mg| 325* .- ■ ™1 . ^^^ *£»>•»' ^Hfcw , fMdK{ SBfe'^ ^HfckZ'< ^n *,•*''•- '.Vv\ 1 •v SaW of. NOV J 5 19m * 7^57 / s /w s,~ &% Av^ ^y&^'s*^ ? Is^^^sf^, W //j?/2-^r^r^-~-» 2/ J?, .r * - < I * 1^-7 £r *r—*~ THE STAT O F T H E PROTESTANTS O F IRELAND Under the late Kiiig James's Government In which their Carriage towards him is juftified, and the abfolute Neceility of their endeavouring to be freed from his Government, and of fubrnit- ting to their prefent Majefties is demonftrated. With an A p p e n d I x of Acts of Parliament, Pro* clamations, Letters, and original Papers, &c. tammmm — — i ■ i ... _.. — l By his Grace William King, late Lord Archr biihop of Dublin. 2) V B L I tfi Printed by S. P o w E l I, For George Risk at the Shake fpar\ Head, George EwiNGatthe Angel and Bible, an J William Smith at the Hercules^ Bookfel* husmDMmt'4-Jtmt $ MDCCXXX, HEADS of the DISCOURSE. The INTRODUCTION. Containing an Explication of the Dd&rine of Pafflve Obedience, and fiating the true Notion and Latitude of it page i N. i . That a King who dejigns to dejiroy a People, abdicates the Govern- ment of them ib. 4. The jijfer tors of PaJJ.ve Obed.ence own this, but alledgethe Cafe is ■ not to be put 2. 3. ihe Arguments of Pafflve Obedience from Feafon and Scripture reach only Ca } es where the Mijchiej is particular or t Mr able 3 4. A War not alzvays a greater Evil ihan Sufenng 5 5. The Division oj the whole Difcourje Into four parts ib. Chap. 1. That it is lawful for one Prince to interpofe between another Prince and his Subjects when he ufes them cruelly 6 N.i. This Point already clea> ed by Jeveral ib. 2. 1. Argument. One Pritice may have an Intereft in the People and Go- vernment of another Prince 7 3. 2. Argument. That the Deflrutl on of a People by their Prince may only be aftep to the Defirutiion of his Neighbours ib. 4. 3. Argument. Chanty and Humanity oblige eiery one who is able to fuccour the oppreffed 8 5. 4. Argument. God feems for this Eeafon to have divided the World into fever al Principalities ib. *. 5. Argument. Prom the Authority of ChriftianCafuifts 9 7. 6. From the Practice of Chnjlian Princes* Conflantine the Great, Conftanune his Son, King Pepin, the Holy War, &c. 10 t. The Objection from the Oath of Allegiance, &c. a?ifweredfromYz\k- ner 11 9. Prom it not being lawful to affifi any Prince in an id Caufe ib. 10. Prom King James'* abolifmng tho,e Oaths here in Ireland 12 Chap. 2. King James defined to dejiroy the Protefiant Religion 1 3 Se&. 1. ihepoffibility of a King's defigning the Defirutiion of 'his Sub- jetls ib. N. 1. That it is neceffary the Princes Defign (l)ouldbe very evident to juflife the Oppofition of his Subjects ib. a. An Avfwer to the Objection, who fhall be Judge ? 14 3. Example of Princes that have had fuch Defigns againft their Subjects ib. Se&. 2. Shewing from the Obligations of his Religion that King James denned to defray Protefiant Subjetts 1 5 N. 1. Proved from the Councili of Latcranatfd Conftance from King Izmti'sZeal, Conf effort and Allies ib. a 2* Heads of the Difcourfe. a. That no Promifes of the Prince, nor Laws of the Land can fecuri Prote/iant Subjetis Page if Account of Jerome of Prague'* fafe Condutl 19 Sett. 3 . King Jame5'j Defign to ruin his Prottftant Subjects, proved from the Profelfion of that -whole Party that were moft privy to his Council, who privately warned their Proteftant "Friends of it ib. Seel:. if.Tlnfame deftruclive Defigns proved from the Officers employed by him 21 N. 1. The Ground of the different lnterejis of Ireland. Account of the Rebellion in 1641 ib. 2. The Sub j eels Security is, that the Officers employed by the King are refponfible for what they do atnifs 2$ 3. The Officers employed by King James not only not rejponfible, but fit- ted to deflroy us, upon account oj the five Orualifications follov/mg ib. Sect. 5. Upon Account of their being Men generally of no fortune 24 N.i. King James employed fuch in the Army and civil Offices, and fuch were his Favourites ib. 2. He employed fuch in Corporations 25 3. Men of Ejlates that followed him out of England had little Intereft with him 26 4. The Reafon of this that he might not flick at illegal Commands 27 Seel;. 6. Upon account of their mfufficiency for their 'Employments ib. K.i. The Roman Catholicks generally infufficient for Bufinefs by their long ttifufe ib. 2. The Inconveniencies of this in the Court s a and City 29 3. In the Country ib, 4. Thofe employed were incapable of Improvement 30 Seel:. 7. Uf en Account of their loofe Principles and want of moral Ho* nefty 3 i N. 1 . Knavery, Robbery or lorgery, no bar to Preferments in King James his Army, or Employments ib 2. Thelewdefl Converts favoured 32.. 3 . All of them very uncharitable, and void ofCompaJJion to Hereticks 3 4 4. Many Perjuries among (I them 3$ Seel:. 8. Upon account of their Genius and Inclination to deflroy the Laius t dec. ib. K.i. The ancient Condition of the Tenants and Landlords 0/Ireland ib. i. The Landlords that did not forfeit their Efiates 1641, retained the Genius of their Ancefiors 36 3. The Humour and Way of living of fuch as formerly forfeited, or had fold their Efiates ib. 4. The Englifh Laws were intolerable to the old Landlords, that retatn'd their Efiates 37 5. Much more to thofe that had loft them, and moft of all tothePopifh Clergy 38 6. King James employed and trufted to thofe whofe inter eft and Temper made them greateft Enemies to the Laws ib. 7. The Popiftj hiih. found that the King's "Legal Power could never re- ft tre them, therefore were earneft to fet him ab$vs the Laws 39 8. Their Heads of the Difcourfe. t. Their Refolution never tofubmit to any King who was not of their own Religion Page 40 9. Their eagernefs not only to part with Laws, but alfo with the King" dom to any who would engage to reftore them to their petty Tyrannies ib. 10. That Kingjames's Defire to be abfolute, induced him to change his Re- ligion, and to cherift) the Irifh, probably from fever t\l Reafons, viz. \\ 1 . None el/e likely to affifi him infuch a Defign ib . 2. Becau/e more concern' 'd for Irifh than Englifh Papifts ib ? 3 . As kind to Protefiants where they concurred to make him abfolute ib. 4 Trom his Declaration of No Teft but Loyalty 42 5. Irifh loft his Favour when they began to difpute his Commands. In- flame in the Cafe of the Earl of Melrbrd, and Hpufe of Commons ib. Sett. 9. Upon Account of their being unqualified by Law 4 \ 1. Reafonable to exclude Perfons from Government, of whom the Com- monwealth can have no Security, ib. The Irifh fo excluded by feve- ral Laws. 44. King James employed them in Defiance cfthefe Laws. Becaufethey would be again ft the Laws, and give a boundlejs Submif- fion to him ib^ 2. The Arguments therefore for Non-refiftance void, that Kitig James could not find Tools to make him abfolute 45 Chap. III. King James's aclualProgrefs in our Deft ruction 46 3e£L 1 . An Introdutlion to this Head from the State of Ireland, and ex- pectance of Protefiants at King James'; coming to the Crown ; groun- ded on their own Merit, the Repute of his good N^atun, and his true Intereft ib, 1. Only fad Experience could teach us what to expeR from a Prince of King James'; Principles. Happy State of Ireland, both for Protefiants and Papifts at King J a mes'; coming to the Crotvn ib. I. Somefo weak at not to be ruled by their true Intereft 47 3. King James'; Intereif to have kept fair with Proieftants, efpecially after he came into Ireland. Appears by thep&ins taken to make this (though falfe) to be believed in England 48 4. Zeal for his Religion and ill Councellors, made him obi againft his In- tereft, 51. 5. The Services of Protefiants of as little force v/ith him as his own Intereft. Inflame in Chancellor Herbert, Sir Cha. Murrey, and Lord Forbes ib. 6. Papifts themselves of moderate Principles x had little influence on him. Inflate Connaught Papifts f 4 7. None could pleafeK. James but thofe that would make him Abfolute 5 v %. King James's good Mature no Security to Protefiants ib,' 9. Romifh Principles overthrow all good Nature, inflame Charles the Fifth. Francis the Pirft. Prefent French King. The Cruelty m the Weft under King James, a/id the Ad of Attainder 56 jo. This the Effebl of the Councilors Kin* James made ufe oj. Nine Means whereby King James deftroyed the Protefiants 57 Seel. 2. Pirft, King James'; Dealing with the Army 5X The Army at Kw% James'; coming to the Crown confifted of feven thou- fand moft loyal Men j many of which had bought their Commands ib. King.Jamesrefpettednotpaft, but future Services 59 j. Duke of Ormond recalled. Colonel Talbot fent to model the Army. a 2 Hk Heads of the Difcourfe. His barbarous manner of doing it. Subftituted an Irifh Army againft the Con dilution of the Kingdom Page 6o 3 . Disbanded Soldiers xonu many for Holland 62, 4. InfoUnceof the new Irifh Soldiers. 7 nftance, I. In Mangled killing his disbanded Officer. 2. m Afton'* being hanged for killing a Papifi ib. 5. New Levies on the Prince of Orange'* Invafion, conffhng of Forty or fifty thousand of old Rebels ib. 6. Three Arguments in Defence of thefenew Levies 63 y.AnJwered, 1. Though it were granted, that a M after might employ what Servants he pleajeth, yet the King muft be guided by the Laws in employing Soldiers. 64 t. Secondly, That Proteftants would not ferve his turn. Anfwer^This only fiews what he dejigned againft us ib. 9. Thirdly, That fiich Levies were necejfary in the Kings Circumftances. Anfwer, ihcPapifls had brought ihat Neceffity. The raifing and modeling this Army a plain inftance of King James'/ Defign to defiroy us 65 Sect. 3. Secondh, King James'* dealing with the Courts of Judicature ib. I. Juftice in the Hands of fit Perfons, the Support of a Kingdom. King James />*r it into the mo ft unfit Hands ; being fuch as were bent to de- ftroy the Proteftants, and English Intereft ib. 1. Chancer}', Primate Boyle, and Sir Charles Porter removed. Fitton put in. His Character. His Inclination and Behaviour towardsPro- teftantsj and great Partiality to them 66 3. M-ifters of Chancery of the fame fort 68 4. On the other Benches, one Proteftant °J-udge kept in for a Colour, with' out Power. The like done by Burgeffes in Corporations i&. 5. King'*-Bench, Nugent'* Character, great Partiality. Inftance in Crf/>/,Fitz-Gerald, and dir Gregory Birn. Nugem's great Hand in the Bill of Attainder, Sec. Sir Bryan 6 Neal'* Character 69 6. Exchequer, Sir Stephen Rice'* Character. His Inveteracy to Pro- teftants and Enmity to the Act of Settlement 7 1 7. Common Pleas little todo, Keating'* and Daley** Characlers. 73 %. Circuits, Alike ill for Proteftants. Inftance Tin t\\'s Affidavit ib. 9. Attorney-General, Sir Richard Nagle, /;;* Character and Partiality . inftance in Fitz-Gerald and Sir William Petty, Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, drew up the Atts of Repeal and Attainder, and be- tray 'd the King's Prerogative ib^ 10. Adminiftration of the Laws turned to the Proteftants ruin 75 1 1 . Inftance s in beating and injuring Proteftants ib . 1 2. In dif arming them 76 13. Ihe difpenjing Power of more Mifchief ftill, than ill A dminift ra- tion. 7>rft, Only to be allowed in Cafes of Necejftty ib. 14. Secondly, In fuch cafes the People have as much right to it as the Kin:. Inftance i;i the Sheriff of Warvvickfhire, from Dr. Sanderfon 77 xy. Thirdly, the wickednefs either in King or People in pretending Necef- fity where there is none •» S 1 6. Kin* Ja ines'* employing Popiftj Officers was fuch a Difpenfation 79 17. And no Neceffity for it, unlets fuch as -was Criminal So it. King]zmzs difpenfed with all, when it zvas againft Proteftants Si Sedt. Heads of the Difccmrfe. Sect. 4. Thirdly, King James'* dealing with Civil Officers, and the Privy Coined Page 82 1. Several outcd nonvithfiandmg Patents ib. 2. Attof Parliament for voiding Patent;. Irifli hereby wade Keepers of Records j which before, they had corrupted, when they could get to them 83 3. RevenucrOfficers changed for Roman Catholicks, though to ths pre- judice of the Revenue 84 4. Sheriffs and 'ifufiices of the Peace, from the Scum of the People 8 > 5 # Privy Cmncelior r > allinefectPapifis 87 Sett. $. Fourthly, JC/«? James'* dealing with Corporations 88 1 . The Peoples Security in thefe Kingdoms „ is the choice of Reprefentathes in Parliament. Toprefer<.ethis, Papifis excluded from Corporations in Ireland. Protefiants had made great Concefftons to the King by their New-Rules for Corporations. The King not fatisfy'd with this, but would have all ib. 2. Rice and Na^le'* managing of Quo Warranto'* ; a horrid Abuje of the King's Prerogative and the Law 90 3. Other Methods of defiroying Charters 91 4. Particular Corporations in Dublin how ordered 92 5 . Voiding Charters led to voiding Patents for Efiates ib. 6. Corporations by the new Charters made abfolute Slaves to the King's Will. Firft, by Confequence no free Parliament could be returned. Secondly, Protefiants could not ferve in the Corporations ib. 7. Protefiants hereby driven from the Kingdom 93 Seel. 6. Fifthly, Kin Seel. 8. Seventhly, King JamesV defiruclion of our Eflates. 1. By dif arming the Vroteflants by Lord Tirconnell 1. 1 Q 1. Government diffolved that does not preferve Vroperty ib, 2. Thehiih very low at the Prince of Orange's Invafisn, Would eafi- ly have been brought tofuhm't. Proteflants able to have maflered theme Lord Mountjoy eppofed feisumg Tirconnell ib. 5 . Proteflants xefolved not to be the Aggrejfors : were inclined to fubmit to K. James, till they found his deflrutiive deflgns. Monjieur d* A yaux complained of the Meafuresput on King J ames by Tirconnell 1 12, 4» Tir connellV Arts and Lyes to gain time, pretending to be ready to fub- mit to King William, till he form* d his new Levies,Lord ChiefJxfticG Keatings Letter and Obfervations on it 113, 114 5. Ne w Levies neceffary to lefubjifled on Plunder. This gave credit to the LettertoLord Mount Alexander, Decemb. 6. 1688. 115 6. And made Derry flmt its Gates againft tht Earl of Antrimslfcj/- ment 117 7. Obliged to do thus by their Founds ton. ib. S. Vrovok'd to do it by the unjufl taking away their Charter 1 18 9. This made alfothe'EnlskiWeners, refufetwo Companies fent by 'Lor^ Tirconnell, and the Northern Gentlemen to enter into, an Ajfociation for their own defence 1 r 9 10 Lord Tirconnel haflened to run them into blood, before King James/ coming 12© ■11. Jxflification of their declaring for their prefent Majefliei 121 12. Their defence of themfelves of great benefit to the Proteflants Caufc, and almofl miraculous ib. 13. Lord Tirconnell Lyes and Wheedles to Lord Mountjoy to fend him to France 124 14. LordMoun^oy'sReafonsto accept it. Articles granted to him by TirconneU for the Vroteflants, not kept 125 1 5. Lord Tirconnell proceedi to difarm the Proteflants. Manner of doing it, and taking away their Ho"fes. A perfect Dragooning 126 1 6. Proclamation ijfued, after it had been done by verbal Orders 128 1 7. The Arms for the mofl part embezled by the Soldiers who took them. This had like to have occasioned a worfe Dragooning , prevented by the Bijhop of Mcath ib. Heads of the Difcourfe* 1 8. The manner of taking up andembezl'mg Horfes 1 19 2 9. Miferable condition of the Protectants, being difarmed amongft their Irifh Enemies. Protejlants had the higheft legal Property in their Arms. The Government by taking them away, muft defign their ruin 130 20. No Reafon for dif arming us hut to make us a prey 131 2.1 . if was necejfary in King James'; Circumftances : But theNeceJfity occajioned by his oxon fault 13Z Sett. 9. Secondly* "Lord Tirconnell'; Attempts on the Froteftants per- fonal Fortunes 1 3 3 s. Which he de/iroyedby encouraging Popiftj Tenants againfi their Prote- jiant Landlords , and fwtanng them into Plets. Gentlemen forced to live, for fome t.me before the Tw .1, on their Stocks ib . 2. Forced into England with little ready Money. Many burnt out of their Houfes in the Country. Many robbed, and fomemurthered 134 3 . Vroteftants impoverijhed by vexatious law Suits 135 4. By Delays, and the Treachery of Fopifh Council 136 5. By defending theit Charters, and being forced to take out nevj ones 137 6. By free Quarters. Inkeepers and Houfe-keepers ruined ib. 7. By the burden of Vriefts and Fry an 139 Seft. 10. Thirdly, King James'; own Attempts on the- fame ib. I,, Quartering on private Houfes, contrary to the Articles to Lord Mounjoy. Moil Soldiers had many t 7. Lutterel) forced it on para of Deathy by the Provojl- Martial ib. On Smith, Leefon, Bcnnet, Widow Chapman^ her barbarous ufage ib. Papifis not forced to receive it from Protefiants 1 54 %. Seizing of Protefiants Wooll, Hides, Tallow 155 P eircy to have been hanged for faying he ivas not willing to part with them 1 56 Protefiants not permitted to expert them . Their Imports feized 1 5 7 9. Seizing of Corn and Mault. The Treafon of having bisket. Giles Meigh ib. Difficult for Protefiants to get Corn or Bread, this before Harvefi would have forced out all their Silver 1 5 S 1 o. Seizing Wooll as foon asfliorn i b . Searching Houfes for Copper and Brafs for the Mint ; and taking private Accompts of what elfe the Protefiants had in their Houfes ib. x 1. Lord Mayors rating of Merchant Goods. Forced on the Protefiants, but difregarded by the Papifis : Infiance in the very Lord Mayor him" felf M9 12. Proclamation to rate Silver and Gold in Exchange for Brafs, en pain of death ib. 1 3 . Inference from the whole 1 60 Sed. 12. Fifthly, King James V deHruclion cf the Protefiants real Eftates ib. 1, Explication of old and new Jnterefi, and Account of the Acts of Set- tlement, andoj theTenure by which theProtefiants held their Efiates ib. The Papifis outed of their Efiates by the late Rebellion dill kept up a claim to them, and made Jointures and Settlements of them, which were confirmed in King James V Parliament 161 a. King^mtsat his firficom'mg to the Crown, gave out he would pre* ferve the Atts of Settlement. Lord Clarendon, Lord Chancellor Porter, and the Judgei i v Circuit direcled to declare it 163 The Papifis knew it was only colour >l* Nagle'i Coventry Letter firfi openly broke the matter, O&ober 26, 1686. ib. Tirconnell, at his coming Governour, leaves it out of theProclamation 164 Nugent and Rice fent /o England to concert the Methods of Repealing it > but concealed for theprefent their fuccefs |b. At their return prepared for a Parliament ib. For which Matters had been fitted by the Quo Warranto**, and rever- fal of Outlawries againfi the Irifh Veers ib. 3. Papifis had not patience to wait for their Efiates till a parliament ; but went to work by counterfeit Deeds, and by old Injunctions of the Court of Claims 165 4. Matters ripe for a Parliament, but put off till the Parliament which was to fit itf England, November 1688. fhonld take of\ the penal Laws, 5c c. 166 5. At Kingjames's arrival in Ireland, it was againfi his Jnterefi to call a Parliament, F/r/7, facaufi of left of time j the Kingdom not reduced 167 6.S4- Heads of the Difcourfc. <5. Secondly, which was King James'* Allegation for not calling one in England j this reflected on his Sincerity Page 167 7. Thirdly, It was the way to difoblige all that were inclined to him in England, and Scotland ib. 8. "Fourthly , It difobliged agreat many of thcXnVa themfelves 168 9. Fifthly, It rendered all not under his Power, differ ate ib. 10. 11, Againfl all Re'afon and Interejl he called One, being refolved to Dyea Martyr or Eftablifh Popery ib. 12. This Parliament fitted for our Ruin, both in reflect of the King and ofbothHoiijCs 169 1 3 . Method of illling the Hovfe of Lords with Popijh Peers. Only Jour or five Protejlam Temporal, and four Spiritual Lords ib. Several Acts paft not by confent of theje lafi; though it be pretended m their Preambles 170 14. HoufeoJ Commons how filled. Manner of Elecling Members, Clf.y two Protefiants (that could be called fitch) in it 171 1 5. The whole Houje a Slave to the King's Will. No Protefiations allow- ed ' > 175 16. How much Reafon zve, as well as England, had to dread Papijls m a Parliament 174 17. Fir ft, Account of the AH of Repeal 17? Secondly, of the Act of Attainder ib. Thirdly, Claufe in it of holding Correfpondencefince Aug. 1 6 8 8 , 176 Fourthly, Claufe of cutting ejf Remainders ib. Fifthly, No Proteftant might hope to be reprized by the Acl of Repeal 177 Sixthly, Clauf in the Ad of Attainder again ft the King's pardoning, which was the Reafon this AM was kept jo ecrct. Copy procured by Mr. Coghlan, upon account of Sir Thomas Southwell** Panlonfol- ticited by Lord Searorth. King James in a Pajjion with Sir Richard Nagle, for betrafmg his Prerogative by this Claufe aga'mft Pardoning 178 18. Olfervations, Firft, King James could not difipence when the\x\[i\ pleafed 181 Secondly, Near three thoufand Protefiants condemned for not coming in by a Day, and yet the A El never publijhed but keptfecrct i b . Thirdly, Folly of attainted Perfons to think of ever being pardoned, if King James be reftored, fince it is not in his Power ib. Fourthly, Papirts got into their Efiates before the time fet in the Act of Repeal 182 19. Means how the Papitfs got Poffejpons. ib. F/n7, Popijh Tenants attorn' d to t heir old Popifi) Landlords ib . Secondly, Advantages taken of Claujes in the AM of Repeal i?£ Thirdly, from Orders about Garrifoning Manfion-Houjes. Sending the Proteftant OivnerstotheGoal, whomufi never have expected either their Houj'es or Lives, if King James had preva, led ib. Estates of A. f?ntees difbofed of, and promt fed to Papists 1 84 ze. Objection, That King James did not htow the Confequence of Re- pealing the A6t of Settlement \b* " An freer, Firft, King J am es under flood them better than any > and he'd ten thoufand Pounds a Tsar by them when Duke of York. i b . b Stcondhji Heads of the Difcourfe. Secondly t K/;** James would not hear the Protefl ants plead attheEJf again ft the Repeal 1 8 $ Thirdly, Biftjop e/Meath, in a Speech in the Hoife, fet forth the ill Con- fequence at large ib. Fourthly, The Profefidnts oppofed it from Point to Point ib. Fifthly, Proteftants were refolved to uje their utmoft, that the ill Intints of their Adversaries might appear the more 1S6 Sixthly, Lord Chief J ufttce Keating'; Paper given to King James in be- half ofVurchafers, rejecled 1S7 2. 1 . Proteftants loft more in Ireland, than all that favour King JamesV Caufe in England are ivorth ib. Sc&. 15. Eighth, The Banger into which King James brought the Lives of his Protectant Subjects in I rela nd 1 8 8 1. At King James'* coming no general Pardon, though it had been his Interest in refpeff of England ib. 2. Is not chargeable with particular Murders further than by arming fuch Men as weald be guilty of them ib . i . The Government 's Bcfgn upon our Lives 189" Tirit, By feigned Plots , and protecting the perjured Witnejfcs. In- ftance in Spiked Cafe. The Dumb-Friar ib. Secondly, By wrefting Faffs toTreafon, Nugent declared Proteftants, 'having Arms, to befo 19 i Thirdly, By violating Articles. Mr. Brown o/Cjrk. TozvnofRandon. Eari c/Inchiquin. Captain Boyle. Sir Thomas Southwell and his Party. Lord Mountjoy's Soldiers. Pert 0/Culmore. King]ames 3 s approach to Derry. Capta'mV'ixy. Kenaght Caftle ib. Fourthly, By violating Protections J95 Proteftants ufDown ib. Proteftants bro't-jht before Derry by General Rofen. Bifliop o/Meath ap- plyed to King Tames about it. King James excufed Rofen 197, 198 Captain Barton 0/Carrick Mac Crofs 199 Fifthly, By private Orders and Proclamations with the Penalty of Death. Several Inftances Sixthly, Bv the A ff of Attainder. Archbiftjops 2 Duke — _ 1 Temporal Lords 63 Ladies — — - 22 202 Abftrattofit 204, 205 Bijhops , - — 7 Knights — . — 85 Clergymen — - 83 Efquires and Gentlemen 2 1 2 2 Kot equalled by the Profcritsion at Rome. Great part' Attainted on Common Fame 207 r -b trvations on the Ac~z ib. 1. Leaves no room for the Kinijo Pardon ib. 2. The Act concealed- Out of the Power of an Englifli Parliament to liepcal it, by the Aft for cutting oft Ireland from England 208 ; . 7 he hafte in drawing it up ib, 4. Many left out , particularly the Collefians, andhoiv ib. r . Applications in behalf of Proteftants made their Cafe worfe 209 it. A ,czv;ngofti??ie to prove Inno'cumy , awcreCcllflfon ib. 1. None Heads of the Difcourfe. 1. None knew what time was given Page 209 2. None knew "what they would call Innocency. Infiance Defmineer and Ginnery ib. 3. The Embargo on this fide would not let them know on the other fide 210 4. The Embargo on the other fide would not let them come hither ib. 5. To have come would have been an unxoije Venture ' ib. 6. Objection, That few Protefiants loft their Lives 2 1 1 Anfwer, 1 . When it is kr.own how many haveperifiied, they will not ap- pear fezv ib. 2. The Irifh Pabifis would not venture at much murthering, till they were pafl an after Reckoning, they feared juch Cruelty -would be revenged on Roman Catholicks in England ib. 3. Protefiants vjere cautious not to provoke them, and were true to one another 2 1 2 4. We don't know what would have been done with Attainted Perfovis ib. 5. Protefiants if Obnoxious abfeonded or ejeaped 213 6. The Support of King J ames'j Army depended on the Pr fiants ib. Scotch Officers that came here zvondered to find hr-jj Protefiants rvere ufied, having heard fo much the contrary at home ib. The fame given out in Unhand. Pity but thofe who believed and for- warded it, had been fent hither. ib. The I ri fh do ing what they did in their Cir cum fiances, what zvould they have don? if left to their fwing* 214 Sech 14. Ninthly, The method King James took to defiroy our Rel'gion ib. 1. The Attempts againfi our "Lives and Fortunes, no find den thing but the result of a long Defign ; for which Tirconnel had 20000 1. per Annum ib, 2. King James pretended Liberty of Confidence j but not to be expecled from a Roman Catholic': 2 1 5 3 . The Laws and Coronation Oath fecured our Religion. The Clergy had merited from King J ames by oppofing the Exclufipn\ and difisbliged their People ib. 4. At his coming to the Crown, the Roman Catholicks declared that his Promifies to the Church were not intended for Ireland 2 1 6 Seel:. 1 ^. Firfi, by taking azvay our Schools and XJniverfities ?.ij 1. Lord Tyrconnell put the Schools, contrary to the Lazu, into the Hands of the Priefis ib. 2. And zvould have put in Bopifh Fellows into the College 5 1 8 3. Stopt the College Venfion of 388 /. per Annum from Eafter 1688, turn'd out the Fellows and Students j fieiz.ed on the Library and Fur- niture 219 4. Forbid three of them on pain of Death not to meet together 220 5. King James did not fill up vacant Bijhopricks and Livings in hi; Gift ib. 0. And allowed nothing for fupply\n% the Cures 22 1 b 2 7. All Heads of the Difcourfc. 7. All the Bifhops and Livings in the Kingdom -would foon have come in* to the King's Hands Page 222. 8. This not! he eject of our Conftittttion, the fame in Popifl) Countries. Thirty five Bi/hop ricks void in France in 1688. King James's r«- gratefulnejs to the Protefiant Clergy ib. Seft. 1 6. Secondly, By taking away the Maintenance of the Clergy 225 1. B 00k- Money denied by the Pap f?s from K.ing]imes's coming to 'the Crown ib. 2. frie&s put in for Tythes. Hardly recovered by Protestants 224 5 . An Act of their Parliament apple I Papists Tythes to the Priefts 'ib; 4. And Protestants Tythes too, when the Priccls had the Benefices ib. 5 . The Prietls fore'd into Pojfejfwn of Glebes, where there zvere any 22 iji of the Lords that fat in the pretended Parliament at Dublin, hetd May 7. 1689. 99 The Na\,esof the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes returned to the Par- liament, beginning May 7. 1689. 91 An A '• Irefs to King James in behalf of Pur chafers under the A cl of Settlement by jfa^e Keating 96 The Lord Bifiop of Meath'* Speech in Parliament, June 4. 1689. 104 Copies of Orders for giving Poffeffions 1 10 Albaville'j Inftrutlions to the Commiffiontrs of 'Oyer and Terminer 1 1 5 A Pei on of the Minifter 0/" Wexford for his Church, and the Order thereupon 1 j -, 116 Mr, Heads of the Difcourfc* iHr. Prowd, M'w'ifler of Trim, his Account of the remarkable Accident that happened upon plundering the Church of Trim 1 1 6 General RoCen'; Order to bring the Protectants before Derry 1 1 7 Adverfifement, as it was publiflnd by Mr.Yalden m his weekly Ab- horrence, concerning jpr.King and Dr. Foy 121 Colonel Luttereir* Order for numbering Protcfiants 1 zz Collonel Lutterell'i Order forbidding above Jive Protefiants to meet any whtre ti$ THE The STATE of the PROTESTANTS O F IRELAND Under the late King J A ME $'s Government ; IN WHICH Their Carriage towards him is juftified, and the abfolute Ncceffity of their endeavouring to be freed from his Government,- and fubmitting to their prefent Maj cities, is demonstrated. INTRODUCTION: Containing an Explication of the c DoElrine of Tafive Obedience, and fating the triit A T 0* tion and Latitude of it. i I .~"|f" T is granted by fome of the highefl Aflertors of Paflive Obedience, that if a King defign t?> root out a People, or deftroy one main part of his Subj eels in fivour of another whom he lov /s better, that they may prevent it even by oppofing him with force j and that he istobejudgedinfucha B Calc % The State of the Trotejlants Cafe to have abdicated the Government of thofe whom he dcfigns to deftroy contrary to Juftice and the Laws. Ait idem BsrcUiHt a- J hi f » ®**£ 8 P]?^ in hls mitti rcgnum fi Rex vc- ■ book De Jure Belli &? P^m, lib. rehoftiiianimo in totius i. cap. 4. §. ir. where citing populi exitium femur \ Barclay he fays, If a, Kim be quodconcedo-.conhftere ^ n „ ■ 1 -^j J ,.~. , _ s enim fimul non poflimt c " m ' d a ^ lth * malttlOUS defigntO voluntas imperandi 6c vo- the deftruclwn of a whole Nation, Juntas perdendi:quare qui he lofes his Kingdom, which I ic holtem populi totius gmm p mce a w f U fQ Govem and prohtemr,iseoipioabdi- * t\ n ra 1 cat rcgnum: Sec I vix vf- t0 -Dejtroy cannot confift together •; deruridacciderepofle in therefore he who profejfes himfelf rege mentis compote ,qui an Enemy to a whole People, doth unipopuloimpcrctjquod i n that very Jcl abdicate his Kinr- iipluribus popuhs impe- , n r . r , 77 _p 7 ret,accidere poteft ut u- dom : BuT lt f eems bardl y poffible nius populi in gratiam al- that this fiwuld enter into the heart terumvultperditum. f a King who is not mad, if he Govern only one People : But if he Govern many, it may happen that in favour of one People he may defire the other were Deftroyed. Doctor Hammond afierts Paflive Obedience as high as any, yet he approves this paffage of Grotius, and of Barclay, in his Vindication of Chrift's reprehending St. Peter, from the exceptions of Mr. Marjhal (p. 32,7. of his firft Volume) Grotius, faith he, mentions fome cafes wherein a King may be r ell fled, As in cafe a King fhall abdicate his Kingdom, and manifeftly relinquifo his Power - y then he turns private Alan, and may be dealt with as any other fuch. And fome other ik e like. z. And it is obferVable that generally in all Books and Sermons concerning Obedience to Governors, where this Cafe is put, fuppofe a King endeavour to de- Jiroy his people, there are only two Anfwers given to it, one is that his Officers and Mini Iters ought not to obey him - y if they do the Law will punifh them. The other is, that this cafe ought not to be put *, that we ought not to fuppofe that any King will designedly en- deavour to deltroy his people , nay the Author of Jo* vian ^/IRELAND, &c\ 3 *vian will not allow us to fuppofe that any King will at- tempt in England to Govern altogether by Arbitrary Tower *nd the Sword. For fays he, Chap. 12. p. 272. To fuppofe this, is plainly to fuppofe the utmoft impojfibility^ and p. 273 . If a King foouldjhut up the Courts^ obfirucl or pervert Juftice, he allows that all his good Subjetls, and all the bad too that tendered their own fafety would defert him, and Chap. 6. p. if 2. He fays he fhould be tempted to pray for the deftru&ion of fuch a Prince, as the only means of delivering the Church. Falkner in his Chrifiian Loyalty, (B. 2. Chap. f. N. lo. 20.) tells us, But if ever any fuch Jl range cafe as is fuppofed Jbould really happen, I confefs it would have its great diffi- culties. He brings in Grot his, De jure Belli & PaciSy lib. 1. cap. 4. N. 7. And Bifhop Btiforfs Chriftian Subjection, Part 3. p. f 19. edit. ij*8f. as allowing it, and ieems to allow their Judgment in the cafe: But then tells us that the cafe above-mentioned ought not at all to be fuppofed, or taken into conf deration. All which plainly grants that if a King do in earned defign the deflrucuon of his Subjects, and get Minifters and Officers to concur with him in it, who are ready to execute his wicked intentions, and againft whom the Law yields no Protection, that in fuch a cafe the Sub- jects may defert their Prince, decline his Government and Service, and feek Prote&ion where they can find it. 3. And indeed whoever confiders the Difcourfes ,that have been written concerning N on- Re fi fiance, will find that the reafons given foi it, either from the nature of the Thing or Scripture, reach only tolera- ble Evils, and prove that a Man ought to be patient under preHures laid on him by his Governor when the mifchief is not Univcrfal -, or if it be Univerfal, where it is vet tolerable, and not fo miichicvous in the Confequence as a Civil- War* and I am apt to believe were meant no otherwile by the Authors. Our" Homines prefs with great force the inconveniencies of fuch a War, and the Author of Jovian detigned B 2 his 4 The State of the Trotefiants liis 1 1 . Chap, to fhew that Refinance would be a great* er mifchief than PaJJive Obedience 5 and tells us in the body of the Chapter that the inconvenience of rejifting the Sovereign would be of ten times worfe confequence than it. Which in the general is true, as it relates to pri- vate injuries or the ordinary Male- Adminiftration of Government 5 but if it be applied to the cafe of a Governor who defigns the dcftru&ion of the Laws, Lives nd Liberties of his People, and has gotten Mi- nifters to execute his intention \ it is a manifeft mi- ftake, and is confuted by Examples and Experience in all Ages. If we look back into Hiftory we ihall find the beft, the happieft, mo ft prosperous People, molt jealous of their Liberty ; and while they continued firm in their Refolution of maintaining it againft the encroachment of their Governors even with the ha- zard of their Lives, they have continued great and happy 5 but no (boner did they degenerate from this Zeal, but they became contemptible and dwindled in- to nothing : And at this day let us look into the whole World, and we fhall find every Nation happy and thriving at home, and eafie to their Neighbours a- broad, according as they have preferved themfelves from Slavery > l whereas all Countries under unlimited Monarchies, decay in their ftrength and improve- ments - y and though they may flouriih for a little time by the ruin of their leiTer Neighbours, yet they at kit unpeople their own Countries, and feem to be permi :t d by God to come to that exorbitant Power, tor their own ruin* and for a plague to Mankind. And indeed, the greateft miicrnef of a Civil- War is the danger of fubjecting the State to the abfolute power of fome potent General ; as it happened in liome^ Florence^ and in England in the late Civil- War : For to lofe even half the Subjects in a War is more to- lerable than the lofs of Liberty ; fince if Liberty and good Laws be preferved, an Age or two will repair the lois of Subjects and Improvements though they be ever fo great 3 but if Liberty be loft it is never to be e>/IRELAND, ®c. $ be retrieved, but brings certain and infallible De-* ftruction y as it did to Rome^ and has brought, in % great meafure to Florence^ and will to England^ if ever the Prerogative do fwallow up the Liberties and Pri-» vileges of the Subjects. So far it is from truth that the allowing of Refiftance in fome cafes of extremity has greater inconveniencies than abfolute Subjection, The Scriptures do indeed command Obedience with- out exprdling any exception y but cafes of extreme neceflity may as reafonably be prefumed to be except- ed here, as in the command for obfervation. of the Sabbath y which is as pofitive as any Command for Obedience to Governors : Thou Jh alt do no manner of Work&xixh the Commandment y and yet it is acknow- ledged by all to contain a tacit exception for Works of Neceility and Charity y and whoever will confide* the Commands for Obedience to Governors, will find room in them for as reafonable an exception from that Obedience, in cafes of neceflity, as for fervile works on the Sabbat : h Day y (of which our Saviour hirnfelf approves :) it being as true that Governors were made for their Kingdoms, as the Sabbath for Man. 4. If tbxnwforne cafes the m\{chicfco£ tamely fub- mitting to the tyranny and ufurpation of a Governor,, may beworle and have more dangerous and mifchiev- ous Confequences to the Common- wealth, than a Warj I fuppoie it ought to be granted, that where this neceflity is certain and apparent , people may law- fully reiift and defend themfelves. even by a War, as being the lefTer Evil : And then there needs no more to juitifie the Proteilants of Ireland^ for their defert- ing Kingjames and accepting their Majeftics Protecti- on than to mew I. That it is lawful for one Prince or State to inter- pofe between another Prince and his Subjects who ufes them cruelly, or endeavours to enflavc or deitroy ehemj and to refcue them from his hands even by a War, if other means prove ineffectual y and.thatit.is- B j law- £ The State of the Trotefiants lawful for the Subjects to accept of fuch Interpofitio.il and Protection, if they can find no better way to pre- ferve themfelves. II. That King James defigned to deftroy and utter- ly ruin the Proteftant Religion, the Liberty and Pro- perty of the Subjects in general, thcEngliflj Intereit in Ireland in particular, and alter the very Frame and Conftitution of the Government. III. That he not only defign'd but attempted it with great fuccefs, and made a coniiderable progreis in it. IV. That there remained no other profpect or hu- man poffibility of avoiding this Slavery and De- struction defigned againft the Kingdom and Prater Hants of Ireland^ but by accepting of the Protection and fubmitting to the Government of their prelent Majefties. If I make thefe particulars manifeft beyond con- tradiction, and if the very Confciences of Roman Ca- tholicks cannot but own them to be true, I do not fee how they can condemn us for what we have done 5 or \vhat elie they could have expected from us $ except they would have had us held up our Throats till they cut them j which no Man had reafon to expect from a whole body of People, and they lealt of all, who de- figned to be actors in it. CHAP. I. Shezving) that it is lawful for one Prince tointerpofehe* tween another Prince and, his Subjecls when he ufei them cruelly cr endeavours to enflave or deftroy them. I .'"TpH I S AfTertion has been made fo clear in feve- JL ral Difccurfes of late, that I fhall not need in* fi ft much on it. A lew Arguments will be fufneient for this Place. 2. Fir ft, ^/IRELAND, &c. 7 1. Firft, therefore it may be lawful for one Prince to interpofe between another Prince and his Subjects, becaufe he may have an Intereft in that People and Government, to defend which Intereil: he may lawfully concern hi mfelf, and prevent their Ruin by a War. Such an Intereil is Conianguinity, Com- munity of Religion, but more efpeciallya Profpe£b of Succeflion in the Government 3 for in that Cafe, if the People be deftroyed or weakened, the Inheri- tance is the worie, and he is injured in his hopes which often are very valuable. The pre lent PofTefTor, who is only an Ufufructuary or Tenant for Life, by de- ffcroying the Inheritance gives a jult provocation to him who is in Reversion, to crofs his deflgn by oppo- fing him by all means that are in his power > and this Argument is the ftronger, if there be juft reafonto fufpeel: that there are any unlawful means ufed to de- feat him of his Succeflion j which alone were furrici- ent to juftifie their prefent Majefties Interpoiition be- tween the late King and his Subjects. 3. But lecondly, the fame may be lawful, if the Deftru&ion of a People by their Prince, be only a ftep and degree to the deit ruction of a neighbouring People. In that cafe there is all the Reaion in the World, that the Prince and People fo threatned, fhould prevent their own Ruin, by timely interpo- fing in behalf of their Neighbours, and by forcing their King to defiit from his Injuftice and Violence againit his own Subjects, tho' it coil a War to com- pafs it, if there appear no other means to do it. And this is not only Charity to them, but a point of Pru- dence which every Prince owes to himlclf. Now rf we con.fider the State of Europe at that time, the growing Power or France, and how much the late King was in the French lntcreih, it will clearly ap- pear, that the Meafures he took with his Subjecls mult- have been fatal to all Europe, eipecially to the Proteftant Intereft, which he almoft openly declared that he defigned to deftroy : And therefore it con B 4 cerned 8 The State of the TroteJUuts ccrned all Europe^ more efpecially Holland^ who Uy nearer to Dcftru£tion, to interpofe in time, and nip thefe Defigns in the beginning, which they and all Europe law would have ended in their Deftru&ion, as foon as the Ruin of the Proteitants in England and Ire- land was accomplifhed : And the prefcrit Confederacy ^ ihews this to be the general Senfe of all the States and' Princes in Europe^ as well of the Roman Catholicks, as of the Proteilants, the Pope himlelf not except- ed : fo that this which has been done to King James* js not to be looked on as the fingle acl: of their prefent Majcfties, or of the People of England^ but of all Europe^ as the only means to oppoie the intolerable Encroachments of the French King and his Faction. 4. Thirdly, the fame is lawful by the common Rights of Humanity and Charity which are due to the diftreiTed ; If I fee a Man about to kill or deftroy another, tho* I have no authority over either, or concern with them, yet Humanity obliges me to fuc- cour and refcue the opprefTedj and tho' it be a Son that is thus wronged by his Father, yet while the Father proceeds with Cruelty and apparent Injuitice, it alters not the Cafe, or makes it any thing more un- lawful for me to afford relief, or for him to defire and accept it, tho' the Father mould take it fo ill as toi engage me in a quarrel to the lofs of his Life. 'Much more is it lawful for Princes to interpofe with a Neighbour-Prince, when they fee him cruelly and injultly opprefs his Subjects } and there is much more reafon for thofe Subjects to defire and accept of the kind Offers of fuch a Deliverer, than for a Son to ac- cept it againft his Father. f . Fourthly, God feems purpofely to have dividc4 the World into fcveral Principalities and Dominions, and ballanccd them among themfclves, that there; might be a Refuge for the oppreffed and afflicted 5 and that if one King fhould turn Tyrant, or endeavour" to deftroy his People, the others might interpofe and Itop his Hands 5 and that the fear of being deferte^ by o/lRELAND, Gfe 9 by his Subjefts in fuch a Quarrel, might oblige every one to preferve their Love and Affection by Juftice and good Government. I have reafon to believe, that the pri- Id £ irco enim, frater ca- micive Church and cfpcmlly ^^^ b. Cyprian, was of this Opinion, &* mutu:E g i ut { n oatque for they give this Reafon why unkatis vinculo copula- the Church was not trufted to tum * ™ fic l uis «S>*e l . t>-/l 2:10 noftro HiEreiim la- one, but to many Bifliops * J ere & „ regem chl . m iaid S. Cyprian, Therefore the fatera>e & vaftare tenta- Body of BifhopS is numerous, that verh, fubveniant carteri, if one be guilty of Herefte, and fc quafi paftores utiles & j-rr^ + j.1 7-7 / ^ a mifencordes, qui oves difipate the Flock, tpe reft may dominicas f n [ gvegem interpofe, and refcue them out of colligant Cypri, £p. 67. his Hands. AndfuretheArgu* Pamdii. ment is as ftrong for the Num- ber of Temporal as of Spiritual Governors, and the Neceility and Juftice of their interpofing with their Neighbour-Princes, when they attempt the Deit.ru- c~Hon of their People, is as great, as of a Biihop's being chaftifed and retrained by his Fellow Bifliops, when he attempts to introduce Herefle. 6. Fifthly, This is agreeable to the Opinion of Chriftian Civilians and Cafuifts, for which I defire the Reader may confult Grotius de Jure, &c. lib. z. cap. if. n. 8. where he tells us, That if it ivere grant- ed, that Subjects might not take Arms lawfully even m the extreme ft necejjity {which yet, faith he, I fee is doubt" ed by thofe who profejjedly defend the Power of Kings) it would not follow from thence but others might take Arms in their Behalf, This he proves from Reafon and Authority -, and anfwers the Arguments broughr againilit. See more to the fame purpefe, lib. z. cap. zo. S. 40. where he tells us, That it is Jo much more- honourable to avenge the Injuries, done to another than U our felves, by how much there is lefs Danger, that the fenfe of another s pain JJjould make us exceed in exacting Jhch Revenge, than of our own, or byafs our Judgment. 7. Sixthly,, 10 The State of the Trotejlants 7. Sixthly, The fame appears to be lawful from the Practice of Chriftian Princes who are celebrated in Hiftories for doing it 3 this was the Cafe of Con- fiantine the Great, and the Caufe of his Quarrel to Maxentius^ whom for his Tyranny over the Romans^ Conflantine invaded, and was received as their Deli- verer, when he had flain him. The Caufe of his invading Licinius his Brother in Law, was of the like nature, againft whom he commenced a War for his perfecuting the Chriftiansj and. after he had over- come him, he was received by the Chriltians in Li- cinius's room,and celebrated by the Church and Hifto- rians of that time, as a moll holy and generous Cham- pion in the Caufe of Chrift. When the King of Per/to. perfecuted the Christians, the fame Prince threatned him with a War, in Cafe he did not defift ; and no doubt but he would have been as good as his Word, if the Perfian King had not complyed. We may ob- ferve the fame to have been done in the Caufe of the Orthodox againlt the Arrians^ by Conflantine the Younger, Son of Conflantine the Secrates, Ub. 2. c a 22. Great \ who threatned his eldeft Brother Confiantius with a War, if he did not defift from perfecuting the Catholick Bi- shops, and reftore Athanafius to his Bifhoprick of -Alexandria : That great and holy Man accepted of this Mediation, and was reftored by it 5 which he would not have done, it he had judged it unlawful. The fame was practiced by King Pepin and Charles. the Great againft the Lombards -> and by all the Princes or Europe in favour of the Chriltians oppreiTed by the Turks in the holy War. Queen Elizabeth did the. fame for Holland : King James for the Prince Palatine- : and King Charles the Firft for Rochel - y and Bifhop Laud) who certainly underftood the Principles of our Church, encouraged both : And it is one of the greater!. Blemifhes of the Reign of King Charles the Second, that he fuffered the French King to proceed fofarindcilroying his Protectant Subjects, without interpofing */ IRELAND, &c: 11 mterpofing in their Behalf 5 which if he had effectu- ally done, he had either prevented it, or got an Op- portunity of rendring his Reign glorious, and his Kingdom fafe, by a War, which would in all pro- bability have humbled that Monarch to the advantage of all Europe. 8. I know nothing that can be objected againfl this, except it be the peculiar Obligation that lies on us irom the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance : Which (tho' it mould be allowed lawful for a Fo- reign Prince to interpofe) would yet make it neceifa- ry for us to fight for our own Prince. But to this I anfwerj i. That thcle Oaths were made by us to the King, as Supreme Governor of thefe Kingdoms, and while he continued fuch, they did oblige us, but by endeavouring to deftroy us, he (as Grotius ob- fervesj in that very hSt abdicated the Government -> fincc an Intention of Governing cannot confiit with an Intention of Deftroying > and therefore in all Equi- ty we are abfolved from Oaths made to him as Go- vernor. That this may not feem a new Do&rine, I would have the Reader oblerve,that I only tranferibe the lear- ned FaJkner in his Chriflian Loyalty^ Li. c. f. f. 2. 11. I p. Such Attempts^ faith he, of ruining^ do ipfofa&o, include a dif claiming the governing thofePerfons asSubjetJs y and consequently of being their Prince cr King : And then the Exprejffion of ourpublick Declaration and Acknowledg- ment would fill be fecuredy that it is not lawful upon any Pretence whatfoever to take Arms againft the King. 0. But Secondly, No Oath of Allegiance doth o- blige any Subject to aflill his Prince in an ill Caufe. If therefore a King mould, againit the Rules of Juftice, attempt to deltroy a Neighbour-Nation, his Sub- jects, who were convinced of this, ought not to 'fight for him in fuch a War ; and if they ought not to afliit him to oppofe Foreigners, much lefs is it law- ful for them to affift him to deftroy themfelves, or to fight againfl: a Prince who comes 'to reicue them from De- ix The State of the Trot eft ant? Peftru&ion intended againft them 5 and if no Prote- ctant Subje&s could lawfully fight for King Jamet in his Quarrel againft their prcfent Majefties, it is manifeft that he himfelf had thereby voided that Branch of the Oath of Allegiance, of fighting for him, by making the matter of it unlawful -, he ha- ving brought the Nation into fuch a Condition, that at the fame time they defended his Perfon, they muft; enable him to accomplifh hi^ deftru&ive Defigns a- gainft them> which no Cafuift will fay they were o- bliged to. do : They therefore that urge us with the. Obligation of the Oaths of Allegiance, ought ei- ther to make it appear, that it was lawful for us to fight for him in an ill Caufe, or eife that it was not an ill Caufe to help him to deftroy his People. Or, Thirdly, That he had no fuch Defign againft us: None of which I have yet feen attempted in any Pa- per that has appeared in his Defence. 10. But Thirdly, As to us particularly in Ireland^ his late Majefty King James and his Parliament here, by a formal Act, did repeal and make void all former. A els that required the tendering or taking thofe Oaths ; and left not one legal ftanding Oath in force, whereby we or any other Subjects, befides Soldiers, were obliged to proiefs Subjection Aa j °, f *?*%' P re " to him 1 therefore thofe Oaths be- tended Irifb Pailia- . J , , , . , , , . mem. C. a. ^g repealed and voided by the King's own exprefs A£t,how could he expeft that we fhould look upon our felves to be bound or obliged by them ? And indeed we muft con- clude from his Majefty 's confenting to repeal them, either that he defigned to releafe us from the peculiar' Obligation arifing from them, as too ftrift, or elfe that he did not defign to depend on our Oaths for our Loyalty, and therefore laid them afide, as of no force to oblige us$ either of which muft proceed from an Intention to deftroy the ancient Govern- ment with which he was intruded $ and can fignifie nothing leis than that he did not intend to sule us, a* o/IRELAND, tSc: t$ *s his Predeceflbrs did, or to depend on thofe Obli* gations of Subjection which they judged proper for the Subjects of thefe Kingdoms to give their King; and that as he did not intend to keep his Coronation Oath to us* fo he did not value our Oath of Allegiance to him, having left none that we know of in this Kingdom which any Law obliges us to take. CHAP. n. King Jarries defignedto deftroy the Proteftant Religion^ tht Liberty and Property of his Subjecls in general^ the Englifh Inter eft in particular^ and fo alter .the u Frame and Confutation of the Government* S EC T L Shewing the Poffibility of a King's dejigningthe Deftr** clion of his Subjecls, I .T Have in the former Chapter fhewed, that it is A lawful for a Prince to interpofe between another Prince and his Subjects, if he attempt to deftroy them * I promifed in the fecond place to fhew, that the late King defigned and endeavoured to deftroy, and utter- ly ruin the Proteftant Religion and Englifh Intereft in Ireland^ and to alter the very Frame and Conftitutior* of the Government. This I look on as the moil ma- terial Point of our Apology, and to need the moft clear and full Proof: For Jealoufies and Fears in fuch a Cafe oughc not to pafs for Arguments, or be brought into Competition with a certain and plain Duty, that is, with obedience to lawful Governors. The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governor's Defign to deftroy them in thofe Interefts, to prcferve which, is the onlyRea- fon of Men's defiling or fubmitting to Government j ought to be fo plain and evident, that the Confcience of f 4 The State of the Troteftants of Mankind cannot but fee and be convinced of their Truth >efpecially the generality of the Subje&s themfelves ought to be fully fatisfied and acquiefce in them. 2. I know 'tis commonly objected, Who Jball be Judge ? And for this Reafon alone ibme conclude it can never be lawful to make any oppofitionagainfta Governor, or to fide with a Deliverer that comes on- ly to refcue miferable Subjefts > but I anfwer, there are fome Cafes fo plain, that they need no Judge at all : Every Man muft be left to judge for himfelf > and for his Integrity he mull; be anfwerable to God and his own Confcience. Matters of Fact are often of this Nature, and I take this to be one or them; for either the People muft be left to judge of the Defigns of their Governor by what they fee and feel from him, or elfc they muft be obliged to a blind and abfolute Sub- imflion, without employing their Underftanding in the Cafe. And I dare appeal to all the World whe- ther it be fafer to leave it to the Judgments and Con- fciences or a whole Kingdom to determine concern- ing the Defigns of their Governor, or to leave it to the Will and Confcience of the King, whether he will deftroy them. One of thele is unavoidable $ and I am allured it is lefs probable, that the Generali* ty of a Kingdom will concur in a Miftake of this Nature, and lefs mifchievous if they mould miftake^ than that a King by Weaknefs, wicked Counci- lors, or falfe Principles, mould defign to make his People Slaves, fubvert the ancient Government, or deftroy one part or his People, whom he hates, in favour of another. j. That a Prince may defigri to deftroy his Subjects (tho' the AfTertors of Abfolute Paffive Obedience would make it an incredible Thing) isfo far from be- ing impofliblc, that it is very common, of which there are fo many Examples, both ancient and mo- dern, that it is a wonder, that Men, who know any thing of Hiftory, fhould overlook them. Nero^Ca- bf IRELAND, Qfo Xf hgula, Domitian, Maximinus, Heliogabalus, Commo- dus, not only endeavoured, but profeffed it 5 and foms of them were mightily concerned, that it was not hi their power to accomplish it. No longer ago than the time of Philip the Second of Spain, we have an Example of a Chriftian King no better than thofe Heathens- Whoever reads the Story of his Dealing with the Low Countries, mud confefs, that he defign'd the utter Deftruction of the Laws and Liberties of thofe People 5 and that in particular he was refolved, that not one Proteftant mould be left alive amongft them. The fame has been defigned and effected in a great meafure by the prefent French King againffc his Proteftant Subjects, and he muft have a great fhare either of Impudence or Stupidity, that caa deny this Prince to have defigned and purpofely con- trived that Deftruction 5 and by the fame Rule that a Man can be fo wicked and barbarous as to defign the Deftruction of a third or fourth Part of his People, he may defign the Deftruction of the greater Part, if they, will be fuch Fools as to fufFer him to effect it. SECT. II. Shewing from the Obligations of his Religion, that King James defigned to Deftroy us. IT iseafie to demonftrate that every Roman Catho- lick King, if he throughly underftand his Religi- on, and do in earneft believe the Principles of it, iso* bliged, if he be able, to deftroy his Proteftant Subjects ; and Pro defenfone fidei pre- that nothing can excufe him fl^nt jur amentum quodde t- t • *r 1 r r> terns [u& lurifdictiom Sub' from doing it but want of Pow- ^ JJ rfos W; „ f er. This IS plain from the ab ecclefea denotatos, bona, third Chapter ot the fourth La- fide pro vkibmtxttrmm** teran Council, and from the re/fttdekunt.Coac. Later. Council of Conftance in the Bull Condi' Conftamienf. that confirms it, read in the Self. 45. Bull. Mart, De er- 4f. Seflion: If therefore a Po- rmkus Jotban,. WickleC pifti King can perfuade his Pro- teftant *6 The State of the *Prot'efiants teftant Subjects to fubmit to him whild he doth it, fr£ is obliged by his Principles to deltroy them, even when they are the greater Part and Body of his Subjects. Now King James was (as is known to all the World) a moll zealous Roman Oatholick, and engaged with that Party of them, that moll zealoufly aiTert and pra£Hfe this Doctrine of rooting out Hc- reticks. He gave himfelf up intirely to the Conduct and Guidance of Jefuits, thefe were the Governors and Directors of his Confcience, and he feemed to have no other Sentiments thanfuch as they in' pi red in- to him. If then thefe have prevailed with the French King (whom forrre report to* be a merciful Man in his own Nature, and certainly a mighty Zea- lot for his Honour) to break his mod folemn efla- blifhed Laws, violate his repeated Declarations and Oaths, andinfpitcof allthcfe, to perfecute and de~ flroy his Protellant Subjects : If the fame have pre- vailed with the Duke of Savoy to do the like, though as he is now convinced, manifedly againd his Inte- red, nay almodto hisownDeflruction, having loft thereby his bed and mod refolute and ufeful Subjects, who would have ferved him mod cordially again d France, the Enemy he ought mod to dread, and which one Day will fwallow up his Dukedom, if his Allies do not prevent it. If, laitly, they have prevailed with the Emperor to involve himfelf in a War, that has now laded about twenty Years, and almod lod him his Empire, rather than differ a few Protedants to live quietly in Hungary -, Is not our late King's be- ing of the fame Principles, and under the Govern- ment of the fame Directors of Confcience > Is not his fondnefs of France, and his Alliance with it, his affecting to imitate that King in every thing, anda- boveall his profecuting the lame, if not worfe Me- thods towards the Protedants in Ireland, that the King of France did with the Hugonits in his Domi- nions, a clear and full Proof of both Kings being in the fame Dcfign, to root out not only the Prote- dants but in this he fpake the general Senfe of the Clergy, indeed of the Roman Church, to which the King had given himfelf up* and muft be forced to fubmit to it at raft. The King's Promifes therefore or his Laws, could fignirie nothing towards the fecuring us, except he could get the Ro- man Church to join in them, and become a Party to them j for whilft the Governors of that Church chal- lenge the whole Management of fpiritual Things, and King James owned their Power fo far that he con- sented toabolifh the Oath of Supremacy that denies it, for him to promife Safety and Liberty to Here- ticks, and make Laws about the Worfhip of God, and Liberty of Confcience, is clearly according to their Doctrine, to give away what is not his own, and difpole the Rights of another without coniulting, the Party intereifed 5 and according to all Cafuifts, fucft */ IRELAND, &c. i 9 fach promifes arc void j they that fpeak m oft favoura- bly of the Council of Conftance^ which is fuppofed to determine that no Faith is to be kept with Hereticks, make this Apology lor the Council. The Emperor Sigifmond granted, without confulting the Council, a late Conduct to Jer me of Prague 5 the Council condemned him for Herefie$ and ordered him to be burnt: The Emperor interpos'd to juftifie his fafe Conduct, but the Council anfwered, that he was not obliged to make it good to the Heretick, becaufe it was not in the Emperor to grant a fafe Conduct to fe- cure a Man againit the Juftice of the Council, with- out confulting it ; this is the moil favourable Repre- fentation I have met with of this Matter ; and even thus it is a fufficient Caution for all Protectants not to truft Kings or Princes of the Roman Communion, in Matters that relate to the Church or Religion, with- out the cxprefs Confent of that Church or Religion, without the exprefs Gonferit of that Church ; i£ they do, it is at their own Peril, and they cannot blame thofc Princes when they fail in their Promifes, for they had fufficient Warning not to truil them,fince they engage for a thing that according to their own Confeflion is not in their Power, but is avowedly the Right of another. SECT. III. The fame proved from the Profejfons of that whoh Party ) who were moft privy to King James'* Counfels* TH E fecond Argument whence it appears that the King defigned utterly to deftroy and ruin his Proteftant Subjects in Ireland t is from theOaths r Profeffions, and Affirmations of thofe who were his Confidents and Inftruments ufed by him to bring it to pafs. From the very Beginning of the French Perfe- ction - y the Papifts of Ireland began to fliew their Fondnefs of that Monarch, and as their love to him C a coat* ao The State of the c ProteJtaHt$ commenced with that Perfecutionj fo it increafedhi Proportion to his Barbarity $ and they could nevef (peak of it without Paffion and Tranf port > but after his late Majefty came to the Crown, they openly de- clared that they liked no Government but that of trance : That they would make the King as abfolute here as that King was there ; they affirmed both pub- lickly and privately with many Oaths, that they would inafhort time have our Eftates and Churches 5 that if they fuffered us to live, they would make us Hewers tf Wood*) and Drawers of Water : That Ireland mult be a Catholick Country whatever it coft, and as for the Englijh) they would make them as poor Devils as when they came firft into Ireland : And they aflured us that this was no rafh Surmife of their own, but that it was premeditated and refolved, and that we ihould quickly find it by the Effects 5 of which they were lb confident (though we could not believe them) that tome of the raoft ferious amongft them adviied their Proteftant Friends in private, with all earned-* riefs to change their Religion 5 for faid they, you wilt be forced to do it at length, and if you delay but a lit- tle time, it will be too late, and perhaps you may not be accepted j for no Proteftant muft expect to injoy any thing in this Kingdom 5 and we reiblve to reduce all things to the State they were in under Hen" ry VI I. before Poinings Act. In Anfwe'r to this, we told them$ that the Laws >vere on our fide, and the King had promifed to go- vern according to Law,and to protect our Church and Liberties ? but they laught at our Credulity, pifht at the Laws as mere Trifles, and unanimouily declared,' that the King's Promifes to maintain the Government in Church and State, were intended only for Eng- land \ and were not meant to reach us y and withal in- timated, that the lame would be done in England^ though not fo foon > for the Truth of all which I may refer my felf to almoft as many Protectants as were then in Ireland, there being few but were WitnefTes <>/ IRELAND, XSc. %x of fuch Difcourfes : And the King's Conduct to* wards us was fuch as left no room for us to doubt but that thefe People knew his Mind, and that all his Pro- rnifes and Declarations in our Favour, were perfectly copied from the French King's Declarations to prc- ferve the Edict of Nants^ and of as little Sincerkyj, and that not with (landing thefe he had as fully deter- mined our Ruin as that King had refoived the avoiding the Edict of Nants y when he made his foleirm Decla- rations to the contrary. SECT. IV. *£he fame deftrutlive Vefigns againft his SubjebJs, proved from the Qualifications of the. Officers employed by King James. i.'T^HIS deftru$:ive Defign appears in the third X Place, from the Perfons he employed in all Of- fices of Truil or Power. It is well known to the \Vorld, and to many thoufands yet al\ve, that in the Year 16*41. there was a moll bloody MafTacre com- mitted in this Kingdom on the Protcflants, by then- Neighbours the Papifls} in which fome hundred thousands periihed > and that not one Proteflant whom they fparea, efcaped without being robbed and plun- dered of all he had, if not dripped and turned out naked to the Extremities of Cold and a defolate Coun- try : And to fuch a Degree ot Madnefs they proceed- ed, that they deilroyed the Houfes, Buildings, Churches and Improvements of the Kingdom, out or. their Malice and Inveteracy to the Proteilants, the Founders or them : But thefe Barbarians at lair wers by the Proteilants fubdued, and brought to fubmit to Mercy : After which Conqucil the Conquerors in the Year 1660. joyned (indeed were more forward than the People of England) in bringing home King Charles II. and generoufly gave up themfelves, toge- ther with the Kingdom of Ireland without Articles C j or %% The State of the Trot eft wits or Conditions into his Hands. The King in Recom- mence of fo fignal a Service, and to rcprife the Con-* querors for their Blood, Treafurc, and LofTes, gave them back a part of what they had given hirtis but withal reftored the Conquered under certain Quali- fications, to another part of the forfeited Lands > who though reftored by the Kings mere Bounty, yet re- tained in them the fame Principles of Popery that at fir it (Hired them up to Rebellion, and to mafiacre their fellow Subjects 5 and having befidesthis, their, old hatred to the Englijb new edged and heated by feeing the Conquerors poffeft of the Eftates which they themfelves by their Rebellion and Cruelty had loft 3 they from time to time let us fee their Hope* and Wifhes of Revenge -> to which the Favour they found at the Engtijh Court under the Shelter of the late Queen Mother, and the Proipecl of the Duke of York's coming to the Crown, gave Foundation an>4 Encouragement. Neither could they hide their Re- fentmentsfo as to prevent a juft Fear and Jealoufie of them in the Protectants, who had fo lately, and ia fo fignal a Manner fuftered by them, in all their deareft Tnterefts : Yet thefe were the Perfons whom King James chofc for his Minifters and Officers, with whom he refolved to truft the Employments, the; jftrong Holds, the Arms, and Juftice of the Nation; A thing fo extravagant, that we challenge any one to fhew a parallel Cafe in any Hiftorv. 'No body would ever have taken the Arms and Courts of Juftice out of the Conquerors Hands, and put them into the Hands of the Conquered, exafperated by the Lois of their Honours, Liberties and Eftates, except he had a mind they mould revenge themfelves, and recover all that they had loft before; And they had been ma- nifeftlv wanting to their own Intereft, if they had flipt this Opportunity. If they hated us fo much in 1641. that without Provocation, and whilft inPof- feflion of their Eftates they ro'easone Man, and at- tempted to deftroy us 5 if they were fo fet on it, that; they ^/IRELAND, &c. 13 khey ventured to do it without Arms, Difcipline, or Authority on their Side, and where the Hazard was fo great, that it was ten to one if they fucceeded, what could we ex peel: they mould do now, when pro- vok'd to the heigh th by the lofs of their Eftates, when armed, difciplined, and entrufted with all the Places of Strength, Power, and Profit in the Kingdom ? This alone is a Demonitration that the King wh.o thus put us in the Power of our inveterate and exafpe- rated Enemies, either was extremely miftakenin his Meafurcs, or defigned our Deftruction : Iamfurewe muft have been deitroyed if God had not prevented italmoftbya Miracle. 2. It is a Maxim in our Law, that the King can do no Wrong > becaufe he executeth nothing in his own Perfon, but has Officers appointed by Law to execute his Commands, who are obliged not to obey him if he command any thing that is illegal: If any Officer obey him in fuch unlawful Commands it is at his own peri), and he is accountable for it j the King's Command being no Excufc or Protection to any Man for his doing an illegal thing. Whilft therefore the King employs only Perfons amenable to the Laws, that have a value for their Honour, for the Liberty of their Country, and the publick Good, and have Eftates to anfwer for what Wrong they do to the Subjects in executing their Offices, there is no great danger of his doing much Harm to his Peo- ple, though his Intentions were ever fo mifchievous againft them j it being the great Security of the Sub- jects, and Reflraint on the Officers of trie King, that they cannot do any wrong, but the injured Perfon has his Remedy againft them by Law. 3. This I remember is all the human Security Doctor Hicks in his Jovian allows us to preferve our Liberties, &c> againft a tyrannous King. And he fuppofes it fo effectual a Bar to all Attempts of this Nature, that he pronounces it impoffible for our King jfco turn Tyrant. Cut the Event has fufficiently con- C 4 futei * 4 The State of the Trot eft ants futed his Surmife, and fhewn not only the Poffibi- lity, but the actual Performance oi: what he fuppofes impoilible. For King James made it his Bufinefs to find out and actually pitched on a Set of Officers and Inftruments, that (as he exprefles it in one of his Declarations) would obey him without Referve : a- gainft whom the Current of Declaration for Liber- the Law was ftopt, and who ty of Confcience in were in no Condition to make a~ ^ /W - mends for the Mifchiefs they did 5 all which will appear if i make out, i. That they were Men of little or no Fortunes, z. Unable and unfufficient to difcharge the Offices committed to their Truft. 3. That ma- ny of them were Men ot fuch loofe Principles and Morals, that they could not be fuppofed to flick at any Wickednefs which was for their lntereft. 4. That their Inclination and Genius led them to deitroy the Laws, Liberty, and Religion of the Kingdom. f . That moil of them were unqualified by Law for the Offices into which they were placed, and there- Fore could' not be fuppofed to ftudy the Prefervation of thofe Laws, in Defiance of which they acted J Now if it appears that thefe were the Qualifications of mod 6f King James's Officers and Instruments in Ireland^ I fuppofe it will be a further Demon- oration of his Intentions, and of what we were to ex- pect from him. £ E C T. V. I. That the Officers employed by King James were Men generally of little or no Fortune. I .T Suppofe the true Reafon why one Man is allowed Jl to poiTefs a greater Eitatein a Common- Wealth than another, and to maintain himfelf by the Labour of other People, is, that he may be atleifureto at- tend the publick Bufinels of his Country s and that having */ IRELAND, &£' %s paving fuch a confiderable Stock in the common Bon torn, he may be the more careful to preferve it frona finking. Out of fuch Men therefore of Fortune and Intereft, every wife and well defigning King, will fupply himfelf with Officers. For their Intereft will help to fupport him, and will procure his Com- mands, Obedience ; and their Fortunes will fecure the Subjects from being injured by them, their Eflates being Pawns to the Publick for their good Behaviour, and Reprifals to thofe they have injured. But for this very Reafon King James generally employed Men of little or no Fortunes, and very often the Scum and Rafcality of the World. This made him fo fond of the Irijbj who had loft their Eftates, who depend- ed wholly on him, and had no other Poflibility of fubfifting, but by efpoufing his Intereft, and ferving him without Referve. I cannot blame them tor being ready to embrace the Offer, but it was certainly very impolitickly done, or an Indication of anillDefign in him to employ and efpouie Men of iuch ruined and broken Fortunes. I StcJtffauS*: have put into the Appendix a Lift of the Civil Officers, of the Colonels and Lieutenant- Colonels of his Regiments, and of the principal Perfons that he brought along with him from France y io far as I could gather them up 5 and it will appear upon view, that very few of them were Men of clear Eftates, and moft had no Pretence to any at all. The Sheriffs and Deputy Lieutenants of Counties were ge- nerally poor and mean People : Many of them had been Servants in the meaneftCondition to Proteftants ; who if they injured any Body in their Employments, had not Subftance enough to anfwer the Charges of a Suit, much lefs, the Damages expected by way of Reparation. 2. After the Earl of Tyrconnel had named his She- riffs of this Stamp for the Year 1687, it will hardly be found that any Proteftant recovered any Debt by Execution. The main Reafon of this was the Po* verry tC The State of the Troteftants verty of Sheriffs, which made Men unwilling to truft the Execution of a Bond for twenty Pounds into their Hands, they not being refponfible even for fuch a fmall Sum, as too many found to their Coil. The Mayors and other Magistrates in their new modelled Corpora- tions, were generally of the fame fort. In Dublin they could not pick up Men enough that had the Face to appear as Burgelfes j and f ome of thofe that they named had not Money to buy themfelves Gowns. I think their Number was never complete. It was yet worfe in the Country Corporations j in many Places they were not able to pay the Attorney Gene-* ral's Fees, which flopped their new Charters, till the calling a Parliament n'eceffitated him to pais them gr fa- t-is. As to the inferior Officers of the Army, fuch as Captains, Lieutenants and Enfigns, fome hundreds of them had been Cow-herds, Horfe-boys or Foot- men, and perhaps thefe were none of their worn: Men y for by reafon of their Education amongfr. Proteftants, they had feen and underftood more than thofe who had lived wild on the Mountains. 3. 'Tis obfervable, that the Men of clear Eftates who followed his late Majcfty from England through France^ as they were but very few, fo they had but little Intereft with him: Of which Duke Poms was one Inftance, and Lord Dover another. DukePowk, made the Protectants believe, and perhaps he was fin- cere in it, that he was much again ft the Proceedings of the pretended Parliament > and uied his Intereft with the King to put a flop to them, but was not able to do it : Lord Dover was actually difmifTed £rom all his Employments, and ready to leave the •Kingdom, fome time before the Alteration happened by the Victory at the Bom. Now King James's Averflon to employ or truit Men of Eftates and For- tunes, and the reafon of bis Fondncfs of fuch Crea- tures as had no Being but what he gave them, was ob- vious enough to us that felt it* and they themfelves did not deny it 5 navj boafted of it as a great Inftance of ^/IRELAND, 8fo. ±7 of his Wifdom. He knew thefe could never thrive, but by making himablolutej that they would never demur at any Command, pr enquire for any other Law than his Will} that they were out of all Fear of being queftioned afterwards, or of having their Eftates forfeited, or Families beggar'd > all which are great Reftraints on Men of Elbies and Honour. 4. And furely, there cannot be a fuller Demonitxa- tion ot a Prince's Defign to lay afide the Laws, and to rule by force without controul, than his putting out Men of Subftance, and employing Men of bro- ken and defperate Fortunes in Places of Truft and Honour ♦, who having nothing elfe to depend upon but the Prince's Pleafure, mult be abfolute Slaves to it, and yield a blind Obedience to all that is given them in Commiffion. This is the Miferyof aPeo- pie when Servants rule over them. And this was the Reafon King James employed rather fuch than any others. And it was impoffible the Grand Signior fliould have fitted himfelf better with Initruments for promoting an arbitrary Government than he did. SECT. VI. JI. The Infufficiencies of the Perfom employed by King James, was of mifchievous Confequsnct to the King- dom. l.npHE Poverty and Meannefs of the Men was X not their worft Fault. It is poffible that a poor Man may be both honeft and able for the grcateit Trull:. But the Officers employed by King James were fuch, that tho' they had been very honeft, and willing to do Jullice, they yet mull: have done much Mifchief by their Unskiliulnefs, and Infufficiency for the Offices with which he intruded them. It was both King James's Misfortune, and his Subjects, that Jic employed very few of fober Senle and Experience about him 3 whether it was that he could not get Men 2? The State of the ^roteftants Men of Senfetogo through with him, in all things that he would have had done, or whether it pro* ceeded from the Servility obfervable in dull People, whereby they flatter and gain on Princes. Or laftly, from a Humour incident to great Men, which makes them unwilling to have Servants able to pry into their Defigns. But however it was, it was remarkable in King James , that dull heavy Men kept his Favour longer, and more fteadily, than Men of Senfe and Parts > and he generally chofe out the moil unfit and moll uncapable for Preferments. It is plain, that even in England he deligned the Armyfhouldbefup-? plied with Irljh \ and this Project went farther than; the Army j he was filling the Burroughs and Corpo* rations with them alio \ and no body knew where the Humour would have Hopped. Now if there had been nothing elfe, their being kept out of all Em- ployments and Trufts by the Laws for many Years pan:, mud have incapacitated them (and all Roman, Catholicks) for managing the Affairs of the Kingdom to Advantage > they neither had fit Education, nor had they applied their Minds to the Management of fuch Affairs : They were abfolute Strangers to every thing that concerned the Publick - y and then no won- der that they went aukwardly and untowardly about Buflnefs. How was it conceivable, that they mould efcape fignal and mifchievous Errors in the Difcharge of Offices to which they had never been bred up, and of which they never thought till they were put to manage them ? And yet this they were conftrained to do without the Aid or Affiftance of any to help them, and that under the molt difficult Circumftan- cesj for the former Officers looked on their Offices. as their Freeholds, and conceived a great Refentment againir. fuch as had turned them our of them againfl Law and Jultice > and therefore left them as intricate, and their Succeffors as litde Information as they could y who according to the Nature of ignorant Men, were too proud to ask Affiftance from the others, if thofc had been willing to afford them Inftru&ion. 2. If ©/IRELAND, t$t. 29 is It is not imaginable how many inconveniencie* nappened on this Account \ nothing was done by any Rule or Method : The Subjects were every day op- preifed, and the Officers made themfelves ridiculous by their Blunders and Miilakes ; every body was peti- tioning by reafon or* thefe Grievances, and nobody knew how to redrefs them. None of the new Offi- cers underilood his own Bufinefs, or how to diilin- guifh his Province from another Man's. The knaviih part of Offices, in putting Tricks on People, and getting Mony, were all the Study of the new em- ployed Gentlemen. The real and fubflantial parts of the Offices for which they were inilituted, and de- figned, were little known, and lefs minded ; nor could it be expected to be otherwife. Could any ima- gine, for Example, that Chancellor Fitton, that had lain in Prifon many Years, and not appeared in any Court, a Stranger to the Kingdom, to the Laws, and to the Practice and Rules of Court, and withal a Man of a heavy and flow Underilanding, fhould on a fud- den be able to difpatch the Bufinefs of the higheit Court in the Kingdom, and penetrate into the mod intricate Caufes, which are commonly determined in that Court/ He was fo far from this, that he was for- ced to make many needleis References to the Mailers* in Caufes that had no difficulty in them. This was the general way of his difpatching Caufes. And then what Report could be expected from Mr. Stafford^ one of thefe Mailers* a Popifh Prieil, noted and expofed by his own Party for want of Senfe> and who per* haps had never been within the Courts, till he fat down as one of the Mailers of the Chancery -, or from the other Mailers, who were yet more ignorant and unexperienced (if poffible) than he. 3. If we take a view of the Country, weihall find their Cafe rather worfe. One that a few days before was no other than a Cow- herd to his Proteilant Land- lord, perhaps was let before him on the Bench as a Ju- flicc of the Peace j and preferred to command as Captain 30 The State of the "Protefl&ntf Captain in, the Field, or Deputy Lieutenant in the County. I am afTured, that fome were thus prefer- red, without palling through any intermediate Iteps, to prepare or fit themfelves for the better Difcharge of thofe Places. The confequence of which is eaiy to be imagined: Every one that is acquainted with Bu- finefs and Difpatch, knows what a Torment it is to have to do with raw and unexperienced Officers, who muft be taught by him, that comes to have his Bufi- nefs done, how they fhould go about it > and, which is often hardelt to do, he mult convince them that they are miitaken, or do not underhand their own Of- fices, which, fuch Men are moll unwillingly brought to own > and yet no Bulinefs can be rightly done, till they are convinced of it. This was the condition of all the Offices in Ireland^ from the King's Privy Coun- cil and Secretaries of State to the HighConltables; which, without any other Defect, mult and did bring many Inconveniencies to the Kingdom. 4. But after all, if none but Men of ordinary parts,' and tolerable natural fagacity, had been employed, tho' unexperienced and uneducated, time might have taught them, and made them at lealt tolerable, if not dexterous at their Bulinefs-: But the generality of thofe who were preferred, had fuch weak Under- standings^ and unimproveable Capacities, that they who were fuperleded by them could not reflect on it without the greatelt indignation, to lee Men, not much removed from Idiots, put into their Places and Offices, which they had bought with their Money," and had taken considerable pains, and fpent a good part of their Lives to qualifie themfelves to execute ; whereas thole that fucceeded them, had nothing of Improvement or Education \ and withal were fo proud, and lazy, : and dull, that they neither would, nor could, make themfelves better, - by Application or Induitry, who had nothing to recommend them to the King, but that they were Papilts, and fuch as he believed would never fcruple any Command however illegal ©/IRELAND, 8fc 31 illegal or abfurd, fo it tended to weaken or deftroy Protectants, which was the fole Qualification that re- commended them. SECT. VII. III. King James had gotten a Sett of Officers fitted to it* Jiroy a Kingdom , by reafon of their loofe Principles, and beries and Burglaries, were all indifferently employed by them. That fome fuch mould be admitted into the Army, is not fo much to be wondered at \ but that honeft Gentlemen mould be turned out to make room lor them, was intolerable > and yet here not only the Army, but even the Courts of Juftice were filled with fuch. One of the new Examinators of the Chancery was formerly detected of a Forgery. Se- veral of their BurgcfTes, nay, Sheriff's, were notori- ous Thieves, and fome burnt in the Hand. The Speech of one of their new Juitices of the Peace gave fome Diverfion 5 it was one Mr. Stafford, for whom the Mafler of Chancery, his Son, had procu- red a Commiflion of the Peace: It was foon after the . Earl of Tyrconnel came over Governor -, and it fell to the new Juflice's turn to give the Charge at the Quar- ter-Seflions $ 3* The State of the *P rot eft ants ter-Seflions ; in which he fet forth, as well as tie could, the Happinefs of the Kingdom under the new Government $ Amongfl other Conveniences that we reap by ft, faid he, it has rid us of Tories 5 for all thofe are taken into the King's Army . And the Truth was, many of thefe, that had been indicted, out-lawed, nay, condemned, got Com- millions. The famous Tories the Brannans^ who had been guilty not only of Burglary and Robbery, but cf Murder alfo, who were under Sentence of Death, and had efcaped it, by breaking Goal, were made, amongft the reft, Officers : And the Earl of Tyrcon- #£/feerried to bear a peculiar Favour to thefe Tories, and a fpite to fuch as had been diligent to fupprels them. There was a famous Tory in Munfter^ one Power , who did abundance of Mifchief, anddifturb- ed the whole Country : Mr. Fitz~Simons y a Gentle- man of the Army,' had rid the Country of him 5 by which Piece of Service he deferved very well 3 but inftead or being rewarded, 7 he was one of the firft Proteftant Officers that was cafhiered. There was another notable Tory, one Flemming, that was very troublefomcandmifchievousinZ^'«^r, fome Troo- pers by their diligence, furprized him, and cut him off* it was obferved, that the Earl call'd out thofe Troopers firft, and cafhiered them, fome confiderable time before he turned out the reft of the Troop 5 which every Body interpreted to be a Mark of his Difpleafure for that Service. I have heard it obferv- ed, that there were at leaft twenty noted Tories, Of- , ficers in one Regiment, and very few Regiments were without fome. z. There was another fort or People had mighty favour with themj I mean Converts to their Religi- on. A Man may, I confefs, upon juft motives, or fuch asfeem juft to him, change his Opinion and Re- ligion, and cannot juflly be condemned of Difhonelty for fo doing ; but he is certainly a very diirioneft Man that diiTembles or alters his Opinion, without any o- ther ^/IRELAND, Qfc 3$ $her vifible motive befldes Gain or Preferment. Now this was the Cafe of many of their Officers. Several of the Children of the Papifts of the Kingdom had formerly been taken up^ and bred by Proteftants,fome in one Station, and fome in another ; they common* ly were taught to read and write, and many of them by the kindnefs of their Mailers were preferred j fomc \ became Councilors at Law, fome Attornies, fomc Clerks 5 others continued menial Servants and Foot- men. Upon the Change of Affairs, moil of thefe began to defpife their Benefactors or Mailers, and to count themfelves better than thofe who had educated and taught them > and in order to get Preferments^ altered their Religion* in which their Mailers^ with much care, had inftructed them 5 and declared, that in their Hearts they had been all along Roman Catho- licks. Above one hundred Footmen, on thefe De- clarations, were advanced to be Captains. Whereas their living fo long in the Profeffion of the Proteftanc Religion, if they did not believe it, was to all honeft Men an Argument of fo great Hypocrifie, that the Perfon guilty of it (one would think fhould not have been truited by any that valued either Truth or Ho- neily -, but if this Declaration was only feigned 5 : as I am apt to believe it was in many, then their Coriverfi- on was ail effe£r. of Covetoufnefs, or Ambition, and an Acl of Hypocrifie to be abhorred by all good Men. However, to perfwade the World that they were real, they were very icvere and mifchievous to Prote- ftants in general, efpecially to thofe that had been kind to them, whilfl in an inferior Condition. And it was obfervable oi theie Converts, that they imme- diately on their Reconcilement, made themfelves fig- nal by fome eminently wicked Acl:. Thus the Earl of Clancarty ioon after his being reconciled murdered a Butcher at Mayallo, by tolling him in a Blanket. Cap- tain 2V r angle after this,murdered one Kelly in the Street. Lieutenant Mac Geunis murdered Captain Hamilton. Sir Maurice Eufiace murdered (I think} two upon his D Converfion. 