' SEP 27 1937 
 
 '^^\2>ZS 
 
Cl)e Cambrilrjje %Mt for ^tijool^f 
 
 General Editor:— J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., 
 Dean of Peterborough. 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK 
 
 OF 
 
 SAMUEL, 
 
 IV/TH MAPS, NOTES AND INTRODUCTION 
 
 I/' 
 REV. A. F. kiRKPATRICK, M.A., 
 
 FELLOW AND ASSISTANT TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 Cambritige : 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 ILontlon: CAMBRIDGE WAREHOUSE, 17, Paternoster Row, 
 CambriBfle: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. 
 
 I88I 
 \_All Rights reserved.^ 
 
Etiam quae plana videntur in Scripturis 
 plena sunt quaestionibus. 
 
 HiERONYMUS. 
 
■"( ...... APR 1882 
 
 - - r: . . -]j7f^ 
 PREFACE 
 BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. 
 
 The General Editor of T/ie Cambridge Bible for 
 Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold 
 himself responsible either for the interpretation of 
 particular passages which the Editors of the several 
 Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of 
 doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New- 
 Testament more especially questions arise of the 
 deepest theological import, on which the ablest and 
 most conscientious interpreters have differed and 
 always will differ. His aim has been in all such 
 cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered 
 exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that 
 mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided. 
 He has contented himself chiefly with a careful 
 revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with 
 
6 PREFACE. 
 
 suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some 
 question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages, 
 and the like. 
 
 JBeyond this he has not attempted to interfere, 
 feeling it better that each Commentary should have 
 its own individual character, and being convinced 
 that freshness and variety of treatment are more 
 than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in 
 the Series. 
 
 Deanery, Peterborough. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 I. Introduction. 
 
 Chapter I. The Book of Samuel 9— 17 
 
 Chapter JT. Analysis of the Second Book of 
 
 Samuel 17—21 
 
 Chapter III. The Relation of the Book of Chroni- 
 cles to the Book of Samuel 22 — 25 
 
 Chapter IV. The Chronology of the Second Book 
 
 ofSamuel 25 — 27 
 
 Chapter V. The Place of the Books of Samuel in 
 
 the History of the Kingdom of God 27 — 32 
 
 Chapter VI. The Reign of David 32—41 
 
 Chapter VII. The Typical Significance of David's 
 
 Reign and Life 42 — 45 
 
 Chapter VIII. Psalmsillustrativeof David's Reign 45 — 48 
 
 II. Text and Notes 49—232 
 
 III. Additional Notes I — VI 233—241 
 
 IV. Index 243 
 
 Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the 
 
 Books of Samuel to face title-page. 
 
 Map of the Environs of Jerusalem to face p. 49. 
 
 The Text adopted in this Edition is that of Dr Scrivener's 
 Cambridge Paragraph Bible. A few variations from the ordi- 
 nary Text, chiefly in the spelling of certain words, and in the 
 use of italics, will be noticed. For the principles adopted by 
 Dr Scrivener as regards the printing of the Text see his Intro- 
 duction to the Paragraph Bible, published by the Cambridge 
 University Press. 
 
I HAVE FOUND DAVID MY SERVANT 
 
 With my holy oil have I anointed him, 
 
 I "WILL give you the SURE MERCIES OF DaVID. 
 HE shall be great and shall BE CALLED 
 
 The Son of the Most High. 
 And the Lord God shall give unto HIM 
 The throne of his father David. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE BOOK OF SAMUEL. 
 
 I. Titles and Division of the Books. The two Books of 
 Samuel, like the two Books of Kings, originally formed an un- 
 divided whole ^, and must be considered as one book for critical 
 purposes in general introductory remarks. The Septuagint 
 translators, regarding the Book of Samuel and the Book of 
 Kings as a complete History of the Kingdom from its founda- 
 tron to its fall, divided the work into four books, which they 
 styled Books of the Kingdoms {^i^Xoi ^aaiXtiwv). Jerome fol- 
 lowed this division in the Vulgate, altering the name to Books 
 of the Kings (Libri Regum), which is retained as an alternative 
 title in the English Bible. This division was first introduced 
 into printed Hebrew Bibles by the Venice printer Bomberg in 
 1518. 
 
 2. Meaning of the Title. The title Samuel does not denote 
 authorship, but like the titles Joshua, Ruth, and Esther, com- 
 memorates the prominent actor in the events recorded in the 
 book. Its adoption shews a true insight into the connexion of 
 the history it contains. It stands as a monument of the great- 
 
 ^ The Masoretic note of the number of verses, &c., appended at the 
 close of the Second Book in the Hebrew Bible, still treats the two 
 books as one. Origen (quoted by Euseb. //. E. vi. 25. 3) mentions 
 that the Jews of his day regarded Samuel as one book. 
 
lo INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ness of the Prophet who was Jehovah's instrument for establish- 
 ing the Kingdom of Israel, and guiding the chosen people 
 through a crisis in its history second in importance only to the 
 Exodus. The book begins with the account of his birth : and 
 his direct influence extends to the close of it, in the reign of 
 the king whom he anointed as Jehovah's choice. 
 
 The Second Book of Samuel must seem a strange title for a 
 book of w?iich not a line was written by Samuel, and in which 
 his name is not once mentioned, unless these two considerations 
 are borne in mind, (i) that the division of the book into two 
 parts is not original, (2) that Samuel's direct work really reaches 
 all through the book. 
 
 3. WJio was the Atiihor of the Book of Samuel? To this 
 question no answer can be given. A late Jewish tradition 
 ascribes the authorship to Samuel himself. This obviously 
 could only apply to the first twenty-four chapters of the First 
 Book, and as the work forms a connected whole, it is improbable 
 that these in their present form proceeded from his pen. It is 
 generally agreed that the Book is a compilation from different 
 sources, but who was the compiler there is no evidence to shew. 
 
 4. What thejt were these sources ? Ingenious attempts have 
 been made to analyse the component parts of the book. But 
 apart from these conjectural theories we have several indications 
 of the sources from which the compiler drew his materials. 
 
 {a) The chief sources were probably contemporary prophetical 
 histories. The compiler of the Book of Chronicles (probably 
 Ezra) expressly names as the original authority for the history 
 of David's reign "the chronicle (lit. words) of Samuel the seer 
 {roeh) and the chronicle of Nathan the prophet, and the 
 chronicle of Gad the seer {chozeh) \" It has been maintained 
 that Samuel, Nathan, and Gad were the subjects, not the authors, 
 of the works referred to. Even if this was so, it is evident that 
 they contained much valuable material for the history of David's 
 reign. But the corresponding reference to the original autho- 
 rities for the history of Solomon's reign in 2 Chron. ix. 29 
 
 ^ For the distinction between roeA and chozeh see note on i Sam, 
 i.x. 9. 
 
INTRODUCTION. il 
 
 (among which the chronicle of Nathan the prophet is again 
 mentioned), and the constant references to similar prophetic 
 writings as authorities for the reigns of later kings \ make it 
 almost certain that the three prophets mentioned were them- 
 selves the historians of the period. 
 
 It has been also maintained that the works referred to by the 
 compiler of Chronicles actually were the present Book of 
 Samuel. But it is evident that the document which he was 
 using contained much more than these books, while at the same 
 lime certain sections of Samuel and Chronicles agree almost 
 verbally. The most natural conclusion is that both compilers 
 drew from the same authority, which the Chronicler expressly 
 names. From this each felt at liberty to select such facts as 
 bore upon the special object of his work 2. 
 
 If then the Book of Samuel was compiled largely from the 
 chronicles of Samuel, Nathan, and Gad, supplemented by other 
 records preserved in the Schools of the Prophets, it follows that 
 it rests upon the best possible authority. Samuel is the historian 
 of his own life-time, which included the greater part of Saul's 
 reign : Nathan and Gad together give the history of David's 
 reign. The events of David's life must have been familiarly 
 known in the Schools of the Prophets at Ramah, It is expressly 
 mentioned that when he fled from Saul he "came and told 
 Samuel all that Saul had done to him, and he and Samuel went 
 and dwelt in Naioth^," the college of prophets which Samuel 
 had established at Ramah. To this intercourse may be referred 
 the full and vivid account of David's friendship with Jonathan, 
 preserved perhaps almost in the very words in which he related 
 his story to the prophets. 
 
 An incidental notice suggests that Gad was the medium of 
 communication between the college at Ramah and David during 
 
 ^ To the writings of Shemaiah and Iddo for the reign of Rehoboam 
 (2 Chron. xii. 15): to the commentary [midrash) of Iddo for that of 
 Abijah (2 Chvon. xiii. 22). Isaiah is expressly said to have written the 
 history of Uzziah's reign (2 Chron. xxvi. 22). See also 2 Chron. xx. 34, 
 xxxii. 32, xxxiii. 18, 19. 
 
 ^ See further in Ch. III. of this Introduction. 
 
 ^ I Sam. xix. 18. 
 
12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his outlaw life^; both Gad' and Nathan^ appear to have oc- 
 cupied official positions in David's court ; and both appear as 
 his monitors in important crises of his life*. To Nathan we 
 probably owe the full history of David's sin and repentance, 
 together with the series of calamities by which it was punished, 
 which occupies so large a portion of the Second Book : to Gad 
 may be due the account of the Numbering of the People and 
 its consequences. 
 
 {b) The chronicles of king David (i Chron. xxvii. 24), which 
 appear from this allusion to have been of the nature of statisti- 
 cal state-records, may also have been consulted. From them 
 may have been derived the formal summaries of wars such as 
 are given in 2 Sam. viii. i — 15, and lists of officials such as 
 those in 2 Sam. viii. 6 — 18, xx. 23 — 26, xxiii. 8 — 39. 
 
 {c) Express mention is made in i Sam. x. 25 of the fact 
 that Samuel committed to writing the charter of the kingdojn, 
 and "laid it up before the LORD," possibly as an addition to the 
 book of the Law. 
 
 {d) The natioftal poetic literature was laid under contribu- 
 tion. From this were taken Hannah's song (i Sam. ii. i — 10) ; 
 David's lament for Abner (2 Sam. iii. 33, 34) ; David's thanks- 
 giving (2 Sam. xxii. = Ps. xviii.) ; the last words of David 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. i — 7). Whether these were preserved in writing 
 or by oral tradition is uncertain : of David's Lament for Saul 
 and Jonathan it is expressly said that it was written in the "na- 
 tional anthology" known as the Book of Jashar (2 Sam. i, 18). 
 
 {e) Oral tradition may perhaps have supplied some particu- 
 lars, though this must be a matter of conjecture. 
 
 5. At what date was the compilation made ? 
 
 (a) The language points to an early date. It is pure Hebrew, 
 free from Aramaisms^ and late forms. Constructions which are 
 common in the later books, e.g. Kings, are comparatively rare. 
 
 ^ I Sam. xxii. 5. ^ 1 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 25. 
 
 •^ 2 Sam. vii. 2 ff., xii. 25 ; i Kings i. 8 ff. 
 
 ■* 2 Sam. xii. i ff., xxiv. i r ff. 
 
 ^ i.e. grammatical forms and words derived from Aramaic or Chaldee, 
 a dialect akin to Hebrew, used in eastern Aram (Syria) and Babylonia. 
 These are, generally speaking, found in later Hebrew. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 13 
 
 {b) Some time however had elapsed since the events narrated 
 in the book had occurred. The explanation of archaic terms 
 (i Sam. ix. 9) and reference to obsolete customs (2 Sam. xiii. 
 18), as well as the use of the formula "unto this day" (i Sam. 
 V. 5, vi. 18, xxvii. 6, xxx. 25 ; 2 Sam. iv. 3, vi. 8, xviii. 18) indicate 
 this. Moreover "no grand survey of a period and selection of 
 its events, such as is demanded from the historian, is generally 
 possible until the period itself has retired in some degree into 
 the background ^" 
 
 {c) It must certainly have been after the death of David, 
 since the whole length of his reign is mentioned (2 Sam. v. 5) ; 
 and if the Septuagint text is correct, there are two allusions to 
 events in the reign of Rehoboam. In 2 Sam. viii. 7 that version 
 reads, "And Shishak king of Egypt took them when he came 
 up against Jerusalem in the days of Rehoboam the son of Solo- 
 mon :" and in 2 Sam. xiv. 27, "And she [Tamar] became the 
 wife of Rehoboam the son of Solomon and bare him Abia." 
 
 (d) But even if these additions are not accepted as part of 
 the original text, other indications point to a date not earlier 
 than the reign of Rehoboam. The mention of "the kings of 
 Judah" in l Sam. xxvii. 6 presupposes the separation of the 
 kingdoms. The distinction between Judah and Israel in several 
 passages 2 has been supposed to point to the same conclusion; 
 but this cannot be pressed as evidence. The division which 
 existed in the early part of David's reign was quite sufficient to 
 account for it. 
 
 {e) On the other hand there is nothing in the book which 
 points to a later date than this : and the conclusion may fairly 
 be arrived at that the Book of Samuel was compiled substan- 
 tially in its present form soon after the Division of the 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 6. The Canonicity of the book has never been questioned. 
 Its acceptance in the Christian Church rests upon the fact that 
 it formed an integral part of those Jewish Scriptures, which were 
 
 ^ Ewald, Hist, of Israel, i. 139. 
 
 ^ \ Sam. xi. 8, xvii. 52, xviii. 16; 1 Sam. ii. 9, 10, iii. 10, v. i — 5, 
 xix. 41 — 43, XX. 2. 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 received by our Lord and His Apostles as "given by inspiration 
 of God, and profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, 
 for instruction in righteousness." Our Lord appealed to one of 
 ■the narratives contained in it as teaching the great principle 
 that the ceremonial law must give way to the law of mercy': 
 the Magnificat shews evident familiarity with the Song of 
 Hannah : St Peter, St Stephen, and St PauP refer to the 
 history contained in it^. 
 
 7. The historical accuracy of the book is remarkably borne 
 out by the internal evidence. It is not to be denied that diffi- 
 culties and discrepancies exist, which it is hard, perhaps impos- 
 sible, to explain or reconcile. But the forcible simplicity and 
 grace of the narrative ; the vividness with which the actors in 
 the various events stand out before us ; the minuteness of detail 
 ■with regard to time and circumstance ; the accurate descriptions 
 of places'*; all agree to confirm the conclusion arrived at in § 4, 
 that the greater part of the work is derived from the testimony 
 of eyewitnesses and contemporaries, and in many cases handed 
 down to us in their actual words. The apparent inconsistencies 
 are in fact an evidence that the compiler faithfully embodied the 
 authorities he consulted, instead of harmonizing them into what 
 might have seemed a more consistent whole. 
 
 8. The text of the book presents some interesting problems. 
 Our materials for determining the text are : 
 
 {a) The Hebrew- MSS. most of which are not older than the 
 tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. They all present substan- 
 tially the same text. Two points must be mentioned here in 
 order to explain some of the notes, (i) Hebrew was originally 
 written without vowels, except such long vowels as are repre- 
 
 ' Matt. xii. 3, 4; Mk. ii. •25, 26; Lk. vi. 3, 4. Note the phrase, 
 "Have ye not read," a regular formula of reference to the Scriptures. 
 
 * Acts iii. 24, vii. 46, xiii. 20 — 22. 
 
 3 Add the references to 2 Sam. vii. 12 — 16 in Lk. i. 32, 33; Acts 
 ii. 30; and to 2 Sam. vii. 14 in Heb. i. 5. 
 
 * Remarkably confirmed hy the recent surveys of Palestine. See e.g. 
 the notes on i Sam. xiv. 4, xvii. 3. In 2 Sam. the account of David's 
 flight from Jerusalem (chaps, xv, 13 — xvi. 14) is the best proof of the 
 assertions made above. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sented by consonants. The present elaborate vowel system, 
 stereotyping a traditional pronunciation and reading of the 
 Old Testament, was not reduced to writing till about the 
 seventh or eighth century a.d. (2) In some passages the 
 traditional method of reading (Qri) did not agree with the 
 consonants of the written text (Kthibh), In such cases the 
 scribes did not alter the text, but appended a note giving the 
 consonants to be read with the vowels shewn in the text. 
 
 ib) The Versions. Of these the oldest and most valuable 
 is the Greek Version commonly called THE Septuagint 
 (Sept, or LXX), or Version of the Seventy Elders, because 
 it was long believed to have been made by seventy or seventy- 
 two elders despatched from Jerusalem to Alexandria at the 
 request of Ptolemy Philadelphus. But the document on which 
 the story with its embellishments rests is now known to be a 
 forgery, and all that can be asserted about the origin of the 
 Septuagint is that it was made (i) at Alexandria, (2) at different 
 times and by different hands, (3)' during the third and second 
 centuries B.C., (4) before written vowel-points had been added 
 to the text. The reference in Ecclus. xlvi. 19 to the Sept. ver- 
 sion of I Sam. xii. 3 (see note there) proves that this part of the 
 version was in existence before 150 B.C. 
 
 The two most important MSS. of the EXX containing the 
 Book of Samuel are the Alexandrine- MS. (denoted by the letter 
 A) written in the fifth century, and now preserved in the British 
 Museum ; and the Vatican MS. (denoted by the letter B) 
 assigned to the fourth century, and preserved in the Vatican 
 Library at Rome. The text of the former in the Book of 
 Samuel has been corrected for the most part to agree with the 
 existing Hebrew text : that of the latter differs considerably 
 from it, and although disfigured by mistakes, glosses, marginal 
 notes inserted in the text by ignorant scribes, and similar 
 defects, appears to preserve evidence for an original text older 
 and in some places more correct than the existing Hebrew 
 recension^ 
 
 ^ The most striking variations of the LXX. from the Hebrew text in 
 2 Samuel will be found in the notes on ch. iv. 6, viii. 7, xiv. 27, xvii. 3. 
 
i6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 That the Hebrew text of Samuel is by no means free 
 from errors is clear from internal considerations and from 
 a comparison of the passages which exist in duplicate else- 
 where^ The principal readings in which the Septuagint differs 
 from the Hebrew are mentioned in the notes, partly with a view 
 to the criticism of the text, partly to exhibit the form of the 
 text which was current in a great part of the Christian Church 
 for many centuries after its first foundation. 
 
 This Version, with all its defects, must be of the greatest 
 interest : (i) as preserving evidence for the text far more ancient 
 than the oldest Hebrew MSS. : (2) as the means by which the 
 Greek language was wedded to Hebrew thought, and the way 
 prepared for the New Testament : (3) because it is the source 
 of the great majority of the quotations made from the O. T. 
 by the writers of the N, T. : (4) because it was the version in 
 which the O. T. was studied by the fathers of the Eastern 
 Church, and indirectly by those of the Western, until Jerome's 
 new translation (the Vulgate) superseded the Old Latin versions 
 made from the Septuagint. 
 
 Next to the Septuagint must be mentioned the Chaldee or 
 Aramaic Version known as the Targum^ of Jonathan Ben 
 UzziEL. This was probably not reduced to writing before the 
 middle of the fourth century A.D., though based on much earlier 
 oral translations. It is for the most part an accurate version ; 
 but in some passages it becomes a loose paraphrase, interspersed 
 with comment, illustration, and fragments of Jewish tradition. 
 A translation of the Targum of David's Last Words is given 
 in Additional Note IV., p. 237, as an example of this style of 
 paraphrase. 
 
 Second in importance only to the LXX. is the Vulgate 
 ( Versio vtdgata) or Latin Version made by St Jerome (Hiero- 
 nymus) directly from the Hebrew. This great work was com- 
 menced by him about the year a.d. 389, when he was already 
 
 ^ See note 1 on p. 22 for a list of the passages which are common 
 to Samuel and Chronicles ; and for a discussion of the texts of ch. xxii. 
 and Ps. xviii. see Additional Note iii., p. 235. 
 
 ^ Targum signifies interpretation or translation. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 17 
 
 sixty years of age, and took fourteen years to complete. The 
 Books of Samuel and Kings were the part first issued. It is a 
 valuable evidence for the state of the Hebrew text in the fourth 
 century, and proves that that text has suffered comparatively 
 little change since. Many of the variations found in the editions 
 of the Vulgate are really interpolations from the Old Latin 
 Version, which as mentioned above was made from the LXX. 
 Jerome's work "remained for eight centuries the bulwark of 
 Western Christianity ; and as a monument of ancient linguistic 
 power the translation of the O. T. stands unrivalled and unique." 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 ANALYSIS OF THE SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 The Reign of Dav.id over Judah: i. — iv. 
 
 Section i. David's behaviour on hearing of SaiiFs death. 
 
 (i) Tidings of Saul's death brought to David i. i — 16. 
 
 (2) David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan ...i. 17 — 27. 
 
 Section 2. The rival kingdoms. 
 
 (i) David anointed king of Judah ii. i — 4. 
 
 (2) His message to the men of Jabesh ii. 5 — 7. 
 
 (3) Ish-bosheth made king of Israel by Abner ...ii. 8 — 11. 
 
 (4) The civil war. 
 
 (a) The combat at Gibeon ii. 12 — 17. 
 
 (/') The death of Asahel ii. 18 — 23. 
 
 (e) The pursuit ii. 24 — 31. 
 
 (d) Asahel's burial i'- 32. 
 
 (e) Progress of David's cause iii. i. 
 
 (/) His family iii. 1 — 5. 
 
 II. SAMUEL 2 
 
i8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Section 3. Evettts leading to DaviiVs elevation to tjie throne 0/ 
 Israel. 
 
 (i) Quarrel between Abner and Ish-bosheth iii. 6 — 11. 
 
 {2) Abner's overtures to David iii. 12 — 21. 
 
 Michal restored to David. 
 
 (3) Abner murdered by Joab iii. 22 — 27. 
 
 (4) David's indignation iii. 28 — 30. 
 
 (5] His lamentation for Abner iii. 31 — 39. 
 
 (6) Murder of Isli-bosheth iv. r — 7. 
 
 (7) Execution of the murderers iv. 8 — 12. 
 
 Note (a) David's generosity to enemies : {b) his patience, and willing- 
 ness to wait God's time for his elevation : [c) continuous rise of David's 
 power and declension of Saul's house : {d) disappointment of Abner's 
 ambitious schemes. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 The Reign of David over all Israel: v. — xxiv. 
 
 Division I. Rise of David's power. 
 
 Section i. The Foundation of DaviiVs Kingdom at yeriisalein. 
 (i) His election and anointing v. i — 5. 
 
 (2) Jebus captured and made the capital v. 6 — 12. 
 
 Alliance with Tyre. 
 
 (3) David's family v. 13 — 16. 
 
 (4) Philistine opposition overcome v. 17 — 25. 
 
 (5) David's care for religion. 
 
 (a) Removal of the Ark from Kirjath- 
 
 jearim vi. i — 5. 
 
 (/;) Uzzah's death vi. 6 — 11. 
 
 (r) Removal of the Arlc to Jerusalem vi. 12 — 19, 
 
 {d) Michal rebuked vi. 20 — 23. 
 
 Section 2. The Promise of eternal Dominion to the house of David. 
 (i) David's desire to build a temple vii. i — 3. 
 
 (2) The Lord's answer through Nathan vii. 4 — 17. 
 
 (3) David's prayer and thanksgiving vii. 18 — 29. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 19 
 
 Section 3. Tlic Extension of Davids Kingdom. 
 (i) Foreign conquests. 
 
 (a) Philistines and Moabites viii. i, 1. 
 
 (b) Zobah and Damascus viii. 3 — 8. 
 
 (c) Submission of Hamath viii. 9 — 12. 
 
 (d) Edom viii. 13, 14. 
 
 (2) Internal administration. 
 
 David's officers of state viii. 15 — 18. 
 
 (3) David's kindness to Mephiboshetli ix. i — 13. 
 
 Note [a) the silence of the narrative about details of conquest and 
 national progress : (b) David's zeal for religion : (r) the almost unbroken 
 prosperity of this period. 
 
 Division II. David's Fall and its Punishment : x. — xx. 
 
 Section i. The preliminary circtcmstances. 
 
 (i) David's ambassadors insulted by the Ammo- 
 nites X. 1—5. 
 
 (2) First campaign. Defeat of the Ammonites 
 
 and their Syrian allies x. 6 — 14. 
 
 (3) Second campaign. Total defeat of the Sy- 
 
 rians X. 15 — 19. 
 
 (4) Third campaign. Siege of Rabbah xi. r. 
 
 Note (a) a full account of these wars is introduced because of their 
 connexion with David's sin : {b) rapid growth of David's power implied 
 by such extensive wars. 
 
 Section 2. David^s Fall. 
 
 (i) David's adultery with Bath-sheba xi. 1 — 5. 
 
 (2) Uriah summoned to Jerusalem xi. 6— 13. 
 
 (3) David's letter to Joab. Uriah's death xi. 14 — 17. 
 
 (4) The news brought to David xi. 18 — 25. 
 
 (5) Marriage of David and Bath-sheba xi. 26, 27. 
 
 Section 3. David's /Repentance. 
 
 (i) Nathan's parable xii. i — 6. 
 
 (2) The King rebuked xii. 7 — 14. 
 
 (3) Death of Bath-sheba's child xii. 15 — 23. 
 
 (4) Birth of Solomon xii. 24, 25. 
 
 (5) Capture of Rabbah xii. 26 — 31. 
 
 2 — 2 
 
20 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Section 4. Fatnily troubles. 
 
 (i) Amnon's outrage xiii. i — 22. 
 
 (2) Absalom's vengeance and flight xiii. 23 — 39. 
 
 (3) Recall of Absalom. 
 
 (a) Joab's stratagem xiv. i — 20. 
 
 (^) Absalom's return xiv. 21 — 24. 
 
 (c) His person and family xiv. 25 — 27. 
 
 (t/) His readmission to the king's presence xiv. 28—33. 
 
 Section 5. Absalont's Rebellion and David's Flight. 
 
 (i) Absalom's preparations xv. i — 6. 
 
 (2) Outbreak of the rebellion xv. 7 — 12. 
 
 (3) David's Flight xv. 13 — 18. 
 
 (4) Incidents of the Flight. 
 
 (a) Ittai's fidelity xv. 19 — 23. 
 
 (b) The priests and the Ark xv. 24 — 29. 
 
 (r) Hushai's commission xv. 30 — 37. 
 
 (d) Ziba's present xvi. i — 4. 
 
 (t") Shimei's cursing xvi. 5 — 14. 
 
 (5) Absalom's entrance into Jerusalem xvi. 15 — 19. 
 
 (6) Events at Jerusalem. 
 
 (a) Ahithophel's counsel xvi. 20 — 23. 
 
 [b) Hushai's counsel xvii. i — 14. 
 
 (c) Hushai's message to David xvii. 15 — 22. 
 
 [d) Ahithophel's suicide xvii. 23. 
 
 (:) The Civil War. 
 
 (a) Progress of the rebellion xvii. 24 — 26. 
 
 {J}) Reception of David at Mahanaim xvii. 27 — 29. 
 
 (c) The battle xviii. i — 8. 
 
 (d) The death of Absalom xviii. g — 18. 
 
 (e) The news brought to David. His grief, xviii. 19 — 33. 
 
 Section 6. Restoration of David^s anthority. 
 
 (i) David reproved by Joab xix. i — 8. 
 
 (2) Negotiations for the king's recall xix. 9 — 15. 
 
 (3) David's return. Incidents on the journey. 
 
 (rt) Shimei pardoned xix. 16 — 23. 
 
 (b) Meeting with Mephibosheth xix. 24 — 30. 
 
 (c) Barzillai's farewell xix. 31 — 40. 
 
 (4) Dispute between Judah and Israel xix. 41 — 43. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 (5) Sheba's insurrection. 
 
 (a) The outbreak xx. i, ?. 
 
 David's arrival at Jerusalem xx. 3. 
 
 (d) Pursuit of Sheba. Amasa murdered by 
 
 Joab XX. 4 — 13. 
 
 {c) Siege of Abel Beth-Maachah. End of 
 
 the insurrection xx. 14 — 22. 
 
 (6) Officers of state after the restoration xx. 23 — 26. 
 
 Note (a) how large a portion of the book is devoted to tracing the 
 punishment of David's sin: (l>) the graphic detail in the narrative of 
 Absalom's rebellion : (c) David's resignation : {d) the ominous discord 
 between Judah and Israel. 
 
 Division III. Supplementary Appendix: xzi. — xxiv. 
 Section r. TAe Famine. 
 
 (i) Execution of Saul's sons xxi. r — 10. 
 
 (2) Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons xxi. 11 — 14. 
 
 Section 2. Heroic exploits in the Pkilistine wars ...xxi. 15 — 22. 
 
 Sections. DavitTs Psalm of Thanksgiving xxii. 
 
 Section 4. David'' s Last Words xxiii. r — 7. 
 
 Section 5. David'' s heroes. 
 
 (i) The first Three : xxiii. 8 — 12. 
 
 (2) The well of Bethlehem xxiii. 13 — 17. 
 
 (3) Abishai and Benaiah xxiii. 18 — 23. 
 
 (4) The Thirty xxiii. 24 — 39. 
 
 Section 6. David'' s sin in numbering the people. 
 
 (i) The census taken xxiv. i — 9. 
 
 (2) Gad sent to offer choice of punishments xxiv. 10 — 14. 
 
 (3) The plague xxiv. 15 — 17. 
 
 (4) Purchase of Araunah's threshing-floor and 
 
 erection of an altar xxiv. 18 — 25. 
 
 This appendix forms a general supplement to the history of David's 
 reign, illustrating (a) God's providential discipline of Israel, by two 
 national punishments: {b) David's character, by two of his own writings : 
 (r) the heroic spirit of the age, by the catalogue of his mighty men, and 
 examples of their valorous exploits. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE RELATION OF THE BOOK OF CHRONICLES TO THE BOOK 
 OF SAMUEL. 
 
 1. The First Book of the Chronicles contains another history 
 of David's reign. Many passages are word for word the same 
 as the corresponding passages in the Book of SamueU; and 
 many passages agree in substance, though differing more or 
 less in detail^. But much that is contained in Samuel is omitted 
 in Chronicles, and much of the information in Chronicles is 
 supplementary to the narrative of Samuel. Neither book is a 
 complete history of David's reign . each compiler selected from 
 the materials before him such portions as suited his purpose. 
 It is important therefore to endeavour to ascertain the principle 
 of the selection. With this object let us examine the facts. 
 
 2. Omissions in Chronicles. The following are the most 
 important matters contained in Samuel and omitted in 
 Chronicles : 
 
 ^ This verbal coincidence is frequently obscured in the E.V. by dif- 
 ferent renderings of the same original. This may be partly due to the 
 fact that the books of Samuel and Chronicles fell to the lot of different 
 companies of translators (see Dr Westcott's History of the English Bible, 
 p. 147 ff.) ; but unfortunately the false principle of introducing variety by 
 different renderings of the same words was delibei'ately adopted by the 
 Iran'^lators of 161 1. 
 
 - The parallel sections are as follows : 
 I Chr. X. I — 12 
 
 xi. I — 9 
 
 xi. 10 — 41 
 
 xiii 
 
 xiv 
 
 XV., xvi. (in part only) 
 
 xvii., xviii., xix 
 
 XX. I — 3 
 
 XX. 4 — 8 
 
 xxi 
 
 am. 
 
 xxxi. 
 
 )am. 
 
 v. I — 3, 6 — 10. 
 
 
 xxiii. 8 — 39. 
 
 
 VI. 1 II. 
 
 
 V. 11—25. 
 
 
 VI. 1-2 •23. 
 
 
 VU., VUI., X. 
 
 
 xi. I, xii. id — 31 
 
 
 xxi. iS — 22. 
 
 
 XXIV. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 23 
 
 (a) The history of David's reign at Hebron and the civil war 
 with the house of Saul (2 Sam. i — iv.). 
 
 (d) David's kindness to Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix.). 
 
 (c) David's adultery and its punishment, including the history 
 of Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. xi. 2 — 27, xii. i — 25, xiii. — xx.). 
 {d) The execution of Saul's sons (2 Sam. xxi. i — 14). 
 
 (e) David's Thanksgiving and Last Words (2 Sam. xxii., 
 ocxiii. I — 7). 
 
 3. Additions in Chronicles. The following are the most 
 striking additions in Chronicles to the history contained in 
 Samuel : 
 
 {a) The catalogues of the warriors who joined David at 
 Ziklag, and of those who came to Hebron to make him king 
 (i Chr. xii.). 
 
 {b) Elaborate details of the arrangements on the occasion of 
 the translation of the Ark to Jerusalem (i Chr. xiii. i — 5, xv., 
 xvi.). 
 
 {c) Many details in the account of the Plague (i Chr. xxi.). 
 
 id) David's preparations for the building of the Temple 
 (i Chr. xxii.). 
 
 (e) The organization of the Priests and Levites, the army, 
 and the civil service (i Chr. xxiii. — xxvii.). 
 
 (/) The assembly of the people at Solomon's accession 
 (l Chr. xxviii., xxix.). 
 
 4. In general then the compiler of the Book of Samuel gives 
 a history of David's reign with special reference {a) to the 
 vicissitudes through which he was raised by the care and guidr 
 ance of Jehovah to be the head of a mighty kingdom : {b) to 
 matters of, comparatively speaking, private interest in his life : 
 {c) to the chastisements by which he was punished for his sin. 
 He thus portrays David the man as well as David the King. 
 
 The compiler of Chronicles gives prominence {a) to all matters 
 of religious ceremonial, calling special attention to the agency 
 of the Priests and Levites^ : {b) to the chief steps in the rise and 
 
 ^ The Levites are only mentioned twice in Samuel (i Sam. vi. 13; 
 2 Sam. XV. 24), and above thirty times in i Chron. alone. 
 
24 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 progress of David's kingdom, omitting the reverses which from 
 time to time checked its growth. 
 
 5. These differences correspond remarkably to the age and 
 object of the two historians. The unknown compiler of Samuel 
 was undoubtedly a prophet, and his narrative is penetrated by a 
 prophetic spirit^ He drew up, no long time after the events, a 
 narrative of the foundation of the Theocratic Monarchy, selecting 
 such matter as illustrated God's providential dealings with the . 
 king He had chosen. 
 
 6. The Book of Chronicles was written after the Return from 
 the Captivity. Its author was most probably Ezra, who was 
 a priest, and his main objects in compiUng it were {a) to publish 
 trustworthy genealogical records with a view to the re-settle- 
 ment of the land, and the re-establishment of regular services 
 in the restored temple : {b) to rekindle something of national 
 life and spirit, and make the people feel that they were still the 
 representatives of the Kingdom of God, and that national 
 prosperity depended upon faithfulness to Jehovah. With this 
 design he drew up a compendious history, tracing the fortunes 
 of the kingdom of David from its foundation, and selecting 
 especially such passages of the history as present the best kings 
 engaged in promoting the cause of religion, and regulating the 
 services of the house of God ; and moreover laying particular 
 stress upon the direct intervention of God for the reward of 
 righteousness and the punishment of evil-doing. Its purpose is 
 didactic rather than historical, and its tone, in accordance with 
 the profession of its author, priestly rather than prophetic. 
 
 7. Hence the prominence given to religious ceremonial and 
 Levitical and priestly work in the history of David's reign: 
 hence the silence with which the darker episodes of that reign 
 are passed over. The historian must not be accused of un- 
 faithfulness, or inaccuracy, or prejudice, for adopting such a 
 method of treatment ; his history does not profess to be complete. 
 
 ^ Note for example the use of the title "Lord of Hosts," found 
 thirteen times in Samuel, but only thrice in i Chron., and then in 
 passages copied from Samuel. See Additional Note I. to x Sam. p. 235. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 25 
 
 and his selection of facts is justified by the special pdrpose 
 which he has in view. 
 
 Such a review of its past history was well calculated to 
 quicken the energies of the nation for the new era of its exist- 
 ence upon which it was entering ; and to us the preservation of 
 the work is most valuable, presenting as it does another side of 
 the national life, and adding in no .small degree (so far as con- 
 cerns the period covered by the Second Book of Samuel) to the 
 completeness and truthfulness of the picture which we can 
 draw of David's reign, and the lessons which we can derive 
 from it. 
 
 8. It remains to inquire whether the matter common to 
 Chronicles and Samuel was taken from the latter book, or 
 derived from the original authorities used by the compiler of 
 Samuel. The verbal agreement of some sections favours the 
 first supposition ; but the original authorities for the history of 
 David's reign were still extant, and are referred to for fuller 
 information ; and while it seems probable that the compiler of 
 Chronicles had the Book of Samuel before him, it is clear that 
 he also drew largely from other sources to which he had access, 
 in all probability the state records and the prophetical histories 
 which he mentions by name^ 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL. 
 
 1. The chronology of the Second Book of Samuel is prac- 
 tically the chronology of David's reign. Unfortunately the 
 historian has arranged his work according to the subject-matter 
 rather than the sequence of events, and the definite marks of 
 time are few and unconnected. 
 
 2. The subjoined table is offered as a conjectural arrange- 
 
 ^ The Chronicles of King David (i Chr. xxvii. ^4) and the Chronicles 
 of Samuel, Nathan, and Gad (i Chr. xxix. 29). See Introd. Ch. i. § 4. 
 
25 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ment of the principal events in David's reign, but the dates 
 must be distinctly understood to be only approximate. The 
 year of David's accession may be fixed at about B.C. 1055. 
 
 Reign of David at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 11) 1055 — -1048 ' 
 
 Absalom's birth (?) 1052 or 1050 
 
 Reign of Ish-bosheth and civil war (2 Sam. ii. 10) 1050 — 1048 
 
 Reign of David at Jerusalem {2 Sam. v. 4, 5) 1048 — 1015 ->. 
 
 Period of foreign wars (2 Sam. viii.) 1045 — 1035 
 
 in which are to be placed 
 
 A period of peace (2 Sam. vii. i), 
 
 Mephibosheth's elevation^, 
 
 The famine" (?). 
 
 Adultery with Bath-sheba 1035 
 
 Amnon's outrage 1034 -^ 
 
 Absalom's rebelHon 1023 '> 
 
 Period of tranquillity and steady national growth'' 1023 — 1015 
 
 The plague (?) 1018 - 
 
 David's death 1015 
 
 3. This table is based upon the following considerations : 
 {a) Solomon was young at his accession^, according to 
 Josephus {A71I. VIII. 7, 8), only fourteen. The natural inference 
 from I Chr. iii. 5, where he is placed last of Bath-sheba's four 
 sons, is that he was the youngest of her children, if not of all 
 David's sons^ David's adultery with Bath-sheba may therefore 
 be placed about twenty years before the close of his reign. 
 " (?). Between Amnon's outrage and Absalom's rebellion about 
 eleven years intervened. Two years passed before Absalom's 
 revenge (2 -Sam. xiii, 2^) ; three years were spent by Absalom 
 at Geshur (ch. xiii. 38); two more at Jerusalem before he Svas 
 admitted to David's presence (ch. xiv. 28) ; and four^ in plotting 
 for his conspiracy (ch. xv.^). Absalom's rebellion cannot be 
 
 1 See preliminary note to ch. ix. 
 " See note on ch. xxi. i. 
 
 2 See Introd. Ch. VI. § 11, p. 37. 
 
 * I Chr. xxii. 5; i Kings ii. 2, iii. 7. 
 
 ^ This is distinctly stated by Josephus, Ani. vil. 14. 2. It is true 
 tlrat a different impression is left by 2 Sam. xii. 24, 25; but Hebrew 
 history not seldom passes over a long interval in silence without a hint 
 of the intervening events. See a striking example of this in i Chr. xi. i, 
 where the whole of David's reign at Hebron is thus passed over. 
 
 6 li.ta.ding Jour instead oi forty in ch. xv. 7. See note there. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 27 
 
 placed much less than ten years before the close of David's reign, 
 for the kingdom had recovered from the shock, and was in such 
 a condition of prosperity and tranquillity during several years, 
 that David was tempted by the spirit of pride which induced 
 him to take the census, and could make extensive preparations 
 for building the Temple. Nor can it well be placed much 
 earlier, for Absalom was born at Hebron (2 -Sam. iii. 3), and 
 he can hardly have been less than eighteen or twenty when 
 he killed Amnon. 
 
 {{Pf If this calculation is approximately correct, Amnon's 
 outrage occurred shortly after David's adultery, and the son's 
 indulgence of his passions was encouraged by the evil example 
 of his father's still recent crime. Thus David's punishment 
 sprang immediately out of his offence, for Amnon's act was 
 the seed of a long series of calamities. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE PLACE OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL IN THE HISTORY OF 
 THE KINGDOM OF GOD. 
 
 I. The Old Testament differs from ordinary histories (i) in 
 its subject, because it is the history of the special traming and 
 discipline of God's chosen people : (2) in its method, because it 
 is " a history of facts as God sees them referred to their true 
 centre in Him, explained by His dealings with men, and His 
 workings within them^ :" or, in other words, its writers were 
 inspired by God the Holy Ghost to discern the true signi- 
 ficance of events, and to relate such parts of the national 
 history as should truly set forth the gradual evolution of God's 
 purpose towards His people^. 
 
 1 Barry's Intmhtdion to the Old '('.•stament, p. 45. 
 
 2 According to the Jewish arrangement the l^ooks of the Old Testa- 
 ment are divided into three classes : The Law, the Prophets, and the 
 Writings, a division which is already recognised in the words of the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 2. The Old Testament is the history of a dispensation which 
 was partial, progressive, preparatory. It can only be rightly 
 understood in view of the great fact to which it looked forward. 
 It must be studied as the record of the Divine Preparation for 
 the Incarnation of the Son of God, which is the central event 
 of the world's history, the hope of all humanity, the final revela- 
 tion of God to the worlds " It does not simply contain pro- 
 phecies of Christ : it is from first to last a prophecy of Him." 
 
 3. This preparation included three main elements which 
 must be carefully traced in each successive epoch of Jewish 
 history : (i) the discipline and training of the chosen nation of 
 Israel that it might be "the home^" to which in "the fulness 
 of the times" God might send His Son^ ; and the instrument 
 by which the knowledge of God might be communicated to the 
 world at large*: (ii) the gradual development under the various 
 types of Priest, Prophet, and King, of the expectation of a 
 Deliverer who should unite in himself all these offices, and be 
 at once a Mediator, a Teacher, a Monarch : (iii) God's pro- 
 gressive revelation of Himself, "in many parts and in many 
 fashions V' that men might at length be enabled to recognise 
 "the light of the knowledge of the glory of God in the face 
 of Jesus Christ"." 
 
 We must examine how the period of which the history is 
 contained in this book contributed to the preparation in each 
 of these respects. 
 
 4. (i) The Book of Samuel is the record of a most critical 
 epoch in the training of the nation of Israel. To understand 
 its significance a brief survey of their whole history is necessary. 
 
 Three great periods must be distinguished in the history of 
 
 prologue to Ecclesiasticus (about B.C. 150), "the law, and the prophets, 
 and the rest of the books," and in Lk. xxiv. 44, "the law of Moses, and 
 the prophets, and the psalms." It should be remembered that the 
 so-called "historical books" of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings 
 belong to the second group, and are entitled "The Former Prophets." 
 True history is prophecy. 
 
 ^ There is a most suggestive sketch of the Preparation for Christianity 
 in ch. I. of Prof. Westcott's Gospel of the Resurrection. 
 
 2 John i. 1 1 , e^s to. tSta. ^ Gal. iv. 4. 
 
 * John iv. 22. * Heb. i. i. ^2 Cor. iv. 6. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Israel ; the Theocracy, the Monarchy, the Hierarchy ; corre- 
 sponding in some degree to the three divisions of the Old 
 Testament, the Law, the Prophets, the Writings. 
 
 {a) The Theocracy. The history of the Jewish nation begins 
 with Abraham, the friend of God, the father of the faithful, 
 " the ancestor of all nations which have held a monotheistic 
 belief practically." With him and with his family was made 
 the first covenant of promise. In Egypt the family became a 
 nation. The stern discipline of toil and suffering in the presence 
 of their common enemy bound them together. The great signs 
 and wonders of the Exodus declared their high destiny. At 
 Sinai the covenant made with their forefathers was renewed, 
 confirmed, and amplified to the nation. The Law was given as 
 a schoolmaster for the childhood of the new-born nation, " a 
 kind of external conscience" to train it to obedience. The 
 Israelites entered Canaan, and the first part of the promise to 
 Abraham was fulfilled. 
 
 But for a long time the nation seemed to make no progress. 
 The period which intervened between the Entry into Canaan 
 and the Life of Samuel was a time of anarchy and apostasy. 
 The Book of Judges is a record of two centuries of national 
 disintegration and religious declension. It was necessary, 
 humanly speaking, in order that they might learn their weak- 
 ness. They were unable as yet to bear the pure Theocracy, the 
 direct government of God without the intervention of an earthly 
 ruler. Some visible bond must be found to unite into a solid 
 mass the scattered tribes which could not as yet be firmly bound 
 together into one by the invisible tie of a common allegiance 
 to Jehovah. Material and political means must prepare the 
 way for the spiritual and religious end. Otherwise the nation 
 must cease to exist, ground to pieces between the enemies which 
 surrounded it on all sides. In order to make solid advance, 
 retrogression was inevitable. 
 
 At this critical juncture God raised up Samuel, " a prophet 
 second only to Moses," to guide the nation through this crisis 
 in its existence, and effect the transition to the second stage of 
 its education. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 {b) The. Monarchy. The sovereignty of a visible monarch 
 was a declension from the ideal of the Theocracy. Yet a king 
 might have been given by God in His own time as a necessary 
 factor in the training of the nation. But the demand for a king, 
 as made by the Israelites at this period, was the direct outcome 
 of faithlessness. It was a defection from God. Nevertheless 
 the request was granted. God first gave them a king according 
 to their own ideal, that bitter experience might teach them 
 lessons they would not otherv</ise learn : and then a king " after 
 His own heart," a true representative of the Kingdom of God. 
 In his hands such a monarchy as we may conceive might have 
 been asked for without sin, fulfilled important purposes by 
 consolidating the scattered tribes into a body strong enough 
 to maintain its independence, thus saving the nation from 
 destruction, and preserving it to fulfil its great destiny of bless- 
 ing to the world. 
 
 {c) The Hierarchy at length took the place of the Monarchy 
 and resumed the ideal of Theocracy. When the Kingdom fell, 
 and the disciphne of the Captivity had done its work, " the unity 
 of a Church succeeded to the unity of a nation." The voice of 
 prophecy ceased. In the absence of new revelations, the people 
 pondered on the past, till at length *' the time was fulfilled, and 
 the Kingdom of God came." 
 
 5. (ii) In what respects did the period we have to study 
 contribute to the formation and development of the Messianic 
 expectation ? The Law with its elaborate ritual of sacrifice had 
 pointed forward to One who should be at once Priest and 
 Victim, and make atonement for the sin of man. Now the 
 Kingdom turned the national thoughts to the hope of a King 
 who should reign in righteousness, and "have dominion from 
 sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the earthV 
 The kingdom of David and Solomon was a type of the kingdom 
 of that Son of David to whom in the fulness of time was given 
 in a spiritual reality the throne of His father David ^. It is in 
 
 ^ Ps. Ixxii. 7, 8. Psalms ii., xlv., Ixxii., ex. should be studied as il- 
 lustrating tRe growth of the Messianie Hope in connexion with the 
 Kingdom. - Lk. i. 32, 33. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 31 
 
 the Book of Samuel that the title of Messiah, the Lord's 
 Anointed, the Christ, is first applied to the king^, whose visible 
 majesty kindled prophetic hopes of a glorious future ^. 
 
 6. (iii) It remains to inquire how God's revelation of Him- 
 self was carried forward in this period. 
 
 {a) One result of the establishment of the kingdom was the 
 building of the Temple. As the king was the visible represen- 
 tative of the Divine government, so the centralised sanctuary- 
 testified to the unity of Him whom Israel worshipped, and both 
 combined to present spiritual ideas in a fixed and definite shape. 
 Monotheism was not, as has sometimes been wrongly said, an 
 instinct of the Semitic races. The repeated idolatries of the 
 Jewish nation prove the contrary. Only through long discipline 
 and with constant relapses was the lesson learnt. The period of 
 the Monarchy taught this truth in a visible and material 
 manner, and when once learnt it was afterwards spiritualised 
 by the destruction of the visible Monarchy and the discipline of 
 the Captivity. 
 
 {b) Closely connected with the establishment of the Monarchy 
 was the institution of the Prophetic Order. This was Samuel's 
 second great legacy to his nation. By the agency of the pro- 
 phets the Will of Jehovah was made known to men ; new 
 revelations of His character and His claims were communi- 
 cated ; the spiritual meaning of the Law was interpreted 3. 
 
 {c) In this period was deepened the consciousness of the 
 individual's personal relation to God. The intimate communing 
 with Him in prayer and praise, which is characteristic of the 
 Psalms of David, marks a new advance in the relation of man 
 to God. Now was laid the foundation of that Psalter in which 
 for all succeeding time, men have found the expression and the 
 echo of their deepest thoughts and highest aspirations. 
 
 1 r Sam. ii. 10, where the Septuagint has xP'o'^'i^J. The same word 
 in both lleb. and LXX. is applied to the high-priest in Lev. iv. 5, 16, 
 vi. 12. 
 
 - The typical character of David's reign and life is discussed in 
 Ch. VII. of this Introduction. See also Additional Note I., p. 233. 
 
 ^ See Introd. to i Samuel, ch. vi. 
 
32 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7. To sum up briefly, the Monarchy preserved the existence 
 of the nation, foreshadowed the kingdom of the Messiah, wit- 
 nessed to the government of God. At the same time Prophecy 
 and Psalmody interpreted the past, spiritualised the present, 
 stimulated hope for the future. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE REIGN OF DAVID. 
 
 1. The First Book of Samuel brings the history of David's 
 life down to the close of that period of prepai'atory discipline by 
 which he was divinely educated for his high destiny 1. The 
 quiet life in the home at Bethlehem, the novel duties and temp- 
 tations of Saul's court, the manifold hardships and perils of 
 exile, had done their work, and moulded the lines of that many- 
 sided character with an ineffaceable impress. As shepherd he 
 had acquired the spirit of calm thought and deep reflexion ; 
 as courtier he had been trained in prudent self-control and 
 chivalrous generosity ; as outlaw he had learned quick sympathy 
 with the oppressed, knowledge of men, and power of govern- 
 ment ; and above all, each successive phase of experience had 
 quickened and developed that conscious dependence upon God 
 which was the fundamental secret of his strength throughout his 
 life. Step by step he had been led forward, steadily refusing to 
 take the shaping of his career into his own hands by deeds of 
 violence 2, and "committing his way unto the LORD," in the full 
 assurance that "He would bring it to pass^" 
 
 2. The Second Book of Samuel contains the history of 
 David's reign. When the discipline of his early life was com- 
 plete, the death of Saul opened his way to the throne. The task 
 before him was immense. Internal disorganization consequent 
 upon the misrule of Saul's later years : the jealousy of the 
 
 ^ See Introd. to i Samuel, chap. viii. 
 
 - X Sam. xxvi. 10. ^ Ps. xxxvii. 5. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 33 
 
 partisans of the old dynasty : the antagonism of conflicting 
 interests among the different tribes ; a country overrun with 
 victorious and powerful enemies ; the certain prospect that any 
 vigorous attempt to consolidate the kingdom would excite the 
 hostility of foreign enemies — these were some of the difficulties 
 which met him at the outset. And if these obstacles were suc- 
 cessfully overcome, and he became the acknowledged sovereign 
 of a united and powerful nation, the trial to his own character 
 could not fail to be severe. Would he continue to be, as the 
 essential nature of the Theocratic Monarchy demanded that 
 he should be, the faithful "servant of Jehovah," the obedient 
 instrument of His Will; or would he, like Saul, assume an 
 attitude of autocratic independence, and fall by the siri of 
 pride and self-reliance ? 
 
 3. From such difficulties a weaker man might well have 
 shrunk. But David was a born ruler of men. In his well-knit, 
 sinewy frame, insensible to hardship, incapable of fatigue, he 
 possessed the indispensable pre-requisite for a warrior-king^: 
 but higher qualifications than these were the innate aptitude 
 for governing which was early displayed in his control of the 
 wild spirits who gathered round him in his outlaw life ; the 
 fearless courage which had characterised him from his earliest 
 days-; and the singular power which he possessed of inspiring 
 enthusiastic devotion in his followers 3. • and the highest qualifi- 
 cation of all was his firm trust and unshaken dependence upon 
 God, coupled with the consciousness of a divine commission, 
 which led him in each crisis to "wait patiently upon God," in 
 the confident expectation of divine guidance*. 
 
 4. There are two clearly marked periods in the history of 
 David's reign. During the first he reigned over Judah in 
 Hebron, and during the second over all Israel in Jerusalem. 
 His reign over Israel in Jerusalem is no less clearly divided 
 
 ^ Observe how he regards this as the gift of God and gives thanks 
 for it accordingly in 1 Sam. xxii. 34 ff. 
 ^ I Sam. xvii. 34. 
 
 * I Sam. xviii. 5, 16; 2 Sam. xxiii. 15 fF. 
 
 * See Ewald's Hist, of Israel, in. 60. 
 
 II. SAMUEL 2 
 
34 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 into two periods in the view of the sacred historian, by the great 
 sin Vv'hich cast its fatal shadow over the later years of his 
 life. 
 
 But the author of Samuel does not aim at giving a complete 
 or chronological history of David's reign. Considerable portions 
 of it, and many events of interest and importance, are passed 
 over in silence, or with the barest passing reference. 
 
 5. (i) David'' s reign at Hebron, The first five out of the 
 seven and a half years during which David was king of Judah 
 only are almost a blank in the history. Northern Palestine was 
 occupied by the Philistines after the battle of Gilboa : the ad- 
 herents of Saul's house established themselves in the Trans- 
 Jordanic provinces : David quietly devoted himself to con- 
 solidating his little kingdom of Judah. His family grew, and 
 some intercourse with foreign countries is indicated by his 
 matrimonial alliance with the daughter of a petty Syrian king, 
 Talmai of Geshur. It was not until Abner had succeeded in 
 repulsing the Philistines, and re-organizing the disintegrated 
 northern tribes, and had placed Ish-bosheth on the throne of 
 Israel, that the two kingdoms came into collision. For two 
 years a desultory civil war was waged, until at length the de- 
 fection of Abner destroyed the last hopes of the house of Saul. 
 His treacherous murder by Joab delayed the transference of the 
 kingdom of Israel to David for a brief space only. Ish-bosheth's 
 assassination shortly after removed the remaining excuse which 
 the northern tribes had for holding aloof from David. There 
 was one man, and one only, who was capable of saving the 
 nation in this crisis. The representatives of all Israel came to 
 Hebron and unanimously offered the crown to him who had 
 been designated twenty years before as the King of Jehovah's 
 choice, and in all the vicissitudes of those twenty years had 
 proved his worthiness for that position. A national assembly 
 was held with general rejoicings, David was anointed for the 
 third time, and a solemn covenant concluded between him and 
 his subjects. 
 
 6. (ii) David's reign at Jentsaleni, [a) before his fall. The 
 first important undertaking of the new king was the capture of 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 Jebus. Here he fixed his capital, and hither, as soon as circum- 
 stances permitted, he transferred the Ark. Jerusalem thus 
 became the sanctuary as well as the capital of the kingdom. 
 This union of the political and religious centres inaugurated 
 a new epoch in the nation's history. It was a visible realisation 
 of the true principle of the Theocratic Monarchy. The day on 
 which he welcomed the Ark into Zion, his own city, as a very 
 Advent of Jehovah to dwell in the midst of His people, was the 
 greatest day of David's life. From that day dates the. beginning 
 of the sanctity of "the Holy City," round which so many sacred 
 associations cluster, and which has become the earthly type of 
 heaven. 
 
 7. In this first period of his reign are most probably to be 
 placed the great foreign wars by which he established his do- 
 minion on a secure basis. Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites, 
 Amalekites, Edomites, Syrians up to the very banks of the 
 Euphrates, submitted to his irresistible advance. The powerful 
 kingdom of Tyre became his ally : Hamath voluntarily placed 
 itself under his protectorate. It was no lust for conquest which 
 led him into these wars : they were forced upon him by the ne- 
 cessities of his position in the struggle for national existence. 
 No nation between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates could 
 acquiesce in Israel's rapidly increasing power without some 
 attempt to crush so dangerous a rival. 
 
 8. One brief interval of complete peace during this period 
 allowed him to turn his attention to the cherished wish of his 
 life, the plan of building a worthy Temple for Jehovah. Though 
 he was not permitted to carry it out himself, he received a rich 
 compensation in the marvellous prophecy of Nathan, by which 
 an eternal dominion was promised to his house, and an assurance 
 given that his own son should carry out the plan for which the 
 fitting time had not yet fully come. 
 
 9. With the exception of the first failure to bring up the Ark 
 to Jerusalem, and some temporary reverses in the field of battle^ 
 only one great calamity, so far as we know, interrupted the rapid 
 
 ^ Ps. Ix., title. See note on ch. viii. 13. 
 
36 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 advance of prosperity during this period. Three years of famine, 
 the punishment of Saul's breach of faith with the Gibeonites, 
 taught Israel to reverence the sanctity of national oaths and 
 treaties. 
 
 lo. (/3) David'' s reign after his fall. The second period 
 of David's reign at Jerusalem opens with his great sin. From 
 that sin dates the commencement of the great troubles of his 
 life. The nation indeed does not seem to have suffered in its 
 relations with foreign powers ; but a series of calamities, partly 
 involving the whole nation, partly affecting his own family 
 only, embittered much of the last twenty years of David's reign. 
 
 His adultery with Bath-sheba, and his murder of Uriah, were 
 dark blots upon his character. The sin was pardoned, but it 
 could not be left unpunished. And the punishment came from 
 the same source as the sin. 
 
 "The gods are just, and of our pleasant vices 
 Make instruments to plague us^." 
 
 The curse of polygamy, permitted indeed but discountenanced 
 by the Mosaic law, bore its natural fruit in the quarrels of sons, 
 whom a mistaken affection had treated with foolish indulgence. 
 Amnon's outrage, Absalom's revenge, his insurrection and wretched 
 death, with all the miseries of civil war — these are the events 
 which fill the pages of the history. 
 
 There are sufficient reasons to account for the temporary 
 success of Absalom's rebellion, without accusing David of having 
 alienated the affections of his people by misgovernment and 
 neglect of his duties. The personal popularity of Absalom, sup- 
 ported by the dissatisfaction of the tribe of Judah at the loss of 
 its special preeminence, " the still lingering hopes of the house 
 of Saul and of the tribe of Benjamin, and the deep-rooted feeling 
 of Ephraim and the northern tribes against Judah V forces really 
 antagonistic to one another, were combined for the moment in 
 an attempt to overthrow David's authority. With Absalom's 
 death the first of these elements was extinguished, but the two 
 
 ^ King Lear, A. V. Sc. iii. 170. 
 - Stanley's Led. II. 107. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 37 
 
 latter blazed out again in the insurrection headed by Sheba, 
 which nearly anticipated by half a century the Disruption of the 
 Kingdoms. The danger was averted for the time by Joab's 
 promptitude, but it shewed sufficiently the instability of the 
 foundations upon which David had to build up his kingdom. 
 
 11. The impression produced by the record of David's 
 reign in the Book of Samuel is that its latter years were a 
 period of almost unrelieved disaster. The prophet-author is 
 dwelling on the consequences of David's sins^ and therefore 
 gives prominence to the calamities which punished them. But 
 this impression needs to be corrected. The closing period of 
 David's reign, after the suppression of Absalom's rebellion, must 
 have been on the whole a time of steady growth and prosperity 
 for the nation. Otherwise it could not have laid the firm 
 foundation which it did for the unparalleled splendour of Solo- 
 mon's reign. Administrative improvements, religious organiza- 
 tion, preparations for building the Temple, occupied David, and 
 were so successfully carried out, that Solomon succeeded to 
 unchallenged empire, and was able at once to proceed with the 
 building of the Temple. 
 
 12. One great calamity indeed cast its shadow over the 
 tranquillity of this period. Infatuated for a moment by a spirit 
 of ambition and pride, which represented, it seems, a corre- 
 sponding spirit in the nation at large, David ordered a census 
 to be taken. The chastisement of pestilence rebuked both king 
 and nation for their error. 
 
 13. Here the compiler of the Book of Samuel ends his 
 narrative, and rightly so. The remaining scenes of David's 
 life are the prelude to the reign of Solomon. The preparations 
 for the building of the Temple, the rebellion of Adonijah, the 
 king's parting charge to Solomon, are fitly placed at the be- 
 ginning of the new era rather than at the close of the old. 
 
 14. After thus briefly indicating the salient points of the 
 history of David's reign, it remains to give some account of his 
 organization of the kingdom. 
 
 {a) Military orgatiisaiiofi. The " Host," or main body of 
 the army, consisted of all the men of age for military service. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The whole of this body was only called out in case of necessity, 
 and received no special training. In order therefore to secure 
 an effective army, David formed a national militia of twelve 
 regiments, each twelve thousand strong. Each of them had 
 its general, and was called out for a month's training in the 
 year^ Besides this militia, there was a body-guard constantly 
 under arms, known as "the Gherethites and PelethitesV ^i^d 
 a regiment of picked troops called the Gibborim or Heroes, 
 which was always maintained at the number of Six Hundred, 
 in memory of the days of David's wanderings 3. Special 
 prowess was rewarded by admission to a band of Thirty*, an 
 honour comparable to that of knighthood ; and exceptional 
 deeds of daring had raised six warriors to a yet higher distinc- 
 tion, as "The First Three" and "The Second Three ^" Su- 
 preme above all was Joab, the " Captain of the Host," second 
 in power only to the king himself, unequalled as a warrior and 
 indispensable to David. 
 
 {b) Civil 07-ganization. The rapid development of the king- 
 dom necessitated careful arrangements for the administration of 
 the state. The principal civil officers of the king's court were 
 the Counsellor, the Recorder or Remembrancer, the Scribe or 
 Secretary of State, the King's Companion or Friend, and, in the 
 later years of his reign, the Superintendent of the Levy^ 
 These, together with the king's sons, who had the title of 
 "MinistersV' the two High-priests, the Commander-in-chief of 
 the army, and the Captain of the body-guard, formed the king's 
 privy council. 
 
 The management of the crown estates and revenues was 
 entrusted to a number of officers stationed in different parts of 
 the kingdom^: the maintenance of law and order was committed 
 to a numerous body of magistrates and judges ^i each tribe was 
 placed under the government of a prince or ruler ^o. Thus far 
 
 ^ I Chron. xxvii. i — 15. ^ See note on ch. viii. 18. 
 
 2 See note on ch. xv. 18. ^ 2 Sam. xxiii. 24 — 39. 
 
 ^ See 1 Sam. xxiii. 8 ff., and note on v. 13. 
 
 ^ See 2 Sam. viii. 16 — 18, xx. 23 — 26, and notes there. 
 
 '' See note on ch. viii. 18. ** i Chr. xxvii. 25 — 31. 
 
 s I Chr. xxvi. 29 — 32. ^" i Chr. xxvii. 16 — 22. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the scanty notices preserved in Chronicles indicate the existence 
 of a thorough system of internal administration, though they do 
 not enable us to determine its details. 
 
 (c) Religious organisation. Religious institutions, no less 
 than secular administration, occupied the care of David. He 
 was himself the head and leader in religious movements^, 
 realising thereby the true ideal of the theocratic king, in com- 
 plete contrast with Saul's antagonism to both prophets and 
 priesthood. Gad " the Seer " and Nathan " the Prophet " were 
 his confidential advisers : the two priests, Zadok and Abiathar^, 
 were among his most honoured counsellors. The Priests and 
 Levites were classified, and told off for the performance of 
 various duties "in the service of the house of the LORD^;" 
 some were trained as singers and musicians under the leader- 
 ship of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun*; others had the duty of 
 watching the gates assigned to them^; others again were con- 
 stituted guardians of the treasury*". These more elaborate 
 arrangements were made in the later years of David's reign, in 
 connexion with his preparations for the Temple. 
 
 15. The main results of David's reign maybe briefly summed 
 up as follows, (a) He consolidated the tribes into a nation, 
 binding together the discordant elements of which it was com- 
 posed into a vigorous unity, not without struggles and opposi- 
 tion. Short as was the duration of this unity, it gave a new 
 strength and new aspirations to Israel. (J?) By his conquests 
 he secured to Israel the undisputed possession of its country, 
 thereby ensuring the free field which was indispensable for the 
 expansion and development of the nation, and through it of the 
 true Rehgion which had been entrusted to its guardianship. 
 In these two points Saul had to some extent anticipated him, 
 and made his success possible, (c) But the noblest result of 
 David's work was the harmonious union of all the highest in- 
 fluences for good which were at work in the nation. For once 
 
 ^ See 1 Sam. vi. i — 19, with the parallel passages in i Chron. 
 
 2 See Introductory note to ch. vi. 
 
 3 I Chr. xxiii., xxiv. ^ i Chr. xxv. 
 <* I Chr. xxvi. i— 19. " i Chr. xxvi. ao— 28. 
 
40 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the religious and the secular powers acted in perfect coopera- 
 tion, each contributing to the other's efficiency. The Theocratic 
 Monarchy was to be no absolute despotism. Its king was the 
 representative of Jehovah, and his power was limited by this 
 relation. He must therefore act in obedience to the Will of 
 Jehovah, communicated to him through the prophets. This 
 was the ideal for which Samuel laboured. Saul was rejected for 
 his proud endeavour to assert his own independence. David, 
 though not without lapses and failures, on the whole realised 
 the ideal, and was Israel's greatest, because truest, king, (d) 
 Consequently, as will be seen further presently (Introd. Ch. vii.), 
 his reign was always looked back to as the golden age of the 
 nation, the type of a still more glorious age to which the 
 national hope looked forward as the crown and consummation 
 of its destiny.,/ 
 
 Himself a warrior, he led the nation to victory; himself a 
 prophet, and the pupil of one of the greatest of the prophets, he 
 sympathised with the prophetic work, and yielded himself, 
 without losing his royal dignity, to prophetic guidance ; himself, 
 though not by descent a priest, performing priestly functions, 
 he was the patron of the hierarchy ; and thus for a brief space, 
 all the strongest and noblest powers of the nation were brought 
 into harmony, and full scope given to their influences. 
 
 i6. It remains to speak of David's character. "In the com- 
 plexity of its elements, passion, tenderness, generosity, fierce- 
 ness — the soldier, the shepherd, the poet, the statesman, the 
 priest, the prophet, the king — the romantic friend, the chivalrous 
 leader, the devoted father — there is no character of the O. T. 
 at all to be compared to that of David^." It was this many- 
 sidedness of character, combined with the variety of experience 
 through which he passed, which has made his Psalms a manual 
 of devotion for minds of every character and of every age. 
 Rich and varied as are the tones of the many voices which 
 combine to form the Psalter, they are scarcely more rich and 
 varied than the tones of the single voice of him who was its 
 
 ^ Dean Stanley in Smith's Did. of the Bible. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 41 
 
 Founder; passing as they do through every variation of jubilant 
 praise and thanksgiving, unshaken trust in God, keenest suffer- 
 ing, bitter sorrow for sin, heartfelt repentance. 
 
 Men have wondered that the man who fell into such grievous 
 sins should be called "the man after God's own heart," and 
 regarded as the greatest king of Israek His crimes were those 
 of many an Oriental despot : but the sequel of those crimes — 
 the earnest repentance, the prayer for renewal, the discipline of 
 years by which the blessing of "a clean heart" and "a right 
 spirit" was realised' — could have occurred nowhere but under 
 the influence of true divine teaching. The whole matter is ex- 
 cellently summed up by "a critic not too indulgent to sacred 
 characters" in an often, but not too often, quoted passage : 
 "David, the Hebrew King, had fallen into sins enough; blackest 
 crimes : there was no want of sins. And thereupon the un- 
 believers sneer and ask, 'Is this your man according to God's 
 heart?' The sneer, I must say, seems to me but a shallow one. 
 What are faults? what are the outward details of a life, if the 
 inner secret of it, the remorse, temptations, true, often baffled, 
 never ended, struggle of it be forgotten ?... David's life and 
 history, as written for us in those Psalms of his, I consider to be 
 the truest emblem ever given of a man's moral progress and 
 warfare here below. All earnest souls will recognise in it the 
 faithful struggle of an earnest human soul towards what is good 
 and best. Struggle often baffled, sore baffled, down as into 
 entire wreck ; yet a struggle never ended ; ever with tears, 
 repentance, true unconquerable purpose, begun anew-." 
 
 ^ See Maurice's Prophets and Kings, p. 66. 
 ° Carlyle's Ha'oes and Hcro-uwrship, p. 43. 
 
42 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE TYPICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DAVID'S REIGN AND LIFE, 
 
 1. The whole of the Jewish dispensation was designed by 
 God to be a preparation for the coming of Christ^ Many of its 
 institutions, ordinances, events, and characters, were typical: 
 that is to say, they were intended to be as it were outlines 
 drawn beforehand to prefigure and foreshadow Christ, and to 
 prepare men's minds to expect His coming. 
 
 2. The Kingdom of God in Israel was typical of the King- 
 dom of God afterwards to be established in the world ; and the 
 King of Israel was typical, of Christ, the King of that universal 
 kingdom. The characteristics of his office, as interpreted by a 
 succession of prophets, led men to look for One who should 
 perfectly realise the ideal, which had been imperfectly realised 
 by the best of their human kings^. 
 
 3. The Theocratic King^ was typical of Christ in the follow- 
 ing respects : 
 
 (i) His distinctive title was "the Lord's Anointed:" and 
 under this very title men were led to look for the coming 
 Deliverer as the Messiah or the Christ*. (Lk. ii. 26; John 
 iv. 25.) 
 
 (2) He was the visible representative of Jehovah, who was 
 Himself the true King of Israel ; the instrument of the Divine 
 government, through whom He dispensed deliverance, help, 
 
 See Introd. Ch. v. 
 
 - See Riehm's Messianic Prophecy, p. 59 ff. 
 
 ^ The ideal form of government for Israel was a Theocj-acy, or direct 
 government by God without any human ruler (see Ch. v. § 4). Theo- 
 craiic King is a convenient term to describe the true position of the 
 King of Israel as God's vicegerent, ruling a kingdom which was not his 
 own but God's. See the strong expressions of i Chr. xxviii. 5, xxix. 23. 
 
 * The Heb. word for "the Anointed One" is M&siiiach, which was 
 transliterated in Greek as Mefftr/as or Messiah, and translated by d 
 Xpiffroj, tiie Atwijited One, the Christ. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 43 
 
 and blessing. He would therefore be a conquering king, before ] 
 whom no enemies could stand, if he was true to his calling \. J 
 So Christ came as the representative of God, with supreme 
 authority in earth, delegated to Him by His Father, and des- 
 tined finally to conquer all His enemies^. 
 
 (3) His will was therefore to be in perfect harmony with the 
 will of God ; and his kingdom would be, in proportion as it 
 realised its purpose, a kingdom of righteousness and peace^ ; 
 foreshadowing imperfectly what was never perfectly accom- 
 plished except by Christ*. 
 
 (4) In virtue of this intimate relation to God he received the 
 lofty title of God's Son^, a title given to no other individual, 
 signifying God's parental care over him, and the filial obedience 
 due from him to God. This title is a most striking anticipation \ 
 of the mysterious relationship of Christ to God. y 
 
 (5) He was not only the representative of God to his people, 
 but as the head of his people, he was their representative before 
 God. So Christ as the Son of man, the second Adam, is the 
 representative of the human race. 
 
 (6) As the head of a kingdom of priests (Ex. xix. 6), he had 
 a priestly character^, although he did not exercise all priestly 
 functions. In this also he was a type of Christ, the "High- 
 priest over the house of God" (Heb. x. 21). 
 
 (7) He was not only to be ruler of Israel, but "head of the 
 heathen''," prefiguring the universal dominion of Christ. 
 
 4. In these respects any king of Israel, who at all fulfilled 
 his office, was to some extent a type of Christ ; and David, 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. vii. 9, ro; Ps. Ixxxix. 12, 23. 
 
 2 John i. 18; Matt, xxviii. 18; i Cor. xv. 24, 25. 
 
 ^ See note on 2 Sam. xxiii. 3; and cp. Ps. kxii. i — 7; Ps. ci. 
 
 * Ps. xl. 7, 8; John iv. 34. 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. vii. 14, itoie; Ps. ii. 7, Ixxxix. 26, 27; Acts xiii. 33; Heb, 
 
 ^- 5- . 
 
 '' This is sometimes questioned, but was certainly the case at least with 
 David and Solomon. David wore priestly garments, and both he and 
 Solomon dispensed priestly blessings, and claimed the right to appoint 
 and depose high-priests (2 Sam. vi. 14, 18, viii. 17; i Kings ii. 27, viii. 
 14, 55). Cp. also Ps. ex. 4. 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. xxii. 44; Ps. Ixxii. 8 — 11. 
 
44 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 because he was the truest example of a king after God's own 
 heart, was the most prominent and striking type of Christ 
 among them. D3,vid however was a type in some respects in 
 which his successors were not. 
 
 (i) He was not only King and Priest, but Prophet also\ 
 thus uniting in his own person the threefold character of 
 Christ. 
 
 (2) He received the special title of " the servant of Jehovah," 
 given only to a few who were raised up to do special work, such 
 as Moses the Lawgiver, and Joshua the Conqueror of the Pro- 
 mised Land. This was a distinctive title of Christ^. 
 
 (3) His birth-place determined the birth-place of the Messiah, 
 whose birth at Bethlehem was brought about by a remarkable 
 providence^. 
 
 5. For these reasons the expected Deliverer was sometimes 
 styled not merely the Son of David, in accordance with the 
 prophecy in 2 Sam. vii., but David*. No name could be more 
 appropriate for the ideal ruler of the future than that of the 
 king who had most nearly attained to the ideal in the past. 
 
 6. But further, an examination of the quotations from the 
 O. T. applied to Christ in the N. T. establishes the principle 
 that the lives of the saints under the Old Covenant were typical 
 of Christ. They were anticipations, as the lives of saints since 
 Christ came have been imitations, of His life. Their struggles, 
 their sufferings, their teachings, their aspirations, pointed for- 
 ward to Christ, and were "fulfilled" in Him. That which was 
 partially exemplified in them was completely exhibited in Him. 
 Consequently "the Christian Church from the earliest times has 
 delighted to read in the Psalms the emotions, the devotions, the 
 life, of Christ Himself^." 
 
 David, more than any other single individual, was a type, an 
 anticipatory likeness, of Christ the Perfect Man. In the fervency 
 
 ••■ 2 Sam. xxiii. i ff. 
 
 2 See Matt. xii. 18; Acts iii. 13, •26 (Rev. Version); Is. liii. 11, &c. 
 
 ^ Micah V. 2 ; Matt. ii. 6; John vii. 42. 
 
 ^ See Hos. iii. 5 ; Jer. xxx. 9 ; Ezek. xxxiv. 23, 24, xxxvii. 24, 25. 
 
 5 Stanley's Lect. u. 134. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 45 
 
 of his aspirations, in the closeness of his communion with God, 
 in the firmness of his trust, in the strength of his love, he 
 was unrivalled by any human character of the Old Testament. 
 No man ever "touched humanity at so many points;" and the 
 "manysidedness of his character, and the variety of his ex- 
 perience, which qualified him for practical sympathy with all 
 ranks and all conditions of life among his subjects, made him 
 again a type of Him whom "it behoved in all things to be made 
 like unto his brethren 1." He was an eminent example of the 
 spiritual capability of the human soul as a recipient of divine 
 illumination, preparing the way for the highest Example of all. 
 
 7. In these respects, both as king and as man, David was 
 an undoubted type of Christ. Many other striking correspon- 
 dences between him and the antitype whom he prefigured may 
 be noted ; for example, his occupation as shepherd, first of his 
 flock, and then of Israel": his persecution by enemies, and 
 elevation to reign through many sufferings and trials : the mis- 
 understandings and scorn he met with from his own relations : 
 his betrayal by one who had been admitted to his closest con- 
 fidence, and so forth : but though these analogies are most 
 interesting and instructive, it may be questioned whether they 
 can strictly speaking be called typical. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 PSALMS ILLUSTRATIVE OF DAVID'S REIGN*. 
 
 I. Of the Psalms ascribed to David by their titles many 
 were in all probability not written by him ; and of those in the 
 case of which there is no reasonable ground for doubting the 
 
 ^ Heb. ii. 17, 18, iv. 15. 
 
 " See note on 2 Sam. v. 1; and cp. Ezek. xxxiv. 23; Micah v. 4; 
 John X. II. 
 
 ^ I Sam. xvii. 28; Mk. iii. 21 ; John vii. 3 — 5. 
 
 ^ This subject is most interestingly treated by Dr Maclaren in The 
 Life of David as reflected in his Psaliiis. See also Lecture xxv. in Dean 
 Stanley's Lectures. 
 
46 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 accuracy of the title a large proportion cannot be connected 
 with any definite event or particular period of his life. Those 
 however which either by their titles, corroborated by their con- 
 tents, or from internal evidence, can be assigned to particular 
 epochs of his life, are most valuable additions to the history, 
 and should be carefully studied in connexion with it. 
 
 2. (i) The Translation of the Ark to Jerusalem called forth 
 a series of Psalms, first among which is Ps. ci. It expresses 
 the high resolves and aspirations for the purity of his kingdom 
 and his court which filled David's mind when he was meditating 
 the transfer of the Ark to his new capital, which would become 
 by virtue of its presence in an especial sense *' the city of 
 Jehovah" {v. 8). The eager exclamation "When wilt thou 
 come unto me" {v. 2) expresses his desire to welcome the 
 symbol of Jehovah's Presence as a dweller in his new city. 
 
 Ps. XV., in language closely resembling the opening verses of 
 Ps. xxiv., sets forth the conditions of acceptable approach to God, 
 and dwells upon the thoughts with which he would prepare 
 the mind of his people for the solemn event about to be cele- 
 brated. 
 
 The date of Ps. Ixviii. is disputed, but it may well be re- 
 garded as a grand choral hymn, composed by David to be sung 
 at the removal of the Ark to Zion, as the procession left the 
 house of Obed-Edom. The opening words re-echo the old 
 watchword for the setting forward of the Ark in the wilderness 
 (Num. X. 35). "God is represented, first as advancing at the 
 head of the Israelites through the desert; then as leading them 
 victoriously into Canaan; and finally as fixing His royal abode 
 on Zion, whence He reigns in the majesty of universal dominion, 
 acknowledged and feared by all the nations of the earth ^." 
 
 Ps. xxiv. was beyond a doubt cornposed to be sung by choirs of 
 Levites as the Ark passed through the gates of Zion to its new 
 resting-place. "We can almost hear the creakingof the gates 
 of the old fortress of Jebus, as their hinges swung sullenly open 
 to admit the Ark of the Living God... Lift up your heads, O 
 
 ^ Dean Perowne's Comf/ientary on the Psalms. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 47 
 
 ye gates, and be ye lift up ye everlasting doors, and the King of 
 Glory shall come in^" 
 
 To these may perhaps be added Ps. cxxxii., the opening verses 
 of which refer to this occasion, though it was probably not written 
 until later; and Ps. xxx., apparently assigned by its title to the 
 dedication of David's new palace on mount Zion (2 Sam. v. 
 II, 12). 
 
 The Psalms of this period are characterised by their lofty 
 moral requirements, by a stern exclusiveness, a noble intolerance 
 of pride and falsehood-. 
 
 3. (ii) The spirit in which the wars of this period were waged 
 is illustrated by Ps. xx., which is a litany to be sung on the eve 
 of the king's going forth to battle; and by Ps. xxi., which is 
 a Te Deum of thanksgiving for his return. To these may be 
 added Ps. ex. and perhaps Ps. ii. Ps. Ix. belongs to the wars 
 with Syria and Edom^. 
 
 4. (iii) The culmination of David's prosperity is celebrated 
 in Ps. xviii. (2 Sam. xxii.), written probably soon after Nathan's 
 visit (2 Sam. vii.), in that period of peace in which he conceived 
 the wish to build an house for Jehovah. It is the fitting ex- 
 pression of a heart overflowing with praise and thanksgiving, 
 and is unrivalled for the magnificence of its poetry and the 
 sublimity of its thought. 
 
 5. (iv) David's Fall was the occasion of two of the most 
 precious Psalms in the whole Psalter. 
 
 "The rock is smitten, and to future years 
 
 Springs ever fresh the tide of holy tears 
 
 And holy music, whispering peace, 
 
 Till time and sin together cease ^." 
 
 The Fifty-first Psalm is David's prayer for pardon and renewal, 
 springing from the newly-awakened conviction of his sin : the 
 Thirty-second Psalm is a review of his experience written 
 
 ^ Wilberforce's Heroes of Hebrezv History, p. 253. 
 
 2 See Stanley's Lectures, II. 74. 
 
 •' See note on ch. viii. 13. 
 
 * Christian Year, Sixth Sunday after Trinity. 
 
48 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 somewhat later, in which he dwells upon the blessedness of 
 forgiveness obtained, and describes the misery he had suffered 
 while his sin was still unconfessed and unrepented of. 
 
 6. (v) The Flight from Absalom struck a rich vein of Psal- 
 mody. Ps. Ixiii. is stated by its title to have been written by 
 David "when he was in the wilderness of Judah," in all proba- 
 bility between the flight from Jerusalem and the passage of the 
 Jordan. Ps. iii. is a morning hymn, and Ps. iv. an evening, 
 hymn, composed on the day following that on which he quitted 
 Jerusalem. Ps. xxvi., and possibly Ps. Ixii., refer to the traitors 
 who had deserted him at this crisis; xxvii. and xxviii. pro- 
 bably describe his feelings during his exile at Mahanaim. The 
 characteristic features of these Psalms are the consciousness of 
 God's continued help, unbroken trust, firm assurance of ultimate 
 deliverance ; eager yearning for the privileges of the sanctuary. 
 They expand the thought of David's words to Zadok : "If I shall 
 find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again, and 
 shew me both the ark and his habitation" (2 Sam. xv. 25), 
 
 Pss. xli. and Iv. have been assigned to the time during which 
 the conspiracy was being hatched : Ixix. and cix. have very 
 generally been supposed to refer to Ahithophel's treachery ; and 
 the Sept. title of cxliii. connects it with Absalom's rebellion. 
 But these references are at best doubtful; and Ixix. and cix. 
 are almost certainly not Davidic. 
 
