.'- BR 759 ,C59 1839 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 1772-1834 y ' On the constitution of the ""~ U ~ •*» -O ~ ■*- «. -U ^ fap7.Jiu. ON THE CONSTITUTION OF CHURCH AND STATE [THIRD EDITION] LAY SERMONS [SECOND EDITION] BY S. T. COLERIDGE I ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE C HURCH AND STATE ACCORDING TO THE IDEA OF EACH II LAY SERMONS I. THE STATESMAN'S MANUAL II. " BLESSED ARE YE THAT SOW BESIDE ALL WATERS" BY SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE EDITED FROM THE AUTHOR'S CORRECTED COPIES WITH M)TE> BY HENRY NELSON COLERIDGE ESQ. II. A. LONDON WILLIAM PICKERING 1839 " O that, our Clergy did but know and see that their tithes and glebes belong to them as officers and functionaries of the Nationalty, — as clerks, and not exclusively as theologians, and not at all as ministers of the Gospel;— but that they are like- wise ministers of the Church of Christ, and that their claims and the powers of that Church are no more alienated or affected by their being at the same time the Established Clergy, than by the common coincidence of their being justices of the peace, or heirs to an estate, or stock-holders ! The Romish divines placed the Church above the Scriptures: our present divines give it no place at all. " But Donne and his great contemporaries had not yet learnt to be afraid of announcing and enforcing the claims of the Church, distinct from, and coordinate with, the Scriptures. This is one evil consequence, though most unnecessarily so, of the union of the Church of Christ with the National Church, and of the claims of the Christian pastor and preacher with the legal and constitutional rights and revenues of the officers of the National Clerisy. Our Clergymen, in thinking of their legal rights, forget those rights of theirs which depend on no human law at all." — Literary Remains, vol. iii. p. 119. WHlVfiXGHAM, TUOKS COURT, CHANCERY I A \ K. CONTENTS. Page Preface ... > ix Advertisement i Church and State, Part 1 7 Church of Christ 121 Church of Antichrist 141 Church and State, Part II 157 Notes on the History of Enthusiasm 176 Demosius and Mystes 184 Statesman's Manual 201 Appendix (A.) 257 (B.) 258 (C.) 284 (D.) 286 (E.) 292 " Blessed are ye that sow beside all Waters" 303 Introduction 305 '- BTOH ... . » ■• PREFACE - TO THE CHURCH AND STATE. A recollection of the value set upon the fol- lowing little work by its Author,* combined with a deep sense of the wisdom and importance of the positions laid down in it, will, it is hoped, be thought to justify the publication of a few preli- minary remarks, designed principally to remove formal difficulties out of the path of a reader not previously acquainted with Mr. Coleridge's writ- ings, nor conversant with the principles of his philosophy. The truth is that, although the Au- thor's plan is well defined and the treatment strictly progressive, there is in some parts a want of de- tailed illustration and express connexion, which weakens the impression of the entire work on the generality of readers. " If," says Mr. Maurice, " I were addressing a student who was seeking to make up his mind on the question, without being previously biassed by the views of any particular party, I could save myself this trouble by merely referring him to the work of Mr. Coleridge, on the Idea of Church and State, published shortly * See Table Talk, 2nd edit. p. 5, note. X PREFACE TO THE after the passing of the Roman Catholic Bill. The hints respecting- the nature of the Christian Church which are thrown out in that work are only suffi- cient to make us wish that the Author had deve- loped his views more fully ; but the portion of it which refers to the State seems to me in the highest degree satisfactory. When I use the word satisfactory, I do not mean that it will satisfy the wishes of any person who thinks that the epithets teres atque rotundus are the highest that can be applied to a scientific work ; who expects an author to furnish him with a complete system which he can carry away in his memory, and, after it has received a few improvements from himself, can hawk it about to the public or to a set of admiring disciples. Men of this description would regard Mr. Coleridge's book as disorderly and fragmen- tary ; but those who have some notion of what Butler meant when he said, that the best writer would be he who merely stated his premisses, and left his readers to work out the conclusions for themselves; — those who feel that they want just the assistance which Socrates offered to his scho- lars — assistance, not in providing them with thoughts, but in bringing forth into the light thoughts which they had within them before ; — these will acknowledge that Mr. Coleridge has only deserted the common high way of exposition, that he might follow more closely the turnings and windings which the mind of an earnest thinker makes when it is groping after the truth to which CHURCH AND STATE. XI he wishes to conduct it. To them, therefore, the book is satisfactory by reason of those very quali- ties which make it alike unpleasant to the formal schoolman and to the man of the world. And, accordingly, scarcely any book, published so re- cently and producing- so little apparent effect, has really exercised a more decided influence over the thoughts and feelings of men who ultimately rule the mass of their countrymen."* Under these circumstances, the following argu- ment or summary of the fundamental and more complicated portion of the work may be service- able to the ingenuous but less experienced reader. I. The constitution of the State and the Church is treated according to the Idea of each. By the Idea of the State or Church is here meant that conception, which is not abstracted from any par- ticular form or mode in which either may happen to exist at any given time, nor yet generalized from any number or succession of such forms or modes, but which is produced by a knowledge or sense of the ultimate aim of each. This idea, or sense of the ultimate aim, may exist, and power- fully influence a man's thoughts and actions, with- out his being able to express it in definite words, and even without his being distinctly conscious of its indwelling. A few may possess ideas in this * Kingdom of Christ, vol. iii. p. 2. A work of singular originality and power. Xll PREFACE TO THE meaning- ; — the generality of mankind are pos- sessed by them. In either case an idea, so under- stood, is in order of thought always and of necessity contemplated as antecedent, — a mere conception, strictly defined as an abstraction or generalization from one or more particular forms or modes, is ne- cessarily posterior, — in order of thought to the thing thus conceived. And though the idea is in its nature a prophecy, yet it must be carefully remembered that the particular form, construction, or model, best fitted to render the idea intelligible to a third person, is not necessarily — perhaps, not most com- monly — the mode or form in which it actually arrives at realization. For in consequence of the imperfection of means and materials in all the works of man, a law of compensation and a prin- ciple of compromise are perpetually active ; and it is the first condition of a sound philosophy of State to recognize the wide extent of the one, the ne- cessity of the other, and the frequent occurrence of both. II. The word State is used in two senses, — a larger, in which it comprises, and a narrower, in which it is opposed to, the National Church. A Constitution is the ideal attribute of a State in the larger sense, as a body politic having the principle of its unity within itself; and it is the law or principle which prescribes the means and condi- tions by and under which that unity is established and preserved. The Constitution, therefore, of this Nation comprises the idea of a Church and a CHURCH AND STATE. Xlll State in the narrower sense, placed in simple an- tithesis one to another. The unity of the State, in this latter sense, results from the equipoise and interdependence of the two great opposite interests of every such State, its Permanence and its Pro- gression. The permanence of a State is connected with the land ; its progression with the mercan- tile, manufacturing, distributive, and professional classes. The first class is subdivided into what our law books have called Major and Minor Barons ; — both of these subdivisions, as such, being opposed to the representatives of the progressive interest of the nation, yet the latter of them drawing more nearly to the antagonist order than the former. Upon these facts the principle of the Constitution of the State, in its narrower sense, was established. The balance of permanence and progression was secured by a legislature of two Houses ; the first, consisting wholly of the Major Barons or land- holders ; the second, of the Minor Barons or knights, as the representatives of the remaining landed community, together with the Burgesses, as representing* the commercial, manufacturing^ distributive, and professional classes — the latter constituting the effectual majority in number. The King", in whom the executive power was vested, was in regard to the interests of the State, in its antithetic sense, the beam of the scales. This is the Idea of that State, not its history ; it has been the standard or aim, the Lex Legum, which, in the very first law of State ever promul- XIV PREFACE TO THE gated in the land, was pre-supposed as the ground of that first law. III. But the English Constitution results from the harmonious opposition of two institutions, the State, in the narrower sense, and the Church. For as by the composition of the one provision was alike made for permanence, and progression in wealth and personal freedom ; to the other wa. committed the only remaining interest of the State in its larger sense, that of maintaining and ad- vancing the moral cultivation of the people them- selves, without which neither of the former could continue to exist. IV. It was common, at least to the Scandinavian, Keltic, and Gothic, with the Semitic tribes, if not universal in all the primitive races, that in taking possession of a new country, and in the divisioi of the land into heritable estates among the indi vidual warriors or heads of families, a Reserve should be made for the Nation itself. The sum total of these heritable portions is called the Pro- priety, the Reserve the Nationalty. These wen constituent factors of the commonwealth ; the ex- istence of the one being the condition of the right fulness of the other. But the wealth appropriatec was not so entirely a property as not to remain to a certain extent, national ; nor was the wealth reserved so exclusively national as not to admit an individual tenure. The settlement of the Na- tionalty in one tribe only of the Hebrew confede- racy, subservient as it was to a higher purpose, CHURCH AND STATE. XV was in itself a deviation from the idea, and a main cause of the comparatively little effect which the Levitical establishment produced on the moral and intellectual character of the Jewish people during whole period of their existence as an inde- pendent state. V. The Nationalty was reserved for the main- tenance of a permanent class or order, the Clerisy, Clerks, Clergy, or Church of the Nation. This class comprised the learned of all denominations, the professors of all those arts and sciences, the possession and application of which constitute the civilization of a country. Theology formed only a part of the objects of the National Church. The theologians took the lead, indeed, and deservedly so ; — not because they were priests, but because under the name of theology were contained the stu' > r of languages, history, logic, ethics, and a phn sophy of ideas; because the science of the- ology itself was the root of the knowledges that civilize man, and gave unity and the circulating sap of life to all other sciences; and because, under the same name were comprised all the main aids, instruments, and materials of National Educa- tion Accordingly, a certain smaller portion of the functionaries of the Clerisy were to remain at the re ' ain heads of the humanities, cultivating and enla.ging the knowledge already possessed, watch- ing over the interests of physical and moral science, and the instructors of all the remaining more nu- merous classes of the order. These last were to XVI PREFACE TO THE be distributed throughout the country, so as not to leave even the smallest integral division without a resident guide, guardian, and teacher, diffusing through the whole community the knowledge in- dispensable for the understanding of its rights, and for the performance of the correspondent duties. But neither Christianity, nor a fortiori, any particular scheme of theology supposed to be deduced from it, forms any essential part of the being of a National Church, however conducive it may be to its well being. A National Church may exist, and has existed, without, because before, the institution of the Christian Church, as the Levi- tical Church in the Hebrew, and the Druidical in the Keltic, constitutions may prove. VI. But two distinct functions do not necessa- rily imply or require two different functionaries : on the contrary, the perfection of each may require the union of both in the same person. And in the instance now in question, as great and grievous errors have arisen from confounding the functions of the National Church with those of the Church of Christ, so fearfully great and grievous will be the evils from the success of an attempt to separate them. VII. In process of time, however, and as a na- tural consequence of the expansion of the mercan- tile and commercial order, the students and pro- fessors of those sciences and sorts of learning, the use and necessity of which were perpetual to the Nation, but only occasional to the Individuals, gra- CHURCH AND STATE. XVH dually detached themselves from the National Cle- risy, and passed over, as it were, to that order, with the growth and thriving* condition of which their particular emoluments were found to increase in equal proportion. And hence by slow degrees the learned in the several departments of law, me- dicine, architecture and the like, contributed to form under the common name of Professional, an intermediate link between the national clerisy and the simple burgesses. VIII. But this circumstance cannot alter the tenure, or annul the rights, of those who remained, and who, as members of the permanent learned class, were planted throughout the realm as the immediate agents and instruments in the work of increasing and perpetuating the civilization of the nation ; and who, thus fulfilling the purposes for which the Nationalty was reserved, are entitled to remain its usufructuary trustees. The proceeds of the Nationalty might, indeed, in strictness, if it coulu ever be expedient, be rightfully transferred to functionaries other than such as are also minis- ters of the Church of Christ. But the Nationalty itself cannot, without foul wrong to the nation, be alienated from its original purposes ; and those who being duly appointed thereto, exercise the func- tions and perform the duties attached to the Na- tionalty, possess a right to the same by a title to which the thunders from Mount Sinai might give greater authority, but not additional evidence. IX. Previously to the sixteenth century, large b XV111 PREFACE TO THE masses were alienated from the heritable proprieties of the realm, and confounded with the National ty under the common name of Church property. At the period of the Reformation a re-transfer of these took place, and rightfully so : but together with, and under pretext of, this restoration to the State of what properly belonged to it, a wholesale usur- pation took place of a very large portion of that which belonged to the Church. This was a sacri- legious robbery on the Nation, and a deadly wound on the constitution of the State at large. The balance of the reserved and appropriated wealth of the Nation was deranged, and thus the former be- came unequal to the support of the entire burthen of popular civilization originally intended to be borne by it.* Barely enough — indeed, less than enough — was left for the effectual maintenance of that primary class of the Clerisy, which had not fallen off into separate professions, but continued to be the proper servants of the public in producing * " Give back to the Church what the Nation originally consecrated to its use, and it ought then to be charged with the education of the people ; but half of the original revenue has been already taken by force from her, or lost to her through desuetude, legal decision, or public opinion : and are those whose very houses and parks are part and parcel of what the Nation designed for the general purposes of the Clergy, to be heard, when they argue for making the Church support, out of her diminished revenues, institutions, the in- tended means for maintaining which they themselves hold under the sanction of legal robbery ?" Table Talk, Pref. p. xvi. 2nd edit. CHURCH AND STATE. xix and reproducing', in preserving, promoting and per- fecting all the necessary sources and conditions of the civilization of the Nation itself.* X. Though many things may detract from the comparative fitness of individuals, or of particular classes, for the trust and functions of the Nation- alty, there are only two absolute disqualifications; — allegiance to a foreign power, or the acknow- ledgment of any other visible head of the National Church but the King ; — and compulsory celibacy, in connection with, and dependence on, a foreign and extra-national head. XI. The legitimate objects of the power of the King and the two Houses of Parliament, as consti- tuting the State, in its special and antithetic sense, comprise, according to the idea, all the interests and concerns of the Propriety, and rightfully those alone. XII. The King, again, is the Head of the Na- tional Clerisy, and the supreme trustee of the Nationalty ; the power of which in relation to its proper objects is rightfully exercised, according to the idea, by the King and the two Houses of Con- vocation, and by them alone. The proper objects of this power are mentioned in No. V. XIII. The Coronation Oath neither does, nor can, bind the conscience of the King in matters of * See an approach to an expression of the Author's idea of the National Church thus regarded, in the Bishop of London's late Charge, Oct. 1838, p. 2, &c. XX PREFACE TO THE faith. But it binds him to refuse his consent (without which no change in the existing law can be effected) to any measure subverting* or tending to subvert the safety and independence of the Na- tional Church, or which may expose the realm to the danger of a return of that foreign Usurper, mis- named spiritual, from which it has with so many sacrifices emancipated itself. And previously to the ceremonial act which announces the King the only lawful and sovereign head of both the Church and the State, this oath is administered to him re- ligiously as the representative person and crowned majesty of the Nation ; — religiously ; — for the mind of the Nation, existing only as an idea, can act distinguishably on the ideal powers alone, — that is, on the reason and conscience. The several other points comprised in the re- mainder of this work, though of great interest and importance, require neither analysis nor comment for their perfect comprehension. But it will na- turally occur to the reader to consider how far the idea of the Church and of its relation to the State presented in these pages coincides with either of the two celebrated systems, those of Hooker and War burton, which, under one shape or another, have divided the opinions of thinking persons up to the present day. According to Hooker, the Church is one body, — the essential unity of which consists in, and CHURCH AND STATE. XXI t is known by, an external profession of Chris- tianity, without regard in any respect had to the moral virtues or spiritual graces of any member of that body. "If by external profession they be Christians, then are they of the visible Church of Christ : and Christians by external profession they are all, whose mark of recognizance hath in it those things which we have mentioned, yea, although they be impious idolaters, wicked he- retics, persons excommunicable, yea, and cast out for notorious improbity. Such withal we deny not to be the imps and limbs of Satan, even as long as they continue such." (E. P. III. c. i. s. 7. Kebles edit. vol. i. p. 431.) With this Warburton and Coleridge in general terms agree. (Alliance, &c. II. c. ii. s. 2. — Church and State, p. 139.) And the words of the nineteenth Article, though apparently of a more restricted import, may be presumed not to mean less. But, further, Hooker insists that the Church, existing in any particular country, and the State are one and the same society, contemplated in two different relations, " A Commonwealth we name it simply in regard of some regiment or policy under which men live ; a Church for the truth of that religion which they profess. * * * When we oppose the Church, therefore, and the Common- wealth in a Christian society, we mean by the Commonwealth that society with relation unto all the public affairs thereof, only the matter of true religion excepted ; by the Church, the same society XX11 PREFACE TO THE with only reference unto the matter of true reli- gion, without any other affairs besides : when that society, which is both a Church and a Common- wealth, doth flourish in those things which belong unto it as a Commonwealth, we then say, ' the Commonwealth doth flourish ;' when in those things which concern it as a Church, ' the Church doth flourish;' when in both, then 'the Church and Commonwealth flourish together." (E. P. VIII. c. i. s. 5. vol. iii. p. 420 — ].) To this view Warburton, as is well known, is directly opposed. He argues that, although two societies may be so closely related to each other as to have one common sujjpositmn, — that is, the same natural persons being exclusively members of each, — the societies themselves, as such, are factitious bodies, and each of them must therefore of necessity be distinct in personality and will from the other. " The artificial man, society, is much unlike the natural ; who being created for several ends hath several interests to pursue, and several relations to consult, and may therefore be consi- dered under several capacities, as a religious, a civil, and a rational animal ; and yet they all make but one and the same man. But one and the same political society cannot be considered in one view, as a religious — in another, as a civil — and in another, as a literary — community. One society can be precisely but one of these communities." (Alliance, &c. ii. c. v.) Accordingly Warburton insists, in opposition to Hooker, that the Puritan CHURCH AND STATE. XX111 premiss, — that the Church and the State are distinct and originally independent societies, — was and is the truth ; but he denies the Puritan inference, that such independency must therefore be perpetual ; — affirming: the existence of an alliance between these two societies upon certain terms ; and a resulting mu- tual inter-dependency of one on the other; whereby the consequence from the position of the Puritans — an imperium in imperio, or subjugation of the State to the Church, — and the consequence from the position of Hooker — the enslavement of the Church by the State — are equally precluded. The Church subordinates itself to the State upon faith of cer- tain stipulations for support by the latter ; and if the State violates, or withdraws from the fulfill- ment of, those stipulations, the Church is thereby remitted to her original independence.* Now so far as the distinct inter-dependency of the State and the Church is in question, Coleridge agrees with Warburton. But the peculiarity of his system, as expressly laid down in this work and incidentally mentioned in many of his other writings, — a peculiarity fruitful in the most im- * It is worthy of remark that, if Warburton had lived in these days, and had adhered to the principles advocated by him in this treatise, he must several years ago have declared the terms of convention between the Church and State in this country violated by the latter, and the alliance of the two at an end. See his third book, and especially the se- cond chapter. It is to be observed, also, that Warburton confounds the Christian with the Established Church as much as Hooker. See B. II. c. hi. 3. XXIV PREFACE TO THE portant consequences — is grounded on a distinction taken between the visible Church of Christ, as localized in any Christian country, and the National or Established Church of that country. Distinc- tion, be it observed, not separation, — for the two ideas — bene conveniunt, et in una sede morantur ; they not only may co-exist in the same suppositum, but may require an identity of subject in order to the complete development of the perfections of either. According" to Coleridge, then, the Chris- tian Church is not a kingdom or realm of this world, nor a member of any such kingdom or realm ; it is not opposed to any particular State in the large or narrow sense of the word ; it is in no land national, and the national Reserve is not en- trusted to its charge. It is, on the contrary, the opposite to the World only ; the counterforce to the evils and defects of States, as such, in the abstract, — asking of any particular State neither wages nor dignities, but demanding protection, that is, to be let alone. With so much therefore of the preceding and all other theories as considers any branch of the Church of Christ, as such, in the character of a National Establishment, and arrogates to it, as such, upon any ground, worldly riches, rank or power — Coleridge is directly at variance. But we have already seen (v. vi. vn. vin.) that there is, nevertheless, in this and in almost every other CHURCH AND STATE. XXV country raised above the level of barbarism a Church, which is strictly and indefeasibly National; and in the ideal history herein presented of its ori- gin and primary elements, its endowment, its uses, duties, ends, and objects, its relation to the State, and its present representatives, a solemn warning is recorded of the fatal consequences of either con- founding it with, or separating it from, the visible Church of Christ. The Christian Church is a public and visible community, having ministers of its own, whom the State can neither constitute nor degrade, and whose maintenance amongst Christians is as secure as the command of Christ can make it : for so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel. (I. Cor. ix. 14.) The National Church is a public and visible community, having ministers whom the Nation, through the agency of a Constitution, hath created trustees of a reserved national fund, upon fixed terms and with defined duties, and whom, in case of breach of those terms or dereliction of those duties, the Nation, through the same agency, may discharge. " If the former be Ecclesia, the com- munion of such as are called out of the World, that is, in reference to the especial ends and pur- poses of that communion ; the latter might more expressively have been called Enclesia, or an order of men chosen in and of the realm, and con- stituting an estate of the realm." Now there is no reason why the ministers of the XXVI PREFACE TO THE one Church may not also be ministers of the other : there are many reasons why they should be. When therefore it is objected that Christ's king- dom is not of this world, it is admitted to be true ; but the text is shown to have no application in the way of impeachment of the titles, emoluments or authorities, of an institution which rightfully is of this world, and would not answer the end of its constitution if it ceased to belong to, and in a cer- tain sense to sympathize with, the world. When again it is alleged that " the best service which men of power can do to Christ is without any more cere- mony to sweep all and leave the Church as bare as in the day it was first born" — " that if we give God our hearts and affections, our goods are better bestowed otherwise," * the spirit and reason of that allegation are humbly submitted to God's own judgment ; but it is at the same time confidently charged in reply, that the notion of the Church, as the established instructress of the people, being improved in efficiency by the reduction of its mi- nisters to a state bordering on mendicancy — can in its flagrant folly be alone attributed to that meanness of thought, which is at once the fruit and the punishment of minds enslaved to party and the world, and rendered indifferent to all truth by an affected toleration of every form of error. When further it is said that the Bishops of the Church of Christ have no vocation to interfere in the legisla- * Hooker, B. V. lxxiv. 