34 The State of the Troteflants Conversion. One TVarren murdered one Wilton., Captain JValler murdered a Player, one Blacbourn. Captain Maurice murdered a poor Piper, and was made High Sheriff of the Queens County. Sir Gregory Birn turned, in order to carry a fuit at Law againit Captain Pitz Gerald, which he is fuppofed to have carried by very indirect means, as moil that heard the Tryal believed, it being flrongly iurmiied by them, that he had fubborned Witnefles, and corrupted the Sheriff to pack a Jury. Captain Callahan was con- tent to introduce his Converflon, by affronting the Judge at JVaterford, breaking open a Houfe, and beating the Cryer of the Court to the hazard of his Life. In fhort, their Converts, both Men and Wo- men, became infamous, by very notorious Wicked- neffes. The Men by Murdering, Forgery, Perjury, Robbery, Swearing and Curling : And the Women by Lcwdnefs, and proflituting themfelves > yet thofe of both Sexes were cherifhed and encouraged amongfl them> and for being Converts were in fpecial requefl, and next in the way to Preferment. 3. Laflly, It was remarkable amongfl them all, Converts and others, that they were very uncharita- ble, and void of all companion. They turned van: numbers of Proteftants out of their Houfes, and left, them no other way of fubflfling but begging $ and yet we rarely found, that any of them gave a Farthing to the mofl neceffitous Proteflant Beggar : They did not look on themfelves, at leafl, did not aft, as if they had owed Faith, Truth, Juflice or Civility to any Proteflant. They affronted, abufed, betrayed and imprifoned every Body that would not be as wicked and as irreligious as themfelves. They often drank Damnation and Confufion to all Hereticks, efpecially to the Prince and Princefs of Orange j and not con- tent with this, if any Proteflant chanced to be in company, they would endeavour to force it on him, and abufed or imprifoned him for his refufal. 4 When ^/IRELAND, &c< if 4. When they came to put in for Poflcfllons of their antient Eftates, it was frequently obferved, that feveral put in for the fame Eftates, and pretended to be the Sons or Defcendents of the Proprietors - 9 info- much that four or five Affidavits, point blank contra- ry to one another, have been produced in Chancery at the fame time 3 the Chancellor was a little at a lofs what to do, till a Proteftant Lawyer told him there was a Survey taken of the Kingdom, in which twelve Men upon their Oaths had returned who was Propri- etor of each parcel of Land in 1641 . This he found to be a more certain Rule, than athoufand Affidavits;, fo little value had the King's Courts, and his Popifti Chancellor for the Oaths of thofe perfons whom King James chofe to employ and cherirh inftead of Protectants. The Truth is^ they were People that made no diftin&ion between Right arid Wrong, but as they ferved their Intereft, and therefore he chofe them purpofely to deftroy the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom in general, and the Proteftants in par* ticular : And no Body can deny but they were well chofen for the Work for which he defigned them, and unlit for any elfe. SECT. VIIL IV. King James 's Officers were of fuch a Genius and In* clination, as led them to deftroy the Laws y Liberties and Religion of the Kingdom. I.TT 7Hoever will be at the pains to look back ofi W the State of Ireland^ before it was conquered, by the Englijh r will find, that the Heads of Septs were abfolute over their Tenants j their Wills palled for Laws* and all their Proceedings were merely arbi- trary and defpotick. This was the antient Constitution of Ireland, and the Englijh who came over at firft, had, by their Converfation with the MJb r learned much of their Manners: They made their Tenants D 2. Vaffafc 3 6 The State of the "Trotejlants Vaflals and Slaves, as much as xhelrijb had been to their Chiefs 5 except in xhzEngBJh Pale (which was a Scope of Ground that reached about twenty Miles from Dublin) and even in fome places there, the Te- nures of the Country Farmers were exactly that which the Law of England calls Villanage \ the Tenant hav- ing nothing he could properly call his own. What- ever the Landlord had occafion ior$ he fent to his Tenant's Houfe, andcaufed it to be brought to him without confideration or allowance 5 or if he pleated, he went to the Tenant's Houfe with his Retinue, and there ftaid as long as he thought fit, eating and drink- ing, and ufing every thing the Tenant had as his own.; This Practice was called Cojhering, and feveral Laws have been made againfl it. 2. The old Landlords that had not forfeited their Eftates in 1 641 , ftill kept up this way of dealing with their Tenants^ tho' fecretly * and were fo burthrn- fome to them by their Exactions and Cojherings^ that the Tenants were miferable and poor, and their E- ftates unimproved ; whereas the Englijb^ and thofe that had Englljh Education, and took to their manner of Living, were content with their Rents from their Tenants - y who by that means were able to live well, grow rich, and improve their Farms. The native Irijb) who happened to fall under a Proteftant Land- lord, would hardly ever after be perfuaded to come under one of his own Religion ^ a little Experience fufficiently {hewing unto him the difference between a Landlord who required no more than his Due, and the old petty Tyrants, that claimed not only a Right to all his Tenant's Subftance, but likewife a power o-* ver his Life. 2. But many of the old Landlords loft their Eftates by Out-lawries and Attainders, for their Rebellion in the Year 1641. and for their murdering the Prote- ftants at that time. Many of them had fold their E- ftates, and fome had mortgaged them for more than their value two or three times to feveral Perfons j a Practice ^/IRELAND, &c. 3? Practice very common in Ireland $ but it is obfervable, that it is the humour of thefe People to count an E- ftate their own ftill, tho* they have fold it on the moft valuable Conftderations, or have been turned out of it by the moll regular Proceedings of Juftice \ fo that they reckon every Eftate theirs, that either they or their Anceftors had at any time in their PoffeiTion, no matter how many Years ago. And by their pretended Title and Gentility, they have fuch an influence on the poor Tenants of their own Nation and Religion, who live on thofe Lands, that thefe Tenants look or* them ftill, thp' out of PolTefiion of their Eilates, as a kind of Landlords i maintain them after afaihionin Jdlenefs, and entertain them in their Cofiering Man- ner. Thefe Vagabonds reckoned themfelves great Gentlemen, and that it would be a great Difparage- ment to them to betake themfelves to any Calling, Trade or way of Induftry > and therefore either fup- porting themfelves by Stealing and Torying, or op- prefling the poor Farmers, and exacting fomekindof Maintenance, either from their Cians and Septs, or from thofe that lived on the Eilates to which they pre- tended. And thele pretended Gentlemen, together with the numerous Cohering Popim Clergy that lived much after the fame manner, were the cwogrcatefl Grievances of the Kingdom, and more efpecialiy hindered its Settlement and Happinefs. The Laws of England were intolerable to them both, nor could t hey lubfi it u nder t h em . 4. As to the Popiui Landlords, who yet retained their Eilates, it put them out oi all patience, to find that the Bo do ugh their Tenant (fo as they call the meaner fort of People) fhould have equal Juftice a- gainft them, as well as again ft his Fellow Churl^ that a Landlord fhould be called to an account for killing or robbing his Tenant, or ravithing his Daughter, . feemed to them an unrcafonable Hardihip. It was in- fuiferable to Men that had been ufed to no Law, but their own Will, to be levelled with the meaneft in D $ the 3 8 The State of the Troteftantt the Adminiftration of Juftice •> and every time they were croffed by a Tenant that would not patiently bear their Impolitions, they curfed in their Hearts the Laws of England^ and called to mind the glorious Days of their Anceftors, who, with a Word of their Mouths, could hang or ruin which of their Depen- dents they pleated, and had in themfelves the power of Peace and War. f . This Humour in the Gentry of Ireland has from time to time been their Ruin, and engaged them in frequent Rebellions, being impatient of the Reftraint the Laws of England put on their Power, tho' they enjoyed their Eftates : And they ilill watched an op- portunity to re (lore themfelves to their petty Tyran- nies, apd were ready to buy the Rellitution of them at any rate. The other fort of Gentlemen I mention- ed, as they called themfelves, who were outed of their Eitates, as well as of their Power by the lame Laws, hated them yet worfej and their Clergy pufhed thetp on with all the Arguments that ignorant Zeal or Inte- reft could fuggeft : Infomuch that all fober Men as well as Protectants, reckoned thefe the. fworn Enemies of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom j and were allured, that they would flick at no conditions to deilroy them, their Intereft, Inclination and Prin° ciples, all concurring to engage them to do it. 6. Now thefe very Men were the Officers and In- ilriunents King James employed and milled, above, all others. He efpoufed their Intereft from the time that he had thoughts of the Crown y they were his Favourites and Confidents > and to provide for them he turned his Englifo and Proteftant Subjects, fir ft out or the Army, then out of their Civil Trulls and Em- ployments^ and laftly out of their Fortunes and E- ihites, He knew very well, that the Tempers and Genius of thofe Men were at enmity to the Laws, and fitted for that Conilitution of Slavery, under which he deiigned to bring the Kingdoms. He found that none were more fawning lo their Superiors than they* ^/IRELAND, 8fc. 39 they^ nor did any flatter with more Meannefs and Servility : And according to the Nature of fuch Peo- ple none are more infolent and tyrannous to their In- feriors. And this was the reafon that they were lo dear to King James, and that he preferred and trufled them rather than his Proteitant and Englijh Subjects. The Bargain between him and them was plainly this, reftore us to our former Power, Eftates and Religion, and we will ferve you as you pleaie, in your own way. An Expreffion that King James, and all his Creatures often ufed, and were very fond of. 7. Thefe People found, that the King's Legal Power could never reftore them to the condition at which they aimed 5 that the Power and Station they deflred, was abfolutely contrary to the Laws in be- ing , and that no Legal Parliament would ever alter the Laws and Conititution of the Kingdom to grati- Rc them. No wonder therefore if they efpoufed and promoted an abfolutc and defpotick Power in trie- King, and if he and they concurred fo heartily to in- troduce it. To do them Juftice, they made no Secret pf it, but profefTed it publickly y and on all Occafi- ons, and accordingly praclifed it in their feveral Stati- ons. They reckoned, and called every one a Whig and Rebels that talked of any other Law than the King's P lea fur e. They were liberal of their Curies and Imprecations on all Occaflons 9 but they exceed- ed and became outragious againfl any one that durfl alledgc, that their Proceedings were againfl Law : Damn your Laws^ was frequently their W ord, it is the Kings Pleafure itjhould be/b 9 we know no reajon why our Kingjhould not be as abfolute as the King of France ; and we will make him fo before we have done. Nay, fo ex- travagant were many of them, that they would fvvear with repeated Oaths, that all Proteltants were Re- bels, becaufe they would not be of the King's Reli- gion. An Expreffion, I fuppofe, they learned from the French Dragoons. D 4 8. Some 49 The State of the Troteflants 8. Some would undertake to argue the Cafe with fuch as teemed more moderate amongfl them, and put them in mind of thepoflibility of the Change of the Government, and that then the Argument would be good againft themfelves : But they had not patience to hear any fuch thing mentioned. And they general- ly fwore with the moir. bloody Oaths and bitter Im- precations, that they would never fubjecr. themfelves to any King that was not or their own Religion j and that they would lofe thelaft drop of their Blood, ra- ther than part with the Sword and Power put into their Hands, on any confederation whatfoe'ver. Thefe were not the Difcourfes of one or two hot-headed Fellows amongif. them 5 but they univerfally ralked at this rate. And it was the common and encouraging Speech of the Earl of Tyrcomiel from the very begin- ning of his Government, and particularly when he took leave of feveral Privy Councellors and Officers ■at his going to wait on King James at Chefter, Aaguft^ 1687: Ihtve -put the Sword into your Hands . A nd t hen in his tribal Stile, prayed God to damn them all, if ever, they parted with it. 9. 'Tis further to be re mem bred, that their Prede- ceilbrs were fo eager and earneft to recover this Power over their Vaflals, and to eftabiifh their Religion 3 that they attempted to gain their Defigns by that bloody Rebellion and Maflacre in the Year 1 641 . An Attempt no lefs defperate and unlikely to fucceed thaii wicked ; and when their own Power appeared infuffi- cient to gain their Ends, their (upreme Council at Kilkenny lent Commiffioners with Initruclions to of- fer up the Kingdom and themfelves to the Pope, the King of Spam} or any other foreign Pcpifh Prince that would accept the Offer. This was very well known to King James 5 he was at the Council-Board when the original Inltructions, figned by order of the Supreme Council that then managed the Affairs of ih&ftcman Catliplrcfcs of Ireland^ were produced be- fore King Charles 11. and his Council in Endand^ in the o/lRELAND, ®*. 41 the Year 1662, 3 empowering their Agents to this E£- feci: : And he might very well conclude, that they who were willing to fubmit themfelvcs to a foreign Power, to be rid of the Laws of England, would hear- tily join with him to deftroy them. 10. Whofoever will coniider Circumftances, and lay things together, will be apt to believe what is a- verred by fome, that King James before he declared his Religion, hadaDefire and Refolution to deftroy the Laws and Liberties of thefe Kingdoms, and make himfelf abfolutc, if ever he came to the Crown, af- ter the Manner of France ; and that the great Motive of declaring himfelf a Roman Catholick at firit, was to make fare or that Party: There are feveral things that rightly weighed will make this probable. 1 . It we coniider that no Party among it us was likely to be To wicked,as to have bought hisFavour by- joining with him in fuch a Defign, except the Papiih. 2. Amongft Papiih he chole out thofe, and pre- ferred them which he thought would be molt cor- dial to him, and ferve him moll effectually in that t)efign. There can be no other reafon given, why lie mould be fonder of the Irijb than the EngBJbVir pifts, but that he thought the one more likely to go through with him than the other. The EngliJJ) Pa- piftsare as Zealous in their Religion as the Irljb % and generally more honeit Men, yet the King rather chofe. to cherith and employ the latter. The only imagina- ble Reafon of his doing fo, was becaufe the Englijh were not lb ready to give up the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom to the Prerogative, as the Irijh > and 11 nee King James's Kihdnels was dirlributed accor- ding to the Readinefs he found in Men to betray their Country, rather than according to their Zeal for their Religion, have we not reafon to conclude the fait to be the true Motive of his Kindnels ra- ther than the latter. 3. Thofe ProteitantS) or pretended Proteftants, that coidially and heartily efpouled his Defign, and ferved hi in 42. The State of the Trot eft ants him effe&ually to opprefs and ruin their fellow Sub- jects, kept his Favour pretty well, and were employed by him, notwith fending their being reputed Pro- tectants y a certain Sign that the Reafon he difcharged Protectants from their Trulls and Offices was chiefly becaufe he thought they would not ferve him, as he c^prefTed it without Referve^ or contribute heartily to enflave themlelves and their Pofterity. 4. He often declared, and moreefpecially in his Aft for Liberty of Confcience made in his Parliament in Ireland^ that it was his conilant Refolution that there iliould be no other Teft or Diftin&ion amongll his Subjects but that of Loyalty > by which all knew that he meant anabfolute Submiifion in every thing to his Will y for he accounted every body difloyal that di£ puted or demurred at any of his Commands. f . As foon as the Iriffr began to difpute his Orders, and ftand on the Laws, he took it heinoufly from them ; and they loft much of his Favour j he fpake hardly of them, and wifhed at any rate to be rid of them : When the Houfe of Commons croft fome Propofal of his he was very much out of Humour, and declared that all Commons were the fame, as he found by them > when they quarrelled with the Eari of Melt or d^ his Secretary of State, he complained that they ufed him bafely and unkindly, and that he ne- ver would have come amongll them it he had thought that they would not let him choofe his own Servants .•• When they would not fufrer him to difpenfe with their Act of Attainder, or pardon any attainted in it, with znonobftante^ he is laid to have fallen into lo vio- lent a Patfion, that his Nofe fell a bleqding. He was very angry with fome of his Council when they de- murred at his levying twenty thoufand Pounds per Month without A& of Parliament, and fa id he could do nothing if he could not do that. From whence we fee that he reckoned all his Power nothing except he could impofe Taxes as the King of France doth - 9 and that this lay long at the Bottom of all his Deligns. Nay ^/IRELAND, 0A 43 Nay it was commonly reported by the Roman Cathor licks, that King James boafted and pleafed himfelf mightily that he had made himfelf Abfolute, which none of his PredecefTors could do 5 and had a more numerous Army than any of them, and confequent- ly was a more glorious King. If then his chiefeft Defign was to opprefs our Laws and Liberties, no body can doubt but he had Inftruments whofe Genius and Temper inclined them to aHift him, as long as they were like to go Sharers with him in the Purchafe. SECT. IX. V. The Officers employed by King James, were moft of them unqualified by Law y and consequently fit Inftru- ments to defiroy the Laws. I 'Ik if EN may live very comfortably in a Nation, JLVJL and yet be excluded from the Power or Go- vernment of it j therefore it is no Injuftice to exclude a certain Rank of Men that want fuch Qualificati- ons as may give the Common- wealth Confidence in them, from intermedling in the Government. Of this Nature we have had Laws in all Countries in the World, and whatever be pretended they are very of- ten both juft and necelTary : Nor is it reafonable that the King mould have a Power to difpenfe with fuch ; iincc they are often made on purpofe to fecure the Common-wealth againff, his Encroachments. Of: this Nature are our Laws that diiable Papifts from all Employments Civil and Military, by an Aft of Par- liament made in the Reign of Henry VIII. no Man is to execute any Employment till he has taken the Oath of Supre- *8. &**} fc cap. 1^ macy. This is repeated and con- firmed by another in the fecond %> Elizab. cap. u of Elizabeth. And here it is ob- servable how they evaded this Statute. It pofitively requires that every Officer (hall take and receive a corporal Oath there fet down 5 and it any refilled to take 44 The State of the Troteftants take it, then he is to forfeit whatever Office he hath at the time of the refufal, and be difabled to retain or exercife any Office. Now to elude this Law, the Oath was never tendered to their new Officers, and confequently, laid they, they never refufed it, neither are they liable to the Penalties of this Act. This was plainly againil the Defign of the Statute, a playing with the Words of it, and ihewed us that all Laws were infufficient to fecure us againft fuch Je uitical Prevaricators. By an Act made in the time of Henry VII. it is Treafon to fiir up 20. e < p. the Irifti Country to war againft the Englifh : And by feveral other Laws made both in England and Ireland^ thePapifts, efpecially the Irijh, are diiabled to hold Places of Power or Truft : And particularly Papifts are excluded from Freedom in Corporations, by a Claufe in the Act of Settlement, on which the new Rules for regulating Corporations^ made by the Earl of EJ/ex 3 at his firft coming to the Government, are founded. Now fo great was King James's Paffion for thefe People, that he was not con-~ tent to have them about him to iriew them Counte- nance and Favour ; but in Defiance of fo many Laws, he would needs thruft them into the Government, and fet them over Proteftants, who in making thofe. Laws had refolved not to be governed by them ; and the Laws themfeives being deiigned to exclude them, we muft not imagine that King James made this bold Adventure for nothing, or that he would difoblige the Body of his People, without defigning fome lignal Advantage to himielf by it: He muft have fome pe- culiar Service for thefe unqualified Perfons to do, in which the reft of the Nation would not affift him \ and that could be nothing elfe but the Deftruction of their Laws and Religion, for in every thing elfe they were rather too ready to comply with him; but thofe that came into their Places of Truft and of Pro- fit, in Defiance ot the Laws, merely by his Favour, muft be engaged as deeply as he, to iupport the Pow- er 0/iRELAND, &c. 4? £r that preferred them, and deftroy the Laws that laid fuch Bars in their way to Honour "and Profit. The Contelt is here between our Laws, Religion and Liberties, on the one fide^ and the King's Power on the other -, and the King was fure that thofe to whom the Laws were Enemies, would iikewife be Enemies to the Laws^ and never ftick at any thing to fupport the Power that made them what they were - 9 if they iliould, they mult needs fink, having no- thing elfe to fupport them befides it. Whoever therefore accepted any Place or Preferment againft the Laws, did thereby oblige himfelf toaboundlefs Submiflion to all the King's Commands, and to exe^ cute them however illegal : And confequently was become a fit Inftrument to Sacrifice the Laws and Religion of the Kingdom to the Will of his Sove- reign. If therefore King James defigned the De- ftruction of thefe, as I fuppofe is apparentthat he did, from what has been faid in this Chapter : We have no Reaton to imagin that he would not have been able to compafs his Defign for want of Affiftants to execute it, having fo many fitted to his Hand in this King- dom. 2. And this anfwers that Objection which we hear from fome who will not underftand our Circum- ftances, but tell us that we ought to have had Pa- tience, and let King James take his Courfej for though he had deftruclrive Defigns, yet he was but one Man, and could not execute them againft us in his own Perfon, nor procure others to execute them for him j fince all Men would be afraid to obey his illegal Commands, as long as they could not but know that they were accountable to the Laws for every thing done againft them : But it appears from the Ac- count I have given of thofe Perfons whom King James employed, that they neither knew, nor feared, nor cared for the Laws. And that their Bufinefs and Enmity was as great againft them, as againft us, be- ing reiblved to deftroy both together 9 which they had 46* The State of the Troteftauti had effectually done bad not God fcnt us a Delivered to prevent it. G H A P. Ill; King James not only deftgned, but attempted, and made a confiderabk Progrefs m our Deftruction. SECT I. The Introduction to the Proof of this Head, grounded on a Jhort View of the State of Ireland, at the time of King JamesV coming to the Crown $ and of the vain Afjurances Proteflants gave ihemfehes of Security from the Confideration of their Merits towards him $ the Refute of his good Nature, and his own true In* lereft. i.^pHE Deftruclrion of a People is fo horrid tt A thing, that it is not eafie to perfuade a good- natured Man that fuch an unnatural Defign can en- ter into ones Heart : And we our felves though al- moil ruined, dare hardly relate it to others left they fhould not believe us. It is certain that if the Pro- teflants of thefe Kingdoms could have believed that King James would have attempted what he did, they would never have entred into fuch Feuds againft their fellow Subjects and Friends to prevent his Exclufion : But their Zeal for the Monarchy and Succeflion, made them willing to overlook the Danger - y and they perfuaded themfelves that the Abfurdity and Difficulty of the Thing, would keep him if he came to the Crown from attempting it, notwithstanding they knew that his Principles inclined him, and his Counfellors would prompt him to it. I queflion much if any thing but fad Experience would ever have opened the Eyes, or convinced the generality of thefe Nations that his Defigns were fuch as we found them in the Event: And perhaps it is worth all our ^/IRELAND, ®c 47 fcur Sufferings, though very heavy, to have learned (as we have done) by this Example, never to truft Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may deftroy us > nnce it appears in him, that no Intereit, Difficulties, or Obligations are fuf- ficient to hinder iuch from employing that Power to efFecT: it. No Man could be under decperObligations to ufe his Power with Moderation than King James was j yet in the fhort time he'pofTefled it,he employed it with io much Diligence and Earneftnels to deftroy us, that he in a great meafure accomplifhedit j and we mull: thank God only, and his preient Majeity's victorious Arms, that faved us from a total and final Deftructi- on, to which we were fo manifeftly devoted. To make this appear, it will be necefTary to take a fhort View of the State of Ireland^ at, and fince King James's coming to the Grown, and by the Alteration he introduced, it will plainly appear what he defigned. At his coming to the Crown, Ireland was in a moft flourifhing Condition j Lands every where improved, and Rents advanced to near double what they had been in a few Years before j the Kingdom abounded with Money, Trade flourifhed, even to the Envy of our Neighbours 5 Cities, efpeciallyD#£///2, encreafed exceedingly -> Gentlemens Seats were built, or build- ing every where, and Parks, Enclofures, and other Ornaments were carefully promoted \ infomuch that many Places of the Kingdom equalled the Improve- ments of England. The Papifts themfelves, where Rancour, Pride or Lazinefs did not hinder them, lived happily, and a great many of them got confi- derable Eftates, either by Traffick, by the Law, or by other Arts and Induftry. 2. There was a free Liberty of Conscience by connivance, tho' not by the Law j and the King's Revenue encreafed j^d Clarendon's Speech at giving up proportionably to the the Sword to the Earl of Tynonnel, and Kingdom's Advance the Abftrad of the Revenue for 16X5. in Wealth, and was ^ mdix > N * * tSc * - every 48 The State of the Trot eft ants' every day growing : It amounted to more than three hundred thoufmd Pounds/> thole many and evident Arguments by which they de- monstrated his deft ruttive Defigns againft thofeKing- doms, as to have had it to fay^ that m Ireland, where it was in his Power, he was far from doing what they iurmifed he intended to do in England, or if he had e* ver any fuch Intentions, it was plain he had now al- tered them. Thefe things were laid before him by fome that winYd well to his Affairs, and had more Prudence than his furious and bigottcd Counfellors 5 nnd fometimes they feemed to make ImprefHons on him, but the Prieits and needy Courtiers, who had fwallowed in their Imaginations the Spoils and Eftates or the Proteftants of England as well as of Ireland, could not endure to hear of this. They feemed migh- tily afraid left he mould be reitored to his Throne by confent of his Proteftant Subjects : For if fo (faid r v) ' we know it will be on fo ftricl Condition', that we ft) all gain but little by it, it will not bein his Power to grtfiijie us. And not only they, but the Irijh in general like- wife endeavoured to make his Refutation by way of Articles or Peace impracticable and impoffible A Defign fo extremely foolifh, that it is ftrange any fhould be found fo iillily wicked as to promote it, or that King James mould be fo impofed on as to hearken to it •, and yet it is certain he did, at leaft at fome times, entertain it 3 and was heard to expr-fs himfelf to one that prefied him to Moderation to Pro- E teilaats 5q The State of the Trotejlantf teftartts on this Account; that he never expected to get into England but "with Fire and Sward. Howe- ver his Counsellors were not io weak, but they faw what Difad vantage his dealing with the Proteftants hud on his nter-it in England^ and therefore they took care to conceal it as much as poflible ; they Hopped ,all Intercourse as rar as they could with EngLindi they had a Party to cry up the Mildnefs of King James's Government towards the Proteftants, to applaud the Eafe, the Plenty, the Security in which they lived, and to run down and difcredit all Relations to the contrary that came from Ireland. Thefe endeavoured .to perfuade the World, that there was no fuch thing as a Bill of Attainder, or of Repeal; no Act taking away the Preferments or Maintenance of the Clergy, nor any Tmprifonment or Plundering of Proteftants ; no taking away of Goods by private Orders of the King, or levying of Monies by Proclamations. In fliort, they did that which on all Occafions is the Practice, and indeed Support of Popery. They en- deavoured to face down plain Matter of Fact with Forehead and Confidence, and to perfuade the World, that all thefe were mere Forgeries of King James's Enemies. As many as believed thefe Allegations of theirs, and were perfuaded by .them, that the Pro- teftants of Ireland were well ufed by King James^ • were inclined to favour him; a certain Sign, that if they had been really well ufed by him, it would have gotten him many Friends, and perhaps reconciled fome of his worft Enemies. But the Defign enter- tained by him and his Party required the Ruin of Proteftants, and of their Religion ; whereas his In- tereft required, that it ihould not be believed, that he defigned either ; and therefore Care was taken to pro- fecute the De{ign with all Eagernefs, and deny the Matter of Fact with all Impudence ; and his Majefty took care to promote both : For he ruined the Pro- teftants of jreland by his Acts of Parliament, and by the other Methods we ihall hereafter fpeak of 5 and by ^/IRELAND, ®e. 5-1 by his Proclamations fent privately into England to his Partifans there, afTured the World, that the Pro- t eft ant Religion and Inter eft were his fpecial care, and that he had fe cured them againft their Enemies, It was his Interefl to have done, as well as pretended this 5 but the carrying on his Defign was fo much in his Thoughts, that he chofe to facririce his Intereil to it. 4. And no wonder, if it be true, what is reported of hirri, that herefolved to die a Martyr •, rather than not fettle his Religion, and that he had rather die the next Day^ that Dejign being compajjed^ than live fifty Tears without effecling it. All which fufficiently ex- plains that which feemed a Riddle to many how King James fhould befo very hard on his Proteftant Sub- jects, when his Interefl: required, that he fhould treat them with all imaginable Kindnefs -, efpeciaily in the prefent Circum fiances of his Affairs, whilfl in Ire- land. The Reafons of his acting contrary to his Interefl in fo palpable an Initance^ were either from the Perfuafions of his ill Counfellors, who allured him, that they would fo order the Matter, that what he did in Ireland fhould not be heard of, or not be believed in England ; or elfe from a fettled Refolution not to mind any Interefl which came in Competition with his grand Defigns of advancing Po-» pery, and the Slavery of the Nations. To dftft which, it is manifeil he was content to be a VaMal to France; for whofoever calls in a potent Neigh- bour to his Aflillance, mufl reckon that will be the Confequence if he gst the better by his Means > of which the Irijh themfelves were fenuble, when they law the French Succours landed *, and the Proteflants could not but conclude, that King James was fo in- tent upon dellroying them, that (fo he compafTad that Defign) he cared not if he cnflaved himicif and the Kingdoms. f . Nor had the Services of any towards him, more influence on him than his own Interefl.. Never fud any Prince fairer Opportunities to difiinguifi; his E z Friends 52, The State of the Troteftantf Friends from his Enemies, than King James y th& ilxuggle he had to get to the Crown was fo long^ and the IfTuefo doubtful, that there was no Tempta- tion for any one to difTemble his Thoughts towards him 5 and never had Subjects a fairer Opportunity to ferve and merit from a Prince. Now his Carriage to thofe that then proved his Friends, who againft their own Intereft, and againft the Endeavours of the moil powerful, and mod diffuled Faction that ever appeared in a Kingdom, fet the Grown on his Head, is a plain Demonftration of what Force, Me- jit or Service were with him, towards altering his private Defigns. No fooner did it appear, that thofe who were againft the Excluilon, deilgned to prefervc the Kingdom, as well as the Succerlion, but he abandoned them, and not only laid them aftde, but further expoied them to theRevenge of thofe very Men that they had provoked by efpoufing his Quar- rel. It is no News to any how King James caft off his fafteft Friends, when hefaw that they would not proceed after his Meafures to deftroy the Liberty and Religion of their Country ; and took into his Bofom and Council thofe that had been his moll bitter Ene- mies, when he perceived, that they would aflift him in that Defign. Which is a plain Demonftration, that he had no Regard to Services or Merit, fur- ther than they tended to enflave the Nations, and de- ftroy the fettled Religion. But no Proteitant that had any Value for his God, his Confcience or Coun- try, could pretend to this Merit; and therefore in the King's Opinion he could do nothing that his Ma- jefty would count a Service. King James had no Defire to be ferved by Prote- flants, as was manifeft by his turning many out, for no other Reafon, but becaufe they would not change their Religion. By preferring Papifts to all Places of Truftand Profit, tho' not fo defervingor well qua- lified for them as thofe that poifeiredthem. By his declaring, that he would have all that did eat his Bread, */I R EL AND, &c. si Breads of his own Religion. If therefore he employ- ed any it was for a Colour, either to cover his Partia* lity, orbecaujehe could not find a Papiil fit for their Places, or becaufe he believed, that in time he might gain them to be of his Religion, or laflly, becaufe he had fome odious. Work to do, which he thought he could the better excufe, if he could get a Proteflanfc to do it> where thefe Reafons.ceafed, he never emr ployed any. But it is obfervable, where he did em- ploy them, tho' their Places were confiderablc, yet they never had the Interefl with him, or Power proper to their Place y but were mere Cyphers in it,. Thus, he made Sir Edward Herbert Chancellor of Eng- land, and caufed a Seal to be cut for him, but he never allowed him that Intereft with him, or had that Regard for him in Councils that his Place re- quired. The puny Papiil Judges had more Influence on the King, and could make bolder with him than hej he was not admitted to the Secret of Affairs at all, and at the publick Councils he was fct below Fit ton j Chancellor of Ireland, and feveral others. $ whom I am informed, whilil employed as Chancel- lor of England, and in his Mailer's Prefence, he ought to have preceded. But generally Proteflants were only admitted to inferior Places, and for the moil Part with a Companion y and they had only the Name, their Companions mull do ally and they duril not contradict them y and tho 7 they were in- titled to rife according as Vacancies fell,, yet fome inconfiderable Papiil was fure to get the Start of them y and to be put over their Heads y fo that it Was never in their Power to ferve the King conildera- bly, or merit at his Hands. If they did chance to do any thing fignal, yet their Enemies had fo much the Advantage of Kingj4?nes's Ear, that they were fure to be mil- rep relented y and what thole laid, having the dead Weight of Reli- gion to help it, did generally with him, outweigh the Proteilants Service. Of this Sir Charles Mur'ry £ j is f 4 The State of the Trot eft ants is an Initance> he followed King James through Trance to Ireland^ and all along appeared zealous for his Service. Yet becauic he proferTed himfelf a Pro- teftant, upon his landing at Kin/ale^ lome that had an ill will to him prevailed with the King to clap him up a Prifoner in the Fort of Kinfale^ where he lay without being able to learn any Reafon for his Confinement, from the twelfth of March 1688-p, till toward the end of the following Summer -> and then they had Occafion for him to help to order their Camp, and fortifie yfrr/^', which procured him his Liberty y tho % he never could have the Satisfaction to learn either his Crime, or his Accufer. My Lord Forbefs, Son to the Earl of Granard^ is another remarkable Inftance : When the pretended Parliament fat in Dublin^ both Houfes were inform- ed, that my Lord Forbefs adhered to King James's Interelt in England^ ana that he was a Prifoner in the Tower upon that Account, his Friends thought it proper to improve this Occafion with the King, and the Parliament, to fave my Lord's Eflate at Mol- Jingar^ which he holds under the Act of Settlement, And this teemed the more feafible, becauie the Lands, di. : , if not all,yet for the mo it Part, formerly belong not to private Perfons, but to a Corporation. But all the Interefl: could be made, did not prevail 5 all that could be obtained, was aClaufe implying, that the Commiiiioncrs that fhould be appointed to execute the Act, fhould fet him out a Reprizal under the fame Limitations, under which he held the Town and Lands of MolUngar y which (as one of the Houfe of Commons expreiied it) was a ModihfuVof Moon- jlwie. So little Regard was had to the Services 01 Merits of Proteftants. 6. And they had no Reafon to expect it fhould be othcrwife y for there was no Regard had to the molt confiderable Papifts, where their Intereft in- terfered with the general Defign. It was refolvcd to dc (troy the Acts of Settlement, the Foundation of the; ' ^/IRELAND, ftfk $? the EngUJli and Proteftant Intereft in Ireland. This brought along with it Deftru&ion to many Papifts that held E dates under it, which they had purchafed fince the Year 1662. as well as to Protectants. Thofe Papills were very numerous, and more wealthy than the reft (efpecially in Connaught) and they were like- wife very zealous for King James^ and many of them in his actual Service, and venturing their Lives for him 5 at the time of patting the Act of Repeal j yet this did not hinder him from giving away their Eitates by that Act to the old Proprietors. In fhort, if ferving King James truly and faithful- ly, even to their own Prejudice, whilft it was for his Advantage and his Circumitanccs needed their Service, could have merited his Favour, moll Pro- teftants had fupererogatcd ; but all this pafTed for no- thing with him, he would be Jewed bis own way : That is, he would have Protectants been active to deftroy their Properties, Liberty and Religion, he Woulpl have had them lend their Hands to tie the Chains of Slavery for them and their Pofterity, to which they had already contributed too far to oblige his Humour, both before and after his coming to the Crown, againit the common Intereit of the King- dom. Nothing lefs than the fame blind Obedience^ would ferve him in the State, which his Clergy re- quire in the Church, which we would not by any Means pay him y and therefore it was in vain for us to think of preserving our felves by any Merit or Ser- vice we could render him - y he did not think any thing a Proteftant could do with a good Conference, to be a Service. And if we did all was required, yet there never wanted Perfons about his Majefty who had Ma- lice enough towards us, and Intereit enough with him f to mif-reprefent our molt meritorious Actions. 8. Nor was the good Nature and merciful Difpov fition of King James any greater Security to the Pro- tectants of Ireland, than their own Merits towards him. There are, 'tis true, Kings in the World, that E 4 have f6 The State of the TroteJIants have an abfolute Power over the Lives and Liberties of their Subjects $ and yet govern them with fuch, Juiliceand Mercy, that they furTer very little Incon- veniency by it : Bat the Examples of this kind are f o very rare, that it is ill truiling any one with iuch a Power. King James's Partizans made it their Bufi- n f .:fs to represent their Mailer as the molt merciful and jurtcit Prince in the World j and then they railed at us that grudged to lay our own and our Polteritiesj Lives and Liberties at his Feet. Perhaps if he alone had been to have had the Difpofal of them, an4 would have followed his natural Inclinations, we flrouldnotlo much have feared to have trufted him % but whilfr. he had iuch Miniilers about him, and embraced a Religion of fuch Principles as he pro- felTed, we had no Reafon to depend much on his na- tural Clemency or Inclination, for thefe werefufficit ent to corrupt the belt, naturcd Man in the World. p. No doubt but Charles the Fifth of Germany 'was of as companionate and generous a Nature as any Man -, yet that did not keep him from making Havock of his Subjects on Account or. Religion 5 befides all his Wars and Bloodfhed to fupprefs the Reformation^ he deftroyed by way of legal Procefs fifty thoufand in the Inquifition, a Barbarity, I believe, hardly e- quailed by Nero. Francis the Fir it of France was $ Prince equal to any in Generality and Noblenefs of Nature - y and yet he made no. lefs Havock and De- ftruclion in his Dominions on the fame Account. The prefent French King is a Demonitration, that neither Love of Glory, nor of Intereit, neither Greatnefs of Mind, nor Goodnefs of Nature, are An-, tidotcs againtt the Force of Rofntjb Principles, or can reilrain the Prince that has throughly imbibed them, fromBlood and Pcrfecution} otherwise he would never, have made himfelf infamous by fuch horrid Cruelties as he has committed on his Proteltant Subjects, or brought an indelible Blot on a Reign w T hich he would fain have reprefented to be more glorious than any o£ his PrcdecefTors. \\ ^/IRELAND, &c. 57 It is not necefTary that what has been (aid ftiould bring in queftion the good Nature or merciful Tem- per of King James, tho' we confefs we were unwil- ling to truft it too far. We had before our Thoughts the Proceedings in the Weft of England, where we faw his Clemency did not interpofe, but fuftered more to be profecuted, tryed, condemned, and executed for that one Rebellion (and yet it was not fo confi- derableas many others) than perhaps had differed in that manner for many of the Rebellions fince the Conquell. We have found that he confented to at- taint above two thoufand five hundred of the mod considerable Perfons of this Kingdom 3 and that his good Nature might not be a Temptation to pardon them, he put it out of his Power to do it by the fame Act. After his coming into Ireland, very few Par- dons patted the Great Seal, perhaps not three - y nor had many fo much as the promileof a Pardon given them, tho' very many needed and defired it. Many of the Country People, who were not of the Army, were brought up Priloners j they pleaded that they were not concerned in the Wars, that they lived in their Houfes, and on their Farms, andfubmitted only to the ftronger, without engaging in the Caufe ^ but all to no purpofe : They wereuied worfe than the Soldiers who were Prifoners, and fuffered to ftarvc in Jails, if the Charity of their Fellow Proteftants had hot relieved them. Many who were wronged and oppreffed, petitioned his Majefty for Redrefs, but their Petitions were rejected, at beft miflaid, and the Petitioners were fo far from obtaining any Anfwer, that they often could never hear what became of their Petitions. 10. The chief Gounfellors of the King were the Popilh Clergy, and the Descendants of fiich as had fhed the Blood of fo many Proteftants in the Year 1 541. \vho : then ruined and it is obfervable, that 110 s one Man in Ireland was ever found to be confeious or con- ^/IRELAND, &c S9 ^onfentlng to thofe Rebellions - y the Proteftants of alj. lbrts fhewed great Horror and Deteftation of them, and were difcernably melancholy till the Rebels were fuppreffed. MohYof the Officers of this Army had been fo zealous to ferve the King, that they had by his Permiffion and Encouragement bought their Employ- ments - f many of them had laid .out their whole For- tunes, and contracted Debts to purchafe a Command 5 yet no fooner was King James fettled in his Throne, but he began to turn out fome of the Officers, that had been raoft zealous for his Service, and had defend- ed beft of him, merely becaufe they had been counted firm to the Proteftant Religion and EngUJh Tnterefh The firft who were made Examples to the reit, were the Lord Shannon, Captain Robert Fitz-Gerald, Cap- tain Richard Coote, and Sir Oliver S. George. The three firft were Earls Sons, who either in their own jperfons, or by their Fathers and Relations, had been iignally active in reftoring King Charles the Second, and the Royal Family, to their juft Rights, 16603, fo had Sir Oliver S. George : And they were all of them Without any other Exception, but their Zeal for their Religion, and the EngUJb Intereft in Ireland. But the common Saying was, that King James would re- gard no Man for any Service done to him, his Father or Brother, but only for future Service thai he expecled from 'them : And fince he could not expect that theie Gen- tlemen fhould affift him to deftroy the Protectant Re- ligion or the Liberties or. his Subjects, which was the Service he then expected, he took their Troops from them, ' and gave them to perfons of mean or bro- ken Fortunes, who mud do any thing to keep them ; fome of them unqualified by Law. It is fit their Names fhould be known, that the Reader may the better obferve what kind of Change the King began with, when he fubftituted Captain Kerney, if I re- member right, one of the Ruffians, Captain Ander- fon, a perfon of no Fortune, Captain Sheldon, a pro- ■feifed Papiit, and Captain Graham^ in the places of the 6d The State of the Trot eft ants the Lord Shannon y Captain Fitz-Gerald, Captain Coote^ and Sir Oliver S George. 2. But to convince the World, that no Confede- ration was to be had, of Loyalty or Merit, except 3 Man were a Papift : The Duke of Ormond was lent; for abruptly, and diverted of the Government, with fuch Circumftances that did no ways correfpond with the Service he had rendred the Crown in general, and King James in particular. Immediately the model-? ling of the Army was put into the Bywhatlmercftand Hands of Colonel Richard Tah for what D.efign he htt a Perion more hated than *■ came to be employed, • t ** ^ ^ t* n and at laft to be made n Y ot hcr Man by the Proteftants, Deputy, will appear and who had been named by Oates from the Copy of a i a his Narrative, for this very ftSS Employment. When therefore his Secretary. 'Tis in the Proteitants taw him put into t\te4pj>endix,H.3. it, many who believed nothing of a Plot before, gave credit now to his Narrative, and the common Saying was, tha$ if Oates was an ill Evidence* he was certainly a good Prophet. Colonel Talbott x afterwards Earl of Tyr~ connel r knew the neceifity of having the Army fitted to his purpofe, it being the Engine he depended on for deftroying the Religion, Liberty and Laws of the Kingdom \ and therefore fet about it with all Expe- dition, and profecuted it in fuch a Manner as might be expected from a Man of his infolent Temper. He exerciiedat the fame time fo much Falfhoodand Bar- barity, that if the Army had not been the bell prin ? cipled with Loyalty and Obedience of any in the World, they would have mutinied, or at leaft dif- patched him. In the Morning he would take an Offi- cer into his Clofet, and with all the Oaths, Curfes- and Damnations, that were never wanting to him, he would profels Friendship and Kindnefs to. him, and promile him the continuance of his Commiflion 3 and yet in the Afternoon cafhier him, with all the con- tempt he could heap on him y nay perhaps, while he waa ^/IRELAND, &c. 6% tvas thus carefling him, he had actually given away his Commiffion. The Officers of Ireland^ then ca-* ihiered, and their Acquaintance, can vouch the truth of this in many inftances. As for the Soldiers and Troopers, his way with them was to march them from their ufual Quarters, to fome diftant place where he thought they were leaft known, where they would be put to greateft Hardmip, and there he itripped them j the Foot of their Cloaths, for which tney had payed $ and the Troopers of their Horfes, Boots and Furniture, bought with their own Money 3 and fet them to walk barefooted one hundred, or one hun- dred and fifty Miles to their Homes or Friends, if they had any. Sometimes he would promife them fome- thing for their Horfes 3 but then he told them, that they mufl come to Dublin for it : If any came to de- mand the fmall pittance promiled them for their Hor- fes, or Arrears of Pay, he contrived it fo, that they fhould be obliged to wait till they had. fpent twice as much as they expected 5 and moil of them after all got nothing* By this means two or three hundred Proteflant Gentlemen, who had laid out all, or a good part of their Fortunes, and contracted Debts on Commifiions, were not left worth any thing, but were turned out without rcafon or any confidcration, and five or fix thoufand Soldiers fent a begging j a Hardfhip perhaps never put on any Army before^ without any provocation > againft whom there was no other Exception, but that they were Englijh Men and Proteftants, and King James by fubftitutmg Irijh Men and Papifts in their Places contrary to the Laws, and to the very Defign of keeping a minding Army in Ireland^ clearly demon ftrated, that he hud no re- gard to the Laws, or to the prefervation of the King- dom, and that he defigned to advance the Popilli Irijh Intereft in Ireland; which every Body knows cannot be done without the utter ruin of the Englifo Proteftants, 3 Yet 6z The State of the

and if any chaftized them for their Saucinefs, though ever fo much provoked, they had the Judges and Juries on their fide. They might kill whom they pleafed with- out fear of Law, as appeared from Captain Nangk's murdering his disbanded Officer in the Streets of Dublin; but it any killed or hurt them, they were fure to fuffer j as Captain Aft on found to his Colt, who was hanged for killing a Papift upon his abufing the Captain's Wife in the Street. They immediate- ly ruined all the Protectant Inns of Ireland^ partly by oppreffing them with Quarters, partly by pay- ing nothing for what they had in their Quarters, and partly by driving away other Guefts by their Rude- nefs. 5 .In this infolencethey continued and daily increafed, till the Prince of Orange came into England. But then new Commiflions were iffued out with all diligence, of one fort or another, fometimes five hundred in a day. All the Scum and Rafcallity of the Kingdom were made Officers-, every where the Papifts arm'd and inlifted themfelves, and the Pricfts fuffered no Man ^/IRELAND, &c. 63 Man to come to Mafs that did not arm himfelf with at lead a Skean and Half-pike. The new commiflioned Officers wereobliged withoutPay to fubfid theirMen, as they termed it, for three Months, a thing impoffible for them to do, fince mod of them were not able to maintain themfelves. The better fort of their Cap- tains and inferior Officers had been Footmen or Ser- vants to Protedants. One Gentleman's Cow-herd was made a Lieutenant* but he would fain have ca- pitulated with his Mailer, to keep his Place vacant for him if his Commiflion did not hold. Mod ot them were the Sons or Defcendants of Rebels in 1641^ who had murdered fo many Protedants. Many were outlawed and condemned Perfons that had lived by Torying and Robbing. No lefs than fourteen noto- rious Tories were Officers in Cormuck 6 NeaPs Regi- ment $ and when forty or fifty thoufand luch were put into Arms, without any Money to pay them, wc mud leave the World to judge what apprehenfions this mud breed in Protedants, and whether they had not Reafon to fear the dedru&ion that immediately fell on them > they faw their Enemies in Arms, and their own Lives in their Power. They faw their Goods at the Mercy of thofe Thieves and Robbers and Tories, now armed and authorized, from whom they could fcarce keep them when it was in their power to purfue and hang them. And they had all the Reafon in the World to believe, that a Govern- ment that had armed fuch Men of defperate Fortunes and Refolutions, was fo far from protecting them, which is the only End of all Government, that on the contrary it defigned to dedroy both their Lives and Fortunes. The latter of which, as will appear by the fequel, they have in a manner intirely loft.. 6. I could never hear any thing pretended for thefc proceedings, except it were either 1 . That the Ar- my were the King's Servants, and every Man may employ what Servants he pleafes \ on. That Prote- ftants would not concur with the King's Intentions, and i>4 the State of the Troteftants and therefore there was a neceffity of difmifling]theiftT And 3. as to the general arming the Papitts, and plundering the Protectants, that it was neceflary in order to raile and encourage an Army, otherwife the King had had nothing to truft to. 7. As to the firfl of thele, it h not true that every Man may entertain what Servants he pleafes - y becaule one ought not to entertain any that are not qualified as the Law requires. 2. If it were granted that the Cafe were the fame between the King and his Army as between a Matter and his Servants, and that a Matter might entertain what Servants he pleafed (neither of which is true) yet it is to be confidered that where another pays the Servants, the Matter mutt be obliged to keep luch Servants as will anfwer the defign of fuch as afford the Wages. Now it was the Kingdom's Money that paid the Soldiers > it was given the King by a Proteftant Parliament, to preferve the Proteftant EngHfb Intereft, and fupprefs the conquered Irijh Pa- pills, as appears by the Acts themielvesj it was paid by them out of their proper Fortunes and E- itates 5 and for the King to employ the Money fo gi- ven, and paid him, to arm thofe whom it was de- figned to fupprefs \ and deftroy thofe who gave it, is the greateft Breach of Truft and Prevarication of "which any can be guilty. 8. As to the fecond Reafon, that Proteftants would not concur with the King's Intentions 5 I believe it is true, but the Reafon was, becaufe the King's Inten- tions were to deftroy the Laws, Liberty, and Religi- on Eftablifhed in his Kingdom: They had, and \vould have anfwered every juft intention of the King \ nay fuch as were employed by him, had con- curred further with him than was perhaps juttifiable. And his laying them afide as unferviceable to his De- signs, is a plain Demonttration that thofe Defigns were irreconcilable to the good of the Kingdom, and the Protettant Englifi lntereft> 9- As 0/ IRELAND, Sfc. 6s ). As to the third lleafon that it was neceflaryj in ftrder to raife an Army for the King, to arm ail the Rafcallity of Ireland y and to let them deftroy the Proteftants, to fubfift and hearten them. Ianfwer, that this owns a Ncceility, if not a Defign of de- ftroying us : And considering that the Papifts only by their wicked Cotinfels had brought that Neceiiityori the Kingdom, it can never be imputed to the Prote- ctants by any wife Man as a Crime, that they were Unwilling to comply with the King to their own De- ftru&ion, or that they rather chofe to be delivered by his prefent Majefty than ruined by King James and {lis foolifh Councilors. Upon the whole, the ordering the Irijh Army as it was by King James, is a plain Demonftration of his Defign to deftroy us, and a great ftep towards it y and he had effectually done it, had hot the Providence of God raifed up his prefent Ma- jefty to relieve us. SECT. III. Secondly, King James'j- ordering the Courts of Judical ture infuch a method as tended to deftroy the Proteftant Engliih Inter eft of Ireland. I.^T^HE fupport and happinefs of a Kingdom A confiits chiefly in the equal and impartial Ad- fciniftration of Jultice j and that depends on the choice of fit and duly qualified Perfons for filling the Courts, and executing the Laws* but King James made choice of fuch Perfons for thefe Offices as were fo far from anlwering the Intent of their Places, that they made it their Bufinefs to deftroy the Proteftant Intcreft, and the Laws that preferve the Liberty of the Subject in general y by thofe Laws no Man was capable of being a Judge, who had not taken the Oath of Supremacy". The Judges he found on the Bench, had taken it y but yet ibme of them were known to be rather too favourable to Papiits 5 and F confi- 66 The State of the Trotejtants confidering the influence King James bad in his Bro- ther's time in difpofing or Offices, it is not to be ima- gined that he would furTer any Man to fit as Judge, who had not been favourably reprefented to him in that Point ^ though we muft own he wasmiftakenin fome of them > hence it came that Proteftants did frequently complain of the Favour and Countenance their Adverfaries found in the Courts of Juftice, even in King Charles II. time. But when King Jamef came to the Crown, moderate, nay favourable Judges Would not do the Work he defigned. He found it neceflary to employ the mod z-alems of his Party $ thofe who both by jntereil and inclination, were molt deeply ingaged todeftroy the Proteftznt Englzjh Inte- tfeft y and accordingly fueh were picked out and fet on all the Benches. 2. The Chancery is the great and higheft Court wherein the great Frauds and other matters belonging to Trufts and Equity are determined > and neither the Lord Primate Boyle? wha had managed that Court a- bout twenty Years, nor Sir Charles Porter who fuc- ceeded him, could anlwer the King's Vide cb. sett. 6. Intention: But Sir Alexander Fitton y jpfc a. of whom I have already given fome account, a Perfon detected of Forge- ry, not only at Weflminfter? and Chefter^ butlikewife fined by the Houleof Lords in Parliament,, muft be brought out of Goal, and fet on the higheft Court of the Kingdom, to keep the King's Confciencc, though he wanted Law and natural Capacity, as well as Ho- riefty and Courage, to difcharge fuch a Truft -, and had no other Quality to recommend him, befides his being a Convert Papift - 9 that is, a Renegado to his Religion and his Country > but the Myitery of this was eaflly found out. The Papilts of Ireland had gone a great way to retrieve the Eftates they had for- feited by the Rebellion 1641, by counterfeit Settle- ments, Forgeries, and Perjuries, and to do their Bu- finefs in a great meafure there needed no more than to find of IRELAND, tic. 67 find a Judge that would be favourable to> and coun- tenance fuch proceedings y and where could they find a more favourable Judge than one who was notoriou - ly involved in the fame Guilt, and who probably in. fome Cafes did not efleem fuch Arts unlawful j but befidesthis, there is requiflte to a Chancellor, a pe- culiar quickriefs of Parts and Dexterity, to penetrate into the Contrivances of Cheats and Forgeries, for which Six Alexander Fition's natural Slownels and Hea- vinefs incapacitated him, but this very Defect, toge- ther with his Zeal for Popery, fitted him to execute the King's Defign as effectually as any that could have. been found. He could not underftand the Merit of a Caufe of any Difficulty, and therefore never failed to. give Sentence according to his Inclination, having no other Rule to lead him y and how fie was inclined to- wards Protectants, appeared from his Declarations on all Occafions againft them 5 he did not Hick, on a Hearing to declare that they were all Rogues, and that amongft forty thoufand there was not one who was not a Tray tor, a Rebel, and a Villain'. For this Reafon he would not allow the Guardianfhip of a Child to the Proteftant Mother j but gave it againifc the pofitivc Words of the Law, to the Popilh Relations : For. this Reafon he refufed to hear fo much as a demurrer in the Popiili Dean of Chrift-Cburch, Mr. Stafford's Cafe. For this Caufe he over-ruled both the commoi Rules of Practice of the Courts, and the Laws of the Land, declaring in open Court that the Chancery was above all Laws, that no Law could bound his Con- icience; and he a&ed accordingly in many Cafes where Proteftants were concerned. After hearing a Caufe between one of them and aPapift, he would of- ten declare that he would confult a Divine before he gave a Decree *, that is, he would have the Opinion of a Popifn Prieft, his Chaplain, educated in Spain y and furnifhed with DiinnCtions to futi^fie hisConfci- ence how far he fhould do Jultice to Proteftants y ma- ny Papills came and made Affidavits of being in PoA F 2. fcflion 68 The State of the Trot eft anU feflion when they never were, and got Injun&ions and Orders without any more ado to quiet their PoiTefli- ons. But a Protectant, though never fo palpably di- flurbed, could not procure any Order* butwasfent to the common- Law to recover his Pofleffion,- by a Popiihjury, returned by a Popifh Sheriff, before a Popiih Judge : That is, he mull expect Law from Judges and^Officers that (at and acted in defiance of Law. If at any time the Chancellor was forced to' grant an Injunction or Decree,it was with all the diffi- culties and delays that could be ? and often the thing was lo'ft and dellroyed before the Order came for re- covering it. 3 . The Adminiftration of Juftice and Equity is the great End of Government, and it is as good, nay bet- ter to be without Governors, than to have Governors under whom Men cannot reafonably hope forthefe. We fee from the Choice of a Chancellor,' what care King James took for the Adminiftration of Equity to Protectants. To help the matter he added as afii- ilants to the Chancellor, Mr. Stafford a Popiih Priefly for one Mailer of the Chancery j FelixoNealuvtt an d Felix 6 Neat, Son of Turloghd Z™7fZiotT and Nea h the B reat Rcbel in * 6 4 x 5 and Mafiacrer of the Protectants, for another. To thefe generally the Caufes between Pro- tectants and Papiifs were referred, and upon their Re- port the Chancellor pail his Orders and Decrees. 4. The Courts of Common-Law were put into the fame Method; and great care taken to fill them with Judges who might be ingagedin aprofefl Enmity to the Protectant Intereft. In Ireland there are only three Judges on a Bench ; and it was thought fit, for a Colour till things were riper to keep one Protectant on every Bench 3 butwhilft there were two Votes to one, the Protectant Judge could neither do Right to Protef bants, or retard a Sentence to be given in the favour of a Papift. This mock method, of feeming. to truil Proteitants, they took like wife in naming Burgefles ^/IRELAND, &£ $9 BurgefTes and Aldermen for Corporations ; they ge- nerally put fome few into their new Charters to ferve for a pretence of Impartiality, and yet to fignifie no- thing : This Method of continuing fome few Prote- 11 ants in Courts and Cprporations ferving only to II- lence and exafperate us, to be thus impofed on, but contributed nothing to relieve us, as we found to our Coif : And the Proteftant Judges and Burgeffes, find- ing that they were made Cyphers and Properties, of themfelves declined at la ft to act in their Stations. f . Next to Chancery, is the Kings-Bench, where Subjects are tryed for t heir Lives and Fortunes : Up- on this was fet Mr. Thomas Nugent (made afterwards Baron of River ft own) the Son of one who had been Earl of Weft meat h, but had loll his Honour and Eftatc for being an Actor in the late Rebellion begun in 1641 . This Mr. Nugent, who had never been taken notice of at the Bar, but for a more than ordinary Brogue on his Tongue fas they call it) and Ignorance in the Law, was pitched on by King James, to judge whether the Outlawries againff his Father and his Fellow-Rebels fhould be reverfed, and whether the Settlement of ■Ireland founded on thofe Outlawries, ilioiild ftand good. It was a Demonftration to us what the King intended, when he afligned usfuch a Chief Juftice * and indeed the Gentleman did not fail to anfwer the Expectation conceived of him. He reverfed the Out- lawries as tali as they came before him, no twith Hand- ing a Statute made in point againfr. it : and in all the Caufesthat ever came before him, wherein the Plain- tiffs and Defendants were Papift and Proteftant, I "could not learn from the moll : diligent obferver, that *ever he gave Sentence for the latter. Nay it is fhrewdly 'iufpected that he went fharer in fome conilcbrable Caufes, and not only appeared for them on the Bench, but alio f ecretly incouraged and fomented them. Be- fore him a Deed mould be judged forged or not forged according as it ferved a Popilh Intcreft. And a Pro- teftant needed no more to gain a Caufe agalnft another F 3 Pro- jo The State of the Troteftants Proteftant, than to turn Papift > which manifeftlf appeared in Sir Gregory Birns Cafe, who merely by turning Papi ft, as is noted before, in the midft of his Suit againft Captain Robert Friz-Gerald^ got a Deed condemned of Forgery, and recovered five ojr fix hundred Pounds per Annum \ not with (landing Mr. .Daniel Birn his Father, forrie Years before, for pre- tending it was forged, had been fued in an Action of the Cafe, and forced to pay two hundred pound da- mages : And though there appeared in Court a Bond under Birn's Hand, obliging him fo pay-two hundred Pounds to the WitneiTes, in cafe they fhould provfc Captain fritz-Gerald's Deed to be forged, yet the prooi was accepted. But thefe were common things in this Court, and the Miichief had been much greater had not a Writ of Error lain from his Court to the King's- B$nch in Englajid. In one thing more he fignalized Himfelf 5 it was by committing and profecuting Peo- ple for feigned Offences and Treafons, and by countei- nancing and encouraging, and after difcovery protect- ing falfcWitneffes againft Proteftants. Many were brought in danger or their Lives by his Contrivances y and when the Accufed were acquitted onTryal, by at palpable Demonftration that the WitnefTes were per- jured, he declared that they neither could nor fhould be profecuted, for they only fware for the King, and he believed the accufed Perfons guilty,though it could not be proved. In fhort he mewed all the Venom and Rigour againft them he could 3 he was fet up to de- ftroy them, and he went as far in it as his Power could reach j his Weak nefs, not his Inclination, hindred him from carrying it farther. It is not imaginable by any that have notfeen and heard him, howfurioufly and partially he was bent againft Proteftants ; It may be gueffed how he flood inclined to them by the great Hand he had in promoting the Bill of Attainder, and the Bill to veft all Abfentees Goods in the King* whereby much the greater Part of the Proteftants of, Ireland loft all their Eftates, perfonal and real, oi whicli ^/IRELAND, &e. yt which we fhall fpeak more hereafter. He was aflift- ed on the Bench by Sir Bryan 6 Neal 9 as puny Judge, a weak Man that had nothing to recommend him but Venom and ZealJ being otherwife difabled both in his Reafon and Body. Only he had the Faculty to do what he was bid, efpecially when it fuited with his own Inveteracy againft Engliflrmen and Proteftants. This Character may feem rigid, but as many as knew him will not think it exceeds. 6. The next Court for Bufincfs (though not for Precedence) is the Exchequer : In which all Actions wherein the King's Revenue, or any other Man's E- Hate is concerned, may be tryed. From this Court no Writ of Error lies in England; fo they were free here from that Check, which was fo troublefome to f hem in other Courts. Upon this Consideration ip was that the whole Bufinefs of the Kingdom, fo far as it concerned them, was brought into this Court, though not fo proper for it. Here were brought all Actions of Treipaftes and Ejectments concerning fi- xates ; all Quo Warrantors againft Corporations, anc| Scire Facias* s about Offices : And they thought them- felves concerned to have an able Man, and one throughly cordial to their Intereft for the Chief Judge in it : For if he had wanted Scnfe or Law, though willing, as they found by Experience in fome of the other Courts, he might have been unable to iervc them in ail Cafes. They therefore fixed on Mr. Ste- phen Rice, afterwards Sir Stephen, who had formerly been noted for a Rook and Gamefter at the Inns of Court. He was to give him his due) a Man of the beft Senle among ft them, well enough verfed in the Law, but moll fignal for his Inveteracy againft the Protectant Intereft and Settlement of Ireland - y hav- ing been often heard to fay, before he was a Judge, that he would drive a Coach and fix Horfes through the j4cl of Settlement^ upon which both depended. And before that Aft was repealed in their pretended Par- F 4 liamentj f z The State of the Trot eft anU liament, he declared on the Bench that it was again f$. natural Equity, and could not oblige. This Maq did King James choofe for Chief Baron, and for the final determination or all the Suits that lay between Proteftants and Papifts, either in Common-Law or Equity. And it is no hard Matter to conjecture what fuccefs the Proteftants met with in their Suits before a Judge that declared, as he did, that they fhould have no Favour, but Summum JuS 9 that is the utmoft Ri- gour of the Law. Immediately his Court was filled with Popifii Plaintiffs : Every one that had a forged Deed or a falfe Witnefs, met Favour or Countenance from him ; and he knowing that they could not bring his Sentences into England to be re-examined there^ acted as a Man that feared no after Account or Reck- oning. It was fomc confiderable Time before he would allow a Writ of Error into the Exchequer Chamber, though that was in effect to themfelves : And when it was allowed, it was to little purpofe be- fore fuch Judges. It was before him all the Charters of the Kingdom were damned, and that in a Term or two, in fuch a Manner that proved him a Man of Difpatch though not of Jullice. If he had been lefc alone, it was really believed that in few Years he would, by fome Contrivance or other, have given a« way moil of the Proteftants Eftates in Ireland^ with- out troubling a Parliament to attaint them $ which was a more compendious, but not a more certain way to deftroy them, than the Methods he took. It was he that without Hearing, after he had diiTolved the Corporations by giving Sentence againft their Char- ters, declared void all the Leafes of Lands or of Per- quisites made by them, though long before their Dif- folution, and on very good Confiderations ; and thereupon outed feveral Proteftants of their Leafes ; But it were cndlefs to mention all the Oppreffions and iinjuft Proceedings of this Court - y it were in effect to tranicrjbe the Records of it. Let me only obferve' that trie Chief Baron was affiftcd by Sir Henry Lynch of IRELAND, &c. 71 as Second Baron, who came indeed fhort of him in Parts, but yielded nothing to him in Malice to the Proreftant Religion and Intereft. 7. The Court of Common-Pleas had little to do: The Bu duels fo far as concerned the Protectants and Papifts, was intirely carried out of it to the Kings- Bench, or Exchequer, and therefore they permitted the Lord Chief Juilice Keating Hi 11 to fit in it, but pi- nioned with two of their own fort, that if any thing fhoirid chance to come before him, he might be out- voted by them. The truth is they were jealous of this Court, not only becaufe a Proteftant was Chief Juftice in it, but likewife becaufe Judge Dally fat as Puny Judge, who though a Roman Catholick, yet imderllood the Common-Law fo well, and behaved himfelf fo impartially, that they did not care to bring their Caufes before him : So much did they dread the Profpecr. of Juftice, though before Judges that were of their own Party and Perfuafion. 8. The Circuits are an Extention of the Courts, whereby Juftice is carried into the Country ; Thefe were managed much at the fame rate with the Courts, and where the Sheriff and Judge were both Papifts, it is not difficult to guefs what Juftice Protettants tnuit expect > what packing of Juries there was a- mongft them, and how deeply the Judges themfelves were concerned in fuch Practices, is evident to all that had any Concerns in the Country at that time. S>. It will be requidte to fay fomethingof the At- torney General which King James made, inftead of Sir TVilliayn Domvile, whom he turned out after near thirty Years fupplying the Place - y but he was a Proteftant, and would not confent to reverie the Popifh Out- lawries, nor to the other Methods they took to de- ftroy the Settlement of Ireland j and therefore he was laid afide. In his Place King James fubftitutcd Mr. Richard Nagle, whom he afterwards Knighted, and made Secretary of State; he was at firit defigned fpr a Clergy-man, and educated amongft the Jejuits j but 74 The State of the Trotejiants but afterwards betook himfelf to the Study of the Law, in which he arrived to a good Perfection, and was employed by many Protectants, fo that lie knew the weak Part of moil of their Titles. Every body knows how great a Part the Attorney General has in the Adminiitrationof Juflice, it being his Office to profecute, and in his Power to itop any Suit where- in the King is concerned. How he ufed this Power will appear in one Inilance, tho ? many may be given. pne Fitz Gerald of Tycrohan, the Heir of a forfeiting Papifr, had a Suit for a great Eltate againff. Sir Wil- liam Petty 5 it was tryed in the Exchequer before Chief Baron Rice^ and Fitz Gerald carried the Caufebythe Perjury of two Friars, and a Woman, who fwore a Perfon to be dead in Spain^ and themfelves to be pre- fent at his Burial, upon whofe Life Sir fVilliam's Ti- tle depended. This perfon foon after appeared to be alive, and is fo Hill for ought we know \ and his be- ing alive was fo notorious and manifetl, that the At- torney General could not deny it > Sir William's Coun- fel and Lawyers deligned to indicl: the Friars and Wo- man for their Perjury, but the Grand Jury refufed to find the Hill > and I was credibly informed, that the Attorney General faid, that if they did riot defift, he would enter a Noli profeaui. It is certain he refu- fed to profecute it, and it was imputed to his Con- trivance, that they efcaped. By fuch means the Courfe of Juflice was Hopped to Proteftants ; and the like Tendernefs the Courts generally {hewed to Perjurers, when the Perjury fcrved their InterelL And furd the Proteitants were in an ill Cafe, whofe Lives and Fortunes lay at the Mercy of fuch Judges and Juries * and they mulf. conclude, that nothing lets than De- ftruction was defigned for them, by a King who put them under fuch Adminiftrators of Juftice. The fame Sir Richard Nagle was the Speaker of the Houfc of Commons in their pretended Parliament, and had the chief Hand in drawing up their Acts j King James confided chiefly in him : And the Acts of Repeal and ruden$nonpo(fit dnbitarele/ijlatorem P* e t° Ulipenie ipfumjipr&fen$ejfet 3 legit fibi gratiamW re- with them J every laxattovtm concejfurum) Ikeat fxbditis, com- Law in thefeKillS;- -mmUmditaih, JwMr^fa«fcw«- & ■ « mum lei urn Jims) ratiomrn hacere mays, ci i_ spam legum par ucaUr turn. Compact between the King and Peo- ple, wherein by mutual confent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern, and according to which they oblige themfelves to pay him Obedience. But there ^/IRELAND, fgc. 77 there is no general Rule but in lome Cafes it may prove inconvenient •, it is therefore agreed by all, that in Cafes of fudden and unforefeen Neceffity, there is no Law but may be difpenfed with: But then firft it is obiervable, that this Neceffity mull: be fo vifible and apparent, that all reafonable Men may fee and be fa- tisfied that it is not pretended •> and where the Necef- fity has been thus real, no Man can mew that either the People or Parliament ever quarelled with a King for uiinga difpenfing Power. 14. Secondly, It mull: be obferved, that this Power of difpenfing, in Cales of Neceffity is mutual, and be- longs to the People as well as the King > it being as lawful for a Subject, in Cafes of Neceffity, to dif- penfe with his Obedience to a Law, nay, with his Allegiance to his King j as for a King to difpenfc with the Execution of a Law, or the exacting Obe- dience : And this mutual Power of difpenfing with the Laws, which are publick Compacts in Cafes of Neceffity, is tacitly underftood in them as well as in all other Covenants. Doctor Sanderfon proves this Power of difpenfing to belong to the People as well as to the Prince, in his tenth PrakSion^ N. 2,1. and he gives an Exam- ple in N. 2.2,. The Cafe is thus: The Confpirators, after the Gunpowder Treafon was difcovered, fled in- to fFarwick/bire^ and made an Infurrection : The Sheriff raifes the PoJ/e Comitatus againft them, they fled from thence into Wot cefterfhirej where, by the Law the Sheriffs of Warwick could not follow them, ?3Ut the Sheriff difpenfed with the Law, judging (faith he) as he ought to have done, That, if he would perform right the Office of a good Subject, the Ob- servation of the Law in that Cafe of Neceffity was. very unfeafonable -> and he ought to obey the fupreme Lawy which is the Safety of his Country. The Sheriff did accordingly, and was highly commended by King James the Firft for it. There might be many Examples of this Kind given, in which the peo- plc jft The State of the Trotejidnts pic are allowed to difpenfe even with their Allegiance? in Cafe of Neceflity. It is againft the Allegiance ot a Subject to own the Power of an Ufurper, to bear Arms, to judge of Life and Death, or admi- flifter Juftice between Man and Man, by his Com- miffion j and yet Dr* Sander fon determines it to be the Duty of a good Salus popull fupretna Lex : The Equity Man to do all of which Maxim, as it leaveth in the Law- f i r - f irni .; rp i giver a Power of difpenfing with the Law, ™ ele ' lt ie 9 uirea as he (hall fee it expedient to the Publick by an Ulurper, Good 5 fo it leaveth in the Subject a Liber- Praletl. f. N. I p. ly upon juft Occafions to do othenvife anc ] accordingly than the Law requires. Dr. Sanderfon's C a J A Judgment concerning Submiffion" to U- VjF hna J. ud g e iiirpers, p. ij.Edit.Lond. 1678. Hales acred under the worft of U-> furpers, Oliver Cromwel, and executed the Office of 2 a Judge, as may be feen in his Life. if. Thirdly, 'Tis the molt wicked as well as ha- zardous things that a King or People can do, to pre- tend a Neceflity for difpenfing' with thofe publick Compacts, when the Pretence is not real : For the jublick Faith is hereby violated, the Party uncon- fulted is abufed, a juft reafon of Diftruft raifed be- tween the King and People, and they of the two that afTume to themfelves this Power of difpenfing upon a pretended, not real Neceflity, in Cafes of great Mo- ment to the Kingdom, are in a fair way to lay a real Neceflity on. the other Party to difpenfe with their parr of the Compact 5 that is to fay, the King will pretend a Neceflity where there is none, for his not governing by Laws in Cafes that concern the com- mon Safety of the Kingdom,he gives a fhrewd TemrJ* tation, and a juftifiable Colour to his People to dif- penfe with their Submiffion and Allegiance to him. And it is full as good a Reafon for a Peoples taking Arms to defend themfelves againft illegal Violence, to alledge, that they were neceffiiated to do io, to pre- vent the Ruin and Deftruction of hem and their Pofterity, as it is for a King to alledge, that he ufes illegal d/IRELAND, f£c. fi illegal Officers and Force to preferve himfelf, and his Kingdoms. And it* the Allegation be real, I do not fee why it fliould not juftifie the one as well as the o- ther, tho' the one be againft the Oath of Allegiance, and the other againft the Coronation Oath > Cafes of extreme Neceflky being tacitly excepted in both. Kings therefore that take on themfelves to difpenfe With Laws, without theConfent, either tacit or ex- prefs of their People, give an ill Precedent againft themfelves, and mull blame themfelves, if their Peo- ple, taught by them, return it upon them. 1 6. 'Tis plain, the Officers employed by King James in Ireland, both Civil and Military, were un- qualified and uncapable by Law, of thofe Employ- ments. If Lord Tyrconnell (for Inftance) claimed Subje&ion of us by the Laws, I do not fee why- he fhould expect, the People to be better Obfervers of the Laws than he was* , Suppole that it was againft the Law for them to refill: him, it was likewife againft the Laws that he fhould command them •> if he dif- penfed in one Cafe, they only difpenfed in the other: And in this Cafe it was as lawful for the one to difpenfe as the other. I fuppofe the only Reafonina fettled Government, why one Man can claim our Submiffion and not ano- ther, is, becaufe the known Laws give the one and not another the Power of commanding - 9 but the Laws as well as the Intereft of this Kingdom (aid posi- tively, that the Earl of Tyr Cornell, and Men of his Character and Religion, fliould not have any Office Civil or Military, and therefore thofe Proteftan f s that flood on their Defence againft him, did not look, on themfelves to have refilled any Perfons legally commif- fioned by the King •> nor was there any need of a Judge, or Judgment in the Cafe : TheQueition being no o- ther, than, Whether the Law required, that our Governors and Army fhould not be Papifts ? And, whether the Earl of Tyrconnell and thofe he employ- ed were Papifts ? Both which were notorious and con- So The State of the Trotejlants confefTed by all without the Determination of a Court or Judges. 17. As to the Point of Neceflity 3 'tis as plain there was no Neceflity on King James to employ thefe Perfons, whom the Law had difabled to ferve him -, Proteftants were numerous enough, and willing e- nough to ferve him in every thing that was for the In- tersil of the Kingdom y but he not only refufed to entertain them, but turned out fuch as he found em- ployed, without the lead Crime or Accufation > and put in their Places Perfons not only unqualified by Law for the Employments into which he put them, but alio unfit and uncapable to difcharge them y which fufficiently mewed, that it was Choice, not Necef- lity, made him employ them. But he forefaw, that fuch Perfons as the Laws defigned for Employments, would not aflift to deftroy the Laws, Liberties and Religion of the Kingdom y and therefore he exchan- ged them for thofe new Servants, whofe Intereft it was to join with him in his ill Defigns, and whofe Ser- vice was their Crime , who deferved the mod fevere Funifhments, not only for accepting thefe Employ- ments again ft the Laws, but likewiieufing them to the Subverfion of all Law and Juftice. If therefore there was any Neceflity on Kingjames to employ fuch Servants, it was a criminal Neceflity, and intirely of bis own making y and if he imagined, that fuch a Ne- ceflity would excufe him from his Coronation Oath 7 of governing according to the Laws, and juftifiehis difpenfing with all the Laws made for the Security of his Subjects, why mould he not allow the fame Liberty to his Subjects, and think that an inevita- ble Neceflity of avoiding Ruin, mould be a futfi- cient Reafon for them to difpenfe with their Obe- dience to him, notwithftanding their Oaths of Al- legiance, efpecially where the Neceflity is not pre- tended or created by themfelves, as his was, but appa- rent and forced on them by him ? According there- fore to his own Rulcs^ he cannot blame them for refu- 0/1 RE LAND, tie: fo> ilhg to obey him where no Law required their Obe- dience •> or for refilling him in thole unlawful Me-< thods they faw him engaged in, tothcirmanifeftDe- itru&ion. But King James was refolved to venture all, and, as many of his Favourites exprefled it, would not be a Slave to the Laws, and therefore endeavoured to be their Mailer. In England he granted without any apparent Neceffity, nay (againft not only the Inte- rest and Safety of the Kingdom but even) to his own prejudice, feveral Difpeniations : But thefe paiTed in fome Colour or Form of Law, and many of them at leaft pafled the Offices and Seals $ but in Ireland they did not trouble themfelves with thefe Formali- ties. A verbal Command from the King was a fuffi- cient Difpenfation to all Laws made in Favour of a Proteftant 5 the Officers a£ted, and the Courts judged, as if chere had been no fuch Laws in being. Here the Difpenfations went much higher than in England^ even to difpenftng with the Laws againft robbing and taking away Property > for if King James had a mind to any thing, he fent an Officer with a File of Muf- queteers, and fetched it away, without considering the Owners \ and to fhew us, that his Commands were not merely pretended by thefe Officers (which 1 confefs often happened) when, they did fuch illegal things, the King himfelf to fhew, I fay, that it was his determinate Resolution to aci thus, did fome- times fend Orders under his Hani to take away many things of great Value without offering any Retribu- tion or Satisfaction to the Owners. Many Instances of this kind may be given : T fhall Only mention one, becaufe it made fome noile.- A Grant, in nature of aLeafe, with a referv'd Rent to the Crown, was made by King Charles the Second to fome of his Courtiers, as a Gratuity for considerable Services - y whereby the ible Liberty to coin Coppef- Money in the Kingdom of Ireland, for one and twen- ty Years was given to them. This Grant was pur- G . chafed ti The State of the Trotejldnts chafed at a dear fate from the Grantees by Sir JotM Knox^ Jate Lord Mayor of Dublin, and was renewed not without great Trouble and Charges to him by King James? after his Acceffion to the Crown. When he came into Ireland^ he found this Grant in the Hands of Colonel Roger Moore, to whom it came by "fray of Legacy from the Purchafer. King James defigning to fee up a Brafs Mint, fent for this Grant, and had it ftri&ly canvaft, to fee if any Flaw could be found in it : None could be found 5 nor would the Colonel be perfuaded to give it up. The King there- fore commanded it to be laid allde, and his own Mint to be proceeded on, without regard to it. But ha- ving Occafion for the coining Tools and Engines belonging to this, without confulting the Owner, or enquiring whether he was willing to part with them, he fent and feifed on them violently, forcing o- vtn the Doors, and taking away to a confiderable va- lue. Colonel Moore petitioned for Redrefs, 01* at leaft iome Confideration for his Lofs, but his Petition was reje&ed^ without being heard. Such Proceedings "were common, and fhews us plainly what a weak Barrier Laws are againft a Perfon who defigns abfo- lute Power, and who believes, according to our late . Act of Recognition, fhat the Derifion in all Cafes of a mifufed Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King^ muft be left to the f ok Judgment of God. SECT. IV, Til. King James's Progrefs to deflroy his Protefl ant Sub"' jecls, by his difpoftng of Civil Office s$ and ordering the Privy Council. j.T Have already taken notice' how King JamtsdiC- JL pofed the Military Offices, in fuch a Method, as muft unavoidably ruin theProtcftantlnterelt inlreland, it was not altogether fo eafie to out Men of their Civil Employment, as of their Military. 