 7. (vi) There are no Psalms which can be pointed to with 
 certainty as embodying the thoughts of David's later years. Ps. 
 xxxvii. may indeed possibly be his, and if so, vv. 2 — 9 are a 
 worthy summing-up of lessons learnt through the vicissitudes 
 of a long life. Ps. ciii. is assigned by the title in the Syriac 
 version to David's old age, but linguistic considerations almost 
 forbid us to accept it as David's. The "last words of David" 
 (2 Sam. xxiii. i — 7) seem to stand alone, and have no com- 
 panion in the Psalter. 
 
1 TLtjo-ilTvpa- dXu ) 
 
 2 Arra fZew«- CO^J 
 
 4 BezrflA fjrew fij^; 
 
 Camtrid^e Univprsitv Pr 
 
THE 
 
 SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL, 
 
 OTHERWISE CALLED, 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK OF THE KINGS. 
 
 Ch. I. I — 1 6. The news of SaiiVs death brought to David. 
 
 Now it came to pass after the death of Saul, when David 1 
 was returned from the slaughter of the Amalekites, 
 and David had abode two days in Ziklag ; it came even to 2 
 pass on the third day, that behold, a man came out of the 
 
 Ch. I. 1—16. The news of Saul's death brought to 
 David. 
 
 1. Now it came to pass, &c.] The narrative of the closing chapters 
 of the First Book is continued without any break. The division of the 
 Books is purely artificial, and did not exist in the original Hebrew text. 
 See Introd., ch. i. § i. 
 
 ^uhen David tvas rcttirned'\ See i Sam. xxx. •26. 
 
 2. on the tim-d day\ The exact position of Ziklag in the ISfcgch, or 
 "South country," has not been determined. But if we may place it in 
 the neighbourliood of Beersheba (see note on i Sam. xxvii. 6), the 
 distance from the battle-field of Gilboa was about 90 or 100 miles 
 as the crow flies, between two and three days' journey for an active 
 ninner, so that the battle pi-obably took place about the same time as 
 David's return home. 
 
 a man came out of the camp from Satil^ This expression and that of 
 v. 3 seem to imply that the Amalekite represented himself as'in some 
 way attached to the Israelite army, either as a combatant, or more 
 probably as a camp-follower. On the other hand, the words of v. 6, 
 "I happened by chance upon mount Gilboa," seem to describe his 
 presence on the battle-field as accidental. On the whole it is best to 
 suppose that he was connected with the army, and to understand v, 6 
 to mean merely that his finding .Saul was accidental. 
 
 II. SAMUEL A 
 
so II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 3—6. 
 
 camp from Saul with his clothes rent, and earth upon his 
 head : and so it was, when he came to David, that he fell to 
 
 3 the earth, and did obeisance. And David said unto him. 
 From whence comest thou ? And he said unto him, Out of 
 
 4 the camp of Israel am I escaped. And David said unto 
 him. How went the matter? I pray thee, tell me. And 
 he answered, That the people are fled from the battle, and 
 many of the people also are fallen and dead ; and Saul and 
 
 s Jonathan his son are dead also. And David said unto 
 the young man that told him. How knowest thou that Saul 
 
 6 and Jonathan his son be dead ? And the young man that 
 told him said. As I happened by chance upon mount Gil- 
 boa, behold, Saul leaned upon his spear; and lo, the chariots 
 
 w/M h's clothes rent, and earth 7tpon his head'\ With the same tokens 
 of mourning as the man of Benjamin who bore the news of the disastrous 
 defeat of Aphek to Shiloh. See i Sam. iv. 12, and note. There how- 
 ever the word rendered clothes is different, perhaps denoting a military 
 dress, as in i Sam. xvii. 38 : that used here is the ordinaiy term. 
 
 fell to the earth, and did obeisance^ Recognising David as Saul's 
 successor, and expecting a reward for his tidings. 
 
 did obeisance^ Obeisance, derived from Lat. obcdire through Fr. 
 obcissance, was originally used in the literal sense of obedience, but in 
 Bible-English is limited to the act of prostration, which was the out- 
 ward token of obedience or reverence. The Heb. word, variously 
 translated in the E. V. 'bow oneself,' 'bow down,' 'fall flat,' 'crouch,' 
 'reverence,' 'do reverence,' 'worship,' means literally to bow oneself 
 down, and specially to worship God. 
 
 4. Hoiu went the matter?^ Lit. What was the affair? the same 
 phrase as that used by Eli in i Sam. iv. 16. The form of the Amalekite's 
 answer also closely corresponds to that of the man of Benjamin there. 
 The rout, the slaughter among the people, the death of the leaders, are 
 mentioned in an ascending climax. 
 
 via7iy of the people^ No contradiction to i Sam. xxxi. 6, where "a// 
 his men" refers to Saul's immediate body-guard. 
 
 6. As I happened by chance'] He represents himself as accidentally 
 finding Saul, while wandering over Mount Gilboa in the confusion of 
 the rout. See note on v. 1. 
 
 mount Gilboa] See note on i Sam. xxviii. 4. 
 
 Saul leaiied tipon his spear] This is not to be understood of attempted 
 suicide ( I Sam. xxxi. 4), as though he was leaning upon his spear to pierce 
 himself through. It is a tragic picture of the last scene. The wounded 
 and weary king leans upon his spear — the emblem of his royalty — 
 for support. His followers are scattered or dead : his pursuers are close 
 at hand. Death, accompanied with all the insolence and mockery of a 
 triumphant foe, stares him in the face. 
 
vv. 7— 12.] II. SAMUEL, I. 51 
 
 and horsemen followed hard after him. And when he ^ 
 looked behind him, he saw me, and called unto me. And I 
 answered, Here am I. And he said unto me. Who art s 
 thou ? And I answered him, I arn an Amalekite. He said 9 
 unto me again. Stand, I pray thee, upon me, and slay me : 
 for anguish is come upon me, because my life is yet whole 
 in me. So I stood upon him, and slew him, because I 10 
 was sure that he could not live after that he was fallen ; and 
 I took the crown that was upon his head, and the bracelet 
 that was on his arm, and have brought them hither unto my 
 lord. Then David took hold on his clothes, and rent them; n 
 and likewise all the men that were with him : and they 12 
 mourned, and wept, and fasted until even, for Saul, and for 
 
 chariots'] It is not necessary to regard this as a lie of the Amalekite. 
 Parts of the elevated tract may have been accessible to the Philistine 
 chariots. Stanley speaks of "the green strip of table-land, where 
 probably the last struggle was fought" {Sinai and Pal. p. 345). 
 
 9. Statid...upon me\ Rather, Stand by me, or, Else up against me, 
 and similarly in v. 10. Saul is represented in v. 6 as still upright, not 
 as lying prostrate on the ground. 
 
 anguis/i\ The Heb. word occurs nowhere else, and its sense is 
 doubtful. The Targum renders it agony ; the LXX. terrible dai-kncss ; 
 the Vulg. distress (angitstiae). Probably it means giddiness or cramp, 
 which made it impossible for him to defend himself any longer. The 
 marg. renderings, my coat of mail, or, 7ny embroidered coat, are im- 
 probable. 
 
 because my life is yet 7vhole in me] A second reason for the request to 
 slay him. He feared that he might fall alive into the hands of the 
 Philistines. Cp. i Sam. xxxi. 4. 
 
 10. after that he ivas fallen] Not to be understood literally, of lying 
 prostrate, but metaphorically, of defeat and disgrace. Cp. 
 
 "I am a \)oor fallen man, unworthy now 
 To be thy lord and master." 
 
 Shakespeare, Hen. VIII. Act iii. Sc. 2. 
 the crown] In all probability not the State-crown, but a light 
 diadem, or fillet, worn round the helmet as the mark of royalty. 
 
 the bracelet] Armlets are still worn by Oriental sovereigns. Kings 
 and distinguished warriors are represented on both Egyptian and 
 Assyrian monuments as wearing highly ornamented bracelets or armlets. 
 See Smith's Diet, of the Bible, Art. Armlet, and Layard's Ninrjeh and 
 Babylon, II. 322. 
 
 11. on] "On" used as we now use "of" Cp. r Sam. xxvii. ir. 
 
 12. viotirned] The word literally denotes the beating of the breast, 
 which is still a common expression of mourning in the East. 
 
 fasted until even] Fasting is mentioned as a sign of mourning in 
 
 4—2 
 
52 II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 13—16. 
 
 Jonathan his son, and for the people of the Lord, and for 
 the house of Israel ; because they were fallen by the sword. 
 
 13 And David said unto the young man that told him, Whence 
 art thou ? And he answered, I am the son of a stranger, 
 
 14 an Amalekite. And David said unto him. How wast thou 
 not afraid to stretch forth thine hand to destroy the Lord's 
 
 15 anointed ? And David called one of the young men, and 
 said, Go near, and fall upon him. And he smote him that 
 
 16 he died. And David said unto him, Thy blood be upon thy 
 head; for thy mouth hath testified against thee, saying, I 
 have slain the Lord's anointed. 
 
 I Sam. xxxi. 13; 2 Sam. iii. 35, xii. ^i, i2. The day's fast was con- 
 sidered to terminate at sunset, as at the present day in Mahommedan 
 countries. 
 
 for the people of the LoRD, and for the house of Israel^ By "the 
 people of Jehovah" is meant the army, gathered to fight Jehovah's 
 tiattles against the heathen. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 28; and for people = ar7}2y 
 cp. V. 4 and i Sam. iv. 3. "The house of Israel" describes the whole 
 ration united under Saul, and now broken and scattered by his defeat 
 and death. 
 
 The Sept. has "for the people of yudah," a reading which involves 
 a very slight change of letters, but is probably -either an accidental 
 corruption or an intentional emendation to get rid of the apparent 
 tautology. 
 
 13. the son of a stranger, an Amalekite'] Or, the son of an Amalekite 
 stranger^ i.e. an Amalekite who had migrated into the land of Israel. 
 The term is one regularly used in the O.T. of foreigners residing in a 
 country not their own. 
 
 14. the Lord's anointed] The person of the king, consecrated to 
 the service of Jehovah by anointing, was inviolable. Compare David's 
 reiterated expressions on this point in i Sam. xxiv. 6, xxvi. 9, 11, 16; 
 and the armourbearer's reverence in i Sam. xxxi. 4. 
 
 16. for thy mojith, &c.] For the expression cp. Job xv. 6; Lk. 
 xix. 22. He had accused himself of a capital crime, for which he 
 deserved to die. Righteous indignation, and not merely political 
 ]irudence, dictated his immediate execution. 
 
 This account of Saul's death is obviously inconsistent with that given 
 in I Sam. xxxi. It is useless to attempt to harmonize them, but it is 
 quite unnecessary to assume that we have two different traditions of the 
 manner of Saul's death. The Amalekite's story was clearly a fabrica- 
 tion. In wandering over the field of battle he had found the corpse of 
 Saul and stripped it of its ornaments. With these he hastened to 
 David, and invented his fictitious story in the hope of securing an 
 additional reward for having with his own hand rid David of his bitterest 
 enemy and removed the obstacle which stood between liim and the 
 throne. But he had formed a wrong estimate of the man he had to 
 
vv. 17, 18.] II. SAMUEL, I. 53 
 
 1 7 — 2 7. David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan. 
 
 And David lamented with this lamentation over Saul and 17 
 over Jonathan his son : (also he bade tliein teach the chil- 18 
 dren of Judah the use of the bow : behold, // is written in 
 the book of Jasher.) 
 
 deal with. Whether David believed him or not, he summarily inflicted 
 the penalty which the Amalekite deserved according to his own 
 avowal, and proved to all Israel his abhorrence of such an impious 
 act. 
 
 David's chivalrous loyalty and generous unselfishness in mourning for 
 the death of his unrelenting persecutor, whose removal opened the waj' 
 for him to the throne, are striking evidences of the nobility of his 
 character. 
 
 17 — 27. David's lamentatioim for Saul and Jonathan. 
 
 17. lamented with this lainentatioii\ The technical expression for a 
 death-dirge or moiirnfid elegy, such as that pronounced by David over 
 Abner (ch. iii. 33, 34), and by Jeremiah over Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 25). 
 
 18. also he bade, &c.] And he gave commandment to teach the 
 children of Judah the Bow. The E. V. cannot be right in inserting 
 " the use of," for the bow was a weapon already in common use. If 
 the text is sound, "the Bow" must be a title given to David's elegy 
 from the mention of Jonathan's bow in v. 22. Somewhat similarly the 
 section of Exodus containing the account of the burning bush is called 
 "the Bush" in Lk. xx. 37, and the second chapter of the Koran is 
 called "the Cow" from the incidental mention in it of the sacrifice of 
 a cow. 
 
 It must be noted however that the Vatican MS. of the LXX. omits 
 the word dou>, and reads simply "And he commanded to teach [it] to 
 tlie children of Judah." Possibly therefore the word over which much 
 discussion has been spent, has found its way into the text through some 
 scribe's mistake, and should be struck out. 
 
 The elegy was to be learnt by heart by the people in order to pre- 
 serve the memory of Saul and Jonathan fresh among them. Compare 
 the direction concerning the Song of Moses (Deut. xxxi. 19), and the 
 title of Psalm Ix. 
 
 behold, it is written in the book of Jasher^ The elegy was included in 
 the volume known as The Book of jfashar, or, the Upright. (LXX. 
 §i^\iov Tou evdous ; Vulg. liber iiistorum.) This book is mentioned 
 only here and in Josh. x. 13. " The Upright" is explained by some to 
 mean Israel as the covenant people of God, and connected in etymo- 
 logy and sense with the title Jcshirritn (Deut. xxxii. 15) ; by others it is 
 referred to the heroes whose praises were celebrated in the book. All 
 that can be inferred from the references to it is that it contained a collec- 
 tion of ancient poems, commemorating remarkable events or great 
 heroes of the national history : so that it formed a " book of Goldca 
 
54 n. SAMUEL, I. [w. 19—21. 
 
 The beauty of Israel is slain upon thy high places : 
 
 How are the mighty fallen ! 
 
 Tell it not in Gath, 
 
 Publish it not in the streets of Askelon ; 
 
 Lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice, 
 
 Lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph. 
 
 Ye mountains of Gilboa, let tJm-e be no dew, 
 
 Deeds" for the instruction of posterity, a "national anthology" to 
 which additions would be made from time to time as occasion ofifered. 
 
 19. The beatity of Israel, &c.] Better, Thy beauty (lit. the beaiiiy), 
 Israel, upon thine high places is slain. Saul and Jonathan are thus 
 described as the chief ornament and honour of Israel. The word trans- 
 lated glory may also mean roc or gazelle, a rendering which is adopted 
 by some commentators, who refer it to Jonathan. There is not how- 
 ever any satisfactory evidence to shew that Jonathan's personal beauty 
 and swiftness of foot in attack or retreat had gained for him among the 
 troops the name of 'the Gazelle,' as Ewald supposes [Hist, of Israel, III. 
 30), and as the elegy celebrates both Saul and Jonathan, the opening 
 word cannot be limited to the latter only. 
 
 ihy high places'] Gilboa is meant. The expression suggests the ex- 
 tremity of the disaster, when the mountain-strongholds of the land were 
 forced and their defenders slain. Cp. note on ch. xxii. 34. 
 
 20. Tell it not in Gath, &c.] Gath on account of its political im- 
 portance, Askelon as a great religious centre, are chosen as representa- 
 tive of the whole country. Gath seems to have had special prominence 
 as the city of Achish ; not impossibly the temple of Ashtaroth in which 
 Saul's armour was deposited was the famous temple of Venus at Aske- 
 lon. See note on i Sam. xxxi. 10. The phrase "Tell it not in Gath" 
 is quoted in Micah i. 10 (E. V. declare), and perhaps passed into a 
 proverb. 
 
 Publish it not] Additional force is gained by keeping the usual 
 meaning of the word, publish not the good news (LXX. accurately, 
 jiT) evayyeXicrrjaOe). Of course the words can only be understood as a 
 poetical wish that it were possible for Israel to be spai'ed the degrada- 
 tion of Philistine triumph. The news was carried at once throughout 
 the land (i Sam. xxxi. 9). 
 
 the daughters of the Philistines] Victories were celebrated by the 
 women of the country with public songs and dances. Cp. i Sam. 
 xviii. 6; Ex. xv. 20, 21. 
 
 tlie 7incircu?jicised] The common epithet for the Philistines, as hea- 
 then who had no share in Jehovah's covenant with Israel. No small 
 part of the bitterness of defeat to a pious heart consisted in the triumph 
 of the heathen over God's inheritance. Cp. i Sam. xiv. 6. 
 
 21. let there be 7io dew, &c.] The language is poetical. Nature is 
 as it were summoned to share in the mourning. The scene of such a 
 terrible disaster should be unvisited by fertilizing dew and rain, and lie 
 
22.] II. SAMUEL, I. 55 
 
 Neither let there be rain upon you, nor fields of offerings : 
 For there the shield of the mighty is vilely cast away, 
 The shield of Saul, as though he had not been anointed 
 
 with oil. 
 From the blood of the slain, 
 From the fat of the mighty, 
 The bow of Jonathan turned not back, 
 And the sword of Saul returned not empty. 
 
 smitten with eternal barrenness. For the thought that nature can 
 sympathize with man compare Ezek. xxxi. 15. 
 
 nor fields of offerings'] An expansion of the preceding thought. Gilboa 
 should no longer possess fruitful fields, to produce tithes and offerings 
 for Jehovah. The greatest curse which can befall it is to be cut off 
 from rendering service to Jehovah. Compare the description of ex- 
 treme famine in Joel i. 9. 
 
 is vilely cast away] This rendering seems to be an attempt to combine 
 two possible meanings of the Heb. word, («) was cast away, (f) was de- 
 filed with blood and dust, of which the latter is probably right. 
 
 as though he had not been anointed with oil] The original, which 
 might be rendered exactly the shield of Saul unanointed with oil, 
 leaves it uncertain whether the epithet anointed belongs to the shield or 
 to Saul, {a) Most commentators understand it to refer to the shield, left 
 upon the battle-field, uncared for, uncleansed from the stains of the 
 combat. Shields made of metal were oiled to polish them ; those made 
 of v.-ood and leather, to preserve them, and make missiles glide off 
 easily. Cp. Is. xxi. 5 ; and Verg. Aen. vii. 626: 
 
 "Pars leves clypeos et spicula lucida tergunt 
 Arvina pingui." 
 
 "With unctuous lard their shields they clean, 
 And make their javelins bright and sheen." 
 
 {b) On the other hand this term anointed \s everywhere else applied to 
 persons — in the books of Samuel always to the King — and not to things, 
 and it is certainly grammatically possible to connect it with Saul, as is 
 done by the E.V. Tlie sense thus gained is much more forcible. 
 ' There the shield of mighty heroes was defiled — yea even the shield of 
 Saul, whose consecrated person shared the common fate as though he 
 had never been set apart as the Anointed of Jehovah.' 
 
 22. From the blood, &c.] In the figurative language of poetry arrows 
 are represented as drinking blood, the sword as eating flesh. See Deut. 
 xxxii. 42 ; Is. xxxiv. 6 ; Jer. xlvi. 10. 
 
 the bozo of fonathan'] His favourite weapon, by the gift of which 
 he sealed his friendship with David. See i Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 20. 
 Was it a reminiscence of that gift which made David call this elegy 
 the Bow .? 
 
56 II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 23—27. 
 
 Saul and Jonathan were lovely and pleasant in their lives, 
 
 And in their death they were not divided : 
 
 They were swifter than eagles, 
 
 They were stronger than lions. 
 
 Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul, 
 
 Who clothed you in scarlet, with other delights. 
 
 Who put on ornaments of gold upon your apparel. 
 
 How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle ! 
 
 Jonathan, thou wast slain in thine high places. 
 
 1 am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan : 
 Very pleasant hast thou been unto me : 
 
 Thy love to me was wonderful, 
 Passing the love of women. 
 How are the mighty fallen. 
 And the weapons of war perished! 
 
 23. lovely and p!easa7tt] Perhaps rather, loving' and kindly. The 
 words express the mutual affection which existed between father and 
 son. Jonathan remained faithful to his fihal duty even when his father 
 was persecuting his closest friend, and Saul, in spite of temporary out- 
 bursts of passion, loved his son to the last. Some commentators would 
 render " in their lives and in their death they were not divided" but the 
 E. V. preserves the balance of the clauses better. 
 
 ■ swifter than eagles'] Cp. Jer. iv. 13; Hab. i. 8. 
 stronger tlian lions] Cp. ch. xvii. 10; Jud. xiv. 18. 
 
 24. Ye daughters of Israel] The women who had once celebrated 
 Saul's triumphs, and shared the spoil of his victories, are summoned to 
 lament his loss. This incidental mention indicates how much Saul's 
 successful wars, so briefly alluded to in the histoiy of his reign (i Sam. 
 xiv. 47), had enriched the nation. 
 
 7vith other delights] A possible rendering : but with delights perhaps 
 rather means delicately or richly. 
 
 25. O Jonathan, \ho\x\idL%\.slai7t in thine high places] Jonathan, 
 slain upon thine higli places! The insertion of thou wast weakens 
 the force and pathos. Cp. v. 19. The hero of a hundred fights, slain 
 at last in those mountain strong-holds of his country which he had 
 once won and defended so successfully (i Sam. xiv.). 
 
 27. Hotv are the inighty fallen] This thrice-repeated refrain sounds 
 the keynote of the elegy. Cp. Ps. xlii. 5, 11, xliii. 5, cvii. 8, 15, 21, 31. 
 
 the zi>capo>is of -war] Metaphorically, of Saul and Jonathan as the 
 instruments of battle for the nation. Cp. Is. xiii. 5, Acts ix. 15 {aKevoi 
 as in the LXX. here). To understand it literally of swords and spears 
 would close the most pathetic of elegies with an incredible bathos. 
 
 Dean Stanley observes that " Over the portal of the sepulchral chapel 
 of the most famous of mediaeval heroes — the tomb of the Cid near 
 
vv. I, 2.] II. SAMUEL, II. 57 
 
 Ch. II. I — 7. David anointed King over Jiidah at Hebron. 
 His message to the Gileadiies. 
 
 And it came to pass after this, that David inquired of 2 
 the Lord, saying. Shall I go up into any of the cities of 
 Judah ? And the Lord said unto him. Go up. And David 
 said, Whither shall I go up? And he said, Unto Hebron. 
 So David went up thither, and his two wives also, Ahinoam 2 
 the Jezreehtess, and Abigail Nabal's wife the Carmelite. 
 
 Burgos — we find inscribed the words of David " How are the mighty- 
 fallen and the weapons of war perished," " Quoinodo cccidcrunt robitsti, 
 et pericrimt anna bcllica" (Lcct. II. 31). 
 
 It is needless to dwell on the poetic beauty, the chivalrous loyalty, 
 the tender love, which characterize this most pathetic of funeral odes. 
 
 " Saul had fallen with all his sins upon his head, fallen in the bitter- 
 ness of despair, and as it might have seemed to mortal eye, under the 
 shadow of the curse of God. But not only is there in David's lament 
 no revengeful feeling at the death of bis persecutor .... but he dwells 
 with unmixed love on the brighter recollections of the departed. He 
 speaks only of the Saul of earlier times, Ihe mighty conqueror, the 
 delight of his people, the father of his beloved and faithful friend ; like 
 him in life, united with him in death. Such expressions...may fairly be 
 taken as justifying the irrepressible instinct of humanity which compels 
 us to dwell on the best qualities of those who have just departed." 
 vStanley, Lcct. ii. 30. See too a noble passage to the same effect in 
 '^IzLVLUCo's Prophets aitd Kings, Serm. 11., p. 32. 
 
 C^i. II. 1—7. David anointed King over Judah at Hebron. 
 His message to the Gileadites. 
 
 1. after ihisl After the defeat of Israel and the death of Saul and 
 Jonathan, David saw that the way was clear for the fulfilment of God's 
 promise that he should be king. Still he desired divine direction how 
 to act in this crisis. He therefore "inquired of the Lord" by means of 
 the Urim and Thummim through the High-priest Abiathar. See notes 
 on I Sam. x. 22, xxiii. 6. 
 
 Unto Hebron'] The central position of Hebron in the tribe of Judah, its 
 mountainous and defensible situation, its importance as a priestly settle- 
 ment and an ancient royal city, the patriarchal associations connected 
 with ■ it, combined to render it the most suitable capital for the new 
 kingdom, while the North was held partly by the Philistines, partly by 
 Saul's adherents. In its neighbourhood moreover David had spent a 
 considerable part of his fugitive life, and gained many supporters. See 
 I Sam. XXX. 31, and note there. 
 
 2. Ahinoam — Abigail] Cp. i Sam. xxv. 42, 43. The Jczrcel to 
 which Ahinoam belonged was a city in the mountains of Judah near 
 Carmel and Juttah. 
 
5S II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 2,-7. 
 
 3 And his men that were with him did David bring up, every 
 man with his household : and they dwelt in the cities of 
 
 4 Hebron. And the men of Judah came, and there they 
 anointed David king over the house of Judah. And they 
 told David, saying, That the men of Jabesh-gilead were 
 
 5 t/iey that buried Saul. And David sent messengers unto 
 the men of Jabesh-gilead, and said unto them, Blessed be 
 ye of the Lord, that ye have shewed this kindness unto 
 
 6 your lord, even unto Saul, and have buried him. And now 
 the Lord shew kindness and truth unto you : and I also 
 will requite you this kindness, because ye have done this 
 
 7 thing. Therefore now let your hands be strengthened, and 
 be ye valiant : for your master Saul is dead, and also the 
 house of Judah have anointed me king over them. 
 
 3. in the cities of Hebroii] The towns and villages of the district 
 round Hebron. 
 
 4. the men ofjudah came] An assembly of David's own tribe was 
 held in order to elect him king. No doubt he had previously secured 
 the support of the elders. ©Cp. r Sam. xxx. 26. 
 
 thejf anointed David] David had already been anointed privately 
 by Samuel to mark God's choice of him as the future king, but it was 
 natural that the ceremony should now be repeated publicly as the 
 formal inauguration of his reign, and even a third time, when he 
 was made king over all Israel (ch. v. 3). Similarly Saul was first 
 privately anointed (r Sam. x. i), and afterwards publicly installed in 
 his office, and possibly anointed a second time (i Sam. xi. 14, 15, note). 
 On the significance of the rite of anointing see note on 1 Sam. x. i. 
 
 And they told David] The connexion is obscure. We should expect 
 a fresh verse and paragraph. Apparently either the announcement was 
 intended to indicate the quarter in which opposition to his authority 
 was most probable, or it was an answer to David's inquiry whether the 
 body of his predecessor had received fitting burial. In either case the 
 embassy to the men of Jabesh was prompted by policy no less than by 
 gratitude. If David could secure the support of the capital of Gilead 
 (i Sam. xi. i), he might reckon on speedily extending his power over 
 the whole country. His conciliatory message is virtually an appeal to 
 them to recognise him as Saul's legitimate successor. 
 
 6. the Lord sheia kindness and truth unto you] Kindness and truth, 
 i.e. mercy z.\\A. faithfulness , are attributes of God's character often coupled 
 together. See Ex. xxxiv. 6; Ps. xxv. 10, xl. 11, Ivii. 3, Ixxxvi. 15, &c. 
 
 / also will requite you this kindness] Render, I also will sliew you 
 this good, viz. the honourable embassy of thanks, and the friendly 
 spirit which it attested. 
 
 7. be ye valiant] The following clause, which might be rendered 
 "for though your master Saul is dead, _j'c/ the house of Judah, &c.," 
 
vv. 8,9.] II. SAMUEL, II. 59 
 
 8 — II. Ish-bosheth set tip by Abner as a rival to David. 
 
 But Abner the son of Ner, captain of Saul's host, took Ish- 8 
 bosheth the son of Saul, and brought him over to Mahanaim; 
 and he made him king over Gilead, and over the Ashurites, 9 
 
 makes it plain that David hoped the men of Jabesh would join him, 
 and hold the land of Gilead against the Philistines until he could come 
 to their aid. As however Gilead became the head-quarters of his rival 
 Ish-bosheth, it does not appear that the embassy was successful. 
 
 8 — 11. Ish-bosheth set up by Abner as a rival to David, 
 
 8. Al'fia'] Both by his relationship of first cousin to Saul (i Sam. 
 xiv. 50, note), and by his office as commander of the army, Abner was 
 marked out as the natural champion of Saul's house. 
 
 too/c] Better, had taken. The historian goes back to relate events im- 
 mediately succeeding the battle of Gilboa. Abner had escaped from the 
 fatal field and carried Ish-bosheth with him across the Jordan, whither 
 it would seem there was a general retreat, while the country west of 
 the Jordan was abandoned to the Philistines (i Sam. xxxi. 7). 
 
 Ish-l>oshetIi\ Saul's fourth son, not previously mentioned, was a 
 mere tool in the hands of Abner. His original name, as given in 
 the genealogies in i Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, "vvas Esh-baal { = maii of 
 Baal), but this has been changed to Ish-bosheth (=inan of shame), 
 to avoid the scandal of pronouncing the name of the false god Baal. 
 Compare the substitution of Mephibosheth for Meribbaal (2 Sam. iv. 4; 
 I Chr. viii. 34), and Jerubbesheth for Jerubbaal (2 Sam. xi. 21 ; Jud. viii. 
 35), and see Hos. ix. 10; Jer. xi. 13. There are indications that Esh- 
 baal was the original reading here, and the change may have been 
 made in books commonly read, while the original form was retained in 
 the genealogy. 
 
 As regards the origin of the name, it is a question whether it was a 
 relic of the old Baal worship, or whether baal (=lord) was at one time 
 used as a title of Jehovah until discredited by idolatry (Hos. ii. 16). 
 
 to ]\Iahanaii>i\ ^lahanaim ( = huo Jiosts), "the spot consecrated by the 
 presence of God in primeval times, where Jacob had divided his people 
 into 'two hosts,' and had seen the 'two hosts' of the angelic vision" 
 (Gen. xxxii. 2, 10), was chosen by Abner as the capital of Ish-bosheth's 
 kingdom. Afterwards it became the retreat of David when he fled 
 from Absalom (ch. xvii. 24), and at that time was a fortified town with 
 walls and gates (ch. xviii. 24). It was situated on the frontier between 
 Gad and Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 16, 30), but its exact position has not 
 been identified with certainty. Canon Tristram places it at Mahneh, a 
 few miles E. of Jabesh-Gilead {Land of Israel, p. 474). 
 
 9. Gilead\ Here apparently, as in Josh. xxii. 9, Gilead includes the 
 whole district occupied Ijy the Israelites to the E. of the Jordan, and 
 not merely the central portion of it, between the S. end of the Lake of 
 Gennesaret and the N. end of the Dead Sea. 
 
 the Ashurites\ Probably an alternative form or a corrupt reading for 
 
6o II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 10—12. 
 
 and over Jezreel, and over Ephraim, and over Benjamin, 
 
 10 and over all Israel. Ish-bosheth Saul's son was forty years 
 old when he began to reign over Israel, and reigned two 
 
 11 years. But the house of Judah followed David. And the 
 time that David was king in Hebron over the house of Judah 
 was seven years and six months. 
 
 12 — 17. War betweeii Ish-bosheth and David. The Combat 
 at Gib eon. 
 
 12 And Abner the son of Ner, and the servants of Ish- 
 bosheth the son of Saul, went out from Mahanaim to Gibeon. 
 
 AsJierites (Jud. i. 32), i. e. the tribe of Asher, named as the principal 
 inhabitants of Western Palestine north of the plain of Esdraelon. The 
 Targum gives "house of Asher." The Vulgate and Syriac versions how- 
 ever read GesJnirites. If this reading is adopted, by Geshurites must 
 be understood the tribe which maintained itself among the Israelites in 
 the district S. of Mount Hermon (Josh. xiii. 13), to be distinguished 
 from the independent kingdom of Geshur in Syria (ch. iii. 3), and from 
 the Geshurites on the borders of Philistia (i Sam. xxvii. 8). 
 
 JezreeT\ The great plain of Esdraelon is thus named from its prin- 
 cipal city. See note on i Sam. xxix. i. 
 
 all Israel^ Ish-bosheth 's dominions were gradually extended until 
 they included all the country which afterwards formed the kingdom of 
 Israel as distinguished from that of Judah. 
 
 10. fo)'ly years old] This statement is surprising, even if we reduce 
 Ish-bosheth's age at Saul's death to 342, by supposing that his accession 
 is dated 5^ years after that event; and it is possible that the numeral 
 has been corrupted in transcription. As it stands, it involves a double 
 difficulty, {a) About 32 years is the most that can be assigned to 
 Saul's reign (see note on i Sam. xiii. i, and Introd. to i Sam. p. 23), 
 so that it represents his youngest son as born before his accession, which 
 is improbable, (i) Ish-bosheth's eldest brother Jonathan seems to have 
 been about the same age as David, and therefore not much more than 
 thirty at the time of his death. 
 
 Izao years] The duration of Ish-bosheth's reign is probably reckoned 
 from the time when Abner succeeded in establishing his authority 
 over all Israel. Five years and a half were occupied with the re- 
 conquest of the land from the Philistines, and these two years syn- 
 chronize with the last two of David's reign at Hebron. No great in- 
 terval seems to have elapsed between the deaths of Abner and Ish- 
 bosheth, and David's recognition as king of Israel. 
 
 12—17. War between Ish-bosheth and David. The Combat 
 AT Gibeon. 
 
 12. 2ueni out] The technical expression for going to war. Cp. 
 1 Sam. xviii. 30. After establishing Ish-bosheth's power over all Israel, 
 
V. 13-] II- SAMUEL, II. 6r 
 
 And Joab the son of Zeruiah, and the servants of David, 13 
 went out, and met together by the pool of Gibeon : and 
 
 Abner turned his arms against Judah, and marched with his army from 
 Ish-bosheth's capital, Mahanaim, to Gibeon, where David's army under 
 the command of Joab met him. 
 
 to Gil'conl The site of Gibeon {^belonging to, or built on, a hill) is 
 fixed witli certainty on a rounded hill five miles N.W. of Jerusalem, 
 which still bears the name El-Jib. Gibeon was the largest of the four 
 cities of the Hivites (Josh. x. 2), famous for the stratagem by which its 
 inhabitants procured a treaty from Joshua (Josh. ix. 3 ff.). It was in 
 the territory ^->f Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25), and specially assigned to the 
 priests (Josh. ::xi. 17). Here Amasa met his death by the treacherous 
 hand of Joab (2 Sam. xx. 5 — 10). It gained its chief importance in the 
 reigns of David and Solomon, as the great centre of worship at which 
 the Tabernacle and the Altar of Burnt-offering were set up before the 
 building of the Temple (2 Chr. i. 3, 5), at which Solomon celebrated 
 his accession with solemn sacrifices, and God appeared to him in 
 vision (i Kings iii. 4 — 15). 
 
 13. yoab the son of Zeruiali] The eldest of David's three nephews, 
 the son of his sister Zeruiah (i Chr. ii. 16). Next to the Icing himself he 
 occupies the most conspicuous position in the history of David's reign. 
 Already he appears to have acted as commander-in-chief of the army, 
 though his formal appointment to that post was the reward of his valour 
 at the capture of Jebus (i Chr. xi. 6; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In this capacity 
 he {a) conducted the war against the Syrians and Ammonites (2 Sam. 
 X. 7); [b] completed the conquest of Edom (i Kings xi. 15, 16); {c) 
 defeated the Ammonites in a second war, and took their capital (2 Sam. 
 xi. I, xii. 26). 
 
 With a too ready subservience he carried out David's plan for getting 
 rid of Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14 ff.), a service which increased his influence 
 over David, by giving him the possession of his guilty secret. (See 
 Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, Part il. ch. 11.) We find him 
 scheming to secure the restoration of Absalom to David's favour (2 Sam. 
 xiv.), yet remaining loyal to David in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. 
 xviii. 2). 
 
 The vindictive unscrupulousness of his character is illustrated by his 
 murder of Abner in revenge for the death of Asahel (2 Sam. iii. 27); 
 of Absalom, in spite of David's express command (2 Sam. xviii. 14); of 
 Amasa, who was appointed to supersede him (2 Sam. xx. 10). 
 
 Too valuable to be dispensed with, too fierce to be controlled, he was 
 a continual source of vexation to David (2 Sam. iii. 39), who gave 
 Solomon a dying charge not to leave his crimes unpunished (i Kings 
 ii. 5, 6). His complicity in Adonijah's rebellion filled up the measure 
 of his iniquity, and he met a traitor's death in spite of his taking 
 sanctuary at the altar in Gibeon (i Kings ii. 2S — 34). 
 
 by the pool of Gibeon'] "A few rods from the village [of El-Jib], 
 just below the top of the ridge towards the north, is a fine fountain of 
 water. It is in a cave excavated in and under the high rock, so as to 
 
62 II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 14—16. 
 
 they sat down, the one on the one side of the pool, and the 
 
 14 other on the other side of the pool. And Abner said to 
 Joab, Let the young men now arise, and play before us. 
 
 15 And Joab said. Let them arise. Then there arose and went 
 over by number twelve of Benjamin, which petiained to 
 Ish-bosheth the son of Saul, and twelve of the serv..nts of 
 
 3 6 David. And they caught every one his fellow by the head, 
 and thrust his sword in his fellow's side ; so they fell down 
 together : wherefore that place was called Helkath-hazzurim, 
 
 form a large subterranean reservoir. Not far below it, among the olive 
 trees, are the remains of another open reservoir, perhaps 120 feet ir- 
 length by 100 in breadth." Robinson, Bibl. Res. I. 455. The "pooj 
 of Gibeon" may well be the waters of this fountain and reservoir. It is 
 again referred to in Jer. xli. 12 as "the great waters that are ir 
 Gibeon." 
 
 they sat down\ i.e. halted and encamped. 
 
 14. Let the young men now arise~\ "Young men" here means "ser- 
 vants" or "soldiers." Cp.ch.iv. 12. Desirous to avoid the horrors of a 
 civil war, which would weaken the whole nation in the face of its common 
 enemy the Philistines, perhaps also prompted by friendly relations with 
 Joab, Abner proposes to decide the day by a combat between two 
 bodies of picked men. The combat of the Horatii and Curiatii, 
 which decided the war between Alba and Rome, affords a parallel in 
 classical story. Livy represents the Alban dictator, Mettius Fuffetius, 
 as urging this plan of ending the war, lest both nations, weakened by 
 the losses of a general battle, should fall into the hands of their common 
 enemy the Etruscans. See Livy I. 23 — 25. 
 
 and play befo7-e ns'\ The word "play" is used euphemistically in 
 reference to fighting. There is no indication that a bloodless tourna- 
 ment was intended. Livy calls the combat above referred to "minime 
 gratum spectaculum," "an exhibition wlaich was by no means an amuse- 
 ment." 
 
 15. there arose and tuent over by numher\ A fixed number from 
 either side met on neutral ground between the two armies. 
 
 of BenjaniiitX Saul's own tribe provided the champions for his cause. 
 Cp. V. 25. 
 
 16. And they caught, &c.] Self-defence was forgotten in the ferocity 
 of the struggle, and all the combatants fell together by a mutual 
 slaughter. 
 
 Helkath-hazznrini\ This obscure name is variously explained as the 
 field or plat, {a) of sharp edges, in allusion to the swords which proved 
 so fatal ; (1^) of strong men, literally rocks, from the rock-like obstinacy 
 with which they fought; so the Vulg. ager robiistortim ; (c) of plotters, 
 the rendering of the LXX. (/J-epls tujv €Tn^o6\wv), which involves a 
 slight change in the Hebrew word, implying that there was some foul play 
 in the combat; (d) of sides, according to a conjectural emendation 
 
vv. 17—23.] II. SAMUEL, II. 63 
 
 which is in Gibeon. And there was a very sore battle that 17 
 day; and Abner was beaten, and the men of Israel, before 
 the servants of David. 
 
 18 — 23. The Death of Asajiel. 
 
 Anc'o there were three sons of Zeruiah there, Joab, and 13 
 Abishtci, and Asahel : and Asahel ijoas as light of foot as 
 a wild roe. And Asahel pursued after Abner; and in 19 
 going he turned not to the right hand nor to the left from 
 following Abner. Then Abner looked behind him, and 20 
 said, Art thou Asahel ? And he answered, I am. And 21 
 \bner said to him. Turn thee aside to thy right hand or to 
 ihy left, and lay thee hold on one of the young men, and 
 take thee his armour. But Asahel would not turn aside 
 trom following of him. And Abner said again to Asahel, 22 
 Turn thee aside from following me : wherefore should I 
 smite thee to the ground? how then should I hold up my 
 face to Joab thy brother? Howbeit he refused to turn aside: 23 
 wherefore Abner with the hinder end of the spear smote 
 
 suggested in the Speaker's Commentary, in allusion to the phrase 
 "thrust his sword in his fellow's side." Either the first or second ex- 
 planation is the most probable. 
 
 17. And there was a very sore battle that day] The combat of 
 champions having proved indecisive, a severe general engagement took 
 place, ending in tlie defeat of Abner's forces. 
 
 18 — 23. The Death of Asahel. 
 
 18. three sons of Zertiiah'\ The standing designation of David's 
 nephews, to shew their relationship to him (t Chr. ii. 16). 
 
 as a wild roe] The wild roe or gazelle, which still abounds in 
 Palestine, is celebrated for its swiftness, grace, beauty, and gentleness. 
 Cp. I Chr. xii. 8 ; Prov. vi. 5. See Tristram's Nat. Hist, of the Bible, 
 p. 127. 
 
 21. take thee his armotir] Probably, as in Jud. xiv. 19, his spoil: 
 i.e. if Asahel was desirous of spoil, he might find it elsewhere, instead 
 of attacking a practised warrior at the risk of his life. 
 
 22. Ttuni thee aside] Asahel was probably a mere stripling, and no 
 match for Abner, who, wishing to avoid a feud with Joab and an 
 obstacle to making favourable terms with David on the fall of Saul's 
 house, again exhorted Asahel to abandon the pursuit. 
 
 hold lip 7>iy face to ^oab] Meet him with the steady gaze which is the 
 index of a clear conscience, the opposite of the downcast look which 
 betokens shame and guilt. Cp. Job xi. 15. 
 
 23. with the hinder end of the spear] Abner defended himself in this 
 
64. II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 24—27. 
 
 him under the fifth ri^, that the spear came out behind 
 him ; and he fell down there, and died in the same place : 
 and it came to pass, that as many as came to the place 
 where Asahel fell down and died stood still. 
 
 24 — 32. T/ie Pursuit. AsahePs burial. 
 
 24 Joab also and Abishai pursued after Abner : and the sun 
 went down when they were come to the hill of Ammah, that 
 lieth before Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon. 
 
 5S And the children of Benjamin gathered themselves together 
 after Abner, and became one troop, and stood on the top 
 
 25 of a hill. Then Abner called to Joab, and said, Shall the 
 sword devour for ever ? knowest thou not that it will be bitter- 
 ness in the latter end ? how long shall it be then, ere thou bid 
 
 27 the people return from following their brethren ? And Joab 
 said, As God liveth, unless thou hadst spoken, surely then in 
 
 way with a view to disable rather than kill Asahel. But the butt-end 
 of the spear, pointed or shod with iron to be stuck in the ground 
 (i Sam. xxvi. 7; Horn. //. X. 153), dealt a fatal blow. 
 
 under the fifth ri7>] The E.V. follows the Jewish commentators in 
 thus rendering a word which occurs in three other passages of this book 
 (iii. 27, iv. 6, XX. 10) and nowhere else. In tlie toelly is however 
 the more probable meaning. 
 
 stood stt'//] Riveted to the spot with awe and grief, mourning the 
 untimely fate of the young hero. Cp. ch. xx. 12. 
 
 24 — 32. The Pursuit. Asahel's burial, 
 
 24. yoa5 also, Szc."] And Joab and Abishai continued the pursuit, in 
 contrast to those who halted at the scene of Asahel's death. 
 
 the hill of Am77iah...Giah'\ Nothing is known of these places, but 
 the minuteness of topographical detail is an indication that the history 
 was written by one who was familiar with the circumstances. 
 
 the zuilderness of Gibeoji] The untilled tract of pasture-lands, lying 
 - east of the city. 
 
 25. the children of Beitfaniiji] The men of Saul's tribe shew them- 
 selves prepared to fight for his son's cause to the last. Cp. v. 15. 
 
 became one troop] The word means properly a knot or battd. Abner 
 chose a strong position in which to rally the remnant of his scattered 
 forces into a solid phalanx. 
 
 26. that it will be bitterness in the latter end] Either, that the final 
 struggle of desperate men when driven to bay will be the fiercest; or, 
 that any further prosecution of the contest will merely aggravate the 
 bitterness of hostility between the tribes. 
 
 27. unless thou hadst spoken] Abner found fault with Joab for con- 
 tinuing the pursuit. Joab retorts that Abner himself was to blame for 
 
vv. 28—32.] II. SAMUEL, II. 65 
 
 the morning the people had gone up every one from follow- 
 ing his brother. So Joab blew a trumpet, and all the 28 
 people stood still, and pursued after Israel no more, neither 
 fought they any more. And Abner and his men walked all 29 
 that night through the plain, and passed over Jordan, and 
 went through all Bithron, and they came to Mahanaim. 
 And Joab returned from following Abner: and when he had 30 
 gathered all the people together, there lacked of David's 
 servants nineteen men and Asahel. But the servants of 31 
 David had smitten of Benjamin, and of Abner's men, so that 
 three hundred and threescore men died. And they took up 3^ 
 Asahel, and buried him in the sepulchre of his father, which 
 was in Beth-lehem. And Joab and his men went all night, 
 and they came to Hebron at break of day. 
 
 the commencement of the battle. Unless thou hadst spoken {v. 14), and 
 challenged us to fight, the armies might have separated this morning 
 without coming to bloivs. Joab believed that the civil war might have 
 been avoided by timely negotiation. This explanation is the simplest, 
 and fits the context best. Another way of taking it is, Unless thou 
 hadst spoken, and asked for a cessation of hostilities, then to-morrow 
 mornings but not before, the people, &c. ; i.e. Joab boasts that his com- 
 pliance with Abner's request was no sign of weakness on his part, for 
 he might have continued the pursuit until morning. But this meaning 
 is less obvious, and less suitable as an answer to Abner. 
 
 28. neither fought they any more] For the time being only. It was 
 not tlie final end of the war, which lasted for a long time afterwards 
 (ch. iii. 1). 
 
 29. walked all that night^ Fearing a renewal of hostilities they 
 made good their retreat at once. 
 
 through the plain\ The Arabah, or "desert tract which extends along 
 the valley of the Jordan from the Dead Sea to the Lake of Gennesareth, 
 now called by the Arabs El-Ghor." Stanley, Sinai and Pal. p. 487. 
 
 through all Bithron\ Probably, as the name (derived from a root 
 meaning to cut) implies, some ravine, or district intersected by ravines, 
 between the Jordan and Mahanaim. 
 
 32. in the sepulchre of his father... in Beth-leheni\ The only reference 
 to Zeruiah's husband, who appears from this notice to have been a 
 Bethlehemite. Josephus calls him Suri (^ovpL). 
 
 tvent all 7iight\ Clearly the night after Asahel's burial, not the night 
 after the battle. The fighting was not over till after sunset {v. 24), 
 and it would have been impossible to collect the army, make necessary 
 arrangements, and march a distance of at least 26 miles from Gibeon to 
 Hebron, burying Asahel on the way. Joab no doubt spent the night at 
 Gibeon, marched to Bethlehem the next day, and after burying his 
 brother, hastened on to report himself to David at Hebron. 
 
 II. SAMUEL e 
 
66 II. SAMUEL, III. [vv, 1—4. 
 
 Ch. III. I — 5. Progress of DavicVs cause. His family. 
 
 3 Now there was long war between the house of Saul and 
 the house of David: but David waxed stronger and stronger, 
 
 2 and the house of Saul waxed weaker and weaker. And unto 
 David were sons born in Hebron : and his firstborn was 
 
 3 Amnon, of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess ; and his second, Chi- 
 leab, of Abigail the wife of Nabal the Carmelite ; and the 
 third, Absalom the son of Maacah the daughter of Talmai 
 
 4 king of Geshur ; and the fourth, Adonijah the son of 
 
 Ch. III. 1 — 5. Progress of David's cause. His family. 
 
 2. And unto David, &c.] The list of David's sons born in Hebron 
 is given again in i Chr. iii. i — 3, apparently in an independent form, 
 but with only one important variation. It appears to interrupt the 
 course of the narrative here, but it is quite in accordance with the usual 
 practice of O.T. histoiians to insert information about tlie family of a 
 king at critical points in the history of his reign, and moreover it is in 
 place here as a practical evidence of the strengthening of David's house. 
 Cp. I Sam. xiv. 49 — 51 ; 1 Sam. v. 13 — -16. 
 
 Ani7ion'\ Infamous for the sin which cost him his life, and indirectly 
 proved the source of shame and calamity to his family and nation. See 
 on ch. xiii. 
 
 3. Chileab'] Called in Chron. Daniel, the meaning of which name, 
 "God is my judge," suggests that it may have been given him to com- 
 memorate God's judgment upon Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 39; cp. Gen. xxx. 
 6). Some suppose that he bore both names, but the Sept. reading 
 here Daliiiah (AaXowa), and the identity of the last three letters of 
 Chileab in the Hebrew with the first three of the following word, make 
 it extremely probable that the text of Samuel is corrupt. 
 
 Absalom} Whose name, '■'■Father of Peace," was belied by his 
 conduct, the gloomy history of which occupies chaps, xiii.— xviii. of 
 this book. 
 
 Maacah the daughter of Talmai king of Geshur"] This marriage with 
 a foreign princess, which was contrary to the spirit of the law (Ex. xxxiv. 
 16 ; Deut. vii. 3 ; Josh, xxiii. 12), and bore such bitter fruit, may have been 
 prompted by political reasons, especially the desirability of securing an 
 ally in the neighbourhood of Ish-bosheth's capital. Talmai's kingdom 
 was a part of Aram or Syria (ch. xv. 8), adjoining the province of Argob 
 in the north-east of Bashan (Deut. iii. 14) : probably in the wild and 
 rocky region now called El-Lcjah. As Talmai was the name of one 
 of the giant "sons of Anak" who were expelled from Hebron by- 
 Caleb (Josh. xv. 14), and as Geshur was close to the kingdom of Og, 
 who was of the remnant of the giants, it is tempting to conjecture 
 that there may have been some connexion betw^een the families, which 
 would account for David's marrying the daughter of the king of Geshur 
 while resident at Hebron. 
 
vv. 5—7.] II. SAMUEL, III. 67 
 
 Haggith ; and the fifth, Shephatiah the son of Abital ; and s 
 the sixth, Ithream, by Eglah David's wife. These were born 
 to David in Hebron. 
 
 6 — II. Quarrel bdiveen Abner ajid Ish-bosheth. 
 
 And it came to pass, while there was war between the 6 
 house of Saul and the house of David, that Abner made 
 himself strong for the house of Saul. And Saul had a con- 7 
 
 4. Adonijal{\ Who made an ill return for his father's indulgence 
 (i Kings i. 6) by setting up a rival claim to the throne in opposition 
 to Solomon, in which he was supported by Joab and Abiathar (i Kings 
 i. 5 ff.). He was pardoned at the time, but shortly afterwards put 
 to death for preferring a request which, viewed in the light of Oriental 
 cust(Mns, was tantamount to repeated treason. 
 
 Thus three of the six sons born to David in Hebron attained an 
 unenviable notoriety ; the remaining three, who are not mentioned 
 again in the history, are happy in their obscurity. 
 
 5. Eglah David's ivijc\ A Jewish tradition as old as the time of 
 Jerome {Quaes! . Hcbr. in libros Rcgum) makes Eglah { — heifa; cp. 
 Jud. xiv. iS) another name for Michal, who is supposed to be par- 
 ticularly distinguished both here and in r Chr. iii. 3 as Da-dd's unfe, 
 because she was his first and best-loved. If so, her position last in 
 the list may be accounted for because she was separated from David 
 for a time, and only returned to him towards the close of his residence 
 in Hebron {v. 13), so that Ithream was the youngest of his sons born 
 there. 
 
 Polygamy was tolerated by the Mosaic legislation as an existing 
 custom, but discouraged as contrary to the original institution and true 
 ideal of marriage (Deut. xxi. 15 — 17; xvii. 17; Gen. ii. 24, of which 
 perhaps Gen. xxxi. 50 is a corrupt reminiscence). David's family 
 history is a standing monument of the pernicious effects of this practice, 
 which are perpetuated to this day in Oriental countries, where "con- 
 tentions, envyings, jealousies and quarrels among the wives, as well as 
 between the different sets of children" still prevail. See Van Lennep's 
 Bible Lands, II. p. 559. 
 
 6 — 11. Quarrel between Abner and Ish-bosheth. 
 
 6. 7nnde himself strong] Or, shewed himself strong'. Ish-bosheth 
 was evidently weak and incapable, a mere puppet in the hands of 
 Abner, who had made himself the mainstay of Saul's house, partly 
 from his family connexion, partly with a view to secure the greatest 
 amount of influence, possibly with the hope of eventually becoming 
 king himself. At length foreseeing the impossibility of continuing a 
 successful opposition to David's growing power, he took the opportunity 
 of a quarrel with Ish-bosheth to make such overtures to David as 
 might secure him favourable terms and an influential position. 
 
 5—2 
 
II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 8— lo. 
 
 cubine, whose name was Rizpah, the daughter of Aiah: and 
 Ish-bosheth said to Abner, Wherefore hast thou gone in unto 
 
 8 my father's concubine ? Then was Abner very wroth for 
 the words of Ish-bosheth, and said, Am I a dog's head, 
 which against Judah do shew kindness this day unto the 
 house of Saul thy father, to his brethren, and to his friends, 
 and have not dehvered thee into the hand of David, that 
 thou chargest me to day with a fault concerning this wo- 
 
 9 man? So do God to Abner, and more also, except, as the 
 lo Lord hath sworn to David, even so I do to him ; to trans- 
 
 7. Rizpah, the daughter of Aiah] The heroine of the tragic story 
 related in ch. xxi. 8 — ii. 
 
 and Ish-bosheth said] Ish-bosheth has fallen out of the Heb. text. 
 The Sept. has Ish-bosheth the son of Saul ; the Vulg. Ish-bosheth. 
 
 Whenfore, &c.] An Oriental monarch took possession of his pre- 
 decessor's harem. Cp. ch. xii. 8, xvi. 21; i Kings ii. 22. There is 
 no further indication that Abner intended to dethrone Ish-bosheth, but 
 the act was an invasion of royal rights, and consequently implicit 
 treason. 
 
 8. Am I a dog's head, &c.] Render, Am I a dog's head belonging 
 to Judah? This day do I shew kindness... and thou hast charged 
 me! &c. i.e. Am I at once despicable and hostile to your interests? 
 Nay, I am faithful to the house of Saul, otherwise I should long ago 
 have made terms with David by surrendering you into his hands. 
 
 In the East in ancient times as at the present day, dogs, although 
 used for guarding flocks and houses (Job xxx. i; Is. Ivi. 10), were 
 chiefly seen prow linj about towns in a half-wild condition, owning no 
 master, living on offal and garbage. Cp. Ps. lix. 14, 15; i Kings xxi. 
 19, 23, 24, xxii. 38. Hence the aversion with which they were regarded, 
 and "dog" became (i), as here, a term of reproach and contempt; 
 cp. I Sam. xvii. 43, xxiv. 14; 2 Sam. ix. 8, xvi. 9; 2 Kings viii. 13 : 
 (2) an expression for fierce and cruel men (Ps. xxii. 16) : (3) a name 
 for impure persons (Matt. vii. 6; Phil. iii. 2; Rev. xxii. 15). See 
 Tristram's Nat. Hist, of the Bible, p. 78. 
 
 9. So do God, &c.] An oath characteristic of the books of Samuel 
 and Kings. See note on i Sam. iii. 17. 
 
 as the Lord halh szuorn to David] No express divine oath promising 
 the kingdom to David is recorded : but Samuel's solemn declaration 
 to Saul (i Sam. xv. 28, 29), and his choice and anointing of David by 
 divine command (i Sam. xvi. r — 12), were equivalent to it. It seems 
 to have been generally known that David was designated by God to 
 be Saul's successor (i Sam. xxv. 28 — 31; 2 Sam. v. 2). "Abner is 
 self-convicted by these words. He knew that the Lord had sworn to 
 give the throne to David, and yet he had resisted — consciously re- 
 sisted — to the best of his power the fulfilment of that high decree. He 
 now reaps his reward in this, that his return to what was really his 
 
vv. II— 13.] II. SAMUEL, III. 69 
 
 late the kingdom from the house of Saul, and to set up the 
 throne of David over Israel and over Judah, from Dan even 
 to Beer-sheba. And he could not answer Abner a word n 
 again, because he feared him. 
 
 12 — 21. Abner' s negotiations with David. 
 
 And Abner sent messengers to David on his behalf, 12 
 saying, Whose is the land ? saying also, Make thy league 
 with me, and behold, my hand shall be with thee, to 
 bring about all Israel unto thee. And he said, Well ; I 13 
 will make a league with thee : but one thing I require 
 of thee, that is. Thou shalt not see my face, except thou 
 first bring Michal Saul's daughter, when thou comest to 
 
 duty, bears the aspect of treachery, meanness, and dishonour. It now 
 devolved upon him to undo his own work, whereas at the first it 
 was in his power to subside into graceful and honourable acquiescence 
 in a decree which, although distasteful to him, he could not and ought 
 not to resist. Had he done this, his acknowledged abilities might 
 have secured for him no second place among the worthies of David, 
 and his end might have been very different." Kitto, Bible Ilbistr. 
 
 10. from Dan even to Beer-sheba] Over the whole land of IsraeL 
 See note on i Sam. iii. 20. 
 
 12 — 21. Abner's negotiations with David. 
 
 12. on his behalf] The Sept. rendering immediately is adopted 
 by some commentators, but is unsupported by the use of the word 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Whose is the land] The meaning may be either {a) "Is not the 
 land thine by virtue of God's promise?" or {b) " Is not the land in my 
 power so that I can make wliom I please king?" But the latter 
 agrees best with the words which follow: "Make thy covenant 7vith 
 vie,''^ and with Abner's character and evident desire to lay stress on 
 his own power, in order to secure favourable terms for himself. There 
 is however some doubt about the text, which was corrupt in the copy 
 from which the Sept. version was made, and possibly the words Whose 
 is the land? saying also should be struck out. The Targum has a 
 curious paraphrase, " I swear by Him Who made the earth." 
 
 13. except thou first bring ] As the text stands it can only be 
 rendered except on condition of thy bringing. But it looks like a com- 
 bination of two readings, except thou bring (so the LXX.) and before 
 thou bring (Vulg.). 
 
 David's reasons for demanding the restoration of Michal were probal:)ly 
 (a) genuine affection for the wife of his youth who had saved his life 
 (i Sam. xviii. 20, xix. 11 ff.) ; \b) a desire to efface the slight put upon 
 
-JO II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 14—18. 
 
 14 see my face. And David sent messengers to Ish-bosheth 
 Saul's son, saying. Deliver me my wife Michal, which I 
 espoused to me for an hundred foreskins of the Philistines. 
 
 15 And Ish-bosheth sent, and took her from hei' husband, even 
 
 16 from Phaltiel the son of Laish. And her husband went with 
 her along weeping behind her to Baluirim. Then said Ab- 
 
 17 ner unto him. Go, return. And he returned. And Abner 
 had communication with the elders of Israel, saying, Ye 
 
 is sought for David in times past to be king over you: now 
 
 him by the deprivation; (r) a wish to conciliate the good will of the 
 northern tribes by an alliance with Saul's family. 
 
 14. David scut messengers to Ish-bosheth^ The acceptance of the 
 condition by Abner is implied, but the formal demand was made 
 from Ish-bosheth, who was powerless to resist the will of his master. 
 Thus the restoration of Michal took place openly as a public act of 
 justice; it clearly exhibited the strength of David and the weakness of 
 Ish-bosheth ; it gave Abner opportunity to go to Hebron as Michal's 
 escort, and mature his plans for deposing Ish-bosheth. 
 
 zvhich I espoused, &c.] Saul proposed the slaughter of an hundred 
 Philistines as the price of Michal's hand in lieu of dowry: David paid 
 him double (i Sam. xviii. 25, 27). 
 
 15. Phaliiell Called Phaltl in i Sam. xxv. 44, where, his marriage 
 with Michal is recorded. 
 
 16. BahHrii)i\ A village mentioned again only in connexion with 
 David's flight from Jerusalem as the residence of Shimei (ch. xvi. 5), 
 and the place where Jonathan and Ahimaaz hid themselves (ch. xvii. 
 18). It belonged to the tribe of Benjamin, and was on the road from 
 Jerusalem over the Mount of Olives to the Jordan fords. A Jev\'ish 
 tradition in the Targum identifies it with Almon (Josh. xxi. iS), now 
 Almit, about 4 miles N.E-. of Jerusalem, and a miie beyond Anathoth 
 (Andta). According to this view, which is adopted by Lieut. Conder, 
 it was not on the main road through Bethany, but on a road which 
 leads across the saddle north of the principal summit of the Mount of 
 Olives. 
 
 17. And Abner had communication'] Better, Now Abner had had 
 communication, previously to the occurrence related in 7V. 15, 16. 
 '1 he journey of i>. 16 to escort Michal terminates in the visit to He- 
 bron of?'. 20. 
 
 with the elders of Israel] The authorities of the northern tribes as 
 distinct from Judah. The elders were consulted as the representatives 
 of the people. Cp. i .Sam. viii. 4, where see note on their various 
 functions. 
 
 Ye sought for David, &c.] It appears from this that there had been 
 from the first even among the northern tribes a party favourable to 
 David, whose opposition had only been overcome by Abner's strong 
 will and vigorous efforts. This agrees with what we should naturally 
 
vv. 19—22.] II. SAMUEL, III. 71 
 
 then do //.• for the Lord hath spoken of David, saying, By 
 the hand of my servant David I will save my people Israel 
 out of the hand of the Philistines, and out of the hand 
 of all their enemies. And Abner also spake in the ears of 19 
 Benjamin : and Abner went also to speak in the ears of 
 David in Hebron all that seemed good to Israel, and that 
 seemed good to the whole house of Benjamin. So Abner 20 
 came to David to Hebron, and twenty men with him. And 
 David made Abner and the men that 7vere with him a feast. 
 And Abner said unto David, I will arise and go, and will 21 
 gather all Israel unto my lord the king, that they may 
 make a league with thee, and that thou mayest reign over 
 all that thine heart desireth. And David sent Abner away; 
 and he went in peace. 
 
 22 — 27. Abner treacherously murdered by Joab. 
 And behold, the servants of David and Joab came from 22 
 
 expect from the account of his popularity during Saul's reign (t Sam. 
 xviii. 5). 
 
 18. / will save my people] Tlie commission which had been given 
 to Saul (i Sam. ix. 16) was transferred to David. Again we have an 
 intimation that prophetic utterances respecting David's divine appoint- 
 ment to the throne were commonly l<no\\'n. 
 
 19. And Abner also spake, &c.] And Abner also had spoken, &c. 
 Beside the general communication with the elders of Israel a special 
 and confidential negotiation had been entered into with the tribe of 
 Benjamin, which was the most likely to offer opposition through fear of 
 losing dignity and advantage by the transference of the royal house to 
 the tribe of Judah. 
 
 all that scctned good to Israel] Their readiness to acknowledge 
 David as king, as well as conditions and demands which they wished 
 to make, for there was to be a "covenant" between him and the people 
 (v. 21). 
 
 20. twenty men with him] They formed the official escort sent by 
 Isli-bosheth to convey Michal back to David, but were in all proba- 
 bility privy to the secret purpose of Abner's visit. 
 
 21. and will gather all Israel] A meeting of the national assembly 
 or "congregation of Israel" was requisite to accept David as king. 
 Cp. ch. v. I, and see note on i Sam. x. 17. 
 
 Abner] Observe the emphatic way in which Abner's name is 
 repeated \nvv. 17 — 21, and not merely represented by pronouns. It 
 concentrates attention on the personality of this man who treats as the 
 agent for the transfer of a kingdom which his own energy has consoli- 
 dated. 
 
72 II. SAMUEL, III. [w. 23—27. 
 
 pursuing a troop, and brought in a great spoil with them : 
 but Abner was not with David in Hebron ; for he had 
 
 23 sent him away, and he was gone in peace. When Joab and 
 all the host that was with him were come, they told Joab, 
 saying, Abner the son of Ner came to the king, and he 
 
 24 hath sent him away, and he is gone in peace. Then Joab 
 came to the king, and said, What hast thou done ? behold, 
 Abner came unto thee ; why is it that thou hast sent him 
 
 25 away, and he is quite gone ? Thou knowest Abner the 
 son of Ner, that he came to deceive thee, and to know 
 thy going out and thy coming in, and to know all that thou 
 
 26 doest. And when Joab was come out from David, he sent 
 messengers after Abner, which brought him again from the 
 
 27 well of Sirah : but David knew // not. And when Abner 
 was returned to Hebron, Joab took him aside in the gate to 
 speak with him quietly, and smote him there U7ider the tifth 
 rib, that he died, for the blood of Asahel his brother. 
 
 22 — 27. Abner treacherously murdered by Joab. 
 
 22. from pursuing a troop] Lit. from the troop, i.e. from the foray, 
 or plundering expedition on which they had gone to procure suppHes. 
 In the absence of taxes and regular pay, it was the only means of 
 supporting an army. Comp. David's practice at Ziklag (i Sam. xxvii. 
 8ff.). 
 
 23. When Joab, &c.] Probably Abner had intentionally chosen a 
 time for his visit, when he knew that Joab was absent from Hebron. 
 
 24. he is qtiite gone\ The Sept. reads "and he is gone in peace? 
 Dost thou not know the wickedness of Abner," &c. 
 
 25. thy going out and thy coming in] All thy movements and un- 
 dertakings. Cp. Deut. xxviii. 6; Ps. cxxi. 8; Is. xxxvii. 28. 
 
 26. he sent messengers after Abner] No doubt in David's name, 
 pretending to recall him for a further interview. A message from 
 Joab would have excited Abner's suspicion, while on David's good 
 faith he could place entire reliance. 
 
 the well of Sirah] Rather more than a mile out of Hebron on the 
 old paved road to the north is a spring with a reservoir called Ain 
 Sareh, which is in all probability "the well of Sirah." This agrees 
 sufficiently well with Josephus' statement that it was twenty stadia or 
 two miles and a half distant from Hebron. 
 
 27. in the gate] Lit. into the midst of the gate, the space between 
 the inner and outer gateways. But the publicity of the city gate was 
 unsuited to a private conference, and the Sept. offers a more probable 
 reading, "took him apart by the side of the gate." 
 
 under the fifth rib] In the belly. See note on ii. 23. 
 
 for the blood of Asahel his brother] Since Abner had slain Asahel in 
 
vv. 28—30.] II. SAMUEL, III. 73 
 
 28 — 30. The Curse of Blood-guiltiness. 
 
 And afterward when David heard //, he said, I and my 23 
 kingdom are guihless before the Lord for ever from the 
 blood of Abner the son of Ner : let it rest on the head of 29 
 Joab, and on all his father's house; and let there not fail 
 from the house of Joab one that hath an issue, or that is a 
 leper, or that leaneth on a staff, or that falleth on the sword, 
 or that lacketh bread. So Joab and Abishai his brother 30 
 
 self-defence (ch. ii. 23), Joab's act was not justifiable on the score of 
 blood-revenge. Tliis was merely a convenient pretext for getting rid of 
 a dangerous rival. He foresaw that if he allowed Abner to have the 
 credit of placing the crown of Israel on David's head, he would lose 
 his own position and influence. Failing in his endeavour to persuade 
 David that Abner was playing him false, with characteristic unscrupu- 
 lousness he planned this deliberate and treacherous murder, as on a 
 later occasion he murdered his rival Amasa (ch. xx. 10). 
 
 28 — 30. The Curse of Blood-guiltiness. 
 
 28. / and viy kingdom are gtiillless] With a strong asseveration 
 David asserts his entire innocence of any complicity in this murder. 
 Neither upon himself personally nor upon "his kingdom," i.e. the royal 
 house, his descendants and successors, could punishment for shedding 
 this innocent blood justly fall. Cp. iKingsii. 31 — 33. For the doctrine 
 of a divine judgment which was certain to fall upon the murderer and 
 his posterity, "visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children," see 
 Gen. iv. 11; Deut. xxi. 6 — 9; Matt, xxiii. 35. Compare the Greek 
 belief in the avenging Furies who dogged the murderer's steps. 
 
 29. let it rest] Let it fall. The Heb. word is a forcible one, 
 expressing the energy of David's indignation. It is used in Jer. xxiii. 
 19, XXX. 23, of the whirlwind of God's wrath falling upon the head of 
 the wicked. 
 
 ofie that hath an issue, or that is a leper] Pining away miserably 
 with incurable diseases, which not only made life a burden, but ren- 
 dered their victim ceremonially unclean, and excluded him from the 
 congregation of the Lord (Lev. xiii. 46). 
 
 that leaneth on a staff] A cripple, lame, or blind. The word trans- 
 lated j/ff^means elsewhere distaff [Vxov. xxxi. 19), and the phrase may 
 also be rendered as it is in the Vulgate " distaff holder " {tenens fusnin). 
 This would signify 'a weak, effeminate man, unfit for war,' as "Hercules 
 with the distaff" was the type of unmanly feel)leness among the Greeks. 
 But this explanation seems forced, and the E. V. is supported by the 
 Sept. and Targum. 
 
 that falleth on the sword] Render, "by the sword." The E. V. 
 suggests the idea of suicide, but untimely death in battle or by the 
 hand of an assassin is meant. 
 
74 - II. SAMUEL, III. [w. 31—35. 
 
 slew Abner, because he had slain their brother Asahel at 
 Gibeon in the battle. 
 
 31 — 39. DavitTs lamentation for Abner. 
 
 31 And David said to Joab, and to all the people that imej-e 
 with him, Rent your clothes, and gird you with sackcloth, 
 and mourn before Abner. And king David /«>;/j-i?^ followed 
 
 32 the bier. And they buried Abner in Hebron : and the king 
 life up his voice, and wept at the grave of Abner; and 
 
 33 all the people wept. And the king lamented over Abner, 
 and said, 
 
 Died Abner as a fool dieth ? 
 
 34 Thy hands were not bound, 
 Nor thy feet put into fetters : 
 
 As a man falleth before wicked men, so fellest thou. 
 
 35 And all the people wept again over him. And when all 
 
 30. slri.t} . . . slain] Murdered Abner, because be bad slain, &c. The 
 words in the Heb. are different, and the first denotes the violent charac- 
 ter of the act. The Sept. however gives another reading, " Now Joab 
 and Abishai zaere lying in wait for Abner, because &c." 
 
 31 — 39. David's lamentation for Abner. 
 
 31. gird you -luith sackdoth\ The practice of wearing garments of 
 the coarse dark hair-cloth used for making sacks as a sign of mourning 
 was very ancient (Gen. xxxvii. 34). In cases of extreuie grief or humi- 
 liation they were worn next the skin, but ordinarily outside the usual 
 tunic. 
 
 mourn before Abner] Preceding the bier in the funeral procession. 
 
 33. lamented] See note on ch. i. r". 
 
 Died Alner as a fool dieth] Lit. As dies a fool sbould Abner die? 
 Was this ignoble death, befitting a fool, to be the fate of so brave a 
 warrior ? 
 
 34. Thy hands, &c.] Two explanations of these words seem pos- 
 sible; either {[) Thou hadst not committed any crime to deserve a 
 malefactor's punishment, but wast causelessly murdered by treacherous 
 enemies : or (2) How was it that thou wast slain while thy hands were 
 at liberty to defend thyself, thy feet free to escape by flight? It was 
 because thou wast attacked unsuspectingly by treacherous enemies. In 
 the first case "fool" in v. 33 is equivalent to "miscreant." It is a 
 term which frequently in the U.T. implies moral worthlessness, wicked- 
 ness. Cp. Ps. xiv. I. The Targum hgre renders it " the wicked." In 
 the second case it means " an ignoble churl who cannot defend him- 
 self." 
 
vv. 36— 39; I-] 11- SAMUEL, III. IV. 75 
 
 the people came to cause David to eat meat while it was 
 yet day, David sware, saying, So do God to me, and more 
 also, if I taste bread, or ought else, till the sun be down. 
 And all the people took notice of it, and it pleased them: as 36 
 whatsoever the king did, pleased all the people. For all the 37 
 people and all Israel understood that day that it was not of 
 the king to slay Abner the son of Ner. And the king said 38 
 unto his servants, Know ye not that there is a prince and 
 a great man fallen this day in Israel? And I am this day 39 
 Aveak, though anointed king ; and these men the sons of 
 Zeruiah be too hard for me: the Lord shall reward the doer 
 of evil according to his wickedness. 
 
 Ch. IV. 1—7. The Aiurder of Ish-bosheth. 
 And when Saul's son heard that Abner was dead in He- 4 
 
 35. to cause David to eat meat'] Fasting was the usual accompani- 
 ment of mourning. To shew his grief and his respect for Abner 
 David refused to eat until sunset, the regular time for terminating a 
 fast. Cp. ch. i. 12. 
 
 meat] Lit. bread. In Biblical English the word denotes food in 
 general, and is never restricted to its modern mQamngfesk. 
 
 37. all the people and all Israel] Not only David's own subjects in 
 Judah, but the people of the northern kingdom, who must have been 
 specially aggrieved by the murder of their hero, recognised the sincerity 
 of David's grief, and acquitted him of all complicity in the act. If, as 
 seems probable {v. 26), Joab had abused the king's authority in order 
 to bring Abner back, it was doulily necessary for David emphatically 
 to repudiate the act, lest he should have been thought to have had 
 some part in instigating it. 
 
 38, 39. To his confidential servants David speaks his whole mind 
 freely. He feels that some apology is needed for leaving the authors of 
 this heinous crime unpunished. As an excuse for doing so he pleads 
 his youth and weakness. Though he had been anointed king, his king- 
 dom was as yet far from being securely established. He could not 
 dispense with his warlike nephews' help. He dared not order the 
 execution of his best general. Probably tlie army would have interfered 
 to prevent it. But he protests against their hardness and cruelty, and 
 declares that Joab will not escape the divine judgment for his crime. 
 "It was one of those moments in which a king, even with the best 
 intentions, must feel to his own heavy cost the weakness of everything 
 human and the limits of human supremacy." Ewald, Hist of Israel, 
 HI. 117. 
 
 weak] The same epithet is applied to Solomon in i Chr. xxix. i, 
 and to Rehoboam in 2 Chr. xiii. 7 (E. V. tender). 
 
•^6 II. SAMUEL, IV. [w. 2—4. 
 
 bron, his hands were feeble, and all the Israelites were 
 a troubled. And Saul's son had two men that were captains 
 of bands : the name of the one was Baanah, and the name 
 of the other Rechab, the sons of Rimmon a Beerothite, of 
 the children of Benjamin : (for Beeroth also was reckoned 
 
 3 to Benjamin : and the Beerothites fled to Gittaim, and were 
 
 4 sojourners there until this day.) And Jonathan, Saul's son, 
 had a son that was lame of his feet, a7id was five years old 
 
 Ch. IV. 1^7. The Murder of Ish-bosheth. 
 
 1. Ms hands rvere feeble] His hands "Were weakened. His resolu- 
 tion was paralysed : he lost heart. Cp. Ezra iv. 4, and the opposite 
 expression in ch. ii. 7. 
 
 were troubled^ Were dismayed. Ish-boslieth was a mere puppet, 
 and Abner the real stay of the kingdom. 
 
 2. captains of bands] Leaders of predatory troops. See note on 
 ch. iii. 22. 
 
 of the children of Benjamin] The historian calls special attention to 
 the fact that Ish-bosheth's murderers belonged to his own tribe. 
 
 for Beeroth also, &c.] The object of this parenthesis is to explain 
 how these Beerothites came to be Benjamites. Beeroth was one 
 of the four Gibeonite cities, retained by their original Canaanite in- 
 habitants in virtue of the treaty made with Joshua (Josh. ix. 17). It 
 was however reckoned to belong to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 
 25), and had been occupied by Benjamites when its original inhabitants 
 deserted it. When and why they did so is unknown, but it has been 
 plausibly conjectured that they fled from Saul's massacre of the Gibeon- 
 ites (2 Sam. xxi. i, 2). 
 
 The site of Beeroth {swells) is probably marked by the modern 
 village of El-Bireh {—-the zvell), about 9 miles N. of Jerusalem. "It 
 is remarkable as the first halting- place of caravans on the northern road 
 from Jerusalem, and therefore not improbably the scene of the event 
 to which its monastic tradition lays claim — the place where the parents 
 of Jesus sought him among their kinsfolk and acquaintance, and when 
 they found him not, turned back again to Jerusalem." Stanley, Sinai 
 and Pal. p. 213. 
 
 3. Gittaim] A Benjamite town of this name is mentioned in Neh. xi. 
 33, but if the reason suggested above for the flight of the Beerothites is the 
 correct one, it can hardly be the same, as they would have chosen a 
 more distant refuge. The name is the dual form of Gath, meaning 
 "two wine-presses," which suggests that it may possibly have been in 
 Philistia. 
 
 4. A7id fonathan, &c.] Before proceeding to narrate the murder 
 of Ish-bosheth, the historian inserts a remark which implies that with 
 his death the cause of Saul's house would necessarily become hopeless, 
 as its only other legitimate representative was a lame child of twelve 
 years old. 
 
vv. 5, 6.] II. SAMUEL, IV. -j-j 
 
 when the tidings came of Saul and Jonathan out of Jezreel, 
 and his nurse took him up, and fled : and it came to pass, 
 as she made haste to flee, that he fell, and became lame. 
 And his name was Mephibosheth. And the sons of Rim- s 
 mon the Beerothite, Rechab and Baanah, went, and came 
 about the heat of the day to the house of Ish-bosheth, who 
 lay on a bed at noon. And they came thither into the midst 6 
 
 out of Jezree^ Where the Israelite camp was pitched before the 
 fatal battle of Gilboa. See note on i Sam. xxix. i. 
 
 Mi:phiboshd)i\ Called in i Chr. viii. 34, ix. 40, Merib-baal. Bosheth 
 ( = " shame") has been substituted for the detested name of Baal, as in 
 the name Ish-bosheth for Esh-baal. See note on ch. ii. 8. Merib-baal 
 means "one who contends with Baal :" Mephibosheth, "exterminator 
 of shame." For his subsequent history see chaps, ix., xvi., xix. 24 ff. 
 
 5. to the house of Ish-boshethi At Mahanaim (ch. ii. 8). 
 
 ■who lay on a bed at noon] Or, as he was taking his midday sleep, 
 or siesta, according to the usual custom of hot countries. They chose 
 an hour when Ish-bosheth would be alone and defenceless. 
 
 6. And they came, &c.] An explanation how it was possible for 
 Rechab and Baanah to enter Ish-bosheth's house unsuspected. They 
 came, as they may have been accustomed to do, to procure wheat for 
 their men from the king's granary. 
 
 The Heb. however may be otherwise rendered, "And hither [some 
 MSS. read "and behold"] there came wheat-fetchers into the midst of 
 the house:" men whose business it was to draw the rations of wheat 
 from the granary. If this is the right rendering, the meaning is that 
 the murderers obtained entrance to the house by going in their company. 
 
 V. 7 appears at first sight to be a somewhat awkward repetition of v. 6. 
 But it is a peculiar feature of Hebrew historical writing to give a 
 general account of a fact first, and then to repeat it with additional 
 details. Tiie murderers' entrance into the house, their deed, and their 
 escape are first briefly related: then the fact of their entrance is repeated 
 as an introduction to the fuller details of the scene and manner of the 
 murder, and the route by which the assassins escaped. Compare the 
 double mention of Joab's return to Hebron in ch. iii. 11, 23 ; and of 
 the national assembly at Hebron in ch. v. i, 3; and note on ch. xiii. 38. 
 The .Sept. however has the following entirely diffei'ent reading, which 
 is found also in some MSS. of the Vulgate in addition to the rendering 
 of the present Heb. text, but apparently was not retained by Jerome him- 
 self. "And behold the portress of the house was cleaning wheat, and 
 she slumbered and slept; and the brothers Rechab and Baanah came 
 unobserved into the house. Now Ish-bosheth was sleeping on the bed 
 in his chamber: and they smote him," &c. This also explains how the 
 murderers entered unobserved. The female slave who watched the door 
 (7) Ovftupbs, cp. John xviii. 16, Acts xii. 13) had fallen asleep over her 
 task of sifting or picking the wheat, and there was no one to give the 
 
78 II. SAMUEL, IV. [VV.7—U. 
 
 of the house, as though they would have fetched wheat; 
 and they smote him under the fifth rib : and Rechab and 
 
 7 Baanah his brother escaped. For when they came into the 
 house, he lay on his bed in his bedchamber, and they smote 
 him, and slew him, and beheaded him, and took his head, 
 and gat them away through the plain all night. 
 
 8 — 12. The Punishment of the Murderers by David. 
 
 8 And they brought the head of Ish-bosheth unto David to 
 Hebron, and said to the king, Behold the head of Ish-bosheth 
 the son of Saul thine enemy, which sought thy life ; and the 
 Lord hath avenged my lord the king this day of Saul, and 
 
 9 of his seed. And David answered Rechab and Baanah his 
 brother, the sons of Rimmon the Beerothite, and said unto 
 them, As the Lord liveth, who hath redeemed my soul out 
 
 10 of all adversity, when one told me, saying, Behold, Saul is 
 dead, thinking to have brought good tidings, I took hold of 
 him, and slew him in Ziklag, who thought that I would have 
 
 11 given him a reward for his tidings : how much more, when 
 
 alarm. This reading gives a clear straightforward narrative, and cer- 
 tainly seems preferable to the repetitions of the present Hebrew text. 
 iinder the fifth rid] In the belly. See note on ch. ii. 23. 
 
 7. through the plahi] By the way of the Arabah. See note on 
 ch. ii. -29. From Mahanaim to Hebron was a distance of about 80 or 
 90 miles. 
 
