoritie, nor being called to this office. For Christe is not present with such prechers, and therefore dothe not the Holy Gost worke by their preching,' etc.: pp. 196, 197. On Cranmer-s vacillation respecting the minister of ordination in 1540, and his subsequent firmness, see Mr Harington's Succession of JBisJiops in the Church of England. 1 E.g. Oswald Myconius, Ad Sacerdotes Helvetia, pp. 5 sq., Tiguri, 1524. IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 3^7 the measure of it did not correspond \ in the opinion of reforming chieftains, to the vast importance of the truths now rescued from oblivion. What constituted the strength of the Reformers constituted also the peculiar weakness of their cause. They gave unwonted prominence to a class of doctrines which, if fairly apprehended, must result in the formation of a high and noble character ; but doctrines, at the same time, easily capable of distortion and perversion. Thus the advocate of the ' new learning ' was driven to confess^ that 'many lip-gospellers and protestants have commonly in their mouths Jesus Christ, His Gospel and faith, and yet so live that the name of Christ and his Gospel is evil spoken of '...'Most part of mortal men,' he added ^, *now-a-days, have no regard at all of temperance and sobriety, but give themselves to rioting and surfeiting, and run headlong into all kind of mischief, having no fear of God before their eyes : they follow their filthy lusts, they snatch, they steal, they swear and forswear, they lie, they deceive, and, to be short, do all things saving that which is lawful. And yet, in the mean time, they will needs be accounted Christians, and gospellers, and earnest favourers of true religion.' 'It happened now, as when the central truths of Christianity were promulgated at the first: men turned the grace of God into lasciviousness, and, boasting of emancipation from the ancient yoke, con- verted their abandonment of popery into pretexts for un- christian living*. In some cases, doubtless, the exaggera- 1 It is plain from Luther's writings that he expected great results and -was bitterly disappointed. See the admissions collected by Dollinger, Die Reformation, i. 318 sq., 412 sq. On one occasion Luther went so far as to declare that, morally speaking, the change had been for the worse: *Der Teufel fabret nun mit Haufen unter die Leute, dass sie unter dem hellen Lichte des Evangelii sind geiziger, listiger, vortheil- ischer, unbarmherziger, unziichtiger, freeher und arger, denn unter dem Papstthum: ' Werke, ed. Walch, xiii. 19. 2 Bp Woolton, Christian Manual, p. 23, ed. P. S. 3 Ibid. pp. 141, 142. 4 Thus Erasmus writes (1523) in his bitter Spang ia Advcrsus Hiit- tenicas Adspergincs (cf. above, p. 43, n. 4): 'Sunt quidam iudocti, nullius jixdicii, vitffi impunc, obtrectatores, pervicaces, intractabiles, sic addicti Luthero, ut nee sciant, nee servent quod Lutherus docet. Tantum Evangelium habent in ore, negligunt preces et sacra, vescuntur quibus libet, et maledicunt Romano Pontifici : sic Lntherani sunt.' Luther himself draws a like picture in 1529, but lays the blame on his predeces- I tors {De Wette, iii. 424) : ' Miserrima est ubique facies ecclesiarum, | Zawlessna » of nominui Protest- ants. On the State of [chap. tion of tlie Reformers, in establishing their favourite dog- mas, led to a one-sided apprehension of religious truth. The doctrine of gratuitous redemption and the efficacy of faith were sometimes urged with such exclusive vehemence as to do away with the necessity of holiness. Luther's doctrine of the Church was plainly calculated to engender self-assertion ; and this, in ordinary minds, would often pass into an over- weening self-conceit, if not into presumption, arrogance and carnal self-complacency. The guidance of the Christian pastor was rejected, not, as in the former age, because the secularity of his spirit and his stolid ignorance both ren- dered him contemptible, but because it was concluded from the theory of the universal priesthood, that the power of judging and displacing teachers was inherent in all Chris- tians. In the great majority, however, the neglect of holy rusticis nihil discentibns, nihil scientibus, nihil orantibus, nihil agentibus, nisi quod lihertate abutuntur, uon confitentes, non communicantes, ac si religions in totum liberi facti sxmt : sic enim papistica neglexerunt, nostra contemnunt, ut horrendiTm sit episcoporum papisticorum administra- tionem considerare. ' Or, to take another instance, we find the primate of Sweden writing in the following terms (1553: in Gieseler, iii. i. 486, ed. Bonn): 'Habemus hoc s^ciilo, gratia Dei singnlari, purum Ejus verbum et lucem Evangelii clarissimam, qua illuminati a tenebris Papistarum liberamur, in fideque salvifica conservamur, servientes Deo juxta patefactam Ejus voluntatem. Sed, proh ! dolor, multi nostratium hoc minime considerantes vix audire purum Verbum Dei gestiunt; tantum abest, ut vitam suam juxta idem verbum instituaut. . , .Eeliqui fructum nullum, praedicato Evangelio, ostendunt, licet ejus praedicatione videantur delectari : verum (quod magis dolendum est) sub Ubertaie Evangelii licentiam peccandi studiosius sectantur multi, quasi finis prsedicati Evangelii sit, eaque libertas Christiana, ut liceat homini Christiano, adhuc peccatori, agere quae lubet.' On the 'relaxation of morals ' in England, see J. J. Blunt, Beform. pp. 156, 157, 6th ed. ; Haweis, Reform, (from the contemporary pulpit), pp. 127 — 164; although it should be added, that many of the same, and even greater, vices had been fearfully prevalent anterior to the Reformation. Abundant evidence of this will be found in the Sermones declamati coram alma Vniiiersitate Cantabrigiensi, by Stephen Baron, a provincial of the Minorites, and confessor to Henry VIII. They were published, circ. 1520, several years before the rupture with the papacy. 1 Cf, above, pp. 26, 43, 44. Audin {Hist, de la Vie de Blartin Luther, I. 264), who is desirous of proving that the success of the Reformers was due to the laxity of their teaching, parades the following extract from a contemporary letter: 'Nee enim vult Lutherus quemquam de actionibus suis admodum anxium esse, siquidem ad salutem et aeter- nitatem promerendam fidem et sanguinem Christi sufficere. Lasciviant igitur homines, obsonentur, pergraecentur in Veneiem, in caedes, in rapinas, ut libet, efferantur.' I IX.1 Intelligence and Piety. 3^ living was in absolute defiance of the sermons and example of the chief Reformers. * We mean nothing less,' they pleaded \ 'than to reject or take away good works and honest actions.' They would hear no longer, it is true, * of beads, of lady psalters and rosaries, of fifteen O's, of St Bernard's verses, of St Agathe's letters, of purgatory, of masses satisfactory; of stations and jubilees, of feigned relics, of hallowed beads, bells, bread, water, palms, can- dles, fire, and such other ; of superstitious fastings, of fra- ternities or brotherhoods, of pardons, with such like mer- chandise ;' all these having been ' so esteemed and abused to the great prejudice of God's glory and commandments, that they were made most high and holy things, whereby to attain to the everlasting life, or remission of sin'^' But the depreciation of such observances and institutions which were held to be commandments of men, had not unfre- quently imparted greater emphasis to exhortations of Re- formers in behalf of God's commandments. These, they urged, were followed from a principle of faith, have been ordained 'as the right trade and pathway unto heaven^;' obedience to these was the criterion by which geni.ihie Christians might be known, and on the measure and degree of that obedience would depend the measure and degree of future blessedness ^ Erasmus appears to have forgotten statements of this kind when he imputed moral laxity to some of the Re- formers^, and ascribed the rapid victories of their cause to ^ "Woolton, Christian Manual, p. 32. 2 Homilies,' 3rd part of the Sermon of Good Works,' p. 58. 3 Ibid. p. 60. ^ E.g. iu the Apologia Confessionis, cap. iii. Art. vi. (Francke, Part i. p. 9G) it is declared: 'Talia opera vituperare, confessionem doctriiife, officia caritatis, mortificationes carnis, profecto esset vituperare exteruam regni Christi iuter homines politiam. Atque hie addimus etiam de praj- miis et de merito. Docemus operibus fidelium proposita et promissa esse proDiiiia. Docemus bona opera meritoria esse, non remissionis peccatorum, gratis aut justificationis (ha^c enim tantum fide consc- quimur), sed aliorum priemiorum corporaliura et spiritualium in hac vita et post hanc vitam, quia J'auhis inquit: Unuscpiisque recijuet mcrce- (lem juxta suum laborem. Erunt igitur dissimilia pra^mia propter dis- similes hibores.' 5 Cf. Audin, as above, i. 264, The only point where real ground for censure is discoverable, related to the way in which some continental Keformers spoke of matrimony. Carlstadt, supposing that the Mosaic law was valid on that subject, seems to have advised a man to marry two K. P. 24 Confession. 