3 7. CHURCH AXD STATE. XXV11 tion of the country, it is granted ; but with this parallel assertion, that the Prelates of a National Establishment, charged with the vast and awful task of preserving, increasing and perpetuating the moral culture of the people, have a call to be pre- sent, advise, and vote in the National Council, which can only cease to be a right when the re- presentatives of the dearest national interest are denied a voice in the national assembly ; and which is no more impaired by the fact of those Prelates sustaining in their individual persons another and still more sacred character than by their being members of a literary club or a botanical society. When, finally, it is insisted to be contrary to jus- tice to compel those who dissent from a religious system either as to its doctrines or its forms of worship, to contribute to the maintenance of its priests and ministers, it is not denied ; but it is withal maintained, that a national dedication of funds for the support of a determinate class of men, with the duty of national civilization to perform, can no more be vacated or qualified by reason of the voluntary secession of such dissenters from that religious system, because the seceders under- stand the character and obligation of that duty in a way of their own, than the rights of Parliament to levy taxes for the protection of our independence from foreign aggression can be affected by the dogma of rich philanthropists that war is unlawful, and to pay a shilling towards its support an offence against God. XXV111 PREFACE TO THE But after all, it is urged, the funds set apart by the Nation for the support of the National Church are now in fact received by the ministers of the Church of Christ in this country ! True ; but, ac- cording- to the idea, — and that idea involves a his- tory and a prophecy of the truth — it is not because they are such ministers that they receive those funds, but because, being* now the only representa- tives, as formerly the principal constituents, of the National Clerisy or Church, they alone have a commission to carry on the work of national culti- vation on national grounds — transmuting and in- tegrating all that the separate professions have achieved in science or art — but, with a range tran- scending the limits of professional views, or local or temporary interests, applying the product simple and defecated, to the strengthening and subliming of the moral life of the Nation itself. Such a Church is a principal instrument of the divine providence in the institution and govern- ment of human society. But it is not that Church against which we know that Hell shall not pre- vail. For when the Nation, fatigued with the weight of dear and glorious recollections, shall resolve to repudiate its corporate existence and character, and to resolve its mystic unity into the breathing atoms that crowd the surface of the land, — then the national and ancestral Church of England will have an end. But it cannot be destroyed before. It lies within the folds of that marvellous Consti- CHURCH AND STATE. XXIX tution, which patriots have out -watched the stars to develope and to protect, and is not separable from it. The time may come when it may seem fit to God that both shall perish, for ever, or for a season ; — and the sure token of that time will be, when the divorce of scientific from religious education shall have had its full work throughout the length and the breadth of the land. Then although the Church of England may fall, the Church of Christ in En- gland will stand erect ; and the distinction, lost now in a common splendour, will be better seen and more poignantly felt by that darkening World to which the Christian Church must become a more conspicuous opposite. ov y a p viv vvara deco oIkeiu), to the potential divinity in every man, which is the ground and condition of his civil existence, that without which a man can be neither free nor obliged, and by which alone, therefore, he is ca- pable of being a free subject or a citizen : and if, I say, having thus righted the balance on both sides, Henry had then directed the Nationalty to its true national purposes, (in order to which, however, a different division and sub-division of the kingdom must have superseded the present barbarism, which forms an obstacle to, the improve- ment of the country, of much greater magnitude than men are generally aware) ; and the Nationalty had been distributed in proportionate channels to the maintenance ; — 1, of the universities and great schools of liberal learning ; — 2, of a pastor, pres- byter, or parson* in every parish ; — 3, of a school- * Persona jcar' k^o\r]v ; persona exemplaris ; the represen- tative and exemplar of the personal character of the commu- nity or parish ; of their duties and rights, of their hopes> privileges and requisite qualifications, as moral persons, and not merely living things. But this the pastoral clergy can- not be other than imperfectly ; they cannot be that which it is the paramount end and object of their establishment and distribution throughout the country that they should be — each in his sphere the germ and nucleus of the progressive civilization — unless they are in the rule married men and heads of families. This, however, is adduced only as an accessory to the great principle stated in a following page, THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 57 master in every parish, who in due time, and under condition of a faithful performance of his arduous duties, should succeed to the pastorate ; so that both should be labourers in different com- partments of the same field, workmen engaged in different stages of the same process, with such difference of rank, as might be suggested in the names pastor and sub-pastor, or as now exists be- tween rector and curate, elder and deacon. Both alike, I say, being members and ministers of the na- tional Clerisy or Church, working to the same end, and determined in the choice of their means and the direction of their labours by one and the same object — namely, the production and reproduction, the preservation, continuance, and perfection, of the necessary sources and conditions of national civilization ; this being itself an indispensable condition of national safety, power and welfare, the strongest security and the surest provision, both for the permanence and the progressive ad- vance of whatever as laws, institutions, tenures, rights, privileges, freedoms, obligations, and the like, constitutes the public weal : — these parochial clerks being the great majority of the national clergy, the comparatively small remainder being- principally* in or dine ad hos, Cleri doctor es ut Clerus populi. as an instance of its beneficial consequences, not as the grounds of its validity. * Considered, I mean, in their national relations, and in that which forms their ordinary, their most conspicuous 58 IDEA OF I may be allowed, therefore, to express the final cause of the whole by the office and purpose of the greater part ; and this is, to form and train up the people of the country to be obedient, free, useful, organizable subjects, citizens, and patriots, living" to the benefit of the State, and prepared to die for its defence. The proper object and end of the national Church is civilization with freedom ; and the duty of its ministers, could they be con- templated merely and exclusively as officiaries of the national Church, would be fulfilled in the communication of that degree and kind of know- ledge to all, the possession of which is necessary for all in order to their civility. By civility I mean all the qualities essential to a citizen, and devoid of which no people or class of the people can be. calculated on by the rulers and leaders of the State for the conservation or promotion of its essential interests. It follows, therefore, that in regard to the grounds and principles of action and conduct, the State has a right to demand of the national Church that its instructions should be fitted to diffuse through- out the people legality, that is, the obligations of a well calculated self-interest, under the conditions of a common interest determined by common laws. purpose and utility ; for God forbid, I should deny or forget that the sciences, and not only the sciences both abstract and experimental, but the litem, humaniores, the products of genial power, of whatever name, have an immediate and positive value even in their bearings on the national inte- rests. THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 59 At least, whatever of higher origin and nobler and wider aim the ministers of the national Church, in some other capacity, and in the performance of other duties, might labour to implant and cultivate in the minds and hearts of their congregations and seminaries, should include the practical conse- quences of the legality above mentioned. The State requires that the basin should be kept full, and that the stream which supplies the hamlet and turns the mill, and waters the meadow-fields, should be fed and kept flowing. If this be done the State is content, indifferent for the rest, whether the basin be filled by the spring in its first ascent, and rising but a hand's-breadth above the bed ; or whether drawn from a more elevated source, shooting aloft in a stately column, that reflects the light of heaven from its shaft, and bears the Iris, coeli decus, promissumque Jovis lucidum on" its spray, it fills the basin in its descent. " In what relation then do you place Christianity to the national Church ?" Though unwilling to anticipate what belongs to a part of my subject yet to come, namely, the idea of the Catholic or Christian Church, I am still more averse to leave this question, even for a moment, unanswered. And this is my answer. In relation to the national Church, Christianity, or the Church of Christ, is a blessed accident,* a providential boon, a grace of God, a mighty and • Let not the religious reader be offended with this phrase. I mean only that Christianity is an aid and instrument 60 IDEA OF faithful friend, the envoy indeed and liege subject of another State, but which can neither administer the laws nor promote the ends of this other State, which is not of the world, without advantage, di- rect and indirect, to the true interests of the States, the aggregate of which is what we mean by the world, that is, the civilized world. As the olive tree is said in its growth to fertilize the surround- ing soil, to invigorate the roots of the vines in its immediate neighbourhood, and to improve the strength and flavour of the wines ; such is the re- lation of the Christian and the national Church. But as the olive is not the same plant with the vine, or with the elm or poplar, (that is, the State) with which the vine is wedded ; and as the vine with its prop may exist, though in less perfection, without the olive, or previously to its im- plantation ; — even so is Christianity, and a fortiori any particular scheme of theology derived and sup- posed by its partizans to be deduced from Christi- anity, no essential part of the being of the national Church, however conducive or even indispensable it may be to its well being. And even so a na- tional Church might exist, and has existed, with- out, because before the institution of, the Christian Church ; — as the Levitical Church in the Hebrew constitution, and the Druidical in the Keltic, would suffice to prove. which no State or realm could have produced out of its own ■elements, which no State had a right to expect. It was, most viwefully, a God-send ! THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 61 But here I earnestly entreat that two things may be remembered — first, that it is my object to present the Idea of a national Church, as the only safe criterion by which the judgment can decide on the existing state of things ; for when we are in full and clear possession of the ultimate aim of an institution, it is comparatively easy to ascertain in what respects this aim has been attained in other ways arising out of the growth of the nation, and the gradual and successive expansion of its germs ; in what respects the aim has been frus- trated by errors and diseases in the body politic ; and in what respects the existing institution still answers the original purpose, and continues to be a mean to necessary or most important ends, for which no adequate substitute can be found. First, I say, let it be borne in mind that my object has been to present the idea of a national Church, not the history of the Church established in this nation. Secondly, that two distinct functions do not necessarily imply or require two different functionaries : nay, the perfection of each may require the union of both in the same person. And in the instance now in question, great and grievous errors have arisen from confounding the functions ; and fearfully great and grievous will be the evils from the success of an attempt to se- parate them — an attempt long and passionately pursued, in many forms, and through many va- rious channels, by a numerous party which has already the ascendancy in the State ; and which, unless far other minds and far other principles 62 IDEA OF than those which the opponents of this party have hitherto allied with their cause, are called into action, will obtain the ascendancy in the nation. I have already said that the subjects, which lie right and left of my road, or even jut into it, are so many and so important that I offer these pages but as a catalogue of texts and theses, which will have answered their purpose if they excite a cer- tain class of readers to desire or to supply the com- mentary. But there will not be wanting among my readers men who are no strangers to the ways in which my thoughts travel : and the jointless sentences that make up the following chapter or inventory of regrets and apprehensions will suffice to possess them of the chief points that press on my mind. The commanding knowledge, the power of truth, given or obtained by contemplating the subject in the fontal mirror of the idea, is in Scripture ordi- narily expressed by vision : and no dissimilar gift, if not rather in its essential characters the same, does a great living poet speak of, as The vision and the faculty divine. Indeed of the many political ground-truths con- tained in the Old Testament, I cannot recall one more worthy to be selected as the moral and Ven- voy of a Universal History, than the text in Pro- verbs,* Where no vision is, the people perisheth. * xxix. 18. THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 63 It is now thirty years since the diversity of reason and the understanding, of an idea and a con- ception, and the practical importance of distin- guishing the one from the other, were first made evident to me. And scarcely a month has passed during this long interval in which either books, or conversation, or the experience of life, have not supplied or suggested some fresh proof and instance of the mischiefs and mistakes derived from that ignorance of this truth, which I have elsewhere called the queen-bee in the hive of error. Well and truly has the understanding been de- fined — -facultas mediata et mediorum — the faculty of means to medial ends, that is, to such purposes or ends as are themselves but means to some ulterior end. My eye at this moment rests on a volume newly read by me, containing a well-written history of the inventions, discoveries, public improvements, docks, rail-ways, canals, and the like, for about the same period, in England and Scotland. I closed it under the strongest impressions of awe, and admiration akin to wonder. We live, I ex- claimed, under the dynasty of the understanding : and this is its golden age. It is the faculty of means to medial ends. With these the age, this favoured land, teems : they spring up, the armed host, — seges clypeata — from the serpent's teeth sown by Cadmus : — mortalia semina, dentes. In every direction they advance, conquering and 64 IDEA OF to conquer. Sea and land, rock, mountain, lake and moor, yea nature and all her elements, sink before them, or yield themselves captive ! But the ultimate ends ? Where shall I seek for infor- mation concerning these ? By what name shall I seek for the historiographer of reason ? Where shall I find the annals of her recent campaigns ? the records of her conquests ? In the facts disclosed by the Mendicity Society ? In the reports on the in- crease of crimes, commitments ? In the proceed- ings of the Police ? Or in the accumulating volumes on the horrors and perils of population ? O voice, once heard Delightfully, increase and multiply ! Now death to hear ! For what can we increase Or multiply,* but woe, crime, penury. Alas ! for a certain class, the following chapter will, I fear, but too vividly shew the burden of the valley of vision, — even the burden upon the crowned isle, whose merchants are princes, whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth ; — who stretcheth out her hand over the sea, — and she is the mart of nations !f * P. L. x. 729. — Ed. t Isaiah, xxii. xxiii. THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 65 CHAPTER VII. Regrets and Apprehensions. The National Church was deemed in the dark age of Queen Elizabeth, in the unenlightened times of Burleigh, Hooker, Spenser, Shakspeare, and Lord Bacon, a great venerable estate of the realm ; but now by all the intellect of the kingdom it has been determined to be one of the many theological sects or communities established in the realm ; yet dis- tinguished from the rest by having its priesthood endowed, durante beneplacito, by favour of the Le- gislature, that is, of the majority, for the time being, of the two Houses of Parliament. The Church being thus reduced to a religion, religion in genere is consequently separated from the Church, and made a subject of Parliamentary determination, independently of this Church. The poor are with- drawn from the discipline of the Church. The education of the people is detached from the min- istry of the Church. Religion becomes a noun of multitude, or nomen collectivum, expressing the aggregate of all the different groups of notions and ceremonies connected with the invisible and su- pernatural. On the plausible (and in this sense of the word unanswerable) pretext of the multi- tude and variety of religions, and for the suppres- F 66 REGRETS AND sion of bigotry and negative persecution, national education is to be finally sundered from all religion, but speedily and decisively emancipated from the superintendence of the national Clergy. Educa- tion is to be reformed, and defined as synonymous with instruction. The axiom of education so de- fined is — knowledge being power, those attain- ments, which give a man the power of doing what he wishes in order to obtain what he desires, are alone to be considered as knowledge, or to be admitted into the scheme of national education. The subjects to be taught in the national schools are to be, reading, writing, arithmetic, the me- chanic arts, elements and results of physical science, but to be taught, as much as possible, empirically. For all knowledge being derived from the senses, the closer men are kept to the fountain head, the more knowing they must become. Popular ethics consist of a digest of the criminal laws, and the evidence requisite for conviction under the same : lectures on diet, on digestion, on infection, and the nature and effects of a spe- cific virus incidental to and communicable by living bodies in the intercourse of society. And note, that in order to balance the interests of indi- viduals and the interests of the State, the dietetic and peptic text books are to be under the censor- ship of the Board of Excise. Then we have game laws, corn laws, cotton factories, Spitalfields, the tillers of the land paid by poor rates, and the remainder of the population APPREHENSIONS. 67 mechanized into engines for the manufactoiy of new rich men ; — yea, the machinery of the wealth of the nation made up of the wretchedness, disease and depravity of those who should constitute the strength of the nation ! Disease, I say, and vice, while the wheels are in full motion ; but at the first stop the magic wealth-machine is converted into an intolerable weight of pauperism. But this partakes of history. The head and neck of the huge serpent are out of the den : the volumi- nous train is to come. What next ? May I not whisper as a fear, what senators have promised to demand as a right ? Yes ! the next in my filial bodings is spoliation ; — spoliation of the Nationalty, half thereof to be distributed among the land- owners, and the other half among the stock-bro- kers, and stock-owners, who are to receive it in lieu of the interest formerly due to them. But .enough. I will ask only one question. Has the national welfare, have the weal and hap- piness of the people, advanced with the increase of the circumstantial prosperity ? Is the increasing number of wealthy individuals that which ought to ' be understood by the wealth of the nation ? In answer to this, permit me to annex the following chapter of contents of the moral history of the last 130 years. A. A declarative act respecting certain parts of the Constitution, with provisions against further violation of the same, erroneously intituled, The Revolution of 1688. 68 REGRETS AND B. The mechanico- corpuscular theory raised to the title of the mechanic philosophy, and espoused as a revolution in philosophy, by the actors and partizans of the (so called) Revolution in the State. C. Result illustrated, in the remarkable con- trast between the acceptation of the word, idea, before the Restoration, and the present use of the same word. Before 1660, the magnificent Son of Cosmo was wont to discourse with Ficini, Poli- tian and the princely Mirandula on the ideas of will, God, freedom. Sir Philip Sidney, the star of se- renest brilliance in the glorious constellation of Elizabeth's court, communed with Spenser on the idea of the beautiful ; and the younger Algernon — soldier, patriot, and statesman — with Harrington, Milton, and Nevil on the idea of the State : and in what sense it may be more truly affirmed, that the People, that is, the component particles of the body politic, at any moment existing as such, are in order to the State, than that the State exists for the sake of the People. As to the present use of the word. Dr. Holofernes, in a lecture on metaphysics, delivered at one of the Mechanics' Institutions, explodes all ideas but those of sensation ; and his friend, Deputy Costard, has no idea of a better flavored haunch of venison than he dined off at the London Tavern last week. He admits, (for the Deputy has travelled) that the French have an excellent idea of cooking in general ; but holds APPREHENSIONS. 69 that their most accomplished maitres de cuisine have no more idea of dressing a turtle than the Parisian gourmands themselves have any real idea of the true taste and colour of the fat. D. Consequences exemplified. A state of na- ture, or the Ouran Outang theology of the origin of the human race, substituted for the first ten chapters of the Book of Genesis ; rights of nature for the duties and privileges of citizens ; idealess facts, misnamed proofs from history, grounds of experience, and the like, for principles and the insight derived from them. Our state-policy a Cy- clops with one eye, and that in the back of the head ; our measures become either a series of ana- chronisms, or a truckling to events instead of the science, that should command them ; for all true insight is foresight. (Take as documents, the measures of the British Cabinet from the Boston Port-Bill, March, 1774 ; but particularly from 1789, to the Union with Ireland, and the Peate of Amiens.) Mean time, behold the true historical feeling, the immortal life of the nation, generation linked to generation by faith, freedom, heraldry, and ancestral fame, languishing, and giving place to the superstitions of wealth and newspaper re- putation. E. Talents without genius : a swarm of clever, well-informed men : an anarchy of minds, a des- potism of maxims. Hence despotism of finance in government and legislation — of vanity and sciolism in the intercourse of life — of presump- 70 REGRETS AND tion, temerity, and hardness of heart in political economy. F. The guess-work of general consequences substituted for moral and political philosophy, and its most familiar exposition adopted as a text book in one of the Universities, and cited as autho- rity in the Legislature. Hence plebs pro senatu populoque; and the wealth of the nation (that is, of the wealthy individuals thereof,) and the mag- nitude of the revenue mistaken for the well-being of the people. G. Gin consumed by paupers to the value of about eighteen millions yearly : government by clubs of journeymen ; by saint and sinner societies, committees, institutions; by reviews, magazines, and above all by newspapers : lastly, crimes qua- drupled for the whole country, and in some coun- ties decupled. Concluding address to the Parliamentary leaders of the Liberalists and Utilitarians. I respect the talents of many, and the motives and character of some, among you too sincerely to court the scorn which I anticipate. But neither shall the fear of it prevent me from declaring aloud, and as a truth which I hold it the disgrace and calamity of a professed statesman not to know and acknowledge, that a permanent, nationalized, learned order, a national clerisy or Church is an essential element of a rightly constituted nation, without which it wants the best security alike for its permanence and its progression ; and for which APPREHENSIONS. 71 neither tract societies nor conventicles, nor Lan- casterian schools, nor mechanics' institutions, nor lecture bazaars under the absurd name of univer- sities, nor all these collectively, can be a substitute. For they are all marked with the same asterisk of spuriousness, shew the same distemper-spot on the front, that they are empirical specifics for morbid symptoms that help to feed and continue the dis- ease. But you wish for general illumination : you would spur-arm the toes of society : you would enlighten the higher ranks per ascensum ah imis. You begin, therefore, with the attempt to popu- larize science : but you w r ill only effect its piebifi- cation. It is folly to think of making all, or the many, philosophers, or even men of science and systematic knowledge. But it is duty and wisdom to aim at making as many as possible soberly and steadily religious ; inasmuch as the morality which the State requires in its citizens for its own well- being and ideal immortality, and without reference to their spiritual interest as individuals, can only exist for the people in the form of religion. But the existence of a true philosophy, or the power and habit of contemplating particulars in the unity and fontal mirror of the idea, — this in the rulers and teachers of a nation is indispensable to a sound state of religion in all classes. In fine, religion, true or false, is and ever has been the centre of gravity in a realm, to which all other things must and will accommodate themselves. 72 PAST BENEFITS OF CHAPTER VIIL The subject resumed, namely, the proper aims and characteristic directions and channels of the Nationalty . The benefits of the National Church in time past. The present beneficial influences and workings of the same. The deep interest which, during the far larger portion of my life since early manhood, I have attached to these convictions has, I perceive, hurried me onwards as in a rush from the letting forth of accumulated waters hy the sudden opening of the sluice gates. It is high time that I should return to my subject. And I have no better way of taking up the thread of my argument than by re-stating my opinion, that our eighth Henry would have acted in correspondence with the great principles of our constitution, if, having restored the original balance on both sides, he had deter- mined the Nationalty to the following objects : 1st. to the maintenance of the Universities and the great liberal schools : 2ndly. to the main- tenance of a pastor and schoolmaster in every parish : 3rdly. to the raising and keeping in repair of the churches, schools, and other buildings of THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 73 that kind ; and, lastly, to the maintenance of the proper, that is, the infirm, poor whether from age or sickness : one of the original purposes of the national reserve being the alleviation of those evils, which in the best forms of worldly States must arise, and must have been foreseen as arising, from the institution of individual properties and primo- geniture. If these duties were efficiently performed, and these purposes adequately fulfilled, the very increase of the population (which would, however, by these very means have been prevented from becoming a vicious population,) would have more than counterbalanced those savings in the expen- diture of the Nationalty occasioned by the de- tachment of the practitioners of Law, Medicine, and the like from the national clergy. That this transfer of the national reserve from what had become national evils to its original and inherent purpose of national benefits, instead of the sa- crilegious alienation which actually took place — that this was impracticable, is historically true : but no less true is it philosophically, that this im- practicability, — arising wholly from moral causes, that is, from loose manners and corrupt principles — does not rescue this wholesale sacrilege from deserving the character of the first and deadliest wound inflicted on the constitution of the kino-- dom : which term, constitution, in the body politic, as in bodies natural, expresses not only what has been actually evolved from, but likewise whatever is potentially contained in, the seminal principle of 74 PAST BENEFITS OF the particular body, and would in its due time have appeared but for emasculation or disease. Other wounds, by which indeed the constitution of the nation has suffered, but which much more imme- diately concern the constitution of the Church, I shall perhaps find another place to mention. The mercantile and commercial class, in which I here comprise all the four classes that I have put in antithesis to the landed order, the guardian and depository of the permanence of the realm, as more characteristically conspiring to the interests of its progression, the improvement and general freedom of the country — this class, as I have already remarked, in the earlier states of the con- stitution existed but as in the bud. Yet during all this period of potential existence, or what we may call the minority of the burgess order, the National Church was the substitute for the most important national benefits resulting from the same. The National Church presented the only breathing hole of hope. The Church alone relaxed the iron fate by which feudal dependency, primogeniture, and entail would otherwise have predestined every native of the realm to be lord or vassal. To the Church alone could the nation look for the benefits of existing knowledge, and for the means of future civilization. Lastly, let it never be forgotten, that under the fostering wing of the Church the class of free citizens and burghers were reared. To the feudal system we owe the forms, to the Church the substance, of our liberty. I mention THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 75 only two of many facts that would form the proof and comment of the above ; first, the origin of towns and cities in the privileges attached to the vicinity of churches and monasteries, and which, preparing an asylum for the fugitive vassal and oppressed franklin, thus laid the first foundation of a class of freemen detached from the land ; — secondly, the holy war, which the national clergy, in this instance faithful to their national duties, waged against slavery and villenage, and with such success, that in the reign of Charles II., the law* which declared every native of the realm free by birth had merely to sanction an opus jam con- summatum. Our Maker has distinguished man from the brute that perishes, by making hope first an instinct of his nature, and, secondly, an indis- pensable condition of his moral and intellectual progression : For every gift of noble origin Is breathed upon by Hope's perpetual breath. Wordsworth. But a natural instinct constitutes a right, as far * The Author means the Act passed at the Restoration, 12 C. II. c. 24. " Andthese encroachments grew to be so universal, that when tenure in villenage was virtually abol- ished (though copyholds were preserved) by the statute of Charles II., there was hardly a pure villein left in the nation," &c. Blackstone II. c . 