 8 — 12. The Punishment of the Murderers by David. 
 
 8. to the hing\ Observe that Ish-bosheth is never honoured with 
 the title of king. 
 
 thine enemy, which sought thy life] These words are to be referred 
 to Saul not to Ish-bosheth. Cp. i Sam. xxiv. 4, xxv. 29. 
 
 the Lord hath avenged] The murderers profanely represented them- 
 selves as the instruments of Providence. "They pretended piety and 
 loyalty, but they regarded nothing except their own interest/" " "Words'- 
 worth. 
 
 9. %vho hath redeemed, &c.] Compare the same oath in David's 
 mouth in i Kings i. 29. In this connexion it implies that one who 
 was under God's protection had no need to commit crimes for his, 
 )wn defence. 
 
 10. when one told me, &c.] The Amalekite who pretended to have 
 slain Saul (ch. i. 2 ff.). 
 
 ''i-i liiiii...%vho thought that 1 7uojdd have given him] Or, slew him 
 ...L" give him a reward, &c. In this case the expression is bitterly 
 
 wHP^ 
 
vv. 12; I.] II. SAMUEL, IV. V. 79 
 
 wicked men have slain a righteous person in his own 
 house upon his bed? shall I not therefore now require his 
 blood of your hand, and take you away from the earth? 
 And David commanded his young men, and they slew 12 
 them, and cut off their hands and their feet, and hanged 
 them up over the pool in Hebron. But they took the 
 head of Ish-bosheth, and buried // in the sepulchre of Abner 
 in Hebron. 
 
 Ch. v. I — 5. David anointed king over all Israel. 
 
 Then came all the tribes of Israel to David unto Hebron, 5 
 
 ironical. 'He expected a reward, and I gave it him; but it was the 
 reward of death.' 
 
 11. a righteous person^ "A man who had done no one any harm," 
 as Josephus says. His merits seem to have been negative rather than 
 positive. 
 
 require his blood'] Demand satisfaction for his murder. God is said 
 to "require blood," i.e. to avenge murder (Gen. ix. 5; Ps. ix. 12), and 
 in punishing the murderers David acted as His representative. 
 
 take yoH aivay from the carih] Rather, put you away out of the land. 
 The word is one specially used of removing evil or the guilt of evil from 
 the land (Deut. xix. 13, 19, &c.). The guilt of murder defiled the land 
 until expiated by the execution of the murderer (Num. xxxv. 33). 
 
 12. And David commanded, ^c] Kittocompares the conduct of David 
 towards the murderers of his rival with that of Alexander the Great 
 towards Bessus, who murderedj^ Darius, and of Caesar towards the 
 murderers of Pompey. It may be questioned whether they were 
 actuated by higher motives than "the traditional policy of rulers, who 
 thus provide that they shall be protected for the present, and afterwards 
 avenged" (Tac. Uist. I. 44), but David's indignation was doubtless 
 sincere. 
 
 cut off their hands and their feet] The hands which had been 
 stretclied oat against their master, the feet which had been "swift to 
 shed blood" and to seek reward, were exposed to view in the most 
 public and frequented spot in Hebron, for a spectacle and a warning. 
 Cp. Deut. xxi. 22. We may compare the practice, formerly in vogue in 
 this country, of exposing the heads and limbs of traitors on the city 
 gates. 
 
 over t^be pool] Possibly one of the two great reservoirs, "doubtless 
 of high antiquity," which are still to be seen at Hebron. See Robinson's 
 Bill. Res. II. 74. 
 
 Ch. V. 1 — 5. David anointed king over all Israel 
 vv. I — 3 = 1 Chr. xi. i — 3. 
 1. Th:n came-, &c.] It is probable that no long interval cla; 
 between ilic death of Ish-bosheth and the election of David, 
 
So II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. 2, 3. 
 
 and spake, saying. Behold, we are thy bone and thy flesh. 
 Also in time past, when Saul was king over us, thou wast 
 he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel : and the Lord 
 said to thee. Thou shalt feed my people Israel, and thou 
 shalt be a captain over Israel. So all the elders of Israel 
 came to the king to Hebron ; and king David made a 
 league with them in Hebron before the Lord : and they 
 
 consummation to which events in God's Providence had been leading 
 vas now come. Saul and Jonathan, Abner and Ish-bosheth, were all 
 dead ; there was no one of the house of Saul capable of taking the lead; 
 David was already head of a very large portion of Israel ; the Philistines, 
 and perhaps the remnants of the Canaanites, were restless and threaten- 
 ing ; and it was obviously the interest of the Israelitish nation to unite 
 themselves under the sovereignty of the valiant and virtuous son of Jesse, 
 their former deliverer, and the man designated by the word of God as 
 their Captain and Shepherd." Speaker'' s Comtn. 
 
 all the tribes of Israel] The 'congregation of Israel,' or national 
 assembly composed of all the warriors of the nation above the age of 
 twenty who chose to come, met to elect David king. See note on 
 I Sam. X. 17. 
 
 2ue are thy bone and thy flesK\ An expression denoting close relation- 
 ship in virtue of common descent. Cp. Gen. xxix. 14; Jud. ix. 1. 
 
 Three reasons, arranged in the order of their importance, are given 
 for electing David king: the tie of relationship: his proved capacity as 
 a military leader: the divine choice. The first and third correspond to 
 the precept of Deut. xvii. 15: with the second compare ch. iii. 18. 
 
 2. thoic wast he that leddest out and broughtest hi Israel] David 
 had won the good-will of the people as their leader in war. Cp. 1 Sam. 
 xviii. 5, 13, 16. 
 
 the Lord said to thee] See note on ch. iii. 9. 
 
 Thoii shalt feed] Lit. "thou shalt shepherd''^ (LXX. iroiixavui): a 
 natural metaphor to express the ruler's care for his people. It is used 
 by Greek poets, e.g. Homer, whose regular title for Agamemnon is 
 iroi/jirji' Xadiu, "shepherd of the peoples." But it was especially appro- 
 priate in the case of David, who was taken from the sheepfolds of 
 Bethlehem to be the shepherd of Israel (Ps. Ixxviii. 70 — 72), as the 
 fishers of the Galilean lake were called to become "fishers of men" 
 (Matt. iv. 19), and (except perhaps in Gen. xlix. 24) it does not appear 
 to be used in the O. T. before his time. 
 
 captain] The title given to Saul in i Sam. ix. 16, &c., and to David 
 in I Sam. xxv. 30 (E.V. ruler). 
 
 3. all the elders of Israel] From v. i and i Chr. xii. 23 — 40 at is 
 "dent that a general assembly of the nation, and not merely a ,iew 
 
 ates, met at Hebron : here the elders are particularly specified 
 e they acted as the representatives of the people in negotia ing 
 "•rttS'TDavid. See note on i Sam. viii. 4, and cp. ch. iii. 17. 
 
 made a league zvith them] Cp. ch. iii. 21. This 'league' was prob'jibly 
 
w. 4—6.] II. SAMUEL, V. 
 
 anointed David king over Israel. David was thirty years 4 
 old when he began to reign, and he reigned forty years. In s 
 Hebron he reigned over Judah seven years and six months: 
 and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty and three years over all 
 Israel and Judah. 
 
 6 — 10. The Capture of Jehus. 
 And the king and his men went to Jerusalem unto the 6 
 
 a solemn contract in which the king on the one hand engaged to rule 
 according to the laws, and the people on the other hand promised him 
 their allegiance. Some kind of a charter, defining the king's rights, 
 was in existence (i Sam. x. 25): and later on we find the people 
 demanding some litaitation of these rights (i Kings xii. 3 ff). The 
 Israelite monarchy was not an absolute and irresponsible despotism. 
 
 before the Lord] The covenant was made as a solemn religious 
 ceremony, in the presence of the supreme King of Israel, whose vice- 
 gerent David was. Cp. i Sam. xi. 15. 
 
 they anointed David king] For the third time. See note on ch. 
 ii. 4. In Chronicles is added "according to the word of the Lord by 
 Samuel." 
 
 The book of Chronicles contains further interesting details about this 
 assembly at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 23 — 40). The numbers of fighting 
 men sent by each tribe are preserved, amounting to a total of nearly 
 350,000. Stress is laid on the unanimity of feeling, and the general 
 rejoicing with which David's anointing was celebrated in a three days' 
 festival. 
 
 4, 5. The compiler of Chroniclesomits these verses here, but inserts- 
 the substance of them in i Chron. xxix. 27. 
 
 4. thirty years old] ' The prime of life : the age at which the 
 Levites entered upon their duties (Num. iv. 3) : at which young men 
 commenced to take part in public business in Greece : at which Joseph 
 was made ruler over Egypt (Gen. xii. 46) : at which Jesus Christ was 
 "anointed with the Holy Ghost" in His Baptism, and began His public- 
 ministry (Lk. iri. 23). 
 
 6—10. The Capture of Jebus. 
 = I Chr. xi. 4 — 9. 
 
 6. to ycritsalem, &c.] The Chronicler paraphrases the text tj 
 "to Jerusalem, which is Jebus, where the Jebusites were, the it' 
 ants of the land." Writing after the Captivity, he felt it necesi 
 explain how the Jebusites came to be dwelling in Jerusalem 
 reference to its ancient name of Jebus. 
 
 It is not a little remarkable that the metropolis of tb* 7®wisli 
 monarchy, the most sacred city in the world, does not tak^lls place in 
 the history of the nation until a comparatively late pericyr 
 
 II. SAMUEL 6 
 
II. SAMUEL, V. [w. 7, 8. 
 
 Jebusites, the inhabitants of the land : which spake unto 
 David, saying. Except thou take away the blind and the 
 lame, thou shalt not come in hither : thinking, David can- 
 
 7 not come in hither. Nevertheless David took the strong 
 
 8 hold of Zion : the same is the city of David. And David 
 said on that day, Whosoever getteth up to the gutter, and 
 
 As the capital of the important Canaanite tribe of the Jebusites, it 
 bore the name oi ycbiis. It was assigned to Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 28), 
 but, lying on the border, was first attacked by Judah (Jud. i. 8), and 
 afterwards by Benjamin (Jud. L ^i). Tlie citadel was either never 
 taken, or soon recovered, for the Jebusites retained joint possession of 
 the city along with the children of Judah and Benjamin through the 
 period of the Judges and down to this time (Josh. xv. 63; Jud. i. 21). 
 
 Political, civil, and military considerations pointed to Jerusalem as 
 the most suitable capital for the united kingdom. 
 
 {a) Its position within the territory of Benjamin yet close upon the 
 borders of Judah (or, as some think, and as may be indicated by the 
 passages quoted above, partly in one tribe, partly in the other), was 
 excellently adapted for binding together the two royal tribes, and con- 
 ciliating the good-will of Benjamin, without alienating Judah. 
 
 {b) Its situation was virtually central, not only with regard to these 
 two great tribes, but for the whole land. "It was on the ridge of the 
 backbone of hills, which extend through the whole country from the 
 Desert to the plain of Esdraelon. Every traveller who has trod the 
 central route of Palestine from north to south, must have passed through 
 the table-land of Jerusalem.*' Stanley's Sinai and Pal. p. 176. 
 
 {c) As a military post it was unrivalled. It stood on a rocky plateau 
 surrounded on three sides by deep ravines forming a natural fortress of 
 almost impregnable strength. 
 
 On the topography of Jerusalem see Additional Note vr. p. 239. 
 
 Except thou take away the blind and the lame, thou shalt not come 
 in hiiher'X Render, Thou shalt not come in hither, tout the tolind and 
 the lame ■would repel thee; as much as to say, David, &c. So con- 
 fident were the Jebusites in the strength of their fortress, that they 
 boasted tliat a garrison of blind and lame men would be sufficient to 
 defend it. 
 
 This boast is omitted in Chron., probably as being obscure, and not 
 bearing directly upon the facts of the narrative. 
 
 T. N'everthelcss\ Heb. simply, And. 
 
 the strong hold of Zion\ See Additional Note VI. p. 239. 
 
 8. Whosoever, &c.] An obscure and probably corrupt passage. 
 
 ■ E.V., which transposes the first two clauses and introduces an 
 
 , ■ liiMs from Chronicles, cannot be defended. The most probable 
 
 explanations, neither of them however free from serious objections, 
 
 are: 
 
 (1) Whosoever smiteth the Jetousite, 
 let him hurl down the precipice 
 
V. 9-] n. SAMUEL, V. 83 
 
 smiteth the Jebusites, and the lame and the Wind, that are 
 hated of David's soul, he shall be chief and captam. Where- 
 fore they said, The blind and the lame shall not come into 
 the house. So David dwelt in the fort, and called it the 9 
 city of David. And David built round about from Millo 
 
 both tlie lame and the 'blind, 
 hated of David's soul. 
 
 David bids his men give no quarter, taking up the words of the 
 Jebusites, and in derision calling their garrison "blind and lame." 
 
 (2) Whosoever smiteth the Jehusite, 
 let him reach the wa1;ercourSe, 
 [and smite] both the lame and the blind, 
 hated of David's soul. 
 
 According to this rendering there is a Reference to the way in which 
 the citadel, supposed by its defenders to be inaccessible, was to be 
 scaled, either by some waterworn gully in the rock, or through a sub- 
 terranean channel which had been constructed to supply the fortress 
 with water. 
 
 The author of the book 'of Chronicles either had a different text in 
 his original authority, c*, more probably, omitted an expression which 
 Was already obscure. He gives the passage thus : "Whosoever smit- 
 eth the Jebusites first shall be chief and captain. So Joab the son of 
 Zeruiah went first up, and was chief." 
 
 The Sept. reads; "Whosoever smiteth the Jebusite, let him slay 
 with the sword both the lame and the blind who hate David's soul." 
 I'he Vulg. gives a mere paraphrase : " For David had offered a reward 
 on that day to the man who should smite the Jebusite, and reach the 
 water-pipes of the houses, and remove the blind and lame who hated 
 David's soul." 
 
 Wherefore they said] Wherefore they are wont to say : the regular 
 phrase for introducing a proverb. Cp. i Sam. xix. ■24. 
 
 The blind, &c.] This is understood by the Sept.-, which reads 
 "into the house of the Lord," and by the Vulgate, which renders 
 "into the Temple," to mean that the blind and lame were excluded 
 from the Temple. But this does not seem to have been the case, 
 although they were forbidden to minister (Lev. xxi. 18). The explana- 
 tion that it was a proverb applied to obnoxious persons, meaning "We 
 will not have disagreeable persons in the house," does not take account 
 of the origin of the saying. Probably it should be rendered as a kind of 
 exclamation: "Blind and lame! he cannot come into the house!" 
 i. e. the blind and the lame are sufficient to defend the fortress : he (the 
 assailant) cannot enter into it. 
 
 9. in the fort] In the strong hold, the same word as in v. 7, and 
 in I Chr. xi. 5 (E.V. castle). 
 
 Milld\ The Millo. See Additional Note VI., p. 241. 
 
 6—2 
 
84 II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. lo, ii. 
 
 lo and inward. And David went on, and grew great, and the 
 Lord God of hosts was with him. 
 
 II — 1 6. David'' s Palace and Family. 
 " And Hiram king of Tyre sent messengers to David, and 
 
 and inward^ Within or under the protection of the Millo, which 
 was the outermost defence of the city. 
 
 Chron. adds "And Joab repaired the rest of the city." 
 
 10. And David went on--, and grew great] = " So David waxed greater 
 and greater" in Chron. The E.. V.. obliterates the identity of the He- 
 brew. See Introd. p. 12, note i. 
 
 the Lord God of hosts] See Additional Note I. to i Samuel, p. 235. 
 
 11 — 16,. David's Palace and Family. 
 — I Chr^ xiv. 1—7. 
 
 11. Hiram king of Tyre} In i Kings v. 10, 18, the name is spelt 
 Hiram, in Chron. Huram. 
 
 Josephus (against Apion i. 1 8) states, on the authority of Menander 
 of Ephesus, who wrote a history of Tyre based upon native Tyrian 
 documents, that Hiram, Solomon's ally and helper in building the 
 Temple, reigned thirty-four years. He also states that Solomon began 
 the Temple in the twelfth year of Hiram's reign. This Hiram there- 
 fore reigned only eight years contemporaneously with David, as the 
 Temple was begun in the fourth year of Solomon's reign. 
 
 But David's palace must have been built before the last eight years 
 of his reign. From ch. vii'. 2- we learn that it was finished before he 
 conceived the plan of building the Temple, at a time when Solomon 
 was not yet born (ch. vii. 12: cp. i Chr. xxii. 9), and probably some 
 twenty-five years before the close of his reign. 
 
 If the statements of Menander and Josephus are accurate, we must 
 suppose that the Hiram here mentioned was either the father or the 
 grandfather of Solomon's ally. His father is called by Menander Abi- 
 haal, but he may have borne both names, or the more familiar name of 
 his son may have been attached to him. 
 
 It is probable that the historian to some extent forsakes chronological 
 order, and places the account of David's palace-building and of his family 
 here by anticipation in proof of the statement of z". 10. He must have 
 been too fully occupied at the beginning of his reign with the works 
 mentioned in v. 9, and with wars such as those against the Philistines 
 {^vv. 17 — 25), to have had leisure for the luxury of palace-building. 
 
 Tyre] One of the two great cities of Phoenicia, celebrated for its 
 commerce, its mechanical skill, and its wealth. When the Israelites 
 entered Canaan, it was already noted for its strength (Josh. xix. 29). 
 Three causes co-operated to bring Phoenicia into close and frienclly 
 relation with Israel, {a) The contiguity of the countries, and the 
 short distance between their capitals. From Tyre to Jerusalem by land 
 was scarcely more than 100 miles, so that intercourse was easy, (b) 
 
w. 12—14.] II. SAMUEL, V. 85 
 
 cedar trees, and carpenters, and masons : and they built 
 David a house. And David perceived that the Lord had 12 
 established him king over Israel, and that he had exalted 
 his kingdom for his people Israel's sake. 
 
 An,d David took him mo concubines and wives out of 13 
 Jerusalem, after he was come from Hebron : and there 
 were yet sons and daughters born to David. And these he 14 
 the names of those that were born unto him in Jerusalem ; 
 
 Similarity of language. Phoenician kg closely resembles Hebrew, that 
 it must have been readily intelligible to the Israelites, (c) Tyre 
 depended upon Palestine for its supplies of wheat and oil, and in 
 return sent to Jerusalem its articles of commerce, and provided skilled 
 workmen for the buildings erected by David and Solomon. 
 
 cedar trccs\ Felled no doubt in the forests of Lebanon, and brought 
 by sea to Joppa. Cp. 1 Chron. ii. 16. The cedar was the prince of 
 trees (Ps. civ. 16), the emblem of strength and stature and grandeur 
 (Ps. xcii. 12; Am. ii. 9; Ezek. xxxi. p,). Its timber was highly prized 
 for building on account of its durability. Other species of pine be- 
 sides the well-known cedar of Lebanon were probably included under 
 the general term cedar. 
 
 they built David a Aoi/se] Psalm xxx., which is entitled "A song 
 at the Dedication of the House," may possibly have been written to 
 celebrate the completion of this palace. If so, David had just reco- 
 vered from a severe illness, concerning which the history is silent. 
 
 12. And David perceived, (Sic] The friendly co-operation of so 
 powerful a king as Hiram, and the success of his enterprises in general, 
 were unmistakeable proofs of divine favour. 
 
 13. took him nio concubines and wives] In accordance with the 
 general custom of Oriental monarchs. The law of the king in Deut. 
 xvii. 17 imposes some limitation on the practice. See note on ch. iii. 5. 
 
 Afo as the comparative of 7nany is an archaism which has dis- 
 appeared from modern editions of the Bible. It occurs frequently in 
 Shakespeare, e.g. Richard II., A. 11. S. i. 239, "Many ?)ioe of noble 
 blood." 
 
 14. And these, <S:c.] The list of David's sons is given again in 
 I Chr. iii. 5 — 8, as well as in i Chr. xiv. 4 — 7. The first four were 
 sons of Bathsheba, and as Solomon is always placed last it is natural 
 to sujipose that he was the youngest. See note on ch. xii. 24. 
 Josephus distinctly calls him David's youngest son (Ant. vil. 14, 
 2). In I Chr. iii. Shammua is called Shimea, and Elishua appears 
 as Elishama, probal)ly by a scribe's error. Both lists in Chron. insert 
 two more names, Eliphalet or FJpalet and Nos^ah. It is possible that 
 they are omitted here because they died in infancy, and that the second 
 Eliphalet was named after his dead brother. Beeliada in i Chr. xiv. 
 is another form for Eliada compounded with Baal=\ox6. instead of 
 i^/=God. 
 
 Nothing is known of any of these sons except Solomon and Nathan. 
 
86 II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. 15—19. 
 
 15 Shammua, and Shobab, and Nathan, and Solomon, Ibhar 
 
 16 also, and Elishua, and Nepheg, and Japhia, and Elishama, 
 and Eliada, and Eliphalet. 
 
 17 — 25. Tzuo victories over the Philistines. 
 
 17 But when the Philistines heard that they had anointed 
 David king over Israel, all the Philistines came up to seek 
 David ; and David heard of it, and went down to the hold. 
 
 18 The Philistines also came and spread themselves in the 
 
 19 valley of Rephaim. And David inquired of the Lord, 
 
 It was through the latter that Joseph traced his lineal descent from 
 David, according to the genealogy of our Lord given by St Luke 
 (iii. 31). 
 
 17—25. Two VICTORIES OVER THE PHILISTINES. 
 = I Chr. xiv. 8 — 16. 
 
 IT. But tvlien the Philistines heard\ This Philistine invasion probably 
 followed soon after the capture of Jebus. The Philistines were alarmed 
 by the union of the Israelites under a king of proved vigour, who had 
 inaugurated his reign by a brilliant military achievement. They there- 
 fore mustered their whole force (cp. i Sam. xxix. i), for a strenuous 
 effort to crush him. 
 
 came up\ From the plains of Philistia to the highlands of Judah. 
 
 •ive7it dffzvtt to the hold\ The word translated "hold" is the same as 
 that translated "stronghold" in v. 7, and "fort" in v. 9. But as 
 David "went down" to it, and "went up" from it into the valley of 
 Rephaim [v. 19), it cannot here mean the citadel of Zion. Most pro- 
 bably David wished to drive the Philistines back, and prevent them 
 from plundering his country, and marched down with his forces to his 
 old post at Adullam. The term "stronghold" is used of Adullam in 
 eh. xxiii. 14, and the incident there related may have happened in this 
 Avar. It was a strong position in the valley of Elah, one of the most 
 likely routes for an invading army from Philistia to take. See notes on 
 1 Sam. xvii. i, xxii. i. This view agrees with the general statement in 
 I Chron. that " he went out against them." 
 
 18. The Philistines also came} But the Philistines came. Taking 
 a different route, perhaps by the IVady-es-Surdr and Beth-shemesh (see 
 note on i Sam. vi. 9), so as to avoid David and his army, they came 
 up and occupied "the valley of Rephaim," an open plain or upland 
 valley, stretching in a S.W. direction from the neighbourhood of 
 Jerusalem towards Bethlehem. Cp. Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16 (E. V. the 
 valley of the giants). It was famous for its fertile corn-fields (Is. xvii. 
 5). The name preserves a trace of the ancient gigantic race of the 
 Rephaim, to which Og the king of Bashan belonged (Deut. iii. 11. 
 Cp. Gen. xiv. 5; Josh. xvii. 15). 
 
 19. inquired of the Lord] Cp. i Sam. xxiii. ■2, and note on 
 ch. ii. I. 
 
vv. 20— 24.] II. SAMUEL, V. 87 
 
 saying, Shall I go up to the Philistines? wilt thou deliver 
 them into mine hand? And the Lord said unto David, 
 Go up : for I will doubtless deliver the Philistines into thine 
 hand. And David came to Baal-perazim, and David smote 20 
 them there, and said, The Lord hath broken forth upon 
 mine enemies before me, as the breach of waters. There- 
 fore he called the name of that place Baal-perazim. And 21 
 there they left their images, and David and his men burnt 
 them. And the Philistines came up yet again, and spread 22 
 themselves in the valley of Rephaim. And when David 23 
 inquired of the Lord, he said, Thou shalt not go up ; but 
 fetch a compass behind them, and come upon them over 
 against the mulberry trees. And let it be, when thou 24 
 
 20. as the breach of ifatcrs\ Isaiah calls the scene of the battle 
 "mount Perazim" (xxviii. 21). David, we may suppose, occupied 
 the hill, and swept down from it upon the Philistines in the plain below, 
 scattering them irresistibly as a mountain torrent swollen by a sudden 
 storm sweeps all before it and bursts through every obstacle in its 
 vay. 
 
 Baal-peTazini\ Baal— owner ox possessor, so that the name signifies 
 *' Place of breaches." 
 
 21. their images'] Cp. r Sam. xxxi. 9 (E. V. idols). They brought 
 them into the field to ensure victory, as the Edomites appear to have 
 done (2 Chr. xxv. 14), and as the Israelites brought out the Ark (i Sam. 
 
 iv. 3)- 
 
 burnt the))t\ Render, took them away, as spoil, perhaps to display 
 in his triumphal procession. According to i Chr. xiv. 12 he afterwards 
 burnt them, in compliance with the law of Deut. vii. 5, 25. The 
 E. V. here "burned them" is a gloss, adopted from the Targum 
 and the passage in i Chr. Thus the old disgrace of the capture of 
 the Ark by the Philistines was avenged. 
 
 23. T/ioic shalt not go tip] The addition of the Sept. '■^ to meet 
 theni " is needed to complete the sense. This answer implies the same 
 question as in v. 19. 
 
 /ete/i a compass behind them] Go round to their rear. "Com- 
 pass" in old English means "circuit;" and "to fetch a compass" 
 means "to make a circuit or detour," "to go round." 
 
 In Chron. the same manoeuvre is described in different words: "Go 
 not after them : turn away from them and come upon them," &c. 
 
 mulberry trees] So the Jewish commentators explain the word bacil 
 which is found only here and in the parallel passage of Chronicles. 
 Probably however a tree called bdca by the Arabs, resembling the 
 balsam shrub, is meant. The name is derived from bdcdh, " to weep," 
 from the tear-like sap which exudes when a leaf is torn off. "The 
 valley of Baca" (Ps. Ixxxiv. 6) may have been named from these trees, 
 
88 II. SAMUEL, V, [v. 25. 
 
 hearest the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry 
 trees, that then thou shalt bestir thyself: for then shall the 
 Lord go out before thee, to smite the host of the Philis- 
 tines. And David did so, as the Lord had commanded 
 him ; and smote the Philistines from Geba until thou come 
 to Gazer. 
 
 and the Psalmist refers to it with a play upon its etymological sig- 
 nificance, " valley of weeping." 
 
 24. the soimd of a going'\ The sound of marching. The cognate 
 verb is used of Jehovah "marching" (so to speak) before His people 
 in Jud. V. 4; Ps. Ixviii. 7; Hab. iii. 12. A rustling in the tops of the 
 trees like the marching of an army was to be the signal that Jehovah 
 Himself would lead David's army .to victory. Cp. 2 Kings vii. 6. 
 
 bestir thyself '\ In Chron. less forcibly "go out to battle." 
 then shall the LORD go out before thecl The use of the perfect tense 
 in the original gives an emphasis to the assurance. " Then hath 
 Jehovah gone forth before thee." The E. V. renders it rightly in 
 Chron. 
 
 25. from Geba] The Sept. and Chron., as well as Is. xxviii. 21, 
 which almost certainly refers to this miraculous defeat of the Philistines, 
 all read Gibeon. This seems to be the true reading. Geba (see note 
 on I Sam. x. 5) was too far to the east: Gibeon (see note on ch. ii. 12) 
 was on the natural line of retreat northwards from the valley of 
 Rephaim to Gezer. 
 
 Gazer] Rather, Gezer, a royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 12), be- 
 longing to the tribe of Ephraim, and assigned to the Kohathite Levites 
 (Josh. xxi. 21). Its Canaanite inhabitants retained possession of it 
 until the time of Solomon, when Pharaoh took it and presented it to 
 his daughter, Solomon's queen (i Kings ix. 16). It lay between the 
 lower Beth-horon and the sea (Josh. xvi. 3), and the name appears 
 to survive in Tell Jezar, a hill about 10 miles W.S.W. of Beth-horon, 
 and six miles E. of Akir (Ekron). M. Clermont Ganneau found there 
 two inscriptions in Hebrew character, which he reads "Boundary of 
 Gezer." Conder's Tent Work, i. 13. The Philistines were thus driven 
 right back into their own lowland plain. 
 
 The Chronicler concludes the account of these victories with the 
 words: "And the fame of David went out into all lands; and the 
 Lord brought the fear of him upon all nations." 
 
 ,Chap. yi. 1—23. The Translation of the Ark to Mount 
 
 ZiON. 
 
 = 1 Chr. xiii., xv., xvi. 
 
 This chapter records an important episode in David's reign. After 
 restoring the political unity of the nation, and consolidating it by the 
 establishment of his new capital, his next care was to make that capital 
 the centre of the national worship. With this object he prepared to 
 
vv. I, 2.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 89 
 
 Ch. VI. I — 23. The Translation of the Ark to Mount Zion. 
 
 I — II. Removal of the Ark from Kirjath-jcaiim. Uzzah 
 
 smitten for his irreverence. 
 
 Again, David gathered together all the chosen men of 
 Israel, thirty thousand. And David arose, and went with 
 all the people that were with him from Baale of Judah, to 
 
 convey thither the Ark, which Tiad been left neglected at Kirjath-jearim 
 since its return from Philistia (i Chr. xiii. 3). But why did he not 
 also bring the Tabernacle into Jerusalem, and place the Ark in it? 
 The reason is perhaps to be found in the double high-priesthood which 
 had arisen during the latter years of Saul's reign. Abiathar officiated 
 in David's camp : Zadok, it would seem, ministered at Gibeon, whither 
 the Tabernacle was removed in all probability after Saul's massacre of 
 the priests at Nob. For the present David may have found it wisest to 
 recognise the two priests as of equal authority, and to acquiesce in the 
 separation of the Tabernacle and the Ark, allowing Zadok to continue 
 the sacrificial service at Gibeon (r Chr. xvi. 40), while he established 
 another service in Jerusalem before the Ark (i Chr. xvi. 37). 
 
 vv. I — 19 are the Haphia7-ah or lesson from the prophets appvointed 
 to be read in the synagogue in connexion with Lev. ix. i — xi. 47. The 
 judgment upon Uzzah repeats the warning of the judgment upon Nadab 
 and Abihu. 
 
 Psalms ci., xv., Ixviii., xxiv., cxxxii., should be studied as illus- 
 trating and supplementing the history. See Introd. Ch. viii. p. 46. 
 
 1 — 11. Removal of the Ark from Kirjath-jearim. Uzzah 
 smitten for his irreverence. 
 
 1. Again, David gathered together'\ And David gathered together 
 again. "Again" refers either to the assembly convened for David's 
 coronation (ch. v. i — 3), or to the muster for the Philistine war recorded 
 in the verses immediately preceding (ch. v. 17 — 25). 
 
 A more elaborate account of David's preparations for this ceremony 
 is given in i Chr. xiii. i — 5. We are there told how David consulted 
 with the representatives of the people, and gathered a general assembly 
 of the whole nation. This important step towards the re-establishment 
 of religious worship must be a national act. The Chronicler's object 
 in writing leads him to give special attention to details of religious 
 organization, where the writer of Samuel is content to condense his 
 account into a single sentence. See Introd. Ch. iii. p. 22. 
 
 thirty thousand] The smallness of the number may be explained if 
 we suppose it to refer only to the " captains of thousands and hundreds 
 and every leader" mentioned in i Chr. xiii. i. A general assembly of 
 the people would have been much more numerous. 
 
 2. from Baalc of jHdah'X Baale of fudali is generally supposed to be 
 another name for kirjath-jearim^ which is called Baalah in Josh. xv. 9 ; 
 
90 II. SAMUEL, VI. [v. 3. 
 
 bring up from thence the ark of God, whose name is called 
 
 by the name of the Lord of hosts that dwelleth betiueen the 
 
 3 cherubims. And they set the ark of God upon a new cart, 
 
 and brought it out of the house of Abinadab that was in 
 
 I Chr. xiii. 6, and Kirjath-Baal in Josh. xv. 60. Here the Ark had 
 remained since its return from the country of the Philistines (i Sam. vii. 
 I, 2). If the preposition "from" is correct, we must assume that the 
 narrator passes over the journey to Kirjath-jearim, and speaks of the 
 return only: but this seems improbable, and most commentators emend 
 the text in accordance with i Chr. xiii. 6, and read "to." 
 
 The ancient versions however do not take the words as a proper 
 name, but render them ^^ of the riders'''' or " of the men, ofyudah''' the 
 word being the same as that translated ''''men'''' in ch. xxi. 12. If this 
 is right, the name of the place has dropped out from the text and must 
 be restored, so that the verse would read, "And David and all the 
 people that were with him of the rulers of Judah arose and went to 
 Baalah to bring up, &c." This appears to have been the reading found 
 by the LXX., though partly misunderstood by them, and has strong 
 claims to be considered as the true text. 
 
 The usual identification of Kirjath-jearim with Kuryet-el-enab (see 
 note on i Sam. vi. 21) has lately been called in question by Lieut. 
 Conder, who proposes to place it at 'Erma, four miles E. of Ai}t 
 Shems (Beth-shemesh), on the edge of the Waify-es-Sicrar or Valley of 
 Sorek. The name 'Erma corresponds to the form Arim, which took 
 the place of the original yearbn in later times (Ezra ii. 25) ; the dense 
 brushwood still clothing the hills agrees with the meaning of the 
 name "city of forests;" and the position suits the data much better 
 than the Kuryet-cl-enab site. See Pal. Expl. Fund Quart. Paper for 
 Oct. 1881, p. 261. 
 
 -whose name, &c.] Better, whicli is called by the Name, the name 
 of Jehovah of Hosts, who sitteth enthroned upon the cherubim. 
 Cp. Deut. xxviii. 10 ; i Kings viii. 43. "The Name" is first written 
 absolutely, as at the end of Lev. xxiv. 16, and then more fully defined 
 as "the name of Jehovah of Hosts." In later Jewish writings "the 
 Name" is commonly used to signify God, and especially as an equiva- 
 lent for the sacred name Jehovah which might not be pronounced. 
 
 The Ai'k is specially said to be "called by the name of Jehovah of 
 Hosts," because it was the symbol of the covenant between Jehovah 
 and Israel, and because it was the place where He chiefly chose to 
 manifest Himself by visible tokens to His people. Cp. notes on 
 I Sam. iv. 4, 21 ; and for the meaning of the title "Jehovah of Hosts " 
 see Additional Note i. to i Sam. p. 235. 
 
 3. set the ark'\ Lit. made the ark to ride. 
 
 upon a new cart] Not desecrated by common uses. Cp. i Sam. 
 vi. 7. This was however a breach of the Levitical law, which pre- 
 scribed that the Ark should be borne upon the shoulders of the Levites 
 (Num. iii. 29—31, vii. 9). 
 
w. 4— 6.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 91 
 
 Gibeah : and Uzzah and Ahio, the sons of Abinadab, drave 
 the new cart. And they brought it out of the house of 4 
 Abinadab which was at Gibeah, accompanying the ark of 
 God : and Ahio went before the ark. And David and all s 
 the house of Israel played before the Lord on all manner 
 of instruments made o/fic wood, even on harps, and on psal- 
 teries, and on timbrels, and on cornets, and on cymbals. 
 
 in GibeaJi] Rather, on the Mil, as the same word is correctly trans- 
 lated in I Sam. vii. i. Some eminence in or near Kirjath-jearim is 
 meant. 
 
 Uzzah and Ahio, the sons of Aiinadai] The Ark had been in the 
 house of Abinadab for seventy or eighty years — twenty during the 
 Philistine oppression, forty or fifty under Samuel and Saul, and perhaps 
 ten of David's reign. See the Chronological Table in the Introd. to 
 I Sam. p. 24. 
 
 As Eleazar the son of Abinadab was old enough to be entrusted with 
 the charge of the Ark when it was placed in his father's house, we 
 must clearly understand "sons" here in the wider sense of "descend- 
 ants," grandsons or great-grandsons. Cp. ch. ix. 9. 
 
 3, 4. The text of these verses is corrupt. Some words have been 
 accidentally repeated by a scribe in copying the Hebrew, and should 
 be struck out, on the authority of the LXX., and the end of z'. 3 and 
 2'. 4 read thus: "Now Uzzah and Ahio the sons of Abinadab were 
 driving the cart with the Ark of God, and Ahio was going before the 
 Ark." zj. 4 is omitted altogether in i Chr. It is doubtful moreover 
 whether Ahio is a proper name at all. The same consonants with 
 different vowels would mean his brethren, as the Sept. renders the word 
 here, or his brother, as the Vulg. renders it in i Chr. xiii. 7. 
 
 5. played^ The word denotes a dance accompanied by music, such 
 as frequently formed part of a religious festival. Cp. i Sam. xviii. 7. 
 
 on all manner (t/ instruments made o^ fir zvood] The expression is a 
 strange one, and the text seems to be corrupt. Probably we should adopt 
 the reading of the parallel passage in i Chron., with all their might 
 and with songs. The Hebrew words are very similar, anrl the Sept. 
 text here, though interpolated in its present form, supports the change. 
 
 even on harps, &c.] The harp (Heb. hinnor) and psaltery (Heb, 
 nebel) were stringed instruments, the exact form of which is unknown ; 
 the timbrel, also called tlie tabret, (Heb. toph) was a tambourine or 
 hand drum. The etymology of the word translated cornet, which 
 occurs here only, shews that it denotes some kind of instrument which 
 was played by being shaken, j^erhaps similar to the sistrum of the 
 Egyptians, which consisted of rings hung loosely on iron rods, so as to 
 make a tinkling sound when shaken. See the engravings in Wilkinson's 
 Ancient Egyptians, Vol. I. p. 497 ff. Chron. reads "trumpets" which 
 probably suggested the misrendering of the E. V. Cymbals were plates 
 of metal, held in each hand, and played by being clashed together. 
 
11. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 6—8. 
 
 6 And when they came to Nachon's threshingfloor, Uzzah. 
 put forth his hand to the ark of God, and took hold of it ; 
 
 7 for the oxen shook it. And the anger of the Lord was 
 kindled against Uzzah ; and God smote him there for his 
 
 8 error ; and there he died by the ark of God. And David 
 
 6. NacJion^s threshingfioor'] There is nothing to shew where this 
 place was. It is called in i Chr. xiii. 9, the threshingfloor of Chidon. 
 It may have been known by both names, but more probably one of the 
 two forms is due to corruption of the text. 
 
 for the oxen shook it\ This is the most probable explanation of an 
 obscure word. The Ark seemed to be on the point of falling from the 
 cart, owing to some sudden start or stumble of the oxen, or the rough- 
 ness of the road. 
 
 7. foi- his cri-or^ The Hebrew word occurs nowhere else, but if genuine, 
 may best be rendered thus, or as in the margin, y^r his rashness. The 
 reading of Chronicles, " because he put his hand to the ark," sounds 
 like a substitution for an expression which had already become obscure. 
 
 God smote him therefor his error'\ As before at Beth-shemesh (r Sam. 
 vi. 19), an act of irreverence towards the Ark was punished with death. 
 Such a penalty for a well-meant and natural action seems to us at first 
 sight strangely severe. But it must be remembered that one of the 
 great lessons which the nation of Israel had to learn was the unap- 
 proachable Majesty of the holy God. The Ark was the symbol of His 
 presence, and the Levitical ordinances were designed to secure the 
 strictest reverence for it. It was to be carried by the Levites, but they 
 might not come near until it had been covered by the priests, nor touch 
 it except by the staves provided for the purpose, upon pain of death 
 (Num. iv. 5, 15, 19, 20). It is probable that Uzzah was a Levite, and 
 if so, he ought to have known these injunctions : but in any case, as 
 the Ark had been under his charge, he ought to have made himself 
 acquainted with them. Perhaps he had come to regard the sacred 
 symbol which had been in his house so long with undue familiarity. 
 Nor was David free from blame in allowing such a neglect of the Law. 
 The occasion was an important one. It was the first step in the in- 
 auguration of a new era of worship, in the newly established capital 
 of the kingdom ; and if these breaches of the divine ordinances had 
 been left unpunished, the lessons they were intended to teach might 
 have been neglected. Uzzah's death was necessary for a solemn warn- 
 ing to David and the people. "By this severe stroke upon the first 
 violation of the law, God impressed a dread upon the hearts of men, 
 and gave a sanction to His commands that no man should attempt 
 npon any p)-ctence whatever, to act in defiance of his Law, or boldly to 
 dispense with what God has established." (Bp. Sanderson, quoted by 
 Bp. Wordsworth.) 
 
 If such reverence was due to the symbol, with how much greater 
 reverence should the realities of the Christian Covenant be regarded ? 
 See Heb. x. 28, 29. 
 
vv. 9— 12.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 93 
 
 was displeased, because the Lord had made a breach upon 
 Uzzah : and he called the name of the place Perez-uzzah to 
 this day. And David was afraid of the Lord that day, and 9 
 said, How shall the ark of the Lord come to me? So 10 
 David would not remove the ark of the Lord unto him into 
 the city of David : but David carried it aside mto the house 
 of Obed-edom the Gittite. And the ark of the Lord n 
 continued in the house of Obed-edom the Gittite three 
 months: and the Lord blessed Obed-edom, and all his 
 household. 
 
 12 — 19. Rcmovalof the Ark fro?n the house of Ohcd-edom 
 to Jerusalem. 
 
 And it was told king David, saying. The Lord hath 12 
 blessed the house of Obed-edom, and all that pertaineth 
 unto him, because of the ark of God. So David went and 
 
 8. was displeascd\ The same ■word is used in i Sam. xv. 11 (E.V. 
 it grieved Samuel) to denote vexation akin to antjer. 
 
 made a breach'] Broke forth upon Uzzah: the same verb as in ch. 
 V. 20: used in a precisely similar sei;se of a sudden divine judgment in 
 Ex. xix. 11, i\. 
 
 10. Obed-edom the Giftife\ Obed-edom was a Levite belonging to 
 the family of the Korahites, who were descended from Kohath (t Chron. 
 xxvi. I, 4 — 8; Num. xvi. i). He is called a Gittite probably because 
 he was a native of the Levitical city of Gath-rimmon, in Dan or 
 Manasseh, which was assigned to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24, 25).- 
 Thus there was an appropriateness in his being chosen to take charge of 
 the Ark, since he belonged to the family which was originally appointed 
 to carry it from place to place (Num. iv. 15). The site of Gath-rimmon 
 is not determined, but it seems to have been further from Jerusalem 
 than Kirjath-jearim, and this appears to indicate either that Obed-edom 
 had removed from his native place and was living near Jerusalem, or 
 that "Perez-uzzah" was not far from Kirjath-jearim, and that the 
 special fitness of Obed-edom to take charge of the Ark induced David 
 to take it to his house, though at a greater distance from Jerusalem. 
 
 The name Obed-edom \ = servant of Edom) is peculiar. It may 
 possibly refer to the servitude of some member of the family to the 
 Edomites, 
 
 12 — 19. Removal of the Ark from the house of Oeed- 
 EDOM TO Jerusalem. 
 
 12. So David went] Some Latin and a few Greek MSS. soften the 
 abraptness of the text by inserting before this sentence the words, 
 "And David said, I will go and bring back the Ark with blessing unto 
 my house;" but they are in all probability only a gloss. 
 
94 n. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 13—17. 
 
 brought up the ark of God from the house of Obed-edom 
 
 13 i?ito the city of David with gladness. And it was so, that 
 when they that bare the ark of the Lord had gone six paces, 
 
 14 he sacrificed oxen and fatUngs. And David danced before 
 the Lord with all his might ; and David was girded with a 
 
 15 linen ephod. So David and all the house of Israel brought 
 up the ark of the Lord with shouting, and with the sound 
 
 16 of the trumpet. And as the ark of the Lord came into the 
 city of David, Michal Saul's daughter looked through a 
 window, and saw king David leaping and dancing before 
 
 17 the Lord ; and she despised him in her heart. And they 
 brought in the ark of the Lord, and set it in his place, in 
 the midst of the tabernacle that David had pitched for it : 
 
 witJi gladness\ i. e. festal rejoicings ; julDilan't shouts and songs. 
 
 13. they that bare the ark of the Lord] The requirements of the law 
 were now duly observed, as is recorded at length in i Chr. xv., where 
 further details are given about the preparation of a tent to receive the 
 Ark, the number of Levites who took part in the ceremony, and the 
 arrangements for the music which accompanied the procession. 
 
 had gone six paces] As soon as the procession had started on its way, 
 without any sign of the divine displeasure, David offered a sacrifice as a 
 thank-offering for the prosperous commencement, and an intercession 
 for the successful completion, of his undertaking. Cp. i Chr. xv. 26, 
 " And it came to pass, when God helped the Levites that bare the Ark 
 of the covenant of the Lord, that they offered seve-n bullocks and seven 
 rams." 
 
 14. David danced^ The dances which Were the tisual expression of 
 rejoicing on occasions of national thanksgiving (Ex. xv. 20,21 ; Jud. xi. 
 34) and religious festivals (Ps. cxlix. 3, cl. 4) were generally performed 
 by women only. David's enthusiasm did not fear to transgress the 
 limits of conventional propriety. 
 
 ie/bre the Lord] For the Ark was the symbol of Jehovah's presence. 
 
 a linen ephod'\ David laid aside his royal robes and appeared in the 
 distinctive dress of a priest. As the head and representative of "a 
 kingdom of priests" (Ex. xix. 6), the king possessed a priestly character; 
 and David on this occasion exercised priestly functions in directing the 
 sacrifices, even if he did not offer them himself {vv. 17, 18), and in 
 blessing the people (v. 18). See Introd. ch. vii. p. 43. 
 
 16. leaping and dancing'] Two peculiar words, the first found here 
 only, the second only here and in v. 14, are used to denote the special 
 modes of dancing anciently employed in religious solemnities. In 
 1 Chron. xv. 29 two verbs in ordinary use have been substituted, 
 shewing that these distinctive terms had become obsolete. 
 
 she despised him] The proud daughter of the house of Saul was 
 incapable of appreciating the honour of humility. 
 
vv. 18—20.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 95 
 
 and David offered burnt offerings and peace offerings before 
 the Lord. And as soon as David had made an end of ^s 
 offering burnt offerings and peace offerings, he blessed the 
 people in the name of the Lord of hosts. And he dealt 19 
 among all the people, even among the whole multitude of 
 Israel, as well to the women as men, to every one a cake of 
 bread, and a good piece of flesh, and a flagon of wine. So 
 all the people departed every one to his house. 
 
 20 — 23. ATichars contemptuous pride rebuked by David. 
 
 Then David returned to bless his household. And Michal 20 
 the daughter of Saul came out to meet David, and said, How 
 
 17. the iaberiiade] Kather, the tent, as in r Chr. xv. i. The 
 tabernacle proper was at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). 
 
 18. burnt offa-ings and peace offcri7tgs\ The "burnt offerings" were 
 dedicatory, the "peace offerings" eucharistic. The latter furnished the 
 festival meal for the assembled people (Lev. vii. 15). Compare Solo- 
 mon's sacrifices at the dedication of the Temple (i Kings viii. 62 — d^). 
 
 he blessed the people in the name of the Lord of hosts'] As Solomon 
 did (i Kings viii. 14, 55). "The name of the Lord "signifies "Jehovah 
 as He has revealed Himself to men," and "to bless in the name of the 
 Lord" signifies 'to invoke from Jehovah such blessings as He coven- 
 ants to give in accordance with His revelation of Himself.' Cp. Ps. 
 cxxix. 8. 
 
 19. dealt] In the old sense of divided or distributed, from A. S. da:lan, 
 to distribute, from which comes dole, a portion dealt out. Cp. Is. Iviii. 
 7 ; Rom. xii. 3. 
 
 a cake of bread] The Heb. word for cake occurs elsewhere only in 
 the Pentateuch, and is always applied to cakes prepared for sacrificial 
 purposes. 
 
 a good piece of flesh] The word is only found elsewhere in the parallel 
 passage of i Chr., and is of uncertain meaning. The most probable 
 conjectures are (i) a piece of roast meat (Vulg.) ; {1) a portion of flesh; 
 (3) a measure of wine. 
 
 a flagon of wine] More probably, a cake of raisins. 
 
 20 — 23. Michal's contemptuous pride rebuked et David. 
 
 20. And Michal, &c.] The account of David's meeting with Michal 
 is omitted in 1 Chr. 
 
 How glorious, &.Z.] Better, How honourable did the king of Israel 
 make himself to-day. The E. V. weakens the point of David's answer 
 in V. 22 by translating the same Hebrew word differently in the two 
 verses. 
 
95 II. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 21—23. 
 
 glorious was the king of Israel to day, who uncovered him- 
 self to day in the eyes of the handmaids of his servants, as 
 one of the vain fellotos shamelessly uncovereth himself! 
 ai And David said unto Michal, // ivas before the Lord, 
 which chose me before thy father, and before all liis house, 
 to appoint me ruler over the people of the Lord, over 
 
 22 Israel : therefore will I play before the Lord. And I will 
 yet be more vile than tlius, and will be base in mine own 
 sight : and of the maidservants which thou hast spoken of, 
 
 23 of them shall I be had in honour. Therefore Michalthe 
 daughter of- Saul had no cliild unto the day of her death. 
 
 ■who tincovered himself, &c.] Stripped off his royal robe, and appeared 
 in a plain ephod, as a worthless buffoon strips off his outer garment to 
 play immodest antics. 
 
 z'a?«] = ' empty,' 'worthless.' 
 
 21. It was before the Lord] Before the LTDRD; wHo chose me rather" 
 than thy father, &c....yea I will play hefore the LORD. " Before the 
 Lord" stands emphatically at the beginning of David's answer. No 
 service offered to the God to whom he owed all his advancement could 
 be degrading. Thus he defends his own conduct, and at the same- 
 time he humbles Michal's pride by alluding to Saul's rejection. 
 
 The Sept. (B) reads, "Before the Lord will I dance: blessed be the' 
 Lord who chose, &c." 
 
 It is related of Sir Thomas More that he used, even when Lord 
 Chancellor, to put on a surplice and sing-in his parish church at Chelsea. 
 The Duke of Norfolk one clay found him doing so, and expostulated with 
 him: "A parish clarke, lord chancellour, a parish clarke ! you dis- 
 honour the King and his office." "Nay," quoth Sir Thomas, smiling 
 upon the duke, "your grace may not thinke that the King, your maister 
 and myne, will be offended with men for- serving of God his Maister; 
 or by this my present behaviour account his office dishonoured." Words- 
 worth's Eccles. Biogr. Ii. p. 68. 
 
 rulc'r] See note on "captain" in ch. v. 1. 
 
 22. And I %villyet, &c.] And I will make myself yet more con- 
 temptible than this, and will he humble in mine own eyes. Michal 
 had taunted David with degrading himself in the eyes of the meanest 
 servants. He replies that even if he humbled himself yet more deeply, 
 instead of priding himself on his royal dignity, they would continue to 
 honour him. 
 
 23. Therefore Michal^ Simply, And Michal. She was condemned 
 to the reproach of childlessness, the sharpest privation to an Oriental 
 woman. Cp. Gen. xxx. i ; i Sam. i. 5. 
 
w. 1—3.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 97 
 
 Ch. VII. I — 29. The Promise of Perpetual Dominion to the 
 house of David. 
 
 I — 3. David'' s desire to build a house for the Lord. 
 
 And it came to pass, when the king sat in his house, and 7 
 the Lord had given him rest round about from all his 
 enemies ; that the king said unto Nathan the prophet, See 2 
 now, I dwell in a house of cedar, but the ark of God 
 dwelleth within curtains. And Nathan said to the king, 3 
 Go, do all that is in thine heart ; for the Lord is with thee. 
 
 Ch. VII. 1 — 29. The Promise of Perpetual Dominion to 
 
 THE house of David. 
 
 = I Chr. xvii. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix. 19 — 37. 
 
 1—3. David's desire to build a house for the Lord. 
 
 1. when the king sat in his house] When the king dwelt in his 
 house, which he had built in the "city of David" (ch. v. 9, 11 ; i Chr. 
 xiv. i). At what period of his reign David formed this resolution to 
 build a temple cannot be exactly determined. On the one hand the 
 emphatic words "when the Lord had given him rest round about from 
 all his enemies " (cp. v. 9) seem to point to a time after some at least of 
 the wars recorded in ch. viii. On the other hand it was before the 
 birth of Solomon {v. 12), and so cannot be placed in the latter years of 
 his reign. The arrangement of the book is not strictly chronological, 
 and this narrative finds a rrvost suitable place here from its close con- 
 nexion with the subject of the preceding chapter. 
 
 2. Nathan the prophet] The first mention of one of the most 
 eminent men in the reigns of David and Solomon. It was he who 
 rebuked David for his sin with Bathsheba (ch. xii. i ff.) ; who became 
 Solomon's tutor (ch. xii. 25, note), and took a leading part in securing his 
 succession to the throne (i Kings i. 22 ff. ) ; who wrote a history of the 
 reign of David and of part at least of the reign of Solomon (i Chr. 
 xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. ix. 29), from which in all probability a large portion 
 of the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, is derived. 
 
 within ctn-tains] The term applied in Ex. xxvL 1 ff., xxxvi. 8 ff., 
 to the coverings of the tabernacle. 
 
 4 — 17. The Lord's message to David. 
 The connexion of thought in vv. 5 — 13 is as follows : " Thotc shalt not W 
 build a house for Me (5 — 7), but /, who have chosen thee to be the I 
 ruler of my people, will build an house for thee (8 — 11), and thy I 
 son shall erect an house for me" (12, 13). The reasons why David's , 
 zeal was thus checked must be carefully considered. The unsettled ( 
 condition of the nation had made a fixed sanctuary impossible hitherto, 
 and even now the time for it was not yet fully come. The house of/ 
 David must be firmly established and peace secured, before this great 
 II. SAMUEL <! 
 
98 II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 4—8. 
 
 4 — 1 7. The Lord^s message to David. 
 
 4 And it came to pass that night, that the word of the Lord 
 
 s came unto Nathan, saying, Go and tell my servant David, 
 
 Thus saith the Lord, Shalt thou build me a house for me 
 
 6 to dwell in ? Whereas I have not dwelt in any house since 
 the time that I brought up the children of Israel out of 
 Egypt, even to this day, but have walked in a tent and in a 
 
 7 tabernacle. In all the places, wherein I have walked with all 
 the children of Israel spake I a word with any of the tribes 
 of Israel, whom I commanded to feed my people Israel, 
 
 8 saying, Why build ye not me a house of cedar? Now 
 therefore so shalt thou say unto my servant David, Thus 
 
 step in the history of the national religion could be advantageously 
 rf- taken. Again, (IJavid was not to build the house "because he had 
 I shed much blood, and had made great wars'')(i Chron. xxii. 8, 
 xxviii. 3). 
 
 Thus'personally David was not the fitting man to build the temple, 
 
 , though ne is not blamed for wars which were a necessity of the time ; 
 
 I and the very fact that he had to wage these wars, shewed that the time 
 
 *■ for building the temple had not come, because the kingdom was not yet 
 
 firmly established. 
 
 4. the luord of the Lord came tnito Naihan'\ Observe the clear 
 distinction between Nathan's own judgment, which approved David's 
 resolution, and the divine message which he was commissioned to 
 deliver to David. 
 
 5. my servant David"] Any Israelite might call Himself God's 
 servant in addressing God : but only a few who were raised up to do 
 special service, such as Moses and Joshua, are honoured by being thus 
 distinctively styled "Servants of Jehovah." See Introd. p. 44. 
 
 Shalt thoii bitild] Thou is emphatic. The question of course is 
 equivalent to a negative. 
 
 7. ixiith any of the tribes of Israeli 1 Chr. xvii. 6 reads judges for 
 tribes, and at first sight this appears to be required by the following 
 words, "whom I commanded," ike, which seem more applicable to an 
 individual ruler than to a tribe. But the reading "tribes" is supported 
 by the versions, and may be understood of the different tribes which 
 through the Judges and leaders chosen from them successively attained 
 the supremacy, as Ephraim in the time of Joshua, Dan in the days of 
 Samson, Benjamin in the reign of Saul. Compare David's expression 
 in I Chr. xxviii. 4, "he hath chosen Judah to be the ruler," and the 
 reference to the choice of the tribe of Judah and the rejection of the 
 tribe of Ephraim in Ps. Ixxviii. 67, 68. 
 
 to feed\ To tend, as a shepherd tends his sheep. Cp. note on ch. v. 2. 
 
 a house of cedar] Cp. v. 1. A permanent sanctuary with beams 
 of the most costly timber. See note on ch. v. 1 1 . 
 
vv. 9—12.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 99 
 
 saith the Lord of hosts, I took thee from the sheepcote, 
 from following the sheep, to be ruler over my people, over 
 Israel : and I was with thee whithersoever thou wentest, 9 
 and have cut off all thine enemies out of thy sight, and 
 have made thee a great name, like unto the name of the 
 great men that are in the earth. Moreover I will appoint a lo 
 place for my people Israel, and will plant them, that they 
 may dwell in a place of their own, and move no more ; 
 neither shall the children of wickedness afflict them any 
 more, as beforetime, and as since the time that I com- n 
 manded judges to be over my people Israel, and have caused 
 thee to rest from all thine enemies. Also the Lord telleth 
 thee that he will make thee a house. And when thy days 12 
 be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set 
 up thy seed after thee, which shall proceed out of thy . 
 
 8. from the shccpcote\ Rather, from tbe pasture. Cp. Ps. Ixxviii. 
 70, 71. 
 
 to be ruler] Cp. ch. v. 2, vi. 21. 
 
 10. Moreover I wiU appoint] It is probably best to take the verbs 
 here as perfects : And I have appointed... and have planted them, and 
 they dwell in their own place. For the metaphor of planting, comp. 
 Ex. XV. 17; Ps. xliv. 2. 
 
 and move tto more] Better, and shall not toe disturbed any more. 
 
 t/ic children of wickedness] Sons of wickedness = -wicked men. Cp. 
 Ps. Ixxxix. 22. 
 
 10, 11. as beforetime, and as since the time] It is best to connect 
 the first clause o{ v. ir with v. 10. Beforetime refers to the beghming 
 of the nation's history in Egypt ; since, &c. to the various oppressions 
 they hjid suffered from the beginning of the period of the Judges down 
 to the present. 
 
 and have caused thee to rest] And have given thee rest, as mv. \; 
 to be connected with the verbs at the beginning of v. 10, / have 
 appointed. ..a7id have planted them. 
 
 Also, &c.] Or, And the Lord hath told thee, referring to the 
 communications made to David by Samuel. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 28. 
 
 12. And ivhen] And is not in the Hebrew text ; perhaps and it 
 shall come to pass, which is found in the LXX., has dropped out. 
 Nathan now passes on from recounting God's past mercies to Israel and 
 David to a direct prophecy concerning the establishment of David's 
 house. 
 
 I loill set up thy seed] First Solomon, who recognises the fulfilment 
 of this promise in his elevation to the throne (i Kings viii. 15—20) ; then 
 the line of David's descendants who succeeded him on the throne of 
 Judah ; and finally Christ, in whom the prophecy reaches its highest 
 "fulfilment. See Luke i. 31 — 33; Acts ii. 29 — 31; xiii. 22, 23. 
 
II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 13—16. 
 
 13 bowels, and I will establish his kingdom. He shall build a 
 house for my name, and I will stablish the throne of his 
 
 J4 kingdom for ever. I will be his father, and he shall be 
 my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with 
 the rod of men, and with the stripes of the children of men : 
 
 15 but my mercy shall not depart away from him, as I took ii 
 
 16 from Saul, whom I put away before thee. And thine house 
 and thy kingdom shall be stablished for ever before thee : 
 
 13. for my name] The Name of God signifies God Himself so far 
 as He has revealed and manifested Himself to men. His promise 
 concerning the Temple was that He would "put His name there," that 
 is, that He would be present and reveal Himself there in an especial 
 manner. See i Kings viii. 29, ix. 3. 
 
 stablish] A shorter form of establish, both words being derived from 
 Lat. stabilire. Cp. special and especial from species, state and estate from 
 status. 
 
 14. I will be his father and he shall be my son] The nation of Israel 
 is honoured with the lofty title of "Jehovah's son" (Ex. iv. 22 ; 
 Deut. xiv. I ; Hos. xi. i); and the king, as the representative of the 
 nation, enjoys the same distinction. This relationship implies, on the 
 part of God, the watchful care and love of a parent ; on the part of the 
 king, the duty of loyal trust and willing obedience. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix. 
 26, 27, where similar expressions are applied to David ; Ps. ii. 7 ; and 
 I Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 6, where David quotes this promise in 
 reference to Solomon. It finds its highest fulfilment in the mysterious 
 eternal relationship between God the Father and Christ the Son, with 
 reference to which these words are quoted in Heb. i. 5. See Introd. p. 43. 
 
 If he commit, &c.] A warning that this high dignity will not exempt 
 him from the danger of sin nor from its punishment. He will be chas- 
 tised, if need be, as men chastise their children to correct and reclaim 
 them. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix. 30 — 33, and i Kings xi. 34 — 36, 39. 
 
 15. shall not depart, &c.] Lit, shall not toe taken away from him, 
 as I took it away from Saul, whom I took away from before thee. 
 The three verbs belong to the same root. But there is perhaps some 
 error in the text, i Chr. xvii. 13 reads, "my mercy will I not take 
 away from him, as I took it away from him who was before thee;" and 
 the Sept. here has, " My mercy will I not take away from him, as I 
 took it away from them that I took away from before me. " 
 
 16. thy kingdom shall be stablished] Better, thy kingdom shall be 
 made sure. Two different words are translated "shall be stablished" 
 in this verse. The second corresponds to that m.v. 13 : the first is that 
 rendered in i Sam. ii. 35, "a sure house, and in Is. Iv. 3, "the sure 
 mercies of David." 
 
 before thee] The explanation that "David is regarded as seeing all 
 his descendants pass before him in a vision," is forced, and it is best 
 to follow the LXX. in reading before me. This reading moreover 
 seems to be required by vv. 26 and 29. 
 
vv. 17, 18.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 
 
 thy throne shall be stablished for ever. According to all 17 
 these words, and according to all this vision, so did Nathan 
 speak unto David. 
 
 1 8 — 29. David'' s prayer and thanksgiving. 
 
 Then went king David in, and sat before the Lord, and i3 
 he said. Who am I, O Lord God ? and what is my house, 
 
 17. this visioit] The manner in which God's message was com- 
 municated to Nathan was by "a vision," in which his spiritual sight 
 was quickened to discern the truth. The word for "vision" is derived 
 from the same root as chSzeh, one of the words translated 'seer' (see on 
 I Sam. ix. 9), and is distinguished as a method of revelation from a 
 'dream.' Cp. Is. i. r. 
 
 On the Messianic interpretation of this prophecy, see Additional 
 Note I. p. 233. 
 
 18 — 29. David's prayer and thanksgiving. 
 
 David's address to God consists of [a] humble thanksgiving for the 
 undeserved favour shewn to him and his house, vv. 18 — 21 ; (p) praise 
 for God's past manifestations of his glory in and to Israel, vv. 22 — 24; 
 {c) petition for the final fulfilment of the promise, vv. 25 — 29. 
 
 18. Then went king David in, and sat before the Lord] In the tent 
 where the Ark, the symbol of God's presence, was. As sitting does not 
 seem to have been a customary posture for prayer, some commentators 
 render tarried instead of sat. Others suppose that David sat to medi- 
 tate, and afterwards stood up to pray. 
 
 Who am /&c.] Cp. Jacob's language in Gen. xxxii. 10. 
 
 O Lord God\ Whenever God is thus printed in small capitals, it 
 represents the sacred name Jehovah. From very ancient times the 
 Jewish practice in reading the Scriptures has been to substitute in place 
 of Jehovah Adonai, which means my Lord, or Lord ; or if the title 
 AdOnai is joined with Jehovah, as here, Elohiin, which means God. 
 The E.V. follows the Jewish practice in giving LORD and God, and 
 whenever they represent the name Jehovah indicates the fact by the 
 use of capitals. '"Lord God," which represents "my Lord Jehovah," 
 must therefore be distinguished from "LORD God" (v. 25), which 
 represents "Jehovah Elohim," i.e. "Jehovah God." See Additional 
 Note II. on i Samuel, p. 236. 
 
 The appropriateness of this address "my Lord Jehovah" in David's 
 thanksgiving must be carefully noted. It is not merely an acknow- 
 ledgment of the Divine sovereignty in general, but expresses the con- 
 sciousness of belonging specially to God, and standing under His imme- 
 diate guidance and protection. See Oehler's Theology of the Old 
 Testament, I. 148. It is the correlative of the title "my servant" with 
 which God distinguishes David. It calls to mind St Paul's words "the 
 God whose I am, whom also I serve" (Acts xxvii. 23). Compare 
 Abram's use of it in Gen. xv. 2, 8; and Moses' in Deut. iii. 24, ix. 26. 
 
I02 II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 19—22. 
 
 19 that thou hast brought me hitherto ? And this was yet a 
 small thing in thy sight, O Lord God; but thou hast spoken 
 also of thy servant's house for a great while to come. And 
 
 20 is this the manner of man, O Lord God ? And what can 
 David say more unto thee? for thou, Lord God, knowest 
 
 21 thy servant. For thy word's sake, and according to thine 
 own heart, hast thou done all these great things, to make 
 
 22 thy servant know them. Wherefore thou art great, O Lord 
 God : for there is none like thee, neither is there any God 
 beside thee, according to all that we have heard with our 
 
 When he turns to praise God for his dealings with Israel in general, 
 David uses the ordinaiy title Jehovah Elohim {v. 22), and retains it in 
 V. 25 at the beginning of his petition, as if to identify the covenant God 
 of Israel with the God to whom he makes his prayer : but in vv. 28, 29 
 he returns to the more familiar address of confident trust "my Lord 
 Jehovah." 
 
 19. And is f/iis the manner of man] It is best to understand these 
 difficult words as David's expression of humble astonishment at the 
 gi-eatness of the honour destined for him and his house. Render, And 
 this is a law for men! i.e. this decree that my kingdom shall be esta- 
 blished for ever, is to be valid for weak human beings, such as myself 
 and my posterity ! Another explanation very commonly adopted is, 
 And /his is the manner of man, viz. to speak so familiarly and conde- 
 scendingly as thou hast done to me ; but the Heb. word is used nowhere 
 else in the sense of manner, and the whole context requires a reference 
 to the substance rather than to the manner of the communication. 
 
 The reading in i Chron. is quite dilferent: "thou hast regarded me 
 according to the estate of a man of high degree." One or other of the 
 texts is perhaps corrupt. 
 
 20. thou, Lord GoD, kno-vcst thy servant] Words fail, and David 
 appeals to God's omniscience. Cp. Ps. xvii. 3, cxxxix. i — 4; John 
 xxi. 17. 
 
 21. For thy word''s sake] To fulfil Thy promises made to me 
 through Samuel. The reading of i Chr. xvii. 19, and of the LXX. 
 here, is for thy sen'ant's sake. 
 
 22. Wherefoi-e then art great] Since Thou hast done these great 
 things for me, I praise Thee and acknowledge Thy greatness. Cp. 
 Ps. XXXV. 27, xl. 16, xlviii. i. 
 
 for there is tione like thee, &c.] Cp. Ex. xv. 11; Deut. iii. 24, iv. 
 35 ; I Sam. ii. 2. 
 
 according to all, &c.] David passes from the evidence of God's 
 greatness derived from his own experience, to the evidence afforded 
 by the history of His dealings with Israel, handed down from father to 
 son by oral tradition. Cp. Ex. x. 2; Deut. iv. 9; Ps. xliv. i, Ixxxvi. 
 8—10. 
 
vv. 23—27.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 103 
 
 ears. And what one nation in the earth is Hke thy people, 23 
 even like Israel, whom God went to redeem for a people to 
 himself, and to make him a name, and to do for you great 
 things and terrible, for thy land, before thy people, which 
 thou redeemedst to thee from Egypt, fro??i the nations and 
 their gods ? For thou hast confirmed to thyself thy people 24 
 Israel to be a people unto thee for ever ; and thou, Lord, 
 art become their God. And now, O Lord God, the word 23 
 that thou hast spoken concerning thy servant, and concern- 
 ing his house, establish it for ever, and do as thou hast 
 said. And let thy name be magnified for ever, saying. The 25 
 Lord of hosts is the God over Israel : and let the house of 
 thy servant David be established before thee. For thou, O =7 
 
 23. A7id what, &c.] For what, &c., a further reason for the last 
 statement. Cp. Deut. iv. 7, 32 — 38. 
 
 ■whom God went Sec.'] Better, whicli their god went to redeem. EIS- 
 him, the Heb. word for God, is a phiral noun, but regularly takes a 
 singular verb when it denotes the true God. Here the verb "went" is 
 in the plural, which indicates that the gods of the nations are meant to 
 be included. The sense is, 'Where can any nation be found, which 
 has been delivered by the deity it worships, as Israel was delivered 
 from Egypt by Jehovah?' 
 
 for yoti] "You" can only refer to Israel, and an address to the 
 people is quite out of place in David's prayer to God. We must either 
 omit for you with the LXX, or readybr them, i.e. the nation, with the 
 Vulgate. 
 
 for thy land] This gives no satisfactory sense, and "the nations and 
 their gods" at the end of the verse has no proper construction in the 
 existing text. It is best to emend the text by the help of the LXX, 
 compared with i Chr. xvii. 21, and read to drive out in place oi for thy 
 land. The close of the verse will then stand thus; ^^ and to do great 
 things and terrible, to drive out nations and their gods before thy people, 
 which thou redeemedst for thyself out of Egypt." 
 
 The construction, which began in the third person, in connexion 
 with the relative clause, returns at the end of the verse to a direct 
 address to God. 
 
 great things and terrible] The miracles of the Exodus, the journey 
 through the wilderness, the Entiy into Canaan. Cp. Deut. x. 1 1 fur 
 the phrase. 
 
 24. thou hast confirmed] Established, the same word as in v. 13. 
 Cp. Deut. xxxii. 6. 
 
 art become their God] Hast proved Thyself to be their God, in fulfil- 
 ment of the ]iromises in Gen. xvii. 7,8; Ex. vi. 7. 
 
 26. let the house of thy sei-vant David be established] Rather, the 
 house of thy servant David shall he established; an expression of 
 
104 n. SAMUEL, VII. VIII. [vv. 28, 29; i. 
 
 Lord of hosts, God of Israel, hast revealed to thy servant, 
 saying, I will build thee a house : therefore hath thy servant 
 
 28 found in his heart to pray this prayer unto thee. And now, 
 O Lord God, thou art that God, and thy words be true, and 
 
 29 thou hast promised this goodness unto thy servant : there- 
 fore now let it please thee to bless the house of thy servant, 
 that it may continue for ever before thee : for thou, O Lord 
 God, hast spoken //.• and with thy blessing let the house of 
 thy servant be blessed for ever. 
 
 Ch. VIIL The Development of David'' s Kingdom. 
 I, 2. Conquest of the Phiiisti?ies and Moabites. 
 8 And after this it came to pass, that David smote the 
 
 confident assurance, the ground of which is introduced by the "for" of 
 V. 27. 
 
 27. hast revealed to thy servant'\ Lit. hast uncovered the ear of thy 
 sei-vant, a figure of speech said to be derived from the practice of 
 removing the hair or a corner of the turban from another's ear in order 
 to whisper a secret into it. Cp. i Sam. ix. 15. 
 
 therefore'] The promise justified a prayer which otherwise would 
 have seemed presumptuous. 
 
 found in his heart] Lit. fonnd his heart ; i.e. found courage. Cp. 
 the phrase "to take heart." 
 
 28. thou art that God] Better, thou art God, and thy words shall 
 be truth. Truth is an essential attribute of God, and His promises 
 must therefore prove true. Cp. Ex. xxxiv. 6; Ps. xix. 9; John xvii. 
 
 17- 
 
 29. let the house of thy .servant be blessed] Or, shall the house of 
 thy servant be blessed. David concludes with words of confident 
 hope, on the ground that "Jehovah hath spoken it." Cp. i Chr. 
 xvii. 27. 
 
 Chap. VIIL The Development of David's Kingdom. 
 
 =: I Chr. xviii. 
 
 1, 2. Conquest of the Philistines and Moabites. 
 
 1.' And after this it'came to pass] This chapter contains a summary 
 account of the wars .by which David established the supremacy of 
 Israel among the surrounding nations. At what periods of his reign 
 they were waged is not stated. As has been already implied in the 
 note on ch. vii. i, it seems best to consider the words " and after this it 
 came to pass" as a- general formula of transition and connexion, not 
 necessarily indicating a strict chronological sequence. It may possibly 
 be derived from the annals which were the original source of the his- 
 tory. Cp. ch. x«- I,, xiii. i. 
 
vv. 2, 3.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 105 
 
 Philistines, and subdued them : and David took Metheg- 
 ammah out of the hand of the Phihstines. And he smote 2 
 Moab, and measured them with a hne, casting them down 
 to the ground ; even with two hnes measured he to put to 
 death, and with one full line to keep alive. And so the 
 Moabites became David's servants, and brought gifts, 
 
 3—8. Conquest of Zohah and Dajnascics. 
 David smote also Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of 3 
 
 took Melheg-ayninah, &c.] Tke most probable explanation of this 
 obscure expression is took the bridle of the metropolis out of the hand of 
 the Philistines, i.e. wrested from them the control of their chief city. 
 This is equivalent to the statement in r Chr. xviii. i that "David took 
 Gath and her towns out of the hand of the Philistines;" and it may be 
 noticed that the metaphor of the 'mother-city' is employed there, for 
 the word translated "towns" literally means daughters. Gath was 
 allowed to retain its king as-a tributary (1 Kings ii. 39). On its site 
 and history see note on i Sam. v. 8. 
 
 2. casting them down to the grozifidl Making them lie down on 
 the ground. The Moabite prisoners, doubtless only the fighting men, 
 were ordered to- lie down upon the ground in rows, which were mea- 
 sured with a measuring line. Two thirds of them were executed, and 
 only the remaining third spared; Why David inflicted such terrible 
 vengeance on a nation which had once received him and given his 
 parents an asylum (i Sam. xxiii. 3, 4) can only be conjectured. A 
 Jewish tradition relates that the king of- Moab betrayed his trust and 
 murdered David's parents. Possibly the Moabites may have been 
 guilty of some special act of treachery in one of David's wars with their 
 neighbours the Ammonites or Edomites. The exploit recorded in 
 ch. xxiii. 20 was perhaps performed in this war. By this victory 
 Balaam's prophecy was fulfilled (Num. xxiv. 17). 
 
 brought gift si Paid tribute to David. Cp. z/. 6; t Kings iv. 21. At the 
 division of the kingdom, Moab seems to have fallen to Israel, for we 
 find Mesha, the king of Moab, paying a heavy tribute to Ahab, and at 
 his death making a vigorous effort to throw off the Israelite yoke 
 (2 Kings iii. 4 ff ). 
 
 3 — 8. Conquest of Zobah and Damascus. 
 
 3. Hadadezer\ This name is written Hadarcztr in ch. x. 16 — 19, 
 and in Chronicles, the letters d (^) and r (1) being easily confused in 
 Hebrew. Hadad was the name of the Syrian sun-god, and Hadadezer 
 appears to be the true form, meaning "whose help is Hadad." 
 
 Zobahl The exact position and limits of this kingdom are unde- 
 termined. It seems to have been north-east of Damascus and south of 
 Hamath, between the Orontes and Euphrates. Saul waged wars with 
 its "kings," who were probably independent chieftains (i Sam. xiv. 47), 
 
io6 II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 4, 5. 
 
 Zobah, as he went to recover his border at the river Eu- 
 
 4 phrates. And David took from him a thousand chariots, 
 and seven hundred horsemen, and twenty thousand foot- 
 men : and David houghed all the chariot hofsss, but reserved 
 
 5 of them_;^r an hundred chariots. And when the Syrians of 
 Damascus came to succour Hadadezer king of Zobah, David 
 
 but now it was consolidated under one ruler, and was a country of con- 
 siderable wealth and power. 
 
 to recover his border'] The phrase cannot be thus rendered, but means 
 probably either to renew his attack or to re-establish Ms power. The 
 parallel passage in i Chr. xviii. 3 has a different verb, meaning to set tip 
 his power. The subject of the sentence is Hadadezer, and the occasion 
 referred to is probably that which is described more fully in ch. x. 1 5 — 19. 
 The Ammonites had hired the Syrians to help them against David, 
 who defeated their combined forces. Hadadezer thereupon summoned 
 the Syrians from beyond the Euphrates to his assistance, but was totally 
 defeated. 
 
 at the river Euphrates'] Euphrates is not in the written text, but 
 according to the Jewish tradition is to be read (see Introd. p. 15). But 
 the addition is unnecessary. "The River" by itself was understood 
 to mean the Euphrates. Cp. ch. x. 16; Ps. Ixxii. 8. 
 
 4. a thoicsand chariots, and seven hundred horsemen] The Heb. 
 text as it stands can only mean a thoicsand and seven hundred horsetnen; 
 but it seems best to follow the text of the LXX. and of i Chr. xviii. 4 
 in reading a thousand chariots and seven thousand horsemen. 
 
 houghed] Or hamstrung; disabled by cutting the back sinews of 
 their hind legs. Cp. Josh. xi. 6, 9. 
 reserved] To grace his triumph. 
 
 5. the Syrians of Damascus] The kingdom of which Damascus was 
 the capital was the most powerful branch of the Aramaeans or Syrians, 
 and played an important part in the history of Israel. It did not long 
 remain subject to them. In Solomon's reign a certain Rezon established 
 himself at Damascus, and proved a troublesome enemy (i Kings xi. 
 23 — 25). Benhadad I. was bribed by Asa to break his league with 
 Baasha and invade the Israelite territory (i Kings xv. 18), and actually 
 built a Syrian quarter in Sainaria (i Kings xx. 34). His son and 
 successor Ben-hadad II. besieged Samaria (i Kings xx. i), but was 
 defeated, and compelled to submit to Ahab ( i Kings xx. 34). But the 
 defeat and death of Ahab at Ramoth-gilead again gave Syria the upper 
 hand (r Kings xxii.); and in the reign of Jehoram Samaria was once 
 more besieged by them, and only saved by a miraculous interposition 
 (2 Kings vi. 24 — vii.). The rising power of Assyria now began to 
 threaten Syria, but in spite of the defeats he suffered from it, the usurper 
 Hazael, succeeding in repulsing the combined forces of Judahand Israel 
 at Ramoth-gilead (2 Kings viii. 28, 29), ravaged the trans-Jordanic 
 territory of Israel (2 Kings x. 32, 33), captured Gath, and threatened 
 Jerusalem, which only escaped on payment of a heavy ransom (2 Kings 
 
vv. 6—8.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 107 
 
 slew of the Syrians two and twenty thousand men. Then 6 
 David put garrisons in Syria of Damascus : and the Syrians 
 became servants to David, and brought gifts. And the 
 Lord preserved David whithersoever he went. And David 7 
 took the shields of gold that were on the servants of Hadad- 
 ezer, and brought them to Jerusalem. And from Betah, 8 
 
 xii. 17, 18), and seriously reduced the power of the Northern Kingdom 
 (2 Kings xiii. 3 — 7). Joash, however, recovered the lost territory 
 (2 Kings xiii. 25), and Jeroboam II. extended his conquests to Damascus 
 (2 Kings xiv. 28). Three quarters of a century later Syria reappears as 
 the ally of Israel against Judah. Rezin, king of Damascus, made a 
 league with Pekah to depose Ahaz and set up a creature of their own in 
 his stead (2 Kings xvi. 5; Is. vii. i — 9); but their attempt to take 
 Jerusalem failed, and Ahaz persuaded Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, 
 to attack Syria. Rezin was slain and Damascus destroyed (2 Kings 
 xvi. 7 — 9). Damascus now disappears from the O.T. history; but by 
 the fourth century B.C. it had been rebuilt, and has maintained its 
 prosperity down to the present day. It is situated in a fertile plain 
 watered by the river Barada, which is probably the Alcana of Scripture, 
 to the E. of the great mountain chain of the Anti-Libanus, on the edge 
 of the desert. Travellers describe it as "embosomed in a wide forest 
 of fruit trees, intersected and surrounded by sparkling streams, in the 
 midst of an earthly paradise." This natural beauty and fertility, com- 
 bined with its importance as a centre of trade, have secured the perman- 
 ence of its prosperity for nearly 4,000 years. See Robinson's Biblical 
 Researches, III. 443 ff; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 414 ff. 
 
 6. garrisons'X Military posts to secure the country. Some render 
 the word officers for the collection of the tribute, but the E. V. is 
 probably right. Cp. note on i Sam. x. 5. 
 
 brought gifts'l See note on v. 2. 
 
 freservcd\ Or saved, as in ch. iii. 18, xxii. 3, 4. 
 
 7. that 7vere on the servants of Hadadezer'\ Or, that belonged to, 
 &c. Probably it was his bodyguard which was distinguished by these 
 golden shields. Similarly a corps of the Macedonian army under 
 Alexander the Great was known as "the silver-shields" {apyvpa/y- 
 TTiSes). 
 
 The Septuagint adds at the end of the verse: "And Susakim [i.e. 
 Shishak] king of Egypt took them, when he went up to Jerusalem in the 
 days of Roboam the son of Solomon." In i Kings xiv. 26 there is a 
 corresponding addition in the Sept. : "And the golden spears which 
 David took from the hand of the servants of Adraazar king of Soba and 
 carried to Jerusalem, he took them all." 
 
 8. Betali\ The site of this city is unknown, and even the form of 
 the name is uncertain. Chr. has Tibhath, and the reading of the Sept. 
 makes it prolwble that the original form here was Tcbah, which occurs 
 as the name of one of the sons of Nahor the Syrian (Gen. xxii. 24), 
 
io8 II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 9— ii. 
 
 and from Berothai, cities of Hadadezer, king David took 
 exceeding much brass. 
 
 9 — 12. Congratulatory anhassy from Toi king of Hamath. 
 