'O On the State of [chap. the indulgent doctrines which it sanctioned. Even with regard to the disuse of the confessional, his charges are considerably exaggerated. Luther \ on the continent, and Latimer", in England, were decidedly in favour of the practice of confession, provided only it did not embrace minute descriptions of particular failings, and was limited to urgent cases, where the conscience was oppressed by special difficulties. As soon, however, as confession ceased to be compulsory, the influence of the priesthood was pro- portionally diminished. The proud and profligate, the careless, worldly and rapacious, on the sudden abolition of ancient checks, were seen in their true colours ; while the growth of spiritual freedom and the copious circulation of religious knowledge, rendered such direction less desirable, in. the case of ordinary Christians. This conviction, that all members of the Church were free, had access to the oracles of God, and were invested with the right of ascertaining the true basis of their belief, had generated even in the laity an ardent and insatiable longing for ecclesiastical literature. To gratify this thirst, they had recourse to Holy Scripture, which, both in the original and in translations, now began to be diffused in every quarter with astonishing rapidity. Erasmus, who conducted the ])iblical as well as literary movements of the age, commences a new period in the history of sacred wives (Eanke, Ref. ii. 204) : and as late as 1539, Luther, Melanchthon, Bucer and others, took part in a reply to the petition of Philip, landgrave of Hessen, by which they connived at his secret cohabitation with a concubine, under the title of a lawful wife, while his true wife was still living : cf. Bossuet, Variations, liv, vi. ch. 2 — 10. ^ Tholuck thus alludes to the opinion of the Wittenberg Eeformer {Predigten iibcr das Augsburgische Glauhensbekenntniss, p. 198. Halle, 1850) : ' Diese Beichte und Absolution, wo Priester und Sunder sich allein gegeniiberstehen, und liber ihnen kein anderes Auge, als das Auge Gottes, diese Beichte, von der Luther schreibt : "Wenn tausend und abertausend Welten mein wiiren, so wollte ich alle lieber verlieren, denn dass ich wollte dicjser Beichte das geringste StLicklein eines aus der Kirche kommen lassen," — die ist gefallen ! ' 2 After reflecting on the practice of the 'papist^;,' who required a par- ticular enumeration of sins, Latimer proceeds- as follows {Remains, p. 180, ed. P. S.) : 'But to speak of right and true confession, I would to God it were kept in England ; for it is a good thing. And those which find themselves grieved in conscience might go to a learned man [cf. p. 13, where it is 'some godly minister'], and there fetch of him comfort of the Word of God, and so to come to a quiet conscience. . . .And surely it grieveth me much that such confessions arc not kept in England, &c.' IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 371 scholarsiiip\ Following freely in the steps of Laurentius Valla and emulating the zeal of Jacques Lef^vre, the patri- arch of French reformers, he directed his critical acumen to the elucidation of the sacred text with a sagacity and independence hitherto but rarely witnessed in the schools and cloisters of Western Christendom. After the publica- tion of his Greek Testament and Paraphrases, a number of more earnest followers caught his literary spirit, and pro- ceeded with the work he had inaus^urated. Luther" and Melauchthon, Zwingli and Bullinger, Calvin, Beza, and Castellio, all accepted, in a greater or less degree, the sober, critical, and grammatical methods of interpretation which he ventured to revive. Some of his principles of exegesis were also shared at the beginning of the century by cardinal Cajetanus^, and subsequently by the Jesuit Maldonatus*, so that henceforth the study of the sacred text was prosecuted more successfully among the Roman- ists as well as the Reformed. Hebrew, at the same time, had been gradually admitted to a place in the affections of the learned theoloo■ian^ It was no lousier associated with over-fondness for the Jews''; and in the noble outbreak of enthusiasm that possessed a multitude of the Reformers, all ^ See above, p. 41, and Davidson's Sacred Hermeneiitics , pp. 182 sq. Erasmus's edition of the Greek Testament was at length eclipsed by the labours of Robert Stephanus (Estienne), who printed three editions in 1546, 1549 and 1550, and endeavoured to establish a text on more critical principles by registering the various readings in his margin. '^ Luther expressed his contempt for allegories and for Dionysius the Areopagite ('plus Platonisans quam Christianisans ') at a very early period : 0pp. 11. fol. 282 a, JenjB, 1600, About the same time (1521) he rejected the theory of a four-fold sense in Holy Scripture, ' quadrigam illam sensuum Scriptune, literalem, tropologicum, allegoricum, et ana- gogicum.' ' Nonne impiissimum est,' he adds [Ibid. fol. 243 b), 'sic partiri Scripturas, ut liters neque fidem neque mores neque spem tribuas, bed solam historiam jam inutilem ? ' — alluding to the mediaeval couplet ; ' Litera gesta docet, quid credas AUegoria, Moralis quid agas, quo tendas Anagogia.' ^ The freedom of this scholar (who died in 1534) amounted sometimes to irreverent licence. In that respect he far exceeded Luther (cf. above, J). 26, n. 1), and was attacked severely by Ambrosius Catharinus, one of Luther's antagonists: cf. Simon, Hist. Critique dcs 'principaux Com- inetitateurti, p. 537, Rotterdam, 1693. ^ Conuurittarii in iv. Evaiujelistas, Pont-k-Mousson, 1596: cf. Simon, p. 618. 5 On the history of the printed text of the Old Testament, see David- son, Bihl. Criticism, i. 137 sq., Ediub. 1852. •» See Middle Aye, p. 361, n. 4. 24—2 372 On the State of [chap. Tranzla- iimis of (he iScrijJtures. who had the leisure and the means recurred directly lo the fountains^ of the Old as well as of the New Testament. The masses were, however, indebted of necessity to vernacular translations. These accordingly sprang up in every country which had felt the genial impulse of the Reformation". As soon as Luther's version of the New Testament was circulated in Northern and Middle Ger- many, it caused a vast vibration in all ranks and orders of society. In the language of a strenuous adversary^, 'even shoemakers and women read it with feverish eagerness, committed parts of it to memory, and carried the volume about with them in their bosoms.' Boys are said, in like manner, to have been so devoted to the study of it, that they often quoted texts with greater ease than 'theologians of thirty years' standing.' An equal measure of enthusiasm w^as afterwards excited in all parts of England. Men had not indeed been wholly ignorant^ of the facts of sacred history, nor of the leading doctrines of the Gospel : but the prospect of exchaDging human and derived for hea- venly streams of knowledge, and the spiritual satisfaction, which had flowed from deep acquaintance with ' the true 1 Thus the Florentine, Petruccio Ubaldini, who visited this country in the reign of Edward VI. , remarks of the English people: 'The rich cause their sons and daughters to learn Latin, Greek and Hebrew ; for since this storm of heresy has invaded the land, they hold it useful to read the Scriptures in the original tongue:' Von Eaumer, Hist, of the xvith and xviith centuries, illustrated by original documents, ii. 74, Lond. 1835: cf. Oswald Myconius, Ad Sacerdotes Helvetice, p. 19. 2 See Hallam's Lit. of Europe, i. 525 sq., ii. 137, 138, Lond. 1840. 2 Cochlreus, De Actis et Scriptis M. Lutheri, ad annum 1522, fol. 50 b. He adds: 'At jam dudum persuaserat Lutherus turbis suis, nullis dictis habeudam esse fidem, nisi quae ex sacris Uteris proferrentur. Id- circo reputabantur catholici ab illis ignari scripturarum, etiamsi erudi- tissimi essent theologi. Quinetiam palam aliquando coram multitudine contradicebant eis laici aliqui, tanquam mera pro concione dixerint mendacia aut figmenta hominum.' Speaking of the new generation of theological students, he continues: 'Quod si quis novitatibus eorum contradiceret, mox praetendebant lectionem Groecam vel Hebraicam, aut aliquem ex vetustissimis auctoribus, et confestim plenis convitiorum plaustris invehebantur in Grfecarum et Hebraicarum literarum ignaros theologos, quos odiose sophistas, asinos, porcos, animalia ventris, et iuutilia pondera terra? vocitabant, superaddentes etiam ronchos et cachinnos immodestissime.' See a disputation between this writer and Alexander Ales, which appeared in 1533 with the title An expediat laicis lepere Novi Testamenti lihros linrjud vernaculd? (copy in the Camb. Univ. Libr. ab, 13, 5). * See Middle Age, pp.420 sq. IX.] IntelligencG and Piety. 3'- -> and lively Word of God contained in holy Scriptures, gave an impulse hitherto unprecedented to the circulation of religious literature \ The times, moreover, had so far altered that the price of Tyndale's version of the New Testament, which first appeared in 1525, was forty-fold less than that of Wycliffe a century before I Yet in all countries where the holy Scriptures were thus freely circulated, such publicity entailed, as might have been expected from the nature of the fermentation, a fresh crop of feuds and controversies. To say nothing of un- seemly brawlings and contentions prevalent in the eccle- siastical order, laymen were so far niterested and excited by the struggles between the 'old' and 'new learning,' that almost every house was now divided in opinion, while the taverns echoed with religious war-cries, and irreverent disputations. ' I am very sorie to know and heare,' says Henry VIII.