6. 96.— Ed. 76 PAST BENEFITS OF as its gratification is compatible with the equal rights of others. And this principle may be expanded and applied to the idea of the National Church. Among the primary ends of a State (in that highest sense of the word, in which it is equivalent to the nation, considered as one body politic, and therefore including* the National Church), there are two, of which the National Church (according to its idea) is the especial and constitutional organ and means. The one is, to secure to the subjects of the realm, generally, the hope, the chance of bettering their own or their children's condition. And though during the last three or four centuries, the National Church has found a most powerful surro- gate and ally for the effectuation of this great purpose in her former wards and foster-children, that is, in trade, commerce, free industry, and the arts ; yet still the Nationalty, under all its defal- cations, continues to feed the higher ranks by drawing up whatever is worthiest from below, and thus maintains the principle of hope in the humblest families, while it secures the possessions of the rich and noble. This is one of the two ends. The other is, to develope in every native of the country those faculties, and to provide for every native that knowledge and those attainments, which are neces- sary to qualify him for a member of the State, the free subject of a civilized realm. I do not mean those degrees of moral and intellectual cultivation which distinguish man from man in the same THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 77 civilized society, much less those that separate the Christian from the this-worldian ; but those only that constitute the civilized man in contra-dis- tinction from the barbarian, the savage, and the animal. I have now brought tog-ether all that seemed requisite to put the intelligent reader in full pos- session of (what I believe to be) the right idea of the National Clergy, as an estate of the realm. But I cannot think my task finished without an attempt to rectify the too frequent false feeling on this subject, and to remove certain vulgar errors — errors, alas ! not confined to those whom the world call the vulvar. Ma nel mondo non e se non volgo, says Machiavel. I shall make no apology, therefore, for interposing between the preceding statements and the practical conclusion from them the following paragraph extracted from a work long out of print,* and of such very limited circulation that I might have stolen from myself with little risk of detection, had it not been my wish to shew that the convictions expressed in the preceding pages are not the offspring of the moment, brought forth for the present occasion ; but an expansion of sentiments and principles publicly avowed in the year 1817. Among the numerous blessings of the English Constitution, the introduction of an established Church makes an especial claim on the gratitude * Bio*. Lit. Vol. I.— Erf. 78 PRESENT BENEFITS OF of scholars and philosophers ; in England, at least, where the principles of Protestantism have con- spired with the freedom of the government to double all its salutary powers by the removal of its abuses. That the maxims of a pure morality, and those sublime truths of the divine unity and attributes, which a Plato found hard to learn and more diffi- cult to reveal ; that these should have become the almost hereditary property of childhood and poverty, of the hovel and the workshop ; that even to the unlettered they sound as common place ; this is a fact which must withhold all but minds of the most vulgar cast from undervaluing the services even of the pulpit and the reading desk. Yet he who should confine the efficiency of an established Church to these can hardly be placed in a much higher rank of intellect. That to every parish throughout the kingdom there is transplanted a germ of civilization ; that in the remotest villages there is a nucleus, round which the capabilities of the place may crystallize and brighten ; a model sufficiently superior to excite, yet sufficiently near to encourage and facilitate, imitation ; this inob- trusive, continuous agency of a Protestant Church Establishment, this it is which the patriot and the philanthropist, who would fain unite the love of peace with a faith in the progressive amelioration of mankind, cannot estimate at too high a price. It cannot be valued with the gold of Ophir, with the precious onyx, or the sapphire. No THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 79 mention shall be made of coral or of pearls ; for the price of wisdom is above rubies. The clergy- man is with his parishioners and among- them ; he is neither in the cloistered cell, nor in the wilder- ness, but a neighbour and family-man, whose edu- cation and rank admit him to the mansion of the rich-landholder while his duties make him the frequent visiter of the farm-house and the cottage. He is, or he may become, connected with the families of his parish or its vicinity by marriage. And among the instances of the blindness or at best of the short-sightedness, which it is the nature of cupidity to inflict, I know few more striking than the clamours of the farmers against Church property. Whatever was not paid to the clergymen would inevitably at the next renewal of the lease be paid to the landholder, while, as the case at present stands, the revenues of the Church are in some sort the reversionary property of every family that may have a member educated for the Church or a daughter that may many a clergyman. Instead of being foreclosed and immoveable, it is, in fact, the only species of landed property that is essentially moving and circulative. That their exist no incon- veniences, who will pretend to assert? But I have yet to expect the proof that the inconveniences are greater in this than in any other species ; or that either the farmers or the clergy would be benefited by forcing the latter to become either Trullibers or salaried placemen. Nay, I do not hesitate to declare my firm persuasion that what- 80 DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR ever reason of discontent the farmers may assign, the true cause is that they may cheat the parson but cannot cheat the steward : and that they are disappointed if they should have been able to with- hold only two pounds less than the legal claim, having expected to withhold five. CHAPTER IX. Practical Conclusion : What unfits for, and what excludes from, the National Church. The Clerisy, or National Church, being* an estate of the realm, the Church and State, with the King as the sovereign head of both, constituting the body politic, the State in the larger sense of the word, or the nation dynamically considered {kv ^wcijiel Kara 7rv£i>[xa, that is, as an ideal, but not the less actual and abiding, unity) ; and in like manner, the Na- tionalty being one of the two constitutional modes or species, of which the common wealth of the nation consists ; it follows by immediate conse- quence, that of the qualifications and preconditions for the trusteeship, absolutely to be required of the order collectively, and of every individual person as the conditions of his admission into this order, and of his capability of the usufruct or life- THE NATIONAL CHURCH. interest of any part or parcel of the Nationalty, the first and most indispensable, that without which all others are null and void, is, that the national Clergy and every member of the same from the highest to the lowest, shall be fully and exclusively citi- zens of the State, neither acknowledging the au- thority, nor Avithin the influence, of any other state in the world ; — full and undistracted subjects of this kingdom, and in no capacity, and under no pretences, owning any other earthly sovereign or visible head but the King, in whom alone the majesty of the nation is apparent, and by whom alone the unity of the nation in will and in deed is symbolically expressed and impersonated. The full extent of this first and absolutely ne- cessary qualification will be best seen in statins the contrary, that is, the absolute disqualifications] the existence of which in any individual, and in any class or order of men, constitutionally inca- pacitates such individual and class or order from being inducted into the national trust : and this on a principle so vitally concerning the health and integrity of the body politic, as to render the vo- luntary transfer of the Nationalty, whole or in part, direct or indirect, to an order notoriously thus disqualified, a foul treason against the most funda- mental rights and interests of the realm, and of all classes of its citizens and free subjects, the indi- viduals of the very order itself, as citizens and subjects, not excepted. Now there are two things, and but two, which evidently and predeterminabiy 82 DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR disqualify for this great trust : the first absolutely ; and the second, — which in its collective operation, and as an attribute of the whole class, would, of itself, constitute the greatest possible unfitness for the proper ends and purposes of the National Church, as explained and specified in the pre- ceding paragraphs, and the heaviest drawback from the civilizing influence of the national Clergy in their pastoral and parochial character — the second, I say, by implying the former, becomes likewise an absolute ground of disqualification. It is scarcely necessary to add, what the reader will have anticipated, that the first absolute dis- qualification is allegiance to a foreign power : the second, the abjuration — under the command and authority of this power, and as by the rule of their order its professed lieges (alligati) — of that bond, which more than all other ties connects the citizen with his country ; which beyond all other securities affords the surest pledge, to the State for the fealty of its citizens, and that which (when the rule is applied to any body or class of men, under whatever name united, where the number is sufficiently great to neutralize the acci- dents of individual temperament and circumstances,) enables the State to calculate on their constant adhesion to its interests, and to rely on their faith and singleness of heart in the due execution oft whatever public or national trust may be as- signed to them. But I shall, perhaps, express the nature of this THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 83 security more adequately by the negative. The marriage tie is a bond the preclusion of which by an antecedent obligation, that overrules the acci- dents of individual character and is common to the whole order, deprives the State of a security with which it cannot dispense. I will not say that it is a security which the State may rightfully demand of all its adult citizens, competently circumstanced, by positive enactment: though I might shelter the position under the authority of the great publicists and state lawyers of the Augustanage, who, in the Lex Papia Poppcea* enforced anew a principle common to the old Roman Constitution with that of Sparta. But without the least fear of confutation, though in the full foresight of vehement contradiction, I do assert that the^ State may rightfully demand of any number of its sub- jects united in one body or order the absence of all customs, initiative vows, covenants and by-laws in that order, precluding the members of such body collectively and individually from affording this security. In strictness of principle, I might here conclude the sentence, though as it now stands it would involve the assertion of a right in the State to suppress any order confederated under laws so anti-civic. But I am no friend to any rights that can be disjoined from the duty of enforcing them. A.U.C. ?62.—inditi custodes, et lege Papia Poppcea prce- mminducti, ut, siaprivilegiisparentum cessaretur.vetut parent omnium populus vacantia teneret. Tac. Ana. III. 28.— Ed. 84 DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR I therefore at once confine and complete the sen- tence thus : — The State not only possesses the right of demanding-, but is in duty bound to demand, the above as a necessary condition of its entrusting to any order of men, and to any individual as a member of a known order, the titles, functions, and investments of the National Church. But if any doubt could attach to the proposition, whether thus stated or in the perfectly equivalent converse, that is, that the existence and known enforcement of the injunction or prohibitory by- law, before described, in any order or incorporation constitutes an a priori disqualification for the trusteeship of the Nationalty, and an insuperable obstacle to the establishment of such an order or of any members of the same as a national Clergy, — such doubt would be removed, as soon as this injunction, or vow exacted and given, or what- ever else it may be, by which the members of the order, collectively and as such, incapacitate themselves from affording this security for their full, faithful, and unbiassed application of a na- tional trust to its proper and national purposes, is found in conjunction with, and aggravated by, the three following circumstances. First, that this incapacitation originates in, and forms part of, the allegiance of the order to a foreign sovereignty : secondly, that it is notorious that the canon or prescript, on which it is grounded, was first en- forced on the secular clergy universally, after long and obstinate reluctation on their side, and on THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 85 that of their natural sovereigns in the several realms, to which as subjects they belonged ; and that it is still retained in force, and its revocation inflexibly refused, as the direct and only adequate means of supporting that usurped and foreign sovereignty, and of securing by virtue of the ex- patriating and insulating effect of its operation the devotion and allegiance of the order* to their visible head and sovereign : and thirdly, that the operation of the interdict precludes one of the most constant and influential ways and means of pro- moting the great paramount end of a National Church, the progressive civilization of the com- munity. Emollit mores, nee sinit esseferos. And now let me conclude these preparatory notices by compressing the sum and substance of my argument into this one sentence. Though many things may detract from the comparative * For the fullest and ablest exposition of this point, I refer to the Rev. Joseph Blanco White's " Practical and Internal Evidence against Catholicism," and to that ad- mirable work, " Riforma d' Italia," written by a professed and apparently sincere Roman Catholic, a work which well merits translation. I know no work so well fitted to soften the prejudices against the theoretical doctrines of the Latin Church, and to deepen our reprobation of what it actually, and practically is in all countries where the expediency of keeping up appearances, as in Protestant neighbourhoods, does not operate. 86 IDEA OF THE KING fitness of individuals or of particular classes for the trust and functions of the Nationalty, there are only two absolute disqualifications : and these are, allegiance to a foreign power, or the ac- knowledgement of any other visible head of the Church, but our sovereign lord the King: and compulsory celibacy in connection with, and in dependence on, a foreign and extra-national head. CHAPTER X. On the King and the Nation. A treatise ? why, the subjects might, T own, ex- cite some apprehension of the sort. But it will be found like sundry Greek treatises among the tinder-rolls of Herculaneum, with titles of as large promise, somewhat largely and irregularly abbre- viated in the process of unrolling. In fact, neither my purpose nor my limits permit more than a few hints which may prepare the reader for some of the positions assumed in the second part of this volume. Of the King with the two Houses of Parliament, as constituting the State (in the especial and an- tithetic sense of the word) I have already spoken: and what remains is only to determine the proper and AND THE NATION. 87 legitimate objects of its superintendence and con- trol. On what is the power of the State rightfully exercised ? Now, I am not arguing in a court of law ; and my purpose would be grievously misun- derstood if what I say should be taken as intended for an assertion of the fact. Neither of facts, nor of statutory and demandable rights do I speak : but exclusively of the State according to the idea. And in accordance with the idea of the State, I do not hesitate to answer that the legitimate objects of its power comprise all the interests and concerns of the proprietage, both landed and personal, and whether inheritably vested in the lineage or in the individual citizen ; and these alone. Even in the lives and limbs of the lieges the King, as the head and arm of the State, has an interest of property : and in any trespass against them the King appears as plaintiff. The chief object, for which men, who from the beginning existed as a social bond, first formed themselves into a state and on the social super- induced the political relation, was not the protec- tion of their lives but of their property. The natural man is too proud an animal to admit that he needs any other protection for his life than what his own courage and that of his clan can bestow. Where the nature of the soil and climate has pre- cluded all property but personal, and admitted that only in its simplest forms, as in Greenland for instance, — there men remain in the domestic state and form neighbourhoods, not governments. And 88 IDEA OF THE KING in North America the chiefs appear to exercise government in those tribes only which possess in- dividual landed property. Among the rest the chief is the general, a leader in war ; not a magis- trate. To property and to its necessary inequalities must be referred all human laws, that would not be laws without and independent of any conventional enactment ; that is, all State-legislation.* Next comes the King, as the head of the National Church or Clerisy, and the protector and supreme trustee of the Nationalty : the power of the same in relation to its proper objects being exercised by the King and the Houses of Convocation, of which, as before of the State, the King is the head and arm. And here if it had been my purpose to enter at once on the developement of this position, together with the conclusions to be drawn from it, I should need with increased earnestness remind the reader that I am neither describing what the National Church now is, nor determining what it ought to be. My statements respect the idea alone as deduced from its original purpose and ultimate aim : and of the idea only must my assertions be understood. But the full exposition of this point is not necessary for the appreciation of the late Bill which is the subject of the following part of the volume. It belongs indeed to the chapter with which I had intended to conclude this volume, and which, should my health permit, and the cir- * See the Friend, i. p. 274. 3rd edit.— Ed. AND THE NATION'. 89 cumstances warrant it, it is still my intention to let follow the present work — namely, my humble contribution towards an answer to the question, What is to be done now ? For the present, there- fore, it will be sufficient, if I recall to the reader's recollection that formerly the national Clerisy, in the two Houses of Convocation duly assembled and represented, taxed themselves. But as to the pro- per objects, on which the authority of the Convo- cation with the King as its head was to be exercised , — these the reader will himself without difficulty decypher by referring to what has been already said respecting the proper and distinguishing ends and purposes of a National Church. I pass, therefore, at once to the relations of the Nation, or the State in the larger sense of the word, to the State especially so named, and to the Crown. And on this subject again I shall confine myself to a few important, yet, I trust, not common nor obvious, remarks respecting the conditions requisite or especially favourable to the health and vigour of the realm. From these again I separate those, the nature and importance of which cannot be adequately exhibited but by adverting to the consequences which have followed their neglect or inobservance, reserving them for another place : while for the present occasion I select two only ; but these, I dare believe, not unworthy the name of political principles, or maxims, that is, regulce qua inter maximas numerari merentur. And both of them forcibly confirm and exemplify a remark, 90 IDEA OF THE KING often and in various ways suggested to my mind, that with, perhaps, one* exception, it would be difficult in the whole compass of language to find a metaphor so commensurate, so pregnant, or suggesting so many points of elucidation, as that of body politic, as the exponent of a State or Realm. I have little admiration for the many-jointed simi- litudes of Flavel, and other finders of moral and spiritual meanings in the works of art and nature, where the proportion of the likeness to the differ- ence not seldom reminds me of the celebrated com- parison of the morning twilight to a boiled lobster, f But the correspondence between the body politic and the body natural holds even in the detail of application. Let it not however be supposed that I expect to derive any proof of my positions from this analogy. My object in thus prefacing them is answered, if I have shown cause for the use of the physiological terms by which I have sought to render my meaning intelligible. The first condition then required, in order to a sound constitution of the body politic, is a due pro- portion of the free and permeative life and energy of the nation to the organized powers brought within containing channels. What those vital forces that seem to bear an analogy to the imponderable agents, magnetic, or galvanic, inbodies inorganic, if indeed, * That namely of the Word (John, i. 1.) for the Divine Alterity ; the Deus Alter et Idem of Philo; Deltas Objectiva. t Hudibras Pt. II. c. 2 v. 29.— Ed. AND THE NATION. 91 they are not the same in a higher energy and un- der a different law of action — what these, I say, are in the living body in distinction from the fluids in the glands and vessels — the same, or at least holding a like relation, are the indeterminable, but yet actual, influences of intellect, information, pre- vailing principles and tendencies, (to which we must add the influence of property, or income, where it exists without right of suffrage attached thereto), to the regular, definite, and legally recog- nized powers in the body politic. But as no simile runs on all four legs (nihil simile est idem), so here the difference in respect of the body politic is, that in sundry instances the former, that is, the permeative, species of force is capable of being 1 converted into the latter, of being as it were or- ganized and rendered a part of the vascular system, by attaching a measured and determinate political right or privilege thereto. What the exact proportion, however, of the two kinds of force should be, it is impossible to prede- termine. But the existence of a disproportion is sure to be detected sooner or later by the effects. Thus : the ancient Greek democracies, the hot-beds of art, science, genius, and civilization, fell into dissolution from the excess of the former, the per- meative power deranging the functions, and by explosions shattering the organic structures, which they should have enlivened. On the contrary, the Republic of Venice fell by the contrary extremes. For there all political power was confined to the 92 IDEA OF THE KING determinate vessels, and these becoming more and more rigid, even to an ossification of the arteries, the State, in which the people were nothing", lost all power of resistance ad extra. Under this head, in short, there are three possi- ble sorts of malformation to be noticed. The first is, the adjunction or concession of direct political power to personal force and influence, whether physical or intellectual, existing in classes or ag- gregates of individuals, without those fixed or tan- gible possessions, freehold, copyhold, or leasehold, in land, house, or stock. The power resulting from the acquisition of knowledge or skill, and from the superior developement of the understand- ing is, doubtless, of a far nobler kind than mere physical strength and fierceness ; the one being peculiar to the animal man, the other common to him with the bear, the buffalo, and the mastiff. And if superior talents, and the mere possession of knowledges, such as can be learned at Mechanics' Institutions, were regularly accompanied with a will in harmony with the reason, and a consequent subordination of the appetites and passions to the ultimate ends of our being ; — if intellectual gifts and attainments were infallible signs of wisdom and goodness in the same proportion, and the knowing and clever were always rational ; — if the mere facts of science conferred or superseded the softening humanizing influences of the moral world, that habitual presence of the beautiful or the seemly, and that exemption from all familiarity with the AND THE NATION. 