 9 When Toi king of Hamath heard that David had smitten 
 
 10 all the host of Hadadezer, then Toi sent Joram his son 
 unto king David, to salute him, and to bless him, because 
 he had fought against Hadadezer, and smitten him : for 
 Hadadezer had wars with Toi. And /oratn brought with 
 him vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and vessels of 
 
 11 brass: which also king David did dedicate unto the Lord, 
 
 Berothai] Probably the same as Berothah, mentioned by Ezekiel 
 (ch. xlvii. 16) in connexion with Hamath and Damascus. The name 
 Chun, given in Chr. , may be a later name for the place, or a corruption 
 of the text. Its site has not been determined. 
 
 brass] Rather, copper, or bronze. The word certainly denotes a 
 simple metal in some passages, e.g. Deut. viii. 9; in others perhaps a 
 compound one, but if so, bronze (copper and tin), not brass (copper and 
 zinc), which was imknov.'n to the Hebrews. 
 
 The Sept. has an addition here similar to that in Chr.: "Therewith 
 Solomon made the brazen sea, and the pillars, and the lavers, and all 
 the vessels." 
 
 9 — 12. Congratulatory embassy from Toi king of 
 Hamath. 
 
 9. Tot] The Sept. agrees with Chr. in reading his name Toil, 
 Hamath] A kingdom north of Zobah, with a capital of the same 
 
 name situated on the Orontes. Hamath was one of the kingdoms 
 which were tributary to Solomon, who built cities there (i Kings iv. 
 24; 2 Chr. viii. 4). After his death it regained its independence until 
 Jeroboam II. recovered it (2 Kings xiv. 28). A century later it is 
 reckoned among the conquests of Assyria (2 Kings xix. 13). The 
 epithet "great," applied to the city by Amos (ch. vi. 2), attests its im- 
 portance. A considerable town, retaining the name of Hamah, still 
 occupies the site. 
 
 10. Joram] Hadoram, the name given in Chr., is probably the 
 true reading, for which the Hebrew name foi-am has been substituted 
 by a scribe's error. 
 
 to bless hi)}i] To congratulate him, as in Chr. The phrase there 
 translated "to inquire of his welfare" is identical with that rendered 
 "to salute" here. 
 
 Hadadezer had wars with Toi] Lit. "a man of wars of Toi was 
 Hadadezer." A man of wars — one who wages wars. Cp. i Chr. 
 xxviii. 3. 
 
 Joram brought, &c.] A valuable present, intended to secure the good- 
 will of his powerful neighbour. Cp. i Kings xv. 18. 
 
vv. 12, 13.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 109 
 
 with the silver and gold that he had dedicated of all nations 
 which he subdued; of Syria, and of Moab, and of the children 13 
 of Amnion, and of the Philistines, and of Amalek, and of 
 the spoil of Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of Zobah. 
 
 13, 14. Conqnest of Edo7n. 
 
 And David gat him a name when he returned from smit- 13 
 ing of the Syrians in the valley of salt, being eighteen 
 
 12. of Syria] Clir. and the Sept. agree in reading Edom instead of 
 Aram (Syria). The two names are easily confused (cp. note on v. 3), 
 and it is not easy to decide between them. The order, and the con- 
 nexion with Moab and Ammon, are in favour of Edoin: on the other 
 hand Edom has not yet been mentioned, and Syria of Damascus was 
 distinct from Zobah, and might very well be specified in addition to it 
 
 Amalek] The only allusion to an Amalekite war, unless the spoil 
 taken in the victory of i Sam. xxx. 16 ff, is meant. 
 Chr. omits the rest of the verse. 
 
 13, 14. Conquest of Edom. 
 
 13. gat him a name] Won renown. Cp. ch. vii. 9. This, and not 
 "erected a monument," as some render, is the right meaning. 
 
 •when he returned from smiting' of the Syrians] The text is certainly 
 corrupt. Chr. reads, "And Abishai the son of Zeruiah smote Edom 
 in the valley of salt, (to the number of) eighteen thousand men." The 
 Sept. has, "And David made a name: and as he returned he smote 
 Edom in Gebelem [a corrupt transliteration of the words meaning 
 valley of salt] to the number of eighteen thousand." Moreover the 
 Valley of Salt was nowhere in the neighbourhood of Syria, but on 
 the ancient border between Judah and Edom, to the S. of the Dead 
 Sea. It was the scene of Amaziah's victory over the Edomites (2 Kings 
 xiv. 7). We must therefore either adopt the Sept. reading, or insert 
 after Syrians the words and he smote Edom, which may easily have 
 dropped out, as the second of two similarly ending clauses. 
 
 Psalm Ix. is referred to this occasion by its title; "Michtam of David. 
 When he fought with Aram of the two rivers [Mesopotamia] and Aram 
 of Zobah, and Joab returned and smote Edom in the Valley of Salt (to 
 the number of) twelve thousand men. " The genuineness of this title is 
 disputed, chielly on the ground that the Psalm speaks of heavy disasters, 
 of which there is no mention in the history. But we should scarcely 
 expect defeat to be chronicled in such an extremely brief summary as 
 the present, which records only the final results of the war. We may 
 conjecture that while David was occupied with his campaign against the 
 Ammonites and Syrians, Edom seized the opportunity for invading the 
 south of Judah, and succeeded in inflicting serious damage, until David 
 sent back part of his forces under Joab or Abishai, and repulsed their 
 attack, following up his victory by the complete subjugation of Edom. 
 
no II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 14—17. 
 
 14 thousand 7uen. And he put garrisons in Edom ; throughout 
 all Edom put he garrisons, and all they of Edom became 
 David's servants. And the Lord preserved David whither- 
 soever he went. 
 
 15 — 18. David's administratmi and officers. 
 
 15 And David reigned over all Israel ; and David executed 
 
 16 judgment and justice unto all his people. And Joab the 
 son of Zeruiah was over the host ; and Jehoshaphat the son 
 
 17 of Ahilud was recorder ; and Zadok the son of Ahitub, and 
 
 We learn further from i Kings xi. 15, 16, that the war was pursued with 
 relentless severity, and signal vengeance taken upon the Edomites. 1 
 That the successful campaign is here attributed to David, in Chr. to ' 
 Abishai, in the Psalm and in i Kings to Joab, need cause no difficulty. 
 David was concerned in it as king, Joab as general of the army, 
 Abishai probably as commander of the division sent forward in advance. 
 The variations as to the number of slain, here put at 18,000, in the Psalm 
 at 12,000, may be due either to a textual error, or to some difference in 
 the mode of reckoning. 
 
 14. garrisons\ See note on v. 6. Stress is laid by the words 
 throughout all Edoni on the completeness with which David subjugated 
 the country. Thus was fulfilled the first part of Isaac's prophecy (Gen. 
 xxvii. 37 — 40), and Balaam's prophecy (Num. xxiv. 17, 18). 
 
 15 — 18. David's administration and officers. 
 
 A summary notice of the internal administration of the kingdom, 
 with a list of David's chief officers of state, is appended to the account 
 of his wars. Anothfer list of these officers is given in ch. xx. 23 — 26 : 
 on the differences between them see notes there. A similar list of 
 Solomon's officers is to be found in i Kings iv. i — 6. 
 
 15. executed judgment and JHstice~\ Proving himself the true repre- 
 sentative of Jehovah, whose attributes these are (Ps. xxxiii. 5, Ixxxix. 14); 
 and a true type of the perfect Messianic King (Is. ix. 7, xxxii. 1 ; Jer. 
 xxiii. 5, 6). 
 
 16. recorder'] Or, remembrancer, a state officer of high rank, who 
 seems not only to have kept a record of events, but to have acted as the 
 king's adviser. His importance is indicated by 2 Kings xviii. 18, 37, 
 where he appears as one of the king's representatives, and 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8, 
 where he is mentioned as one of the commissioners for restoring the 
 Temple. The traveller Chardin describes a similar officer of the Per- 
 sian court, whose duty it is to furnish the king and his ministers with 
 an account of all important events that take place in the kingdom, 
 and to keep a record of them, and also to register the royal acts and 
 decrees. Travels, ill., p. 328. 
 
 17. Zadok the son of Ahitub'] Zadok was of the house of Eleazar 
 (i Chr. vi. 4 — 8). He joined David at Hebron after Saul's death 
 
i8.] 11. SAMUEL, VIII. 
 
 Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, were the priests ; and Se- 
 raiah was the scribe ; and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada ivas iS 
 oi>er both the Cherethites and the Pelethites ; and David's 
 sons were chief rulers. 
 
 (i Chr. xii. 28), and remained faithful to him throughout his reign. 
 In Absalom's rebellion he left Jerusalem along with David, and only 
 returned at his command (2 Sam. xv. 24 — 29, xvii. 15). Through him 
 David communicated with the elders of Judah concerning his return 
 (ch. xix. 11). Finally, when Abiathar joined the rebellion of Adonijah, 
 Zadok remained faithful to David, took part in the anointing of Solo- 
 
 Imon, and was made sole high-priest (i Kings i. 8, 44, ii. 35), which 
 office he held during some part of Solomon's reign (i Kings iv. 4). 
 Ahimelech the son of Abiathar^ Since Zadok and Abiathar are else- 
 where constantly mentioned together as the high-priests in David's 
 reign, and it is clear from i Sam. xxii. 20 — 23 that Abiathar was the 
 son of Ahimelech, and from i Kings i., ii. 26 that he held office 
 throughout David's reign, it seems necessary to emend the text and 
 read AMatliar tlie son of AMmelech. The error, if it is one, appears 
 also in i Chr. xviii. 16, xxiv. 3, 6, 31, and must have existed in one of 
 the original documents from which these books were compiled. It 
 seems hardly probable, though not impossible, that the high-priesthood 
 of Abiathar is assumed as known, and only the assistant priests men- 
 tioned, who stood in the same relation to him as Hophni and Phinehas 
 to Eli (i Sam. i. 3) : or that Ahimelech officiated for a time as deputy 
 ■ for his father, who was incapacitated by illness or other cause. 
 
 priests] Zadok officiated in the Tabernacle at Gibeon (i Chr. xvi. 
 • 39), Abiathar probably before the Ark in Jerusalem. On the origin of 
 
 this double high-priesthood, see preliminary note to ch. vi., p. 88. 
 g Seraiah] Called in i Chr. xviii. 16 Shavsha, and probably the same 
 
 as Sheva or Sheya (2 Sam. xx. 25) and Shisha (\ Kings iv. 3). 
 \ scribe] Secretary of state : an official mentioned several times in the 
 
 I course of the history : e.g. 2 Kings xii. 10, xviii. 18, 37, xxii. 3, &c. 
 18. Benaiah] See note on ch. xxiii. 20. 
 luas over] Over is not in the Heb< text, and must be supplied from 
 'Chr. But possibly there is some further defect, for the Sept. reads 
 . " lienaiah the son of Jehoiada was counsellor." Cp. note on ch. 
 xxiii. 23. 
 
 the Cherethites and the Pelethites] The fust reference to these troops, 
 wliich are mentioned by this name during the reign of David only. 
 They seem to have formed the king's body-guard. See ch. xv. 18, 
 xx. 7, 23; I Kings i. 38, 44; i Chr. xviii. 17. Two explanations of 
 
 I the names have been proposed: (1) that they mean executioners and 
 runners, it being the duty of the royal guards to execute sentence (see 
 Gen. xxxvii. 36 viarg.; i Kings ii. 25), and to convey the king's 
 orders from place to place (see 2 Chr. xxx. 6) : (2) that they are the 
 names of two Philistine tnljes, the body-guard being composed of foreign 
 mercenaries, like the Pope's Swiss guard. In favour of the latter ex- 
 planation it may be urged (a) that the names are gentilic in form j (^) 
 
ir. SAMUEL, IX. [vv. 1—4. 
 
 Ch. IX. I — 13. David's kindness to Mephibosheth. 
 
 9 And David said, Is there yet any that is left of the house 
 of Saul, that I may shew him kindness for Jonathan's sake ? 
 
 2 And there was of the house of Saul a servant whose name 
 was Ziba. And when they had called him unto David, the 
 king said unto him, Art thou Ziba? And he said. Thy 
 
 3 servant is he. And the king said, Is there not yet any of 
 the house of Saul, that I may shew the kindness of God 
 unto him? And Ziba said unto the king, Jonathan hath 
 
 4 yet a son, which is lame on. his feet. And the king said 
 unto him. Where is he? And Ziba said unto the king. 
 Behold, he is in the house. 0/ Machir,,the son of Ammiel, 
 
 that Cherethites certainly denotes a Philistine tribe in the other passages 
 where it occurs (i Sam. xxx. 14 ; Ezek. xxv. i6 ; Zeph. ii. 5) ; {c) that 
 they are mentioned in conjunction with the Gittites in ch. xv. 18, so that 
 David evidently had some foreign troops in his service, whom he had 
 gathered round him during his residence at Ziklag. 
 
 chief rulers] Ministers. The word is that usually translated priest. 
 It is derived from a root meaning to serve or minister, and in a few 
 instances denotes a civil not an ecclesiastical minister, the king's con- 
 fidential adviser. Cp. the paraphrase in i Chr. xviii. 17 " chief by 
 the side of the king;" and i, Kings iv, 5,, where the E.V. renders 
 "principal officer." 
 
 Ch. IX. 1—13. David's kindness to Mephibosheth. 
 
 Since Mephibosheth was only five years old at the time of his father's 
 death (ch. iv. 4), and now had a young son {v. 12), the incident here 
 recorded cannot have occurred till David had been reigning at Jeru- 
 salem for some seven years at least, when Mephibosheth would be about 
 20 years old. The narrative finds a natural place here as an appendix 
 to the general summary of the public history of David's reign, and 
 before the account of his great sin with its fatal consequences. It is 
 omitted in Chronicles as being a matter of private interest. 
 
 1. that I may shew hifn kindness for fonathan^ s sake] In fulfilment 
 of his oath to Jonathan. See i Sam. xx. 14 — 17, 42. 
 
 3. the kindness of God] A reference to Jonathan's words in i Sam. 
 XX. 14. " The kindness of God " means kindness or mercy such as 
 God shews to men, unfailing, unsought, unlimited. Cp. Luke vi. 36. 
 
 lame on his feet] See ch. iv. 4. 
 
 Machir the son of Ammiel] A man of wealth and position, to judge 
 from the welcome which he gave David in his flight from Absalom 
 (ch. xvii. 27 — 29). He may have taken charge of Mephibosheth at Jona- 
 than's death. It may be inferred from his name that he belonged to 
 the tribe of Manasseh (Num. xxxii. 39, 40). 
 
vv. 5 — lo.] II. SAMUEL, IX. 113 
 
 in Lo-debar. Then king David sent, and fet him out of the s 
 house of Machir, the son of Ammiel, from Lo-debar. Now 6 
 when Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul, 
 was come unto David, he fell on his face, and did reverence." 
 And David said, Mephibosheth. And he answered, Behold 
 thy servant. And David said unto him, Fear not : for I 7 
 will surely shew thee kindness for Jonathan thy father's sake, 
 and will restore thee all the land of Saul thy father; and 
 thou shalt eat bread at my table continually. And he 8 
 bowed himself, and said, What is thy servant, that thou 
 shouldest look upon such a dead dog as I a>n ? Then the 9 
 king called to Ziba, Saul's servant, and said unto him, I 
 have given unto thy master's son all that pertained to Saul 
 and to all his house. Thou therefore, and thy sons, and 10 
 thy servants, shall till the land for him, and thou shalt bring 
 
 Lo-deba?-] A town on the E. of the Jordan in the neighbourhood 
 of Mahanaim, possibly the same as the Debir of Josh. xiii. 26. Its site 
 is not determined. 
 
 5. fet\ This archaic form fory^/'if/^ifif appears in several passages in the 
 original edition of the E. V. (1611). It is found in Shakespeare: 
 
 " On, on, you noblest English, 
 Whose blood \i, fct from fathers of war-proof!" 
 
 Henry V., A. III. S. I. 18, 19. 
 
 6. MephiboshetJi] See note on ch. iv. 4. 
 
 7. Fear not\ Mephibosheth might be afraid that David had only 
 hunted him out to treat him after the common fashion of Oriental 
 usurpers, who often put all their predecessor's kindred to death. He 
 seems to have lived in concealment at Lo-debar. 
 
 the land of Saul thy fathet-\ Saul's private estate at Gibeah, which 
 passed into David's possession when he came to the throne (ch. xii. 8). 
 Father = grandfather, as frequently : so in v. 9 son = grandson. 
 
 tliou shalt cat bread at viy table'] A common mark of honour in 
 Oriental countries. See i Kings ii. 7 ; 2 Kings xxv. 29. The physician 
 Democedes, who cured Darius, was made "a member of the king's 
 table" (ofioTpaire^os paffi'Ml', Herod. HI. 132): and Histiaeus of Miletus 
 was invited to come up to Susa, and be Darius' "mess-companion" 
 {avcrcnTos, Herod, v. 24). 
 
 8. he bowed himself \ The same Heb. word as "did reverence" 
 in V. 6. 
 
 a dead dog\ The vilest and most contemptible object possible. See 
 note on ch. iii. 8 ; and cp. ch. xvi. 9 ; i Sam. xxiv. 14. 
 
 10. shall till the land] This arrangement suggests that Ziba was 
 already in occupation of the land, so that the only change to him would 
 be that Mephibosheth would now receive the fruits instead of David. 
 
 II. SAMUEL. 8 
 
114 II. SAMUEL, IX. [vv. II— 13. 
 
 in the fruits, that thy master's son may have food to eat : 
 but Mephibosheth thy master's son shall eat bread alway at 
 my table. Now Ziba had fifteen sons and twenty servants. 
 
 11 Then said Ziba unto the king, According to all that my lord 
 the king hath commanded his servant, so shall thy servant 
 do. As for Mephibosheth, said the king, he shall eat at my 
 
 12 table, as one of the king's sons. And Mephibosheth had a 
 young son, whose name was Micha. And all that dwelt in 
 
 13 the house of Ziba were servants unto Mephibosheth. So 
 Mephibosheth dwelt in Jerusalem: for he did eat continually 
 at the king's table ; and was lame on both his feet. 
 
 that thy master s son, &c.] Though Mephibosheth himself was to be 
 a guest at the royal table, he would require the revenues of this estate 
 for the support of his family and household. It may be inferred from 
 the number of Ziba's servants that they would be considerable. 
 
 11. As for Mephibosheth, said the king] There is nothing to war- 
 rant the insertion of the words "said the king : " nor can the words be 
 Ziba's assertion that he would himself have entertained Mephibosheth 
 royally. It remains to follow the LXX. in reading at David's table 
 for "at my table," and to take the clause along with the next two 
 verses as the narrator's conclusion of the story, thus: "So MepM- 
 bosheth did eat at David's table, as one of tlie king's sons." 
 
 12. Michd\ He had a numerous posterity. See i Chr. viii. 34, ff., 
 where he is called Micah. 
 
 Ch. X. War with the Ammonites and their allies the 
 
 Syrians. 
 
 =11 Chron. xix. 
 
 David had now reached the summit of his prosperity and power. 
 The historian has now to record how he fell from that height into a 
 sin which brought shame and suffering upon himself and disaster upon 
 his kingdom. This war with the Ammonites is described in detail, 
 because of its close connexion with that act, which marked the fatal 
 turning-point in David's reign. 
 
 The war with the Ammonites is incidentally alluded to in ch. viii. 12 
 among David's other wars; and the war with the Syrians to which it 
 led is not improbably the same as that recorded in ch. viii. 3—6. 
 
 It is there related that Hadadezer sustained a crushing defeat, and 
 that a gjeat part of his vassals transferred their allegiance to David. 
 There is no hint here that they had revolted, and it seems unlikely that 
 they could have raised so large an army on a second occasion. The 
 circumstances narrated here {v. 16) explain the otherwise obscure men- 
 tion of the Euphrates in ch. viii. 3 : the seat of war, the persons engaged, 
 the results, and the general details, are so similar as to make it at least 
 improbable that the narratives refer to two distinct wars. 
 
 It is easy to assign a reason for this repetition. There the account 
 
vv. 1—4.] II. SAMUEL, X. 115 
 
 Ch, X. IFar wWi the Avwwnites and their allies the 
 
 Syrians. 
 I — 5. David's ambassadors insulted by the Ammo7iites. 
 
 And it came to pass after this, that the king of the chil- 10 
 dren of Ammon died, and Hanun his son reigned in his 
 stead. Then said David, I will shew kindness unto Hanun 2 
 the son of Nahash, as his father shewed kindness unto me. 
 And David sent to comfort him by the hand of his servants 
 for his father. And David's servants came into the land of 
 the children of Ammon. And the princes of the children 3 
 of Ammon said unto Hanun their lord, Thinkest thou that 
 David doth honour thy father, that he hath sent comforters 
 unto thee? hath not David rather sent his servants unto 
 thee, to search the city, and to spy it out, and to overthrow 
 it ? Wherefore Hanun took David's servants, and shaved 4 
 off the one half of their b£ards, and cut off their garments in 
 
 forms part of the collected summary of David's principal wars, as it was 
 probably by far the most important and most distant of them : here it 
 appears as a necessary pendant to the history of the Ammonite war, 
 which is being related in full in order to lead up to and explain the 
 circumstances of David's fall. 
 
 1 — 5. David's ambassadors insulted by the Ammonites. 
 
 1. And it came to pass after this'] On this formula of transition see 
 note on ch. viii. r. 
 
 the king of the children of Ammon'] Forty years at least had passed 
 since the events of i Sam. xi., so that this Nahash was probably the 
 son or grandson of the king defeated by Saul at Jabesh. On the Am- 
 monites see note on i Sam. xi. i. 
 
 Hanuit] This name is identical with the Phoenician Hanno, which 
 appears so frequently in Carthaginian history. In Greek both take the 
 form "Kvvtjiv {Annon). 
 
 2. as his father shelved Jdndness unto me] Possibly in the course of 
 David's wanderings : possibly by a congratulatory embassy on his 
 accession (cp. i Kings v. i) : according to a Jewish tradition by 
 receiving one of his brothers, who escaped when his parents were mur- 
 dered by the king of Moab. 
 
 3. the princes of the children of Ammon] The new king's counsel- 
 lors were as foolish as Rehoboam's advisers (i Kings xii. 10, 11). 
 Their unjust suspicions of David's motives may have been excited by 
 his recent conquest of Moab. 
 
 the city] Kabbah, which was strongly fortified. See ch. xi. r. 
 
 4. shaved off the one half of their beards] Compare the story in 
 Herodotus of the thief who made some guards drunk, and for an insult 
 
 8 — 2 
 
ii6 II. SAMUEL, X. [vv. 5,6. 
 
 the middle, eveii to their buttocks, and sent them away. 
 
 5 When they told // unto David, he sent to meet them, be- 
 cause the men were greatly ashamed : and the king said, 
 Tarry at Jericho until your beards be grown, and then 
 return. 
 
 6 — 14. Defeat of the Afumojiites and their Syrian allies. 
 
 6 And when the children of Ammon saw that they stank 
 before David, the children of Ammon sent and hired the 
 Syrians of Beth-rehob, and the Syrians of Zoba, twenty 
 
 shaved their right cheeks (ir. 121). No grosser insult could have been 
 devised. The beard was and still is to an Oriental the badge of the 
 dignity of manhood. It was only shaved as a sign of the deepest 
 mourning. See Is. xv. 2; Jer. xli. 5. "Cutting off a person's beard 
 is regarded by the Arabs as an indignity equal to flogging and branding 
 among ourselves. Many would rather die than have their beard shaved 
 off." D'Arvieux' Customs of the Bedouin Arabs. A similar occurrence 
 is said to have taken place in modern times. "In 1764 Kerim Khan, 
 a pretender to the Persian throne, sent ambassadors to Mir Mahenna, 
 the prince of Bendervigk, on the Persian Gulf, to demand tribute from 
 him ; but he in return cut off the ambassadors' beards. Kerim Khan 
 was so enraged at this that he went the next year with a large army to 
 make war upon this prince, and took the city, and almost the whole of 
 his territory, to avenge the insult." Niebuhr's Descriptio7i of Arabia. 
 
 cut off their garments] The ambassadoi^s, who wore long dignified 
 garments, were sent away in the shameful plight of captives. See Is. 
 
 XX. 4. 
 
 5. Tarry at yerieho"] Jerich5 was on their direct way back to 
 Jerusalem. David wished to spare them the mortification of returning 
 to Jerusalem in such a ridiculous plight. 
 
 6 — 14. Defeat of the Ammonites and their Syrian allies. 
 
 6. that they stank] Lit. that they had made themselves stink: had 
 brought themselves into evil odour, or, made themselves odious. An- 
 cient history records many wars undertaken to avenge insults offered to 
 ambassadors, whose persons have always been considered sacred by 
 the law of nations: e.g. the war between Rome and Tarentum which 
 led to the invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus. See also Cicero, pro lege 
 Manil. c. 5. 
 
 hired] For a thousand talents of silver according to i Chr. xix. 6, 
 a sum variously estimated at from ;!^25o,ooo to ;^5oo,ooo. For other 
 instances of the employment of mercenary troops see 2 Kings vii. 6; 
 2 Chron. xxv. 6. 
 
 Beth-rehob] Beth-rehob { = house of Rehob) or Rehob {v. 8), the 
 capital of this Syrian kingdom, can hardly be the Beth-rehob near Dan 
 mentioned in Jud. xviii. 28, which was in Israelite territory. It is 
 
vv.7,8.] II. SAMUEL, X. 117 
 
 thousand footmen, and of king Maacah a thousand men, 
 and of Ish-tob twelve thousand men. And when David 7 
 heard 0/ it, he sent Joab, and all the host of the mighty 
 men. And the children of Ammon came out, and put the 8 
 battle in array at the entering in of the gate : and the Syrians 
 
 better to place it at Etchaibeh, 25 miles N.E. of Damascus, or to iden- 
 tify it witli Rehoboth by the river (Gen. xxxvi. 37), the site of which is 
 fixed a few miles below the junction of the Chaboras with the Eu- 
 phrates. In this case the ]\Iesopotamians mentioned in the parallel 
 passage in i Chron. may be the same as the Syrians of Beth-rehob. 
 
 the Syrians of Zoba\ See note on ch. viii. 3. 
 
 and of king Maacah'\ Rather, and the king of Maacah. This 
 small Syrian kingdom was in the neighbourhood of Geshur, adjoining 
 the province of Argob in the north-east of Bashan (Deut. iii. 14), some- 
 where to the east of the wild and rocky region now called El-Lejah. 
 Some however would place it on the south-west slope of Hermon at the 
 sources of the Jordan. See notes on Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 13. 
 
 and of Ish-iob] Rather, and the men of Tob, the district in which 
 Jephthah took refuge (Jud. xi. 3). It seems to have been somewhere 
 north or east of Gilead, between Syria and the country of the Am- 
 monites. 
 
 The text of Chronicles differs from that of Samuel in several points, 
 (a) It mentions the price paid to the Syrians, a thousand talents of 
 silver, and names Medeba as the rendezvous where their forces assem- 
 bled, {b) The names of the countries from which the mercenaries were 
 drawn are given as Mesopotamia, Maacah, and Zobah. Beth-rehob 
 may be included under Mesopotamia [v. 6, note). Tob is not 
 mentioned ; perhaps it was a dependency of Zobah, and is included 
 under it. The contingent sent by each is not specified, (c) The total 
 number of 32,000 besides the men of Maacah, agrees with the numbers 
 here ; but the reading chariots in the present text of i Chr. xix. 7 can 
 scarcely be right. 32,000 chariots would be a force of unexampled mag- 
 nitude. See I Kings x. 26; 2 Chron. xii. 3, xiv. 9. The text of 
 Samuel also seems to be defective, as the force doubtless had some 
 cavalry and chariots and did not consist of infantry only. 
 
 7. all the host of the mighty 7nen'\ Lit. all the host, the mighty men. 
 Elsewhere "the mighty men" appear to be distinguished from the 
 main body of the army as a corps of picked warriors, (see note on 
 ch. XV. 18); and we should perhaps read all the host, and the mighty 
 men. 
 
 8. at the entering in of the gate\ This is generally supposed to be 
 the gate of the Ammonite capital Rabbah. But the account in Chron- 
 icles states explicitly that the Syrian mercenaries mustered at Medeba, 
 which was nearly 20 miles south-west of Rabbah, and clearly implies 
 that it was the city which the Ammonites occupied. Further it is 
 evident from v. 9, which describes Joab as in danger of being 
 crushed between the two forces, that the Syrians were at no great dis- 
 
ii8 11. SAMUEL, X. [vv. 9— 13. 
 
 of Zoba, and of Rehob, and Ish-tob, and Maacah, were by 
 
 9 themselves in the field. When Joab saw that the front of 
 
 the battle was against him before and behind, he chose of 
 
 all the choice men of Israel, and put them in array against 
 
 10 the Syrians: and the rest of the people he delivered into the 
 hand of Abishai his brother, that he might put them in array 
 
 11 against the children of Ammon. And he said, If the Syrians 
 be too strong for me, then thou shalt help me : but if the 
 children of Ammon be too strong for thee, then I will come 
 
 12 and help thee. Be of good courage, and let us play the 
 men for our people, and for the cities of our God : and the 
 
 13 Lord do that which seemeth him good. And Joab drew 
 
 tance from the city. And how came the Syrian force to march past 
 Rabbah to Medeba, if the Ammonites meant to make their stand at 
 Rabbah? or how could Joab possibly have advanced to Rabbah, leav- 
 ing this huge Syrian force in his rear ? 
 
 Medeba, the modern Mddeba, was four miles south-east of Heshbon, 
 on a rounded but rocky hill. It existed before the Israelite conquest 
 (Num. xxi. 30), was assigned to Reuben (Josh. xiii. 9), and now seems 
 to have been in the hands of the Ammonites. It is mentioned on the 
 famous Moabite stone as having been recaptured by Mesha, and in the 
 time of Isaiah was a Moabite sanctuary (Is. xv. 2). 
 
 in thefield'\ "The plain of Medeba" (Josh. xiii. 9, 16) would be an 
 advantageous place for the manoeuvres of a large army, especially with 
 chariots and cavalry. 
 
 9. that the fro7it of the battle was against him before and behind'\ 
 The Ammonites were posted in front of the city, the Syrians on the 
 plain opposite to them : if he attacked either force separately, his rear 
 would be exposed to the other. His choice of the picked men to 
 attack the Syrians, and his taking command of this division in person, 
 indicate that the mercenary troops were the most formidable part of 
 the Ammonite force. 
 
 10. that he might put them in array] Rather, and he put them in 
 array. 
 
 12. Be of good courage, and let us play the men] Lit. Be strong 
 and let us shew ourselves strong : the same words as those translated 
 in I Chr. xix. 13 "Be of good courage, and let us behave ourselves 
 valiantly." » 
 
 for the cities of our God] As the people of Israel were the people of 
 the Lord, so the land which He had given them was His, and its cities 
 were His. They were fighting "the Lord's battles," that these cities 
 might not fall into heathen hands and be given over to the worship of 
 heathen gods. Cp. i Sam. xvii. 36, 47, xviii. 17. 
 
 the Lord do that which seemeth him good] Better, Jehovah will do, 
 &c.: an expression of trust combined with resignation to God's will. 
 Cp. I Sam. iii. 18. 
 
vv. 14—18.] II. SAMUEL, X. 119 
 
 nigh, and the people that were with him, unto the battle 
 against the Syrians : and they fled before him. And when 14 
 the children of Ammon saw that the Syrians were fled, then 
 fled they also before Abishai, and entered into the city. So 
 Joab returned from the children of Ammon, and came to 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 15 — 19. Roinved attaclz of the Syrians. Their total defeat. 
 
 And when the Syrians saw that they \vere smitten before 15 
 Israel, they gathered themselves together. And Hadarezer 16 
 sent, and brought out the Syrians that rfwr beyond the river: 
 and they came to Helam ; and Shobach the caj^tain of the 
 host of Hadarezer went before them. And when it was 17 
 told David, he gathered all Israel together, and passed over 
 Jordan, and came to Helam. And the Syrians set them- 
 selves in array against David, and fought with him. And is 
 the Syrians fled before Israel ; and David slew the me7i of 
 seven hundred chariots of the Syrians, and forty thousand 
 horsemen, and smote Shobach the captain of their host, who 
 
 13. they fled before hini\ " They that are hired to fight generally 
 have a great care to save themselves, having no regard to the cause for 
 which they fight." Patrick. 
 
 14. tlien fled they also\ The rout of their allies left Joab free to 
 help Abishai, and the Ammonites retired at once within tlie walls of 
 the city. 
 
 So Joab returned^ He did not attempt a siege, most likely because 
 the season was too far advanced. Cp. ch. xi. i. 
 
 15 — 19. Renewed attack of the Syrians. Their total defeat. 
 
 16. And Hadarezer sent, &c.] The correct form of his name is pro- 
 bably Hadadezer. See note on ch. viii. 3. He now mustered his 
 vassals and tributaries {v. 19) firom beyond "the river," i.e. the Eu- 
 phrates. "Brought out" = caused to take the field : it is the causative 
 voice of the verb "to go out," which is the technical term for going out 
 to war (i Sam. viii. 20; 2 Sam. xi. i). 
 
 and they came to llda?n'\ The words might be translated and their 
 force came ; but on the whole it is preferable to take Helam as a proper 
 name, as in v. 17. It has been proposed to identify it with Alamata, 
 a town west of the Euphrates, but it is nowhere else mentioned, and its 
 site is quite uncertain. This clause is omitted in Chronicles, where also 
 in place of and came to Helam in the next verse we read and came tipon 
 them, so that the name of the place is altogether omitted there. 
 
 18. seven hundred cha)-iots... forty thousand horsemcit] The present 
 text of Chronicles has seven thousand chariots., forty thousand footvien. 
 
I20 ■ II. SAMUEL, X. XI. [vv. 19; i. 
 
 19 died there. And when all the kings ^/taf were servants to 
 Hadarezer saw that they were smitten before Israel, they 
 made peace with Israel, and served them. So the Syrians 
 feared to help the children of Ammon any more. 
 
 Ch. XL I. The siege of Rabbah. 
 11 And it came to pass, after the year was expired, at the 
 time when kings go forth to battle, that David sent Joab, and 
 his servants with him, and all Israel ; and they destroyed 
 the children of Ammon, and beseiged Rabbah. But David 
 tarried still at Jerusalem. 
 
 It seems best to retain the reading seven htindi-ed chariots, and follow 
 Chronicles in reading footmen. But the omission of horsemen in the 
 one and footmen in the other makes it lilcely that there is some further 
 corruption. 
 
 19. tlie kings that were servants to Hadarezcr\ His vassals and 
 tributaries transferred their allegiance to David. According to ch. viii. 
 6 (assuming it to refer to the same war), the kingdom of Damascus was 
 completely subjugated and secured by military stations. Both there 
 and here it is implied that Hadadezer himself still maintained his inde- 
 pendence in Zobah. 
 
 Cii. XL 1. The siege of Rabbah. 
 — I Chr. XX. I. 
 
 1. after the year was expired^ Better, at tlie return of tlie year: 
 that is when spring set in with the commencement of the year in the 
 month Abib or Nisan. Cp. i Kings xx. 22, 26; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10. If 
 Joab's return to Jerusalem (ch. x. 14) was due to the lateness of the 
 season, the next year was probably occupied with the Syrian campaign, 
 and the expedition against Rabbah did not take place until the year 
 after it. 
 
 at the time rvhen kijtgs go forth to battle] At the time of year when 
 kings were accustomed to reopen the campaign after the winter cessation 
 of hostilities. 
 
 destroyed the children of Ammon] The parallel passage in i Chr. 
 XX. I gives the right explanation, "wasted the country of the children of 
 Ammon." While Rabbah was besieged, the country was ravaged. 
 
 Rabba]i\ Rabbah ( = the great city), or more fully Rabbah of the 
 childreti of Ammon (ch. xii. 26), the capital of the Ammonites, was situated 
 in a strong position about 22 miles east of the Jordan, on a branch of the 
 valley of the Jabbok. It consisted of the lower town, called "the city of 
 waters" (ch. xii. 27), from the perennial stream which has its source in 
 it ; and the citadel, a place of great strength, built on a hill rising 
 abruptly on the north side of the lower town (ch. xii. 28, 29). We are not 
 told whether the city was destroyed on its capture. If so, it was after- 
 wards rebuilt (Am. i. 14), and was a place of importance at the time of 
 Nebuchadnezzar's invasion (Jer. xlix. 2, 3; Ezek. xxi. 20). 
 
V. 2.] II. SAMUEL, XL 
 
 2 — 5. David'' s adultery with Bath-sheba. 
 And it came to pass in an eveningtide, that David arose ; 
 from off his bed, and walked upon the roof of the king's 
 
 Its name was changed to Philadelpheia by Ptolemy Philadelphus in 
 the third century B. C, and down to the fourth century A. D. it continued 
 to be famous. For a description of the ruins, which give proof of the 
 magnificence and wealth of the city during the later period of its ex- 
 istence, see Tristram's Land of Is)-ael, p. 533 ff.; Oliphant's Land of 
 Gilead, p. 251 ff. 
 
 David tarried still at yertisaleni] Exposing himself to the tempta- 
 tions of idleness. So Ovid writes : 
 
 "Quaeritur Aegisthus quare sit factus adulter? 
 In promptu causa est; desidiosus erat." 
 
 2 — 5. David's adultery with Bath-sheba. 
 
 It is one object of Holy Scripture to paint sin in its true colours. No 
 friendly flattery, no false modesty, draws a veil over this dark scene in 
 David's life. It is recorded as a warning (i Cor. x. ir, 12), that even 
 holy men may yield to temptation and fall into gross sin ; that one 
 sin almost inevitably leads to others; that sin, even when repented of, 
 brings punishment in its train. 
 
 With stern simplicity the inspired prophet-historian describes how 
 "the lust, when it hath conceived, beareth sin: and the sin, when it is 
 full grown, bringeth forth death" (James i. 15). The king who but a few 
 years before had sung of "clean hands and apure heart" (Ps. xxiv. 4), and 
 vowed to exclude from his palace all workers of deceit (Ps. ci. 7) is 
 dragged by his passion into meanness, ingratitude, dissimulation, 
 treachery, murder. "These things were written for our admonition... 
 Wherefore let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall " 
 (i Cor. X. II, 12). 
 
 But if the history is a stern record of the enthralling power and the 
 inevitable consequences of sin, it is no less a testimony to the liberating 
 power of repentance. "Sicut lapsus David cautos facit eos qui non 
 ceciderunt, sic desperatos esse non vult qui ceciderunt" (Augustine on 
 Ps. li.) : or in the words of Bishop Hall : " How can we presume of not 
 sinning, or despair for sinning, when we find so great a saint thus fallen, 
 thus risen." 
 
 It is the necessary key to the history of the rest of David's reign. It 
 explains the sudden overclouding of his life ; the change from triumph 
 and prosperity to sorrow and failure. See further in the Introduction, 
 ch. VI. § 10, p. 36, and § 16, p. 41. 
 
 This narrative is altogether omitted in the Book of Chronicles, for 
 reasons which are explained in the Introduction, ch. in. p. 22. 
 
 2. arose fro?n off his bed'] In the cool of the afternoon, after his 
 midday siesta. Cp. ch. iv. 5. 
 
 walked upon the rooj~\ The flat roofs of Oriental houses "afford a 
 
 most delightful promenade During a large part of the year the roof is 
 
 the most agreeable place about the establishment, especially in the 
 
II. SAMUEL, XI. [vv. 3—6. 
 
 house : and from the roof he saw a woman washing herself; 
 
 3 and the woman 7tias very beautiful to look upon. And 
 David sent and inquired after the woman. And one said, 
 Is not this Bath-sheba, the daughter of Eliam, the wife of 
 
 4 Uriah the Hittite ? And David sent messengers, and took 
 her; and she came in unto him, and he lay with her; for 
 she was purified from her uncleanness : and she returned 
 
 5 unto her house. And the woman conceived, and sent and 
 told David, and said, I ajn with child. 
 
 6 — 13. Uriah summoned to Jerusalem. 
 And David sent to Joab, saying, Send me Uriah the 
 
 morning and the evening." Thomson's The Land and the Book, p. 39. 
 David's palace on Mount Zion (ch. v. 9) commanded a view of Uriah's 
 house, which was in the Lower City (v. 8, go dow7i). 
 
 3. Bath-sheba, the daughter of Eliani\ In i Chr. iii. 5 she is called 
 Bath-shiia, the daughter of Aimniel. Eliam ( = God of the people) 
 and A7)i??iiel ( = people of God) are compounded of the same words 
 placed in different order. If this Eliam was the same as Uriah's brother- 
 officer, mentioned in ch. xxiii. 34, Bath-sheba was the grand-daughter of 
 David's counsellor Ahithophel. This, it has been thought, explains 
 Ahithophel's adherence to Absalom (ch. xv. 12) as an act of revenge for 
 the seduction of his grand-daughter and the murder of her husband. 
 The theory has been well worked out with much ingenuity by Prof. 
 Blunt {Undesigned Coincidences, p. 135 fF.), but must be regarded as 
 very doubtful: for (i) the identity of Eliam the son of Ahithophel with 
 Eliam the father of Bath-sheba cannot be proved; (2) even if the 
 relationship is granted, an ambitious and unscrupulous man such as 
 Ahithophel would be more likely to regard the elevation of his grand- 
 daughter to the position of the king's favourite wife as an honour, than 
 to feel aggrieved at the circumstances by which it was effected. 
 
 Uriah the Hittite'] One of David's "mighty men" (ch. xxiii. 39). His 
 name ( = light of Jah) indicates that although he was a Canaanite by 
 race, he had adopted the Jewish religion. Another Hittite in David's 
 service was Ahimelech (i Sam. xxvi. 6). On the ancient Canaanite 
 nation of the Hittites, see note on i Sam. xxvi. 6. 
 
 4. David sent messengers'] Bath-sheba cannot be acquitted from 
 blame, for it does not appear that she offered any resistance. Vanity 
 and ambition prevailed over the voice of conscience. "Cupido domin- 
 andi cunctis affectibus flagrantior est." "The lust of power burns 
 more fiercely than any other passion" (Tac. Atin. XV. 53). 
 
 5. sent and told David] That he might devise some plan to shield 
 her from the consequences of her sin ; for by the Mosaic law she was 
 liable to be put to death (Lev. xx. 10). David accordingly sent for 
 Uriah, in the hope that his return to his wife might cover the shame of 
 his own crime. 
 
vv. 7— II-] II. SAMUEL, XI. 123 
 
 Hittite. And Joab sent Uriah to David. And when 7 
 Uriah was come unto him, David demanded of him how 
 Joab did, and how the people did, and how the war pros- 
 pered. And David said to Uriah, Go down to thy house, 8 
 and wash thy feet. And Uriah departed out of the king's 
 house, and there followed him a mess of meat horn, the king. 
 But Uriah slept at the door of the king's house with all the 9 
 servants of his lord, and went not down to his house. And 10 
 when they had told David, saying, Uriah went not down 
 unto his house, David said unto Uriah, Camest thou not 
 from thy journey? why then didst thou not go down unto 
 thine house? And Uriah said unto David, The ark, and n 
 Israel, and Judah, abide in tents ; and my lord Joab, and 
 
 6—13. Uriah summoned to Jerusalem. 
 
 7. David demanded, &c.] David sent for Uriah ostensibly to bring 
 him word about the progress of the war. Uriah, as one of the "mighty 
 men," no doubt held some command in the army. 
 
 demanded'\ Rather, asked. The use of demand, hke Fr. demattder, 
 meaning simply 'to ask,' is an archaism. 
 
 8. wash thy feet] An indispensable refreshment after a journey in 
 the East, where sandals only were worn. Cp. Gen. xviii. 4, xliii. 24; 
 Luke vii. 44. 
 
 a viess of meat from the hing\ A portion from the king's table as a 
 mark of honour for his faithful servant. Cp. Gen. xliii. 34. 
 
 9. Uriah slept at the door of the kinfs hoiisel Probably in the guard 
 chamber in the outer court. Cp. i Kings xiv. 27, 28. 
 
 10. Cai7iest thoii not from thy jourticy] Better, Art not thou come 
 from a journey? David expresses surprise and displeasure that Uriah 
 had not done as men usually do on their return from a journey, and 
 gone to his own home. Uriah's brave resolution not to enjoy the com- 
 forts of his home even for a single night, while his comrades were en- 
 during the hardships of a campaign, bade fair to frustrate David's 
 scheme for concealing his sin. He may too have had some suspicion 
 of his wife's unfaithfulness. 
 
 11. The ark] These wars were "the wars of Jehovah" (see note on 
 ch. X. 1 2) , and the Ark had been taken along with the army as the symbol 
 of His presence and favour. Cp. Josh. vi. 6; i Sam. iv. 3, xiv. 18 (but 
 see note there) ; 2 Sam. xv. 24. 
 
 Israel, and Jjidah] The description of the nation as "Israel and 
 Judah" marks the tendency to isolation on the part of Judah, which had 
 been confirmed by the separation in the early part of David's reign, and 
 prepared the way for the permanent division of the kingdoms. See note 
 on I Sam. xi. 8, and Introd. ch. I- § 5 {d), p. 13. 
 
 tents] Properly, booths, rough shelters or huts extemporised out of 
 the boughs of trees. 
 
124 II- SAMUEL, XL [vv. 12—16. 
 
 the servants of my lord, are encamped in the open fields ; 
 shall I then go into mine house, to eat and to drink, and to 
 lie with my wife? as thou livest, and as thy soul Hveth, I 
 
 12 will not do this thing. And David said to Uriah, Tarry 
 here to day also, and to morrow I will let thee depart. So 
 
 13 Uriah abode in Jerusalem that day, and the morrow. And 
 when David had called him. he did eat and drink before 
 him ; and he made him drunk : and at even he went out to 
 lie on his bed with the servants of his lord, but went not 
 down to his house. 
 
 14 — 17. David's letter io/oab. Uriah's death. 
 
 n And it came to pass in the morning, that David wrote 
 
 15 a letter to Joab, and sent it by the hand of Uriah. And 
 he wrote in the letter, saying, Set ye Uriah in the forefront 
 of the hottest battle, and retire ye from him, that he may be 
 
 16 smitten, and die. And it came to pass, when Joab ob- 
 
 as tJion iivest, and as thy soul livet/i] This form of oath does not 
 occur elsewhere. We usually have either "as the LoRDliveth''(ch. iv.9), 
 or "as thy soulliveth" (ch. xiv. 19), or the two combined (r Sam. xx. 3). 
 Possibly "as thou livest" is a textual error for "as the LORD Hveth." 
 The Sept. reads Howl as thy soul livet/i, Sec. 
 
 13. and he made him dritnk^ In the hope that he might forget his 
 oath and break his resolution not to go home. But this plan also failed. 
 "The Providence of God is here manifest, defeating David's base con- 
 trivances, and bringing his sin to the open light. It is no less clear how 
 mercy was at the bottom of this severity which issued in David's deep 
 repentance, and has also given to the Church one of the most solemn 
 and searching warnings as to the evil of sin which is contained in the 
 whole Bible." Speaker s Comm. 
 
 14 — 17. David's letter to Joab. Uriah's death. 
 
 14. sent it by the hand of Uriah'\ So in the Greek story Proetus 
 sent Bellerophon to Jobates with his own death-warrant. Cp. Hom.7/. 
 VI. 168, 169. 
 
 "Slay him he would not, that his soul abhorred; 
 But to the father of his wife, the king 
 Of Lycia, sent him forth, with tokens charged 
 Of dire import, on folded tablets traced. 
 Poisoning the monarch's mind to work his death." 
 
 15. that he may be smitten, and diel So blinded was David by his 
 passion, and so eager to screen himself and Bath-sheba from the disgrace 
 of exposure, that he did not shrink from plotting the murder of one of 
 
vv. 17—21.] ■ II. SAMUEL, XI. 125 
 
 served the city, that he assigned Uriah unto a place where 
 he knew that vahant men 7C'ere. And the men of the city 17 
 went out, and fought with Joab : and there fell some of the 
 people of the servants of David ; and Uriah the Hittite died 
 also. 
 
 iS — 25, News of UriaJCs death carried to David. 
 
 Then Joab sent and told David all the things con- is 
 cerning the war; and charged the messenger, saying, 19 
 When thou hast made an end of telling the matters of 
 the war unto the king, and if so be that the king's wrath 23 
 arise, and he say unto thee, Wherefore approached ye so 
 nigh unto the city whenj('(? did fight? knew ye not that they 
 would shoot from the wall ? Who smote Abimelech the son 21 
 of Jerubbesheth ? did not a woman cast a piece of a mill- 
 stone upon him from the wall, that he died in Thebez ? why 
 
 his bravest soldiers. The King's command was sufficient warrant to 
 Joab, without inquiry into the reason for it. 
 
 16. when Joab observed the city\ Better, as Joab watched the city, 
 i.e. besieged it. 
 
 a flacc where he hneiv that valiant men were'] Uriah was posted 
 opposite the most strongly guarded part of the city, where the fighting 
 was likely to be fiercest in case of a sally. 
 
 17. went out] Made a sally, in which, as the messenger describes 
 (vv. 2^, 24), the men of Israel imprudently pursued the enemy till they 
 were within shot of the archers on the wall, and suffered considerable 
 loss. 
 
 18 — 25. News of Uriah's death carried to David. 
 
 19. the matters of the war] The same Heb. phrase as that trans- 
 lated in V. r8 "the things concerning the war." 
 
 20. if so be that the king's wrath arise] Joab assumes that David 
 would find fault with him for bad generalship, until he knew that his 
 commission was executed by Uriah's death. 
 
 21. Who smote Abimelech] See Jud. ix. 50 — 54. This reference is 
 interesting, as shewing a familiarity with the history of the time of the 
 Judges; but whether it was preserved by written annals or by oral 
 tradition, is uncertain. It is not likely that our Book of Judges was in 
 existence in its present form. 
 
 Jerubbesheth] Jerubbaal or Gideon (Jud. vi. 32). The form Jerub- 
 besheth occurs here only. The Sept. reads Jerubbaal, and this was 
 perhaps the original reading, altered for the reasons stated in the note 
 to ch. ii. 8. 
 
 in Thebez] Only mentioned here and in Judges, but its site and 
 
126 II. SAMUEL, XI. [vv. 22—27. 
 
 went ye nigh the wall? then say thou, Thy servant Uriah 
 
 22 the Hittite is dead also. So the messenger went, and came 
 
 23 and shewed David all that Joab had sent him for. And the 
 messenger said unto David, Surely the men prevailed against 
 us, and came out unto us into the field, and we were upon 
 
 24 them even unto the entering of the gate. And the shooters 
 shot from off the wall upon thy servants ; and some of the 
 king's servants be dead, and thy servant Uriah the Hittite 
 
 25 is dead also. Then David said unto the messenger, Thus 
 shalt thou say unto Joab, Let not this thing displease thee, 
 for the sword devoureth one as well as another : make thy 
 battle i?iore strong against the city, and overthrow it : and 
 encourage thou him. 
 
 26, 27. Baths heba becomes David's wife. 
 
 26 And when the wife of Uriah heard that Uriah her husband 
 
 27 was dead, she mourned for her husband. And when the 
 
 name are both preserved by the village of Tubds, about ten miles N.E. 
 of Shechem. 
 
 22. The Sept. reads this verse as follows: "And Joab's messenger 
 went to the king to Jerusalem. And he came and told David all that 
 Joab had told him, even all the things concerning the war. And David 
 was wroth with Joab, and said unto the messenger. Wherefore did ye 
 approach unto the city to fight? Knew ye not that ye would be struck 
 from the wall? Who smote Abimelech the son of Jerubbaal? Did not 
 a woman cast upon him a piece of a millstone from the wall, and he 
 died in Thebez? Wherefore did ye approach unto the wall?" Such 
 a repetition may have formed part of the original text. But it is some- 
 what strange that Joab should anticipate the illustration which the king 
 would use : and it is possible that the reference to Abimelech originally 
 occurred in David's speech only, and was transferred by mistake to that 
 of Joab also, and finally in the revision of the Hebrew text omitted in 
 the second place, instead of in the first, as it should have been. 
 
 23. we tvere tipoii theni] Or, against them: we repulsed the sally, 
 and pursued them to the gate of the city. 
 
 25. the sword dcvonretli\ Cp. the phrase "the mouth (E.V. edge) of 
 the sword" (i Sam. xv. 8). 
 
 encourage thou hini\ This is certainly the right rendering. That of 
 the LXX., and take it, which follows a slightly different text, is contrary 
 to the usage of the verb. 
 
 26, 27. Bath-sheba becomes David's wife. 
 
 26. she viourned for her husbatidl Seven days was the usual period 
 of mourning. SeeGen. 1. 10; i Sam. xxxi. 13; Judith xvi. 24 ; Ecclus. 
 xxii. 12. In exceptional cases thirty days were observed. See Num. 
 
vv. 1—4.] II. SAMUEL, XII. n; 
 
 mourning was past, David sent and fet her to his house, 
 and she became his wife, and bare him a son. But the 
 thing that David had done displeased the Lord. 
 
 Ch. XII, 1—6. Nathan's Parable. 
 
 And the Lord sent Nathan unto David. And he came 12 
 unto him, and said unto him, There were two men in one 
 city ; the one rich, and the other poor. The rich man had 2 
 exceeding many flocks and herds : but the poor i7ia7i had 3 
 nothing, save one httle ewe lamb, which he had bought and 
 nourished up : and it grew up together with him, and with 
 his children ; it did eat of his own meat, and drank of his 
 own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was unto him as a 
 daughter. And there came a traveller unto the rich man, 4 
 
 XX. 29; Deut. xxxiv. 8. No special time seems to have been prescribed 
 for widows. There is no indication that Bath-sheba's mourning was 
 more than a formal ceremony. 
 
 27. fet her] See note on ch. ix. 5. 
 
 But the thing that David had done displeased the Lord] The 
 divine sentence on David's conduct prepares tlie way for the niission of 
 Nathan in the next chapter. 
 
 Ch. XII. 1 — 6. Nathan's Parable. 
 
 1. the Lord seiit Nathan'\ A year had passed, and Bath-sheba's 
 child had been born, before Nathan was sent to rouse the king's slum- 
 bering conscience. 
 
 To this crisis belong Psalms li. and xxxii. See Introd. ch. viii. § 5, 
 
 P- 47- . . 
 
 and said unto him~\ Some MSS of the Vulg. add Give me a judgment. 
 The words cannot be regarded as part of the original text, though they 
 are a correct gloss. The prophet asks for the king's decision, as though 
 he were consulting him about a case which had really happened. Com- 
 pare the plan adopted by the widow of Tekoah (ch. xiv. 4 — 7) ; and by 
 the prophet sent to rebuke Ahab (i Kings xx. 35 — 41). Other parables 
 are found in the O. T. in Jud. ix. 7 — 15; 2 Kings xiv. 9; Is. v. i, 1. 
 
 2. The rich man, &c.] Observe how the details of the parable are 
 all arranged so as to bring the heartless selfishness of the rich man into 
 the strongest relief. 
 
 3. of his own meat] Of his own morsel. The E.V. misses some- 
 thing of the graphic tenderness of the original, describing how the lamb 
 actually shared the poor man's meal. 
 
 4. "The apologue of the rich man and the ewe lamb... ventures to 
 disregard all particulars, and is content to aim at awakening the general 
 sense of outraged justice. It fastens on the essential guilt of David's 
 sin ; not its sensuality or its impurity, so much as its meanness and selfish- 
 
128 II. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 5—8. 
 
 and he spared to take of his own flock and of his own herd, 
 to dress for the wayfaring man that was come unto him ; 
 but took the poor man's lamb, and dressed it for the man 
 
 5 that was come to him. And David's anger was greatly 
 kindled against the man ; and he said to Nathan, As the 
 Lord liveth, the man that hath done this f/ihig shall surely 
 
 6 die : and he shall restore the lamb fourfold, because he did 
 this thing, and because he had no pity. 
 
 7 — 14. T/ie Prophefs sentence. David's cotifession. 
 
 7 And Nathan said to David, Thou art the man. Thus 
 saith the Lord God of Israel, I anointed thee king over 
 Israel, and I delivered thee out of the hand of Saul; 
 
 s and I gave thee thy master's house, and thy master's 
 wives into thy bosom, and gave thee the house of Israel 
 and of Judah ; and if that had been too little, I would 
 moreover have given unto thee such and such things. 
 
 ness...A true description of a real incident, if like in its general charac- 
 ter however unlike to our own case in all the surrounding particulars, 
 strikes home with greater force than the sternest personal invective." 
 Stanley's Lect. 11. 90. 
 
 5. shall stirely die] Or, is ■worthy to die ; lit. is a son of death. Cp. 
 I Sam. XX. 3T, xxvi. 16. 
 
 6. fourfold] The legal compensation. See Ex. xxii. i ; Luke xix. 
 8. The Sept. reads sevenfold, and this may be the original reading. 
 David in his indignation would be likely to prescribe a more liberal 
 restitution than the usual fourfold. Cp. Prov. vi. 31. 
 
 7 — 14. The Prophet's sentence. David's confession. 
 
 7. Thou art the man] The consciousness that they were God's mes- 
 sengers inspired the prophets with fearless courage. Samuel rebuked 
 Saul for his disobedience : the prophet from Judah reproved Jeroboam 
 for his idolatry: Elijah pronounced sentence on Ahab for his murder of 
 Naboth : Isaiah chid Ahaz for his faithlessness : John the Baptist con- 
 demned Herod for his adultery. 
 
 J anointed thee, &c.] God's successive favours to David are enumer- 
 ated, to bring out the baseness of his ingratitude and the folly of his 
 sin. 
 
 8. thy fnastei-'s house] His household and property. Cp. ch. ix. 7. 
 thy master's 7uives] It was lawful for the King, and for him only, to 
 
 marry his predecessor's wives. See note on ch. iii. 7. That David 
 actually married any of Saul's wives does not appear. Only one wife 
 (i Sam. xiv. 50) and one concubine (2 Sam. iii. 7) of Saul's are men- 
 tioned. 
 
vv. 9—13.] II. SAMUEL, XII. 129 
 
 Wherefore hast thou despised the commandment of the 9 
 Lord, to do evil in his sight? thou hast killed Uriah 
 the Hittite with the sword, and hast taken his wife to be 
 thy wife, and hast slain him with the sword of the children 
 of Amnion. Now therefore the sword shall never depart 10 
 from thine house, because thou hast despised me, and hast 
 taken the wife of Uriah the Hittite to be thy wife. Thus n 
 saith the Lord, Behold, I will raise up evil against thee out 
 of thine own house, and I will take thy wives before thine 
 eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour, and he shall lie 
 with thy wives in the sight of this sun. For thou didst // 12 
 secretly: but I will do this thing before all Israel, and before 
 the sun. And David said unto Nathan, I have sinned 13 
 against the Lord. And Nathan said unto David, The 
 
 9. IVherefore hast thou despised the commandment of the LordI 
 *Cp. Num. XV. 31 ; I Sam. xv. 23, 26. Great as was David's sin against 
 
 Uriah and Bath-sheba, his sin against God was greater in thus breaking 
 two express commandments of the decalogue. Cp. Ps. li. 4. 
 
 and hast slain him with the szvord of the children of Amtnon'\ This is 
 not a mere repetition of the clause "thou hast killed Uriah the Hittite 
 with the sword." The verb is stronger, "thou hast murdered;" and 
 the offence is shewn to have been aggravated by the employment of the 
 Ammonites, the enemies of God's people, as the instruments for its com- 
 mission. 
 
 10. the sword shall never, departfrcm thine hotisc'] The Heb. word for 
 never is a relative term, which must be explained by the context. Here 
 it may be understood as equivalent to "all the days of thy life." Cp. i 
 Sam. i. 2-2, xxvii. 12. The prophecy was fulfilled by Amnon's murder 
 (ch. xiii. 28); Absalom's death as a rebel (ch. xviii. 14); and Adonijah's 
 execution as a traitor (i Kings ii. 25). In all these deeds may be traced 
 the bitter fruit of David's sin. Amnon no doubt excused his lust by 
 alleging his lather's example : Absalom's rebellion was indirectly the 
 consequence of Amnon's act : Adonijah died for presuming to appear 
 as the rival of Bath-sheba's son. 
 
 11. I will take thy wives'] See ch. xvi. 21, 22. "Having become the 
 man of blood, of blood he was to drink deep; and having become the 
 man of lust, by that same baneful passion in others was he himself to be 
 scourged for ever." Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, p. 134. 
 
 13. / have sinned against the Lord] True confession needs but few 
 words. Cp. Lk. xviii. 13. There is no attempt to excuse or palliate 
 the sin. Saul too could say "I have sinned" (i Sam. xv. 24, 30), but 
 he felt no real contrition, and his chief desire was to save his own repu- 
 tation with the people: David is crushed by. the sense of his guilt in the 
 sight of God. Cp. Ps. xxxii. 5, li. 4. Cp. August, c. Faustum, xxii. 
 67. "In simili voce quam sensus humanus audiebat, dissimile pectus 
 
 II. S.\MUEL O 
 
I30 II. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 14—17. 
 
 14 Lord also hath put away thy sin ; thou shalt not die. How- 
 beit, because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to 
 the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, the child also that 
 is born unto thee shall surely die. 
 
 ■15 — 23. TJlc Death of the Child. 
 
 13 And Nathan departed unto his house. And the Lord 
 strake the child that Uriah's wife bare unto David, and it 
 
 ,6 was very sick. David therefore besought God for the child; 
 and David fasted, and went in, and lay all night upon the 
 
 17 earth. And the elders of his house arose, and went to him, 
 to raise him up from the earth : but he would not, neither 
 
 erat quod divinus oculus discemebat." " Though the words heard by 
 the human ear were alike, the heart seen by t~he eye of God was unlike." 
 
 See Keble's poem for the Sixth Sunday after Trinity in the Christian 
 Year. 
 
 tlioii shalt not die] The sentence which he had pronounced on 
 himself [v. 5) should not be executed, though he deserved to die as an 
 adulterer and murderer (Lev. xx. 10, xxiv. 17). The punishment of 
 death would certainly not have been inflicted on the king, who was 
 supreme in the state, by any human authority : but God might Himself 
 have inflicted it. The context shews that temporal death is primarily 
 meant, and though we may now read in the words a reference to spiritual 
 Hfe and death, it may be doubted whether they could be so understood 
 at the time. 
 
 14. thotc hast given great occasion, &c.] The enemies of Jehovah 
 would mock and blaspheme Him, when they saw His chosen represen- 
 tative, the King of Israel, thus breaking His law. To divorce Bath- 
 sbeba now would be a further wrong. Yet if he was not punished men 
 might answer yes to the question "May one be pardoned and retain the 
 offence?" And therefore a long series of chastisements, beginning with 
 the death of the child, must unequivocally declare the divine judgment 
 on such sin. 
 
 15—23. The Death of the Child. 
 
 15. sirake] An archaism for struck. Cp. ch. xx. 10. 
 
 16. besought God for the child] Such a prayer was not presumptuous, 
 for God's threatenings like his promises are conditional. See Is. xxxviii. 
 I ff. ; Jonah iii. 7 — 10. 
 
 fasted] Cp. Neh. i. 4; Esther iv. 16; Dan. ix. 3; Acts xiv. 23. 
 
 zueiit in] To his private chamber (Matt. vi. 6), where he lay all 
 night upon the floor, instead of sleeping on his bed. Cp. ch. xiii. 31. 
 The tense of the verbs ivettt in and lay all night is frequentative, 
 indicating that David did so repeatedly. 
 
 17. the elders of his house] His oldest and most confidential servants. 
 Cp. Gen. xxiv. 2, 1. 7. 
 
vv. 18—25.] II. SAMUEL, XII. 131 
 
 did he eat bread with them. And it came to pass on the 18 
 seventh day, that the child died. And the servants of David 
 feared to tell him that the child was dead : for they said, 
 Behold, while the child was yet alive, we ^pake unto him, 
 and he would not hearken unto our voice : how will he 
 then vex himself, if we tell him that the child is dead ? But 19 
 when David saw that his servants whispered, David per- 
 ceived that the child was dead : therefore David said unto 
 his servants. Is the child dead? And they said. He is 
 dead. Then David arose from the earth, and washed, and 2d 
 anointed himself, and changed his apparel, and came into 
 the house of the Lord, and worshipped : then he came to 
 his own house; and when he required, they set bread before 
 him, and he did eat. Then said his servants unto him, at 
 What thing is this that thou hast done? .thou didst fast 
 and weep for the child, while it was alive; but when the 
 child was dead, thou didst rise and eat bread. And he said, 22 
 While the child was yet alive, I fasted and wept: for I said, 
 Who can tell whether God will be gracious to me, that the 
 child may livje ? But now he is dead, wherefore should I 23 
 fast? can I bring him back again? I shall go to him, but 
 he shall not return to me. 
 
 24,25. Tfie birth of Solomon. 
 And David comforted Bath-sheba his wife, and went in 24 
 unto her, and lay with her: and she bare a son, and he 
 called his name Solomon : and the Lord loved him. And 25 
 
 20. tvashed, and anointed himself, and changed his apparelY He laid 
 aside all the outward signs of mourning. Cp. Matt. vi. 17. 
 
 anointed himself^ Anointing the head and body with oil was and 
 still is the regular practice in Eastern countries. It was believed to 
 contribute to health and cleanliness. Its discontinuance was a mark of 
 mourning. Cp. ch. xiv. 2 ; Is. Ixi. 3. 
 
 22. GODX The LORD. The HeW. ds Jehovah, not Elohim, as is 
 indicated by the capital letters. Cp. Gen. vi. 5. 
 
 23. I shall go to hi//i'\ Cp. Gen. xxxvii. 35. A belief in the con- 
 tinued existence of the soul after death in a state of consciousness is 
 necessarily implied though not expressly stated: but how far this falls 
 short of the Christian hope of the Resurrection of the Body, and the 
 Life Everlasting ! 
 
 24, 25. The birth of Solomon. 
 
 24. he called his name Solomon'] The name was given at the time 
 
132 II. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 26—28. 
 
 he sent by the hand of Nathan the prophet; and he called 
 his name Jedidiah, because of the Lord. 
 
 26 — 31. Capture of Rahbah. 
 
 26 And Joab fought against Rabbah of the children of Am- 
 
 27 mon, and took the royal city. And Joab sent messengers 
 to David, and said, I have fought against Rabbah, and have 
 
 28 taken the city of waters. Now therefore gather the rest of 
 
 of circumcision (Lk. i. 59, ii. 21). The Hebrew form of the name is 
 Sheloinoh, the Sept. Salomon, which by the time of the N.T. had be- 
 come shortened to the familiar Solomon. It signifies peaceable, and 
 was given him in anticipation of the peace and quietness promised 
 to Israel in his reign in contrast to his father's wars (i Chron. xxii. 
 9). Solomon's birth is naturally related as the sequel to the pre- 
 ceding narrative, though in all probability it did not take place until 
 some four or five years afterwards. See Introd. ch. IV. § 3, p. 26, and 
 note on ch. v. 14. 
 
 25. he sent by the hand of Nathan, &c.] Jehovah commissioned 
 Nathan (for the phrase cp. Ex, iv. 13) to give the boy a second name, 
 which he did accordingly. This is the meaning of the text as it stands : 
 but some commentators would alter it slightly in accordance with the 
 Vulgate, and render he (David) cominitted him to the hand of A^athan, 
 that he might take charge of his education. But the explanation is 
 doubtful, and there is no further trace of the fact, though it has been 
 very generally supposed that Nathan was Solomon's tutor. 
 
 fedidiah'] That is Beloved of fah. Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 12 ; Ps. 
 cxxvii. 2. It is derived from the same root as David, which means 
 beloved or darling. The name was given " because of the Lord," i. e. 
 because Jehovah loved the child ; and it served as a pledge to David 
 that he was again fully received into God's favour. 
 
 26 — 31. Capture of Rabbah. 
 = I Chron. xx. i — 3. 
 
 26. And Joab fought against Rabbah^ The narrative returns to the 
 point at which it was left in ch. xi. i. But how long a time was occu- 
 pied in the siege does not appear. It is possible that it lasted more 
 than one year, and did not come to an end till after the birth of Bath- 
 sheba's first child. But on the other hand it would be quite natural 
 for the historian, having once commenced his account of Bath-sheba, to 
 complete it before narrating the capture of Rabbah, so that this may 
 have been effected within a year. 
 
 and took the royal city'] "The royal city" seems to be equivalent to 
 "the city of waters" of v. 27, that is, the lower city on the river, as 
 distinguished from "the city" (v. 28), i.e. the citadel. The capture of 
 this probably deprived the citadel of its water-supply, and so rendered 
 it untenable for any length of time. 
 
 27. the city of waters'] "Just before reaching ^ww(f« [the modern 
 
vv. 29— 31.] n. SAMUEL, XII. 133 
 
 the people together, and encamp against the city, and take 
 it : lest I take the city, and it be called after my name. 
 And David gathered all the people together, and went to 29 
 Rabbah, and fought against it, and took it. And he took 30 
 their king's crown from off his head, the weight whereof was 
 a talent of gold with the precious stones : and it was set on 
 David's head. And he brought forth the spoil of the city 
 in great abundance. And he brought forth the people that 31 
 ■were therein, and put ^/ie??i under saws, and under harrows 
 
 name of Rabbah], the gorge takes a sudden turn to the north, and then 
 swells into a narrow plain, covered with luxuriant grass, and embosomed 
 in low round hills. The fish-stocked stream, with shells studding 
 every stone and pebble, winds in the midst, a narrow channel, receiving 
 occasional affluents in its course, and making Rabbah most truly a 'city 
 of waters.'" Tristram's Land of Israel, p. 533. 
 
 28. and take it\ Curtius relates how Craterus in like manner 
 resigned the capture of Artacacna into the hands of Alexander. " After 
 all the preparations were made, he awaited the king's arrival, yielding 
 to him, as was fitting, the honour of taking the city" (Curt. vi. 6). 
 
 and it be called after my nanie\ This is the usual meaning of the 
 phrase. Rabbah might have been called "the city of Joab" as Zioa 
 was called " the city of David." 
 
 30. their king's crown'] The word Malcham, rendered their king, 
 may also be taken as a proper name. It occurs in Zeph. i. 5 ; Jer. xiix. 
 I, 3 (marg.), as a form of the name of the Ammonite deity, Moloch or 
 Milcom. The Sept. now reads Afolchoin their king, "their king" 
 being probably a gloss, and " Molchom" the original reading. A 
 Jewish tradition recorded by Jerome tells how the crown was snatched 
 from the head of Milcom by Ittai the Gittite, because it was unlawful 
 for a Hebrew to take spoil from an idol {Qiiaest. Hebr. on i Chron. xx. 2). 
 But while it was natural for David to take and wear the king's crown, 
 as the symbol of the subjection of the Ammonites to his rule, would he 
 not have regarded the idol's crown with abhorrence, and have shrunk 
 from wearing it ? 
 
 a talent of golcf] Estimated at more than 100 pounds. If this estimate 
 is correct, it can never have been habitually worn, and must have been 
 placed on David's head for a few moments only. 
 
 31. put them under saws] Put them upon saws : or perhaps we 
 should read as in Chron., sawed them with saws. Cp. Heb. xi. 37. 
 This barbarous practice was not unknown at Rome. " [Caligula] 
 medios serra dissccuit." (Sueton. Calig.i-,.) 
 
 harrows of iron] Threshing- sledges of iron : sledges or frames 
 armed on the underside with rollers or sharp spikes, used for the pur- 
 pose of bruising the ears of corn, and extracting the grain, and at the 
 same time breaking up the straw into small pieces for use as fodder. 
 See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, i. 408, ii. 423. 
 
134 n. SAMUEL, XIII. [v. r. 
 
 of iron, and under axes of iron, and made them pass through 
 the brickkiln: and thus did he unto all the cities of the 
 children of Amnion. So David and all the people returned 
 unto Jerusalem. 
 
 Ch. XIII. I — 2z, Amno7i^s shamef id outrage. 
 
 13 And it came to pass after this, that Absalom the son 
 of David had a fair sister, whose name was Tamar; and 
 
 made them pass through the brick-kiln^ Burned them in brick-kilns. 
 The phrase is chosen with reference to the idolatrous rite practised by 
 the Ammonites, of "making their children pass through the fire" in 
 honour of Moloch (2 Kings xxiii. 10). This is the meaning of the 
 Qri or read text (see Introd. p. 15), which is probably correct. The 
 Kthibh or written text however has " made them pass through the 
 3Jalcha7t," which is explained to mean the place where they burnt their 
 children in honour of Moloch. But the word, occurs nowhere else, and 
 is of doubtful authority. 
 
 These cruel punishments must be judged according to the standard 
 of the age in which they were inflicted, not by the light of Christian 
 civilisation. The Ammonites were evidently a savage and brutal nation 
 (i Sam. xi. i, 2 ; 2 Sam, x. i — 5 ; Amos i. 13), and in all probability 
 they were treated no worse than they were accustomed to treat others. 
 It was the age of retaliation, when the law of like for like— the lex 
 ^a//(3«;>— prevailed (Jud. i. 7 ; Lev. xxiv. 19, 20). They had foully 
 insulted David, and it is not to be wondered at if he was provoked into 
 making a signal example of them by this severity. In this respect he 
 did not rise above the level of his own age. Modern history has its 
 parallels, not only in the barbarities perpetrated at Alen9on by a ruth- 
 less soldier like William the Conqueror, but in the merciless massacre 
 by which the Black Prince sullied his fair fame on the capture of 
 Limoges. Green's History, pp. 72, 226. 
 
 Ch. XIII. 1 — 22. Amnon's shameful outrage. 
 
 This chapter relates how the doom pronounced on David's house 
 began to receive its fulfilment (i) by Amnon's shameful outrage on 
 Tamar, (2) by Absalom's murder of Amnon in revenge for that outrage. 
 
 The events here related probably occurred soon after David's marriage 
 with Bath-sheba. See Introd. ch. iv. p. 26. 
 
 Dean Stanley points out how " the story, revolting as it is, has the 
 interest of revealing to us the interior of the royal household beyond 
 that of any other incident of those times, (i) The establishments of the 
 princes. (2) The simplicity of the royal employments. (3) The dress of 
 the princesses. (4) The relation of the king to the princesses and to 
 the law." Smith's Diet, of the Bible, iii. 1433. 
 
 1. Tamar'] Tamar and Absalom were the children of Maacah 
 daughter of Talmai king of Geshur (ch. iii. 3). Tamar means palm-tree. 
 The Arabs still frequently give their daughters the names of trees dis- 
 
vv. 2—7.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 135 
 
 Amnon the son of David loved her. And Amnon was so 2 
 vexed, that he fell sick for his sister Tamar; for she was a 
 virgin ; and Amnon thought it hard for him to do any thing 
 to her. But Amnon had a friend, whose name was Jo- 3 
 nadab, the son of Shimeah David's brother : and Jonadab 
 was a very subtil man. And he said unto him. Why ar^ 4 
 thou, dewg the king's son, lean from day to day ? wilt thou 
 not tell me? And Amnon said unto him, I love Tamar, 
 my brother Absalom's sister. And Jonadab said unto him, 5 
 Lay t/iee down on thy bed, and make thyself sick : and 
 when thy father cometh to see thee, say unto him, I pray 
 thee, let my sister Tamar come, and give me meat, and 
 dress the meat in my sight, that I may see //, and eat zV at 
 her hand. So Amnon lay down, and made himself sick : 6 
 and when the king was come to see him, Amnon said unto 
 the king, I pray thee, let Tamar my sister come, and make 
 me a couple of cakes in my sight, that I may eat at her hand. 
 Then David sent home to Tamar, saying. Go now ^0 thy 7 
 
 tinguished for their grace, beauty, or fruitfulness. See Van Lennep's 
 Bible Lands, II. 501. 
 
 Amtwn] David's first-born, the son of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess. 
 
 2. Amnon thought it hard} It seemed impossible to Amnon. 
 Tamar lived a secluded life in the women's apartments, where Amnon 
 could not obtain access to her. 
 
 3. a friend'} This narrative is a strong warning against the danger 
 of evil companions. The clever but unprincipled friend is more likely 
 to provide means for gratifying evil passions than help in resisting them. 
 
 yonadab, the son of Shini(a}i\ Shimeah is called Shaminah in i Sam. 
 xvi. 9. He had another son Jonathan (ch. xxi. 21). 
 
 subtil] The word means simply wise, and pronounces no judgment 
 on the way in which Jonadab misused his sagacity. Cp. Job v. 13; 
 Jer. iv. 22. 
 
 4. Why, &c.] Why art thou so wasted, king's son, morning 
 by morning? His cousin Jonadab either lived in the same house with 
 Amnon as his companion, or noticed his worn looks when he came to 
 visit him at his morning levee. 
 
 5. make thyself sic/c] Feign thyself sick, and so in v. 6. 
 
 to see thee] To visit in sickness, as in Ps. xli. 6 ; 2 Kings viii. 29, 
 
 6. eahes] The word occurs here only, and may denote some special 
 delicacy suited for an invalid. 
 
 7. /lome] Into the house : the inner part of the palace, where the 
 women's apartments were. 
 
 to thy brother Amnon's house] Cp. v. 20. Each of the royal princes 
 evidently had a separate house. 
 
136 II. SAMUEL, XIII. [vv. 8—15. 
 
 8 brother Amnon's house, and dress him meat. So Tamar 
 went to her brother Amnon's house; and he was laid down. 
 And she took flour, and kneaded //, and made cakes in his 
 
 9 sight, and did bake the cakes. And she took a pan, and 
 poured them out before him ; but he refused to eat. And 
 Amnon said, Have out all men from me. And they went 
 
 10 out every man from him. And Amnon said unto Tamar, 
 Bring the meat into the chamber, that I may eat of thine 
 hand. And Tamar took the cakes which she had made, 
 and brought tJiem into the chamber to Amnon her brother. 
 
 11 And when she had brought them unto him to eat, he took 
 hold of her, and said unto her. Come lie with me, my sister. 
 
 12 And she answered him. Nay, my brother, do not force me ; 
 for no such thing ought to be done in Israel : do not thou 
 
 73 this folly. And I, whither shall I cause my shame to go? 
 and as for thee, thou shalt be as one of the fools in Israel. 
 Now therefore, I pray thee, speak unto the king ; for he 
 
 14 will not withhold me from thee. Howbeit he would not 
 hearken unto her voice : but, being stronger than she, forced 
 
 15 her, and lay with her. Then Amnon hated her exceedingly; 
 
 8. floiirl The dough. 
 
 9. a _f>an] The pan in which the cakes or puddings had been 
 cooked. 
 
 12. 7to such tiling ought to be done in Israel^ Israel was a holy 
 nation, sanctified by the peculiar presence of Jehovah among them ; 
 and therefore all acts of unchastity were an offence against the true 
 character and calling of the nation. Such acts might be common among 
 heathen nations, but to Israel they were forbidden by the Law, which 
 placed them on a loftier level of morality. 
 
 13. as one of the fools in Jsrad'\ "Fool" denotes not merely one 
 who is stupid and ignorant, but one who has abandoned the fear of God, 
 and cast off the restraints of decency and morality. Cp. ch. iii. 33 ; 
 Ps. xiv. r. " Folly" is a term specially applied to unchastity'. 
 
 he zuill not imthhold me from thee'\ The marriage of half-brothers 
 and sisters was permitted in patriarchal times, as is shewn by the 
 example of Abraham and Sarah (Gen. xx. 12), but was expressly for- 
 bidden by the Mosaic law. Either the law was not strictly observed 
 at this time, or Tamar, hoping to escape immediate violence, suggested 
 that the king had a dispensing power, and might permit a regular mar- 
 riage. 
 
 15. hated her exceedingly'] "Proprium humani ingenii est odisse 
 quem laeseris." " It is characteristic of human nature to hate one 
 whom you have injured." Tac. Agric. c. 42. 
 
vv. 16-20.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 137 
 
 so that the hatred wherewith he hated her was greater than 
 the love wherewith he had loved her. And Amnon said 
 unto her, Arise, be gone. And she said unto him, There is 16 
 no cause : this evil in sending ine away is greater than the 
 other that thou didst unto me. But he would not hearken 
 unto her. Then he called his servant that ministered unto 17 
 him, and said, Put now this woman out from me, and bolt 
 the door after her. And she had a garment of divers colours is 
 upon her : for with such robes were the king's daughters that 
 were virgins apparelled. Then his servant brought her out, 
 and bolted the door after her. And Tamar put ashes 19 
 on her head, and rent her garment of divers colours that 
 was on her, and laid her hand on her head, and went on 
 crying. And Absalom her brother said unto her, Hath 20 
 Amnon thy brother been with thee ? but hold now thy 
 peace, my sister : he is thy brother ; regard not this thing. 
 So Tamar remained desolate in her brother Absalom's 
 
 16. There is no catise\ The Heb. text cannot be so translated, and 
 is certainly corrupt. The Sept. is also confused, but its original reading 
 as indicated by the Old Latin Version gives an excellent sense, thus; 
 "Amt she said unto /lim, Nay, my brot tier, for greater will be this 
 latter wrong, in sending 7?ie away, than the former that tJiozi didst 
 tinto me." 
 
 18. a garment of divers colours'] The expression is used elsewhere 
 only of Joseph's "coat of many colours" (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23), and pro- 
 bably means a long tunic witb sleeves, worn, it would seem, as an 
 outer garment in place of the usual mantle. The fact of her wearing 
 this distinctive dress is mentioned, to shew that the servant and the 
 people who met her in the street would at once recognise who she was. 
 
 19. And Tamar put ashes, &c.] The ashes and the torn garments 
 (t Sam. iv. 12; Esth. iv. i), and the hands clasped above the head 
 (Jer. ii. 37), were all marks of grief and shame. 
 
 went on crying] Went away shrieking' as she went; not lament- 
 ing with silent tears, but with loud passionate shrieks and wailing. 
 
 20. Aninon] The Heb. form here, and here only, is Aminon, which 
 has been explained as a diminutive intended to express contempt, but 
 may possibly be only an accidental variation. 
 
 hold now thy peace] Absalom urged her to bear the outrage patiently, 
 and avoid a public scandal ; feeling sure that David would not be per- 
 suaded to inflict an adequate puni.shment on Amnon, and intending to 
 watch his own opportunity for revenge. To him, according to Oriental 
 custom, belonged the duty of avenging his sister's wrongs. Cp. Gen. 
 xxxiv. 27. 
 
 desolate] Ruined and deserted. Cp. Is. liv. i, where "the desolate" 
 is contrasted with the married wife. 
 