^ at the close of his reign, ' how unreverently that most precious Jewell the Word of God is disputed, rimed, sung and jangled in every ale-house and taverne, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine, of the same.' A spirit had, in fact, been raised, which, if perverted, would impel the ignorant and self-conceited to assume a right of judging in all matters of faith, Avould sow the seeds of an ecclesiastical revolution, and ultimately pre- cipitate the fiery, sanguine, and ill-balanced reader of the Bible into every species of fanaticism. We saw this melan- 1 Above, p. 181, notes 1 and 4. UJal in the 'Preface vnto the Kinges Maiestie' (Edw. VI.), prefixed to his edition of Tlie first tome or volume of the Paraphrases of Erasmus (1551), alhides to the reaction against the reading of the Bible in English, which had occurred during the hiter years of Henry VIII., and congratulates his successor as 'the fa}i.h- ful Josias, in whose tyme the booke of the lawe is found out in the liouse of the Lord, and by the King's inji;nction read in the hearing of all the people.' According to him, ' As the winnower pourgeth the chaffe from the come, and the boulter tryeth out the branne from the meale ; so hath Erasmus scoured out of all theDoctours and commentaries vpon Scriptures, the drcgges whiche through the faulte of the times or places, in whiche those writers lined, had setled itselfe emong the pure and fyne substaunce.' ^ J. J. Blunt's Ilcform. in EngJand, p. 109, 0th ed. 3 Stow's Annah's', p. 590, Lond. 1031: cf. above, p. 372, n. 3. In the Homily ^.r7rtt».s-^ Brawling and Contention, p. 135, we have a graphic picture of the strifes then raging in England with reference to certain questions, not so much pertaining to edification as to vain-glory. The taunts thrown out were such as the following: 'He is a Pharisee, he is a gospeller, he is of the new sort, he is of the old faith, he is a new-broached brother, he is a good catholic father, he is a papist, he is an heretic' One effect of ciren- lating (he Bible. 374 On the State of [chap. 'TIic Press. choly result in the projection of lawless and distempered sects who followed closely in the track of the Reformers. The same remark is applicable to other products of the press. This instrument had been as cordially^ used on one side, as it was suspected and disparaged on the other. While the Romanists attempted, not in vain, to strangle it^ by means of the Index and Inquisition, the Reformer welcomed it as one of God's best gifts, and as the aptest and most powerful handmaid of the Gospel. The number of Lutheran publications, we have seen"^, was really pro- digious. Bibles, commentaries, sermons, hymns, and cate- chisms, a learned and elaborate history^ of the Church, regarded from the standing-ground of Luther, swarms of popular tracts, the work of writers thoroughly in earnest and passionately devoted to the cause they had espoused ; these all, combined with formal treatises on vexed ques- tions of the period, were transmitting the distinctive doc- trines of the Reformation into regions far beyond the personal influence of their authors. Nor were such the only kind of publications which contributed to its success. Ballads, pasquils, satires, ribalds full of pungent humour ^ E.g. Justus Jonas writes in his philippic Adverswn Joannem Fahrum . . .pro conjugio sacerdotali (Tiguri, 1523) :. , . 'in quem potissimum usum Deus in hoc steculorum fine, in his novissimis diebus I'ypographice divi- num artiticium protuht. Vides hnguas, Griecam, Latinam, Hebraicam, breviter omne eruditionis genus servire Evangelio:' sign. A iii. b. He then adds triumphantly: 'Eliminata est barbaries, profligati e theo- logorum scholis sophistae, asseritur quotidie magis ac magis syncera Theologia et puritas Evangehi.' 2 See above, pp. 98, 301. 3 Above, p. 71. ^ This was the work commonly known as the Magdeburg Centuries, the extensive character of which is indicated by the title of the original edition : Ecclesiastica Historia, integram Ecclesiae Christi ideam, quan- tum ad Locum, Propagationem, Tranquillitatem, Doctrinam, Hrereses, Ceremonias, Gubernationem, Schismata, Synodos, Personas, Mu-acula, Martyria, Religiones extra Ecclesiam, et statum Imperii politicum attinet, secundum singulas Centiirias perspicuo ordine complectens &c.: in thir- teen volumes, folio, each embracing one century, Basel, 1559 — 157-4. One of the chief contributors was Matthias Flacius Illyricus (above, p. 98, n. 9). To the Catalogus • Testium of the same writer John Foxe was largely indebted for materials in compiling Actes and Monumentes of Christian Martgrs and flutters ecclesiastical!, of which the first edition is dated 1563. The gi-eat work o| Illyricus and his friends gave rise to tbe Annales Ecclesiastici of Ctesar Earonius, a member of the Oratory, which appeared at Rome, 1588 — 1607, for the purpose of counteracting the effects of the Magdeburg Centuries : see Dowliug, Introd. to Eccl. Hist. p. 123. IX.] Intelligence and Piety. \7S A Imses of the J^reas. and sarcastic virulence, effected quite as much as the homily and the prayer-book. Erasmus^ himself opened these attacks as early as 1500, to the joy of all who were disgusted with the ancient reign of ignorance and immo- rality ; and his imitators; during the next fifty years, were almost innumerable ^ The tone, however, of such publi- cations gradually became more scurrilous and offensive. They decried the Roman pontiffs, it is true, with irre- sistible audacity : they poured abundant ridicule on errors, foibles, and absurdities of the Medioeval period : but even if we make considerable allowance for the greater coarse- ness of the generation in which these missiles were pro- jected, the violence and levity of their spirit, and the ribaldry, approaching to profaneness^, which they some- times manifested in discussing the most sacred topics, must have rather tended to generate contempt for all sacred things and persons, than promoted the spiritual and moral elevation of the reader. It should also be observed that, as the sixteenth century advanced, the circulation of god- less and immoral books became enormous, satisfying the most ardent friends of Reformation, that the benefits aris- ^ ' The lively Colloquies of Erasmus, which exposed the superstitious practices of the papists, with much humour, and in pure Latinity, made more protestants than the ten tomes of John Calvin:' Warton, Engl. Poetry, iii. 8, Lond. 1840. Eoger Ascham, on the other hand, when noticing the importation of foreign literature into England remarks : ' Ten Sermons at Paules Crosse doe not so much good for moouing men to true doctrine, as one of these [Italian] hookes does harme with in- ticing men to ill living More papists be made by your merry bookes of Italy than by*" your earnest bookes of Louvain :' Ibid. p. 872. See Ascham's Scliolemaster, ed. Mayor, pp. 80, 81. ^ See, for instance, above, p. 2'j, p. 193, n. 2. 3 Dr Maitland has called attention to this aspect of the great religious movement in his Essays on the Iteformation, No. xi — No. xiv. After speaking of the genuine Keformers, he adds (p. 226) : ' There were, at the same time, other partisans of the Reformation, very noisy and very numerous, of quite a different spirit, whom, to say the least, they did not keep at a proper distance, or repudiate with sufficiently marked de- testation. I mean those who used a jeering scoffing humour, to turn the ministers and the services of religion into ridicule, — men who employed themselves in raising a laugh against popery, at whatever expense, and in providing for the eyes and ears of even the rude multitude who could not read, gross and profane pictures, jests, songs, interludes, — all in short that could nurse the self-conceit of folly, and agitate ignorance into rebellion against its spiritual pastors and teachers.' For a specimen of the ballads ayalust the Eeformation, see Strype's Cranmer, Append. No. XLIX. 376 On the State of [chap. iiig from the press were not unmixed with serious, though it might be, unavoidable calamities \ But owing to the cost of books, and the comparative if^aiorance of the multitude, the press did not contribute so directly to the triumphs of the 'new learning,' as the oral admonitions and denunciations of Reformers. The lecture- room effected much'"": tlie pulpit more. Throughout the Medieval period, preaching had grown less and less fie- quent, and the quality of the sermons more insipid and unspirituaP. But when Luther's manly voice was heard at Wittenberg, and when his Postills, which united, to a singular extent, the qualities of vigour, fervour, and sim- plicity'*, were rapidly dispersed and reproduced in every province where the Lutheran theology had been accepted, it was felt that a new era was commencing, and that powerful springs of action had been touched in many a bosom which was hitherto estranged from God, or was at least impervious to the higher and more spiritual doc- trines of the Gospel. In this respect, as in many others, the counter-reformation party were themselves vastly benefited by the example of their enemies". They grew 1 Thus, Edward Topsell, preaching at the close of Elizabeth's reign, has echoed the complaints of previous writers : ' We have heresy and blasphemy and paganism and bawdry committed to the press, to be com- mended in print: there is no Italian tale so scurrilous, or fable so odious, or action so abominable, but some have ventured to defend it:' in Haweis, Sketches of the Reformation, p. 148, Lond. 1844. Ascham [The Scholemaster, pp. 81, 82, ed. Mayor, 186B) shews, however, that in the times of 'Papistrie,' such books as Morte Arthur, full of ' mans slaughter and bold bawdrye,' had .been by far the most popular. ' I knowe,' he continues, ' when God's Bible was banished the Court, and Morte Arthure receiued into the Princes chamber.' 2 See above, p. 71. ^ BliddJe Age, pp. 421, 422. 4 It is interesting to observe what was Luther's own idea of good ser- mons. Ratzeberger {Flandschrift. Gesch. p. 87, Jena, 1850) has preserved an anecdote where the great reformer delicately reflects on Bucer for preaching only to the learned : ' Aber w\ann ich uf die Cantzel trete, so sehe ich was ich fur Zuhorer habe, denen predige ich, was sie verstehen konnen; dan die meistere unter ihnen sind arme leyen und schlechte Wenden' [the aboriginal inhabitants of the district]. He goes on to compare simple and natural discourses to a mother's milk, which weep- ing children always prefer to syrups and other sweetmeats. 