1 . Becaufe rna- */ IRELAND, &c. 8£ ff^r had Patents for Life, or good Behaviour. And 2. Becaufc fome of the Offices themfelves were fa difficult to be managed, that it was not cafie to find Roman Catholicks capable of discharging them * yet, it appeared neceffiary, in order to ruin the Prdteftants^ that they lhould be turned out of them 5 and there- fore King James and his Mini iters refolved to do it as, feft as they could. As loon as they could find a Papiit. that would or durfl undertake them, they put him in j. and they plainly declared, that no Protelrant after a little while fhould have any Office of Truft; or Pro- fit left in his Hands. Some Offices they difpofed of without more adoj by new Patents, and put the Patentee in PofTcflion without taking notice that there was another Patent in being, leaving the former Proprietor to bring his Action at Law it he pleated. Thus they ferved Sir Charles Aleredith for his Chancel- lorfhip of the Exchequer - 9 and thus they ferved Sir JohnTopham^ and Sir JohnCoghill^ for their Matter-' ihips of the Chancery. And the Inferior Bodies of Cities learned this Trick from them 5 and by it out- ed their Proteftant Recorders, even before their new; Charters. Some Officers that claimed a Title to their Offices by Law, were not allowed a legal. Tryal ; But the Chancellor called them before him, and on a pri- vate Hearing, turned them out. Thus he ferved Mr. ; Charles Baldwin^ one of the Examinators of the Chancery. ■ • z. But to proceed, by retail feemed tedious, and therefore to make ihort Work, and rid their Hands- of Protectant Civil Officers at once, as they had done of the Military. They mud" an Ad- m "their pre-, tended Parliament, to void all Patents for Offices du- ring Life or good Behaviour, though granted by King James himfelf, and though the Piorefrants had laid our their Fortunes to purchafe them by King James's own Confcnt, and Pcrmiuion, as many had done. Now let the World judge wh.it a Step the difpofal of theie Offices was, to the Deftruclioa of - Q * Pro- #4 Tthe Statt of the Trotejlants Protedants, whenfomc of them were of fuch Cofl* fequence, that an unfaithful Officer in them, mighc undo many, by deftroying their Evidences for their; E dates \ in what Condition mud Protedants be, when the Records by which they held their El'tates, were put into the Hands of thofe who were their Ad- verfaries in the Claim, and had nothing to bar them^ but thefe Records, of which they were now made Keepers, who had often before mocked the Prote- ftant Titles, by fetting up counterfeit Deeds, nay, and corrupting the Records themfelves, evenwhilit Proteftants had the keeping of them > of which, the Records in the Common-Plets Office, are yet an un- anfwerable Evidence, counterfeit Judgments being entred there, to the Sum of fome one thoufand Pound, by the Treachery of corrupting Papids. I have for the Satisfaction of the Reader fet jippen and were able to difeover them, and he who was mod acute and made greated Advantage for the King, was fure to keep his Place and to be advanced. It was hard to find a Set of Commiffioners and Offi- cers that could ferve the King in his Revenue at the Rate thefe Perfons did \ and therefore they were forced to be flow in changing them $ yet they did it by De- grees, and with fuch Circumdances, as plainly iifco- vered that they were reiolved, as foon as was poflible, to employ Roman Catholicks only. To do them Juftice 0/ IRELAND, &c: if Juflice they generally owned it 5 and when any of them had a Friend to prefer to an Office in the Reve- nue, his Argument to remove the Proteilant PofTefTor ufually was, This Man muft he removed^ and why not now ?• As the Popifh Biihop of Elpbin wrote to Sir Patrick Trent from Gallway t in order to remove a Protectant Gauger employed there. In moil Places they turned out the Proteftant Collectors and Officers, and put in their Popifh Friends, though much to the King's Lofs, as it often proved* and as they themfelves knew it would be, and did not fcruple to own it. Their new Collectors, either being fo ignorant as not to make the beft of their Places, orfo very corrupt that they run away with the Money when collected 5 as it happened at Clonmell; or fo abufed their Truft, that they were obliged to change no leis than five or fix at a time, J^ingjames himfelf declaring publick- ly that they deferved to be hanged. That there re- mained any Protectants employed in the Revenue was plainly from their not having time enough to train up others in their room, and not from their Intentions to continue Proteftants in it 5 to whom they envied even the hated Office of being Publicans. 4. The third fort of Officers in the Kingdom are fuch, as have Trurt or Honour annexed to them, but little Profit 5 of this iort I reckon Sheriffs and Juftices of the Peace. It was no eafie matter to find Roman Catholicks to put into thefe Offices, and it was a moifc provoking Sight toProteftants, to fee with- what kind of Men they iupplied them : They were forced to rake into the very Scum and Sink of the People, to find a few to fet on the Bench, as I ihewed before - 9 Men without Freehold, without Senfe, and without Honefty, were made Sheriffs > and yet they were forced to continue mo it of them two Years, not be- ing able to find in fome Counties any Roman Catho- lick that could preterid to be capable of fuch an Em- ployment. Thus in the County of Tyrone^ Turlogh d Qonnelfo ferved two Years as Sheriff, who had not one G j Foot $ 6 The State of the Trot eft ants Foot of Freehold ; and for his Honefty you may guefs at it by this Story, which is not'orioufly true 1 : His Son had Stolen iome Bullocks from his. Neigh- bour Mr. Hamilton o£ CaJliden, and brought them to his Father the Sheriff's Houfe: Some or", them were Jcilled and eaten in the Houfe. The Owner purfued and found the Remainder, which were reftored -> and to compound the Matter, a Bond of fixteen Pound was entred into by the Sheriff for fuch as were eaten ; and if I remember right, a Warrant of Attorney for Judgment. When he came to Dublin to' pzCs his Ac- compts as Sheriff, he was fued for the Money, but to avoid the Suit, he lifted himfelf a Foot Soldier in the Lord Msguires Company, and pretended he was ert- lifted in the Company two or three Days before trie Arrefbj which my Lord likewife vouched, tho' real- ly he was not enlifled till after the Arrcft or Execu- tion. Upon which the Attorney that took out the Action or Execution, I do not remember which, and the Perfon to whom he owed the Money were brought into great Trouble, and forced to abfeond for viola- ting the Privilege of the- Army > and obliged for Peace fake to depart from their Claim. We had many fuch Sheriffs and Juiticcs of the Peace \ and toT.demonftrate that they defigned to out Proteftants of all Power, there was not one Proteftant Sheriff in all Ireland, for the Year 1687, as may be feen in the Catalogue which I have given of their Names in the Appendix, except Charles Hamilton of Cavan^ N. 7. who was put in by Miftake (as was fuppofed) in (lead of John Hamilton of Killeneur, who is a Roman Catholick. Nay it was defigned that not one Proteftant ihouid fit on the Bench as Juftice of Peace 3 and the Dcfign in a great Meafure effected* not indeed by revoking their CommiiHons, but by making it impoffible for them to Act. It was now almoft a neceffary Qualification to preferve a Man in his Place, to change or diffemble his Religion > and fome did worfe, that is betrayed it by their Compli- ce:, o/lRELAN©, GM 6* #nce$ whilft yet they profeft it. Many who would not be guilty or iuch Servility, were turned out e- vcn from the mean Employments of a High or petty Conftable, of a Goaler or Turn-key , ot all which it were eafle to give Examples y but the thing being univerfal, makes that unnecefTary. Even thefe mean Employments were now counted too good for Prote- flants ; and all this contrary to the expreis Letter of the Law, which admitted none but fuch as would take the Oath of Supremacy, to any Office y but they took a peculiar pleafure to act in contempt and defpite of the Laws y and it feemed to them a kind of Conquer! to turn a Man out of his Employment, Office, or Freehold, contrary to Law, In the mean time it was a melancholy thing for Protcftants to live under fuch illegal Officers, and have their Lives, E- ftates, and Liberties, at the mercy of Sheriffs, Julti- ces, and Juries 5 fome of whofe Fathers or nearefi: Relations, they had either hanged for Thieving, Robbery and Murdering, or killed in the very Act of Torying. f . I reckon as a fourth fort of Officers in the King- dom, fuch as were of the Privy-Council, which m Ireland is a great part of the ConlHtution, and has considerable Privileges and Power annexed to it. Regularly no Acl of Parliament can pafs in Ireland y till the chief Governor and Privy-Council do firifc certifie the Caufes and Reafons of it. It was there- fore no lels than neceffary that King James mould model this to his mind \ and he quickly ordered it fo, that the Papifts made the Majority in it > and where- as before it was a Refuge and Sanctuary to the Op- prefTcd, it now became a mod effectual Inftrument toftrengthen the PopiiTi Intereft, and give Reputa- tion to their Proceedings. We may gueis what kind of Government King James de- figned, when he was attended set the Appendix for with fuch a Council y and yet it '/* ^Sf **?&*+ r c t r jetton. N. o. 1$ certain even iome ot theie^ J G 4 * who 8 $ The State of the Trot eft ants who w£re Proteftants, would have been turned out- if they had not abiented themfclves, and declined appearing at the Board *, but whether they appeared or no, was of no Confideration, fince it is plain they could do Proteftants little Service. SECT. V, Fourthly, King JamesV ordering Corporations iva$ an effekual Means to deftroy his P rot eft ant Subjects^ end to alter the very Nature of the Government. l.TTTHoever knows the Conftitution of England W and Ireland ', muft obferve that the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties, Proper- ties and Lives, except the Intereft they have of chooflng their ownReprefentatives in Parliament.This is the only Barrier they have againft the Encroach- ments of their Governor. Take it away, and they are as abfolute Slaves to the King's Will, and as mi-. Tcrable as the Peafants in France. Whoever there- fore goes about to deprive them of this Right, ut- terly deflroys the very Conftitution and Foundation, of the Government. Now the Proteftants of Ire* land finding the Nccefllty of iecuring this Right in their own Hands, to preferve the Kingdom in Pro- sperity and Peace* had procured many Corporations to be founded, and built many confiderable corpo- rate Towns at their own Coft and Charges. They thought it reaibnabie to keep thefe in their own Hands, as being the Foundation of the legillative Power \ and therefore iccluded Papifts as Enemies to the Englifi Intereft in Ireland^ from Freedom and Votes in them by the very Foundation and Rules of planting them. This Caution they extended by a Law, to all other Corporations in the Kingdom, excluding Papifts likewifc from them, which they juftly did, if we remember that thele Papifts had .forfeited their Right i 1 them, by their Rebellion in 1 641 3 ^/IRELAND, &c\ % 164.1 5 and by their having turned thofe Towns,where they had Intereil, into Neils of Traitors again il the King, and into places of Refuge for the Murderers of the Englijh -, infomuch that it coil England fome Millions to reduce them again into Obedience j wit- neis Kilketmey, Water ford, Gahvay^ Limerick, ande- very other place where they had power to do it Add to this, that generally the trading induftrious Men of the Kingdom were Protectants, who had built moil of the Corporate Towns ; above thirty at once in King James the Aril's time) and a great part of the Freeholds of the Kingdom did alfo belong to Men of the fame Religion: Infomuch that if a fair Election had been allowed, in Probability no Papifl could have carried it in any one County of Ireland. All which considered, it was but reafonable that the Protectants that had by lb much Blood and Treafure, brought the Kingdom into Subjection to the Laws of EnglandL and planted it in fuch a Manner as to render it worth the governing by the King, ihould be fecured of their Reprefentatives in Parliament \ efpecially when out of their great Loyalty, and Confidence in the King's kind Intention to 'them, they by fome new Rules had condefcended, that none ihould officiate as Majors, Portrieves, Magiilrates, or Sheriffs in the chief Towns, till approved by the King's chief- Governor for the time being. Their yielding this to the King, wasafufficientfecurity, one would have thought, ta the Royal Interell. A great Diminution of their Li- berties, and fuch as never was vielded before to any King ) but this would not ferve King James to be ab- folute, he mull have the intireDifpolition of them, and the Power to put in and turn out whom he plea- fed, without troubling the Formalities of Law. To bring them therefore to this, it was refolved to diilblve them all. Tyrconnel knew that the Proteitants would never give up their Charters, without being compel- led by Law : And therefore he endeavoured to prevail with them to admit Pap ills to Freedom and Offices in them, p0 The State of the T rot efi ante them, that by their Means he might have them furt rendred* but the Refolution of Sir John Knotty then Lord Mayor of Dublin^ and or the then Table of Aldermen, fpoiled that Deilgn, and forced the King to bring Quo Warrantors againit them, fince they would not eafily confent to deitroy themfelves. 2. TheChicr Baron Rice, and the Attorney Gene- ral Naggky were employed as the fitteit Initruments to carry on this Work. To prevent Writs of Error intoEngland^ all thefc Quo Warranto ts were brought in; the Exchequer 5 and in about two Terms, Judgments w r ere entred againit moit Charters. Whereas if ei- ther Equity or Law had been regarded, longer time ought to have been allowed, in matters oi fuch Con-^ fequence for the Defendants to draw up their Plea ? than the Chief Baron took to difpatch the whole Caufe, and feize their Franchifes. Attorney Gene- ral Naggle plaid all the little Tricks that could be thought of; and had an ordinary Attorney brought fuch Demurrers or Pleadings into Courts,in a common Caufe, as he did in this moil: weighty Affair of the Kingdom - y he would have received a publick Re- buke, and been flruck out of the Roll for his Knave-, ryor Ignorance. After all, there was not one Cor- poration found to have forfeited by a legal Tryal, nei- ther was any Crime or Caufe of forfeiture objected a- gainit them ; yet the Chief Baron gave Judgment a- gainit a hundred Charters or thereabouts, upon fuch little Exceptions, and pitiful Cavils, that it mult be the greateit Affront to the Underitanding of Man- kind, to think to put fuch on them fbrjufticej and the greateit Profanation of the Name of Law, to endeavour to pais fuch Proceedings for legal. Admit that a Corporation, which is an inviilble Body in Law, could do any thing to deitroy its own Being y or that it were reafonable it fhould be diverted of a particular Privilege, which it has manifeftly abufed - % or when, by alteration of Circumftances, fuch a Pri- vilege becomes a Prejudice to the Publick, as it fome* time* ^IRELAND, ®c. 9 i times happens. Yet to diflblve all the Corporations in a Kingdom, without the lean: Reafon or Pretence of abufe or Privilege or Forfeiture, to take Advan- tage from the Ignorance of a Lawyer, or theMiftake of a Clerk, nay to pretend thefe when really there is no fuch thing, is fuch an Abufe of the King's Prero- gative and the Law, that it is enough to make the People, opprelTed by colour of them, to hate both^ at leatt to wilh the Adminiftrationof them in other Hands > and this was clearly the Cafe of the Corpo- rations in Ireland. The City of Dublin was not al~ lowed fo much time to put -in their Plea as was really fufficient to tranferibe it as it ought X.6 have been* The Clerk miftakes the Date of one of their Char- ters > they pray leave to mend it ; this is denied them -, and the Chief Baron gives Judgment. The fame Term the Charter of Londonderry, in which the City of London was fo deeply concerned, was condemned on a yet more frivolous Pretence, upon which the Chief Baron gave Judgment againit the Charter. And upon the like wrangling Cavils were the re it diflbiv- ed > except a few which were on Noblemens Eftates. Some of thefe Noblemen employed Roman Catholick Agents or Receivers 5 who 10 managed their Eftates? for them, as chiefly to encourage Papifts, and now became the Inifruments to betray their Corporations. Thole Agents employed the Power and Intereft they had amongft their JVJafters Tenants, by Threats and Intrigues, to procure Surrenders - 9 and by thefe means, fome few were influenced. Thus one Porter % a Papift, employed as a Receiver by the Earl of Ktl^- dare, betrayed his Lord, and prevailed with Athy and fome other Corporations on his Eitate to furren- der. 3. Whether they did not think fit to deftroy the Charters upon their ufual and trivial Pretence of de- fective Pleading, there they found out other Expedi- ents, without Tryal, to deftroy them. And that was, by granting a new Charter (as in the Cafe of '*■':■ Bangor 9% The State of the Trot eft ants Bangor in the County of Down) to fuc.h Men as tM Attorney General thought fit} who by the Sheriff ihould be put in Polieffion of :he Government of the Town, and then i£ the former PofTeflbrs thought themfelves injured, they might bring their Actions againic the Intruders ; In the Tryal of which, they had Reafon to expect no more fairneis, than they found in. the Proceedings againft their Charters. 4. This Contrivance, of fuperfeding a former Charter by granting a new one, ferved to very good purpofe. There were many particular Charters grant-, cd to Corporations in the City of Dublin. Such were the Corporations of Taylors, Skinners, Feltmakers^ i$c. where thefe refufed to furrender;, they got a few of the Trade to take out a new Charter, by which* Papifts were conflituted Mailers and Wardens, ancj; as loon as they had taken it out they committed to Pri- ion fuch of the antieut Members as. would not fubmit to them. f . Every body dreaded the Effects of thefe Pro-. coedings, the Gentry conlidered that they held their^ Eftates by Patents from the King j and the Title was, no ftronger than that of a Charter,. A nd if Men were outed of their Privileges and Freedoms by fuch Tricks and Shadows of Law, they began to. fear that one day or other the like might be found 10 void their Patents. 6. As foon as the Corporations came to be fupplied with new Charters, it plainly appeared that no tnglijh- or Proteftant Freeman could expect a comfortable I^ife in Ireland ; for in the firit Place, the Corporate, ons were made abfolute Slaves to the King's Will, it being one Clauie in all the new Charters, that the King's chief Governor fnould have Power to turn out, or put in whom he pi eafed, without giving any Reafon, and without any Form of legal Proceedings by which the Corporations were i'o much in the King's Power, that he might with as much Reafon. have named his Regiment of Guards., a freeParlia? sunenty */ IRELAND, &c. 9$ ament, as the BurgeiTcs returned by fuch Ele&ionifc. The whole Kingdom had therefore Reafon to relent fuch Proceedings, as being abfolutely destructive to their Liberties j but more efpccially the Englifo Pro- teftants \ for it plainly appeared in the fecond Place, that all this Regulation was more immediately defign- ed for their Deitruction. The Perfons every where) named for Aldermen and BurgeiTcs in the new Char- ters being above two thirds Pap ills, Come few Prote- ctants were kept in for form fake, that they might not feem abfolutely to difcounrenance them % and to avoid difcovcring their toefigns of turning them out of all: But yet fofew, in comparifon of the Papifts, thac they were incapable of doing either Good or Hurt. And when they faw that they muft be inlsghificant, they generally declined ierving at all. The Papifts employed, were commonly the rnoft inveterate and exaip;rated Perfons againft Protectants and their In- tereit, that could be found. Many of them never law the Corporations for which they were named* they were never concerned in Trade or Buiinefs \ ma- ny of them were named for feveral Corporations, be* caufe they wanted Men qualified as they would iiave had them, to make up the Number of Aldermen or Burgefles. Molt of them were poor and mean, and fuch whofe very Names fpake Barbarities. 7. The Proteftants fore: aw very well, what they were to expect from Corporations thus icttled j and a great many of the rich eft trading Citizens, removed themlelves and their Effects into England. The Gen- try like wife endeavoured to make Provifions for them- feives there*, and fuch as could compafs Money laid it out in England^ and (led after i: to atfoid the S r orra they faw coming on Ireland. The Truth is, 'twas intolerable to them to live under the Government o£ their Footmen and Servants, which many muft have done, had they ftaid 5 and they could nor, but dread a Parliament, that mould not onlv be Slaves to the Krag*s Will, who they (aw was bent to fettle Popery at 94 The State of the Trotejlants at any rate, but which muft con Ci ft of Members tha6 they knew to be their inveterate and hereditary Ene-f lilies, who would not flick to facrificethe Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King's Will, fo they might procure from him Revenge on the Prote- ilants, : and turn them out of their Eflates. For what would they flick at, that were fo fervile as to accept, fuch precarious Charters : They faw in this their own Ruin deh*gn'd,and the Event has fhewn that they were notmiflaken, perhaps no King in the World, much lefs a King who had been obliged in fo high a Man- ner as King James had been, by his Proteitant Sub-. je£ls, did ever take fo much Pains to ruin his Ene- mies, or condefcend to fuch mean Ads as he did tcy fuin us. SECT. VI, V. King]m\es y sckftruclive Attempts upon the Trade an$ Trading Part of the Nation* i.'TPRadeisof fo great Advantage to a Kingdom, A and the Profit it brings to the Exchequer is fo confiderable, that it is hardly credible that any King Should contrive to deflroy it in his own Kingdom > and yet King James has given us jufl reafon to con- clude, that he defigned the Ruin of it in ail his King- . fdoms, at leaft was well pleated with it,- • Many Roman "rCatholicks, who pretended to know his Mind, have '^confidently affirm 'd, that he purpofely let the Ships of England 'decay and rot, that the French might grow great at Sea, and deflroy the Trade of the Englijh. The Reafon pretended for doing fo, was to humble bis i$ubje£ts 5 and take awaj their W eakh from them, that xnade them proud and furly, fo that the King could not have his Will of them - y I fpeak the Language pf {hefe Roman Catholicks 3 and the King himfelf could not fametimes forbear Words to the lame furpofe. . And if we confider the Condition in which their preient, JVla- ^/IRELAND, X6ti fa 3vTajerties found the Englijh Fleet, the thing will not Want Probability. It was further pretended by many of King James's Officers, that it was more for the King's Advantage, to have his Subjects poor than rich ; For, laid they, you fee how willing the poor Infix arn totniift themfefoes Soldiers for two Pence a day, who know no better way of living : But it were impojjible to bring the rich Churls of England (fo they ufually called them) from their Farms and Shops, and fuch "Terms, to ferve the King. They further alledged, that the Po- verty of the Generality of France* is the Reafon that they are fo willing to be Soldiers, and makes them fo cafiiy maintain' d when they are enrolled. Upon fuch deftru&ive Maxims did they found their defign of ruining Trade in thefe Kingdoms. z: But whatever be faid to the general Defign, it is certain King James ruined the Trade of Ireland, in p roiecutioii or his Purpose of destroying the Prote- ctants there. The Money and Wealth circulated in their Hands,* and few others had either Stock, Underftanding or Credit, to carry on a Trade befides them. They innocently imagined, if there had been no other Reafon, that this alone would have prevailed with the then Government to have permitted them to live fecure, eafle and quiet 3 but they quickly found that King James and his Mini iters would rather have no Trade at all in the Kingdom, than it mould be in the Hands of the Protectants. Merchants have gene- rally their Stock in Moveables, fo that it iseahe for them to tranfport themfelves and their Effecis into a- nother Country, if they find themfelves uneafle in their own. And fure the Proteflart Merchants could not be eaiie in Towns which they hai formerly go- verned, and in which they were now fub jected to mean and inconfiderable People 5 many of which had formerly been their own menial Servants, but now advanced to the Honour of being Magiitrates, treat- Cd'theirlate Mailers with fuch Affronts and Abuies, as 96 The State of the Trotejiants arc intolerable to free Men; and* which Solomon ob# jferves, makes even wile Men mad. 3. This, together with the A pprehenfion of Dan- ger to their Lives and Fortunes, from the Advance- ment of fuch indigent and malicious Perfons to Pow- er, did urive molt of the rich Traders out of the Kingdom. The relt contracted their Stocks, called in their Debts, and refolved to give overtrading, or die follow their Neighbours into England, as loon as they Could clear thcmfelves of their Bulineisj the effect of this Refolution of theirs was ruinous to all fuch as were indebted to them, or in their Books * for it was impolTibleto raife Money to anfwer thofe Debts* when called for fo fuddenly* tho' they had Stock e- riough to anfwer them, if time had been allowed thenij as they expected when they contracted them j by which means Proteftants were forced to ruin one a- nother, as well as fome Papiits that depended on them -, a great many being forced thereby toihut up Shop, and break forfmall Debts, that bare no proportion to their Stocks and Credit, whole Payment had been good, if they had not been called on too Suddenly, and if the Circulation of Trade had not been Hop- ped. 4. The next thing that destroyed the Trade of Ire- land was the advancing Perfons of mean or no For- tunes unco Places of Profit. Thele had no ready Money to give the Merchants, and yet were necessi- tated to live high, and appear in fine Cloaths > and either by Force or. Fraud they got into the Shop- Books j and by refuting to pay, difabled the Mer- chants to make their ufual Returns* and by that means broke their Credit, which is the Foundation of Trade. The Proteitant Soldiers and Officers, in whole places the indigent Papiits were fubitituted, were generally io £ood Husbands as to have fome little thing in Mre y and hence were enabled to take up at the belt Hand, and punctually pay what they had expended 5 but: Shefe New-Comers gave their Creditors, where they chanced ^/IRELAND, ®c. 97 chanced to be trufted, only Oaths, and Curfes, and Abufes^ infteaddf Payment > a general flop of Tra- ding immediately followed > efpecially the Manufac* tures let up in the Kingdom $ which were very confi- derable to its Trade, came to be neglected $ and every thing upon 'TyrconnelFs coming to the Government^ Was at a Hand. The Clothier would riot lay out his Money to make Cloth$ and pay Workmen, when it mud either lie on his Hands, or he be obliged to truffc it to fuch Debtors that would only return him Abufes for his Money. The Builder would not go on in his Building, and part with his ready Money, when he fcould have noSecurity of ehjdying it,or receivingRent for it, if he let it. By thefe means great Numbers of Tradefmen and Labourers, all generally Protectants^ Were reduced to Beggary, and their Families ftarved* Such fort of People as thele, are the Men that Cany on Trade, and enrich a place -> but were now forced to leave the Kingdom, and, leek elfe where for Work : Their going away flopped the ufual Consumption of Commodities, and made Trade yet more dead and heavy 5. There was a third thing that did further difcou* irage the Merchants, and that was the Exaction of the Cuitom-Houies. The Officers found that by the de- cay of Trade, the King's Revenue mult fall, and that then they would be in hazard to lofe their Places -, to prevent which, they ufed all the Rigour and Ex- actions imaginable : They had Valuators of their own chuiing, which putwh.it Rates on Goods they plea* fed > and then the Merchants mud pay the Duties ac-» cordingly without Remedy. Frequently the Values fet on Goods were double, nay treble to what they ought to have been, and to the true intrinfick Worth of the Commodity, or what they could be fold fcjr > the Confequence whereof was, that the Merchant p-.iid often double or treble Duties to what he ought j and this was a great Difcouragement to Trading. The Complaints of aii People in general as well as of Mer- H chants oB The State of the Trotefidnts chants were great on the account of Exactions of the Officers of the Revenue, who were grown up to a high Degree of Exorbitance > which, with many 6- ther Abuies in the Kingdom, proceeded from the long Difufe of Parliaments, the inferior Officers being freed from that Fear for twenty tour Years.* did forget that there were any, to whom they were accountable, be- fides their own Matters $ and therefore not only exact- ed upon and oppreffed the Subie<5b,but likewife treat- ed them with infufferable Infolence, while the Com- millioners or Farmers ftrained and perverted the Laws for their own Profit, or to ingratiate themfelves with the Courtiers* on whole Favour they depended. 6. There was a fourth thing that more peculiarly ruined the Proteftant Trade, and 'twas thus* the King's Revenue in Ireland was (o coniiderable a part of each Man's Eftate, that moft or the current Coin in the Kingdom came into the Treafury once in a Year, either for Hearth Money, Crown Rents, or fome other Duties-. And the King having turned Proteftants out of all profitable Employments, and out or the Army, andputinPapifts, his Revenue was paid out again to them, and ought to have circulated indifferently amongft his Subjects, as it ufed to do. Bat fo great was the Malice of thefe new Officers to Proteftants^ that they combined amongft themfelves, to let them have as little of it as was poflible 5 and therefore wherever they could lay it out with one of their own Religion, they did it. And very few Pro- teftants ever received a Groat of their Money, as the Citizens of Dublin can univerfally witnefs. When they wanted Money they came to the Proteftant Shops, where they abufed and affronted and terrified them, if they refiifed to truft 5 calling them Dogs, Whigs^ Rebels and Traitors^ fwearing with many Oaths, that they would be revenged on them. But: if they had ready Money, tho' they had been former- ly Cuftomers to Proteftants, and in their Books, the/ iievcr came near them any more. This Practice was & o/ IRELAND, &c: 9 ? lb univerfal amongft them, that evert the Women learn'd it ; particularly the Lady TyrcomeVs Daugh- ters: For thus the Lady Rofs and her Sifter Dillon treated feveral Shopkeepers, falling furioufly upon them in the former Terms, becaufe their Servants, re- fufed to truft. By the like Rudenefs the Exchange was intirely ruined > neither Buyers nor Sellers being able to keep in it, by reaion of the Infolencies of the new Popiih Officers who walked in it, affronted and affaulted every Body* or extorted their Goods from them tor nothing, the Shopkeepers not daring to re- fufe to truft them. By this means the rich Shopkeep- ers were driven away, and moil of the confiderable Shops ihut up, even in the principal Streets of the City, long before we heard any News of the Prince of Orange. As foon as the Earl of Tyrconnel came to the Government, there was almoft a Defolation in the Town 5 and there were at leaf! fourteen or fifteen Trades that had nothing to do % the Government knew very well that this would be the Effect of their Proceedings, and that the Trade, Manufactures and Improvements of the Kingdom mult ceafe, if they went on at the rate they did \ but they were fq far from being concerned at it, that they rather feemed well pleated with it. 7. And to ruin our Trade intirely, they differed arid connived at the TraiSfportatidn of our Wooll to France : a thing fo fatal to England as well as to Ireland^ that the Law has madeitFeiony tobcpunilheu with Death. The new Mayor of Gall-way^ Mr. Kyrovan was catched in the very Fact * and the Delivery of a confiderable Cargo fent by him into France^ was fully proved 1 for which he ought to have been hanged : . But the Lord Deputy Tyrconnel^ notwithstanding all his Oaths and pretended Difpleafurc, when theiviif- chicf of it was laid before him, quickly flie wed this to be only a Copy of his Countenance - y for he not on* v ly granted him a Pardon, and remitted his Forfeiture of about 1 0000 /. but as a further Mark of his Fa- H i your^ loo The State of the T rote ff ant f vour, he continued him in his Mayoralty for another Year. Thus the Trade of the Kingdom was ruined* and the Proteftants, who with vail Hazard and Charge curried it on, had it left to their Choice whe- ther they would (lay he 'e and itarve, or remove them- felves to another Kingdom $ and I believe no Body will wonder if they had no great ArKclion for a Go- vernment that designedly brought this Haruihip upon therm 8. Itfhuft be acknowledged^ ?hatkirig7^^^did hot only ruin the Proteftant Trade, but that he went a great way in deftroying the Tr *de of the Roman Ca- tholicks alio. It is well known, that the Citizen? of Galkvay are the moll confiderable Roman Catholick Traders iri Ireland \ many of whom had pureha'ed Efhvtes under the Acts of Settlement and Explanati- on, and mull therefore fall together with them. Thejr ibrefaw their own Ruin in the Repeal of thofeA<5rs 5 and petitioned the Parliament* that Confederation might be had of their Purchases and Improvement % but this feafonable Requeft was denied them $ thole Acts were repealed, and by their Repeal left the moft confiderable Roman Catholick Traders in Ireland* without Eflates or Credit to follow their Trade, or to anfwer their Correspondence abroad. I might add here the further Steps made by King James towards ruining the Proteftant Trade, by his coining Brafs Money, by his lodging it in Prote- ftants Hands, feifing their Stocks and Commodities, whereby they were utterly difabied to Trade ; whilft Papifts were not only fpared* but had the Proteltants Goods put into their Hand. But thefe with the other Influences the Brafs Money had to deitroy us, will be more proper, when we come to confider the Invafif •ns made on our Properties* SECT, i>/lRELAND, Sfc\ lOi S E C T. VII, VI. King JamesV deflruclive Proceedings againfi the Us her ties of his Protectant Subjecls. |.'~p , Here is no worldly thing more valuable to- A Ma : than Liberty. Many prefer it to Life j and few can live long without it. 'Tis the Darling of pur Laws, and there is nothing of which they arc more tender. But the Protefhmts of Ireland from the very Beginning of King James's Reign^ had their liberties invaded, and at laft intireiy deitroyed* 'Twas obfervabte, that at his coming to. the Crown he made no Proclamation for a general Pardon, as has ; been ufual with Kings ; Neithe, did he pafs any A& of Grace in nis firit Parliament, which gave a. fair Op- portunity to the Papiiis of Ireland to revenge them-*, it Ives on their Proteftant Neighbours, No fooner- fcad they gotten Judges and Juries that would believe them, buc they began a Trade of Swearing, and lap- ping up what they pretended their Neighbours had raid of his late Majefty, whilil Duke of York fome Years before, efpecially in time of the Popifh Plot. The new juitiges of thePeace were eager to exercise their Offices, and therefore on the {lighter! Occalion, bound over and committed their Proteuant Neigh- bours, many times without any Reaibn at all} at. leaft, without any given in their Warrants: It was time enough to invent fome againft the next Aillzes. There never wanted Evidence enough to accufe a Man* the very Priefts being forward to encourage £uch Perjuries, as were.to.the Prejudice o£ Prote- itants. Of this thereare feveral Intlances on Record in the Courts of Juitace -, where we find them fome- times fwearing Falfhoods themfelves, andfometimes encouraging others to do it. Of which the Courts, even in fpitc of all their Partiality, were fat is fled. I gave one Example befcre in Sir Willitw Petty 's Cafe. H J There t6% The State of the Trotejlants There is another of Mr. Ealfturs \n the County of Fermanagh^ where the faKe Affidavit of owcHultaghan a Prieft, had almoft deftroyed his Caufe, and loll hin^ a confiderable Eftate. 2. Upon this Account Perjuries became fo com- irion, that if a Tenant owed his Proteftant Landlor4 his Rent, he payed him by fwearing him into a Plot*, or by fixing on him fome treasonable or ieditious Words. If a Papift had any former Quarrel witli Lis Proteftant Neighbour, or owed him Money, he paid him in the fame Coin. Many were indicted by thefe Contrivances > many found guilty, and excei- fively fin'd -> fome 'were imprifoned for their Fines, hot being able to fatisfie the King, who fcifedboth their Bodies and Eilates. Hardly any County iri Ireland was free from numerous Indictments of this kind, and very few Country Gentlemen efcaped be- ing accufed. Great Numbers were indicted and found guilty in the Counties of Wexford^^Wicklow^ to the Number at leaftof fixty, themoft cqnfidera- ble Gentlemen in the County of Meath were indicted, but had better luck $ the Perjury of their Accufers being made fo manifeit, that even a popiih Bench had not the Confidence to countenance it, nor a Popifh Jury to find it. Thus Mr. Meredith^ Mr. Parry^ Mr. Chetwin a Minifter, and feveral others, efcaped > hav- ing difcovered the very bottom of a wicked Contriv- ance to carry on a Trade of fwearing againft all the Gentlemen in the Country •, but though they difco- vered it, yet theydurlt not profecute it, by reafon of fome Prieits being concerned in ir, and of the Dis- countenance of the Courts ja great many in the Coun- ty of Tipperary^ were likewifc brought into Trouble, but efcaped the firft'time by a kind of Miracle > one of the Jurors was fo maliciouily bent agalrift them, that he fwore he would die before he would acquit them. It happened to him according to his ownDefire, he fell dead in the Place, whilftthey were difputing about returning the Verdict, which faved the Gen- ^ tlemerj o/ 1 RE LAND, &c, toj tlemen for that time. Yet this did not difcouragc th-ir Profecutors, they caufed them to be indicted a* new, and upon their fecond TryaJ Jufiin Macarty (afterwards made Lord Alounteajhel by King James,) came into the Court, threatened and hectored Sir John Mead, who then iat as Judge for the Duke of Qrmond (it being within his Graces Palatinate) becaufe he would not direct the Jury to find them guilty > but Sir John flood his Ground, and declared, that there was no fufficient Evidence againft them -, upon vhich they were acquitted. It vexed them, that they could not bring their popifh Judges and Sheriffs into that County, as they did into the reft of Ireland^ by reafon that the nomination of them was in his Grace, as Lord of the Regalities > and therefore in their pre* tended Parliament they not only attainted him, but likewife, by a particular A<5t, diiTblved his Principa- lity. The firit Plot againft the Gentlemen of the County having miicarried, they began a fecond, and got Depoiitions againft feveral \ but they were as un? lucky in this as in the firft. They laid the Schenr. of their Affairs fo unskilfully, that the WitneiTes fwore that the Gentlemen met to carry on their Plot at Ne- Tiagh^ a Place above fixty Miles from Dublin^ on the fame Day that fome of them had been examined be- fore tne Council Board on the firit Informations. This appearing to the Council by an Entry made in their own Books, quafhed the Defign againft them, and laved them a third time. It would make a Volume to enumerate ail the Particulars of this Nature. 3. The new Mayors and Juftices of the Peace were no lefs troublefome to Proteftants in their Employ- ments > they made no fcruple to fend their Tokens and Warrants for Perlbns of the bell Quality. And wherever a Papift and Proteftant had any Difference, there needed no more but a Complaint to procure a Committal, and tobefure it was done with all the Indignity and affronting Circumftances imaginable. Sir Thomas Hackett^ whilft Lord Mayor of Dublin^ H 4 dii 104 The State of the Trot eft ants did fo many brutifh and barbarous things of this na- ture, that it were endlefs to recount them 5 taking example from the Lord Tyrconnel, who made him Mayor, he treated every body with Oaths» Curies, ill Names, and barbarous Language. The Lord Pri- mate Boyle's Family could not elcape his Warrants 3, he (or his Clerk, as he afterwards pretended) fentond for Mr. Francis Cuff, and Mr. Jepbfon, who lived in my Lord's Family, being his Son-in-Law and Ne- phew : Their Crime was, refuting to contribute to, the Maintenance of two begging Fryars - y one of them was one Magee 9 a Debauchee and Renegado 5 who had the Impudence to have Remanded it from my J^ord Primate it" he had been permitted accefs. The Fryars vexed tha? they mould be repulicd, procured a Warrant for the two Gentlemen that refufed them, and attempted the Execution of it in my Lord Pri- mate's Houfe, with a Rabble of near two hundred. Sir Thomas was not content to execute his Authority within his own Precincts, but extended it where the Mayors Power was never owned. Hefent his War- rant and committed the Officers of Chrift-Church^ Dublin, to the Stocks, becaufe fee fancied they did not make the Bells ring merrily enough for the Birth of the Prince of Wales. It was in vain for the Officers to tell him, that their Church and Perfdns were not fub- jeer, to his jtirifdi&ion ♦, that if the Bells did not ring merrily enough as he :alledgeci, it was the Ringers fault, not theirs. That no body, befides his Lordihip, could obferve any fuch thing in their Ringing. ; His bru^ tifn Pillion would not give him leave to hearken to Reaibn, but upon all Occasions he proceeded in the fame Method -, which made every Body, that valued his Liberty, 'get out of his Power, and prevailed with a great many to leave their Eifates and Concerns, and transport themfelves, and what Effects they could* carry with them into England. ?t was unfale and un? .cafy living both in the City and in the Country, and he (^/IRELAND, efc. ioy lie reckoned himfelf happy that could get out of them at any rate. 4. But when the Defcent was made by his prefent Majefty into England^ things grew yet more trouble- fome. The Proteftants were every where robbed and plundered. The new commiflioned Officers and their Soldiers, under the new Name of Rappenes, com- mitred many Outrages and Devastations on their Pro- teftant Neighbours -, infomuch that they could not be fare in their Houies. If any endeavoured to keep their Houies, tho' merely to fecure themfelves from theRobbers and Tories,immediately they were befleg- cd ° y and though they furrendred themfelves as loon as iummoned, having no Defign to refill: Authority, and put themfelves into the Hands of King James's Offi- cers, upon Promife of Freedom, nay on Articles, yet afterward they were imprifonei ancl profecuted, as Mr. Price, of fVicklow. Some of them condemned and executed j which happened to Mr. Maxwelznd one Lewis, in the Queerfs County. They thought it not fafe to execute fome till the War was over, and therefore only kept them in Prifon. So Six Laurence Parfons, and many others were ferved. f. At laft it came to a general Seizure, andalmofr. all the Proteftant Gentlemen, without Reafon or Pretence of Reafon, without fo much as a Warrant, or Form of Law, were put in Goals under the cuito- d y of mean and barbarous Guards. Whofe very Cap- tains had had no better Education than that of Foot- men or Cow-herds -, who exercifed what Understand- ing they had, to invent new Methods of vexing their Priioners. This general Confinement continued with moil:, from the middle of Summer 1680, till Win- ter > and with fome, till his Majefty 's Victory at tic Boyne fet them all at Liberty : During all which time, no Reafon or Ground of their Committal was given j nor were Habeas Corpus 's allowed them, though ear- nestly follicited. One indeed was allowed to Mr. Thvmas Kin& a Miniftcr, which being the only one that i.Qjff Tbe State of the Troteftants that took place, it maybe proper to give the Reader an Account of the Cafe. TheReafonof his Com- mittal was fealty a Quarrel picked defignedly with him by an Officer of the Guards, becaufe he refufed to admit one Ambrofe^ thePopifh Quarter- mailer of the City, for a Godfather to a Proteftant Child, whom he chriftened : In Revenge whereof, the Offi- cer intruded into his Company whilfr. at Meat, as was common with them, and would needs oblige him to drink Confufion and Damnation to the Prince of 0- range-f which he moxJeftly declining, and alledging that it was unfit for a Chriitian, much more for a Clergyman, to drink Damnation to any : The Offi- cer hurried him away to Newgate by his own Authori- ty, and after lying there till the Term, his Habeas Corpus was allowed him. Upon the Return made by the Goalor, the Court was fo vexed at it, that they fined the Goalor for making fuch a Return, but in eameff, becaufe he made any, for that was the Contri- vance they had to keep People in Goal : And after all he was ilill kept aPriioner notwithftanding his Habe- as Ccrpts^ till molt were bailed \ and then upon BaiJ of five thonfand Pound he was permitted to go out : Under which Bail he continued as all the reft did, un- der the like Sums, till the general Deliverance. Af- ter his, no more Habeas Corpus's were allowed. Moil of the Prifoners towards the depth of Winter were indeed bailed, and continued fo from Term to Term, till the News of his prefent Majefty's Arrival, and then all were confined anew, rk>twithftanding their Bail, with lome that had not been confined before. At the Hour when the laft of King James's Forces were leaving Dublin^ they were ordered to carry a- way four hundred Prifoners along with them - x but the Officers were too much affraid of a Puriuit, and too, bufy in carrying off their own Buggage, to embar- rafs themfelves with Prifoners - y and therefore for a little Gold difmiiTcd them. How the Proteftants of ■DrogjiecU* who were all made Pnioners, were ufed, wbilft ^/IRELAND, fSc. toy whilfl: the Town was furrounded, is not to be forgot- ten. They carried tliem to the Mount where they expected the Cannon would play, tyed them toge- ther and fet them to receive the bhot, if the Town had been attacked : But their Hearts failed them who were to defend it, and fo it pleafed God to preferve the poor Proteftaifos, they being delivered, together with the Town, to his Majeliy, upon Summons arid Articles. The Proteltants of Cork, and other Towns, were yet worfe ufed , they were carried from their own Homes to fome remote Caitles, and there. kept without Conveniencies till many of them perimed. There were fome very barbarous Circum- stances in their Sufferings, which Imuft leave to the Perfons themfelves to relate, having not yet had tull Information. 6. Daring their Confinement, the Prifoners were kept very itriclly, their Servants, Children, and Wives, were often debarred from feeing them , or When admitted, not fuffered to fpeak to them, but in Prefence of the Soldiers. In Dublin, when they had rilled the Goals, the Hofpitals, the College, and other Places of Confinement, theyatlartimprifoned the Citizens in Churches. They were crowded in- to itinking, nafty, unhealthy Rooms, fometimes twenty, fometimes forty in a Room. At the Col- lege, and at a Houfe called White Fryars, where there were many Prifoners, they put Barrels of Pow- der under them, threatning to blow them upittiiey fhould be preir, and not able to keep the Places. Colonel Luttrel, Governor of Dublin, denied indeed that this was done by his Order; but yet when he was informed of it by Sir John Davis, then a Prifo- ner and Witnefsof it, he commended the Difcretion of the Officer that did it. This Confinement did not only fill on Gentlemen, but alfo on the Clergy, nay pn the meaneit Citizens. Whoever pleafed, had a Power to commit Protectants , and if at any time they asked by what Authority they were committed, thofc to? The State of the Trotejlants thofethat committed them, made no other Anftver, than that they committed them, let them get out as they could. Some few Gentlemen were indeed committed by C. J. Nugent\ Warrant, upon a kind of Affidavit made by one Leaky whom moil of them had never feen : Several of thefe, by txprefs Orders of the Lord Chief Juftice, were fent to Newgate , and com* mited in the common Goal, in the fame Room withi Thieves and common Rogues, though Gentlemen of the beft Quality iq the Kingdom .; And fo hafty was his Lordlhip in it, that he did it before he knew fome of their Names y which he was forced afterward to fend for, and learn from themfelves. A Bill was. prepared againft them, and offered to the Grand Jury y but Leakwns unwittingly clapt up, by one of them- felves, for a farmer Robbery, at the time he (hould have given Evidence, and lo the Gentlemen eicaped being tryed. The Confinement was yet more fevere and uneafie in the Country 3 the Gentlemen being at fuch Diftances from their Homes, that they could hardly be fupplied with i\ eceffaries. 7. It may be thought that thefe things were iu> known to King James,, and therefore are not to be. imputed to. hi rn : But it is certain, that if he did not contrive and order them, he yet confented to them ^ neither did he fcem to have the lcaft Refentment or Pity for their Sufferings 5 as appeared from his Car- riage to. the Bifhop of' Limerick, His Lordlhip, by. his Majefty's Command, on a particular Service wait- ed often on him > he took one of thofe Qpportum- ties that feemed moil: favourable, to lay before his Majefly the manifold Hardships which were put on the Clergy, and the Protellants in general, of his Diocefs, He repi efented to him how they were firff robbed of all, and then laid in Goal y and that they had no way offended his Majeily, or disturbed his Government; and begged his Favour in their behalf. His Majeily heard him, but made him no Anfwer %, inftead 'thereo;, he fell into Difcourfe of another Affair, 0/ Ireland, m: 109 Affair* with a Papift that chanced to be by, and that With an Air more than ordinarily plcafant and uncon- cerned. Indeed his Majefty had by one general Ordef and Proclamation, dated July 2.6\ 1689, confined all Protectants, without diitindion of Age or Sex, to then Panihes and Cities, though their Occafi.ins were iuch that he very well knew that this alone without any more^ was a very great encroachment on their Liberty, and a mighty Inconveniency to thar Affairs j especially when it was continued with- out Reaion or Limitation. No body knew when this would be relaxed 5 and it was executed with great ilri&nefs} till his prelent Majefty's Succefs put an end to it, and to the Power that impofed it. 8. But leaft thefe Hardships and Reitraints fhould cither be avoided by our flight, or 'known in England^ where King James had a Party to cry up the Mildnefs of his Government, and facedown the World that the Protectants lived eafily and happily under him in Ireland^ a moil ftricl: Embargo was laid on all Ships, and effb&ual care taken to deltroy all Correspondence with our Friends there ; Infomuch that to avoid a Goal, great iN umbers of Gentlemen and other Per- fons were forced to make their Efcapes in fmall Wherries and Fiming-Boats,which before thefe times durft never venture out of the fight of the Shoar : feut it feemed more tolerable, to every body that could compafs it, to crofs the Ir:Jh Seas, fo famous for their Boifteroufnefs and Shipwrecks, in that haz- ardous manner, than td continue under a Govern- ment where they could call nothing their own; w v creit was in the Power of any that pleafed, to deprive them of their Libei ly j where they durft not travel thr~e Miles for ear of incurring the fevered Femtitrs - y where they could not fend a Letter to z Friend, though in the next Town$ and about the moil: necefTary Oocqfionsj and where, tho' never fo caurious and innocem. they Were iure if lad to be fatt . to a Goal. A Government that thus eacroached iio The State of the Trctejlants 6n our Liberties, could not expect we mould conti- nue under it longer than we needs rauftj and it had been unpardonable folly in us not to defire, much more to refute A Deliverance, efpecially from England: Which if Blood and Treafure, or aPofleffiori'of five hundred Years can give a right to a Country, isjuft- ly intitled to the Government of Ireland. And which, it it had no other Exception againft King James's Government, but his Carriage towards Ireland, and &is Attempts tofeparate it from its Dependance on England, muff be juftifledby all the World, in their laying him afide, as a Deilroyerof his People, and a Diunheritcr of the Crown of his Anccftors, S E CT, VIIL j. The Preparations madehy the Earl of Tyrconnel f$ ruin the Eftates and Fortune sif the Pfot eft ants, by ta* king away their Arms. 2 ' - f. ''TpIS Property that makes Government necef- JL faryj and the immediate End of Govern- ment is to preferve Property j where therefore a Go- vernment, inftead at preierving, intirely ruins the Property of the Subject, that Government difTolves it feff. Now this was the State of the Proteftants in Ireland'. The Government depriv'd them contra- ry to Law and Juitiee (nay, for the moil Paft, with- out fo much as the Pretence of a Crime) of every thing to which Perlons can have a Property, even of the NecelTaries of Life, Food and Rayment. To lay this more fully before the Reader, I will ihew, Firft, That King James took away the Arms of Proteftants. Secondly, That he took away their peribnal 5 and Thirdly, their real Eftates. 2. When his prefent Majefty made his Defcent in- to England^ King James had an Army of Pa pills in Ireland^ coniiiling of between 7 and 800©, of which, near 4000 were fent over to bitn into England-, there remained ^IRELAND, fSc. lit remain'd tnen about 4000 behind, fcatcered up and down the Kingdom ; which were but a handful to the Proteftants, there being Men and Arms enough in Dublin alone, to Have dealt with them : When therefore the News came, that King James had fent C ommiili oners to treai with the Prince of Orange^ it was proJ*os*d by fome to feize the Cattle of DMin y Sphere the Stores of Arms and Ammunition lay 5 the Po&bilicy of this was demonftratedj arid the Suc- cels cxtreamly probable ; infomuch that the PerfonS who offer' d to undertake it, made no doubt of effect- ing it | they confLWed that the Papids, befides the 40QO of the Army, were generally without Arms j that thofe who were in Arms, were raw and cowardly* and rnjght eaiiiy be fiippreft > that to do it effectually, there needed no more but to feize the Deputy Tyrcon- nelj who had not then above 600 Men in the City to guard him, and fecure it 5 that their Hearts were generally funk, and they openly declared themfelves to be defirous to lay down their Arms ; propofing to themfelves no other Conditions, but to return to the Station in which they were when King James came to the Crown. This was fo uriiverfally talk'd of by them- felves, that if any one could have allured them of thefe Terms, there was no doubt but they would readily have comply'd, and have left the Lord Tyr- tonnel to (hi ft for himfelfj nay, it is probable, the wifer fort among them would have been glad that the Proteftants hadfeiz'd him 5 and he himfelf (a) commanded fome fa Scc Appendix; Proteftants to {lgnifie to their No. 14. Friends in England, that he was Shilling to part with the Sword on thefe terms* fo he might have leave to do it from King James, But the Prbteftarits had been educated in fuch a migh- ty Veneration ttfthe very Name of Authority, and in fo deep a Senfeof Loyalty, that notwithstanding the many Provocations given them, and their fear of being ferv'd as in 1641, t,he Memory of which; lit The State of the Trotejtants was (till frefh to them, they yet abhorr'd any thing that look'd like an Iniunectionagainft the Govern- ment - y and generally condemned the Defign or med- ling with the Lord Deputy^ tho' they knew he was lio legal Governor, and uncapable by the Law of that TrufL Efpecially the Lord Mount joy laboured for his Safety, and prevented the forenv. ntioneu Propofal of feifing him and the Caille^ with as much Induftry as if he himfelf had been to penfh in it. The Truth is, it was an unanimous Refolution of all the Protectants of tlie Kingdom, that they would not be the AggrcfTorsj and they held fteadily to their Refolution. None offered or attempted any thing, till they faw the whole Body of the Papifts in Ireland forming themfelves into Troops and Companies, and thefe new rais'd Men permitted, nay, put under a Neccffity to rob and plunder for their Subfiflence. They pitied the hard Fortune of King James^ and not- withstanding they were half ruin'd themfelves when he came into the Kingdom , yet if he had carried him- felr with any tolerable Moderation towards them,- and his Defigns to ruin them had not been fo apparent, he might have prevailed on them in a great Meafure. But his Behaviour was fuch, as fhall appear in the fequel of this Difcourie,that it left no room for them to' expect or hope for any Safety under his Government | of which fuch Proteftants as had followed him from England were generally lb ienfible, that many of them repented too late their having ftuck to his Interefr, and heartily wiiTied themfelves at home again r Open- ly profeffing, that they could not have believ'd that he was fuch a Man, or his Defigns fuch as they found them: N.iy, feveralof th6EngliJh Papifts that came from France with him, abhorr'd his Proceedings , and us'd to alledge, that he not only hated the Englijb Protcftant, but alfo the Engtijk Man. The very Am- baflador d' Avaux^ if he might be believ'd, was dif- fatisfied with King James's Meafures, and condem- ned them* alledging that he had incircly given him- » felf- ^/IRELAND, &c. 113 felf up to the Conduct of thebigotted Irijh Clergy, and of Tyrconnely who in ear ne ft was the only Mini- fter he trufted, and would effectually ruin him and the Kingdom : Whatever the AmbafTador thought, it is certain he has difcours'd in this Manner, and the E- vent ha's anfwer'd the Prediction « 4. But to return to the Lord TyrconneVs Dealing with the Proteftaiits : When he found himfelf fo very. weak, and fo much in the Power of the Proteftants, that nothing but their own Principles of Loyalty fe- eur'd him againft them, he betook himfelf to his ufuai Arts, that is of falfhood, of Di Simulation, and of Flattery •, which he pra&is'd with the deep- eft Oaths and Curfes ; protefting that he would be rid of the Government very willingly, fo it might be with Honour > that it was eafie for him to ruin and deftroy the Kingdom, and make it not worth one Groat 3 hut impoffible to prefirve it for his Mafler. . Every bo- dy wondredto find fo great a Truth come fo frankly out of the Mouth of one they ufually ftil'd Lying Dick Talbot, and who had been known, not without Reafon, many Years by that Name. Some believ'd that in earneft he intended to part with the Sword, and perhaps if it had been demanded before King James went into France r it had not been denied 5 there wanted not feveral to iecond the fame Truth to him, with all Earneftneis and Application, both in writing and by word of Mouth, which the Deputy feem'd to approve; all that he anfwercd to their Perfuafions to iurrender and fave the Kingdom was, that he could not do it with Honour, tili it was demanded} and fometimes he ask'd them in Raillery, if they would have him caft the Sword over the Cajlle- Walls* What he defired the World fhould at that time be- lieve concerning his Intentions, may be beft collected by the Letters he procured to be written and fent into England. I Appendix, No. 14* have in the Appendix given the Co- py of one written by his Command, and perufed by I him, if 4 27tf State of the *ProteJtants him before it was fent 5 it was from a Protcftant d£ good Senfe and Intereft in the Kingdom, to another in London : Several were written by his Order to the fame Purpofe. 'Tib obfervable in this Letter in the Appendix, ift. That the Lord Deputy owns the Robberies then committed, but would have it be- liev'd, that the Members of the Army were not the Robbers 5 which fufficicntly ihews the Falfhood cf the Allegation whereby the Papifts would excufe themfelves, as if they had not begun to rob till the Protectant Affociations were fet on foot; whereas thofe were fome while after this Letter, and occa- fion'd by the Robberies mentioned in it. idly. He would have it believ'd that the Papifts fear'd a Maflacre from the Proteftants, as much as the Proteftants from the Papifts, which had no ground > The Arms, Forts, Magazines, &c. being in the Papifts Hands, and a vail Number of Men every where enlilted by their new Officers -, it is true, that the Priefls did by order of their Grandees, en- deavour to fpread fuch a Rumour, to make their own People arm the falter > which if it were at all credited by fome few of them, was lcok'd on as ridiculous by all others. $dly. He would have the People in England believe, that he and the Roman Catholicks were willing to give up the Sword, and return to the Condition in which they were before the death of King Charles the Second. This is plainly the main Defign of the Letter 5 and fome think he was fincere in it, till the coming over of Col. Richard Hamilton altered his Meafures - y but that is not at all probable, his A&ions all along fignify- ing his Refolution to deftroy the Kingdom rather than part with his Greatnefs. However he made a fTiift to perfuade fome Proteftants that he meant it -, their own earnelt Delircs that it might be fo, helping to impofe on them ; amongft whom the Writer of this Letter happened to be one, but was not Angular, many of good Senfe being deceived as well as he. Laftly, it appears e/IRELAND, tgcl nj Appears from the Letter, that the Roman Catholicks as well as the Proteilants were of Opinion, that the Kingdom mull be ruined, if not yielded up to the Prince of Orange : And if fo, had riot the Proteilants in the North reafon to do that which in the Opinion of all could only five the Kingdom ? The Cafe theri flood thus with them, if they joined with K. J. or fat itill, they were certainly undone •> if he perifhed they mull perifli with him 5 if he conquered, he would then be in aCapacity to execute his deitruc~live Intentions a- gainil them which he had entertained long before: But it they joyned with their prefent Majefties, they were fure of Safety and Protection as long -^England is able to Mailer Inland, which in probability will be for evei\ But whatever the Lord Tyrconnel profeft of his be- ing deiirous to give up the Sword, 'tis certain he meant nothing lefs, and the generality of Proteilants be- lieved, that he only deiigned to gain time arid delude them, till he had gotten fomething like an Army to mailer them 5 and they had the more Reafon to be- lieve it, becaufe whiiil heprofeft the greateil Incli- nations to Peace and Accommodation, he was moil intent on providing for War, and gave out about; five hundred Commiflions of one fort or other in a Day -, which yet he did in fuch a manner, as to make the lead Noife, not pairing them in the regular Forms, or entring them in theulual Offices, but antedating them, the more to delude and amufe the Proteilants > which put the Muilcr- Mailers Office out of Order ever after, moil of thefe Commiflions being never entred in it : Nor was it ever able to Appendix-, furnilh a perfect Lift of the very Field No. n. Officers, as will appear from the Lift it felf in the Appendix. f . Thefe new made Officers were fet on Foot, part- ly on the firll Noife of the Prince of Orange's De- fcerit, and partly in the Beginning of December, 1 688, nndwere without Money, Eilate, or any other vifi- blc. Means to raife their Troops and Companies, and I 2. to ti6 The State of the Trot eft ants to fubfift (fo they term'd maintaining) them for three Months, from the firft ot January - 9 a thing impoffi- ble, without allowing them to ileal and plunder. It was this (truck fo much Terror into Proteilants, and made them fo jealous and apprehenfive of Danger, that they fled into England in great Numbers, efpeci- ally when they found that the new raifed Men, as they furmifed, began to make havock of all things. It was this gave Credit to a Letter dated- See Appendix. December the third, 1688, fent to t h e L o r d Mount Alexander, whether true or counterfeit I cannot determine, intimating a Defign to deftroy the Proteiiants on Sunday the ninth of the fame Month, which Letter was fpread over the whole Kingdom. The People of Berry hadbe- iide this, feveral Letters and Intimations of Mifchief defigned againft them, and againit the Proteilants of Ireland. And though that directed to the Lord Mount Alexander ', may not feem of great weight, yet who*" ever confiders the Circumilances of the Proteilants of Ireland^ at that time, will acknowledge that it was notto bedefpifed. In the Year 16*41, thefeizing oi Dublin by the Lord Mac Guire, was prevented by as improbable a Difcovery as this Letter 5 while the Proteilants in the reft of the Kingdom were MaiTa- cred through the Incredulity of iome who could not be perfuaded to give ear to fuch Intimations of the Defign, as were brought before them. In England the Gun-powder Treaion was revealed,: and the De- ftruction of the three Kingdoms prevented by a Let- ter as insignificant as that directed to the Lord Mount Alexander. About the very time intimated in the Letter for the Mafiacre, a new raifed Regiment be-* longing to the Earl of Antrim, appeared before the Town without the King's Livery, without any Of- ficers of Note, or the leaft Warning given by the Earl of their coming 5 laftly, without any Arms be- fides Skeans, Clubs, and fuch other Weapons as Kearnes and Tories ufed. C. The ^/IRELAND, Sfc; 117 6". The People of the Town were frightned at the Sight, and refufed them Entrance into the City > this was the hrft Rub or Provocation the Lord Deputy met with > it was a meer Accident, and proceeded from his own Ignorance or Negligence, who had left that Garrifon, the only one of any confiderable ftrength in Ulfter, where moil Proteftants lived, without one Soldier to guard it -, and then fent fuch a Pack of Ruffians to takePofTeffion of it, many of whole Captains and Officers were well known to the Citizens, having lain long in their Jails for Thefts and Robberies. When therefore fuch a Body of Men came to demand Entrance at the very time that they expected a MafTacre,what could they imagine but that thefe Men came to execute it 5 and who could blame them for fhutting theirGates ? They were well aflured that thefe were Men fit for fuch an Execution,and that they were ready on command to do it > and perhaps woqld not ilay for an Order. The Lord Deputy be- thought himfelf too late of his Error, but could never retrieve it > though by means or the Lord Mount joy he did all in it that was poffible, having brought the City to accept of a Pardon, and receive a Garrifon of Soldiers $ but then it was fuch a Garrifon as they were able to mailer, and no more by the Articles Were to be admitted into it before the eniuing March. 7. We ought to remember the Reafon of building Londonderry, and 'tis plain from its Charter granted by King James the Firft, that it was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Proteftants againft the Insur- rections and Maffacres of the Natives, who were known always to defign and be ready to execute their Malice on their Conquerors : To keep them therefore in awe, and fecurethe Plantation, was the Defign of building the City 5 it was upon this Con- dition, and by thefe Covenants the Proprietors of the City held their Eftates -, and the Inhabitants had been falle to the very Defign and End of their Foundation, if they had given up the City, with the keeping of which they were intruded, into the Hands of thofe I j very ti 8 The State of the Trot eft ants very Men againft whom by the Charter it was defign- cd to be a Security and Bulwark. At this Rate the Lord Deputy might give away any Man's Eftate, and have beftowed it on his greater! Enemy, and that with much lefs Injury to the Publick. The People therefore of Londonderry had good Rea- fon to refufe to deliver their City to the Kearnes and Tories of UJfter, though inlifted under the Earl of Antrim^ by a Commiffion from a pretended Lord De- puty *, thefe were excluded by their very Charter, and by the Defign of building the Place from pofleffing it : Much lefs had they Rcafon to deliver it to a Par- cel of Men of whole Commiffion they knew no- thing, and whofc Errand they had Rpafon to believe was to cut their Throats* 8. 'Tis to be confidered, that Londonderry was un- der a further Provocation to lay hold on the firft Op- portunity to do themfelves Juilice, and that was the wicked and illegal Invafion made on their Charter, Liberties, Privileges and Eftates by a moil unjuft and oppreffive Sentence given by an unqualified Lord Chief Baron, on a Quo Warranto^ for which there was not the leaft Pretence in the World, as may ap- pear to any one that will be at the Pains to view the Proceedings in Court ; By this Sentence grounded on a foolifh Nicety objected to the Plea, the whole Eftglifi Intcreft and Plantations in that County were ruined, and the whole D^figns of them deftroyed and perverted ; and therefore it was not to be wondered if they took the firft Opportunity to fave themfelves from imminent Deftruftion. They concluded that a Government, who on a Nicety could take away their Charter, their Privileges, their Eftates, and fubvert the Defign of building their City, might as cafily and unavoidably find another Nicety to take away what remained, together with their Lives ; and therefore they cannot be much blamed, if they had been under no other Temptation but this, that they were wil- ling to withdraw themfelves from a Government whom ^/IRELAND, fgc. it£ fyhom they durft not truft, and which took all Ad* vantages againft them to dellroythem. S>. The lliutting up of Berry againft the Earl of Antrim's Regiment, was all that was done by any Pro- tectant in Ireland in Oppofition to the Government, till King James deferted England; except what was done at Enniskillen^ where the People were under the fame Circum fiances with thofe of Derry^ having a- bout the fame time refufed to quarter two Compa- nies fent to them by the Lord Deputy. They were not fo much as fummoned by him, nor did they enter into any Aft of Hoilility or Aflbciation, or offend any till aflaulted, being content to Hand on their Guard againft fuch as they knew to be mortal Ene- mies to the Englifn Intereil *, to fubdue whom, they were planted in that wild and fail Country. But as foonasthe News of King James's detesting the Go- vernment came into Ireland^ all Pro te (rants look'd on themfelves as obliged to take care of their own Prefervation - y and finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by Rich as the Lord Deputy, againft the Laws of the Kingdom and the Intereil of the Nation, had intru fled with Arms and Employments, and that no care was taken by him to prevent thefe Miichiefs, (but on the contrary the Robbers were fecretly cherifhed and encouraged,) the Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin, and the Ruin of all the Protectants of Ireland + which they faw unavoidable, entred into Aflbciati- onsto deferjd themfelves from thefe Robbers 5 their AfTbciations did really reach no farther than this > nor did they attempt any thing upon the armed Robbers, except in their ownDcfence,when invaded and aflault- ed by them : Infomuch that I could never hear of one Aft of Hoilility committed wherein they were not on the Defenflve. Their Crime then if any, was on- ly this > they were not willing to fuffer themfelves to be robb'd and plundered as their Neighbours were^ without Oppofition, but diiarnVd ibme of I 4 thofc t%6 The State of the Troteftants thole who under Colour of being King James's Sol- diers, deftroyed the Country : This was all the Rea* {on the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels, and to charge them in their Proclamation dat< d March the jtb 9 1 688, with atlual Rebellion, and with killing and murdering feveral of his Majefty's Subjcffo, and with pillaging and plundering the Coun- try \ whereas it was notorious they never killed any whom they did not find actually robbing, to kill whom, the Laws of the Kingdom not only indem- nified them, but likewife afligned them a Reward > and for plundering, it is no lefs notorious that they preferved the whole Country within their AfTbcia~ tions from being pillaged, when all the reft of Ire-* land was deftroyed : And their great care of them- selves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy, and made him except from Pardon twelve of the principal E dated Men in the North, when he fent down Lieutenant General Hamilton, with an Army which he tells us in the fame Proclamation 'would inevitably occafion the- total Ruin and Deftrutlion of the North. . 10. And left there fliould.be any Terms propofed or accepted by the People in the North, and fo that Country efcape being plundered and undone, he made all the hafte he could to involve the Kingdom in Blood: King James was every Day expected from France , and landed at Kinfale, March the tltb 9 but no Periliafions would prevail with the Lord Deputy to defer fending the Army to the North, . till the King came, though he had good AiTurance given him by feveral who knew their Minds and Tempers, that in all Probability it King James himfelf appeared a- mongft them and offered them Terms, they would h-ive complycd with him, at leaf! {o far as to fubmit quietly to his Government : But it was the Lord Deputy's Deiign to deftroy the Proteftants there as well as in the reft of the Kingdom - y and therefore he hatted to make the Parties irreconcilable, by en- gaging o/IRELAND, tti. **t gaging them in Blood, and by letting loofe the Army to Spoil and Plunder. The War therefore was en- tirely imputable to him, and the Protectants were forced into it, having no other Choice than either to be undone without offering to make any Defence for themfelves, or elfe with their Arms in their Hands, to try what they could do in their own Preferva- tion. ti. But it muft be confidered that Ireland is a Kingdom dependent on the Crown of England^ and Part of the Inheritance thereof and therefore mult follow its Fate, which it cannot decline without moft apparent Ruin to the Englijh Intereft in it. Now King James having abdicated the Government of England, and others being actually pofTefTed of the Throne, it was the Bufmefs of the Protectants of Ireland to preferve themfelves rather than difpute the Titles of Princes -, they were fu re it was their Inte- reft and their Duty to be fubject to the Crown of England^ but whether King James was rightly inti- tied to that Crown, is not io eafily determinable by the common People : No wonder therefore they de- clared for King William and his Queen, whom they found actually in the Throne of England^ and own'd as rightful PoiTeffors by thole who had belt Pveafon to know, rather than for Kingja-mes who indeed pre- tended to it, but with this Diiadvantageamongft ma- ny others, that he was out of PofTeiiion ; and he had not ufed the Power when he was in PoiFeilion Co well, that they mould be defirous to reftore him to it, with the Danger of their own Ruin. iz. They confidered further, that their defending themfelves and th'ofe Places of which they were poi- feft, would in all Probability very much contribute to dive not only themfelves, but likewife the three Kingdoms, and the Protectant Intereft in Europe ; to which it did certainly in fome Meafure contribute. King James and his Party believed it, and declared themfelves to this Effect 3 and ibme of them were ve- ry •Ill The State of the Trotejlants ry liberal of their Curfes on the Rebels in the North, as they called them, for this Reafon, had (faid they) the Rebels in the North joyncd with King James, he had fuch a Party in England and Scotland, which (together with the Succours he might then have fent from Ireland, and the Afiiftance of the French King,) would in all Probability have ihaken the Go^ vcrnment of England before it had been fettled 5 but the Opposition or Enniskillen and Derry loft the Op- portunity, that will not eafily be retrieved. How far this Conjecture of theirs was probable, I leave It to the Reader - y what has happened fince, fhews that it was not altogether groundlefs > if the De- fign had taken, the Condition of Europe, efpecially of the Proteftants, had been moil deplorable > but it pleafed God to fpoil all their Meafures by the Oppo- fition made by a final! Town, mann'd with People before that time of no extraordinary Reputation in the World for Arms, Valour or Eitates, and who perhaps had never before feen an Enemy in Arms : King James was pleafed to call them a Rabble, but it mult be remembred to their Honour, that they out- did in Conduct, Courage and Refolution all his expe- rienced Generals. To a Man that fcrioufly reflects on it, the thing mult almoft feem miraculous \ all Cir- cumftances confidered , the reft of the Kingdom, except Enniskillen, had yielded without a Blow -, moil of the chief Officers, Gentlemen and Perfons of Note, Courage or Interelt in the North, had deferred their new rais'd Troops without fighting \ the Suc- cours deigned for them from England came at the ve- ry time when the Town was ready to be invefted 5 and the Officers that came with thofe Succours, as well &.«j their own Officers, were of Opinion that the Place was not to be defended *> that they had nei- ther Provifion nor NccefTaries to hold out a Siege: The Officers therefore privately took, a Refolution to return for England, and carried along with them moil of the Gentlemen and Leaders or the Town, without o/IRELAND, Wr. nj without leaving any Governor or Inftru&ions for the People what they were to do, and without offering to make any Conditions for them 5 but neither this, nor their extreme want of Provifion, to which they were at laft reduced, nor the Conflderation of their Friends whom their Enemies treated barbaroufly in their fight, could prevail with them to give up them- felves or their Caufe 5 but by Patience and Refolution they wearied out their Enemies, and initead of letting them make Approaches to their Walls, they enlarged their Out-works upon them, and made them confefs alter a Siege of fifteen Weeks, that if the Walls of Derry had been made of Canvas, they could not have taken it. The fame may be faid of the People of Enniskih len, who lived in a wild Country, and untenable Place, furroundcd with Enemies on every fide, and removed from almofl all Poflibility of Succour, be- ing in the Heart of Ireland j yet they chofe to run all Hazards and Extremities, rather than trufl their faithlefs Enemies, or contribute to the Ruin of the Proteftant Intereit by yielding. After almofl all their Gentry of Eiiatesor Note had lelt them, or refufed to join heartily with them,they formed themfclves into Parties,and though in a manner without Arms and Am- munition, yet by meer Refolution and Courage, they worried feveral Parties of theEnemy,and aim oft naked, recovered Arms and Ammunition out of their Hands, and fignalized themfclves in many Engagements, by which they not only favcd themfelves, but likewiie did confiderable Service to the Proteflants that were under the Power of King James 5 for this handful of Men, by their frequent Incurfions and carrying off Prifoners in every Engagement, terrify % d even the Pa- pi fh of Dublin into better Humour, and more mo- derate Proceedings, as to the Lives of Protectants that lived amongft them, than perhaps they would o- therwife have been inclined to; They few from this, £har, their Game was not lb lure as they imagined, and the 124 Yhf State of the Trotejiants the Prifoncrs taken by thofe of Enniskillen^ were Hoftages for their Friends that lived in Dublin > and the Humanity with which the Prifoners were ufed there, was a Reproach on the Barbarity exercifed by the other Party. In fhort, it appeared that it Was neitherlvlalice nor Facliouinefs that engaged them in Arms, but meer Self-Preiervation and the Obli- gation of their Tenures and Plantations, by which they were bound to keep Arms, and defend them- felves and their Country from the Power of thePo- pifh Natives which were then armed againft. them. 13. But to return to the Lord Deputy's Proceed- ings in his new Levies, in order to gain time and delude the Protcftants, he lent for the Lord Mountjoy cut of the Norths after he had compounded the Bu- finefs of Derry\ and perfuaded hiintogowith Chief Baron Rice to King James into France , to reprefent to him theWeaknefs of the Kingdom, and the Ne- ceffity to yield to the Time, and wait a better Oppor- tunity to ferve himfelf of his Irijb Subjects. The Lord Tyrcwwliworc moil folemnly that he was in ear- ned: in this MefTage, and that he knew the Court of France would oppoie it with all their Power $ for faid he, That Court minds nothing hut their own Inter eft 3 and they would not care if, Ireland were funk to the Pit of Hell) (they are his own Words,) fo they could give the Prince of Orange but three Months Diverfion 5 but he added) if the King be perfuaded to ruin his fafteft Friends to do himfelf no Service ', only to gratify France, he is neither fo merciful nor fo wife as I believe him to- be. If he recover England, Ireland will fall to himm Courfe) but he can never expeel to conquer England by Ireland ; if he attempts it) he ruins Ireland to do him- felf no KinduefS) but rather to exafperate England the more againft htTfi^ and make his Reft oration hnpoffible \ and he intimated, that if the King would not do it 5 . he would look on his Refufai to be forced on him, by thole in whofe Power he was, and that he would think himfelf obliged to do it without his Qcnfent. 