138 II. SAMUEL, XIII. [vv. 21—26. 
 
 21 house. But when king David heard of all these things, he 
 
 22 was very wroth. And Absalom spake unto his brother Am- 
 non neither good nor bad : for Abs-alom hated Amnon, 
 because he had forced his sister Tamar. 
 
 23 — 29. Absalom^s vejtgeance. 
 
 23 And it came to pass after two full years, that Absalom 
 had sheepshearers in Baal-hazor, which is beside Ephraim : 
 
 24 and Absalom invited all the king's sons. And Absalom 
 came to the king, and said, Behold now, thy servant hath 
 sheepshearers ; let the king, I beseech thee, and his servants 
 
 25 go with thy servant. And the king said to Absalom, Nay, my 
 son, let us not all now go, lest we be chargeable unto thee. 
 And he pressed him: howbeit he would not go, but blessed 
 
 26 him. Then said Absalom, If not, I pray thee, let my 
 
 21. was very wrotli] The Sept. and the ordinary text of the Vulgate 
 add, "and he vexed not the spirit of Amnon his son, because he loved 
 him, because he was his firstborn," i.e. in spite of his anger he did not 
 punish or even rebuke the offence, though the legal penalty of his crime 
 was death. David's indulgent treatment of his sons was a fruitful source 
 of mischief (cp. i Kings i. 6), and led in this case to the murder of 
 Amnon, and ultimately to Absalom's rebellion. The consciousness of 
 his own guilt moreover weakened his hands for dealing with Amnon's 
 offence. 
 
 22. neither good nor dad] He made no allusion whatever to the 
 matter, in order to quiet Amnon's suspicions. For the phrase cp. Gen. 
 xxiv. 50; xxxi. 24. 
 
 23 — 29. Absalom's vengeance. 
 
 23. Absalom had sheepshearers] Sheepshearing was and still is an 
 occasion of festivity. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 7 ff. 
 
 Baal-hazor, which is beside Ephraim] Possibly Tell Asiir, five miles 
 north-east of Bethel, and two miles north-west of et- Taiyibeh, which is 
 supposed to represent Ephraim. The preposition beside or near implies 
 that Ephraim is here the name of a town not of the tribe territory. Cp. 
 John xi. 54. 
 
 24. let the king, &c.] A clever plan for removing all suspicion from 
 Amnon's mind. 
 
 25. lest %L<e be chargeable unto thee] Lest we be bvirdensome unto 
 tbee. Chargeable is derived from charge, in the now obsolete sense of 
 'a load' or 'burden,' cp. i Thess. ii. 9. It is "the first instance history 
 offers of the ruinous cost of royal visits to those who are honoured with 
 them." Kitto's Bible Illustr. p. 403. 
 
 blessed him] i.e. dismissed him with a farewell blessing. Cp. cli. xix. 
 
 39- 
 
w. 27—32.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 139 
 
 brother Amnon go with us. And the king said unto him, 
 Why should he go with thee ? But Absalom pressed him, 27 
 that he let Amnon and all the king's sons go with him. 
 Now Absalom had commanded his servants, saying, Mark 2s 
 ye now when Amnon's heart is merry with wine, and when 
 I say unto you, Smite Amnon; then kill him, fear not: have 
 not I commanded you? be courageous, and be valiant. 
 And the servants of Absalom did unto Amnon as Absalom 29 
 had commanded. Then all the king's sons arose, and every 
 man gat him up upon his mule, and fled. 
 
 30 — 39. The news brought to David. Absalom' s fiight. 
 
 And it came to pass, while they ivere in the way, that 30 
 tidings came to David, saying, Absalom hath slain all the 
 king's sons, and there is not one of them left. Then the 31 
 king arose, and tare his garments, and lay on the earth ; and 
 all his servants stood by with their clothes rent. And Jon- 32 
 adab, the son of Shimeah David's brother, answered and said, 
 
 26. let my lu-othcr Aninott go] If David would not go himself, at 
 least he might send his eldest son as his representative. David's reluct- 
 ance to consent shews that he felt some misgivings that Absalom had not 
 forgiven Amnon. 
 
 27. At the end of this verse, the Sept. adds, "And Absalom made a 
 feast like the feast of a king." The words may easily have dropped out 
 of the Hebrew text owing to the similar endings of the sentences. 
 
 28. N'ozu Absalom had cornmanded] And Atosalom commanded. 
 Absalom felt himself bound in honour to avenge his sister's wrong, and 
 moreover welcomed the pretext for getting rid of Amnon, who stood 
 between himself and the succession to the throne. 
 
 29. did unto A?nnon, &c.] Though the princes were attended by a 
 numerous retinue {v. 34), the blow was struck so suddenly and unex- 
 pectedly, that no resistance was possible, and Absalom escaped without 
 difficulty. 
 
 1/poit his mule] Mules were generally used for riding at this time by 
 persons of distinction, as Absalom (ch. xviii. 9), David, and Solomon 
 (I Kings i. 33, 38). 
 
 30—39. The news brought to David. Absalom's flight. 
 
 31. tare his garments] Rent Ms clothes. The E. V. has introduced 
 a distinction which does not exist in the Hebrew. Cp. ch. i. 11. 
 
 lay 071 the earth] Cp. ch. xii. 16. 
 
 ajid all his sc)~vants, &c.] The Sept. and Vulg. represent a slightly 
 different reading; "And all his servants, who stood by him, rent their 
 clothes." 
 
I40 II. SAMUEL, XIII. [vv. 2,2>—37- 
 
 Let not my lord suppose that they have slain all the young 
 men the king's sons ; for Amnon only is dead : for by the 
 appointment of Absalom this hath been determined from the 
 
 33 day that he forced his sister Tamar. Now therefore let not 
 my lord the king take the thing to his heart, to think that all 
 
 34 the king's sons are dead : for Amnon only is dead. But Ab- 
 salom fled. And the young man that kept the watch lift 
 up his eyes, and looked, and behold, there came much people 
 
 35 by the way of the hill side behind him. And Jonadab said 
 unto the king, Behold, the king's sons come : as thy servant 
 
 36 said, so it is. And it came to pass, as soon as he had made 
 an end of speaking, that behold, the king's sons came, and 
 lift up their voice and wept : and the king also and all his 
 
 37 servants wept very sore. But Absalom fled, and went to 
 Talmai, the son of Ammihud, king of Geshur. And David 
 
 32. Let 7iot my lord suppose, &c.] A practical illustration of the sagacity 
 for which Jonadab was famous (v. 3). He at once rejects the exaggera- 
 tions of rumour, and predicts accurately what had really happened.. 
 
 by the appointment of Absalom this hath been determined'] Lit., 
 upon Absalom'' s mouth hath it been set; that is, Absalom's sinister 
 looks have all along betrayed his determination to kill Amnon ; or, his 
 purpose has been obvious from his words ; but the latter explanation is 
 less likely, as Absalom seems to have dissembled his revenge in order 
 to disarm Amnon's suspicion. 
 
 34. But Absalom Jied\ This brief statement of Absalom's escape is 
 inserted here in anticipation o{vv. 37, 38, in order to contrast Absalom's 
 flight with the return of the king's sons to Jerusalem. 
 
 the young man that kept the watcli] At Jerusalem, probably in the 
 tower over one of the gates. Cp. ch. xviii. 24. 
 
 much people'] The i^rinces had been attended by a numerous retinue 
 of followers. 
 
 by the 7vay of the hill side behind him] From the way behind bim 
 from the side of tlie hill: that is probably, if the text is ?,om\A, from the 
 loest. But the Sept. has important variations, thus: "And behold much 
 people were coming in the way behind him by the side of the hill at the 
 descent. And the watchman came and told the king, and said, I have 
 seen men coming from the way of Oronen, by the side of the hill. And 
 Jonadab said," &c. Oronen may represent Horonaim or Beth-horon, 
 the dual form referring to the two places of that name, the " Upper" 
 and "Lower" Beth-horon — which lay north-west of Jerusalem. 
 
 37. But Absalom fed, &c.] Now Absalom had fled and gone to 
 Talmai. The narrative goes liack to v. 34. Talmai was Absalom's 
 grandfather. See note on ch. iii. 3. 
 
 ^«^ David mourned] David has fallen out of the Ileb. text, but is 
 found in the Sept. and Vulg., and is clearly necessary to the sense. 
 
vv. 3S, 39; !•] n. SAMUEL, XIII. XIV. 141 
 
 mourned for his son every day. So Absalom fled, and went 38 
 to Geshur, and was there three years. And the soul of king 39 
 David longed to go forth unto Absalom : for he was com- 
 forted concerning Amnon, seeing he was dead. 
 
 Ch. XIV. I — 20. JoaVs stratagem to pj'oaire Ahsaloiiis 
 recall. 
 
 Now Joab the son of Zeruiah perceived that the king's 14 
 
 for his soii'\ Amnon, not Absalom, is meant. His first feeling towards 
 Absalom was one of anger. 
 
 38. "If the text of these verses is sound, they afford a curious speci- 
 men of Hebrew narrative. In v. 34 we read Absalom fled; in v. 37, 
 Absalom fled and went to Talmai, the son of Aminihiid, king of Geshur; 
 in V. 38, Absalom fled and went to Geshur and was there three years. 
 At each step of the narrative only the fact is brought out which is 
 wanted, (i) the flight ; (2) the place whither he fled; (3) the duration of 
 the absence ; but with eacli new fact the old ones on which it depends 
 are repeated." Speakej-'s Comm. 
 
 39. And the soul of kiiig David, &c. ] The Heb. of this verse is 
 obscure, and has been made to bear almost opposite meanings, (i) The 
 E.V., following the Jewish commentators, supplies the soul as the 
 subject of the verb, which is feminine. It describes David as pining 
 for the return of Absalom, after his sorrow for Amnon's deatli had 
 abated. To this interpretation it may be objected, {a) that the verb, in 
 the voice used here, does not mean longed : [b) that if David had been 
 anxious for Absalom's return, he might have recalled him at once, 
 whereas even when by Joab's instrumentality he had been brought back 
 to Jerusalem, he was not admitted to the royal presence. (2) By taking 
 the verb impersonally we may obtain the sense, David desisted from- 
 going forth against Absalom (so the Vulg. "cessavitque rex David per- 
 sequi Absalom;" and probably the Sept.), i.e. he gave up plans of 
 pursuit and revenge; or by emending the text according to a very 
 ]irobable conjecture, the king's wrath ceased to go forth against Absalom. 
 Either of these renderings gives the general sense which seems to be 
 required by the context, that David's active hostility towards Absalom 
 was mitigated by the lapse of time. 
 
 Ch. XIV. 1 — 20. Joab's stratagem to procure Absalom's 
 
 RECALL. 
 
 1. that the king's heart was toward Absalom] This verse like the 
 preceding one admits of two widely different explanations, (i) If the 
 rendering of the E.V. is retained, the exact meaning will depend on 
 whether the first or the second explanation of chap. xiii. 39 given above, 
 is adopted, (a) In combination with the first of those explanations, the 
 words simply state Joab's recognition of the king's yearning towards 
 his son which is there described, {b) In combination with the second 
 
142 II. SAMUEL, XIV. [v. 2. 
 
 2 heart was toward Absalom. And Joab sent to Tekoah, and 
 
 of those explanations, which seems to be preferable, the words describe 
 a further change in the king's feeling from indifference to a positive 
 desire for reconciliation. But on the supposition that David was 
 longing to be reconciled to Absalom it is by no means easy to explain the 
 following narrative. Why was Joab's subtle scheme necessary, if David 
 was eager of his own accord to recall Absalom? Why, if he was long- 
 ing for a reconciliation, did he refuse to admit him to his presence for 
 two whole years after his return? 
 
 (2) The words may however be rendered: "And Joab the son of 
 Zeruiah knew that the king's heart was against Absalom." In favour 
 of this rendering it may be urged [a) that the preposition generally 
 means against not toward: [b) that in the only other passage where the 
 phrase occurs (Dan. xi. 28), it unquestionably expresses hostility : (c) 
 that this meaning agrees better with the whole course of the narrative, 
 which leaves the impression that Absalom's recall was a concession 
 extorted from David by Joab's cunning. Although David had abandoned 
 the ideas of vengeance which he at first entertained (of course the second 
 explanation of ch. xiii. 39 is the only one^ which can stand in combination 
 with this rendering) his heart remained set against Absalom, and he 
 shewed no disposition to recall him from exile. This view of the state 
 of David's feelings towards Absalom at once accounts for Joab's subtle 
 scheme to convince the king of the hardship of prolonging Absalom's 
 exile, and for the king's refusal to see Absalom when he had been per- 
 suaded to allow him to return. It may seem inconsistent with the 
 passionate affection which he afterwards displayed for his rebellious son 
 (ch. xviii. 5, 33), but it is not really so. A violent revulsion of feeling, 
 when Absalom's life was in danger, and still more when he had perished 
 by a miserable death, would be quite in accordance with David's im- 
 pulsive character. 
 
 Most commentators however adopt the rendering of the E. V. , and 
 suppose that political and judicial reasons prevented David from yielding 
 to the dictates of affection: that, perceiving this, Joab planned his 
 scheme in order to give the king the excuse he desired for recalling his 
 son : that the refusal to see Absalom was prompted by a hope that the 
 "discipline of disapproval" might bring him to a state of penitence 
 for his offence. 
 
 2. Tekoah] Situated on a lofty ^hill five miles south of Bethlehem. 
 The name survives almost unaltered in the modern Tekua. It was the 
 native place of Ira, one of David's Thirty Heroes (ch.xxiii. 26): Rehoboam 
 fortified it as a defence against invasions from the south (3 Chr. xi. 6) : 
 but its chief claim to be remembered is as the home of the prophet 
 Amos who was "among the herdmen of Tekoa" (Am. i. i). The 
 proximity of Tekoah to Bethlehem explains Joab's acquaintance with 
 this woman, whose shrewdness fitted her to act the part he wished. 
 The term "wise woman" does not mean a witch, as the Speaker's 
 Comm. implies when it speaks of her "lawless profession." Cp. ch. 
 XX. 16. 
 
v^'. 3—7.] II. SAMUEL, XIV. 143 
 
 fetcht thence a wise woman, and said unto her, I pray thee, 
 feign thyself to be a mourner, and put on now mourning 
 apparel, and anoint not ^/lyse// with oil, but be as a woman 
 Ma/ /lad a long time mourned for the dead : and come to 3 
 the king, and speak on this manner unto him. So Joab put 
 the words in her mouth. And when the woman of Tekoah 4 
 spake to the king, she fell on her face to the ground, and 
 did obeisance, and said. Help, O king. And the king said 5 
 unto her. What aileth thee? And she answered, I am 
 indeed a widow woman, and mine husband is dead. And 6 
 thy handmaid had two sons, and they two strove together 
 in the field, and f/iere was none to part them, but the one 
 smote the other, and slew him. And behold, the whole 7 
 family is risen against thine handmaid, and they said. De- 
 liver him that smote his brother, that we may kill him, for 
 the life of his brother whom he slew ; and we will destroy 
 the heir also : and so they shall quench my coal which is 
 
 feign thyself to be a moiirner\ Compare the similai' 'acted parable' 
 in I kings xx. 35—43. 
 
 anoint not thyself^ Cp. ch. xii. 20, note. 
 
 3. come to the king] An interesting evidence of the simplicity of 
 the times, when the king was thus directly accessible to his subjects 
 who had causes to be tried or grievances to be redressed. Cp. ch. xv. 2 ; 
 I Kings iii. 16. 
 
 4. And ivhen the woi7tan... spake... she fell] All the versions and 
 many Hebrew MSS read as the sense requires: "And the woman of 
 Tekoah came to the king, and fell," &c. 
 
 fell on her face to the ground] It was and in some cases still is the 
 practice in Oriental countries for a subject approaching the king, 
 especially with any petition, to kneel down and bend forward until 
 the forehead actually touches the ground. See the illustrations from 
 Assyrian and Egyptian monuments in Van Lennep's Bible Lands, 
 II. 649. 
 
 did obeisance] See note on ch. i. 2, and cp. the almost identical phrase 
 in r Sam. xxv. 23. 
 
 I/cip] Or, Save. Cp. 2 Kings vi. 26; Ps. xx. 9. The Sept. repeats 
 it twice : " Help, O king, help." 
 
 7. the whole family, &c.] The whole clan demanded blood-revenge, 
 according to the primitive custom, sanctioned and regulated by the 
 Mosaic Law. See Num. xxxv. 19 ; Dcut. xix. 12, 13. 
 
 and we tuill destroy the heir also] The woman j^uts these words that 
 we may kill him. . .and destroy the heir also into the moutli of her kins- 
 men, in order to make tjieir conduct appear in the worst possible light, 
 as actuated not so much by a wish to observe the law as by covetousness 
 
144 n. SAMUEL, XIV. [vv. 8—13. 
 
 left, and shall not leave to my husband neither name nor re- 
 
 8 mainder upon the earth. And the king said unto the 
 woman, Go to thine house, and I will give charge concerning 
 
 9 thee. And the woman of Tekoah said unto the king, My 
 lord, O king, the iniquity be on me, and on my father's 
 
 10 house : and the king and his throne be guiltless. And 
 the king said. Whosoever saith ought unto thee, bring him 
 
 11 to me, and he shall not touch thee any more. Then 
 said she, I pray thee, let the king remember the Lord 
 thy God, that thou wouldest not suffer the revengers of 
 blood to destroy any more, lest they destroy my son. And 
 he said, As the Lord liveth, there shall not one hair of 
 
 12 thy son fall to the earth. Then the woman said. Let thine 
 handmaid, I pray thee, speak one word unto my lord the 
 
 ij king. And he said. Say on. And the woman said. Where- 
 fore then hast thou thought such a thing against the people 
 of God? for the king doth speak this thing as one which is 
 faulty, in that the king doth not fetch home again his ban- 
 
 and a desire to share the inheritance among themselves. Cp. Matt. 
 xxi. 38. 
 
 they shall quench my coal zuhich is left] The surviving son, who is 
 the last hope for the continuance of his family, is compared to the live 
 coal still left among the embers, by which the fire almost extinct may 
 be rekindled. 
 
 8. / will give chai-ge, &c.] Implying that her son should be pro- 
 tected. The king could reasonably grant a free pardon, as it was a 
 case of manslaughter and not a premeditated murder. 
 
 9. the iniqiiiiy be 0)t me, &c.] If there is any guilt in thus leaving 
 bloodshed unavenged, may I and my family bear the punishment. She 
 wishes to lead the king up to a more definite promise, before she applies 
 her parable to the case of Absalom. 
 
 11. let the king remember the Lord thy God] She presses for the 
 further assurance of an oath in the name of God. 
 
 there shall not one hair, &c.] Cp. i Sam. xiv. 45; 1 Kings i. 52 ; 
 Matt. X. 30; Luke xxi. 18; Acts xxvii. 34. 
 
 12. Let thine handmaid, &c.] The great object of her errand has 
 still to be effected. Firmly and clearly, but yet to all appearance 
 incidentally, she argues from the case of her son to that of Absalom. 
 
 13. Wherefore then, &c.] David's resolution to keep Absalom in exile 
 was an injury to the people of God, for he vi^as the heir to the throne. 
 
 for the king, &c.] Better, and by tlie king's speaking- this -word he 
 is as one guilty. The promise of protection to her son was a con- 
 demnation of his own conduct towards Absalom. He had acknowledged 
 the possibility of an exception to the general rule of punishment for 
 
vv. 14—17.] II. SAMUEL, XIV. 145 
 
 ished. For we must needs die, and are as water spilt on the 14 
 ground, which cannot be gathered up a^ain; neither doth 
 God respect a7iy person : yet doth he devise means, that his 
 banished be not expelled from him. Now therefore that is 
 I am come to speak of this thing unto my lord the king, 
 // is because the people have made me afraid : and thy 
 handmaid said, I will now speak unto the king ; it may be 
 that the king will perform the request of his handmaid. For 16 
 the king will hear, to deliver his handmaid out of the hand 
 of the man that would destroy me and my son together 
 out of the inheritance of God. Then thine handmaid said, 17 
 The word of my Lord the king shall now be comfortable : 
 for as an angel of God, so is my lord the king to discern 
 good and bad : therefore the Lord thy God will be Avith 
 
 murder, but he had not extended this exception to his own son, in spite 
 of the strongest reasons for so doing. 
 
 14. For tvc vmst needs die] The argument of this verse seems to be, 
 that since life is uncertain and cannot be restored, and since God Him- 
 self sets the example of mercy, David should be reconciled to his son 
 at once, before it is too late. For the simile of water spilt, cp. Ps. 
 Iviii. 7. 
 
 neit/iei- doth God respect any person'] This translation cannot be de- 
 fended. Better : and God doth not take away life, but devisetli devices 
 (lit. ihiiiketh t/toic^hfs, cp. v. 13) to the end that he may not [utterly] 
 banish a banished one. The statement is quite general, but contains a 
 pointed allusion to God's mercy in sparing David's own life when he 
 had deserved death for adultery and murder, and devising a plan to 
 bring him to repentance and so restore him to His presence. 
 
 15. No'iO therefore, &c.] Simply, And now. There seems to be a 
 studied ambiguity about this verse. If "the people" means the family 
 who had demanded the surrender of her son, .she is artfully returning to 
 her own petition,' to prevent the king from suspecting that her whole 
 story is a fiction : if, as is more natural, "the people" means the nation, 
 she is excusing her boldness on the ground that she was forced by them 
 into speaking thus. 
 
 16. the inheritance of God] The nation of Israel. Cp. i Sam. xxvi. 
 19 ; Deut. xxxii. 9. 
 
 17. Then thine handmaid said] Sept. "And the woman said:" 
 which suits the context better. 
 
 shall now be comfortable] Lit. Let the word... be for rest: give mc 
 security from my enemies. 
 
 as an angel of God] Cp. v. 10; ch. xix. 27; and i Sam. xxix. 9. 
 
 to discern good and bad] To hear the good and the evil : to listen 
 patiently to all manner of petitions, and decide justly upon them. 
 
 therefore the LoRD thy God tvill be with thee] The words are a prayer 
 or blessing : and Jehovah thy God be with thee. 
 
 II. SAMUEL TO 
 
146 II. SAMUEL, XIV. [vv. 18—24. 
 
 i3 thee. Then the king answered and said unto the woman, 
 Hide not from me, I pray thee, the thing that I shall ask 
 thee. And the woman said, Let my lord the king now 
 
 15 speak. And the king said, Is not the hand of Joab with 
 thee in all this ? And the woman answered and said. As thy 
 soul liveth, my lord the king, none can turn to the right 
 hand or to the left from ought that my lord the king hath 
 spoken : for thy servant Joab, he bade me, and he put all 
 
 23 diese words in the mouth of thine handmaid : to fetch about 
 this form of speech hath thy servant Joab done this thing: 
 and my lord is wise, according to the wisdom of an angel of 
 God, to know all things that are in the earth. 
 
 21 — 24. Joab sent to bring Absalom back. 
 
 21 And the king said unto Joab, Behold now, I have done 
 this thing : go therefore, bring the young man Absalom again. 
 
 22 And Joab fell to the ground on his face, and bowed himself, 
 and thanked the king: and Joab said. To day thy servant 
 knoweth that I have found grace in thy sight, my lord, O 
 king, in that the king hath fulfilled the request of his servant. 
 
 23 So Joab arose and went to Geshur, and brought Absalom 
 
 24 to Jerusalem. And the king said. Let him turn to his own 
 house, and let him not see my face. So Absalom returned 
 to his own house, and saw not the king's face. 
 
 19. no72e can iiirn, &c.] The king's words hit the mark precisely : 
 he discerns the exact state of the case. 
 
 20. to fetch about \.\\\=, form of speech^ Rather, in order to bring 
 round the face of the business : that is, to alter the aspect of Absalom's 
 relations to his father. 
 
 21 — 24. Joab sent to bring Absalom back. 
 
 21. / have done this thing] I have granted thy wish and restored 
 Absalom to favour. The "read" text or (?;'/ has thou hast done, but 
 the "written" text or Kthibh (supported by the Sept. and Vulg.) is 
 certainly right here. 
 
 22. his sei~vant\ This is the reading of the Kthibh, and is clearly 
 best : the marginal alternative thy comes from the Qri. 
 
 24. let him 7iot see my face] To recall Absalom without giving him 
 a full pardon was a most dangerous policy. It could not fail to irritate 
 him. It may be inferred from w. 29 and 31 that he was confined to 
 his house by David's order, for otherwise he would not have had to 
 wait until Joab came. David's reasons for this course of action are 
 discussed in the note on z*. i. 
 
vv. 25—29.] II. SAMUEL, XIV. 147 
 
 25 — 27. Absalovi s person and family. 
 
 But in all Israel there was none to be so much praised as 25 
 Absalom for his beauty : from the sole of his foot even to 
 the crown of his head there was no blemish in him. And 26 
 when he polled his head, (for it was at every year's end that 
 he polled //.• because the hair was heavy on him, therefore 
 he polled it :) he weighed the hair of his head at two hun- 
 dred shekels after the king's weight. And unto Absalom 27 
 there were born three sons, and one daughter, whose name 
 was Tamar : she was a woman of a fair countenance. 
 
 28 — 33. Absalom readmitted to David^s presence through 
 Joab's ?nediation. 
 
 So Absalom dwelt two full years in Jerusalem, and saw not 2S 
 the king's face. Therefore Absalom sent for Joab, to have 29 
 sent him to the king ; but he would not come to him : and 
 
 25 — 27. Absalom's person and family. 
 
 26. polled\ From poll, the head, comes the verb to poll, to cut the 
 liair. 
 
 two Iijindred shekels after the kin^^'s weight'] If the royal shekel was 
 the same as the sacred shekel, two hundred shekels would be about six 
 pounds, an extraordinary weight. But perhaps the royal shekel was 
 smaller, or as is so often the case with numbers, there may be some 
 error in the text. It was not considered effeminate for men to wear 
 ■their hair long : the Nazarites did so (Num. vi. 5), and Josephus says 
 that Solomon's body-guard had long flowing hair. Modern Arabs fre- 
 quently allow the hair to grow to its natural length. 
 
 27. three sons'] Who are not named, because none of them lived to 
 grow up. See ch. "xviii. 18. 
 
 Tamar] Who inherited the beauty as well as the name of her aunt. 
 The Sept. adds, " and she Ijecame the wife of Roboam the son of Solo- 
 mon, and bare him Abia." This however does not agree with the 
 books of Kings and Chronicles. From i Kings xv. 2 we learn that 
 Maachah the daughter of Abishalom was the wife of Rehoboam and 
 mother of Abijam : from 2 Chr. xiii. 2 that Abijah's mother's name 
 was IVIichaiah the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah (cp. 2 Chr. xi. 20 — 22). 
 The natural inference is that Alichaiah is an alternative name or a 
 textual error for Maachah, and that Maachah was the daughter of Uriel 
 and Tamar, and granddaughter of Absalom, named after her great- 
 grandmother. 
 
 28—33. Absalom readmitted to David's tresence through 
 Joab's mediation. 
 
 29. he would not cotne to him] Not choosing to incur David's dis- 
 pleasure by visiting Absalom while he was still in disgrace. 
 
 10 — 2 
 
148 II. SAMUEL, XIV. XV. [vv. 30—33; i. 
 
 when he sent again the second time, he would not come. 
 
 30 Therefore he said unto his servants, See, Joab's field is near 
 mine, and he hath barley there ; go and set it on fire. And 
 
 31 Absalom's servants set the field on fire. Then Joab arose, 
 and came to Absalom unto his house, and said unto him, 
 
 32 Wherefore have thy servants set my field on fire ? And 
 Absalom answered Joab, Behold, I sent unto thee, saying. 
 Come hither, that I may send thee to the king, to say, 
 Wherefore am I come from Geshur? it had been good forme 
 to have been there still : now therefore let me see the king's 
 face ; and if there be any iniquity in me, let him kill me. 
 
 33 So Joab came to the king, and told him : and when he had 
 called for Absalom, he came to the king, and bowed himself 
 on his face to the ground before the king : and the king 
 kissed Absalom. 
 
 Chs. XV.— XIX. Absalom's Rebellion. 
 Ch. XV. I — 6. Absalom ingratiates himself witJi the people. 
 15 And it came to pass after this, that Absalom prepared 
 
 30. set it on firc\ Partly in revenge for Absalom's refusal (cp. Jud. 
 XV. 3 — 5), partly in the hope of bringing Joab to make a complaint in 
 person. 
 
 The Sept. and some MSS. of the Vulg. add at the end of the verse : 
 " And Joab's servants came to him with their clothes rent, and said; 
 Absalom's servants have set thy field on fire." The words are not 
 absolutely necessary to the sense, but they may have been accidentally 
 omitted from the Heb. text. 
 
 32. if there be any iniquity in me] Let the king treat me either as 
 guilty or as innocent. This half-forgiveness is worse than death. 
 Absalom means to protest that he is innocent, and had been fully 
 justified in taking revenge on Amnon, as the king had left his offence un- 
 punished. 
 
 33. t/ie king kissed Absalom] As a pledge of reconciliation. See 
 Gen. xxxiii. 4 ; xlv. 15 ; Luke xv. 20. 
 
 Chs. XV. — XIX. Absalom's Rebellion. 
 
 For the Psalms illustrative of this period see Introd. ch. vill. § 6, 
 p. 48. 
 
 Ch. XV. 1—6. Aesalom ingratiates himself with the people. 
 
 1. And it came to pass after this] To recall Absalom without 
 granting him a full pardon was ill-judged : to readmit him to favour, 
 after he had been irritated by two years of exclusion, without the 
 
vv. 2—6.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 149 
 
 him chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him. 
 And Absalom rose up early, and stood beside the way of 2 
 the gate : ancf it was so, that 10/ien any man that had a con- 
 troversy came to the king for judgment, then Absalom called 
 unto him, and said, Of what city art thou ? And he said, 
 Thy servant is of one of the tribes of Israel. And Absalom 3 
 said unto him. See, thy matters are good and right ; but 
 there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom 4 
 said moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that 
 every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto 
 me, and I would do him justice. And it was so, that when 5 
 any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth 
 his hand, and took him, and kissed him. And on this man- 6 
 
 slightest sign of repentance on his part, was fatal. The natural con- 
 sequences of such treatment are recorded in the following chapters ^. 
 
 c/inriots a/id Ao/sc's, &c.] A chariot and liorses. Absalom imitated 
 tlie magnificence of foreign monarchs, in order to make an impression 
 on the people. Cp. Adonijah's practice (i Kings i. 5), and see i Sam. 
 viii. I r. 
 
 2. />c'side thezvay of the gate] By the side of the road leading to the 
 gate of the king's palace, where he sat to transact business. Cp. ch. 
 xix. 8. From this practice the Sultan's government is still popularly 
 called in Turkey "the Sultan's gate," and the Sublime Porte, which is 
 the French equivalent oi Bab-i-Humayoon (the high gate), the name of 
 the principal gate of the palace at Constantinople, is used by us as a 
 synonym for the Turkish government. 
 
 a controversy] Better, a suit, as in v. 4. 
 
 0/ one of the tribes of Israel] Belongs to such and such a tribe or 
 city : naming the particular one in each case. 
 
 3. See, thy matters, <S:c.] He artfully flatters each suitor by pro- 
 nouncing a favourable decision on his case, condoles with him on the 
 improbability of his obtaining a hearing, and hints how differently 
 matters would be managed if he were in power. 
 
 there is no man, &c.] This and not the marginal alternative none 
 will hear thee from the king dowmvard is the correct rendering. There 
 was no one ap])ointed to investigate the evidence and lay it before the 
 king. He implies that decisions were given hastily and arbitrarily, and 
 that his father needed assessors to help him. There is no reason to 
 suppose that David was neglecting his duty as a judge ; but the task 
 was growing too heavy for one man to perform it. See Ewald's Hist. 
 iii. 176. 
 
 5. pnt forth his hand] Instead of allowing the people to do him 
 
 1 Dryden has made use of the events of this period as the basis of his political 
 poem on the court of Charles 11., entitled "Absalom and Achithophey in which 
 .Absalom represents the Duke of Monmouth, and Achithophel his evil adviser Shaftes- 
 bury. 
 
ISO II. SAMUEL, XV. [w. 7— lo. 
 
 ner did Absalom to all Israel that. came to the king for 
 judgment: so Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel. 
 
 7 — 12, Absalom's conspiracy. 
 
 7 And it came to pass after forty years, that Absalom said 
 unto the king, I pray thee, let me go and pay my vow, 
 
 8 which I have vowed unto the Lord, in Hebron. For thy 
 servant vowed a vow while I abode at Geshur in Syria, 
 saying, If the Lord shall bring me again indeed to Jerusa- 
 
 9 lem, then I will serve the Lord. And the king said unto 
 10 him. Go in peace. So he arose, and went to Hebron. But 
 
 Absalom sent spies throughout all the tribes of Israel, saying, 
 As soon as ye hear the sound of the trumpet, then ye shall 
 
 homage as the king's son, he took them by the hand, and saluted them 
 famiharly with a kiss. Cp. ch. xx. 9. 
 
 Compare the description of Bolingbroke's behaviour which Shakes- 
 peare puts into the mouth of Richard II. : 
 
 Ourself and Bushy, Bagot here and Green 
 Observed his courtship to the common people; 
 How he did seem to dive into their hearts 
 With humble and familiar courtesy, 
 What reverence he did throw away on slaves, 
 Wooing poor craftsmen with the craft of smiles. 
 
 King Richard II., Act i. Sc. 4. i'>,. 
 
 6. stole the hearts\ Robbed his father of the people's affection and 
 transferred it to himself. Sept. t5to7ro£«?To = made his own. 
 
 7 — 12. Absalom's conspiracy, 
 
 7. after forty years] There is no obvious date from which forty 
 years could be reckoned in this way without specifying what point of 
 time was intended. In place ol forty we must read four with Josephus 
 and some of the ancient versions. The four years are to be reckoned 
 in all probability from the time of Absalom's reconciliation to David. 
 They were spent in preparing for the conspiracy by ingratiating himself 
 with the people in the way described in the preceding verses. 
 
 in Hebroii\ The fact that Hebron was his birth-place would make 
 the wish to pay his vow there instead of at Jerusalem seem sufficiently 
 natural. 
 
 8. then will I serve the Lord] By offering a sacrifice in accordance 
 with his vow. Cp. Jacob's similar vow (Gen. xxviii. 20 — 22). 
 
 10. spies\ Absalom's emissaries are called spies, because they were 
 sent secretly to ascertain public feeling, and only divulge their real 
 purpose where they could count on support. 
 
 the sound of the trumpet] The signal for revolt and for the gathering 
 of his supporters, like the hoisting of a standard in modern times. He 
 
vv. 11—13.] II- SAMUEL, XV. 151 
 
 say, Absalom reigneth in Hebron. And with Absalom n 
 went two hundred men out of Jerusalem, that were called ; 
 and they went in their simplicity, and they knew not any 
 thing. And Absalom sent for Ahithophel the Gilonite, 12 
 David's counseller, from his city, even from Giloh, while he 
 offered sacrifices. And the conspiracy was strong; for the 
 people increased continually with Absalom. 
 
 1 3 — 18. The king s flight from Jerusalem. 
 
 And there came a messenger to David, saying. The hearts 13 
 
 was to be proclaimed king simultaneously all over the country. Cp. 
 ch. XX. I ; r Kings i. 34 ; i Kings ix. 13. 
 
 in Hebron^ The choice of Hebron clearly shews that Absalom 
 expected to find his chief support in the tribe of Judah. It is probable 
 that the old tribal jealousies had been revived, and that Judah resented 
 its absorption into the nation at large. Such a spirit of discontent 
 would account for the slackness of Judah to bring back the king when 
 the rebellion was over (ch. xix. i r). Hebron itself too probably contained 
 many persons who were aggrieved by the removal of the court to Jeru- 
 salem. See Ewald's Hist, of Israel, in. 176. 
 
 11, two hundred 7iien... that ivere called^ Invited to the sacrificial 
 feast as Absalom's guests. In all probability they were men of distinc- 
 tion, and would naturally be regarded, both at Jerusalem and at Hebron, 
 as accomplices in tlie conspiracy. No doubt Absalom hoped that many 
 of them, finding themselves thus compromised, and seeing the number 
 of his supporters, would decide to join him ; or failing this, they might 
 be held as hostages. 
 
 12. Gilonite'] Formed from Giloh, as Shilonite (i Kings xi. ■29) from 
 Shiloh. (jiloh was one of a group of cities in the mountains of Judah, 
 to the south or south-westof Hebron (Josh. xv. 51). 
 
 sent for Ahithophel] The sense is no doubt right, but it cannot be 
 got out of the existing text. Probably some word has dropped out ; the 
 original reading may have been sent and called Ahithophel. 
 
 Ahithophel has justly been regarded as a type of the arch-traitor 
 Judas. Even if the words " mine own familiar friend in whom I trusted 
 which did eat of my bread, hath lifted up his heel against me" (Ps. xli. 9, 
 quoted in John xiii. 18), were not written of Ahithophel, the parallel 
 between his treachery and suicide, and the treachery and suicide of 
 Judas, is too striking to be neglected. 
 
 while he offered sacrifiees] While he offered the sacrifices. In order 
 to give time for his adherents to gather, Absalom celebrated the sacri- 
 fice, which was the ostensible object of his journey. To Ahithophel, 
 who no doubt had already been sounded, he sent a special invitation to 
 join him. 
 
 13 — 18. The king's flight from Jerusalem. 
 
 For the Psalms written during the Flight see Introd, ch. Vlll. § 6, 
 p. 48. 
 
152 II. SAMUEL, XV. [vv. 14—18. 
 
 14 of the men of Israel are after Absalom. And David said 
 unto all his servants that 7vere with him at Jerusalem, Arise, 
 and let us flee ; for we shall not else escape from Absalom : 
 make speed to depart, lest he overtake us suddenly, and 
 bring evil upon us, and smite the city with the edge of 
 
 15 the sword. And the king's servants said unto the king, 
 Behold, thy servants are ready to do whatsoever my lord 
 
 16 the king shall appoint. And the king Avent forth, and all his 
 household after him. And the king left ten women, which 
 
 17 ivere concubines, to keep the house. And the king went 
 forth, and all the people after him, and tarried in a place 
 
 is that was far off. And all his servants passed on beside him; 
 and all the Cherethites, and all the Pelethites, and all 
 the Gittites, six hundred men which came after him from 
 Gath, passed on before the king. 
 
 13. The hearts, &c.] Cp. v. 6 ; Jud. ix. 3. 
 
 14. let zis Jleel For the moment David's courage seems to have 
 failed him. The calamities predicted by Nathan (ch. xii. 11), stared him 
 in the face : a sack of Jerusalem with all the horrors of civil war seemed 
 imminent : he could not face them, and retreat proved in the end to be 
 the wisest course. Time was gained ; the first violence of rebellion 
 spent itself; his loyal subjects recovered from their alarm and rallied to 
 defend him. Ahithophel was perfectly right in discerning that delay 
 would be fatal to the enterprise (ch. xvii. 1, 2). 
 
 16. Aitd the king 7veiit fortliX "It was apparently early on the 
 morning of the day after he had received the news of the rebellion that 
 the king left the city of Jerusalem. There is no single day in the Jewish 
 history of which so elaborate an account remains as that which describes 
 this memorable flight. There is none, we may add, that combines so 
 many of David's characteristics — his patience, his high-spirited religion, 
 Ins generosity, his calculation: we miss only his daring courage. Was 
 it crushed, for the moment, by the weight of parental grief, or of bitter 
 remorse?" Stanley's Lect. II. 97. Who. we may ask, was the eye- 
 witness who has preserved the picture of the scene with such minute 
 and life-like detail ? May it not have been the prophet Nathan ? 
 
 17. tarried in a place that was far off] lietter, halted at the Far 
 House : the last house on the outskirts of t'.ie city, before the road 
 crossed the Kidron. It seems to be used almost as a proper name — 
 Beth-merchak — for the locality. Here David halted, while his troops 
 passed in review before him, and crossed the Kidron. 
 
 18. all the Gittites'] If the text is sound, we must infer that David 
 had brought with him a body of Philistine followers from Gath, a sup- 
 jiosition which is in accordance with the view that the Cherethites and 
 Pelethites were Philistines. See note on ch. viii. 18. But it is pos- 
 sible that we should follow the LX.X. in reading Gibborim in place of 
 
vv. 19, 20.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 153 
 
 19 — 23. The fidelity of Ittai. 
 
 Then said the king to Ittai the Gittite, Wherefore goest 19 
 thou also with us ? return to thy place, and abide with the 
 king: for thou art a stranger, and also an exile. V/hereas '20 
 
 Gitlites. During his wanderings David formed a corps of six hundred 
 picked men, who were particularly distinguished as "David's men." 
 They appear first at Keilah (r Sam. xxiii. 13, cp. xxii. 2), were with 
 him in tlie wilderness of Paran (xxv. 13), followed him to Gath (xxvii. 
 1, 3) and Ziklag (xxvii. 8, xxix. r, xxx. i, q), came up with him to 
 Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 3), and finally to Jerusalem (v. 6). This corps 
 seems to have been afterwards maintained as a guard with the title 
 of "the Gibborim," that is, "the Heroes" or "the Mighty Men" 
 (cp. ch. X. 7, xvi. 6, XX. 7 ; i Kings i. 8), and it is natural to identify the 
 six hundred here mentioned with that body. Some critics think that 
 without altering the reading, we should identify the Gittites with the 
 Gibborim, and suppose that they were called Gittites either because 
 they had followed David ever since his residence in Gath ; or because 
 the corps had at this time been largely recruited from the natives i;f 
 Ciath. 
 
 The Sept. text of v. 18 is as follows : "And all his servants passed 
 on beside him, and all the Gherethites and all the Pelethites, and 
 halted at the olive tree in the wilderness. And all the people marched 
 by close to him, and all his attendants, and all the mighty men, and 
 all the warriors, six hundred men, and were present by his side; and 
 all the Gherethites and all the Pelethites, and all the Gittites, the six 
 hundred men who came after him from Gath, marched on before the 
 king." This appears to be the rendering of a text differing somewhat 
 from the present Hebrew, to which has been added a rendering of the 
 present Hebrew text, with some further glosses or alternative renderings. 
 "The olive tree in the wilderness," which marked the scene of the 
 second halt, (if the reading is genuine and not a mere mistranslation), 
 was probably beyond the Mount of Olives on the road to the Jordan. 
 
 19—23. The fidelity of Ittai. 
 
 19. Ittai the Gittite] A distinguished Philistine who had quite 
 recently (?'. 20) migrated from his home with his family and followers 
 {t. 22) to enter David's service. From the fact that he shared the 
 command of the army with Joab and Abishai (ch. xviii. 2) it is clear 
 that he must have been an experienced general. 
 
 rctitr)i to thy place'] His new home in Jerusalem. This is the right 
 rendering of the Hebrew text as it stands ; but the order of the words 
 is unusual, and both Sept. and Vulg. support a different reading : 
 Return and thoell tvith the king; for thou art a stranger and also an 
 exile from thy place. 
 
 with the king] David's meaning is that Ittai need not involve him- 
 self in the revolutions of a foreign country, but might take service under 
 Absalom or any other reigning king without breach of faith. 
 
134 n. SAMUEL, XV. [vv. 21— 23. 
 
 thou earnest btit yesterday, should I this day make thee go 
 up and down with us? seeing I go whither I may, return 
 thou, and take back thy brethren : mercy and truth be with 
 
 21 thee. And Ittai answered the king, and said, As the Lord 
 liveth, and as my lord the king liveth, surely in what place 
 my lord the king shall be, whether in death or life, even 
 
 22 there also will thy servant be. And David said to Ittai, 
 Go and pass over. And Ittai the Gittite passed over, and 
 all his men, and all the little ones that were with him. 
 
 23 And all the country wept with a loud voice, and all the 
 people passed over : the king also himself passed over the 
 
 an exile] We can only conjecture that Ittai had been compelled to 
 leave his country in consequence of some revolution. If we may sup- 
 pose this to have been the case, it gives additional delicacy to David's 
 thoughtfulness in wishing to spare him the repetition of hardships he 
 had but lately experienced. 
 
 20. / ^o ivhithcr t mav] Not knowing where he might find a home, 
 as in the old days of his flight from Saul. Cp. i Sam. xxiii. 13. 
 
 iake back thy brethren : mercy and truth be zuith thee] The Hebrew 
 as it stands must be rendered : take back thy brethren with thee in mercy 
 and truth : but the true text is probably preserved by the Sept. and 
 Vulg. Take back thy breth7-en ivith thee: aitd the Lord sheiu thee 
 [or, shall shew thee] mercy and truth : to M'hich some texts of the Vulg. 
 add : because thoii hast sheivn kindness and faithfulness. Cp. ch. ii. 5, 6. 
 
 21. Ittai answered] Compare Ruth's answer to her mother-in-law 
 (Ruth i. 16, 17). 
 
 23. all the contiiry] Lit. all the land : the inhabitants who stood by 
 to watch the procession, as distinguished from all the people, the army 
 and retinue of followers accompanying David. 
 
 the brook Aldron] The ravine of Kidron is the deep ravine on the 
 east of Jerusalem, now commonly known as the Valley of Jehoshaphat, 
 which separates the city from the Mount of Olives. No stream now 
 flows in it except during the heavy rains of winter, nor is there any 
 evidence that there was anciently more water in it than at present. 
 The name, if it is a Hebrew word, means black, referring either to the 
 blackness of the torrent flowing through it (Job vi. 16), or more pro- 
 bably to the gloominess of the ravine. The Sept., following the 
 common tendency to substitute a significant name of similar sound, 
 calls it the ravine of the cedars [xn-fJ-appovs rwv K^Sposv — Cedron, cp. 
 John xviii. i). In the O. T. it is chiefly mentioned as an unhallowed 
 spot used for a common cemetery, into which idolatrous abominations 
 were thrown by reforming kings (i Kings xv. 13; 2 Chr. xxix. 16, 
 XXX. 14; 2 Kings xxiii. 4, 6, 12; Jer. xxxi. 40). The single mention 
 of it in the N. T. is perhaps designed to recall the present occasion and 
 to suggest the parallel between David fleeing from Jerusalem, and 
 Christ leaving the city which had rejected Him, as the treachery of 
 
vv. 24—27.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 155 
 
 brook Hidron, and all the people passed over, toward the 
 way of t le wilderness. 
 
 24—29. The Ark sent back to Jerusalem. 
 
 And 1 o Zadok also, and all the Levites zvere with him, bear- 24 
 ing the urk of the covenant of God : and they set down the 
 ark of God ; and Abiathar went up, until all the people 
 had done passing out of the city. And the king said unto 23 
 Zadok, Carry back the ark of God into the city : if I shall 
 find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again, 
 and shew me both it, and his habitation : but if he thus say, -^^ 
 1 have no delight in thee ; behold, here am I, let him do to 
 me as seemeth good unto him. The king said also unto 27 
 Zadok the priest, Art ?iot thou a seer? return into the city 
 
 Judas was the counterpart and "fulfilment" of that of Ahithophel 
 (John xviii. r, xiii. 18). 
 
 toward the way of the wilderness] The road to Jericho led through 
 the northern part of the desert of Judah. Cp. v. 28 and ch. xvi. 2. 
 
 24 — 29. The Ark sent back to Jerusalem. 
 
 24. and Abiathar went np\ The Ark halted, to allow the people 
 who were still coming out of the city time to overtake the procession. 
 Meanwhile Abiathar went on up the Mount of Olives, for some purpose 
 which is not stated, possibly to watch the stream of people coming out 
 of the city. He then returned to carry the Ark back. It seems best 
 to suppose that the narrative goes back here, and that the Ark was 
 not taken across the Kidron. Certainly it does not seem to have been 
 carried up the Mount of Olives. 
 
 25. his habitation] Jerusalem, and in particular the tent where the 
 Ark was kept, was "the habitation" (Ex. xv. 13), the earlhly "dwell- 
 ing-place," of Jehovah (r Kings viii. 13), so far as that could be said of 
 any special locality (i Kings viii. 27). For the thought cp. Ps. xliii. 3. 
 
 26. / have no delight in thee] For as he had sung in the confident 
 faith of happier days, deliverance from his enemies depended on God's 
 good pleasure. See ch. xxii. 20, and cp. 1 Kings x. 9. 
 
 behold here am /, iS:c.] Words of true resignation and humble sub- 
 mission to the will of God. He felt that he deserved this punishment 
 for his sins. 
 
 27. Art not thou a seer] An obscure expression variously explained. 
 (i) Art thou a seer? The high-priest is supposed to be called a seer. 
 because he received divine revelations by means of the Urim and 
 Thummim ; but there is no trace of such a use of the term elsewhere. 
 (2) Dost thou see? i.e. understand: an untenable rendering. (3) The 
 Vulg. gives different vowels to the consonants, and renders, O seer, 
 return, (ic. (4) The Sept. reads, See! thou shalt return, which re- 
 
156 II. SAMUEL, XV. [vv. 28— 31. 
 
 in peace, and your two sons with you, Ahimaaz ;hy son, 
 
 28 and Jonathan the son of Abiathar. See, I will tany in the 
 plain of the wilderness, until there coma word froii you to 
 
 29 certify me. Zadok therefore and Abiathar carried the ark 
 of God again to Jerusalem: and they tarrisd there. 
 
 30 — 37. Hiishai cominissio7ied to defeat Ahithophel. 
 
 30 And David went up by the ascent of mount Ohvet, and 
 wept as he went up, and had his head covered, and he went 
 barefoot : and all the people that was with him covered 
 every man his head, and they went up, weeping as they 
 
 3' went up. And one told David, saying, Ahithophel is among 
 the conspirators with Absalom. And David said, O Lord, 
 
 quires but a small change in the Heb. text, and is probably the best 
 solution of the difficulty. 
 
 28. in the plain of the wilderness^ The level district of the Jordan 
 valley near Jericho, called elsewhere "the plains of Jericho." Cp. 
 Josh. V. 10; 2 Kings xxv. 5 ; and note on ch. ii. 29. Instead however 
 of plains which is the traditional reading (Qri), the written text 
 (Kthibh) has _/2)n/j. This certainly seems the more probable reading 
 both here and in ch. xvii. 16, where there is the same variation, for a 
 definite place must have been named at which the messenger was to 
 find David, and the ford, as a critical point, would be a most natural 
 halting place. 
 
 to certify me\ To tell me how matters are going in the city. 
 
 30 — 37. HUSHAI COMMISSIONED TO DEFEAT AhITHOPHEL. 
 
 30. the ascent of mo\\x\\. Olivef] Lit. by the ascent of Olives: the 
 
 name mount Olivet is derived from mons oliveti in the Vulgate of Acts 
 i. 12. The "mount of Olives" is the ridge which rises on the east of 
 lerusalem above the Kidron ravine, screening the city from the desert 
 country beyond. With the exception of this touching scene, there is 
 little of interest connected with the Mount of Olives in the O. T. On 
 it, perhaps on the spot already consecrated for worship {v. 32), Solomon 
 erected high places for the f'alse gods of his foreign wives (i Kings 
 xi. 7, 8), which were desecrated long afterwards by Josiah (2 Kings 
 xxiii. 13, 14). A passing allusion to the woods which covered it 
 (Neh. viii. 15), and the details of the scenery in two prophetic visions 
 (Ezek. xi. 23 ; Zech. xiv. 4), complete the references to it in the O. T. 
 "Its lasting glory belongs not to the Old Dispensation but to the New." 
 See Stanley's Sinai and Pal. p. 185 ff. 
 
 had his head covered, and he zuent barefoot'^ The muffled head marks 
 tlie deep grief which shuts itself up from the outer world : the bare feet 
 — still a sign of mourning in the East — betoken affliction, self-humilia- 
 tion, penitence. Cp ch. xix. 4; Esth. vi. 12 ; Ezek. xxiv, 17. 
 
vv. 32-34-] II. SAMUEL, XV. 157 
 
 I pray thee, turn the counsel of Ahithophel into foolishness. 
 And it came to pass, that when David was come to the top 32 
 of the mount, where he worshipped God, behold, Hushaithe 
 Archite canie to meet him with his coat rent, and earth upon 
 his head : unto whom David said. If thou passest on with 33 
 me, then thou shalt be a burden unto me : but if thou 34 
 return to the city, and say unto Absalom, I will be thy 
 
 32. t}u top of the mount] The head or top is used here and in 
 ch. xvi. I ahnost as a proper name, and would naturally refer to the 
 highest summit, where the high place would most probably be. David 
 seems to have taken the road leading directly over the hill to Bahurim 
 (see note on ch. iii. 16) instead of the southern road to Jericho. 
 
 ivhere lie 7vorsIiipped God\ Where he was wont to worship God : or, 
 where God was wont to toe worshipped. The tense indicates that an 
 habitual practice is meant. It was no doubt one of the high places, 
 which seem to have been recognised as legitimate sanctuaries until 
 the Temple was built. C^d. i Sam. vii. 17, ix. 13 note; i Kings 
 iii. 2 — 4. 
 
 Hiishai the Archiiel "The border of the Archite" (E. V. wrongly 
 Archi) is mentioned as one of the boundary marks between Ephraim 
 and Benjamin (Josh. xvi. 2). A trace of the name is perhaps pre- 
 served in Ain Arik, about six miles W. S. W. of Bethel. As Hushai 
 came to meet David he had probably been absent from the city — 
 perhaps at his native place — when the rebellion broke out, and hastened 
 liack to join his master. His coming was in a manner the answer to 
 David's jirayer in 57. 31. 
 
 with his coat rent, &c.] See note on ch. i. 1. The term renderetl 
 coat denotes the loose shirt or tunic, over which a cloak was usually 
 worn. See the illustrations in Smith's Diet, of the Bible, I. 454, or 
 Lane's Modern Egyptians, I. 36. 
 
 33. unto whom David said\ And David said unto him. 
 
 a burden imto me] Perhaps Hushai was old and somewhat infirm. 
 Cp. ch. xix. 35. 
 
 34. and say unto Absaloin] " Hushai's conduct is certainly no 
 model of Christian uprightness. It is therefore curiously instructive to 
 see it made the warrant of a similarly questionable act in modern times. 
 Sir Samuel Morland, Secretary of Slate to Cromwell, in describing his 
 betrayal of his master to Charles II., says, ' I called to remembrance 
 Hushai's behaviour towards Absalom, which I found not at all blamed 
 in Holy Writ, and yet his was a larger step than mine.' " Stanley's 
 Lect. II. 99. Stratagems of this kind, involving deliberate falsehood 
 and treachery, have been employed in all ages, but the morality of 
 them cannot be approved. In connexion with this question it may be 
 remarked, (i) that wrong actions are often related in Scripture without 
 express condemnation, because the healthy and enlightened conscience 
 can discern at once they are wrong : (2) that many actions, allowable 
 under the Old Testament dispensation, are not allowable to those who 
 
158 ' II. SAMUEL, XV. XVI. [vv. 35—37; 1—3. 
 
 servant, O king; as I have been thy father's servant hitherto, 
 so will I now also be thy servant : then mayest thou for me 
 3J defeat the counsel of Ahithophel. And hast thou not there 
 with thee Zadok and Abiathar the priests? therefore it shall 
 be, that what thing soever thou shalt hear out of the king's 
 house, thou shalt tell // to Zadok and Abiathar the priests. 
 
 36 Behold, they have there with them their two sons, Ahimaaz 
 Zadok's so?i, and Jonathan Abiathar's son; and by them 
 
 37 ye shall send unto me every thing that ye can hear. So 
 Hushai David's friend came into the city, and Absalom 
 came into Jerusalem. 
 
 Ch. XVI. I — 4. David met by Ziba with a present. 
 
 16 And when David was a little past the top of the hill, be- 
 hold, Ziba the servant of Mephibosheth met him, with a 
 couple of asses saddled, and upon them two hundred loaves 
 (?/ bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred 
 
 2 of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine. And the king said 
 unto Ziba, What meanest thou by these? And Ziba said, 
 The asses be for the king's household to ride on ; and the 
 bread and summer fruit for the young men to eat ; and the 
 wine, that such as be faint in the wilderness may drink. 
 
 3 And the king said. And where is thy master's son ? And 
 
 have received the light of Christ's revelation : (3) that Scripture gives 
 no sanction to the doctrine., maintained even now in some quarters, that 
 political and social morality are not governed by the same rules. See 
 also the notes on i Sam. xxvii. 11, xxix. 8. 
 
 37. Davufs fric7ur\ "The king's friend" was a regular state- 
 officer, the king's confidential adviser. Cp. i Chr. xxvii. 33 (E. V., 
 companion) ; 1 Kings iv. 5. 
 
 Ch. XVI. 1 — 4. David met by Ziba with a present. 
 
 1. the top of the hill] See note on ch. xv. 32. 
 
 tii'o hiDidrcd loaves of bread, c&c] Compare Abigail's present (i Sam. 
 XXV. 18). Ziba was shrewd enough to foresee the result of the rebel- 
 lion, and wished to secure the king's favour. 
 
 a)i hundred of siiniiner friiits\ Probably cakes of dried figs (so the 
 Vulg.) or dates (so the Sept.). Cp. Amos viii. i. 
 
 a bottle ofivine] A skin, holding a considerable quantity. 
 
 2. the zijilderness\ See note on ch. xv. 23. 
 
 3. thy master s son] Mephibosheth is called the son, i.e. grandson, 
 of Ziba's lord Saul in ch. ix. 9. David was hurt by Mephibosheth's 
 apparent ingratitude. 
 
vv. 4-7-] n. SAMUEL, XVI. 159 
 
 Ziba said unto the king, Behold, he abideth at Jerusalem : 
 for he said, To day shall the house of Israel restore me the 
 kingdom of my father. Then said the king to Ziba, Behold, 4 
 thine are all that pertained unto Mephibosheth. And Ziba 
 said, I humbly beseech thee that I may find grace in thy 
 sight, my lord, O king. 
 
 5 — 14. David cursed hy Shimci. 
 And when king David came to Bahurim, behold, thence 5 
 came out a man of the family of the house of Saul, whose 
 name luas Shimei, the son of Gera : he came forth, and 
 cursed still as he came. And he cast stones at David, and 6 
 at all the servants of king David : and all the people and 
 all the mighty meji 7vere on his right hand and on his left. 
 And thus said Shimei when he cursed, Come out, come out, 7 
 
 for he said, To day, &c.] That Ziba, was calumniating Mephibosheth 
 is sufficiently obvious. How could Mephibosheth, an insignificant 
 cripple, who had never claimed the crown, or taken any part in 
 politics, expect to be made king, even in the confusion of parties which 
 might ensue upon Absalom's rebellion? Ziba's story was an audacious 
 fiction, invented in the hope of getting a grant of the estate which he 
 M'as cultivating for Mephibosheth's benefit, and in spite of its improba- 
 bility, it passed muster in the haste and confusion of the moment. 
 
 4. Behold, thine are all, &c.] David was rash and hasty in thus 
 treating his grant to Mephibosheth as forfeited by treason without a 
 word of inquiry. This unreflecting impetuosity was a marked fault of 
 his character. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 13 fT". 
 
 I humbly beseech thee, &c.] Rather, I bow myself down : —equiva- 
 lent to our "I lay myself at thy feet," an Oriental expression of grati- 
 tude : — ^let me find favour in tMne eyes, my lord, king. Cp. i Sam. 
 i. 18. 
 
 5—14. David cursed by Shimei. 
 
 5. Bahuritii] See note on ch. iii. 16. 
 
 Shimei^ See ch. xix. 16 — 23 ; i Kings ii. 8, 9. His connexion 
 with the clan of Saul accounts for the virulence of his hatred. 
 
 6. A fid he cast stones, &c.] The scene is described with an exact- 
 ness which bespeaks an eye-witness. The road apparently was parallel 
 to a ridge — the " ;-//'" or "side of the hill," v. 13 — and separated from 
 it by a deep but narrow ravine — "let me go over," v. 9— so that 
 vShimei was out of easy reach, though within a stone's throw of David 
 and his party, 
 
 and all the people, c&c] This enhanced the impudent audacity of 
 Shimei's behaviour. 
 
 7. Come out, come out] Out ! out ! from the land and from thy 
 kingdom into exile. 
 
i6o II. SAMUEL, XVI. [vv. 8—10. 
 
 8 thou bloody man, and thou man of Belial : the Lord hath 
 returned upon thee all the blood of the house of Saul, in 
 whose stead thou hast reigned ; and the Lord hath de- 
 livered the kingdom into the hand of Absalom thy son : 
 and, behold, thou art taken to thy mischief, because thou 
 
 9 art a bloody man. Then said Abishai the son of Zeruiah 
 unto the king, Why should this dead dog curse my lord the 
 king ? let me go over, I pray thee, and take off his head. 
 
 10 And the king said, What have I to do with you, ye sons of 
 Zeruiah? so let him curse, because the Lord hath said 
 unto him, Curse David. Who shall then say, Wherefore 
 
 tJwti bloody niaiiX Tttou man of blood, thou murderer. Shimei seems 
 to have supplied Cromwell's army with the terms of its resolution "to 
 call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to account for the blood he has 
 shed and the mischief he has done to the utmost against the Lord's 
 cause and people in this poor nation." Green's Skori History, p. 552. 
 
 t/wii man of Belia[\ Thou -wicked man. See note on i Sam. i. 16. 
 
 8. all the blood of the house ofSiutl] .Shimei probably refers to the 
 deaths of Saul and his sons at Gilboa, of Abner and Ish-bosheth by 
 treacherous murder, charging David with the guilt of crimes which he 
 had repudiated and punished : possibly also he regarded the execution 
 of Saul's sons (ch. xxi. i — g), which in all probability had taken place 
 before this time, as a judicial murder. Shimei would not intend to refer 
 to Uriah, though David would feel that it was for his death that the 
 curse was not undeserved. 
 
 behold, thou art taken to thy mischief'\ Rather, behold, tbou art in 
 thy calamity. To is the original reading of 161 1; iii of ordinary 
 editions first appeared in the edition of 1629. To thy i?nsc/iicf=io thy 
 hurt, a free paraphrase of the Vulg. preimuit te mala tua. 
 
 9. Then said Abishai^ Consistently with his character on the 
 former occasion when he wished to slay Saul (i Sam. xxvi. 8), and on 
 the later occasion, when he was for refusing Shimei's suit for pardon 
 (ch. xix. 21). His fiery zeal reminds us of the Sons of Thunder (Lukeix. 
 54), and David's answer recalls Christ's answer to Peter (John xviii. 
 10, 1 1). 
 
 this dead dog] See ch. ix. 8, iii. 8, and notes there. 
 
 10. What Iiave I to do ivith you] ' What have we in common ? 
 leave me alone.' The phrase is used to repel an unwelcome suggestion, 
 and repudiate participation in the thoughts and feelings of another. 
 Cp. ch. xix. 22 ; John ii. 4. 
 
 ye sous of Zeruiah] Joab probably seconded Abishai's request. For 
 David's abhorrence of his nephews' ferocity, see ch. iii. 39. 
 
 so let tiiin curse, &c.] This is the rendering of the traditional reading 
 (Qri). The written text (Kthibh) may be rendered, ivhcn he curseth, 
 and zvheii the Lord, &c., who then shall say, &c, : or, for he curseth 
 because the Lord, &c. 
 
vv. II— 15.] II. SAMUEL, XVI. 161 
 
 hast thou done so ? And David said to Abishai, and to all n 
 his servants, Behold, my son, which came forth of my 
 bowels, seeketh my life : how much more now may this 
 Benjamite do it? let him alone, and let him curse; for the 
 Lord hath bidden him. It may be that the Lord will 12 
 look on mine affliction, and that the Lord will requite 
 me good for his cursing this day. And as David and 13 
 his men went by the way, Shimei went along on the hill's 
 side over against him, and cursed as he went, and threw 
 stones at him, and cast dust. And the king, and all the 14 
 people that were with him, came weary, and refreshed them- 
 selves there. 
 
 15 — 19. Absalom^ s cnira7ice into Jerusalem. Hushai's offer 
 of his services. 
 And Absalom, and all the people the men of Israel, came 13 
 
 11. this Benjamite] Who has some plausible ground for spite 
 against a king who has succeeded to tlie honours once held by his 
 family. 
 
 the Lord hath bidden Aim] David recognises Shimei as the divinely 
 appointed instrument for his chastisement, and therefore he can say, 
 "the Lord hath bidden him." But Shimei's cursing was on his part 
 sinful, and God commands no man to sin. God makes use of the evil 
 passions of men to work out His purposes, but those evil passions are 
 not thereby excused or justified. See for example. Gen. xlv. 5 ; Acts 
 ii. 23. Since He is the Author and Cause of all things, and in a 
 certain sense nothing can be done without His Will, He is sometimes 
 said to do what He permits to be done, to command what He does not 
 forbid. See note on i Sam. xxvi. 19: and 2 Sam. xxiv. i, 
 
 12. mi/ie affliction] This reading is supported by the Sept. and 
 Vulg. and is probably right. Cp. Ps. xxv. 18. The ^rHias mine eye, 
 which is explained to mean my grief , but the expression is unparalleled. 
 The Kthibh gives mine iniquity, meaning, 'perhaps the Lord will look 
 graciously upon my guilt and pardon it,' but this does not suit the 
 following clause so well. 
 
 will requite me good] Cp. Ps. cix. 26 — 28. 
 
 for his cursing] The E. V. follows the Qri. The Kthtbh has my 
 cttrsing, i.e. the curse invoked upon me. 
 
 13. on the hilTs side] See note on v. 6. 
 
 14. ca?ne weary] There is no place mentioned to which there at the 
 end of the verse can refer. It is clear from ch. xvii. 18, that the 
 halting-place was not Bahurim, but some place beyond it. We must 
 suppose that the name of the place has fallen out of the text, or that 
 the word for weaiy should be taken as a proper name to Ayephim. 
 No such place is known, but it would be an appropriate name for a 
 caravansary or resting-place for travellers. 
 
 II. SAMUEL II 
 
i62 II. SAMUEL, XVI. [vv. 16—21. 
 
 16 to Jerusalem, and Ahithophel with him. And it came to 
 pass, when Hushai the Archite, David's friend, was come 
 unto Absalom, that Hushai said unto Absalom, God save 
 
 17 the king, God save the king. And Absalom said to Hushai, 
 Is this thy kindness to thy friend? why wentest thou not 
 
 18 with thy friend? And Hushai said unto Absalom, Nay; 
 but whom the Lord, and this people, and all the men of 
 Israel, choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide. 
 
 19 And again, whom should I serve ? should I not serve in 
 the presence of his son? as I have served in thy father's 
 presence, so will I be in thy presence. 
 
 20 — 23. AhitJiopher s counsel. 
 
 20 Then said Absalom to Ahithophel, Give counsel among 
 
 21 you what we shall do. And Ahithophel said unto Absalom, 
 Go in unto thy father's concubines, which he hath left to 
 keep the house ; and all Israel shall hear that thou art 
 abhorred of thy father : then shall the hands of all that are 
 
 15—19. Absalom's entrance into Jerusalem. Hushai's offer 
 of his services. 
 
 15. And Absalom, &c.] The narrative of Absalom's proceedings is 
 continued from ch. xv. 12, 37. He seems to have entered Jerusalem soon 
 after David left it, perhaps about noon on the same day. 
 
 the men of Israel^ The term Israel is constantly applied to Absa- 
 lom's followers in this narrative. It is used in a general sense, and not 
 to signify the northern tribes as distinguished from Judah, for the 
 strength of the insurrection, originally at any rate, lay in the south. 
 See note on ch. xv, 10. Those who remained faithful to David are 
 never called the men ofyudah, but simply the people (ch. xv. 17, 25, 24, 
 30; xvi. , xvii. , xviii., xix). 
 
 16. God save the king] Or, Long live the king : lit. let the king 
 live: vivat Rex. See note on i Sam. x. 24. 
 
 20—23. Ahithophel's counsel, 
 
 21. And Ahithophel said, &c.] Ahithophel advised Absalom to 
 make a decisive assumption of royal authority by publicly taking 
 possession of the royal harem. This act v/as a claim of heirship and 
 succession, and was not regarded with abhorrence by the Israelites, 
 whose feelings on such matters were blunted by the practice of 
 polygamy. See note on ch. iii. 7. Its object was to make the breach 
 between Absalom and his father irreparable, and to strengthen the 
 resolution of his followers, by proving that the rebellion was not to end 
 in his securing a pardon from his father and leaving them to their fate, 
 but that he was determined to run all risks. 
 
vv. 22, 23; 1—3.] II. SAMUEL, XVI. XVII. 163 
 
 with thee be strong. So they spread Absalom a tent upon 22 
 the top of the house; and Absalom went in unto his father's 
 concubines in the sight of all Israel. And the counsel of 23 
 Ahithophel, which he counselled in those days, was as 
 if a man had inquired at the oracle of God : so was all the 
 counsel of Ahithophel both with David and with Absalom. 
 
 Ch. XVII. .1 — 14. AhitJiophePs coimsel defeated by Hiishai. 
 
 Moreover Ahithophel said unto Absalom, Let me now 17 
 choose out twelve thousand men, and I will arise and pursue 
 after David this night : and I will come upon him while he 2 
 is weary and weak handed, and will make him afraid : and 
 all the people that are with him shall flee ; and I will smite 
 the king only : and I will bring back all the people unto 3 
 thee : the man whom thou seekest is as if all returned ; so 
 
 22. upon the top of the house'] The fact that the very roof on which 
 David was walliing when he secretly conceived his great sin was the 
 public scene of its punishment, and the nature of tlie punishment, 
 corresponding to the nature of the sin, as Nathan had foretold, make 
 this retribution signally striking. See ch. xii. 11, 12 ; and cp. 2 Kings 
 ix. 25, 26. 
 
 23. had inqicircd at the oracle of God] Lit. had inquired of the 
 •word 0/ God =ha.d inquired of God, which was done by means of the 
 Urim and Thummim in the breastplate upon the High-priest's ephod. 
 Cp. I Sam. X. 22. 
 
 Ch. XVII. 1—14. AHiTnopHEL's counsel defeated by Hushai. 
 
 1. this night] The night following David's flight and Absalom's 
 entrance Tnto Jerusalem. Ahithophel's advice, given no doubt at the 
 council described in ch. xvi. 20, was excellent. The success of the 
 rebellion would be ensured by striking a sudden blow, and securing the 
 king's person. A small body of picked troops might easily have over- 
 taken David, who was not likely to get more than twelve or fifteen 
 miles from Jerusalem the first day. 
 
 2. 7vill make hii/i afraid] The word describes the panic caused by 
 a sudden night attack, in the confusion of which David might easily be 
 seized. 
 
 3. the man, &c.] Lit. As the returning of all is the ma7i ivhom 
 thou seekest. The return of all the people to thee will be ensured by 
 the removal of David. If that is effected, there will be no civil war. 
 Ahithophel's use of the term "return" is a subtle flattery, implying 
 that David's followers were deserting their lawful sovereign. But the 
 true text is not improbably preserved by the Sept.: "And I will cause 
 all the people to return unto thee, as the bride returneth to her 
 husband. Only one man's life dost thou seek, and unto all the people 
 
i64 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [vv. 4— ii. 
 
 4 all the people shall be m peace. And the saying pleased 
 
 s Absalom well, and all the elders of Israel. TJien said 
 
 Absalom, Call now Hushai the Archite also, and let us hear 
 
 6 likewise what he saith. And when Hushai was come to 
 Absalom, Absalom spake unto him, saying, xAhithophel hath 
 spoken after this manner : shall we do after his saying ? if 
 
 7 not ; speak thou. And Hushai said unto Absalom, The 
 counsel that Ahithophel hath given is not good at this time. 
 
 8 For, (said Hushai,) thou knowest thy father and his men, 
 that they he mighty men, and they he chafed in their minds, 
 as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field : and thy father 
 
 9 is a man of war, and will not lodge with the people. Be- 
 hold, he is hid now in some pit, or in some other place : 
 and it will come to pass, when sone of them be overthrown 
 at the first, that whosoever heareth it will say, There is a 
 
 10 slaughter among the people that follow Absalom. And he 
 also that is valiant, whose heart is as the heart of a lion, 
 shall utterly melt : for all Israel knoweth that thy father is 
 a mighty 7?ia/!, and they which he with him a)-e valiant men. 
 
 J I Therefore I counsel that all Israel be generally gathered 
 
 there shall be peace." The defection of the people is compared to the 
 momentary desertion of a bride, who speedily returns to her husband. 
 
 4. the elders of Israel\ Who were sitting in council with Absalom. 
 For the various functions of the elders, see note on i Sam. viii. 4. 
 
 5. let us hear likezuise 7vhat he saith\ Let US hear wliat he too has 
 to say, as well as Ahithophel. 
 
 7. T/ie counsel, &c.] The counsel which Ahithophel hath coun- 
 selled this time is not good : in contrast to his previous counsel (ch. 
 xvi. 21), which Hushai pretends to approve. 
 
 8. For, sani Hushai] And Hushai said. 
 
 chafed in their minds'] Lit. bitter of soul : embittered and exasperated. 
 Cp. Jud. xviii. 25 ; i Sam. xxii. 2. 
 
 as a bear robbed of her whelps'] Proverbial for its ferocity. Cp. 
 Prov. xvii. 12; Hos. xiii. 8. The Syrian bear is said to be particularly 
 ferocious. See i Sam. xvii. 34. The Sept. adds, "and lil<;e a savage 
 sow in the plain," which is rather a Greek than a Hebrew simile. Cp. 
 Horn. //. xiii. 471 ff. 
 
 9. in so>ne flit, or in some o\\\?x place'\ Omit other. By pit is meant 
 a cave or natural hiding-place ; by place an artificially strengthened 
 position. 
 
 when some of them be oveiihrownl Or, when he (David) falleth 
 upon them (his assailants). 
 
 11. be generally gathered'] Generally =' as a whole': as we might 
 say, " that there be a general gathering of all Israel." 
 
vv. 12—14.] II. SAMUEL, XVII. 165 
 
 unto thee, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, as the sand that is 
 by the sea for multitude; and that thou go to battle in thine 
 own person. So shall we come upon him in some place 12 
 where he shall be found, and we 7inll light upon him as the 
 dew falleth on the ground : and of him and of all the men 
 that are with him there shall not be left so much as one. 
 Moreover, if he be gotten into a city, then shall all Israel 13 
 bring ropes to that city, and we will draw it into the river, 
 until there be not one small stone found there. And Ab- 14 
 salom and all the men of Israel said, The counsel of Hushai 
 the Archite is better than the counsel of Ahithophel. For 
 the Lord had appointed to defeat the good counsel of 
 Ahithophel, to the intent that the Lord might bring evil 
 upon Absalom. 
 
 from Dan roen to Beer-sheha] See note on i Sam. iii. 20. 
 
 the sand, &c.] A common figure for an innumerable multitude. Cp. 
 Gen. xxii. 17 ; xli. 49 ; i Sam. xiii. 5 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 27 ; &c. 
 
 a)id that thou go, &c.] Or, and that tliy presence go in the midst of 
 them; as the Sept., Vulg., and other versions read instead of to the 
 battle. 
 
 12. as the dew'] As the innumerable drops of dew settle on the 
 ground unseen and unheard, so will our vast army completely over- 
 whelm him without perceptilile effort. 
 
 13. into the river] Into the ravine. Hushai intentionally indulges 
 in an extravagant hyperbole in order to describe the irresistible power 
 of the force that would be gathered, if he means to suggest the idea of 
 dragging a city bodily down from the rock on which, like most fortified 
 cities, it was built: but perhaps he means no more than that the city 
 should be conquered and demolished as a penalty. Compare Micah's 
 prophecy of the destruction of Samaria, which stood on a hill : "I will 
 pour down the stones thereof into the valley" (Micah i. 6). 
 
 14. Hushai saw that it was essential to gain time, "in order," to 
 quote the words of Tacitus, "to give the disaffected time to repent, and 
 the loyal time to unite : crimes gain by hasty action, better counsels by 
 delay." (Tac. Hist. i. 32.) His scheme was cleverly devised to appeal to 
 Absalom's vanity and love of display. It seemed safe and easy : it was 
 a far more attractive idea for Absalom to march in person against 
 David at the head of an immense army, than for him to let Ahithophel 
 complete the revolution by a decisive action at once. His vanity proved 
 his ruin. He forgot that a general levy would involve no slight delay: 
 he forgot that the rising was by no means certain to be general, and 
 that when the first surprise of the insurrection was over, many would 
 return to their allegiance to David. But Absalom and his counsellors 
 were blinded by a divinely ordered infatuation. "Quern vult Deus 
 deperdere, dementat prius." 
 
i66 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [w. 15—19. 
 
 15 — 22. Hiishai sends word to David by Jonathan and 
 Ahimaaz. 
 
 15 Then said Hushai unto Zadok and to Abiathar the priests, 
 Thus and thus did Ahithophel counsel Absalom and the 
 elders of Israel ; and thus and thus have I counselled. 
 
 16 Now therefore send quickly, and tell David, saying, Lodge 
 not this night in the plains of the wilderness, but speedily 
 pass over; lest the king be swallowed up, and all the people 
 
 17 that are with him. Now Jonathan and Ahimaaz stayed by 
 En-rogel ; for they might not be seen to come into the city : 
 and a wench went and told them ; and they went and told 
 
 18 king David. Nevertheless a lad saw them, and told Ab- 
 salom : but they went both of them away quickly, and came 
 to a man's house in Bahurim, which had a well in his court ; 
 
 19 whither they went down. And the woman took and spread 
 
 15—22. HUSHAI SENDS WORD TO DaVID BY JONATHAN AND 
 
 Ahimaaz. 
 
 16. Lodge not tJns.jiighi\ A prudent precaution, for Absalom might 
 change his mind, and follow Ahithophel's counsel after all. 
 
 ill the plains of the ivilderness] Perhaps we should read at the fords 
 of the ivilderness. See note on ch. xv. -28. 
 
 17. Jonathan and Ahi/naaz] Hushai had evidently communicated 
 David's plan to Zadok and Abiathar, and commissioned the young men 
 to be in waiting at a convenient place. 
 
 En-7-ogel~\ That is, "The Fuller's Fountain," probably the modern 
 "Fouiitain of the Virgin," in the valley of the Kidron, just outside the 
 city on the south-east. It was close to "the stone of Zoheleth" (i Kings 
 i. 9), which has been identilied with the cliff" Zahxveilch, on which the 
 modern village of Siloam stands. Others however suppose En-rogel to 
 be the deep and ancient well known as "Job's Well," near the junction 
 of the valleys of the Kidron and Hinnom. En-rogel was a land-mark 
 on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. xv. 7; xviii. 16). 
 
 they might not be seen^ For it was notorious that the high-priests 
 were on David's side. They knew that their movements would be 
 watched, as the next verse shews was the case. 
 
 a 7vtnch'] The maid-servant: the definite article probably denotes 
 a particular servant belonging to the household of one of the high-priests. 
 She could go to the fountain for water without exciting suspicion. 
 IVench, found here only in the E. V., means a girl, usually one of low 
 birth. 
 
 18. a well] A cistern, dry at the time. The existence of numerous 
 rock-cut cisterns with narrow mouths at Almit, the probable site of 
 Bahurim, illustrates the incident. See Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly 
 Statement, Jan. 18S1, ik 45. 
 
w. 20—23.] II. SAMUEL, XVII. 167 
 
 a covering over the well's mouth, and spread ground corn 
 thereon ; and the thing was not known. And when Ab- 20 
 salom's servants came to the woman to the house, they 
 said, Where is Ahimaaz and Jonathan? And the woman 
 said unto them, They be gone over the brook of water. 
 And when they had sought and could not find t/iem, they 
 returned to Jerusalem. And it came to pass, after they 21 
 were departed, that they came up out of the well, and went 
 and told king David, and said unto David, Arise, and pass 
 quickly over the water: for thus hath Ahithophel counselled 
 against you. Then David arose, and all the people that 22 
 were with him, and they passed over Jordan : by the morn- 
 ing light there lacked not one of them that was not gone 
 over Jordan. 
 
 23. The suicide of Ahithophel. 
 
 And when Ahithophel saw that his counsel was not fol- 23 
 lowed, he saddled his ass, and arose, and gat him home to 
 his house, to his city, and put his household in order, and 
 hanged himself, and died, and was buried in the sepulchre 
 of his father. 
 
 19. a covering] The covering', either the usual cover of the cistern, 
 or, as the general use of the word suggests, the curtain which hung in 
 the doorway. See Ex. xxvi. 36 (E.V. hanging). 
 
 ground corn] Bruised or husked wheat, which she spread out as if 
 to dry. The mode of its preparation is referred to in Prov. xxvii. 22, 
 the only other passage in which the word occurs. 
 
 20. T/ie brook of water] The word JMichal, translated hrooh, is 
 found here only. It may have been some local name. The woman 
 sent the pursuers off in the wrong direction, and then at once despatched 
 Jonallian and Ahimaaz. Compare the deceit i^ractised by Rahab (Josh, 
 ii. 4 ff.), and by Michal (i Sam. xix. 12 — 17). As stated in the note on 
 the latter passage, Holy Scripture affirms the universal duty of Truth 
 without any exception (Lev. xix. 11), nor can it be understood to 
 sanction breaches of this general law by recording them without express 
 disapproval. See also note on ch. xv. 34. It is left to the casuist to 
 discuss whether any necessity is sufficient to justify a falsehood or an 
 act of deception. See Whewell's Elements of Morality, Chaps, xv. xvi. 
 
 23. The suicide of Ahithophel. 
 
 23. to his city] Giloh. See ch. xv. 12. 
 
 put his ho7ischold in order] Lit. gave charge concerning his house: 
 arranged his affairs and made his will. Cp. 2 Kings xx. i. 
 
 hanged himself] Like Judas (Matt, xxvii. 5). It is the first deliberate 
 
i68 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [vv. 24—27. 
 
 24 — 26. Progress of the Rebellion. 
 