5 See above, p. 279, notes 3 and 6. In the 'PriBfatio' to the Catechismus Romanus it is stated: 'At vero, cum ha^c Divini Verbi pra3dicatio nunquam intermitti in Ecclesia debeat, turn certe hoc tern- pore majori studio et pietate elaborandum est, ut sana et incorrupta i.octrina, tamquam pabulo vit®, fideles nutriantur et confirmentur.' A IX.] Intelligence and Piety. Z77 more conscious that the older class of sermons would no longer satisfy their audience, and a new race of preachers was accordingly produced, especially among religious orders^ the Jesuits, the Theatines. the Barnabites, and the Oratorians, who were then established in the hope of remedying the past neglect and utter worldliness of ordi- nary ecclesiastics. The number and the length^ of sermons at this period shews the deep conviction which men had as to the might and efficacy of the agent. A few of the more eminent Re- formers, such as Hooper, Gilpin, and Jewel, are said to have preached once, or even twice a day : some of the parochial clergy were no less energetic : and where the Friar proved unfavourable to the * new learning,' itinerant preachers corresponding to him in the main, were dis- patched into remoter districts, to occupy the places of the ancient 'limitors^' Laymen* also, who possessed an ade- quate amount of learning and sobriety were, on apply- ing for a licence, occasionally permitted to go forth on the same errands, till at length, by all these agencies, the prominent doctrines of the Reformation Avere most fully known, if not sincerely cherished, and consistently obeyed. The troubles of the age, as we have seen, were not pro- pitious to the growth of general literature. This cause had most seriously affected not a few of the educational estab- fair specimen of these controversial sermons is supplied in Stapleton's Fromptuarium Catholinim, ad instructioncin conclonatonim contra Juox'ti- cos nostri temporis, Colon. 1594. 1 Above, p. 300 and n. 2. On Philip of Neri, who founded the ' Con- gregatio Oratorii' in 15G4, see Acta Sanctorum, Mali. Tom. vi. pp. 460 sq. 2 Cf. Ratzeberger, as before, p. 88, where he mentions that the pastor of Wittenberg (Bugenhagen) always preached more than one, often more than two hours. 2 See Mr Haweis' chapter on 'the itinerant preachers:' Sketches of the Reformation, pp. 84 — 108. Two of the more interesting characters among them were Gilpin and Bradford. On the latter high praise was bestowed by his contenijioraries: 'In this preaching oflico, l't)r the space of three years, how faithfully Bradford walked, how diligently he la- boured, many parts of England can testify. Sharpl,y lie opened and reproved sin, sweetly be preached Christ crucified, pithily he ini]iugned heresies and errors, earneaily he persuaded to godly life:' Ibid. pp. 92 93. ' •» Ibid. pp. 102, 103. ImporfaTice of preach- iwj. Standard of clerli'd education. 178 0)1 the State of [chap. lishments designed for training Christian scholars, and the ministers of religion. The English mind was in particular unsettled by the frequent alterations of the public faith and worship \ The unscrupulous seizure of church-pro- perty, and the menace that was constantly suspended over the revenues of colleges and universities, had there tended to discourage many a student who was hoping to advance his fortune by attaining academical distinctions^ It was somewhat different in commvmities of continental reformers. Conventual property had been applied, at least in Saxony and Wiirtemberg, to literary and religious purposes^, and several flourishing universities sprang up to vindicate the Reformation from the charges it incurred in certain quar- ters, — of lowering the standard of sacred literature. Still it must be granted that a large proportion of pastors in the sixteenth century, in reformed as well as unreformed communions, were ill-educated, drawing their meagre stock of knowledge, not from the original sources, but from text- books, commentaries, and compendiums of such modern divines, as Eck and Melchior Canus on the one side, or Melanchthon, Bullinger, and Calvin on the other. 1 Warton, iii. 14 sq. 2 ' The common ecclesiastical preferments were so much diminished by the seizure and alienation of impropriations [cf. above, pp. 337, 338], in the late depredations of the Church, and which continued to be carried on with the same spirit of rapacity in the reign of Elizabeth, that few persons were regularly bred to the Church, or, in other words, received a learned education:' Ibid. p. 18. The writer mentions, for example, that ' about 1563 there were only two divines, and those of higher rank, the president of Magdalen college and the dean of Christ Church, who were capable of preaching the public sermons before the University of Oxford.' And archbishop Parker {Correspond, ed. P. S. p. 370) found it difficult in 1570 to meet with any divine at Cambridge, able and willing to fill the office of Lady Margaret's professor. ' Look,' cried Bernard Gilpin, an Oxford-man, preaching in the reign of Edward, ' look at the two wells of this realm, Oxford and Cambridge: they are almost dried up:' one reason being that noblemen rewarded ' servants with livings appointed for the Gospel' (Haweis, p. 59). Thomas Lever at the same period utters similar complaints touching the state of Cambridge, his own imiversity : ' There was in the houses belonging to the University of Cambridge two hundred students of divinity, many very well learned, which be now all clean gone, house and man, young toward scholars and old fatherly doctors, not one of them left' {Ibid. p. 61). The impropriators were also, in his mind, the cause of this declension, * great thieves which murder, spoil and destroy the flocks of Christ ' (p. 63). See other curious information touching the condition of the clergy at this period in the i'ref. to the English version of Pnllinger's Decades, ed. P. S. 1819. •^ Gieseler, iii. ii. pp. 425, 425 (ed. Bonn). IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 379 Although the dissolution of religious houses involved not only the temporary depression of sacred literature in general, but the loss of the monastic schools, that second loss was neither so wide nor so grievous as might appear at the first glance. Such institutions had, for many years, been rapidly declining ; and when Erasmus opened his un- sparing warfare on the monks and friars, in whom he saw the natural enemies of elegance and erudition, it was felt that other establishments must be constructed for commu- nicating secular and sacred knowledge, and reduced into more perfect harmony with modern wants, and the in- creased capacities of the age. Accordingly more grammar- schools had been erected and endowed in Encrland durinsr the thirty years preceding the Reformation than in three centuries before \ In Germany also, the first wish of those who headed the reforming movement was to institute a far larger number of town and village schools. They bore in mind a hint of Gerson^, that the 'reformation of the Church, to be effectual, must begin at the children.' Luther^ had proceeded in this spirit as early as 1524. He then urged the subject of religious* education on the notice 1 Knight, Li/e of Golet^ pp. 100 sq., Lond. 1724: where it is remarked, ' This noble impulse of Christian charity in the founding of grammar- schools, was one of the Providential ways and means for bringing about the blessed Beformation.' 2 Middle Age, p. 417, n. 2. 3 In writing to Strauss (April 25 : De "Wette, ii. 504, 505) his words are: 'Caeterum oro, apud tuos urgeas causamistam juventutis mstituendfe. Video enim Evangeho impendere maximam ruinam, neglectu educandte pueritiae. Ees ista omnium maxime necessaria est:' cf. above, p. 346. Hooper, at a later period, presses the same point in England (Early Writings, p. 508, ed. P. S.) : 'I would likewise pray and admonish the magistrates to see the schools better maintained: for the lack of them shall bring blindness into this Church of England again,' The Stat. 1 Edw. VI. c. 14, entitled ' The Act for Chantries Collegiate,' which was opposed by Cranmer among others (see Stephens, Eccl. Stat. i. 294, n. 3), from a wish to keep church-property out of the hands of lay plun- derers, hinted at the desirableness of converting these foundations ' to good and godly uses, as in erecting of grammar-schools to the education of youth in virtue and godliness, the further augmenting of the Uni- versities, and better provision for the poor and needy:' but nearly all the revenues thus made available were swept into the roval coffers : cf . Ibid. p. 301 note, and J. J. Blunt, Rrf. p. 319. ^ The idea of disjoining secular and religious education had not oc- curred to any class of the Beformers. All the schoolmasters in England, for example, were placed under the jurisdiction of the bishops : see Eliza- beth's Injunctions (1559), §§ 40—42. One of the first advocates of the Schools : Reformed, i8o On the State of [chap. of the magistrates in every part of Germany, imploring them to devote a number of pious imposts, which had for- merly been levied on their people, to the general diffusion of sacred knowledge among tlie poor. ' Our system,' he contended \ after dwelling on the social advantages of the Reformation, ' is so much improved, that more may now be learned in three years, than could hitherto be found in all the schools and cloisters.' ' Herewith,' concludes the author, ' I commend you all to God's grace, that He may soften and inflame your hearts, to the end that ye may earnestly take charge of the poor, miserable, and neg- lected youth, and, by God's help, instruct and aid them towards a holy and Christian ordering of the German people, in body and soul, with all fulness and overflowing, to the praise and honour of God the Father, through Jesus Christ our Saviour.' But the annals of this period everywhere attest tha.t the Reformers, anxiously devoted as they were to the in- struction of the young, had to encounter a most formidable class of rivals^ in the Order of the Jesuits. The reaction which eventually issued in the restoration of the pontiff to his ancient honours may be traced, in almost every case, to the untiring energy, and the consummate skill, with which the tenets of Tridentine Romanism had been insinuated by able followers of Ignatius Loyola into the minds of their pupils. One of the main causes which retarded the advance of education, in the lower ranks of life, was the unj^opularity of clerics. We have already noticed instances of this an- tipathy in various parts of Europe. Nor can it, in fairness, be regarded as the product of the moral revolution which had given fresh importance to the laity, and urged them to assert their spiritual independence. Long before ^ the opposite theory was Lord Herbert, who at the beginning of the nest period contended, that from the time when children went to school they should have tioo masters, one for lessons, the other for manners and morals, and that each of these should keep strictly to his own province. ^ See this remarkable address at length in Walch, x. 532 sq. The title is J 71 die liatJisherren aller Stadte Deutschlaiides dass sie Christliche Schulen aiifrichten und halten soUen. 