14. Every ♦/IRELAND, &A lis '14. Every body told the Lord Mounijoy, that this \vas all Sham and Trick, and that the Defign was on- ly to amtife the Protectants, and get him, who was the lik-eliefh Man to head them, out of the way: But his Anfwer was, that his going into France could have no Influence on the Councils of England^ who were nei- ther privy nor Parties toit> and if they had a mind to reduce the Kingdom, it was eafie to do it without his Alliance -, that he muft either go on this MefTage, now the Deputy had put him upon it, or enter into an a&ual War againit him, and againit fuch as adhered to King James's Intercity that he did not think it fafe to do the latter, having no Order or Encou- ragement from England-, but on the contrary all the Advice he received from thence, was to be quiet and not to meddle 5 that he was obliged to King James, and neither Honour, Confciehce, nor Gratitude would permit him in his prefent Circumftances to make a War on his own Authority againil: him, whilft there was any Poffibility of doing the Buli- xiefs without one. Upon thefe Considerations, againft the general Opinion of all the Protectants in Ireland, he undertook the Bufmefs, and went away from Dub- lin about the tenth of January , 1688. having firfl had thefe general Conceffions made him in behalf ok the Protectants : 1. That no more Commiffions fnould be given out, or new Men railed, 2,. That no more of the Army fhould be fent into the North, 3. That none fhould be quefiioned for what was pafled. And 4. That no private Houfe iliould be farrilbn'd or difturb'd with Soldiers -> thefe he lent a- out with a Letter which will be found in the Appendix. But he was no fooncr Appendix, gone, but the Lord Deputy, according to his ufuai Method of Falfhood, denyed thefe Con- ceflions, feemed mighty angry at the difperfing the Letter, and refufed to obferve any of them. The fir ft News we heard from France, was that the Lord M&untjoy was put into the Bajiiie, which further ex- m afperated n6 The State of the Trotejiants afperated the Proteftants againft King James, and made them look on him as a Violater of publick Faith to his Subjects. As for the Lord Deputy, this clearly ruined his Credit (if ever he had any) amongvr. them* and they could never after be brought to give the lean: Belief to what he faid ; on the contrary they look'd on it as a fure fign that a thing was falie if he earneilly afrirm'd it. i f . But it was not yet in his Power to mailer them ; he had not fufficiently trained and cxercifed his Men ; but asfoon as he found that nothing was to be feared from England before the End of Summer, and that he was allured King James would be with him fooii, he laid alide his Vigour, and fell upon difarming them : It was no difficult matter to do this, for in the very Beginning of King James's Reign, the Prote- ftant Militia had been diffolved, and though they had bought their own Arms, yet they were required to bring them into the Stores, and they punctually o- beyed the Order i Such of the Proteilant Army as re- mained in the Kingdom after their cafhiering, were like wife without Arms, being as i fhewed before, both difarmed and itrip'd upon their being turned out. It was therefore a Wonder that the Proteftants had a- ny Arms at all, efpecially when it is to be remembred, that during King James's Reign, they duril not be feen to buy or import them, being under the jealoufy and fufpicion of the Government : However ioTme they had, enough to make the Papifts affraicf, and to beat them too, if they had had a little Afliftance and Encouragement of Authority to attempt it. The Lord Deputy was therefore refolved to have their Arms, and in order to get them, he drew nine or ten Regiments to Dublin, and a proportional Party toe- very Place where the number of Proteilants was con- fiderable ; and without the leaft Notice or Declarati- on premifed, on the 24th of February, 1688, he took away their Arms and Horfes, throughout the whole Kingdom, except in the North, where he duril not yet: o/IRELAND, «*. tif f& attempt it. The Method of doing it in Dublin was this, he filled all the Streets and Lanes with Foot and Horfe j and then for fo much of the City as lies within the Walls, he fent the City Officers to figni- fy to every Houfe, that if they did not fend in every Sword and Bayonet, as well as Fire-Arms in their PoiTeffion into the Churches (which were generally feized for this Ufe and filled with Soldiers) they fhould be left to the Mercy and Difcretion of the Sol- diers, both as to their Lives and Goods ; This was perfect Duagooning to the Proteftants 3 nor is itea- lie to expreis what aConllernation it caufed amongft them > the Preparation at firit. looked like a Defign to put in execution (what they long feared) a general MafTacre, and which had never been out or their Minds fince the Lord Mount Alexander's Letter was they considered how neceflary their Arms were at this time, not only to preferve their Goods,, which were every Day robb'd, and their Houfes that were every Night broken open, but likewife to fecure their Perfons, that were daily arTauked j and yet to a- void this terrible Dragooning they were forced to part with them, and immediately delivered in near 3000 Fire- Arms, beiides Swords, Bayonets and Pikes in Dublin only. At the fame time fome Hundreds of Horfcs were likewife taken, without any other Rea- ion than that they belong'd to Proteftants. Without the Wails it was much worfe than in the City •, the Inhabitants there were not fo much asrequired to bring in their Arms, but generally the Soldiers came and iearch- *i8 The State of the Trotejlants fearched for them, on pretence of which, five or fix Parties after one another, without Method or Order, rifled the Houfes : In many Places they pulPd up the Boards of the Floors, brake down the Wainfcots, Healing and plundering whatever they could lay their Hands on, and fometimes torturing the poor People to make them confefs their Arms. i6\ The next Day after this diforderly Dragooning^ came out a Proclamation dated February 2f, 1688, fignifying that this difarming and taking away Hor- fes, was done by order of the Government, through- out all Ireland^ there being only a Verbal Order for it before, of which the Proteftants knew nothing, and which ,the Proclamation contradicted , for wearing Swords were excepted in it, whereas the Verbal Or-. der is faid to have mentioned them, and they were de- , livered with great exaclrnefs before the Proclamation came out > for no body could hope to conceal them, it being known that every Gentleman had a wearing Sword, yet none were delivered to them though de- manded - y and a fecond Proclamation pubiiihed by King James himfclf, dated July 20, 1689, did ex- preily forbid all Proteftants . to wear or keep any Swords, under the Penalty of being counted Rebels and Traitors, and.ufed as fuch % and left fome mould wear them and not be difcovefed, they befet all the Church Doors on Sunday Morning, February the z^d. 1689, whilft the Protectants were at their Devotion, to their great Terror, being ignorant of the Deiign > and the Soldiers fearched every one whether he had a Sword or no. 1 7. But to return to the general difarming, though the Proteftants loft in it their Horfes and Arms, the King's Stores gained little by them 5 for the Soldiers who received the Arms, imbezell'd all that were bet- ter than ordinary amongft them, conveying them a- way privately, and converting them to their own Uie. The Arms of the Citizens were generally fine, and the Gentlemens Swords were Silver,' and the Sol- diers ef IRELAND, &c. . i£j cliersthat got them were wifcr than to return fuch to the Stores. The Lord Deputy Teemed angry that lb few Arms were returned, imputed it to the Citizens as an Effec~b of their Obilinacy •> and an Order was ready drawn for him to flgn, wherein it was declared, that all Proteftants with whom any Arms were found, fhould be given up to the Mercy of the Soldiers -, .fo that there needed only Ibme ill Fellows to come into a Houfe and drop a Bayonet or Sword in a Corner, and pretend to find it there, for the Soldiers to have rifled whom they plcafedj betides which, all Proteftants were to be required upon Oath to difcover their Arms. This Order had been figned and put into Execution/; if the.Biihop of Mcath had not come in feafonably to the Lord Deputy, and by difcourfing him calmly, prevailed to have it laid afide : The Realons and Pro- poials that he made ufe of to divert this Inconvenient cy from the City,may be feen in the . Appendix - y by them he got leave to See A}pwdte> N<7. , ^ o enquire into the Number of Arms taken away •> and found upon Examination, that more had been taken from one Parifh, than had been return- ed into the Store from the whole City. The talk of putting the Citizens to their Oaths on this Occafion, did mightily alarm them 5 they knew not where ic would end, if once the Government got into the Me- thod of impofing Oaths on them j and therefore the Bifhop took care to caution them againft it, and they unanimously determined to take no Oaths at all, \yhat- ever Hardfhips they fuffered > and it is certain, they < might have eafed themfelves of many, if they would have engaged themfelves by Oaths > but the Remedy was counted worie than the Difeafe > and in many Places of the Kingdom they choie to lye in Jail, rather than take lbme new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoyn it. 18. The Management of taking up Horles Was yet tnore diforderly - y whoever pleafed took them, and was not fo much as ebliged.to tell his Name 5 the Pro- K clamatiois, 130 The State of the Trot eft ants clamation mentioned only fcrviceable Horfes, but thef verbal Order that went before, and on which they "were taken, made no diftinc~tion \ lb all were taken that could be found : At the beft, it was left to the Difcretion of a Dragoon, what he would count a fer- viceable Horfe, and what he would do with them when he had taken them > fo that of i oooo Horfes at leaf! that were taken from the Proteftants at that time* the King received not ioo, nor had he one Troop raifed out of them, but whoever could get a Horfe 7 whether he were Officer or Soldier, from a Prote- ftant, went away with it, and converted it to his pri- vate Ufe ; of which the Lord Deputy complains in a Proclamation, dated March the i/, 1688 j but this Proclamation though dated the i/7, of March^ was not publifhed till the 1 zth 5 the Reafon of the Delay was this, the Proclamation ordered Horfes that were not fit for Service to be reftored, and if it had come out according to the Date thereof, many Proteftants that knew in whofe Hands their Horfes were, would have claimed them : To defeat them therefore, fome that had Intereft with the Deputy, got the Proclamation delayed, till thofe that took them might have time to convey them fir enough from being found . And this was their ufual Method, they firft did the Mifchief they intended to the Proteftants, and then they pub- lished fome antedated Proclamation, forbidding it to be done 5 and fometimes when a Proclamation camd out, before they had gone through with what they intended, they denied to be concluded by it, alledg- ing it came out furreptitiouily 5 as it happened in this very Cafe of fearching for Arms. 1 p. Now Arms are the Hedges that fecure and pre- fers e our Goods and Lives, efpecially in a conquered Country, fuch as Ireland is ; and it was but Reafon that the Law did allow none but Proteftants to have them > though they never hindred any Man from arm- ing himfelf fo far as was neceffary for his own De* fence : When therefore they faw the keeping of Arm* was ^/IRELAND, 6$ lit w£§ made penal to them in the higheft Degree, (King James's Proclamation having made it T reafon and Rebellion, as I iliewcd before,') and iome would needs perfuade them it was really fo, to Which Opinion the Lord Chief Juilice inclined, when he gavd Charge to the Jury concerning one JVolf$ who - is indict :d for keeping ibme Arms, and fined for itasaMifde*> meanor,J when I fay, : they faw that which the Law required them to do| made fo highly criminal, (for the Law requires every Freeman of Dublin to krep Arms,) and thofe Arms put into the Hands of T pries and Ruffians, who had already i obb d them" of a great part of their Sub fiance, 1 had they not Reafon to be- lieve that they were difarm'd purpoielv, that they might be the more eafily robb'd drmaffaGred? And that it was as eafic for a Government, that in one Day dlfarmed them through the whole Kingdom, againit Reafon, Lawandjuitice, : to find a Pretence at ano- ther time to take away their Lives ? They could nei- ther doubt their Inclinations, nor queilion their Abi- lity to do it. If one fhould tyc a Man's Hands, and turn him naked amongft wild Beads, all the World would believe he defigned they mould devour him j and fure we had Reafon to fuppofe the lame of our Governors $ and they that treated us thus without Provocation, and agairiil the Laws,' could not expect- that we ihould be unwilling ; to>change our Mailers if a fair Opportunity offered. By the Law we have as much Property m our Arms and Horfesthat we buy with our Money, and in a conquered Country Rich as Ireland is, where every forty Years wccon'.lantly have had a Rebellion, they are as necefiary for us as our Cloathsor Eftates, which indeed can lignify no- thing without them. And the King might as juftly pretend that he had Ocearfoh for them, uad take them from us with nit Coniideration, as ourHorfes and Arms : the Oppreffion to us in our Circum (lances was really equal. zo. It may perhaps be imagined by thofe who are & i • Strang 1 3 1 The State of the Trotejtants Strangers to our Affairs, that we had abuled our Arms to opprefs and wrong our Neighbours, or to oppofe the King, and therefore deferv'd to lofe them > but it is obfervablc, that it doth not appear that any one Proteftant in Ireland before this diiarming, had ufed his Arms to injure any Roman Catholick, nor did they hurt any that was not either actually robbing them or their Goods^ or affaulting their Perfons, no not in the North, where they refilled to give lip their Arms 5 they kept even there on the Deienfive, and offended no Man but when fir ft affaulted : So that there was not the lcaft Reafon or Colour to diiarm us, except that we might be plundered and robb'd f without be- ing able to make Refiftance. Our Crime for which 1 we loft our Arms, for which we were expofed naked to our Enemies, and for which the belt Gentlemen in the Kingdom were obliged to walk without a* Sword,- was becaufe they iufpected that we would ; not otherwife tamely part with our Goods, orfuffer our felves to be abufed and affronted in the Streets by every Ruffian, which was the condition of the beft a- mongft us. 21. 'Tis true K irig James could not carry on a War for the advancement of Popery, without our Goods, ' and he could not be fecure of them whrlft w r e had' Arms > but I hope all the World is convinced, that it was not our Counfels nor Actings that brougtithim to thefe Straits y nor was it to be expected that we fhould be content to be undone, to repair the Errors and Faults of thofe wicked Counfellors, who put him on thofe defperate Courfes which loft him his Crown. All our Crime is, then,' that we could not be content to be undone with him and by him, and rather chofe to defire Protection, Liberty and the Re- ' ilitution of our Privileges and Arms from their pre- ient Majefties, than to be in the Condition of the vileft of Slaves under King James , a Crime for which I am confident no Papift condemns us in his Confcience, however he may rail at us and call us difloyal. S E CL ^/IRELAND, &r; 133 SECT. IX. the Attempts made on the Per Tonal Eftates of P rot eft ant s^ before the Revolution in Engl and . I .'Hp* H E Earl of Tyrconnel when made Deputy of JL Ireland, found the Riches of the Kingdom in the Hands of Proteflants y the Flocks, the Herds, the rich Houfhold- Stuff and Plate, beneficial Leafes, improved Rents, Trade and Money were almofl in- tirely theirs -> whereas the Papifls by their Idlenels, Ignorance, and numerous begging Clergy, were fo ; low in their Fortunes, that they were in no Condition to raife or maintain fuch an Army, as was neceflary to carry on his Defigns in this Kingdom y and he was Ture the Proteflants that had the Riches, would not contribute to fupport them : He therefore applied himfelf with all Art and Indullry to impoverish, them. He did what he could, as I have already lhew'd, to deilroy their Trade > he put all the Hardthips ima- ginable on Proteilant Tenants, that they might not; be able to pay their Rents, and he encouraged the Po- pifh Tenants to oppafe their Landlords: It waswhif- pered amongil them, that they need not pay their Rents, for the Land in a little time would be their own> they were taught to anfwer when their Rents were demanded, that they had fpent what they de- figned for their Landlords, tofitthemfeives or their Sons for the King's Service , and he was fure to be rcprcfented as dilafTected, that did not fit down with this Anfwer. If any Landlord was lb hardy as to fue them, they either got themfelves inlifled in the Ar- my, or got a particular Protection againil Arrcfts. If any diilrained, they let their Cattle be taken to the Pound, and then by Night they cither flole or forced them from thence y and when they had thusfecretly recovered and conveyed them away, they brought Actions againil the Landlord that diilrained, as if he K z had 134 Tk# State of the Trotejl&tts had imbezelled them ; in which Cafe they were fure to meet with Favour and Countenance in the Courts. Sometimes they avoided paying Rents, by fwcaring their Protectant Landlords into a Plot, or oy affixing treafonable Words on them ; infomuch that hardly any Proteftant durft diirrairi, or even demand his Rent: And for two Years before the Revolution in "England, very few received any Profit out of their E- ita;:es. 'THis v flop of Receipts for fo long time, obli- ged Gentlerneh to live upon the main Stock, and for want of the : growing Rents, which ihould have an- fwered their Ekpences, :hey were as low "as pofliblc in ready Money, when the late Troubles fell upon them \ and this made many of them on their Flight to England^ need Charity "for their Subfiftericc. 2. Tin's Hardfhip was the more heavy upon than, by the Ne jeffity they lay under of leaving their Farms 1 and fettled Manner of living in the Country, and of either repairing 'to Dublin, or removing into England^ where nothing could be uleful to them but ready Mo- n?y $ yet this was unavoidable, for there was no liv- ing for them amongit a People ; thatmadenoConfci- ence to pilfer or rob them of their Goods, or to lay Snares for their Lives by falfe Oaths and fuborned E- yidence: Neither did their repairing to Cities and Towns protect them, but the fame Perfons that drove them from their Country Houfes by their Robberies and Oppreflions, did afterwards indict and imprifon them for leaving them, of which F jtpptndix, No. 1 8. have given an Example in the Appen- dix. Some indeed notwithflanding all the hard Ufoge they met with, ventured to fray on their Concerns in the Country 5 but were at laft burnt put of their Houfes, and forced to follow their Neighbours. A Houfc within four Miles of Dublin was burnt, and feveral Women and Children murder- ed in it at the very beginning of modelling the Army. Thus Mr. Xhcrnas Corker's Houfe in the County of 1 -' ' " ' \ J •' Mea*\ ©/-IRELAND, &c. Meath by Navan was burnt, as fup- pofed, by the Po- piih Pariih Pried; who after he had done this Injury to. theGentleman,gave out that Mr. Corker had burnt his own Houfe, to make the Roman Catholicks odious. Mr. Henry GonneS) a Miniiler's Houfe in Connaught* was likewife burnt becaufe they could not otherwife pre- vail with him 13? See the Tirft Proilamation by the Earl of Tyrconncl, Feb.zl. 1686, WHereas a late Proclamation iflued forth by the Lord Lieutenant and Council of this Kingdom in Decem- ber laft for the fupprelling of Tories, Robbers, and their Harbourers in thefc Words following. Whereas there have been of late mmy Burglaries and Rob- beries committed in feveral parts of this Kingdom, to the. ruin of iome of his Majefty's good Subjects, apd to the great difqutet or many others, and it is found by Experience, that his Majefty's Mercy that hath been heretofore ex- tended to fome Perfons rha,t haye been attainted of fuch Crimea, hath been an Encouragement to others to commit the like, &c. Which Proclamation hatH not yet met with the full Efrcci, cw, to leave the Country : And many others werefervedin the fame way, and their Families murdered , or clfc were put to a vaft Charge to guard their Houfes a- gainft thefc Cut-throats and Robbers. Even about Dublin hardly any Gentleman's Houfe e fcaped with- out being robb'd, or at leail feveral times attempted ; and if any were caught in the Fact, they eafily got a Pardon for it. Add to this in the Third Place, that though of a food while the Protectants got nothing out of their states, yet they were put to valt Charges to deiend them - y for the Papifts having gotten Judges, Juries and Sheriffs of their own, brought in their Counter- feit Deeds and falle Claims ip great Numbers, and either in forma Pauper um, or by the Favour of the Courts, carried on their Suits with little Expences ; and when worried in them, as fometimes in fpitc of the moft maiiifcft Partiality, they were, there was nothing to be recovered of them , whereas the Pro- tectants were forced to row againlf. the Stream, and CO ttruggle with all the expensive Delays and tricks the K 4 Courts 13 6 The State of the "Trotejlants Courts could put on them. If at any time they were found tardy in the leaf f. Circum fiance or Form Of Law, though no Advantage ufed formerly to be made hi fuch Miibakcs, yet they werefure to pay feverely for it > every body who has been concerned in Law Bufinefs, knows the difference of thefe Cafes as to. Expences y and the Confequence was, that Prote- ftants were forced to part with a conliderable mare of their ready Money, to recover or defend their F,~ -ftates, which when in their Pofleffion yielded them nothing. : 4. They met with the fame meafure from the Trea- fury, as from their Tenants 5 where any Salary, Peri- fion or Payment was due to any of them from the King, they either did not get it at all, or if by Im- portunity and Intereil they did get any thing, it was with fuch Expeiices*, Bribes to Courtiers, and De- lays, that they loft the Benefit of it. -But where any thing was due to them, it was exacted with all the Ri- gour imaginable, and the raoft Uriel: Punctilios ob- served to bring them under Fines and Forfeitures. The Chief Baron Rice could not contain himfelf on the Bench y but on occafion of a Proteiian't Lawyer's preffing fomewhat importunately for his Client that he might have juilicc, he anfvvered he mould have Juftice, but as I faid before, that it ihould be &**»■* mum Jus. . Nay fuch difcouragerncnt and difcounte- nance was given to Protcftant Lawyers, that many of the moil celebrated Counfeliors forfook their Practice and the Kingdom y and fuch as ftaid could hardly come in for a (hare of the Fccz expended by their for- mer Proteiiant Clients y for it was enough to deftroy a Caufe, to have them appear at the Bar for it. The confequence of which was, that the Protectants were forced to employ their Enemies for Counfel, and give them their Money too often to betray their Caufe y at leafc they could not expect Lawyers that wifhedMo ill to it and them in their Hearts, would be earned to carry it for them, . . r.i« ^/IRELAND, Qfe 137 f. In Cities and Corporate Towns, theTownfmea were put to great Charges to defend their Charters 5 and when Judgment was given againft them, they were put to another Charge to take them out anew, and to purchafe their Freedoms. It is true, fome few Papifts generally joined to take out the new Charter 5 but when it was taken out, they forced the Proteftants to pay for it at what rate they pleafed, or obliged them to leave the Town. The Attorney General got fome Thoufands for his fhare, and every petty Officer and Head of a Country Borrough, enrich'd himfelf with fome part of the Proteftants Spoil on this Account. ■ 6. The next means ufed to inpoverifh them was that of free- Quarters, by which they extorted from the Inn-keepers vaft Sums of Money : It was a Hard- ship in time of Peace to be obliged to entertain fuch rude nally Guefts as the private Soldiers generally were, and to endure the Infolencies of their Officers, w r ho praftifed feveral Arts with a Defign to deftroy their Quarters. Sometimes they would quarter a whole Troop of Horfe on two or three Proteftant Inns for fome Months together, till they wearied them out of their Trade, drove away their Guefts, and broke them : Sometimes they would compound for a Sum of Money to be gone, and then immediate- ly fend another Party as bad as themfelves, to fucceed them \ by which means they ruined all the little Towns about Dublin, and broke the Inhabitants. The very firft thing they did after they had gotten into the Army, was to fet a Rate on Diet, on Hay and on Oats, not above one Third of what it colt the Inn- keeper 5 a thing to which they had been Strangers before 5 but it feemed tolerable, inrefpect of the free Quarters to which they pretended afterwards, though in effect it came to the fame thing, for they went a- way and never paid a Farthing for Meat or Drink, or any other Conveniencies allowed them in their Quar- ters j only fome gave Bills which were never paid ; nay they were not content to have their Meat and i - Drink 138 . The State of the Trotejtauts Drink and Quarters free, but they fo ordered the mat-? ter, that their Quarters were generally better to them than th^.r Pay : They commonly had Billets on three or lour Koules apiece, every one of which paid them a certain rut? per Week j one private Soldier bragg'd that he had fifteen Quarters , the rate paid out of them was according to the quality of the Houfe, and the Perfon that had the Billet \ the very leall was 1 8 d. or lid. per Week, and the Allowance to the Officers was proportional : The Truth of this is notorious to all in Dublin j and is demonflrable from the Number of publick Houfes which were obliged to quarter Men, compared with the Number of Men quartered in them. The Houfes were double in N umber to the Soldiers, and yet every Houfe had one or two Soldiersi at the leait ? fome three ibme four quartered on them^ for which they paid weekly y and yet fo unreafonable were thefe Creatures, that this would not fatishe them, but they would go up and down the Country ftealing and plundering Meat and Drink, and forcing the poor Proteilants to bring forth their whole Stock of Provifions, of which they ufed to eat what they pleaied, and then deilroy the relt, that the damned fFhigs, (that is, in their conftant Dialed, the Pro- teilants,) might not have the Benefit of it. It was in vain to grumble or complain \ inftead of Remedy they were fure to have the Injury redoubled upon them. If any ventured to profecute a notorious Rob- bery committed by a Soldier, their Officers appeared in the Court for them, and openly threatned the Jury if they found them guiltv. Thus Colonel Lutterely afterw r ards Governor of Dublin, appeared at Kilmain- ham, and brought off his Soldiers who were guilty cf a Robbery, by threatning the Jury, and telling them, that it ihould be worfe for them if they found his Men guilty ; that the King's Soldiers muft not be difcouragedy and muft be allowed ', when in want? to take fromthofc that had, meaning the Proteilants > and by his Autho- rity he faved them, being not only an Officer, buton$ " ^ " of of IRE LAND, &c. 139 of the Jufticcs of the Seflions. And in the very fcounr cil, Allbaville publickly owned that the Protectants duril not complain, except they bad a mindtobemajjk* aed: I ufe his Words. 7. The Priefls and Fryars were no lefs oppreifive than the Soldiers -, they multiplied in Dublin to three or four hundred at the kail > they were well fed and well cloathed -, there were not more luily plump Fel- lows in the Town than they, infomuch that theyr were remarkable for it -, and reckoning that they confumed but twenty Pound a piece one with another, which was the leail, they coil the Town eight thoufand Found per Annum > which is near four times more than all the Proteilant Clergy in Town received ; they built about fourteen Chappelsand Convents in Dublin^ and fet up two Nunneries, all which came to a great Sum 3 and a great part of it came out of the Prote- itants Pockets, for they were iuch experienced Beg- gars, that none efcaped them, and fo importunate that none duril refufe them -, if any did, they muil expect to be the' next who were robbed : They muil be con- tent to be accufed and committed either on iome {ecret Whiiper, or falfe Accufation. The Infolency of the Fryars may be guefled at by their Carriage to the Lord Primate Boyle-, two of them, as I had before occafi- on to remark, came to demand Money of him -, and becaufc he refufed them, they procured a Warrant from Sir Thomas Hacket^ to commit his Son-in-Lavr and Nephew ; but others were forced to buy their Peace by large Contributions to them, SECT. X. ^fhe Progrefs King James made in deftroying the Perfonal Eftates of Prot eft ants after the Revolution in Eng- land. T HUS the cafe flood with the Proteflants of Ireland, long before the Revolution happened in * 4® The State of the Trotejiants in England; their Rents and Receipts were ftopr^ their Sixpences multiplied j and many were driven from their Houfcs 'and Farms 5 their Trade decayed, and their Towns and Villages deflroyed by Robberies and Free Quarters , but as loon as the new Levies up- on Pretence of refilling the Prince or Orange, were made, theMifchief became much more univerfal and intolerable y whereas before, only Inns and Publick Houfes, together with Brewers, Bakers, Butchers: and Chandlers, were obliged to quarter Soldiers, this Burden was now extended to all Gentlemen of the bell Quality, ii Proteilants, none being exempted \ this happened foon after the Lord Mountjoy's going to France, though the Lord Deputy, as 1 noted before, did pofltively engage to him to the contrary in his Ar- ticks y thefe new Guefrs committed all manner of Rudenefs and Infolencies in their Quarters, and drove away as many of the Gentry and Citizens as could ileal a PalTage, or procure a Licence to be gone by bribing the Secretary. Sir Wiinam Dumville a Gen- tleman of about So Years of Age, who had been At- torney-General near thirty Years, as has been faid, had his Houfe filled with them's they treated the old Gentleman fo rudely and barbaroufly, that all con- cluded it h aliened his Death, Some Raman Catho- licks, that were not known to belong to the Army, would come to theHoufesof Prote Hants, and agree 1 with them for their belt Rooms and fuitable Atten- dance, and when they were to go away, and fhould have paid, inilead of Money they would prcicnt a Billet, and then triumph in the Trick they had put on their Landlords. There are in Dublin about feven thoufand Houfes, and it was very rare that King James had lour thoufand of the Army in Town, and yet they ordered it fo, that every Houfe had more or lefs quar- tered upon it : Some Gentlemen had ten, iome twen- tv, nay feme thirty quartered on them y if there was no other Room they turned the Mailer or Miftrefs of the Family out of their own Beds, and lent both them and ^/IRELAND, Vc. 141 and their Lodgers to provide for thcmfelves ; not on- ly Soldiers were thus quartered, but likewife all Gen- tlemen, Priefts, Fryars, and fome Noblemen that came with King James from France, together with their Servants and Retinue. All the Houfes in Town were taken up with fuch Guefts, who were often treacherous Spies on their Holts, and reckoned themfelves very kind, if they did not procure them to be clapt up by a falfe Information. The Story of one Gentleman is remarkable, related to a good Family in England of his Name, as he pretended,' which was Brown; he lodged at one Mr Brocks, from whom he ftole feveral things of Value, and fold them : Mr. Brock found him out, but he thought to have prevented the Difcovery by fwearing Trea- fon againft him, which he did before Chief Juftice Nugent $ but the Juftice of the Peace who took the Examinations of the Theft, having gotten fome of the things into his Cuitody, traced them fo clearly to the Thief, that there was no denying it. The Gentleman upon this, to prevent further Profecuti- on, was forced to certify under his Hand that he was perjured ill what he had f worn before the Lord Chief Juftice. How heavy thefe things fell on the Citizens, may be conjectured from this - y the Rents of the City were confiderable, and many Gentlemens fi- liates confifted in them : But now they thought them- felves happy, jif their Tenants would ftay in their Houfes, and keep them in Repair, though they paid no Rents at all. In the belt inhabited Places of the Town, where the Houfes about two Years before yielded fixty Pound apiece, they were well content- ed if they got ten Pound, or the Ground-Rent j but it was a Chance if they got fo much. z. Thus Eftates both in City and Country were ren- dred fruitlefs to Proteftants ; out yet whilit the Cattle and the great Manufacturies and itaple Commodities of the Kingdom were in their Hands $ whilit they had the Wooll, the Hides, the Tallow and Butter* which t+z The State of the Trotejldtlts which bring in all the Money that is in the Kingdom,' all the former Arts would not have undone them, and therefore fome means muftbeufedtogettheir Stocks from them, it feemed hot decent for the Government to feize on them, as they feized on our Horfes and Arms i it was hot thought fit to give a pofitive Order for doing it j the truth is, there was no need of it 4 it was fufficient to connive at the new raifed Men, to have it effectually done f the Priefts had made every Man that came to Mafs to get a Skean, and Half-pike at lead, and they whifpered to the People* that it was not for nothing that they were thus armed. They affured them, that whatever Injury they did their Proteftant Neighbours, Would be forgiven them, on- ly they advifed them not to fhed Blood; Sometimes they went along to fee it effectually done 5 and fomc- times they impofed it a§ a Penance on' fuch as came to them for Abfolution, to rob fome' of their Proteftant Neighbours .* This may feem improbable, but we have had credible Informations of it, and it will not feem fo unlikely, if weconfider that the PrieftS' often led' them out ttf thefe Plunders, and Hood by whilft they committed them/ that all thefe Robbers are abfolved by them, without reftoring one Sheep 5- which could not be, if the Priefts reckoned the taking and keep- ing them a Sin. And tartly,' that fome of the great- eft of thefe Robberies were committed in Lent) when they do their Fertarices, and eat fioTiefh 3 and there- fore they could not be tempted at that time to deal' and kill in order to eat : For iii fome Places they killed whole Flocks, and left them dead on the Place. Thefe Robberies began in November, itf88, and by the End of March next after, they left hardly one Proteftant in Ireland a Cow or S hcep. Ireland h as al- ways been famous for its Pail ures, and the Riches or. it has always confi'ted in Cattle, of which many Gentlemen had vaft Stocks > for a Man to have tof eight, or ten thoufand Sheep was very common ; ibme had more,- even to twenty thoufand. All thefe were ^/IRELAND, &c. t+i were gone in three Months, to the Value of at leaft a Million of Money, which if rightly managed,- would with the Cows and Bullocks, of which there were likewife great Herds, have turnifhed an Army of an hundred thoufand Men with Fleih enough for three Years. Thofe who took them from the Pro- teftants^ deftroyed them without Consideration,' they killed them byFifties and Sixties, and threw them into Bog-pits 5 they took off their Skins, and left their Carcafes to rot^ and made all the Havock of them imaginable. ' j. Nor was the Government at all difpleafed at this, but on the contrary $ did plainly encourage them j no Complaints made againft them were minded 5 none of them punifhed or called to account for it ; and there happened two or three remarkable things that plainly difcovered it to be their Defign that the Pro- teftants fhould lofe all : For, Firft, when thefe Robberies began, fome Prdteftants got together, o- vertook the Robbers, refcued the Prey from them, and killed fome of them % this being done in two or three Places,- they were frightned and quiet for fome time, but the Lord Deputy faw that if this were fuf- fered, his Deflgn would not take, and therefore or- dered our Arms to be feized j this was the true Mo- tive of his taking away fo fuddenly the Arms of the Proteftants. Thefe Arms he put into the Hands of thofe very Robbers, whom the Proteftants in the Defence of their Cattle, had beaten and wounded,- and whofe Relations they had killed •, who now know- ing that their Adverfanes could make no further Re- finance, vowed Revenge, and perfected what they fead begun, not leaving them a Beait, and forcing them to flee for their Lives % and then they plundered their Houfes as well as their Cattle, and left them no- thing that could be found with them : Nay fo far did the Government countenance them, that they had fuffered thofe Men, who had thus defended their Cattle, to be indicted, and Bilk were found againfl their* , 144 The State of the Trotejtaiits them, who had killed fomeof thofe Robbers in the actual Fact of robbing ; to do which they arc em- powered, and ought to have been rewarded by a par- ticular Statute of Ireland. 4. But Secondly, it appears that the Robbing of, the Proteftants was dehgned by the Government,* from the Confeffion of Chief Juftice Nugent, who boafted of it as a Piece of Policy, and own'd that they could not have done their work without it 5 and at the Aflizes at Cork, publickly called fuch Robbers wecejfary Evils, and from the beginning he took care, nottodifcouragethem. . The forementioned Procla- mation February 21, 1680', acknowledges that the Robberies were occasioned by the CarelefTnefs and Neglect of the Civil Magiftrate. , And Thirdly, That it was a meer Defign to ruin the Proteftants, i§ manifeft from this, that as foon as their Stocks were gone, and thofe who took them, began to rob their Papift Neighbours, the Govern- ment put a flop to it, and ifliied out a Commiftion to. hang them > which accordingly was executed at, fVickloWy and the Naas, and feveral other Places 5 and that it might be effectually executed, they* joined fome Proteftants in it, which might as well have been done before > and there is no Reafon that it. , was not done, but becaufe it would have prevented . the Ruin of the Proteftants, as well as it now pre- ferv'dthePapifts. It is manifeft what the Govern- ment defigned, when by a few Robberies committed . on Papifts, it was alarm'd, and iflued out CommifH- ons to hang the Robbers, yet could not be prevailed with to take notice of the many thoufand Robbe- ries committed on the Prote- Sce Appendix, No. 25. ftants. For the Proof of this, fee JlbavilTs Inftructions to the forementioned Commiflioners in the Appendix. SECT ix; <>f IRELAND, (Sc. Egg SECT. xr. 3%* Methods by which King James compleated the Rulri of the Proteftants Perfonal Fortunes, iJ~T* H E Proteftants by the Deputies taking away JL their Horfes, and the Army their Cattle, were put out of a Poftibility of living in the Country, or of making any thing of their Inarms by plowing or grazing, and had faved nothing but their Houihold« Stuff and Money % only fome of , them, when they faw the Irijh taking away their Cattle, flaughterecf part of them, barrelled them up, and fent them to Dublin^ and other Towns 3 they preserved likewife their Hides and Tallow of the Year 1688, not ha- ving any vent for them 5 and the Merchants upon the fame Account were itored with fuch Commodities as ufed to be fent Yearly into England ox roreign Parts 5. and many of thefewentoutof the Kingdom for their, own Safety, and left their Goods in the Hands of their Servants or Friends, Their going away, though they had Licence far it, ahd thole Licences not expired,,' was made a Pretence to feize their Goods 5 and in March 16885' the Officers of the Army throughout the Kingdom," without any Law or legal Authority, by Order from the Lord Deputy, feized all Goods, Houfes, Lands, &c. belonging to any who were ouc of the Kingdom \ there was no other Reafon given tor this," but that it was the Deputy's Pleature it mould, be fo -j in May, the Commifiioners of the Revenue took it out of the Soldiers Hands 3 and that they might be the better able to go through with it$ en-» deavoured to procure from their pretended Parlia- ment, an A£t to confirm all they had done till that time, and further to empower them to examin Wit- neffes upon Oath concerning concealed Goods of Ablentees : The Bill as it was drawn by the Com- mons, added a Power to oblige every Body todifep- L ver 1 46 27* tfta** */ the Troteflmts ver upon Oath what they concealed, belonging td their abfent Friends, and to commit whom they plea- fed without Bail or Mainprize during Pleafure, not excepting the Peers of the Realm > which made the "Houie of Lords correct theie Claufes, and feveral o- thers in the Bill, upon the Motion and earneft Strug- gling of the Bifhop of Meath 3 though the Commif- iioners did in a great Meafure put the Aft in Executi- on, as the Commons intended it 5 for where-ever they expected any Goods of Abfentees to be, they fent and feized all that was in the Place, and then refufed to re- itore any thing to the Owners, but upon Oath that it was their own proper Goods > the reft they luppofed to belong to fome Abientee, and made it lawful Prize j all fuch being by the Aft veiled in the King, though the Owners who were abfent without any Fault of their own ihould have come back and claimed, by which Aft all Protellants that had fled for theirReluge into England^ or any other Place, or were gone upon their lawful Occafions, to the Number of many Thoufands, were abiblutely diverted of all their Per- fonal Fortunes, and cut off from all Claim to their Goods and Chattels whatever. The Condition of thofe who (laid behind, was very little better, fo many Contrivances were fet on foot to ruin them, and take away the little Goods that were yet left them, that they were as effectually deftroy'd as their Neighbours that went for England $ they knew that befides Goods, the Proteftants had fome feady Money and Plate > their chief Aim was to come by them, and feveral Ways were thought of to effect i: j fometimes they were for fetting up a Mint, and tor forcing every Body to bring in on Oath to be coin- ed, whatever Plate was in their PoiTellion j fometimes they were for fearching Houfes, and feizing all they found, but thefe Methods were looked on as too vio- lent 5 and not likely to fucceed if they fliould put them in Practice -> they therefore deferred thefe for the prefent, and applied themfclvcs to the following Courfesj */ IRELAND, Sfr. I47 Gourfes, by which they got from us a great part of pur Money, Plate and Goods > and if our Deliverance had not been fpeedy, would infallibly have got the reft. 1 . They would pretend for a Sum of Money to pro- cure Licenfe for a Ship to go off, and when they had gotten the Money, and the People had fhip'd them- ielves and their Effects, they then ordered the Ship to be unloaded again, and feized all the Money and Piate they found, which had been privately conveyed on Shipboard, tho' not forfeited by any Law. z. They would take off the Embargo which was generally laid on Ships, and pretend that they would fuffer the Merchants to trade : And as foon as they had got the Cuftom-houfes full of Goods, and re- ceiv'd vaft Rates For Cuftom, be/Ides Bribes to the Officers that attended the Ships, they would put on the Embargo again, flop the Goods, and hot return one Farthing. 2. They promifed Licences for £#gte^toallwho would pay for them - 9 and when they had gotten valt Sums from the Crowd that prefs'd to get away, they would then ftop the Ships, and make their Licences ufelefs : There was nothing to be done without a Bribe, at what Rate, may be imagined from this, that an ordinary Tide- Waiter, one White at Rings- End, was accounted to have gotten in Bribes for conniving at Peoples going off, at leait 1000 /. in a few Months. 4. All Proteitants that lived in the Country, were forced to take out Protections j thefe were fold at great Rates, and it was not fdfficient to buy them once, they were often voided, either by new Orders, or the Change of Governors - y and che'n they were obliged to take them, out anew, fome.had Protections not only for their Goods but iikewife for ibme Arms and Hor- fes, and renewed them five or fix times, paying a good Rate for them every time, and yet at kit they loft all their Horfes, Arms and Goods, as well as their Neigh- bours who had no Protections. L i 5. Where 148 The State of the Troteflanti f. Where they learnt any Man had Money, they feiz'd him on fome Pretence or other j and if they found the Money, it was fufficient Evidence of his Guilt j they fent him to Goal, and converted the Money to their own Ufej at the word they knew it was only refloring it in Brafs: Thus they, ferv'd Mr. Heujjon in Bridge-Street^ and Mr. G&b&sxKing rn the County of Rofcommon^ who could never get any Sa- tisfaction for his Silver and Plate thus taken from him % and the Cafe was the fame with many others. 6. In feveral Places the Governors went into Mens Houfes and Shops, and feiz'd what they found, with- out the Formality of a Pretence, and took it away : Cork was ufed at this Rate ; their Governor Monfieur Boifelot) not failing in any Punctilio of his Country Dragooning ; and he is iuppoied to have fent off for France to the value of 30000/. in Money, Leather, and other Commodities > the Spoils of the Proteflants in that rich Town. 7. The Parliament granted the King a Tax of 2oood /. per Month for thirteen Months* which the Kingdom could hardly have paid if it had been in its mod flourifhing Condition 5 but they knew it would fall moll heavy on the Proteflants, who mufl be for- ced to pay it out of their ready Money, having loft their Stocks generally by Plundering, and deprived of their Rents and incomes. 2. Becaufe the Proteflants in and about Dublin had laved fome Hides, Tallow, Wool, £5? c. King James? by pretence of his Prerogative Royal, laid a Tax ot 20000/. per Month, for three Months, oriChattels, becaufe the 20000 I per Month granted by the Parlia^ ment was only on Lands. This way of levying Money did flartle every body $ the pretended Parliament was then in being, and was adjourned till January 12. 1689. .which happened to be about the very time when the King and his Council were upon this Project. Some in the Council oppos'd it, and pleaded the no Neceflity of ufing extraordina- - xy 0/IRELAND, l§c: 149 ry Ways of levying Money, when the King might Ijave it in the ordinary Way; and further, th but he was very angry with thofe that oppos'd it, and told them, that they had made him believe it was a Branch of his Prerogative to levy Money, and If he could not doit^ he could do nothing. Chancellor Fitton appear' d zealoufly for it, and 'twas carried, that the Money fhould be raifed > but it being a new thing, they w ve at a lofs how to go about it j at laft they iffued out a Proclamation, dated February 4. 1689. wherein 'tis ordered and declared, That a Contribution of 20000 /. per Month, for the Space of three Months, ending the laft day of January laft pa /?, fhall be forthwith applotted, (aid in and levied upon the Per final Eftates of all Sorts. And the Applotment is order'd to be made by Com- mifHoners to be named by the King, Who were to pro- €eed according to Inftrutlions forthwith to be publi/hed by him : Albaville, the Secretary of State, thought it fufficient to fend Letters, figned only by himfelf j in which he named and initrutted the Commiflioners ; but the Perfons fo named for Dublin, judged this Au- thority infufficient, and demur'd on the Execution till they had their Nomination and Inftruftions accor- ding to the Proclamation, from the King himfelf, under the Great Seal, The King was heartily angry at them for this Demur, and was hardly prevailed on to iflue a Gommiffion under the Seal in the ufual Forms, as judging his Secretaries Letter a fuffici- ent Warrant: But at laft theGommiffion wasiflued, in which the Commiflioners werenam'd, and impow- ered to nominate Sub-C.ommiffioners for every Baro- ny in their reipec~Uve Counties, to make the Applot- ment •, of which Sub-CommiflionersthcHigh-Con- ftable was to be one. The Commillioners of Dublin % and other Cities, were not yet (atisfied ; for their Counties had neither Baronies nor Hi ^h-Conftables * and therefore the Commiftion could not be duly exrf- L 5 cuted j jo The State of the Trot eft ants cuted in them ; they therefore applied anew to th$ Lords of the Treafury, for a more ample Commiilion^ which put the Lords and Attorney-General in as great a Pailion as the King was in before > and all the An- fwer return'd to the Commiflioners was, That they fhouldgo about their Bufmefs without fuch frivolous Scru- ples, or they fh quid take a Courfe with them :. The Com- jniflioners being thus appointed, weremoftof them Papiits * and the few Protectants that were named, de- clined acting as much as theydurft; by which means the Papiits had the applotting intirely in their own Hunds, and never fail'd to lay the greater! Burden on their Protectant Neighbours, who, in effect, paid all Taxes that King James ever receiv'd in Ireland. 3. The Papiits railed a Militia, and inafmuch as Proteftants were not qualifiec} to ferve in it, by the Proclamation, which did not allow them to bear Arms, they were affefs'd at a certain Rate for the Maintenance of the Militia, and lent to Prifon it they refufed to pay it. The Tax was as great as ci- ther of the former, amounting, in the fmall ParilU of St. Warburgh's, Dublin, in which not above one half of the Proteftant Dwellers were left to poo/. per Annum. 4. They pretended to make fome fmall Ditches at the feveral Avenues of the. Town, and for thefe like.- wife the Protectants muft pay 3 and they tax'd thcra at what Rate they pleafed, diitraining or committing them to Goal, if they refufed to pay what was exacted, or wanted Money : Before they form'd this Militia JJuiinefs into a Tax, the Officers of the Militia went about Weekly for feveral Weeks, and demanded and took what they pleafed from every Houfe with great Rigor, committing thole who difpute.d their De- mands, which was, for the time it laited, a heavy Burthen, and a prodigious Tax. f. Towards the middle of Winter i68p, their Forces were difperfed into their Winter-Quarters; yery few being left in Dublin, it was moil convenient to of IRELAND, efc." iyi to have fuch as remained in it quartered together j ac leaft it was judged uniafe to, have them difperied in Proteitant Houfes ; therefore they feized on waite Houfcs, and filled them with t;he Soldiers, the reft they quartered in the College. Neverthelefs, that the Proteftants might not efcape free, they obliged, them to fend in Beds to the Soldiers i but initead of Beds they took a Compofition in Money, the Rate was from 24 jr. to f I. for every Houfe : This fell in- tirely on the Proteftants, the Papifts being conniv'd at, and the Conditions were not generally made good to them after they paid, for within two or three Months fome had Soldiers quarter'd. on them again - % tho' while it lafted it mult be conrefs'dit wasagreac Convenience and Eaie, to be rid of fuch Gueits ata- ny rate. 6. All thefe Contrivances to get Money from Pro- tectants, did indeed impoverifri them 3 but by their Induftry and Chari- ly to one another, Twai an antient Law of England. they made a fhift to Com ± [*? ' as f. d f s KIn ,§. Hf r ' d > Tbat r uni a 1 ' no King mould change his Money, not iUDlllt, and to keep i mpa i r , nor inhanfe,noc make any Mo- fomething in re- ney, but of Silver, without the Affcnt ferve • but the Con- °^ the Lords and all the Commons. trivancc of making , s « £?£.? p "*"™?! «ff°"" l . h ,l _ P Sir Robert Atkins,/*. 17 And LordCook s, BraiS Money . pals Expojition of Stat. Artie fuper Chan, initead or Silver, Cap. zo. a Inft. vj. and at an equal Va* lue with it, was an utter and unavoidable Ruin to them : It is true, the coining of Money is a Preroga- tive of the Crown, and thereafonot its being fo, is to prevent its being adulterated, the King's Honour and Intercil being the Engagement and Security for the Coin that bears his lmpreffion; But fure the meaning was not, that he mould give a Value to what has no Value in itfelf; otherwifethc Cautioufnefs of our Forefathers was ridiculous, who would not allow the King by his Prerogative to raife Money either by Loan or Subfidy from the Subjc&j fince if it be al- L 4 lowed, ij'x The State of the Troteftants lowed, that he may fet what Value he pleafes upon Brafs, he may have what he thinks fit from the King- dom without troubling a Parliament ; but King James's Council uied not to flick at the Formalities of Law or Reaion, and therefore van: Quantities of Brafs Money were coined, and made Current by a Proclamation dated June 18, 1689. under fevere Pe- nalties. The Metal of which this Money was made was the wonl kind of Brafs 5 old Guns, and the re- Fufe of M etals were melted down to make it : Work- Men rated it at Three-pence or a Groat a Pound, which being coined into Six-pences, Shillings or Half-crowns, one Pound weight made about f/. And by another Proclamation dated idpo. the Half-crowns were called in ? and being ftamp'd anew, were made to pals for Crowns j lb that then 3 d. or 4 d. worth of Metal made to /. There was coined in all, from the firftfettingupof the Mint, £6 the Rout at XhzBdyne-y being about twelve Months, 96*f37f/. ^ n this Coin King James paid all his Appointments, and all that received the King's Pay being generally Pa^ pills, they forced the Proteftants to part with their Goods out of their Shops for this Money, and to re- ceive their Debts in it 3 but the Proteftants having on- ly good Silver or GoLI, and Goods bought with thefe 5 when they wanted any thing from Papi its, they were forced to part with their Gold and Silver, having no Means of coming by the Brafs Money 'out of the King's Hands - y fo that the Lofs by the Brafs Money did in a manner intirely fall on the Proteftants, being defrauded (for I can call it no better; of about 60000 /„ per Month by this Stratagem, which mult in a few Months utterly exhauft them, when thePapiftshad fotten moft of their faleable Goods from Proteftant: Neighbours, and yet great Quantities of Brafs Mo- ri: y remained in their Hands, they began to confider how many of them wha had Eftatcs, had engaged them to Proteftants by Judgments, Statute Staples ♦uidMoit^agq ; rhi^was all the reiervcof cheir For-' tuned ^/IRELAND, ®c. 153 tunes left the Proteftants : And to take this likewife from them, they procured a "Proclamation dated Fe- bruary 4. 1689. to make the Brafs Money current irt all Payments whatfoever, whereas at firft Judgments, i&c. were excepted : Thus they rid themfelves or" their Brafs Money, and put it on Proteftants. The Chancellor Filton compelling the Truftees for Or- phans and Widows, to receive their Mortgages, &c. in this Coin, as well as others, tho' they pleaded that they knew not how to difpofe of it, nor if they did know, could they legally receive it, or makeufc of it, being only Truftees. Sometimes it was pleaded, that by the Original Covenants they were to have a certain time of Warning, before they fhould be obli- ged to receive their Money, tho' offered them in Sil- ver > but all fignified nothing- the Chancellor over- rul'd all their Pleas, and placed the Brafs Money on them, not fo much as allowing it to remain in the Court. 7. The Governor of Dublin, theProvoft-Marfhal, and their Deputies, aflum'ed the fame Power, and threatened to hang all that refufed the Brafs Money 5 of which we had many Inftances, one Mr. Bennett Tanner owed Money to one Alderman Smith, and to Mr. Hugh Leefon a Clergyman ; Bennet having fome Goods taken from him for which he was paid in Brafs Money, tendered it to them, but upon a civil Refuial he complained to Governor Luttrell % who gave him two Warrants to the Provoft-N4arfhal to take them; lie ihewed them to Alderman Smith, who immediate- ly complied and received his Money -, but Luttrell be- ing informed of it, was angry thix. Bennet had com- pounded the Bufinefs, and therefore directed the Pro- voft to take him •, by whom he was kept a Fortnight, and not releafed till he paid 20/. Fees. Leefon was |ikewife taken and committed with him. One Chapman a Widow was ufed yet worfe by the Provoft-Marfhal's Deputy one Kerney, a Petition was preferred again it her, bv the Sollicitor of one I $"4 *" e State of the Trotefiants who owed her ip/. by Bond, alledging falfely that; fhe had refufed to receive it in Brafs : Kerney Cent his Troopers for her at Ten a Clock at Night* he told her, with many Oaths and Execrations, that he would have her burnt next Morning j that he had Power to put to what Death he pleafed, any that fliould refute or undervalue the Brafs Money, and would exercife it on her. Her Debtor was prefent, and acknowledged that the Allegation in the Petition was falfe, that he had never tendered the Money, only fent to her Houfe, and received Anfwer that fhe was not at home, and that his Sollicitor had wronged her in the Petition - 9 yet the Deputy-Provoft abated nothing of his Ri- gour, but made her be thruftintoa dark Clofet tor that Night, without Bed or Candle : Her Sollicitor offered any Security for her till next Morning, but he threatned to tye him Neck and Heels, {end him to, Newgate, and hang him nextDay at his own Door, for interceding for her. At nine next Morning he fent a Meflenger to her to prepare for Death, for he would have her burnt immediately. She had often, whilft in Cuftody, proffered to receive her Money,, and never before refufed it, which fome reprefented to him fo effectually, that he at laft confented to releafe her, fhe paying 4/. Fees, and 10 j. to her Adverfa- ry's Sollicitor that preferred the falle Petition againft her, and figning an Acknowledgment to be entred on Record, and a general Releafe : She demurred a little, at the general Releafe, but the Provoft renewing his Threats of burning her,, and hanging her Sollicitor, obliged her to pcrfecT: it. But where Pap ills were Creditors, and Proteftants Debtors, the Cafe was otherwifej of which Mr. Rofe a Merchant is an Inftance \ he had received f 00 /. from fome Roman Catholicks j for which he drew a Bill or Exchange into England on his Correfpondent \ the Seas being fhut up, they fued for the Money, tho* it was fuppoied on all hands to be paid in England : Whilft they went on with the Suit, the Brafs Money camd ^/IRELAND, Bfc iff came into Play, and then they would have withdrawn it, but Mr. Rofe having great Quantities of this Mo- ney put on him for Goqds taken away from him, per- lifted in it ; the Declaration againft him being filed - B however the Judge kept him three Terms, taking oc- callon from the Sicknefs of the Attorney, or any o- ther little Matter, to adjourn the Gaufe. AtlaftMr, Rofe brought the Money and depofited it in Court, which the Judge called an Affront, and the receiving it was demurr'd to, and there the Caufe remain'd till the Change of the Government, without any Deter- mination. 8. By thefe means vaft Quantities of Brals Money werf lodged in the Hands of Proteftants •, and not knowing what elfe to do with it, they laid it out en the ftaple Commodities of the Kingdom, fuch as Hides, Tallow, Wooll, Corn, fifr. Thefe they bought up at any Rate, as iuppofing they might f qmo times turn to Account, whereas the Brais Money could fignifie nothing. The Papifts were aware of it, and therefore put the King upon taking thefe again put of their Hands, which they contrived thus, they put out a Proclamation, by which they fet a Rate up- on Commodities, dated February 18. 168.P, Then the King declared he wanted certain Quantities of thefe Goods, and that he would have them at the Pro- clamation Rates, The Lord Mayor firft, then the Commifiioners of the Revenue, and afterwards Sir Thomas Ha ckett) and others, were employ'd to fearch for them and feize them. They firft fent out Officers to take an Inventory of all they could find in the Hands of Proteftants; fome few efcaped by giving good Bribes : The Searchers returned an Account of the following Quantities in Dublin^ viz. 6 1 1 of Stones oi' Wooll, 7780 hundred Weight of Tallow, 14687 Haw Hides, 18771 Tan'd Hides j what return was made from other Places we could not learn ; butwc find, when they came to feize, that the following Parcels were actually taken up, viz* In ij6 The State of the Trotejlants Wool Tallow Raw Hides TmMHirfes Stone C Cq In Dublin - ■ ■ ■■ 10948-^ 4230 5237 900-2 //; the reft of the\ • ^ J t) Kingdom--] ^V335-iz we were at a lois what the meaning .of taking away Corn from Proteftant Farmers, House- keepers and Bakers mould be, when there was no Scar- city in the Kingdom, and the Markets, if left open, were fufficient to furnifh all y but Sir Robert Parker^ and fome others, blab'd it out in the Coffee-houfe, That they defignedto flarve one half of the Proteftants ^ and hang the other *, and that it would never be well till this were done. We Were very fenfible that they were in earned, by the event > for no Proteftant could get a bit of Bread, and hardly a drop of Drink in the whole City j Twenty or Thirty Soldiers flood conftantly a- bout every Bakc-houfe, and would not differ a Prote- ftant to come nigh them -, if they fent into the Coun- try, and by Intereft and a great Price, got a Barrel of Wheat from a Popifh Farmer, it was feiz'd as it came to Town ; and though there was Plenty of all things, yet feverai [ Proteftant Families could not get one Loaf of Bread, fometimes in a Week, fometimes in a Fortnight ; there was a general Cry for Bread, and the Proteftants could find no way to come by it, but by buying it from theSoldiers,who told their .Two-pennyLoaves for a Shilling or eighteen Pence - y it was confidently reported,that thePopiihS tore- keepers defign'dtogetalltheCorn in the Kingdom into the King's Stores, and then to let the Proteftants have none out but for Silver and Gold * which they, did in good meafure effecl: > and it is certain before Harveft, they would have ftarved many, and drained all. 10. Some few Proteftants had, under ilielter of a good natur'd Popifh Landlord. or Neighbour, pre- ierved a few Sheep -, as foon as thefe were fhorn, the Commiffioners immediately feiz'd the Wooll, and it was refolv'd to feize their Corn likewife, where they had any, as foon as it was cut and made up. They found it a hard matter to get Copper or Brats to ferve the Mint, there were on this Account feverai Searches made in Town ; and firft the Braziers Shops were pillaged, and then the Citizens Kitchine of their BrafsPots, Skcllets, Boylersj and their Houfes of o- ther if IRELAND, fSc. *S9 ther Brafs Utenfils, even to the Knockers of Doors % hardly one fuch was left in the whole City : Under the pretence of thi« they order'd their Emiffaries to take a private Inventory of whatever they faw in the Poffef- fion of Proteftants, of which they made their ufes as they had becafion, and intended more if their Power had continued. 1 1 . The Deputy-Mayor of Dublin^ Edmund Reify} iflued out an Order, dated Sept. 2,7. i<58p. for regu- lating the Rates of Provifions, Gountry Goods, and Manufa&uries to be fold in the City or Dublin $ in which he took care to fet a very low Rate on fuch Goods as were then moil in the hands of Proteftants, the Rate at which he ordered them to be fold, was not one half of what they generally yielded. When therefore any Papift had a mind to put off his Brafs Money,he went to fome Proteftant Neighbour,whom he knew to have a quantity of thefe Goods, offered him the Mayor's Rate in Brafs, and carried away the Goods by Force. This was pra&ifed even by the Lady lyrconnel) and feveral of their Grandees : But the cafe was otherwife with Papifts, they fold at what Rate they pleafed, not minding the Proclamation j of which Alderman Reily, who iffued it, was an Inftance % He had a quantity of Salt in his hands, and fold it at exceflive Rates, above what he compelled Proteftants to part with theirs $ Complaint was made againft him, and he was indicted at the Tholiel, which is the City Court, that very Term in which the Proclamation came out * upon the Traverfe the Petty-Jury found him guilty, and the Court fin'dhim in an 100/. but all this was only a Blind, for the- Sheriffs fet him at Li- berty on his Parole after he was committed to them: He brought his Writ of Error returnable into the King's- Bench, but the Record was never remov'd nor the Fine levied. And the Confequence was, that nei- ther he nor any Papift took notice of the Order, and yet kept it in its full Force againft Proteftants. 1 1. They faw therefore that it was refolved to leave them j6o The State of the *P rot eft ants them nothing that was eafily to be found i for Sir Tho>* ?nas Hacket had made a Propoial to feize Feather-Beds, and other Furniture of Houfes y alledging that they would be good Commodities in France > upon which the Proteitants thought it the beft way to exchange what Brafs Money they had, into Silver and Gold, and gave zl. 10s. il. 4/. andatlaft fL for a Guinea 5 but even fo 'twas thought too beneficial for them, and to flop it, they procured a Proclamation, dated June 1 f . 1600. whereby it is made Death to give above 1/. iSs. for a Guinea, or tor z Louis cP Or above il. los, &e. The Papiils needed not fear a Proclamation, or the Penalty of it 5 they had Interefl enough to avoid it, and therefore ftill bought up Gold at what mte they pleafed$ but if anyProteftant hadbecri foundTranf- grelling,he muft have expected the utmoft Severity. 1 j. And thus the cafe flood when His Majefty's Victory at the Boyn delivered us y and let any one judge whether we had reafon to be pleafed with the Succefs, and gratefully receive him, that came to reitore to us, not only our Goods and Fortunes, but the very Necef- fariesof Life$ and what Obligations we could have of Fidelity or Allegiance to King James, who treated us plainly as Prifoners of War, and as Enemies not Subje<5t.s,and by defigning and endeavouring ourRuin, declared, in effect, he would govern us no longer , but more exprefly at his going away, freely allowed us to fhift for our felves ; andadvifed thofe about him,both at the Boyn when he quitted the Field, and the next Morning in Council at the Caitle of Dublin, to make the belt Terms they could, and quietly fubmit to the Conqueror, who, he fiid, was a Merciful Prince. S E C T. XII. King James deftroyed the Real as well as the Per final Eftates of his Protefiant Subjects in Ireland . Here remains yet to be fpoken of, a third part of the Property belonging to Proteitants 5 I mean' T ^/IRELAND, fie: 161 in can their real Eftates, and care was effectually ta- ken to diveft them of thefe, as well as of their Perfon- al Fortunes : Their Elrates of Inheritance were either acquir'd before the Year 1 641 . and were call'd Old In- fere/I, or elfe fince that time* arid pafs'd by the Name of New Intereft. The greater part of Eftates belong* ing to Protectants were of this laft fort, and they ftood on this Ground : The Papifls of Ireland (as I have no- ted before) had raifed a mofl Horrid Rebel- lion againft the King, and barbaroufly Mur- chap, IT. thered fome Hundred Thoufands of Prote- &&• 4. ftants in Cold Blood in 1 541 . for which moil: of their Gentry were indicted and outlawed by dud courfeof Law, and corifequently their Efiar.es forfei- ted. The Englifh after a War of twelve Years, re- duced them with vaft Expence of Blood and Treafurei and according to an Aft of Parliament pail ijCar. I. at JVeftminfer, the forfeited Ettates were to be difpo- fedof. When King Charles II. was retfored, he re- stored many of the Papifts, and after two years Deli- beration, and the full hearing of all Parties before him- felf and Council in England, he pafs'd an Aft in a Par- liament held at Dublin commonly call'd, *the del of Settlement^ whereby a general Settlement was made of the Kingdom, and Commiilioners appointed to hear and determine every Man's Claim. After this, upon fome Doubts that arofe, another Aft pafs'd 17 Car. II. commonly call'd, The A& of Explanation j which made a further and final Settlement : Every Prote- £ant made his Claim before the CommifTioners of Claims, and was forced to profecute it at vail E::pen- ces : After this, he got a Certificate from thofe Com- miflloners of what appear'd to belong to him for Arrears, or Debentures j and having retrenched a third part of what was actually fet out to him, and in his Pofleflion, and paid one Years full improv'd value of what remain'd, every Man pafs'd a Patent for it, a certain confidcable yearly Rent, call'd Quit- rent, being referved to the King out of every Acre; M thefc t6z The State of the Trot eft ants thefe two Afts of Parliament at Dublin^ with that and other Ads at JVeftmmjler^ together with a Certi- ficate from the Court of Claims, and Letters Patents from the King, purfuant to the Certificate from the Commiflioners, made up the Title, which two thirds of the Protectants in Ireland had to their Eftates, Thofe Papifts that had forfeited in 1 641 . were com- monly known by the Name of Old Proprietors, who notwith (landing their Outlawries and Forfeitures,and the Afts of Parliament that were againft them, ftill kept up a kind of Claim to their Forfeited Eftates 5 they were ftill fuggefting new Scruples and Doubts ; and either difturbing the Proteftant PolTelTors with Suits, in which by Letters from Court they obtained Favour from fomeof the Judges, or elfe threatning them with an after- reckoning. The Proteftants ear- nestly defired a new Parliament, which might iettle things beyond any Doubt, and cut the Papifts off from their Hopes and Expectations > but King James? when Duke of Tork, had fo great intereft with his Brother King Charles II. that he kept off a Parliament againft all the Solicitations that could be made for it for Twenty four Years, to the no fmall Damage of the Kingdom, on other accounts as well as this 5 and he fo encouraged thofe forfeiting Proprietors, and fo kept them in Heart by countenancing them, that they did not doubt fome time or other to recover their Eftates $ and they often told theEnglim,when heated by Drink or PaiTion,that the time was drawing near, when they would out them of their Eftates and Improvements^- and fend them to Dig or Beg. This Hope kept the I- lifh Idle, and hindred them from applying themfelves to any thing elfe > and they were fo fure of regaining, their forfeited Eftates, that they difpofed of them by "Wills and Settlcments,as if in PolTeftion 5 which Wills and Settlements made by them whilft out of Poffeffi- on, are confirmed by a particular A& made in their late pretended Parliament. 'fti */ IRELAND, &c. 1^3 2. When King James came to the Crown, they Reckoned they had gained their Point, and did not fail to labour it with all poffible Induitryj and no doubt but his Majelly defigned to gratifie them in it, but he did not think fit to let the Protcflants know his Inten- tions j on the contrary, he induitrioufly concealed them: He lent over the Lord Clarendon Lord Lieu- tenant in the Year itfSf. who arrived here January io. he gave him in Charge to declare, that he would preferve the Acts of Settlement and Explanation invio- lable : And accordingly the Lord Clarendon made this Declaration in Council, and further gave it in Charge to all the Judges, who folemnly declared on the Bench in their refpective Circuit*, the King's firm Intentions to preferve thofe Acts, and in them the Proteftant En- glifh Intereft of Ireland. At the fame time Sir Charles Porter was fent over Chancellor or Ireland - y and he likewife had a Command from the King, to allure all his Subjects, that he would preferve thefe Acts as the Magna Chartaoi Ireland - 7 and Sir Charles j at his en- trance on his Office, declared this folemnly on th£ Bench, (as Chancellor FittonaKo after did > and ufed withal, to term it, The Darling of the Nation) and that it was the King's Pleafure to give his Subjects this Af- furance : Thefe kind of Declarations were often re- peated, and gain'd Belief from the credulous Prote- itants, efpecially that made by Sir Charles^ whb behaving himfelf with Courage and Integrity in his Office, went a great way to perl wade them : But the Papiils were nothing daunted at it, they knew that this was only a piece of Policy to lull us aileep, till the Army was modelled, and things fitted for repealing thefe Acts, and then all the Protections to the con- trary would lignifie nothing. The new Attorney General Nagle^ was the fir it that durfc openly propoic the Repealing of them, in his Letter from Coventry^ dated Otlober 16. i68o\ id which he endeavours to fhew fomc Nullities, and Invalidities in the Acts > but M z mainly 16*4 Tbe State of the Trot eft ants mainly infifts on the Inconveniency it would bring to the Popifh Intereft, to have thole A£ts continued. When the Earl of Tyrconnelcimz to the Government things were Riper, and fo King James ventured to difcoverhis Intentions a little further 5 and therefore in the firft Proclamation iffued out by the Lord-De* puty Tyrconndj and dated Feb. 2,1. 1686*. He pro- miled to defend the Laws, Liberties and cftablifh- ed Religion > but upon Debate at the Council- Board, leaves out the Preiervation of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. In Spring 1688. he fends over to England Chief juftice Nugent and Baron Rice to con* cere the Methods of repealing it. That this was their Errand was publickly known, and is confefTed by my Lord Sunderland in his Letter to his Friend in London? dated March 25. i68p. and it we believe him, they bid 40000 /. to gain his Lordfhip to afTift them % but whatever his Lordfhip did with them, it is certain they fucceeded in their Defign (though perhaps a little de- lay 'd in point of time) and agreed on thefeveralSteps,by which they were to bring it to pafs > they knew it was generally difcourfed that they went on thisErrand 5 and it "would have alarm'd the whole Kingdom, if they had own'd their Succefsj they therefore difTembled it, and contrived to have it given out, that the King had rejeded their Propofals, but granted others that were very Beneficial to the Kingdom, the Heads of which they took care to have publifhed. In the mean while they fell on profecuting their Defign according to the Secret Refolutions agreed on, and began immediate- ly to put things in order to have a Parliament that would be fure to anfwer their Intentions 5 they pro- ceeded to finifh the Regulations of Corporations, a- gainft whichGhtofFarranto's had before been ifTiicd, as we have already Shewed > and that things might not ftick in theHoufe of Lords,by reafon of theNumerouf- aefs of the Protcflant Peers and Bifhops, a Lift was drawn up of fuchJPapifts as the King might by Wrk call into the Houie to Out-Yote them; The Sons of fuch ^/IRELAND, fgc. 16? fuch Lords as had been Indi&ed and Out-lawed for th c Rebellion in 1 64 1. had brought Writs of Error t° reverfc their Father's Outlawries, which made them uncapable of Sitting > which was in effect to deilroy the Act of Settlement that was founded on thofe Out- lawries. The Proteflants faw the Confequence of the Reverfingthem, and therefore earneflly oppofed it* but Lord Chief Juflice Nugent, and hie Fellow- Jud- ges over-ruled all Oppofitions that could be made, and revcrfed as many as deiired it - y Some of them, when they had reverfed the Outlawries, askM the Attorney- General whether they might not now Sue for t heir fi- liates : He anfwered,that they fhould have a little Pa- tience '^perhaps they would come more eafily > meaning that when a Parliament fate, it would (by repealing the Ad: pf Settlement) give them their Ellates without a Suit, 3. But many had not Patience to wait the General Reflitution > and therefore as foon as they had Judges and Sheriffs to their mind, they fet up Counterfeit Pcedsj and eafily obtained Verdicts j if the Prote- ctants brought a Writ of Error, yet that did not be- nefit them, nor flop their being outed of PofTeilion > for the Sheriffs, on their own Heads, gave the Old Proprietors PofTefTion, and left the Proteftants to re- cover it, by Injunction out of Chancery, or by Com- mon-Law. ThusDo&or George was outed by Mr. Barnwell of a great Eflate, and many others, not- withllanding their Writs or Error. Some Old Pro- prietors had gotten fome Conditional Orders from the Commiflioners of the Court of Claims, for Eflatesj many of which only enabled them to bring their Acti- on; at Common-Law. Thefe had lain dormant imcQ the fitting of the Court of Claims, which was above Twenty Years •, but now inflead of bringing their Actions into the Court, they carried their old Injunc- tions which they had procured from the Court of Claims, and which they thought not fit in all this time to execute, as knowing legally they could not* yet, I fay, fo long after the Diflblution of the Court which granted them,they carried them to the Sheriffs, M 3 and 1 66 The State of the Trot eft ants and they, without any more ado, put them into PoP- feflion ; whereby they deprived the Subject of the Benefit of thofe Laws that make Fines ievied with Non-claim, a perpetual Bar > and alfo difpofTefs'd and put by, all intermediate Purehafes and Settlements. This was the Bifhopof Afc^'s Cafe, ' whole Father purchafedanEiratein 1636". and both heand the Bi- fhop had continued in Peaceable PofTefHon of it ever fince - y yet he was now outed of it, by an old Injunc- tion from the Court of Claims, granted on a preten- ded Deed of Settlement, made for Portions to the Daughters of the Man that had fold it to the Bifhop's Father: This Deed ought to have been proved at Gommon-Law before he fhould have been difturbed $ but the Popifh Sheriff of the County of Meaih^ one Nangle executed the Injunction on the Biihop, and two other Proteltants, without any fuch Formality $ fome Papifts were as deeply concern'd as they, as hold- ing part of the fame Eftate, but the Sheriff durft not, or would not execute the Injunction on their part, though he did it on that part which was in the Hands of Proteftants* at this rate many Proteitants were outed of their Eftates, and the old Proprietors having gotten PofTefiion, put the Suit and Proof on Prote- itants to recover them - y near a hundred Englifh Gen- tlemen loft confiderable Eitates in lefs than a Year, and the Papifts were in hopes to do their work by their Falfe Oaths, Forged Deeds, Corrupt Judges, and Partial Juries : No one Suit that I could learn, having been determin'd againfl them in either the King's Bench or Exchequer. 4. But this was not the way defign'd by the Gran- dees ; they faw it was like to be Tedi- See the Copy of ous, E^xpenfive, and mud have been in aLcter to King many cafes, InfucceFsful 5 and therefore tUmesgndiif* they were intent on a Parliament > and the 7 & A ppcndiz. tne y ^^ * n ^ S t ^ iat1 U1UC M° ntns fitted K 4. k j 7, fill things for it : So that we ihould in- fallibly have had one next Winter, if of IRELAND, &c. 16? the Clofeted Parliament, dcfign'd to fit at Weflminfler in November 1688. had fucceeded, and the News of the Prince of Or angers intended Defcent into England, had not diverted them > but it was not judged conve- nient to proceed farther in Ireland till the Penal Laws and Teft were removed in England, y. After King James's deferting England, and get- ting into France, which mightily rejoyced them, their great Care was to get him into their own Hands > and they eafily prevailed on him to come into Ireland^ where he landed at Kinfale March 1 1. 1 688 .and made his entry into Dublin on Palm-Sunday, March 24. Upon his coming into Dublin, every Body was intent to fee what he would do, in relation to the Affairs of Ireland-, it was manifestly againft his Interett to call a Parlia- ment, and much more unfeafonable to pais fuch Acts in it, as he knew the Papiits expected. 6. For Firft jThe Kingdom was not intirely in Obe- dience to him, Londonderry, Enniskillin, and a great .part of the North being then unreduced > which gave occafion to many, even of his own Party to ridicule him and his Councils, who, fo contrary to his Intereft, had called a Parliament to fpend their time in wrang- ling about Settling the Kingdom, and diipofing Ef- tates, before they had reduced it. But had they, in- stead of Palling iuch Afts as made them odious to all Good Men, applied themfelves to the Siege of Derry, it is like it had been reduced before the Succours came, and then all Irelandhxd been their own, and no Body can tell what might have been the Confequence of it. 7. Secondly, It a little reflected on King James's Sin- cerity, who in his Anfwcrto the Petition of the Lords for a Parlia- How is it podlblc a ment in England, preiented Nov. Parliament mould be j 7 . 1688. gave it as one Reafon J wc ^? ft 9^ why he could not comply, became niy lz j u t h c King- it was impoiTible, w hi lit part of dom. the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands, to have a Free Parliament: The fame Tmpof- M 4 fibiUtj 1 68 The State of the Trot eft ants Ability lay on him againft holding a Parliament in In- land) at his coming to Dublin) if that had been the true Reafon * and his not ading uniformly to it, plain- ly diicovercd, that tfie True Reafon why he would not hold a Parliament in England) and yet held one in Ire- land) under the lame Cir cum fiances, was not the pre- tended In: poffibility, but becaufe the Englifh Parlia- ment would have fecured the Liberties and Religion of the Kingdom, whereas he was fure the Irifh Parlia- ment would fubvert them. 8. Thirdly) His Compliance with all the moft Extra- vagant Propofals of thePapifts in Ireland) Was una- voidable if he caird a Parliament 5 and to comply with them, was to do fo palpable and inexcufable Injuftice to the Proteflants and Englifh Intereft'of Ireland) that he could not expect but that he fhould loie the Hearts of thofe Proteflants in England md Scotland who were indifferent or well affected to him before, as foon as they were fully inform'd of what he had done in Ire- land 3 and to lofe their Affiftance, was to lofc the fai- reft Hopes he Could have of recovering his Crown. p. Fourthly) By holding a Parliament, he manifeft- ly weakened his Forces in Ireland; for the Papifts, whom he was to reflore to their Eftates, were molt o\ them poor insignificant People, not able or capable to do him Service -> for the Richer fort of Papiitswerc either diioblig'd by it (being lofers as well as the Prote- ctants; or elfe under a neceflity to neglect the King's Service, and fpend their time to make Intereft to le- cure themfelves of Reprizals, for what they loft by the Parliament. 10. Fifthly )Vit ftrengthened and united his Enemies, by rendering all the Proteflants, that were not under his Power, Defperate > and by convincing the reft or* the Neceffity of joyning with them as faftasthey could > fince no other Choice was left them, but ei- ther to do this or to be ruined. 11. Al] thefe Rcaibns lay before the King againft casing a Parliament 3 and made it inanifeitly unieaion- ' • able <>/ 1 RE LAND, tSc. t4 9 able to do it now, however bent to comply with the long and earned Sollicitations of the Irifh, as we fee inNagle's Coventryhctter^nd the twoPapers in the Ap- pendix. But contrary to all the Rules of Intereft and true Policy, he was refolv'd to gratifie them j for which we were able to give no other reafon, but the Refolution afcrib'd to him in the Liege Letter, either to dye a Martyr ', or to eftablijh Popery ; and therefore he ifliied out a Proclamation for a Parliament, to fit May 7. 1688. at Dublin. The Proclamation was dated March 2f . the next day after he came to Dublin^ but was not publifhed till April z. it was faid to be anteda- ted four days, but of that I can fay nothing. i 1. Every Body forefaw what a kind or Parliament this would be, and what was like to be done in it. Our Conftitution lodges the Legiflative Power in the King, Lords and Commons, and each of thele is a Check on the other, that if any one of them attempt a Thing prejudicial to the Kingdom, the other may op- pofe and flop it,but our Enemies had made all theie for their Purpofe, and therefore no Law could fignifie any thing to oppofe them, it being in their Power to re- move any Law when they pleafed by repealing it. The King was their own, both inclined of himfelf, and eafie to be prevail'd on by them, to do what they would have him : So that we could promife our felves no help from his Negative Vote. 13. The Houfe of Lords, if regularly afTembled, Jiad confided for the moll; part of Proteftant.s, and might have been a Check to the King's Intentions of taking away our Laws in a legal Method, there being, if we reckon the Bifhops, about Ninety Protectant Lords to Forty five Papilts, taking in the new Crea^ tions and attainted Lords. But, fir ft ^ To remove this Obftacle, care had been taken to reverfe the Outlaw- ries of the Popifh Lords, in order to capacitate them to fit in the Houfe. 2. New Creations were made, Sir Alexander Fitton* the Chancellor, was made Ba- ron xjo The State of the T rot ejl ants ron of Go/worthy Thomas Nugent^ theJChief Jufticei Baron of: Riverftozvn •> Juftin McCarty^ Vifcount Mount caflwl , Sir Vaknt'me Brown^ Vifcount Kenmare : A Lift was made of more to be call'd into the Houfe, if there were occafion. 3. They had fe- vcral Popifh Titular Biihops in the Kingdom, and it was not doubted, but if neceifity required, thofe would be call'd by Writs into the Houfe. 4. It was eaile to call the eldell: Sons of Noblemen into the Par- liament by W rit, which would not augment the No^ bility, and yet fill the Houfe. But there were already fufficient to over- vote the Proteftants, for there re- mained of about Sixty nine ProteftantTemporalLords, only four or five in Ireland 'to fit in the Houfe, and of Twenty two Spiritual Lords, only feven left in the Kingdom ; of which Dr. Michael Boyle^ Arch-bi- fhop of Ardmaghy Dr. Hugh Gore^ Biihop of Water- ferd 9 Dr. Roan^ Biihop of Killaloo^ were e>;cufed, on account of Age and Sicknefs. The other four were Dr. Anthony Dopping) biihop of Meath- y Dr. Thomas Otlway y Bifhop of OJfory y Dr. Simon JDigby 9 Bi- ihop of Limerick 3 and Dr. Edward Wettenhal^ Bi- ihop of Cork and Rofs 9 thefe were oblig'd to appear upon their Writs directed to them, and King James was forced fometimes to makeufeof them to mode- rate, by way of Counterpoife, the Madnefs of his own Party, when their Votes difpleas'd him : But in the general,they protefted againft mod of theAc~ts,and entered their diiTent. It is obfervable, that all thefe Acts of this pretended Parliament, are faid to be by the Ad- vice and Confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, whereas not one Spiritual Lord contented to many of them, but on the contrary, unanimoufly protefted a- gainft them, and at pafiing the Act of Attainder, of which more hereafter, they were nor fc much as pre- fent. They complain'dof this, but were refus'd re- drefs, and the exprefs mention of their confent con- tinued : Of Thirty ieven Papiit Lords,thereappear'd, bclides the new created Lords, Twenty four at times j of which Fifteen were under Attainders by Indict- ments ^/IRELAND, ftf. W ments and Outlawries , two or three were under Age j and there remained only Six or Seven capable of Sitting and Acting. Chancellor Fitton^ now Baron of GoJ- *worth) was Speaker of the Houfe o\ Lords. King James was prefent constantly in the Houfe, and direct- ed them not only jn their Debates, but likewife in their Forms and Ceremonies > hardly one in either Houfe having ever Sate in a Parliament before. 14. I he Houfe of Commons makes the Third E- ftate in Parliament, and 'tis by them that the People have a more immediate Intereft in theLegiilative Pow- er y the Members of this Houfe being fuc has are re- turn'd by the Peoples Free Election ; which is look'd on as the Fundamental Security of the Lives 3 Liber- ties and Properties of the Subject. Thefe Members of the Hcule of Commons are Elected either by the Free-holders of Counties, or the Freemen of Corpo- rations : And I have already fhew'd, how King James wreited theie out of the Hands of Proteitants, and put them into PopiiTi Hands, in the new Conltitution of Corporations, by which the Freemen and Free- holders of Cities or Boroughs, to whom the Election of BurgeiTes originally belongs, are excluded, and the Election put into the Hands or a fmall number of Men named by the King, and removable at his Plea- fure. The Protectant Free-holders, if they had been in the Kingdom, were much more than the Papilt Free- holders, but now being gone, tho' many Counties could not make a Jury, as appeared at the in- tended Tryal of Mr. Price ^ and other Proteitants at fVickloiVy who could not be tryed for want of Free- holders, yet notwith (landing the Paucity of thefe, they made a (hi ft to return Knights of the Shire, The common way of Election was thus, The Earl of Tyr- comely together with the Writ for Election, common- ly fent a Letter, recommending the Perfons he deilgn'd ihould be chofen , the Sheriff or Mayor being his Creature, on receipt of this, call'd lb many of the Freeholders of a County, or BurgeiTes of a Corpora- tion^, together, as he thought fit, and, without any noife. I jz The State of the 7? rot eft ants noife, made the Return : It was eafie to do this in Bo? roughs, becaufe, by their new Charters, the Electors were not above Twelve or Thirteen, and in the grea- teil Cities but 24 5 and commonly not half of thefe on the place. The method of the Sheriffs proceeding was the fame 5 the number of Popifh Freeholders be- ing very fmall, fometimes not a Dozen in a County, it was eafie to give Notice to them to appear, fothat the Protellants either did not know of the Election, ©r durfl not appear at it. By thefe means the preten- ded Parliament confifled of the mofl Bigotted Papifls, and of fuch as were moll deeply interefted to deltroy the Proteilant Religion and Proteftants of Ireland .One Gerrard Dillm Serjeant at Law, a moft furious Papifl, was Recorder of Dublin, and he flood to be chofen one of the Burgefies for the City, but could not pre- vail, becaufe he had purchafed aconfiderafoleEilate tinder the A 61 of Settlement, and they fear'd left this might engage him to defend it. Several Corporations had no Reprefentativcs, either becaufe they were in the Enemies hands r or elfe becaufe the Perfons named bv the Charter for Ekc^fers, werefo far remote, thas they could net come in fuch Numbers as to fecure the Elections for Papifls againfl the few Protellants that were left flill in the Charters, and who lived generally ©n the place. I have mark'd the Boroughs and Coun- ties that had no Reprelentatives, in Atfcnd. n. 2j. number about Twenty nine, few Pro- teflantscould be prevail'd with to Hand, tho* they might have been chofen, becaufe they fore- faw no pofiibility of doing good, and thought it un- iafe to fit in a Parliament, which they judged in their Confcience illegal, and purpofely defign'd for mifchief to them and their Religion - 9 however it was thought convenient that fome mould be in it, to obferve how things went -, and with much perfwafion and Intreaty, Sir John Mead, and Mr.: Jofeph Coghlan Counfellors at Law, were prevail'd on to Hand for the Univerfity of Dublin*, the Univerfity muft chufefc and it could not ftand ^/IRELAND, W: 173 ftand with their Honour to chufe Papifts,and therefore they pitch'd on thcfe two Gentlemen, who were hard- ly brought to accept of it, as thinking it fcandalous to be in fo ill Company j and they could not prevail with themfelves to fit out the whole Seffion, but with- drew before the Aft of Attainder came to be conclu- ded, not enduring to be prefent at the patting of that and fome other Barbarous A&s 3 againft which they found their Votes flgni'fied nothing while they ftaid. There were four more Protectants retum'd, or whofc Behaviour I can give no account, or how they came to be retum'd : The generality of the Houfes confid- ed of the Sons and Defcendents of the forfeiting- Perfons in 1641. Men that had no Freeholds or Eftates in the Kingdom, but were purpofely elected to make themfelves Eftates by taking them away from Protectants. if. Now whilft the power of making and repeal- ing Laws Was in fuch hands, what Security could Pro- teltants promife themfelves from any Laws, or what probability was there that any Laws already made in their favour would be continued ? Efpecialiyif we con fider further, that this Parlia- ment openly profefs'd it feif a Slave to the King's Will, and he was look'd on as Factiouily and Rebel- lioufly inclin'd, that would dare to move any thing af- ter any Favourite in the Houle had affif m'd that it was Contrary to the King's Pleafure. Several Bills were begun in the Houfe or Commons y one for erecting an Inns of Court j another for repealing an Act com- monly called Poimng's Act> which requires that alt A£ts mould be perufed by the King and Council of England before they be offer'd to be pafs'd by the Par- liament of Ireland; but King James iigmfted his Dif- fatisfaction to thefe Bills, and for that reafon they and feveral others were let fall * tho' the Iriilv had talk'd much and earneftly defir'd the repeal of Poining's Act, it being the greater!: Sign and means or their Subjecti- on to England : There was a doubt made in the Houfe con. 174 Tbe State of the Troteftnxts concerning the Earl of Strafford, whether he fhoulc! be attainted for Eitate and Life 3 feveral moved in his behalfj but it was carried again it him upon this Evi- dence 3 Colonel Simon Luttrell affirmed in the Houfe, That he had heard the King fay fome hard things of him: The King's pleafure therefore was the Law, to which we were to truft for our Lives and Fortunes, our Ene- mies having entirely engrofs'd the power of making and repealing Laws, and devolved it on the King's pleafure 3 the very Proteftant Lords and Bimops be- ing denied their Privilege of entring their Protefta- tions againft fuch Votes as they conceiv'd deftruclive to the Kingdom : The King told them, That Prote- ctions againft Votes were only ufed in Rebellious times, and with much ado they were allowed to enter their Diilent 3 tho' after that was allowed them, the Clerk of the Parliament, one Poleivheele, a Nephew of Chancellor Fitton's y ihifted them ofr^ and did not enter their DifTent to iome Votes, tho' often follici- ted and prefs'd to do it, according to the Orders of the Houfe. I6\ When King James had labour' d as much as in him lay, to get a Parliament that would repeal the Pe- nal Laws and Teft in England^ and open the Houfes to Papifts, he found at laft that the great Ob ftacle that rendered the Kingdom fo averfe to this, was the ge- neral Fear and Apprehenfion, that theLegiflative Au- thority would be engrofs'd by them, and turn'd againft Proteftants 3 this was fo obvious and rcafonable a Sur- mife, that he knew there was no hopes that the People would fide with him againft their prefent Majefties, if fomething were not done to fatisfie them 3 and there- fore to remove this fear, he publifhed his Proclamati- on dated Sept. 2,0. 