93 gross, the mean, and the disorderly, whether in look or language, or in the surrounding objects, in which the main efficacy of a liberal education consists ; — and if, lastly, these acquirements and powers of the understanding could be shared equally by the whole class, and did not, as by a necessity of nature they ever must do, fall to the lot of two or three in each several group, club, or neighbour- hood ; — then, indeed, by an enlargement of the Chinese system, political power might not unwisely be conferred as the honorarium or privilege on having passed through all the forms in the national schools, without the security of political ties, with- out those fastenings and radical fibres of a collec- tive and registrable property, by which the citizen inheres in and belongs to the commonwealth, as a constituent part either of the Proprietage, or of the National ty ; either of the State or of the National Church. But as the contrary of all these suppo- sitions may be more safely assumed, the practical conclusion will be — not that the requisite means of intellectual developement and growth should be withholden from any native of the soil, which it was at all times wicked to wish, and which it would be now silly to attempt; but that the gifts of the under- standing whether the boon of a genial nature, or the reward of more persistent application, should be al- lowed fair play in the acquiring of that proprietor- ship, to which a certain portion of political power be- longs as its proper function. For in this way there is at least a strong probability that intellectual power 94 IDEA OF THE KING will be armed with political power, only where it has previously been combined with and guarded by the moral qualities of prudence, industry, and self-control. And this is the first of the three kinds of mal-organization in a state ; — namely, direct political power without cognizable possession. The second is, the exclusion of any class or nu- merous body of individuals, who have notoriously risen into possession, and the influence inevitably connected with known possession, under pretence of impediments that do not directly or essentially affect the character of the individuals as citizens, or absolutely disqualify them for the performance of civic duties. Imperfect, yet oppressive and ir- ritating, ligatures these that peril the trunk, the circulating current of which they would withhold, even more than the limb which they would fain excommunicate. The third and last is, a gross incorrespondency, in relation to our own country, of the proportion of the antagonist interests of the body politic in the representative body, in the two Houses of Par- liament, to the actual proportion of the same in- terests and of the public influence exerted by the same in the nation at large. Whether in conse- quence of the gradual revolution which has trans- ferred to the magnates of the landed interest so large a portion of that borough representation which was to have been its counterbalance ; whether the same causes which have deranged the equilibrium AND THE NATION. 95 of the landed and the* monied interests in the Le- gislature have not likewise deranged the balance between the two unequal divisions of the landed interest itself, namely, the Major Barons, or great land-owners, with or without title, and the great body of the agricultural community, and thus given * Monied, used arbitrarily, as in preceding pages the words, Personal and Independent, from my inability to find any one self-interpreting word, that would serve for the generic name of the four classes, on which I have stated the interest of progression more especially to depend, and with it the free- dom which is the indispensable condition and propelling force of all national progress : even as the counter-pole, the other great interest of the body politic, its permanency, is more especially committed to the landed order, as its natural guardian and depository. I have therefore had recourse to the convenient figure of speech, bv which a conspicuous part or feature of a subject is used to express the whole ; and the reader will be so good as to understand, that the monied order in this place comprehends and stands for the com- mercial, manufacturing, distributive, and professional classes of the community. Only a few days ago, an accident placed in my hand a work of which, from my very limited opportunities of see- ing new publications, I had never before heard, — Mr. Crawfurd's History of the Indian Archipelago — the work of a wise as well as of an able and well-informed man. Need I add that it was no ordinary gratification to find that in respect of certain prominent positions, maintained in this volume, I had unconsciously been fighting behind the shield of one whom 1 deem it an honour to follow. But the sheets containing the passages having been printed off, I avail myself of this note to insert the sentences from Mr. Craw- furd's History, rather than lose the confirmation which a 96 IDEA OF THE KING to the real or imagined interests of the compa- ratively few the imposing name of the interest of the whole, the landed interest; — these are questions, to which the obdurate adherence to the jail- crowding game laws, (which during the reading of the Litany, I have sometimes been tempted to coincidence with so high an authority has produced on my own mind, and the additional weight which my sentiments will receive in the judgment of others. The first of the two extracts the reader will consider as annexed to pp. 25 — 27. of this volume ; the second to the paragraph (p. 87.) on the protection of property, as the end chiefly proposed in the formation of a fixed government, quoted from a work of my own, published ten or eleven years before the appearance of Mr. Crawfurd's History, which I notice in order to give the principle in question that probability of its being grounded in fact, which is derived from the agreement of two inde- pendent minds. The first extract Mr. Crawfurd introduces by the remark that the possession of wealth, derived from a fertile soil, encouraged the progress of absolute power in Java. He then proceeds — Extract I. The devotion of a people to agricultural industry, by ren- dering themselves more tame and their property more tan- gible, went still farther towards it : for wherever agriculture is the principal pursuit, there it may certainly be reckoned, that the people will be found living under an absolute go- vernment. — Vol. iii. p. 24. Extract II. In cases of murder, no distinction is made (in the ancient laws of the Indian Islanders) between wilful murder and chance-medley. It is the loss, which the family or tribe sustains, that is oonsidered, and the pecuniary compensation was calculated to make up that loss. — lb. p. 123. AND THE NATION. 97 include, by a sort of sub vitelline, in the petitions — from envy, hatred, and malice, and all uncha- ritableness ; from battle, murder, and sudden death, Good Lojrd, deliver us !) to which the old corn laws, and the exclusion of the produce of our own colonies from our distilleries, during the war, against the earnest recommendation of the govern- ment, the retention of the statutes against usury, and other points of minor importance or of less safe handling, may seem at a first view to suggest an answer in the affirmative ; but which, for reasons before assigned, I shall leave unresolved, content if only I have made the principle itself intelligible. The following anecdote, for I have no means of ascertaining its truth, and no warrant to offer for its accuracy, I give not as a fact in proof of an overbalance of the landed interest, but as an in- distinctly remembered hearsay, in elucidation of what is meant by the words. Some eighteen or twenty years ago — for so long I think it must have been, since the circumstance was first related to me — my illustrious (alas ! I must add, I fear, my late) friend, Sir Humphrey Davy, at Sir Joseph Banks's request, analyzed a portion of an East In- dian import, known by the Barnes of cutch, and terra Japonica ; but which he ascertained to be a vegetable extract, consisting almost wholly of pure tannin : and further trials, with less pure spe- cimens, still led to the conclusion that the average product would be seven parts in ten of the tanning H 93 IDEA OF THE KING principle. This discovery was* communicated to the trade ; and on inquiry made at the India House, * And, (if I recollect right, though it was not from him, that I received the anecdote) by a friend of Sir Humphrey's, whom I am proud to think my friend likewise, and by an elder claim : J — a man whom I have seen now in his harvest field, or the market, now in a committee-room with the Rick- mans and Ricardos of the age ; at another time with Davy, Wollaston, and the Wedgewoods ; now with Wordsworth, Southey, and other friends not unheard of in the republic of letters; now in the drawing-rooms of the rich and the noble, and now presiding at the annual dinner of a village benefit society ; and in each seeming to be in the very place he was intended for, and taking the part to which his tastes, talents, and attainments gave him an admitted right. And yet this is not the most remarkable, not the individualizing, trait of my friend's character. It is almost overlooked in the ori- ginality and raciness of his intellect ; in the life, freshness and practical value of his remarks and notices, truths plucked as they are growing, and delivered to you with the dew on them, the fair earnings of an observing eye, armed and kept on the watch by thought and meditation ; and above all, in the integrity or entireness of his being, (integrum et sine cera vas), the steadiness of his attachments, and the activity and persistency of a benevolence, which so graciously presses a warm temper into the service of a yet warmer heart, and so lights up the little flaws and imperfections, incident to hu- manity in its choicest specimens, that were their removal at the option of his friends, (and few have, or deserve to have so many) not a man among them but would vote for leaving him as he is. This is a note digressive ; but, as the height of the offence is, that the garnish is too good for the dish, I shall confine my apology to a confession of the fault. 1 The late excellent Thomas Poole of Nether Stowey, So- merset. — Ed. AND THE NATION. 99 it was found that this cutch could be prepared in large quantities, and imported at a price which, after an ample profit to the importers, it would very well answer the purposes of the tanners to give. The trade itself, too, was likely to be greatly be- nefitted and enlarged by being rendered less de- pendent on particular situations ; while the reduc- tion of the price at which it could be offered to the foreign consumer, acting in conjunction with the universally admitted superiority of the English leather, might be reasonably calculated on as en- abling us to undersell our foreign rivals in their own markets. Accordingly, an offer was made on the part of the principal persons interested in the leather trade to purchase, at any price below the sum that had been stated to them as the highest or extreme price, as large a quantity as it was pro- bable that the Company would find it feasible or convenient to import in the first instance. Well ! the ships went out, and the ships returned, again and again : and no increase in the amount of the said desideratum appearing among the imports, enough only being imported to meet the former demand of the druggists, and (it is whispered) of certain ingenious transmuters of Bohea into Hyson, — my memory does not enable me to determine whether the inquiry into the occasion of this dis- appointment was made, or whether it was anti- cipated by a discovery that it would be useless. But it was generally understood that the tanners had not been the only persons, whose attention had 100 THE OMNIPOTENCE been drawn to the qualities of the article, and the consequences of its importation ; and that a very intelligible hint had been given to persons of known influence in Leadenhall-street, that in case any such importation were allowed, the East- India Com- pany must not expect any support from the landed interest in Parliament at the next renewal, or 'motion for the renewal of their Charter. The East India Company might reduce the price of bark, one half or more ; and the British navy, and the grandsons of our present senators, might thank them for thousands and myriads of noble oaks, left unstript in consequence — this may be true ; but no less true is it, that the free merchants would soon reduce the price of good tea in the same proportion, and monopolists ought to have a feeling for each other. CHAPTER XI. The relations of the potential to the actual. The omnipotence of Parliament ; — of what kind. So much in explanation of the first of the two con- ditions* of the health and vigour of a body politic : and far more, I must confess, than I had myself reckoned on. I will endeavour to indemnify the * See ante, p. 90. — Ed. OF PARLIAMENT. 101 reader by despatching the second in a few sen- tences, which could not so easily have been ac- complished without the explanations given in the preceding paragraphs. For as we have found the first condition in the due proportion of the free and permeative life of the State to the powers or- ganized, and severally determined by their appro- priate containing or conducting nerves, or vessels ; the second condition is a due proportion of the potential, that is, latent or dormant power to the actual power. In the first condition, both powers alike are awake and in act. The balance is pro- duced by the polarization of the actual power, that is, the opposition of the actual power organ- ized to the actual power free and permeating the organs. In the second, the actual power, in toto, is opposed to the potential. It has been frequently and truly observed that in England, where the ground plan, the skeleton, as it were, of the go- vernment is a monarchy, at once buttressed and limited by the aristocracy, (the assertions of its popular character finding a better support in the harangues and theories of popular men, than in state-documents and the records of clear history,) a far greater degree of liberty is, and long has been, enjoyed than ever existed in the ostensibly freest, that is, most democratic, commonwealths of ancient or of modern times; — greater, indeed, and with a more decisive predominance of the spirit of freedom than the wisest and most philan- thropic statesmen of antiquity, or than the great 102 THE OMNIPOTENCE Commonwealth's-men, (the stars of that narrow interspace of blue sky between the black clouds of the first and second Charles's reigns) believed compatible, the one with the safety of the State, the other with the interests of morality. Yes ! for little less than a century and a half Englishmen have collectively and individually lived and acted with fewer restraints on their free-agency than the citizens of any known* republic, past or present. The fact is certain. It has been often boasted of, but never, I think, clearly explained. The solution must, it is obvious, be sought for in the combination of circumstances, to which we owe the insular privilege of a self-evolving Con- stitution : and the following will, I think, be found the main cause of the fact in question. Extremes meet — an adage of inexhaustible exemplification. A democratic republic and an absolute monarchy agree in this ; that, in both alike, the nation or people delegates its whole power. Nothing is left obscure, nothing suffered to remain in the idea, * It will be thought, perhaps, that the United States of North America should have been excepted. But the iden- tity of stock, language, customs, manners and laws scarcely allows me to consider this an exception : even though it were quite certain both that it is and that it will continue such. It was, at all events, a remark worth remembering, which 1 once heard from a traveller (a prejudiced one I must ad- mit), that where every man may take liberties, there is little liberty for any man ; — or, that where every man takes liber- ties, no man can enjoy any. OF PARLIAMENT. 103 unevolved and only acknowledged as an existing-, yet indeterminable right. A Constitution such states can scarcely be said to possess. The whole will of the body politic is in act at every moment. But in the constitution of England according to the idea, (which in this instance has demonstrated its actuality by its practical influence, and this too though counter-worked by fashionable errors and maxims, that left their validity behind in the law-courts, from which they were borrowed) the nation has delegated its power, not without mea- sure and circumscription, whether in respect of the duration of the trust, or of the particular inte- rests entrusted. The omnipotence of Parliament, in the mouth of a lawyer, and understood exclusively of the re- straints and remedies within the competence of our law-courts, is objectionable only as bombast. It is but a puffing pompous way of stating a plain matter of fact. Yet in the times preceding the Restoration even this was not universally admitted. And it is not without a fair show of reason that the shrewd and learned author of " The Royalist's Defence," printed in the year 1648, (a tract of 172 pages, small quarto, from which I now transcribe) thus sums up his argument and evidences : " Upon the whole matter clear it is, the Parlia- ment itself (that is, the King, the Lords, and Commons) although unanimously consenting, are not boundless : the Judges of the realm by the fundamental law of England have power to deter- 104 THE OMNIPOTENCE mine which Acts of Parliaments are binding 1 and which void." p. 48. — That a unanimous declaration of the judges of the realm that any given Act of Parliament was against right reason and the fun- damental law of the land (that is, the constitution of the realm), would render such Act null and void, was a principle that did not want defenders among the lawyers of elder times. And in a state of society in which the competently informed and influential members of the community, (the national Clerisy not included), scarcely perhaps trebled the number of the members of the two Houses, and Parliaments were so often tumultuary congresses of a victorious party rather than representatives of the State, the right and power here asserted might have been wisely vested in the judges of the realm : and with at least equal wisdom, under change of circumstances, has the right been suf- fered to fall into abeyance. " Therefore let the potency of Parliament be that highest and utter- most, beyond which a court of law looketh not : and within the sphere of the Courts quicquid Rex cum Parliamento voluit , fatum sit!" But if the strutting phrase be taken, as from sundry recent speeches respecting the fundamental institutions of the realm it may be reasonably in- ferred that it has been taken, that is, absolutely, and in reference, not to our courts of law exclu- sively, but to the nation, to England with all her venerable heir-looms, and with all her germs of reversionary wealth, — thus used and understood, OF PARLIAMENT. 105 the omnipotence of Parliament is an hyperbole that would contain mischief in it, were it only that it tends to provoke a detailed analysis of the materials of the joint-stock company, to which so terrific an attribute belongs, and the competence of the shareholders in this earthly omnipotence to exercise the same. And on this head the obser- vations and descriptive statements given in the fifth chapter of the old tract, just cited, retain all their force ; or if any have fallen off, their place has been abundantly filled up by new growths. The degree and sort of knowledge, talent, probity, and prescience, which it would be only too easy, were it not too invidious, to prove from acts and measures presented by the history of the last half century, are but scant measure even when ex- erted within the sphere and circumscription of the constitution, and on the matters properly and pe- culiarly appertaining to the State according to the idea ; — this portion of moral and mental endowment placed by the side of the jo/ws^wam-gigantic height and amplitude of power, implied in the unqualified use of the phrase, omnipotence of Parliament, and with its dwarfdom intensified by the contrast, would threaten to distort the countenance of truth itself with the sardonic laugh of irony.* * I have not in my possession the morning- paper in -which I read it, or I should with great pleasure transcribe an ad- mirable passage from the present King of Sweden's Address to the Storthing, or Parliament of Norway, on the necessary limits of Parliamentary power, consistently with the exis- 106 THE OMNIPOTENCE The non-resistance of successive generations has ever been, and with evident reason, deemed equivalent to a tacit consent, on the part of the nation, and as finally legitimating the act thus ac- quiesced in, however great the dereliction of prin- ciple, and breach of trust, the original enactment may have been. I hope, therefore, that without offence I may venture to designate the Septennial Act as an act of usurpation, tenfold more dangerous to the true liberty of the nation than the pretext for the measure, namely, the apprehended Jacobite leaven from a new election, was at all likely to have proved : and I repeat the conviction which I have expressed in reference to the practical sup- pression of the Convocation, that no great principle was ever invaded or trampled on, that did not sooner or later avenge itself on the country, and even on the governing classes themselves, by the consequences of the precedent. The statesman who has not learned this from history has missed its most valuable result, and might in my opinion as profitably, and far more delightfully, have devoted his hours of study to Sir Walter Scott's Novels.* tence of a constitution. But I can with confidence refer the reader to the speech, as worthy of an Alfred. Every thing indeed that I have heard or read of this sovereign, has contributed to the impression on my mind, that he is a good and a wise man, and worthy to be the king of a virtuous people, the purest specimen of the Gothic race. * This would not be the first time that these fascinating volumes had been recommended as a substitute for history OF PARLIAMENT. 107 But I must draw in my reins. Neither my limits permit, nor does my present purpose require, that I should do more than exemplify the limitation resulting from that latent or potential power, a due proportion of which to the actual powers I have stated as the second condition of the health and vigor of a body politic, by an instance bearing directly on the measure which in the following section I am to aid in appreciating, and which was the occasion of the whole work. The principle itself, — which, as not contained within the rule and compass of law, its practical manifestations being indeterminable and inappreciable a priori, and then only to be recorded as having manifested itself, when the predisposing causes and the en- during effects prove the unific mind and energy of the. nation to have been in travail ; when they have made audible to the historian that voice of the people which is the voice of God ; — this principle, I say, (or the power, that is the subject of it) which by its very essence existing and working as an idea only, except in the rare and predestined epochs of growth and reparation, might seem to many fitter matter for verse than for sober argu- ment, — I will, by way of compromise, and for the amusement of the reader, sum up in the rhyming — a ground of recommendation, to which I could not con- scientiously accede; though some half dozen of these Novels, with a perfect recollection of the contents of every page, I read over more often in the course of a year than I can honestly put down to my own credit. 103 THE OMNIPOTENCE prose of an old Puritan poet, consigned to contempt by Mr. Pope, but whose writings, with all their barren flats and dribbling common-place, contain nobler principles, profounder truths, and more that is properly and peculiarly poetic, than are to be found in his own works.* The passage in question, however, I found occupying the last page on a flying-sheet of four leaves., entitled England's Misery and Remedy, in a judicious Letter from an Utter- Barrister to his Special Friend, con- cerning Lieut-Col. Lilburne's Imprisonment in Newgate ; and I beg leave to borrow the intro- duction, together with the extract, or that part at least, which suited my purpose. " Christian Reader, having a vacant place for some few lines, I have made bold to use some of Major George Withers his verses out of Vox Pacifica, page 199. * If it were asked whether I consider the works of the one of equal value with those of the other, or hold George Withers to be as great a writer as Alexander Pope, — my answer would he that I am as little likely to do so, as the querist would be to put no greater value on a highly wrought vase of pure silver from the hand of a master, than on an equal weight of copper ore that contained a small per centage of separable gold scattered through it. The reader will be pleased to observe that in the passage here cited, the " State" is used in the largest sense, and as sy- nonymous with the realm, or entire body politic, including Church and State in the narrower and special sense of the latter term. OF PARLIAMENT. 109 " Let not your King and Parliament in one, Much less apart, mistake themselves for that Which is most worthy to be thought upon : Nor think they are, essentially, the State. Let them not fancy, that th' authority And privileges upon them bestown, Conferral are to set up a majesty, A power, or a glory, of their own ! But let them know, 'twas for a deeper life, Which they but represent That there's on earth a yet auguster thing, Veil'd tho' it be, than Parliament and King." CHAPTER XII. The preceding position exemplified. The origin and meaning of the Coronation Oath, in respect of the National Church. In what its moral obligation consists. Recapitulation. And here again the " Royalist's Defence" furnishes me with the introductory paragTaph : and I am always glad to find in the words of an elder writer, what I must otherwise have said in my own person — otium simul et auctoritatem. " All Englishmen grant, that arbitrary power is destructive of the best purposes for which power is conferred : and in the preceding chapter it has been shown, that to give an unlimited authority over the fundamental laws and rights of the nation, 110 OBLIGATION OF THE CORONATION OATH even to the King- and two Houses of Parliament jointly, though nothing so bad as to have this boundless power in the King alone, or in the Parliament alone, were nevertheless to deprive Englishmen of the security from arbitrary power, which is their birth right. " Upon perusal of former statutes it appears, that the members of both Houses have been frequently drawn to consent, not only to things prejudicial to the Commonwealth, but, (even in matters of greatest weight) to alter and contradict what formerly themselves had agreed to, and that, as it happened to please the fancy of the present Prince, or to suit the passions and interests of a prevailing faction. Witness the statute by which it was enacted that the proclamation of King- Henry VIII. should be equivalent to an Act of Parliament ; another declaring both Mary and Elizabeth bastards ; and a third statute empower- ing the King to dispose of the Crown of England by will and testament. Add to these the several statutes in the times of King Henry VIII. Edward VI. Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, setting up and pulling down each other's religion, every one of them condemning even to death the profes- sion of the one before established." — Royalist's Defence, p. 41. So far my anonymous author, evidently an old Tory lawyer of the genuine breed, too enlightened to obfuscate and incense-blacken the shrine, through which the kingly idea should be translu- IN RESPECT OF THE NATIONAL CHURCH. Ill cent, into an idol to be worshipped in its own right ; but who, considering both the reigning Sovereign and the Houses, as limited and representative functionaries, thought he saw reason, in some few cases, to place more confidence in the former than in the latter ; while there were points, which he wished as little as possible to trust to either. With this experience, however, as above stated, (and it would not be difficult to increase the catalogue,) can we wonder that the nation grew sick of Par- liamentary religions ; — or that the idea should at last awake and become operative, that what virtually concerned their humanity and involved yet higher relations than those of the citizen to the State, duties more aweful, and more precious privileges, while yet it stood in closest connection with all their civil duties and rights, as their indispensable condition and only secure ground — that this was not a matter to be voted up or down, off or on, by fluctuating majorities ; — that it was too precious an inheritance to be left at the discretion of an om- nipotency which had so little claim to omnis- cience ? No interest this of a single generation, but an entailed boon too sacred, too momentous, to be shaped and twisted, pared down or plumped up, by any assemblage of Lords, Knights, and Burgesses for the time being ; — men perfectly competent, it may be, to the protection and manage- ment of those interests in which, as having so large a stake, they may be reasonably presumed to feel a sincere and lively concern, but who, the ex- 112 OBLIGATION OF THE CORONATION OATH perience of ages might teach us, are not the class of persons most likely to study or feel a deep con- cern in the interests here spoken of, in either sense of the term Church ; — that is, whether the interests be of a kingdom not of the world, or those of an estate of the realm, and a constituent part, there- fore, of the same system with the State, though as the opposite pole. The results at all events have been such, whenever the representatives of the one interest have assumed the direct control of the other, as gave occasion long ago to the rhyming couplet, quoted as proverbial by Luther : Cum mare siccatur, cum Daemon ad astra levatur, Tunc clero laicusjidus amicus erit. But if the nation willed to withdraw the religion of the realm from the changes and revolutions in- cident to whatever is subjected to the suffrages of the representative assemblies, whether of the State or of the Church, the trustees of the Proprietage or those of the National ty, the first question is, how this reservation is to be declared and by what means to be effected. These means, the security for the permanence of the established religion, must, it may be foreseen, be imperfect ; for what can be otherwise that depends on human will ? but yet it may be abundantly sufficient to declare the aim and intention of the provision. Our ancestors did the best it was in their power to do. Knowing by recent experience that multitudes never blush, that numerous assemblies, however IN RESPECT TO THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 113 respectably composed, are not exempt from tem- porary hallucinations and the influences of party passion ; that there are things, for the conservation of which — Men safelier trust to heaven, than to themselves, When least themselves, in storms of loud debate, Where folly is contagious, and too oft Even wise men leave their better sense at home To chide and wonder at them, when return'd.