2 See above, p. 88, n. 2 ; 307, 308. 3 3Iiddle Age, pp. 241, 242, 348—350, and above, pp. 357, 358. In the case of England the evidence is irresistible. l)eau Colet, in his IX.] Intelligence and Piety. 381 earliest dawn of Reformation, the excessive levity and irreverence, the pride, extortion and unchastity of those famous sermon preached before the Convocation, in 1511 (Knight's Life, pp. 273 sq.), draws a dark picture of clerical immorality. ' Hath nat this vice [of carnal concupiscence] so growen and waxen in the Churche as a fludde of theyr luste? so that there is nothynge loked for more dili- gently, in this moost besy tyme, of the most parte of pristes, than that that dothe delite and please the senses? They g.yue them selfe to feastes and bankettynge : They spend them selfe in vaine bablyng : They gyue them selfe to sportes and plays : Thej apply them selfe to huntynge and hauk- ynge. They drowne them selfe in the delytes of the worlde. Procurers and f>aiders of histes they set by,' &c. On the irreverent mode in which Divine worship was celebrated, and the filthy condition of the churches and the mutilations of the service, Stephen Baron, the Cambridge preacher (as above, pp. BG8, 369, n.4), has numerous passages: e.g. after dwelling on the dignity of the priesthood and the sanctity of their ministrations, he exclaims (fol. 22 b.): ' Sed proth pudor, si considerentur aitaria multis in eeclesiis, inuenientur ibi tobalee [altar-cloths] sordidissime, pulueribus et stercox'ibus vel auium vel murium plene: corporalia vero nigra et feculenta, indumentaque sacerdotalia lacerata; et cuncta, ut sic dicam, deturpata. Ecclesiastici quoque viri, Christiani ministri, a potentibus et popularibus contemptui habentur etc. . . .Quot insuper scurrilia verba, sincopntiones omissioiiesque in orationibus et Dlvino officio/^ And the same humiliating view is satirically presented in the Colijn Cloute of John Skelt:)n, poet-laureate in the early years of Henry VIIL, and himself for some time a parochial clergyman. The whole poem (ed. Dyce, i. 311 — 36 Jj is a fearless onslaught on corruptions then prevalent in the Chur2h, friars and bishops included: e.g. ' And howe whan ye gjnie orders In your prouinciall borders, As at Sitientes [the first word of the Introit of thf Mass on the Saturday before Passion Sunday] Some are insufficientes, Some i)arxim sapientes, Some nilUl iiitelligentes. Some valde negligentes, Some nullum sensum Jiahentes, But bestiall and vntaught ; But whan thei haue ones caught Dominus vobiscum by the hede. Than renne they in euery stede [place], God wot, with dronken nolles [heads]; Yet take they cure of soules, And woteth nener what thei rede, Paternoster, Ave, nor Crede ; Construe not worth a whystle Nether Gos})eU nor Pystle ; Tlieyr mattyns madly sayde, Nothynge deuoutly prayde; Theyr lernynge is so small, Theyr prymes and houres fall And lepe out of theyr lyppes Lyke sawdust or drye chippes. I speke not nowe of all But the moost imrt in generall. 382 0)1 the State of [chap. Social po- sition of the derfjy. who should have been ensamples to their flock, were ren- dering the parochial clergy, in too many cases, a legitimate object of suspicion, and exposing them to satire, hatred, and contempt. When Luther visited Rome in 1511, his mortification was intense on finding himself associated with monks and clerics who had so little regard for decency, that even tlie most solemn offices of worship were cele- brated with contemptuous haste, and made the subject of profane caricatures \ This frightful blasphemy produced a similar effect upon the spirit of Erasmus^; and when the pope was ultimately constrained to undertake some re- formation of the Churches subject to his jurisdiction, the committee of inquiry ventured to report^ that most of the prevailing scandals were attributable to the irreverence of the clergy, and to the contempt with which the sacerdotal order was too commonly regarded. On the other hand, it is quite obvious from the records^ of the sixteenth century, that the Reformation was unable to effect an instantaneous change in these particulars. It produced a bright succession of noble-hearted pastors who retained their Christian fervour and integrity amid a crooked and rapacious generation : yet, regarded as a whole, the ministers of Reformed conmiunities, though less obnoxious to the censures and abhorrence of their flocks, continued to be worldly-minded, and as such were held in general dis- repute. England, for example, still abounded with plural- ists^ who fattened on the fruits of three or more benefices. 1 Waddington, Reform, i. 59, 60. 2 See the extract from bis letter, in Middle Age, p. 352, n. 1, where he declares that he was himself an ear-witness. 3 Above, p. 323, n. 2. * See abundant evidence from the contemporary pulpit collected in Haweis, pp. 63 sq. One of these passages may be taken as a summary of the whole : ' The churches are full of Jeroboam priests — I mean the very refuse of the people, in whom is no manner of worthiness, but such as their greedy Latrones, Patrones I would say, allow of — I mean their worthy paying for it ; and then a quare impedit against the bishop that shall deny him institution' (p. 72). 5 Among other evidence we find Fagius and Bucer writing with con- siderable bitterness on this subject to their continental friends (Giese- ler, III. ii. pp. 19, 20 ed. Bonn). The former observes: 'Interim tamen habent magnas, multas et pingues praebendas, et sunt magni domini : satis esse putant, in conviviis et colloquiis posse aliquid de Evangelic nugari, captiosas et curiosas quasstiunculas movere, cui vitio video An- glicam gentem admodum obnoxiam.' IX.] Intelligence and Fiety. 3S3 Absentees^ were thus made numerous in the same propor- tion. Many of the lay-patrons whose property was charged with the support of the extruded monks, in order to save their pensions^, had installed them in the parish-churches, for the ministry of which they were unqualified : while numbers of the smaller benefices were held by incumbents whose ignorance was only exceeded by their want of ear- nestness and sympathy with their parishioners. Generally speaking, therefore, the social position of ordinary ecclesi- astics was lamentably depressed. As in the period just precedinof the Reformation, their character was lowered in the eyes of laymen by concubinage and unchastity, so now they felt themselves degraded, in a different form, by ill- assorted alliances. Marriage with ecclesiastics was long deemed censurable, or at least equivocal^, and hence the fear of rejection in the higher circles of society impelled the clergyman to seek companionship in quarters where the female mind was wanting in delicacy, elevation and intelligence. Some tokens of improvement had, however, grown more visible in England with the progress of the sixteenth century. The clerics had more frequently graduated at the universities, and were less wretched in their social status. The lay-impropriators, having found at length that ministers who are inordinately poor are often, 1 The following extract from a letter of the bishop of Carlisle [Best], to Cecil, written in 1563, is one specimen of the disastrous consequences: 'By the absence of the Deane of Carlill, Mr Doctor Smyth, their churche goeth to decay: their wodes almost destroide, a great parte of the livings luider color conveyed to their kynsmeii, themselves takyng the profitts, and that for three or four score years, their statutes appointing but onlie twenty-one. Where for reparations is allowed yerlie a hundred pounds, there nothyng done. No residence kept ; no accompts ; the prebendaries turning all to their oune gayne ; which when I go about to reforme in my visitation, can take no place, because they are confederate together, and the losses their oune. Three of them are iiulearned, and the fourth unzealous. Breeflie the city is decaed by them, and God's truth sclan- deryd.' Queen Elizabeth and her Times (original letters), ed. Wright, i. 149, Lend. 1838. ^ Thus Bucer complains (as above p. 382, n. 5) : ' Et primores quidem regni multis pai-ochiis prrefecerunt eos, qui in coenobiis fueruut, ut pen- sione eis persolvenda se liberarent, qui sunt iudoctissimi, et ad sacrum ministerium ineptissimi : ' cf. J. J. Blunt's Reform, p. 163. 