1688. wherein he declares himfelf willing that Roman Catholicks fhould remain inca- able to be Members of the Houfe of Commons 3 if the Proteftants of England had icafon to apprehend, that Papifts would engrofs the Legiflative Authority in England^ and from the Example of Queen Marf% Hou' 1 'c of IRELAND, &r. tyf Houfe of Commons, to dread fuch Lawgivers, how*" much more reafon had the Proteftants of Ireland to dread that Power, when entirely engrofTed by their mod: inveterate Popifh Enemies, whofe Intereft, as well as Religion, obliged them todiveftallthofethat profefs'd the Reform'd Religion, not only of the Fa- vour, but likewife of the Benefits of Law ? 17. They fate from the feventh of May, till the twentieth of July following, and in that ihort time entirely deftroy'd the Settlement of Ireland^ and out- ed both the Proteftant Clergy and Laity or their Free- holds and Inheritances.lt is not to be expected I mould give an Account of all their Acts 5 that which con- cerns this prefent Section, is to fhew how they de- ftroy'd the Proteftants real Eftates. 1. And that was firftby an Act of Repeal, where* by they took away the Acts of Settlement and Expla- nation ; by virtue of which (as I have already fhew'd) two Thirds of the Proteftants of the Kingdom held their Eftates, that is, all that which is calPd New In- tereft, was loft by this Repeal > there is no Confide* ration had in it, how any Man came to his Eftatej but tho' he purchafed it at ever fo dear a Rate, he mult lofe it, and it is to be reftor'd (without Exception) to the Proprietor or his Defcendent that had it before, Ottoberzz. 1641. upon what Account foever he loft it 5 tho' they themfelves did not deny but many de- fer v'd to lofe their Eftates - y even Sir Phelim Nc*T% Son, the great Murderer and Rebel, was reftor'd. 2. In order to make a final Extirpation of Prote- ftants, they contrive and pa s an Act of Attainder, by which all Proteftants, whofe Names they could find, of all Ages, Sexes and Degrees, are attainted of high Treafon, and their Eftates vefted in the King -, the Pretence of this Attainder, was their being out of the Kingdom at the time of pafiing the Act, as mall be ihewn in the next Section. 3. Left fome mould be forgotten of thofe that Vereabfent, and not put into the Bill oi Attainder, they 176 The State of the TroteJUnts they contriv'd a general Claufe in the Aft of Repeal^ whereby the real Eftates of all who dwelt or ft aid in my Place of the three Kingdoms, which did not own King James'j Power, or correfponded wish any fuch as they term Rebels, or were any ways aiding, abetting or affifting to them from the fir ft day of Auguft 1688. are declared to be forfeited and vefied in his Majefiy, and that without any Office or Inquifition found thereof : By which Claufe almoft every Proteftant that could write in the King- dom, had forfeited his Eflate ' x for the Pacquets went from London to Dublin, and back again, conftantly from Augaft to March 1688. and few had Friends in England, or in the North, but correfponded with th«m by Letters, and every fuch Letter is made by this Claufe a Forfeiture of Eftate. They had intercepted and fearch'd every Pacquet that went or came, the lat- ter part of this Time, and kept vail Heaps of Letters, which were of no Confequence at all to the Govern- ment 5 we wondered what the meaning of their do* ing fo fhould be, but by this Parliament We came to iinderftand it, for now thefe Letters were produced as Evidences in the Houfe of Commons, againft thofe that appear'd in behalf of their abfent Friends, or opposM the attainting of fuch Proteftants as they had fome Kind nefs for > and they were further reierv'd to prove a Correfpondence againft. the few Eftated Men that were in the Kingdom. Laffly, it was the End of September 1688. before we heard any thing of the Prince of Orange's Defign to make a Defcent into Eng- land, and yet to have been in England or Scotland 'any time in the Month before, or to have correfpondea with any there, h made Forfeiture of Eftate by the Letter of this Statute. 4. Left the Children and Dependents of the Pro- teitants thus attainted, who had Eftates before 1 641. fhould come in and claim them after the Death of the attainted Perfon, by Virtue of Settlements made on valuable Considerations, and upon Marriages, all* fuch Remainders and Reverfions are cut offy for there i* of IRELAND, f£c. 177 is an exprefs Exception to all Remainders on fuch a? are commonly caird Plantation- Lands, and like wife to fuch Lands, &c. as are held by Grants from Jk# Crown , or upon Grants by Commijfi oners upon defeftlie Titles : It were too tedious to explain theie ieverat Kinds of Tenures > it is fufficient to let the Reader know, that they comprehend all thofe Eftates which* were acquir'd by Proteftants before the Year itiqti Thus then the Cafe flood with the Proteftants ; if they purchafed or acquired their Eftates fince the Year 1641. out of any of the Lands then forfeited, they were to lofe them, whether guilty or innocent, by the Aft of Repealj if their Eftates were fuch as be- longed to Proteftants before 1641. and confequently were what we call Old Intereft, then to have been iti England or Scotland, or to have correfponded with any of their Friends there, or in the North fince Auguft 1. 1688. was a Forfeiture of Eftate, and a Bar for their Remainders for ever, tho' the Heirs had done* nothing to diveft themfelves of the Eftates derived xA them by legal Settlements on valuable Confederations. And here the Partiality of this Parliament is vifible^ for there is a faving in the Aft for all fuch Remainders as they thought might relate to any Papift •, whereas all the Remainders in which they did imagine Prote- ftants could be concern'd, are bar'd. f. There is indeed a Promifeof reprifingPurcha- fers in the Aft of Repeal, which was put in to quali- fie the manifeft Injuftice of it$ and to fatisfie the Cla- mours of feveral amongft themfelves, who were to lofe their Eftates by it, as having purchafed New In- terefted Land : But leaft any Proteftanr, who ftaid in the Kingdom, fhould hope for Benefit by this Qaule, or be repriz'd for the Lands he had purchafed, per- haps from a Papift, they contrive a Ciaufe in the latter End of the Aft Whereby the King is enabled to grati fie Meriting Per fins, and to order the Commijfioners to fit forth Reprizals, and hkewife to appoint and af cert am where and what Lands fhould be fet out to them : By N which 1 7.8 The State of the "Proteftants which the Proteftants were excluded from all Hope$ of Reprisals, fortobefurc were any of them put in for a Piece of Land, there would never want a merit- ing Papift to put in for the fame - y and when it was left intirely toKing James^ which he would prefer of thole two, let the World judge what Hope any Proteftant could have of a Repriial. Thus when Sir Thomas Newcomen put in Propofals for a Cuftodiam in order to ^Repriial, Mr. Robert Longfidd a Convert^ and Clerk of the Quit-rents and Abfcntees Goods, is (aid to have put his own Name to Sir Thomas** Propofal, and to have got the Cuftodiam for himfelf. 6*. Laftly, fome might think, that tho' near jooo Proteftants were attainted, and the Eftates of all the reft in a manner vefted in the King, yet this was only done in terrorem^ and that King James never meant to rake the Forfeiture. To this I anfwer, That it was not left in his Power to pardon any that was attainted, or whofe Eftate was vefted in him by this Act 5 this was (if we believe his Majefty) more than he knew when hepafs'd it, and was one Reafori why the Ac^ of Attainder was made fo great a Secret, that no Co- py could be gotten of it by any Proteftant, till the Eafter after it was pafs'd, arid then k was gotten by a meer Accident. We had from the Beginning la- bour'd to get ir, and offer'd largely for a Copy, bus could not by any Means prevail $ Chancellor Fit ton keeping the Rolls lock'd up in his Clofet, till at lafta Gentleman procured it by a Stratagem^ which was thus, Sir Thomas Southwel had been condemned for High Treafon againft King James*, amongft other Gentlemen it G always in March 1688. and attainted in the Ad of Attainder alfo* he continued a Prifoner till my Lord Seaforth became acquainted with him ; my Lord undertook to reconcile him to the King, and to get his Pardon > King James promised it on the Fan's Application, and order was given to draw up a Warrant for it. The Gentleman I mentioned being a Lawyer, and an Acquaintance of Sir Thomas's was em- o/IRELAND, ®c. 379 employ M to draw it up \ he immediately apprehended this to be a good Opportunity to get a Copy of the Act of Attainder, which he had labour' d for in vain before*, and which was kept from us by fo much In- justice : He told the Earl therefore, and S\x Thomas (what was the realTruth) that he could not draw up an effectual Pardon, except he law the Act that Attaint- ed him . Hereupon the Earl obtain'd an exprefs Order from the King^ to have a Copy deliver'd to him. This I believe was the only Copy taken of it after it was in- roll'dj it was taken for the Uic of aPapiff, and was lent to the Earl, who was permitted to fhew it to his Lawyer) and accordingly left it with him only one Day, who immediately imploy'd fcvcral Perfons to copy it, and the Copy was lent by the firfl Opportu- nity into England. The Lift of the Names of thofe that were attainted, had been obtained the January before, with Difficulty j the Commiffioners in the Cuftom-Houfe, who feiz'd Abfentees Goods, and fen their Eftates, could not do their Work without fucli a Lilt 5 and that which was printed in England ^ with fomeof the Acts of our Irijlj Parliament, was copied from thence, but the Act it fclf Could not then be procured, and therefore was not printed with them. When the Lawyer had drawn up the Warrant for Sir Thomas's Pardon, with a full Non Ob ft ante to the Act of Attainder, the Earl brought it to the Attorney- General, Sir Richard Naggle, to have aFiantdrawn; the Attorney read it, and with Indignation threw it afidej the Earl began to expostulate with him for uflng the King's Warrant at that rate. The Attor- ney told him, That the King did not know what he had done^ that he had attempted to do a thing that was not in his Power to do, that if the Earl under- stood our Laws, or had fcen the Act of Attainder, he- would be fatisfled that the King could not difpenfe with it : My Lord anfwered, That he undcrltood Senfe and Reafon, and that he was not a Stranger to the Act of Attainder. Sir Richard would not believe N i him 180 The State of the T rot efl ants him till he fhewed the Copy, which much furpriz'd Sir Richard-, he began to enquire how his Lordlhip came by it, and intimated that the Keepers of the Rolls were treacherous, in letting any one fee it, much, more in letting a Copy of it go abroad. HisLord- fhip, with good Reafon, exprefs'd his Admiration, that an Act of Parliament fhould be made a Secret > and the Laws, upon the Obfervation of which, the Lives and Fortunes of fo many Men depended, fhould be concealed with fo much Care from them : At lait the Attorney told him, That he himielf would draw up a Warrant for Sir Thomas Southwell's Pardon, that fhould do hisBufinefs, and get the King to figa it : But the Earl refuted to accept his Offer, unlcfs hb Lawyer might firil perufe it $ which being granted, the Lawyer, upon perufal, found it to be fuch as would not hold in Law, and intended only to delude him. The Earl made new Application to King James? and Sir Richard being lent for, the King ask'd: him why he did not prepare a Fiant for Sir Thomas South- weirs Pardon, according to the Warrant-lent: to him : He anfwered, That his Maiefty could not grant fuch a Pardon y That his Majefty was only a Truftee for forfeited Eirates$ and could not diipenfe with the Act i That by an cxprefs Claufe in it, all Pardons that fhould be granted were declared void. The King in ibme Pafiion told him, That he hoped they did not intend to retrench bis Prerogative : Sir Richard repli- ed, That his Majefty had read the Act before he pafs'ct it : The King anfwered, he had bttray'd him •, that he depended on rum for drawing the Act, and if he had drawn it io that there was no room for difpenfing and pardoning, he had been falfe to him, or Words to that effect. Thus the Matter ended, . and Sir Tho- mas went into Scotland with my Lord Seaforth* with- out being able to obtain his Pardon for Eftate or Life, the Act voiding any Pardon granted to any attainted by it after Nov. 1. 16&2; or not enrolled before the lait Day of that Month. 18. And of IRELAND, &c. 181 1 8. And now I doubt not but the Reader, f*>m this Story which is literally true, will obferve firfl the Juggling of the Popiih Lawyers with King James., and will pity a Prince who gave himfelf up to fuch falfe and double dealing Counfellors, when an Adr. of Parliament is made againft a Papift, then it is no lefs than Trcafon to queftion the King's pardoning and difpenfing Power j but when an Ad bears hard on a Proteftant, and the King has a mind to cafe him, then the King has no Power to dilpenlc, he cannot grant a Pardon tho' he earoeftly defire it : From whence we may fee, that the difpenfing Power was only fet up to ihelter Papifts from the Laws, and ruin Protectants $ and that Papifts, in their Hearts, are as much agai-nit itasProteftafits. 2. We may obferve what fair Juftice was defign'd for Proteftants j a Law was made to turn near 3000 out of their Ellates, and to take away their Lives if they did not come in againft a certain Day ; And yet the Law that fubje&ed them to this Penalty was made a Secret> and they not furTer'd to know one Word of it, till the Time allow'd them to come in was pad at leaft three Months > but there was an Intrigue in this, they knew they had a Party in England, who were to face down the World, that there was no fuch Acts made % a Party that were to reprefent it as a Sham and Contrivance of King Jameses Enemies to make hint odious j and the great Argument they were to urge to prove it, mull: be to alledge, Where is the Act . ? Why doth it not appear ? If there were arty fuch A 6b, would not the People that came fo often from Ireland, and tell fuch frightful Stories, have brought it with them ? This is the Part the Favourers of King James were to a£bin England and Scotland, and this is theReafon the Acl: was fo long kept fecret. J. We may obferve the Folly of thofe Men who were attainted in this Ad themfelvcs, and yet flatter themfelves with the Hopes of living happily and en- joying their Eftates, nay, and getting Preferment N 3 under 1 8 2, , The State of the Trotejiants under King James when reftqr'd to his Kingdoms : Thefe Men do not confider that this Act would be re* itor'd, together with him, and that then it is not in his Power to do this for them > that if they expect any fuch Thing, they mull be obliged to an Irijh Po- piih Parliament lor it, and he is much a Stranger to Ireland^ that knows not what Mercy an Englifhyiaq and a Protectant is to expect from them, efpecially when they can give him nothing but what is taken from one of themlelves. Till therefore the Papifts of Irelandbccomc fo good natur'd as to give away, by their own voluntary Act, their Eftates (of which they were in aftual Pofleffion) to Protectants, it is the great- est Folly in the World, for any Protectant to think of enjoying any ECtate in Ireland. 4. For 'tis obfervable that the Protectants ECtates were not only given away by this Act of Attainder, but the Papiits were likewife in PoCTeffion of them by the following Means; The Act of Repeal was to be executed by Commiffioners appointed by the King, who were to determine the Claims of the Proprietors, or Heirs to the Proprietors of the refpective ECtates, Otloberzi. 1641. and give Injunctions to the Sheriff %o them in PoCTeffion. In the mean time the Prote- itants were to keep their PoCTeffion till the firit of May 169Q. and to pay Rent to the Popifli Proprietors, The lame Commiffioners were to fet out Reprizals to Reprizable Perfons : But notwithitanding this, no fuch Commiffioners ever fatej the Protectants were generally outed, and the Papifts poCTefs'd both of their old Eltaies, and likewife of the ECtates of Prote- itants j they compafs'd this by feveral Stratagtms. 1 p. Wherever the Protectants had fet their Landi to p apift Tenants, thofe Tenants forfook their Pro- tectant Landlords, and became Tenants to the pre- tended Popifh Proprietors : Several Protectants com- plained in Chancery of this, as contrary to the Act, wtych allowed them to keep Poffeffion tiWAIay 1690, which not being yet come, nor any Commiffioners >g beiiv ^/IRELAND, &c. 183 being yet appointee} to execute the Aft, they mov'd for an Injunction to quit their PofTeffions - y but the Chancellor anfwer'd, That this did not concern Land- lords, that fet their Lands, but only fuch as occupied Farms themfelves 5 and that the Parliament had grant- ed that Indulgence to them, only that they might have time to difpofc of their Stocks, which not being their Cafe who had Tenants, they mult go to com- mon Law, and try their Titles \ by this means moil of the old Popifh Proprietors got into their Eftates. Nay, they not only outed the Landlords of their fi- fties, but even the Proteftant Tenants of their Lea- fes, made in confederation of a valuable referv'd Rent, though this was pofitively againlt the Intent of the Aft, which confirmed fuch Leafes, and only gave the referved Rent to the reftor'd Proprietor. 1. But they found a way to elude this by another Claufe in the fame Aft, which orders the Manfion Houie and De- meafnes of the Proprietor or his Afligncein 1641. to be reftor'd, and the Leafes made of fuch to be void. Now they never wanted an Affidavit to prove any be- neficial Farm or good Houfe, they found in the Hands of a Protectant, to have been Demcafnes, and a Man- fion Houfe 5 and then the Lieutenants of the Coun- ties put them in Pofleflion. 3 . The fame Lieutenants bad an Order from Albavilk^ Secretary of State, to turn all Proteltants out of their Houfes, if they judged them, to be Houfes or any Strength, and to garrifon them with Papiits : We could never procure any Copy of this Order from the Office, though they own'd there was fuch an Order, and we found the Ef- iefts of it 5 the Reafons of concealing it I fuppofe were the fame with concealing the Aft of Atrainder. The Defign of the Order was to turn out the few Proteftant Gentlemen that liv'd on their ancient fi- xates, and had neither forfeited them by the Aft of Attainder, nor loft them by the Aft or Repeal 5 it was left to the Difcretion of the Lieutenant of the £ountywhom they would turn out* and they afted N 4 according 184 The State of the Trotejlants according to their Inclinations, and turn'd out almoft every body •, and 'twas with great Difficulty andlnte- reit, that any procured to be eafed of this Trouble. I have given a Copy of Tome of their Appendix N. 24. Orders in the Appendix. In fhort, the Soldiers or Militia took PoiTeiTv- ons of fuch Gentlemens Houfcs as durft venture to live in the Country, and they themfelves were lent to Jail •> and had King James got the better, they mult never have expe&ed to have gotten PoiTeffion of their Houfes, or been releas'd of their Confinement, till they hud gone to Execution -, for though they had been very cautious how they conversed , yet there would not have wanted Witnefles to prove they had correfponded with fome body in England ox Scotland) lmcetheFirftof Auguft^ i<588. and then their Eftates were forfeited. The Gentlemen thus ufed were very ienfibie of one Inconveniency that; befel them on this Account > it troubled them, more than r.heir Con- iinement, to fee their Houfes and Improvements de^ ftroy'd: For when the Soldiers got into the Houfes, under pretence of garrifoning them, they fometimes burnt them, and always fpoil'd the Improvements. As for the Eftates of Abfentees, theCommiffioncrs of the Revenue difpos'd of them, and hardly one E- itate in Ireland but was already promis'd to fome Fa- vourite Papift or other, who by Leafes from the Com- miflioners were in aftual PoiTeffion of them through the whole Kingdom, as far as King James's Authori- ty was owned. io. It may be imagined by fome, that King James did not know that the repealing the Acts or Settle- ment and Explanation was of fuch mifchievous Con- fequence to Protectants, and that the Proteftants were . wanting to themfelves and him in not giving him due Information. But thefe Perfons will find themfelves miftaken in their Surmifes, if they confider. 1. That King James^ when Duke of Tork^ was prefent at all the Debates concerning thetheSettle- Um " ' ment 0/IRELAND, tSc. 185 ment of Ireland at the Council Board in England, and was one of the Council, whenthofe Acts of Settle- ment and Explanation pad it> he had heard every Claufe in them debated for near two Years : and from time to time he had perfect Information, and was con- tinually follicited about them,having a fairEitate inlre- land fettled on him by them containing by cftimation 108000 Acres, r,o the Value of 10m. Pounds per An- num \ and perhaps there was not any thing he under- flood better relating to the Affairs of his Kingdoms, than the Confequence of thefe Acl:s. We havefeen before how many Promifes and Aflurances King James had given tor maintaining them \ as well knowing the Importance of them to this Kingdom. But notwith- standing this, he of his own Accord was the firft that motioned the repealing of them, in his Speech at the opening the Parliament in Dublin. z. The Proteftants preft, and earneftly follicited to be heard at the Bar of the Lords Houfe upon the Sub- ject of thofe Acts that they might mew the reafonable- nefsof them, and demonflrate the Injufticeand Mif- chief of repealing them, but were deny'd to be heard j and an Order made, that nothing mould be offered in their Favour. l£ therefore King James wanted Information, it was becaufe he would not re- ceive it. }. The Bifliop of Meath, fo far as was allowed him, laid open the Confequences of re- pealing thefe Acts fo fully, in his see Appendix*?. 23. Speech which he made in the Houle of Lords, when he voted againft the Act of Repeal, that no Man who heard him as his Majeify did, could pretend to want Information. 4. The Proteftants were fo far from being filent, or letting things pafs without Oppofition, that they la- boured every Point with all imaginable Induilry, and ufed all the Induftry they could with King James, to inform and perfwade him j and when they could not gain one Point, they, Ituck at the next, and endea- vour'd i H The State of the Trotefiants vour'd to gain it, till he had deliberately over-ml'd their Reaions and Pleas from Point to Point j and this they did to make his Defigns againft them the more undeniably plain ; not out of any hope of Succefs, or expectation to prevail with him -, for they knew their appearing for a thing in the Parliament was enough to damn it, of which they had many Experiments. One was fo remarkable, that I fliall mention it, Mr. Coghlan had a mind to procure a Favour for a Friend from the Houfeof Commons, whereof he was a Member 5 he knew ir he mentioned it, it would mifcarry, and therefore he got a Papift to propofe it ; the Houfe feem'd averfe to it, and he, for Experiment's fake, rofe up, and with iome feeming warmnefs oppos'd it 5, immediately the Houfe took the Alarm, and, in oppo- sition to him, voted it. They knew likewife, that it was determined to deilroy them 5 and gratifie their E- nemies j and that the reafon why they were not al- lowed to debate the main Point, the Juftice and Rea- fonablenefs of the Ads of Settlement and Explanati- on, was becaufe that could not be done, without Shewing what Traitors and Murderers the Papifts had been, whom King James was then about to gratifie \ a Thing which he would by no means endure to hear. f . The Reafon therefore why: the Protectants made fo vigorous an Oppofition a and plyed the King and his pretended Parliament with fo many Petitions, Repre,- ientations and Interceffions, was to flop the Mouths of thofe that they forefaw would be apt to impute their Misfortunes to their Sullennefs or Negligence, that would not beat the Pains of anApplication to fave themfelves, and to demonitrate to the World, that the Deftruction brought on them was not a thing of Chance, but that it proceeded from a formed and un- alterable Defign of their Enemies to deftroy them, infomuch that they never could have expected to en- joy one Foot of Eftate or quiet Hour in the King- dom, if King James had continued his Government over them. 6. The 0/ IRELAND, Bir. 1S7 6. The Cafe of the Purchafers and Improvers in Ireland feem'd the hardeft : The Land forfeited by the Rebellion in 16*41 . was fet out to thofe that had been Adventurers and Soldiers in that War •, and many of thefe had fold them at twelve or fifteen Years Pur- chafe y the Purchafers had built fair Houfes and Vil- lages on them, inclos'd Deer- Parks, planted Orchards and Gardens, and laid out vaft Sums in thefe and other Improvements > it feem'd hard to turn them out with- out consideration - y to try therefore whether any thing would make King James relent, they endeavoured to fee what he would do for thefe poor Men : How their Cafe was preft and reprefented to King James, may be judged by a Paper given him by the Lord Granari^ and drawn up by the Chief Juftice Keating, with the Approbation of other Proteitants $ 'tis in the Appendix. King James read Appendix, N. x&, it, and made no other Anfwer to it, but, That he would not do Evil that Good might come of it j the Meaning of which Words, as then apply'd, is not eafily underftood. It has been a common Queflion put to the Gentle- men of Ireland, by fome that neither knew them nor their Affairs, What have you loft ? But fure whofoever knows the Extent of Ireland, and the Value of Land in it, will fee that the Intereft of the EngliJJ) Prote- itants ruined by King James, fince he came to the Crown, is of greater Value than the Eftates of all that favour his Caufe in England and Scotland - 9 and 1 fuppofe it would put them out of Conceit with him, or any other King that iliould take away but one Half of their Eftates from them. 5 E C T. 1 8 8 The State of the Trot eft ants SECT. XIII. Eighthly, King James brought the Lives of bis Pro* teftant Subjecls in Ireland into imminent Danger. i .T Suppofe from the former Sections, it is fufficient- JL ly apparent, what Invafions King James made on the Liberties and Fortunes of his Proteftant Sub- jects > there remained to them only their Lives, and thefe, as will appear from this Section, were put in imminent Danger by him > many were loft, and the reft efcap'd with the greateft Hazard. When King James came into Ireland^ it was certainly his Intcreit to exercife his Clemency towards his Proteftant Sub- jects ; and he knew it to be fo$ and therefore in his Declaration which he fent privately into England^ he made large Profeftions of his Tendernefs towards them, and boafted how much their Safety had been his Care j every body expected a Proclamation for a gene- ral Pardon and Indemnity ihould have been fent before him i and that he would have put an effectual Stop to the illegal Profecutions againft their Lives, and to the Robberies of their Fortunes, that every where were going on at his coming > but on the contrary, he ra- ther puflit on both > and not content with the Laws that already were in Force, which partial Judges and Juries wrefted to deftroy them, he made new Snares for them by Acts of his pretended Parliament, and by leveral private Declarations - y whereby not only he, but his inferior Officers, took on them to difpofe of the Lives of Proteftants. z. It is not reafonable to charge his Majefty, with the private Murther committed on Men in their Hou- ies, which were many up and down the Kingdom j leveral even in the City of Dublin. Only thus far in fome degree he might be thought refponfible for them: He knew very well with what barbarous Murthers the Papifts of Ireland had been charg'd in the Rebellion of ^/IRELAND, fgc. 189 f 541 -, he knew what inveterate hatred they carried towards the Proteftants, and how many Tories and Robbers, constantly disturbed the Peace of the King- dom j and yet without any neceffity at all, he threw himfelf upontheie People, he encouraged them, he armed them, he gave Commiflions even to thofe that had been Tories, and guilty of Murthers, and there- fore cannot altogether be excufed trom the Irregulari- ties committed by them* efpecially when there was no fearch made after, or Profecution of the Murthers -, as it happened in the cafe of Colonel Murryo? IVefi- meath^ Brother in law to my Lord Granard, an old Gentleman who had ferv'd King Charles the firft and fecond, and fufrered considerably for his Loyalty ; he was way-laid and fhot dead as he rode to his ownHoufe under King James's Protection, and with fome marks as he imagined of his Favour. Yet no enquiry was made after it. There were many fuch private Mur- thei s,but I do not think it neceflary to infill on them : I mail confine my felf to fuch as are of a more publick Nature, which gave us juft reafons to fear that the Go- vernment had a defign upon our Lives. j. Such were firft encouraging Witncfles to fweaf us into feigned Plots and Confpiracies > of thefe there were many fet up in the Kingdom j almoft every Coun- ty had one fet up in it, and many were put into Prlfon and indi&ed for high Treafon, as Captain Philips* and Mr. Bowen in the County of JVeftmeaih, and ieverai others in other places, lome of which I have before mentioned j and when the perjuries of the WknefTes came to be plainly difcovered,they yet were encourag- ed and protected from any Legal profecution. Of this nature a Confpiracy was framing again ft one Mr. William Spike^ and if it had taken efTecl: it would have reached to a great many more. The contrivance was thus ; one Dennis Connor had a mind to a fmallEmploy- ment which Mr. Spike held in the Caftle ♦, he had pe- titioned for it, but £/>/&•, by the latere it of my Lord PvwiSj 190 The State af the Trotef/antf P*®*h tho' aProtcftant, kept his place, being found diligent in it. Connor reiolv'd po try another experi- ment to get him removed > he framed a Letter as from one in Enniskilling dirc&ed to Spike, in which the wri- ter thanks him for his Intelligence, and refers to a me- thod agreed on ior feizing the Caftlc of Dublin om certain Day. The Letter (to make the thing more credible) abufes King James in very ill Terms : Connor drops this Letter in the Cattle, where Spike came cv:ry Day, knowing that as foon as it was found, Spike, would be feized, and then he might manage the Plot as he pleafed j but his Contrivance was fpoiled, for the Sentinel (aw him drop the Paper, and procured him immediately to be feized : He was Examined be i fore the Chief Juftice, and I think before King James Silo, why he wrote fuch a wicked Letter: He laid it 'was for the King's Service to remove Spike, whom he believed to be a Rogue, and whobeingaProteftant would betray the King. Spike Profecuted him in the KingVBench > but after all that could be done, the Jury brought Connor in not Guilty, pretending that it did not appear that this was the very Letter dropt by Cmmr, tho' he had confeit it before the King and the Lord Chief Juftice, and tho' it was proved and owned to be his Hand, and a rough draft of it found with hirri, and the Sentinel fwore he dropt a Letter, which he de- livered to the Officer \ and the Officer fwore that was the Letter, delivered by the Sentinel to him^ tho" he did not fee it dropt. About the fame time aFryarwas brought up to Town, who pretended to be dumb and maimed $ the Popifh Clergy gave out that Duke tchomberg had cut out his Tongue and thus maimed him^ and declared that he would ferve all the Prielte and Fryars after the fame manner, and they made propofals to revenge it on the Protcftant Clergy. King James caufed the Fryar to be examined, and difcovered the deceit s which falling immediately on Mr- Spiked bufinefs, made the King fay in great Anger, that for ought he faw the Protc Hants were wronged, and mifreprefented unto him, 0/IRELAND, $$?. i9r fiim, and that there were fome as great Rogues among the Roman Catholicks, as amongft them. The Fryars to acquit themielves of the Cheat, got their Brother Fryar feverely LaiTit j pretending that he was a Spy, and none of their Fraternity -, upon which he was car- iy'd naked through the Town on a Cart in a Savage manner, to Execution as Was fuppos'd, but was brought back and put into Prifon, from which, after fome time he was difmiffed and his Habit reftor'd him. Many fuch Contrivances there were againft the Lives of Protectants, and they could not look on them- felves as fafe while fuch wickedMen were unpunifhedj the Courts alfo declaring that the WitnefTes, though Perjur'd could not be puninYd, becaufe they fwcre for the King. z. No Proteftant was fecure of his Life, becaufe the Court wrefted fuch facts to Treafon as were not decla- red lb by any Law. Thus Chief- Juftice Nugent de- clared it was Treafon for any Proteftant to keep Arms, Or wear a Sword after the King had forbidden it by his Proclamation, and declared them Rebels that did fo $ feverai Gentlemen in the Country had kept their Hor- fes and arm'd their Servants, to watch them againfl the Robbers, commonly call'd Rapparies that plun- dered them > this was conftrued a Levying War a- gainft the King) and the pretended Parliament at- tainted them of high Treafon. In the County of Cork, one Mr. Brown had appeared in a Company of Men who endeavoured to make their cfcape from thole that came to plunder them of their Arms and Horfes j but mifliking the Defign, went home to his own Houfe : He was brought before Judge Dally for this at Limerick^ who upon examination of the matter, dif- mill; him, judging him innocent of any crime that would bear an Indictment \ but he was taken up again for the fame Fact at Cork, and brought before Judge Nugent^ at the time when King James came firft thi- ther : Judge Nugent feem'd at firft; to be of the fame 192, The State of the Trotejlants opinion with Judge Dally ; but after he had difcours'd his Majefty, he proceeded vigorously againft the Gentleman, and procured him to be found guilty by a partial Jury. Every body look'd on this oniy as an oc- cafion fought for the King to mew his Clemency j Mrs.Brown the convicted Gentleman's Wife with Rve or fix Children, prefented him a Petition begging her Husbands Life at his Peer, asthefirit Act of Grace on his coming into the Kingdom - y but he rejected her Petition 5 and not with Handing fne reinfore'dit with all the Friends and intereft fhe could make, the Gentle- man was hanged, drawn and quartered. This awake- ned all the Proteftants in Ireland $ it made them re- member the bloody Executions in the Weft; ok Eng* land on the account of Monmouth** Rebellion, and how fmall a matter ferv'd to take away Mens Lives there $ they iufpecled that Judge Nugent would act the fame part in Ireland^ that Chief Juftice Jeffrys had done in England * and they knew that if the King did not interpofe, neither Juries nor WitnefTes would be wanting to deftroy them > in fhort they became very fcnfible that theirLiveswere in imminent danger,when they faw a Gentleman of fome Eftate and Credit in his Country ^hang'd for being but in theCompany for a lit- tle time(without acting any thing) of fome others who endeavoured to make their eicape from aCrew of Rob- bers that without Order or Commiflion came to plun- der them of their I lorfes and Arms^ they had the more reafon to be apprehcnfive of their Lives, when they iound that no Advantage was let Hip againlt them, nor any Articles or Promiies, however folemnly made to them for their fafety and indemnity, were regarded 5 of which there were many Examples. At the time of difarming, February 24. the Town of Bandon near Cork, being frightened and furpriz'd with luch an unjult and fudden things and not know- ing where it would end,mut up their Gates, and turr/d out fome Dragoons who were appointed to disarm l hem . General Mac-Carty went to reduce them, and they believing him to be a Man of Honour* yielded to him of IRELAND, &c. 193 him upon Articles, for which they paid him a 1000 /. fieri, by the Articles they were to be indemnified for what was parr, and a Pardon to be granted them. Not- withftanding which Articles the Grand Jury at Corky bydire&ionof Chief Juftice Nugent, found Bills a- gainilthem, refolvingtofervethem as he had ferved Mr. Brown : And it was fuppos'd that he was encou- raged to do it by King James hixnklf. The time al- lowed him for the Ailizes would not permit him to try them then 5 and for this reafon and on the Importunity and Menaces of General Mac-Carty -> who being on the Place thought himfelf obliged to make good his Articles j he put off their Tryal till the next AiTizes. Thefe Bills lay over their Heads,no pardon was granted them, and fome of them were condemned in the Aft of Attainder. The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle had put themielves under General Mac-Carty'' r s Protection, and he engaged to fecure them and their Houfes, but he did not perform his Promife > for Cafik-martyr, be- longing to Captain Henry Boyle, with all the Improve- ments and Furniture,to theValue of fomeThoufmds of Pounds, were deftroyed and plundered by his Sol- diers, airifted with the Rabble, and he with the Earl were glad to provide for their Safety by leaving all and flying into England. In Connaught fome Proteftants goc into Headford Cattle, belonging to Sir Oliver St. George, to avoid the violence of the Rabble : They were be- fieged bv the Lord Gallway, and furrendred on Arti- cles of Pardon and Safety. But at the next Aihzcs a Bill was prepared againtt them, and prefented the Grand Jury at Gall-way : The Jury, tho' Papifts, con- fidered, as they laid, that it might be their own Cafe another Day, and fome flickled fo earneftly againft the Bill, that there we, e not enough to find it. However no Body knew whether every Jury would be of that Humour 5 and no care was taken to diicountenance fuch Proceedings. Sir Thomas Southwell* with fome Gentlemen of Munfter, were unwilling to part with O their 194 The State of the T rote f{ ants their Horfes and Arms, many of them having been robbed and plunder'd of their Stocks before, and juft- ly fufpecting that as foon as their Arms were gone* neither their Lives$ nor the remainder of their Sub- fiance could be fafe. They got together therefore with their Servants, to the number of near Two hund- red, and refolved to march to Sligoe to join the Lord Kingfion, for their common defence, but were met in the way by a fmall Party of King James his Dragoons, to whom they furrendered themfelves on See the Articles Articles of Safety and Liberty. Not- m the Appen* withstanding which they were robb'd dix. N. 1 6. and made Prifoners > and tho' many of them had plentiful Eftates, yet thefe were feized by King James's Commiffioners, and nothing allowed them to prefcrvc their Lives except the Cha- ritable Contributions of their Fellow Protectants from feveral Parts of the Kingdom : They were brought to Tryal before Judge Martin^ who perfwaded them to plead Guilty, alluring them of the King's Mercy* who was jufl then Landed. They were over perfwa- ded by him % tho' they had not been guilty of any o- vert Act that could be conftrued Treafon, or pro- ved againft them, as their Lawyers informed them. The Judge as foon as he had prevailed with them to conFefs themfelves guilty, pair. Sentence of Death on them > and with much ado, and a Sum of Money * they procured a Reprieve > which they were forced to renew from time to time. They continued under the Sentence of Death in clofe Imprifonment,being remo- ved from Jail to Jail, till the General Deliverance by his Majeity's Victory : All which time they were not only in a ftarving condition, but likewife had once a Summons fent them, either in Jeff, or Earned* to pre- pare for Execution, by the Earl of ClanrUardy who came to Galkvay about the beginning of November 1689. and fent them word that they mull prepare for Death on the fixth of the lame Month -, for it was his .MajeuVs Pleafure that they ihould then be executed : And */ IRELAND, &c. 19s And accordingly theSheriff appear'd with all neceflary Preparation for their Execution on the Day appointed. There was indeed no fuch Order j but hisLordihip being a new Convert, thought it allowable to put this Jeft on them, as a Teitimony of his Zeal againfr. He- reticles : and there was no other reafon but this given why he put fo many Gentlemen into that terrible fright. But all Proteftants who heard it, were very ill pleafed, that the Lives of fo many of themfhouidbe thought a proper Subject for a Jeft, and no notice ta- ken of thofe who made it ; and confidering the So- lemnity and Circumftances with which he carried on this Jell:, the very Roman Catholicks judged it unfea- fonable. 4. The Proteftants had reafon to fear their Lives, when they faw that they were in the Hands of fuch, as not only broke all Articles and Conditions with them, but likewife violated the King's Protections granted to poor innocent People that had no ways offended him. This was the cafe of many in the County of Dozvri) tho % they had Protections granted them, and lived quietly 5 yet not only their Goods were taken from them, but likewife their Wives and Daughters were ravilhed by the Soldiers* They were moil fen- fiblc and impatient of this Injury, and yet proceeded no further than to complain of it to the chief Officers, and to demand redrefs from them. The Anfwer they had was, That thele Robbeis and Ravifhers had no Authority from the King for what they did; and therefore they advifed rheComphinants to fall on them and oppofe them if they made any further Attempts on the Country. The poor People were fatisficd with the anfwer, and rcf olv'd to do as. they were direcf ed ; and accordingly fell upon the next Party of Soldiers they found plundering and committing Outrages on the Country People, and they killed fo me of them. This initead of being approved, as they were made to believe it would be, was counted a Rebellion : And immediately Major Gen. Bohan was fcnt among them O 1 with 196 The State of the Trot eft ants with aParty* who maftacred about Five or Six hund- red of them in cold Blood tor feveral days together. Many of thoie who were killed were poor, old, impo- tent People $ many were killed at their Work, and while they were buiie about their own Affairs and fuf- pected no fuch matter* King James was fo far from fefenting the barbarous ufage of thefe poor People, that he rail'd on this occafion againft Proteftants in general, reprefenting them as falfe and perfidious •> for, faid he, many wen killed with my Protections in their Poc- kets; notconfidering the Reflection was on his own Party, againft whom his Protection, asappear'dby his own Confeffionj was no Security. And when Men were thus (laugh tered with his approbation, notwith- standing his Protections in iheir Pockets, it was but reafonable for fuch as furvived to think of fome other Way of protecting their Lives. If he had defign'd in earned to have fecur'd his Subjects Lives, or to pre- vent their deftruction, he would have made Examples of thofe who robb'd or killed fuch as had been at the Charges of taking out Four or Five Protections, and yet were never the fafer or fecurer of their Fortunes or Lives. The violation of Protections in the County o?Der* ry and Donnegall was yet more barbarous, and fatisfied all Proteftants, that they ought not to expect any Se- curity of their Lives, whilit under the Power of iuch Men. The noife of the Siege of Derry has filled the World $ and fuch an Account is given of it as fuper- fedes my infifting on it. The City is neither well fi- tuated, nor well fortified -, it has no Mote about it, nor Counterfcarp^ and the Baftions are fo finally that they are not capable of fo many Men as arc requifite to defend the Curtains againft a vigorous Attack^ and fo ill placed that their Guns do hardly clear it. Yet the whole ftrength of King James's Army, aflifted with his French Engeniers, could never come fo near it as to chimount one Caunon on the Walls, or make a Breach in ^/IRELAND, &c. 197 in them : This proceeded from the Cowardice of the Befiegers > who, according to the nature of Cowards, (luck at no Cruelty to gain their purpofe. They confidered that the befieged had many Relations in the neighbouringCountry,and that they had a gene- ral kindnefs for all the Inhabitants thereabout, being, if not their Relations and Acquaintance, at leaft their Countrymen and Proteftants. The Befiegers there- fore hop'd to take advantage of this tendernels and good Nature of the befieged to reduce the Town ; and in order to it made ufe of this Stratagem, which I think was of their own Invention 5 for 1 do not re- member to have met any thing like it in Hiftory 3 nor do I believe it was ever pra6Hs*d by any Nation unlefs the French have uled it in their late Wars. Thus it: was , General Rofen i filled out Orders to bring together all the Proteftants, Men, $« -Appendix, Women and Chtldren,protecied,and not protected, and to fet them before the Walls, there to receive the fhot of the Befieged, whilft the Befiegers made their Approaches under their Co- vert, and in the mean time to ftarveand famifh them, if their Friends in the Town would not, out of Com- panion to them, yield up themfelves and City into the Hands of thefe Murtherers. The Dragoons and Solr diers executed this Order with the utmoft rigour ; they firft ftript, and then drove the whole Country for about 30 Miles before them, notfparing Nurfes with their lucking Children, Women big with Child, 3101* old decrepid Creatures -, fome Women in Labour, ibme that were juft brought to Bed, were driven a- mongft the reft y the very Papi ft Officers that execiir ted the thing, confeit that it was the moft difmal fight they had ever lecn, and that the cries of the poor Peo* pie feemM to be ftill in their Ears : They owned that they gathered above 4000, others fay 7000 and that they kept many of them without Meat or Drink for a whole Week y that feveral hundreds died in the Place before they were difmiftj and many more on the way O J a s 198 The State of the Trot eft ants as they went home again to their Houfcs *, nor were they better when they came there, fortheftragling Soldiers,Rapparies and Pelferers that followed the Ar- my had left them neither Meat, Drink, Houfhold- Stuff nor Cattle, but had taken away all in their Ab- fence 5 i 1 that the generality of them afterwards pe- juih'd for want, and many were knock'd on the head by the Soldiers. I need not trouble the See Dr. Wal- Reader with the fuccefs of this cruel and j£»%» 4 foolifh Stratagem > it was the fame which any thinking Man would have expected 5 it confirmed the Beiieg'd in their Refolutions, never to yield to fuch barbarous People, and it made them fet up Gallows, mid threaten to hang all the Prifoners they had in their hands, if their Friends were not immedi- ately difmifl j with which the Befiegers being ftartled (and finding that it did not anfwer their defign to keep them ftill under the Walls) did at laft comply, after they had kept them there three days without Meat $ this was the fecurity Men had of their Lives by King James's Protections \ the news of this Order came to Dublin before it was executed,and the Bifhop of ' Meath went immediately to King James to fee if he could pre- vail with him to prevent fuch a barbarous proceeding : His Majefty very calmly told the Bifhop, 'That he had heard of it be fore , and that he had fent Orders to flop it y that General Rofen was a Foreigner, and us^d to fuch Pro- ceedings as were ftrange to us, though common in other pla- ces ; and thai if he had been his own Subject he would have calV d him to account for it : Yet he continued him ftill in his Employment. 'Twas he burnt the Country a- bout Deny, when he was forced to raife the Siege, and left, after the ir^^Cuftom, the Gentlemens Houfes and Villages, that lay in his w r ay towards Dublin, in Afnes. It was commonly laid, that he and Mammo, who was kill'd before I)erry, were the Perfons em- ploy'dto Dragoon the Proteftants of Languedock, and that committed fo many Barbarities on thofc poor Peo- ple : If fo, it is not ftrange that they fhould commit the ^/IRELAND, &c. 199 the like on the Proteftants of Ireland : but it is ftrange that King James fhould employ fuch Men, and not at all punifh fuch monftrous violation of Faith, as well as of Humanity, and yet expect that we fhould depend on him for our Protection. His Protections were in every place alike infignifi- cant - y many Proteftants loft the value of Three, many Four, andlbmeof iom f Pounds Sterling, notwith- ftanding their repeated Protections, and their appro v'd and peaceable demeaning themfelves 5 of which Cap- tain Barton, m th£ County of Monaghan, wasafignal Example 5 he had a Protection for his Houfe, at Car- rick Mac Rofs % and Arms, and had left his Servants in his Houfe, toprefcrvc it and his Goods, he himlelf Haying in Dublin^ a Hoftage to the Government,that they might not fufpect him to have any Defign to withdraw to the North % or join with fuch Proteftants as were in. Arms there > yet in his Abfence, a Party of Colonel Mac Mahon's Regiment, about February 1688. came and demanded the Houie j the Servants fhew'd their Protection, and told him who commanded the Soldiers, that they had Orders from the Govern- ment to keep the Houfe y the Commander af- filed them that he would not difturb them, and that he only defign' d to lodge fome of his Men in it, to fecure it more effectually for the King and the Owner ; upon which promife, the Servants Jet him and his Soldiers into the Houfe * they no fooner had obtained Entrance, but they fell a plundring,deftroying and defacing - 9 znd, in a few hours, by ruining his Improvements, and rob- bing hisGoods, Stock and Furniture, they damnify'd him to near the value of 1 ora. Pounds: He complain'd of this falfe and injurious dealing to the Government, but could never obtain any Redrefs, or procure the Actors* of it to be brought to any account or punifhment y in- ileadof obtaining any thing of that nature, they ad- ded new Injuries to their former, and at laft burnt his Houfetothe Ground. And here it will not be amifs, by the way, to give iome further Inftances of their violation of Articles, Q 4 as zoo The State of the Trot eft ants as well as of Protections. About Thirty Soldier?, January 1688. defer ted from Dublin^ and endeavour* d to- make their Efcape to Ennis killing: They Were pur- sued by one Captain Nugent with a Party of Horfe, and overtaken near Navan 9 within twenty Miles of Dublin -, they put themfelves in a poiture to fight, and were ready to fire at him > but he by fair Promifes good Words perfwaded them to Capitulate, and at lift apon Articles to yield: He covenanted with them t . they fhould befafe and free, and mould fuffer no other Injury but the lofs of their Arms 5 notwith- ftanding which, as loon as they gave up their Arms, heflriptand pinion'd them, and with much Intereft e leaped prefent Death ; this Mercy was due to 'umftances of the lime, which oblig'dthe G kverninent to refervc them in Jail till a more proper ugh in a Condition more grievous than if they had been hang'd immediately. JTii c Fort of Culmore near Deny yielded on Articles to¥AngJawe<, by which the Gentlemen that furren- dved it were to be indemnified, and liberty allow'd them either to live iecure and quietly in the Kingdom, or elfe go to any other place where they thought fit ; but not v irhlfanding thefe Articles,they were difarm'd and ftript, and feveral of them feized and put into Pri- fon 5 nay attainted in their pretended Aft of Parliament. The Garrifon or Londonderry*, after the Forces which came under Col. Cunningham and Col. Richards to tuccour it, had refblved to return for England^ fent one Capt. White to King Jf mes to receive rropofals from him, it being the Op niofi of many of thofe that remain'd in the Town that they muft furrender it 5 the Conditions were not difficult to concert \ in the mean time it was agreed, as a Preliminary Article 5 that the Army mould not march within Four Miles of the Town j but before the Terms could be adjufted, or any aniwer bereturn'd from the City, the King him- felf marched his Army towards it, and w T as in view al- moft as foon as the Commiffioners that came with the Pro- ^IRELAND, fgc. 2oi Propofals: This being againft his Engagement, ar»4 an abfolute breach of the Preliminary Article already agreed on, put a flop to the Treaty, and contributed to the .Refoturion of the Befieged 3 who durft never trull any Articles after this, but rather than depend on the Faith of King James or his Party, chofe tofuffer the utmoft Extremity. The Breach of Articles by my Lord Galmoy to Mr. Dixey a Young Gentleman, (Son to the Dean of Kil- n/ore) and Mr. Charlton was yet more barbarous 3 the Lord Galmoy went down in March 1688-p. to the County of Cancan and furpriz'd thele two Gentlemen 5 he had a Party of the Army with him, and took up his Quarters at Belturbet. His two Priloners were to be exchanged for one Captain Mac Gwire 9 then Priibner at Cruris a fmall Caftle, and the only place that flood out againft King James in that County 3 the owner ot the Caftle was one Captain Cr eight on* who permitted Captain Mac Givire to go to Belturbet on his parol to be a true Prifoncr 3 Mac Gwire io negotiated the mat- ter, that he return'd with a Summons and Propofals as well for Ennlskilling as the Caftle of Crum 3 and he fup- pos'd them not averfe to a Surrender on good terms 3 but the Lord Calmoy imagined that theie Propofals would make the People of Crum fecure, and therefore that very Night, without waiting for any anfwer, he march'd to the Caftle before they were aware, and had almoft furpriz'd them 3 but the refolution of tho.c within prevented the fucccls of his perfidious deiign, and fore'd him back without being able to do any o- ther mifchief than the venting his Anger on his two Prifoners, whom after his return to Belturbet ^ he, con- trary to his Faith and Engagement, hang'd on a Sign- Poft, and fuffer'd their Bodies to lie unburied, and be barbarouily abufed. This was Captain Mac Gwire 's own Account of the matter 3 the confequence of which falfhood was,that thofePeople would never hear of any terms afterwards 3 and upon trial found much more fStfety in their Arms than in the Promiies of King Jam($ % 2 ox The State of the Trot eft ants James j or of any of his Party > having baffled and cut off feveral confiderablc Bodies of: his Forces fenta- gainft them, and taken many and confiderablc Prifon- crs, whom yet they ufed with all Humanity, as it were to reproach the barbarous and perfidious ufage which their Prisoners met with ; but it was avowed and profeft by the generality ot King James's Men, that they did not look on themielves to be obliged tQ treat the Rebels or the North, as they call'd them, a? fair Enemies, but as Traitors and infamous Perfons^ whom they might deitroy at any rate. In the County otLoigford fome Proteftants got into the Cattle otKenaught^ belonging to Sir Thomas New- comer* j his Lady, and thofe with her, furrendered it on Articles January i}. i68p, to Brigadier Nugent y (flain afterwards by the Inniskillin Men at Cavan) one of the Articles was for the Goods belonging to thoie in the Houfe, and their Friends > notwithstanding which, Nugent ieiz'd and took away feveral parcels of Goods *, and feveral that were in the Houfe, as ibon as they came out, were plundered and ftript naked. A- nother Article was, that the Houfe of Kenaught fhould not be burnt nor injured, notwithstanding which it was burnt to the Ground by Colonel Cohan- naught Mac. Gwire. In fhort it was obferv'd that a- mongft all the Articles into which King James , or his Officers entred, they never kept any to Protc- Hants. f . A fifth Invafion on our Lives was, that both, King James and his inferior Officers, took on them to difpofe of them by private Orders and Proclamations^ the Penalty of violating which was often prefent Death : Thus the Proclamation that required us to bring in our Arms, was on the Penalty of being left to the difcretion of the Soldiers y which was to expofc our Lives and Fortunes to the Mercy of our greateft Enemies. By a Proclamation dated July 2.0th 1689. all Proteftants are required to bring in their Swords and other Arms, on Penalty of being dealt with as Rebels 0/ IRELAND, &c. 203 Rebels and Traytors. The Proclamation dated June if. 1690. forbad any to change a Guinea, 6cc. tor more than $6 s. in Brafs, under pain of Death > and Colonel Luttrell publifhed a Declaration, forbidding more than five Protectants to afTemble together, or to be out of their Lodgings after ten of the Clock at Night, on the fame Penalty j the Declaration was of his own penning, and to gratific the Curious, I have put it in the Appen- See Appendix, N. 3 1 . dix y the Order to the Minifters to number the Proteftants, was likewife penned by him ; and in it he declared that every one who did not enter in their Names by a certain Day, fhould be treated as a Spy or Enemy 5 nay fometimes he took on him to make Death the Penalty of his verbal Orders, with- out a Declaration publifhed : Thus he commanded the Fellows and Scholars of the College of Dublin, upon pain of Death, not to meet together, or con- verfe above two or three at a time > and he would needs hang Mr. Piercy the Merchant, as I fhewed before, without any Notice given, for faying that he was un- willing to part with hrs Goods. In April 1 690. the Quarter-Seffions for the County of Dublin were held at Kilmainham, near Dublin \ Co- lonel Luttrell Governor of Dublin, was on the Bench, and in a Speech declared that King James wanted Wheat and other Grain for his Horfes, and that he had given the Country Farmers three Weeks to bring in their Corn, and had waited for their compliance during that Time 5 that he refolv'd to wait further till the Saturday after, and if they did not bring it in by that Time he would compel them , that it was the King's Will they fhould do it, and he the King's Ser- vant, who would fee his Mailer's Commands execu- ted j and with a great Oath fwore, he would hang that Man before his own Door that did not obey and bring in his Corn according to Order. Of this Speech the wJK)le Bench and Country were WitnefTes. May 204 The State of the Trotefiants Afay the 7. 165*0. the Lord Mayor thought fit to reinforce a former Proclamation about the Hate of Goods in the Market, but Colonel Littircll did not think the Mayor's Order fufficicnt, and therefore pub^ lifhed an Order of his own by beat of Drum, decla^ ring that whoever tranfgreit the Lord Mayor's Order either by buying or felling, fhould be hanged before their own Doors. About the fame time Brigadier Sarsfield puh\i(hed an Order requiring all Proteitants on the Borders, to leave their Houfes, and retire ten Miles from the Frontiers on pain of Death. Thefe were the Laws King James's Council and Mini iters prefcribed us by their Proclamations and Or-. dersj and thefe were the Acts or his Generals ancj Governors, whom he made Guardians of the Lives and Fortunes of Protectants, and yet they all came fliortof the Inhumanity of his Parliament. 6. It has been ulual in Parliaments to attaint noto- rious Rebels and Traitors, who were too itrong for the Law, or who being kill'd in their Rebellion, could not be tryed or condemned by the ordinary courfe of it > and when one or two in a King's Reign were thus attainted upon the moit evident Proof, ant! notoriety of the Fact, it was counted a great matter j even in the late Irijb Rebellion, none were attainted but by the legal Courfe of Juries. But King James and his Parliament intended to do the Work of Pro- teitants fpeedily and effectually, and not to wait the ilow Methods of proceeding at the Common Law : They refolv'd therefore on a Bill of At- tainder y and in order to it, every Member of the Houfe of Commons return'd the Names of fuchPro- tcftant Gentlemen as liv'd near him, or in the County or Borough for which he ferv'd -> and if he was a Stranger to it, he fent into the County or Place for Information^ they were in great Haite, and many e- icapedthem^ on the other Hand, fome that were ac- tually in King James's Service^ and fighting for him of IRELAND, Qfc ±05- *t Deny*) (of which Cornet Edmund Keating, Ne- phew to my Lord Chief Juilicc Keating^ was one,) were return'd as abfent, and attainted in the Act. When they had made a Collection of Names, they caft them into feveral Forms, and attainted them under feveral Qualifications, and accordingly allow'd them time to come in, and put thcmfelves onTryalj the Qualifications and Numbers were as follow. i. Perfons attainted of Rebellion, who had time given them till the Tenth of Augufl to furreadef thcmfelves and be tryed, provided they were in the Kingdom and amenable to the Law at the Time of making the A<5t, otherwifc were absolutely attaint- ed. OneArchbifhop. One Duke. Fourteen Earls. Seventeen Vifcounts, and one Vifcountcfs. Two Bifhops. Twelve Barons. Twenty fix Baronets. Twenty two Knights. Fifty fix Clergymen. Eleven hundred fifty three Efquires, Gentlemen, &c. i. Perfons who were Abfentees before the Fifth of November 1608. not returning according to the Pro- clamation of the Twenty Fifth of March, attainted if they do not appear by the Fir it of September , 1 689. One Lord. Seven Knights. Eight Clergymen. Sixty five Efquires, Gentlemen, &c. 3. Perfons who were Abfentees before the Fifth of November 1688. not returning according to the Pro- clamation of the Twenty Fifth of March, attainted if they do not appear by the Full Day of October 1689. One Archbiihop. One Earl. One iotf The State of the T rot cjt ants One Vifcount. Five Bilhops. Seven Baronets. Eight Knights. Nineteen Clergymen. Four hundred thirteen Efquires,. Gentlemen, &V. 4. Perfons ufuall v refidcnt in England, who are to fignifie their Loyalty, in cafe the King goes there the Firft of Oclober 1689. and on his Majefty's Certifi- cate to the Chief Governor here, they to be difchar- ged, otherwife to ftand attainted. One Earl. Fifteen Vifeounts and Lords. Fourteen Knights. Four hundred ninety two Efquires, Gentlemen, j\ Absentees by reafon of Sicknefsand None-age, on proving their Loyalty before the laft Day of the firrt Term after their Return, to be acquitted and re- flor'd -, in the mean time their Eflates real and pergon- al are veiled in his Majefty . One Earl. Seven CounteiTes. One Vifcountcfs. Thirteen Ladies. One Baronet. Fifty nine Gentlemeo and Gentlewomen. 6. They veil all Lands, &c. belonging to Minors, Ladies, Gentlewomen, in the King till they return - 9 and then upon Proof of their Loyalty and Faithful- nefs to King James, they are allow'd to fue for their Eftates before the CommiiTioners for executing the Acts of Repeal and Attainder, if fitting, or in the High Court of Chancery, or Court of Exchequer f and upon a Decree obtain'd for them there, the She- riffs arc to put them in PofTeflion of fo much, as by the Decree of one of thofe Courts fhall be adjudged them. The Claufes in the Aft are fo many and fo con- iiderablc that it never having been Printed intire, I thought tf/ IRELAND, &c. io 7 thought it convenient to put it in the Ap- pendix. Perhaps it was never equall'd in *W Appendix* any Nation fince the time of the Pro- scription in Rome-, and not then neither, for here is more than half as many condemned in the (mail King- dom of Ireland, as was at that time proicribed in the greater! part of the then known World ; yet that was efteemed an unparallel'd Cruelty. When Sir Richard Ndgkj Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, prefent- edthe Bill to King James for his Royal Ailent, he told him that many were attainted in that Act by the Houfe of Commons, upon fuch Evidence as fully Sa- tisfied the Houfe - y the reft of them were attainted, he faid, upon common Fame. A Speech fo very brutifh, that I can hardly perfwade myfelf that I mall gain credit to the Relation > but it is certainly true, the Houfes of Lords and Commons, of their pretended Parliament, are Witnefles of it 3 and let the World judge what Security Proteftants could have of their Lives, when fo confiderable a Lawyer as Sir Richard Nagle declares in fo Solemn an Occafion, and King James with his Parliament approves, that common Fame is a fufficient Evidence to deprive, without hearing, fo many of the Gentry, Nobility and Cler- gy, of their Lives and Fortunes, without poffibility, of Pardon > and not only cut off them, but their Chil- dren and Pofterity likewife. By a particular C laufe from Advantages, of which the former Laws of the Kingdom would not have deprived them, though their Fathers had been found guilty of the worft of Treafons in particular Tryals. 7. I mail only add a few Obfervations on this Act:, and leave the Reader to make others, as he Shall find occafion. 1. Then this Act leaves no room for the King to pardon after the la ft Day of November 1689. if the Pardon be not enrolFd before that time, the Act de- clares it absolutely void and null. 2. The 2o3 The State of the Trotejlants 2. The A& was concealed, and no Proteftant for any Money permitted to ice it, much lefs take a Copv of it, till the time limited for Pardons was pail at lea ft four Months : So that the State of the Perions here attainted is defperate and irrecoverable, except an Irifb Popifh Parliament will relieve them ? for King James took care to put it out of the Power of any Ertglijb Parliament (as well as out of his own Power; to help them, by contenting to another Act of this pretended Parliament, Intituled, An Act declaring that the Parlia- merits of 'England cannot bind Ireland, and againfl Writs if Errors and Repeals out of Ireland into England. 3. It is obfervable, with what Hafte and Oonfufi- on this Act was drawn up and pail 5 perhaps no Man ever heard of fuch a crude imperfect things io ill di- verted and compos^ pait on the World for a Law. We find the fame Peribn brought in under different Qualifications $ in one Place he is expreily allow'c* till the hrit of Oclober to come and fubmit to Tryal 5 and yet in another Place he is attainted if he do not come in bythefirftof September -> many are attainted by wrong Names $ many have their Chriftian Names left out ; and many whofe Names and Sirnames are both put in, are not diitinguifhedby any Character, whereby they may be known from others oi the fame Names. 4. Many confiderable Perfons are left out, which certainly had been put in, if they could have gotten their Names 3 which is a further Proof of their Hafte and Confufton in patting the Bill. It is obfervable, the Provoit, Fellows, and Scholars of the College by Dub Un 1 are all omitted * the Reafon was this, Mr. Coghlan fcrved as one of the BurgefTes for the College % the Houfe of Commons requir'd him to come into the Houfe (for he had withdrawn himfelf from it, as we obicrved before, at the patting this Act) and to give in the Names of the abfent Members of the Col- lege-, that they might be put into the Bill : He de- murr'd at firft, but was over-rul'd > then upon Con- futation of IRELAND, &c. 109 fultation with Do&or Atlon, the Vicc-Provoft, he moved the Houfe to fend for the College Butler, al- ledging that he had the Buttery Book, wherein the Names of the Collegians were in order, and without this he could not get them; the Houfe hereupon or- dered a Serjeant at Arms to be fent for the Butler, but he on Mr. Coghlan's Intimation abfeonded for fome Days. The Houfe was in Hafte to pufs the Bill, and by this Means the Collegians efcaped an Attainder. f. It was obfervablc that any Application made in behalf of Abfentees by their Friends who ftaid, or were in the Houfe, conftantly made their Condition worfe : The Application of Mr. Henry Temple , in be- half of his Brother Sir John Temple, removed him upwards into the fir ft Rank of attainted Perfons -, the like Petition had the fame Effect as to Mr. Richard Warburton, and fo upon feveral others* The Papifts did this to rid themfelves of Trouble and Importuni- ty, and to let the Proteftants know that all their En- deavours for themfelves and Friends fhould do them no Service^ and that their Ruin was abfolutely refold- ed on. 6. That their allowing Perfons a certain Time to come in and fubmit toTryalto prove their Innoccn- cy, was a meer nothing : For they very well knew, that it was impoilible any body mould certainly know, what time was given each Man to come in ; and it had been a foolifh Venture for fuch as were abfent, to come into a Place where^ for ought they knew, they were already condemned, and fhould be immediately hang'd without a Tryal. 2. No body knew what they could call Innoccncy ; perhaps writing to, or . petitioning any one that had King William's Commif- iion, nay, converfing with fuch, might be reckoned corrci ponding with Rebels, and fufficient Evidence of their Guilt ; and indeed Judge Nugent had in a • manner determined this Cafe-, for he interpreted one Mr. Defminiers anfwering a Bill of Exchange for Sir • Thomas Southwell^ who was Prifoner at Galloway, a P coi- a I o The State of the Troteflant* ^correfponding with Rebels, and committed him ttf Jail for it : He likewife put one Mr. Ginnery in Jail for High Treafon, becaufe being Agent for the PrifonerS at Galloway^ to procure them a. Reprieve and other Affairs, he received Letters from them, though Mr . Ginnery's Father and Brother were amongft them . J . When this pretended Parliament pad this Aft, they were very well aware that the Embargo here was fo exceedingly ftrift, that from the time of pafling the Aft, till the firft of Ottober^ nay of November follow- ing, which was the longed time allowed any one to come in, not one Ship or Boat was fuffered to pafs from hence into England > fo that it was abfolutely im- poffible the Perfons concern'd in this Law, fliould have had any Knowledge of it before they were con- demned by it, to the lofs of Life and Eftate, beyond the Power of the King to pardon them. 4. King James and his Parliament knew perfectly well, that the Embargo was fo ftrift on the other fide, that if the Gentlemen could have had Information, yet it was impofliblc for them to have gotten out of Eng~ land^ to tender themfelves to Juftice, within the time wherein the Aft required they fhould do it, on no lefs Penalty than the irrecoverable Forfeiture of Life and Eftate : Which is a plain Demonftration that the al- lowing time for the attainted Perfons to come in, and prove their Innocency, was a mecr Colour and had nothing of Sincerity in it, fince they themfelves that made the Law were fully informed and fatisfied that this was an impoflible Condition, f . Suppofe it had been poflible, yet it had been a very unwife part for fuch rroteftants as were fafe in England, to have left it, and to have come into Ireland^ a ruinous Kingdom, the aftual Seat of a War, where all the Goods and Moveables they had left behind them, were imbezell'd by Robbers, or by thole that had feiz'd them for King James ; and their real Eftates given away to fuch as were Dependents of their Fathers Murderers, or at leaft had been in that Rebellion ; where they muft a- bidc 0/IRELAND, Ste 211 bide a Tryal before Judges and Juries of profefl Ene- mies ; whether their Lives flxould be their own -, and after all, if acquitted, could have no other profpect of fupporting themfelves, but begging amongft a People that had reduced them to this Condition. Thefe Confiderations were of fuch weight with ail People, that they who were abfent, were 10 far from thinking of a return, that on the contrary, Men of the belt Eftates, who had flayed here, withed themfelves a- way, and many were content to leave all, and venture their Lives in little Boats to the Mercy of the Seas, in theDepth of Winter -, reckoning any thing fafer and cafier, than to flay under a Government, which had effectually deflroyed all the Meafures of right and wrong, and condemned fo many Gentlemen to the lofs of all, without allowing them either the favour of being tryed, or fo much as heard. 4. I know it will be here objected that very few Protellants loft their Lives in Ireland under King James, notwithflanding all the fevere Proclamations and Laws$ and the Apprcheniions under which they lay of Danger. But to this I anfwerj Firll, that when a full enquiry comes to be made concerning thofe that were kill'd by the Soldiers, murdered in their Houfes, executed by martial Law, flarv'd and famifh- ed in Jails, and that periflied by other Violences, the Number will not be fo fniall as is imagined. 2. It is to be confldered that the Irijh Papifts lay under the flrictell Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty * for the Murders they had committed in the lail Rebel- lion, were chiefly objected againftthemj they were fenfible they had gained nothing by them, and that the Cruelty exercifed in them, was the thing that efpeci- ally rendred them odious, and loft them their Eftates ; and therefore they thought it the bell way not to be too forward in the like Practices, till they were fure not to be call'd to an after- reckoning. They further confldered that many of their own Friends were Pri- soners in the North, and that if they began with Ex- P z amples a ix The State of the TroteJUnts ampks of Cruelty on the Proteftants who were iii their Power^ their Friends mud expe£t the like from the Enemy in whofe Hands they were. 'Twas this made them difmifs the poor People they had refolv'd to ftarve before Deny. And they were made believe that not only the Prifoners would fuffer, but that the Cruelties they exercifed on the Proteftants, would be revenged on all the Roman Catholicks in England* This was given out by fome who underftood King James's true Intereft, and that he depended on fome Proteftants in England for Succour and Aftlftance, ra- ther more than on the Roman Catholicks > now they knew very well that Murder is fo hateful a thing, that if they once fella MafTacring, it would fhock many of their Friends in England and Scotland, from whom they expected great Matters ; and therefore they thought it their Intereft to be as tender of Lives as they could > and even the Priefts, when they encou- raged them to rob their Protectant Neighbours^ charg'd them not to kill them, afluring them that e- very thing elfe would be forgiven them. 3 . The Pro- tectants were extremely cautious not to give the lead .Offence j they walked fo warily and prudently, that it was hardly poilible to find any Occafion againft them> and they were fo true to one another, and con- vened fo little with any of King JameSs Party, that it was as difficult to fix any thing on them, or to get any Information againft them, though fcveral Defigns were laid againft them, and feveral falfe Witnefles produced, as has been fhewn - y yet their Stories ft ill deftroyed themielves by their Improbabilities, Incon- ftftency, and the notorious Infamy of the Witneffes. 4. We had no Experiment of what would have been done with the attainted Abfentees > for none of them run the Hazard of a Tryal, but we are furc no good could have been done them, for they could neither have been pardoned for Eftate nor Life, and the beft they could have expected, was to have been fent to . fome other Kingdom, as Sir Thomas Southwell was fent to to Scotland, tor there could have been no living for them in Ireland, f. When any Proteitant found him- felf obnoxious to the Government, or but fancied they had any thing toobjecl:againrthim, he got out of the Kingdom, or made his Efcape to the North as well as he could, and in t;he mean time abiconded ; many efcaped hanging by thefe Means, which other- wife in all probability had been executed. Laftly, It was fo much thelntereftof King James in his Circumftances, to have been kind to the Prote- ilantsof Ireland^ that we might rather have expe&ei to have been courted than ill ufed by him , the whols Support and Maintenance of his Army in Ireland de- pended on them > they clothed, fed, armed, and quar- tered them, (which they could not avoid doing with any Safety to themfelves, or indeed Poflibility of liv- ing,) and the Officers of the Army were fo lenfible of this, that when it was proposed to turn all the Prote- flants out of the City of Dublin, one of them anfvver- ed, that whenever they were turned out, the Army rnuft go with rhem y for they could not be furnifhei with what they wanted by others. And as it was King James's Intereft to ufe them well upon the account of their being necelTary to him in Ireland, fo his Affairs in England and Scotland did more particularly require it y ancthe was forced to employ his EmirTaries there to give it out that he did fo. Sir Daniel Mac. Daniel, who came out of the liles of Scotland to Dublin ia Winter i6$y. and feveral Gentlemen of the High- lands with him, declared that their Minifters in the Pulpit had aflured them, that the Proteftants in Ire- land lived under King James in the greater! Freedom, Quiet, and Security,_ both as to their Properties and Religion y and that if their Countrymen knew the Truth of the Matter, as they then found it here, they would never fight one Stroke for him : And they feemed to ftand amazed at what they law, and could Ikirdly believe their own Eyes. It is certain that King James had thciike Initruments in England, as I have P 5 noted % 14 The State of the Trotejlants noted before, who forced down the World in Coffee- Houfes and publick Places, that the Proteftants in* Ireland lived eafie and happy under his Government \ however, this ftiews how much it was really his inte- reft to have given his Protectant Subjects here no juft caufe of complaint - 9 and that it mull proceed from a, firange eager nefs to deftroy them, that King James, and his Party ventured in their Circum (lances to go fo, far in it as they did : Their own imminent Danger dif- i waded them from Severity, and their Intereft mani-. feitly obliged them to Mildnefs : And if notwith- standing thefe, they condemn near 5 thoufand or the ip oft eminent Gentlemen, Citizens, Clergymen, and Nobility of the Kingdom to Death, andlofs of Er ftates 5 we may eafily guefs what they would have done when their Fear and Intereft were removed, and they left to the fwingof their own natural Inclinati- ons, and the Tendency of their Principles. Who* foever confiders all Circumftanccs, will conclude, that no Ids was defigned by them, than the execution of the third Chapter of tne Later an Council, the ut- ter extirpation of the Hereticks of thefe Kingdoms. SEC T. XIV. Ninthly, Shewing King James V Methods for deftroy wg the Proteftant Religion. I.^Tp H E Defign againft the Lives and Fortunes ot JL the Proteftants is lo apparent from the execu- tion thereof, efpecially by the Ads of the late pre- tended Parliament, that they themfelves can hardly deny it 5 nay forne were apt to glory in it : And to let us know that it was not a late Defign, taken up fince the revolt of England (as they call it) from King JameS) they thought fit to fettle on the Duke of 7)r-; camel above zom. Pounds per Annum fee Appendix, N. j n Value, out of the Eftates of fome *»■♦»'•> 17* Proteftant Gentlemen attainted by them^ ^/IRELAND, &c. n? them, as aforefaid, in confideration of his fignal Ser- vice of twenty Years, which he fpent in contriving this Work, and bringing it to pafs, as one of their mod eminent Members exprelt it in his Speech in Par- liament, and the particular Act which veils this fi- liate in him lhews. 2. But it may be thought that King James was more tender in the matter of Religions and that he who gloried fo much in his refolution to fettle Liberty of Confcience wherever he had Power ', as he told his pretend- ed Parliament, and fet forth almoft in every Procla- mation, would never have made any other Invafion on the Confciences of his Proteftant Subjects. But they found by experience that a Papift, whatever he profeiTes, is but an ill Guardian of Liberty of Con- fcience : And that the fame Religion that obliged the King of Spain to fet up an Inquifition, could not long^ endure the King of England to maintain Liberty. It" indeed King James had prevailed with Italy or Spain to have tolerated the open Exercife of the Proteftant Religion, it had been, I believe, a convincing Ar- gument to England to have granted the Roman Catho- licks Liberty in thefe Dominions ; but whilit the In- quifition is kept up to the Height in thofc Countries, and worfe than an Inquifition in France^ againftthc publick Edicts and Laws of the Kingdom, and againil the folemn Oath and Faith of the King, it is too grofs %o go about to perfuade us, that we might expect x free exercife of our Religion, any other way than the Proteftants enjoy it in France^ (that is under the Difci- pline of Dragoons,) after the Papi its had gotten the Arms, theQrfices, theEltates, and Courts of Judi- cature in their Hands. \. The Protectant Religion and Clergy were cftab- lifhed in Ireland by as firm Laws as the Properties o£ the Laity : The King by his Coronation Oath was o- bliged to maintain them : Their Tithes and Benefices were their Free-holds - x and their Privileges and Juris- diction were fettled and confirmed to them by the P 4 knowa i\ 6 The State of the *P rot eft ants known and current Laws of the Kingdom j accord- ing to which the King was obliged to govern theni, and whereof he was the Guardian. The Clergy had betide all this, peculiar Obligations on him, and a Title to his'Protection > for they had efpous'd his In- terest mofl cordially. Whilit Duke of Tork % they vied their utmoit Diligence to perfuade the People to fubmitto God's Providence, and be content with his Succeflion to the Crown, in cafe his Brother died be- fore him : And they preft that Point fo fir, that many of their People were dirTatis fled with them, and told them often with Heat and Concern, what Reward they muft expect for their pains if everht came to the Throne : They faw their Danger, but could not i- magine any Man would be fo unpolitick and ungrate- ful as to deftroy fuch as had brought him to the Throne, and could only keep him fafe in it > and there- fore they ventured all to ierve him > and many of them by their Zeal for him, loft the Affections of their People, and their Intereit with them. It was chiefly due to their Diligence and Care, that his Title, from the beginning, met not the leaft oppofition mlrelarJy tho' the Army in it were in ti rely Proteftant. Had they and the relt of the Protectants in this Kingdom been in any meafure diiloyally principled in the time of Monmouth and Ar gyle's Rebellion, they might ea- fily have made an Iniurrection more dangerous thnn both thole 3 and the leait Mutiny or Revolt amongft them, could hardly have failed to have ruined King James's Affairs at that critical time : But they were fo far from attempting any fuch thing, that they were as ready and as zealous tpaffi it him, as his very Guards at IVhitehall; which he himfelf could not but acknow- ledge : How he rewarded them, I have already ihewn y and how grateful he was to the Clergy that thus principled them, will appear by the Sequel. 4. Firit therefore when his Mafeity came to the Crown he declared that he would protect the Church of England in her Government and Privileges \ under. which 0/lRELAND, »r. 2,17 which we fuppos'd the Church of Ireland to be con- cluded : And accordingly the Clergy and People of this Kingdom rcturn'd his Majefly their Addrels of Thanks $ though they yery well knew that this was no more than was due to them by the Laws, and by the King's Coronation Oath in particular : But they were loon told by the Roman Catholicks, that his Ma- jefly did not intend to include Ireland in that Declara- tion j and that it muft be a Catholick Kingdom^ as they term'd it. Every difcerning Proteflant foon found by the Method they law his Majefly take, that he in ear- neil intended to fettle Popery in England^ as well as Ireland; but he thought himfetf fo fureof effecting it fuddenly in Ireland^ that his Inflruments made no icruple to declare their intentions > nay, they were f o hafty to ruin our Religion, that they did not fo much as confult their own Safety 3 but even before it was either feafonable or fafe, in the Opinion of the wifer fort amongfl themfelves \ they began openly to apply all their Arts and Engines to erTecl: it. 1 . By hindring the Succeflion and Supplies of Clergy-men. 2. By taking away their Maintenance. 3. By weakning, and then invading their Jurifdiclrion. 4. by feizing on their Churches, and hindring their religious Ai- lemblies. f. By Violence againit their Perfons. And 6. by flandering and mifreprefenting them in their Principles. SECT. XV. I. King James in order to deftroy the Proteflant Relh- gion^ kindred the Education and SucceJJion of Clergy- wen. I . > "T 1 H E Good and Support of Religion doth very A much depend on the educating and principling Youth in Schools and Univerfities 5 and the Law had taken fpecial care, that thefe fhould be in the Hands of Englifo Men and ProteilantSj and the better to iecurc i 1 8 The State of the Trot eft ants fecure them, the Nomination of the Schoolm after* in every Diocefs, except^ is by a parti- ' laEliz.Chap. cular Aft of Parliament lodged in the ,it# Lord Lieutenant, or Chief Governour for the time being. The Clergy of each Diocefs, by the Aft are obliged to maintain a School- mailer > and his Qualifications are defcribed in the Aft. But when the Earl of Tyrconnel came to the Go- vernment, he took no notice of thofe Laws > but when any School became void, he either left it unfupplyed, orputaPapiftinto it. And in the mean time great care was taken to difcourage -fucli Proteftant School- mailers as remain'd,and to let up Popifh Schools in op- pofitiontothem. Thus they dealt with the School of Kilkenny i founded and endowed by the charitable Piety of the late Duke of Ormonde they fet up a Jefui- tes School in the Town, and procured them ft Charter for a College there j they drove away the Proteftant Schoolmafter, Dodior Hint on y who had officiated in it with great induitry and iuccefs, and feiz,'d on the School-houfe, commonly caU'd the College, arid con- verted it to an Hofpital for their Soldiers. Thus in a few years they would not have left one publick School in the hands of a Proteftant for the Education of their Youth. 