* Knowing- this, our ancestors chose to place their reliance on the honour and conscience of an indi- vidual, whose comparative height, it was believed, would exempt him from the gusts and shifting currents that agitate the lower region of the poli- tical atmosphere. Accordingly, on a change of dynasty they bound the person, who had accepted the crown in trust, — bound him for himself and his successors by an oath to refuse his consent (without which no change in the existing law can be effected,) to any measure subverting or tending to subvert the safety and independence of the Na- tional Church, or which exposed the realm to the danger of a return of that foreign usurper, mis- named spiritual, from which it had with so many sacrifices emancipated itself. However uncon- stitutional therefore the royal veto on a Bill pre- sented by the Lords and Commons may be deemed * Poet. Works, Vol. a. p. 258.— Ed. I 114 OBLIGATION OF THE CORONATION OATH in all ordinary cases, this is clearly an exception. For it is no additional power conferred on the King- ; hut a limit imposed on him hy the consti- tution itself for its own safety. Previously to the ceremonial act, which announces him the only lawful and sovereign head of both the Church and the State, the oath is administered to him religiously as the representative person and crowned majesty of the nation. Religiously, I say; — for the mind of the nation, existing- only as an idea, can act distinguishably on the ideal powers alone — that is, on the reason and conscience. It only remains then to determine what it is to which the Coronation oath obliges the conscience of the King. And this may be best done by con- sidering- what in reason and in conscience the nation had a right to impose. Now' that the nation had a right to decide for the King's con- science and reason, and for the reason and con- science of all his successors, and of his and their counsellors and ministers, laic and ecclesiastic, on questions of theology, and controversies of faith, — for example, that it is not allowable in directing our thoughts to a departed Saint, the Virgin Mary for instance, to say Ora pro nobis, beata Virgo, though there might, peradventure, be no harm in saying, Oret pro nobis, precor, beata Virgo ; whether certain books are to be holden canonical; whether the text, They shall be saved as through fire, refers to a purgatorial process in the body, or during the interval between its dis- IN RESPECT TO THE NATIONAL CHURCH. 115 solution and the day of judgment; whether the words, This is my body, are to be understood literally, and if so, whether it is by consubstan- tiation with, or transubstantiation of, bread and wine ; and that the members of both Houses of Parliament, together with the Privy Councillors and all the Clergy shall abjure and denounce the theory last mentioned — this I utterly deny. And if this were the whole and sole object and intention of the oath, however large the number might be of the persons who imposed or were notoriously fa- vourable to the imposition, so far from recognizing the nation in their collective number, I should regard them as no other than an aggregate of intolerant mortals, from bigotry and presumption forgetful of their fallibility, and not less ignorant of their own rights than callous to those of suc- ceeding generations. If the articles of faith therein disclaimed and denounced were the sub- stance and proper intention of the oath, and not to be understood, as in all common sense they ought to be, as temporary marks, because the known ac- companiments, of other and legitimate grounds of disqualification ; and which only in reference to these, and only as long as they implied their ex- istence, were fit objects of political interference ; it would be as impossible for me, as for the late Mr. Canning, to attach any such sanctity to the Coronation oath as should prevent it from being superannuated in times of clearer light and less heat. But that these theological articles, and the 116 OBLIGATION OF THE CORONATION OATH. open profession of the same by a portion of the King's subjects as parts of their creed, are not the evils which it is the true and legitimate purpose of the oath to preclude, and which constitute and define its obligation on the royal conscience ; and what the real evils are, that do indeed disqualify for offices of national trust, and give the permanent obligatory character to the engagement — this, — in which I include the exposition of the essential characters of the Christian or Catholic Church ; and of a very different Church, which assumes the name ; and the application of the premisses to an appreciation on principle of the late Bill, now the law of the land, — will occupy the remaining portion of the volume. And now I may be permitted to look back on the road we have passed : in the course of which, I have placed before the reader a small part indeed of what might, on a suitable occasion, be profitably said ; but it is all that for my present purpose I deem it necessary to say respecting three out of the five themes that were to form the subjects of the first part of this little work. But let me avail myself of the pause to repeat my apology to the reader for any extra trouble I may have imposed on him, by employing the same term, the State, in two senses ; though I flatter myself I have in each instance so guarded it as to leave scarcely the possibility that a moderately attentive reader should understand the word in one sense, when I had meant it in the other, or confound the State as a RECAPITULATION. 117 whole and comprehending the Church, with the State as one of the two constituent parts, and in contradistinction from the Church. Brief Recapitulation. First then, I have given briefly but, I trust, with sufficient clearness, the right idea of a State, or body politic ; the word State being here synony- mous with a constituted realm, kingdom, common- wealth, or nation ; that is, where the integral parts, classes, or orders are so balanced, or interdependent, as to constitute, more or less, a moral unit, an or- ganic whole ; and as arising out of the idea of a State I have added the idea of a Constitution, as the informing principle of its coherence and unity. But in applying the above to our own kingdom (and with this qualification the reader is requested to understand me as speaking in all the following remarks), it was necessary to observe, and I willingly avail myself of this opportunity to repeat the observation, — that the Constitution, in its widest sense as the constitution of the realm, arose out of, and in fact consisted in, the co-existence of the constitutional State (in the second acceptation of the term) with the King as its head, and of the Church, that is, the National Church, with the King likewise as its head ; and lastly of the King, as the head and majesty of the whole nation. The reader was cautioned therefore not to confound 1 1 8 REC APITUL AT I ON . it with either of its constituent parts ; that he must first master the true idea of each of these severally ; and that in the synopsis or conjunction of the three the idea of the English constitution, the constitution of the realm, will rise of itself before him. And in aid of this purpose and fol- lowing- this order, I have given according to my best judgment, first, the idea of the State in the second or special sense of the term ; of the State- legislature ; and of the two constituent orders, the Landed, with its two classes, the Major Barons, and the Franklins ; and the Personal, consisting- of the mercantile, or commercial, the manufac- turing, the distributive and the professional ; these two orders corresponding to the two great all-inclu- ding interests of theState, — the Landed, namely, to the permanence, — the Personal to the progression. The possessions of both orders, taken collectively, form the* Proprietage of the realm. In contradis- tinction from this and as my second theme, I have explained (and it being the principal object of this work, more diffusely) the Nationally, its nature and * To convey his meaning precisely is a debt which an Author owes to his readers. He therefore who, to escape the charge of pedantry, will rather be misunderstood than startle a fastidious critic with an unusual term, may be com- pared to the man who should pay his creditor in base or counterfeit coin, when he had gold or silver ingots in his possession, to the precise amount of the debt ; and this under the pretence of their unshapeliness and want of the mint impression. RECAPITULATION. 119 purposes, and the duties and qualifications of its trustees and functionaries. In the same sense in which I at once oppose and conjoin the Nationally to the Proprietage ; in the same antithssis and conjunction I use and understand the phrase, Church and State. Lastly, I have essayed to determine the constitutional idea of the Crown, and its relations to the nation, to which I have added a few sentences on the relations of the nation to the State. To the completion of this first part of my under- taking-, two subjects still remain to be treated of — and to each of these I shall devote a small section ; the title of the first being, " On the idea of the Christian Church;" that of the other, " On a third Church :" the name of which I withhold for the present, in the expectation of deducing it by contrast from the contradistinguishing characters of the former. IDEA OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. " We, (said Luther), tell our Lord God plainly: If he will have his Church, then he must look how to maintain and defend it ; for we can neither uphold nor protect it. And well for us, that it is so! For in case we could, or were able to defend it, we should become the proudest asses under heaven. Who is the Church's protector, that hath promised to be with her to the end, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against her 1 Kings, Diets, Parlia- ments, Lawyers'? Marry no such cattle." — Luther s Table Talk with additions. — Ed. IDEA OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The practical conclusion from our inquiries respect- ing the origin and idea of the National Church, the paramount end and purpose of which is the con- tinued and progressive civilization of the commu- nity, (emollit mores nee sinit esseferos), was this : that though many things may be conceived of a tendency to diminish the fitness of particular men, or of a particular class, to be chosen as trustees and functionaries of the same ; though there may be many points more or less adverse to the perfec- tion of the establishment ; there are yet but two absolute disqualifications : namely, allegiance to a foreign power, or an acknowledgment of any other visible head of the Church but our sovereign lord the King ; and compulsory celibacy in con- nection with, and dependence on, a foreign and extra-national head. I now call the reader to a different contemplation, to the idea of the Christian Church. Of the Christian Church, I say, not of Chris- tianity. To the ascertainment and enucleation of the latter, of the great redemptive process which began in the separation of light from Chaos (Hades, or 124 IDEA OF the indistinction), and has its end in the union of life with God, the whole summer and autumn and now commenced winter of my life have been dedi- cated. Hie labor, hoc opus est, on which alone I rest my hope that I shall be found not to have lived altogether in vain. Of the Christian Church only, and of this no further than is necessary for the distinct understanding of the National Church, it is my purpose now to speak : and for this pur- pose it will be sufficient to enumerate the essential characters by which the Christian Church is dis- tinguished. I. — The Christian Church is not a kingdom, realm, (royaume), or state, (sensu latiori) of the world, that is, of the aggregate or total number of the kingdoms, states, realms, or bodies politic, (these words being, as far as the present argument is concerned, perfectly synonymous), into which ci- vilized man is distributed ; and which, collectively taken, constitute the civilized world. The Chris- tian Church, I say, is no state, kingdom, or realm of this world ; nor is it an estate of any such realm, kingdom or state ; but it is the appointed opposite to them all collectively — the sustaining, correcting, be- friending opposite of the World; the compensating counterforce to the inherent* and inevitable evils * It is not without pain that I have advanced this posi- tion, without the accompanying proofs and documents which it may be thought to require, and without the elucidations which T am sure it deserves ; but which are precluded alike by the purpose and the limits of the present work. I will, THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 125 and defects of the State, as a State, and without reference to its better or worse construction as a particular state ; while whatever is beneficent and humanizing in the aims, tendencies, and proper ob- jects of the State, the Christian Church collects in itself as in a focus, to radiate them back in a higher quality; or to change the metaphor, it completes and strengthens the edifice of the State, without interfer- ence or commixture, in the mere act of laying and securing its own foundations. And for these services the Church of Christ asks of the State neither wages nor dignities. She asks only protection and to be let alone. These indeed she demands ; but even these only on the ground that there is no- thing in her constitution or in her discipline incon- sistent with the interests of the State, nothing re- sistant or impedimental to the State in the exercise of its rightful powers, in the fulfilment of its ap- propriate duties, or in the effectuation of its legi- timate objects. It is a fundamental principle of all legislation, that the State shall leave the largest portion of personal free agency to each of its citi- zens, that is compatible with the free agency of all, however, take this opportunity of earnestly recommending to such of my readers as understand German, Lessing's Ernst unci Falk : Gespruchefur Freym'durer. They will find it in Vol. vii. of the Leipsic edition of Lessing's Works. I know no finer example of the point, elegance, and exquisite, yet effortless, precision and conciseness of Lessing's philosophic and controversial writings. I remember nothing that is at once like them, and equal to them ,but the Provincial Letters of Pascal. 126 IDEA OF and not subversive of the ends of its own existence as a state. And though a negative, it is a most important distinctive, character of the Church of Christ, that she asks nothing- for her members as Christians, which they are not already entitled to demand as citizens and subjects. II. — The Christian Church is not a secret com- munity. In the once current (and well worthy to be re-issued) terminology of our elder divines, it is objective in its nature and purpose, not mystic or subjective, that is, not like reason or the court of conscience, existing only in and for the indivi- dual. Consequently the Church here spoken of is not the kingdom of God which is within, and which cometh not with observation,* but is most observable, — a city built on a hill, and not to be hid — an institution consisting of visible and public communities. In one sentence it is the Church visible and militant under Christ. And this visi- bility, this publicity, is its second distinctive cha- racter. III. — The third character reconciles the two pre- ceding and gives the condition, under which their co-existence in the same subject becomes possible. Antagonist forces are necessarily of the same kind. It is an old rule of logic, that only concerning two subjects of the same kind can it be properly said that they are opposites. Inter res heterogeneas non datur oppositio ; that is, contraries cannot be * Luke xvii. 21—20. See ib. xxi. 28. 31.— Ed. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 127 opposites. Alike in the primary and the metaphorical use of the word, rivals (rivales) are those only who inhabit the opposite banks of the same stream. Now, in conformity to the first character, the Christian Church is not to be considered as a coun- terpole to any particular State, the word being here taken in the largest sense. Still less can it, like the National Clerisy, be opposed to the State in the narrower sense. The Christian Church, as such, has no Nationalty entrusted to its charge. It forms no counter-balance to the collective Heritage of the realm. The phrase, Church and State, has a sense and a propriety in reference to the National Church alone. The Church of Christ cannot be placed in this conjunction and antithesis without forfeiting the very name of Christian. The true and only contra-position of the Christian Church is to the World. Her paramount aim and object, in- deed, is another world, not a world to come exclu- sively, but likewise another world that now is,* and to the concerns of which alone the epithet spiritual can, without a mischievous abuse of the word, be applied. But as the necessary consequence and accompaniments of the means by which she seeks to attain this especial end, and as a collateral ob- ject, it is her office to counteract the evils that re- sult by a common necessity from all bodies politic, the system or aggregate of which is the world. And observe that the nisus, or counter-agency, of * See Appendix to this Treatise. — Ed. 128 IDEA OF the Christian Church is against the evil results only, and not (directly, at least, or by primary in- tention) against the defective institutions that may have caused or aggravated them. But on the other hand, by virtue of the second character, the Christian Church is to exist in every kingdom and state of the world, in the form of public communities, and is to exist as a real and ostensible power. The consistency of the first and second character depends on, and is fully effected by, the third character of the Church of Christ ; namely, — The absence of any visible head or sovereign, and by the non-existence, nay the utter preclu- sion, of any local or personal centre of unity, of any single source of universal power. This fact may be thus illustrated. Kepler and Newton, sub- stituting the idea of the infinite for the conception of a finite and determined world, assumed in the Ptolemaic astronomy, superseded and drove out the notion of a one central point or body of the universe. Finding a centre in every point of matter and an absolute circumference no where, they ex- plained at once the unity and the distinction that co-exist throughout the creation by focal instead of central bodies : the attractive and restraining power of the sun or focal orb, in each particular system, supposing and resulting from an actual power, present in all and over all, throughout an indeterminable multitude of systems. And this, demonstrated as it has been by science, and verified THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 129 by observation, we rightly name the true system of the heavens. And even such is the scheme and true idea of the Christian Church. In the primi- tive times, and as long as the churches retained the form given them by the Apostles and Apostolic- men, every community, or in the words of a Father of the second century, (for the pernicious fashion of assimilating the Christian to the Jewish, as afterwards to the Pagan, ritual by false analogies was almost coeval with the Church itself,) every altar had its own bishop, every flock its own pastor, who derived his authority immediately from Christ, the universal Shepherd, and acknowledged no other superior than the same Christ, speaking by his spirit in the unanimous decision of any number of bishops or elders, according to his promise, Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them* * Questions of dogmatic divinity do not enter into the purpose of this work ; and I am even anxious not to give it a theological character. It is, however, within the scope of my argument to observe that, as may he incontrovertibly proved by other equivalent declarations of our Lord, this promise is not confined to houses of worship and prayer- meetings exclusively. And though I cannot offer the same justification for what follows, yet the interest and importance of the subject will, I trust, excuse me if I remark that, even in reference to meetings for divine worship, the true import of these gracious, soul-awing, words is too generally over- looked. It is not the comments or harangues of unlearned and fanatical preachers that I have in my mind, but sermons of great and deserved celebrity, and divines whose learning, well-regulated zeal, and sound Scriptural views are as ho- lt 130 IDEA OF Hence the unitive relation of the churches to each other, and of each to all, heing- equally actual nourable to the Church, as their piety, beneficence, and blameless life, are to the Christian name, when I say that passages occur which might almost lead one to conjecture that the authors had found the words, " 1 will come and join you," instead of, I am in the midst of you, — passages from which it is at least difficult not to infer that they had inter- preted the promise, as of a corporal co-presence, instead of a spiritual immanence (oTifisvti iv ijfuv) as of an individual coming in or down, and taking a place, as soon as the required number of petitioners was completed ; as if, in short, this pre- sence, this actuation of the I AM, (ti/u iv fiecrqjavrojv) were an after-consequence, an accidental and separate result and reward of the contemporaneous and contiguous worshipping — and not the total act itself, of which the spiritual Christ, one and the same in all the faithful, is the originating and per- fective focal unity. Even as the physical life is in each limb and organ of the body, all in every part ; but is manifested as life, by being one in all and thus making all one : even so with Christ, our spiritual life. He is in each true believer, in his solitary prayer and during his silent communion in the watches of the night, no less than in the congregation of the faithful ; but he manifests his indwelling presence more cha- racteristically, with especial evidence, when many, convened in his name, whether for prayer or for council, do through him become one. I would that these preceding observations were as little connected with the main subject of this volume, as to some they will appear to be. But as the mistaking of symbols and analogies for metaphors has been a main occasion and support of the worst errors in Protestantism ; so the under- standing the same symbols in a literal or phenomenal sense, notwithstanding the most earnest warnings against it, the most express declarations of the folly and danger of inter- preting sensually what was delivered of objects super- THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 131 indeed, but likewise equally ideal, that is, mystic and supersensual, as the relation of the whole sensual — this was the rank wilding, on which the prince of this world, the lust of power and worldly aggrandizement, was enabled to graft, one by one, the whole branchery of Papal superstition and imposture. A truth not less im- portant might be conveyed by reversing the image ; — by representing the Papal monarchy as the stem or trunk cir- culating a poison-snap through the branches successively grafted thereon, the previous and natural fruit of which was at worst only mawkish and innutritious. Yet among the dogmas or articles of belief that contra- distinguish the Roman from the Reformed Churches, the most important and, in their practical effects and consequences, the most pernicious I cannot but regard as refracted and distorted truths, pro- found ideas sensualized into idols, or at the lowest rate lofty . and affecting imaginations, safe while they remained general and indefinite, but debased and rendered noxious by their application in detail : for example, the doctrine of the Com- munion of Saints, or the sympathy between all the members of the universal Church, which death itself doth not interrupt, exemplified in St. Anthony and the cure of sore eyes, St. Boniface and success in brewing, and other such follies. What the same doctrines now are, used as the pretexts and shaped into the means and implements of priestly power and revenue : or rather, what the whole scheme is of Romish rites, doctrines, institutions, and practices in their combined and full operation, where it exists in undisputed sovereignty, neither repressed by the prevalence, nor modified by the light, of a purer faith, nor holden in check by the consci- ousness of Protestant neighbours and lookers-on ; — this is a question which cannot be kept too distinct from the former. And, as at the risk of passing for a secret favourer of super- annuated superstitions, I have spoken out my thoughts of the Roman theology, so, and at a far more serious risk of being denounced as an intolerant bigot, I will declare what, 132 IDEA OF Church to its one invisible Head, the Church with and under Christ, as a one kingdom or state, after a two years' residence in exclusively Popish countries, and in situations and under circumstances that afforded more than ordinary means of acquainting myself with the workings and the proceeds of the machinery, was the impression left on my mind as to the effects and influences of the Romish (most un-Catholic) religion, — not as even according to its own canons and authorized decisions it ought to be ; but, as it actually and practically exists. This impression, and the convictions grounded thereon, which have assuredly not been weakened by the perusal of Mr. Blanco White's most affecting statements, and by the recent history of Spain and Portugal, I cannot convey more satisfactorily to myself than by repeating the answer, which I long since returned to the same question put by a friend, that is to say, — When I contemplate the whole system, as it affects the great fundamental principles of morality, the terra firma, as it were, of our humanity ; then trace its operation on the sources and conditions of national strength and well-being ; and lastly, consider its woeful influences on the innocence and sanctity of the female mind and imagination, on the faith and happiness, the gentle fragrancy and unnoticed ever- present verdure of domestic life, — I can with difficulty avoid applying to it what the Rabbins fable of the fratricide Cain, after the curse : that the firm earth trembled wherever he strode, and the grass turned black beneath his feet. Indeed, if my memory does not cheat me, some of the mystic divines, in their fond humour of allegorizing, tell us that in Gen. iv. 3—8. is correctly narrated the history of the first apostate Church, that began by sacrificing amiss, impro- priating the fruit of the ground or temporal possessions under spiritual pretexts ; and ended in slaying the shepherd bro- ther who brought the firstlings of his fold, holy and without blemish, to the Great Shepherd, and presented them as new creatures, before the Lord and Owner of the flocks. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 133 is hidden : while in all its several component monads, (the particular visible churches I mean,) Caesar receiving the things that are Caesar's, and confronted by no rival Caesar, by no authority, which existing locally, temporally, and in the person of a fellow mortal, must be essentially of the same kind with his own, notwithstanding any attempt to belie its true nature under the perverted and contradictory name of spiritual, sees only so many loyal groups, who, claiming no peculiar rights, make themselves known to him as Chris- tians, only by the more scrupulous and exemplary performance of their duties as citizens and subjects. And here let me add a few sentences on the use, abuse, and misuse of the phrase, spiritual power. In the only appropriate sense of the words, spiri- tual power is a power that acts on the spirits of men. Now the spirit of a man, or the spiritual part of our being, is the intelligent will : or (to speak less abstractly) it is the capability, with which the Father of Spirits hath endowed man of being determined to action by the ultimate ends, which the reason alone can present. The under- standing, which derives all its materials from the senses, can dictate purposes only, that is, such ends as are in their turn means to other ends. The ultimate ends, by which the will is to be deter- mined, and by which alone the will, not corrupted, the spirit made perfect, would be determined, are called, in relation to the reason, moral ideas. Such are the ideas of the eternal, the good, the true, the 134 IDEA OF holy, the idea of God as the absoluteness and re- ality (or real ground) of all these, or as the Supreme Spirit in which all these substantially are, and are one : lastly, the idea of the responsible will itself; of duty, of guilt, or evil in itself without reference to its outward and separable consequences. A power, therefore, that acts on the appetites and passions, which we possess in common with the beasts, by motives derived from the senses and sensations has no pretence to the name ; nor can it without the grossest abuse of the word be called a spiritual power. Whether the man expects the auto de fe, the fire and faggots, with which he is threatened, to take place at Lisbon or Smithfield, or in some dungeon in the centre of the earth, makes no difference in the kind of motive by which he is influenced ; nor of course in the nature of the power which acts on his passions by means of it. It would be strange indeed if ignorance and superstition, the dense and rank fogs that most strangle and suffocate the light of the spirit in man, should constitute a spirituality in the power which takes advantage of them ! This is a gross abuse of the term, spiritual. The following, sanctioned as it is by custom and sta- tute, yet (speaking exclusively as a philologist and without questioning its legality) I venture to point out as a misuse of the term. Our great Church dignitaries sit in the Upper House of the Convo- cation as Prelates of the National Church : and as Prelates may exercise ecclesiastical power. In THE CHRISTIAN* CHURCH. 