3 Cf. Haweis, p. 77, who remarks with justice, ' The queen grossly in- sulted the primate's wife, after accepting her hospitality; her neighbours at Worcester behaved in the same way to the wife of bishop Sandys. The wife of a martyred bishop was living at the time in extreme poverty.' Clerical marriages. General improve- ment in England, M On the State of [chap. in the same proportion, noisy and disaffected, were less open to the charge of arrogance and rapacity. Popular contempt had also been succeeded by a greater measure of respect and reverence. The number of pluralists and non- residents was considerably diminished; and if the force of Whitgift's administration^ had not been weakened by in- ternal discord, and resisted by the scruples of the Puritanic faction, it is not unlikely that the clerics of the Church of England would have risen at once into the social rank, and been invested with the influence, which they ultimately attained. But while the issues of the Reformation were thus favourable as a whole, to the diffusion of a higher order of intelligence; while, in spite of serious drawbacks and reverses, which had been entailed on the great movement by the scandals and immorality of the times preceding, it was elevating the standard of religion, banishing a multitude of abject superstitions^, and expanding all the faculties and energies of man, its operation, in a different province of his being, was no less powerful and remarkable. It changed the character of his devotion, making worship far more 1 A statistical return from the different dioceses of England and Wales in 1603 enables us to speak with some precision on this subject (Haweis, pp. 306, 307). The number of parishes in both provinces was then 8806; the number of ecclesiastics doubly beneficed, 801 ; the number of persons licenced to preach 4793. The same table informs us how many of the parishes were 'impropriate,' and how many of the clergy were non-graduates. The aggregate number of Kecusants (Romish and Eeformed) in both provinces was 87,014. 2 Many of these, however, lingered both in the Eeformed and in the unreformed communities. A belief in witchcraft, for example, still pre- vailed in almost every quarter. See a vast collection of charms &c. in Reginald Scot's Discoverie of Witchcraft, Lond. 1584 : the collector, how- ever, himself denying that the Evil Spirit has any power to control the course of nature. Both the Romanist and Reformer seemed anxious now and then to elicit a knowledge of the unseen, and a corroboration of the truth of their special doctrines, from persons who were held to be under the tyranny of Satan: see on the one side Sully's Memoir es {iy. 498 sq., Paris, 1827), where a Jesuit is the questioner, and on the other, The ende and last confession of mother Waterhousc (1566), who, to the satisfaction of her prosecutors, acknowledged that Satan would not allow her to pray ' in Englyshe but at all times in Laten.' Several of the London ministers, in like manner, were deluded in 1574 by ' a maid which counterfeited herself to be possessed by the devil:' cf. Parker's letter to Cecil in Queen Elizabeth and her Times, as above, i. 509. The terrors, generally excited by the approach of 1588, 'the year of marvels,' 'the grand climacteric of the world,' are sketched in Smedley's Reform, in France, ii. 229 sq. IX.1 Intelligence and Piety. simple, rational, and profound, and, at the same time, furnish- m n. 2; 192, n. 4; 195, n. i; 216, n. 1, 4 ; 220, n. i BoRNEMiszE (Paul), 92, n. 3 BoRROMEO (Carlo), 121,301 BoRTHWiCK (John), 133, n. r Bourbon, family of, 124, 125 Bradford (John), 377, n. 3; 385, n. 2 Brady (bp.), 247, n. 2 Brandenburg (Bavarian) reformed, 68 Brandenburg (Electoral) reformed, 68 Brask, 78, n, 2 Brazil, missions to, 409, 410 Brentz, 51, n. I ; 158 Bres (Guide de), 149 BRI90NNET, 122 Browne (archbp.), 243, 244 Browne (Robert), founder of a sect, 271, 272; its principles, 272, 273 Bruciolt, 97 Brunswick, reformed, 69, n. 4 BUCER, joins himself to Luther, 27, 59, 62, n. 3 ; tries to mediate between the Saxon and Swiss reformers, 153; his final tenets on the Eucharist, 153, n. I ; connexion with England, 184, n. 3; 202, 203, 206; his death, 206, n. 2 BUGENHAGEN {al. Pomeranus), 51, n. i ; 69, n. i; 72, n. 3; 76 Bull (Henry), 385, n. 2 BULLINGER (Henry), 104, n. 5; 1 1 3, and n. i ; 199, 239, 241 BuRCHER, 200, n. 2; 203, n. 2 BuRCKART (Francis), 187, n. 4 Byzantinism, 328, and n. 2 C. Ca.tetanus, 19; 371, n. 3 Calixtines, 86, 87 Calvin (John), his life and writings, 113 — 121 ; his orthodoxy questioned, T16, n. [ ; his relations with the Ger- man reformers, 117, n, 3; 157, 158; and with the Zwinglians, 119, 120; his sacramental tenets, 119, 120; opposed to Zwingli on the Eucharist, 153, n. 2; ultimate points of diver- gency from Lutheranism, 161, 162, and n. i ; his works prohibited in England, 193, n. 2 ; opinions on the English Prayer- Book, 205, and n. 4; 219, n. 2; influence of his Tnstitutio in England, 240, 241 ; ideas on church- constitution, 349 — 352 ; on church- ritual, 388, 389 Calvino-papistce, 240, n. 6 Campeggio (papal legate), 40, n. 3 ; 55, 172 Capito, 107, n. 7 Carafpa (cardinal). 97; lOO, n, 4; 306 (see also Paul IV.) Carlstadt, 21, 37; 38, n. 2; 55, n. i Carne, 224, n. 4 Carranza (archbp.), 94, n. 3, 4 ; 95, n. 5 ; ^20, n. I Cartwright (Thomas), 236, and n. 5 ; 271 Cassander (George), 80, n, 3; 149, n. 3 ; his attempts at mediation, 276 Castellanus (Uuchatel), 356,n. 3; 358, n, I Castellio, 118, n. 3 Catechismus Romanus, 299, n. i Index, 417 Catharine (of Aragon), 170, 171 Catharinus, 35; 37^. n- 3 Cazalla (Augustiii), 94 Cecil (lord Burghley), 214, n. 4; 223; 224, n. 3 ; 232, n. 2 ; 233 ; 235, n. 4 ; 238, n. 2 Centum Gravamina, 2, n. 2 ; 40, n. 3 Chancels, 386, n. i ; 394 Charles V., 21, 32, 33, 47, 59, 64, 65, andn. 3, 4; 95, 146, 147; 172, 326 Cheke, 191,11. i; 214, n. 4 Chemnitz, 163 Cheney, 216, n. 2; 226, n. 6; 231, n. 2 China, missions to, 407, 408 Chttr^us, 163 Clark (John), 180, n. 3 Clement VII. (pope), 172, and n. 3; disposal of church-endowments, 3-26 Clerk (John, bp.), 165, and n. 2; 171, n. 3 Clergy, their general condition, 358, 377, 378, 381—383 Cleves (duchy of), reformed, 69, n. 4 CoCHL^us, 54; 60, n. 5; 372, n. 3 COLET (dean), 167, n. 4; 168, n, 3; 184, n. 4 ; 380, n. 3 COLIGNY, 125, 129 Communion in both kinds, 30, and n. 5; 37, 39; ^93,n- 3; 294, 296 Concord, Boole of, 163, 164 Concordia Vilebergensis, 58, n. 1 CoNDE, prince of, 125, 128, and n. 5 Confessio Augustana (see Augsbxirg) Belgic, 148, and n. 5 Bohemian, 87, 88, Czengerina, 91 ■ Danish, 76, and n. 2 — Gallican, 124, 125 and n. i General, projected, 211, 212 Helvetic, 91, n. 3; 154, n. i ; 387, n. I or Eepeiitio Anhaltina, 162, n. 2 Pentapolitana, 90, n. 5 Saxonica, 65 Scotch, 140 Tetrapolitana, 52, n. I ; 153 Variata, 58, n. i ; 155 sq.; 159 Virtembergensis, 65, 230 Waterland, 259 Confession (private), 369, 370 Confirmation of Bishops, 333, and n. 4 Conge d'eslire, 333, 334 Consensus Dresdensis, 162, n. 2 Consensus Gencvensis, 161, n. 4 Consensus Sendomiriensis, 85, 86 R. P. Consensus Tigurinus, 119, 157 ; andn. 7; 161, n. 4; 197, n. 2 Consilium delectorum cardinalium, 323, n. 2 Consistories, Lutheran, what, 34 1 ; Cal- vinistic, what, 350, 351 Consubstantiation, 51, n. j CoNTARiNi (Gaspar), 58, 97; 277 Convocations, English, 177, and n. 2; J78, 334—337 Cooper (bp.), 237, n. 3 CORRANUS, 96, n. I Council (General) , feelings of Reformers respecting, 8; 25, n. i; 274 Council of Trent (see Trent) Councils, reforms attempted in, 27S, 279; regulations respecting, 324, u. I ; 335, and n. 2, 4 COVERDALE, 2 [6, n. 3 ; 2i8, n. 4 ; 2 2 J , n. 3; 226, n. 5; 232, n. 4 Cox (dean and bishop), 219, and n. 4 Cranmer (Thomas), early life, 173, 174; becomes archbishop, 175; writes on behalf of More and Fisher, 178, n. 3; second marriage, 179; early opiniuus on the Eucharist, 180, n. i; 184, n. 2 ; efforts for the circulation of the Scriptures, 181, n. 4; opposes the 'Six Articles,' 189; influence on the accession of Edward, 191, n. i ; sides with the Lutherans, 194; modifica- tion of his views on the Eucharist, 196, 197 ; draws up a series of Articles, 201 ; entertains foreign reformers, 202 ; ultimate views on the Eucharist, 207 — 2 10 ; attempts to draw together all reformers, 211, 212 ; share in com- piling the XLII Articles, 214, and the Reformatio Lcgum, 215, n. 4; is imprisoned, 216, n. 3; condemnatiou of his writings, 218; his deatli, 221, 222; on apostolical succession, 365, n. 3 Cromer (archbp.), 243, 244, n. 5 Cromwell (Thomas), 178; 183, n.2; Crypto-Calvimsts, 156; 102, n. 