 24 Then David came to Mahanaim. And Absalom passed 
 
 25 over Jordan, he and all the men of Israel with him. And 
 Absalom made Amasa captain of the host instead of Joab : 
 which Amasa was a man's son, whose name was Ithra an 
 Israelite, that went in to Abigal the daughter of Nahash, 
 
 26 sister to Zeruiah Joab's mother. So Israel and Absalom 
 pitched in the land of Gilead. 
 
 27 — 29. Loyal reception of David at Mahanaim. 
 
 27 And it came to pass, when David was come to Mahanaim, 
 
 suicide on record, and was prompted by mortification at the rejection of 
 his counsel ; by the chagrin of baffled ambition ; by the conviction that 
 now the rebellion would inevitably fail, and that he would only live to 
 suffer a traitor's death. 
 
 24 — 26. Progress of the Rebellion. 
 
 24. to Mahanaini\ See note on ch. ii. 8. It was chosen for David's 
 head-quarters as the most important and strongest city in the trans- 
 Jordanic country, which was evidently the least disaffected. 
 
 And Absalom passed over Jordan] Before this a considerable interval 
 must have elapsed, during which Absalom was formally anointed (ch. 
 xix. Jo), and a general levy of the nation raised according to Hushai's 
 counsel, while David had time to organize his forces and establish him- 
 self at Mahanaim. 
 
 25. Aniasa^^ It has been supposed by some that he is the same as 
 Amasai who came to David at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 16 — 18). But if so, 
 would not the fact of his relationship to David have been mentioned 
 there ? 
 
 Ithra an Israelite] Called in i Chr. ii. 17 fctJier the Ishmeelite. 
 "Jcther and Ithra are different forms of the same name: and Ishmaelite 
 should probably be read here in place of Israelite, which has no point. 
 The Alex. MS. of the LXX reads Ishmaelite, the Vatican MS. Jezreelite. 
 
 Abigal the dajighter of Nahash] Amasa's mother Abigal (or Abigail) 
 was David's sister, and we should naturally infer from i Chr. ii. 16, 17 
 that Abigail and Zeruiah were Jesse's daughters. Who then was 
 Nahash? To this three answers may be given, (i) The obvious one, 
 that she was Jesse's wife, to which the objection is that Nahash is not 
 a woman's name. (2) That Nahash is another name for Jesse, which 
 is the Jewish tradition, but is not supported by any evidence. (3) That 
 Nahash was the first husband of Jesse's wife, so that Abigail and 
 Zeruiah were only step-sisters to David. This view has in its favour 
 the guarded statement of i Chr. ii. 16, which does not say that they 
 ■ were Jesse's daughters, but sisters of his sons. To go on to identify 
 Nahash with the king of the Ammonites defeated by Saul is mere con- 
 jecture. It should be noted that Amasa and Joab were cousins. 
 
vv. 28, 29;i.] II. SAMUEL, XVII. XVIII. 169 
 
 that Shobi the son of Nahash of Rabbah of the children of 
 Ammon, and Machir the son of Ammiel of Lo-debar, and 
 Barzillai the Gileadite of RogeHm, brought beds, and basons, 23 
 and earthen vessels, and wheat, and bailey, and flour, and 
 parched corn^ and beans, and lentiles, and parched pdse, 
 and honey, and butter, and sheep, and cheese of kine, for ag 
 David, and for the people that were with him, to eat : for 
 they said. The people is hungry, and weary, and thirsty, in 
 the wilderness. 
 
 Ch. XVIII. I — 8. The battle in the forest of ILph7'aim. 
 And David numbered the people that were with him, and 18 
 
 27—29. Loyal reception of David at Mahanaim. 
 
 27. %vhcn David was come to AIaha7iaini\ The narrative is con- 
 tinued from V. 24, What follows happened immediately on David's 
 arrival there. 
 
 Shohi the son of Nahash of Rabbah'] It is natural to suppose that 
 Shobi was a brother of Hanun (ch. x. i), who had been invested with 
 some kind of dependent chieftainship by David after the conquest of 
 the Ammonites, and now came to testify his gratitude. 
 
 Alachi)-] See note on ch. ix. 4. He who had entertained Jonathan's 
 son now shews hosj-jitality to Jonathan's friend. 
 
 Barzillai the Gileadite of Rogeliiti] Who came down to escort the 
 king over Jordan on his return, but declined to accompany him to 
 Jerusalem (xix. 31 — 40). His sons were commended to Solomon's care 
 (i Kings ii. 7) and as late as the Return from the Captivity a family of 
 priests traced their descent from one of his daughters (Ezra ii. 61 — 63 ; 
 Neh. vii. 63). The site of Rogelim is unknown. 
 
 28. beds, a72d basons'] The Sept. reads "ten beds with coverlets and 
 ten bowls." 
 
 parched com... parched pulse] If the text is sound, this is the right 
 explanation : but it is strange that the same word should be twice 
 repeated in one sentence to denote different articles. The Sept. omits 
 the second. 
 
 29. butter] Curdled milk is probably meant, called leben by the 
 modern Arabs, and; greatly esteemed as a refreshing drink. Cp. Jud. 
 v. 25. _ , 
 
 cheese of huic] So the Targum explains a word which occurs here 
 only. The Vulg. gives fat calves, which agrees better with the position 
 of the word after sheep. 
 
 The people is hungry] The people hath got hungry, <S:c., in their 
 passage through the wilderness. 
 
 Ch. XVIII. 1 — 8. The battle in the forest of Ephraim. 
 1. And David, &c.] The events here recorded cannot have fol- 
 lowed immediately on David's arrival at Mahanaim. An interval of a 
 
I70 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. [vv. 2—7. 
 
 set captains of thousands and captains of hundreds over 
 
 2 them. And David sent forth a third part of the people 
 under the hand of Joab, and a third part under the hand of 
 Abishai the son of Zeruiah, Joab's brother, and a third part 
 under the hand of Ittai the Gittite. And the king said unto 
 
 3 the people, I will surely go forth with you myself also. But 
 the people answered, Thou shalt not go forth : for if we flee 
 away, they will not care for us ; neither if half of us die, 
 will they care for us : but now tJwii art worth ten thousand 
 of us : therefore now it is better that thou succour us out of 
 
 4 the city. And the king said unto them. What seemeth you 
 best I will do. And the king stood by the gate side, and 
 all the people came out by hundreds and by thousands. 
 
 s And the king commanded Joab and Abishai and Ittai, 
 saying, Deal gently for my sake with the young man, even 
 with Absalom. And all the people heard when the king 
 
 6 gave all the captains charge concerning Absalom. So the 
 people went out into the field against Israel : and the battle 
 
 7 was in the wood of Ephraim ; where the people of Israel 
 
 few weeks must be assumed, during which the rival armies were mus- 
 tered and organized. Cp. note on ch. xvii. 24. 
 
 mt!?ibcred'\ The word means not merely to count, but to imistcr and 
 review. 
 
 captains of thousands and captains of hiindrcds'\ The usual military 
 divisions (i Sam. xxii. 7; Num. xxxi. 14; and see note on i Sam. 
 viii. 12) ; corresponding originally to the civil divisions instituted by 
 Moses (Ex. xviii. 25). See note on i Sam. x. 19. 
 
 2. sent forth. ..under the hand of yoab'\ Better, put... into the 
 hand of Joato, i. e. under his command. The army does not take the 
 field until v. 6. The division of an army into three bodies seems to 
 have been a common practice. See Jud. vii. 16, ix. 43 ; i Sam. xi. 11. 
 David intended to take the chief command in person. 
 
 3. Thoii, shalt not go forth'] Compare the protest of David's fol- 
 lowers on an earlier occasion (ch. xxi. 17). 
 
 but now thou art woi-th ten thousand of us] As the Heb. text stands 
 it must be rendered, and now there are ten thousand like us ; but, it is 
 implied, none besides like thee. But if we follow the Sept. and Vulg. 
 in reading thon for now, the sense will be that given by the E. V., 
 which seems best. 
 
 that thou succour tts out of the city] By sending reinforcements, and 
 securing their retreat in case of a defeat. 
 
 5. all the people heard] Cp. "in our hearing" in z'. 12. 
 
 6. in the wood of Ephraim] " The forest of Ephraim " might 
 naturally be expected to mean the great forest covering the high lands 
 
vv. 8, 9-] II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 171 
 
 were slain before the servants of David, and there was there 
 a great slaughter that day of twenty thousand men. For 8 
 the battle was there scattered over the face of all the coun- 
 try : and the wood devoured more people that day than 
 the sword devoured. 
 
 9 — 18. Absalom's death. 
 
 And Absalom met the servants of David. And Ab- 9 
 salom rode upon a mule, and the mule went under the 
 thick boughs of a great oak, and his head caught hold 
 of the oak, and he was taken up between the heaven 
 
 of central Palestine in which the tribe of Ephraim settled (Josh. xvii. 
 15 — ii^)- i'Ut all the circumstances are in favour of supposing the 
 battle to have been fought on the eastern side of the Jordan, {a) Ab- 
 salom marched into Gilead and encamped there (ch. xvii. 26) ; David 
 was at Mahanaim ; and there is not the slightest hint that either army 
 crossed the Jordan, {b) It is implied beforehand that the battle would 
 be in the neighbourhood of Mahanaim (ch. xviii. 3). (c) The return of 
 the army to Mahanaim oti the same day (ch. xix. 1 — 5), would scarcely 
 have been possible, had the battle been fought on the west of the 
 Jordan. These considerations make it all but certain that "the wood 
 of Ephraim" was soine part of the great forests of Gilead. The origin 
 of the name can only be conjectured. It may possibly have been 
 derived from the connexion of Ephraim with the trans-Jordanic 
 Manasseh, or from some incident such as the slaughter of the Ephraim- 
 ites by Jephthah (Jud. xii. 6). 
 
 8. the wood devoured viore, &c.] The explanation generally given 
 is that they perished in the pits and precipices and morasses of the 
 forest : but this seems unlikely. More probably it means that owing 
 to the nature of the ground more were slain in the pursuit through the 
 forest, than in the actual battle. 
 
 9 — 18. Arsalom's Death. 
 
 9. And Absalom, &c.] And Absalom happened to find himself in 
 the presence of David's servants : now Absalom was riding upon his 
 mule, and the mule, &c. In the course of the flight, Absalom found 
 himself among enemies : he turned to escape into the denser part of 
 the forest. The mule which he rode — perhaps David's own — was a 
 mark of royalty (i Kings i. 33, 38). 
 
 a great oak} The great terebinth ; the article seems to shew that 
 the tree was well known in after times. The Heb. elak is generally 
 said to denote the terebinth or turpentine tree, which is not unlike the 
 oak in general appearance: but in the forests on the E. of Jordan, oaks 
 are far more common than terebinths, and some kind of oak may be 
 meant. 
 
 his head cattgJd hold of the oak^ His head was caught in the forked 
 
-172 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. [vv. 10—14. 
 
 and the earth; and the mule that was under him went 
 
 10 away. And a certain man saw zV, and told Joab, and 
 
 11 said, Behold, I saw Absalom hanged in an oak. And Joab 
 said unto the man that told him, And behold, thou sawest 
 him, and why didst thou not smite him there to the ground? 
 and I would have given thee ten shekels of silver, and a 
 
 12 girdle. And the man said unto Joab, Though I should 
 receive a thousand shekels of silver in mine hand, yet would 
 I not put forth mine hand against the king's son : for in 
 our hearing the king charged thee and Abishai and Ittai, 
 saying, Beware that none touch the young man Absalom. 
 
 13 Otherwise I should have wrought falsehood against mine 
 own life : for there is no matter hid from the king, and thou 
 
 14 thyself wouldest have set thyself against me. Then said 
 Joab, I may not tarry thus with thee. And he took three 
 
 boughs of the tree, and he hung there, stunned and helpless. Perhaps 
 his long thick hair got entangled, but there is nothing to support the 
 common idea that he was suspended merely by his hair. 
 
 11. ten shekels] Shekels is rightly supplied, as in i Kings x. 29, and 
 elsewhere. The shekel weighed about half an ounce ; but its real value 
 at the time cannot be fixed. 
 
 a girdleX An essential article of Oriental dress, often of costly mate- 
 rials and highly ornamented. Cp. i Sam. xviii. 4. 
 
 12. Beware that none touch'] Or, Have a care, all of you, of tlie 
 young man Absalom : lit. as in the margin, whosoever ye be. But 
 the Sept. and Vulg. read /cir i?ty sake, as in v. 5, in place oi whosoever. 
 
 13. / should have wrought falsehood against mine own life] I should 
 not only have disobeyed the king, but have been false to my own in- 
 terest and forfeited my life. The Kthibh reads his life, thus: Or if I had 
 dealt deceitfully against his life, there is nothing hid. Sac. : i.e., if I had 
 treacherously slain him contrary to the king's command, it would 
 certainly have come to the king's ears, and I should have been put to 
 death. The Sept. has a different reading, connecting the first clause of 
 V. 13 with V. 14, thus : "Take care of the young man Absalom for my 
 sake, that ye do no harm against his life : and there is no matter 
 hid," &c. 
 
 ivouldest have set thyself against me\ Wouldest have taken part 
 against me with the king. The man was well aware of Joab's un- 
 scrupulous character. 
 
 14. three darts] Since the word used means elsewhere rods or 
 staves i^x. xxi. 20; 2 Sam. xxiii. 21), and the wounds inflicted were 
 not at once mortal, it seems that Joab struck Absalom brutally with 
 pointed wooden staves, the first weapons which came to hand, in fact 
 in a kind of way impaled liim as a traitor, and left his squires to give 
 him the coup de grdce. 
 
vv. 15— i8.J II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 173 
 
 darts in his hand, and thrust them through the heart of Ab- 
 salom, while he zvas yet alive in the midst of the oak. And is 
 ten young men that bare Joab's armour compassed about 
 and smote Absalom, and slew him. And Joab blew the 16 
 trumpet, and the people returned from pursuing after Israel : 
 for Joab held back the people. And they took Absalom, 17 
 and cast him into a great pit in the wood, and laid a very 
 great heap of stones upon him : and all Israel fled every 
 one to his tent. Now Absalom in his lifetime had taken is 
 and reared up for himself a pillar, which is in the king's 
 dale : for he said, I have no son to keep my name in 
 remembrance : and he called the pillar after his own name : 
 and it is called unto this day, Absalom's place. 
 
 through the heart\ Not literally through his heart, for the blows did 
 not kill him outright ; but into the midst of his body. 
 
 15. slew hiiJi] Absalom's death was unquestionably the speediest 
 and surest means of putting an end to the rebellion ; and Joab probably 
 took credit to himself for serving his country while he satisfied his 
 private revenge (ch. xiv. 30). 
 
 16. hleiu the trtimpet'\ Sounded the recall to stop further pursuit. 
 Cp. ch. ii. 28, XX. 22. 
 
 17. a very great heap of stones^ A monument of shame over the 
 rebel's grave, as over that of Achan (Josh. vii. 26), and the king of Ai 
 (Josli, viii. 29). Some think it was symbolic of the stoning which was 
 the penalty of a rebel son (Deut. xxi. 20, 21). It is still a custom in the 
 East for passers by to cast stones on the grave of a malefactor. See The 
 Land and the Book, p. 490. 
 
 fled every one to his tent] To his home. The use of the word tent is 
 a relic of primitive nomad life. Cp. ch. xx. i, 22. 
 
 18. the hing's dale] In Gen. xiv. 17 " the king's dale" is given as 
 an alternative name for " the valley of Shaveh" in which the king of 
 Sodom met Abram. But its situation is uncertain. Josephus [Antiij. 
 VII. 10. 3) says that Absalom's monument was two furlongs distant from 
 Jerusalem, and in accordance with this statement the Tomb of Absalom 
 is shewn in the valley of the Kidron. But this building is of Roman 
 work ; and it cannot even mark the site of Absalom's monument, for the 
 " king's dale " was a broad open valley (Heb. einek), not a narrow ravine 
 like the Kidron (Heb. nachal). 
 
 I have no son] His three sons (ch. xiv. 27) must have all died 
 young. 
 
 AbsalonC s place] Lit. Al'saloni's hand, i.e. monument. Cp. i Sam. 
 XV. 12. The historian evidently intends to mark the contrast between 
 this splendid cenotaph, and the heap of stones which marked the rebel's 
 grave in the forest of Ephraim. 
 
174 n. SAMUEL, XVIII. [vv. 19—25. 
 
 19 — 32. The news ca?'ried to David. 
 
 Then said Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, Let me now run, 
 and bear the king tidings, how that the Lord hath avenged 
 him of his enemies. And Joab said unto him, Thou s/ialt 
 not bear tidings this day, but thou shalt bear tidings another 
 day : but this day thou shalt bear no tidings, because the 
 king's son is dead. Then said Joab to Cushi, Go tell the 
 king what thou hast seen. And Cushi bowed himself unto 
 Joab, and ran. Then said Ahimaaz the son of Zadok yet 
 again to Joab, But howsoever, let nie, I pray thee, also run 
 after Cushi. And Joab said, Wherefore wilt thou run, my 
 son, seeing that thou hast no tidings ready? But how- 
 soever, said he, let me run. And he said unto him. Run. 
 Then Ahimaaz ran by the way of the plain, and overran 
 Cushi. And David sat between the two gates : and the 
 watchman went uj> to the roof over the gate unto the wall, 
 and lift up his eyes, and looked, and behold a man running 
 alone. And the watchman cried, and told the king. And 
 
 19—32. The news carried to David. 
 
 19. halh avenged him of his enemies] Lit. Judged him out of the 
 hand of his enemies : pronounced a favourable verdict in his cause and 
 delivered him. Cp. i Sam. xxiv. 15 ; Ps. xliii. r. 
 
 20. bear tidings'] The word with rare exceptions means to bear good 
 tidings, and this meaning should be retained here and in v. 19. Joab 
 would not let Ahimaaz have the thankless task of carrying news which 
 to the king would be no good news. 
 
 21. Ciishi^ Rather, the Cushite, an Ethiopian slave in Joab's 
 service, who would have little to lose by the king's displeasure. 
 
 22. thou hast no tidings ready] Probably, thou hast no good tidings 
 to get a reward ; cp. the Sept. " thou hast no good tidings for profit 
 if thou goest :" and the Vulg. "thou wilt not be a bearer of good 
 tidings." 
 
 23. by the way of the plain] "The plain" (Heb. kikkar) is the 
 technical term for the floor of the valley through which the Jordan runs. 
 In our ignorance of the exact position of the battlefield, we cannot 
 trace the routes taken by the rival ru^iners with certainty. But in all 
 probability what is meant is that Ahimaaz struck down into the Jordan 
 valley, and ran by a longer but easier route to Mahanaim, while the 
 Cushite took the direct but more difficult route over the hills. 
 
 24. bctzueen the two gates] In the space between the inner and outer 
 gates of the city gateway. 
 
 to the roof over the gate unto the waif] To that side of the flat roof 
 of the gateway which was in the outer wall of the city. 
 
vv. 26—30.] II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 175 
 
 the king said, If he be alone, there is tidings in his mouth. 
 And he came apace, and drew near. And the watchman 26 
 saw another man running : and the watchman called unto 
 the porter, and said. Behold another man running alone. 
 And the king said. He also bringeth tidings. And the =7 
 watchman said, Me thinketh the running of the foremost is 
 like the running of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok. And the 
 king said. He is a good man, and cometh with good tidings. 
 And Ahimaaz called, and said unto the king, All is well. 2S 
 And he fell down to the earth upon his face before the king, 
 and said, Blessed be the Lord thy God, which hath deli- 
 vered up the men that lift up their hand against my lord 
 the king. And the king said, Is the young man Absalom 29 
 safe? And Ahimaaz answered, When Joab sent the king's 
 servant, and me thy servant, I saw a great tumult, but I 
 knew not what // was. And the king said unto him, I'urn 30 
 
 25. If he be alone, &c.] If the army had been routed, a number of 
 fugitives would have been seen coming together. 
 
 26. unto the porter] The Sept. reads " into the gate." The differ- 
 ence is a question of vowel points only. 
 
 27. He is a good man, &c.] The king rightly judged, that Joab 
 would not choose a distinguished messenger like Ahimaaz to carry bad 
 news (z/. 20). 
 
 28. Allis tveW] Lit. Peace ! The usual word of greeting had special 
 significance at such a time. 
 
 he fell doiuji] An act of homage to the king. See note on ch. xiv. 
 4, and cp. I Sam. xx. 41, xxv. 23. 
 
 delivered np\ Lit. shut up: restrained and confined within bounds, 
 instead of leaving them at large to work their will. Cp. i Sam. xvii. 
 46 ; Ps. xxxi. 8, and the opposite expression in ch. xxii. 20. 
 
 29. Is the young man Absalom safe] Taking up the exclamation of 
 Ahimaaz ; Is it well witli the young man Absalom ? lit. Is there peace 
 to the young man Absalom ? Cp. 2 Kings iv. 26. " Not only the ques- 
 tion itself, but the very terms of it, breathe the tenderness of David's 
 feelings. Absalom is 'the youth,' as if his youth were a full excuse 
 for his conduct." Speaker's Comm. 
 
 the king's servant] The Cushite, to whom Ahimaaz points as he comes 
 up. But it is not improbable that the king's servant is an alternative 
 reading for thy servant, originally written in the margin, and afterwards 
 inserted in the text, so that we should read simply ivhen Joab sent thy 
 servant. 
 
 I ktirw not what it was] Ahimaaz was eager to be first with the good 
 news, but deliberately concealed the bad. Can it be wondered at that 
 his regard for truth had been weakened when we remember the business 
 he had been engaged in at David's command ? 
 
176 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. XIX. [vv. 31— 33 ; r, 2. 
 
 aside, and stand here. And he turned aside, and stood 
 
 31 still. And behold, Cushi came ; and Cushi said, Tidings, 
 my lord the king : for the Lord hath avenged thee this day 
 
 32 of all them that rose up against thee. And the king said 
 unto Cushi, Is the young man Absalom safe ? And Cushi 
 answered, The enemies of my lord the king, and all that 
 rise against thee to do thee hurt, be as that young man is. 
 
 33. David'' s mourni7igfor Absalom. 
 
 33 And the king was much moved, and went up to the 
 chamber over the gate, and wept : and as he went, thus he 
 said, O my son Absalom, my son, my son Absalom : would 
 God I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son. 
 
 Ch. XIX. I — 8. David roused from his grief by Joab. 
 
 19 And it was told Joab, Behold, the king weepeth and 
 2 mourneth for Absalom. And the victory that day was 
 
 31. Tidings, &c.] The phrase is not so abrupt in the Heb., and 
 more suitable in the slave's mouth. Let my lord the king receive 
 tlie good tidings, that, &c. 
 
 halh avenged] See note on v. 19. 
 
 33. David's mourning for Absalom. 
 
 33. was much moved] Better perhaps, was sore troubled. Sept. 
 irapaxOi] is a good rendering. This passionate outburst of grief was 
 due not only to the tenderness of affection, which was so striking a trait 
 in David's character, but to the bitterness of the thought that the rebel, 
 the would-be parricide, was thus 
 
 " Cut off even in the blossoms of his sin. 
 No reckoning made, but sent to his account 
 With all his imperfections on his head ; " 
 and that this terrible catastrophe was the fruit and the punishment of his 
 own crimes. The heart-broken cry " Would God I had died for tliee " 
 was not only the utterance of self-sacrificing love, but the confession 
 that he had himself deserved the punishment which fell upon another. 
 Cp. ch. xxiv. 17. 
 
 would God, &c.] So Moses (Ex. xxxii. s^), and so St Paul (Rom. 
 ix. 3), would have sacrificed themselves, had it been possible, to save 
 others. 
 
 Ch. XIX. 1 — 8. David roused from his grief by Joab. 
 
 2. the victojy] The Heb. word means literally the salvation or 
 deliverance. Cp. i Sam. ix. 16, xi. 3; 2 Sam. iii. 18. tS:c. 
 
vv. 3—7.] II. SAMUEL, XIX. 177 
 
 turned into mourning unto all the people : for the people 
 heard say that day how the king was grieved for his son. 
 And the people gat them by stealth that day itito the city, as 3 
 people being ashamed steal away when they flee in battle. 
 But the king covered his face, and the king cried ivith a loud 4 
 voice, O my son Absalom, O Absalom, my son, my son. 
 And Joab came i?ito the house to the king, and said. Thou s 
 hast shamed this day the faces of all thy servants, which 
 this day have saved thy life, and the lives of thy sons and of 
 thy daughters, and the lives of thy wives, and the lives of 
 thy concubines ; in that thou lovest thine enemies, and 6 
 hatest thy friends : for thou hast declared this day, that thou 
 regardest neither princes nor servants : for this day I per- 
 ceive, that if Absalom had lived, and all we had died this 
 day, then it had pleased thee well. Now therefore arise, go 7 
 forth, and speak comfortably unto thy servants : for I swear 
 
 3. gat them by stealth, &c.] Out of respect for the king's sorrow the 
 army stole into the city silently in small parties, like disgraced fugitives, 
 instead of entering in military order with shouts of triumph for the 
 victory. 
 
 that daj'] Clearly the day of the battle, which must therefore have 
 been fought in the neighbourhood of Mahanaim. See notes on ch. 
 xviii. 6. 
 
 as people, <S:c.] Better, as the people steal in who have disgraced 
 themselves by fleeing in the battle. 
 
 4. covered his face] See note on ch. xv. 30. 
 
 5. yoab came into the house to the hifig] The crisis illustrates the 
 good as well as the bad features of Joab's character — his loyalty to 
 David, and his practical sagacity, as well as his hard unsympathetic 
 nature. Exaggerated and unfeeling as his speech was, it roused David 
 from the extravagance of his grief to a sense of his duty, and saved him 
 from flinging away the fruits of the victory. 
 
 Thou hast shamed, &c.] Disappointed their hopes of rejoicing for the 
 victory : treated them like offenders instead of benefactors. 
 
 have saved thy life, &c.] For had Absalom been victorious, he would 
 doubtless have put to death all rival claimants to the throne, and pos- 
 sibly other members of the king's household. Cp. Jud. ix. 5 ; i Kings 
 XV. 29 ; xvi. II ; 2 Kings x. 6, xi. i. 
 
 6. 7ieither princes nor servants] Neither the captains of the army 
 (ch. xviii. I, 5), nor the soldiers. 
 
 7. speah comfortably] Speak to them in a friendly way, encourage 
 them, and appease their discontent. 
 
 I S7vcar, &c.] This is not a threat that he will persuade the army 
 to desert David ; but an asseveration in the strongest possible terms 
 
 II. SAMUEL 12 
 
178 II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 8— ii. 
 
 by the Lord, if thou go not forth, there will not tarry one 
 with thee this night : and that will be worse unto thee than 
 
 8 all the evil that befell thee from thy youth until now. Then 
 the king rose, and sat in the gate. And they told unto all 
 the people, saying, Behold, the king doth sit in the gate. 
 And all the people came before the king : for Israel had 
 fled every man to his tent. 
 
 9 — 15. Negotiations for David' s restoration. His return. 
 
 9 And all the people were at strife throughout all the tribes 
 of Israel, saying, The king saved us out of the hand of our 
 enemies, and he delivered us out of the hand of the Philis- 
 tines ; and now he is fled out of the land for Absalom. 
 
 10 And Absalom, whom we anointed over us, is dead in battle. 
 Now therefore why speak ye not a word of bringing the king 
 
 11 back? And king David sent to Zadok and to Abiathar the 
 priests, saying, Speak unto the elders of Judah, saying, Why 
 are ye the last to bring the king back to his house ? seeing 
 the speech of all Israel is come to the king, even to his 
 
 that they will not continue faithful to a king vvlao allows a private grief 
 to outweigh his gratitude for their services. 
 
 8. ill the gate\ Where kings and rulers were accustomed to give 
 audience to their subjects. See note on ch. xv. 2. 
 
 for Israel had flcd\ The words should begin a new sentence, But 
 Israel liad fled, &c. Israel, that part of the nation which had followed 
 Absalom, is contrasted with "the people," i.e. David's army. The 
 sentence resumes the narrative from ch. xviii. 17, and prepares the way 
 for the account which follows. 
 
 9 — 15. Negotiations for David's restoration. His return. 
 
 10. 2vho/n zae anointed] The anointing of Absalom is not elsewhere 
 mentioned. 
 
 At the end of the verse the Sept. adds, "And the word of all 
 Israel came to the king," that is, either he heard of the movement for 
 his restoration, or he actually received overtures from Israel. The 
 clause is necessary to introduce v. 11. 
 
 11. the elders of Judah] The representatives of the tribe, who 
 would naturally be its leaders in the restoration of the king. Cp. ch. 
 V. 3. Their backwardness is explained by the j^rominent part which 
 Judah had taken in the insurrection (see note on ch. xv. 10), while 
 David's message to the priests was prompted by the desire to conciliate 
 the good will of the most powerful tribe of the nation, and persuade 
 them to take a leading part in his recall. 
 
 seeing the speeeh...even to his house] The words even to his liouse 
 
vv. 12—16.] II. SAMUEL, XIX, 179 
 
 house. Ye ai-e my brethren, ye are my bones and my flesh : 12 
 wherefore then are ye the last to bring back the king? And 13 
 say ye to Amasa, Art thou not of my bone, and of my 
 flesh? God do so to me, and more also, if thou be not 
 captain of the host before me continually in. the room of 
 Joab. And he bowed the heart of all the men of Judah, 14 
 even as the heart of one man ; so that they sent this word 
 unto the king, Return thou, and all thy servants. So the is 
 king returned, and came to Jordan. And Judah came to 
 Oilgal, to go to meet the king, to conduct the king over 
 Jordan. 
 
 16 — 44. David'' s return. Episodes on the journey. 
 16 — 23. Shimei sues for pardo7i. 
 And Shimei the son of Gera, a Benjamite, which ivas of 16 
 
 give no satisfactory sense, and are probably an accidental repetition of 
 the previous to his house: and the clause seeing the speech of all Israel 
 is come to the king may either have stood here originally as well as at the 
 end of V. 10, vi^here it is certainly required, or have been repeated by a 
 transcriber's error. 
 
 12. my bones and my flcsh^ See note on ch. v. i. Bo7ies should 
 be, as there, bone. 
 
 13. Art thoii not of my bone, and of my fesh} Art thou not my 
 bDne and my flesh, exactly as in v. 12. Amasa was David's nephew, 
 the son of his sister or step-sister Abigail. See ch. xvii. 25. Of course 
 the message was to be privately conveyed to Amasa through the priests. 
 It was a bold stroke of policy to promise the post of commander-in 
 chief to the general of the rebel army. By so doing, David designed 
 at once to secure the allegiance of that army, and to punish Joab for 
 killing Absalom in defiance of his command. But it was hardly 
 jirudent. Joab was certain not to submit to it tamely : Amasa's 
 military skill was probably inferior, and his loyalty remained to be 
 proved. 
 
 God do so, &c.] See note on ch. iii. 9. 
 
 in the room 0/ foali] i.e. instead of. Room = place, space, from 
 A.-S. rtitn. Germ. Raiim. Cp. Matt. ii. 22. 
 
 14. And he bo7ved, &c.] By this message David inclined the hearts 
 of the men of Judah to restore him to the throne. 
 
 15. to Gilgal] Gilgal, between Jericho and the Jordan, was the ren- 
 dezvous for the representatives of Judah — probably the elders — who 
 were sent to escort the king back to Jerusalem. 
 
 16—44. David's RETURN. Episodes on the journey. 
 16 — 23. Shimei sues for pardon. 
 
 16. Shimei] See ch. xvi. 5 ff. Shimei and Ziba came with guilty 
 
i8o II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 17—22. 
 
 Bahurim, hasted and came down with the men of Judah to 
 
 17 meet king David. And there ivere a thousand men of 
 Benjamin with him, and Ziba the servant of the house of 
 Saul, and his fifteen sons and his twenty servants with him ; 
 
 18 and they went over Jordan before the king. And there went 
 over a ferry boat to carry over the king's household, and to 
 do what he thought good. And Shimei the son of Gera fell 
 
 19 down before the king, as he was come over Jordan ; and 
 said unto the king, Let not my lord impute iniquity unto 
 me, neither do thou lemember that which thy servant did 
 perversely the day that my lord the king went out of 
 
 20 Jerusalem, that the king should take it to his heart. For 
 thy servant doth know that I have sinned : therefore, be- 
 hold, I am come the first this day of all the house of Joseph 
 
 21 to go down to meet my lord the king. But Abishai the son 
 of Zeruiah answered and said. Shall not Shimei be put to 
 death for this, because he cursed the Lord's anointed? 
 
 22 And David said. What have I to do with you, ye sons of 
 
 consciences to curry favour by seeming to sliew special zeal in bringing 
 back the king. 
 
 17. And tliere were a thousand men of Benjamin %vith him'\ Omit 
 there were, and join this clause to v. 16. 
 
 they went over yordan before the king\ Ziba and his retinue dashed 
 into the river and crossed it — the word for ivent over is a peculiar one, 
 expressing impetuous movement — to shew their zeal by meeting the king 
 on the eastern bank. 
 
 18. And there zvent over a ferry-hoai'\ And the ferry-'boat was 
 passing to and fro, placed at the service of the king by the men of 
 Judah. 
 
 as he was come over Jordan'] This probably means as David was 
 crossing over the Jorda^i, i.e. during the general proceedings of the 
 transit, not necessarily during the actual passage. Shimei seems to 
 have crossed along with Ziba to meet the king on the eastern bank. 
 David's crossing is not mentioned till v. 39. 
 
 20. the house of Joscph'l The ten tribes of Israel as distinguished 
 from Judah are thus named from Ephraim, the most powerful tribe 
 among them (Gen. xlviii. 5). Cp. Ps. Ixxviii. 67, 68 ; 1 Kings xi. 28 ; 
 Amos v. 6. Shimei the Benjamite claims to be the first representative 
 of Israel to welcome the king. 
 
 21. Abishai\ True to his fierce, impetuous character. See ch. 
 xvi. 9. 
 
 cursed the Lord's anointedl Since the king was Jehovah's represen- 
 tative, to curse him was almost as heinous an offence as to curse 
 Jehovah Himself. Ex. xxii. 28; Lev. xxiv. 15 ; i Kings xxi. 10. 
 
vv. 23—26.] II. SAMUEL, XIX. 
 
 Zeruiah, that ye should this day be adversaries unto me ? 
 shall there any man be put to death this day in Israel ? for 
 do not I know that I am this day king over Israel? There- 23 
 fore the king said unto Shimei, Thou shalt not die. And 
 the king sware unto him. 
 
 24 — 30. Mephibosheth's meeting with David. 
 
 And Mephibosheth the son of Saul came down to meet 24 
 the king, and had neither dressed his feet, nor trimmed his 
 beard, nor washed his clothes, from the day the king de- 
 parted until the day he came again in peace. And it came to 25 
 pass, when he was come to Jerusalem to meet the king, that the 
 king said unto him. Wherefore wentest not thou with me, 
 Mephibosheth ? And he answered. My lord, O king, my k6 
 servant deceived me : for thy servant said, I will saddle me 
 
 22. advcrsaries\ Opposing my true interests. The Heb. word is 
 satan. Cp. Matt. xvi. 23. 
 
 that I am this day king\ The rejoicing of the day whicli saw him , 
 restored to his Wngdom must not be marred by any bloodshed. Cp. 
 1 Sam. xi. 13. 
 
 23. the king sware unto him'] David cannot be acquitted of break- 
 ing the spirit if not the letter of his oath by the charge which he gave 
 to Solomon (i Kings ii. 8ff.). 
 
 24 — 30. Mephibosheth's meeting with David. 
 
 24. had neither dressed his feet, &c.] The neglect of his person, the 
 imwashed feet, the untrimmed moustache, the soiled garments, were out- 
 ward signs of extreme grief. Cp. ch. xii. 20; Ezek. xxiv. 17. The 
 Sept. adds "nor trimmed his nails," after "dressed his feet" (seeDeut. 
 xxi. 12), but the words are perhaps only a duplicate rendering of the 
 Hebrew. 
 
 Ijeai-d] Properly moustache. The word occurs elsewhere only in 
 connexion with the custom of covering the upper lip or moustache in 
 mourning. See Lev. xiii. 45 ; Ezek. xxiv. 17, 22 ; Mic. iii. 7. 
 
 25. 7vhe}i he was come to yernsalem] If the reading is right, the 
 meeting between David and Mephibosheth must have taken place in 
 Jerusalem, and is introduced here out of the strictly chronological order, 
 because of the mention of Ziba in v. 17. "Came down" in v. 24 must 
 then be explained 'came down from his house in the highlands of 
 Benjamin near Gibcah to Jerusalem,' not ' came down from Jerusalem 
 to the Jordan.' The conclusion oi v. 30 agrees with the supposition 
 that Mephibosheth met David in Jerusalem. This is better than 
 rendering lahcn yci-usalem (i.e. the inhabitants of Jerusalem) carjie, 
 which is forced, or emending fro))i Jcnisalein, which is a conjecture 
 supported by no external authority of value. 
 
i82 II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 27— 31. 
 
 an ass, that I may ride thereon, and go to the king; because 
 27 thy servant is lame. And he hath slandered thy servant 
 unto my lord the king ; but my lord the king is as an angel 
 23 of God : do therefore what is good in thine eyes. For all 
 of my father's house were but dead men before my lord the 
 king : yet didst thou set thy servant among them that did 
 eat at thine own table. What right therefore have I yet to 
 
 29 cry any more unto the king? And the king said unto him, 
 Why speakest thou any more of thy matters ? I have said, 
 
 30 Thou and Ziba divide the land. And Mephibosheth said 
 unto the king, Yea, let him take all, forasmuch as my lord 
 the king is come again in peace unto his own house. 
 
 31 — 40. Barzillars farewell to David. 
 
 31 And Barzillai the Gileadite came down from Rogellm, 
 
 26. said, I -will saddle me an ass^ Meaning;; of course, / ivill have 
 viy ass saddled. The Sept. however reads, said tinto him, Saddle me 
 the ass, which certainly suits the context better. Apparently Ziba, 
 after receiving the order, saddled the asses, loaded them with pro- 
 visions, and went to meet David with his fictitious story (ch. xvi. i), 
 leaving Mephibosheth in the lurch. 
 
 27. as an angel of God] To discern the truth, and decide justly. 
 Cp. ch. xiv. 17, 20. 
 
 28. we>'e but dead mett] For David might have put them all to 
 death. Possibly there is an allusion to the surrender of Saul's sons to the 
 Gibeonites (ch. xxi. 6 — 9). 
 
 zvhat right, &c.] Since all David's favours to him were undeserved, 
 he had no ground for making a complaint, and demanding the restora- 
 tion of his property as a right. 
 
 29. Thou and Ziba divide the land] This is usually supposed to be 
 a compromise between the two claimants, either because David sus- 
 pected the truth of Mepliibosheth's story, or because he was unwilling 
 to alienate Ziba, and possibly a considerable party of Benjamites, by 
 entirely revoking the grant to him (ch. xvi. 4). But it may be a confirma- 
 tion of the original arrangement by which Ziba was to be Mephibo- 
 sheth's tenant, and as he certainly did not cultivate the land for 
 nothing, might be said to share it with him. 
 
 30. Yea, let him take all] Mephibosheth's affection was for his 
 master, not for his property. There is no reason for supposing that his 
 version of the story was false and Ziba's true, in spite of Blunt's in- 
 genious arguments to prove that he was a traitor and a hypocrite 
 {Undes. Coinc. p. 157 ff.). 
 
 31 — 40. Barzillai's farewell to David. 
 
 31. Barzillai] See ch. xvii. 27. 
 
w. 32—39.] II. SAMUEL, XIX. 183 
 
 and went over Jordan with the king, to conduct him over 
 Jordan. Now Barzillai was a very aged man, even fourscore 32 
 years old : and he had provided the king of sustenance 
 while he lay at Mahanaim ; for he was a very great man. 
 And the king said unto Barzillai, Come thou over with me, 33 
 and I will feed thee with me in Jerusalem. And Barzillai 34 
 said unto the king, How long have I to live, that I should 
 go up with the king juito Jerusalem ? I am this day four- 35 
 score years old : and can I discern between good and evil ? 
 can thy servant taste what I eat or what I drink ? can I hear 
 any more the voice of singing inert and singing tvomen ? 
 wherefore then should thy servant be yet a burden unto my 
 lord the king ? Thy servant will go a little way over Jordan :6 
 with the king : and why should the king recompense // me 
 7vith such a reward ? Let thy servant, I pray thee, turn 37 
 back again, that I may die in mine own city, and be buried 
 by the grave of my father and of my mother. But behold 
 thy servant Chimham ; let him go over with my lord the king ; 
 and do to him what shall seem good unto thee. And the 38 
 king answered, Chimham shall go over with me, and I will do 
 to him that which shall seem good unto thee : and whatso- 
 ever thou shalt require of me, that will I do for thee. And 39 
 all the people went over Jordan. And when the king was 
 
 32. provided... of susfcnance\ An obsolete use of the preposition of 
 where we now employ with. 
 
 /ay] i.e. abode. Cp. Josh. ii. r, niarg. 
 
 33. / will feed i/we] I will provide thee with sustenance ; the 
 same word as in v. ^7, and Gen. xlv. ii (E. V. nourish). 
 
 35. fourscore ycars\ Cp. Fs. xc. 10. 
 
 singing men and singing zuo/nen] Musicians were a part of royal 
 state (Eccl. ii. 8) ; banquets were commonly enlivened by music. See- 
 ls. V. II, 12, xxiv. S, g ; Am, vi. 4 — 6. 
 
 37. and be buried dy the grave, &c.] The ancient afifection for the 
 family sepulchre is very remarkable. See Jud. viii. 32 ; 2 Sam. ii. 
 32, xvii. 23, xxi. 14 ; i Kings xiii. 22. 
 
 Chimham] Barzillai's son, who with his brothers was specially 
 commended to Solomon's care (i Kings ii. 7). From the mention of 
 "the habitation of Chimham which is by Bethlehem" in Jer. xli. 17, it 
 has been ingeniously inferred that Chimham received a grant of land 
 from David's patrimony at Bethlehem, wliich retained his name for at 
 least four centuries. See Stanley's Lect. 11. 152. 
 
 39. all the people] David's followers, who are repeatedly termeJ 
 the people in this narrative. 
 
i84 II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 40—43. 
 
 come over, the king kissed Barzillai, and blessed him ; and 
 
 40 he returned unto his own place. Then the king went on to 
 Gilgal, and Chimham went on with him : and all the people 
 of Judah conducted the king, and also half the people of 
 Israel. 
 
 41 — 43. Dispute between the men of Judah a?id the men of 
 Israel. 
 
 41 And behold, all the men of Israel came to the king, and 
 said unto the king. Why have our brethren the men of Judah 
 stolen thee away, and have brought the king, and his house- 
 
 42 hold, and all David's men with him, over Jordan? And all 
 the men of Judah answered the men of Israel, Because the 
 king is near of kin to us : wherefore then be ye angry for 
 this matter ? have we eaten at all of the king's cost .? or hath 
 
 43 he given us any gift ? And the men of Israel answered the 
 
 kissed Barzillai, atid blessed hint] A farewell salute. Cp. Gen. 
 xxxi. 55. 
 
 41 — 43. Dispute between the men of Judah and the men ok 
 Israel. 
 
 41. And behold, all the men of Israel^ This must be read in con- 
 nexion with the preceding verse which introduces and explains it. 
 The northern tribes had been foremost in proposing the restoration 
 {^v. 9, 10), but owing no doubt to tribal jealousies, they had not been 
 invited by the men of Judah to the gathering at Gilgal to welcome the 
 king. Consequently only a fraction of them, probably those from the 
 immediate neighbourhood and the trans-Jordanic country, were there. 
 But while the king was still at Gilgal, the rest of the Israelite represen- 
 tatives arrived, and complained to David that they had been un- 
 warrantably forestalled by Judah, and cheated of the honour and 
 privilege of escorting him back. Cp. the instances of Ephraimite 
 jealousy in Jud. viii. i, xii. i. 
 
 stolen thee a'aia\'\ Brought thee home without our knowledge. They 
 justly censured the men of Judah for doing by themselves that which 
 should have been the united act of the whole nation, and possibly sus- 
 pected that David himself was not altogether blameless {vv. 11, 12). 
 
 42. to 7«] Lit. to me: and so art thou angry: and in v. 43 the 
 pronouns are singular throughout ; each party being as it were per- 
 sonified and regarded as a unit. 
 
 42. have we eaten at all of the hinges cost, &c.] They defend them- 
 selves by alleging the purity of their motives. Some see in the words 
 a side-thrust at the Benjamites, who had enjoyed special privileges 
 during Saul's reign (i Sam. xxii. 7). 
 
V. i.l II. SAMUEL, XX. 185 
 
 men of Judah, and said, We have ten parts in the king, and 
 we have also more right xw David than ye : why then did ye 
 despise us, that our advice should not be first had in bring- 
 ing back our king ? And the words of the men of Judah 
 were fiercer than the words of the men of Israel. 
 
 Ch. XX. Shebd!s Rebellion. 
 
 I, 2. Fresh outbreak of rebellion, headed by Sheba. 
 
 And there happened to be there a man of Belial, whose 20 
 name was Sheba, the son of Bichri, a Benjamite : and he 
 blew a trumpet, and said. We have no part in David, neither 
 
 43. ten /arts] The northern tribes claimed a share of the king in 
 proportion to their number. Ephraim and Manasseh are counted as 
 one in the reckoning of Israel as ten tribes. Cp. i Kings xi. 31, 
 
 35- 
 
 and we have also more right tn David than ye'\ And even in David 
 
 we have more right than ye : lit. I... than thou. They claim a share 
 of the king, as king, in proportion to their number, and maintain this 
 to be their right even in the case of David, whom the men of Judah 
 might assert to belong specially to them as being their kinsman. But the 
 Sept. preserves (in addition to a rendering of the present Heb. text), 
 a different and very remarkable reading, which is perhaps the true one : 
 and I am the fiistborn rather than thou. Reuben, the natural firstborn, 
 forfeited his birthright, and it was transferred to Joseph, the eldest son 
 of Jacob's second wife. In virtue of the birthright Joseph inherited a 
 double portion (Deut. xxi. 17) by Jacob's adoption of his two sons 
 Ephraim and Manasseh. See i Chron. v. i, 2 ; Gen. xlviii. 22 ; Josh. 
 xvi. 4. It was most natural for Ephraim, speaking on behalf of the 
 northern tribes, "the house of Joseph" (z*. 20), to assert such a claim at 
 the present crisis. 
 
 why then, &c.] Better : why then hast thou despised me ? was not 
 my word the first for bringing back my king? a reference to the 
 movement described in vv. 9, 10. 
 
 Ch. XX. Siieba's Rebellion. 
 1, 2. Fresh outbreak of rebellion, headed by Sheba. 
 
 1. there\ At Gilgal. The dispute offered an immediate opening to 
 a bold and ambitious leader, who hoped to restore the sovereignty to 
 the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 a man of Belial] A worthless or wicked man. Cp. i Sam. x. 27, 
 and note on i Sam. i. 16. 
 
 the son 0/ Biehri] Rather, a Bichrlte, or member of the clan tracing 
 its descent from Becher the second son of Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21). 
 
 part] Better, portion, a different word from that in ch. xix. 43, and 
 the same as that in i Kings xii. 16. 
 
1 86 II. SAMUEL, XX; [vv. 2—6. 
 
 have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: every man to his tents, 
 
 2 O Israel. So every man of Israel went up from after David, 
 (7;;^ followed Sheba the son of Bichri : but the men of Judah 
 clave unto their king, from Jordan even to Jerusalem. 
 
 3. David's return to Jeriisale7n. 
 
 3 And David came to his house at Jerusalem; and the king 
 took the ten women his concubines, whom he had left to 
 keep the house, and put them in ward, and fed them, but 
 went not in unto them. So they were shut up unto the day 
 of their death, living in widowhood. 
 
 4 — 13. The pursuit of Sheba. Amasa niurdej-ed hy Joah. 
 
 4 Then said the king to Amasa, Assemble me the men of 
 
 5 Judah within three days, and be thou here present. So 
 Amasa went to assemble the men of Judah : but he tarried 
 longer than the set time which he had appointed him. 
 
 6 And David said to Abishai, Now shall Sheba the son 
 
 the son of fcsse] There is a touch of contempt in this name for 
 David. Cp. 1 Sam. xx. 27, 30, 31, xxii. 7, 8, 9, 13, xxv. 10. 
 
 every man to his tents\ Nominally a call to disperse and return to 
 their homes (i Sam. xiii. 1; 2 Sam. xviii. 17); really an invitation to 
 join him in rebellion. The same words served as the signal for the 
 revolt from Rehoboam (i Kings xii. 16). 
 
 2. zveiif 7ip\ From Gilgal in the valley of the Jordan to the hill 
 country of Ephraim. 
 
 3. David's return to Jerusalem. 
 
 3. living in ^uidoivhoodl Either in widowliood for life, or as the 
 Targum exjjlains it, in widowliood while their husband was still alive. 
 Since they had been appropriated by Absalom, they could no longer be 
 regarded as members of the royal harem, nor could they be set at liberty. 
 
 4—13. The pursuit of Sheba. Amasa murdered by Joab. 
 
 4. to Amasa] The commission was given to Amasa in fulfilment of 
 the promise privately made to him (ch. xix. 13). 
 
 Assetnble me the men of Jitdah^ Clear'y then "the men of Judah" 
 in V. 1 were only a small body of representatives. 
 
 5. he tarried longer] Some may have resented the change of 
 generals and distrusted Amasa; some may have been half-hearted about 
 David's restoration; so that he found that the task took longer than he 
 expected. 
 
 6. to Abishai] David now gave his orders to Abishai, being deter- 
 mined at any rate to supersede Jcab. For the moment Joab seemed to 
 
vv. 7— lo.] II. SAMUEL, XX. 187 
 
 of Bichri do us more harm than did Absalom : take thou 
 thy lord's servants, and pursue after him, lest he get him 
 fenced cities, and escape us. And there went out after 7 
 him Joab's men, and the Cherethites, and the Pelethites, 
 and all the mighty men: and they went out of Jerusalem, to 
 pursue after Sheba, the son of Bichri. When they were at 8 
 the great stone which is in Gibeon, Amasa went before them. 
 And Joab's garment that he had put on was girded unto him, 
 and upon it a girdle with a sword fastened upon his loins in 
 the sheath thereof; and as he went forth it fell out. And 9 
 Joab said to Amasa, Art thou in health, my brother? And 
 Joab took Amasa by the beard with the right hand to kiss 
 him. But Amasa took no heed to the sword that was in 10 
 Joab's hand : so he smote him therewith in the fifth rib, 
 
 acquiesce, and marched out under his brother's command {v. 7), in- 
 tending to wait his opportunity. This speedily presented itself: without 
 scruple he murdered his rival, and then by Abishai's consent, resumed 
 his old position as commander-in-chief (vv. 10, 1 1). 
 
 thy loi-cTs servants] The bodies of troops mentioned in v. 7, which 
 formed a small standing army. 
 
 escape us] A phrase of doubtful meaning, found nowhere else. Either 
 as E.V. following the Vulg. escape 11s: or pluck out our eye = Ao us 
 serious injury: or as the Sept. overshadorv our i^vj = cause us anxiety. 
 
 7. the Cherethites, and the Pelethites] See note on ch. viii. 18. 
 the mighty men] Or Gibborim. See note on ch. xv. 18. 
 
 8. the great stone -which is in Gibeon'] Some isolated rock, well known 
 as a landmark. 
 
 went before theni] Lit. came before them, i.e. met them, apparently as 
 he was returning to Jerusalem, after raising an army in 15enjamin as 
 well as in Judah. 
 
 And Joab's gar 97tenf, &c.] This description of Joab's dress is intended 
 to explain how he contrived to stab Amasa without his design being 
 suspected. In the girdle which he wore over his military dress M'as 
 stuck a dagger. As he met Amasa he contrived to let this fall out of 
 its sheath on the ground. He picked it up in his left hand, and the 
 movement being apparently purely accidental, excited no alarm in 
 Amasa's mind. 
 
 as he 'event forth it fell out] As he went out to meet Amasa. But it 
 does not appear zvhcnce Joab went out, and the words may also be 
 rendered, and it (the sheath) catiie out (from the girdle), and it (the 
 sword) fell down. The Sept. has a simpler reading, involving a slight 
 change in the Heb. text : and the sivord came out attdj'ell do7vn. 
 
 9. took Amasa by the beard] It is said to be still customary among 
 the Arabs and Turks to lay hold of a person's beard in giving him the 
 kiss of welcome. 
 
 10. in the fifth rib] In the belly. See note on ch. ii. 23. 
 
i88 II. SAMUEL, XX. [vv. ii— 14. 
 
 and shed out his bowels to the ground, and strake him not 
 again; and he died. So Joab and Abishai his brother 
 
 11 pursued after Sheba the son of Bichri. And one of Joab's 
 men stood by him, and said. He that favoureth Joab, and he 
 
 12 that is for David, let him go after Joab. And Amasa wallowed 
 in blood in the midst of the highway. And when the man 
 saw that all the people stood still, he removed Amasa out of 
 the highway ifito the field, and cast a cloth upon him, when 
 
 13 he saw that every one that came by him stood still. When 
 he was rem.oved out of the highway, all the people went on 
 after Joab, to pursue after Sheba the son of Bichri. 
 
 14 — 22. Sheba besieged in Abel-Beth- Maachah. 
 
 14 And he went through all the tribes of Israel unto Abel, 
 and to Beth-maachah, and all the Berites : and they were 
 
 strake him not agaht\ Cp. i Sam. xxvi. 8. Strake is an archaism 
 {ox struck. Cp. ch. xii. 15; Acts xxvii. 17. 
 
 So JoabX Better, But Joab, «S:c. Covered with the stains of murder 
 (i Kings ii. s), Joab started in pursuit of Sheba, leaving his victim where 
 he fell. 
 
 11. one of JoaVs men'\ One of Joab's young men, perhaps one of 
 his armour-bearers (ch. xviii. 15), remained by the corpse at Joab's com- 
 mand in order to invite Amasa's followers to join Joab. Time was too 
 precious for Joalj himself to lose a moment. 
 
 He that favoitreth jfoab, &c.] Lit. He that delighteth (ch. xv. 26) in 
 yoab. He appeals to their personal attachment to himself as general, 
 and to their loyalty to David; insinuating that Amasa was not faithful 
 to the king, and had met his death justly for his treachery. Joab's real 
 motive in murdering Amasa, as before in the case of Abner, was 
 jealousy. 
 
 12. all the peoJ>le'\ Here and in v. 1 3, the troops which Amasa had 
 been mustering. 
 
 14r— 22. Sheba besieged in Abel-Beth-Maachah. 
 
 14. And he we7it] Joab marched rapidly northward, gathering 
 forces as he went. 
 
 unto Abel, and to Beth-maachah'\ Abel was apparently near Beth- 
 Maachah, which is not elsewhere mentioned as a distinct place, and was 
 commonly called Abel-beth-Maachah to distinguish it from other places 
 named Abel { = ineadoiv). It was also known as Abel yi2\m. = meadoTU 
 of toaters (2 Chr. xvi. 4). It was one of the towns which fell a prey to 
 Benhadad (i Kings xv. 20), and afterwards to Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings 
 XV. 29). The name Maachah may point to some connexion with the 
 Syrian kingdom of that name (ch. x. 6). Its site is supposed to be 
 
vv. 15—18.] II. SAMUEL, XX. 
 
 gathered together, and went also after him. And they came is 
 and besieged him in Abel of Beth-maachah, and they cast 
 up a bank against the city, and it stood in the trench : and 
 all the people that 7vere with Joab battered the wall, to 
 throw it down. Then cried a wise woman out of the city, ifi 
 Hear, hear ; say, I pray you, unto Joab, Come near hither, 
 that I may speak with thee. And when he was come near 17 
 unto her, the woman said, Art thou Joab? And he an- 
 swered, I am he. Then she said unto him. Hear the words 
 of thine handmaid. And he answered, I do hear. Then 18 
 she spake, saying, They were wont to speak in old time, 
 saying, They shall surely ask counsel at Abel : and so they 
 
 marked by the village of Abil, about twelve miles north of Lake Hiileh, 
 the ancient Waters of Merom. 
 
 all the Berites\ If the text is sound, Berim or the Berites must be 
 the name of a district or people in northern Palestine otherwise unknown 
 to us. But perhaps following the Vulg. and the indications of the Sept. 
 we should read and all the chosen men were gathered together. 
 
 15. cast lip a batik] The besiegers erected a mound of earth against 
 the city wall to enable them to batter the upper and weaker part of it. 
 This stood in "the trench" or outwork of the city : a term which in- 
 cludes the low outer wall and the space between it and the main wall. 
 For mention of siege mounds see 2 Kings xix. 32 ; Is. xxix. 3 ; Jer. vi. 6 ; 
 xxxii. 24, xxxiii. 4; Ez. iv. 2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 8; Dan. xi. 15. 
 They are represented on the bas-reliefs depicting the siege of Lachish 
 which were found at Kouyunjik. Layard's Alonnments of Nineveh, 
 Vol. II. PI. 18, 21. 
 
 16. a wise womatil Cp. ch. xiv. 2. 
 
 out of the city'] The Sept. reads " from the wall." 
 18. They shall surely ask counsel at Abel] Let them by all means 
 inquire of Abel. The phrase is that commonly used for inquiring of 
 God. Cp. ch. xvi. 23. The city had been proverbial for its wisdom 
 from ancient times ; men consulted it as an oracle for the settlement of 
 their disputes ; a city of such reputation, loyal moreover and peaceable, 
 ought not, she implies, to be thus attacked. Possibly she means further 
 to hint, that if Joab had consulted the inhabitants, as men were wont to 
 do in olden times, and had negotiated for the surrender of Sheba, the 
 siege might have been avoided. This rendering is certainly preferable 
 to that in the margin : They plainly spake in the beginning, saying. 
 Surely they will ask of Abel, and so make an end : which means that at 
 the beginning of the siege the inhabitants expected Joab to communicate 
 with the city and offer terms, in accordance with the law which pre- 
 scribed that a city should be summoned to surrender before it was be- 
 sieged (Deut. XX. 10 ff.). An ancient Jewish interpretation however 
 explains the passage to refer to that law, for the Targum renders : 
 " Remember now that which is written in the book of the law, to ask 
 
190 II. SAMUEL, XX. [vv. 19—22. 
 
 19 ended the matter. I am one of them that are peaceable and 
 faithful in Israel : thou seekest to destroy a city and a 
 mother in Israel : why wilt thou swallow up the inheritance 
 
 20 of the Lord ? And Joab answered and said, Far be it, far 
 
 21 be it from me, that I should swallow up or destroy. The 
 matter is not so : but a man of mount Ephraim, Sheba 
 the son of Bichri by name, hath lift up his hand against 
 the king, even against David : deliver him only, and I will 
 depart from the city. And the woman said unto Joab, 
 Behold, his head shall be thrown to thee over the wall. 
 
 22 Then the woman went unto all the people in her wisdom. 
 And they cut off the head of Sheba the son of Bichri, and 
 cast it out to Joab. And he blew a trumpet, and they 
 retired from the city, every man to his tent. And Joab 
 returned to Jerusalem unto the king. 
 
 a city concerning peace at the first. Hast thou so done, to ask of Abel 
 if they will make peace ? " The Sept. rendering maybe noted as curious, 
 but is probably derived from a corrupt text and not to be adopted. "It 
 was asked \conj. let them ask] in Abel and in Dan whether the customs 
 have failed which the faithful of Israel ordained." 
 
 19. / am one of them tl-.at are peaceable ^nA faithful in Israel^ I am 
 peaceable and. faitMul in Israel. The woman speaks in the name of 
 the city, asserting its peaceableness and loyalty. By an irregularity of 
 construction, hardly reproducible in English, the predicate is in the 
 plural, referring to the inhabitants. Lit. I am peaceable faithful ones of 
 Israel. 
 
 to destroy a city a7id a mother'] Lit. to slay : the personification of 
 the city is kept up. On " mother" as applied to a city (tnetropolis) see 
 note on eh. viii. i. 
 
 the inheritance of the Lord] Cp. ch. x. 12, xiv. 16; i Sam. 
 xxvi. 19. 
 
 21. a man of mount Ephraim'] The name "mount Ephraim," 
 applied to the central mountainous district of Palestine, was extended 
 southwards so as to include part of the territory of Benjamin. See 
 note on i Sam. i. i. 
 
 22. in her wisdom] The "Preacher" illustrates the truth that 
 " wisdom is better than strength" by a parable strikingly similar to this 
 incident, and poss'bly suggested by it (Eccl. ix. 13 — 16). 
 
 they retired] They were dispersed to their several homes. 
 
 23 — 26. The officers of David's court. 
 
 A similar list has already been given in ch. viii. 16 — 18. There the 
 account of the general administration of the kingdom appropriately 
 follows the summary record of the wars by which that kingdom was 
 established ; and the repetition of it here, after David's restoration to 
 
vv. 23— 26; I.] II. SAMUEL, XX. XXI. 191 
 
 23 — 26. The officers of David'' s court. 
 
 Now Joab was over all the host of Israel : and Benaiah 13 
 the son of Jehoiada was over the Cherethites and over the 
 Pelethites : and Adoram was over the tribute : and Jeho- 24 
 shaphat the son of Ahilud was recorder : and Sheva was 25 
 scribe : and Zadok and Abiathar were the priests : and Ira 26 
 also the Jairite was a chief ruler about David. 
 
 Ch. XXI. I — II. A Three Years Favwie for SaiW s massacre 
 of the Gibeonites. The execution of Saul's sons. 
 
 Then there was a famine in the days of David three years, 21 
 
 the throne, is equally appropriate. Some differences between the lists 
 are explained by their belonging to different periods. 
 
 23. Joab'l Retaining his post in spite of David's resolution to 
 depose him. 
 
 the Cherethites'] So the Qri and the Sept. and Vulg. : but the 
 Kthibh has the Can, a word found in 1 Kings xi. 4, 19 (E. V. wrongly 
 captains), and like Cherethites variously explained to mean executioners, 
 the body-guard acting in that capacity, or Carians, foreign mercenaries 
 employed as a body-guard. 
 
 24. Adorani] Perhaps the same as Adoniram (i Kings iv. 6, v. 14), 
 who held the office in Solomon's reign, and Adoram, who held it at the 
 beginning of Rehoboam's reign (i Kings xii. iS), but possibly three 
 persons of the same family, who succeeded one another in the office, 
 are meant. The Sept. reads Adoniram here. 
 
 over the tribute] Better over the levy (i Kings iv. 6 marg., v. 14); 
 superintendent of the forced levies employed in public works. Adoram 
 was stoned to death by the people in the rebellion at the beginning of 
 Rehoboam's reign, as the representative of the hated system of forced 
 labour which had oppressed the people beyond all endurance in Solo- 
 mon's reign (i Kings xii. 4). The appearance of this new officer in the 
 closing years of David's reign is most significant of the vast change 
 which had taken place in the character of his rule. 
 
 25. Slieva] Or Sheya, apparently another name for the Seraiah of 
 ch. viii. 17. 
 
 26. a chief ruler about Davicf] Minister to David. The post 
 formerly held by David's sons. See on ch. viii. iS. 
 
 Ch.\p. XXI. 1 — 11. A Three Years Famine for Saul's massacre 
 OK THE Gibeonites. The Execution of Saul's sons. 
 
 1. IVien there was a famine'] Render, And there was a famine. 
 There is no adverb of time marking chronological connexion with the 
 foregoing narrative. In Palestine a famine was the almost certain con- 
 sequence of a failure of the winter rains, on which both cornfields and 
 pasturage depend. See i Kings xviii. 2; Joel i. 8 — 20; for famine as 
 
192 II. SAMUEL, XXI. [w. 2, 3. 
 
 year after year; and David inquired of the Lord. And, 
 the Lord answered, // is for Saul, and for his bloody house, 
 
 2 because he slew the Gibeonites. And the king called the 
 Gibeonites, and said unto them ; (now the Gibeonites were 
 not of the children of Israel, but of the remnant of the 
 Amorites ; and the children of Israel had sworn unto them : 
 and Saul sought to slay them in his zeal to the children of 
 
 3 Israel and Judah.) Wherefore David said unto the Gibeon- 
 ites, What shall I do for you ? and wherewith shall I make 
 
 the result of drought; and cp. Gen. xii. 10, xxvi. i, xlii. 5; Ruth i. i; 
 a Kings viii. 1,2. 
 
 in the days of David'\ This famine must have occurred after David 
 became acquainted with Mephibosheth (ch. ix. i ff.), for it is expressly- 
 stated that he spared Mephibosheth {v. 7) ; and in all probability before 
 Absalom's rebellion, in the account of which we may trace one, if not 
 two allusions to the execution of Saul's sons (ch. xvi. 7, 8, xix. 28) ; but its 
 date cannot be fixed more exactly, and the phrase in the days of David 
 seems designedly indefinite. 
 
 For a discussion of some questions connected with the famine and 
 the surrender of Saul's sons for execution see Additional Note li., 
 p. 234. 
 
 inquired of the Lord] Sought the face of Jehovah: a phrase not 
 found elsewhere in Samuel, and perhaps indicating that this chapter 
 was taken by the compiler from a different source. Cp. Ps. xxiv. 6, 
 xxvii. 8. David sought to ascertain the cause of this judgment; for 
 famine was one of the "four sore judgments" of God (Ezek. xiv. 21; 
 cp. I Kings viii. 35 — 37). 
 
 his bloody house] His blood-guilty house : upon which rested the 
 guilt of shedding innocent blood. Cp. Ps. v. 6 ; Ezek. xxii. 2. Un- 
 expiated murder "defiled the land," and involved the nation in punish- 
 ment. See Num. xxxv. 33, 34; Deut. xxi. 7—9. The Sept. text differs 
 slightly, reading: "Upon Saul and upon his house is blood-guiltiness." 
 
 the Gibeonites] On Gibeon see note on ch. ii. 12. 
 
 2. the Amorites] Amorites ( = highlanders) is here and elsewhere 
 used as a general designation for the ancient inhabitants of Palestine, 
 particularly those who occupied the mountainous country. See note on 
 I Sam. vii. 14. The Gibeonites belonged to the tribe of the Hivites. 
 
 had sivornnnto them] See Josh. ix. 3 ff. The oath though obtained 
 by fraud was acknowledged to be binding (Josh. ix. 19, 20), and its 
 violation was a breach of the third commandment (Ex. xx. 7). 
 
 in his zeal] Probably in a fit of zeal to carry out the Law by cleansing 
 the land from the remnant of the heathen (Ex. xxxiv. n — 16; Deut. 
 vii. 2) as he cleansed it from the soothsayers (i Sam. xxviii. 3). 
 There is no allusion to the deed elsewhere. 
 
 whereraith shall I make the atoneme7it] The cognate substantive — 
 also rendered satisfaetion (Num. xxxv. 31) and ransom (Ex. xxx, 12) — 
 
TV. 4— 7] n. SAMUEL, XXI. 193 
 
 the atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the 
 Lord ? And the Gibeonites said unto him, We will have 4 
 no silver nor gold of Saul, nor of his house ; neither for us 
 shalt thoic kill any man in Israel. And he said, What you 
 shall say, that will I do for you. And they answered the s 
 king, The man that consumed us, and that devised against 
 us that we should be destroyed from remaining in any of 
 the coasts of Israel, let seven men of his sons be delivered 6 
 unto us, and we will hang them up unto the Lord in Gibeah 
 of Saul, whom the Lord did choose. And the king said, I 
 will give them. But the king spared Mephibosheth, the son 7 
 of Jonathan the son of Saul, because of the Lord's oath 
 
 means literally a covering. The "atonement" is a covering, which 
 hides the oftence from the eyes of the offended party, and withdraws 
 the guilt from the gaze of an avenging God. 
 
 4. no silver nor gold\ No money compensation could expiate Saul's 
 offence. Money-compensation for murder is allowed by the laws of 
 most nations in a primitive stage, e.g. of the ancient Germans (Tac. 
 Germ. 21); the Anglo-Saxons; and the Arabs of the present day. It 
 was expressly forbidden by the Mosaic Law (Num. xxxv. 31, 32), 
 because a mere money fine is insufficient to enforce strict regard for life, 
 and such a custom may easily be abused by the rich. See Mozley's 
 Lectures on the Old Testament, p. 207 ff. 
 
 neither for us shalt thou kill any man in Israel^ Our cry for ven- 
 geance is against the house of Saul, and not against the nation at large. 
 
 5. dcvised\ This, and not the marginal alternative cut us off, is the 
 right rendering. 
 
 in any of the coast s'\ In all the borders. Coast, from casta, a rib or 
 side, originally meant any border or frontier-line, not the sea-line only ; 
 and then, like the Yj:^^. fines, the territory enclosed by the border. 
 
 6. seven me)i\ A sacred number, for their execution was to be a 
 solemn religious act of expiation. 
 
 we will hang them up] They were to be impaled or crucified, as a 
 public exhibition of the punishment inflicted. In all probability they 
 were put to death first. The practice corresponds to that of hanging a 
 criminal's body in chains on the scene of his crime, which was once 
 common in England. 
 
 unto the Lord] For the punishment was demanded by divine justice. 
 Cp. Num. xxv. 4. 
 
 in Gibeah] The home of Saul was to be the scene of the punish- 
 ment. 
 
 who7n the Lord did choose] The exact title, the chosen of Jehovah, 
 is nowhere else given to Saul, but is implied by i Sam. x. 24. That it 
 should be thus used by his enemies is strange. Was it from a feeling 
 that the fact of his divine election aggravated his guilt? 
 
 7. the Lord's oath] See i Sam. xviii. 3, xx. 12 — 17, 42, xxiii. 18. 
 II. SAMUEL 12 
 
194 n. SAMUEL, XXI. [vv. 8—10. 
 
 that was between them, between David and Jonathan the 
 
 3 son of Saul. But the king took the two sons of Rizpah the 
 
 daughter of Aiah, whom she bare unto Saul, Armoni and 
 
 Mephibosheth ; and the five sons of Michal the daughter of 
 
 Saul, whom she brought up for Adriel the son of Barzillai 
 
 9 the Meholathite : and he delivered them into the hands of 
 
 the Gibeonites, and they hanged them in the hill before the 
 
 Lord : and they fell all seven together, and were put to 
 
 death in the days of harvest, in the first days, in the begin- 
 
 10 ning of barley harvest. And Rizpah the daughter of Aiah 
 
 took sackcloth, and spread it for her upon the rock' from 
 
 the beginning of harvest until water dropped upon them out 
 
 of heaven, and suffered neither the birds of the air to rest 
 
 on them by day, nor the beasts of the field by night. 
 
 8. the five sons of Michal... 'whom she brought i(p for Adriel'\ The 
 Heb. text can only mean whom sbe bare to Adriel. But it was Merab, 
 not M'chal, who was married to Adriel (i Sam. xviii. 19). Conse- 
 quently we must either read Merab for Michal, or take the explanation 
 given m the Targum and adopted by the E.V. : "the five sons of Merab, 
 (whom Michal the daughter of Saul brought up), whom she bare to 
 Adriel." 
 
 the Meholathite'] Of Abel-Meholah, a town in the Jordan valley near 
 Beth-shan, famous as the birth-place of Elisha (i Kings xix. 16). 
 
 9. in the first days] Barley harvest preceded wheat harvest, and 
 began about the middle or end of April. Cp. Ex. ix. 31, 32; Ruth i. 
 22, ii. 23. 
 
 10. spread it] As a rough tent to shelter her while she watched the 
 corpses. The usage of the word is decisive against understanding it to 
 mean spread it tinder her for a bed, as is done by the Vulg. and most 
 commentators. 
 
 dropped upon theni\ Was poured upon tbem (cp. Ex. ix. 33) : that is, 
 until heavy rains shewed that the crime was expiated and the judgment of 
 drought withdrawn. The bodies were left hanging, instead of being 
 taken down on the day of execution (Deut. xxi. 23), until assurance was 
 given that the satisfaction had been accepted. If the rain did not fall 
 until the usual season, Rizpah must have kept her devoted watch for six 
 months, from April to October. 
 
 neither the birds... nor the beasts'] To become the prey of bird and 
 beast — the certain fate of an unburied corpse — was the depth of ignominy. 
 Cp. I Sam. xvii. 44, 46. "If an animal falls at night," writes an Eastern 
 traveller, "it is not attacked till daylight, unless by the jackals and 
 hyoenas ; but if it be slaughtered after sunrise, though the human eye 
 may scan the firmament for a vulture in vain, within five minutes a speck 
 will appear overhead, and wheeling and circling in a rapid downward 
 flight, a huge griffon will pounce on the carcase. In a itw minutes a 
 
vv. II— 14.] II. SAMUEL, XXI. 195 
 
 1 1 — 1 4. Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons. 
 
 And it was told David what Rizpah the daughter of Aiah, it 
 the concubine of Saul, had done. And David went and 12 
 took the bones of Saul and the bones of Jonathan his son 
 from the men of Jabesh-gilead, which had stolen them from 
 the street of Beth-shan, where the Philistines had hanged 
 them, when the Philistines had slain Saul in Gilboa : and he 13 
 brought up from thence the bones of Saul and the bones of 
 Jonathan his son ; and they gathered the bones of them that 
 were hanged. And the bones of Saul and Jonathan his son 14 
 buried they in the country of Benjamin in Zelah, in the 
 sepulchre of Kish his father : and they performed all that 
 the king commanded. And after that God was intreated for 
 the land. 
 
 second and third will dart down; another and another follows — gp'ffons, 
 Egyptian vultures, eagles, kites, buzzards and ravens, till the ir is 
 darkened by the crowd. ' Wheresoever the carcase is, there wiK the 
 eagles be gathered together.' " Tristram's Nat. Hist, of the Bible, p. 169. 
 
 n— 14. Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons. 
 
 11. The curious addition of the Sept. to this verse, "and they were 
 unfastened, and Dan the son of Joash, who was of the descendants of 
 the giant, took them down," is almost certainly a corrupt rendering of 
 vv. 15, 16, placed here by mistake. 
 
 12. David went'X Touched by Rizpah's maternal devotion, and 
 wishing to shew that he had no personal enmity to the house of Saul. 
 
 the men of yabesJi-gilead\ Tlie citizens, lit. lords or possessors of 
 Jabesh-Gilead; a term peculiar to the books of Joshua, Judges, and 
 Samuel (Josh. xxiv. u ; Jud. ix. 2 if., xx. 5; i Sam. xxiii. 11, 12). For 
 their bold rescue of the bodies see i Sam. xxxi. 11 — 13. Cp. 2 Sam. 
 ii. 4. 
 
 the street] The bodies were hung on the wall (r Sam. xxxi. 10) in 
 the square or open place just inside the gate, the public meeting-place 
 of all the citizens. Cp. 2 Chr. xxxii. 6; Neh. viii. i, 3, 16. 
 
 Beth-shan] Now Beisdn, four miles west of the Jordan in the Wady 
 jfdlM. See note on r Sam. xxxi. 10. 
 
 14. yonathan his son] The Sept. adds, "and the bones of them 
 that were hanged." 
 
 Zelah] Enumerated among the towns of Benjamin in Josh, xviii. 28, 
 but not yet identified. Beit Jala near Bethlehem, which has been sug- 
 gested, is not in the tribe of Benjamin. 
 
 God was intreated] Accepted the intreaty or intercession thus made 
 on behalf of the land. Cp. ch. xxiv. 25; Gen. xxv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 
 IS- 
 
196 II. SAMUEL, XXI. [w. 15—17. 
 
 15 — 22. Heroic exploits in the Philistitie wais. 
 
 15 Moreover the Philistines had yet war again with Israel ; 
 and David went down, and his servants with him, and fought 
 
 16 against the Philistines : and David waxed faint. And Ishbi- 
 benob, which was of the sons of the giant, the weight of 
 whose spear weighed three hundred shekels of brass i?i weight, 
 he being girded witJi. a new sword, thought to have slain 
 
 17 David. But Abishai the son of Zeruiah succoured him, and 
 smote the Philistine, and killed him. Then the men of 
 David sware unto him, saying, Thou shalt go no more out 
 
 15 — 22. Heroic exploits in the Philistine wars. 
 
 This section is quite unconnected with the preceding narrative. It 
 is perhaps a fragment from some "book of golden deeds" recording 
 the exploits of David and his warriors. From such a chronicle may 
 also be derived ch. xxiii. 8 — 39, possibly ch. v. 17 — 25, and some other 
 sections of the book. 
 
 vv. 18 — 22 are also preserved in Chronicles, where they are placed 
 immediately after the capture of Rabbah (i Chr. xx. 4—8). 
 
 15. had yet war again'] "Again" refers to earlier wars, the ac- 
 count of which preceded this narrative in the document from which it 
 was taken. 
 
 wejtt dottm] From the high lands of Judah to the low country of 
 Philistia — the Shephclah or maritime plain. 
 
 16. Ishbi-benoU\ Perhaps = " dweller on a height," a name given 
 him because he lived in some inaccessible castle. But there are good 
 reasons for suspecting that there is some corruption in the text, and that 
 the giant's real name has been lost. 
 
 of the S071S of the giant] The word for sons is one specially used of 
 tlie progeny of the giant races of Canaan (Num. xiii. 23, 28; Josh. 
 XV. 14). Raphah, or with the article ha-Raphdh, translated "the 
 giant," may be a quasi proper-name for the father of the four giants 
 here mentioned, or, more probably, for the founder of the tribe of 
 Rephaini. The Vulg. has Arapha, and hence comes Harapha, the 
 name of the giant introduced in Milton's Samson Agonistes. 
 
 three hundred shekels] About nine pounds : half the weight of Go- 
 liath's spear head. 
 
 brass] See note on ch. viii. 8. 
 
 with a neit! sword] There is no substantive expressed in the He- 
 brew: the Vulg. supplies jw^ri/.- o'Catxs suit of arvioiir : the Sept. reads 
 a mace instead of the word new, and this suggests the probability that 
 the original reading was some rare word, denoting a specially formida- 
 ble kind of weapon. 
 
 17. and smote] Perhaps, and he (David) smote; as v. 22 seems to 
 imply that one of them fell by David's own hand. 
 
w. i8, 19.] 11. SAMUEL, XXI. 197 
 
 with us to battle, that thou quench not the light of Israel. 
 And it came to pass after this, that there was again a battle is' 
 with the Philistines at Gob : then Sibbechai the Hushathite 
 slew Saph, which was of the sons of the giant. And there 19 
 was again a battle in Gob with the Philistines, where 
 Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim, a Beth-lehemite, slew the 
 
 that tJiou quench not the light of Israel\ Extinguishing the lamp is 
 a natural metaphor for changing the light of prosperity into the dark- 
 ness of calamity ; and in particular David's sovereignty was the lamp 
 which God's favour had lighted for the well-being of His people. An 
 Arab in misfortune says, "Fate has put out my lamp." Cp. Job xviii. 
 6 ; Prov. xiii. 9. The expression light of Israel seems to indicate that 
 David was already king of all Israel, and if so, the incident may have 
 happened in one of the wars recorded in ch. v. 17—25. 
 
 18. at GoU\ A place mentioned only here and in v. 19. The 
 Sept. reads Gath, the parallel passage in Chron. Gczer ; and we muse 
 suppose that Gob is either a corruption of the text, or some otherwise 
 unknown place perhaps in the neighbourhood of Gezer, for which see 
 note on ch. v. 25. 
 
 Sibbechai the Hushathite^ One of David's heroes (i Chr. xi. 29), 
 general of the eighth division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 11). See note 
 on ch. xxiii. 27. 
 
 Saph\ Written Sippai in Chron., where it is added that the Philis- 
 tines were subdued. 
 
 19. in Gob\ The Sept. reads Rom (B) or Gob (A), and Chron. 
 omits the name of the place altogether. 
 
 where Elhajian, &c.] Lit. and Elhanan the son of f aare-oregim, 
 the Bethleliemite, sletu Goliath the Gittite. The words the brother of 
 are conjecturally inserted in the E. V. from i Chron. They are not 
 found here in the Hebrew text, or in any of the ancient versions. The 
 parallel passage in i Chr. xx. 5 reads and Elhanan the son of fair sle7i' 
 Lahmi the brother of Goliath the Gittite. Now (i) the reading fair is 
 certainly preferable to faare-oregim. Oregifu, the word for weavers in 
 the line below, was inserted by a careless scribe, and the Hebrew letters 
 of Jair (Tiy) transposed so as to read faare (ny). (2) The letters 
 of the words Beth-lcheinite, Goliath, which stand together in the Heb. 
 text, so closely resemble those of Lahmi the brother of Goliath, that it is 
 almost certain that one reading is an accidental corruption of the other. 
 But which is the original it is not easy to decide. There is no difficulty 
 in supposing that another giant, beside the one slain by David, bore 
 the name of Goliath. Another Elhanan of Beth-lehem is mentioned in 
 ch. xxiii. 24. 
 
 There is a curious Jewish tradition, preserved in the Targum and by 
 Jerome (Quaest. Hebr. in libros Regum), identifying Elhanan witli 
 David. The Targum here paraphrases thus: "And David, the son of 
 Jesse the weaver of veils for the sanctuary, who was of Beth-lehem, 
 
198 II. SAMUEL, XXI. [vv. 20—22. 
 
 brother of Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was 
 
 20 hke a weaver's beam. And there was yet a battle in 
 Gath, where was a man of great stature, that had on every 
 hand six fingers, and on every foot six toes, four and twenty 
 
 21 in number ; and he also was born to the giant. And when 
 he defied Israel, Jonathan the son of Shimea the brother 
 
 22 of David slew him. These four were born to the giant in 
 Gath, and fell by the hand of David, and by the hand of his 
 servants. 
 
 slew Goliath the Gittite." But there is no evidence whatever in sup- 
 port of this idea. 
 
 the staff of -whose spear, (Sic] Cp. i Sam. xvii. 7; i Chr. xi. 23. 
 The shaft of his spear, short, but extraordinarily stout and heavy, was 
 popularly compared to the "beam" to which the web is fastened in 
 a loom. 
 
 20. six fingers... six toes] Pliny mentions such a peculiarity (Hist. 
 Nat. xi. 43), and it is not unknown in modern times. 
 
 21. defied Israel] Cp. i Sam. xvii. 10, 25, 16. 
 
 yonathajti David's nephew, brother of the astute Jonadab (ch. 
 xiii. 3). 
 