2. There is but one Univerfity in Irela?id y and there is a Claufe in the Statutes thereof that gives the King Power to difpenfe with the faid Statutes - y it was found- ed by Queen Elizabeth ; and certainly never defignej by her, or her Succeflbrs, to be convened againit the fundamental Deiign of its Inftitution, into a Semina- ry of Popery : yet advantage was taken of this Clauie (though we had reafon to believe it would have been done if there had been no fuch Claufe) to put in Popifh Fellows, as foon as the Fellowships became vacant -, one Doyle a Convert was the fir ft who was named > a Pcrfon of fo exceedingly lewd and vicious a Converfa- tion, (as was fully prov'd before the Lord Tyrconnell) and of fo little Scnfe or Learning, that.it feemedim- poflible ^/IRELAND, tie. «? poflible that any Government ihould have coun- tenanced fuch a Man , yet this did not much weigh with his Excellency y and therefore the College indit- ed upon another Point-, the Difpenfation that Doyle had gotten through his Ignorance, was not tor his pur- pole , for it required in exprefs Terms, that he fhould take the Oath of a Fellow, and that Oath includes in it the Oath of Supremacy > the Provoft tendered it tQ him, but he durft. not take it, for fear of difobliging his own Party y upon this they rcfufed to admit him 3, he infills on his Claim, and complains to the Lord De- puty : Upon a hearing, Juflice Nugent, Baron Rice, and the Attorney General, lupplied the Place of Ad- vocates for him 9 but the Caie was fo plain, that even Juftice Nugent had not the confidence to deny the in- fufficiency of his Difpenfation y and therefore they or- dered him to get another. But to be even with the College for demurring on the King's Mandate, they ftopt the Money due to it out of the Exchequer. 3 . The Foundation confifts of a Provoft, Seven Se- nior, and Njne Junior Fellows, and Seventy two Scho- lars , thefe are partly maintain'd by a Penfion out of the Exchequer of 388/. -per Annum, this Penfion the Earl of Tyrconnell ftopt from Eafter 168$. and could not be prcvail'd with by any intercefiion or intrcaties to grant his Warrant after that time for it •> by which means he in effeel: diflblv'd the Foundation, -and ftopc the Fountains or Learning and of Religion > this appeared to have been his defign more] plainly after- wards ; for King James and his Party not content to take their maintenance from them, proceeded and turn'd out the Vice-Provoft, Fellows and Scholars 5, feiz'd upon the Furniture, Books, and publick Li- brary, together with the Chappel, Communion Plate, and all things belonging to the College, or to the pri- vate Fellows or Scholars > notwithstanding that when the)' waited on him upon his firft arrival in Dublin, he promised, 7##/ he would jpreferve them in their Liberties and %io The State of the Trot eft ants end Properties and rather augment than diminijh the Pri* vileges and Immunities granted to them by his Predeceffors. In the Houfe they placed a Popiih Garrifon, turn'd the Chappel into a Magazine, and many of the Cham- bers into Prifons for Pro te Hants 5 the Garrifon de- ftroy'd the Doors, Wainfcots, Clofets and Floors, and damnified it in the Building and Furniture of pri- vate Rooms, to at lean: the value of 2000 /. One Doct- or Moore^ a Popifh Prieft was nominated Provoil -, one Macarty y Library Keeper, and the whole defigned for them and others of their Fraternity. 4. It is obfervable, that there was not the leair. Co* lour or Pretence of Law for this violence, nor could they give the leaft Reafon in Law or Equity for their proceeding, except the neceffity of deftroying of the Proteftantlkminaries cf Learning, in order to.deftroy their Religion: This made them fo eager againit the Collegians, that they were not content to turn them, without Procefs or Colour of Law, out of their Free- 3 holds, but they fent a Guard after them tofeizeand apprehend their Perfons > and it coil the Bifhop of Meath^ their Vice-Chancellor, all his Cunning and Intereit. with the Governor huttrell^ to prevent their Imprifonment. With much ado he was prevailed on to let them enjoy their Liberties > but with this Con- dition, that on pain of Death no Three of them ftould meet together. So iblicitous were they to pre- vent the Education of Proteltants under Perfons of the fame ProiefTion, and tha£ there might be none to, fucceed the prefent Clergy. f. With the fame Dehgn they hindered the fucce£ fion of Bifhops and inferior Clergy- men, into, the room of thofe that dyed or were removed 5 the Sup- port ot Religion (as is well known) depends very much on the choice and fettling of able and fit Perfons in Vacancies^ and it fo happened, that partly by the uncertainty of Eiktes, partly by frequent ForfeK tare to the Kingy partly by the grafpmg- of the Pre- rogative - *f IRELAND, Qfe. 2ii rogative and other Accidents, moft of* the confider- able Preferments and Benefices of the Church were in the difpofal of the Crown j there are very few Livings in Ireland in the Prefentation of Lay Patrons, but they either belong to the King,ortheBifhops. TheBi- fhopricks are all in the King* and all the Livings in the Biiliops Patronage* are in the Vacancy of the Bi- fhoprick, likewife the Kings; This is a great Truftj and the King is bound to difpofe of it for the good of the Church : But King James plainly defign'd, by means or his Truft, to deftroy the Church that had intruded him : for inftead of giving the Preferments* as they fell,to good and able Men, who might pre ervc and maintain the Intereftof their Religion, he ieiz'd them into his own hand, had the Profits of them re- turned into the Exchequer, and let the Cures lye ne- glected. The Archbiihoprick of Cajhell, the Bi* ihopricks of Clogher^ of Elphin^ and of Clonfert 9 were thus feiz'd, with many inferior Livings, and the Money received out of them difpos'd to the main- tenance of Popifli Bifhops and Priefts, directly againft the Laws and Conftitution of the Kingdom. 6. At this rate in a few Years all the Preferments and Livings of the Kingdom of any value mull have fallen into the King's hands, and we mult have ex- pected to have feen them thus difpos'd oF - y for as many as fell after King James's time were put to this uiej and- we were allured by the Popifh Priefts, that all the reft as they became vacant were defign'd to the dime Purpofe j and they were fo See the Ap- unreafonable, that though both Law P cndix > 7 M °- andjuitice allow a competency for fer- - m J hls UtUr ving the Cure, whilft a Living upon any n. i 7 . Account whatfoever is in the King's Hand, yet the Commiifioners of the Revenue, and Barons of the Exchequer, would allow nothing , the Bifhop of Meath made an Experiment of this: Some Livings in his Diocefs, upon the Death of one Mr. Duddls the Incumbent, were feiz'd by the Com- miffioners izz The State of the Trote/tauts miflioners of the Revenue, being in the King's Pre- sentation ; the Bifhop did what was in his Power to- wards Supplying the Cure, and, according to his Duty* appointed a Curate,afligning him aSalary according to theCanons,but theCommimonerswould not allow him any thing •, and though the Bifhop endeavour'd it, and petition'd both the CommilTioners and Barons of the Exchequer, yet he could never get any thing for the Curate. This was a Prefident, and the fame was prac- tised in all other Cafes : All the Abfentees Cures were irt the fame Condition, and though they yielded plenti- fully to King James, yet the Curates had no other maintenance, than the voluntary Contributions of the poor plundered Proteftant Pariihioners, who were forced to pay their Tythes either to King James's Commiffioners, or to Popifh Prielts, who had Grants of them. 7. This was an effectual, though a flow way of put- ting an end to the Mini (try 5 at leaft to deprive them of all legal Title to Preferments > for the Bifhops being moil of them old, would foonhavedropt off 5 and King James was relblved to have named no more, and fo the legal Succeflion of Bifhops muft in a ihort time haveceas'd, and all the Livings depending on them, muft likewife have gone in courfe to maintain Popifh Priefts ; that is all the Deanries, Dignitaries, and moil other Benefices. 8. The Papifts upbraided us with our want of Pow- er, and feem'd to laugh at the Snare into which we were fallen by means of our Popiili King - y not con- fidering that this proceeded from a manifeft breach of Truft and Faith in him *, and that the Cafe is the fame in all Trufts, if the Truftees prove faithlefs > and e- ven in all Popifh Countries the Kings have the nomi- nation of Bifhops, as well as in England, and that the Succeflion of Bifhops had almoft lately tailed in Portu- gal, upon fome difference between the King and Pope* and the Advocate General of France, Mr. Dennis Tal- Un, lells us in 1688. that Thirty five Bifhopricks ( being o/IRELAND, fSc. it$ (being about a third Part of the whole Number) were vacant in that Kingdom on the fame ac- count: And 'tis like more are vacant Seethe Proceed fince. It is true, the Church has pow- '&**?£' fj.y, -11 iiament of Pa- cr to nominate Bilhops, without the x\s,uponthePe- confent of the Civil Magistrate j but ft$ BuH 9 Trm- then they mull not expeel: the Tempora- t*d*tLonioa m lities, which are the Gifts or Grants of t6U * p * ** Kings, and fuch Bilhops and Clergy muft intirely de- pend on the voluntary Contributions of their People tor their maintenance, and on their voluntary fubmif- ilon for their Jurifdi&ion: And here the Proteftant Clergy had the greatefl reafon in the World to com- plain of King James ; to fet him on the Throne, the Clergy difobliged many of their People, and he in re- quital deprived them of all other Worldly Support or Power, befides what mud depend on the free choice of thofe very People, whom for his fake they had not only difobliged, but likewife help'd to bring under xnany Inconveniencies, SECT. XVL 2. King James took away the maintenance of the prefenl Protefiant Clergy. I . T)UT King James did not only endeavour to hin- J3 der the Education and Succelfion of the Prote- ctant Clergy, but he likewife took away all their pre- fent maintenance. Immediately upon his coming to the Crown, their Popilh Parishioners began to deny the Payment of Book-monies, which is a confiderable part of the Ecclefiaftical Revenue of Ireland ; a great part of the Tythes of Ireland are impropriate j in fome Places the whole Tythes, in many Two third Parts, and in mod the one half ; and there is little left for the Vicar that ferves the Cure, except it be the Third part of the Tythes, or the fmall Fees due out of Burials, Marriages, or Eafler Offerings j theic Dues are 224 Stf* Sfca& or if any were recovered, it was with fo much difficulty and coft, that they turn'd to Very little account. 3. They paft an Aft in their pretended Parliament* •whereby they took away all Tythes that were payable by Papifts 5 and gave them to their own Popifh Priefts^ and allow'd them to bring an Action for them at the Common Law, to make the recovery of them more eafiej and yet denyed this to. the Proteftant Clergy $ alledging that they allow'd them Hill their old means of recovering their Tythes > and therefore did them no injury. But this was as good as nothing y for they Iiad fo weaken'd the Ecclefiaftical Power and Jurifdic* tion, that it was incapable of compelling the People to obedience 5 and it being necefTary to fue out a Writ, de excommunicato capiendo^ in order to force fuch as were rerraftory, the Popifli Chancellor either directly re- fufed to grant the Writ, orelfelaid {o many impedi- ments and delays in the way, that it coft double the Value of the Tythes fued for, to take it out. 4. Though they rendered the Proteftant Clergy un- capable of enjoying the Tythes of Roman Catholicks, yet the Popifh Clergy were made capable of enjoying the Proteftant Tythes : The Cafe then was thus y if a Proteftant had a Biftioprick,Dignity, cr other Living, by the new Aft, he muft demand any Tythes or Eccle- fiaftical Dues from any Roman Catholick 3 and as foon as his Preferment became void by his death, ceflion, or of IRELAND, &c. 22? <5r abfence, ia Popiih Bifhop, &c. was put into the Place y and by their Act, there needed no more to o- bligeallMen, To repute, take, and deem, a Man to beet Roman Catholick Bifhop or Dean of any Place, than tbe Kings fignifying him to be fo, under bis Privy Signet and Sign Manual y a Power that the Proteitants, how much foever they magnified the King's Authority, never truitcd any King with, nor other mortalMan whatfoe- v.lt. But as loon as any one became thus entitled to a Bifhoprick, &c. immediately all the Tythcs, as well of: Protectants as of Papiit$,becamcduetohim,with all the Glebes and Ecclcfiaftical Dues , and for the recovery of them he had an Action at Common Law. f. Notwithftanding the Glebes and Protectants Tythes were not given to the Popifh Clergy, during the incumbency of the prefent Proteftant Incumbents, yet the Popilli Priefls by violence entered on theGlebes where there were any, pretending that the King had nothing to do with them, and that neither he or his Parliament could hinder the Church of her Rights \ and this Pretence was (o far countenanced, that no en- deavours whatfoever could get any of thefc Priefts out, when once he had gotten poiFerTion. The Truth is ? hardly one Pariih in tea in the Provinces of Leinftety Munfter, or Connaught, have any Glebe left them 9 for either they were never endowed, or if they had been at any time endowed with Glebes, the many Confufions and new Difpoiltions of Lands have made them to be forgotten,or i wallowed up in the Hands of fome pow- erf uiParifnioncrs.The pretence therefore of the Parlia- ment,that they had been kind to the Proteftant Clergy, in leaving them the Glebes,was a nicer piece of Hypo- ■ criiie : Since they knew that generally Pariihes had no Glebes y and that where they had Glebes, the Priefls would make a {hi ft to get into poficilion of them,with- out being given to them by the Parliament. 6. The fame may be (aid of their leaving fome of the Tythes belonging to Protefhnts, for the prefent, to their own Clergy. They had fo robb'd and plun- dered the Proteitants of the Country, that few iiv'd Q. or %i6 The State of the TroteJIautf or had any thing Tithable in it j being forced for their own iafety to flee to the Towns, and leave their Farms waft - y if any had Tythes, they might pay them if they pleas'd, or let it alone, for they had left the Pro- teftant Clergy, as I fhew'd before, no way of recover* ing their Dues. Many times the Priefts came with a Company of the next quarter'd Dragoons, and took the Ty thes away by force > and this paft for a PofTefli- on of the Livings y and the Proteftant Minifters muft bring their Leafes of Ejectment, if they would reco- ver their Pofteffions, or pretend any more to Ty thes in thofe Livings. There is a Cuftom in Ireland whereby fome Farmers do agree with their Neighbours to plow their Lands for them, on Condition that they afford them a certain quantity of Corn, fuppofe an Half, one Third, or one Fourth, after it is reaped. Now Proteftants that had Farms in the Country, being in no capacity to plow them after their Horfes were taken away, and their Houfes robb'd, agreed with their Po- pifh Neighbours to plow their Lands for them, ac- cording to the Cuftom of the Country 5 this was e- nough to entitlePriefts to the Tythes of Lands fo plow- ed j and accordingly they feiz'd upon them by force 3 though both the Land and Corn belong'd to Prote- ftants 9 by thefe and other fuch Contrivances, from the year 1 68tf . till King James's Power was pue to an end by the Victory at the Boyn, hardly any Proteftant enjoy'd any Tythes in the Country, all which was re* prefented to trie Government, but to no purpofe. 7. In Corporate Towns and Cities, there was a pe- culiar Provifion made for Minifters by Ac~b of Parliament, in King Charles the Second's time : by which Act, the Houfes in thofe Places were to be va- lued by Commiffioners at a moderate value y and the Lord Lieutenant or chief Governor, for the time be- ing, did aflign a certain Proportion for the Minifters maintenance, not greater than the Twentieth part of the yearly value, return'd by the Commiflioners. That therefore the City Proteftant Clergy might not be in a bewej ^/IRELAND, fgc. ii 7 better condition than thofe in the Country^ an A ft: was pall in their pretended Parliament, to take away this altogether j the Clergy of Dublin deflr'd to be heard Concerning this A£t at the Bar of the Houfc of Lords before it paft, and their Council were admitted to fpeak to itj who fhew'd the unreafonablencfs and in- juftice or it fo evidently, and indited fo boldly on King James's Promife to the Proteitant Clergy, at his firft arrival in this Kingdom , when he gave chdm the greateft aflurances of maintaining them in theirRights and Privileges j and further, bid them, if agriev'd in any thing, to make their Complaints immediately to him, and engaged to fee them redreft, that he feemed to be fatisfied, and the Houfe of Lords with him * yet the defign to ruin them was fo fixt, that without offering any thing by way of Anfwer to the Reafons urged againft it* the Act paft y and thereby left the Clergy of the Cities and Corporate Towns, without any pretence to a maintenance, except they could get it from the voluntary Contributions of their People j nay, fo malicious were they againft the Proteitant C lergy, that they cut off the Arrears due to them, as well as the growing Rent y having left no means to re- cover them, as appeared upon Tryal at the Coun- cil-board afterward, when fome of the I lergy peti- tioned for relief therein. 8. Upon the Plantation of Ulfter 1 6 if. there was a Table of Ty thes agreed on by the King and Council j and the Planters, to whom the Grants were made by the King, obliged to pay Tythes according to that Table y the pretended Parliament took away this Tabic alfo y for no other Rcafon that we could learn, but becaufe molt of the Inhabitants of Ulfter were Protefrants, and confequently the Proteitant Clergy would pretend to them. 9. The Livings of Ireland were valued by Com- miffions inHenry theEight and Queen Elizabeth's time* and paid Firlt Fruits and Twentieth Parts, according to that valuation} other Livings were held in Farm Q^ z from n8 The State of the Trot eft ants from the Crown, and paid yearly a confiderable refer ved Rent, commonly call'd Crown Rents > others ap" pertain'd to the Lord Lieutenant, and other Officer 8 of State, and paid a certain rate of Corn for their ufe, commonly call'd Port Corn. Now all thefe Payments were exacted from the Proteftant Clergy, notwith- standing the greater!: part of their Tythes were taken from them : the remaining part, (where any remain- ed) wasieiz'd in many places, by the CommhTioners of the Revenue, and a Cuitodiam granted of it for the King's ufe, for the payment of the Duties which ac- cru'doutor the whole, and not one Farthing allow'd for the Incumbent or the Curate : Nay, in fome pla* ces, they feiz'd the Incumbent's Pcrfon, and laid him in Jail till he paid thefe Duties, though at the fame time they had feiz'd his Livings, and found that they ■were not diffident to anfvver what they exacted > and becaufe the Clei k of the Firft Fruits, Lieutenant Co- lonel Roger Moore^ being a Proteftant himfelf, would not be fevere with the Clergy, and feize their Livings and Perfons, to force them to pay what he knew they were not in a Capacity to do, they found pretence to feize his perfon and fent him with Three Files of Muf- -quetiers Prifoner to the Caftle of Dublin^ where he and two Gentlemen more lay in a cold natty Garret for fome Months. By thefe Contrivances, the few Be- nefices yet in the hands of the Proteftants, inftead of a fupport, became a Burthen to them j and they were forced to caft themfelves for a maintenance on the Kindncfs of their People, who were themfelves Un- done and Beggar'd. SECT. XVIL 3 . King James took away the Jurifdiclion of the Church from Proteftants. I. |T is impoffiblc any Society mould fubfift with- JL. out a Power of rewarding and puniming its Members * of IRELAND, 6fc. 129 Members; now Chrift left no other Power to his Church, but what is purely Spiritual > nor can the Governors of the Church any other way puniili their refractory Subjects, but by refuting them the Benefits of their Society, the Adminiftration of the Word and Sacraments, and the other Spiritual Offices an- nexed by Chrift. to the Minifterial Function. But Kings and Eftates have become nurfing Fathers to the Church, and lent their Temporal Power to fecond her Spiritual Cenfures. The Jurifdiction therefore of the Clergy, fo far as it has any Temporal Effect on the Bodies or Eftates of Men, is intirely derived from the Favour of States and Princes, and acknowledged to be fo in the Oath of Supremacy. However this is now become a Right of the Clergy, by antient Laws through all Chriftendom - % arid to take it away, after fo long continuance, muft needs be a great blow to Religion, and of worfe Confequence than if the Church had never pofiefTeditj yet this was actually done by King James to the Proteftant Clergy - y and is a plain Sign that he intended to deftroy their Religion, when he depriv'd them of their Support. i. For flrft he paft an A£t of Parliament, whereby he exempted all that diilented from our. Church, from the Jurifdiction thereof : and a Man needed no more to free him from all Punifhment for his Mifdemeanors, though only cognizable and punifhable intheEccle- fiailical Courts, than to profefs himfelf a Diffenrer, or that it was againft his Confcience to fubmit to the Jurifdiction of our Church : Nay, at the firft, the Act was fo drawn, and paft the Houie of Commons, that no Proteftant Bifhop could pretend to anyjurif- diction even over his own Clergy *, but that, andfe- veral other Pallages in the Commons Bills, were fo little p leafing to iome who.underftood the King's In- tereft, that Sir Edward Herbert was employ'd by King james to amend the Act for the Houie of Lords •, which he did in the Form it is now in y nothing of the Commons Bill being left in it, but the W ord, JVhere- t$o 3w State of the Trot eft ants as 5 tho* after^all it effectually deftroy'd the JurifdicU a on of the Chuns 1 3. But fecond, in moft Places there was no Protc- ftant Biihop left ; and confequently the Popifli Biihop was to fucceed to the Jurifdiction > they being by ano- ther Act inverted in Bifhopricks, as foon as they could procure King James's Certificate under his privy Sig- net, that they were Archbiihops or Bifhops > all In- capacities, by reafon of their Religion, by any Sta- tute or Law whatfoever, being taken off. There were already vacant in Ireland* one Archbimoprick and three Bifhopricks 5 they had attainted two of the furviving Archbiihops, and feven Bifhops, fo that they had already the Jurifdiction of three Fourths of th$ Kingdom, by a Law of their own making, fecu- red into the Hands of Papifts -, and the reit were quickly to follow. 4. But third, where any Shadow of Jurifdiction remain'd with the Protectant Clergy, they rendered it infignificant, by encouraging the moil obftinate and perverfe Sectaries, and by mewing them Favour according as they were molt oppofite and refractory to all Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, and paying their Dues to the Clergy: This may be fuppos'd one Reafon of their peculiar Fondnefs of Quakers -> and that it was upon this Account chiefly they made them BurgerTes or Aldermen in their new Corporations, and reckon'd them as moil uleful Tools to pull down the Discipline of the Church $ tho' their Tythes were not given a- way to the Popiili Priefts, yet there was no way left for the Protectant Clergy to recover them 5 they be- ing exempted from- their Jurifdiction •, and from the very beginning of King James's Reign, they fo or- dered the matter, that Quakers were generally ex- empted from paying Tythes > which at lait became a more fenfible Lofs to the Protectant Clergy, becauie thefe were the only People that call'd themfelves Pro- tectants, who had any thing left them out of which Ty dies were due. f. 'Twas ^/IRELAND, 6fc. *3* f. 'Twas on the fame account that lewd and de- baucht Converts were encouraged amongft them ; and a Man need no more to ef cape the Cenfures and Punifhments due to his Crimes, but to proiefs him- felf reconcil'd j upon which all Proceedings againfl him mu'ft immediately ceafe. Thus many lewd Wo- men turn'd Converts, and continued their Wicked- nels without Fear of the Ecclefiaftical Judge. 6. If at any time a Bifhop went about to correct a fcandalous Clergyman, the King's Courts immediate- ly interpos'd and granted Prohibitions, tho' the mat- ter did not bear one. They knew it muft put the Bifhop to much Pains and Colls to have it removed, and they were in hopes to weary him out before he could get a Confultation : And fo zealous were the Popifh Lawyers to protect a fcandalous Minifte'r a- gainft his Biihop, that they would of their own ac- cord, gratis, plead his Caufe j they thought it Fee e- nough to weaken the Jurifdiction of a Protectant Bi- fhop, and to do Mifchief to our Religion, by keeping in a wicked fcandalous Clergyman to be a Reproach to it. One Mr. Rofs was profecuted by his Bifhop for very lewd and notorious Crimes > but the King's Judges interpos'd, and Serjeant Dillon, then Prime Serjeant, pleaded bis , Caufe gratis againft the Bifhop of Killmore, who profecuted him. If any Clergy- man turn'd Papift, as we have reafon to thank God that very few did, whatever his Motives of Conver- fion were, he was fure to keep his Livings by a TD\(- penfation, and to be exempted from the Power of his Biihop. 7. King James, by an Order under his Privy Sig- net, took on him to appoint Chancellors to exercife Jurifdiction over Proteftant-s. Thus he appointed one Gordon, who called himfelf Bifhop of Galloway in Scotland, to be Chancellor in the Diocefs of Dublin j this Gordon was a very ignorant lewd Man, and a pro- feft Papift > yet he took on him by vertue of King James's Mandate, to exercife Ecclefiaftical Jurifdic- Q^4 tion 5,3 fc Sffl* JSbrifc 0/ ^ Trot ejl ants tion over the Proteftants of the Diocefs, to grant Li- cenfesror Marriages, Adminiitrations of Wills, and to cite and excommunicate whom he pleas'd. But the Clergy refus'd to lubmittohim, or to denounce his Excommunications y which obliged him to let that Part of his Jurifdiclion Fall 5 but as to the other part that concern'd Wills, he made his Advantage of it, he cited the Widow or Relation of anydeceafed Perfonj and if they refuted to appear, he granted Adminiitrations to ibme of his own Creatures, and they came by force and took away the Goods of the Defunct. It is incredible what wicked brutifh things, he, with a parcel of ill Men he got to act with him, did on this pretence 5 and how he opprefs'd and fqueez'd the Widows and Orphans, the poor People not being ftrong enough to oppofe him and the Crew ne employed , tor force was all the Right he cou'd pretend ^ it being notorious that in the Vacancy of the Archbifhoprick, or in his Abfence, whenhecai> not have intercourfe with his Diocefs, the Jurifdicti- on devolveth to the Dean and Chapter, as Guardians of the Spiritualities > and they, notwithstanding the difficulty of the times, and danger they were in, chofe the Right Reverend the Riihop of Meath to admini- Iter the jurifdiction , which he did with all the Meek- nefs, Modefty, and Diligence that is peculiar to him 5 though he could not hinder the forementioned Gor- dons Encroachments, as to Adminiitrations of Wills and Teftaments. In fhort, King James, by Virtue of his Supremacy, claim'd a deipotick Power over the Church, and pretended that he might do what he jpleas'd as to Matter of Juriidiccion^ thp' hisEccle- iiaitical Supremacy no more entitled him to encroach on the Liberties and Privileges of the Church, than his C ivil entitled him to difpoieof the Civil Rights of the SubjnSts of his Kingdoms. He had indeed taken away the Oath of Supremacy by an Act of his pretended Parliament -, but yet he would not difown the Power veftcd in him bv it 5 tho' the Papiits would '" "• > : hs4Y« A/IRELAND, &c\ *33 have had him renounce it exprdly 3 but he anfwered, that he did not claim any Ecclefiaitical Authority o- ver his Roman Catholick Subjects, nor pretended to be fupreme in their Church in his Dominions, but on- ly over the Proteftants 3 the Myilery of which was plainly this 3 he forefaw that the Ecclefiaitical Autho- rity, which is fettled by the Laws, and trutted in the Crown, as he could abufe it, might be a means to de- stroy the Protectant Religion, and to hinder the Ex- ercile of Ecclefiaitical Difcipline, and therefore was refolved not to part with it 3 not considering that fuch a manifeft and defigned abufe of a Trult, in direct opposition to, and destruction of the end for which it was granted to him, was a provoking Temptation to his People, on the firft Opportunity that offered, to think of transferring it to Some other Perfon, than would adminifter it with more Faithful nefs, accord- ing to the Deiign for which it was granted. 8. I might add as a fifth means of destroying the Proteftant Religion, and Slackening Difcipline 3 the univerfal Corruption of Manners that was encouraged at Court 3 I do not charge King James with this in his own Perfon, nor will I insinuate that he defign'd it though he took no care to redrefs it 3 but it look'd like a Defign in fome 3 and whether deiign'd or no, it ferv'd the Ends of Popery more than eafily can be imagined, and opened a wide Door for it 3 that King- dom that is very corrupt in Morals and debaucht, is in a very fair way to embrace that Perfwafion 3 and gene- rally* theirProfelytes wete fuch as had renounced Chri- stianity in their Practice, before they renounced the Principles thereof as taught in the Reformed Church- es 3 and many Roman CathoSicks declared, that they would rather have had us profefs no Religion at all than the Proteftant. In Short, whether it was from the loofenefs or the Principles of their Religion, or from a Defign to gain on Proteftants, Impiety, Fro- phaneuefs andLibertinifm. were highly encouraged and favoured > and it was obfervable, that very few came with 234 *&■ «$>*** 0/ *£* Trot eft anH with King 7^w^ into Ireland, that were remarkable for any Strictnefs or Severity 'of Life 5 but rather on. the other Hand, they were generally fignal for their vicioufneis and loofeneis of their Morals : Sir Thomas Hacket confefs'd, that in the whole Year 1 688. where- in he was Mayor of Dublin^ there was not one Pro-* teftant brought before him for Theft, and hardly one for any other Immorality y whereas he was crouded with Popifh Criminals of all forts y The Perjuries in; the Courts, the Robberies in the Country > the lewd Practices in the Stews y the Oaths, Blafphemies, and Curfes in the Armies and Streets y the drinking of Confufions and Damnations in the Taverns, were all of them generally the Acts of Papifts* or of thofe who own'd themfelves ready to become fuch, if that Party continued uppermoil. But more peculiarly they were remarkable for their Swearing and Blafpheming and Prophanation of the Lord's Day y if they had a- W fignal Ball or Entertainment to make, any Journey or weighty Bufinefs to begin, they commonly chofe that Day for it, and lookt on it as a kind of Conqueft over a Proteitant, and a Step to his Converflon, if they could engage him to prophane it with them. This univerfal vicioufnefs made Difcipline impoffible ^ and whatever Protectants were infected with it, were inti rely loft to the Church and their Religion > for the ilrefs of Salvation, according t;o the Princi- ples oi the Reformed Religion, depends on Virtue and Holinefs of Life, without which neither Sorrow for Sin nor Devotion will do a Man any Service > whereas he that hears Mafs daily in the Roman Churchy kneels often bek>re a Crucifix, and believes firmly that the Roman Church is the Catholick, and that all out of her Communion are damned, makes not the leait Doubt of Salvation, though he be guilty of ha- bitual Swearing, Drunkennefs, and many other Vi- ces y and the obfervation of this Indulgence gain'd them moil: of thofe Profelytes that went over to them, of the lewd Women aad corrupted CJentry> and many ^/IRELAND, &c. ^35 > tnany among ft themfelves had fo great a Senfe of this Advantage, that it made them very favourable to de- bauchery, and openly profefs, that they had a much better Opinion of the lewdeft Perfons that dyed \i\ their own Communion, than of the ftri&eft and moft devout Proteftant 5 and they would often laugh at pur fcrupling a Sin, and our conftancy at Prayers, fince, as they would aflure us with many Oaths, we muft only be damned the deeper for our Diligence ; and they could not endure to find us go about to pu- nifh Vice in our own Members, fince, faid they,it is to no purpoie to trouble yourfelves about Vice or Vir- tue, that are out of the Church, and will all be damned. SECT. XVIIL 4. King James and his Party 9 in order to deftroy the Pro* t eft ant Religion^ took away the P rots ft ants Churches^ and hindred their religion* Affemblies. l.'TpOwards the beginning of thefe Troubles the X Papifts boafted much of their Kindneis to the Proteftant Clergy, in leaving them their Churches. They thought us very unreafonablc, to complain of our being robh'd or plunder'd, or of the lofs of our Eftates, whilft our Churches were left us 5 and they would not own that they had done any Injury to our Minifters, whilft they had not turn'd them out of thoie. This was urged upon all Occafions, as an un- answerable Argument that King James intended in carneft to preferve inviolably that Liberty of Confci- ence he had promised > but this was, as all their other Promifes, a meer Pretence - 7 the Priefts told us from the beginning, that they would have our Churches, and that they would have Mafs in Chrift-Church^ the chief Cathedral in Dublin^ in a very little time ; we knew well enough that this was intended, whatever &i n g James and his Minifters averr'd to i;he contrary * for 1 3 6 The State of the Trotejlants for the fame Aft of Parliament that they had faff to make their Priefts and Bimops capable of Preferments and Benefices, did alfo give them a legal Title to the Churches belonging to thoie Preferments $ as they who drew the Act very well knew : In the mean time their Affairs were not in fuch a forward Poiture, as to encourage them to feize on thole Churches to which they could pretend no right, tho' fome had been feiz- ed before the Aft palled. 2. But immediately upon the paffing of thcAft,Duke Schonbergs landing alarmM them : and th.ey were in lb great Fear of him, that they rather thought of run- ning into Munfttr^ or leaviag the Kingdom, than of pofteiling Churches. And therefore they contented themfelves with their former Methods for fome time, which was to let the Rabble break into them and de- face them, with barbarous and contumelious Circum.-, itances^ breaking the Windows , pulling up the Scats, and throwing dawn the Pulpit, Commuriion- Table, and Rails, and Healing what was portable out of them : An Inilance of this fort, and a remarkable Accident upon % of undoubted Crc- Appendix. N. 27. dit, I have put in the Appendix. In fome Churches in the Diocefs of Dublin, they hung up a black Sheep in the Pulpit, and put fome part of the Bible before it. in fome Places the Crcaght, a fort of wild Irijh^ that chofe to fly out of the North at Duke Schwbergs landing, rather thai\ ilay to give an account of the Robberies and Infoien- cies that they had committed there, turn'd the Prote- ilant Churches into lodging Places > defacing and. turning whatever was combuitibie in tfeeoi. 3. And in Dublin the Government ordered rhe Churches feveral tiroes tobefeiz'd : Firlt theEariof Tyrcomiel EWd them with Soldiers, February 24. 1688. in order to receive the Arms of rroteltanrs - x and they were kept, fome for a longer, fome ror ,1 ihorter time upon this Pretence: Then they ordered them robe fciz'danew^ •September though after all they found no Arms, nor indeed were there any hid . Thus far they proceeded whillt their Fear was upon them j refolv- ing, fince they could not hope to enjoy them them- felves, that they would make them as ufelefs as they could to Proteftants : But when they fourid that Duke Schonberg ftopt at Dundalk^ and they underftood the State of his Army, the Priefts took Courage, and in the Months of Oclober and November , they feizedon moil of the Churches in the Kingdom. 4. The manner of their doing it was thus : The Mayor, or Governor in the Towns, with the Priefts, went to the Churches, fent for the Keys to the Sex- tons, and if they were found, forced them from them -, if not>> they broke open the Doors, pulled up the Seats and Reading Desk, and having faid Mafs in them lookt upon them as their own, and faid the King himfelf had then nothing to do with them, being confecrated Places > and to alienate them, or give them back to Hereticks, was Sacrilege. In the Country, the Militia Captains, or Officers of the Army that chanced to be quartered in the feveral Pla- ces, performed the fame part that the Mayors or Go- vernors did in Corporations - y thus Chrifi-Church in Dublin was feized by Luttrell the Governor, and a- bout twenty fix Churches andChappels in the Dioceli of Dublin. f. Of this, Proteftants complained to King James as a great Violation of his own Aft for Liberty of Conicience, in which it is exprefly provided, that they 2,38 The State of the Trotejlanis they fliould have Liberty to meet in fuch Churches^ ChappelSj and other Places as they Jhall have for that Purpofe: They further reprefented to him, That all the Churches of Ireland were in a Manner ruined in the late Warin 1641. That it was with great diffi- culty and coft that the Proteflants had new built or repaired them j That many were built by private Per- ions on their own Coils 5 and that the Roman Catho- licks had no Pretence or Title to them : But his Ma- jelly anfwered. That they were feiz'd in his Abfence -at the Camp, without his Knowledge or Confent 5 That neverthelefs he was fo much obliged to his Roman Catholick Clergy, that he mufl not difpofTefs them 9 That they alledged a Title to the Churches that they had feiz'd > and if the Proteflants thought their Title was better, they muil bring their Action and endea- vour to recover their PofTeffionby Law. 6. This Anfwer was what the Attorney- General had fuggeiled to him ; and the Reader will perceive that the whole was a Piece of Deceit > that the pre- tence of the Churches being feiz'd whilll his Majcfly was abfent, was a meer Collufion, and that there could not be a more falfe Suggeflion, than that the Papifls had any Right to the Churches, or a more un- juil thing, than to put the Proteflants on recovering a PofTeiTiori, by a Suit at Law, which was gotten from them by fo open Violence - 9 but this was thejuflice we lookt for, and conflantly met with from him 5 and therefore there being no Remedy to be expected, we were forced to acquiefce. 7. Only to colour the matter a little, and left this fhould make too great a Noife in England and Scotland, where King James at this time had very encouraging Hopes, he ifiued out a Proclamation, December 13. i68j?. in which he acknowledges, that the feizing of Churches was a Violation of the Act for Liberty of Confcience, yet doth not order any Reflitution, only forbids them to feize any more. They had in many Places Notice of this Proclamation before it came out, ©/IRELAND, fSc. 139 out, and therefore were more diligent to get into the remaining Churches j for they look'd on the Procla- mation as a confirmation of their PofTefiions which they had before the publifhing of it > and in fome pla- ces the Popifh Officers kept it from being publiihed till they had done their Work 5 the Proteftants not be- ing allowed to go out of their Parifhes, could not come by it, till it pleas'd their Popiiri Neighbours to produce it j and fo it prov'd like other Proclamations . of his Majefty in favour of his Proteftant Subjects, it was not publiihed till the inconveniency it pretended to prevent was brought upon them, and the mifchief actually executed j and it made their Enemies more hafty and diligent to do it, than otherwife they would have been, left they ihould flip the time, and lofe the opportunity. 8. But after all, fome were too late, and the Prote- ftants got fight of the Proclamation before their Chur- ches were ieiz'd* but here the Priefts put off their Vizors, and acted bare-faced 5 they tola the People, theKing had nothing to do with them or theirChurch- es; that they were immediately under the Pope, and that they would neither regard him nor his Proclama- tions or Laws made to the damage of Holy Church* p. The Proteftants had a mind to make an Experi- ment how far this would go, and whether the Priefts or King would get the better* in order therefore to make the Tryal, they chofc out fome Inftances, in which the violence and injuftice of turning them out of their Churches were moft undeniable, and laid their Cafe before His Majefty and his Council by their Pe- titions ; and that the Petitions might not be laid afide or loft, as was the common Cuftom to deal with Peti- tions and Affidavits, to which they were afhamed to return a flat denial, they engaged fome of the Privy Council to efpoufe their Caufe 5 and had the luck to gain feveral of the Popifh Nobility to favour their Suits, efpecially of fuch as had Eftates in England^ and i$o The State af the Trot eft ants and knew King James's true Iritereft and their otvn. 10. The Petitions of Water ford and Wexford were the moil favourably received in fpite of all the opposi- tion that the Attorney-General Nagk 9 or the Solici- tor-General, one- Butier\ who concerned himfelf with lingular Impudence againft the Petitions, could makej they obtained an Order for restitution of thefc two Churches \ the Wexford Petition See theVetU fets forth the Loyalty of the M milter-- ttonm the Ap r - the p eaC eablenefs of the People ; their having contributed to the building of feveral Popifh Chappels within and without the Walls of thatTowm, and that the Roman Catholicks had no occafion for the Church -, the realbnablenefs of this Petition was fo manifeff, that King James and his Council made an Order for the restitution of the Church : But he now found how precarioufly he reign'd in Ireland (not with Handing their mighty pro* feffions of Loyalty and abfolute Subjection on all ccca- fions, aiid more particularly in their Aft of Recog- nition; for the Mayors and Officers refufed to o- b?y his Order. 1 1 . Upon which he was importuned by the Prote- Hants with new Complaints 3 but being afhamed to own his want of Power to make good his former Or- der, he referr'd the Waterford Petition to the then Go- vernour of that place, the Earl of Tyrone, whore- ported that the Church of Waterford wis a Place of itrength, and confequently not fit to be trufted into the Hands of Protectants - y and fo all they obtain 1 d by their Petition, Attendance and Charges, was to have their Church turn'd into a Garrifon, inttead of a Mafs- houfe: This pretence could not be made for theChurch of Wexford, it having no appearance of itrength j and therefore the Order for reiloring it was renewed, and the difobedient Mayor fent for and turn'd out, for which the Popifh Clergy made him ample fatisfaftion: But notwithstanding that King James appear'd moil zealous of IRELAND, Gfc 241 feealous to have the Church reftored, and expre(s 4 d himfelf with more paffion than was ufual, that he would be obeyed $ and though the Protectants concer- ned ibllicited it with the utnioil eagcrnefs and dili- gence, even to the hazard of their Lives, yet they could never procure the King and Councils Order, fo* the reftitution of their Church, to be executed or o* beyed •, and fo they continued out of it till His prefent Majefties fuccefs reitor'd them and their fellow Pro- teftants to their Churches, as well as to" their other juft Rights. iz. Now here we had a full demonfhration, what the Liberty of Confcience would ccme to, with which King James thought to have amufed Prote- Hants, and of- which he boafted fo unmeafurably, ir. once Popery had gotten the upper hand. He and his Parliament might have made A6ts for it, if they pleas'd- but we fee here, that the Clergy would have told them, that they meddled with what did net concern them, and that they had no power to make Acts about Re- ligious Matters, or difpofe of the Rights of Holy Church j and we fee from thisExpcriment who would have been obeyed. We found here upon tryal, that when King Jamts would have kept his word to us, it, was not in his power to do it % and that his frequently repeated Promifes, and his Act of Parliament for Li- berty of Confcience, could not prevent the demolish- ing, defacing, or feizing Nine Churches in Ten through the Kingdom > and difcovcred to us, That the Act for Liberty of Confcience was onlv de^gn'd to deftroy the Eltiblifh'd Churchy and not that Prote- llants fhould have the Benefit of it. 1 3 . Having taken away our Churches and publiclc Places of meeting, the next thing was ta hinder our Religious AfTemblies. It is obfervable, that the A 6b of their pretended Parliament for Liberty of Con- fcience promifes full and freeMrcife of their refpetlive Religions , to all that profcfsChriftianity within the King* dom y without Any molejlation^ lo/s % or penalty whatjo- R ever ^ rjp. The State of the Trotejlants ever > but aligns no punifhment to fuch as mall difturb any in their Religious Exercifes ; and there was good reafori for that omiflion -> for by this means they had left their Officers and Soldiers at liberty to difturb the Religious AfTemblics of Proteftants, without fear of being call'd to any account. 14. By the Act, an open, free, and uninterrupted accefs was to be left into every Aflembly > and they commonly had their Emiffiiries in every Church, to fee if they could find any thing to object againft the Preacher : But the Minifters did not fear any thing could be objected even by Malice on this account y and therefore when they found they were not like to make much of this, they let it fall > and the Officers and Soldiers came into the Churches in time of Divine Service, or in time of: Sermons and made a noife 3 fome- times threatning the Minifters, fometimes curling* fometimes fwearing, and fometimes affronting or af- faulting Women, and picking occafions ,,of Quarrels with the Men, and committing many Diforders > it vex'd and griev'd them to fee the Churches full, con- trary to their expectation * that neither their Liberty of Confcience, nor multiplying their Mafs-Houfes, nor their driving away feveral thoufands of Proteftants into England, had in the leaft emptied them > that their Liberty of Confcience, inftead of dividing, had rather united Proteftants 5 and that the zeal and fre- quency of Devotion,amongft thoie that remain'd fup- plicd theAbfence of thofe that were gone,and crowded theChurchesrather more than formerly 5 it grieved them much to fee thofe things* and they on allOccafionsven- ted their fpleen againft the Aflemblies of Proteftants. 1 f . In the Country, where Churches were taken from the Proteftants, they met in private Houfes; and where their Minifters were gone, and their main- tenance feiz'd, others undertook the Cures etcher gra- tis or were maintain'd by the voluntary Contribu- tions of the People : So that there appear'd no proba- bility, that Proteftantifm would be deftroy'd without vi*~ ^/IRELAND, e?r. 243 violence. The Papifts faw this, and therefore watch- ed an opportunity to begin it. On the Sixth of Sep" tenth. 1689, upon pretence of a Cafe of Piftols and a Sword found in fomc out-part of Chrift-Church in Dublin, they lockt it up for a Fortnight, and {urYcred no Service to be in it. On the Twenty feventh of October they took it to themfelves, and hindered Pro- tectants to officiate any more in it. On the Thirteenth of September ■, on pretence of fbme Shipsfecnin the Bay of Dublin, they forbad all Protefhints to go to Church, or afTembfc in any Place for Divine Service. July it,. 1680. there" iffued out a Proclamation, for- bidding Protectants to go out of their Parifhes , one defign or this was to hinder their AiTemblies at Reli- gious Duties y for in Ireland generally Two or Three Parifhes have but one Church j and confequently by this, one half were confined from the Service of God through the Kingdom : June 1690. Col- lonel Luttrellj Governor of Dublin, if- St< Appendix* fued hisOrder, forbidding more than five *M*« Proteflants to meet together on pain of Death: He was ask'd whether this was defigned to hinder meermg at Churches, it was anfwered, that it was defigtvd to hinder their meeting there as well as in other Places $ and in execution of this, all the Churches were fhut up, and all Religious AfTemblies through the King- dom forbidden under pain of Death \ and we were allured, that if King James haxj returned Victorious! from the Boy m, it was rcfolved that the) ihoulc never have been opened any more for us-, and the fame ex^ cufe would have ferved for his permitting this that ferv'd him the tormer Yeaf$ for not reitoring the Churches taken away in his abien, e at the former Camp, even that he mult not difoblige his Roman Ca* tholick Clergy. Thus God gave them oppor unity to ihew what they intended againft our Religion^ even to takeaway ail our Churches* and hinder ail our Rch ligious Affem biies j and whfcn they hid brough': their Liberty of Conicieneeto this, and we had been obln R a ged ^44 3T** *5Ytfite 0/ ^*? Trot eft ants grd upon pain of Death to forbear all publick Woi ; - fhip for a Fortnight, then he fent us deliverance, by means of his prefent Majerty's Victory ixtht Boyn$ which reftor'd us the Liberty of worfhipping God to- gether, as well as theufeof our Churches. SECT. XIX. J\ Tloe Violences ufed by King James V Party to make Con- ' verts, and to difiouragetheProteftant Miniftcrs. I. T> V T all thefe methods or ruining the Proteflant jD Religion feem'd tedious to the Priefts \ and therefore they could not be prevailed with to abitain from violence -, wherever they had a fair opportunity to ufe it they applyed it with all diligence. Several Proteftant Women were married to Papifts y many of thefe ufed unmerciful Severities to their Wives, and endeavoured by hardihips and unkindnefs to weary the poor Women out of their Religion > fome ftript them of their Cloathes,kept them fome Days without Meat or Drink, beat them grievoufly, and atlaft, when they could not prevail, turn'd them out of their Houfes, and refus'd to let them live with them : Some fold off all that they had, turn'd it into Money, and left their Wives and Children to beg, for no other Reafon, but becaufe they would not forfake their Re- ligion > And this carriage was encouraged by the Priefts, which came to be difcovered on this occafion : Some Women that were thus ufed, were advis'd by their Friends to make their Application to their Huf- band's ConteiTors, and they imagined the CdhfelTors would lay their commands on the Men to be more ci- vil, and to do the Duty of Husbands to their Wives* But the Priefts told the Women that it was their own faults that their Husbands uied them ill, that they de- fended it, and muft expect no better whilft they con- tinued dilobedient to them, andrefufed to comply in the matter of Religon 5 and when the poor Women replied ^/IRELAND, 6fc 14; replied that in Confcience they could not change their Religion, being perfwaded of the truth of it* the Prteils railed at them and abufed them almoil as much? us their own Husbands,. Servants were ufed the fame way by their Popiftx Mailers, and Tenants by their Landlords y every Office of Profit, or Truit was made a Temptation y and a Man, whatever his circum- fiances were, muft either part with it or his Religion. We were told that the King would have all that did eat his Bread, of his own Religion y the meaning of which was, that he expected that .all who were em* ploy'd by him mould turn Papifts. 2. I reckon all the Robberies and Plunderings com- mitted on the Country Gentlemen to be on the fame account y a Man might have faved his Horfes, his Gows, his Sheep, and Houfhold Goods, if he would have changed his Religion; if not, he mull expect to be ruined by Thieves and Robbeis, fet on by the Priefls, and encouraged by his Popifh Neighbours > which was no way to be prevented, but by going to Mafs : fome few were fo weak as to do it, and eicaped > £ho' the Generality rather choietobeg, t;hantofave their Fortunes by fobafea Complyance. 3 . When it fared thus with the Laity, we may ima- gine the Clergy were in ill Circumilances : whoever efcap'd, they werefure to be Robbed and Plundered ; they' were often affronted and aflaulted. The very Proteftant Brihops could not efcape Violence : The Biihop of Laughlin's Houfe was broke open and plun- dered before he left the Kingdom : The Bifhop of WaterforcCs Houfe was rifled, and the Bifliop an Old Man about Fourfcore years of Age, defperately woun- ded in his fied. Several of the Inferior Clergy were beaten and a^bufed, way-led as they travelled the High- way, mot at and wounded, and with difficulty efcaped wirh their Lives y fome were fo beaten that they died upon it y fome had their Houfes fet on Fire y and in general the Protellant Parishioners were io apprehen- sive of the Danger in which many of their Miniirer& R l were*. %+6 The State of the Trotejlants were, that they befought them to withdraw them? felvesourof it •> they had threatning MeiTages often lent to them j the Robbers of the Country would fend them word,that at fuch aTjme or at fuch aNight, they would be with them, and fometime they would be very punctual to their affignation, and ilrip the poor Men and their Families of their very Cloaths. 4. Thpfe that ftaid amongft their Parimioners in the Country, were forced to walk from Hqufe to Houie to perform their Offices j their Horfes being all taken from them : At laft they were generally put into Pri- fon with the other Gentlemen of the Country, and Come kept in for Twelve or Thirteen Months, not be- ing releafed tiji the general deliverance > fome were tried for their Lives, and fome condemned to Death, even in the City o^ Dublin, under the Eye of the Go- vernment 5 hardly one efcaped affronts and abufes, or could walk the Streets with quiet 5 the Soldiers, efpe- cially the French, raii'd at them, calling them, Diables defminifires HeretiqueSy unP rot eft ant, un Diable, with ffiany other contumelious expreffions. f . It were infinite to reckon up all the Violences they fuffer'd ; Doctor King, Doftor Foy, Mr. Bun~ bury* Mr. King, Mr. Delany, Mr. Fitz Simons , Mr. Read* Mr. Carolane, Mr. Rcjfelle, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Buckhurfi, and many others wereimpriibned : T^r.Foy, and Mr. More were alTaulted bySoldiers whilft perform- ing their Office at a Burial in the Church-yard j the fame Doftor Fay w T as hindred from preaching feveral Sundays, by the Menaces of fome of King James's Guard 3 who furrounded the Church with their Fufees, and fwore they would {hoot him if he went into the Pulpit j and this only becaufe he had taken notice the Sunday before, that one Hall in a Sermon preached be- fore King James in Chrifl-Church, and printed after- wards, had corrupted his Text, Aels 17. 30. by rend-, ring it inflead of Repent, Repent and do Penance. Dr. fjm was aflaultetf in the Street, and a Mufquet with u, ligh? of IRELAND, &c. * 4 7 light Match levelled at him; the publick Service in his Church wasdifturbed ieveral times, particulary on Candlemas Day 1 6 8p, by feven Officers, whofwore a- loud they would cut his Throat j Dean Glendy was knock'd down, and wounded in theStreet , ViwDelany ailaulted and pufht at with a naked Sword feveral times, and carried, after they had iufficiently ahus'd him, to Jail 5 Mr. Knight was abus'd in his Church yard by commonly known by the name of the Mayor] of Scarborough who threatned to beat him > Mr. Serjeant wascudgcllcd through theStreetsand carryed toPnion : Mr. Price had a Mufquct twice fnapt at him, and with great Difficulty got to his Houte : Mr. Burridge was affaulted by Three or Four on th * High-way, and Wounded in Four places : Theie were but a few of their Sufferings * they went every Moment in hazard of their Lives j And had it not been that King James flattered himfelf, that a ftrong Party ot the Clergy in England efpouied his Intereft, it had been impniiible for the Clergy of Ireland to have fub filled. 6. Neverthelefs great hardfhips were daily put upon them, and new Arts invented to defame and vex them : in fome places a new invented Oath was offered to them, for which there was no pretence or Law: They anlwered that they had taken the Oath of Su- premacy and Allegiance at their Inftitution, and that they were notoblig'd to take any other Oath* but that excufe would not ferve, and on their refufal they were lent to Jail , the Priefts were very bufy about fick Proteftants ^ they with great impudence thru ft in- to their Rooms, and if they were pail fpeaking, they gave out that they were Converts : If the infirm Per- son had any Popifh Relations,they befieged the Houfe, and hindred the Proteftant Clergy from coming to ^their Parifliioners 5 the Priefts pretended that they had King Ja/*cs*s Command to vifk the lick, and at- tempt their Converfion, and therefore would not be hindred nor be perf waded to withdraw, tho' frequent- ly defircd by the fick Men : The Proteftant Clergy K 4 were 3,48 The State of the *Pr-oteJl&nt$ yrere often affronted and threatned on this account,and the ill will they procured on particular occafions of this nature, was the ground of fomc of their Confine- ment afterwards j for the Pricft that loft his Prey (as they reckon'd every fick Man) by the vigorous oppo- sition and diligence of a Miniftcr, was fijre to contrive a Revenge one way or other : As Dr. Foy found for his having received one Smith (who had for fome Years liv? ed a Papift) again into our Communion at his Death \ and that with iuch remarkable circum fiances of Re- pentance and Sorrow, that King Jqmes heard of it,, and biam'd his Phyfician Dr. Confiable for his negleft in fiot giving Notice to the Prieft. 7. They endeavoured to bring the Minifters of Dub- lin under all the Contempt they could 5 and at laft put on them the Drudgery that belonged to the Office of Conftables and Deputy Aldermen \ it belonged to thofe Officers on all Occafions to return the Names of the feveral Inhabitants and Inmates of their Wards: The Government de fired to know the Names of Pro- teftants in each Parifh and their Numbers, and they took them feveral times > but Colonel See Appendix, Luttrell the Governor of Dublin^ wouU} ?*• 5°* not be fatisfied till the Miniiters went a- bout in Perfon and returned every Man his refpeftive Parifhioners Names : It was in vain for them to plead the unreafonablcnefs of this Impofition * they alled- ged the pains, the charges, and themeannefs of the thing, which was done m ore effectually already than could be done by them by the proper Officers $ but all invain, they muft comply cr go to Jail. ThisReturn made by the Minifters was of no real ufe to the Go- vernment, for they had an exact Account given about a Fortnight before by their own Officers, and took another abov;t a week after \ the Deflgn therefore was cither to lay a Snare for the Minifters, or elfc to render- them contemptible to their People ; but inrtead of do- ing that ? it only incenfed the People againft their unrea- sonable Governoui^ who thus affronted their Clergy. SECT, ^/IRELAND, &e. 149 SECT. XX. 6. King James and his Party endeavoured to deftroy the P rot eft ant Religion, by mijreprefenting the Perfons and Principles of Proteftants. l„.'T - *He violence ufefl to out us of our Churches, X and to difcourage our Clergy, had no great fuccefs in making Converts > but there was another way fet on foot, which did feducefomej and it was by makingaMonfterof the Proteflant Religion and Proteftants 5 infomuch that young People who liv'd remote from Converfation, and had not opportunity to inform themfelves of the Truth, conceiv'd ftrangc Ideas of both, by the infinuation or thePriefts. 2. It was one of thefirftileps of the Reformation to renounce the ufurped power of the Pope, and to reftore to the Crown the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction, which originally belongs to the Civil Magistrate j that is, the power of punifhing Offenders with the Tem- poral Sword, whatever their Crime be, whether Ec- clefiaftical or Civil: Now thePriefts reprcfented this Doctrine after a ftrange manner 5 they perfwaded thofe that would lend then their attention, that the Prote- ftants believed all Spiritual power to be in the King j that he could confecrate whom he pleas'd Bifhops $ fet up what Religion he had a mind to, and oblige all his Subjects to be of his Faith > and they railed moil grievoully at the Proteftants for not turning Papifts, in complyance to their King j calling them Traitors and perjur'd Perfons from their own Principles. 3. 'Twas another Principle amongft Proteftants, that private Men fhould not take up the Sword, or re- iift the King upon any pretence, iuch refiftance being againft Law > by which no more was underftood,than that Subjects fhould, according to the Laws and Gof- pel, behave themfelves peaceably and fubmiilively to- wards Z5-o The State of the Trot eft ants wards their Superiors, and not upon any pretence of private injury or wrong done to them in particular, enter into Confpiracies and Combinations againit their Governors j but by it was never intended to give up the Conititution of the Government, or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom j yet the Priefts would needs perfwade the World that by this Principle, the Protectants were obliged to pare with al\ at the King's command - % that he might ufe them if he pleafed, as the Grand Signior or the French King ufe their Subje£ts ? and their Lives, their Liber- ties and Eihitcs were all at his Mercy, and they Pevils, and Traitors? and perjur 'd 'Villains (1 ufe their words) if they demurr'd at his Command : There was hardly any Principle peculiar to the refornvd Religion, but they thus mifreprefented it, 4. Nor did the Perfons or Proteftants efcape better than their Principles. They loaded them with the moft odious Calumnies and Mifreprefentati ns> they alkdged that the Protectants had no Religionatallj that they only pretended to it, but were Atheiits and Traitors in their Hearts: They were more efpecially malicious againft the Clergy : King James himfelf contributing to it, as appear'd on this occaMon* two young Gentlemen,, Brothers to the Earl of Salisbury? followed King James out of- France ° y they profeit themfelves Proteftants and aiibciated with fuch -, the Bifhops ot Meatb and Limerick had an Eye on the Gentlemen, and endeavoured to iecure them againll any attempts which might be made to pervert them • but King James called the young Men to him, forbaa them the company of Proteitants; nay even of one Mr. Cham? a Gentleman that came over with them ; but above all he forbad them converting with the Bimops and Clergy-men ; for (aid he, they are all felfe to me, and will pervert you to Dilloyakyand Treafon; this was the common faying of them all, even of the Chancellor on the B^nchj and tho' they would on occafion magnifie the loyalty of fome of the of IRELAND, §fc. %n the Proteftant Clergy in England and Scotland, yet at other times they would profefs that they believed them all treacherous, and would never trull any of them. ^ f. In order to abufe the Protectants, and efpecially {he Clergy, they let up one Talden a Convert, Couiir cellor at Law, to write a weekly Paper, which he called an Abhorrence, in which he endeavoured to rake together all the little Stories that might reflect on Pro- tectants, and all the arguments his Wit could furniili him with for his Caufe j he made it his bufinefs to in- vent falfe ftories and lies concerning the Clergy, and began with Dr. King and Dr. Foy. He had publifhed a Collection of pafTages out of the Bjfliop of Ely's Sermon, and fome Sixteen others for Paffive Obe- dience i whether this was his own Work, or only, as I have been inform'dj a piece compos'd by fome others? which he afTumed to himfelf, Icannotfiy, but it met With very {lender reception in Ireland, and lay on the Bookfellers hand. To vent it therefore, as fome thought, or rather to abufe the Clergy, he publifhed an Advertilement in his Abhorrence, declaring that Dr. King, Dr. Foy had approv'd this Book, by their Certi- ficate under their hand; by this he thought to intrap them : For either they See Appendix, (as he imagined) mull: have let this pafs $ N * * 9 ' and then the Proteftants muft think them, if not ill, at lean: very imprudent Men 3 or elfe they mull dilbwn it ; and then he knew how to improve their re- futing his calumny fo as to render them odious to the Government ; and the Papifts did a little pleafe them- lelves with the contrivance : But Dr. Foy and Dr. King found means without concerning themfelves much in the matter, to let all Dublin know that they never read Mr. Yalderfs Collection > that no body ever ask'd their opinion of it, much lefs had they given any Certificate concerning it, and that they could give no Ccnfure of it, haying neither read it, or the Sermons out of which it 2 jx The State of the Trot eft ants it is pretended to be taken. This difcovery wouk| have dafht any other out of Countenance \ but Mr. Talden went on his way, and became every Day more and more abufive till he and his Abhorrence were routed together. His Work was to magnifie the Party that adhered to King James in England y to reprefent their prefent Majefties Intereft as linking, to blacken and a*, buie all Protectants, and to vent his Spite in a more peculiar Manner againft the Clergy, whom he en- deavoured to ridicule and make odious to the Govern* ment, and if poflible, to fow E>ifTention between them and their People. We have Reafon to thank God that he had no Succefs : But yet the Counte- nance he and his Papers met with from the Govern-, ment, his Abhorrences being licenced either by Sir Richard Nagle ox Albevilky Secretaries of State, plain- ly difcovcr what inclinations they had towards the^ Proteflant Religion and Clergy. 6. And now upon the whole I fuppofeit is mam- fefr, by what has been faid in this and the former Sec- tion, that King James not only defigned to deftroy us^ but alfo made a considerable Progreis in ir,and 'twould have been inexculahle Ingratitude to God and to their prefent Majefties if we fttould have rehifed to clofe heartily with a Government that refcued us from fa great Mifery and apparent Danger y nor can any rea- sonable Man blame thofe among us that defired or af- iifted in this Deliverance^ and to their utmoft power laboured to procure it. 7. If a Chriftian Army fhouldgo at this time inta ; Greece to redeem the Chriltians there from the Slavery of the Turks I would enquire of any indifferent Cafuift, whether it were lawful for the opprefled G>£- tians to accept of that Deliverance, and to join hear- tily with and recognize their Redeemers y and I am well aiTured there is not one rgument could be pro- duced tojuftify fuch a Defection in them, but it may be urged with greater Force in our Vindication, The Ufage we have met with being full as inhuman asa- O/IRELAND, 8fc an t5y thing they fuffer, and with this Aggravation, that every Acl of Violence exercifed agamft us, is like- wife againft the Laws, and againft the Nature and Conftitution of our Government j whereas their Laws veft their Emperor with an abfolute Power, and they have no other Title to any thing but his Will ; every Act therefore of Oppreflion from our King, was fo much more intolerable and provoking to us, than the like from the Grand Signior is to his Subjects, as an illegal Violence is more infupportable than a legal. G H A P. IV. That there remained no other Prdfpecl^ or human PoJJi- bility 9 of avoiding this Slavery and Deftruclion defign- ed againft the Kingdom and P rote ft ants of Ireland, but by accepting of the Proteclion^ and fubmitting to the Government of their prefent Majefties. i.T)Y the foregoing part of this Difcourfe it ap- J3 pears, that we had nothing left us to oppofe to the Invafions made on our Liberties, Properties, Lives and Religion > That neither the Laws, nor King's Protections and Articles, or Declarations in our Favour -, That neither particular Services and Merits towards the Pvoyal Intereft, nor King James's natural Companion and merciful Difpofition> nor laftly, his own Interelr. in protecting and preferving us, could fecure us$ but that notwithstanding all thefe, we were brought to the very brink of Deftruc- tion. There remained therefore no other Profpect or Poflibility for us to avoid this Deftruction, but hi* prefent Majefty's interpofi ng on our Behalf, as he had done for England : A Providence of which we fo little dreamt, and which was fo ftrange, fo unexpected, and fo effectual, that we cannot but believe fomc- thing extraordinary in it > and that he was rais'd up by 1 5*4 The State of the Trot eft ants by God to be a Deliverer to us and the Proteftant Caufe, z. An unreafonable Requeft it had been now to the Proteftants of this Nation, in this Condition to which they were brought, to have defir'd them to have (lit ftill, and not made ufe of that Opportunity which God put into their Hands, to refcue themfelves and their Country from Slavery and Ruin. And yet this is it our Adverfaries would have had us declin'd, been contented with what they had brought upon us, and expected fome new Miracle in our Delive- rance. 3. For when the Proteftants here complain'd of the PreiTures under which they lay, their Popiih Ac- quaintance ufed to tell them, that they ought to be patient} that Chrift had endur'd more whillr. on Earth, and that they ought not to trouble themfelves about their Sufferings or Deliverance, but leave all to Providence, and fee what God would do for them - y and took it very ill, that they, or thofe whom they had driven from hence, mould endeavour to do any thing for themfelves. It is true, Sermons of Pati* ence and Submifilon to the Will of God, were very proper and neceflary in our Circumftanees j but then they were molt improper in the Mouths of our Ene- mies, who brought and contiriu'd thofe Injuries and Sufferings on us, contrary toLawandJuihce, under which they endeavoured to perlwade us to be patient, and from which they would not allow us to feek Re- lief} and whilil they continued their Oppreflions, their adviiing us to depend folelv on a new Providence for our Deliverance, was the fame Reproach and Scoff that the Apoftate Julian put on the Primitive Chri- ilians, whole Petitions for Jufticc he put off, by tel- ling them, Their Af after advis'd them to be patient, and pronounced them blejjecl when persecuted . And yet we didexactlv follow this Advice, though given in ralle- ry, and did not make the leaft Step to right our (elves by Force, till God's Providence appear'd lignully for t'hefs ©/IRELAND, ®c. lyj thefe Kingdoms, in raifing them up a Deliverer, and putting the Crown on their Majeities Heads. 4. And now what Reafon have we thankfully to embrace, and to blefs God for the kind Offers of a Prince, who out of apublick Spirit, gencroully ven- tured himielf and all that he had, to favc the Prote- flant Religion, the Intereft or Europe^ and thefe Kingdoms in particular, from the united Defigns of France and King James, to enflave and ruin them, It is true God could have wrought a Miracle for us, when nothing elfe would have faved us, but we fhould have had little Reafon to expect it, if we had rejected this Contrivance of Providence that feem'd next to miraculous. . I am fure fome things are recorded in Hiftory as Miracles, which were not accompanied with fuch extraordinary Circumffcances as our Delive- ry . We neither had nor have in our utmoft. View another Chance, befides this, to preferve us from Sla- very, Miiery and Ruinj and our Enemies would have had more Reafon to applaud their Wit than the World allows them, i£ they could have perfuaded us to reject this, and to trull to a new Miracle. We had only in our Profped this one thing, tofaveour Lives, to take us out of Jail, to reitore our Laws, our Employments, the free exercifeof our Religion, our Fortunes and Eitates, when we were tinjufrly de- prived or them, and 'twas a very modeft Expectation in them, and anfwerable to their other Meafures of Politicks, to think aPeoplcharrafs'dand ftript, and plundered and condemned by them, to lofc their Lives and Eftatcs, which was the Cafe of all thofe who fled from hence to England, and in great meal u re, of moll; of thofe that iiaid here,iliould in the height of theirSmart and Sufferings, reject the kind Offers of a Deliverer, to depend on a Miracle } yet they pretend, this is what we ought to have done, and becaufe we didk not, they rail at us in the moil bitter Terms 5 they call us Rebels and Traitors, Villains and Atheiits, and load ^6 The State of the Trotejlants load us with all the opprobrious Names their Malice and Revenge can fuggeit. But we cannot blame them to be angry, the hungry Wolf, if he could fpeak, would curfe and rail as hear- tily at the Shepherd, that refcues the Lamb out of* his Paws, as they do at us or our Deliverer ; they had devour'd us in their Imaginations; they had got the 1 Civil and Military Sword into their Hands, and en* groft all Places of Truft and Profit : Theie, with the Legislative Power in the Hands of our ancient and moil malicious Enemies, were more than enough to have deftroy'd us 5 but juft when they fhould have di- vided the Spoil and concluded the fatal Tragedy, the Prince of Orange^ his prefent Majefty, interpofetb, and refcueth us; this Difappointmentmads them be- yond all Bounds of Patience, and cafts them into ilrange fits of railing and curling -, Hell, Damnati- on, Conrufion to him and his Royal Confort, were continually in the Mouths of their Men, Women, find Children ; with thefe they ufed to entertain one another at their Tables and Debauches, and endea- voured to force them by way of Healths on Protc- ifants. In ihort, they fpared no ill Name or Execrati- on, that impotent Rage could vent, or invenom'd Rancour could fuggcil \ but when all is done, in their quiet Intervals, their Conferences cannot but acquit us, and many of them made no fcruple to confefs, That there was no Medium, but that either we or they muff, be undone, and when that was the unavoid- able Choice, that they, according to their own Con- feffion, had put on us, I aflure my felf the World will not only excufe us, but will think it was our Duty to have done what we did, fince they had left us no other vifible way but this, to avoid certain and apparent Dcftruction. CHAP. i>/IRELAND, efrf % S7 C h A P. V. 'Afhort Account of thofe Protefldnts who left the King-* dom^ and of thofe that fiatd and fubmittedtQ King James. SECT. I, Concerning thofe who went away. t.'HpHE former Difcourfe, Ifuppofe, isfufficient A tojuftifie the Proteftants of Ireland^ as to their Submiffion to the Government of their prefent Maje- iiies 3 and to fhevv the Reafons for their earneftde-* liring, and thankfully accepting of that Deliverance, which Providence offered us, by their Means. It remains only to fpeak a few Words in particular of thofe that left the Kingdom, and of thofe that ltaid and fubmitted to King James^ that they may under- Hand the Truth of each others Circumftances, and not either of them unjuftly cenfure the other. 2. As to thofe that abfented themielves out of the Kingdom, it is certain that they offended againftna Law in doing fo y it being lawful for any Subject to tranfport himielf out of one Part of the Dominions of England into another j it, is true, that there is a Law or Cuftom^ that requires fuch as hold Offices from the King, to take a Licence from the Chief Go- vernor y but the Penalty of this is no more than the forfeiture of their Offices y and I find it difputed a- mong the Lawyers whether it reach fo far : N ow few of thofe that went away, compar'd with the whole Number of them, were Officers 3 thofe that were, generally took Licences of Abfencej and at worft, it was at their own Peril, and it had been a great feve- rity to have taken the Forfeiture j which was the Senfeof the whole Parliament of England in making aa A& to cxempr fuch from incurring any Lofs. £ 3. But x 5 8 The State of the T rot ejl ants j. But fecondly, they had great Reafon to go out of the Kingdom, becaufe they forefaw that it would be the Seat of War j they faw40orfom. Men put into Arms without any Fund to maintain them j they knew thefe to be their bitter and fworn Enemies \ they faw the courfe of Juftice ftopt againft them* and their Stocks and Cattle taken away before their Faces > fe- veral Gentlemen or the Country loft to the Value of fbme i ooo /. before they ftirr'd > and to what Purpofe fliould they ftay in a Place where they certainly knew that all they had would be taken from them, and their; Lives expos'd to the Fury of their Enemies. Thirdly, They had no Reafon to ftay becaufe they could not expecT: to do any Good by their ftaying, or to fave the Kingdom j the Papifls had all the Forts and Magazines of the Kingdom in their Hands 5 they had all the Arms and publick Revenues 5 they were in Number four or five to one Proteftant 5 and they had the Face of Authority on their fide - 9 and then \vhat could a fcatter'd Multitude withoutArms, with- out Leaders, and without Authority, hope to do in their own Defence > by going into England they reckon'd themfelves not only fafe, but likewife in a way of ferving their Country : 'Twas from thence they expe&ed Arms, Ammunition, and Commifli- bns, by the help of which they might put themfelves in iome Capacity of refcuing their Eftates and Friends \hey left behind, which they lookt on as much better Service than to ftay and periili with them. 4. Fourthly, The memory of the cruel ufage and difficult times thofe met with who ftaid in Ireland'm 1 641. did frighten and terrifle all that reflected on them - 9 the Number of thofe that were then maflacred and ftarv'd was incredible, and thofe that efcap'd got away with fuch Circumftances, that the Memory of what they had fuffered was as ill as Death : If any one will be but at the pains of reading over Sir John Tern* pie's Account of the firft half Year 6f the War, or rather Maflacre, he will be fatisfied that it was no un- reafonable ^/IRELAND, tSc: i# tfeaibnable Fear made fo many Protectants withdraw out of the Reach of fuch Barbarities ; the fame Men or their Sons that committed all thofe bloody Murders and Inhumanities were again arm'd in a much more formidable manner than they ever had been before } and yet at that time they were able to maintain a War for twelve Years$ and live by Spoil and Robbery; and then what were the Children of thole, whofe Parents had been murdered by them, to expeel: but the fame Fate, or at belt a miferable Life in a defolatc and fpoil'd Country, in which no wife Man would choole to live it he could help it 5 indeed they could not expeel: to live long after all was taken from them, but muft in a little time have unavoidably ftarv'd : A Tradefman might expeft to live by his Induftry, a Gentleman on his Credit in a peaceable Country, ot in War, by lifting themfelves in any Army, but in Ireland where Men neither were frittered to ufe their lnduftry, nor betake themfelves to Arms, where they could neither enjoy the Means of gaining a Liveli- hood in Peace or War, to what Purpofe mould they Hay, to live at the beft, in Poverty, Contempt, and §lavery. f . As to the Clergy that left the Kingdom,, it is to be confidered thatmoftof" thofe in the Country were robb'd and plundered, and nothing left themtofup* port themfelves and Families, before they went away : Many were deferted by their People, their Pariihio- ners leaving them and getting to England or Scotland before them : Some Parifhioners were fo kind to their Minifters that they begg'd and entreated them to be gone j which they were mov'd. to do, becaufethey law the Spite and Malice of their Enemies was more peculiarly bent againft the Clergy, and they imagined that their removing would a little allay the Heat of thofe fpiteful Men* and that the Robbers would not fo often vifit the Neighbourhood when the Minifter was gone; which in many Places had the Effect in- tended j for the Robbers would come a great way to S 2. rob x6o The State of the Troteflantf rob a Gentleman or Clergyman, and would be fure'to vifit the poor Peoples Houfes in their PafTagcs : But when thele were remov'd the obfcurity of the mean- er People did protect them from many Violences. Laftly, many Clergymen were fore'd to remove, be- caufe they had nothing left to live on, their Panfhio- ners were as poor as themfelves, anu utterly unable to help them *, I do confefs that there was no reafon to complain ot the Peoples backwardness to maintain the Clergy > on the contrary they contributed to the utmoft of their Power, and beyond it, and made no Diftin&ion of Sects j many Diflenters of all iorts (except Quakers) contributing liberally to this good End, which ought to be remembred to their Honour 2 But after all, in many Places, a whole Parifh what with the Ruin and Defolation brought on the King- dom, and what with the removal of the Protectant PariiTiioners, was not able to contribute 2,0 s. to main- tain their (viinifterj and meer Neceflity forced away thefe Minifters. Againft fome others the Government had peculiar Piques and Exceptions j thofe were in manifeft hazard of their Lives and in rear every day of being feiz'd and brought toaTryal, on iom? feign'd Crime: And leveral both of the Clergy and Laity were fore'd to fly on this Account for their Safety. All theie I look on tobejuftiflableReafonsof Mens . withdrawing. If any went away on any other Prin- ciples, who were not in thefe or the like Circumftan- ces, I mall leave them to the Leniure ot the World > but I believe very few will be found for whom either , their publick or private Circumilances may not juftly apologize. 6\ It is not to be fuppos'd that Men would have left their plentiful Eftates and Settlements, their well fur- nifht Houfes and comfortable ways of living, as moil of thefe who went away did, had they not been under the greateft Fears and PrefTures. Wives would not have left their Husbands, nor Parents their Children, Men of Eftates and Fortunes would not have ventured their o/IRELAND, B£ 16* their Lives in little Wherries and Boats to pafs Seas, famous for their Shipwracks, if they could with.any Comfort or Safety have flayed at home. I know King James took care to have it fug-gelled in England^ that all thefe left Ireland not out of any real tear or neceility, but only with a Defign to make him and his Government odious > but fure they muft think ths Protelt ants of Ireland, were very fond of a Coikclion in England, that can imagine fo many thoufmd People of all Sorts and Sexes ifiould confpirc together to ruin themfelves, and throw away all that they had in tha World, out of Malice, and only to bring an Odium on a. Party that had done them no Harm. 2. Neither was it, as fome fuggefl, a vain and pa- Dick Fear that poflelTed them that went away > for that could not continue for a Year or two y but thofe that had lived under King James a Year and Half, "were as earneft to get away as thofe that went at firit > and the longer they liv'd under him their Fear and Ap- prehenfions increas'd the more on them y being alrear dy ruined in their Fortunes, and their Lives in daily and apparent Hazard* from military and illegal Pro- ceedings. They liv'd amongif a People that daily robb'd, plundered, and affronted them, that afiault- cd their Perions and threatned their Lives, and want- ed only the Word to cut their Throats y and fure 'twas, then time to withdraw from the Danger at any Rate* and I am confident I fpeak the fenfe of the generality of thofe that flayed, that if the Seas had been left o- pen fome few Months before his Majeilyappear'din the Field in Ireland, far the greater!: part (1 may ven- ture to fay almollall) ot thofe that flayed till then, would have gone away with their Lives only, rather than have continued here longer. Whoever know* the Cruelty and Malice of thofe with whom we had to deal, will own thefe FcarsLtobereafonable. Yet for this we were condemned to Death and Forfeiture; and the very Children barr'd of their Rights, againlt' tjie known La.ws and Cuif oms of the Kingdom. 5} SECT, $6i The State of the Trotejlantt SECT. II. A ' Juftifi cation of thofe P rot eft ants who ft aid in Ireland^ and lived in SuhmiJJion tq King James's Government, I.^TOtwithftanding the great Number of Prote* JlN ftants that fled to England^ yet many ilay'd behind: Perhaps fome may accufe their Prudence in venturing to flay under fuch Circumftances, but o- thcrwife I think little can be objected againll them j however left any mould entertain any finiiter thoughts of them, 'twill bp neceflary to fay fomething in their behalf. They were of four forts, i . The meaner People. 2. Gentry of Eftates. 3. Such as had Em* ploymeiits, and 4. the Clergy. 2. Firit, As to the meaner People, 'tistobecon- iidered that it was no eafy thing to get away 5 the Freight of Ships and licences were at very high Rates 3 and fometimes not to be purchafed at all. IVlany of the Country People could not get to the Sea Ports 3 they had little Money, their Riches were in their Stocks 3 and thefe being plundered, they were jiot able to raife fo much Money as would tranfport then 1 ajid their Families 3 and they generally came too late to the Ports. A ftricl: Embargo being laid on all Ships before they could get to the Sea-fide 3 many of the Citizens of Dublin and other Sea-ports got off, but were forced to leave their Shops and Concerns be- hind in the Hands of their Relations and Dependents, who were obliged to ftay to take care of them. O- thers thought it unreafonable to leave all they had to go to beg in a ftrange Country, and having no body to truft with their Concerns, refolv'd to hazard them- felves together with them. If thefe things be confi- dcred, 'twill rather feem a wonder that To many got off, than that fome ftaid behind. 3. Secondly, as to the Gentlemen 3 though fome ©f them hud plentiful Eilatcs and Fortunes, yet they o/lRELAND, SK 161 fcad tut little ready Money j 'tis not thought prudent in Ireland) where Money is at 10 per Cent, for any one to keep much Cafh by him 5 and perhaps he that hath 1000 1, per Annum clear, hath often not 1 00 /. in Cafh. Now fome Gentlemen that had confiderable Families and little Money, thought it unreafonable for them to leave their plentiful Eftates and go into England 'to beg orftarve* and the very Thoughts of either was more terrible to them than Death : And therefore they chofc rather to venture all with their Eftates. Others were tied by fuch particular Obligations, that it was impoflible for them to ftir without the grcateft Da- mage to their Concerns, and Inhumanity to. thei$ Relations. 