135 the House of Lords they sit as Barons and by virtue of the baronies which, much against the will of those haughty prelates, our Kings forced upon them : and as such, they exercise a Parliamentary power. As Bishops of the Church of Christ only can they possess, or exercise (and God forbid ! I should doubt, that as such, many of them do faith- fully exercise) a spiritual power, which neither King can give, nor King and Parliament take away. As Christian Bishops, they are spiritual pastors, by power of the spirits ruling the flocks committed to their charge ; but they are temporal Peers and Prelates. The Fourth Character of the Christian Church, and a necessary consequence of the first and third, is its universality. It is neither Anglican, Gal- lican, nor Roman, neither Latin nor Greek. Even the Catholic and Apostolic Church of England is a less safe expression than the Church of Christ in England : though the Catholic Church in England, or (what would be still better,) the Ca- tholic Church under Christ throughout Great Bri- tain and Ireland is justifiable and appropriate : for through the presence of its only Head and Sove- reign, entire in each and one in all, the Church Universal is spiritually perfect in every true Church, and of course in any number of such Churches, of which from circumstance of place, or the community of country or of language, we have occasion to speak collectively. I have already, here and elsewhere, observed, and scarcely a day 136 IDEA OF passes without some occasion to repeat the obser- vation, that an equivocal term, or a word with two or more different meanings, is never quite harm- less. Thus, it is at least an inconvenience in our language that the term church, instead of being confined to its proper sense, kirk, cedes Kyriacce, or the Lord's house, should likewise be the word by which our forefathers rendered the Ecclesia, or the ekkXhjtoi, or evocati, the called out of the world, named collectively ; and likewise our term for the clerical establishment. To the Called at Rome — to the Church of Christ at Corinth, or in Philippi — such was the language of the Apostolic age ; and the change since then has been no improvement. The true Church of England is the National Church or Clerisy. There exists, God be thanked ! a Ca- tholic and Apostolic Church in England : and I thank God also for the constitutional and ancestral Church of England. These are the four distinctions, or peculiar and essential marks, by which the Church with Christ as its head is distinguished from the National Church, and separated from every possible coun- terfeit, that has, or shall have, usurped its name. And as an important comment on the same, and in confirmation of the principle which I have attempted to establish, I earnestly recommend for the reader's perusal the following transcript from Henry More's Modest Inquiry, or True Idea of Antichristianism. " We will suppose some one prelate, who had got the start of the rest, to put in for the title and THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 137 authority of Universal Bishop : and for the obtain- ing* of this sovereignty, he will first pretend that it is unfit that the visible Catholic Church, being- one, should not be united under one visible head, which reasoning, though it makes a pretty shew at first sight, will yet, being closely looked into, vanish into smoke. For this is but a quaint con- cinnity urged in behalf of an impossibility. For the erecting such an office for one man, which no one man in the world is able to perform, implies that to be possible which is indeed impossible. Whence it is plain that the head will be too little for the body ; which therefore will be a piece of mischievous asymmetry or inconcinnity also. No one mortal can be a competent head for that Church which has a right to be Catholic, and to overspread the face of the whole earth. There can be no such head but Christ, who is not mere man, but God in the Divine humanity, and therefore present with every part of the Church, and every member thereof, at what distance soever. But to set some one mortal Bishop over the whole Church, were to suppose that great Bishop of our spirit ab- sent from it, who has promised that he will be with her to the end of the world. Nor does the Church Catholic on earth lose her unity thereby. For ra- ther hereby only is or can she be one.* * As rationally might it be pretended that it is not the life, the rector spiritus prasens per totum et in omni parte, but the crown of the skull, or some one convolute of the brain, that causes and preserves the unity of the body natural. 138 IDEA OF " Such and so futile is the first pretence. But if this will not serve the turn, there is another in reserve. And notwithstanding 1 the demonstrated impossibility of the thing-, still there must be one visible head of the Church universal, the successor and vicar of Christ, for the slaking of controver- sies, for the determination of disputed points ! We will not stop here to expose the weakness of the argument (not alas ! peculiar to the sophists of Rome, nor employed in support of Papal infal- libility only), that this or that must be, and con- sequently is, because sundry inconveniences would result from the want of it ; and this without con- sidering whether these inconveniences have been prevented or removed by its alleged presence ; whether they do not continue in spite of this pre- tended remedy or antidote ; whether these incon- veniences were intended by Providence to be pre- cluded, and not rather for wise purposes permitted to continue ; and lastly, whether the remedy may not be worse than the disease, like the sugar of lead administered by the empiric, who cured a fever fit by exchanging it for the dead palsy. Passing by this sophism, therefore, it is sufficient to reply that all points necessary are so plain and so widely known, that it is impossible that a Christian, who seeks those aids which the true Head of the Church has promised shall never be sought in vain, should err therein from lack of knowing better. And those who, from defects of head or heart, are blind to this widely diffused light, and who neither seek nor wish those aids, are still less likely to be in- THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 139 fluenced by a minor and derivative authority. But for other things, whether ceremonies or conceits, whether matters of discipline or of opinion, their diversity does not at all break the unity of the out- ward and visible Church, as long as they do not subvert the fundamental laws of Christ's kingdom nor contradict the terms of admission into his Church, nor contravene the essential characters by which it subsists and is distinguished as the Christian Catholic Church." To these sentiments, borrowed from one of the most philosophical of our learned elder divines, I have only to add an observation as suggested by them ; — that as many and fearful mischiefs have ensued from the confusion of the Christian with the National Church, so have many and grievous practical errors, and much un-Christian intolerance, arisen from confounding the outward and visible Church of Christ with the spiritual and invisible Church, known only to the Father of all Spirits. The perfection of the former is to afford every op- portunity, and to present no obstacle, to a gradual advancement of the latter. The different degrees of progress, the imperfections, errors and accidents of false perspective, which lessen indeed with our advance — our spiritual advance — but to a greater or lesser amount are inseparable from all progres- sion ; these, the interpolated half-truths of the twilight, through which every soul must pass from darkness to the spiritual sunrise, belong to the visible Church as objects of hope, patience, and charity alone. ON THE THIRD POSSIBLE CHURCH, OR THE CHURCH OF ANTICHRIST. Ecclesia Cattolica non, ma il Papismo denunciamo, perche auggerito dat inter esse, perche fortijicato dalla menzogna, perdu radicato dal piu abbominevole despotismo, perche contrarioal di- ritto e ai titoli incommunicabili di Crista, ed alia tranquillita d'ogni Chiesa e d'o£-7ii Stato, — Spanzotti. Thus, on the depluming of the Pope, every bird had his own feather : in the partage w hereof, what he had gotten by sacrilege, was restored to Christ ; what by usurpation, was given to the King, the (National) Church and the State ; what by oppression, was remitted to each particular Chris- tian. — Fuller's Church History of Britain, Book v. 143 ON THE CHURCH, NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. If our forefathers were annoyed with the cant of over-boiling- zeal, arising- out of the belief, that the Pope is Antichrist, and likewise (sexu mutato) the Harlot of Babylon : we are more endangered by the twaddle of humid charity, which (some years ago at least) used to drizzle, a something* between mist and small rain, from the higher re- gion of our Church atmosphere. It was sanctioned, I mean, both in the pulpit and the senate by sun- dry dignitaries, whose horror of Jacobinism during the then panic of property led them to adopt the principles and language of Laud and his faction. And once more the Church of Rome, in contrast with Protestant dissenters, became " a right dear, though erring sister." And the heaviest charge asrainst the Romish Pontificate was, that the Italian politics and nepotism of a series of Popes had converted so great a good into an intolerable grievance. We were reminded that Grotius and Leibnitz had regarded a visible head of the Catho- lic Church as most desirable ; that they, and with them more than one Primate of our own Church, yearned for a conciliating settlement of the differ- 144 ON THE CHURCH, ences between the Romish and Protestant Churches ; and mainly in order that there might exist really, as well as nominally, a visible head of the Church Universal, a fixt centre of unity. Of course the tenet that the Pope was in any sense the Anti- christ predicted by Paul was decried as fanatical and Puritanical cant. Now it is a duty of Christian charity to presume that the men, who in the present day employ this language, are, or believe themselves to be, Chris- tians ; and that they do not privately think that St. Paul, in the two celebrated passages of his First and Second Epistles to the Church at Thessalo- nica, (1. iv., 13 — 18 ; 11. ii. 1 — 12), practised a ruse de guerre, and meant only by throwing the fulfil- ment beyond the life of the present generation, and by a terrific detail of the horrors and calami- ties that were to precede it, to damp the impa- tience, and silence the objections, excited by the ex- pectation and the delay of our Lord's personal re -ap- pearance. Again : as the persons, of whom I have been speaking, are well educated men and men of sober minds, it may be safely taken for granted that they do not understand by Antichrist any nondescript monster, or suppose it to be the pro- per name or designation of some one individual man or devil exclusively. The Christians of the second century, sharing in a delusion that prevailed over the whole Roman Empire, believed that Nero would come to life again, and be Antichrist: and I have been informed that a learned clergy- NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 145 man of our own times, endowed with the gift of prophecy by assiduous study of the Book of Daniel and the Apocalypse, asserts the same thing- of Napoleon Buonaparte. But, as before said, it would be calumnious to attribute such pitiable fanaticism to the parties here in question. And to them I venture to affirm that if by Antichrist be meant — what alone can rationally be meant — a power in the Christian Church, which in the name of Christ, and at once pretending- and usurping his authority, is systema- tically subversive of the essential and distinguish- ing characters and purposes of the Christian Church : then, if the Papacy, and the Romish hierarchy as far as it is Papal, be not Antichrist, the guilt of- schism in its most aggravated form lies on the authors of the Reformation. For no- thing less than this could have justified so tre- mendous a rent in the Catholic Church with all its foreseen most calamitous consequences. And so Luther himself thought ; and so thought Wicliff be- fore him. Only in the conviction that Christianity itself was at stake, — that the cause was that of Christ in conflict with Antichrist, — could, or did, even the lion-hearted Luther with unquailed spirit avow to himself; — I bring not peace, but a sword into the world. It is my full conviction, a conviction formed after a long and patient study of the subject in detail ; — and if in support of this competence I only add that I have read, and with care, the L 146 ON THE CHURCH Summa Theologia of Aquinas, and compared the system with the statements of Arnauld and Bossuet, the number of those who in the present much- reading, but not very hard-reading, age would feel themselves entitled to dispute my claim, will not, perhaps, be very formidable ; — it is, I repeat, my full conviction that the rights and doctrines, the agenda et credenda, of the Roman Catholics, could we separate them from the adulterating in- gredients combined with, and the use made of, them by the sacerdotal Mamelukes of the Romish monarchy, for the support of the Papacy and Pa- pal hierarchy, would neither have brought about, nor have sufficed to justify, the convulsive separa- tion under Leo X. Nay, that if they were fairly, and in the light of a sound philosophy, compared with either of the two main divisions of Protestan- tism, as it now exists in this country, that is, with the fashionable doctrines and interpretations of the Arminian and Grotian school on the one hand, and with the tenets and language of the modern Cal- vinists on the other, an enlightened disciple of John and of Paul would be perplexed which of the three to prefer as the least unlike the profound and sublime system he had learned from his great masters. And in this comparison I leave out of view the extreme sects of Protestantism, whether of the frigid or of the torrid zone, Socinian or fanatic. During the summer of last year, I made the tour of Holland, Flanders, and up the Rhine as NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 147 far as Berg-en, and among" the few notes then taken, I find the following: — " Every fresh op- portunity of examining the Roman Catholic reli- gion on the spot, every new fact that presents it- self to my notice, increases my conviction that its immediate basis and the true grounds of its con- tinuance are to be found in the wickedness, igno- rance, and wretchedness of the many ; and that the producing and continuing cause of this deplo- rable state is, that it is the interest of the Romish priesthood that so it should remain, as the surest, and, in fact, only support of the Papal sovereignty and influence against the civil powers, and the re- forms wished for by the more enlightened govern- ments, as well as by all the better informed and wealthier class of Roman Catholics generally. And as parts of the same policy, and equally in- dispensable to the interests of the Papal Crown, are the ignorance, grossness, excessive number and poverty of the lower ecclesiastics themselves, the religious orders included. When I say the Pope, I understand the Papal hierarchy, which is, in truth, the dilated Pope : and in this sense only, and not of the individual priest or friar at Rome, can a wise man be supposed to use the word." — Cologne, July 2, 1828. I feel it as no small comfort and confirmation to know that the same view of the subject is taken, the same conviction entertained, by a large and increasing number in the Roman Catholic com- munion itself, in Germany, France, Italy, and 148 ON THE CHURCH even in Spain ; and that no inconsiderable portion of this number consists of men who are not only- pious as Christians, but zealous as Roman Catho- lics ; and who would contemplate with as much horror a reform from their Church, as they look with earnest aspirations and desires towards a re- form in the Church. Proof of this may be found in the learned work intituled Disordini morali e politici delta Corte di Roma — evidently the work of a zealous Romanist and from the ecclesiastical erudition displayed in the volumes, probably a priest. Nay, from the angry aversion with which the foul heresies of those sons of perdition, Luther and Cal- vin, are mentioned, and his very faint and qualified censure of the persecution of the Albigenses and Waldenses, I am obliged to infer that the writer's attachment to his communion was zealous even to bigotry. The disorders denounced by him are : — 1. The pretension of the Papacy to temporal power and sovereignty, directly or as the pretended consequence of spiritual dominion ; and as furnish- ing occasion to this, even the retention of the pri- macy in honour over all other Bishops, after Rome had ceased to be the metropolis of Christendom, is noticed as a subject of regret. 2. The boast of Papal infallibility. 3. The derivation of the Episcopal power from the Papal, and the dependence of Bishops on the Pope, rightly named the evil of a false centre. 4. The right of exercising authority in other dioceses besides that of Rome. NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 149 5. The privilege of reserving* to himself the greater causes — le cause maggiori. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Of conferring any and every benefice in the territory of other Bishops ; of ex- acting the Annates, or First Fruits ; of receiving appeals ; with the power of subjecting all churches in all parts, to the ecclesiastical discipline of the church of Rome ; and lastly, the dispensing power of the Pope. 11. The Pope's pretended superiority to an Ecu- menical Council. 12. The exclusive power of canonizing Saints. Now, of the twelve abuses here enumerated, it is remarkable that ten, if not eleven, are but ex- pansions of the one grievance — the Papal power as the centre, and the Pope as the one visible head and sovereign of the Christian Church. The writer next enumerates the personal instru- ments of these abuses : — 1. The Cardinals. 2. The excessive number of the priests and other ecclesiastics. 3. The Regulars, Mendicant Or- ders, Jesuits, and the rest. Lastly, the means em- ployed by the Papacy to found and preserve its usurped power, namely : — 1. The institution of a Chair of Canon Law, in the University of Bologna, the introduction of Gratian's Canons, and the forged decisions. 2. The prohibition of books, wherever published. 3. The Inquisition ; and 4. The tremendous power of excommunication ; — the last two in their temporal inflictions and consequences equalling, or rather greatly exceeding, the utmost extent of the puni- 150 ON THE CI1UIICH tive power exercised by the temporal sovereign and the civil magistrate, armed with the sword of the criminal law. It is observable that the most efficient of all the means adopted by the Roman Pontiffs, namely, the celibacy of the clergy, is omitted by this wri- ter ; — a sufficient proof that he was neither a Pro- testant nor a philosopher, which in the Italian states, and, indeed, in most Romish Catholic coun- tries, is the name of courtesy for an infidel. One other remark in justification of the tenet avowed in this chapter, and I shall have said all I deem it necessary to say on the third form of a Church. That erection of a temporal monarch under the pretence of a spiritual authority, which was not possible in Christendom but by the extinc- tion or entrancement of the spirit of Christianity, and which has therefore been only partially attained by the Papacy — this was effected in full by Mo- hammed, to the establishment of the most extensive and complete despotism, that ever warred against civilization and the interests of humanity. And had Mohammed retained the name of Christianity, had he deduced his authority from Christ as his prin- cipal, and described his own Khalifate and that of his successors as vicarious, there can be no doubt that to the Mussulman theocracy, embodied in the different Mohammedan dynasties, would belong the name and attributes of Antichrist. But the Pro- phet of Arabia started out of Paganism an unbap- tized Pagan. He was no traitor in the Church, but an enemy from without, who levied war ag-ainst NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 151 its outward and formal existence, and is, therefore, not chargeable with apostasy from a faith which he had never acknowledged, or from a Church to which he had never appertained. Neither in the Prophet nor in his system, therefore, can we find the predicted Antichrist, that is, a usurped power in the Church itself, which, in the name of Christ, and pretending his authority, systematically sub- verts or counteracts the peculiar aims and purposes of Christ's mission ; and which, vesting in a mortal his incommunicable headship, destroys and ex- changes for the contrary the essential contra-dis- tino-uishino; marks or characters of his kingdom on earth. But apply it, as Wicliff, Luther,* and indeed all the first Reformers did to the Papacy, and Papal hierarchy ; and we understand at once * And (be it observed) without any reference to the Apocalypse, the canonical character of which Luther at first rejected, and never cordially received. And without the least sympathy with Luther's suspicions on this head, but on the contrary receiving this sublime poem as the undoubted work of the Apostolic age, and admiring in it the most per- fect specimen of symbolic poetry, I am as little disposed to cite it on the present occasion ; — convinced as I am and hope shortly to convince others, that in the whole series of its magnificent imagery there is not a single symbol, that can be even plausibly interpreted of either the Pope, the Turks, or Napoleon Buonaparte. Of charges not attaching to the moral character, there are few, if anv, that I should be more anxious to avoid than that of being an afFecter of paradoxes. But the dread of other men's thoughts shall not tempt me to withhold a truth, which the strange errors grounded on the contrary assumption render important. And in the thorough assurance of its truth I make the assertion, that the per- 152 ON THE CHURCH the grounds of the great Apostle's premonition, that this Antichrist could not appear till after the spicuity, and (with singularly few exceptions even for us) the uniform intelligibility, and close consecutive meaning, verse by verse, with the simplicity and grandeur of the plan, and the admirable ordonnance of the parts, are among the prominent beauties of the Apocalypse. Nor do I doubt that the substance and main argument of this drama sui generis (the Prometheus of Eschylus comes the nearest to the kind) were supplied by John the Evangelist: though I incline with Eusebius to find the poet himself in John, an Elder of the Church of Ephesus. It may remove, or at least mitigate, the objections to the palliative language in which I have spoken of the doc- trines of the Roman Catholic Church, if I remind the rea- der that that Church dates its true origin from the Council of Trent. Widely differing from my valued and affection- ately respected friend, the Rev. Edward Irving, in his in- terpretations of the Apocalypse and the Book of Daniel, and no less in his estimation of the latter, and while I honour his courage as a Christian minister, almost as much as I admire his eloquence as a writer, yet protesting against his somewhat too adventurous speculations on the Persons of the Trinity and the Body of our Lord, — I have great delight in extracting from his "Sermons, Lectures, and Discotirses," vol. iii. p. 870, and declaring my cordial assent to the follow- ing just observations: namely, — " that after the Reforma- tion had taken firmer root, and when God had provided a purer Church, the Council of Trent did corroborate and decree into unalterable laws and constitutions of the Church all those impostures and innovations of the Roman See, which had been in a state of uncertainty, perhaps of permis- sion or even of custom ; but which every man till then had been free to testify against, and against which, in fact, there never wanted those in each successive generation who did testify. The Council of Trent ossified all those ulcers and blotches which had deformed the Church, and stamped the NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 153 dissolution of the Latin empire, and the extinction of the Imperial power in Rome — and the cause hitherto much doubted and controverted prerogative of the Pope with the highest authority recognized in the Church." Then first was the Catholic converted and particularized into the Romish Church, the Church of the Papacy. Not less cordially do I concur with Air Irving in his re- mark in the following page. For I too, " am free to confess and avow moreover, that I believe the soil of the Catholic Church, when Luther arose, was of a stronger mould, fitted to bear forest trees and cedars of God, than the soil of the Protestant Church in the times of Whitfield and Wesley, which (though sown tcith the same word) hath brought forth only stunted undergrowths, and creeping brushwood." I too, "believe, that the faith of the Protestant Church in Britain had come to a lower ebb, and that it is even now at a lower ebb, than was the faith of the Papal Church when the Spirit of the Lord was able to quicken in it and draw forth out of it such men as Luther, and Melancthon, and Bul- linger, Calvin, Bucer, and Latimer, and Ridley, and a score others whom I might name." And now, as the conclusion of this long note, let me be permitted to add a word or two of Edward Irving himself. That he possesses my unqualified esteem as a man, is onlv saying that I know him, and am neither blinded by envy nor bigotry. But my name has been brought into connexion with his on points that regard his public ministry ; and he him- self has publicly distinguished me as his friend on public grounds ; and in proof of my confidence in his regard, I have not the least apprehension of forfeiting it by a frank decla- ration of what I think. Well, then ! I have no faith in his prophesvings ; small sympathy with his fulminations ; and in certain peculiarities of his theological system as distinct from his religious principles I cannot see my way. But I hold withal, and not the less firmly for these discrepancies in our moods and judgments, that Edward Irving possesses more of the spirit and purposes of the first Reformers ; that 154 ON THE CHURCH why the Bishop of Constantinople, with all imagi- nable good wishes and disposition to do the same, lie has more of the head and heart, the life, the unction, and the genial power of Martin Luther than any man now alive ; yea, than any man of this and the last century. I see in Edward Irving a minister of Christ after the order of Paul ; and if the points, in which I think him either erroneous, or ex- cessive and out ofbounds, have been at anytime a subject of serious regret with me, this regret has arisen principally or altogether from the apprehension of their narrowing the sphere of his influence, from the too great probability that they may furnish occasion or pretext for withholding or with- drawing many from those momentous truths, which the age especially needs, and for the enforcement of which he hath been so highly and especially gifted. Finally, my friend's intellect is too instinct with life, too potential, to remain stationary : and assuming, as every satisfied believer must be supposed to do, the truth of my own views, I look forward with confident hope to a time when his soul shall have per- fected her victory over the dead letter of the senses and its apparitions in the sensuous understanding ; when the hal- cyon Ideas shall have alit on the surging sea of* his concep- tions, Which then shall quite forget to rave, While birds of calm sit brooding on the charmed wave. But to return from the personal, for which I have little taste at any time, and the contrary when it stands in any connection with myself; — in orderto the removal of one main impediment to the spiritual resuscitation of the Church it seems to me indispensable that in freedom and unfearing faith, with that courage which cannot but flow from the in- ward and life-like assurance, that neither death, nor things jrresent, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature , shall he able to separate tisfrom the love of God, which is in Christ Jesns our Lord, the rulers of our Church and our teachers of theology should meditate and draw the obvious, NEITHER NATIONAL NOR UNIVERSAL. 