'i Curland, reformed, 74 D. Davidists, 268, n. 3 Denk (John), 253, n. i ; 256, n. 2 Denmark, reformation in, 74 — 77 Devay (Matthew), 90 Dissidents (Polish), 84, and n. 3 27 162 4 T 8 Index. DOWDALL (archbp.), 244; 745, n. 5 Dryander, 96, ami n. ?, 4 E. Fceholians, 198, n. 5 ECK, 17, and n. 3; ^i, and n, 6; 24, n. 2; 54; 60, n. 5; 108, 278 Edward VI. (of England), 191, and n. I ; death of, 215 Einarsen (Gisser), 77, 78 Elia (Paul), 74, n. 5; 78, n. 3 Elizabeth (of England), her ecclesias- tical policy, 223, sq.; excommunicat- ed by the Pope, 234 ; invited to the Council of Trent, 292 Emser, 24, n. I ; 27S England, church of, principles on which it was reformed, 7 ; constitution of, 327—339 England, reformation in, 165 — 242 ; general characteristics of, 169, 170; type of its theology, 239—242 ; two- fold aspect of, 242, n. 3 Episcopacy (see Biahops) Erasmus, character and writings, 41 — 45, 146; preference of St Jerome, 42, n. 2; disputation with the Lutherans, 43, 44; his influence in England, 167, n. 4; his Paraphrase, 195, n. i ; 373, n. i; his attempts at mediation, 274, 275 E •antmmsm, 328, n. 2 Eric, 80, and n. 2 Eucliaristic Controversy, 153, sq.; 206 Faber (Jesuit), 305, and n. 5 Faber (John), 54; 106, n. i; 109, n. 2; 313. n. 2 Fagius (Paul), 202, n. 4; 203, n. 3 FamiUsts (see Love). Farel (William), 113; 122, n. 2 Farrkr (bp.), 216, n. 3; 231 Ferdinand (emperor), 66.; 294 Ferus (John), 277 Fish (Simon), 180, n. r Fisher (John, bp. ), 165, n. i ; 167, n. 4; 168, n. 2; 172, n. 1; 176, n. 5; 178, n. 3; 208, n. I Fr.ciciUS (lllyricus), 45, n. i ; 64, n. i ; 98, n. 9 ; 156, n. 2 ; 163, n. 2 ; 344, '»• 3; 374. n- 4 Flaminio, 97, n. 4 iormida of Concord, 67, 162 — 164 Fox (bp.), 167, n. 3; 187 FOXE (John), 218, n. 4; 219, n. 4; 232, n. 4; 374, n. 4 France, reformation in, 122 — 130 Francis I. {of France), 5 ; 57, n. 4; 60; 122; 123, n. 5 Frankfort, Troubles of, 11 8, n. 4 ; 137, and n. I ; 219, and n. i Frederic (elector), 14, 19, n. i ; 32, and n. 6 ; 33, n. 3 ; 40, n. 1 Freethinkers, in the Reformation period, 250, 251 Friars, preachers of the Reformation, 72 Friesland, reformation in, 70 Frith (John), 180, n. i G. Gallicanism, 130, and n. 4; 176, n. 4 ; 281, n. 2; 294, 322, 323 Gardiner (bp.), 168, n, 2 ; on the royal supremacy, 169, n. 2 ; iSi, n. 4 ; 183, 188, and n. i; 189; 192, and n. 4; IQ9, n. 3; 200, n. 3; 208, n. i ; 217, 218; 220, n. I ; 229, n. i Gastius (John), 252, n. i (4eneva, civil constitution of, 113, n. 3 Gennadius (patriarch), 312, n. i (tENTILIS (John Valent.), 263, n. 6 (4E0RGE (David), 268, 269 Gerlach (Stephen), 313, 314 Germany, reformation in, 11 — 72 Gil (Juan), 93 Gilpin (Bernard), 377, 378, n. 2 Glapio, 33, and n. 2 Goodacre (archbp.), 24^, n. 5 Granvella, 148, 149 Greek Church, intercourse with the Protestants, 313; points held in com- mon, 315, 316; points of difference, 316 Greek language, study of, 356, n. 2, 3 Grey (Lady Jane) 192, and n. 2 Grindal (archbp.), 218, n. 4 ; 219, n. 1 ; 232, n. 3, 4; 233, n. 4; 2 38, and n. 2 Guerrero (archbp. of Granada), 293, n. 2 Guest .(bp.), 226, n. 6; 227, n. 4 Gaeux, 149 Guise, family of, 124, 126, 129, 145, H. Haddon, 216, n. 2 ; 219, n. i Haller (Berchtold), 108, 100, n. 3 Hamilton (Patrick), 131, 132 Hariot, his conduct in Virginia, 412 Index. 419 Harley, (bp.), 216, n. 3 Head of the Church, 176; 225, n. 3; 330 Heath (archbp.), 187, 221; n. 2 Heidelberg Catechism, 160 Henkkl (John), 89, n. 2 Henry IV. (of France), his abandon- ment of Protestantism, 130, and n. 3 Henry VIII. (of England), friendship with Erasmus, 43, n. 4 ; leagues with the continental reformers, 57, n. 4; con- troversy mth Luther, 165; 'Defender of the Faith,' 165, and n. 3 ; on Greek learning, 168, n. 3; marriage and di- vorce, 170 — 175; favours some re- formation, 18 r, 186, 187 Hermann (archbp. of Cologne), 59 ; his Consultation, 59, n. 4; 195; 198; 279 Heshus, 159 Hess (John), 70 Hessen, reformed, 68; peculiarities of the reformation, 345, 346 Hetzer, 253, n. I Hilles (Richai-d), 193, n. 3, 4 HoDGKiN (suffragan bp.), 226, n. 5 Hoffmann (Melchior), 267, n. 4 Hooker (Richard), 236, n. 5; 237, n, i; 241, n. 4 ; 242 Holgate (archbp.), 216, n. 3 Holstein, reformed, 69 Holy League, 57 //omZ/es (English), 190, n. 2; 195, n. i; 230, n. I Honter (John), 90 Hooper (bp.), life and character, 199 — 202 ; objects to certain Articles, 201 ; controversy with Joliflfe and Jonson, 713, n. 4; ills own series of articles, 214, n. 2 ; is imprisoned, 216, n. 3; death, 22 r ; on schools, 379, n. 3; as a preacher, 377; 392 ; on church -ritual, 395, and n. 2 Horne (bp.), 232, n. 3, 4; 233, n. 4 Huguenots, meaning of the word, 125, n. 2 Humphrey, 218, n. 4; 232, n. 4 Hungary, reformation in, 88 — 92 Hdnne (Richard), 167, n. 3 Huss, 24, n. I HuTTEN, Ulrich von, 29, and n. 4; 43, n. 4 Iceland, retormerl, 77, 78 Immaculate Conception of the Virgin, 281, n. 2; 283, n. 3 Impropriations, 338, 339; 382, n. 4 ; 383 Independents (see Broione) Index Librorum Prohibitorum, 299, n, 1, India, Christianity in, 402 — 406 Inquisition, Spanish, 92 sq. ; 146, 14S, 149. . Inquisition, Roman, revived, 302, 303 Institution of a Christen Man, 1 86 Interim, 62, 63 ; 70, n. 4 ; 72, 202 Investiture of bishops, 333, and n. 5 Ireland, reformation in, 243 — 249; its theology Calvin istic, 247, 248 Italy, reformation in, 96 — J 00 Japan, mission to, 406, 407 Jeremiah I. (patriarch), 314 Jeremiah II. (patriarch), 319, and n. 2 Jesuits, order of (see Loyola Ignatius), their vast influence in counteracting the reformers, 308, 380; absolute de- votion to the pontiff, 306, n. 4: theo- logical laxity, 309, and n. 2 ; contro- versy with the Dominicans, 308 — 31 1 ; preachers of democracy, 327; their extensive missions, 403, sq. Jewel (bp.), 218, n. 4; 232, n. 4 Jews, persecution of, 399 John (elector), 45; 61, n. 2 John Frederic (elector), 61, and n. 2 ; 65, n. 3; 159, n. 2 John (King of Sweden), 80 — 82 Jonas (Justus), 106, n. i; 194; 374, n. r Jon (du, or Junius), 149, n. i ; 150, n. 4- Joris (see George, David) Joye (George), 189, n. i Julius III. (pope), 287; 326, n. 4 K. Kederminster (abbot of Wiachcombe), 167, n. 3 King's-hook, 188, n. 3 Kitchen (bp.), ^^Si n- .3 Klebitius (Klewitz), 159 Knipperdolling, 253, n.. 6 Knowne-men, 166, n. 2 Knox (John), life and character, 134 — 145; residence in England, 136; in- timacy with Calvin, 136, 137; 139, n. 3; Ridley and Parker's dislike of him, 137, n. i, 4; his Blast, 1^7', dis- places the English Liturgy, 138, n,_2 ; 219, n, 4; not opposed to 'superin- 420 Index. tendents,' 142, n. 1 ; character of his theology, 142, 143; on Anabaptism, 251, n. I L. Latnez (Jesuit), 295, n. 3; 305, n. 3 ; 306, n. 4; 307; 309, n. 3; 321 Lambert (Francis), 49, n. i ; 345 Lamhcth Articles, 241 ; 248, n. 3 Lapland, new mission to, 410, n. 2 Laski (Joh.), 70, n. 4; 83, n. 3; 148, n. 5; 157, 158, 202; 205, n. 5 Latimer (bp.), 167, n. 4; 182, n. 2; 184, n. 4; 186, 221 Latomus (Barth.), 358, and n. i Lefevre (Jaques), 122 Leicester, Earl of, in the Netherlands, 1 5 1 , n. I ; champion of the Puritans, 236 Leo (Judge), 105, n. 4; 387, n. 2 Leo X. (pope), 5; 22, n. 4; 24, n. 2 ; 165 Lever (Thomas), 232, n. 4; 378, n. 2 Leyden (John of), 254 Ltsmanini (Francis), 83, n. 2; 263 Litany (English), 190 Livonia, reformed, 74 LoFTUS (archbp.), 247 Lollards, 131, n. 3; 166, n. 2; 169, 182 LoNGLAND (John, bp.), 166, n. 2 Love, Family of, its history and princi- ples, 268 — 271 Loyola (Ignatius), his life and charac- ter, 303 — 307 LucAR (Cyril), 314, n. i; 315, n. i LuNEBURG, reformed, 68 Luther, early life of, 11 — 15; first con- ceptions of the doctrine of justification, 13, 14, and n. i; his preference for St Augustine, 14, 15, and n. i; ori- ginally devoted to the papacy, 4, n. 4; 5 ; his address to the Christian Poten- ■ tates, 7, 364 ; controversy with Tetzel, 15 — 17 ; with Wimpina and others, 17; interview with Cajetanus, 19; dispu- tation at Leipzig, 21 — 24; excommu- nication of, 24; some of his tenets at this period, 25 — 27; treatise on the Bahylonisli Captivity, 30, 31; contro- versy with Henry VIIL, 26, n. i ; 32, n, i; 165; 168, n. i; subsequent reconciliation, 187 ; summoned to Worms, 33 ; retreat at Wartburg, 35, 36 ; reappearance at Wittenberg, 38 ; marriage, 39, n. i ; moderation in his sentiments, 39, n, i ; 48, and n. 2 ; views on the Eucharist, 51, and n. i ; opposed to a compromise with the papacy, 54, n. 5; 56, n, 4; feelings towards the Sacramentaries, 58, n. i ; 60; his death, 60, and n. 6; number and effect of his publications, 71 ; his correspondence with the Bohemian Brethren, 87, and n. 2 ; general theory of the church, 339, sq. ; on the sacer- dotal character of all the baptized, 363 — 365; on confession, 370; on sermons, 376, n. 4; on schools, 379, 380 ; on church-ritual, 389, sq. Lutheranism, branded as semi-popery, 197, n. 2; 198; 232; 387, n. 3. M. Marjdeburg Centuries, 374, n. 4 Major (George), 45, n, i ; 60, n. 5 ; 163, n. 2 Marburg, conference of, 52; 151, n. 1 Marcellus (pope), 291 Margaret (d'Angouleme), 123, and n.2 Marnix (Philip van), 150 Marot (Clement), 385 Martin Marprelate, controversy, 237 Martyr (Peter, surnamed Vermigli), 99 j i57> ^- '2j connexion with Eng- land, 202, 203, 206, 207, n. 3; 215, n. 4 Mary (queen of England), 215; sup- presses the reformation, 215; 216, n. 4; 2f7, n. i; death, 222 Mary (queen of Scots), 131; 139, n. 2 ; 145 Matthias (von Jagow), 68 Maurice (elector), 60, n. 2; 61, n. 2; 6^, and n. 3 Maximilian I. (emperor), his conduct in ecclesiastical affairs, 6, and n. 5 Maximilian 11. (emperor), 66 JNIazolini (see Pricrias) Mecklenburg, reformed, 69 Melanchthon, his early life, 27, 28; perplexed by Anabaptism, 37, n. 3; his opinions modified by Erasmus, 45, n. i; views on the Eucharist, 51, n. i; 58, n. I ; 155 ; his conciliatory policy, 54> n. 5; 57, n. 2; 58, 63 ; 64, n. i; his death, 65, n. 4 ; invited into Eng- land, iSi, and n. 3; 212; conference with English envoys, 187 ; on bishops, 344 Melville (Andrew), introduces * Pres- Index. 421 byterianism' into Scotland, 142, and n- 2; 353' 354 Menius (Justus), 252, n. 2 Menno (Symons), and the sect of Ana- baptists (Mennonites), 258 — 261 Meyer (Sebastian), 108 Mexico, Christianity in, 409 MiCRONius (Martin), 148, u. 5; 153, n. r ; 201, n, 4 Millennium (of the Anabaptists), 252, 255. 