 22. ■we7-e born to the giant] Were descendants of Rapha, or, the 
 giant : not necessarily all four sons of one man. See note on v. 16. 
 
 Ch. XXII. David's thanksgiving for deliverance from his 
 
 ENEMIES. 
 
 This magnificent hymn is substantially identical with Psalm xviii. 
 The chief variations are pointed out in the notes, and some general 
 remarks on the difference of the two texts will be found in Additional 
 Note III., p. 235. 
 
 It was written, as the title indicates, when David's triumphs over 
 his enemies at home and abroad were still recent. Its composition 
 may with much probability be assigned to the period of peace de- 
 scribed in ch. vii. i ; but must be placed after Nathan's visit, as v. 
 51 seems clearly to refer to the great promise made through him. 
 The free and joyous tone of the Psalm, and its bold expressions of con- 
 scious integrity, also point to the earlier years of David's reign rather 
 than the later, overclouded as these were by the fatal consequences of 
 his sin. 
 
 This chapter is the Haphtat-ah or lesson from the prophets appointed 
 to be read in the Synagogue on the Sabbath in conjunction with Deut. 
 xxxii. according to the ritual of the Sephardim or Spanish Jews, and 
 also on the seventh day of the Passover. 
 
 1. The TITLE. 
 
 1. Compare the inscriptions which introduce Moses' songs in the 
 historical narrative (Ex. xv. i ; Deut. xxxi. 30). This inscription seems 
 
vv. 1—3.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 199 
 
 Ch. XXII. David^s thanksgiving for deliverance from his 
 enemies. 
 
 I. The title. 
 
 And David spake unto the Lord the words of this song 22 
 in the day that the Lord had deUvered him out of the 
 hand of all his enemies, and out of the hand of Saul : and 2 
 he said, 
 
 2 — 4. Introductory invocation of Jehovah. 
 
 The Lord is my rock, and my fortress, and my deliverer; 
 The God of my rock ; in him will I trust : 3 
 
 He is my shield, and the horn of my salvation, my high 
 tower, and my refuge, 
 
 to have been taken by the compiler of Samuel and the compiler of the 
 Psalter from a common source — probably one of the prophetic histories 
 of David's reign — in which this Psalm was incorporated. 
 
 in the day that] i.e. at the time %vheii. 
 
 out of the hand of Saul'] Specially mentioned because Saul was the 
 bitterest and most implacable of his enemies, and because the deliver- 
 ance from his power raised David to the throne of Israel. 
 
 2—4. Introductory invocation of Jehovah. 
 
 2. The Lord is tny rockl The opening address to God, found in 
 Ps. xviii., "Fervently do I love thee O Jehovah my strength," is want- 
 ing here. 
 
 2, 3. The imagery, by which David describes so emphatically all 
 that Jehovah had been to him as a Deliverer from his enemies, is de- 
 rived from the experiences of his warlike life, and particularly of his 
 flight from Saul. The cliff (t Sam. xxiii. 25, 28) where he had escaped 
 from Saul, the strong-hold in the wilderness of Judah or the fastnesses 
 of Engedi (i Sam. xxiii. 14, 19, 29), "the roclis of the wild goats" 
 (r Sam. xxiv. 2), were all emblems of Him who had been throughout 
 his true Refuge and Deliverer. 
 
 3. 77/1? God of my r^ir/C'] = my strong God : but it is better to alter 
 the vowel points and read as in the Ps., "my God, my Rock." The 
 title Rock is frequently used to describe the strength, faithfulness, and 
 unchangeableness of God. See Deut. xxxii. 4, 37; i Sam. ii. 2; Ps. 
 xxviii. I, &c. 
 
 in hivi will I trust'\ Better, in whom I take refuge: carrying on 
 the metaphor of a hiding-place in the rocks. Quoted in Heb. ii. 13 ; 
 cp. Ps. xciv. 22. 
 
 , my shield'\ Compare God's promise to Abram (Gen. xv. i); and 
 Deut. xxxiii. 29. 
 
 the horn of my salvation'] The Power which saves and delivers me. 
 
200 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [w. 4—7. 
 
 My saviour ; thou savest me from violence. 
 
 I will call on the Lord, who is worthy to be praised : 
 
 So shall I be saved from mine enemies. 
 
 5 — 7. The Psalmist s perils. His cry for help. 
 
 When the waves of death compassed me, 
 The floods of ungodly men made me afraid ; 
 The sorrows of hell compassed me about ; 
 The snares of death prevented me : 
 In my distress I called upon the Lord, 
 And cried to my God : 
 
 And he did hear my voice out of his temple, 
 And my cry did enter into his ears. 
 
 The figure of the horn, as a symbol of victorious strength, is derived 
 from horned animals. Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 17; Lk. i. 69. 
 
 and my refuge, &c.] The words, "and my retreat, my saviour, 
 thou savest me from violence," are omitted in Ps. xviii. 
 
 4. / luill call... so shall I be saved^ Better, I called... and I was 
 saved. Tlie tenses are frequentative, describing David's habitual 
 experience of God's readiness to answer prayer. This verse presents 
 " the theme of the Psalm." 
 
 5 — 7. The Psalmist's perils. His cry for help. 
 
 5, 6. For breakers of death had compassed me, 
 
 torrents of destruction were affrighting me, 
 cords of Sheol had surrounded me, 
 snares of death had encountered me. 
 
 The perils to which he had been exposed are described as waves and 
 floods which threatened to engulf him: Sheol and death are represented 
 as laying wait for his life like hunters with nets and snares. 
 
 5. 'waves'\ Ps. xviii. 4 reads cords as in z'. 6; E.V. sorrows, 
 ujtgodly meii\ Heh. Belial. See note on i Sam. i. 16. The parallelism 
 
 points to the meaning destruction, physical mischief, instead of the 
 ordinary meaning zvickedness, moral mischief. 
 
 6. the sorroivs of hel[\ The word may no doubt mean pangs, as it 
 is translated in the Sept. (wStj'es, cp. Acts ii. 24) ; but is better explained 
 of the cords or nets of the hunter. Hell is Sheol (Gr. Hades), the 
 mysterious unseen world, ready to seize and swallow up its victim. See 
 note on i Sam. ii. 6. 
 
 7. called... cried] This rendering . represents a difference of words 
 found in the Heb. of Ps. xviii. 6, but not here. It is however supported 
 by the Sept. and is probably the true reading. 
 
 out of his temple] The palace temple of heaven, where He sits enthroned. 
 Cp. Ps. xi. 4. 
 and my cry did enter into his ears] In place of the terse expression 
 
V. 8.] 11. SAMUEL, XXII. 201 
 
 8 — 16, The manifestation of Jehovah for the discomfiture 
 of David's enemies. 
 
 Then the earth shook and trembled ; 8 
 
 The foundations of heaven moved 
 And shook, because he was wroth. 
 
 my cry was in his ears, Ps. xviii. 6 reads "my cry before him came into 
 his ears. " 
 
 8—16. The manifestation of Jehovah for the discomfiture 
 OF David's enemies. 
 
 Earthquake and storm are regarded as the visible manifestations of 
 Divine Power: and therefore God's interposition for the deliverance of 
 His servant from the perils that surrounded him is described as ac- 
 companied by terrible phenomena in nature. We have here an ideal 
 description of a Theophany, based on the description of the Theophany 
 at Sinai. See Ex. xix. i6— 18; and cp. Ps. Ixviii. 8, Ixxvii. 16 — 18; 
 Jud. v. 4, 5. It is not indeed impossible that David refers to some 
 occasion when his enemies were scattered by the breaking of a terrible 
 storm (cp. Josh. x. 1 1 ; i Sam. vii. 10) : but we have no record of such 
 an event having actually happened in his life; and in any case the 
 picture is designed to serve as a description of God's intervention for 
 his deliverance in general, and not upon any single occasion. His 
 power was exerted as really and truly as if all these extraordinary 
 natural phenomena had visibly attested His Advent. 
 
 The earthquake {v. 8) ; the distant lightnings {v. 9) ; the gathering 
 darkness of the storm {^ov. 10 — 12); the final outburst of its fury 
 {vv. 13 — 16); are pictured in regular succession. 
 
 Ps. xxix. may be compared as illustrating David's sense of the grandeur 
 and significance of natural phenomena. 
 
 8. shook and tremblcd\ The paronomasia of the original may be 
 preserved by translating, and the earth did shake and quake. 
 
 the foumiatiotis of heaven'] The mountains on which the vault of 
 heaven seems to rest: cp. "the pillars of heaven" (Job xxvi. 11): or 
 perhaps the universe is regarded as a vast building, without any precise 
 application of the details of the metaphor. See note on i Sam. ii. 8. 
 J'or heaven Ps. xviii. 7 reads "the mountains." 
 
 9. ' Smoke arose in Ms nostril, 
 
 and fire from his mouth did devour : 
 
 hot coals came hurning from him. 
 The startling boldness of the language will be intelligible if the distinctive 
 character of Hebrew symbolism is borne in mind. It is no "gross 
 anthropomorphism," for the Psalmist did not intend that the mind's 
 eye should clothe his figure in a concrete form. His aim is vividly to 
 express the manifestation of the wrath of God, and he does so in figures 
 which ai'e intended to remain as purely mental conceptions, not to be 
 realised as though God appeared in any visible shape. See some 
 
)2 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [w. 9— II. 
 
 There went up a smoke out of his nostrils, 
 
 And fire out of his mouth devoured : 
 
 Coals were kindled by it. 
 
 He bowed the heavens also, and came down ; 
 
 And darkness ri'as under his feet. 
 
 And he rode upon a cherub, and did fly : 
 
 And he was seen upon the wings of the wind. 
 
 excellent remarks in Archbishop Trench's Comm. on the Epistles to the 
 Seven Churches, p. 43. 
 
 a snioke\ The outward sign of the pent-up fires of wrath. So anger 
 is said to smoke (Ps. Ixxiv. i, Ixxx. 4 morg.). This bold figure is suggested 
 by the panting and snorting of an angry animal. Cp. Job xli. 20 ; in 
 illustration of which Mr Cox quotes from Bertram's Travels in Carolina: 
 "I perceived a crocodile rush from a small lake... Thick smoke came 
 with a thundering noise from his nostrils." Martial speaks olfiimantem 
 iiasitm ursi "the smoking nostril of an angry bear" [Epigr. vi. 
 64. 28). 
 
 Jire'\ Compare again Job's description of Leviathan (xli. 19 — ^i). 
 Fire is the constant emblem of the consuming wrath of God. See 
 Deut. xxxii. 22; Ps. xcvii. 3; Heb. xii. 29. 
 
 coals'] The fiery messengers of vengeance. Cp. Ps. cxl. 10. 
 
 10. He boioed the heavens'] The dark canopy of storm cloud, which 
 is the pavement under His feet (Nah. i. 3), lowers as He descends to 
 judgment. God is said to come down when He manifests His power 
 in the world (Gen. xi. 7, xviii. 21; Is. Ixiv. i). Darkness symbolizes 
 the mystery and terror of His Advent (Ex. xix. 16, xx. 21 ; i Kings viii. 
 12; Ps. xcvii. 2). 
 
 11. he rode upon a cherub'] As the Shechinah, or mystic Presence 
 of God in the cloud of glory, rested over the Cherubim which were upon 
 the "Mercy-seat "or covering of the Ark (ch. vi. 2), so in this Theophany 
 God is represented "riding upon a Cherub," as the living throne on 
 which He traverses space. 
 
 The Cherubim appear in Scripture [a) as the guardians of Paradise 
 (Gen. iii. 24) : (b) as sculptured or wrought figures in the Tabernacle 
 and Temple (Ex. xxv. 17 — 20, xxvi. r, &c.) : (c) in prophetic visions 
 as the attendants of God (Ezek. x. i ft"; cp. Ezek. i.; Is. vi.; Rev. iv.). 
 The Cherubim of the Tabernacle and Temple seem to have been 
 winged human figures, representing the angelic attendants who minister 
 in God's Presence : those of Ezekiel's vision appear as composite figures 
 (Ezek. X. 20, 21), symbolical perhaps of all the powers of nature, which 
 wait upon God and fulfil His Will. 
 
 was seen] The true reading is that preserved in Ps. xviii. 10, did fly, 
 a peculiar word used of the swooping; of an eagle (Deut. xxviii. 49; 
 Jer. xlviii. 40, xlix. 22). The consonants of the two words are so 
 nearly alike (i^T"!— NT'I), that the rarer word would be easily altered 
 
vv. 12—16.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 203 
 
 And he made darkness pavilions round about him, 12 
 
 Dark waters, and thick clouds of the skies. 
 
 Through the brightness before him 13 
 
 Were coals of fire kindled. 
 
 The Lord thundered from heaven, 14 
 
 And the most High uttered his voice. 
 
 And he sent out arrows, and scattered them ; is 
 
 Lightning, and discomfited them. 
 
 And the channels of the sea appeared, 16 
 
 The foundations of the world were discovered, 
 
 At the rebuking of the Lord, 
 
 At the blast of the breath of his nostrils. ' 
 
 into the more common one. For "the wings of the wind" cp. Ps. 
 civ. 3. 
 
 12. More fully in Ps. xviii. 11 : "He made darkness his secret place, 
 his pavilion round about him ; even darkness of waters, thick clouds of 
 the skies." The darkness of the clouds is the tent in which God 
 shrouds His Majesty. 
 
 da7-k iuaters\ So Ps. xviii. 11; but the word here, which is most 
 probably the original reading, means the gathering of waters. 
 
 13. Through the brightness, &c.] Out of the brightness, &c. The 
 lightning flashes which now burst through the dense cloud, are as it 
 were rays of the "unapproachable light" in which He dwells. The 
 text of Ps. xviii. 12 is fuller and probably more correct: "Out of the 
 brightness before him there passed through his clouds hailstones and 
 coals of fire." 
 
 14. the most High'] The name of God as the Supreme Ruler of the 
 Universe. Cp. Gen. xiv. 18 — 22; Deut. xxxii. 8. 
 
 uttered his voice] Thunder is the voice of God. See Job xxxvii. 2 — 5, 
 The repetition of "hailstones and coals of fire" in Ps. xviii. 13 is pro- 
 bably due to an error of transcription. 
 
 15. scattered them] "Them" obviously refers to the enemies whose 
 destruction was the object of this divme interposition (v. 4). 
 
 discomfited them] A word denoting the confusion of a sudden panic, 
 and used specially of supernatural defeat. Cp. Ex. xiv. 24 (E. V. 
 troubled); Josh. x. lo; Jud. iv. 15; i Sam. vii. 10. 
 
 16. All nature is pictured as convulsed to its lowest depths ; the sea 
 dried up, and the hidden bases of the world laid bare, owning their 
 Lord and Master, as of old at the passage of the Red Sea, when "He 
 rebuked the Red Sea, and it was dried up." See Ex. xv. 8; Ps. civ. 7, 
 cvi. 9; Nah. i. 4. Cp. too Mt. viii. 26. 
 
 were discovered] Discover in Bible English generally retains its 
 literal meaning 'to uncover,' 'lay bare.' 
 at the blast, &c.] Cp. v. 9. 
 
204 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [w. 17—21. 
 
 17 — 21. Jehovah's deliverance of his servant for his 
 faithfulness. 
 
 He sent from above, he took me ; 
 
 He drew me out of many waters ; 
 
 He delivered me from my strong enemy, 
 
 And from them that hated me : for they were too strong 
 
 for me. 
 They prevented me in the day of my calamity: 
 But the Lord was my stay. 
 He brought me forth also into a large place : 
 He delivered me, because he delighted in me. 
 The Lord rewarded me according to my righteousness : 
 
 17 — 21. Jehovah's deliverance of his servant for his faith- 
 fulness. 
 
 17. He sent from ahove\ He reached forth from on high : stretched 
 out His hand and caught hold of the sinking man, and drew him out of 
 the floods of calamity which were engulfing him. Cp. v. 5 ; Ps. cxliv. 7. 
 
 dreiv me] A word found elsewhere only in Ex. ii. 10, and suggesting 
 a parallel, as though David would say, ' He drew me out of the great 
 waters of distress, as He drew Moses out of the waters of the Nile, 
 to be the deliverer of His people.' 
 
 19. T/iejy prevettted me\ They encountered me, the same word as 
 in V. 6, meaning to meet with hostile intention. Prevent is used in a 
 sense which illustrates the transition from the original meaning ' to go 
 before' to the modern meaning ' to hinder.' See the Bible Word Book, 
 p. 383. Cp. Milton's Paradise Lost, vi. 129: 
 
 Half way he met 
 His daring foe, at this prevention more 
 Incens'd. 
 my stay] The staff on which he leaned for support. Cp. Ps. 
 xxiii. 4. 
 
 20. into a large place] The opposite of the j/raiVj- of peril. Cp. &. 
 37 ; Ps. xxxi. 8. 
 
 because he delighted in me] This was the ground of God's deliver- 
 ance, and it now becomes the leading thought of the Psalm. Cp. eh. 
 XV. 26; Ps. xxii. 8; and also Matt. iii. 17, where the Greek word for 
 "I am well pleased" is the same as that used in the Sept. {evSoKuv). 
 The reference becomes doubly significant if it is borne in mind that the 
 theocratic king was called God's son (ch. vii. 14; Ps. ii. 7). See Introd. 
 
 P- 43- 
 
 21. according to my righteousness] This is no vain-glorious boasting 
 of his own merits, but a testimony to the faithfulness of Jehovah to 
 guard and reward His faithful servants. David does not lay claim to a 
 perfect righteousness, but to sincerity and single-heartedness in his 
 
vv. 22—25.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 205 
 
 According to the cleanness of my hands hath he recom- 
 pensed me. 
 
 22 — 25. The integrity of David'' s life and its reward. 
 
 For I have kept the ways of the Lord, 22 
 
 And have not wickedly departed from my God. 
 
 For all his judgments were before me : 23 
 
 And as for his statutes, I did not depart from them. 
 
 I Avas also upright before him, 24 
 
 And have kept myself from mine iniquity. 
 
 Therefore the Lord hath recompensed me according to 23 
 
 my righteousness ; 
 According to my cleanness in his eye sight. 
 
 devotion to God. Compare his own testimony (r Sam. xxvi. 23), 
 God's testimony (i Kings xiv. 8), and the testimony of history (r Kings 
 xi. 4, XV. 5), to his essential integrity. 
 
 Is not this conscious rectitude, this "princely heart of innocence," 
 a clear indication that the Psalm was written before his great fall ? 
 
 the cleanness of my hands'\ = 'Cviz purity of my actions. Cp. Ps. xxiv. 4. 
 
 22 — 25. The integrity of David's life and its reward. 
 
 22. For I have kept, &c.] He goes on to substantiate the assertion 
 of the preceding verse. 
 
 23. all his judgments zvere before me'] God's commandments were 
 continually present to his mind as the rule of life. Cp. Deut. vi. 6 — 9 ; 
 Ps. cxix. 30, 102. 
 
 atid as for his statutes, &c.] In Ps. xviii. 22, " And his statutes did I 
 not put away from me," in order to sin with less compunction. This 
 suits the parallelism better, and is probably the true reading. 
 
 24. 7ipright'\ Or perfect, as in vv. 31, 33. It expresses the sincerity 
 of undivided devotion. As a sacrificial term it signifies without blemish, 
 and so the Sept. renders it here d/JLtafios, for which cp. Eph. i. 4; Col. 
 i. 22, &c. 
 
 have kept myself from jnine iniqnity] I have watched over my- 
 self that I might not transgress. Some see further in the words the 
 recognition of an inherent tendency to sin, or an allusion to some 
 special temptation, but the simple explanation is best. 
 
 25. The assertion oiv. 11 is repeated as the conclusion to be drawn 
 from the review of his conduct in vv. 22 — 24, and is confirmed in the 
 following verses by a consideration of the general laws of God's moral 
 government. 
 
 26—28. The law of God's dealings with men. 
 The truth here enunciated is that God's attitude towards men is 
 regulated by men's attitude towards God (cp. i Sam. ii. 30, xv. 23); 
 
2o6 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 26—29. 
 
 26 — 28. The law of God's dealings with men. 
 
 With the merciful thou wilt shew thyself merciful, 
 And with the upright man thou wilt shew thyself upright. 
 With the pure thou wilt shew thyself pure ; 
 And with the froward thou wilt shew thyself unsavoury. 
 And the afflicted people thou wilt save : 
 But thine eyes are upon the haughty, that thou mayest 
 bring them down. 
 
 29 — 31. God' s faithfulness attested by the Psalmisfs 
 experience. 
 
 For thou art my lamp, O Lord : 
 
 not (though this is also true) that men's conceptions of God are the 
 reflection of their own characters. 
 
 26. the 7nerdfur\ Ox pious: the word includes love to God as well as 
 to man. See note on i Sam. ii. 9, and cp. Matt. v. 7. 
 
 the upright V7ati\ Lit. the upright hero: the maii who is valiant in 
 maintaining his integrity. 
 
 27. with the pure, &c.] Properly one who pnrifies himself. Cp. 
 I John iii. 3 ; Matt. v. 8; Ps. Ixxiii. 1. 
 
 thou wilt shew thyself tmsavoury\ Better, perverse. The man who 
 is froward, morally distorted and perverse, is given over by God to 
 follow his own perverseness, till it brings him to destruction. Cp. Lev. 
 xxvi. 23, 24 ; Rom. i. 28 ; Rev. xxii. 11 ; and as an illustration, cp. the 
 history of Balaam (Num. xxii. 20). 
 
 28. thi7ie eyes, &c.] TMne eyes are against the haughty, whom, 
 thou bringest low. In Ps. xviii. 27 a more usual phrase is found : 
 "haughty eyes dost thou bring low." Cp. Is. ii. 11, 12, 17. 
 
 the aflictcd people] The Heb. words for poor or afflicted and for 
 humble are closely connected ; and as afflicted is here contrasted with 
 haughty, it may be understood to mean those who through the dis- 
 cipline of suffering have learnt humility. Cp. Luke vi. 20 with 
 Matt. V. 3. 
 
 29 — 31. God's faithfulness attested by the Psalmist's 
 experience. 
 
 After celebrating God's goodness in delivering him from all the 
 dangers which threatened his life, David goes on to describe how God 
 had made him victorious over all his enemies. 
 
 29. For thou, &c.] For connects this verse closely with v. 29, as 
 the confirmation out of his own experience of the principles there 
 enunciated. 
 
 my lamp'] Illuminating all his life with the light of prosperity, as 
 the lamp illuminates the house. Dominus illnminatio mea was David's 
 motto. Cp. Ps. xxvii. i, cxxxii. 17. With the different application of 
 
vv. 30—34.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 207 
 
 And the Lord will lighten my darkness. 
 
 For by thee I have run through a troop : 30 
 
 By my God have I leaped over a wall. 
 
 As for God, his way is perfect; 31 
 
 The word of the Lord is tried: 
 
 He is a buckler to all them that tnist in him. 
 
 3 2 — 3 7 • The praise of Jehovah the giver of victory. 
 For who is God, save the Lord ? 32 
 
 And who is a rock, save our God ? 
 
 God is my strength and power : 33 
 
 And he maketh my way perfect. 
 He maketh my feet like hinds'/^^/.- ■* 34 
 
 the figure in Ps. xviii. 28, "Thou wilt light my lamp," cp. i Kings xi. 
 36, XV. 4. 
 
 30. Two memorable events in David's life seem to be here alluded 
 to : the successful pursuit of the predatory " troop " of Amalekites 
 which had sacked Ziklag (i Sam. xxx : in vv. 8, 15, 23 the same 
 word troop is used of the Amalekites) : and the capture of Zion, effected 
 with such ease that he seemed to have leapt over the walls which its de- 
 fenders trusted were impregnable (ch. v. 6 — 8). 
 
 run throiig]i\ Better, run after. The point is the speed of the 
 pursuit, not the completeness of the defeat. This and not the marginal 
 rendering broken is preferable. 
 
 31. tj-ied^ i.e. refined: like pure gold, with no taint of earthly dross. 
 Cp. Ps. xii. 6, cxix. 140; Prov. xxx, 5. 
 
 a buckler, &c.] A sMeld to all tliem that take refuge in him. Cp. 
 V. 3. 
 
 32—37. The praise of Jehovah the giver op victory. 
 
 32. For who is a strong God {El) save Jehovah ? 
 and who is a rock, save our God {Elohim) ? 
 
 Cp. ch. vii. 22 ; Deut. xxxii. 31 ; i Sam. ii. 2. 
 
 El, the name which describes God as the Mighty One, is found in 
 Samuel only in i Sam. ii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 31, 32, 33, 48, xxiii. 5. For 
 the combination of ^/ and Elohim see Gen. xxxiii. 20. 
 
 33. my strength and pojuer] Rather, my strong fortress. Ps. xviii. 
 32 reads " who girdeth me with strength :" cp. v. 40. 
 
 maketh my ivay perfect^ Maketh is a different word from that similarly 
 translated in Ps. xviii. 32, and seems to express the removal of obstacles 
 which blocked up the path of his life. Observe the analogy between 
 the perfection of God's way [v. 31) and His servant's. Cp. Matt. v. 
 48. Cp. also Ps. ci. 2, 6. 
 
 34. like hinds' feet\ The hind, like the gazelle, was a type of 
 agility, swiftness, and surefootedncss, indispensable qualifications in 
 ancient warfare, Cp. 1 Sam. ii. 18; i Chr. xii, 8. 
 
2o8 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 35—40. 
 
 And setteth me upon my high places. 
 
 He teacheth my hands to war ; 
 
 So that a bow of steel is broken by mine arms. 
 
 Thou hast also given me the shield of thy salvation : 
 
 And thy gentleness hath made me great. 
 
 Thou hast enlarged my steps under me ; 
 
 So that my feet did not slip. 
 
 38 — 43. David'' s destruction of his enemies. 
 
 I have pursued mine enemies, and destroyed them ; 
 
 And turned not again until I had consumed them. 
 
 And I have consumed them, and wounded them, that 
 
 they could not arise : 
 Yea, they are fallen under my feet. 
 For thou hast girded me with strength to battle : 
 
 setteth me upon my high places] The metaphor of the hind, bounding 
 unimpeded over the mountain tops, is continued. David's high places 
 are the mountain strongholds, the occupation of which secured him in 
 possession of the country. Cp. Deut. xxxii. 13. Hab. iii. 19 is an 
 obvious imitation of this passage. 
 
 35. so that a bozv of steel, &c.] And mine arms bend a bow of 
 bronze. The ability to bend a 7nctal bow (cp. Job xx. 24) was a mark of 
 superior strength. Readers of the Odyssey will recall Ulysses' bow, 
 which none but himself could bend. (Horn. Od. xxi. 409). 
 
 Observe how David recognises that the advantages of physical 
 strength and energy, important qualifications in times when the king 
 was himself the leader of his people in battle, were gifts of God ; yet 
 that it was not these that saved him and made him victorious, but 
 Jehovah's care and help [ziv. 36 ff.). 
 
 36. the shield of thy salvation] Cp. Eph. vi. 17. Ps. xviii. 35 adds, 
 "and thy right hand sustained me." 
 
 thy gentleness] This is a rendering of the word used in Ps. xviii. 35, 
 which means gentleness or eondescensioti : but the reading here is 
 different, and probably means thy answering, i.e. thy answers to my 
 prayers for help. 
 
 37. enlarged my steps, &c.] Given me free space for unobstructed 
 motion (cp. v. 20; Prov. iv. 12), and the power to advance with firm, 
 unwavering steps. 
 
 33 — 43. David's destruction of his enemies. 
 
 38. destroyed them] In Ps. xviii. 37, "overtaken them," an echo of 
 Ex. XV. 9. 
 
 39. And I have consumed them, and -tvoiinded them] Yea I con- 
 sumed tliem — omitted in Ps. xviii. 38 — and cruslied them. 
 
vv. 41—44.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 209 
 
 Them that rose up against me hast thou subdued under 
 
 me. 
 Thou hast also given me the necks of mine enemies, 4' 
 
 That I might destroy them that hate me. 
 They looked, but there was none to save ; 42 
 
 Eve7i unto the Lord, but he answered them not. 
 Then did I beat them as small as the dust of the earth, 43 
 I did stamp them as the mire of the street, atzd did spread 
 
 them abroad. 
 
 44 — 46. The establishment of David' s dominioji. 
 
 Thou also hast delivered me from the strivings of my 44 
 
 people, 
 Thou hast kept me to be head of the heathen : 
 A people which I knew not shall serve me. 
 
 41. And mine enemies didst thou make to turn 
 
 their backs unto me: 
 as for them that hate me, I destroyed them. 
 
 The first clause means that his enemies were put to flight (Ex. xxiii. 
 27), not (as the E. V. suggests) that he planted his foot on their necks 
 in token of triumph (Josh. x. ■24). 
 
 42. They looked] They looked for help. Cp. Is. xvii. 7, 8. The 
 Sept. and Ps. xviii. 41 read, they cried. There is only the difference of a 
 single letter between the words, as far as the consonants are concerned 
 
 even unto the Lord] In their extremity even the heathen might cry 
 for mercy to the "unknown God" of their enemies. Cp. i Sam. v. 12 ; 
 Jonah iii. 7 ff. 
 
 43. as the dust of the earth] In Ps. xviii. 42, "as the dust before the 
 wind." For the metaphor cp. 2 Kings xiii. 7. 
 
 / did stamp thctn, &c.] In Ps. xviii. 42, "as the mire of the streets 
 did I empty them out :" I flung them away as worthless refuse. Again 
 the variation is due to the confusion of similar words (ddix— Dp^lN)* 
 
 41 — 46. The establishment of David's dominion. 
 
 44. from the strivings of niy people] The reference seems to be to 
 the civil wars and internal dissensions which had disturbed the early 
 years of David's reign, while Saul's house still endeavoured to maintain 
 its position. Through all these conflicts he had been safely brought, and 
 preserved to exercise dominion over the heathen nations round. Cp. 
 ch. viii. I — 14; Ps. ii. 8. 
 
 shall serve t?te] Served me. There is no reason for the sudden 
 transition of the E. V. to the future here and in vv. 45, 46. David is 
 still recounting his past victories, with special reference in all probability 
 
 11. SAMUEL 
 
 14 
 
II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 45- 
 
 45 Strangers shall submit themselves unto me : 
 
 As soon as they hear, they shall be obedient unto me. 
 
 46 Strangers shall fade away, 
 
 And they shall be afraid out of their close places. 
 
 47 — 5 1. Concluding thanksgiving and doxology. 
 
 47 The Lord liveth ; and blessed be my rock ; 
 
 And exalted be the God of the rock of my salvation. 
 43 // is God that avengeth me, 
 
 And that bringeth down the people under me, 
 
 to the subjugation of the Syrians, whom he might well describe as "a 
 people he knew not." Cp. ch. viii. 6, x. 19. 
 
 46. shall submit themselves unto me] Submitted themselves unto 
 me. The marginal rendering, yield feigned obedience, gives the original 
 meaning of the word, which according to its derivation seems to denote 
 the unwilling homage extorted from the vanquished by their conqueror. 
 Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 29; Ps. Ixvi. 3, Ixxxi. 15. 
 
 as soon as they hear, &c.] At the mere rumour of David's victories 
 they offer their allegiance, as for example Toi king of Hamath did 
 (ch. viii. 9 ff.). 
 
 In Ps. xviii. 44 the order of the clauses is inverted. 
 
 46. shall fade away] Faded away : like plants scorched up by the 
 burning sun. Cp. Ex. xviii. 18 [7narg.). 
 
 shall be afraid ] Probably, came limping out of their fastnesses : 
 a picture of the exhausted defenders of a fort dragging themselves 
 along with difficulty and reluctance to lay down their arms before 
 their conqueror. But the word may also be explained according to the 
 slightly different reading of Ps. xviii. 45, came trembling out of their 
 fastnesses, terrified into surrendering at discretion to the triumphant 
 invader. Cp. Mic. vii. 17; i Sam, xiv. 1 1 . 
 
 47 — 51. Concluding thanksgiving and doxology. 
 
 47. The Lord liveth] Life is the essential attribute of Jehovah, 
 Who is the Living God in contrast to the dead idols of the heathen. 
 The experience of David's life was to him a certain proof that God is 
 the living, acting Ruler of the World. Cp. Josh. iii. 10. 
 
 the God of the rock of my salvation'] God who is strong and faithful 
 to work out deliverance for me. Cp. v. 3. Ps. xviii. 46 has merely 
 "the God of my salvation." 
 
 48. avengeth me] For the wrongs inflicted by Saul (i Sam. xxiv. 
 12); for the insults of Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 39); for the opposition of 
 those who refused to acknowledge him as king (ch. iv. 8). Vengeance 
 is the prerogative of God (Ps. xciv. i), and the visible execution of it 
 was anxiously looked for as His vindication of the righteousness and 
 innocence of His servants. 
 
 bringeth down the people tinder me] The reference seems to be, as in 
 
vv. 49— 5i; I-] II- SAMUEL, XXII. XXIII. 211 
 
 And that bringeth me forth from mine enemies : 49 
 
 Thou also hast lifted me up on high above them that rose 
 
 up against me: 
 Thou hast delivered me from the violent man. 
 Therefore I will give thanks unto thee, O Lord, 50 
 
 among the heathen, 
 And I will sing praises unto thy name. 
 He is the tower of salvation for his king : si 
 
 And sheweth mercy to his anointed, 
 Unto David, and to his seed for evermore. 
 
 Ch. XXIII. I — 7. The last words of David. 
 Now these be the last words of David. 23 
 
 V. 44, to his success in overcoming internal opposition to his rule. It is 
 not the boast of a triumphant despot, but the thanksgiving of a ruler 
 who recognised the vital importance of union for the prosperity of Israel, 
 and the extreme difiiculty of reconciling all the discordant elements in 
 the nation, and knew that it was a task beyond his unaided powers. 
 Cp. Ps. cxliv. 2. The Sept. reads "disciplineth." 
 
 49. bringeth me fot'thl The opposite of "shutting him up into the 
 hand of his enemies" (Ps. xxxi. 8). Cp. vv. 20, 37. 
 
 the violent man] This inay mean men of violence in general, but as 
 Saul is named in the title, it is natural to see a definite reference to him 
 in particular. Cp. Ps. cxl. i, 4, ii. 
 
 50. The celebration of Jehovah's faithfulness to His servant is not to 
 be confined within the narrow limits of Israel. His praise is to be pro- 
 claimed among the heathen, who, as they are brought under the do- 
 minion of His people, may also be brought to the knowledge of Jehovah. 
 Cp. Ps. xcvi. 3, 10. This verse is quoted by St Paul in Rom. xv. 9 
 (along with Deut. xxxii. 43; Ps. cxvii. i; Is. xi. 10), to prove that 
 the Old Testament anticipated the admission of the Gentiles to the 
 blessings of salvation. 
 
 61. J7e is the tower of salvation] So the Qri: cp. Ps. Ixi. 3; Prov. 
 xviii. 10: but the A?///"/;/;, the Versions, and Ps. xviii. 50 read, Who 
 giretli great deliverance. The difference between the consonants of 
 
 the words in the original is veiy trilling (?n30— VnJO). 
 
 to his seed for evermore] A reference to the promise in ch. vii. 12 — 16, 
 claiming the continued favour of God for his posterity. See notes 
 there. 
 
 Cii. XXIII. 1 — 7. The last words of David. 
 
 The great hymn of triumph in ch. xxii., composed when David was in 
 the zenith of his prosperity, is followed by his "last words:" his last 
 prophetic utterance, delivered not long before his death, a parting testi- 
 
 14—2 
 
212 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 2—4. 
 
 David the son of Jesse said, 
 
 And the man who was raised up on high, 
 
 The anointed of the God of Jacob, 
 
 And the sweet psalmist of Israel, said. 
 
 The Spirit of the Lord spake by me. 
 
 And his word was in my tongue. 
 
 The God of Israel said, 
 
 The Rock of Israel spake to me. 
 
 He that ruleth over men must be just, 
 
 Ruling in the fear of God. 
 
 And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun 
 
 riseth, 
 Even a morning without clouds \ 
 
 mony to the world of his confidence in the fulfilment of the promise 
 concerning the eternal dominion of his posterity. 
 
 A translation of the Targum or Aramaic paraphrase of David's last 
 words is given in Note iv. , p. 237. 
 
 1. David the son of Jesse saidi The oracle of David the son of 
 Jesse: a peculiar word, generally used of a direct message from God 
 through a prophet in the phrase rendered, "saith the Lord," and 
 joined with the name of the human speaker only here and in Num. xxiv. 
 3, 4, 15, 16 ; Prov. XXX. i. It therefore marks these "last words" as an 
 utterance delivered by special divine inspiration. 
 
 raised up on hig/i] Raised by God from a low estate to be the king of 
 Israel. Cp. ch. vii. 8, 9; Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71. 
 
 the Godofjacobl The use of the name Jacob, instead of the more 
 familiar Israel, is chiefly poetical. It suggests more vividly the con- 
 nexion of the nation with their great ancestor, and recalls more forcibly 
 the covenant made with him by God. Cp. Ps. xx. i ; Is. ii. 3. 
 
 the sweet psalmist of Israel] Lit. pleasant z'w Israel's songs of praise: 
 a title deserving to stand by the side of *' the anointed of the God of 
 Jacob," because he was God's instrument for educating and develop- 
 ing his people's religious life by means of his Psalms, not less than for 
 governing them as king. See Introd. ch. v. § 6, c, p. 31. 
 
 2. the Spirit of the Lord] A direct claim of inspiration, to which 
 Christ Himself bears witness (Matt. xxii. 43). 
 
 Observe the parallelisms, which constitute Hebrew poetry. 
 
 3. 4. The oracular brevity of these verses hardly admits of transla- 
 tion, and makes the meaning of them obscure. They may be 
 rendered : 
 
 A ruler over men, a righteous one ! 
 
 a ruler in the fear of God ! 
 
 and he shall he as the light of morning when the sun riseth ; 
 
 a morning without clouds ; 
 
 when from sunshine, from rain, grass springeth from earth. 
 
V. 5-] n. SAMUEL, XXIII. 213 
 
 As the tender grass springing out of the earth 
 
 By clear shining after rain. 
 
 Although my house l^e not so with God ; 
 
 Yet he hath made with me an everlasting covenant, 
 
 Ordered in all things, and sure : 
 
 The second half of v. 3 draws, with a few strong strokes — there are 
 but six words in the original — an outline portrait of an ideal king, ruling 
 with perfect justice, controlled and guided by the fear of God. v. 4 
 depicts in figurative language the blessings of his reign. 
 
 His appearance will be like the life-giving sunshine of a cloudless 
 morning; blessings will follow him as verdure clothes the earth from 
 the united influences of sunshine and rain. 
 
 In order to appreciate the force of the latter figiu'e, it must be borne in 
 mind that verdure is not perpetual in Palestine, as with us. There what 
 in June is "a brown, hard-baked, gaping plain, with only here and 
 there the withered stems of thistles and centaureas to tell that life 
 had ever existed there" is clothed in spring after the rains with "a 
 deep solid growth of clovers and grasses." David had been familiar 
 with the yearly transformation of the dry and dusty downs of Beth-lehem 
 into a lovely garden of brilliant flowers ; an apt emblem of the gracious 
 influences of the perfect rule of an ideal king upon a hard and desert 
 world. Cp. Is. xxxii. 15, xxxv, i, 2. See Tristram's Nat. Hist, of the 
 Bible, p. 454. 
 
 This prophecy is the companion and complement of the prophecy in 
 ch. vii. There the promise of an eternal dominion is given to the 
 house of David, finding a partial fulfilment in his descendants, and 
 a complete fulfilment only in Christ : here David himself is taught by 
 inspiration to draw the portrait of a ruler, some features of which were 
 partially realised in Solomon and the better kings of Judah, but which 
 finds it perfect realisation only in Christ. 
 
 The features of the portrait are developed and the outlines filled in 
 by subsequent prophets, with ever increasing clearness pointing forward 
 to Him Who was to fulfil and more than fulfil all the anticipations of 
 prophecy. 
 
 Thus for the ruler cp. Micah v. 2.: for the characteristic of righteous- 
 ness cp. Ps. Ixxii. I — 3 (primarily referring to Solomon) ; Is. xi. i — 5 : 
 Zech. ix. 9 : and especially Jer. xxiii. 5, xxxiii. 15: for \}i\q fear of the 
 Lord, cp. Is. xi. 1. The figure of the fertilising rain is borrowed in 
 Ps. Ixxii. 6 : cp. Is. xliv. 3, 4: that of the light is repeated in Prov, 
 iv. 18: and the closing words of the last prophet, "Unto you shall the 
 Sun of righteousness arise" (Mai. iv. 2), combine and re-echo these last 
 words of David. 
 
 6. For is not my house thus with God ? 
 
 for an eternal covenant hath he made for me, 
 ordered in all and secured : 
 for all my salvation and all good pleasure 
 shall he not cause it to spring forth? 
 
214 11- SAMUEL, XXIII. [w. 6, 7. 
 
 For this is all my salvation, and all my desire, 
 Although he make il not to grow. 
 ) But the sons of Belial shall be all of them as thorns thrust 
 
 away, 
 Because they cannot be taken with hands : 
 But the man that shall touch them must be fenced with 
 
 iron and the staff of a spear ; 
 And they shall be utterly burnt with fire in the same 
 
 place. 
 
 This seems to be the most probable rendering of an obscure passage. 
 The meaning then will be : Is not my house in such a relation to God, 
 because He has made an eternal covenant with me, that I may look 
 for the righteous ruler to arise out of it, bringing with him all these 
 attendant blessings? 
 
 "The eternal covenant" is the promise in ch. vii. 12 fF., to which 
 David refers as the ground of his confidence in the fulfilment of this 
 prophecy in and through his house. The epithets "ordered in all and 
 secured" compare the covenant to a carefully drawn and properly 
 attested legal document. 
 
 Finally he expresses his confidence that God vi^ill in due time cause 
 the salvation promised to him and his house, and all His own good 
 pleasure, to grow and prosper, using a metaphor suggested by that in 
 V. 4. Cp. Ps. cxxxii. 17; Jer. xxxiii. 15; and for God's "good 
 pleasure," cp. Is. liii. 10. 
 
 6. Bui the sons of Belial'\ But the wicked, &c. All ungodly 
 men and evil things are described as worthlessness or wickedness. 
 Their judgment and destruction is the necessary consequence of the 
 perfect rule of the righteous king. Cp. Matt. xiii. 41. 
 
 7. But the mail, &c.] But the man who toucheth them must arm 
 himself with iron and a spear shaft. The thorns cannot be touched by 
 hand, but must be torn up with an iron hook fastened to a long handle. 
 The expression is chosen so as to be applicable to the enemies who are 
 figured, as well as to the thorns which figure them. 
 
 burnt luith firc\ Cp. Matt. iii. 10, xiii. 30; Lk. xix. 27; Heb. 
 vi. 8. 
 
 in the same place\ Or perhaps, until they are cofisumed. But the 
 word is probably not part of the true text, and should be omitted 
 altogether. 
 
 8 — 39. David's Heroes and their exploits. 
 = 1 Chr. xi. II — 41. 
 
 This section is placed in Chronicles after the account of David's 
 election as King of Israel and his capture of Zion, and is prefaced by the 
 heading: "These also are the chief of the mighty men whom David had, 
 who shewed themselves strong with him in his kingdom with all Israel, 
 to make him king, according to the word of the Lord concerni'ig 
 
vv. 8, 9-] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 215 
 
 8 — 39. David's Heroes and their exploits. 
 
 8 — 12. The first Three. 
 
 These he the names of the mighty men whom David had : s 
 The Tachmonite that sat in the seat, chief among the cap- 
 tains ; the same was Adino the Eznite : he lift up his spear 
 against eight hundred, whom he slew at one time. And 9 
 after him was Eleazar the son of Dodo the Ahohite, one of 
 the three mighty men with David, when they defied the 
 Philistines that were there gathered together to battle, and 
 
 Israel." The list therefore belongs, at any rate in substance, to the 
 earlier part of David's reign. 
 
 8 — 12. The first Three. 
 
 8. iht mighty vieii\ Used here in a narrower sense, not of the whole 
 body-guard of six hundred. See note on ch. xv. 18. 
 
 The Tachmonite that sat in the scat^ The text is corrupt, and we 
 must follow I Chr. xi. 1 1 in reading Jashobeam the Hacbmonite. He 
 joined David at Ziklag (i Chr. xii. 6), and was afterwards made general 
 of the first division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. •2). Jehiel, the tutor 
 of the king's sons, belonged to the same family (i Chr. xxvii. 32). 
 
 chief among the captains\ The word translated captains probably 
 means aides-de-camp, or personal attendants on the king. See i Kings 
 ix. 23 (E.V. captains); 1 Kings vii. 1, 17, 19 (E.V. lord), ix. 25, x. 25, 
 XV. 1^. But it is possible that we should alter the text slightly, and 
 read chief of the three (Vulg., E.V., marg.). Cp. v. 23. In fact all 
 through this section there is a constant confusion between the words for 
 captain or aide-de-camp, three, and thirty, which are all closely similar 
 in the Heb. 
 
 the same was Adino the Eznite"] These words are probably a cor- 
 ruption of some words equivalent to those in i Chr. xi. 11, which are 
 needed to complete the sense here: he brandished his spear. The 
 Sept. reads "Adinon the Asonasan, he drew his sword." 
 
 eight hundred] Chr. reads three hundred, perhaps by confusion with 
 V. 18. There is no ground for supposing that two different occasions 
 are referred to. 
 
 slew at one time] With the help perhaps of some of his men. Yet 
 cp. Jud. iii. 31, XV. 15. 
 
 9. Dodo] The Kthibh may be read Dodai, as the name is given in 
 I Chr. xxvii. 4, where we learn that Dodai, as next in rank to Jasho- 
 beam, was general of the second division of the army. 
 
 the Ahohite] A patronymic derived from Ahoah, the son of Benja- 
 min's eldest son Bela (r Chron. viii. 4). Perhaps Dodo, like J'lsho- 
 beam, was one of the Benjamites who joined David at Ziklag (i Chron. 
 xii. I, 2). 
 
 that were there gathered together] There implies the previous mention of 
 the name of some place, and certain anomalies of construction also indi- 
 
2i6 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 10—13. 
 
 the men of Israel were gone away : he arose, and smote 
 the PhiHstines until his hand was weary, and his hand clave 
 unto the sword : and the Lord wrought a great victory that 
 day; and the people returned after him only to spoil. And 
 after him was Shammah the son of Agee the Hararite. And 
 the Philistines were gathered together into a troop, where 
 was a piece of ground full ^lentiles: and the people fled from 
 the Philistines. But he stood in the midst of the ground, 
 and defended it, and slew the Philistines : and the Lord 
 wrought a great victory. 
 
 13 — 1 7. 77ie water of the well at Beth-lehein. 
 And three of the thirty chief went down, and came to 
 
 cate that the text is defective, i Chr. xi. 13 reads: "Eleazar...one of 
 the three mighty men. He was with David at Pas-dammim, and there 
 the PhiHstines were gathered together to battle." Pas-dammim, orEphes- 
 dammim, where David slew Gohath, was in the valley of Elah, between 
 Shochoh and Azekah. The name, signifying "boundary of blood," was 
 probably due to its being the scene of frequent skirmishes with the 
 Philistines. See i Sam. xvii. i. 
 
 were gone away\ Rather, went up to battle. The words "and the 
 people fled from before the Philistines," which appear to correspond to 
 this in I Chr. xi. 13, really belong to Shammah's exploit {v. 11). 
 Several lines have been lost from the text there. 
 
 10. his hand clave tcnio the szaord] At the close of the massacre of 
 the Christians of Mount Lebanon by the Druses, in 1S60, Sheikh All 
 Amad's hand so clave to the handle of his sword that he could not open 
 it until the muscles were relaxed by fomentation of hot water. Van 
 Lennep's Btl>/e Lands, 11. p. 6'jg. 
 
 wrozight a great victory\ Lit. wrought a great deliverance or salvation. 
 Cp. I Sam. xi. 13, xix. 5. 
 
 returned after him\ Were turning after him, were following him : 
 not necessarily implying that they had fled previously. 
 
 11. iiito a troojy] Probably the consonants should be read with 
 different vowels to LeM, the scene of Samson's victory over the Philis- 
 tines (Jud. XV. 9, 14, 19). 
 
 lentil's'] Chr. reads barley. The two words might easily be confused , 
 in Hebrew. The Philistines came up to cari-y off the ripe crops. Cp. 
 I Sam. xxiii. i. 
 
 13 — 17. The water of the well at Beth-lehem. 
 
 13. three of the thirty chief] Not the three mentioned before, but in 
 all probability Abishai, Benaiah, and a third not named, who were pro- 
 moted from the "Thirty" to form a second triad as a reward for this 
 feat of valour. 
 
vv. 14—17.] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 217 
 
 David in the harvest time unto the cave of Adullam : and 
 the troop of the Philistines pitched in the valley of Re- 
 phaim. And David was then in a hold, and the garrison 14 
 of the Philistines ivas then in Beth-lehem. And David 15 
 longed, and said, Oh that one would give me drink of the 
 water of the well of Beth-lehem, which is by the gate. And 16 
 the three mighty men brake through the host of the Phi- 
 listines, and drew water- out of the well of Beth-lehem, 
 that luas by the gate, and took //, and brought // to David : 
 nevertheless he would not drink thereof, but poured it out 
 unto the Lord. And he said, Be it far from me, O Lord, 17 
 
 in the hay-vest iu>ie\ The preposition does not mean in, and the read- 
 ing of I Chr. .\i. \^ to the rock is perhaps the true one. 
 
 the cave of Adtillam\ David's old haunt in the valley of Elah. See 
 note on r Sam. xxii. i. 
 
 the valley of Rephaim'\ See note on ch. v. 18. The mention of the 
 "hold" and this valley together in both narratives makes it not im- 
 probable that the exploit of the three heroes occurred in the invasion 
 related in ch. v. 17 ff. 
 
 14. in a hold] In tlie strong -hold, probably the same as that 
 mentioned in ch. v. 17, where see note. The ruins bearing the name 
 Aid el Ma, which is supposed to be a corruption oi Adullam, lie at the 
 foot of a high rounded hill almost isolated by subordinate valleys. This 
 forms a natural fortress, and may have been "the rock" which was the 
 site of David's stronghold ; while numerous caves, still used for habita- 
 tions, are found in the neighbouring valleys. 
 
 the garrison of the Philistines'] The same term is used of the military 
 posts of the Philistines in Israelite territory in 1 Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. i ff ; 
 and a similar word in i Sam. x. 5, xiii. 3. 
 
 15. the well of Beth-lehem'] The traditional " David's well" is half 
 a mile N.N.E. of Beth-lehem. Ritter {Geogr. of Pal. iir. 340) speaks 
 of its "deep shaft and clear cool water;" but it is too far from the town 
 to be described as "at the gate." 
 
 16. brake through the host of the Philistines] A striking proof of the 
 enthusiasm which David inspired in his followers, and a noble instance 
 of the true spirit of chivalry, which fears no danger and shrinks from no 
 self-sacrifice, in order to do the smallest service for the object of its 
 devotion ; the spirit which is perfected in the highest example of love 
 (John XV. 13). 
 
 poured it out unto the Lord] The sacrificial term for pouring out a 
 drink-offering or libation (Gen. xxxv. 14, &c.). "That which had been 
 won by the lives of those three gallant chiefs was too sacred for him to 
 drink, but it was on that very account deemed by him as worthy to be 
 consecrated in sacrifice to God, as any of the prescribed offerings of the 
 Levitical ritual. Pure Chivalry and pure Religion there formed an 
 absolute union." Stanley's Led. Ii. 54. 
 
2i8 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [w. 18—20. 
 
 that I should do this : is 7iot this the blood of the men that 
 went \x\ jeopardy of \\\tix lives? therefore he would not drink 
 it. These things did these three mighty men. 
 
 18 — 23. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiah. 
 
 18 And Abishai, the brother of Joab, the son of Zeruiah, 
 was chief among three. And he lift up his spear against 
 three hundred, and slew them, and had the name among 
 
 19 three. Was he not most honourable of three ? there- 
 fore he was their captain : howbeit he attained not unto 
 
 20 the first three. And Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, the 
 son of a valiant man, of Kabzeel, who had done many 
 acts, he slew two lion-like men of Moab : he went 
 
 17. is not this the blood'] As the text stands, the sentence is simply 
 an interrogative exclamation : The blood of the men...? But Sept., 
 Vulg. and Chron.read: Shall I drink the blood...? The water fetched at 
 the risk of his comrades' lives seemed to him the very blood in which 
 the life resides (Lev. xvii. 10, 11). 
 
 18 — 23. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiah. 
 
 18. Abishai] David's valiant but hard-hearted nephew, who shared 
 the command of the army with his brother Joab in the Ammonite war 
 and in Absalom's rebellion (ch. x. 10, 14, xviii. 2). The characteristic 
 trait of his nature was a blunt impetuous ferocity. See i Sam. xxvi. 8; 
 2 Sam. xvi. 9, xix. 21. 
 
 chief among three] The Qi-t reads chief of the three ; those namely 
 who were mentioned in v. 1 7. But the Kthibh has chief of the aides- 
 de-camp, as \vlv. 8. 
 
 among three] As before, among the three. 
 
 20. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada] Commander of the body-guard 
 (ch. viii. 18, XX. 23), and general of the third division of the army ( i Chr. 
 xxvii. 5, 6). He was an active supporter of Solomon against Adonijah, 
 and was rewarded by being made commander-in-chief in place of Joab. 
 See I Kings i. 8, 26, 32 ff., ii. 25 — 35, 46, iv. 4. His father Jehoiada 
 was "the chief priest" (i Chr. xxvii. 5), that is, probably, the high priest's 
 deputy, and leader of the " Aaronites," i.e. priests, who joined David 
 at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 27). 
 
 the son of a valiant man] Better, a valiant main. 
 
 Kabzeel] A town in the extreme south of Judah towards the border 
 of Edom (Josh. xv. 21), reoccupied after the Captivity and called 
 fekabzeel. Its exact site is unknown. 
 
 t'tvo lion-like men of Jlfoab] Ariel, translated lion-like man, means lion 
 of God, a title applied by the Arabs and Persians to celebrated warriors. 
 The Sept. reads " the two sons of Ariel," and it has been conjectured 
 that Ariel was a title of the Moabite king; but i Chr. xi. 22 supports the 
 
vv. 21—24.] n. SAMUEL, XXIII. 219 
 
 down also and slew a lion in the midst of a pit in time 
 of snow: and he slew an Egyptian, a goodly man: and the 21 
 Egyptian had a spear in his hand; but he went down to 
 him with a staff, and plucked the spear out of the Egyptian's 
 hand, and slew him with his own spear. These things did 22 
 Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and had the name among 
 three mighty men. He was more honourable than the thirty, 23 
 but he attained not to the Jirst three. And David set him 
 over his guard. 
 
 24 — 39. T/ie Thirty Heroes. 
 Asahel the brother of Joab was one of the thirty; Elhanan 24 
 
 reading of the Heb. text. The exploit may have been an incident in 
 the Moabite war recorded in ch. viii. 2. 
 
 a lion, &c.] The lion had probably been driven by the severity of 
 the winter into the neighbourhood of some village, to the terror of the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 21. a goodly t?ian'\ Lit. a niaji of appearance, a notable man ; which 
 is explained in i Chr. xi. 23 to mean "a man of great stature," with 
 the addition, " five cubits high." 
 
 a spear] The Sept. adds, like the beam of a bridge (or, of a ladder): 
 Chron. like a tvcaver's heuni, as in ch. xxi. 19. 
 
 with a staff] Cp. (though the word is different) i Sam. xvii. 40, 43. 
 
 22. among three mighty men] Among the three mighty men of the 
 second rank. 
 
 23. set him over his guard] Made him a member of his privy 
 council : lit. appointed him to his audience. Cp. i Sam. xxii. 14 (note). 
 If, as seems not improbable, Jehoiada the son of Benaiah in i Chr. 
 xxvii. 34 is a textual error for Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, we have 
 another reference to his tenure of this office, which was distinct from 
 that of commander of the body guard (ch. viii. iS, xx. 23). 
 
 24 — 39. The Thirty Heroes. 
 
 The names in this li-^t vary considerably from those in the corresponding 
 list in I Chron. xi. 26 — 41. In all probability both lists have suffered 
 considerably from textual corruption, by which names are especially liable 
 to be affected, and many of the differences can clearly be traced to this 
 source. But it cannot be assumed as absolutely certain that the lists 
 were originally identical. This catalogue may possibly have been 
 revised at a later period of David's reign, when the body was to some 
 extent differently constituted. 
 
 The heroes are for the most part distinguished by the names of their 
 native places or residences ; and these are in some cases identical with 
 clan or family names, because the head of the clan gave his name to the 
 place where his family settled. 
 
 24. The list in Chron. is headed " And the mighty men of valour 
 were Asahel," &c. 
 
220 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 25—28. 
 
 25 the son of Dodo of Beth-lehem, Shammah the Harodite, 
 
 26 Elika the Harodite, Helez the Paltite, Ira the son of Ikkesh 
 
 27 the Tekoite, Abiezer the Anethothite, Mebunnai the Hu- 
 
 28 shathite, Zahiion the Ahohite, Maharai the Netophathite, 
 
 Asaliel\ David's nephew. See note on ch. ii. 18. 
 Elhanai{\ Apparently not the same as Elhanan the son of Jair of 
 Beth-lehem (ch. xxi. 19), if the text is sound. 
 
 25. Shammah the Harodite\ Of Harod, perhaps the place men- 
 tioned in Jud. vii. i, which may be either Ain ydlild near Jezreel, or 
 Ain el Jcmmaiti near Beth-shan. He is probably to be identified with 
 Shamhidh the Izrahite, general of the fifth division of the army (i Chr. 
 xxvii. 8), Izrahite being his family name. 
 
 Elika] Omitted in Chr., probably by accident, owing to the repeti- 
 tion of Harodite. 
 
 26. Helez the Paltite'] Generally explained to mean of Beth-pelet, 
 an unidentified town in the extreme south of Judah, named in the same 
 group with Beer-sheba (Josh. xv. 27). But this seems questionable, as 
 he is called an Ephraimite in i Chr. xxvii. 10. i Chron. twice reads 
 Pclonite (xi. 27, xxvii. 10), but there is no known place or family from 
 which such a name could be formed, and it is either a corruption, or 
 the Hebrew word meaning of so and so, inserted by a scribe who could 
 not read the original word in the text which he was copying. Helez 
 was general of the seventh division of the army (1 Chr. xxvii. 10). 
 
 Ira... the Tekoite] Of Tekoa, see note on ch. xiv. 2. He was 
 general of the sixth division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 9);, and a differ- 
 ent person from David's minister (ch. xx. 26). 
 
 27. Abiezer the Anethothite] Of Anathoth in Benjamin. The mo- 
 dern village of ^Ma/«, three miles N.N. E. of Jerusakm, preserves the 
 name and marks the site. It was a priests' city (Josh. xxi. 18); the 
 home of Abiathar (i Kings ii. 26); and the birth-place of the prophet 
 Jeremiah (Jer. i. i). Antothite (i Chr. xi. 28), ■vix^ Anetothite\i Chr. 
 xxvii. 12), are merely different transliterations of the same Heb. word. 
 In the latter passage Abiezer is named as the general of the ninth divi- 
 sion of the army. 
 
 Mebunnai the Hushathite] Mebtinnai (^J3?0) is doubtless a textual 
 error for Sibbcchai (''D2D), the consonants being very similar and easily 
 confused in the original text, which had no vowels. Sibbechai won 
 renown by slaying the giant Saph (ch. xxi. 18), and commanded the eighth 
 division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 11). His native place Hitshah must 
 have been in Judah, as it is mentioned among the places occupied by 
 the descendants of Judah (i Chr. iv. 4), but nothing further is known 
 about it. He belonged to the important clan of the Zarhites, descended 
 from Zerah the son of Judah (i Chr. ii. 4). 
 
 28. Zalmon the Ahohite] Chron. has Ilai. Whether the difference 
 is original, or due to corruption of the text, it is impossible to decide. 
 On Ahohite see v. 9. 
 
 Maharai the Netophathite] Of Netophah, perhaps the modern Umm 
 Toba, three miles N.E. of Beth-lehem, a place inhabited by Levites 
 
vv. 29—33.] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 221 
 
 Heleb the son of Baanah, a Netophathite, Ittai the son 29 
 of Ribai out ofGibeah of the children of Benjamin, Benaiah 5° 
 the Pirathonite, Hiddai of the brooks of Gaash, Abi-albon 31 
 the Arbathite, Azmaveth the Barhumite, Eliahba the Shaal- 32 
 bonite, of the sons of Jashen, Jonathan, Shammah the 33 
 
 (i Chr. ix. 16), and mentioned in the accounts of the Return from the 
 Captivity (Ezra ii. 23; Neh. vii. 26). Maharai commanded the tenth 
 division of the army, and, like Sibbechai, was a Zarhite. 
 
 29. Heleb'] Or Hekd (r Chr. xi. 30), ox Heldai {i Chr. xxvii. 15), 
 of the house of Othniel, commander of the twelfth division. 
 
 IUai\ ItJiai in Chron. is merely a different way of pronouncing the 
 same name. He must of course be distinguished from Ittai the Gittite. 
 
 30. Beitaiah tlic Pirathonite] Of Pirathon in Ephraim (Jud. xii. 13, 
 15), perhaps the modern Fcrdta, six miles W.S.W. of Shechem. 
 Benaiah was general of the eleventh division (i Chr. xxvii. 14). 
 
 Hiddai] In i Chr. xi. 32 Hurai, owing to the common confusion of 
 d and r. 
 
 the broohs of Gaash] Or Nahale-Gaash, a proper name meaning the 
 ravines of the earthquake. "The hill of Gaash" was on the south of 
 Joshua's property at Timnath-serah in Mount Ephraim (Josh. xix. 50, 
 xxiv. 30; Jud. ii. 9), the traditional site of which is Kefr Hdris, nine 
 miles S.W. of Shechem. But no trace of the name Gaash has yet been 
 discovered. 
 
 31. Abi-alboit the Arbathite] Called in i Chr. xi. 32 Abiel, which 
 is probably the true reading, as Abi-albon is an unknown name, and 
 may easily have arisen from confusion with Shaalbonite in the line 
 below. For a similar confusion cp. ch. xxi. 19. He was a native 
 of Arabah or Beth-arabah, a town in the wilderness of Judah, on the 
 border between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. xv. 6, 61, xviii. 18, 22). 
 
 the Barhumite] Of Bahurim : see note on ch. iii. 16 : a corruption or 
 transposition for Bahariiinite, which is found in i Chr. xi. 33. 
 
 32. the Shaalbonite] of Shaalabbin in the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 
 42 ; Jud. i. 35 ; i Kings iv. 9) ; perhaps the modern Selhit, 3 miles 
 N. W. of Y&lo (Aijalon), and about 15 miles W. N.W, of Jerusalem. 
 
 of the sons of f ashen, Jonathan, Shammah the Hararite] Of is not 
 in the Heb. text; Chron. reads "the sons of Hashem the Gizonite, 
 Jonathan the son of Shage the Hararite." The word bne ( = sons) 
 seems quite out of place, and must either be omitted as an erroneous 
 repetition of the last three letters of the preceding word, or regarded as 
 a part of the hero's name. The name of his native place must also be 
 inserted from Chron. Thus we get Jashen (Chron. Hashem), or 
 Bncjashen (Chron. Bnehashem) the Gizonite as the probable reading. 
 
 33. Shammah the Hararite] Shammah has already been mentioned 
 mv. II as one of the first Three, so that his name is evidently out of 
 place among the Thirty. A comparison of the text of i Chron. xi. 34 
 makes it tolerably certain that we should read either Jonathan the son 
 of Agce the Hararite, or Jonathan the son of Shammah the Hararite, 
 making Jonathan cither brother or son of the hero mentioned in z*. 11. 
 
222 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 34—39. 
 
 34 Hararite, Ahiam the son of Sharar the Hararite, EHphelet 
 the son of Ahasbai, the son of the Maachathite, EHam the 
 
 35 son of Ahithophel the Gilonite, Hezrai the Carmehte, Paarai 
 
 36 the Arbite, Igal the son of Nathan of Zobah, Bani the 
 
 37 Gadite, Zelek the Ammonite, Naharai the Beerothite, armour- 
 
 38 bearer to Joab the son of Zeruiah, Ira an Ithrite, Gareb an 
 
 39 Ithrite, Uriah the Hittite : thirty and seven m all. 
 
 Sharar'\ In Chron. Sacar, a name found also in i Chr. xxvi. 4. 
 
 34. Here the text of i Chr. xi. 35, 36 diverges widely, and in place 
 of the names in this verse reads "Eliphal the son of Ur, Hepher the 
 Mecherathite, Ahijah the Pelonite." 
 
 the son of the Maachathite] Better, tlie Maacliatliite, a member of 
 the clan or family of Maachah, settled at Abel-beth-Maachah (ch. xx. 14 
 ff.) ; or possibly a native of the Syrian kingdom of Maachah (ch. x. 6). 
 
 Eliani] Son of David's clever but treacherous counsellor (ch. xv. 12) ; 
 supposed by some to be the father of Bath-sheba. But the identification 
 is doubtful : see note on ch. xi. 3. 
 
 35. Hezrai the Car7ndite\ The Kthihh agrees with i Chr. xi. 37 in 
 reading Hezro. He belonged to Carmel in the mountainous country of 
 Judah, now Kurynul, about seven miles S. S.E. of Hebron. Cp. i 
 Sam. XXV. 1. 
 
 Paa7-ai the Arbite] Of Arab, a city also in the neighbourhood of 
 Hebron (Josh. xv. 52), perhaps ef-Kabiyeh, about five miles S. . of 
 Hebron. Chron. reads "Naarai the son of Ezbai." 
 
 36. Igal the son of Nathan of Zobah] .In Chron. "Joel, the brother 
 of Nathan." The consonants of Igal (?NJ'') and Joel (T'NV) are so 
 similar that one or other of the names is probably corrupt. Igal 
 occurs in Num. xiii. 7 ; i Chr. iii. 11. If the text is correct he was a 
 Syrian of Zobah. See note on ch. viii. 3. 
 
 Bani the Gadite] This is probably the true reading, and Mibhar the 
 son of Haggeri in i Chr. xi. 38 is a corruption of the words here of 
 Zoba,h Bani the Gadite. 
 
 37. Zelek the Anunonite] Like Igal the Syrian, and Ittai the Philis- 
 tine, a foreigner who rose to distinction in David's service. 
 
 Naharai the Beerothite] Of Beeroth (see note on ch. iv. 2), and there- 
 fore perhaps a Gibeonite by race. 
 
 armoiirbearer] The Kthibh has the plural armoiirbearers, but the 
 singular is supported by the Sept. and Chron., and is probably the 
 correct reading. Joab had ten armourbearers or attendant squires 
 (ch. xviii. 15). 
 
 38. Ithrite] Belonging to the family of Jether, which settled at 
 Kirjath-jearim (i Chr. ii. 53). 
 
 39. Uriah] See on ch. xi. 3. 
 
 thirty and seven in all] This total is obtained either {a) by reckoning 
 three in the first class {vv. 8 — 12), two in the second (vv. 18 — 23), and 
 thirty-tivo in the third ((vv. 24 — 39), emending v. 34 by the help of 
 Chron. so as to contain three names : or (b) if the text of v. 34 is 
 
V. I.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 223 
 
 Ch. XXIV. The numbering of the People and the Plague. 
 
 I — 9. The Numbering of the People. 
 
 And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against 24 
 Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, 
 
 retained, by counting tJu-ee in the second class, though only two are 
 mentioned by name. Joab, as commander-in-chief, is not reckoned in 
 the total. 
 
 In I Chr. xi. 41 — 47 sixteen additional names are given, possibly 
 either of those who became members of the body when its number was 
 not rigidly limited to thirty, or of those who took the places vacated by 
 death. 
 
 Ch. XXIV. The numbering of the People and the Plague. 
 = I Chr. xxi. I — 27. 
 
 There is no definite note of time to shew when the events here re- 
 corded took place, but several indications point to the later years of 
 David's reign, (a) The language oiv. i, "again the anger of the Lord 
 was kindled against Israel " evidently refers to the famine recorded in 
 ch. xxi. and points to a date after that occurrence, {b) It would have 
 been impossible for the commander-in-chief to spend nearly ten months 
 in taking the census, except at a time of permanent peace, (c) David's 
 preparations for building the Temple, which occupied the last years of 
 his reign, are narrated in Chronicles as the immediate sequel of his 
 purchase of Araunah's threshing-floor. 
 
 The corresponding narrative in Chronicles agrees much less closely 
 than usual with Samuel, Either its writer drew from other sources, or 
 the compiler of Samuel has omitted much of the original account. 
 
 For a discussion of the nature of David's sin see Additional Note V. 
 p. 238. 
 
 1—9. The Numbering of the People, 
 
 1. again] The previous manifestation of God's anger referred to 
 was the famine (ch. xxi.). It is possible that the two narratives stood in 
 close juxtaposition in the original document used by the compiler. 
 
 ami he moved David against thetn] The subject of the verb is 
 Jehovah, The nation had sinned and incurred His anger, and He 
 instigated David to an act which brought down a sharp punishment on 
 the nation. The statement that God incited David to do what was 
 afterwards condemned and punished as a heinous sin cannot of course 
 mean that He compelled David to sin, but that in order to test and prove 
 his character lie allowed the temptation to assault him. Thus while 
 we read that "God himself tempteth no man" (James i. 13), we are 
 taught to pray "Bring us not into temptation" (Matt. vi. 13), In 
 I chr. xxi. I we read " Satan stood up against Israel and moved David 
 to number Israel." The older record speaks only of God's permissive 
 .action : the latter tells us of the malicious instrumentality of Satan. 
 The case is like that of Job (Job i, 12, ii. 10). 
 
224 II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 2—5. 
 
 2 number Israel and Judah. For the king said to Joab the 
 captain of the host, which was with him, Go now through 
 all the tribes of Israel, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, and 
 number ye the people, that I may know the number of the 
 
 3 people. And Joab said unto the king. Now the Lord thy 
 God add unto the people, how many soever they be, an 
 hundredfold, and that the eyes of my lord the king may see 
 it: but why doth my lord the king delight in this thing? 
 
 4 Notwithstanding the king's word prevailed against Joab, and 
 against the captains of the host. And Joab and the captains 
 of the host went out from the presence of the king, to num- 
 
 5 ber the people of Israel. And they passed over Jordan, and 
 
 Go, mcmbei-] Go, count ; a different word from that translated 
 miinber in the rest of the chapter, for the meaning of which see note 
 on ch. xviii. i. 
 
 Israel and yudali\ The designation of the people, as Israel and 
 Judah seems to have been in use even before the Division of the 
 Kingdoms. In the next verse Israel includes the whole nation. See 
 Introd. p. 13. 
 
 2. For the king said] And the king said : yielding to the tempta- 
 tion to which he was subjected by permission of God through the 
 instrumentality of Satan. 
 
 t/ie host~\ The word for host in vv. 2, 4 is different from that gene- 
 rally used of the Israelite army, and perhaps indicates that this chapter 
 was derived from a different source. 
 
 number ye] It is stated in i Chron. xxi. 2 that the commission was given 
 to "Joab and to the captains (or princes) of the people." Their 
 cooperation is here implied by the use of the plural, and by w. 4. They 
 were associated with Joab in the work, just as the princes of the tribes 
 were associated with Moses and Aaron in taking the census (Num. i. 
 4 ff.), and this indicates that the census had some military object in 
 view. 
 
 3. the Lord thy God add, &c.3 Cp. Deut. i. 11. 
 
 and that the eyes, &c.] That is, may it happen in the king's life- 
 time. 
 
 ■why doth my lord, (S:c.] " Why will he be a cause of trespass to 
 Israel?" is the further explanation of Joab's thoughts given in i Chr. xxi. 3. 
 It is probable that a shrewd practical man like Joab, whose life shews 
 no signs of being influenced by religious motives, opposed the king's 
 purpose more from the fear of exciting disaffection among the people by 
 a scheme to increase the burdens of military service, than from a sense 
 that the king's spirit was displeasing to God, though the latter motive 
 may not have been altogether absent. 
 
 4. against Joab, attd against the captains of the host] A council of 
 the officers of the army was held, in which the scheme was discussed. 
 
V. 6.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 225 
 
 pitched in Aroer, oji the right side of the city that lieth in 
 the midst of the river of Gad, and toward Jazer : then they 6 
 came to Gilead, and to the land of Tahtim-hodshi ; and 
 
 5. in Arper'\ This Aroer is generally thought to be Aroer near 
 Rabbah in the tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. ■25) : but since it is natural to 
 suppose that the census began from the southern boundary of the Trans- 
 Jordanic territory, which was the river Arnon, and since the city that is 
 in the midst of the ravine is repeatedly mentioned in connexion with 
 Aroer upon the Arnon (Deut. ii. 36 ; Josh. xiii. 9, 16; cp. Josh. xii. 2) 
 in describing the southern boundary of the tribe of Reuben, it seems 
 far better to understand Aroer to be the Aroer on the Arnon. 
 
 The site of Aroer on the Arnon is marked by the ruins of ArcCar on 
 the northern edge of the Wady Mojeb. This deep gorge in the level 
 plateau is the ravine (E. V. river) of the Arnon. The latest explorer 
 of Moab says: "Above the Roman bridge are some faint remains of 
 early buildings ; perhaps ' the city that is in the midst of the river.' 
 At least it is scarcely possible that such exuberant vegetation, with 
 perennial moisture, should have remained unappropriated in the time of 
 Israel's greatness ; and whether the place so vaguely spoken of were 
 above or Ixlow the fords; — 'cities' or villages there were sure to be 
 in the midst of the 'river' or wady.'''' Tristram's Land of Moab, p. 
 128. 
 
 on the right side] On the south, for the Hebrews reckoned the points 
 of the compass facing the east. 
 
 of Gad] If the view taken above with regard to Aroer is correct, 
 of Gad must be separated from the river, and rendered towards Gad. 
 Probably some such words as and they came have dropped out, as the 
 preposition toivards before Jazer requires a verb of motion. Indeed 
 there are good reasons for supposing that the Heb. text is corrupt, and 
 that we should read with some MSS. of the Sept.: "And they began 
 from Aroer, and from the city which is in the midst of the ravine; and 
 they came to Gad and towards Jazer." 
 
 jazer] Or Jaazer, a city captured by Israel from the Amorites (Num. 
 xxi. 3-2), rebuilt by the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35; Josh. xiii. 25), 
 allotted to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 39), subsequently Moabite (Is. xvi. 
 8, 9), and recaptured by Judas Maccabaeus from the Ammonites (i Mace. 
 V. 6). Its site is probably to be placed at es Ssir, 7 miles W.S.W. of 
 Amnidn (Rabbah) and 9 miles N. of Heshbon. 
 
 6. Gilead] The mountainous district partly to the north and partly 
 to the south of the River Jabbok. 
 
 the land of Tahtim-hodshi] No such district is known, and the form 
 of the words also makes it probable that the text is corrupt. Some 
 conjecture that we should read (with some MSS. of the Sept.) to the 
 land of the llittites to Kcdcsh, the famous Hittite capital on the Orontes, 
 but this seems too far north ; others conjecture the regions below mount 
 Herman; and so forth. All that can be said is that some district, ap- 
 parently east of the Jordan and north of Gilead, is meant. 
 
 II. SAMUEL 
 
 15 
 
226 II. SAMUEL. XXIV. [vv. 7—9. 
 
 7 they came to Dan-jaan, and about to Zidon, and came to 
 the strong hold of Tyre, and to all the cities of the Hivites, 
 and of the Canaanites : and they went out to the south of 
 
 8 Judah, even to Beer-sheba. So when they had gone through 
 all the land, they came to Jerusalem at the end of nine 
 
 9 months and twenty days. And Joab gave tip the sum of the 
 number of the people unto the king : and there were in 
 Israel eight hundred thousand valiant men that drew the 
 sword; and the men of Judah were five hundred thousand 
 men. 
 
 Datt-Jaan'] Perhaps the well known Dan, but if so, it is strange that 
 it should here and nowhere else be distinguished as Dan-Jaajt. The 
 meaning oi jaan is uncertain, and perhaps we should follow the Sept. 
 (A) and Vulg. in reading Dan-jaar, i.e. Dan in the forest. 
 
 and about to Zidon] Shaping their course westward to the famous city 
 of Zidon, the extreme north-western limit of the kingdom, on the border 
 of Asher (Josh. xix. 28), but never occupied by that tribe (Jud. i. 31). 
 Zidon was anciently the most important city of Phoenicia, and hence 
 the Phoenicians are generally called Zidonians in the O. T. (Jo.sh. xiii. 
 6 ; Jud. xviii. 7 ; i Kings v. 6) ; but at this time it was inferior and pro- 
 bably subject to Tyre. 
 
 7. t/ie strong hold of Tyre\ The same term — generally rendered 
 fenced city in the E.V. — is applied to Tyre in Josh. xix. 29, where Tyre 
 is named among the places on the border of Asher. Like Zidon it was 
 never occupied by the Israelites, and we must suppose either that the 
 region traversed by the enumerators is defined as reaching up to though 
 not including Tyre and Zidon, or that these cities were actually visited 
 in order to take a census of Israelites resident in them. 
 
 the cities of the Hivites, and of the Canaanites] The old inhabitants 
 were never exterminated from the northern part of Palestine, but made 
 tributary, and apparently allowed to dwell in communities of their own. 
 The district round Kedesh-Naphtali in particular was called the 7-egiott 
 of the nations or Galilee of the Gentiles (Josh. xx. 7 ; i Kings ix. 11; Is. 
 ix. i). The Hivites dwelt principally in this northern region (Josh. 
 xi. 3; Jud. iii. 3), and also round Gibeon (Josh. xi. 19), and are probably 
 specified as the tribe of which most survived: the Canaanites would 
 include all the other native tribes in general. 
 
 8. through all the land] Joab however omitted the Levites, in ac- 
 cordance with the direction given to Moses (Num. i. 47 ff.), because 
 they were exempt from military service; and the Benjamites, possibly 
 in order to avoid exciting disaffection in a tribe specially ready to take 
 offence. 
 
 9. eight hundred thotisa7id..fve hundred thousand] In i Chr. xxi. 5 
 the numbers are given as 1,100,000 for Israel, and 470,000 for Judah. 
 This discrepancy may be due to textual corruption, but more probably 
 arises from a difference in the original estimates, or in the oral tradition 
 
vv. lo— 12.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 227 
 
 10 — 14. The choice of punish7ncnts. 
 
 And David's heart smote him after that he had num- 
 bered the people. And David said unto the Lord, I have 
 sinned greatly in that I have done : and now, I beseech 
 thee, O Lord, take away the iniquity of thy servant ; for I 
 have done very foolishly. For when David was up in the 
 morning, the word of the Lord came unto the prophet Gad, 
 David's seer, saying, Go and say unto David, Thus saith the 
 
 with respect to them, since the result of the census was not authorita- 
 tively registered in the state records (i Chr. xxvii. 24). The conjecture 
 that the standing army of 288,000 men (i Chr. xxvii. i — 15) is here de- 
 ducted from Israel, and some body of 30,000 troops added to Judah, is 
 ingenious, but rendered improbable by the fact that it is necessary to 
 add to the one and subtract from the other to make the totals equal to 
 those of I Chron. 
 
 The numbers have been attacked as exaggerated, and far exceeding 
 the possible capacity of the country. The numbers given imply a total 
 population of live or six millions at least, and the area of the country 
 is estimated at about ir,ooo square miles. This gives (making allow- 
 ance for the excepted tribes) between 500 and 600 to the square mile, a 
 high but not impossible rate of population when the extreme fertility 
 of the country in ancient times is taken into consideration. The ruins 
 with which Palestine is covered in every direction prove that the 
 population was exceptionally dense. See Smith's Diet, of the Bible, Art. 
 Census. 
 
 10—14. The choice of punishxMents. 
 
 10. David^s heart smote hi»i\ Conscience accused him, and he be- 
 came aware of his guilt. He recognised the sinfulness of the proud and 
 vainglorious spirit of self-confidence and desire for worldly aggrandise- 
 ment which had induced him to take the census. See Additional Note 
 V. p. 238. 
 
 I have done very foolishlv'\ Cp. i Sam. xiii. 13; 2 Chr. xvi. 9. In 
 both these cases, as in effect here, the folly was sin springing from 
 distrust of God. 
 
 11. For 7ahen David was up in the morning] And David arose in 
 the morning, and, &c. : after the recognition and confession of his sin. 
 The E.V. gives the false impression that the conviction of his sin was 
 the result of Gad's visit, which is not the meaning of the passage. Gad 
 was not sent until after his confession and prayer for pardon. 
 
 the prophet Gad, David's seer] Gad has not been mentioned since he 
 was with David in his wanderings (i Sam. xxii. 5), but no doubt had 
 been acting as his confidential counsellor throughout. The word for 
 "seer" is chdzek, literally "gazer," a term first used here in place of the 
 older word "seer," roeh. See note on i Sam. ix. 9. The narrative 
 before us was not improbably written by Gad himself (i Chr. xxix. 29). 
 
 15—2 
 
22S II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 13-15. 
 
 Lord, I offer thee three thmgs ; choose thee one of them, 
 
 13 that I may do it unto thee. So Gad came to David, and 
 told him, and said unto him. Shall seven years of famine 
 come unto thee in thy land? or wilt thou flee three months 
 before thine enemies, while they pursue thee ? or that there 
 be three days' pestilence in thy land ? now advise, and see 
 
 14 what answer I shall return to\v\m. that sent me. And David 
 said unto Gad, I am in a great strait : let us fall now into 
 the hand of the Lord ; for his mercies are great : and let 
 me not fall into the hand of man. 
 
 15 — 17. The Plague. 
 
 15 So the Lord sent a pestilence upon Israel from the morn- 
 ing even to the time appointed: and there died of the people 
 
 13. seven years 0/ famine] The reading of the Sept. and Chron. is 
 three years, and this is unquestionably to be preferred, as required by the 
 symmetry of the statement. Famine, war, and pestilence are three of 
 Jehovah's four sore judgments (Ezek. xiv. 21). Two of them David 
 had already experienced. Note the expanded form in which Gad's 
 speech is given in i Chr. xxi. 12, especially the representation of the 
 pestilence as "the angel of the Lord destroying throughout all the 
 coasts of Israel." 
 
 advise] Lit. /-'now or consider. Advise, like advise thyself in i Chr. 
 xxi. 12 means reflect or consider. So Milton, Par. Lost, II. 376: 
 Advise, if this be worth 
 Attempting. 
 