150 could never raise the Patriarchate of the Greek empire into a Papacy. The Bishops of the other Rome became the slaves of the Ottoman, the moment they ceased to be the subjects of the Emperor. I will now proceed to the Second Part, intended as a humble aid to ajust appreciation of the measure, which under the auspices of Mr. Peel and the Duke of Wellington is now the law of the land. This portion of the volume was written while the mea- tliough perhaps unpalatable, inferences from the following two or three plain trutbs • — First, that Christ, the Spirit of Truth, has promised to be with his Church even to the end : — secondly, — that Christianity was described as a tree to be raised from the seed, so described by Him who brought the seed from Heaven and first sowed it: — lastly, — that in the process of evolution there are in every plant growths of transitory use and duration. " The integuments of the seed, having fulfilled their destined office of protection, burst and decav. After the leaves have unfolded, the cotyledons, that had performed their functions, wither and drop off."* The husk is a genuine growth of the staff of life ; yet we must separate it from the grain. It is, therefore, the cowardice of faithless superstition, if we stand in greater awe of the palpable interpolations of vermin ; if we shrink from the removal of excrescences that contain nothing of nobler parentage than maggots of moth or chafer. Let us cease to confound oak-apples with acorns ; still less, though gilded bv the fashion of the day, let us mistake them for golden pippins or renates.f * Smith's Introduction to Botany. t The fruit from a pippin grafted on a pippin, is called a rennet, that is, renate (re-iiatus) or twice-born. 156 ON THE CHURCH, ETC. sure was yet in prospectu ; before even the par- ticular clauses of the Bill were made public. It was written to explain and vindicate my refusal to sign a petition against any change in the scheme of law and policy established at the Revolution. But as the arguments are in no respect affected by this circumstance ; nay, as their constant reference to, and dependence on, one fixed general principle, which will at once explain both why I find the actual Bill so much less objectionable than I had feared, and yet so much less complete and satis- factory than I had wished, will be rendered more striking by the reader's consciousness that the arguments were suggested by no wish or purpose either of attacking or supporting any particular measure ; it has not been thought necessary or advisable to alter the form. Nay, if I am right in my judgment that the Act lately passed, if charac- terized by its own contents and capabilities, really is — with or without any such intention on the part of its framers — a stepping-stone, and nothing- more ; whether to the subversion or to the more perfect establishment of the Constitution in Church and State, must be determined by other causes ; — the Act in itself being equally fit for either, — and offering the same facilities of transit to both friend and foe, though with a foreclosure to the first comer ; — if this be a right, as it is my sincere judg- ment and belief, there is a propriety in retaining the language of anticipation. Mons adhuc parturit : the ridiculus mus was but an omen. PART II. OR, AIDS TO A RIGHT APPRECIATION OF THE ACT ADMITTING ROMAN CATHOLICS TO SIT IN BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. 'AfieXsi, fid Toy At' ouk evaGTUOuHTOfxai' \e£o> 8' v7rep JLT£poyvu)/j.6vwv, a fioi SoksI' Kai tol SeSoLKa iroXXd- tous te yap Tpoirovs tous ^v/ulttoXltcov oI<5a yaipovTa.'i }p dXa^iov, Kai SiKaia KqSiKa' KavTavda Xavddvova' dirt^.TroXu>fievoi.. Aristoph. Acharn. 367. #c. (leviter mutata.) I estimate the beauty and benefit of what is called " a harmony in fundamentals, and a conspiration in the constituent parts of the body politic," as highly as any one. If I met a man who should deny that an imperium in imperio was in itself an evil, I would not attempt to reason with him : he is too ignorant. Or if, conceding 1 this, he should deny that the Romish Priesthood in Ireland does in fact constitute an imperium in Imperio, I yet would not argue the matter with him : for he must be a bigot. But my objection to the argument is, that it is nothing to the purpose. And even so with regard to the arguments grounded on the dan- gerous errors and superstitions of the Romish Church. They may be all very true ; but they are nothing- to the purpose. Without any loss they might pair off with " the heroes of Trafalgar and Waterloo," and " our Catholic ancestors, to whom we owe our Magna Charta," on the other side. If the prevention of an evil were the point in question, then indeed ! But the day of prevention has long passed by. The evil exists : and neither rope, sword, nor sermon, neither suppression nor conversion, can remove it. Not that I think slightingly of the last ; but even those who hope more sanguinely than I can pretend to do respecting the effects ultimately to result from the labours of missionaries, the dis- 160 AIDS TO A RIGHT APPRECIATION persion of controversial tracts, and whatever other lawful means and implements it may be in our power to employ — even these must admit that if the remedy could cope with the magnitude and inveteracy of the disease, it is wholly inadequate to the urgency of the symptoms. In this instance it would be no easy matter to take the horse to the water; and the rest of the proverb you know. But why do I waste words ? There is and can be but one question : and there is and can be but one way of stating it. A great numerical majority of the inhabitants of one integral part of the realm profess a religion hostile to that professed by the majority of the whole realm : and a religion, too, which the latter regard, and have had II. In every living form, the conditions of its existence are to be sought for in that which is below it; the grounds of its intelligibility in that which is above it. III. Accustom your mind to distinguish the DEMOSIUS AND MYSTES. 197 relations of things from the things themselves. Think often of the latter as independent of the former, in order that you may never think of the former apart from the latter, that is, mistake mere relations for true and enduring realities : and with regard to these seek the solution of each in some higher reality. The contrary process leads de- monstrably to atheism, and though you may not get quite so far, it is not well to be seen travelling on the road with your face towards it. I might add a fourth rule : Learn to distinguish permanent from accidental relations. But I am willing that you should for a time take permanent relations as real things — confident that you will soon feel the necessity of reducing what you now call things into relations, which immediately arising out of a somewhat else may properly be contem- plated as the products of that somewhat else, and as the means by which its existence is made known to you. But known as what? not as a product ; for it is the somewhat else, to which the product stands in the same relation as the words which you are now hearing bear to my living soul. But if not as products, then as productive powers : and the result will be that what you have hitherto called things will be regarded as only more or less permanent relations of things, having their deriva tive reality greater or less in proportion as they are regular or accidental relations ; determined by the pre-established fitness of the true thing to the organ and faculty of the percipient, or resulting from some defect or anomaly in the latter. 198 DIALOGUE, ETC. With these convictions matured into a habit of mind, the man no longer seeks, or believes himself to find, true reality except in the powers of nature ; which living and actuating powers are made known to him, and their kinds determined, and their forces measured, by their proper products. In other words, he thinks of the products in reference to the productive powers, rdlg ovrojg vTrapypvmv apiOfxoig }/ dvi'a/JLEffi, wg ralg TTpOfiaQeaTciTaLg apycug tov ttcivtoq ovpavov km. yrjg, and thus gives to the former (to the products, I mean) a true reality, a life, a beauty, and a physiognomic expression. For him they are the eVt a 4 ojovra, ofj,i\(a /cat rj cioXektoq deutv 7rp6g avQpojirovQ. The Allocosmite, therefore, (though he does not bark at the image in the glass, because he knows what it is), possesses the same world with the Toutocosmites ; and has, besides, in present possession another and better world, to which he can transport himself by a swifter vehicle than Fortunatus's wishing cap. Finally, what is reason ? You have often asked me ; and this is my answer ; Whene'er the mist, that stands 'twixt God and thee Defecates to a pure transparency, That intercepts no light and adds no stain — There reason is, and there begins her reign ! But, alas ! tu stesso tifai grosso Col f also immaginar, si che non vedi Cib che vedresti se Vavessi scosso. Dante, Par. Canto I. 88. THE END. THE STATESMAN'S MANUAL; or, the bible the best guide to political skill and foresight: a lay sermon, addressed to the higher classes of society, WITH AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING COMMENTS AND ESSAYS CONNECTED WITH THE STUDY OF THE INSPIRED WRITINGS. BY SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE, sreconfc Litton : WITH THE AUTHOR'S LAST CORRECTIONS AND NOTES, BY HENRY NELSON COLERIDGE, ESQ. M.A. Ad isthac qurESo vos, qualiacuvqve primo videantur aspectu , attendite, ut qui vobis forsan insanire videar, saltern quibv.. insaniam rationibus cognoscatis. — Giokdano Bruno. A LAY SERMON, ETC. For he established a testimony in Jacob and ap- pointed a law in Israel ; which he commanded our fathers, that they should make them known to their children : that the generation to come might know them, even the children which should be born ; who should arise and declare them to their children : that they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God. — Psalm lxxviii. 5, 6, 7. If our whole knowledge and information concern- ing the Bible had been confined to the one fact of its immediate derivation from God, we should still presume that it contained rules and assistances for all conditions of men under all circumstances ; and therefore for communities no less than for in- dividuals. The contents of every work must cor- respond to the character and designs of the work- master; and the inference in the present case is too obvious to be overlooked, too plain to be resisted. It requires, indeed, all the might of 204 THE BIBLE superstition to conceal from a man of common understanding the further truth, that the interment of such a treasure in a dead language must needs be contrary to the intentions of the gracious Donor. Apostasy itself dared not question the premisses : and that the practical consequence did not follow, is conceivable only under a complete system of delusion, which from the cradle to the death-bed ceases not to over-awe the will by obscure fears, while it preoccupies the senses by vivid imagery and ritual pantomime. But to such a scheme all forms of sophistry are native. The very excel- lence of the Giver has been made a reason for withholding the gift ; nay the transcendant value of the gift itself assigned as the motive of its de- tention. We may be shocked at the presumption, but need not be surprised at the fact, that a jealous priesthood should have ventured to represent the applicability of the Bible to all the wants and oc- casions of men as a wax-like pliancy to all their fancies and prepossessions. Faithful guardians of Holy Writ, they are constrained to make it useless in order to guard it from profanation ; and those, whom they have most defrauded, are the readiest to justify the fraud. For imposture, organized into a comprehensive and self-consistent whole, forms a world of its own, in which inversion becomes the order of nature. Let it not be forgotten, however, (and I recom- mend the fact to the especial attention of those among ourselves, who are disposed to rest con- OPEN TO ALL. 205 tented with an implicit faith and passive acqui- escence) that the Church of Rome never ceased to avow the profoundest reverence for the Scrip- tures themselves, and what it forbids its vassals to ascertain, it not onl) r permits, but commands them to take for granted. Whether, and to what extent, this suspension of the rational functions, this spiritual slumber, Avill be imputed as a sin to the souls who are still under chains of Papal darkness, Ave are neither enabled or authorized to determine. It is enough for us to know that the land, in which we abide, has like another Goshen been severed from the plague, and that we have light in our dwellings. The road of salvation for us is a high road, and the wayfarers, though simple, need not err therein. The Gospel lies open in the market-place and on every window seat, so that (virtually at least) the deaf may hear the words of the book. It is preached at every turning 1 , so that the blind may see them. (Isai. xxix. 18.) The circumstances then being so different, if the result should prove similar, we may be quite certain that Ave shall not be holden guiltless. The ignorance Avhich may be the excuse of others will be our crime. Our birth and denizenship in an enlightened and Pro- testant land will, Avith all our rights and fran- chises to boot, be brought in judgment against us. and stand first in the fearful list of blessings abused. The glories of our country will form the blazonry of our own impeachment, and the very 206 EXHORTATION name of Englishmen, of which we are almost all of us too proud, and for which scarcely any of us are enough thankful, will be annexed to that of Christians only to light up our shame and to aggravate our condemnation. I repeat, therefore, that the habitual unrellect- ingness, which in certain countries may be sus- ceptible of more or less palliation in most instances, can in this country be deemed blameless in none. The humblest and least educated of our country- men must have wilfully neglected the inestimable privileges secured to all alike, if he has not him- self found, if he has not from his own personal experience discovered, the sufficiency of the Scrip- tures* in all knowledge requisite for a right performance of his duty as a man and a Christian. Of the labouring classes, who in all countries form the great majority of the inhabitants, more than this is not demanded, more than this is not per- haps generally desirable. They are not souyht for in public counsel, nor need they be found where politic sentences are spoken. It is enough if every one is wise in the working of his own craft : so best zvill they maintain the state of the world. But you, my friends, to whom the following pages are more particularly addressed, as to men moving in the higher class of society, — you will, I hope, have availed yourselves of the ampler means entrusted to you by God's providence, for See App. (A.)— Ed. TO THE STUDY OF IT. 207 a more extensive study and a wider use of his revealed will and word. From you we have a right to expect a sober and meditative accommo- dation to your own times and country of those important truths declared in the inspired writings for a thousand generations, and of the awful examples, belonging- to all ages, by which those truths are at once illustrated and confirmed. Would vou feel conscious that you had shewn yourselves unequal to your station in society, — would you stand degraded in your own eyes, — if you betrayed an utter want of information respecting the acts of human sovereigns and legislators ? And should you not much rather be both ashamed and afraid to know yourselves inconversant with the acts and constitutions of God, whose law executeth itself, and whose Word is the foundation, the power, and the life of the universe ? Do you hold it a requi- site of your rank to shew yourselves inquisitive concerning the expectations and plans of states- men and state-councillors ? Do you excuse it as natural curiosity, that you lend a listening ear to the sruesses of state-gazers, to the dark hints and open revilings of our self-inspired state-fortune- tellers, the wizards, that peep and mutter and forecast, alarmists by trade, and malcontents for their bread ? And should you not feel a deeper interest in predictions which are permanent pro- phecies, because they are at the same time eternal truths ? Predictions which in containing the grounds of fulfilment involve the principles of fore- 208 THE BIBLE. sight, and teach the science of the future in its per- petual elements ? But I will struggle to believe that of those whom I now suppose myself addressing there are few who have not so employed their greater leisure and superior advantages as to render these remarks, if not wholly superfluous, yet personally inappli- cable. In common with your worldly inferiors, you will indeed have directed your main attention to the promises and the information conveyed in the records of the Evangelists and Apostles ; — promises, that need only a lively trust in them, on our own part, to be the means as well as the pledges of our eternal welfare — information that op^ns out to our knowledge a kingdom that is not of this world, thrones that cannot be shaken, and sceptres that can neither be broken nor transferred. Yet not the less on this account will you have looked back with a proportionate interest on the temporal destinies of men and nations, stored up for our instruction in the archives of the Old Testament : not the less will you delight to retrace the paths by which Providence has led the king- doms of this world through the valley of mortal life ; — paths engraved with the footmarks of cap- tains sent forth from the God of armies ; — nations in whose guidance or chastisement the arm of Omnipotence itself was made bare. Recent occurrences have given additional strength and fresh force to our sage poet's eulogy on the Jewish Prophets ; — A MANUAL FOR STATESMEN. 209 As men divinely taught and better teaching The solid rules of civil government In their majestic unaffected style, Than all the oratory of Greece and Rome. In them is plainest taught and easiest learnt What makes a nation happy and keeps it so, What ruins kingdoms and lays cities flat. Par. Reg. iv. 354. If there be any antidote to that restless craving for the wonders of the day, which in conjunction with the appetite for publicity is spreading- like an efflorescence on the surface of our national cha- racter ; if there exist means for deriving resis-na- tion from general discontent, means of building up with the very materials of political gloom that stedfast frame of hope which affords the only cer- tain shelter from the throng of self- realizing alarms, at the same time that it is the natural home and workshop of all the active virtues ; that antidote and these means must be sought, for in the colla- tion of the present with the past, in the habit of thoughtfully assimilating the events of our own as:e to those of the time before us. If this be a moral advantage derivable from history in general, rendering its study therefore a moral duty for such as possess the opportunities of books, leisure and education, it would be inconsistent even with the name of believers not to recur with pre-eminent interest to events and revolutions, the records of which are as much distinguished from all other history by their especial claims to divine authority, p 210 THE BIBLE as the facts themselves were from all other facts by especial manifestation of divine interference. Whatsoever things, saith Saint Paul, (JRom.Kv. 4.) were written aforetime, were written for our learning ; that we through patience and comfort of the Scriptures might have hope. In the infancy of the world signs and wonders were requisite in order to startle and break down that superstition, — idolatrous in itself and the source of all other idolatry, — which tempts the natural man to seek the true cause and origin of public calamities in outward circumstances, per- sons and incidents : in agents therefore that were themselves but surges of the same tide, passive conductors of the one invisible influence, under which the total host of billows, in the whole line of successive impulse, swell and roll shoreward ; there finally, each in its turn, to strike, roar and be dissipated. But with each miracle worked there was a truth revealed, which thenceforward was to act as its substitute. And if we think the Bible less appli- cable to us on account of the miracles, we degrade ourselves into mere slaves of sense and fancy, which are indeed the appointed medium between earth and heaven, but for that very cause stand in a desirable relation to spiritual truth then only, when, as a mere and passive medium, they yield a free passage to its light. It was only to over- throw the usurpation exercised in and through the senses, that the senses were miraculously appealed A MANUAL FOR STATESMEN. 211 to; for reason and religion are their own evidence.* The natural sun is in this respect a symbol of the spiritual. Ere he is fully arisen, and while his glories are still under veil, he calls up the breeze to chase away the usurping" vapours of the night- season, and thus converts the air itself into the minister of its own purification : not surely in proof or elucidation of the light from heaven, but to prevent its interception. Wherever, therefore, similar circumstances co- exist with the same moral causes, the principles revealed, and the examples recorded, in the inspired writings render miracles superfluous : and if we neglect to apply truths in expectation of wonders, or under pretext of the cessation of the latter, we tempt God, and merit the same reply which our Lord s:ave to the Pharisees on a like occasion. A wicked and an adulterous generation seeketh after a sign, and there shall no sign be given to it, but the sign of the prophet Jonas, (Matt. xvi. 4 :) that is, a threatening call to repentance. f Equally applicable and prophetic will the following verses be. The queen of the South shall rise up in the judgment with the men of this generation and condemn them : for she came from the ut- most parts of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon ; and, behold, a greater than Solomon is here. — The men of Nineveh shall rise in judg- ment with this generation and shall condemn it ; * See App. (B).— Ed. t See App. < C.)— Ed. 2] 2 HISTORY RIGHTLY STUDIED for they repented at the preaching of Jonas; and, behold, a greater than Jonas is here. (Luke xi. 31, 32.) For have we not divine assurance that Christ is with his Church even to the end of the world? And what could the queen of the South, or the men of Nineveh have beholden, that could enter into competition with the events of our own times, in importance, in splendour, or even in strangeness and significancy ? The true origin of human events is so little susceptible of that kind of evidence which can compel our belief; so many are the disturbing- forces which in every cycle of changes modify the motion given by the first projection ; and every age has, or imagines it has, its own circum- stances which render past experience no longer applicable to the present case ; that there will never be wanting answers, and explanations, and specious flatteries of hope to persuade a people and its government that the history of the past is inapplicable to their case. And no wonder, if we read history for the facts instead of reading it for the sake of the general principles, which are to the facts as the root and sap of a tree to its leaves : and no wonder, if history so read should find a dangerous rival in novels, nay, if the latter should be preferred to the former on the score even of probability. I well remember, that when the examples of former Jacobins, as Julius Csesar, Cromwell, and the like, were adduced in France and England at the commencement of the French PROPHETIC. 213 Consulate, it was ridiculed as pedantry and pedant's ignorance to fear a repetition of usurpation and military despotism at the close of the enlightened eighteenth century ! Even so, in the very dawn of the late tempestuous day, when the revolutions of Corey ra, the proscriptions of the Reformers, Marius, Caesar, and the like, and the direful effects of the levelling tenets in the Peasants' War in Germany, were urged on the Convention, and its vindicators ; I well remember that the Magi of the day, the true citizens of the world, the plusquam- perfecti of patriotism, gave us set proofs that similar results were impossible, and that it was an insult to so philosophical an age, to so enlight- ened a nation, to dare direct the public eye towards them as to lights of warning ! Alas ! like lights in the stern of a vessel they illumined the path only that had been past over ! The politic Florentine* has observed, that there are brains of three races. The one understands of itself; the other understands as much as is shown it by others ; the third neither understands of itself, nor what is shewn it by others. In our times there are more perhaps who belong to the third class from vanity and acquired frivolity of mind, than from natural incapacity. It is no un- common weakness with those who are honoured * Sono di tre generazioni cervelli: I'uno intende per se ; I'altro intende quanto da altri gli e mostro ; e il terzo non intende nt per se stesso ne per dimostrazione di altri. II Principe, c. xxii. 214 SPECULATIVE PRINCIPLES with the acquaintance of the great, to attribute national events to particular persons, particular measures, to the errors of one man, to the intrigues of another, to any possible spark of a particular occasion, rather than to the true proximate cause, (and which alone deserves the name of a cause) the predominant state of public opinion. And still less are they inclined to refer the latter to the ascendancy of speculative principles, and the scheme or mode of thinking- in vog'ue. I have known men, who with significant nods and the pitying contempt of smiles have denied all influ- ence to the corruptions of moral and political philosophy, and with much solemnity have pro- ceeded to solve the riddle of the French Revolution by Anecdotes ! Yet it would not be difficult, by an unbroken chain of historic facts, to demonstrate that the most important changes in the commercial relations of the world had their origin in the closets or lonely walks of uninterested theorists ; — that the mighty epochs of commerce, that have changed the face of empires ; nay, the most important of those discoveries and improvements in the me- chanic arts, which have numerically increased our population beyond what the wisest statesmen of Elizabeth's reign deemed possible, and again doubled this population virtually; the most im- portant, I say, of those inventions that in then- results best uphold War by her two main nerves, iron and gold- CAUSES OF REVOLUTIONS IN SOCIETY. 215 had their origin not in the cabinets of statesmen, or in the practical insight of men of business, but in the visions of recluse genius. To the immense majority of men, even in civilized countries, spe- culative philosophy has ever been, and must ever remain, a terra incognita. Yet it is not the less true, that all the epoch-forming revolutions of the Christian world, the revolutions of religion and with them the civil, social, and domestic habits of the nations concerned, have coincided with the rise and fall of metaphvsical systems.* So few are the minds that really govern the machine of society, and so incomparably more numerous and more important are the indirect consequences of things than their foreseen and direct effects. It is with nations as with individuals. In tran- quil moods and peaceable times we are quite prac- tical. Facts only and cool common sense are then in fashion. But let the winds of passion swell, and straitway men begin to generalize ; to connect by remotest analogies ; to express the most uni- versal positions of reason in the most glowing figures of fancy ; in short, to feel particular truths and mere facts, as poor, cold, narrow, and incom- mensurate with their feelings. With his wonted fidelity to nature, our own great poet has placed the greater number of his pro- * This thought might also be applied to, and exemplified by, the successive epochs in the history of the Fine Arts from the tenth century. 1827. 216 AFFINITY OF ABSTRACT NOTIONS foundest maxims and general truths, both political and moral, not in the mouths of men at ease, but of men under the influence of passion, when the mighty thoughts overmaster and become the ty- rants of the mind that has brought them forth. In his Lear, Othello, Macbeth, Hamlet, principles of deepest insight and widest interest fly off like sparks from the glowing iron under the loud forge- hammer.