259 MiLTiTZ, 16, n. 3 ; 20 Molina (Jesuit), 310 Monasteries, suppression of, in Eng- land, 185, 186; consequent loss of church-temporalities, 338, and n. i MONTLUC, 126, n, 4 Moravia, reformation in, 86 — 88 Moke (Sir Thomas), 167, n. 4; 178, n. 3; 181, n. 1 MoRNAY (Phil, de), 130, n. 3 MoRONE (cardinal), 97, 98; 295, n. 2 Myconius (Oswald), loi, n. i ; 104, n. 4; 109, 113 Myconius (Frederic), 37, n. 2 MUnster, Anabaptists of, 254, 255 MUNZER (Thomas), 40, n. i; 253, n. 6 Music, ecclesiastical, 387 — 389 N. Nachianti (Naclantus), 282, n. i Nag's Head Fable, 226, n. 5 Nantes, Edict of, 130 Necessary Doctrine, 1 88, n. 3 Netherlands, reformation in, 145 — 151; sovereignty of, declined by Queen Elizabeth, 151, n. i NiCLAS (Nicholas, Henry), 269, 270 Nlcodemites, 118, n. 3 NoRDEN (John), 385, n. 2 Norman (George), 79, n. 7 Norway, reformation in, 77 NoWELL (dean), 218, n. 4; 231, n. 3 O. OcHTNO (Bernardino), 99 ; 100, n. 3 (EcOLAMPADius, 28 ; 50, n. 2 ; reformer of Basel, 107, 108; 348, n. 2; inter- course with Erasmus, 107, n. 8 Oglethorpe (bp.), 223, n. 5; 383, n. i Oratorians, order of, 377, n. i Organs, 232, 387 ; 389, n. 5 Orzechowski, 83, n. 4 OsiANDER, 64, n. I ; 73; 163, n. 2; 179 Overal (bp.), 242 P. Palatinate, the, reformed, 69; religious troubles in, 158 — 160 Paleario (Aonio), 98, n. 2 Palestrina, 388 Paraguay, Jesuits established in, 410 Parker (archbp.), character of, 226, 227 ; his consecration, 226, n. 5 ; sus- pected of popery, 232, n.2; on Rome- ward tendencies, 235, n. 5; forebod- ings of, 234, n. I ; his death, 236, n. 7 ; on synodal action, 337, n. 2 Parkhurst, (bp.), 238, n. 2 Pates (Rich.), 284, n. 3 Paul III. (pope), excommunicates the English, 187, n. i Paul IV. (see Caraffa), 222, n. i ; 224, n. 4; 291 Peasants' War, 39, 40 Peru, Christianity introduced into, 409 Peterson, 78, 79 Peyto (cardinal), 221, n. i Philip (landgrave of Hessen), 34, n. 2, 45;495 n- i; 52; 65, n. 3; 127, n. 7; 369, n. 5 Philip II. (of Spain), 65, n. 4; 95 ; 220 Philips, 216, n. 2 Philippists, 64, n. i Philpott, 2x6, n. 2 Picards, 87, and n. 2 PiLKiNGTON (bp.), 218, n. 4; 232, n. 4 Pius IV. (pope), 224, n. 4 ; 292 ; ' creed ' of, 299, n. 2 Pius V. (f)ope), 234; 246, 247, n. i; 309, n. 3; 326, n. 4 Poissy, colloquy of, 126, 127 Poland, 73, n. i ; reformation in, 82 — 86 ; growth of Socinianism, 85, 86 ; points of contact between Polish Re- formers and Greeks, 314 — 317; Po- lish Uniates, 317 Pole (Reginald), 59, n. i ; 97, and n. 4 ; 171, n. 3; 176, n. 5; 179, n. 2; 192, n. \.; 217; 220, n. i ; 222; 281, n. 4 ; 284, n. 3 PoLENTZ (George), 73 PoLLxVNUS (Valerandus), 157, n. 7; 205, n. 5 Pomerania, reformed, 69, and n. i PoMERANUS (see Bucjcnharjen) PoNTANUS, 53, n. i; 187, n. 4 PossEViN (Anthony), a Jesuit, 81; his 422 Index. labours in Poland and Eussia, 316, 318 POYNET (bp.), 218, n. 4 PoWEL, 165, n. I. Pragmatic Sanction, 6, 326 Prcemunire, writ of, 173, n, 2; 333 Prayer-Book (English), construction of, 195, 196; revised, 204 sq. ; nature of the changes, 206, 207, 210; restored tinder Elizabeth, 225 ; hateful to the Puritans, 240 (Irish), 245 Preachers, 72, 377 Predestinarian Controversy, 44, 45, 229; 285, n. I ; 309—311 Press (the), its influence, 374, 375 Prierias, 17; 320; 324, n. 3 Pnmers (Enghsh), 190, n. 3 Prophesyings, 238, and n. 5 Protestants, origin of the name, 50 Prussia, reformed, 73 Puritan Politics, 220, n. 2 Puritans, first race of, 193; 23O; n. 5; 233. n- 3 Q. QuiGNONES (cardinal), 198; 279, n, 6 E. Ealeoh (Walter), a supporter of mis- sions, 412 Racovian Catechism, 85; 264, n. 3 Eatisbon, colloquy of (1541), 58; se- cond colloquy (1546), 60 Eecusants, number of, in England, 384, n. I Eedman (John), 207, n. 4 Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, 215, n. 4 ^ Eeformation, necessity of, conceded, 2, o- 2; 3; 357—359; loss and gain of, 9, 10; causes of its rapid spread in Germany, 71, 72; agencies at work in England, 167, 168; effects on literature, 355 sq. ; on morals, 366 sq. Eefugees (English), during tbe Marian troubles, 218, and n. 4 ; 219 Regius (Urban), 72, n. 3 Reinhard, 74, n. 5 Eicci (Jesuit), his missionary labours, 408 EiDLET (bp.), dislike of Knox, 137, n. I ; on the Eucharist, 197, and n. 2 ; 198, n. I ; on stone-altars, 200; op- posed to the foreign congregations in London, 203, n. i ; on the 'real pre- sence,' 209, n. 5 ; on predestination, 229, n. 2; on Anabaptism, 251, n. i; his moderation, 214; 220, n. 7.; death, 221 Rogers, 221, n. 3 RoJAS (Domingo de\ 94 Romanism (Anglo,) origin of, 234 Romanism (Irish), 247, and n. i Rome, church and bishop of, opposed to reformation by synods, 4 ; character and position of the popes at the out- break of the Reformation, 4, 5; claims of, unmodified by the Reform- ers, 320, and by the Council of Trent, 321, 322 ; relations of the pope to the Emperor and other monarchs, 324, 326 Rough (Rowght, John), 135, n. 5 Rudolph II. (emperor), 66 Russia, church of, 312, and n. 3; 318, 319; establishment of the Russian patriarchate, 318, 319; Lutheran in- terlopers, 318, n. 2 S. Sacramentarii, 51; 58, n. i; 89, n. 7; 91 ; 163, n. 2 ; J93, and n. 3 ; 197, n. 1 Sales (Francois de), 121 Saltza (Jacob von), 70 Sampson (bp.), 172, n. 2 Sampson (dean), 232, n. 4 Sandys (archbp.), 218, n. 4; 219, n. i; 228, n. 3; 231, n. 3; 235, n. i Saravia (Adrian), 149, n. i; 150, n. 4; 241, n. 4 Saxony (ducal), reformed, 67 Saxony (electoral), visitation of, 48, 340; settlement of the reformation, ScJwialJcaldic Articles, 57 Schmalkaldic League, 55; 187, n. 4; 230, n. 2 Schmalkaldic War, 61, 87 Schools, 379, 380 Schwabach Articles, 52, and n. 3 SCHWENCKFELD (Caspar), founder of a sect, 266; its principles, 266, 267; 272, n. 6 ScoRY (bp.), 218, n. 4; 226, n. 5 Scotland, reformation in, 131 — 145; re- lations with France, 131; and Eng- land, 133; church-polity of, 352—354 Seaton (Alex.), 133, n. \ Index. 423 Seminary priests, 235, n. 3 Seripando, 284, n. 3 Servetus, h8, n. 1; 263 Service-Books (English), reformed, 190, n, 2; 194 — 196; destruction of the unreformed, 199, n. i; Sarum Use restored, 216, n. i; ritual changes in, 391 sq. SicKiNGEN (F. von) 29, n, 3; 108, n. 3 SiGiSMUND (Augustus, of Poland), 83, and n. 3 SfGiSMUND III. (of Poland), 84, 316 Silesia, reformation in, 70 Skelton (John), 3S0, n. 3 Smith (Sir Thomas), 224, n. 3 Smythe (Dr), 208, n. i Socinianism, early traces in Poland, 84 — 86; general account of, 262 — 266 Sorbonne (college of), 28, 122, and n. 4 Spain, reformation in, 92 — 96 Spires, reformatorydietof (1526), 46, 47; new diet of (1529), 49 Spotswood (John), 141, n. 4 St^\fford (G-eorge), 167, n. 4 Staupitz (John), 14; 19, n. 2 Stephen (Bathori, of Poland), 84, and n. i; 92, 318 Stokesley (bp.), iSi, n. 4; 183 Storch (Nicholas), 252 Stregel (Victorinus^, 45, n. i Sturmius (John), 123, n. 6; 250, n. 2 Submission of (he Clergy, 177, n. i Superintendents, substituted for bishops, 77; 141, and n. 4; 142, n. 2; 203, and n. i Supremacy, royal, meaning of in Eng- land, 176, 177, 225, 329—332 Sweden, reformed, 78 — 82 Switzerland, reformation in, loi — 121 Synergistic Controversy, 45, n. i ; 163, n. 2 Synods, diocesan, their advantages, 324, n- IJ 335j n. 2; Calvinistic, 350, 352 T. Tausen (John), 75 Taverner (Richard), 190, n. 2; 193, "•3 Taylor (bp.), 216, n. 3 Testament (see Bible) Tetzel, 16; 17, n. I Theatins, order of, 306, and n. 2 Thirleby (Thomas, bp.), 185, n. i Thomas, St, Christians of, 402 'I'hurso (John), 70 Tunstall (bp.), on the imperial rights of England, 325, n. i; his collision with Knox, 136, n. i; his sermon against the pope, 168, n. 2; letter to Pole, r 79, n. 2 ; subscribes the Ar- ticles of 1536, 183; opposes the Ger- man envoys, 188, and n. 2; his de- privation, 214, n. i; no persecutor, 221, n. 2 Traheron (Barthol.), 197, n. 2 Transylvania, reformation in, 88 — 92 ; growth of Socinianism, 91; 265, n. 2 Travers (Walter), 237, n. r; 248, n. 5 Trent, Council of, 60, 6r, 64; its vast importance, 280; discordant elements in 281; order of proceedings, 281 ; decree on Scripture and Tradition, 282; on original sin, 283; on justifi- cation, 283, 284; conflicting views, 284, and n. 3 ; council transferred to Bologna, 286; suspension, 287; busi- ness resumed, 287, 288; decree on the Eucharist, 288, 289 ; on Penance, 289, 290; on extreme Unction, 290; arrival of German Protestants, 290; fresh suspension, 291; third convoca- tion, 292 ; previous disciplinary re forms, 286, 287, 291; struggle respect- ing the Divine right of episcopacy, 293, 296, 297; and practical reforms, 293, 299, 323; decree on the sacrifice of the Mass, 296; on Matrimony, 297; on Purgatory, &c., 298; papal monarchy untouched, 299; 300, n.3; signatures to the Acts of the Council, 300 Turks, 46, n. 2; 47; 53, n. 2; 56, n. 2 ; 65; 312; 399, 400 Tyndale (Wm.), version of the Bible, 147, n. 2; 180, and n. 5 ; 181, n. i U. UUramontanism, 322 [/mates, 317 Universities, 378 Ussher (James), 248 Utenhovius (John), 148, n. 5; 218, ^' 3 V. Vadianus (Joachim), 184, n. 2 Valdes, 93, and n. 2, 3 ; 98, and n. 2 Valero (Rodrigo de), 93 Vargas, 286, n. 3 Vasa (Gustavus), 74, n. 4; 78 sq. Vaudois (see Waldenses) 424 Index. Vergerio, 56, n. 4; 98, n. 9 Vestment controversy, 201 Vestments, 394, 395, and n. 5 Vicars, 339 Vulgate, Tridentine decree respecting, 282, n. 1 W. Waldenses, 88, and n. 7; 11-2, n, 3; 123; 258, n. 4 _ ^ Wallachia, reformation in, 313, n. i Walsh (bp.), 249, n. 7. Warham (archbp.), 172, n. 2; 175 Waterlanders, 261 Westfal (Joachim), 157 Weston, 216 Whitaker (Dr), 241, n. 3 Whitgift (archbp.), 236; the vigour of his administration, 238, 384; cha- racter of his theology, 241, and n. 2 Whittingham, 219, n. I, 2 Wild (see Ferus) Wimpina, 17, 54 WiSHART (George), 135, and n. 1, 2 Witchcraft, 384, n. 2 Withers, (George), 232, n. i WiZEL (Wicelius), 41, n. 2 ; 68, n. i; his attempts at mediation, 275 Wolmar (Melchior), 114, n. 2 Wolsey (cardinal), 165, n. i; 168, n. i; 171, n. 3; 173; 185 Wiirtemberg, reformed, 69 Wyatt, 221 Wycliffe, 108, n. 5 Wyttenbach, ioi, n. 3 X. Xavier (Jesuit), 305 ; his missionar}- labours, 403 — 407 Y. Year of Marvels, 384, n. 2 Young (archbp.), 207, n. 4; 228, n. i Z. Zancht, 99, n. 3 Zwingli, on the Eucharist, 50, and n. 2 ; character and writings, loi — 1 1 2 ; friendship w^ith Erasmus, 103; di- verges from Luther, 103; 104, n. 5; marries, 105, n. 3; establishes the Swiss reformation, 107; his main principles, 106, 107, 109, 112; his ideas on church-constitution, 339, 347, 348; on church-ritual, 387 CAMliUlUGE : PRINTED BY C, J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNlVERblTX PREbS- L^ ■^v.wir Date Due <'■'