 14. his mercies are great] Cp. Ps. li. i ; and the reference to this 
 passage in Ecclus. ii. 17, 18: "They that fear the Lord will prepare 
 their hearts, and humble their souls in his sight, saying. We will fall 
 into the hands of the Lord, and not into the hands of men: for as his 
 majesty is, so is his mercy." 
 
 The Sept. adds at the close of the verse: "And David chose him the 
 pestilence (lit. death). And it was the days of wheat han-est. " War 
 would place the nation at the mercy of its enemies : famine would make 
 it dependent on corn-merchants, who might greatly aggravate the 
 miseries of scarcity: only in the pestilence — some form of plague 
 sudden and mysterious in its attack, and baffling the medical know- 
 ledge of the time — would the punishment come directly from God, and 
 depend immediately upon His Will. 
 
 15—17. The Plague. 
 
 15. even to the time appoitited] The meaning of these words, which 
 are not found in Chron., is very doubtful. (1) The E.V. follows the 
 Vulg. usque ad lemfus constitxtttttn. This would naturally mean until 
 
w. i6, 17.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 229 
 
 from Dan even to Beer-sheba seventy thousand men. 
 And when the angel stretched out his hand upon Jerusa- 
 lem to destroy it, the Lord repented him of the evil, and 
 said to the angel that destroyed the people, // is enough: 
 stay now thine hand. And the angel of the Lord was by 
 the threshingplace of Araunah the Jebusite. And David 
 
 the end of the third day; but the duration of the plague seems to have 
 been mercifully shortened {v. 16). Perhaps a time appointed (there is 
 no definite article) might mean a time determined in the counsel of God, 
 before the expiration of the period originally named. (■2) Most com- 
 mentators render until the time of assembly, i.e. the hour for offering 
 the evening sacrifice, about three o'clock in the afternoon. Cp. i Kings 
 xviii. 29, 36; Dan. ix. ii; Acts iii. i. This is supported by the ex- 
 planation given in the Targum : "from the time of the slaying of the 
 perpetual sacrifice until it is burned ;" and by Jerome {Quaest. Hebr. in 
 libros Keguiti): "By the time appointed is meant that at which the 
 evening sacrifice was offered." (3) The Sept. rendering, until the time 
 of breakfast, i.e. noon, is improbable. 
 
 16. the angell Angels are God's ministers in temporal judgment 
 now, as well as in the final judgment hereafter. Cp. Ex. xii. 23; Ps. 
 Ixxviii. 49; 2 Kings xix. 35; Acts xii. 23; Matt. xiii. 41. 
 
 the Lord repetited him of the evil] Cp. Ex. xxxii. 14; Jer. xxvi. 13, 
 19; Jon. iii. 10. On the one hand Scripture teaches us that "God is 
 not a man that he should repent" (Num. xxiii. 19; i Sam. xv. 29); on 
 the other hand it does not shrink from saying that God repents {a) when, 
 as here, upon man's penitence He withdraws or mitigates a punishment : 
 {b) when, upon man's faithlessness or disobedience, He cancels a promise 
 or revokes a blessing which He had given. God's repentance does not 
 mean that He who foreknows all things regrets His action, nor is it a 
 sign of mutability. Scripture boldly states the two apparently contra- 
 dictory truths, and leaves conscience to harmonize them. See notes on 
 I Sam. XV. II, 29. 
 
 the threshingplace of Araunah the Jebusite'] The threshingfloor : 
 precisely the same word as in w. 18, 21, 24. Threshingfloors were 
 constructed on eminences, to catch the wind for winnowing the grain. 
 Araunah's threshingfloor was on Mount Moriah, the hill to the east- 
 ward of Jerusalem, and was the site upon which the Temple was after- 
 wards built (2 Chr. iii. i). See Additional Note VI. p. 240. This 
 Mount Moriah was identified by Jewish tradition (e.g. Josephus Ant. 
 VII. 13.4) with the mountain in the land of Moriah which was the scene 
 of the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2 ff. ), but the identification has 
 been questioned. See Sinai and Pal. p. 251. 
 
 It has been supposed by some tliat the sacred rock of the Moslems, 
 which is the highest point of the Temple hill, and is now covered by 
 the Kiibbet es Sakhrah or " Dome of the Rock," marks the actual site 
 of Araunah's threshing-floor, ^qq Sinai and Pal. \). 178 fT. 
 
 Araunah] The name is variously spelt Aravnah {v. 16 Qri)t Avar- 
 
230 11. SAMUEL, XXIV. [v. i8; 
 
 spake unto the Lord when he saw the angel that smote the 
 people, and said, Lo, I have sinned, and I have done 
 wickedly : but these sheep, what have they done ? let thine 
 hand, I pray thee, be against me, and against my father's 
 house. 
 
 i8 — 25. Purchase of Arannalis threshingfloor and erection 
 of an altar there. 
 
 And Gad came that day to David, and said unto him, 
 
 nah (z'. 16 KtMbh), Aranyah {v. 18 Kthibh); in Chron. it is written 
 Oman; and in the Sept. in both books "Opva [Orna). This variety of 
 form is probably due to different attempts to represent a non- Hebraic 
 name. There is no ground for tlie popular belief (based on a misunder- 
 standing of 57. 23) that Araunah was the old king of Jebus before its 
 conquest by David, and had been permitted by David to reside on his 
 estate just outside Jerusalem. But his presence there is an evidence 
 that the old inhabitants had been allowed to remain, and even to retain 
 their property. Cp. i Kings ix. 20. 
 
 17. when he saw the angel] The writer of Chronicles, dwelling 
 upon the details of the miraculous circumstances which attended the 
 designation of the site of the Temple, records that "David lifted up his 
 eyes, and saw the angel of the Lord standing between the earth and 
 the heaven, having a drawn sword in his hand stretched out over Jeru- 
 salem. And David and the elders, who were clothed in sackcloth, fell 
 upon their faces " (xxi. 16). 
 
 / have sinned, and I have done zvickedly\ It is I tbat have sinned 
 and I that have done perversely. The pronoun is twice emphatically 
 expressed. Sin is doubly described as ?nissing an aim, coming short of 
 the mark of duty; and as crooked or perverse action, following the 
 leadings of self-will instead of the straightforward path of right. Cp. 
 1 Kings viii. 47; Ps. xxxii. i, 2. 
 
 these sheep, what have they done] Cp. ch. vii. 8 ; Ps. Ixxiv. i ; xcv. 7. 
 David takes all the blame upon himself, for his offence had been the 
 immediate cause of the plague, and it is characteristic of true penitence 
 lo dwell exclusively on its own sin, without respect to the complicity of 
 others. But it is clear from v. 1 that the sin was the sin of the people 
 as well as of David. See Additional Note v. p. 238. 
 
 18 — 25. Purchase of Araunah's threshingfloor and 
 erection of an altar there. 
 
 18. Gad came] By direction of the angel, according to i Chr. xxi. 
 18. Gad's message was the answer to David's prayer, the announce- 
 ment to him of the purpose of mercy described in v. 16. David was 
 still in Jerusalem, praying perhaps at the tent in which the Ark was, 
 when he saw the appearance of the angel hovering above the neighr 
 bouring hill, and apparently about to strike the city. 
 
vv. 19—23.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 231 
 
 Go up, rear an altar unto the Lord in the threshing- 
 Hoor of Araunah the Jebusite. And David, according to 19 
 the saying of Gad, went up as the Lord commanded. And 20 
 Araunah looked, and saw the king and his servants coming 
 on toward him : and Araunah went out, and bowed himself 
 before the king on his face upon the ground. And Araunah 21 
 said, Wherefore is my lord the king come to his servant.-* 
 And David said, To buy the threshingfloor of thee, to 
 build an altar unto the Lord, that the plague may be 
 stayed from the people. And Araunah said unto David, Let 22 
 my lord the king take and offer up what seemeth good unto 
 him : behold, hei-e be oxen for burnt sacrifice, and threshing 
 instruments and other instruments of the oxen for wood. All 23 
 these things did Araunah, as a king, give unto the king. 
 And Araunah said unto the king, The Lord thy God accept 
 
 20. saw the kiii(f] In Chron. sa7v the angel, but the words angel 
 and Idng in Heb. are very similar, and probably liing is the true reading 
 there also. 
 
 went out\ From the threshingfloor where he was at work threshing 
 wheat. 
 
 22. threshing instruments'] The threshing sledges, drawn by the 
 oxen which Araunah offers for sacrifice. For a description of this im- 
 plement see note on ch. xii. 31. The word there is different, and that 
 used here is found only in i Chr. xxi. 23 and Is. xli. 15. Corn was either 
 trampled out by oxen (Deut. xxv. 4), or beaten out by these machines. 
 See Smith's Diet, of Bible, Art. Agriculture. 
 
 other instruments 0/ the oxen] Omit other. The instruments of the 
 oxen were the wooden yokes. Cp. i Kings xix. 21; i Sam. vi. 14. 
 Chron. adds, "and tlie wheat for the meat offering." 
 
 23. All these things, &c.] Render, The whole doth Araunah, 
 king, give unto the king. The words are a continuation of Araunah's 
 speech in z/. 22. Cp. 1 Chr. xxi. 23. Although the rendering, "the 
 whole did king Araunah give unto the king," is grammatically possible, 
 it is inconceivable that so important a fact as that Araunah was the 
 former king of Jebus should be only mentioned in so incidental a way, 
 and the striking picture drawn by Dean Stanley {Leet. II. iii) of the 
 meeting of the two princes — "the fallen king of the ancient fortress, 
 the new king of the restored capital, each moved alike by the misfortune 
 of a city wiiich in different senses belonged to each " — must be given 
 up as destitute of historical foundation. But the word O Icing i^ not 
 found in the Sept. or Vulg., and should probably be omitted. In this 
 case the words will be the narrator's summary of Araunah's offer: " the 
 whole did Araunah give unto the king:" give, as in the strikingly 
 similar offer of Fphron to Abraham, meaning o^er. See Gen. xxiii. 1 1 . 
 
233 II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 24, 25. 
 
 24 thee. And the king said unto Araunah, Nay; but I will 
 surely buy it of thee at a price : neither will I offer burnt 
 offerings unto the Lord my God of that which doth cost me 
 nothing. So David bought the threshingfloor and the 
 
 25 oxen for fifty shekels of silver. And David built there an 
 altar unto the Lord, and offered burnt offerings and peace 
 offerings. So the Lord was inireated for the land, and the 
 plague was stayed from Israel. 
 
 accept thee\ The same word is used of God's acceptance of praj-er 
 and sacrifice in Job xxxiii. 26 (E. V. be favourable); Ezek. xx. 40, 4I, 
 xliii. 27, &c. 
 
 24. neithrr will I offer... of that which doth cost me nothi?!g\ For 
 that would contradict the essential idea of sacrifice. " It is an heart- 
 less piety of those base-minded Christians that care only to serve God 
 good cheap." Bp. Hall. Cp. Mai. i. 13, 14. 
 
 David bought the threshingfloor and the oxetifor fifty shekels of silver\ 
 The corresponding statement in i Chr. xxi. 25 is that " David gave to 
 Oman for the place six hundred shekels of gold by weight." If this 
 refers to the same purchase, we can only suppose that the numbers in 
 one or both of the passages are corrupt : but it is possible that the im- 
 mediate purchase of the threshinijfloor and the oxen for fifty shekels of 
 silver was a distinct transaction from the subsequent purchase of " the 
 place," that is, the whole area upon which the Temple was erected, for 
 six hundred shekels of gold. 
 
 25. burnt offerings and peace offerings'] The Sept. adds; "And 
 Solomon added to the altar afterwards, for it was small at the first:" 
 and this, whether merely a gloss or part of the original text, agrees 
 with the statement in Chronicles, that David chose the spot for the site 
 of the Temple. See i Chron. xxii. i ; 2 Chr. iii. i. 
 
 So the Lord was intrcatcd for the land] See note on ch. xxi. 14. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 The Messianic INTERPRETATIo^f of Nathan's Prophecy to 
 David in Chap. vii. 
 
 This prophecy marks an important stage in the Old Testament 
 revelation which prepared the way for the Messiah's coming. The 
 primeval promise to Adam held out the hope of deliverance through 
 "the seed of the woman ^:" Abraham received the assurance that "in 
 his seed should all the nations of the earth be blessed-;" Jacob in his 
 dying blessing assigned the sceptre to Judah^ Thus the whole human 
 race, one nation of the race, and one tribe of the nation, were succes- 
 sively designated to be the means of realising the promise of blessing to 
 mankind. And now by this prophetic declaration a further limitation 
 was made, and the family of David was chosen out of the tribe of Judah 
 as the depositary of the promise. 
 
 At this epoch of the national history, Israel's hopes centred in the 
 theocratic kingdom, in the establishment of a government whose head 
 was to be the visible representative of Jehovah. And now by God's 
 message through Nathan this kingdom was for ever promised to the 
 house of David. To it therefore men's hopes were now directed as the 
 destined instrument of salvation. 
 
 But this prophecy does not speak of the Messiah as an individual ; 
 it does not predict the perfect reign of a sinless king. It contemplates 
 a succession of kings of David's line, who would be liable to fall into 
 sin and would need the discipline of chastisement. The perfect king in 
 whom, as we now know, the line was to culminate, and the prophecy 
 receive its highest fulfilment, is not yet foreshadowed. 
 
 It remained for prophet and psalmist, developing this fundamental 
 revelation, to draw the picture of the ideal king who should spring 
 from David's seed, and exercise dominion as the true representative of 
 Jehovah on earth. As each human heir of David's line failed to fullil 
 
 ' Gen. iii. 15. " Gen. x.xii. 18. 
 
 ' Gen. xlix. 10. Cp. I Chron. xxviii. 4. 
 
234 APPENDIX. 
 
 the expectation, hope was carried forward and elevated, until He came 
 to Whom is given the throne of His father David, and of Whose king- 
 dom there shall be no end-'. 
 
 The subsequent references to this great promise should be carefully 
 studied. 
 
 {a) David applies it to Solomon, i Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 2 ff. 
 
 (3) Solomon claims it for himself, i Kings v. 5; 2 Chr. vi. 7 ff.; 
 I Kings viii. 17 — 20. 
 
 (c) It is confirmed to Solomon, i Kings ix. 4, 5. 
 
 (d) It is repeatedly affirmed, that in spite of the sin of individual 
 kings, the kingdom shall not be withdrawn from David's house for his 
 sake. I Kings xi. 31 — 39, xv. 4, 5 ; 2 Kings viii. 18, 19. 
 
 {e) Ps. Ixxxix., written no doubt in the dark days when the mo- 
 narchy was already tottering to its fall, recapitulates this promise, and 
 pleads with God that He should not suffer it to be frustrated. See 
 especially vv. 19 — 37. Ps. cxxxii. 11, 12, and Is. Iv. 3, also contain 
 distinct references to it. 
 
 NOTE II. 
 On the execution of Saul's sons. 
 
 The narrative of the famine for Saul's sin, and the consequent sur- 
 render of his sons to the Gibeonites for execution calls for some comment 
 beyond the compass of an ordinary note. Both punishments seem to 
 fall on the heads of those who were not personally guilty. 
 
 1. The nation was punished for the sin of its ruler committed many 
 years before. With regard to this, Waterland^ justly observes: "It 
 ought not to be said, because it cannot be proved, that the Israelites of 
 that time were punished for crimes that they were in no way guilty of. 
 We know not how many, or who, were confederate with Saul in mur- 
 dering the Gibeonites, or guilty in not hindering it. We know not how 
 many, or who, made the crime their own by approving it afterwards." 
 Further it must be remembered that the king was the representative of 
 the people. The sins of an individual member of a community must 
 necessarily in many instances be regarded as implicating the whole com- 
 munity, until they are detected and repudiated ■^ Much more then 
 must the sins of the national representative involve the whole nation in 
 their consequences. 
 
 The fact that the punishment did not come until years after the sin 
 was committed is "a recognition of the continuance of a nation's life, of 
 its obligations and its sins from age to age. All national morality, nay 
 the meaning and possibility of history, dejDends upon this truth*." 
 
 ' Luke i. 32, 33. 
 
 ^ Scripture Vindicated: IVorks, iv. 269. 
 
 ' See for example the law of murder (Deut. xxi. i — 9) : the case of Achan (Josh, 
 vii. iff.). 
 
 * Maurice's Prophets and Kings, p. 6g. 
 
APPENDIX. 235 
 
 2. Saul's sons, who were not charged with being in any way per- 
 sonally accessory to their father's crime, were put to death to expiate it. 
 'I'he sins of the father were visited upon the children. Now, as Ezekiel 
 clearly teaches, no innocent man can be regarded as justly punishable 
 for another's sin^: but in those early ages the family was regarded 
 as an unit, and the sins of the head of the family were regarded as in- 
 volving all its members in their consequences. The sense of the rights 
 and the responsibilities of each individual was as yet undeveloped. 
 Consequently, as seen by the people, the execution of Saul's sons was 
 ^ judicial zxX of retribution ; but this aspect of the transaction was only 
 an "accommodation" to the current ideas of the age. Viewed in its 
 essential character as sanctioned by God, it was a didactic act, designed 
 to teach the guilt of sin. 
 
 God has an absolute power of life and death over His creatures, and 
 may at any time take away the life which He has given. " The exter- 
 mination of the Canaanites, and the destruction of the families of Korah, 
 Dathan, and Abiram, of Achan, and of Saul, were great lessons, and 
 lessons which the great Master could give by the simple exercise of His 
 
 right as the Lord of human life They were reai acts, and expressed 
 
 the real mind of the Deity, only as acts of instruction. God cannot 
 punish a man for the reason of another's sin; but it is open to God 
 to inflict death upon His creatures, %vithout a reason, if it so pleases 
 Him; and of course for a reason if it be a good one: — in order to 
 strike wholesome terror, in order to keep a standing memento, in order 
 to associate sin with a spectacle of horror and destruction^." 
 
 3. The act was no doubt one which would not have been sanctioned 
 in a more enlightened age; but the supposition that "David seized 
 this opportunity to rid himself of seven possible claimants to the 
 throne" (Smith's Diet, of the Bible, III. 1133) is a baseless calumny, 
 sufficiently refuted by his care for Mephibosheth, and by the obscurity 
 of the victims ; and the idea that he may have been, for a while at 
 least, "infected by the baneful example of the Phoenicians" in offering 
 human sacrifices, is contradicted by all that we know of his character. 
 The omission of this incident in i Chronicles is quite in accordance 
 with the plan of that work, and need not be explained by assuming 
 that when that book was written it had come to be regarded as a 
 barbarous act of superstition, too horrible to be retained in the history. 
 See Introd., ch. iii. p. 22. 
 
 NOTE HI. 
 2 Samuel xxii. and Psalm xviii. 
 
 The variations between the two texts of this Psalm in the Book of 
 .Samuel and in the Psalter present a critical problem of great interest 
 
 ' Ezek. xviii. 2 — 4, 19, la. 
 
 2 Mozley's Lectures on the Old Testament, Lect. V. The whole lecture deserves 
 careful study as bearing upon the question. 
 
236 APPENDIX. 
 
 and importance in its bearing on the integrity of the text of the O.T. 
 Two questions obviously arise: (i) How are the variations to be ac- 
 counted for : and {2) which text is to be preferred as nearest to the 
 original. 
 
 1. It has been maintained by some critics that both recensions pro- 
 ceeded from the author, and are equally authentic. That in Samuel 
 is supposed to be the original form : that in the Psalter is supposed to 
 be a revision prepared by David himself, probably towards the close 
 of his life, for public recitation. 
 
 This is a conjecture which can neither be proved nor disproved : but 
 while many of the variations are certainly intentional, and due to the 
 hand of a reviser, many are as certainly due to accidental errors of 
 transcription. 
 
 The confusion of similar letters^: the omission and repetition of 
 clauses'" : the transposition of words^: are phenomena familiar to the 
 student of the MSS. of the N.T. ; and both texts have suffered to some 
 extent from these causes. 
 
 2. Those who reject the hypothesis that both recensions proceeded 
 from David's own pen, are not agreed which is nearest to the original. 
 The text in the Psalter appears to present the more polished literary 
 form : that in Samuel is marked by several roughnesses of language and 
 expression. 
 
 Some reserve is necessary in expressing an opinion on the question: 
 but the present editor is inclined to believe that the text in 2 Samuel, 
 although in many respects defective, is as a whole the better represen- 
 tative of the original form : and that the text in the Psalter has been 
 subjected to a careful revision at a later date, in which peculiar forms, 
 which perhaps were "licenses of popular usage," have been replaced 
 by classical forms; unusual constructions simplified; archaisms and 
 obscure expressions explained. 
 
 The existing Hebrew text of the O.T. is so commonly regarded as 
 free from errors that it may be worth while to note the following con- 
 clusions which seem to follow from a comparison of the two texts. 
 
 (i) That in all probability there was a period before the final close 
 of the Canon when the letter of the text was not regarded with the 
 same reverence as in a later age, and the scribes considered revision 
 and alteration allowable. 
 
 (2) That it is certain that there was a long period in the history 
 of the text of the O.T., during which it was not copied vi'ith the scru- 
 pulous accuracy which characterized the later Jewish scribes, and con- 
 sequently errors of transcription crept in, as in the case of the N.T. 
 
 (3) That nevertheless the extent of the possible alteration or corrup- 
 tion of the text of the O.T. must not be exaggerated. In spite of con- 
 siderable variations in detail, the general sense and spirit of the Psalm 
 remain the same in the two recensions : and so, although the present 
 "received text" of the O.T. may vary considerably in detail from the 
 original autographs, it still preserves the substantial sense. 
 
 * See notes on vv. 11, 42, 43. ^ ggg j,j,_ j^^ i^_ 3 See w. 5, 6. 
 
APPENDIX. 237 
 
 NOTE IV. 
 
 T;iE Targum of 2 Sam. xxiii. 1—7. 
 
 A translation of the Targum of Jonathan, or Aramaic Paraphrase of 
 David's Last Words, is here given as a specimen of ancient Jewish 
 exegesis, specially interesting because it interprets the passage as a direct 
 prophecy of the Messiah. It is right to remark that it is only in poetical 
 passages that the Targum adds so largely to the original. For the most 
 part it is a baldly literal translation. 
 
 1. And these are the words of the prophecy of David, which he 
 prophesied concerning the end of the age', concerning the days of con- 
 solation- which are to come. David the son of Jesse said, and the man 
 who was exalted to the kingdom said, the anointed by the Word of the 
 God of Jacob, and chief in presiding over the sweetness of the praises of 
 Israel : 
 
 2. David said, By the spirit of prophecy of Jehovah I speak these 
 things, and His holy words do I order in my mouth : 
 
 3. David said. The God of Israel spake concerning me, the Strong 
 One of Israel who ruleth over the sons of men, judging in truth, said 
 that he would appoint for me a king, who is the Messiah, who shall arise 
 and rule in the fear of Jehovah. 
 
 4. Blessed are ye righteous who have wrought for yourselves good 
 deeds, for ye shall shine as the light of His glory, as the brightness of the 
 dawn which cometh forth in its strength, and like the sun which shall 
 shine as the brightness of his glory, three hundred and forty-three fold^, 
 as the light of seven stars for seven days. More than this shall ye be 
 magnified and prospered, who have been desiring the years of consola- 
 tion that are coming, like the husbandman who waiteth in the years of 
 drought for the rain to descend upon the earth. 
 
 5. David said. More than this is my house before God, for He hath 
 sworn an eternal oath unto me, that my kingdom should be established 
 as the orders of Creation are established, and should be preserved for 
 the age which is to come; for all my needs and all my petitions are 
 set before Him : therefore no kingdom shall be established against it 
 any more. 
 
 6. But wicked sinners are like thorns, which, when they spring up, 
 are soft to pluck up, but when a man spareth them, and leaveth them 
 alone, they grow and wax strong until it is impossible to approach them 
 \\i;h the hand. 
 
 7. So likewise if any man beginneth to approach unto trespasses, 
 they grow and wax strong over him, until they cover him like a garment 
 of iron, against which men cannot prevail with shafts of spears and 
 lances. Therefore vengeance on them is not in the power of man, but 
 with fire shall they be utterly consumed when the court of the great 
 judgment shall be revealed and sit on the seat of judgment to judge 
 the world. 
 
 ' Cp. Mt. x!ii. 39, 40. - Cp. Lk. ii. 25. 
 
 ' The cube of the perfect number seven. 
 
238 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE V. 
 The numbering of the people. 
 
 What were David's motives for taking the census, and why was the 
 act sinful? An ordinary census was perfectly legitimate; it was ex- 
 pressly provided for by the Mosaic law^; and upon three occasions at 
 least a census of the people was taken by Moses without offence-. It was 
 not then the census itself which was displeasing to God, but the motive 
 which inspired David to take it. Various conjectures have been sug- 
 gested to account for David's wish to number the people. Some suppose 
 that he intended to develope the military power of the nation with a view 
 to foreign conquest; others that he meditated the organization of an im- 
 perial despotism and the imposition of fresh taxes. The military 
 character of the whole proceeding, which was discussed in a council of 
 officers^ and carried out under Joab's superintendence, makes it probable 
 that it was connected with some plan for increasing the effective army, 
 possibly with a view to foreign conquests. But whether any definite 
 design of increased armaments or heavier taxation lay behind it or not, 
 it seems clear that what constituted the sin of the act was the vain- 
 glorious spirit which prompted it. In a moment of pride and ambition 
 — pride at the prosperity of the kingdom, ambition to be like the kings 
 of the nations round about, — he desired to know to the full over how 
 vast and populous a kingdom he ruled, forgetting that the strength of 
 Israel consisted not in the number of its people, but in the protecting 
 care of God. This view is strongly corroborated by Joab's expostula- 
 tion, "The Lord thy God add unto the people, how many soever they 
 be, an hundredfold, and that the eyes of my lord the king may see it: 
 but why doth my lord the king delight in this thing*?" It was a 
 momentary apostasy from Jehovah; an oblivion of that spirit of depen- 
 dence which was the duty and the glory of the kings of Israel ; the sin 
 denounced by Jeremiah when he said: "Cursed be the man that 
 trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm, and whose heart departeth 
 from Jehovah^." 
 
 The sin was not confined to David : it had infected the nation. It is 
 expressly said that "the anger of Jehovah was kindled against Isi-ael^.'' 
 It may be that now, on the very threshold of their national existence, 
 they were tempted by visions of worldly glory to forget that Israel was 
 not to realise its vocation to the world in the guise of a conquering 
 secular state, but as Jehovah's witness among the nations. If so, if pride 
 was alienating the heart of king and people from their allegiance to 
 Jehovah, a prompt chastisement was the truest mercy. 
 
 But it was needful for an external, visible, manifestation of the sin to 
 precede the judgment, in order to justify the ways of God to men. The 
 
 * Ex. XXX. 12 ff. 
 
 ^ See Ex. xxxviii. 26 ; Num. i. 2, 3 ; Num. xxvi. i ff. 
 
 3 2 Sam. xxiv. 4. ^2 Sam. xxiv. 3. 
 
 • Jer. xvii. 5. ^2 Sam. xxiv. i. 
 
APPENDIX. 239 
 
 temptation was presented to David; he fell, and in his fall represented 
 truly and faithfully the fall of the nation. The nation was not punished 
 vicariously for its ruler's sin, but for a sin which was its own, and was 
 only embodied and made visible by its ruler's act. And the punishment 
 struck the very point of their pride, by diminishing the numbers which 
 had been the ground of their self-confident elation. The Jewish tra- 
 dition^ that the sin consisted in the omission to pay the atonement 
 money prescribed on the occasion of a census^, has a certain truth under- 
 lying it. That ordinance was designed to teach the people that they 
 were not their own, but Jehovah's; and though there is no ground for 
 supposing that the letter of the regulation was neglected, the spirit of it 
 seems to have been forgotten. 
 
 NOTE VI. 
 
 The Topography of Jerusalem. 
 
 The topography of Jerusalem is a much-disputed problem. The 
 data of the O. T., the Apocrypha, and Josephus are extremely difficult 
 to reconcile, and the changes which the natural features of the site have 
 undergone in the course of centuries by the levelling of heights and 
 filling up of valleys, make a satisfactory determination of the sites 
 almost hopeless. 
 
 The places mentioned in the Second Book of Samuel are (a) Zion or 
 the City of David : {/>) the threshing-floor of Araunah, on which the 
 Temple was afterwards built : (c) the Millo. 
 
 The natural features of the site of Jerusalem are briefly as follows. 
 The plateau on which the city stands is enclosed on three sides by deep 
 ravines : on the East by the Valley of the Kidron, dividing the Temple 
 Mount from the Mount of Olives: on the West and South by the Valley 
 of Hinnoni. It was originally divided by another valley, called by 
 Josephus the Tyropoeon Valley, now in great part filled up with debris, 
 which extended northwards from a point near the junction of the Valley 
 of Hinnom with the Kedron, and separated into two branches one 
 running west, the other north-west. "The ancient site thus consisted 
 of three principal hills, to east, north-west, and south-west, separated lay 
 deep valleys'*.' 
 
 i. All authorities agree in placing the Temple on the eastern hilH, 
 but where Zion should be fixed is a question hotly disputed. 
 
 (i) Since the fourth century it has been generally supposed that 
 Zion or the City of David (for the two are clearly identified in 2 Sam. v. 
 7 — 9) occupied the south-western hill, and was identical with what 
 
 ' Jos. A fit. VII. 13. I. "But when David desired to know the number of the 
 people, he forgot the commandment of Moses, who enjoined that if the people were 
 numbered half a shekel should be offered to God for each person." 
 
 '^ Ex. XXX. 12. 
 
 ' Warren's Temple or Tomb, p. 33. 
 
 < Marked 3 in the map of the Environs of Jerusalem. 
 
240 APPENDIX. 
 
 Josephus calls the Upper City^." This view is maintained by Lieut. 
 Conder, who says-: "The southern, higher, and larger hill must be the 
 Upper City, the "Mountain Fort" of Zion : the knoll north of it is 
 Akra, the site of the lower city^." 
 
 (2) Captain Warren, whose excavations for the Palestine Exploration 
 Fund have brought to light much valuable information, places Zion on 
 the north-western hill, where stood the "Lower City" or "Akra" of 
 Josephus. The hill was originally considerably higher, but was cut down 
 by Simon Maccabeus, when he took it from the Macedonians, because 
 it commanded the Temple, and had afforded the enemy a post of vantage 
 from which to annoy the Jews as they went to the Temple*. 
 
 (3) Mr Fergusson (in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, i. 1026) main- 
 tains that the evidence of the O. T. distinctly leads to the identification 
 of Zion with the eastern hill, on which the Temple stood. Zion, he 
 says, is constantly spoken of as in some way distinct from Jerusalem^: 
 it is spoken of as a Holy Place in terms such as are never applied to 
 Jerusalem, but are easily intelligible if Zion was the hill upon which 
 the Temple stood. Thus it is called "the hill of the Lord;" "the 
 holy hill; "the dwelling-place of Jehovah^." And in the First Book 
 of Maccabees the name Mount Sion is unquestionably applied to the 
 hill upon which the Temple stood. For example, we read: "Then 
 said Judas and his brethren :... let us go up to cleanse and dedicate the 
 Sanctuary. Upon this all the host assembled themselves together, and 
 went up into Mount Sion. And when they saw the Sanctuary desolate, 
 and the altar profaned... they rent their clothes^" According to this 
 view the fortress captured by David occupied the northern part of the 
 ridge, on which the Temple was afterwards built. 
 
 None of these theories is free from serious difficulties, and a discussion 
 of the arguments would exceed the limits of our space. The following 
 points may however be noticed. 
 
 {a) The site of the Temple was outside the limits of the City of 
 David. This is clear from the statement in i Kings viii. r, that the Ark 
 was brought up to the Temple out of the City of David ; and from 
 the fact that Araunah's threshing floor cannot have been inside the 
 walls, but must have been on the laare unoccupied hill outside. 
 
 {b) The sanctity of Zion may be accounted for by the fact that it 
 was for many years the resting-place of the Ark, and was celebrated as 
 such by David in his Psalms. The name of Zion thus became the title 
 lor Jerusalem in its quality of a holy city, and on the Return from the 
 Captivity the name may have been applied to the most sacred part of 
 it, the Temple Mount, although this was not the original Zion. 
 
 ii. The Temple undoubtedly stood on the eastern hill, called, in one 
 passage only, Mount Moriah (2 Chr. iii. i), where the threshingfloor of 
 
 ' M.irked 1 in the map. 
 
 * Tent Work hi Palestine, I. 366. 
 ■' Marked 2 in the map. 
 
 * Jo"^. Ant. XIII. 6. 6. 
 
 ■■ 2 Kings xix. 31 ; Ps. li. 18 ; Is. xxx. 19. 
 
 •■ See Ps. ii. 6, ix. 11, xxiv. 3, cxxxii. 13, &c. 
 
 ' I Mace. iv. 36 — 38. Cp. I Mace. iv. 60, vii. 33. 
 
APPENDIX. 241 
 
 Araunah had previously been. The top of this hill has been artificially 
 levelled, and its sides sustained by immense walls. On the platform 
 thus constructed the Temple stood, but whether in the centre as 
 Captain Warren maintains, or at the south-west angle, as Mr Fergusson 
 supposes, is a disputed question, on which it is not necessary to enter 
 here. 
 
 iii. The Millo — the word always has the definite article — appears to 
 have been some important fortification already in existence. It may 
 have protected the city on the north, the only side on which it had not 
 the defence of precipitous ravines. Solomon rebuilt it (i Kings ix. 
 15, 24, xi. 27), and Hezekiah repaired it as a defence against the 
 Assyrians (2 Chr. xxxii. 5). Millo may have been an old Canaanite 
 name : the only other place in which it occurs is in connexion with the 
 ancient Canaanite city of Shechem (Jud. ix. 6, 20). The Sept. renders 
 Millo by 7] aKpa "the citadel" (except in 2 Chr.), and this is the term 
 constantly used in the books of Maccabees for the fortress which was 
 occupied by the Macedonians, and at last captured and razed by Simon 
 Maccabaeus. 
 
 II. SAMUEL 16 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Words explained and modern names of places are printed in italics. 
 The references are in all cases to pages. 
 
 Abel-beth-Maachah, i88 
 
 Aljel-meholah, 194 
 
 Abiathar, in, 155, 178 
 
 Abigal, 16S 
 
 Abimelech, 125 
 
 Abi^hai, 63, 160, 180, 218 
 
 Abner, 59 if; relationship to Saul, 59; 
 mainstay of Saul's family, 67 ; kills 
 Asahel, 63 ; negotiations with David, 
 69; great influence, 71: murdered by 
 Joab, 72 ; David's lament for, 74 
 
 Absalom, meaning of name, 66 ; murder 
 of Amnon, 13S ; flight, 139; David's 
 feelings towards, 141 ; recall, 146 ; per- 
 son and family, 147 
 his rebellion, 148 ff; choice of Hebron 
 as its centre, 151 ; reasons for its tem^ 
 porary success, 36 ; its progress, 16S ; 
 suppression, iCgff.; death, 171 ; monu- 
 ment, 173; David's grief for, 176 
 
 Addnai, 101 
 
 Adonijah, 67 
 
 Adoram, igi 
 
 AduUam, 86, 217 
 
 adultery, punishable with death, 122, 
 130 
 
 advise, 228 
 
 Ahimaaz, 158, 166, 174 ff. 
 
 Ahimelech, in 
 
 Ahithophel, supposed relationship to 
 Bath-sheba, 122; joins AI>salom, 151; 
 type of Judas, 151; counsel of, 162; 
 suicide, 167 
 
 Ahohite, 215 
 
 A in Arik, 157 
 
 A ill Snreh, 72 
 
 Aliiiit, 70, 166 
 
 Amasa, relationship to David, 168; joins 
 Absalom, 168 ; made general in pl.tce 
 of Joab, 179; murdered by Joab, 186 
 
 ambassadors, insults to, 116 
 
 Amman, 132 
 
 Ammiel, meaning of, 122 
 
 Ammonites, war with the, ii4ff 
 
 Anuion, David's eldest son, 66 ; his out- 
 
 rage, 134; weak treatment of by his 
 father, 138; death, 139; evil eftects 
 of David's example on, 27, 129 
 
 Amorites. 192 
 
 Aiiata, 220 
 
 Anathoth, 220 
 
 angels, ministry of, 229 
 
 anointing of David, thrice repeated, 58 
 
 anointing, use of in the East, 131 
 
 Arn'ar, 225 
 
 Arab, 222 
 
 Arahah, 65, 78 
 
 AriiDinisms, 12 
 
 Araunah, 229 ff. ; various forms of the 
 name, 229 
 
 Archite, 157 
 
 ark, brought up to Zion, Sg ff. ; Psalms 
 written for the occasion, 46 ; length of 
 itsstay at Kirjath-jearim, 91 ; symbol of 
 God's presence, 92, 94, 123; reverence 
 due to, 92; taken to war, 123; David 
 refuses to take with him into exile, 155 
 
 armlets, worn by men, 51 
 
 Aroer, 225 
 
 Asahel, 63 
 
 A>kelon, 54 
 
 ntoneiiicjtt, 192 
 
 Augustine, quoted, 121, 129 
 
 baal, altered to boshcth in proper names, 
 59. 77. 125 
 
 Baale of Judah, 89 
 
 Jiaal-hazor, 138 
 
 Kaal-perazim, S7 
 
 IJahurim, 70, 166 
 
 barbarities committed by David, how to 
 be regarded, 134 
 
 Barzillai, 169, 182 
 
 Bath-sheba, 122, 126; supposed relation- 
 ship to Ahithophel, 122; her children, 
 85 
 
 bear, 164 
 
 beard, Oriental regard for, iiC, 181 
 
 Beeroth, 76 
 
 Benaiah, 218 
 
244 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Berites, 189 
 
 Berothai, 108 
 
 Betah, 107 
 
 Beth-lehem, well of, 217 
 
 Beth-pelet, 220 
 
 Beth-rehob, 116 
 
 Beth-shan, 195 
 
 birds of prey, 194 
 
 Bireh, 76 
 
 Bithron, 65 
 
 blood-guiltiness, curse of, 73, 79, 192 
 
 blood-revenge for murder, 143 
 
 bosheth = ^z.m^, substituted for haal in 
 
 proper names, 59, 77, 125 
 brass, 108 
 brick-kiln, causing to pass through tJie, 
 
 , '34 
 butter, 169 
 
 Canaanites still left in Palestine, 81, 226 
 
 captains, 215 
 
 Cari, 191 
 
 Carlyle, on David's character, quoted, 41 
 
 Carmel, 222 
 
 cedar wood, 85 
 
 census tax, 239 
 
 Cherethites and Pelethites, iii, 191 
 
 cherubim, 202 
 
 chief ruler, 112 
 
 Chileab, 66 
 
 Chimham, 183 
 
 chdzeJi = ie.e.x, ii-j 
 
 Christ, types of; the kings of Israel, 42 ; 
 David, 44 : lives of O. T. saints, 44 
 
 Chronicles, book of, its relation to Sa- 
 muel, 22 — 25 ; omissions in, 22 ; addi- 
 tions in, 23 ; sections of, contained in 
 Samuel, 22 ; date, 24 ; object, 24 ; au- 
 thor, 24 ; sources, 25 ; priestly character, 
 24 
 
 differences between Chron. and Sa- 
 muel, 83, 117, 223, and notes generally 
 
 Chronicles of David, 12 
 
 chronology of 2 Samuel, 25 
 
 Cid, inscription on tomb of the, 36 
 
 city of David, 82, 239 
 
 civil organization of David's reign, 38 
 
 coasts, 193 
 
 coat, 157 
 
 coat 0/ many colours, 137 
 
 companions, danger of bad, 135 
 
 congregation of Israel, 80 
 
 cornet, 91 
 
 Cushi, 174 
 
 cymbals, 91 
 
 <^and r, confusion of in Hebrew, 105 
 
 Damascus, connexion of with Israel, 106 
 
 dances, religious, 94 
 
 Dan-jaan, 226 
 
 David : life and character of, 32 — 41 ; 
 early training, 32 : difficulties of his 
 poiilion, 32 ; qualifications for ruling, 
 
 33, 208 ; periods of reign, 33 ; thrice 
 anointed, 58 ; family, 66, 85 
 reign at Hebron, 34, 57 ff ; message to 
 the Gileadites, 58 ; war with Ish- 
 bosheth, 59 ff; negotiations with Ab- 
 ner, 69 ; demand for restoration of 
 Michal, 69 ; lament for Abner, 74 ; 
 punishment of Ish-bosheth's mur- 
 derers, 78 
 
 reign at Jerusalem, 34, 79 ff; capture of 
 Jebus, 81 ; palace, 84 ; wars, 33 ; with 
 Philistines, 86, 104,215; Moabites, 104, 
 218; Syrians, 105; Edom, 109; Ammo- 
 nites and Syrians, ii4fi'; capture of 
 Rabbah, 132 
 
 kindness to Mephibosheth, 112; burial 
 of the bones of Saul and his sons, 195 
 translation of the ark to Zion, 35, 88ff; 
 desire to build a Temple, 35, 97 ; why 
 not allowed, 97 ; promise of perpetual 
 dominion to his house, 97 ff 
 his fall, 36, 121 ff ; why not mentioned 
 in Chronicles, 24 ; confession and re- 
 pentance, 129 ; punishment, 129, 130 
 flightfromAbsalom, 152 ff; fullaccount 
 of day of, 152 ; mourning for Absalom, 
 176; restoration, 178 ff; not guilty of 
 neglecting his duties, 36, 149 ; reasons 
 for temporary success of Absalom's 
 rebellion, 36, 151 
 
 numbering of the people, 223, 238 ; the 
 plague, 228, 238 
 
 organization of kingdom, military, 37; 
 civil, 38 ; religious, 39 ; administration 
 and officers, no, 190; corps of mighty 
 men, 153 
 general prosperity of end of his reign, 
 
 37 
 
 results of his reign, 39 
 character, 40; breadth of sympathy, 44 ; 
 generosity to enemies, 53 ; impetuous- 
 ness, 159 ; power of inspiring enthu- 
 siasm, 217; sincerity of repentance, 
 129, 227 : cruelties not to 'oe judged by 
 a Christian standard, 134 
 prophet, 44 ; priest, 43, 94 
 Psalm of thanksgiving, i99fF 
 Last Words, 211 ff 
 
 Psalms illustrative of his reign, 45 — 48 
 typical significance of his reign and 
 life, 42 — 45, no 
 David a name for the Messiah, 44 
 
 deal, 95 
 
 demand, 123 
 
 discomfit, 203 
 
 discover, 203 
 
 Dodo, 215 
 
 dogs in the East, 68 
 
 Dryden's Absalom and Achithophel, 
 149 
 
 Edom, conquest of, 109 
 Eglah, 67 
 £'/=God, 207 
 
INDEX. 
 
 245 
 
 elders, 70, 80, 164, 178 
 Elhanan, 197 
 
 ,, 220 
 
 Eliam, father of Bath-slieba, 122 ; son of 
 Ahithophel, 222; theory of their iden- 
 tity, 122: meaning of name, 122 
 
 Elo/n'iit — GoA, 207 
 
 En-rogel, 166 
 
 entertainment at the king's table, 113 
 
 Ephraim, wood of, 170 
 
 Ernia, go 
 
 Esh-baal, original name of Ish-bosheth, 59 
 
 execution of Saul's sons, 193; difficulties 
 of discussed, 234 
 
 falsehoods, how regarded by Scripture, 
 i57> 167 
 
 famines in Palestine, 191 
 
 fasting, a sign of mourning, 51, 75 
 feed, lit. shepherd, 80, 98 
 
 Perata, 221 
 fet, 113 
 
 fetch a com/ass, 87 
 fifth rib, 64 
 fool, 74, 136 
 
 foreigners in David's service, in, 152, 
 
 222 
 
 Gaash, 221 
 
 Gad : chronicler of David's reign, 10, 11 ; 
 sent to offer David choice of punish- 
 ments, 227 
 
 garmetit of divers coioiirs, 137 
 
 garrisons, 107 
 
 gate of palace or city as place of audi- 
 ence, 149, 178 
 
 Oath, =14, 105 
 
 Geba, 88 
 
 generally, 164 
 
 Geshur, 66 
 
 Geshurites, 60 
 
 Gezer, 88 
 
 Gibbdrim, 152 
 
 Gibeon, 61, 88; pool of, 61 
 
 Gibeonites, murder of, 76, 192, 234 
 
 Gilead, 59 
 
 Giloh, 151 
 
 Gittaim, 76 
 
 Gittite = of Gath-rimmon, 93 
 
 Gittites, 152 
 
 Gob, 197 
 
 God, when printed in capitals in E. V., 
 loi ; different Hebrew words for, 207; 
 vindicates His holiness, 92; in what 
 sense said to command or incite to 
 evil actions, 161, 223; description of 
 His advent, 2ot ; law of His dealings 
 with men, 205 ; life an essential at- 
 tribute of, 210; vengeance His pre- 
 rogative, 210; repentance of, 229; 
 power of life and death over His 
 creatures, 235 
 
 Cod of Jacob, 213 
 
 Hadadezer, 105, 119 ff. 
 
 Hadarezer, 105, 119 ff. 
 
 hair, worn long by men in the East, 147 
 
 Hamath, 108 
 
 Hanun, 115 
 
 Haphtarah, 89, 198 
 
 Harapha in Samson Agonites, 196 
 
 Harod, 220 
 
 harp, 91 
 
 heathen, to be brought to knowledge of 
 Jehovah, 2:1 
 
 Hebrew narrative, peculiarities of, 77, 
 141, 26 
 
 Hebrew MSS., 14 
 
 Hebrew text of Samuel, t6, 235; ap- 
 parent errors of, 60, 66, 88, 90, 91, 100, 
 103, 109, III, 114, 119, 137, 150, 178, 
 197, 215, 221, 225 
 
 confusion of similar letters in, 105, 
 202, 220, 222 
 
 comparison of text of ch. xxii. and 
 Ps. xviii., 235 
 
 Hebron, why chosen by David for 
 capital, 57; why chosen by Absalom 
 for centre of his rebellion, 151 
 
 Helam, 119 
 
 Heleb, 222 
 
 Helez, 220 
 
 Helkath-hazzurim, 62 
 
 hell, 200 
 
 Hezrai, 222 
 
 Hierarchy, period of the, 30 
 
 high places, worship at, 157 
 
 high-priesthood, reasons for double, 89 
 
 Hiram, 84 
 
 Hivites, 226 
 
 horn, symbol of strength, 199 
 
 household, arrangements of the royal, 
 
 134 
 
 Hushah, 220 
 
 Hushai, 157 ; the king's friend, 158; mora- 
 lity of his conduct, 157; defeats Ahi- 
 thophel's counsel, 165 
 
 Igal, 222 
 
 imagery of Psalms derived from events in 
 
 David's life, 199 
 Incarnation, O. T. preparation for the, 
 
 28_ 
 
 inquire of the Lord, S7 
 
 intreated, to be, 195 
 
 irreverence, penalty of, 92 
 
 Ishbi-benob, 196 
 
 Ish-bosheth : name changed from Esh- 
 baal, 59; length of his reign, 60; 
 character, 67 ; death, 76 
 
 Israel and Judah, early tendency to 
 separation between, 13, 123 ; jealousies 
 of, 184 ; early use of the double name, 
 224 
 
 Isr.Ael, epochs in the history of, {n) 
 Theocracy, 29, (b) Monarchy, 30, (c) 
 Hierarchy, 30; congregation of, 80; 
 
246 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 elders of, 80 ; limited nature of mon- 
 archy in, So; holiness of, 136 
 
 Israel, in what sense used of Absalom's 
 supporters, 162 
 
 Ithra, 108 
 
 Ithrite, 222 
 
 Ittai, 153 
 
 Jabesh-Gilead, 5S, 195 
 
 Jacob, God o/, 212 
 
 Jashar, Book of, 53 
 
 Jashobeam, 213 
 
 Jazer, 225 
 
 Jebus, 81 
 
 Jedidiah, 132 
 
 Jehovah, when represented by God in 
 E. v., loi 
 
 Jerome, translator of the Vulgate, 16; 
 quoted, 67, 133, 197, 229 
 
 Jerubbesheth, 125 
 
 Jerusalem : religious as well as political 
 centre, 35; early history, 82; reasons 
 for choice of as capital, 82; the habita- 
 tion of Jehovah, 155; topography, 239 
 
 Jezreel of Judah, 57 
 
 £l-jih, 61 
 
 Joab : life and character of, 61 ; murder 
 of Abner, 72 ; hardheartedness, 75 ; 
 stratagem to procure Absalom's re- 
 call, 141; service to David, 75, 177; 
 sagacity, 224 
 
 Jonadab, 135 
 
 Jonathan : David's lamentation for, 53 ff ; 
 supposed to have been called "the 
 Gazelle," 54; David's oath to, 112, 193 
 
 Jonathan, son of Shimea, 198 
 
 Joseph, house of, 180 
 „ birthright of, 185 
 
 Josephus quoted, 84, 239 
 
 Judas, Ahithophel a type of, 151 
 
 Judges, period of the, its character, 29; 
 reference to history of, 125 
 
 Kabzeel, 218 
 
 Kefr Maris, 221 
 
 Kidron, ravine of, 154 
 
 X'//'/^rtr= plain, 174 
 
 Kings of Israel : typical of Christ, 42, 
 43; sacredness of person, 52; limita- 
 tion of power, 80; special guilt of curs- 
 ing, tSo 
 
 khig's friend, the, 158 
 
 Kirjath-jearim, 90 
 
 Kihil'h, term explained, 15. See 106, 
 146, 156, 160, 161, 172, 191, 211, 215, 
 218, 222 
 
 Kuriiiul, 222 
 
 lajnentation, 53 
 
 lamp, metaphor of, 197, 206 
 
 el-LeJa/i, 66 
 
 levy, T91 
 
 life, belief in a future, 131 
 
 Lo-debar, 113 
 
 Lord God, distinguished from Lord 
 
 God, ioi 
 Lord God, meaning of, loi 
 
 Maacah, kingdom of, 117 
 ,, David's wife, 65 
 
 Maachathite, 222 
 
 Machir, 112 
 
 Mahanaim, 59, i63 
 
 Maliarai, 220 
 
 Malcham, 133 
 
 Mebunnai, false reading for Sibbechai, 
 220 
 
 Medeba, 118 
 
 ?«t'« = citizens, 195 
 
 i\Jephibosheth, change of name, 77; 
 David's kindness to, 112, 193 ; meets 
 David, 181; not a traitor, 182 
 
 Merab, 194 
 
 Merib-baal, 77 
 
 Messiah, explanation of word, 42; ex- 
 pectation of, how developed by the 
 monarchy, 30; kings of Israel a type 
 of, 42 — 44; David a type of, 42 — 45; 
 called David, 44 ; blessings of his 
 advent, 213; characteristics of, 213; 
 Nathan's prophecy of, gg, 233 
 
 Metheg-ammah, 105 
 
 Michal, David's demand for restoration 
 of, 69 ; traditionally supposed to be 
 Eglah, 67 ; her pride rebuked, 95 
 
 mighty men, David's, 153 
 
 military organization of David's reign, 37 
 
 Millo, 83, 241 
 
 inc., 85 
 
 Moabites, war with, 105 ; special reasons 
 for vengeance inflicted on, 105 
 
 Moloch, idol of the Ammonues, 133 ; 
 human sacrifices to, 134 
 
 monarchy, period of the, 30 
 
 monarchy, limitations of in Israel, 80 
 
 moral difficulties of the execution of 
 Saul's sons discussed, 234; of the 
 plague, 238 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 96 
 
 Moriah, 229, 240 
 
 Morland, Sir Samuel, 157 
 
 most High, a title of God, 203 
 
 mournmg, duration of, 126; signs of, 50, 
 51. 75. 131. 137. 15S, 181 
 
 imilberry trees, 87 
 
 mules, use of, 139, 171 
 
 murder, blood-revenge for, 143; money 
 compensation for, 193; abiding guilt 
 of, 79, 234 
 
 music at feasts, 1S3 
 
 Naharai, 222 
 Nahash, 168 
 
 ,, the Ammonite, 115 
 Name of God, loo 
 Name, the = God, 90 
 
 Nathan, the prophet, 97; chronicler of 
 David's reign, 10, 11, 152; his pro- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 247 
 
 phecy, 97, 233 ; his parable, 127 ; Solo- 
 mon's tutor, 132 
 
 Nathan, son of David, 85 
 
 Netophah, 220 
 
 numbering of the people, 223 fT. ; motives 
 for discussed, 238 ; reasons why pun- 
 ished, 238 
 
 oak, 171 
 
 Obed-edom, 93 
 
 obeisance, 50 
 
 (y"=\vith, iSj 
 
 officers of state, 110, 19T 
 
 Old Tesl^iUient : Hebrew division of, 
 27 ; difference from secular histories, 
 27 ; record of preparation for the In- 
 carnation, 28 : periods of history in, 
 28 — 32; contemplates admission of 
 Gentiles to blessings of salvation, 211; 
 text of, t6, 236. See also Hebrew text 
 
 Olives, mount of, 156 
 
 Olivet, 156 
 
 Oriental custom of kings murdering 
 their predecessor's family, 113, 177 
 
 Oman, 230 
 
 Paarai, 222 
 
 parables of O. T., 127 
 
 paronomasia, 201 
 
 Pelonite, 220 
 
 J>eo/ile=aTmy, 52 
 
 people, the special term for David's fol- 
 lowers in Absalom's rebellion, 162 
 
 Philistines, wars with, 86, 104, 196, 215 ff. 
 
 Pirathon, 221 
 
 plague, the, 228 ; reasons for discussed, 
 238 
 
 ■p\?i\n = Ar&bd!t, 65, 78 
 
 ■p\a.m=kik/iar, 174 
 
 y>oll, 14' 
 
 polygamy, 67, 36 
 
 population of Palestine, 227 
 
 prezient, 204 
 
 pride, sin of, 238 ; Michal's, rebuked by 
 David, 96 
 
 promise of dominion to David, subse- 
 quent referencesto in O. T., 234 
 
 prophets, the national historians. 10. 11; 
 see Cad, Nathan; courage of, 128 
 
 prophetic order, founded by Sanuiel, 31 
 
 prostration before the king, 143 
 
 Psalms illustrative of David's reign, 45 — 
 48; referred to, xxx. , 85; Ix., 109; 
 xxix., 201 
 
 Psalter, influence of on development of 
 religion in Israel, 31; David's share of, 
 40 
 
 psaltery, 91 
 
 Qri, terjn explained, 15. See 106, 146, 
 156, 160, i6i, 172, 191, 211, 218 
 
 Rabb.ah, historj' of, lao; capture of, 132 
 er-Kablyeh, 222 
 
 rain, symbolic significance of, 213; effects 
 of in Palestine, 213 
 
 Raphuh, 196 
 
 recorder, 110 
 
 Red Sea, reference to passage of, 203 
 
 religious organization of David's reign, 39 
 
 repentance, David's history an encourage- 
 ment to, I2r 
 
 repentance, God's, 229 
 
 Rephaim, valley of, £6, 2T7 
 
 reverence, Uzzah's death intended to 
 teach, 92 
 
 righteousness, in what sense claimed by 
 David, 204 
 
 river, the = Euphrates, 106 
 
 Rizpah, 68, 194 
 
 rock, a title of God, 199 
 
 roe, 63 
 
 rich — seer, 227 
 
 roofs. Oriental use of, 121 
 
 room, 179 
 
 Ruhaibeh, 117 
 
 sackcloth, 74 
 
 Salt, valley of, 109 
 
 Samuel: not mentioned in this book, 10; 
 why this book is called by his name, 
 lo; his work, 29 ff. 
 
 Samuel, Books of: originally one. 9; 
 title in LXX and Vulgate, 9; meaning 
 of title, 9; author, 10: sources, 10 — 
 12; date, 12; canonicity, 13; his- 
 torical accuracy, 14; materials for de- 
 termining the text, 14 — 17 
 
 analysis of contents, 17 — 21; not chro- 
 nologically arranged, 84, 97; relation 
 to Chronicles, 22 — 25; sections con- 
 tained in Chronicles, 22 ; prophetic cha- 
 racter, 24; chronologj', 25 — 27; place 
 in the history of the kingdom of God, 
 27 — 32; references to in N. T. , 14 
 
 Satan, agency of in temptation, 223 
 
 Saul: death scene of, 50: two accounts 
 of his death, 52 ; David's lament for, 
 .S3 ; massacre of the Gibeonites, 192 ; 
 burial of his bones, 195; execution of 
 his sons, 191 ff. ; its moral difficulty 
 discussed, 234 ; perhaps referred to 
 by Shimei, 160 
 
 scribe, ui 
 
 seer, 227 
 
 Sclbit, 221 
 
 self-sacrifice, examples of, 176, 217 
 
 servant of Jehovah, 44, g8 
 
 Septuagint: date and character of, 15; 
 MSS., 15; value and interest, 16 
 
 variations from Heb. text, 66, 77, 83, 
 88, 90, 91, 93, 100, 103, 107, 108, 109, 
 114, 126, 138, 139, 140, 147, 148, 153, 
 154, 163, 164, 165, 169, 172, 178, i8i, 
 182, 190, 196, 197, 218, 219, 225, 226, 
 228, and notes generally 
 
 additions bearing on date of book, 
 13 
 
248 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Shaalabbin, 221 
 Shammah, 216, 221 
 
 ,, 220 
 
 Sheba's rebellion, 1S5 ff. 
 shepherd = x\s}e.T, first used of David, 80 
 Shimei, 159, 179 
 Shobi, 169 
 Sibbechai, 197, 220 
 siege mounds, iSg 
 sin. Scripture treatment of, 121 
 Sinai, reference to Theophany at, 201 
 Sirah, well of, 72 
 Solomon, youngest son of David, 26, 85; 
 
 birth of, 131 ; meaning of name, 132; 
 
 brought up by Nathan, 132 
 son of Jehovah, a title of the king, 43, 
 
 100 
 stahlish, 100 
 strake, 130, 188 
 Sublime Porte, 149 / 
 symbolism, characteristics of Hebrew, 
 
 201 
 Syrians, 106 ff., 114 ff 
 es Sz'ir, 225 
 
 tabernacle, left at Gibeon, 89 
 
 Tacitus quoted, 122, 136, 165 
 
 Tahtim-hodshi, 225 
 
 Talniai, 66 
 
 Tamar, 134 
 
 Tamar, Absalom's daughter, 147 
 
 Targum of Jonathan, 16; specimen of, 
 
 237; quoted, 69, 87, 169, 189, 194, 
 
 197, 229 
 Tekoa, 142 
 Tell-Asur, 138 
 Tell Jezar, 88 
 temple, lessons conveyed by, 31 ; David's 
 
 desire to build, 97; why not permitted, 
 
 97; his preparations for, 37, 39; site 
 
 of, 240 
 temptation, in what sense from God, 
 
 223 
 ^c«^ = home, 186 
 terebinth, 171 
 
 Testament, Old; see Old Testa7nent. 
 Thebez, 125 
 
 Theocracy, period of the, 29 
 theocratic king, 42 
 
 theophany, description of a, 201 
 
 thirty, age of, 81 
 
 threshing-sledges, 133, 231 
 
 timbrel, 91 
 
 Tob, 117 
 
 Toi or Tou, 108 
 
 topography of Jerusalem, 239 
 
 trench, 189 
 
 tribes, supremacy of different at different 
 times, 98 
 
 tribute , 191 
 
 tribute paid to David, 105 
 
 Tiibds, 126 
 
 typical, meaning of, 42; kings of Israel 
 and David how typical of Christ, 42 — 
 44; Ahithophel typical of Judas, 151 
 
 Tyre, 84, 226 
 
 Umm Toba, 220 
 
 unclrcumcised, standing epithet of Phi- 
 listines, 54 
 ■uncover the ear, 104 
 upright, 205 
 Uriah, 122 ff., 222 
 Uzzah, 91 fF 
 
 versions of the O. T. : Septuagint, 15 ; 
 
 Targum, 16 ; Vulgate, 16 
 victory, 176 
 Z'isioJi, loi 
 visitation of sins of fathers on children, 
 
 235 
 Vulgate, 16; referred to, 83, 127, 138, 
 141, 148, 153, 154, 165, 196, 21S, 226 
 
 •wench, 166 
 
 Zadok, no, 155, 178 
 
 Zelah, 195 
 
 Zelek, 222 
 
 Zeruiah, sons of, 63; how related to 
 
 David, 168; name of her husband, 65 
 Ziba, 112 ff . ; calumniates Mephibosheth, 
 
 .159. 179 
 Zidon, 226 
 Ziklag, 49 
 
 Zion, capture of, 82 ; site of, 239 
 Zobah, 105 
 
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 'The Cambridge Bible for Schools' has not yet been made." — Baptist 
 Magazine. 
 
 "Canon Farrar has supplied students of the Gospel with an ad- 
 mirable manual in this volume. It has all that copious variety of illus- 
 tration, ingenuity of suggestion, and general soundness of interpretation 
 which readers are accustomed to expect from the learned and eloquent 
 editor. Any one who has been accustomed to associate the idea of 
 'dryness' with a commentary, should go to Canon Farrar's Si Ltike for 
 a more correct impression. He will find that a commentary may be 
 made interesting in the highest degree, and that without losing anything 
 of its solid value. . . . But, so to speak, it is too good for some of the 
 readers for whom it is intended." — The Spectator. 
 
 "We were quite prepared to find in Canon Farrar's St Luke a 
 masterpiece of Biblical criticism and comment, and we are not dis- 
 appointed by our examination of the volume before us. It reflects very 
 faithfully the learning and critical insight of the Canon's greatest works, 
 his 'Life of Christ' and his 'Life of St Paul, but differs widely from 
 both in the terseness and condensation of its style. What Canon Farrar 
 has evidently aimed at is to place before students as much information 
 as possible within the limits of the smallest possible space, and 
 in this aim he has hit the mark to perfection. It is only fair 
 to say that as a series the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' has no 
 equal in point of excellence and usefulness, and that Canon Farrar's 
 work is quite the best of the series." — The Examiner. 
 
 '■'■St Mark, with Notes by the Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. Into 
 this small volume Dr Maclear, besides a clear and able Introduc- 
 tion to the Gospel, and the text of St Mark, has compressed many 
 hundreds of valuable and helpful notes. In short, he has given us 
 a capital manual of the kind required — containing all that is needed to 
 illustrate the text, i. e. all that can be drawn from the history, geography, 
 customs, and manners of Ihe time. But as a handbook, giving in a 
 clear and succinct form the information which a lad requires in order 
 to stand an examination in the Gospel, it is admirable... I can very 
 heartily commend it, not only to the senior boys and girls in our High 
 Schools, but also to Sunday-school teachers, who may get from it the 
 very kind of knowledge they often find it hardest to get." — Expositor. 
 
 "With the help of a book like this, an intelligent teacher may make 
 'Divinity' as interesting a lesson as any in the school course. The 
 notes are of a kind that will be, for the most part, intelligible to boys 
 of the lower forms of our public schools ; but they may be read with 
 greater profit by the fifth and sixth, in conjunction with the original 
 text." — The Aqademy. 
 
 "St Mark is edited by Dr Maclear, Head Master of King's 
 College School. It is a very business-like little book. The text is 
 given in paragraphs, and each paragraph has a title, which reappears as 
 a division of the notes. The introduction, which occupies twenty pages, 
 is clear and good, and concludes with an analysis of the book. There 
 are maps and an index. ...There is a good list of writers who have 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 undertaken other parts of this edition of the Bible, including the 
 editor and his distinguished brothers, Professor Plumptre, Canon 
 Farrar, Dr Moiilton, and Mr Sanday." — Contemporary RevirM. 
 
 " We welcome with enthusiasm this first fruit of the banding to- 
 gether of eminent divinity students of our Universities under the editor- 
 ship of Dr Perowne, and are not sorry that it represents the labours of 
 so experienced a scholar and teacher as Dr Maclear, upon the Gospel 
 of St Mark. We gather from it an earnest of the handy and compact 
 arrangement to be looked for in the contents of the volumes to follow, 
 the ordering of the requisite introductory matter, the conciseness yet 
 sufficiency of the notes to the text, the fullness of the ^^;;^?-a/ index, and 
 the discreet choice of that of special words and phrases." — Ettglish 
 Churchman. 
 
 " The Gospel according to St Mattheiv, by the Rev. A. Carr. This 
 valuable series of school books is under the editorship of Professor 
 Perowne, and is doing a great and thorough educational work in 
 our schools. The volume before us condenses in the smallest possible 
 space the best results of the best commentators on St Matthew's Gospel. 
 The introduction is able, scholarly, and eminently practical, as it bears 
 on the authorship and contents of the Gospel, and the original form 
 in which it is supposed to have been written. It is well illustrated by 
 two excellent maps of the Holy Land and of the Sea of Galilee." — 
 English Churchman. 
 
 " The Book of Joshua. Edited by G. F. Maclear, D.D. We have 
 the first instalment of what we have long desiderated, a School Com- 
 mentary on the books of Scripture. If we may judge of the work con- 
 templated by tlie sample before us it has our heartiest commendation. 
 With Dr J. J. S. Perowne for General Editor and an eminent list of 
 well-known Biblical scholars as contributors, we have the highest 
 guarantee that the work will be completed in a scholarly, useful, and 
 reliable form. The introductory chapter of the present volume on the 
 
 life, character, and work of Joshua is ably and attractively written 
 
 The ' notes ' will be found brief, terse, pointed, and suggestive. The 
 historical illustrations are apposite and felicitous. The maps and geo- 
 graphical explanations are accurate and valuable. The book ought to 
 be in the hands of every teacher, and even clergymen will find it a 
 valuable accession to their list of commentaries. We await the issue 
 of the remaining volumes with interest." — Weekly Review. 
 
 "A very important work in the nature of a Scriptural text-book for 
 the use of students has been undertaken by the Syndics of the Cam- 
 bridge University Press — namely, the separate issue of the several books 
 of the Bible, each edited and annotated by some Biblical scholar of high 
 
 reputation Tiie value of the work as an aid to Biblical study, not 
 
 merely in schools but among people of all classes who are desirous to 
 have intelligent knowledge of tne Scriptures, cannot easily be over- 
 estimated." — The Scotsman. 
 
 "Among the Commentaries which are in course of publication, the 
 Cambridge Bible for Schools (Cambridge University Press) deserves 
 mention. It is issued in conveniently-sized volumes, each containing 
 a Book of the Old or New Testament. We have just received two of 
 these volumes — one, on The Book of Joshua, prepared by Dr Maclear, 
 of the King's College School ; the other, by Professor Plumptre, on 
 The Epistle of St James. That they are designed for the use of schools 
 
CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS. 
 
 sufficiently indicates the scope of the annotations which accompany the 
 text of each of these books. That on the Book of Joshua is enriched 
 with notices of the most recent discoveries in Biblical archaeology and 
 geography. The volume on the Epistle of St James is, independently 
 of a sufficient commentary, enriched with a useful introduction, in 
 which the authorship of the Epistle and the time when written are 
 discussed with the fulness which we had a right to expect from 
 Dr Plumptre. "—>//;/ Bull. 
 
 "Si Matthav, edited by A. Carr, M.A. The Book of Joshua, edited 
 by G. F. Maclear, D.D. llie General Epistle of St James, edited by 
 E. H. Plumptre, D.D. (Cambridge University Press). These volumes 
 are constructed upon the same plan, and exhibit the same features as 
 that on 'St Mark's Gospel,' of which we gave a full account on its 
 issue. The introductions and notes are scholarly, and generally such 
 as young readers need and can appreciate. The maps in both Joshua 
 and Matthew are very good, and all matters of editing are faultless. 
 Professor Plumptre's notes on 'The Epistle of St James' are models of 
 terse, exact, and elegant renderings of the original, which is too often 
 obscured in the authorised version." — Nonconformist. 
 
 "The General Epistle of St fajnes. Math Notes and Introduction. 
 By Professor Plumptre, D.D. (University Press, Cambridge). This is 
 only a part of the Cambridge Bible for Schools, and may be bought 
 for a few pence. Nevertheless it is, so far as I know, by far the best 
 exposition of the Epistle of St James in the English language. Not 
 Schoolboys or Students going in for an examination alone, but Ministers 
 and Preachers of the Word, may get more real help from it than from 
 the most costly and elaborate commentaries." — Expositor. 
 
 "With Mr Carr's w^ell-edited apparatus to St Matthew's Gospel, 
 where the text is that of Dr Scrivener's Cambridge Paragraph Bible, 
 we are sure the young student will need nothing but a good Greek 
 
 text We should doubt whether any volume of like dimensions could 
 
 be foimd so sufficient for the needs of a student of the first Gospel, from 
 whatever point of view he may approach it." — Saturday Review. 
 
 "The Cambridge Bible for Schools: St Matthew, Joshua, 
 Jonah, Corinthians, and James. We have on a former occasion drawn 
 the attention of our readers to the first volume of this excellent series — 
 St Mark. The volumes indicated above have now been published, and 
 fully maintain the high standard won by the first. They furnish valu- 
 able and precise information in a most convenient form, and will be 
 highly esteemed by students preparing for examinations, and also by 
 Sunday-school teachers and others. They are particularly valuable in 
 furnishing information concerning history, geography, manners and 
 customs, in illustration of the sacred text." — The Baptist. 
 
 " The First Epistle to the Corinthians. Edited by Professor Lias. 
 Jonah. Edited by Archdeacon Perowne. (Cambridge University 
 Press.) Every fresh instalment of this annotated edition of the Bible 
 for schools confirms the favourable opinion Ave formed of its value from 
 the examination of its first number. The origin and plan of the Epistle 
 are discussed with its character and genuineness." — The IVonconformist. 
 " Dr Maclear's commentary for Schools on The Book ofjoshia is, 
 as may be anticipated from him, clear and compendious. The historical 
 books of the Old Testament are especially adapted for such an exegesis, 
 elucidating many minute points, which might escape the observation of 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 a less careful student. Another volume of the same series, The Gospel 
 of St Matthevi', with Mr Carr's annotations, deserves equally high 
 praise. The commentary is terse and scholarly, without losing its 
 interest for ordinary readers. The maps, the index, and the tabulated 
 information in the Appendix all enhance the usefulness of this handy 
 little volume. The name of the editor, Dr Plumptre, is in itself enough 
 to recommend the edition of The General Epistle of St fames, in 
 the same series. More copious than the companion volumes, it 
 contains some lengthy notes in the form of an excursus — e.g. on the 
 personal relation of St Paul and St James the Less." — Gtiardiatt. 
 
 "The last part, the Book of Jonah, is from the hand of (The Ven. 
 T. T.) Perowne, Archdeacon of Norwich. The little work is well done, 
 written in a graceful, lucid, and cheerful style, which will be attractive 
 to young readers. The notes contain information and reflection in a 
 very just proportion, the great preponderance being given to informa- 
 tion." — The British a^id Foreign Evangelical Review. 
 
 ''The Book of Joshua. By the Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. Jonah. 
 By the Ven. T. T. Perowne, B.D. T/ie Gospel according to St Matthrw. 
 By the Rev. A. Carr, M.A. The Gospel according to St Mark. By 
 the Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. The Acts of the Apostles (i— xiv). 
 By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D. Works of more solid Avorth have not 
 been published. Dr Maclear is thoroughly at home in such an 
 historical book as Joshua. He draws illustrations from all quarters, 
 especially from old English literature, and writes in a style of great 
 elegance. The volume on Jonah is a literary gem, both on apolo- 
 getic and hermeneutical grounds. In Mr Carr's Mattltrcv there is, in 
 addition to keen verbal criticism and archreological research, a deter- 
 mined effort to trace the course of thought in the inspired text, to point 
 out the nexus between the various sections and verses of the Gospel. 
 Mr Carr has all the qualifications which vigorous and refined scholar- 
 ship can give, and possesses what is of far higher value, clear spiritual 
 insight. Mr Lumby's manner of work is known to most of our readers 
 from his papers in the Expositor. His notes on the Acts will certainly 
 enhance his reputation, and form a valuable commentary on one of the 
 most important books of the New Testament.... 'The Cambridge Bible 
 for Schools' is one of the most popular and useful literary enterprises 
 of the nineteenth century." — Baptist Afagazine. 
 
 " The Secojid Epistle to the Corinthians. By Professor Lias. The 
 General Epistles of St Peter and St Jude. By E. H. Plumptre, D.D. 
 We welcome these additions to the valuable series of the Cambridge 
 Bible. We have nothing to add to the commendation which we 
 have from the first publication given to this edition of the Bible. It is 
 enough to say that Professor Lias has completed his work on the two 
 Epistles to the Corinthians in the same admirable manner as at first. 
 Dr Plumptre has also completed the Catholic E]iistles." — Nonconforinist. 
 
 "(i) The Acts of the Apostles. By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D. 
 (2) The Second Epistle of the Corinthians, edited by Professor LlAS. 
 The introduction is pithy, and contains a mass of carefully-selected 
 information on the authorship of the Acts, its designs, and its sources. 
 
 The Second Epistle of the Corinthians is a manual beyond all 
 
 praise, for the excellence of its pithy and pointed annotations, its 
 analysis of the contents, and the fulness and value of its introduction." 
 — Examiner. 
 
CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS. 
 
 "The Cambridge University Press has not made of late years a 
 more valuable contribution to the literature of the age than this series 
 
 of books of the Bible, which has been prepared specially for schools 
 
 We have been most careful to examine Sf AlatthriV, edited by Rev. A. 
 Carr, M.A., as our thoughts are directed in the line of the International 
 Lessons for the first six months of the next year, and we are very pleased 
 to direct our readers' attention to a work which is calculated to be so 
 helpful to them. The introductory portion is very able, so full of interest- 
 ing matter, and yet so concisely put." — The Sunday School Chronicle. 
 
 "The 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians, with Notes, Map, and Intro- 
 duction. By the Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. We have here a noteworthy 
 sample of the thoroughness of the editing of the various books of the 
 English Bible under the superintendence of Dean Perowne, and a 
 trustworthy earnest of his choice of the best coadjutors for each par- 
 ticular volume." — The English Churchman and Clerical Journal. 
 
 ''The Epistle to the Romans. By H. C. G. Moule, M.A. This 
 admirable school series continues its work. Mr Moule treats in this 
 new volume of one of the profoundest of the New Testament Books. 
 His work is scholarly, clear, full, and devout, and we are thankful 
 
 that such volumes find their way into our schools The volumes, 
 
 taken as a whole, are admirable." — The Ereeman. 
 
 "The Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A., has made a valuable addition 
 to The Cambridge Bible for Schools in his brief commentary on 
 the Epistle to the Romans. The "Notes" are very good, and 
 lean, as the notes of a School Bible should, to the most commonly 
 accepted and orthodox view of the inspired author's meaning; while 
 the Introduction, and especially the Sketch of the Life of St Paul, is 
 a model of condensation. It is as lively and pleasant to read as if 
 two or three facts had not been crowded into well-nigh every sentence." 
 — Expositor. 
 
 ''The Epistle to the Romans. It is seldom we have met with a 
 work so remarkable for the compression and condensation of all that 
 is valuable in the smallest possible space as in the volume before us. 
 Within its limited pages we have 'a sketch of the Life of St Paul,' 
 which really amounts to a full and excellent biography; we have 
 further a critical account of the date of the Epistle to the Romans, of 
 its language, and of its genuineness. The notes are numerous, full of 
 matter, to the point, and leave no real difficulty or obscurity unex- 
 plained." — The Examiner. 
 
 "The Epistle to the Romans. To the mature reader, the book may 
 be most confidently recommended. He will have his reserve about the 
 theology, but he will find it an admirably careful and complete com- 
 mentary, avoiding no difficulties, tracing out distinctly the sequences 
 of thought, and expressing in perspicuous language what St Paul 
 meant, or, at least, what a learned and intelligent critic believed 
 him to have meant." — The Spectator. 
 
 "This is a volume of that very useful series, 'The Cambridge Bible 
 for Schools,' edited by Dean Perowne. Mr Moule's work, we need 
 hardly say, beai-s marks of close, conscientious study; the exposition is 
 clear, suggestive, and thoroughly sound. There is not the slightest 
 parade of scholarship, and yet this Commentary will bear comparison 
 with any even of the highest rank for ability and erudition. . . Mr 
 Moule has evidently read much, and pondered carefully; but he gives, 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 7 
 
 in small compass, the conclusion at which he has arrived. We are 
 greatly pleased with this book." — The Chiu-chmaii. 
 
 "This handy little volume is one of the "The Cambridge Bible 
 for Schools" series now being published under the superintendence 
 of Dean Perowne. It thoroughly well merits the praise, imiltum 
 in parvo. Mr Moule has evidently read much, and pondered 
 carefully ; but he does not overload his exposition with details, 
 and he has judged it best in a work "for schools" to give simply on 
 orthodox lines his conclusions. Hence, the well-packed notes are in- 
 teresting, and although there is nowhere the slightest parade of scholar- 
 ship the work has unmistakably the flavour and the value of sound 
 scholarly divinity." — The /Record. 
 
 The First Book of Samuel, by A. F. Kirkpatrick, M.A. " This forms 
 an additional volume of the Cambridge Bible for Schools, and is well 
 worthy to take its place beside those which have already appeared. 
 The text is enriched with ample notes, both critical and 
 literary, which give every assistance to the better understanding and 
 appreciation of the book which the student can desire." — Camh-idge 
 Independent Press. 
 
 "To the valuable series of Scriptural expositions and elementary 
 commentaries which is being issued at the Cambridge University Press, 
 under the title "The Cambridge Bible for Schools," has been added 
 The First Book of Samuel by the Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick. Like 
 other volumes of the series, it contains a carefully written historical and 
 critical introduction, while the text is profusely illustrated and explained 
 by notes." — The Scotsman. 
 
 "To the volume on I. Samuel we give our very warm commenda- 
 tion. It is designed, not for teachers, but for learners, and especially 
 for young men in schools and colleges. At the same time, it will be 
 interesting and profitable to all who wish to read the Bible intelli- 
 gently. " — Methodist Recorder. 
 
 " 77^1? Gospel according to St Johji. There are several excellent maps. 
 For the private student or for school use, this commentary must be 
 placed in the first rank so far as concerns the industry and ability of the 
 compiler." — The Schoolmaster. 
 
 "The notes are extremely scholarly and valuable, and in most cases 
 exhaustive, bringing to the elucidation of the text all that is best in 
 commentaries, ancient and modern." — The English Churchtjiaii and 
 Clerical Journal. 
 
 ^^The Book of the Prophet yeremiah, together with Lafncntations. 
 Mr Streane's Jeremiah consists of a series of admirable and well-nigh 
 exhaustive notes on the text, with introduction and appendices, drawing 
 the life, times, and character of the prophet, the style, contents, and 
 arrangement of his prophecies, the traditions relating to Jeremiah, 
 meant as a type of Christ (a most remarkable chapter), and other 
 prophecies relating to Jeremiah." — The English Churchman and Clerical 
 yourtial. 
 
 The Gospel according to St yohn. "Of the notes we can say with 
 confidence that they are useful, necessary, learned, and brief. To 
 Divinity students, to teachers, and for private use, this compact 
 Commentary will be found a valuable aid to the better understanding 
 of the Sacred Text." — School Guardian. 
 
 '■'■The Gospel according to St John. — Valuable as the contents of the 
 
CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS. 
 
 Introduction are to the Divinity student, the explanatory and critical 
 notes contain the clearest exposition of the text that we have seen, and 
 are doubtless the fruit of many years of learned research and laborious 
 application. We congratulate the author on his successful efforts, 
 especially as we believe that "St John" will bear a favourable com- 
 parison with any of the other volumes, and we give the work our 
 unqualified recommendation." — Durham Diocesan Magazine. 
 
 " The new volume of the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' — the 
 Gospel according to St John, by the Rev. A. Plummer — shows as 
 careful and thorough work as either of its predecessors. The intro- 
 duction concisely yet fully describes the life of St John, the authenticity 
 of the Gospel, its characteristics, its relation to the Synoptic Gospels, 
 and to the Apostle's First Epistle, and the usual subjects referred to in 
 an 'introduction'." — The Christian Church. 
 
 " Ecclesiastes ; or, the Preacher. — This volume is one of the series 
 known as the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' now being brought out 
 under the editorship of the Dean of Peterborough. Several of the 
 volumes already published are of considerable value; but we doubt 
 whether one more thoroughly satisfactory than the present has yet 
 appeared. It is distinguished by various characteristics, without which 
 no commentary on a canonical book can satisfy the demands alike of 
 the Christian conscience and the critical learning of the age. Dr 
 Plumptre shows that a biblical critic can unite a sufficiently 'free 
 handling' of conventional and traditional views with a reverence for 
 the books which the Church has stamped as sacred. We doubt whether 
 a volume uniting these features in the same degree would have been 
 
 possible at any previous period of the history of the Church It is 
 
 out of our power to refer to particular points in the exposition ; but we 
 cannot help noticing how much light is thrown upon the text, as well 
 as what charm is cast upon the commentary, by the abundant citations 
 from classical writers, ancient and modern." — Church Bells. 
 
 " Of the Notes, it is sufficient to say that they are in every respect 
 worthy of Dr Plumptre's high reputation as a scholar and a critic, being 
 at once learned, sensible, and practical. . . . An appendix, in which it 
 is clearly proved that the author of Ecclesiastes anticipated Shakspeare 
 and Tennyson in some of their finest thoughts and reflections, will be 
 read with interest by students both of Hebrew and of English literature. 
 Commentaries are seldom attractive reading. This little volume is a 
 notable exception," — The Scots!?ian. 
 
 Cambridge: printed by c. j. clay, m.a,, at the university press. 
 
University Press, Cambridge. 
 November, 1881. 
 
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 the Marginal References remodelled, and a Critical Introduction 
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 Revisers of the Authorized Version. Crown Quarto, cloth gilt, i\s. 
 The Student's Edition of the above, on good writing paper, with 
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