* * It seems a paradox only to the unthinking, and it is a fact that none, but the unread in history, will deny, that in periods of popular tumult and innovation the more abstract a notion is, the more readily has it been found to combine, the closer has appeared its affinity, with the feelings of a people and with all their immediate impulses to action. At the commencement of the French Revolution, in the re- motest villages every tongue was employed in echoing and enforcing the almost geometrical abstractions of the phy- siocratic politicians and economists. The public roads were crowded with armed enthusiasts disputing on the inalienable sovereignty of the people, the imprescriptible laws of the pure reason, and the universal constitution, which, as rising out of the nature and rights of man as man, all nations alike were under the obligation of adopting. Turn over the fu- gitive writings, that are still extant, of the age of Luther ; peruse the pamphlets and loose sheets that came out in flights during the reign of Charles I. and the Republic ; and you will find in these one continued comment on the apho- rism of Lord Bacon (a man assuredly sufficiently acquainted with the extent of secret and personal influence), that the knowledge of the speculative principles of men in general between the age of twenty and thirty is the one great source of political prophecy. And Sir Philip Sidney regarded the adoption of one set of principles in the Netherlands, as a proof of the divine agency and the fountain of all the events and successes of that Revolution. WITH PASSION. 217 A calm and detailed examination of the facts justifies me to my own mind in hazarding the bold assertion, that the fearful blunders of the late dread Revolution, and all the calamitous mistakes of its opponents from its commencement even to the aera of loftier principles and wiser measures (an aera, that began with, and ought to be named from, the war of the Spanish and Portuguese insurgents) every failure with all its gloomy results may be unanswerably deduced from the neglect of some maxim or other that had been established by clear reasoning and plain facts in the writings of Thu- cydides, Tacitus, Machiavel, Bacon, or Harrington. These are red-letter names even in the almanacks of worldly wisdom : and yet I dare challenge all the critical benches of infidelity to point out any one important truth, any one efficient practical di- rection or warning, which did not pre-exist, (and for the most part in a sounder, more intelligible, and more comprehensive form) in the Bible. In addition to this, the Hebrew legislator, and the other inspired poets, prophets, historians and moralists of the Jewish Church have two peculiar advantages in their favor. First, their particular rules and prescripts flow directly and visibly from universal principles, as from a fountain : they flow from principles and ideas that are not so properly said to be confirmed by reason as to be reason itself. Principles in act and procession, disjoined from which, and from the emotions that inevitably accompany the actual intuition of their truth, the 218 FAITH IN THE REASON AND CONSCIENCE widest maxims of prudence are like arms without hearts, muscles without nerves. Secondly, from the very nature of these principles, as taught in the Bible, they are understood in exact proportion as they are believed and felt. The regulator is never separated from the main spring. For the words of the Apostle are literally and philosophi- cally true : We (that is, the human race) live by faith. Whatever we do or know that in kind is different from the brute creation, has its origin in a determination of the reason to have faith and trust in itself. This, its first act of faith, is scarcely less than identical with its own being. Implicite, it is the copula — it contains the possibility — of every position, to which there exists any corres- pondence in reality.* It is itself, therefore, the realizing principle, the spiritual substratum of the whole complex body of truths. This primal act of faith is enunciated in the word, God : a faith not derived from, but itself the ground and source of, experience, and without which the fleeting chaos of facts would no more form experience, than the dust of the grave can of itself make a living man. The imperative and oracular form of the inspired * I mean that, but for the confidence which we place in the assertions of" our reason and conscience, we could have no certainty of the reality and actual outness of the material world. It might be affirmed that in what we call • sleep ' every one has a dream of his own ; and that in what we call ' awake,' whole communities dream nearly alike. It is !— is a sense of reason : the senses can only say — It seems ! 1827. THE DISTINCTION OF MAN 219 Scripture is the form of reason itself in all things purely rational and moral. If Scripture be the word of Divine Wisdom, we might anticipate that it would in all things be dis- tinguished from other books, as the Supreme Rea- son, whose knowledge is creative, and antecedent to the things known, is distinguished from the un- derstanding, or creaturely mind of the individual, the acts of which are posterior to the things which it records and arranges. Man alone was created in the image of God : a position groundless and inexplicable, if the reason in man do not differ from the understanding. For this the inferior animals (many at least) possess in degree : and assuredly the divine image or idea is not a thing of degrees. Hence it follows that what is expressed in the Scriptures is implied in all absolute science. The latter whispers what the former utter as with the voice of a trumpet. As sure as God liveth, is the pledge and assurance of every positive truth, that is asserted by the reason. The human under- standing musing on many things snatches at truth, but is frustrated and disheartened by the fluctuating nature of its objects ; * its conclusions therefore * ITora/t( t , k. r. X. Plutakch's De EI. apud DelpJios c. xviii. 220 THE BIBLE A SOURCE OF ACTION. are timid and uncertain, and it hath no way of giving- permanence to things but by reducing- them to abstractions. Hardly do we guess aright at things that are upon earth, and with labour do we find the things that are before us ; but all certain knowledge is in the power of God, and a presence from above. So only have the ways of men been reformed, and every doctrine that contains a saving truth, and all acts pleasing to God (in other words, all actions consonant with human nature, in its original intention) are through wisdom ; that is, the rational spirit of man. This then is the prerogative of the Bible ; this is the privilege of its believing students. With them the principle of knowledge is likewise a spring and principle of action. And as it is the only certain knowledge, so are the actions that flow from it the only ones on which a secure reliance can be placed. The understanding may suggest motives, may avail itself of motives, and make judicious conjectures respecting the probable con- sequences of actions. But the knowledge taught in the Scriptures produces the motives, involves the consequences ; and its highest/orraw/a is still : As sure as God liveth, so will it be unto thee ! Strange as this position will appear to such as fonret that motives can be causes onlv in a se- condary and improper sense, inasmuch as the man makes the motive, not the motives the man ; yet all history bears evidence to its truth. The sense of expediency, the cautious balancing of compa- GENESIS OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 221 rative advantages, the constant wakefulness to the Cui bono? — in connection with the Quidmihi? — all these are in their places in the routine of con- duct, by which the individual provides for himself the real or supposed wants of to-day and to-morrow : and in quiet times and prosperous circumstances a nation presents an aggregate of such individuals, a busy ant-hill in calm and sunshine. By the happy organization of a well-governed society the contradictory interests of ten millions of such in- dividuals may neutralize each other, and be recon- ciled in the unity of the national interest. But whence did this happy organization first come ? Was it a tree transplanted from Paradise, with all its branches in full fruitage ? Or was it sowed in sunshine ? Was it in vernal breezes and Q-entle rains that it fixed its roots, and grew and strength- ened? Let history answer these questions. With blood was it planted ; it was rocked in tempests ; the goat, the ass, and the stag gnawed it; the wild boar has whetted his tusks on its bark. The deep scars are still extant on its trunk, and the path of the lightning may be traced among its higher branches. And even after its full growth, in the season of its strength, when its height reached to the heaven, and the sight thereof to all the earth, the whirlwind has more than once forced its stately top to touch the ground : it has been bent like a bow, and sprang back like a shaft. Mightier powers were at work than expediency ever yet called up; yea, mightier than the mere under 222 HUME S HISTORY. standing* can comprehend. One confirmation of the latter assertion you may find in the history of our country, written by the same Scotch philoso- pher who devoted his life to the undermining of the Christian religion ; and expended his last breath in a blasphemous regret that he had not survived it; — by the same heartless sophist who, in this island, was the main pioneer of that atheistic- philosophy, which in France transvenomed the natural thirst of truth into the hydrophobia of a wild and homeless scepticism; 'the Elias of that Spirit of Anti-christ, which still promising- Freedom, itself too sensual to be free, Poisons life's amities and cheats the soul Of faith, and quiet hope and all that lifts And all that soothes the spirit !* This inadequacy of the mere understanding to the apprehension of moral greatness we may trace in this historian's cool systematic attempt to steal away every feeling of reverence for every great name by a scheme of motives, in which as often as possible the efforts and enterprises of heroic spirits are attributed to this or that paltry view of the most despicable selfishness. But in the ma- jority of instances this would have been too palpably false and slanderous : and therefore the founders and martyrs of our Church and Constitution, of our civil and religious liberty, are represented as fanatics and bewildered enthusiasts. But histories * Poet. Works, I. p. 137.— Erf. ENTHUSIASM '. IDEAS ACTUATE PRINCIPLES. 223 incomparably more authentic than Mr. Hume's, (nay, spite of himself even his own history,) con- firm by irrefragable evidence the aphorism of an- cient wisdom, that nothing- great was ever achieved without enthusiasm. For what is enthusiasm but the oblivion and s\vallowing-up of self in an object dearer than self, or in an idea more vivid ? How this is produced in the enthusiasm of wickedness, I have explained in the second Comment annexed to this Discourse. But in the genuine enthusiasm of morals, religion, and patriotism, this enlarge- ment and elevation of the soul above its mere self attest the presence, and accompany the intuition, of ultimate principles alone. These alone can in- terest the undegraded human spirit deeply and enduringly, because these alone belong to its es- sence, and will remain with it permanently. Notions, the depthless abstractions of fleeting phenomena, the shadows of sailing vapors, the colorless repetitions of rainbows, have effected their utmost when they have added to the distinct- ness of our knowledge. For this very cause they are of themselves adverse to lofty emotion, and it requires the influence of a light and warmth, not their own, to make them crystallize into a sem- blance of growth. But every principle is actualized by an idea ; and every idea is living, productive, partaketh of infinity, and (as Bacon has sublimely observed) containeth an endless power of semina- tion. Hence it is, that science, which consists wholly in ideas and principles, is power. Scientia et potentia (saith the same philosopher) in idem 224 IDEAS UNIVERSAL AND NATIVE TO MAN. coincidunt. Hence too it is, that notions, linked arguments, reference to particular facts and cal- culations of prudence, influence only the compara- tively few, the men of leisurely minds who have been trained up to them : and even these few they influence but faintly. But for the reverse, I appeal to the general character of the doctrines which have collected the most numerous sects, and acted upon the moral being- of the converts with a force that might well seem supernatural. The great principles of our religion, the sublime ideas spoken out everywhere in the Old and New Testament, resemble the fixed stars, which appear of the same size to the naked as to the armed eye ; the mag- nitude of which the telescope may rather seem to diminish than to increase. At the annunciation of principles, of ideas, the soul of man awakes and starts up, as an exile in a far distant land at the unexpected sounds of his native language, when after long years of absence, and almost of oblivion, he is suddenly addressed in his own mother-tongue. He weeps for joy, and embraces the speaker as his brother. How else can we explain the fact so honorable to Great Britain, that the poorest* amongst us will contend with as much enthusiasm as the richest for the rights of property ? These * The reader will remember the anecdote told with so much humour in Goldsmith's Essay. But this is not the first instance where the mind in its hour of meditation finds matter of admiration and elevating thought in circumstances that in a different mood had excited its mirth. TRUTHS OF SCRIPTURE EVER NEW. 225 rights are the spheres and necessary conditions of free agency. But free agency contains the idea of the free will ; and in this he intuitively knows the sublimity, and the infinite hopes, fears, and capa- bilities of his own nature. On what other ground but the cognateness of ideas and principles to man as man does the nameless soldier rush to the combat in defence of the liberties or the honor of his country ? — Even men woefully neglectful of the precepts of religion will shed their blood for its truth. Alas ! — the main hindrance to the use of the Scriptures, as your manual, lies in the notion that you are already acquainted with its contents. Something new must be presented to you, wholly new and wholly out of yourselves ; for whatever is within us must be as old as the first dawn of human reason. Truths of all others the most awful and mysterious and at the same time of universal in- terest are considered so true as to lose all the powers of truth, and lie bed-ridden in the dormitory of the soul, side by side with the most despised and exploded errors. But it should not be so with you ! The pride of education, the sense of con- sistency should preclude the objection : for would you not be ashamed to apply it to the works of Tacitus, or of Shakspeare ? Above all, the rank which you hold, the influence you possess, the powers you may be called to wield, give a special unfitness to this frivolous craving for novelty. To find no contradiction in the union of old and Q 226 TRUTHS OF SCRIPTURE new, to contemplate the Ancient of days, his words and his works, with a feeling as fresh as if they were now first springing forth at his fiat — this characterizes the minds that feel the riddle of the world and may help to unravel it. This, most of all things, will raise you above the mass of man- kind, and therefore will best entitle and qualify you to guide and control them. You say, you are already familiar with the Scriptures. With the words, perhaps, but in any other sense you might as wisely boast of your familiar acquaintance with the rays of the sun, and under that pretence turn away your eyes from the light of heaven. Or would you wish for authorities, for great examples ? You may find them in the writings of Thuanus, of Clarendon, of More, of Raleigh ; and in the life and letters of the heroic Gustavus Adol- phus. But these, though eminent statesmen, were Christians, and might lie under the thraldom of habit and prejudice. I will refer you then to au- thorities of two great men, both pagans ; but re- moved from each other by many centuries, and not more distant in their ages than in their characters and situations. The first shall be that of Hera- clitus, the sad and recluse philosopher. UoXv/j.adir] voov ov cthaerKEL' JjlfivWa <)e ^uau'o/xeVw orofxaTi ayeXaara k - cu aKaXXwrriffra Ka\ itfxvpicrra (pOeyyo- fiivr) yiXlwv krCov eZucveirai tij (j)U)vr} cm rbv 0edV.* * Multiscieuce (or a variety and quantity of acquired knowledge) does not teach intelligence. But the Sibyll KEY TO KNOWLEDGE OF THE WORLD. 227 Shall we hesitate to apply to the prophets of God, what could be affirmed of the Sibyls by a philoso- pher whom Socrates, the prince of philosophers, venerated for the profundity of his wisdom ? For the other, I will refer you to the darling of the polished court of Augustus, to the man whose works have been in all ages deemed the models of good sense, and are still the pocket companions of those who pride themselves on uniting the scholar with the gentleman. This accomplished man of the world has given an ac- count of the subjects of conversation between the illustrious statesmen who governed, and the bright- est luminaries who then adorned, the empire of the civilized world : Sermo oritur non de villis domibusie alienis Nee, male nee ne Lepos saltet. Sed quod magis ad nos Pertinei, et nescire malum est, agitamus : utrumne Divitiis homines, an sint virtute beati ; Et quod sit natura boni, summumque quid ejus* with wild enthusiastic mouth shrilling forth unmirthful, nornate, and unperfumed truths, reaches to a thousand years, with her voice through the power of God. Not her's To win the sense by words of rhetoric, Lip-blossoms breathing perishable sweets ; But by the power of the informing Word Roll sounding onward through a thousand years Her deep prophetic bodements. Lit. Rem. III. p. 419.— Ed, Hor. Serm. II. t. 6. 71, &c. 228 TRUTHS OF SCRIPTURE Berkeley indeed asserts, and is supported in his assertion by the great statesmen, Lord Bacon and Sir Walter Raleigh, that without an habitual in- terest in these subjects a man may be a dexterous intriguer, but never can be a statesman. But do you require some one or more particular passage from the Bible, that may at once illustrate and exemplify its applicability to the changes and fortunes of empires ? Of the numerous chapters that relate to the Jewish tribes, their enemies and allies, before and after their division into two kingdoms, it would be more difficult to state a single one from which some guiding- light might not be struck. And in nothing is Scriptural his- tory more strongly contrasted with the histories of highest note in the present age, than in its free- dom from the hollowness of abstractions. While the latter present a shadow-fight of things and quantities, the former gives us the history of men, and balances the important influence of individual minds with the previous state of the national morals and manners, in which, as constituting a specific susceptibility, it presents to us the true cause both of the influence itself, and of the weal or woe that were its consequents. How should it be otherwise ? The histories and political economy of the present and preceding century partake in the general contagion of its mechanic philosophy, and are the product of an unenlivened generalizing understanding. In the Scriptures they are the living educts of the imagination ; of that recon- KEY TO KNOWLEDGE OF THE WORLD. 229 ciling* and mediatory power, which incorporating the reason in images of the sense, and organizing (as it were) the flux of the senses by the perma- nence and self-circling energies of the reason, gives birth to a system of symbols, harmonious in themselves, and consubstantial with the truths of which they are the conductors. These are the wheels which Ezekiel beheld, when the hand of the Lord was upon him, and he saw visions of God as he sate among the captives by the river of Chebar. Whithersoever the Spirit was to go, the wheels went, and thither was their spirit to go: — for the spirit of the living creature was in the wheels also* The truths and the symbols that represent them move in conjunction and form the living chariot that bears up (for us) the throne of the Divine Humanity. Hence, by a derivative, indeed, but not a divided, influence, and though in a secondary yet in more than a metaphorical sense, the Sacred Book is worthily entitled the Word of God. Hence too, its contents present to us the stream of time continuous as life and a symbol of eternity, inasmuch as the past and the future are virtually contained in the present. According therefore to our relative position on the banks of this stream the Sacred History becomes prophetic, the Sacred Prophecies historical, while the power and substance of both inhere in its laws, its promises, and its comminations. In the Scrip- * Ezeh. i. 20. 230 SYMBOLS CHARACTERIZED. tures therefore both facts and persons must of necessity have a two-fold significance, a past and a future, a temporary and a perpetual, a particular and a universal application. They must be at once portraits and ideals. Eheu ! paupertina philosophic* in pauper tinam religionem ducit : — A hunger-bitten and idea-less philosophy naturally produces a starveling and comfortless religion. It is among the miseries of the present age that it recognizes no medium be- tween literal and metaphorical. Faith is either to he buried in the dead letter, or its name and honors usurped by a counterfeit product of the mechanical understanding, which in the blindness of self-complacency confounds symbols with alle- gories. Now an allegory is but a translation of abstract notions into a picture-language, which is itself nothing but an abstraction from objects of the senses ; the principal being more worthless even than its phantom proxy, both alike unsub- stantial, and the former shapeless to boot. On the other hand a symbol (6 tariv aet ravrrjyopiKoi') is characterized by a translucence of the special in the individual, or of the general in the special, or of the universal in the general ; above all by the translucence of the eternal through and in the temporal. It always partakes of the reality which it renders intelligible ; and while it enunciates the whole, abides itself as a living part in that unity of which it is the representative. The other are but empty echoes which the fancy arbitrarily asso- PECULIAR TEACHING OF THE BIBLE. 231 ciates with apparitions of matter, less beautiful but not less shadowy than the sloping orchard or hill- side pasture-field seen in the transparent lake below. Alas, for the flocks that are to be led forth to such pastures ! It shall even be as when a hungry man dreameth, and behold, he eateth; but he awaketh and his soul is empty : or as when a thirsty man dreameth, and behold he drinketh ; but he awaketh and behold, he is faint !* O ! that we would seek for the bread which was given from heaven, that we should eat thereof and be strengthened ! O that we would draw at the well at which the flocks of our fore- fathers had living water drawn for them, even that water which, instead of mocking the thirst of him to whom it is given, becomes a well within himself springing up to life everlasting ! When we reflect how large a part of our present knowledge and civilization is owing, directly or indirectly, to the Bible ; when we are compelled to admit, as a fact of history, that the Bible has been the main lever by which the moral and intel- lectual character of Europe has been raised to its present comparative height ; we should be struck, methinks, by the marked and prominent difference of this book from the works which it is now the fashion to quote as guides and authorities in morals, politics, and history. I will point out a few of the excellencies by which the one is dis- * 1$. xxix. 8. — Ed. 232 NECESSITY THREEFOLD. tinguished, and shall leave it to your own judg- ment and recollection to perceive and apply the contrast to the productions of highest name in these latter days. In the Bible every agent ap- pears and acts as a self- subsisting individual ; each has a life of its own, and yet all are one life. The elements of necessity and free-will are recon- ciled in the higher power of an omnipresent Pro- vidence, that predestinates the whole in the moral freedom of the integral parts. Of this the Bible never suffers us to lose sisHrt. The root is never detached from the ground. It is God everywhere : and all creatures conform to his decrees, the righ- teous by performance of the law, the disobedient by the sufferance of the penalty. Suffer me to inform or remind you, that there is a threefold necessity. There is a logical, and there is a mathematical necessity ; but the latter is always hypothetical, and both subsist formally only, not in any real object. Only by the intuition and immediate spiritual consciousness of the idea of God, as the One and Absolute, at once the ground and the cause, who alone containeth in himself the ground of his own nature, and therein of all natures, do we arrive at the third, which alone is a real objective, necessity. Here the im- mediate consciousness decides : the idea is its own evidence, and is insusceptible of all other. It is necessarily groundless and indemonstrable ; be- cause it is itself the ground of all possible demon- stration. The reason hath faith in itself in its HEBREW AND GREEK IDEAS OF GOD. 233 own revelations. O \6yoc £<£>//. Ipse dixit. So it is : for it is so. All the necessity of causal relations (which the mere understanding reduces, and must reduce to co-existence and regular suc- cession* in the objects of which they are predicated, and to habit and association in the mind predi- cating) depends on, or rather inheres in, the idea of the omnipresent and absolute : for this it is, in which the possible is one and the same with the real and the necessary. Herein the Bible differs from all the books of Greek philosophy, and in a two-fold manner. It doth not affirm a divine nature only, but a God : and not a God only, but the living God. Hence in the Scriptures alone is the jus divinum, or direct relation of the state and its magistracy to the Supreme Being, taught as a vital and indispensable part of all moral and of all political wisdom, even as the Jewish alone was a true theocracy. Were it my object to touch on the present state of public affairs in this kingdom, or on the pro- spective measures in agitation respecting our sister island, I would direct your most serious medita- tions to the latter period of the reign of Solomon, and to the revolutions in the reign of Rehoboam, his successor. But I should tread on glowing embers. I will turn to a subject on which all * See Hume's Essays. The sophist evades, as Cicero long ago remarked, the better half of the predicament, which is not prceire but efficienter praire. 234 SOURCES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION men of reflection are at length in agreement — the causes of the Revolution and fearful chastise- ment of France. We have learned to trace them back to the rising importance of the commercial and manufacturing class, and its incompatibility with the old feudal privileges and prescriptions ; to the spirit of sensuality and ostentation, which from the court had spread through all the towns and cities of the kingdom ; to the predominance of a presumptuous and irreligious philosophy ; to the extreme over-rating of the knowledge and power given by the improvements of the arts and sciences, especially those of astronomy, mechanics, and a wonder-working chemistry ; to an assump- tion of prophetic power, and the general conceit that states and governments might be and ought to be constructed as machines, every movement of which might be foreseen and taken into previous calculation ; to the consequent multitude of plans and constitutions, of planners and constitution- makers, and the remorseless arrogance with which the authors and proselytes of every new proposal were ready to realize it, be the cost what it might in the established rights, or even in the lives, of men ; in short, to restlessness, presumption, sen- sual indulgence, and the idolatrous reliance on false philosophy in the whole domestic, social, and political life of the stirring and effective part of the community : these all acting, at once and to- gether, on a mass of materials supplied by the unfeeling extravagance and oppressions of the go- FORESHOWN IN ISAIAH. 235 vernment, which shewed no mercy, and very heavily laid its yoke. Turn then to the chapter from which the last words were cited, and read the following- seven verses ; and I am deceived if you will not be com- pelled to admit that the Prophet revealed the true philosophy of the French revolution more than two thousand years before it became a sad irrevocable truth of history. And thou saidst, I shall be a lady for ever : so that thou didst not lay these things to thy heart, neither didst remember the latter end of it. Therefore, hear now this, thou that art given to pleasures, that dwellest care- lessly, that sayest in thine heart, I am, and none else beside me ! I shall not sit as a widow, neither shall I know the loss of children. But these two things shall come to thee in a moment, in one day ; the loss of children, and widowhood ; they shall come upon thee in their perfection^ for the multitude of thy sorceries, and for the great abundance of thine enchantments. For thou hast trusted in thy wickedness ; thou hast said, none seeth