4. Others, thought it neceflary to ftay meerly for a Tryal, that they might not be faid to have thrown themfelves out of all, before they were forced - y and that they might fee how far King James would pro- ceed in his Defign of ruining Proteftants and fettling Popery. f . Others had either Relations by Kindred or fomc private Intereft or Obligation on fome leading Pa- pifts \ and fancied by their flaying they might be able to fave fomething for themfelves and Tenants 5 others tho* they had no fuch intereft or particular Obligati- ons, yet their Families and Influence in their Coun- tries, had made them refpedted, even by their Ene- mies j and they hoped by their Prudence and Manage- ment to obtain better Quarters for their poor People that depended on them y whom they could not find in their Hearts to leave deftitute of all Shelter and Conduct, and it mult be acknowledged that though thefe could not do as much good as they might rcafon- ably have expected, yet they did a great deal j and it muft be owned as a lingular Providence of God that ibme fuch Gentlemen ltaidj for they ufed all their Authority, Intereft, and Credit to ferve the Poor, and notwithstanding the Malice and Power of their linemies they did ;hem many good Offices: They di- S 4 reeled a^4 The State of the Troteflants reeled them what to do, and how to behave themfelveST in their Applications for Relief, when opprefled 5 they managed and follicited their Petitions - y they took all Opportunities to remonftrate to King James the Grievances and Oppreflions of the poor People > they took the moft favourable Inftances, and managed them in the beft manner to make him feniible •> they, took advantage of the little Feuds that were between the Courtiers, and made their Piques ufeful to procure Redrefs to fuch Proteftants as had been flgnally inju- red by the oppofite Party j and fometimes by Addrefs, and other times by meer Importuniticsand boldRe- f refentations of the Barbaroufnefs and Inhumanity or the Proceedings againit Proteftants, thcymamed ?he Government into a better Temper 5 fometimes procuring iome moderation -, fometimes redrefs of exorbitant Grievances j and at pther times did pre* vent moft fignal Mifchief defign'd againft us, at leaft by gaining Time, which was a great Conveniency, to us. 6. Thefe Gentlemen that (laid were ufeful, not only by employing their Credit, their Friends and In«r tcreft with the Government, but they farther did contribute tq the preferving and fupporting of a great many poor and imprifoned people, that other wile Would have ftarved ; Near five hundred Priioners •were fupported by the Charity of Dublin^ and every thing put into fuch a Method, that amougft the nu- merous poor ruined Proteftants, not one was loft or ftarved for want of Meato^Cloathes, that we could hear of 5 which we muff, look on as an extraordinary Providence, and renders all tJiofe inexcuiable who f hanged their Religion, on pretence that otherwifc they mu it have ftarved j an excufe they did not offer then, and which being falfe, ought not to be pretend- ed, much lels alio iv'd now. ' 7. We found our felves in many Straits, how to be- have our felves under fome Difficulties that fell on us about Fees for Impriionment, concealing of Anns or of IRELAND, Wc 16$ ? Abfentees Goods, and Matters of Oaths, either tq the Government or on private Occaflons , the Gen- tlemen and Perfons of Credit that ftaid, adyis'd the poor People in all thefe Cafes, and kept them in fuch a ileady, unanimous and regular Courle, that no Ad- vantage could be taken againft them, and yet they a- voided all Swearing or betraying themfelves or Friends 5 and whereas there are feveral Diflenters in, Dublin^ the Matter was carried with fo much Pru- dence, that we lived in perfect Amity, Peace and Charity together, and all contributed and affifted one another towards their common Safety. E)r. Dopping y Biihopof Meath % and feveral other Perfons of Note, fignaliz'd themfelves upon thefe Occafions, and be- loved themielves with fo much Prudence, Induftry, Refolution and Tendernefs to the Afflicted, that they always will be locked on by thofe who ftaid in Dublin^ as peculiar Inftruments of their Prefervation. 8. Thirdly, As to thofe Proteitants who had Em- ployments, and ftaid on account of them, it was con- iidered and debated by the moft prudent and judicious Proteftants of Dublin^ whether they fhould continue to act in them j and they univerfally judg'd it advife-* able, that every Proteftant who could either get or keep any Civil Employment by fair and honell; Means, fhould do it 5 molt of the Civil Offices were held by Patent, and either the Patentees or their. Deputies were on the Place, and executed them : Now for thefe to have gone away, was to have given them up voluntarily into the Hands of Papifts, and to entitle King James to the difpofal of them, without any Imputation of Injuftice: We therefore thought all fuch as had any Employment or Civil Office, obliged to flay in their Employments, till removed by Force j and when they were removed ^>y Act of Parliament, that voided their Offices, and new Officers were ap- pointed, it was (till judged convenient that the for- mer Deputies fhould act in them > and if the new Pa- ^cn^es^ihould refufe to employ them as Deputies, they f fliould a6* 6 The State of the T rot ejl ants fliould neverthelefs endeavour to ftay in them aar Clerks. I . Becaufe we were in hopes of recovering them in a fhort time, by the Affiftance of their pre- fent Majefties ? and }n the mean time we knew not what havock and fpoil might be made of Records and Books by Popifh Deputies, whereas if the Prote- ctants kept in the Offices they might prefer ve them,, or at leair. be Witnefles of the Injury that fhould be done them, and this Contrivance had the effect de-? fign'd, the Papifts were fo much Strangers to the Offi- ces, that they were forc'd to depend on Proteftant Clerks or Deputies, and thefe kept their Matters in all the Ignorance they could, and either put out of the way, or would not find fuch Records or Papers, that they fuppofed were defigned to be dcftroyed $ info* much that very little Injury was done to the Offices y the very Outlawries of the Rebels and Murderers in 1 64 1. being preferv'd, though ordered by their pre-?, tended Parliament to be deftroyed, and foo /. Fine impos'd on any Officer that fhould conceal any of them. p. Secondly, It was not fafe for any Officer, that was not forcibly turn'd out, to refufe to aft, if he had either voluntarily refign'd his Place, or refufed ta Officiate in it, he mull have expefted to be treated with more fcvere ufagc than other People, as one pe- culiarly difaffefted. Some therefore were forc'd to. £eep even in the Army in their own Defence y but thefe were fo few, that there need not much to be faid for them : I do not remember above three that had Commiffions in the Army, who were defirous to leave it \ and thofe were kept in only for a Pretence of Im- partiality 5 and for fuch as afted as Justices of Peace, they were often ierviceable to 1 roteftants^ in freeing them from Oppreffions and Injuries. Thofe f^w Proteftants that took Commiffions of Cyer and Terminer^ did it on a publick Account, and always $£ted for the Benefit of Proteilanu. 5. Pre^ ^/IRELAND, Ste; %€f 3. Proteftants by keeping in Employments though never (o infignificant found Means and Opportunities of ferving their diftreffed and opprcfTed Friends 3 and they feldom fail'd to improve thele Means to the belt Advantage : The poor People that ftaid in Ireland were fenfibleof this, and often wihVd that more had ftay'd on this Account j and truly if they had, by the advantage of their Addrefs and Underftanding above thePapifts, who generally were ignorant of Bufinefs f they might probably have done much good, and have gained farther time for the poor People from their De- itruclrion. 10. However I do not intend tojuftify all that was done by Proteftant Officers $ if any of them advan- ced, abetted, or concurr'd in an ill thing, let them iuffer for it $ but I humbly conceive the Proteftants of Ireland that ftaid here, and faw and obferved every Man's Behaviour, and were the only Sufferers? by the ill Management of any Officer, whatever his Station was, may be fafely trufted to give a Character of each $ I own that it is not reafonable that a Certificate under a few Hands ihould be accepted, as a Vindication of any Man j for an Officer might have ferv'd and g- blig'd a few, who cannot in Gratitude refufe to cer- tifie for him, and yet have done Mifchief enough to others > but on the other Hand, it is reafonable, that fecret Whifpers or Surmifes, efpecially of fuch as were abfent and Strangers to their Behaviour,fhould undo or rnifreprefent any Man ? And therefore I think, if any Difpute ihould arife concerning fuchMatters,a fair and legalHearing in publick were the moft equal way,and is all theFavourthat generally any ProteftantGentleman, who ftaid and officiated undefKing7^z^^,needs defire - They are lb few, that this would not be any great Trouble, and their Honefty and Prudence generally lb notorious, that it would not be any Blemifh to them j nor were they guilty ot any fervile or mean Compli- ances, or paid any other Deference than what was due to a Government, under whofe Power God's Pro- vidence %6& The State of the Trotejlants videncehad placed them, and which by unfeafonable Opposition, they would only have exafperated to their- own Dcftruction. II. Fourthly, As to the Clergy that ftaid, it were an Injuftice to, them to make any Apology for them* they ltaid in jpureSenfe and Conference of their Duty, and minded it lo effectually, that their Labours were acceptable and ufeful to their People in many Re- flects, and I doubt not but will be approved by all good Men > they forefaw what ufe Papiits would make- of empty Churches and deferted Congregations, and, that the Priefts would not be wanting to perfwade the People, that they were no true Paitors that deferted them in time of Danger y they y^ere acquainted with, the Artifices, us'd to draw Proteftants from their Reli- gion, and that the prefent Juncture woulcj afford new: Temptations, which the Seducers would not fail to, prefs with all poffible Advantage : It required there- fore all their Skill and Induftry, to arm their Peqpls againft thefe Inft ruments of Sedu&ion, and keep them fieady to their Principles, under fuch mighty Tempta- tions y and, we owe it to the Prudence, Lnduitry and Courage of the Clergy that remained, next to God's goodnefs, that fo few were prevail'd with to change their Religion, notwithstanding that they faw they mult be ruined if they (food firm - 9 whereas if they comply'd, they would not be only fafe, but Sharers likewiie in the Booty : 'Tistrue, many of tbemfuf* fer'd by their flaying, and lay under great Difficulties, but it pleas'd God to fupport and deliver them \ and if they had perifhed, it had been with this Comfort, thafc it was in their Office, and iri their Matter's Work. "The Conclufion. t. A ND here I do folemnly proteft, that no pr!f vate Diiatisfaction, that np. ill-will to King Jams s. ^/IRELAND, 9c. it 9 "James's l PerC6n i nor Prejudice againft any Body, has mov'd me to fay what 1 have faid j but that I might vindicate our felves by fpeaking Truth in a matter that fo nearly concerned us both in our Temporal and E- ternal Intereft. And I mull: likewife protcft before God, who will judge between us and our Enemies iit this Point, that I have not aggravated the Calamities we have fuffered, nor mifreprefented the Proceedings againft us, out of Favour or Affection to a Party, but have rather told things nakedly and in general, than infilled on fuch Particulars as might feem toferveno other Purpofe, but to make our Adverfaries odious. z. It were much to be wifhed, and in due time it is hoped, that Commiflions may be iffued by the proper Authority, into the feveral Counties, to enquire of the Treatment the Proteftants underwent, and the Damages they fuffered -, and I am well affur'd, that if this be done, and an Account be taken on Oath from the Eye-witnefles and Sufferers, the Matter will ap- pear with a much worfe Face than it is here reprcfent- cd > and where one Story may happen undesignedly Xo be aggravated, twenty worfe will be to be added to fupply it: There is not amoreneceffaryor effectual Means can betaken, for clearing the Prote- ftants of this Kingdom, or juftifying the State in their Proceeding againft the Irijb ; and we are ready and willing to ltand or fall in the Cenfure of the World by this Plea, according as on Proof of Particulars by fufficient Evidence the Truth ihall appear. 3. Upon the whole, the Irijh may juftly blame themfelves and their. Idol, the Earl of Tyrconnelj as King James may them both -, for whatever they have, or lhall fuffer in the Iffue of this Matter, finceitis apparent that the Neceftity was brought about by them, that either they or we muft be ruined. King James (if the Earl of Tyrconnel may be believed) chang'd his Religion on His Sollicitations, (for he of- ten brag'd that he was the King's Converter.) He preferr'd the gratifying this Favourite's Ambition, to the 1'70 The State of the *ProteJ1ant£ the Affections of his Proteftant Subje&s in England and Ireland. He left England and came into Ireland on Bis Invitation 5 and he brought Ruin and Defolation on the Kingdom, efpecially on his Proteftant Sub- jects, in profecution of the Meafures laid down by him 5 yet fo far was he in love with this Minifter, that he frequently, both in his Proclamations and Aftsof Parliament* afcribes the faving of Ireland to him 5 and afligned him above the Value of 20m. Pounds per Annum^ to iupport his new Title of Duke, out of the forfeited Eftates of Proteftants, moil of them condemned unheard, on publick Fame only. This Perfon therefore was the true Enemy of King James $ he drove his Matter out of his Kingdoms, hedeftroy- cd him by his pernicious Councils, and the Kingdom of Irelandby his exorbitant and illegal Management 5 and therefore he and fuch other wicked Councellors and Minifters, are only anfwerable for all the Mifchiefs that have follow'dj and it is much more reafonablc the Deftru&ion fhould fall on them who were the Authors, than on the Proteftants againft whom thejr defigned iu APPEN* ro APPENDIX, AN ACT For the Attainder of divers Rebels, and for prefer ving th% Interefi of Loyal Subjects. HIT M BLY befeech your Majefty, the Corilmons in this prefent Parliament afTemb led, That whereas a moil hor- rid Invaflon was made by your unnatural Enemy the Prince or Grange, invited thereunto and aJTIfted by many of your Majefty's rebellious and traitorous Subjects of your Majefty's Dominions ; and fuch their inviting and afliftirig made manifeft by their perfidious deferring your Majefty's Service, in which, by your many Princely Obligations, befides their natural Duties, they were bounden j and having likewife to obtain their wicked Ends, raifed, and levied open Rebellion and War in feveral Places in this Kingdom, and entered into Aflociations, and met in Conventions in order to call in and fet up the fa?d Prince of Orange,, as well in Ulfthr and Connaught, as in the other Provinces ot'MunJter and teinjter : To quell which, your Sacred Majefty's late Deputy hi this Kingdom, Richard, then Earl,- and now Duke of Tyrconxel, be- fore your Majefty's happy Arrival in this Kingdom ; and your Sacred Majefty fince your Arrival here, have been rftceflitated to faife an Army to your Majefty's great Charge and Expence • and though the faid Rebels and Traitors, after their having the impudence to de- clare for the Prince and Princefs of Orange againft your Sacred Ma- jefty, were with all Mildnefs and Humanity called in to their Alle- giance, by Proclamations, and Promifes of Pa. ion for their pad Offences, and Protection for the future : ' And though fome of the faid Proclamations allured Pardon to all fuch as mould fubmit them- felvesj and that no Perfons were excepted in the laft Proclamation befides very few, not exceedingTen in Number, andfewornone of any Note came in, in Obedience thereto ; and that very many of the Perfons who came in upon Protections, and took the Oath of Allegiance to your Majefty, were afterwards found amongft the IRebels in open Arms and Hoftility, when taken Prifoners or killed, fuch Protections being found with ithem, (So vttUuQUS were they A* bj t Tloe State of the Protejlants by adding Perjury to their former Crimes, THAT ITMAY BE ENACTED, AN D BE IT ENACTED by your moft Ex- cellent Majefty, by, and with the Advice and Confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this prefent Parliament Aflembled, and by Authority of the fame., that the Perfons hereaf- ter named, being Perfons who have notork-ufly joyned in the faid Rebellion and Invafion, and fome of which are upon Indictments condemned, fome executed for High Treafon, and the reft ran away, or abfcond, or are now in the actual Service of the Prince of Cr47zg« againft your Majefty, and others kill'd in open Rebellion, (viz.) Francis Marjh Lord Archbifhop of Dublin, James Butler I)uke of Ormonde, Richard Boyle Earl of Cork, Cary Dillon Earl of Rofcommon, William Earl of Strafford, Edward Brabazon Earl of Meath, JohnEMlofMulgrave, . . . . Vaughan Earl of Car- berry, William O Brian Earl of Inchiquin, Charles Coote Earl ofMoun- trath, Henry Moore Earl of Drogheda, Charles Talbot Earl of Water- ford and Wexford, Hugh Mountgotnery £arl of Mount 'ale xander, Ri- chard Earl of Ranelagh, .... kidney JLav\ oi Leicefter, . . .' Villers Vifcount Crandifon, James Annejly Vifcount Valentia and Earl oiAnglefey, George .... Vifcount Cajileton, . . *\ Scudamore Vifcount Scudamore of Sligoe, .... Lumbly Vif~ count Lumbly of Waterford Wenman Vifcount Wenman ofTuam, .... Buckley Vifcount Buckley of Caflnl, Francis Boyle Vifcount Shannon, John Skevington Vifcount Maffareene , . . . „ Gholmundy Vifcount Cholmundyoi Kells, Richard Boyle Vifcount Dungarvan, alias Lord Clifford, Maurice Berkeley Vifcount Fitz-Harding of Beerehaven, William Caulfield Vifcount Charlemount^ Morrough Boyle Vifcount Bleffmgton, James Lane Vifcount Lanesbo- rough, .... Dawney Vifcount Diwn, William Stewart Vif- count Mountjoy, Adam Loftus Lord Lisburn, Ezekiel HopkinsLovd Bifhop of Derry, Willi m Sheridan Lord Bifhop of Kilmore, William Digby Lord Digby of Geajkell, Henry Lord Blaney of Menaghan, Hen- ryLord Herbert of Cafile-Ijland, . * . Sherrard Lord Sherrardoi Ley - trim, . . . Lord Waarion, Robert King Lord Baron ofK'mgfton, Ri* chard Coote Loid Baron of Coloony, Charles Petty Lord Shelborne, Hznry O Brian commonly called Lord lbrickan, Robert Dillon com- monly called Lord Kilkenny -Weft, William O Brian commonly call- ed Lord Brian, Son to the Earl of Inchiquin, Robert . . . . Lord Lucas, Sir Arthur Roy den of Moyra Baronet, Sir Arthur Colt of Newland Baronet, Sit Robert Reading of Brareil Baronet, Sir WiU hamTem'jle Baronet, late Mafter of the Rolls, Sir Francis Blundell of Edenderry Baronet, Sir Laurence Parfons of Bir Baronet, Sir Ri- chard Reynelis of Dublin Baronet, Sir ChriftophtrWandesford of Caftle- Comber Baronet, Sir Thimas Southwell of Caftlematres Baronet, Sir Simon Eaton of Dunmoylen Baronet, Sir Emanuel Moore of Rofs Baro- net, Sir Robert Southwell of Kin/ale Baronet, Sir John Osborne of „ . . . Baronet, Sir Robert Staples of Liffane Baronet, Sir James Caldwell of Belltck Baronet, Sir John Humes of Caftle-Humes Baro- net, Sir Francis Hamilton of Caftle-Hamilton Baronet, Sir Arthur* Ungford oi Summer-Hill Baronet, Sir William Franklin of Belfaft Ba- ronet, •/ IRELAND, &f, | ronet, Sir Oliver St. George of Headford Baronet, Sir Robert King, of Rockingham Baronet, Sir William Goreox Mannor- Hamilton Baronet, Sir William Courtney of New-Caftle Baronet, Sir William Tichbum of Beivly Baronet, Sir Samuel Bamadifton Baronet, Sir Robert Cottrill of Newtown Knight, Sirjofiua Allen of Dublin Knight, Sir Matthew Bridges of the fame Knight, Sir Philips Coote of Killefter Knight, Sir John Temple of Palmerjiown Knight, Sir Charles Meredith of Green- Bills Knight, Sir Richard Ryves of Dublin Knight, Sir Richard Ste- vens late of Dublin Knight, Six John Fd;eworth of Lijfane Knight, Sir Robert Clayton Knight, Sir Richard Buckley of Dunlavan Baronet, Sir Henry Fane of Loghgurr Knight, Sir Robert Holmes of Ardagh Knight, Sir Richard Hull of Leamcon Knight, Sir Matthew Dean of Cork Knight, Sir Henry Ingoldesby of Dangen Knight, Sir John Top- ham Knight, Sir Francis Brewfter of Brewjierfield Knight, Sir Albert Cunningham of Mount-Charles Knight, S'nTnftrum Beresford of 2J<*/- lykelly Baronet, Sir John Magill of Gill-Hall Knight, Sir Nicholas At- chtfon of Mullaghbrac'k Knight, Sir George St. Gearge of Dummor% Knight, Thomas Coote of the City of DublinE(q>, Richard F oft erF^C^ William Worth Efq ; lately one of the Barons of the Exchequer, John. Eaton Efq; Counfeilorat Law, Lieutenant JojephStopford, Enfigu Thomas Stanley, Captain Oliver Long, Captain Thomas Flower, Lieu- tenant Buckridge, Lieutenant Robert Pointz., Lieurenant John Povey, John Gueft Gent. Henry Brtfcoe Gent. Samuel Morrifon Gent. Enfign George Withers, William Connelly Gent. Robert Lowry Gent. Hugh Hamilton Gent. Samuel Walton Merchant, James Barloe Taylor, Richard Mills Bricklayer, Matthew French Sen. Merchant, Jofias P at ter fan Chixuxgeon , Lieutenant Edward Wolfe, William Knox Gent. Captain David Parry, John Dtsboroe Wire-Drawer, William Knox Gent. Brother to Sir John Knox, William Crow Efq; J.ohit Warburton Efq; Robert Doyne Efq; William Keating Gent. John Lyn- don, Senior, Efq; Lieutenant William Berry, Philip Savage Efq; Wil- liam Moore Efq; Denny Mufti champ, Efq; t+uk$ King Gent, late De- puty Mutter-Malter : Al l late of the City and County of the Ctty of Dublin. Robert Ware of Dublin E{q 5 Robert Mould f- ivorth of Brecktngftown Efq; Jofeph Wilkinfon of Palmerjiown Clerk, John IVeave Junior of Glajfnervan Gent. John Finglafs of Barnenagi- ragh Gent. Francis Mar jh of St. Patrick s-Clofe Gent. Jeremy Mar jb of the fame Gent. All in the County of Dublin. Henry Warren of Grangebegg in the County of Kildare Gent. George Mervin of Toberegane Gent, ^/j?; Sankey otReban Gent. Wentworth Harman of Caftleroe Gent. Dean Theoph.ius Harrifon of Osberftowne, John M*r:ettfon of Bijhops-Couri Efq; Edwdrd Eayly of Corbally Gent, and William Franfliaw of Ltfojw Efq; All in the County of Kildare. *?.•>/.>» Dunbar ot~Caterlogh in the County of Cater log :-i Gent, and CaptainChidley Coote oi'shierweod Park in the faid County, Francis Food of Kill-Clonfert in the Kings-County Gent. j^>; Baldwin Junior of Currughloaty Efq; Samuel Mofs of F.gliflj Gent. William Adare of L/fftfrGent. Jonathan Darby of Lftfp* Gent. ^/p/;» Gr^y of Caftle- townGent. George Low t her of Killogally Clerk, Captain Sewcomen jftkinfonot .... Lieutenant James Hamilton of &*>'*, ^»- Aa i ^r/w ]( Hoe State of the Protefiants. drew Hamilton of the fame Gent. Philip Armftrorg of St cneftoW% Gent. Charles Armfrong of the fame Gent. Edmond Armjlrong of the fame Clerk, John Armjlrong of Endrirn Gent. William Parfons Efq; Son to Six Laurence Varjons, Lieutenant William Parjons Brother to Sir Laurence Parfons, William Parfons of Ballintemple Gent. Evan iJoydofTumaghGtnt. and Richard Warbur ton of" Garrinch Efqj All late of the Kings-County. Colonel John Fitz-Patrick of Caflls- town in the Queen' s-Ccunty, Samuel Matthews of Ballykeally Efq;, Thomas Piggot of Bannagherry Gent. Thomas Ouens of Ratkmoyle Efq; William Beardof Colt Gent. Captain Tt/^w; Cauljield, Thcmas Pig^ott of Grangebegg Efq; Hapton Harris of'MountmellickGQnu Co- lonel Thomas Coote, John Deacon of Dromeene Gent, ffrtfry Wr£e Trimble >W alter Trimble, fohn Trimble Gentlemen, Quarter-Mafter John Aglfia&ly ofNezvtou, . . . . Carfon Clerk, "'john Stern Gent. Hugh M organ of Nezv- laftlc Efq; Captain fft7z>-;y Crofton of Moyhill, and Catharin Vifcourj- tefs-DowagerofK^»fi^: All late of the County of Longford. Thomas Blyth of Rathmore in the County of Meath Efqj Samuel Bull of Greenanfowne Efq; James Tandy of Druejlowne Gent. Jfy/w Oviens of Ballynedrumyity Gent. Jofeph Deane Junior of Kingftowne Efq; Stafford L\ightburne of Nezvhaggard Gent. Charles Meredith of N«w- *0Xtw Efq; Arthur Meredith of Dollar dflozunc Efq; j^> 2 F#ri of ^rj~ fallagh Efq; Ji T dlia?n Williams of Knockglafs Gent. 5y *Wallopoi'EnefcorthyE\c\; All late of the County of Wexford. XM- mas Burrtws of Mounthuske in the County of Wicklow Gent. /fog£> Magill of Baltrafr.ey Gent, and y£» &»;?& of T)undalke Gent. Jerome Smith of the lame Gent. BdwardSnell of the fame MercViant, William Shuel of the fame Merchant, Chriftopher Dalton of the fame Gent. p£i//^ Dalton of the fame Merchant, jfa- fephToomesot the fame Gent. Thomas Lambert of the fame Gent. Henry Ponfonby of Pepper fiowne Gent. James Brabazon of Carrfioivnr Gent. William Toung of Ather dee Gznt. William Difney Junior of 5//i- bannon Gent.' Cornelius Devlin of Mayne Gent. ##:£ Mitchel of ^ f - therdee Gent. Chriftopher Fortefque of Dromis ! -in Efq; Edward Ed* wards of Philip fiowne Efqj §fa6» W'7w?7* of Rahesker Gent. SW/» Gooding of ' Bregar.fiowneGznt. James Heme of SucarmoreGcnt. Hai- ry Warren of Aiherdee Genr. Richard Sandomc of the fame Gent. Gre- gory JB0//07Z of Dur.datke Gent. James Greaton Junior of the fame Gent. Robert Blackwell of Atherdee Gent. Quarter-Matter Thomas Paries of the fame, ArdelCcuUrane of DundaiktGzwi-. David Clavier of the fame Gent. Thomas Hudfon of the fame Gent. Richard Davs- fonofiht fame Efq; Walter Smith of the lame Genr. William h%afb» of the fame Gent. Serjeant .... Booth of Carl:>r ford : All late of the County of Lowth. Thomas Gremogc of the Town of DrorhedaGent. John Hieny of the fame Inn-keeper, Xehemiah El- wood of the fame, Lieutenant 7*^? Newton of the lame : Ail of the Town of Drogheda. Bartholomew Gibbons of Covinger Gent. Stephen Palmes ofCcrgrai^ $ Gent. Jonathan Bowles of A- a i :*/?/< Gent. Will/am Ralph of the fame Gent, jfa.»;/z Chintcy of Graggan Gent. Richard Ch'tonery of &e fame Gent, Nicholas Cmnnery of the fame 6 The State of the ProteftanU Gent, Thomas Ponfenby of B ally -Cullenb egg Gent. John Ponfonhy of Tan/iowne G-nr. Thomas Creede of Garry naderkey Gent. Oliver JVal/ft of Ballymuilane Gent. James Howard of Limerick Gent. William Southwell of Ca/ilematrcs Gent. Thomas Moore of the fame Gent. George Bryan oiShanagolden, John Flinn ofQaJllematres, Ralph Emer- fon of the fame, Robert Moore of Limerick, John Swayne of Cloghom- fwey, 'John Whitacre of Lijfeenefteely , Robert Phcaby of Rathkeale* llobert Pope of the fa me* Robert Rob in [on of the fame, JohnTrethol the fame, JohnCrowoi "the fame, John Green of Cloghnarral, Willi- am Clar'.e of the fame, James Huggin of the fame, William Walker of the fame, Michael Daly oiClasbane ,Henry erry of 'Limerick Yeom. Richard Cooper Son to Cooper of Knocklong, W.lliam Palmes of Corgraige Gent. Irancis Courtney Efq; James Courtney Efq; and Richard Court- xey Efq; Sons to Sir WMiam Courtney, John Ormsby , and Arthur OrmsbySons to Captain Arthur Ormsby, Chidley Coote, Fitz Charles of Ballyjhane Elq; jM"» Doivdallot Cappagb Gem. Henry Palmes of Corgraige Gent. Henry Holmes of Kiilmallock Gent. Jo^tz Southwell of Cafilematres Gent. William Jephfon Prebend of Donoghmorc, Cap- rain Chichejler Phillips , Richard Ingqldesby of Bally brickeene Efq ; Charles Qdle of CafilemacUniry Gent. Miles Jackfen of Bally vuiloie.. Gent. Nicholas Monuckton of Bailynefran'iy Gent. Samuel Cox of Bal- lyneGenz. Charles Oliver of ChlqghanoiUhey Efq; Richard Coote of . . . Efq; Georie Crofts Junior of C 0g&/24 Gent. Samuel Foxon Junior ©f Limerick Efq; ihomas Trenchatd of Corgraige Efq; Henry Tren- ehard of the fame Efq; and K^/j Majfey Junior of DooutreyleigGent. All iate of the County of Limerick. Henry Tent oi Bally cr en anem the County of Cera Efq; ihomas.Aderly of ln:fhonaneEfc[j Edward Boyle of Shannon-Park Efq; Randall Robert* of Mount long Gent. Charles Fenv/ich of Glancreem Gent. Quthbert WiUdnfonoi Killpatrick Gent. Francis Strange oi Sha'ngraige Gent. jfa&» Hodder of Bally ex. Gent. Edward Phillips of the feme Gent. Richard Cox oi Clognakilly Efq; B. chard Pyne of Water Park Efq; i4/i'f» Broderick Efq; R^frf White oi Brynce Gem. Captain Henry Boyle of Ballymartir, Arthur. St. leger of. Doneral e, James Low of Courte Gent. Henry Low of the fame Gent, ^i&a Gourthrop of £/VWe lflandEf<]-j John Walton of A'i- ?/«/-£ Gent Henry Daly oiBaliydahin Gent. Captain Z>oy/* Aldworth of Newmarket, Lawrence '.ay ton of Moyallow Efcjj William Hodder of Ballyea Gent. Samuel Hodder of the fa^me Gent. R'chard Covett of Bally garr an Gent. Anthony Butler of BarnahulU Gent. Jiflma Mit- chell of Cor* Merchant, jfc"^ Watkins Sen. of Ballymee Gent. Arthur Dillon of Qr Www Efq; William fephfon oi Mallow Efq; Tho- m.is Pardon of Bailydogh Efqj Bartholomew Purdon of the fame Efq; Adam Purdon of MoyalloUdge E r q; Richard Ccudran of Weflonn denr. Thomas Bad ham oi Bauymakie Gent. Francis Roberts of Brit- feld':-to'wn Efq; Thomas Knowles of Kiellhey Gent. y^» Roberts of Britfeld*s-t0W» Gcnti, Barry Love, oi Rynerone Clerk, William Dyer Senior of Robert s-towii Gent. WMiam Dyer Junior of Labacon Gent. Sweeteing Walton ofKmure Gent. Anofepherus Houghton oi Bally ngar- ry Gent. Robert Littler of ' Bailindepgg Gent. Gabriel Low of Gortagre- uane Gent, iamiiel Whijikr of J Jl and Funchin Gen:. jfa/;>; tapper Gent. e/IRELANDj &V. 7 Cent. Edward Riggs of Ijland Funchin Gent. Bry*» Townifind of Cajllttown Gent. Francis Townejend ot the fame Gent. Kmgjion Townefend ot the fame Gent. Robert Coo'nn of Kjilcoleman Gent. 7&0- #?£j W?r« of Newceftown Gent. Wdl'tam Ware of the fame Gent. H^«- ry jfawf* of Bandon Gent. j^w Sullivan of the fame Gent. £<*//>/; Charters of the fame Gent. Alexander Barington of Cajlietown Gent. Vincent Bar ringt on of the fame Gent. 2*/? C^er of the fame Gent. Arnold Gookin of Killnutane Gent. Y)o&qc John Harding of G arrant thoonig Thomas Dennis of Bandon Gent. PM/5 Jf^/'/f of Brenny Gent, Lieutenant Robert blachiey of Caftlemartre , Thomas Coakly of the lame Clerk, Rowland Davy sot Burdtnftoivne ~Deanot Rofs, Jame; Spencer of Cafllemarur Clerk, ytf%- fnagnolly Efq; Anthmy Raymond of Mitchdls-town Efq 5 George Wi- denham of CaftUtown Gent. Thomas Cooh of Corke Merchant: All late of the County ot Cork. Charles Boyle Efqj Son to the Lord Dungarvan alias lifford in the County ot JVaterford, Colonel £i- ■ztvirS Fitz-Gerald alias Fi/krj of Drumanna, Captain Stephen Stanley ofCuttifwood, Cornelius Bolton of Fatleck, Son to Captain Bolton* Richard Francklin of Temple-Mitchell Gent. John Spencer of YoughaU Gent. jfa£» Napper of the fame Gent. J^z Stanly of Curtifwood- Cent. Captain Francis Foultcs, and Samuel Maynard t Son and Heir apparent of Sir Boyle Maynard : All late ot the County of Wa- terfokd. Iftwry Hickman of Dunaguroge in the County of C/.-irr Gent. Thomas Hawkins of KtllalowGznt. Connor O Brian of -Dra- wer* Gent. James Hamilton Efq ; Son to William Hamilton, and Fn*»- cis Burton of BuncraggiiEfqi All late of the County of Clare, #0- bert Blenerhajfett ot Killorglain alias Caflle-Comvay Gent. j^Aw B/#- r.erhajfett and Robert Blenerhajfett } Sons to the laid Robert, JohnBle- nerhajfett of BallyfidyGent. Samuel Morrislunlot of Bally beggan Gent. Jafper Morris of Ballyengowne Gent. William Gun of Rat hoe Eftfc Ri- thardGun Son and Heir to the fnid William % Richard Crp'tn of Gort- h'mlinny Gent. Robert Tophin of G or taglafs Gent. Jofeph Taylor of Killowen Gent. j^£>z Ponfonby ot Stackfiown Gent. Thomas Fonfonby of the fame Gent.Thomas Collis of Tanlagh Gent. 7"£. Raymond of Ballyloghrane Efq; WMicho'fo i of TraUt Inn- keepcf, S The State of the Protefiantz keeper, Barry Denny of Barro Gent. Pierce Crosby, Son and Heir ap^ parent of Patrick Crosby t Wlliam Stanton of Ratoath Gent. Walter Thomas of Killeene Gent, and Samuel Wilfon Clerk : All late- of the County of Kerry. Captain Henry Fox of Lackymore in the County of Tipperary, Stephen Moore ot Hoare-Abbey Efq; Captain Chidley Cooteot -!rdmayle, Andrew Coulter of Clonmell Gent. Michael Par- ker of Killofalla Gent. Edward Legg of Ballinderry Gent. Theophilus Legg of the fame Gent. Arthur Taylor ot NoaneGent. Robert Foulkes of Baptijl s-G 'range Gent. Lieutenant . . . Bradfton of . . . James Hdrrifon of Clogh-Jordan Efq; and George Lehunt otBallymore Efq; All late of the County of Tipperary, i/*«r;y Cunningham of Mount-Charles Gent. William VVray of Cajilerea Efq; Michael Sampfon of .F.i;700 Efq; jf# Mountgomery of Croghane Efqj John Nisbitt of Tully-ldonnell Efq; jfawgj Nisbitt of the fame Efq; William Groves of Cafile-Shannaghan Efq ; Kilmer Brazier of R^^ Efq; Matthew Cockaines of ita^wEfq; Samuel Norman of London- ^777 Efq; Major Gujiavus Hamilton of Rufogile, Andi ew Knox Jun. of Carheuenacannanagh Gent. Matthew Babington of Cajiledoe Gent, .Rrf//>// Mansfield ot Killigordan Gent. James Greham Sen. of Ballar- hule Gent. James Greham Jun. of the fame Gent. James Toung of the fame , Matthew Scot of Kinvre Gent. William Knox of Raphoe Gent. John Knoxof the fame Gent. JohnWigton of the fame Gent. Robert Cowen of St. Johnfioron Gent. ^^» Cowen of the fame Gent. John Stewart otDunduffe Gem. .... Stewart of Baliyleane Gent. Patrick Connelly of Belajhannon Gent. Patrick Spence of Donne fall Gcm.Robert Spence of the fame Gent. Matthew Spence of the fame Gent. George Spence of the fame Gent. Charles Calhoone of Letterken- ney Gent. William Cunningham of Bally davys Gent. Alexander Nif- hitt of Ifc//y ldonnell Gent. Andrew Lindfey of Cafllemurry Gent. Charles "Lejley of Termonmagrath Clerk, Triflrum Sweetenam of Bartt Gent, George Swetenam of the fame Gent. William Gary of Redcaftle Gent. George Byers of Loghlycarryltun Gent. John Orr of Letterkenny Gent, yj/w; Orr of the fame Gent. William Bnce of the fame Gent. Alexander Hogg of Lo^heaske Gent. James Sinkler of Ramalan Gent. JHenry Paten of the fame Gent.. William Farrald of Baugherbegi Gent. J/tf££ Caldwell of Donnegall Gent, .^o/?;z Craford of the fame Gent. Matthew Strong of Gloulec Gent. James Strong ot the fame Gent. George Everis of Dcnnegall Gent. Andrew Hamilton of . . . • Gent. Thomas "Folliot of Bellafiannon Gent. Francis Earles of the fame Gent Francis Je-nninu of the fame Gent. William Walker ot Donnegall Gent. RtfiM Gore of Ma^harabegg Efq; £rt£;7 Benfon of Stravorlan Gent. James Fi^er of Derry Gent. y£#r/ /i#i7 Son to William Moore, James Moore of CT«%Gent. James Moore of Derryoretty Gent. Thomas Kerr Senior of Dunnaghmore Gent. y<^# Morris of Gortnaglagh Clerk, Henry Maxwell of Glenarb Gent. James Maxwell of the fame Gent, yl/rx- <*wier WW* of Kinard Gent. John Lctory ot Aghienuis Gent. Robert rLowry of the fame Gent. jfaAw Lowry Junior of the fame Gent. T;0- /tf4j Z,eec6 of Belloragh Gent. W.lliam Leech of. the fame Gent. Wdliam Moore oh Ana^hloghan Gent. David Kearnes of Askragh El'q; Charles Hcclts of Fentonagh Gent. Samuel Eccles of the fame Gent. J-ohn Gra- ron of Aghir Gem, James Nisbitt of Killegreene Gem. Adam Tate of Bally gaily Gent. Charles Hamilton of the fame Gent. Captain Archi- bald Hamilton o£ St ant owny, Henry Mervyn of Qmagh Efq; Audly Mervyn of Trelick Gent. William Garvan of Derry Genr, Francis De» lapp of Moylagh Gent. Andrew Mac Caujland of Claraghmore Gent. George Hamilton of iWdy Gent. James Hamilton of DownlongEfqi Robert Hamilton of Killiloony Gent. $ames Hamilton of Ardnoblifg Merchant, William Hamilton ot Bally fattane Gent. Matthew B abing- ionot UrneyGem. George Walker ot Dunaghmore Cierk, ^0/w LV/7*y Junior of Tirkernaghane Gent. W.lliam Stewart of Killemoon Gent, ami p&w MacCaufland of Rafl) Efq; All late of the County of Tyrone. Charles Caldwell of Bellick in the County of "Fermannagh Efq* Son and Heir apparent of Sir Jawe; Caldwell, Captain Abraham Creightcn of Crum, David Ry?id of Dervoland Efq; William Wifshart otClunteffriru Efq; Gutlavus Hamilton of Moynea Efq; William Erwyn of Bally duU lagh Efq; Christopher Erwyn of the fame Efq; his Son, Walter }ohn- ffon ofMillick Efq; George Bochanon of Enniskilling Efq; Francis ]ohn- Hon ok Derry cholaght Gent. William Barton of Roe IflandGent. Ro- bert J ohnflon of Aghanuce Efq; Lieutenant Colonel H«g£ Montgc* tnery of Corrard f Robert Montgomery of DerrybrosU Gent. Jawze* Creighton of Cr«;» Gent. J/»w« Aghineleck ot Bailaghinleck Genr. Andrew Ferffer of Dnimgoone Gent. H«^ Rejp of FLoffdagagh Gent. Chriftopher Carle/on of &»£«e Gent. Jfl£» Moffett of Letterbcy Gent. AdamBetty of Came Gent. Rowland Betty of ArdiemyGem. John Betty ot the fame Gent. Jfl&» Croizier of Cazw?* Gent. Lawrence Crawford of Cavancarragh Gent. Jrf/2>;z Hafjart Senior of Midiivef- ker Gem. "JaJonUaJfart Junior of Killnemad 'due Gent. Lieutenant Wdliam Ellet of Staraghan, Robert Catcarth of Creaghrho'c Gent, ^r- th'ibald Hamilton of DrUmmarry Gent. Gabriel Shore of Magherybcy Gent. Edv.'ard Morton of Mullenegougb Gent. Lieutenant Will' am Smith of Greenifij. Thomas Winjlozv ot Derry vore Gent. J*&» Fclliot of Fillenn Gent. Wdliam Green of Killeter Clerk, J^rc "Leonard ot MagwyorsbridgeGem. Patrick Breadan of Derryboy Gent. Thomas Ellet of Galoone Gent. Doctor J»- £™/*? Bofc// of Carudallan Gent. Robert Booth of Drumcorbane Yeom. William Cunningham of Killefandra Clerk, Thomas Coach of Cabragh Eft|; Alexander Charter or Aughucony Gent. Arnold Cosby oi Dru- mury Gent. Thomas Coote of Coote-Hall Efq } Dodor .... Cwta of . . . . Clerk, James Coulding of Bealaheafe Clerk, David Campbell of Bonnough Yeom. Arthur Culme of Lijfnemeane Efq; Edward Dixie Dean of Kilmcre, Charles Mac Fadden Junior of Qu'ilcagh Gent. Edvja'rd Mac Fadden of the fame Gent. William Gun ot Drummury Gent. Captain Meredith Gwyiiin ofBelaconnele, Henry Hamilton of Ballyborea Efq; Thomas heay o?A?hcrive Yeom. Richard 2&7/y of the fame Yeom. T00. H^r^ oiCumlm Gent. Dan.Hudfon of the Mannorof Skeoih Gent. Michael Leeds of Clu?iigunily Gent. Richard Lewis ofLifmcre Gent. Patrick L\aughy of ' Aughkillmore Yeom. ^faft* Laughy of the fame Yzqiii, James Msort otTxHivin Gent. jMfll Atax- tf IRELAND, &?<•: ii Wei of Farename Gent. Robert Maxwel of the fame Gent. Thomas Newborogh of Belahayes Efq; Broghell Newborogh of the fame Gent. Jofeph Robinfon of Barcony Gem. Mark Robinfon of the fame Gent. Robert Sanderfonoi Cafile-SanderfenUl^ William Stevens of Courtcu- fangan Gent. John Strong of Tanlagh Yeom. James Strong ot the fame Yeom. Oliver Stevens Senior of Gorteuejangan Gent. Oliver Stee- vensoi the fame Gent. Thomas Steevens of the fame Gent. Samuel Tovunely of Moynehall Efq; Francis White ofRedhill Efq; William Ward ofTorroburt Gent. JamesXoung^ of Coolebane Gent. Jojeph Tate late of Kiacanon Yeom. James Bill of Kitlittcr Gent. jMw Afo? of Botler's- Bridge Gent. Matthew French Senior of Bdturbet Merchant, Daniel French of the fame Merchant, ihomas Netters of the fame Yeom. Wjlljam Chaplein of the fame Yeom. William Cunningham Mmifter of Carrickallin, Conn Parett of Healaheas Gent. Christopher Harmon of Belanacarrig Gem. Henry Waldrom of Cavan Efq; James Anderfoii of Killefandra Gent. Thomas Mac Vice ok Coolebane Gent. John Ballard of Cavan Inn-keeper, /"^ ^ r/r ^ °* tlie fame Yeom, J^» Holland of the fame Yeom. Robert Gregg of AnghubaneY eom. Thomas White of Redhill Gent. George Rujj'el of Eelturhet Inn-keeper, j^/?;z Richard of the fame Yeom. Abraham Kottnan of the fame Yeom. WAliam War dell of the fame Yeom, Bryan Vojfe of the fame Yeom. William Copl in Scniovoi the fame Yeom. William Coplin junior of the fame Yeom. Richard Keepe of the fame Yeom. Pe/fr Ealaby of the fame Yeom. Thomas B agnail of the fame Yeom. ^a/jw Termand of the fame Yeom. Henry GTvyllims of Dublin Gent. Thomas Flumes of A'/'t • lefandraGent. Henry EdgeworthfLfo^ and Thomas Nevjbcrough Juni- or of Bcvj-lfland Gent. All late of the Gcunty of Cavan. Afog^ Mountgomery of Carrozu in the County of Monoghan Efq$ Blany Qzveis of Monoghan-Dui\'i EXqj Thomas Cole of Ballyleck Efq; Richard Pockridge of AghanamaUaghEfq-, William Smith of Corhallin Efq; ^?/?/z Ffl/^r of Tot on Clerk, £fe«ry Richardfon of Ballyclyan Genr. 5^ Wddman of Skea Gent. Thomas Wddman of the fame Gent. Henry James of Skearvan Genr. jfa/??; J#/fcw of Comb ar ran Gem.^ohn Weft of the fame Gent. fohnScoutes of DromickGem. Serjeant yawfon of Killcrce, William Dawfon ot the fame Gent. Lancelot Daiv [on of the fame Gem. Ta;;^; Wrijht of ^f;;a.;- /rse/j Gent. John Sfack of Tyranerii Gem. Richird Wright of Tohbam Gent. George Scott of Bogh Gent. John Breedy of Forvas Gent. Robert Thomas of Aghaboy Gem. Jo/;" Forfter of Clunvtlj Gent. J.7?w« Bb 2 .AtGi?}? ft The State of the P rot eft ant t Moore of Bartry Gent. Captain Samuel Eccles of Cartuedaragh, Gmgt Robinfonoi Kiicoran Gent. George Rob mfon Junior of the fame Gent, tjohn Nelfon of Mahiry Gent. ,e J-chn Knox of Glaftogh Gent. Captairt *}ofeph Johnfton of Cranvale, Lieutenant Caktf Johnfton of the fame; *fames Mac Gerhey of Rofcorvan Gent. William Browne of Balloun- hengty Gent. Lieutenant ffcwry Owwj of Monaghdujfe, Edward Owens of the fame Gent, j^o/w Sparks of Corvechejfa Gent. 5^# Dawfon of Kilcroe Gent. 7/^rc Dawfon of Dromany Gent. David Kar- naghan of Ballanegeeragh Gent. Jofeph Waiftr of Dronirinagh Gent. Thomas Pardy of Killeneck Gent. F#/*e Flinton of Skrunageeragh Gent. Lieutenant ^f^» Graham of Glajcogh, Henry Walton of LoghmaguU- greene Gent. Ifewry Robin/on of the fame Gent. William Robinfon of the fame Gent, Cornet j^w Maddifoii of ^wy, Enfign Edward ISXaddifon of the fame, James Chrifiy of Monoghan Clerk, William Willock of Dromhillagh Gent. Captain John Ryder of Ballamure, Ser- jeant Thomas Waljh of Lefty, James Cooper oi Drumbarragh Gent. Alexander Cooper of the fame Gent. Captain Thomas Coote of JC//^ grewy, JohnCojJ'ens of Corrivelly Gent. j?°£# Cojjens Junior of the lame Gent. Walter Curry of Clan Gent. j^/j» Atkinfcn of Dromori iicnt. Thomas Portys of Clundenory Gent. Francis Johnfton of Cr^ £tfW*Gent, Dacre Barret of Clow?iifl) Gent. Captain William Wiftiard of Clantewrin, Captain Walter Dawfon of'Rafh, William Smith of Clownift) Clerk, William Warren 6i Monoghan Clerk, John Knox of Glaftogh Clivk, Thomas Fitz-Symons of Tullycorbot Clerk, Michael Gipjcn of Monoghan Clerk, William Maxwel of Farkland Gent. ^>£» Brad/haw of ' Lyfollinch Gent. Charles Corfon of Clovanle Gent. Enfign Chriftopher Crow of the fame, George Frixel of C«»w Gent. Wili.ani Johnfton of Clowmfti, George Gibb of the fame Gent. George Hamer fly pf the fame Gent. Captain Francis ForfterofCaftle-Caulfield, Wdliam johnfton of Tyhallon Gent. jMw Gilmore of Monoghan Gent. H«£& Gilmore of the fame Gent. Thomas Ellis of the fame Gent. Thomas' Burgisot the fame Genr. Thomas toungt of the fame Gent. William Keiran of the fame Gent. David Meads of the fame Gent, j^/w £/;■/>' of the fame Gent. JohnToiber of Caftle-flmne Gent. George Knight of the fame Gent. Abraham Knight of the fame Genr. j^# M/7/j of the fame Gent, Wiliam Torrer of the fame Gent: !£>» <;~ ^r* Gent. @ft>-j* Thornton of the fame Gent. William Thornton oi "the fame */ Ireland-, m n fame (fertft Thomas Thornton of the fame Gent. Samuel Corry of >z Fuller ton of Ballagh Gent;. Captain i<4^£ &»//£ Junior, Captain Hercules Davis, John Davys Eft]-, Son to Hercules Davys, and Clothworthy Upton Efq; All late of the County of An riuM.^tatttf Hawkins of Ratbjryland in the County of DoziTzEfq; James' Hamilton of Tttlly more Efq-, Hames Hamilton of Bangor Efq; J.ames Hamilton of Carricknafire Efq; Charles Ward of KillaughEfq; Bernard Ward of Caftieward Efq; G^o^e Maxwell of Killaleugh Efq; Son to Sir £0^r/ Maxwell, John Mac Neal Dean of Downe, Daniel Mac Neal of Dundntm Gent. W'diiam Breete of N*£- fers-Town E/q; j?romcon?7el, Robert Fcniy ot Hamil; crS s-Baivr.e Gent. Thomas Ball . of GlajfedromiEfq; Charles Pointz of the fame Gent. Major Jofeph Strovjde of Lisburne, and Jo/e/>A Strowde Gent. All late in the County of Ardmagh. Alexander Stewart Efq; Son to the Lord Mount joy, War ham Jemett Collector, Captain Alexander Lacky, Captain S/unuel Nor man, Captain Matthew Cock/as, Captain -4&x- of IRELAND, 8k if fader Tompkins, Capu'm JohnTompkins, Captain Thomas Moncreife Captain James Lenox, Captain Horan Kenedy, Lieutenant William Ctookejhankes, Lieutenant James Boyde, Lieutenant James Spicke, Lieutenant Daniel Sherrard, Lieutenant Edward Brookes, Lieutenant William Wallace, Lieutenant Henry Long, Lieutenant William Macky, Lieutenant Rolen Morrifon, Lieutenant William Newton, Lieu- tenant Henry Campfy, Lieutenant Henry Thompfon, Colonel George Philips of ' Newtownlemevaddy , Captain William Smith , Captain An- drew Alexander, Captain Thomas Philips Junior, Lieutenant Colo- nel Edward Cary of Dungiven, Captain Alexander Skipton , Captaia Stephen Heard, Captain fames Strong, Captain Thomas A(l) % Captaia James Howey of Mujfe, Captain Samuel Hob 'J on, Captain George Skip- ton of Foughanveale , Captain John Gage of Moygilian , Captain - . . . Hallineare of Baliycajtle, Captain Abraham Hilhouje of the fame, Colonel George Canning of Garvagly, Captain Nicholas Edwards of Kilreab, Captain William Church, Captain . . . . Miller, Captain Adam Downing ot Ballaghy, Captain Matthew Mac Loran oi Daw fon sbr'ulge, Captain HughReamy, Lieutenant Colonel William Cunningham of Ballydrum, Captain James Rea, Captain Samuel Wr>ght, Lieutenant Colonel Rcbert Lundy, and David Rojfe q{ Londonderry Gent. All late of the County of Londonderry. Captain John Forward of Coolmackeiltrean, Captain John Cowan of S. Johnfion, Captain Francis Cary of Redcafile, Captain George Vaug- han of Buncrannagb, Captain Henry Hart of Muffe in Enniflione, Cap- tain Robert Qary of Whitecafile, Captain Wdliatn Latham of Ballyma- grorty, Lieutenant William Cary of Ballyeany alias Bridefiown, Tho- mas Blaire of Aghadny Gent. Henry George of Somerfet, Son of Colo- nel George, and Patrick Jordan of Caftleroe Gent. All late of the CouNiiEsofDoNNEGALL or Derry. .diver St. George Junior of Headford Efq 5 fecond Son to Sir Oliver St. George, Richard St. George of Dunmore Efq> George St. George of the fame Efq^ John Blackny of Gallagh Efq; Robert Corlewes of Dunmore Gent. John Eyres of Eyres- Court Efqj and Samuel Eyres of the fame. All late of the County of Galway. Daniel Hutfon of St, John's Efq ; Captain Chidky Coote of Voughterhire, John Drury of Callow Gent. Edward Nicklefon of Cafilereagh Clerk, Edward Hawkes of Rojcommon Clerk, Thomas. Ulcyd of Croghane Efq 5 Toby Molloy ot Knocviccar Gent. Edward Sandfird of Cafilereagh Gent. John Teadon of Boyle Yeom. George, Crofton of Kilbridge Gent. John Nicklejon of Cafilereagh Clerk, Henry Irwmgot Boyanagh Yeom. William Lambert ot Moyheiden Gent. R>- ghard GlaJJe of ClooneawneGznu Jacob Jaquesof Athlonelnn-keepcr, Anthony Cope Dean of Elphin, Henry Teadon of Boyk Clerk, Gilbert OrmsbyofTobervstddyl.iQp and JohnCrofion of Kilbride Gent. All tate ot the Cc t i;£;z Bingham Senior of Foxford Efq; Ail late of the County of Mayo. "William Lowther Efq; fames Nisbitt Efq; Robert Galbraith' Gent. Robert Colly s, William Nichols, Gufiavus Nichols, William Parfons , Lieutenant Robert Elliot, . . . . Waagh, Thomas Floyd Efq; Captain Ha*£ Mountgomery , Captain £Vi- 'wardNicholfon, Robert Craige, Wdlia-mCharleton, Captain . . . Manfley, Lancelot Lowther, William Elliot, .... Graham, "fohn Anderfon, Thomas Vernloe, Francis Gore, Barnes Maxwel 'Clerk, William Cunningham Clerk, Robert Rojfe Clerk, Henry Palmer ' Clerk, and "Z ames Wynn ot Lorgan- Boy Efq; All late of the County. of Leitrtm: Whether dead or alive, or kill'd in open Rebellion, or now in Arms againil: your Majeffy, or otherwife : And every of them fhall be deemed, taken and reputed, ar t d are hereby declared and adjudged Traytors, convicted and attainted of High Treafon, and fhall fufFer fuch Pains of Death, Penalties and Forfeitures re- fpectively, as In Cafes of High Treafon are accuftomed. PRO- VIDED, that in cafe it happen that any of the Perfons hereby at- tainted, or to be attainted, do now abide or dwell in this Kingdom* and are amenable to the Law, that then and in fuch Cnfe, iffuch ^erfoaand Perfons do by the tenth Day of Augufl, 16S9, without Compulflon., of IRELAND, &e. 17 Compulfion, of his own accord come in and deliver himfelf to the Lord Chief Juftice of your Majefty's Court oi King's-Bench in Ire- land, or to any other of the Judges of the faid Court, or of any other of your Majefty's Four-Courts in Dublin, or to any Judge of AfTize in their Circuits, to be charged with any Treafon, to be charged or imputed to him or them, that then and in fuch Cafe, fuch Perfon and Perfons (if alter acquitted by the Laws of this Land, or difcharged by Proclamation) mail be freed, difcharged, and acquitted from all Pains, Punifhments, and Forfeitures by this Ad incurred, laid or impofed ; any thing in this Ad to the contrary in any W'^e notwith- standing. And whereas thefeveral Perfons hereafter named. (-ui£.) JohnVeazey, Lord Archbifhop of Tuam : Arthur Chichejler, Earl yt Donnegal : Tolliot Wmgfield, Vifcount Poivers-Court : William Morton, Lord Bifhop of Kildare : William Smith, Lord Bifhop of Raphoe : Narcijfus Marfli, Lord Bifhop Of Femes and Laughlm : Edward Jones, Lord Bifhop of Cloym i: Capel Wifeman, Lord Bi- fhop of Dromore t Sir John Peyton, Baronet : Sir Thomas Domvile of Temple-oge, Baronet : Sir Arthur Jones of Osberflowr, Baronet ? Sir John Morgan, Baronet: Sir Edward Croft an of Moje, Baronet .- Sir Henry Bingham of Cajllebarr, Baronet .* Sir wdliam Evans, Ba- ronet : Sir Abel Ram, Knight : Sir John Coghil of Drumconragh, Knight : Sir William Wentivcrth of Dublin, Knight : Sir Henry ' Ponfonby, Knight: Sir William Lemon of Knockaneleiver, Knight.' Six John Dillon oi Lijmu'din, Knight: Sir Robert Cole of Bilieymac- key> Knight: Sir Toby Poynes of Brecknock, Knight: Bartholomew Vanhumrigh of the City of Dublin, Merchant: Philip Crofts, Gent. Stephen Ludlow, El'q; Anderfon Sanders, Efq; Robert Pocley, Gent. TiUke ~Lowther, late Alderman : Abraham lamer, Efq; Edward Harris, Gent. Rob. Bridges, Efq; Will. Swift, Gent. Dr. Ralph Howard : John I.inegar late of Dunbrec : Henry Afoton, Glover : Edward Reyly, Gent. Ada?n Swift, Gent. Thomas Putland, Merchant, John Carr, Gent. Matthew French, Junior, Samuel Jack/on, Gent. Henry Salmon, Merchant, Charles Ca ter, Sadler : Henry Ecciin, Efq; late one of his Majefty's Sergeants at Law: Nehemiah Donne- land, Efq; Counfellor at Law j Peter Weflenra, Efq; Henry Monk, Efq; William Maule, Efq; Murtagh Dowling, Efq; Ifaac Dobfon, Efq; Robert Stopford, Efq; Robert Peppard. Efq; John Gowrney, Efq; Ihomas Tilfon, Efq; jofeph Deane, Efq; late Senefchal of Sr. Pulchers Liberties : James Grace, Efq; late Senefchal of Chrift- Church Liberties : Robert Sanders, Efq; Robert Alloway, Efq; late one of the Officers of the Ordnance: Dodor . . . Miller: John Thompfon, late Agent for the Commifiioners : Thoma: Sprai:- %er> lateE.vaminator of the High Court of Chancery : Captain James Gardner oi Pimhcce : Captain Thomas Cooke o St. James's- Street : Captain John Rawlins of Strand-Street : William Ralpfon, Gent. William Scott, Gent. Temple Rnfcce, Gent. William Crmsbv m Gent. Anthony Nixon, Gent. John Bate, Gent. Ri:ka>dThcmpfon, Gent. Benjamin Chitwood : Thomas Osborne, Gent. John Gardner, Gent. John Theacker, Gent. Giles Spencer, Gent. Jacob Peppard, Cent, Michael JiarJ?onif x Gent, Andrew Lloyd, Gent, Tfaac Aw- C c fro/ft f3 Tie State of the Protectants hrofe, Genr. Jeremiah Rofcoe, Gent. Philip Harris, Gent. "Richard Wkmmng, Gent. Will. Tfdall, Gent. Chriftop. Caldwell, Genr. Thomas Carter, Gent. Charles G>ol:er, Gent. Faufline Cuppage, Genr. Kichard Hacket, Gent. Charles Kin?, Gent. ^/?» Rotten, Genr, Henry Reeves, Gent. Zachary Eoxal, Gent. Thomas Fiflnr, Gent. Gilbert Holmes, Gent. Thomas Sifjon, Scrivener ; ¥$&» G^y the younger ; Charles Campbell, Gent. Thomas Twjgg, Gent. Dan'elCooke, Gent. Edmond Reynel, Genr. Samuel Frith, Gent. George Osborne, Gent. Jo/w JS^fff, Gent. jfc/;;z Hi//, Gent. Ko^r/ Curtis, Genr. 5fc>£« Curtis, Gent. He»ry tVhitfidd, and . . . Whitfield Sons to Councelloi^ffc/.v'Wrf : Mordecay Abbot, Gent. Toby as Creamer of St. Thomas-Street, Gent. Charles Wallis of the fame, Gent. William Berry, Gent. William Wybrants % Gent, benjamin Burton, Banker : Edward Lloyd, Merchant: John Al>bot , late Steward of the Inns; "/^w Cuthbert of Skinner-Row, Goldfmith : 3fo£» Pierfon of Sr. Thomas-Street,, Brewer : Samuel Bell of the fame, Gent. Abraham Maw of Qa file-Street, Merchant: jfa£;z Aflihurft of £/•. Nicholas- Street, Merchant: Henry Steevensoi: High-it reet. Merchant ; Charles Batty of Corn-Market, ITpholdfterer : Robert Briddock of Skinner* Row, Merchant : Edward Brookes of 6Y. War bourns-Street, Mer- chant: 5^?;? L Merchant- Taylor : •/ IRELAND, &V. ip ^Taylor ! "John Hethertngton , Peruke-maker : Henry Rowland fon of Ski'nner-roiv, Merchant : William Founds of Temple-bar, Merchant: Thomas Taylor, Gent. Samuel Care of High ftreet, Merchant-Taylor : John Ha/lack, Tanner: Do&br John Maddin : Francis Roberts and Kender Roberts, brothers to the Earl of Radnor : John Wallis of St. Thcmas-flree*, Gent, and William Flood of College-green, Gent. All Jate of the City of Dublin. John Beat bam of Killeck in the County of Dublin, Efq; Edward Dean of Tyr enure, Eiq; Samuel Folio, 'Chancellor of St. Patrick's i Robert Meade of Fcbleflown; Gent. Martin Bafil of Drumcamy , Gent. Francis Spring of C0//*- dr#*£, Gent. William Wybrants of Grange : B^/y Boy/*, Geht. 7/^s Dobfon of Dundrum, Gent. jfojfaj Sw///? of ,Sr. Patrick* s-clofe, Gent. S&7&* Rawlins of New-ftreet, Gent. Thoinas Baily of 5Y. Patrick's- tlofe, Gent. J^w Waflock of NeWry, Tanner j Thomas Shaw of Crookedftaf, Tanner: Philip Parker ot St. Patrick' s-jheet, Tanner: jk?/.>« Ridgeway of Oldbawne, Gent. j^£w Wdliamfon of ClondaU can, Gent. James Roberts of Newmarket, Gent. William Lemon ot Kevan-ftreet, Gent. William Nuans of Dunlavan, Tanner : Ktf/^& R«/e, Prebend of Kilmatahxay f Edward Hind of Tallow : Thomas Theacker of Rathcoole, Clerk : . ; . Wdliamfon of Newcaftle* Clerk: Henry Ryder, Prebend of Malehedurt : Archdeacon William William [on : William Fownes : Edward Swan of Kilriske, Efq; iw6 of Stapleftown in the County of Catheriogh, Efq } Richard Warren, Efq; Francis Bradfiown of Morter flown, Gent. Thomas Bernard ot Clo^huae^ Gent. John Lucas oi Rath.ianiel, Yeo'm. Edmond Jones of Tullagh, Efq; Cadwadader Wyn of Killelongford, Genr. jRigir P/Vrj, Gent. Jofeph Ivy of Gram e ford, Gent. Urban Vigor ot- Old Leighlin, Gent. . . . . Cwfo of Ballydartane, Clerk : Robert St op ford of Bally- brack, Efq; Charles Wilcocks of Shierwood Par:-; Gent, and . . . £///W of Stapleftown, Clerk. Ail late of the County of Cather- logh. jft?/^ Baldwin Senior of Curraghlanty in the King's-Coun- ty, Efq; Edward Crofton of Redivocd, Genr. Anthony Dobfon of Tolekeirjj Gent. Meadhope Lloyd of Tumagh, Gent. 70/Em Jerome of the fame, Gent. BrigoeHer.ry of Ballynecrot, Gent. William Gun of Bally nrack'm, Geht. . . : ., Winter of Caftle-town : George Blundel of Kilclunccrkery, Gent. 3M?^ Woods of Ballymoranc, Gent. Thomas Green of Ballyengallagh, Gent. . ... , Wilkivfon of Fyntre, Geht. . * . Parker of . . . All late of the Kjng's- County. £^u>. Stubbers of Clarane in the Queen' s-County, Efq; Maurice Cujfe of I'allygehy, Gent. &**». Preflon of Junnoe, Efq; J. Baily of Corballis, Gent. £fcf&. X«>/» of Esker, Gent. Captain 2i Howard of Cldnkelly, John Starkey of Lyjfeene, Geht; Daniel to The State of the Protejfaats Green of Abby Leix, Gent. Jonathan Ailard of Tobberboe, Efq; Captain Thomas Denny of Clunruske: Samuel Gale of Crottentegle, Gent. Nathaniel Nicholas of Marybarrogh, Gent. Francis Wheeler of Garronconly, Gent. c f^» Afiurt of JWy, Gent. Robert Maxwell of Stradbally, Efq; Ro^r/ Pigo/ eldeft Son to Thomas Pigot of D//m : Robert Sanders of Ballynegar, Efq; Lancelot Sands of Killevati. All late of the Queen's-County. £te»ry £//;; of Clanmillan in the County of Longford, Gent. Alexander Dyer, Gent. jMa Sankey of Tenelich, Efq; jW# Sankey of Killinbore. Gent. Captain Anthony Morley of C%/? : Daniel Mulimex of Ballymully, Efq ; William Moxon of Rathfallagh, Gent. Robert Nevjcomen of Rofstown, Efqj ;M;z Adkms, Gent. fVdliam Smith, Gent. William Siffers, Gent. j^/?;>z Kennedy of Mullagh, Efq; George Elawne of Tonelagh, Gent. Captain George Nevjcomen, Enfign Beverly Newcomen, Alexander Torbejfe of Glenmore, Gent. jMw Sw/j Gent, and James Balzel. All late of the County of Longford. Hewry Osburne of Dardif- town in the County of Meath, Efq; George Peppardot B ally gar t,Eic[' y Stafford Lightburm of Adamflown, Efq; Lancelot Dow dal of Monk- town, Efq; Pe/er Weftenrae of Rathmore, Efq; Jofeph Prat of G*r- radice, Efq; £toj^ Morgan of Rathcoran, Gent. Benjamin Prat of Agherpallis, Gent. Thomas Ajh of St. John's, Efq; Richard Barker of Ccrroboy, Gent. William Smither, Gent. 7060 Lynegar of Baske* 7iagh, Gent. ^o^» Percival of C oilier flozvn, Efq; jfoft* Bolton of Ratoath. Clerk, Walter Bruffe of Ballytrafny, Efq; jMw Maxwel of Oldcaflle, Clerk, ]ofephPrat Junior of Garradice, Gent. Arthur Shane of Dublin, Efq; Robert Stopford of Newhal, Efq; Captain. 3Mr» fiwri of Ardfallaihi Thomas Taylor of JCelir* Efq; Charles Wade of Clonebrany, Gent. All late of the County of Meath. William Needhamot Ballaghloe in the County of Wejl-Meath, Gent. jfo£» Carleton of Bally duffe, Gent. Matthew Handcsck and Stephen Handcock, Clerks, Ebenezer Low of Newtown, Gent. j^ ;z Buflon Junior, of Knockafiy, Gent. jfo^w Roe of Bailinbar, Gent. Captain Edward Knight of Ballahamy, John Percival Son of Captain K& Barlow of Balnajeragh, Gent. All late of the County of West-meath. Agmundeflrion Cuffe of Bum-Church in the County of Kilkenny, Efq; Thomas Cuffe of the fame,- Efq ; fft- ^for Harris of Grenane, Gent. Francis Wheeler of Leyrath, Efq; /?- /e/>^ Derf» Junior, of Bally duffe, Efq; Barthazat Cremer of Bally- foyle, Efq; Edward Mayo of Rogerftown, Gent. Jonathan Widby of Kilcreiane, Yeom. Bernard Annely of Baliymunty, Gent. Wil.Tofier ©f Kilkenny, Gent. Captain JtfWfj Gardiner of Ballyreddy, Wil. Gardiner of the fame, Gent. Ebenez. Warren of the Lodge, Efqj ££**. Watfon of Rosbcreon, Gent, ^wf/?. Maude of Glaflneore, Efqj Wil. Smith ot FoulkefrathGent. Captain Arthur Webb of Ballinraick, Thomas Cuffe of Smithffown, Gent. Richard Mukins of Kilkenny, Merchant, johnWareingoi the lame, Gent. Jofeph Gale of the fame Cent. jM>» Desborough of the fame, Gent. Stephen Vaughan of the fame 4 f/ IRELAND, &Z it Tame, Clerk, A**rfi# B; Symons of Wicklow Gent. J^m* Richin- fon of the fame Gent. Richard Hoy of the fame Gent. G^rg* FfV/9 of the fame Gent. 5M>» Nicholfon of-Glanteige Gent. 7<^» £<*/?- «W* of Newtown Clerk, y£ Zow of "Dromcar Gent. Thomas Atkins of Dundalk GeRt. Dillon Pollard of Rofjmack Gent, and Jonathan Ball of ^<» thtrdtt Clerk, All in the County of Lowth. Jofe^h Dunbar oi the Town 1Z The State of the Proteftants Town of DroghedaGent. Dean Tobias Vullen, William Graves Vint* ner, Captain Hugh Mountgomery, Jonas Elwood Gent. Edward Singleton Gent. Robert Foord, Thomas Newton Senior, Thomas New- ton Junior, Thomas Meade, William Newton Chandler, Robert Hard- man Merchant, John Leigh Gent. }ofephTomlinfonGent. and . . . . Kirton Gent. All late of the faid Town of Drogheda. Jofeph Stepney of Abbyowny in the County of Limerick Efq; Thomas Butler of Kilnemony Gent. Richard Bury of Ballynearigy Gent. Thomas Manfel of Baltynemony Efq; Thomas Rofsot: Morgans Gent. William Gribble Junior of Limerick Gent. John Downey of Caerconrejfy Gent. Thomas Warren of Newtown Gent. Daniel Webb Senior of Rathconan Gent. Timothy Webb of Bally gubby Gent. Thomas Old field of Gome- skeigh Gent. Richard Peacock of Graiges Gent. Abraham Jack/on of Dunt/ileig Gent. Chid ley Coote Fitz. Chidley of Cm/* Efq; Thomets Spire Junior of Rathanny Gent. Giles Spencer ol Limerick Gent. Henry Widdenham Junior of C(7rr^ Gent; Standifli Harfiongue Junior of Brfl^S Efq ; Richard Nevjport of "Longford Gent. and ?*"?«; If%££ of Ballynehenfy Gent. All in the County of Limertck. Jtf£» £d/7y Junior of Dunkittle in the County of Ctfrfo Gent. Noblet Dun/combe of Or£* Gent. Alderman George Rogers of Corke, Robert Rogers of the fame Gent. Alderman William Ballard of the fame, John Fol- Hot of Barnehealy Efq; William Dun/comb of G/rfo Efq; Thomas Far- rin of the fame Efq 5 William Hull of the fame Gent. Robert Dali- court of Ballinrea Gent. Richard Mallyburne of G?rA-e Vintner, ftf- t/W/i Browne of Mocroompe Clerk, j^w ^^7/iy of FarrenafJjeJfery Gent. Alderman Edward Hore Junior of Corke, Henry Tonfon ofCar- bery Gent. Richard Newport of Longford Gent. ?0&# Spread Junior of Coolnetubrid Gent. 5^>' Raymond of Rathentsky Gent. Robert Deane of Dromore Gent. Thomas Vigot of Ballygullane Efq; Stephen Siveete of Corfo Gent. Samuel Sweete of Bandon Gent. Richard Travers Junior of the Barony of i&tf*x Gent. Ephimetus Crofs of Cwfe Efq; Chriflopher Crofts of Cork Alderman, William Howel of the fame Burg* William Fitz-Gerald Dean of Cloyne: Opollo Morris of Baneduff Gent. j£^» Newneh&m Senior of Corfo Alderman, William Babrington of Ballyhindon Efqj Edward Houfe of Cory'-ie Gent. Abraham Morris of the fame Merchant, Thomas Finch of the fame Gent, Thomas Wallisot Carrigiafs Gent* Thomas Walker of Corke Merchant, jjb&ft Watfon of Moyallow Efq; Francis Fookes of Campire Gent. George Widdenham of Caflletown Gent. Anthony Ray- mond of Mitchtlfiown Efq; Thomas Warner of the fame Gent. W//- liam Hedies of Tou%hall. John Atkins ot the fame, Robert Bale of the fame, Robert Atkins, Francis Baker, John Hayman, Jafper Lucas, Daniel Woods, Samuel Farmer, James Moore, William Veus, Uriah Babbington, Richard Taylor, James Elliot, Vincent Godwin, John Radin, William Caufabon, All late of the Town of Youghal, £/- rWd Htfyej Junior of Kinnallea, John Hawkins of Corke, Merchant, Timothy Tucky of Corfce Merchant, jfr^/2 Harmor Junior of D«#« tnahone Gent. Robert Fitz-Gerald of Liffquinlane Efq; William Corbet of . . . Gent. Edward Gwilliams ot #£_/}, Gent. ^^» ^^/* of the fame Gent. Thomas Addis of the fame Gent. Walter Brmje of the •/IRELAND, iffmore Clerk, Edward May of Water ford Efty ]ofeph Osborne of the fame Merchant, Jb&JI Steevens of Ballyloghbeg Gent. William Buckncrof Grange Gent, Gregory Lemery of Killcopp Gent. Lewis Alfockoi Wa* terford Clerk, J; Dr^zy of Ballyvanine Gent. AH iti the County of Clare. Frederic Mullius Senior of Ba'dyngooleen in the County of icirry Efq; William Sands of Carriganfoyle Gent. William Collins Junior of Lijfadick Gent;. . . . . Turner Minifter of Killamey, rfames Connor Junior of Iralee, . . . 2ta/7 ot Memutainae Gent. Richard Johnfton of Killamey Gent. All in the County of Kerry. ]ohnMead of C/o;:- jwe/, in the County of Tipperary Merchant, Claries Aicock of Powtrf- town Gent. J^» Gr*f» of Clonmel Gent. William Vaughan of the fame Merchant, }ohn Saddler of Ballintemple Gent. Richard Saddler ot Ardfinan Gent. Hercules Beer of Clonmel Gent. . . . Beer ot the fame Qenr. Chrftopker Qvjyn of Qraigs Gent. 5^£» /'wry of . ' KiUmolo^e 24 7#* State of the Proteftants Xillmologue Gent. ]ohn White of Ardfnan Gent. Thomas Moody of JKillkaroony, Gent. Jofeph Biggs of Cafllecoyn Gent. William Godfery of Cnockgraffane Gent. Samuel Hughs of Caftell Gent. Jtofrw Pikeoi Widdingfown Gent. Sankey Godfery of Knocknafailinny Gent, jfa- fe/>/? Damer of Tipperary Gent. Molineux Robinjon of Cafiell Gent. Samuel Green of Ballynouty Efq; 7<^# Ladyman of Clonmel Gent. JT/i<« Haynes of 2C«^c^«r^Gent. Richard Farmer of Aghlevallant Gent. Jamesjones of Tipperary Gent. Richard Ballard of the lam _ Gent. Francis Foulkes of Bally car r en Efq; fames Daivfon of Xwd*73 Gent. Henry Pretty of KillboyEfc[; Jofiua Hoyle of Glanahelly 'Gent. jMw Hoyle oi the fame Gent. Henry Charnley of Clonmel Merchant, Nicholas Toivler of Ballintotty Gent. Phineas Royal of Clonmel Mer- chant, J^ w SW of Tullogh Gent. Thomas Meredifli ot Ballycahiii Gzm.Joh?i H/llof Borres Gent. JohnDajfey of Cajl)ell Clerk, J^» ILehunt of the fame Clerk, jc/j>» "Leake of Knockgrajfan, Clerk, Jo/;» Dogherty of Cajhell Clerk, Anthony Erby of the lame Clerk, Gregory Row of Killeheen Gent, and Jo£# Lunnar of Killofty Gent. All of the County of Tipperary. Thomas Glafgow of Litfbrd in the County of Donnegal Efq; William Godfery of Caftledoe Efq-, -*4#- ^reir A' wax Senior of Ramidlin Efq; Francis Polliott ot Ballymacwarcl Gent. ~)ohn Stott of K/«re Gent. Thomas A tkinfon Senior of Bally- pannon, Gent. Thomas Atkinfon Junior of the fame Gent. Michael Hue [on of Coolebegg Gent. J0/7W Huefon of the fame Gent. Henry Brookes of LetterkennyGent. Roltrt Delapp of Ballyfliannon, Gent. Edward Clifford ot DonnegalGem. Nicholas Permiter of Killigordan Ger.t. JohnForcker of Donnegal Clerk, John Cunningham of T«//y Gent. #5//. Fijherof . . Gent. and 7^. C^c^ of . . Gent. All late of the County of Donnegal. George Hamilton of Callidon in the County of Tyrone Gent. Alexan. Richardfon of JDrow Gent. J'F///. Richard fon of Tally reave Gent. William Swan of Farlagb, Gent. J^» Ayerly of Mann or Rod Efq-, John Willi am sot : the fame Efq; Alexander Creigh- t&n of ILiffaman Gent. Robert Lindfy of Mannor Lindfy Efq; ffc£& Stewart of Gortgil Gent. Robert Hamilton ot Killeman Gent. Symon Uajfingtonot Borea?i Gent. Captain William Mo ore of Garvey, John Speere of Mullaghmoffagh, John Burby of Macknaih Gent. Andrew Darragh of Dromard Gent. Jimes Stewart of Killeman Gent. J^tt Wdlfon of Ballue Gent. Captain Thomas Coll fon of Drumkee ; Jg£» Wilt Con of Dromconnor Gent. John Speer of Kinard, Robert Hamilton of Carrowbezgy Archibald Richardfon of Springtown, James Mutray of Favour-Royal, John Kearnes of ^gharor.an, John Kearnes of Claremore, William Lee of KillingEfq, James Gladfieanes ot Hordrof x Gent Jtf^tt Byrny of Gortmore, Henry G raj on of Agher, John Hj- milton of Comamucklajh Gent. Afow Morrifon of Coolegarry, James Moore of Liffalcen, John Wallow of Cl.wlloghGem. Robert Reery of Corckrive t John Hinder Con of Ballyvedan, Archibald hiving of T//«- /^/tf, J0J&H Chrijlall of Rallyneqoragh, John Neely of Ballynefagart Gent. J2 Harvey of Tullygltjh, William Bratton of Agbar, Hugh Will/on of Ballymatozvn Gent. Thomas Moore of Ballynelogh, John Moore of the fame Gent. JoAw Enving of Mullenboy Gent. Jo^tf -Afcw* of Anaghaioghan^ Geut. Patrick Stewart oi Dromskeetsy Gent* t/ IRELAND, 13 c. £f Gent. Jofeph Mounteethof CreevangareGent. Randall Charletyn of Rathkeeragfy Gent. John Robinfon of Durey Gent. Thomas Edy of Dius Gent. George Mervin of Mullaghbane Gent. Mongoe JYalkmJhavJ of Mullingaugh Clerk, Robert Echlin Dean of T«rf/w, Michael MoJf§ of EnniskilHnC\erk, William Campbell of Newtown Stewart Gem. John Hayre of the lame Gent. Robert Cdrfon of the fame Gent. S4- *»wi Law of Carrighee Gent. 7o£;z £T£//e of Skarriffeckeerine Gent. Thomas Nlaxivell of Strabane Gent. Adam Evans of the fame Gent, ^Thomas Edy of Killeaghgoge , Patrick Hamilton of D*rg*Z Gent. frames Young of CWy Grent. David Matleneghan of Upper clady Gent. 7°^ Caldwell of Maghernekeeragh Andrew Mat-Lenaghan- of .KVf/eGent. and James Hayre of Si/cable (jent. All late of th* County of Tyrone. 3^£# Dunbar of Ki/lcoe, in the County of Fermannagh Efq; f William Arfdall of Bummiminver Efq; Francrs Butler of Newtown E(c[; Andrevj Hamilton of Magherycrojfe Clerk, George Hamilton of £o/;» Gent. Alexander Atchifon of Tonrheage Gent. Bernard Ward or Knockballimore Gent, and Captain Thomas Brookes of Maghereflepheriagh Gent. All late ofthe County of Fer- mannagh. Thomas Afl) of Ajl) field in the County of Cavan Efqj Francis Butler of Belturbet Gent. Robert Clements of Rakany Gent. Richard Gib/on of Cavan Gem. fames Mortimer of Mullhufey Gent, Charles Mortimer of the fame Gent. Jofeph v ratt of Killuecrott Gent, and Benjamin Yr at t ok Killitter Gent. All late of the County of Cavan. Wdliam Springland of . . . . in the County of MonoghanGem. Patrick Legate of Ball'mure Gent. William LeJJey of the fame Gent. Alexander Lunfdell of the fame Gent, jfa&fl DunbaY of the fame Gent.. Patrick Daucy of tniskine Gent. Thomas Ofller of Gortmore Gent. Edward Beaghan of Bea lab eagh Gem. Peter Beaghan of the fame Gent. James Johnfion of Ballyrufi Gent. Wdliath Moorecraft of the Tame Gent. }ohnGornes Senior, of the fame Gent. JohnCome's Junior, of the fame Gent. Richard Fithot Balldmack?t'y Gent. All late of the County of Monnoghan, Do&or Ttyger Warren of Belfaftin the County of Antrim, Peter Beaghan of . . ♦ Cent. Henry Gardner of Nervry Inn-keeper, Robert Harper of Bally- neanagh Gent. He»ry Chades of Belfajt Gent. William Craffor / of the fame Gent. Qj*. Mr. ihomas Craff'ord of the fame Captain, Orf- i>/^ 5w//A of the fame, ]ohnBlacke of the fame Gent. Arthur Mat- Carney of the fame Gent, fames Stuart of the fame Gent. All lato of the County of Antrim. Thomas Herrington of Cumber in tha County of Down Gent. William Herrington Junior, of the fame Cent. Jo/;» Griffith of the fame Gent. J^w Magill of Tullycamb Gent. William Magill Son and Heir to Captain 'James Mapll, Trancis jinnejly Junior of Clo^hmagherycatt Gent. Alexander Brozvne of Magannon Gent. Hugh Mouritgomen; of Baliymaledy Efqj C^rfr. Camp- bell of the Parifh of Donaghadee Gent. Captain Jo^tf "Farrell of Dromore, and Henry Gardner of Newry Inn-keeper, all in tha County of Down, fames Maxwell of Crerum in the County of jfrmagh Efq ; Hamlett Obirrs of Portedowne Efq; Anthony Abingt of the fame Gent. George Hamilton of Kinard Gent. Jo£» Gaskin ©f Viccars Cborallt Gent. j*£» G#& of Zcr^i* Gent. Jo£» -Mac- U The State vf the Protejhnti Cault of 'Lurgan Gent. Henry Genny of Segoe Clerk, Thomas Afftn%} ton of Loughgall Clerk, Chriflopher Genny of Mullagbbrack Clerk, Thomas Chapling of BallyruJJe Gent. Archbold Woods of Markethill Gent, and John Ball of Glafdroman Gent. All in the County of Armagh. Captain Thomas smith of Tuam in the County of G*/- loway, William Causf.eld of Dunamon Gent. Edward Eyre of GaZ* fou/tfyGent. Colonel Theodore Rujfell, Robert Mafon of Ballineguokani Gent. Samuel Hudfon of Dunamon Clerk, and Rokrf Ecchlm Dean of Tuam, all in the County of Galloway. Jfewry Doivdal of Grange in the County of Rofcommon Efq ; William Dodwell of the fame Gent. John French of Dungar Efc\; Edward Gardner of X«/*fr JEfq- Richard Gardner of the fame Gent. Lieutenant Henry St. George of Athlone, and J^tf Gardner of !'#/*& Gent. All in the County of Roscommon. Thomas^-ones of Armurry in the County of A^ry^ Gent, iff ary G«« of „ ; . . Clerk, Francis Cuffe of Ballinrobt Efq; Henry Nichelfonoi Dromnneene Gent. William Pullen of Ballm- robe Clerk, and all in the County of Mayo. Thomas Osburne of # ... in the County of Leitrim Gent. Thomas Buckridge of . . . . Gent* Thomas Coot of ... . Efq> Charles Camp- hell of ... . Efq; Benjamin Fletcher of James-town Eiq-, and Do&or j^;* Lefsley, all late of the County of Leitrim. Have abfented themfelves from this Kingdom, and have gone into £»g- idtf^, or fome other Places beyond the Seas, fince the fifth Day of November laft, or in fome fhort Time before, and did not return, although called Home by your Majefty's gracious Pro- clamation. Which abfenting, and not returning, cannot be con* ftrued otherwife than to a wicked and traiterous Purpofe, and may thereby juftly forfeit all their Right and Pretentions to all and eve- ry the Lands, Tenements* and Hereditaments to them belonging in this Kingdom. BE IT THEREFORE ENACTEt), by the Authority aforefaid, That in cafe the faid Perfon and Perfons do iiot by the firft Day of September, One thoufand fix hundred eighty nine, of his or their own Accordj without Compulfi- on, return into this Kingdom, and tender him and themfelves to the Chief Juftice of his Majefty's Court of King's-Bench, or to fome other Judge, of the faid Court, or Judge of Aflize in the Circuit,or any of the Lords of your Majefty's moft Honourable Pri- vy-Council, to be charged with any Crimes to him or them to be* imputed, that then, or in cafe he or they, upon fuch his or theif Return, fhall be convicted by Verdict of twelve Men, or by his or their own Cortfeffion, upon his or their Arraignment for Treafon, or upon his or their Arraignment ftand mute, iuch Perfon and Perfons fo abfent> and not returning as a- forefaid, (or after his or their Return, being convict Or High- Treafon as aforefaid) mall, from and after the firft Day of Sep- tember, one thoufand fix hundred eighty nine* be deemed re- puted, and taken as Traitors, convict and attainted of High- Treafon } and fhall fufTer fuch Pains of Death, and other For- feitures and Penalties as in Cafes of High-Treafon are accuftomed. But in cafe fuch Perfon and Perfons fo returning, be upon fuch his ©r their Trial acquitted or discharged by Proclamation, then fuch e/ IRELAND*^. 17 fuch Perfon and Perfons refpectively fhall from thenceforth tjc freed, difcharged, and acquitted from all Pains, Punifhments, and Forfeitures by this Ad: incurred, laid or impofed, any thing in thi,s ACT to the contrary notwithstanding. And whereas the feve- ral Perfons hereafter named, £*/*.) Robert Ridgu ay Earl of Lon~ donderry, Arthur LoftusVticount Loftus ot Ely, . . . Beamount Vifcount Beamount oi Swords, . . . Clgazvorth Vifcount Cham •worth of Armagh, . . . Fairfax Vifcount Fairfax of Emly, • . . Tracy Vifcount Tracy of, Rathcoole, . . . Ogle Vif- count Ogle or Catherlogh, Lewis Irevor Vifcount Dungannon y FoU Viott Lord Folliott of Ballyfrannon, George Lord George ot Dundalk* . . . Fitz-Williams Lord Fitz-Williams ot. Lijford, . . . . iter* Lord Colerain, Richard Lord Baron of Santery, Antham An- nejly Lord Baron of Altham, Lawrence Barry commonly called Lord Battevanty John Power commonly called Lord Deces, Sir Standijh Hartftongeoi Brofe Knight, 5ir Walter Plunket of Rathbealt Kt. Sir William Meredith of KilriskeMix. Sir John Parhr of FarmyU Knight, Sir Richard Stephens of /to^ Knight, Sir Maurice Eujiace of Baltinglafs Knight, Sir St. John Brodrick of Bally a?mon Knight, Sir Michael Cole oi^Enniskilling Knight, Sir Charles Chiney Knight, Sir, Qharles Lloyd Knight, Sir Algernon Mayo of Rogers-town Knight, Sir Richard May ; Knight, Sir Jofepb William[on Knight, Sir William Barker of Abbykitlcooly Knight, Chrifiopher Ufier of the City o£ Dublin Efq$ Richard Leeds Merchant, Maurice Keating Efq; Doctor ..... Dominick, Doctor .... Dunne, Captain John §uel(l) ot St. Stephen* s-Green, William Ba/il Efq; Thomas Howard Clerk to the Yield, Richard Nuttall Merchant, Gideon Delane Gent. William Robinfon Efq; Richard Barry Gent. Captain IVflliam Shaw, and Philip Harris Efq; all late of theCity of Dublin. John Bulks- ly of Old-Bawne in the County of Dublin Gent. Robert Boridges of Finglafs Efq; Alexander Fraz:er ot- Meagftotvn Efq; Edward Bolton qf Braalle Gent. Humphery Booth of Ballyhack Gent. Edjnond Keating of Corballis Efq; Chambre Brabazon of Thomas-Court Efch Dacre Barrett ot Cripple-ftown Efq; Arch-Deacon 7^/?« Fitz-Gerard, Richard Bolton Efq; William Barry of Santery Gent, and Martin Bazill of Donicarney Gent. All late of the County of Dublin. James Barry of Kelleyflown in the County of Kildare Gent. Thomas- Holmes ot Caftledermott Gent. Cornet Richard Wybrante o\ Bu/ichr- flown, Maurice Keating of Norraghmore Efq; Garret Wtjly of O/i- Connel Efq; Richard Meredith of Shrewland Efq; Samuel SyngDcaii of Kildare, and Chrijlopher Lovett ot Ko'urny Gent, all late of thq, County of Kildare. Richard Boyle ot Old-Leighlin in the Conn- ty of Catherlogh Efq; J^tf Hollam of 7/LW in the King's-County Gent. Jofeph Havjk'ms Gent. Samftel Hazvkins Gent. Arthur Shane Efq; Son to Sir James Shane, Henry Weflenray Efq; Martin Baldwin of Gejlnll Efq; all late of the Ktng's-County. G*3>£/£;y Armitageoi Atherdee in the County of Lowth Gent. Major jT Dj- Sjflfttt of Cprfc Merchant, Thomas Mitchell of the fame Merchant* Richard Boyle of Shannon-Parke Efq; Achilles Daunt of Dortigrenau Gent. Nicholas Lyfaght of Ardohnoge Gent, and William Harman of tarrigdownam Efq; All late of the County of Cork. WillitimGibbs of . . . in the County of Waterford Gent. Lq/zw Brigbtwtll Gent. Robert Beard Gent. Barzilla Jones Dean of Lifmore, Matthias 'Aldlington of Tircuillimore Gent. Wdltam Aldlington of the fame Gent, "and Richard Silver oi Toughajl Gent. All late of the Coun r ties ofWATERFORD and Cork. H jfowo Hamilton ot Dunmanagh in the County of Tyrone Gent. ]ohnAun- gier Minifter of the Vicarage of Lurgen, in the County of Cavan y William Allen oi Kilmore in the County of Monaghan Gent, tfames Davys of Carrichfergus in the County ot Antrim Gent. Samuel War- ring of War rmtftown in the County of Down Gent. Zft;;ry C to any Perfon or Perfons not concerned in the Ufurpation or Rebellion aforefaid,- fuch Re- mainder or Remainders as arc limited or fettled by anyConveyance, wherein 3 ft The State of the P rot eft ants wherein there is any Power for revoking and altering all of any tft^ Hie or Ufes therein limited, and alfofuch Remainder and Remain- ders as are limited upon any Settlement or Conveyance of any Lands,Tenements and Hereditaments, commonly caiied Plantation. Lands; and all Lands,Tenemcnt$ and Hereditaments held or enjoyed under fuch Grants from the Crown^orGrants upon the Commifliort ©rCommiffions of Grace for Remedy of defettiveTitles, etcher in the Reign of King James the Firft, or King Charles the Firft j in which feveral Grants refpediively there are Provifoes or Covenants for raj- ling or keeping any Numoerof Men or Armsfor.rhe King's Majefty againft Rebels and Enemies, or for raifing of Men for his Majefty's Service, for Expedition of War. always excepted and foreprized. All which Remainders limited by fuch Conveyances wherein there is a Power of Relocation forfo much of the Lands, Ufes and Eftates therein limited, as the faid Power doth or (hall extend unto •, and aH fuch Remainders as are derived or limited for or under fuch Intereii made of Plantation-Lands, or other Lands held as aforefaid, under fuch Grants from the Crown j and all and every other Remainder and Remainders, Reverfion and Reverfions not herein mentioned, to be favedand preferved, mall by the Authority of this prefent Par- liament, be deemed, conftrued and adjudged void, debarred and difcharged to all Intents and Purpofes whatfoever, againft you* Majefty, your Heirs and Succeifors, and your and their Grantees or Aflignees; and the laid Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, belonging to fuch Rebels as aforefaid, fhall be vefted in your Ma- jefty, your Heirs and SuccefTors, freed and discharged of the faid. Remainder and Remainders, and every of them. And to the End the Reverfions and Remainders faved and preferved by this A£l t may appear with all convenient Speed* Bi it further enafied, by the Authority aforefaid, That the refpec- five Perfons, intituled to fuch Remainders and Reverfions, do with- in fixty Days next after the firft Sitting of the Commilfioners, for executing the faid All of Repeal, and this prefent Ail, exhibit their Claims before the faid Commiilioners, and make out their Titles to fuch Remainder or Remainders, fo as to procure their Adjudication and Certificate for the fame, or the Adjudication and Certificate of fome three or more of them : And further, that all Remainders, for which fuch Adjudications and Certificates mail not be. procured, at or before one hundred and twenty Days after the firft Sitting of the faid Commiftioners, fhall be void, and for ever barred and excluded' any thing in this Act, or other Matter to the contrary in any wife not- withstanding. All which Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments mentioned as aforefaid, to be forfeited unto, and vefted in your Majefty, by any the Claufes aforefaid, are hereby declared to be fo forfeited unto, and vefted in your Majefty without any Office or la* quifition thereof, found or to be found 5 and thef fame to be to the Ufes, Intents and Purpofes in the faidAfl cf Repeal, and in this prefent' AS mentioned and exprefted. A** •/IRELAND, £W |) And whereas feveril Perfons hereafter named, (viz,) LyonelEaA of Orrery, Mrs Trapps, Anne Vifcoun- tefs Dowager of Dungannon, Robert Boyl Efq ; Catherine Woodcock, w*//Ve Countefs Dowager of Droiheda, Alice Coumefs Dowager of MountrHth, Ifabelta Coumefs Dowager of Rofcommon, Margaret Countefs Dowager of Orrery, Mary Countefs Dowager of Orrery , Katherine Countefs Dowager of Ardglajs-, Sir Edward Percival of Burton Baronet, Dame Hanna Knox of the City of Dublin Widow* Richard Tigh Gent. Elizabeth Lloyd Widow, . . . Newcomer* Widow, Cajjandra Palmer Widow, Jane Grelier of Dame's-ftrteT Widow, . . . Wilfoni Wife to Mr. ml/on, , . . 8 toff or A Widow, ^ane Lady Beft, Elias Befi her Son, .... Eccles of High-flreet Widow* Ann Ornish-*? Widow> Sufana Torcana of Ejfox- fireet Spinfter, . . . Lady Hay, » . . Hay her Son, Frl- dayfwed Lady Stephens, Agmtia Hitchcock, alias Stephens, . . . Mojfom Widow of Dr. Mojfom the Minifter, Elizabeth Lady Cole, . . . Lzdy Buckely, . . . Whitfield Widow of Mr. Whit field i John fohnfdn Efqj Heir to William Williams, Lady lfabellaGrah m, Relid of Sir james Graham, Lady Donnellan of Oxmantoivn, garnet Knight Gem. and fabella Stephens of the City of Dublin, Margaret Bencham> alias Bolton of Tobberbonny in the County of Dublin Wi- dow, . . . Griffin of Nexojinet, , . . Mar get [on of Cor- ballis Widow, and Chriflopher Burr of BalhallyECq-, William Tygh of Brovif?2efiowne in the County of Kildare Gent, and M^ry .Btf/vy of Kellyfiown Widow, Edmond Pleydell of Tankardfiown in the Coun* ty of Catherlouqh Efq; . . . 2?0dte of Ballerchy in the King's County Gent. Jfowf Pe//i/ of Tenlagh in the County of ~L,ongfi>r& Widow> Frances Stopford of . . . in the County of Wefln.e.itk Widow, Grace Cooper late of Dromore Widow, and jfr?/>» Dodfon of Coulanfiown Gent, both in the County of Weftmeath, Anne Warden of Burn-Church in the CoUnty of Kilkenny, Elizabeth Kealy of Bd/- lymaclangh'ny Widow, Mary Cremer of Cautwells Gurrans Widow, Elizabeth Lady Coulthroppe of Kilcolkeene, . . . FrVf Countef* Dowager of LAnsborough, Trances Stopford of Claragh Widow, and Martha Cuffe of Cafilenich Widow, all in the CoUnty of Kilkennt. Lady Tabiiha Totty of Profpeil in the County of Wexford, Eliza* beth LzdyPonfonby, and Agnes Mafier [on of Profpetl Widow, both in the County of Wexford, AnnCarter alias Hopkins of . . • in the County of Wicklow Widow, Katherine Carthy alias Newport of ... in the County of Cor£ Widow, Katherine Lady Percivall, George Rye of Or&Genr. and Elizabeth Catty, Daughter' of Jeremy Carty, all of the County of Ccri^. . » i Lady Armftrong of W^- terford, Sarah Ledwich, alias Shadwell Widow, &/rrt£ ^//4»^ of Bollinka, both in the County of Waterford, Elizabeth Lady Pff/y of . . . in the County of Kerry > y?«» Patnel of X//c/?y in the Coun- ty of Tipperary Widow> ■, , , Parnel her Son, . . . Hun- ter of . . . Widow, . . . Hunter her Son, Elizabeth Fr 'of l % Frances Biggs of Keadragh Widow, Elizabeth Ward of Keile, Jan* JFroftoi . . . Margaret Walken of Ardamaile Widow, Mary' JiamiUon Relitt of Aich-Peacon William Hamilton of E?nly, Ann £ e Hamilton* 34 The State of the Proteftants Hamilton, Elizabeth Hamilton her Daughters, Mary Davys] and Jonathan A (Ij of Kilioquirke Gent. All in the County of Tipper a^y. Margaret Hamilton of Callidon in the County of Tyrone Widow, Jane Davys of . . . in the County of Fermanagh Widow, and uinnaCatherina Lady Hamilton of Tullykeltyre in the County of F*r- tnanagh, Lett ice Hart of Conlin in the County of Cavan Widow, and Grd« Kemfen of Drumury in the County of Cdt;d7z Widow, William Hill of Hillsborough in the County of Down Gent, are, and for fome time pall have been abfent out of this Kingdom 5 and by reafonof SIcknefs, Nonage, Infirmities, or other Difabilities, may for fome time further be obliged fo to flay out of this Kingdom, or be diiabled to return thereunto. Neverthelefs, it being much to the weakning and impoverfhing of this Realm, that any of the Rents or Profits of the Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments there- in, fhould be fent into, or fpent in any other Place beyond the Seas, but that the fame mould be kept and employed within the Realm for the better Support and Defence thereof. ' BE IT THEREFORE ENACTED, by the Authority aforefaid, That all the Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Ufe, Truft, PofTeiTIon, Reverfion, Remainder, and all and every other Eftate, Title and Intereft whatfoever, belonging or apper- taining to all and every of the Perfons herein before laft mentioned, Within this Kingdom, be, and are hereby velted in your Majefty, your Heirs and SuccefTors, to the Ufe of your Majefty, your Heirs and Succeflbrs. PROVIDED always, That if any Perfon or Perfons, in the next foregoing Claufe mentioned , have hitherto behaved them- felves Loyally and Faithfully to your Majefty ; that then if they, or any of them, their or any of their Heirs, do hereafter return into this Kingdom, and behave him or themfelves as becometh Loyal Subjects* and do, on or before the laft Day of the fir ft Term next enfuing, after fuch their Return, exhibit his or their Petition or Claim, before the CommjiTioners for Execution of the faid Acts, if then fitting; or in his Majefty's High Court of Chancery, or in his Majefty's Court of Exchequer, for any fuch Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments, and make out his or their Title thereunto, and ob- tain the Adjudication and Decree of any of the fain Courts, of and for fuch his or their Title, That then, and in fuch Cafe, fuch Adju- dication and Decree fhall be fufflcient to all fuch Perfon and Per- fons, for diverting and reftoring fuch Eftate, and no other as fhall he therein and thereby to him or them adjudged and decreed ; and that the Order of any of the faid Courts fhall be a fufficient Warrant to all Sheriffs, or other proper Officers to whom the fame fhall be directed, to put fuch Perfon or Perfons in the actual Seizing and PoflefTionof the faid Lands, any thing in thisAct contained, or any other Statute, Law, or Cuftomwhattoever to the contrary in any \vife notwithstanding. Pit O V I D E D always, and be be it further enatted, by the Au- thority aforefaid, that neither the faid Aft of Repeal, or this.Prefent, or any thing in $hem, or in either of them contained, fhall extend to* •/be conftrucd to forfeit or vert in your Majefty, your Heirs or Suc- cefibrs ) •/ IRELAND, &cl %f ffeftbrS; 6r otherwife to bar, extinguim, or weaken any Right of Entry, Right of Aftion, life, Truft, Leafe, Condition or Equity of Redemption of any Mortgage or Mortgages, which on the faid firft Day oiAxguff 1688, belonged or appertained to any Perfons, not being forfeiting Perfons, within the true Intent and Meaning of the faid Att of 'Repeal, or of this prefent Aft; and whichever fince the faid firft Day of Auguft, 1688, continued or remain'd in fuch Per- fons, not being forfeiting Perfons,. or devolved, defcended, or come from them, or any of tjicm, to any of their Heirs, Executors or Adminiftrators, not being forfeiting Perfons as aforefaid, any thing in this Aft, or the faid Aft of Repeal to the contrary notwith- standing. PROVIDED always, That the faid Perfon or Perfons, claim- ing fuch Right of Entry, Right of Aftion, Ufe, Truft, Leafe, Con- dition, or Equity of Redemption of Mortgage, do and fhall exhibit his and their Claim for the fame, before the CommjfTiOners for Ex- ecution of the faid Acl of Repeal-, or of this prefent Aft, within fixty Days after the firft Sitting of the faid Commiffioners, and procure the Adjudication of them, or any three or more of them, thereupon, within one hundred and twenty Days after the faid firft fitting of- the faid CommiiTioners. And whereas by one or more Office or Offices, in the Time of the Earl ot Strafford's Government in this Kingdom, in the Reign of King Charles the Firft, of ever bleffed Memory, all, or a great Part of the Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments in the Province cfConaught, and Counties of Clare, Limerick, and Tjppsraryxv ere. vefted in his Ma jefty ; And by the Acls of Settlement and Explanation, the faid Office and Offices are declared to be null and void $ fince which time the faid Afts have been by the faid Aclof Repeal, repeal- ed, and thereby fome Prejudice might arile or accrue to the Pro- prietors concerned in them Lands, if not prevented. Self therefore enacted, by the Authority aforefatd, That the faid, Office and Offices, and every of them, commonly call'd the Qrand Office, and the Title thereby found, or endeavour'd to be made out orfetup, from the time of thefinding or taking thereof, was, and is hereby declared to be null and void, to all Intents and Purpofes whatfoever. Provided, that nothing therein contained (hall any way extend, or be conftrued to extend to charge any Perfon or Per- fons who hath, bct>a fide y paid any Rents or Arrears of Rent, that have beendue and payable out of any Lands hereby vefted in your Majefty ; or to charge any Steward or Receiver, that received any fuch Rents, or Arrears of Rents, if he, bona fido, .paid the fame 5 but that he and they fhall be hereby difcharged, for fo much as he or thcyfo, bona fide, paid, asainft your Majefty, your Heirs and Suc- ceftors. Provided ahvavs, and it is hereby enafted, that every Perfoa not being a forfeiting Perfon, within the true Intent and Meaning of the faid former Aft or of this prefent Aft ^and who before the feventh Day oiMtfy, 1689, had anySiatute, Staple, or Recognizance for Pay- ment of Money, or any Mortgage, Rent-Charge, Portion,Truft, or o- ther Incumjbi:ance,either in Law or Equity,or any Judgment, before £ e 1 the |i The Staff of the Protefiantf the twenty-feeond Day of May, 1689, for Payment of Mone^ which might charge any of the Eftates, ' Lands, Tenements, or He- reditaments, To as aforefaid forfeited unto, and vefted in your Ma- jefty, fhall, and may have the Benefit of the faid Statutes Staples, Judgments, Recognizances, Mortgages, Rent-Charge Portions^ Truft, and other Incumbrances, out of the Eftate or Eitates which fhould be liable thereunto, in cafe the faid former Ad, or this pre- sent Aft had, never been made. Provided always, that the Pcrfon *nd Perfons who had fuch Statutes Staples, Judgments, Recogni- ta nces, or other Truft s or Incumbrances, do claim the fame before the Commiffioners, for the Execution of the faid former Ad,within twoMonths after the firft Sitting or the faidCommiilioners.and pro- cure their Adjudication thereof, within fuch reafonable time as the faid Commiflioners fhall appoint for determining the fame, And tq the end that fuch Perfbn arid Perfons as mall have any of the faid Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments granted unto him as afore- faid, may know the clear yalue of the faid Lands, Tenements and, Hereditaments fo to be granted unto him above all Incumbrances, and may enjoy the fame againft all Statute-Staples, Judgments, Re- cognizances, Mortgages, Rent-Charges and other Incumbrances &Jt claimed and adjudged as aforefaid. Bt it therefore further enacted, by the Authority aforefaid, that all fuch Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments as fhall be forfeited un- to, and vefted in your Majefty, and granted by Letters Patents purfuaht to the faid former Ad, or this prefent Ad, fhall be, and are hereby freed, acquitted, and difchargedof, and from all Eftates,, Charges, and Incumbrances whatfoever, other than what fhall be claimed and adjudged as aforefaid. And whereas by one private A& of Parliament, intituled, AnASl for fecuring of feveral Lands, Tenement 5, and Hereditaments to George Duke of Albemarle , which Act. was pafs'd in the Reign of Kin£ tjharles the Second ; fome Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments In this Kingdom, which on the two and twentieth Day of Oftobcr^ 1641, belonged to fome ancient Proprietor or Proprietors, who ^yeredifpoiTefied thereof by the late ufurped Powers, wereiecure^ and affu'red unto the faid George Duke of Albemarle, by means where- of the ancient Proprietors of the faid Lands may be barred and de- prived ot their ancient Eftates, unlefs ;he faid Ac^ be repealed, tho\ Juch ancient Proprietor or Proprietors be as Luftjy intituled to Refti- lution, as other ancient Proprietors who Were difpoffeifed by the (aid ITfurper, and barred by the late A C T S of Settlement and Ex. planation. \ Be it tberefort enacledy That the faid Ad for fecuring of feveral. Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments to George Duke of Albe* v*Arlg, be, and is hereby repealed to ail Intents and Purpofes what- foever: And that the Proprietors of the faid Lands, and their Heirs and AfTIgns bereftored to their faid ancient Elates in the fame Manner with the faid other ancient Proprietors, their Heirs and, AiTign.t. And whereas feveral ancient Proprietors, whofe Eftates Were feiz.cd and vefted in Perfons, deriving a Tide under the iaii. Aftf #/ IRELAND, £jV." p A&s of Settlement or Explanation, have in fome time after the pal- ling of the faid Acts, purchafed their own ancient Eftates, or Part thereof, from the Perfons who held the fame under the faid Acts an aforefaid, which old Proprietors would now be reftored to their faid ancient Eftates , if they had not purchafed the fame. An! tor as much as the fajd ancient Proprietors or their Heirs Would receive no Benefit of the faid Ail of Repeal, mould they not be, reprized for the Money paid by them for their ia;d ancient Eftates. Be it therefore entitled, by the Authority aforefaid, That aflan4 every the ancient Proprietor or Proprietors, or. their Heirs, who have laid out any Sum or Sums of Money, for the Purchafe of theic own ancient Eftates, or any Pai't thereof, as aforefaid, mall receive out of the common Stock of Reprizals a fuffic.icnt Recompcnce and Satisfa&ionforthe Money laid out or paid by him or them for the purchafe qf their faid ancient Eftate at the Rate of ten Years Fur- chafe, anyClaufe, Aft, or statute to the contrary in any wife not- withstanding. And for the Prevention of all unnecefFary Delays ami unjufl Charges, which can or may happen to the Subjects of this Realm before their mil and final Settlement, Be it further enatied, by the Authority aforefaid, That where the Commiihoners for Execution of the /aid Ati of Repeal, or any three or more of them, fhall give any Certificate under his and their Hands and Seals to any Peifon or Perfons, Bodies Bolitick or Corporate, in order to the palling of any 1 . Letters Patents,according to the faid Aft, and fhall likewife return a Duplicate of fuch Certificate into his Majefty's Court of Exchequer at T)ubim> to be there enrolled, and the Pcrfon and Perfons, Bodies Politick or Corporate, to whom fuch Certificate mail be given, fhall 4m*ingthe Space of fix Months next infuing the Date thereof, dili- gently profecute thehaving and obtaining Letters Patents accord- ingly, but fhall thereof be delayed and hindered by the Neglect, or ajny Officer or Officers} that then and in fuch Cafe the feveral ani refpedtive Perfons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, to whom, anl in whofe behalf fuch Certificate fhall be given or granted, fliall holi and enjoy the feveral MefTuages, Mannors, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments in the feveral and refpecrive Certificates menti- oned and allotted, according to fuch Eftate, and under fuch Rent as are therein mentioned, as fully and amply to all Intents andPurpo- fes, as if Letters ; Patents thereof had been grantedand perfected ac- cording to the Directions in the faid former Act, any thing in this, qy the faid former AcY, or any other Law, Statute or Ufage to the contrary notwithstanding. And whereas, by the Hardfhips and Opprefiions introduced by the faid Acts of Settlement and Explanation, fome ancient Proprietors who would have been rcftorable by the (aid Atl of Repeal, have been neceffitated to accept of Leafesfor Life, Lives or Years, or Gifts m, Tayl, orotherConveyances of their own refpective Eftates, anA. have contracted to pay fome Rents, Duties, or other Refervations. $ut of fuch their ancient Eftates, by which Acceptance of Leafes or Gifts 38 7%e State of the Proteftants Gifts before mentioned, and by the (aid Agreements to pay Rent$ Duties, or Reservations for the fame; the faid ancient Proprietors may be barred or ftopp'd- aad concluded from the Benefit of Re- ftftution, intended for ancient Proprietors by the fakl AH of Repeal. BE IT THEREFORE ENACTED, that the Accep- tance of any fuch Lea e or Leafes, Gift or Gilts in Tayl, or any Agreement or Agreements upon any fuch Account for Payment of Rents, Duties or any other Reservation for fuch their refpeftive an- cient Eftate or Eftates, fhall be no way prejudicial or binding, or conclufive to any fuch ancient Proprietor, or to his or their Heirs^ Executors, or Adminiftrators, who have not actually by fome legal "Ways; or Means, releafed his or their Right to ; his or their faid ancient Eftates, unto theirfaid LeafTors or Donors, any thing herein, or in the faid Ati of Repeal to the contrary notwithstanding. Whereas fome or raoft of the Lartds to be given in Reprizals,. have not been furveyed by the Surveys, commonly called the Down- Survey, or Strafford-S-ir'vey ; and that a certain Way is neceffary to- be prefcribed for afeettaining the Quit-Rents now made payable thereon^ BE IT THEREFORE ENACTED, by the Authority aforefai J, That the CommiiTioners for the Execution of the faid Act of Repeal, or any three of them, fhall and may be impowered to, af certain fuch Quantities payable ouc of fuch Lands fo to be given in Reprise, and to that Purpofe to ifTue Commiffionsfor Valuations os; Surveys, as they fhall think fit •, and that fiich Surveys fhall be made according to the Rules and Methods ufed for the Down-Survey, wherein the unprofitable is to be thrown in w ith the profitable ; and where the Lands appear barren, or the Quit,Rents by the faid Att efRepeal, proper or fit to be reduced, it fhall and may be lawfulfor them to reduce the fame; in which Cafe fuch reduced or referved Quit-Rents, fhall be and is hereby the-only Quit-Rent payable out of the faid: Lands, if fuch Quit-Rents be more than the Grown-. Rents, before this Ad payable out of the faid Lands: But in cafe the ancient Crown-Rent be more, the greater Rent fhall be the Kent referved thereout. PROVIDED yet likewife , that the Co mmiflfi oners for Hie Execution of the fa:d Apl of Repeal , or in Default of them, the Barons of their Majelty's Court of Exchequer, within five Years after the firit Sitting of the Commiliioners, for the Execution of the laid Aft, fhaU~ be and are hereby impowered to reduce the Quit-Rents by the faid j Aft due and payable cut of Lands, by. the faid AH of Repeal to be re- ftored , or formerly reftored to the former Proprietors thereof, where the Lands are barren, or of fo fmall Value that the Quit-Rent cfoth amount to the fourth Part of the Value of the faid Lands, and may be Difcouragement to the Plantation of the faid Lands, and that fuch afcertainingor f abating of Quit-Rents under the Hands and* Seals of the faid Commiflioners or Barons refpeftively, fhall be as good and effeftual, as if the fame had been enafted by thefe Pre- i>f IRELAND, &e: , %? fents, any thing herein, or in the faid Atts of Repeal contained to the contrary notwithstanding. AND BE IT FURTHER ENACTED, thattheCom- millioners to be appointed for fetting forth Reprizals purfuant to the faid Afi of Repeal, or any three of them, fhall out of the Stock of Reprizals therein, and in this prefent Ad, or in either of them men- tioned, fet forth and allot Reprizals to fuch Perfon or Perfons, as by Virtue ofthis prefent Ad are appointed to be reprized, and fhall and may alfo execute fuch other Parts of this Ad as are to be execu- ted by Commiflioners. And whereas divers Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments for- feited unto and veiled in your Majefty, are or may be found to be liable to divers Debts or other entire Payments faved by this Ad : And for levying and receiving the fame, the Perfon or Perfons in- titled thereunto, might charge any Part of the Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments originally liable to the faid Debts or Payments, with more than a juft Proportion thereof, whereby fomeof the Per- fons to whom Part of the faid Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments: mall be allotted or granted in Reprizal, may be overcharged in fuch Part or Proportion of the faid Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments as fhall be fo to him or them granted or allotted, which may occafi- on great Prejudice and Lofs to fome of the faid reprizable Perfons, if due Courfe be not taken for apportioning the faid Debts and Pay- ments : For Remedy whereof, BE IT ENACTED, by the Authority aforefaid, That the Commiflioners for Execution of the faid All of Repeal, and this prefent Ad, or any three or more of them, be, and are hereby impovvered and required equally to ap- portion fuch Debts and Payments as fhall appear to them to be chargeable upon, or levyable out of any Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, to be fet forth for Reprizals as aforefaid; and to. afcertain what Proportion of fuch Debts or Payments, each and every Proportion of the Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments which were originally liable thereunto, and which fhall be feparate- ly fet forth for Reprizals as aforefaid, fhall remain liableto pay or difchar^e; and the refpedive Grantees, and everv of them, and their refpedive Proportions of the faid Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments to them allotted for Reprizals, fhall not be liable to any more of the faid Debts or Payments, than by the faid Apporti- onment fhall be appointed and direded, which Proportion of the faid Debts or Payments is to be inferted in the Certificate, to be granted of the Lands liable thereunto, if the Perfon or Perfons ob- taining fuoh Certificate, fhall defire the fame ; any thing in this, or the faid Adl of Repeal to the contrary notwithftandinsj. AND IT IS FURTHER EN ACTED/by the Authori- ty aforefaid, That all Letters Patents hereafter to be granted of any Offices orLandswhatfoever,fhall contain in the fameLe'tersPatents, a Claufe requiring and compelling the faid Patentees, to caufe the laidLetters Patents to be enrolled in the Chancery of Irelan d,withln a tuae therein to be limited j and all Letters Patents wherein fuch Claufe j|6 7te State of the Proteftmts Claufe fhall Be omitted, are hereby declared to be utterly vofd anct ©f none effect. . PROVIDED always, tlirtt if your Sacred Ma jelly at any time before the fir.lt Day or November next, by Letters Patents under the Broad Seal of England, if reflding there j or by Letters Patents tin* flee the Great Seal ot Ireland, during your Majefty's abode here, fhall grant your gracious Pardon or Pardons to any one or more of shcPerfons herein before mentioned or intended to be attainted, who fhalL return to their Duty and Loyalty -, that then and in fuch cafe, fuch Pcrfon and Perfonslb pardoned, fhall be, and is hereby excepted out of this prefent Aft, as if they had never been therein jpamed, or thereby intended to be attainted, and fhall.be, and are fecreby acquitted and difcharged from all Attainders; Penalties and jorfeitures created or inflicted by this Aft; or the faid Atl of Retea\ % excepting fuch Share or Proportion of their real or perfonal Eftatei as your Ma jefty fhall think nt to except or referVe from them, any thing in this prefent Aft; or in the faid Atl of Repeal, contained to the contrary notwithftanding. PROVIDED always, that every fuch Pardon or Pardons be purftant to a Warrant under your Majefty's Privy Signet and Sign 1 Manuel, and that no one Letters Patents of Pardon fhall contain above one Perfon j and that all arid every fuch Letters Patents of Pardon or Pardons, fhall be enrolled in the Rolls Office of your Ma«^ jefty*s High Court of Chancery in this Kingdom, at or before the laflDay of the fard Month of November ; or, in Default thereof, to be abfolutely void and of none Effect, any thing herein contained to' the contrary notwithftanding. PROVIDED likewife, that if any Perfon or Ferfons fo par* <£oned, fhall at any time after the Date of the faid Pardon, join with; or aid or affift any of your Majefty's Enemies, or with any Rebels in aJiy of your Majefty's Dominions, and be thereof eonvift or attaint- ed by any due Courfe of Law, that then and in fuch Cafe they fhall iorfeit all the Benefit and Advantage of fuch Pardon, and fhall be again fubjeft and liable to all the Penalties and Forfeitures inflicted on them and every of them, by this or the faid AH of Repeal , as if fuch Pardon or Pardons had never been granted. PRO VI DED always, that nothing in this Aft contained, fhall extend, or be conftrucd to extend to, or veft in your Majefty any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, or other Intereft of any an- cient Pi oprietor, who by ththid Aft of Repeal, is to bereftoredto his ancient Eftate ; but that all fuch Perfon and Perfons, and all their Right, Title and Intereft, are and fhall be faved and preferved ac- cording to the true Intent and Meaning of the faid Aft, any thing in thzCt Prcfcnts to the contrary notwithstanding. Cobia vera* RICHARD DARLING, CUric. m Ojfic. Mru Rots ?h$ */ IRELAND, &SVJ 41 *fbePerfwafions and Suggeftions the IriJJ) Catbolicks make to his Afajefty, fuppofed to be drawn up by Talbot^ titular Archbifhop of Dublin^ and found in Colonel TWto'sHcufe, July i. 1671. t; *Tp H AT the Rebellion in Anno 1641, was the Ad of a few, and JL out of fear of what was doing in England. That they wer* provoked and driven to it by the Englijh to get their Forfeitures. That they were often willing to fufymit to the King, and did it effec- tually Ann. 1648 ; and held up his Intere.lt againft the Ufurper, who had murdered his Father, till 1653. After which time they ferved his Majefty in foreign Parts till his Reftauration. a. That they acquiefce in his Majefty's Declaration of November 30. 1660. And are willing that the Adventurers and Soldiers mould hare what is therein promifed them ; but what they and others hayei more, may be refumed and difpofed of as by the Declaration. 3. They defire for what Lands intended to be reftored them, mall be continued to the Adventurers and Soldiers, that they may have a Compenfation in Money out of his Majefty's new Revenues of Quit-Rents, payable by the Adventurers and Soldiers. The H earth- Money and Excii'e being fueh Tranches as were not in 16415 and hope that the one will ballance the other. 4. They fay, that his Majefty has now no more need of an Army than before 1641 ; That the Remainder of his Revenue will main- tain now, as well as then, what Forces are neceffary. 5. They defire to be reftored to Habitations and Freedom within Corporations. 1. That the general Trade may advance. 2. That Garrifons and Cittadels may become ufelefs. 3. That they may ferve his Majefty in Parliament, for bettering his Revenue, ana crufhing and fecuring the Seditious in all Places. 6. They defire to be Sheriffs and J uftices of the Peace, c?r, for the Ends and Purpofes aforefaid j and to have the Power of the Civil and Ordinary Militia. 7. They alfo defire to be form'd into a Militia, and to be admitted to be of the ftanding Army. 8. That their Religion is confdnant to Monarchy and implicit Obedience. That they themfelves have a&ually ferv'd his Majefty in Difficulties. That they have no other way to advantage them- felves, than by a ftrift adherence to the King. That they have na> other Refuge j whereas many of his Majefty's Subjects do lean hard another way. 9. That the Roman Catholicks are fix to one of all others; that of the faid one to fix, fome are Atheiftsand Neuters, who will pro- fefs the Roman Catholick Religion ; others devoutly given, will atfe£t the fame Courfe, that the reft may have their Liberty of Jon- fcience, and may be corrected in cafe they abufe it; f f lo. That 42 The State of the Pro'teftants fo. That the Roman Catholicks having the full Power of the Na* tlon. they can at all rimes fpare his Majefty an Army of fixty Thou- ipnJMen, there being twelve Hundred Thoufand Souls in Ireland-, and fo confe-quently an hundred and fifty Thoufand between fixteen and fixty Years eld : Which Forces, it allowed to trade, mail have Shipping to tranfport themfelves when his Majefty pleafeth. 1 1. That they have a good Correfpondence abroad, for that great Number of their Nation are Soldiers, Priefts and Merchants in ift'eem with feveral great Princes and their Minifters, 12. That the Toleration of the Roman Catholicks in England be- ing granted, and the Ihfolence of theHollanders taken down,aConfe- deracy with France which can influence E?igland, as Scotland can alio, will together, by God's Bleffing, make his Majefty's Monarchy abfolme and real. 13. Thar ^f any of the Irifi cannot have their Lands in fpecie, but Money in Leu as aforefaid, fome of them may tranfport themfelves ihto America, poffibly near New-England, to check the growing Independent of that Country. 14. That the Parliament being formed as aforefaid, great Sums of Money will be given to his Majefty. Qjiery, Whether the Roman Catholick Clergy may not be admitted into the Houfe of Peers this next Parliament, or (ray a little ? 1 5. That for effecting the Premifes, 'tis better his Mafefty fhould govern Ireland by a Committee of fuch of his Privy Council as approved the Conjunction with France, and as are not concerned in Ireland, rather than by the Council ot Ireland. 16. Let fuch a Lord Lieutenant be in Ireland, who in Inclination, and for fear of being difplaced, will begin this Work of laying the Foundation of his Majefty's Monarchy, and hazard his Concern- ments upon that Account. 17. That the Army be gradually reform'd, and Opportunity taken to difplace Men not affected to this Settlement j and to put into the Army or Garrifons in Ireland, fome fit Perfons to begin this Work j and likewife 'udges upon the Benches, >'• Query, What Precedents may be found to break the feveral Farms, and to be Mafter of the Exchequer, and pole the Gains of the Bankers, Brewers, and Farmers? t. Whether the paying a Fine or Income upon all Grants of Char.. iters, Officers and Commanders, may not bind and faften the Grant, i)uty, and Allegiance, as with Silver Chains, more firmly to the King's Government * . 2. Whether any Grants may be prefumedto be new obtained, without paying a greatValue, at leaft to fome great Officer or Cour- tier for procuring the fame ? 3. Whether it be not reafonable, a Year's Value be paid as a grateful Acknowledgment to the Prince's Bounty upon Temporal Grants, as Fiift Fruits from Spiritual ? 4. Whether to referve fuch Grants to the immediate Difpofe of tpe King, be not the Intereft of the Crown, ancfa Means to create a ■ «&>lsr Adherence to the Perfon 'of che Prince, and fo makeMenarchy more of IRELAND, &e. 4J Jttore abfolute and real, inftead of factious Dependencies on great Men, who are often a&ed more by Self-Inter eft than the Advantage bftheirMafter? 5. Whether a confiderable Revenue may not be raifed to the .Crown, that it fuch Courtiers received it upon procuring Grants, it were paid to'the Private or Privy Purfe ? 6. Whether the Subject would not more chearfully pay a Year's Value or two to the Prince upon palling Grants, than to be liable to the unreafonable Exaction' ot hungry Courtiers, who fometimes make a Prey, both ot the Subject and the Prince's Favour j 7. Whether many worthy and deferving Men have not been put by and denied the Benefit of his Ma jetty's Grant by falfe Infinuati- "on, for not gratifying fome fuch viperous Officers? 8. Whether his Majefty might not expect to have a fitter Perfon recommended, when there is no Advantage to be made bv their Recommendations, than when Offices are canted by Courtiers, and fuch only recommended as will give moft, but the leaft fit ? 9. Whether if by Hie Silver Key Men chance to get Admittance intoQffices, the Prince may not make Advantage by their Misbe- haviour, fince by lofing both their Money and Employment, the King will not only get a Fine, and better Servants, but alfo gratify the People by difplacing an ill one. A Copy of a Letter of the Irifh. Clergy to King James, in favour of the Earl of Tyrcqnnel -> Found amongit - Biihop Tyrrell's Papers in Dublin. s 1 R, SI N C E it has pleafed the Almighty Providence, by placing your. Majefty in the Throne of your Anccftors, togive you both Au- thority and decafion of exercih ng thofe Royal Virtues' which alone do merit, and would acquire you the Crown to which you were bornj We, though comprehended in the general Clemency and In- dulgence which you extend to all the reft of our fellow Subjects, are nevertheless fo remote from your Majefty's Prefence, that our Prayers can have no Accefs to you but by a Mediator. And fince or" all others the Earl of Tyconnel did firft efpoufe, and chiefly main- tain, thefe twenty-five Years laftpaft, the Caufe of your poor op- prefled Roman Catholick Clergy, again'ft our many and powerful' Advcrlaries; and is now the only Subject of your Majefty, under \vhofe Fortitude and Popularity in this Kingdom,we dare chearfully and with Aflurance own our Loyalty, and aflert your Majefty's In- tereft : Do make it our humble Suit to your Majefty, that you will be pleafed to lodge your Authority over us in his Hands, to theTer- - - rorof the Factious, and Encouragement of your faithful Subjects $ here; fince his Dependence on your Majefty is fo great, that we doubt not but that they will receive him with fuch Acclamations, 44 The State, of the Protcftanis as the long captivated Ifiaeiites did their Redeemer Mordscai. An4 iince your Majefty in Glory and Power does equal the mighty Aha- Jlruerus \ and the Virtue and Beauty of your Queen is as a true Parallel to his adored Hf/?fr 5 We humbly befeech me may be heard as our great Patronefs, againft that Haman, whofe Piide and Ambition of Being honour'd as his Matter, may have hitherto kept us in Slavery. And tho' we wifh none the Fate of fo dreadful an Example, but ra- fher a timely P.cnitence and Converflon j we yet humbly crave your Majefty's Protection agajnlr all fuch, if it may coniift with your Royal Wifdom and Pleafure, to which we with all humility fubmir, in the eftablifhing of the faid Earl qf Tyrconml in fuch Authority here, as may fecure us in the Exercife of our Function, to the Ho- nour of God, and offering up otyr Prayers and Sacrifice for the Con- tinuation of your Majefty's long and proiperous Reign over us. Dublin, %he of Your Majefty's moft dutiful July, 1685. And obedient Subjefts, The. Copy of a Letter fent the King, Auguft 14. 16 85. Found in Bifhop Tjrrefs Papers, but imperieft. May itpleafe yrur Ma'efly, I Humbly begof you, for God's Sake and your own, to readwKat I here prefume to write 5 not but that I know it may well be thought an i ;excufable Piece of Prefumptionin any Subject to fay or write any thing that may look like prefcribing to a King, efpecial- ly a King that from his own Knowledge, and the j?eft Mother of it, long Experience, mufl: with uniyeifal Confent be ajlowed the mpft competent Judge in his Dominions of what ought cr ought not to be clone. Yer in as much as your prefent Counfellors are for the moft Part divided rrom, you by the unhappy Difference in Religion, I hope your Majefty will pardon a loyal Plain-dealer, for prefuming to offer his well-meaning Opinion of the prefent Pofture of Affairs, Sir, As I am one that make it my Bufinefs to ftudy your Intereft,! took the liberty of telling you in former Letters, that in order to re- plant Religion in your Dominions, you ought to begin with Ireland, where the Work is more than half done, to your Hand, and where your Prerogative allows you to do with thatKingdom as you pleafe ; for itwas not to be expected that England and Scotland, fo irrecon- ^ileable to Popery, would confent to take off the Penal Laws by a Parliament, If not aw'dby a, more faithful Army than you have at ■prefent. And now tl at a needful Alteration is begun in Inland, it mould be carried on fpeedily for your own and Catholick Subjects Security; for all the Sectaries in your Dominions are fo gal I'd at fome of the Phanaticks being difcarded in Inland, that they jo.yn Hc'a is, concert Councils, fwear and contrive Vengeance againft all Papifts, who mu;l cxpett no Quarters but during your M carry on any Defign for re-eftablifhing Religion. And in asmuch as Authority, Courage, and Prudence, are the three molt necefta- ry Qualifications in a Prince, that conduce moil of all ordinary Means to the Replantation of a Religion ; and that all three meet tt> the higheft Pitch in your Majefty, ho Proteftant Councellor will advife you to any Alteration in the Government, that may direftly or indirectly tend to a Change in Religion : Nay, they lie under fuch Jealoufy and Prejudice, as may induce them to magnify Dan- ger where there is none at all, and take no Notice where it really Is : A Device much praclifed in England of late Years. Hence in the late King's time, No Danger thrcatned his Majefty bm from the Ca- tholickQuarters, whilft the grcateft of Dangers hovered over \\\s i«4 r sfi The State of the Proteflants and your Sacred Heads, wrapM up in the dark Cloud of Fanatic}: Treachery and DifTImulation. Sir, It is plain, that the Reality of the Danger lies in your Delay c>f making your Catholick Subje&s considerable. For God's Sake confider, that yours and their fworn Enemies threaten above-board, thatpopery orProteftantifm muft and fhall be for ever extirpated irt thefe Kingdoms, and that all Papifts muft inevitably fplit upon a Rock in that Haven where they had Reafon to hope for Safety, if not fecured againft the threatning Storm during your Majefty *s Life, whereof the Days and Hours are precious, confidering the impor- tant Game you have to play, and the indifpenfable Obligation you lie under (before that God .....;...... ', ................ and contribute as much from the Helm to the Converfion of Souls, as the bed of Preachers from Pulpits j for Words do but move, but Examples,, and efpecially thofe of great Men, have more refiftlefs Charms, and a more than ordinary'Afcendent over the Minds of the common People : Which Confederation mould prevail with your Majefty to prefer, without Delay, couragious, wife and zealous Catholicks, to the mod eminent and profitable Stations, efpecially in your Hou- fhold, where you are King by a two-fold Title 5 by which means you would in a fhort time be ftock'd with faithful Councilors all of a Piece, that would join Heads, Hearts and Hand's, and would con- tribute unanimoufly to the effectual carrying on fo good a Defigri Diftinftion'twixt his politick and natural Capacity, lighting againft the one in Defence of the other, it is to be fear'd the Proteftants of your Engltftj Army would, in cafe of a Rebellion, be too inclinable to fight for the King, Parliament and Proteftant Re- ligion, againft the King as Papift, his Popifh Cabals and Popery. To prevent which (as Matters now ftand) there is but one fure and fafe Expedient, that h, to purge without Delay the reft of your Irlfi Army, increafe and make it wholly Catholick ; raiie and train a Cathoiick-Militia there ; place Catholicfcs at the Helm of that King- dom; iflue out QuQ-'Juarranto'' s againft all the Corporations in itj put all Employs, Civil as well as Military, into Catholick Hands. This done call a Parliament of Loyal . . \ . . ...... #*•».....'•• •••'•••»...«• . . • « ... . . . . prefent Revenues of that Kingdom cannot anfwer other State-Contin- gencies, and maintain a greater Army than is already on Foot, efpe- cially when the Revenues rather fall than rife there. The Solution xo this Objection is to be expe&ed alfo from your Mnjefty, in vvhofe JSreaft it lies to take off by a Law, the Reftraint that Country is un- der as to Trade and Traffick, for which it lies much more conve- nient than any o£your Kingdoms. When this is done, the Irijh' Merchants will, like the Soldiers, flock home from all Parts of the World a" if IRELAND, ' &cl 47 World^ but with this Difference, that as the Soldiers come to get your Money j the Merchants will bring all their . „ . , . » that there are few or none Proteftants in that Country, but fticha* are join'd with the Whigs againft the Common Enemy. And as to your Revenues, you are Cheated of them by tne Mifmanagement and finiftrous Practices of your Comn>i(Iioners, whereof the ma- jor Part are in their Hearts rank Whigs, and ol'a Wiiiggifh Race; and hence it is that they Employ no Officers but Men of their own Kidney, that fwallow the Oaths and your Revenue to boat. And tho* no King can well avoid being imposM on by his Servants, I be- lieve it in my Confcience, that. the prefent Managers of your Re- venues in Ireland, think it no Sin to rob a PopiQi King of his Due„ Hence it is that there is an univerfal Agreement and Combination betwixt the ...... ...Merchants . we will, by way of Retaliation, take care that no Catholick be ad- mitted into the Civil. This Combination makes your Letters for Civil Places, the Reverfion of Outlawries, and for Catholick^ be- ing admitted free of Corporations, fo little regard in Inland by thofe that part for Tories here, wc. yet pubhckly efpoufe the whig- gifh Quarrel the other fide the Water. 1 befeech you, Sir, consi- der, that however your Kingly Prudence may prevail with You to difTemble Your Refentments of the Noncompliance and Disobedi- ence of Your ftifF-neck'd Engljh Proteftant Subjects, You ought to exert Your Regal Authority in Inland, a Kingdom more peculiarly Your own , where . . . . . Month before, or at lead not outlive your Ma jefty a Month| for if that poor Kation be not made confiderable during your Reign, his Lordfhip muft not hope for the Favour my Lord Stafford had, of being legally Murthered by a formal Tryal, but may well expect, (all Formality laid afide) to be facrificed to the unbridled Fury of the lawlefs Rabble, and diiTe&ed into little Morfels, as the De Wit* were in Holland. And truly the Fanaticks threaten nolefs $ and it hereto be wifhed they cried out upon more of your Minifters than they do at prefent ; for you may take it for granted, they will never fpeak well of your real Friends .' » other will endeavour to marr, and the Work will go on like that of Babel, confufedly, for want of good Intelligence among the Work- men. Sir, You are under God the great Architect, that will, with the Blefltngof Jefus, live to fee the glorious Structure fully finiuYd : la order to which 'tis requifite, you lofe no time in making Ireland i\\- tirely your own, that England and Scotland may follow. You are gonetoofar, if you do not go farther; not to advance, is to lofe Ground j Delays are dangerous, and all the World allow Expeditioa sal 43 The State of the Protejtatfts tad Refolittiori to I I '. '. 2 *...►.:... o . a , . . j . • • • . . . . if this were once compafTed, France could no more hope upon a falling out with England, to take advantage of the Diverfity of our Sc&s, and what may fpring thence, Domeftick Jars and Divifions; Sir, Notwithstanding the Doubts and Fears of Trimming Cour- tiers, and fome Cow-hearted Catholiclcs, you may live long enough to undertake and crown this great Work, with the Grace and Alii- ftance of the fame Almighty God that defeated the Rebels in the Weft and made them inftrcrmental u\ fettling you in your Throne, and that permitted this Country to be lately fprinkled with the Blood of Mar- tyrs, which muft infallibly contribute to the Converfion of Souls in this Kingdom ; for the Blood Of Martyrs is and ever was the fruitful Seed of the Church : The Seed is fown in many Parts af England} arndthe Harveft will without doubt be great and plentiful, hut the Workmen too too few, if you do not provide yourfelf with Catho- lick Privy-Councellors, Minifters, Judges, Officers Civil and Mili- tary, and Servants: as to the Choice of which, I will mind your Majefty of the Advice given Mofes by Jethro his Father-in-Law, iri the following Words j Provide out of all the People able Me?;,' Jucbas fear God, Men of Truth, hating Covetoufnefs. When your Counfel- lors and Minifters are thus qualified, and not till then, you may hope to do what becomes a James the Second. And to furnifn yourfelf with able Men, you muft follow your Royal Father's Advice to the Prince of Wales; that is, with an equal Eye, and impartial Hand, diftribute Favours and Rewards to all Men, as you find them for their real Goodnefs, both in Ability and Fidelity worthy and capable of them. Such as fear God, as the truly Wifeil will advife you to the beft Meafure for promoting God's Glory j Men of Truth wi-ik like Tyrconnel ferv« you faithfully, without trimming, tho' with ne- ver fo apparent Hazard to their Fortunes and Lives. And Men ha- ting Covetoufnefs, will not betray your Intereft, be corrupted, nor fell Places to fuch (Jndermanagers of your Revenue, as buying them for a Spill in grofs, will be fure to retail them at your Coll, a Practice much in ufe here, and in Ireland at prefent, where few or no Places can be hr:d without Bribes; by which means you are cheat- ed in both Kingdoms of an Hundred thoufand Pounds a Year, in the Opinion of unaerftanding, honed and indifferent Judges; for no Man wilfgive a Shilling furreptitioufly for an Office, but with a Deflgn to cheat von of Twenty. To prevent which, there is no Remedy, bur that of employing fmart Men of known Integrity, to be chofen without Favour or Afte&ion, that will be content with their refpective Salleries, and imploy their utmoft Induftry to im-» prove, not imbezzel your Revenues, the Ornaments of Peace and Sinews of War. 6I&, of IRELAND* &cl '4& ■ Thefc Kingdoms are of Opinion, Popery will break in upon them, and it were a pity todifappoint them, and when you take cffe&ual Meafures, your trimming Courtiers will unmask and come over j nay, half the Kingdom will be converted of it ielf . What I Jiave here prefumed to write, is the effector my unfeigned Zeal for the Good of Religion, and your VTdjefty's Intereft, which I hope willinduce You to pardon a plain-dealing and loving Subject, that daily befeechesGod to blefs your Majefty and thefe Kingdoms with along and profperous Reign, and with numerous long-liv'd Male- Ilfties i and to infpire you with wholfome Thoughts, that may diretl; you to the Performance of fuch Heroick Actions as may gain yoii' immortal Fame in this Worlds and eternal Glory in the next. Lord ClarendonV Speech in Council, on his leaving th% Government of Ireland. My "Lords, . . , . , IT has be en fometimes ufed to make Speeches upon thefe OccafT- ons, but I know my infufficiency for that Task, and therefore fhall trouble your Lordfhips with very few Words. In the firffc. tlace, my Lords, t give your Lord (hips many thanks for the Civi- lities I have received from every one of you, and for &e. great AlH- ftance I have had from you in the dif charge of my Du y here. I know your Lordfhips can witnefsfor me, that I never defir'd your concurrence in any thing that was not for the King's Service. I do again beg your Lordfhips to accept of my Thanks, with thisAfTu- rance, that I fhall give the King an account (when I have the Ho- nour to kifs his HandJ of your Lordfhips great Readinefs and Dili- gence to ad ranee his Sei vice. My Lord Deputy, I fhall not long detain your Lordfhip; The King hath placed your Excellency in a very great Station j has corn- mitted to your Care, the Government of a great and flourishing Kingdom, of a Dutiful, Loyal and Obedient People: It is ex- treamly to be lamented, that there are fuch Feuds and Aninvfities a,mongthem, which I hope your Excellency's Prudence, witn the Affiitance of fo wife a Council, will difperfe. I mult needs fay^ both from I my own Obfervation, and the Information I have had from my Lords the Judges, who often vifit the whole Kingdom, that there is a great Readinefs and Willinynefs in all Peoph to ferriE and obey the King. I mifft here a little enlarge to your Excellency,' becaufej reckon myfelf bound fq give the King an account ot his Subjc&s, and I would not willingly fay any thing when I am at fuch aDiftance, which I have not mentioned here. The 'Englijh in this Country have been a'fperfed with the Character of being generally Fanaticks, which is a great Injury to them ; I muft do them the ju- #ice to fay, that thev are of the Church of England, as appears by 9 i & e iS f § The State of the Proteftants their Anions as well as ProfcfTtons. The Churches here areas muctj frequented, and the Difcipline of the Church as well observed, ai in England itfelf 5 which is to be attributed to the Piety and Labour of my Lords the Bifhops. We of the Ci:/ch of England can brag, that when Rebellion overfpread the three Kingdoms, not one Or- thodox Member of our Church was engaged againft the Crown: -And in our lat^Diforders, we can boaft we were Oppofers of the Bills of Excluuon ; and theSenfe his Majeiiy has been graciouflf pleas'd to exprefs of our Loyalty, wii 1 never be forgotten by us. I JiadtheHappinefstobe born a Member of the Church of England, and I hope God will give me the Grace to die one. One fthfag the Engl/ftot this Country have the glory in, that of all his Majefty's Subjects, they made the earlieft Advances towards his Majefty ? s Reftoration, when the three Kingdoms were governed byUfurpers. And after all the Endeavours of his Loyal Subjects in England item- ed to be difappoimed, and there appeared no Hopes, by the total defeating of Sir G. Booth, the Engltjh then in this Kingdom, offered to fubmu to his Majefty's Authority I do not lay this, my Lord, to detrat"Hcom his Majefty's R. C. Loyal Subjects, many of whom I myfelfknew ferv 'd and fuffered with him abroad; but I ipeak in juftice to the others who did .heir Duty. There is but one thing more I fhall trouble your Excellency with •, I am forry that I cannot fay thatlleaveafullTreafure, but I can fay that I leave no Debts. TheR. venue is in good Order, which muft be owned to be due to the unwearied Induftry and Diligence of theCommillioners. The Armv is intirelv paid to Chriftmafs Day laft; and I have advanced a ■Month's Subfifteiir e Money for January. The Civil and Penfiona- ry Lifts are likewife cleared to Chriftmafs : I doubt not but your Excel lenev's Care will carry all Things on in the fame Method. God Almighty blefs the King, and grant him long Life j and I befeech God to profper this excellent Country. I received this Sword iit Peace, and i thankGod, by the King's Command, I deliver it irt Peace to your Excellency ; and i heartily wifh you Joy of the Hg* aouv the King has dor.e yo\u wm if IRELAND, 8*5 ?f if General Ahflracl of the Grofs Produce of his Ma- jefly's Revenue in Ireland, in the three firft Tears of the Management , beginning at Ghriitnufs itftf2fr ending Chriftmafs i6'8f. 168?, KS84, itfgf. Cuftoms Towards, , 8 ? 2 |. | 9,4,4 8 8f 9 ,t# if <$ andlmpr ExcileX T B CuftomsOutwards-32092 11 4M 33425 15 a 294*8 8 iir Seizures and Fines — 965 i 3a [ 615 1 5-f 460 11 5^ Prizage — r 1452 1693 1882 Inland Excife 68344 1 3$ j 77580 3 7J j 79 l6 9 4 4f AleLicenies 8283 14 iif [ 9538 . 4 4f I 9995 14 a*t "Wise. zjrc. Licenies 2736 12 3114 10 2 J- j 34 6 7 lI $\ Qiiir Crown and-> 6S ^ ;q 74.! 683S5 8o'| M ^ 4 5? CultoJiamRentsJ . 8 I * I Hearth-Money 31041 j 51646. I 3 2 95 a 12 oo CafualRevenue 120 3 3 [. 1745.16a I '5641611; Totals, /. 500297 u 1 1^ J 319168 7 9 | 318961 IS o-f Arrears of each of theaboveYears remaning un-V 7659 I 6f • 9799 9 8* j $4971 9 3} collected ar Chriftmajs, 168 5 Ket Cafh paid into the Treasury in throe Years above.-mencioned, over and betides, the Charges of Management, and SallariesN 71297a if a3 to the Officers ot the Revenue in the faid time . — * _ . remaining in the Collectors Hands 1 Chriftmafs, 1685, ready to be paid > 5565? 13 ?| The folvent Part of the above-mention'd ArO rears which was actually levied and paid into > 30000 cs theTreafury bttoxeCbrijlmxfs, 1688 J Total Cam, /. 798628 7 5* JVhich at a Medium for three Years, amounts.. 266109 co 00. for each Year to the Sum of — j\ if* Tie State of the Proteftants Sheriffs Counties. Ardmagh — — Antrim — — Cavan — — Clare Cork — - Catherlogh £-i- Dublin — Down — — — • Donnegall Fermanagh — Galway ' — . — Kildare — — — King's-County Kilkenny - — — Kerry — i — Leitrim — — - Lowth _- Limerick — ™ Xongford — — Msath - — - — - Monoghan Ivlayo — — — Queen's-County — Sfcofcommon. — Sligoe — __ Tyrone Wexford Weftroeath .^Vicklpw JWaterford Londonderry. Tifperary — - for the Year 1S87. Febr. 16. 1686. ' Sheriffs. 7 - _ Manns Clarke. * - Cormuck O-Neil. — - Lucas Reily. «— i John Mac-Nemara of 'Crattlagta* - — Nicholas Brown of Bantrey, — Sir Lawrence Efmond, - — Thomas Warren, r — i Valentine Rujfel. — Charles Hamilton. . Cohonnagh Mnc-Gwire % - John Kelly ; Efqj _ «_ John Wogan. - — * Hewar Oxburgh. - — John Grace, Efq; — Donnogh Mae-Gellicuddyl - «— ^- Alexander ' Mac-DonneL Patrick Bellew. - — Edward Rice of Ballynltty^ - — James Nugent, Efq; ■ W?//er Nangle, Efq; — Sir John Flemming. - — Dommick Browne. — . — . Edmond Morris, Efqj . ?fohn Dillon, Efq; ' Heary Craftonoi'JjongforMi Terence Donnelly, i ■■ Patrick Golclough. 6-i Thomas Nugent, I Francis Meara, J^# Nugent. Elected by the Charter* Appointed by the Duke of Ormond, s— John Plunket 2>^£ Edward Tyrrell** Affidavit about pack* ing of Juries. ^TTHereas there iffued two fevera! Venire T 'acta fes, atthe?Ian£ V V tiff's Suit, returnable to ills Majefty's Court of Exche^e^ ducll$d to Edward Tyrrell, Efq* then High Sheriff of the County «/ IRELAND, &c. f% %fi Meath, the firft Year of his now Majefty's Refgn. Now Sk Edward Tyrrell Baronet came this Day before me, and made Oath, that one Mr. flunket, Brother to the faid Lord of Dunfany, came to fyngvjood to this Deponent's Houfe ; and defired this Deponent to #and the Lord Dunfany's Friend, and to give him a Jury that Would do him Right, and withal faid, thjs Deponent mould have (after the faid Lordof D#»jSwy fhould be reftored to the PoJTemoa of his Eftate) the Sum of three or four hundred Pounds. To Which this Deponent anfwered, He would do him Juftice. Th« faid Mr. Plunk t, defired this Deponent to meet him at tylr. Kugmt his Counsel's Houfe, where he would further difcourfe the Mattes. This Deponent did accordingly meet the faid Thomas Plttnfot* where feveral Propofals and Overtures were made all to no pur- pofe. This Deponent further depofed, That in fome fhort time after, the faid Lord of Dun/any came to this Deponent's faid Houfe, and after fome Difcourfe, he the f^id Dun/any del]reuh ifc. ny ; and thereupon refolved to ferve the faid Lord Dmnfanj and not to take or accept of any manner ot Confiderarron rem the' farli Lord (rf" Dsmfany, and that he this Deponent would oe very jell to him ; which Refolution was approved of by the faid Mr. Jc- i\ksD.dey. This Deponent further depofeth, That according to appointment, being met with punctually, had fome Difcourfe with t'le faid Thomas Plun.et, wr.o faid, T e fa.d Lord of Dunfa?2yhis- Firother was not prepared for a Tria;!, and that he would go on foon ^*i:h all hisEftate at once j and that them -wo Parcels were incon- teierablein refped of the Bulk of his Eirart ; and deiireq* this De- ponent to refer ve the beftMcn, in order to return them on the Tu- ifes, when he mould put other Venires for that purpofe in this De- ponent's Hands, or Words to that purpofe. This 'Deponent defi- ned him to confider what he had to do, and he mould not blame 'him this Deponent hereafter. He the faid- Thomas Plun'et then feph'ed, That he would be fatistied with what Returns this Depo- nent fhould make on the faid two Vaunts, and defired that the beft Men might be referrd as aforefaid. Whereupon this Deponent focn after return'd the aforefaid Venire:, with Pannels to them fe- Yeraliy annexed. This Deponent further depofeth, That he ha- ving Notice from the Lord fiifnop of Clobber, that he heard that the faid Lord of Dunfany mould reflect on this Deponent, faring, Be would not return him a good Jury without a Con fid era: ion i .And having met the (aid Thomas Pianket in the faid Lord Bimop's Loggings, in Miehaelmafs or •Hilary Term laft, he defired the faid Lord Bifnop to acquaint the faid Thomas Plan et with the Expref- fions he heard of the faid Lord of Dunfany. Which he ha\ ing done, ihefdid Thomas Plunk: faiJ, That this Deponent defired no Confi- deration, and that the Lord Dunfany aforefaid was much obliged to him this Deponent ; and that he was nr'ghty kind to him, and would juftify the fame. This Deponent further depofeth, That the faid Thomas Plunkst having met this Deponent at Lengzcoot. after fome Difcourfe he had with this Deponent, the feventeenth Dav of March laft. p aft, mewed him a Lift of the Juries, and asked this Deponent if he returned them : To which this Deponent anfwered, That he, had (as he believed,) : He the did Thomas Plunket thereupon hid, moll of them were Phanaticks, and that they would hang the faid Lord of D -in] any it they could. This Deponent made anfwer then, Thar if thev prov'd inconvenient, that it was the faid Tho» mas Phnhet's Fault, for that he had defired this Deponent to re- turn what he this Deponent pleafed,and torefervethe beft Mpn for rite Blitfc of the faid Lord D.v«/rf»)*s Eftate, or Words to that efTec!. The fcdTbomAsPiuhte: faid, He would never confent to the return of fuel* of IRELAND, (ft. ff filch Juries; and paflionately laid, If he had the twenty Guineas to give this Deponent, that he would have better Juries. This De- ponent a, and be an In- ftrument of b ■•; gia^ in the Rogues who infefted the Roads abcuc the Town, ;..-■-' , jhbed almofteverv Night. To effect this, he fpoke Jrifi, and wore tne Garb of a confiderable frijk Officer, himfelf Mout Dublin i that there were four feveral Companies of them ^ that the great Company were at that time robbing about Kilkenny, and that they would be at Dublin within a Week, for they were withdrawn thither only to be out of the way here in the Term time j that there were 26 of them in all, befides Soldiers, (whom, he faid, he durft not difcover j) but all the reft, he faid, he would engage to> take in Ale-houfes, where he would appoint them to meet him, if my Lord Chief- J uftice would allow him Men to aflift him : This he fold the Deponent he would do, and fhewed him what Methods he would ufe 5 and he (aid, he would willingly be hang'd if he did not fucceed: Befides, he knew (he faid) where Rogues might be found mDubli?j t who were proclaimed, and had Money offered for their Heads. He knew lifcewife where two i^en were who murdered a Brogue-maker at Kilcock a little before, but was loth to hang one of them, he faid, becaufe he thought he then lived honeftly in his own Houfe. He knew likewife, he faid, a Houfe that was to be robbM at Stepbe?i f g-green, by fome Acquaintance of his, within a WeeHj and told the Deponent what Method they defign'd to ufe in robbing it. He knew likewife who robb'd a Houfe at Kilmainham that very Veek whilft he was in Prifon. He knew where a Silver-hilted Sword was, which was taken from a Gentleman a little before j and could go dirc£tly to abundance of Goods taken by Robbery. He knew where feveral Pieces of the Gold which was taken from Mr. Starling the Minifter in the County of Longford, then lay ; and laid, that he himfelf had changed one of the Pieces fince his Com- mittal : All this he faid he would prove, and would give his Head if he mifcarried in any Particular. And when the Deponent told hiroi that perhaps he only pretended thofe things, that he might have ari Opportunity to efcape ; he thereupon faid, that they might, to pre- vent that, fet Guards over him 5 and befides, he would procure my Lord Gormonflo-Kme, and feveral Gentlemen, to be bound for him. The Deponent having received this Encouragement from the Prifo- ner, (whofe Name was Patrick Launan) he went to my Lord Chief- Juftice Nuzent ; told him what he had fuffer'd himfelf, and what the; Country fuffer'j daily ; and gave hfm an Account of his conferring With the Prifoner, and fhewed him in writing the above-name^ Particulars, which he Wrote from his Mouth in Prifon j which m^ Lord prefently was pleafed to call- Extraordinary great Service,' and faid, that the Government ought to take Notice of it. My Lord was likewife pleafed to promife the Deponent he would par- don the Fellow, and make the beft ufe he could of him to bring int the Rogues. Afterwards my Lord fent for him, and had him pri- vate two Hours; and when the Deponent afterwards waited tipoa h\:r\, my Lord told him, he had found out an extraordinary iffeful Usui, aoi that he was well fatisfied all he faid was true, and' he W lievtf of IRELAND, £#. 57 JieV'ed he could do more Service than the Account he gave the De- ponent 5 and withal, my Lord fhevyed the Deponent a Lift of the Rogues he had from Launan the Prifoner : But either my Lord did not read the Lift fairly to the Deponent, or Launan made fome Omiffion; for the Deponent remembers there was one. N an- gle, or one or two Nugents in his Lift, which my Lord omitted in reading. After the Deponent had managed the Fellow thus far, he asked him concerning particular Robberies, and he gave him a ve- ry fawsfa&ory Anfwer to all. He asked whether he heard of a Gownman that was affaulted between Dublin and Glaffneven> He thereupon turned his Head afide and blufh'd, and faid, that he knew of it, but could not be perfuaded to difcover the Men : What he faid upon this Head, made the Deponent fufpeft that my Lord Chief Juftice had difeovered him :o the Prifoner, for he found notthatFrccncfaof Difconrfc with him, after he had been with my Lord, that he had before : Neither after all his Pains, could he do any good with rfly Lord ; but be depofes; that after he was impor- tunate with him, three or four times, to bring in the Rogues, yet nothing was done, and the Prifoner was afterwards fcnt away to Trim Goal, which this Deponent verily believes was to avoid his Importunity. He believes, my Lord thought thofe Rogues might be Afterwards ferYiceable, and therefore had no mind to bring themi to Juftice* Jurat coram me 27 Settembris 1690J DUD LOFTUS. Account of Mr, Thomas Corker's Houfe y burnt by the Irifli the fth of May, 1680. AS one of thethoufandlnftances that may be given of the na- tural Antipathy the Irifb have to the Engiijh, and Proteftants in general, (let the Obligations of Neighbourhood, Converfation, and other Endearments be never fo great) Mr. Thomas Cor^er y < IT- fage by them is remarkable. He liv'd at Donoghmore, within a Mile of Navanin the County of Meatb 5 and obferving about Ail- Saints, 1088, that the Enflifh and Proteftants began to rem 'Veand fly } he freely ask'd the Irifl) Gentlemen in his Neighbourhood, V X"' nr Ad- vice they would give him as to his Remove, having a gre? Fami- ly: Whoanfwer'c 1 , O dear, Sir , do not ftir ; for if the World v:ert on Fire, you have no Reafon to fear : For you have been fo obliging to us your Neighbours, and to alt Sorts, that none will harm you, but rather protecl you. Yet immediately thev fell upon his Stock v/ithout Doors, and took part of ft a Way. He then removed with, his Family to Dublin, leaving his Ha-.gard and moft of hishoufhold Goods behind him 5 and fometimes (or about once a Month) went down to threfh part of his Corn for his own ufe : During which rime thev took away all his Stock- of Sheep, Black Cattle, and Horfesi H h suit j-8 The State of the Protejiants and the Soldiers from Navan (commanded by one Captain Tarrel) fetcht away all his Corn and Hay. Some of his Irifh Servants telling him, It was not fafe for him to come down, or lye in his own Houfe, he lay in a Neighbour's Houfe : This was on a Friday Night 5 and the next Day he wen* to Dublin. On Sunday Night (the fth of May, 1689.) they came' and fet Fire to his Houfe in fe- veral Places, and burnt it down and all his Goods, believing he was in the Houfe. Afterwards giving out, That he had order'd his own Servants to burn it. And foon after came up on William Carton his Shepherd, who told him, that tljeFryar and Priefts at Ndx>d»were very angry with him, and threaded him, becaufe he did not coun- tenance that Report, and alfo o|fn that his Servants had burnt his Houfe by his Order. I Ail this was done by the Neighbourhood, within 3 or 4 Miles about him. A Brief of the Cafe of the Charter of Londonderry upon which Judgment was given againfi it. Quo Warranto againfi the Corporation of Londonderry ; to (hew, why they cbim'd to be a Body Politick, and to have and ufe certain other Privileges. TH E Corporation pleaded their CHARTER, whereby tho(e Privileges were granted to them, <& eo Warranto they claim to have and ufe thofe Privileges. The King's Attorney replies, and faith, That flnce their Charter, the Ad of Settlement impowers the Lord Lieutenant and Council, to make Rules and Orders for the Regulating Corporations : That accordingly fuch Rules were made for this Corporation; among which, one was, that they were to eletl at a time different from that in the Charter, and return the Names of the Perfons the Cor- poration mould elecT: yearly to be Mayor and Sheriffs, to the Lord Lieutenant; and to be approved of, e^ unde ex quo, that they did not fo elecl:, and fend the Names of fuch ele&ed, to be fo ap- roved, they forfeited their Privileges. The Corporation in their Rejoinder gave a full Anfwer to this new Matter, raifed in Replication, on thefenew Rules: And fet forth, That they did all along yearly elecl:, and fend up the Names elected according to the Rules, and that they were approved, See. But further infifted at the Bar, That they needed not to have any further Rejoinder to the faid Replication, or given any An- fwer as to the Matter in the faid Replication alledged ; becaufe, admitting the Allegations in the faid Replication to be rrue, yet the Replication am"o;ns no breach by the Corporation ; For all that comes after the Unde ex quo, is but a Cop.clufion, and fole- ly a Conclufion without any PrcmifTesj for tho* the New Rules fee fet forth, yet 'tis not faid m all the Replication,, That the Cor- if IRELAND, &£ fp Corporation did not a& purfuant thereto 5 but only fafth, Unde tx quo, they did not, &c. i. The Court faid, The Anfwer given to the New Rules, was a Departure from the Matter pleaded, viz. They jultifis in the Plea by the Charter ; and in their Rejoynder they fay, They chufe according to the New Rules, which is another Warrant to chufe, and fo the Plea vittous. To which the Corporation re- ply'd, That a Departure is, when a Party in a Rejoynder fetsup a New Title to a thing, or a New Juftification not fet up in the Plea: But here they ftill juftiiie by their Charter, and the New Rules made fubfequent, is only to the Modus of chufing, in refpect of Time, &c. but the Power of chufing is flill by the Charter. 1. The Plea was not only a plain Anfwer to a fhort Qneftion demanded by the Quo Warranto, viz,, by what Warrant they claimed their Privileges 5 and the Matter of the New Rules was fet up by the King in his Replication, to which they had no Op- portunity of anfwering, till they rejoin'd. 3. If it had been material to be fet forth in the Plea ; yet k being a Condition fubfequent (if any thing) and going in deftruclioa of the Corporation Privileges, they ought not firfl by the Rules of Law to fet it forth j but it ought firft to come on the Ad- verfaries Part. 4. The Corporation urged, That the new Rules did not in Law work any Forfeiture of Privileges, in cafe they were not ob- served j for they were in the Affirmative only, and the Rule of Law is, That Acts in the Affirmative take not away a formes? Power of doing a thing, but the fame may be done either the firft way or the fecond. Notwithstanding all which, on the faid pretended defect in pleading, the Merits of the Caufe never coming in Queftion, the Court gave Judgment again!* the Corporation. (N\ 8.) Lord Lieutenants^ and Deputy Lieutenants of Counties. L E I N S T E R. Counties. Lord Lieutenants. Deputy Lieutenants. bounty Mfe Co,. Si.cn Luanl. fflBSurfi City DMilin — } K^SSS*. i SW Them " *"*»• math X-Lat&Gommfinm. tST^^T Trim — - J \.Valter Xan«k, Hhi LEIN- 60 The State of the Protefianis LE1NSTER, Counties. Lord Lieutenants, "t Earl of Weflmeath. tVejlmeath JMullingar — Longford _ Longford Cat her lough — Carlow Kilkenny — Kit- enny — — Wexford . Wexford Wicklow Wicklow King's County - Birr — — Queen's County- Maryburrow — Lcwth — jDrogheda ~ — Kildare Haas — . \ Col. William Nugent, j Dudley Bagnal. \ Lord Galmoy. \ Co\. Walter Butler. -John Talbot of Bel j Col.Garret Moore, ~y Lord Clanmalyra. \ Lord of Lowth. j Earl of Limerick, LC t Deputy Lieutenants" Edmond Nugenoi Car* lingfton. | James Nugent ofWtlfi* town, {Fergus Farrel. lLaurence Nugent* {Marcus Baggot, William Cooke, ohn Grace. C&far Colclough. { Patrick Colcloughi A Walter Talbot. t Edward M after fop* ^Hugh Roe Byrne. Thady Byrne. { Terence Coghlan. Owen Carrol. r Edward Morris. X Thady Fit z-P at rick] {Roger Bellew. John Babe. Capt. Charles Whyla. Francis Lei;h. \William Fitz-Gerald o£ Cookfiown. M U N S T E R. Corh Corke > Lord Mountcafiel. Waterford tVaterford Clare — Ennis — — Kerry Tralee Limerick ~- Limerick — Earl of Tyrone —— Lord Cla re — =. Lord Kilmore. Lord fyittas. Tipperary Chnmel ' *> Walter BmUr* Efqg C Pierce Nagle. \ Daniel Macarty Reagh, J Sullivan Bere, /Charles Macarty, alias £ Mac Donnogh. j*} 'ohn Nugent. "XThomas Sherlock. j- Donogh oBrien of Dough! ^Florence Mac Nemara. yDonozh Mac Gillicuddy. l_Jofeph Browne. jMorice Fitz-Gerald. XDom.'Roche. \_han. SJamesButter oiKtlafca* Garret Gough, 2 John ClantwaL Dxniel Mac Carty. CON* •/IRELAND, £ft: CONNATJGHT. Counties. W Efquires.C Commiffionersof the *rot. Richard Collins, i l < C Avenue, Prot. Sir William Ellis, Knight. J Charles Playdel, Secretary. Nicholas Fitz-Gerard Solhcltor. $kql James Btnnel, Accgmptant General* ■ ?*7 tf 2 The State of the Protejlantt Collectors nnd Officers appointed by the Commiffioners, vizi T>o&or James Fitz-Gerald, Collector. Prot. Nathaniel Evans, Clerk to the CommifTioners. Frot William Alcock, jL ExaiI ^ner of the Port- Accounts and War- ' \ rants, and cafheer. Prot. Sinolphus Bellafis, Cleric of the Coaft. Prot. John Kent, Land Surveyor, and Comptroller of the Store. Prot. Edward Pre fcott, Land-Survey or. Prot. John Robin ton, ~% l^-DtnmsBple £ Land-Waiters: Prot. Francis Ifaackfon, r Henry Fitz.-Gerald. j> Frot. Bartholomew Wybrantz, Store-Keeper. Robert Longfield, Chief Clerk of the Quit and CrOWn-RentJi William Bfifcoe,-\ ' c . r , PhelimDempfy,} Surveyors of Rwgfend. Francis Creagh, Surveyor at Dunlary, Dublin Excife, viz, Prot. Francis Babe, Collector. Prot. Bernard Waiiht, Surveyor General of Excife^ . . . Carol, Examiner of Excife Accounts^ Prot. Benjamin Vowning, Examiner of Diaries. Prot. Henry Davis, "J Prot. Jacob Walton, ^ Surveyors of Excife, j4thlone 9 Baltimore, Clonmel, Philip Clayton, j Ports and Diftricls. Chriftopher Nicholfon, Peter Du.Te, Cork Port, Cork Excife, Dominick Nagle, - c Terence Ma.gr ath, , *s Edward Morris, - rSir James Cotter,. J Edward Trant, 1 Florence Mac Carty, j Francis Garvan f — iJames Griffith, — Dingle, .— — Ambrofe Moore,, — C Bernard Byrne, J Walter Bale, - Drogheda Dungarvan, Ennis, Toxford t [Maurice Morierty, Thomas Mead, — — \ John Mac Nemara, ^ James Dalton, .. {Valentine Kirwan, Nicholas Toppin, [Prot,] Arthur Natfe, Galvjay Port. GalwayExcik, fames Brown Fitz-Jeffery, — Collector. Kilkenny. rC&far Colclough. Collector. iXSamuel Pigeon, [Prot.J Surveyor. Collector; Surveyor. Colkaor. Collector. Surveyor. Collector. Surveyor. Surveyor at Covel Colledor. Surveyor. Collector. Collector. Surveyor of ExcifeJ Survey, at New-key , Colledor. Collector. Surveyor. Collector. Surveyor. Collector. 1 iienny t &nfal& Kinfale, Limerick, Loughrea, MaryburroW, Moyallow, Naas, Roffe, Sligoe, Trim, Waterford* Wexford, — Wicklow — - Xoughal, &/ IRELAND, &cl SDomimck Rice, ■■ Collector. \Dominick Murrogh, Surveyor. S John Rice, Colleftor. > Nicholas Skiddy, ■ Surveyor. Stephen Dean, Collector. C Garret Trant, . Colledor. > William Bourne, Surveyor. -Colleftor. Surveyor* 6$ ijohn I on g field, } Richard Aylward, - \Edmond Fitzgerald, C ol le« ftor. Robert Dowdal James Butler, - \Mark IVhitty, Owen Dermot, — — f Richard Barnwal, ■ < Hugh Mac Donogh, [Richard Barton, jCouncellor Butler, £ James Heas, ■ - ' Anthony Talbot, — - Barnaby Racket, — \ Vat rick Fitzgerald, . £ David Fitzgerald, - —-Surveyor, ,. Colleftor. Surveyor of Exdfc^ Colle&or. Coileftor. y Surveyors, Colleftor. Surveyor. -Collector. -Colleftor. -Colleftor. -Surveyor, A Lift of the new Burgejfes of Strabane and London^ deny, viz, STRABANE. Commonly call'd, Soy tvzlgnTOhn o Neile, Shane Mac Con Backagh oNeilel J Burgefles. Gordon b Neile, Son of Sir Phciim 6 Neile the great Rebel, who wajf hangMj drawn, and quarter'd. He burnt Strabane in 1^41* John Neile,' - ■ ■-. Shane Mac Neile, Ramar Neile, William Roe Hamilton, Conjlantine Neile. James Cunningham, Robert Adams, Cloud Hamilton. Brian Neile, Mac Brian, MacCormuc, MacRery Crana Neik] John Browne. Robert Gamble. Patrick Bellew. James Mac Gee. Art b Neile, ■ Art Mac Neile, Ramar 6 Neik^ ""! John Donnelly, Shane fadda Donnelly, n James MacEnelly, yh-4 H the State of the PfbtefiaMt Burgefles. John Mac Rory, Shane groom Mac Philip Mac Rory. Burnt in the Hind; Terence Donnelly, Turlogh o Donnelly. Henry 6 Neile, Henry Mac Phelmy Duff, Mac Art Mac Rory 6 Neikl His Father hang'd. Roger Mac Cony, Rory Mac Brian, Mac Con modura Mac Conway'. His Father hang'd. Dominick Mac Hugh, Dominick Mac Rory Ballagh Mac Hugh. Charles 6 Cahan, — ^Cormucn Mac Manus Keiogh 6 Cahan. Charles 6 Conway, Cbrmuck Mac Owen oge Mac Owen Modera M** Conway. LONDONDERRY. Mayor* K^jOrmuch o Neilei Sheriffs, Horace Kennedy JLdward Brooks. AldermenJ Cohanagh Mac Gwire f Cordon o Neile. Conjlantine b Neile. Conjiance o Neile. Manus b Donnel* Peter Manby, Peter Dobbin. Anthe. Dobbin, John Campfie, Daniel o Dogherty. William Hamilton* Roger o Cahan. Daniel 6 Donnel. Hicho Burjide. Alexander Lacky. Con fiance 6 Dogherty % Daniel 6 Sheik. Roger 6 Dogherty. Brian 6 Neile. John Buchanan, ChamberlainJ Daniel 6 Sheile BurgeiTes. Francis o Cahan. Robert Butler. Cornelius Callaghan, Thomas Moncriefe, Hugh b Hogan. John Mackftmyi John Campfie, Henry Campfai James Lenox. John b Hogan, William Stanly] James Connor. Hugh Eady. John Donnogh. Alexander Qourdori\ John Crookjhanks. Phel. MacShaghlm, John o Linjhane, Art. o Hogan. Charles b Sheile. Johnlius o Mullan, John Sheridan. James Sheridan, Confiance b Rorke, Dom. Boy Mac Loghlinl John Nugent. William b Boy, John b Boy. William b Sullivan. Dionyfius Mac Loghlinl Manus b Cahan. Hugh Mac Loghlin. Hugh More o Dogherty] Vlick b Hopirty, Henry A(h. Tho. Broome. Pet. Mac Peak*. Hen. Dogherty. Robert Shenan. Cornelius Magreth* Art. o Ro^an* frivi •/ IRELAND, &£ tf (N\ p.) Privy Councellors appointed by Letters from Xing James, Dated the z$th of February, 1684.. and fuch as are fworn fence by -particular Letters* Sworn afterwards by partict^ lar Letters, LOrd Pn'inate. Lord Chancellor. Lord Archbiihop Dublin. Lord High Treafurer. Secretary or State. Chancellor of the ExcJh* quer. Matter of the Orcjnance. Lord Chief Juftice of the ^- r f Sir Paul Rycaut. Thomas Keitley, Efq; Earl of Tyrcon,-el. Earl or Lymenc ; '.. for the Lorc * Vifcount Ikerinl Lord Vifcount Qalmoyl Thtmas Nugent, Efq; Dennis Daly, Efq; Stephen Rice, Efq } Rich. Hamilton, Efq 5 Sir William ',Vcnf»orib t ^ Earl of Ballymore. Nicholas Purcel, Efq; Earl of Clmrickard. Earl of Antrim. yufiin Mac Carty, Efqj Lore Vifcount GormanftoTon\ lord VifcGantR0/7?. Earl of Tyrone. Lord Vifcount Nettervit\lf^ Lotdhowth. Sir Will tam Talbot. Anth. Hamilton, Efq; Tho?nasSher'Jan, Efq; Sytnon Luttrel, Efq; Fitzgerald V liters, Efq; Colonel Garret Moore* Lord Belleiv Charles White, Efq; Col. Cormuck Netted . riot Francis Flow den y Efqj King's Bench. bein Lord Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas. Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Lieut. General of the Ar- Colonel of the Regiment of Guards. J James Duke of Ormond, notfworn Henry Earl of Thomond. Cary Earl of Rofcommon, .... Earl of Ardilafs. Henry Earl of Drogheda. , . H«g£ Earl of Mount-Alexander. Richard E. of Ranelagh, not fworn, Francis Earl of Longford. Maurice Vifcount Fitzharding. Murrogh Vifcount Blejington. Robert Fitzgerald, Efq; not fworn. Sir Qha. Fielding, not fworn, Sir Rich. Reyneld, not fworn. Sir Thomas Newcomen, Sir Robert Hamilton. Adam Loftus, 7 Efquires, Lemuel Kingdon, J fworn. JPr/Vy Counfellors /worn before King James, after his coming to Ireland^ DUke of Powis. Duke or Berwick* Earl of Alercome. Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Mel fort. Loul Chief Juftice Herbert. iord Dv-er. Colonel William P • : : ; polouelD^rn^/o??. Marquis D' Aibeville, Lord Kilmallock. Colonel bars fold. Lord Merryon. Earl of Carlingford* Earl of Claarickardi Lord Kenmare. Lord Cirfre. W .Cc( 66 The State of the Proteftants (N\ 10.) The Civil Lift of Officers, and the Times of their entring on their Offices* CHANCERY. SIR Alexander Tutor, Knight, cr< ed LoH Fitton and Baron of Gofworthin the Coui.iy of Limeruk, Lord High Chancellor of Ireland. 23 April, Sir William Tattot Barontt, made Matter of the Rolk. 1689. Dennis Fitzgerald his Deputy. Br. Alexius Stafford Popiih Dean of Chrift- J Church, / -zd May. Ignatius Berf or d, Efq; Dr. of the Laws, > Matters. 6th May. Dr. Matthew Kennedy, k 10 May. Dr. Michael Plunket , a Romift Prieft. 3 23 July, Thomas Arthur Soldier, Clerk of the Crown and Hanapor f This is in Trull for Robert Arthur's Wife, Niece to Lord Tyrconnel. ifl Aug* William Dor ringi on , Regifter. James jtfagle, Curfitor and IngroiTer of all original Writs. Henry Temple, Efq; and Owen Coyle (who was indicted and outlawed of Forgery J Examinatcrs. John Newel ; John Maynar'd, : : : Power, ? Six Thady Meagher, John Henry, and : : Gioghegan t 5 Clerks* Baskervilk Folewhzel, Purfui vant. KINGS BENCH. Thomas LordNugent Baron of Riverftown, L.Chief Juftice, i.d Juftice Vacant, not being worth Fees of palling Patent. Six Brian O Neil, Baronet, Third Juftice. 6th July, Randal Mac Donnel, Efq; Clerk of the Crown, and Pra- r6S9. thonotary. trancis Nugent, Deputy Prothonotary. Brian Kerny, Deputy Clerk of the Crown. COMMON PLEAS. tjfohv Weaiing Efq; Lord Chief Juftice. 2» Juftice Dennis Daly Efqj 3. ]vtii£z Peter Martin ECq$ 23 fan. Fdrhond Fitzgerald Efq; Chief and only Prothonotary,,' 1689. Richard Fenner, his Deputy. 16 Jan. Robert Barmvel Efq; Cuftos Brevium and Chirographerv 1689* Raines Nawh, Cleric of the Outlawries. EXCHEQUER, B-ino Talbot Efq; Chancellor. Treafurer Vacant. Sir Stephen Rice, Lord Chief Baron. Sir John Barnwel, Knight, Second Baron* Sir Henry Lynch, Baronet, Puny Baron. \ft Aug* Oliver Grace Efq; Chief Remembrancer. 1689. Second Remembrancer not difpofed of ; formerly an Office of «reat Perquiutes, but now not worth Fees ot' pafling Patent. 8^ Aug, */ IRELAND, ©V. 6 h % Aug, Walter Lord Dur.gan, Clerk of the Common Pleas. Murtagh Griffin, his Deputy. Philip Dwyer his Sub-Deputy. 6 Jul. 89. Richard Talbot of Malchide Efq; /* uditor Genr . iljul. $9.Chr. Malone, Sergeant Dillon's Clerk, Stirv< j ; j Gen. rail r This in Truft for Lady Tyrconnel and berDaiigbteij, n s r- riedtoCol. Dillon. 3 0£?. 1689. James Nagle, Clerk of the Eftreats and Summon,, er. 24 Oclober, Richard Morgan, Puriu'wu. 2.S Nov, 89. Francis Stafford Eiq; CI rk of the Pipe. 7.0 Dec, 89. Charles WhiteECq-, Clerk of theFirft-ftwts and 20thParts. Marcus Ba r got, Firft S^. jjeant at Arms. 7 ^<7#. 1689. Thomas tiaughtoh, Secon ! Sergeant at Arms. 16th Jan, Brian Mac Dermot Efq^ Cleik of the Pels and Tallies,, and Clei k oi the Treasury. 13 Feb.fyq. Patrick Kennedy, Gent. Comptroller of the Pipe. 18^.89. Thady Meagher, Clerk of the Errors, Phis J .s on 'he Statute for \Viits of Error, from the King's- Bench to the Exchequer Chamber. 2.7 February, John Barry Gent. C'.ief Chamberlain. Simon Ciirr:ck 3 , S:cun d Chamberlain. 6 March, Oliver Gran Efq; Tranfcriptor and foreign Oppofer. Lords Commiflioners of the Treafury. 9/A y»/y 89. Duke Tyrconnel, Henry Lord Dover, Lord River flown Chief Juftice, Sfi? Stephen Rice Lord Chief Baron, £#»$ T^/^/ Chancellor of the Exchequer, and i/LtlAdam, Cdclongh, Secretary. 2.7 Augufi, Hugh Reiliy Efq j Clerk of the Privy Council. Commiflioners of the Mint in Dublin. 26 Aug. 16S9. John Trinder, William Talbot, Thomas Goddars Efq.; William Bromjield, "Francis Rice, Edward Fox, and Walter Piunket Gent. 5 1 Jan. 1689. Grant to Alderman James Malone, and RjchardMa* lone, of the Office 0/ ' PrinterGeneral. Commiflioners of the Revenue. Sk Patrick Tram, Sir William Ellis, John Trinder, Richard Collins, Fr. plowden Efq; Sir Theobald Bmler, Charles Play del Secretary. Sir Henry Bond,-* Receivers Nicholas Fitzgerald, Solicitor. Lewis Doc, tCq- y S General, Robert Lon«field, Clerk of the Quit- (Rentsandof forfeited Eftates, fltc (N ° . 1 1 .) zd. June 1 6$Oc An Account of the General and Field Officers of King, James V Army^ out of the Mufier Rolls. D UKE of Tyrconnel, Captain-General. utenants-Gcn I i z Ccuat Duke of Berwick -> T • ^ . (58 The State of the P rot eft ant:. } Brigadiers. Count Lozune, General of the French. Monfieur Leary alias Geraldine, Lieut. General,. Dom. Sheldon Lieut. General of the Horfe. Patr.u San field, Monfieur Boifleau, } Major-Generals. Aniho. Hamilton, — , — — JVa.hup. Tho. Maxwell, John Hamilton, Will- Dorrington, Solomon Slater, Mufter-mafter-General. Robert? it z-Ger aid, Comptroller ot the Mutter*. Sir Rich. Nangle, Secretary at War. Sir Henry Bond,-, ' _ , Louis Doe, } Receivers General. Sir MiehaelCredgh, Pay-mafter-General. Felix o Neile, Advocate-General, Dr. Archibold, Phyfician to the State. Patrick Arch'ibold, Chirurgeon-Qeneral. } H O R S 2 Biike of Tyrconnel A Jpom. Sheldon JFra. Meara Lord Galmoy Laur. Dempfy ift.7 Char.CarroU 2d. J Robert Arthur Patrick Sars field Lord Kinfale Roger Magilligan JHugh Sutherland lEdm.Pendergaft ift.-> Talbot LaJJels 2d. J Will. Cox Lord Abercome Colonel. Lieut. Col. Major. Col. Lieu. Col. Slv Neiie O Neils Col . ^ . . . Lieut. Col. Major. Lord Clare ' Col. John Mac Nemarfii&.\ . James Philips ' 2d.X ** L/0K Francis Browne Major. Major. SymonLuttrell Col. Lieut, Col. Major. Col. L.Col. Edmond Moclart Robert Clifford Alex. Mackenzie Henry Luttrell Sir james Moclare John Parker Tho. Gilford yehnMetham Nicholas Purfel DRAGO Lord Dungw Major. CoJ. L'eut. Col. Major. Col. Lieut. Col. Major. Col; Lieut. Col. Major, Col, Lieu Col. Major. iNS. Col. Lieut. Col. Major, P ran. Car roll Turens Carroll Fran. Boifmoroll id.-f Col. Lieut. Col. Major. Col. Lieut. Col. Major. Col. L. Col. Major. ; Col. Lieut. Col. Major. Tho. Maxwell Daniel Magennis . ' , , Callaghane FOOT. W.lUam Dorrington Colonel of the Guards. Wdl, Man/el Barker Lieut. Col. Tho. Arthur John Hamilton Javies Nugent John Talbot 'James Gibbons Lord Fifz~¥*mes ift* id.* Major. Col. Lieut. Col. Majors. Col. e/ IRELAND, Gfc John Woogan .. .'. Porter zd.> L - Co1 ' . . . Dodsby Major. Earl of Clancariy Col. John Shit on L.Col. ^/? /*///> Rycaut Ma j o r . Eariof Clanrickard Col. Edmond Madden Lieut. Col . . . . , . Major. Eariof Antrim Col. Mark Talbot Lieut. Col. James Woogan M a j or . Eariof Tyrone Col. Tho. Nugent Lieut. Col. Richard Nagle Major. Richard Nugent Col. . . ♦ . . Lieut. Col. . . . . . Major. Lord Gormanftown Col. Richard Eufiace Lieut. Col. Major. /ftflry D//W Col. Walter Bourke Lieut. Col. John Morgan Major. Lord Galway Col. John Power Lieut. Col. • . . t , Major. Lord Bellew Col. Nich.Pitz-Gerald ift.-> T ^ , & Sir Doge zdJ *tvOI. ,7o£« Dow dale Major. Lord Kinmare Col. Lieut. Col. . . . . . Major. 'Lord Slave Col. Maurice Qonnell Lieut. Col. Major. CormuchO Neile Col. . . . ■ V Lieut. Col. Major. Charles Cavenagh Col. James Lacy Lieut. Col. Gn?/. Pordcvarande Major. j[/w. £«*/*r Col. D* Busby Lieut. Col. I . . . . Major. Lord Kilmallflcft Col. Vtf/jw Power Lieut. Col. jo/;;; Chapell Major. Sir A&w. Eujiace Col . L;eut.Col. Major. Sir John Thz-Gerald Col . Lieut. Col. . . . . . Major. Lord Lowtb Col. . . . f . Lieut. Col. . . . . f Major. Earl of IVeflmeatb Col. Mich.Delahoyde Lieut. Col. Gowen Talbot Major. Major-General Bo'tjleau Col. Monfieur Beaupre Lieut. Col. . . . Hurly Major. Lord Bofine Coi. William Con-nock Lieut. Col, John Bodkin Major. Oliver O Gar a Col. Tady Connor Lieut. Col. Major. John Grace Col. Robert Grace Lieut. Col. Cha.Mcore Major. Edward Butler Col. John Innis Lieut. Col. Garret Geoghegan Major. Art. Mac Mahon Col. Philip Reyley ~Lieut Col. Hugh Magennis Major. Charles Moore Col. Ulick Bourk Lieut. Col. Major. Dudley Bagnall Col. ^ames Power Lieut. Col. . . . Corbet Major. Gordon O Neile Col. Conn O Neile Lieut. Col. Henry O Neile Major. Nicholas Brown Col. George Traps Lieut. Coi. Dermot Mac Aulijfe Major. Sir Michael Creagh Col. John Power Lieut. Col. Theobald Bourk Major. HeywardOxbrough Col. Edward Scot Lieut. Col. Laurence Delabunty Major. Dom. Browne Col. Lieut.Col. Le Sir Mountycuge Major. Qwe» ?o the State of the Proteftants Owen Mai Carty Col Lieut. Co*, James Dupuy Lieut. Col Major. Terence Brien Major. Felix O Neile Col. }olmSarret Col. . . . Qfyilt Lieut. Col. Donogh Mac Callaghane L. Col Major, Major. Hugh Mac Mahon Col. Charles O Brien Col. Owen Mac Mahon Lieut. Col. • • . . . Lieut. Col. Chriftopher PlunLet Major. William Saxb'y Major. Lord Inniskillin Col, Daniel O Vonnovane Col Lieut. Col. Fran.Napper Lieut. Col. . . . , . Major. Sir Alphon Mot tit Major. Dennis. Mac Gihuddy Col. Lord Ireagh Col Lieut.Col. Brien Magenms ift«-> t r 1 Major. SrancisWahup zd.X h CoU JamesPurcell Col. • .... Major Lieut.Col. FLo^er Mac EUigot Col Major. Maurice Huffy Lieut.Col. Lord Hunfdon CoL Edmond Fitz-Gerald Major. Robert Ingram ift.-t Edmund Rey ley Col. John Giftord ad. J L. Col, Lieut.Col. Francis Gyles Major, . - . . . Major. Regiments fent to France, viz. Cnconnagh Mac Guyre Col. Lord Mountcafiel' Alex and, Mac Gwyre L. Col. Daniel O Bryen I c , Cornelius Mac Gwyre Major. Richard Butler Walter Bourk Col. Robert Fielding (N\ 12.) J Copy of the Letter difpers'd about the Majfacre, [aid to be defigri'd on the 9th of Decem- ber, 1688. Good my "Lord, December id, i68$« I Have written to let you know. That all our Iri/hmen through Ireland are fworn, that on the 9th. Day of this Month, be- ing Sunday next, they are to fall on, to kill and murder Man, "Wife and Child, and to fpare none j and I do defire your Lord- fhip to take care of your felf, and all others that are adjudged by our Men to be Meads 5 for whoever of them can kill any of you, is to have a Captain's Place. So my defire to your Honour is to look to your felf, and to give other Noblemen Warning, and go not out Night or Day without a good Guard with you; and let no Irifoman come near you, whatever he be. This is all from him, who is your Friend and Father's Friend, and will be^ though 1 dare not be known as yet, for fear of my Life. Direct this with Care and Hafit to my Lord Mountgomery, Url. vf IRELAND, #K 71 (N°. 13.) Lord Mount] oy '5 Circular Letter ', 01 his going to France. Gentlemen, Dublin, 10th January i6Sf. YOU had an Account how long I (laid on the Way, after I left you, and the Reafons which made me fince go forwards: And whatever any Jealoufies were at my firft Arrival, I am now fa- tisfied at my coming } and, with God's Blefiing, I hope it wili come to were Two 5 My being not fo well qualified, as a Northern Roman Catholick, whom in all likelihood the King would fooner give Credit to : And the improbability of being able to perfwade the King, who is now in the French Hands, to a Thing fo plainly againft their Inte- left. To the Firft of thefe, I was anfwered, what is not fit for me to repeat -> and the other is fo well anfwered, that all the moft knowing Englijhmen are fatisfied with me, and have de- fired me to undertake this Matter, which I have done this After- noon ; my Lord Deputy having firft promifedme, on his Word and Honour, to perform the four Particulars in the within Paper. Now becaufe a thing of this Nature cannot be done without be- ing cenfur'd by fome, who perhaps would beforry to have their Wifhesin quiet means ; and by others, who think all that States- men do are Tricks, and that there is no Sincerity amongft them. I would have fueh to conflder, that it is more probable I and the moft intelligent in this place, without whofe Advice 1 do nothing, fhould judge right of this, than they who are at greaterDiftance j and it is not likely we mould be fooled, fo I hope they will not believe We defign to betray them, oiirfelves, and the Nation. I am mo- rally afiured, this muft do our V7ork without Blood, or the Mife- ry of the' Kingdom. I am fure it is the Way propcfed in England t who depend fo on it, that no Forces.are appointed to come hi- ther J and, I am lure, what I do, is not only what will be approved of in England, but what had its beginning from thence. I do therefore conjure you, to give your FWends and mine this Ac- count, and, for the Love of God, keep them from any Diforderor Mifchief (if any had fuch Defign, which I hope they had not ; ) and I am fully fatisfied, every Man will have his own Heart's Defire. I will write to this Effect to fome other Places, and I defire you will let fuch in the Country, as you think fit, fee this. Let the Peo- ple fall to their Labour, and think themfelv«s in lefs Danger than they believed, the Mercy of the Soldiers : This Penalty is thought unreafonable on ^hefe following Accounts. F/r/?, Becaufeit is not determin'd by the Declaration, who fiialfc be the Searchers; for if the matter be raanag'u as hitherto it hash been, that every one who pretends to be a Soldier muft have Liber- ty to fearch, and in fuch Numbers, and a's often as they pleafe, no> Houfe can be fafe ; for that fome have been already fearched, by fix Companies after one another, and that in the fame Day. And if any of thefe fhould pretend to find a Piftolor Bagonet, or Horn. of Powder, though he brought it out of his Pocket, with :j Dcfiga to draw an inconvenience on the Houfe;. yet, by the Declaration* the Houfe and all that is in it, muft be left to the Mercy of the Sol- diers; and, by this means, the Innocent may fuffer as wcil as the Cuilty. J 6 the State of the Protejlants Secondly, That if the Soldiers be permitted to fearch, there wifl be fo much Damage by it to this City that an Age cannot repair it : For, by this means/ every Place that is capable of concealing Arms, muft be left to their Difcretion ; the Boards will be ripp'd up. Partition Walls broken down, Wainfcot taken down, Cellars digged up, the Foundations of Houfes endanger'd, Barrels of Beer open'd, Provocations offer'd and received, the Safety of the People in appa- rent Hazard, many things taken away without hopes of lieftitution ; the Looms of Tradefmen, and the lnftruments of Artificers de- ftroyed, and his Majefty's Intereft dis-ferved after all, by the Sol- diers endeavouring rather to ferve their own Ends than his Majefty's true Intereft. Thirdly, In many Houfes there are feyeral Families, Lodgers and Servants of feveral Sorts j and if any of thefe, either out of Ma- lice or Folly, or good Will to their Mafters, conceal any Arms s though never fo inconfiderable, all the reft, though Innocent; muft fufFer for it ; which is againft Equity and Jufts'ce, that requires every Man to fuffer only for his own Fault, and not for the Fault of others. Fourthly, Many have had Lodgers in their Houfes for feveral Years, whofe Trunks and Papers are ftill there, and poflibly Arms may be in them, which the Houfe-keeper knows nothing of; It is therefore unreasonable, that either the Owners of iuch Goods being abfent, or the Mafters of the Houfe that know nothing of ir, Ihould (ufTer for what they cannot help. By this means, Papers may rnifcarry, and the Eftates of Men be ruin'd and undone. ■ Fifthly-, Many' Landlords, Owners of Houfes, are either gone for England, or abfent elfewhere about their lawful Occafions, and their Servants may either not know where their Arms are, or foo« lifhly endeavour to conceal them, and fo expofe their innocent Ma* iters to Ruin. ' 'Sixthly, The leaving Perfons to the Mercy of the Soldiers, is a Punifhment ffl unknown to our Laws, and fo ft range to thefe King- doms, that the Execution of it will be a great prejudice to his Maje- fty's Affairs, and alienate the Hearts of his Subjects more from biin, and do him (whofe Prefence they expect) more mifchief than} the Arms can do him good. It is an ill Prefident, and may in time deftroy the whole Kingdom, and fubvertthe Law. • It is therefore humbly propofed, That in cafe your Excellency be not fatisfied with the Returns already made,and to be made ; but you Will ftill go on with cheSearch,that yourExcellency would gracioufiy eondefcend to thefe following Expedients, for the better Eafe anc| Quiet of his Majefty's Subjects. Firft, That whereas each Parifh is divided into its feveral Wards,' that your Excellency would order the Search to be made by the De* putv Alderman of each Ward, with the AfTiftance of one or more Military Officers, as your Excellency fhall think fit, and not by the Soldiers; for by this means, what Arms are found, will be fecured for his Majefty's Uk, and the Subject freed from the fears of ^liHKkr and ilnino " 1 » '" •/ IRELAND, &. jj The Search intended is fo provided for, to be by an Alderman and an. Officer. Secondly, That no Man be rafponfible for more than his own Goods, nor the Punifhment inflicted on any but the Guilty. His Excellency confents to this. Thirdly, That regard be had to the Goods and Papers of all Pe/~ fons that be abfent, and who by reafon of their Abfence before the Declaration was publifhed, cannot be grefumed p be yiolaters of it. Mis Excellency confents to this. "Fourthly, That a Declaration be publifhed to this purpofe for in- forming the People of your Excellency's Intentions, which wili contribute much to the allaying of their Fears, and the Quiet of their Minds. His Excellency allows the Bjfiop of Meath to declare this to all Ferfons. Fifthly, That whereas your Excellency did by your Declaration, ©rder all Arms to be returned into the Parifh-Churches,* and yet in fome Parifh-Churches there were no Officers appointed to receive them j that your Excellency would by a new Proclamation, order fuch Arms as have not yet been delivered for want of fuch Officers to receive them, be received by fuch as your Excellency (hall thii+k fit to appoint. An Account of this to be given to the People, by th em f elves or Church-Wardens , or Clerks \ as atfa publick Notice in the Church to-morrow Morning. The Return to be made to the Clergy by the Inhabitants, and ly the Clergy to the Biftop of Meath. That his Excellency doth not intend to bind himfelf from fearch- iog for Arms in the City of Dublin by the late Declaration, becaufe ft was publifhed before its Time, and without his Order, in Cafe a more due return of Arms be not made, than he hath hitherto re- ceived, v. (N * . 1 6 .) An Account of the Conditions made In the Field? between the High- Sheriff of Gal way, and the Prifo- ners after condemned, WHEREAS James Power, Efquire, High-Sheriff of the County of Galway, Captain Thomas Bour k, Commander in Chief of his Majefty's Forces quarter'd in the Town of Loughreagk^ having Intelligence, that feveral Gentlemen and others, on the fvrik Day of March inftant, travelled the Road leading from Irris in the County of Clare, towards the Town o'i'Loughreagh, being the Road they intended to go, met them there, and demanded their Korfes and Arms for his Majefty's Ufe 5 which, upon Capitulations made j^tweea the faid James Power, EI quire, and Captain Thomas Boar* / *?$ The State of 'the Proteftants of the one Part, and Sir Thomas Southwell, Baronet, Bartholomew Purdon, Efquirc, and ihomas Miller, Efquire, on the other Part, in behalf of themfelves, and of all as well Gentlemen and others that were with them, and of their Company, were freely and peaceably delivered and given up by them to us for his Majefty's Service, on thefe following Conditions. The Capitulation which we the laid JamesPozver ,Efq$ andCapt.TAowMj Bourk promifed them in behalf of the Government, fhould be honourably and pun&uaHy performed and kept. Imprimis, That they and every of them fhould have their Lives preferved, and that whatsoever they had acted in that Affair (they affirming, that their coming in that pofture was for prefervation of their Lives) fhould be forgiven and forgotten ; and Paries given them, oranyof them, to go where they pleafed (provided they did jnot go to the North or Sligo) without being rifled, or any thing taken from them, except iuch Horfes and Arms as were fit for his Maje- fty's Service. Secondly, That every Gentleman of theni fhould have their own Piftols and Swords, and one Nagg or Horfe given them to ride on s in Cafe his own (being mufterable) fhould be taken from him. Thirdly, That if they defired it, they fhould have a Party of Horfe or Foot to protect them, for their greater Safety in travelling where, they or any of them had a defire to go, except to the North or Sligo asaforefaid. Given under our Hands and Seals, the firft Day of March, 1688, and in the firft Year of his Majefty's Reign, James the Second, by the Grace of God King of England* Scotland, France. and Ireland, ejrc. Note, That it happened near Night when they met, fo that the Agree- ment before mentioned, could not be reduced into writing in ths_ ~$el4 ; but fever al times fince being tendred to the faid High-Sheriff' and Captain to Sign ; they ftill declined it, but neverthelefs acknow- ledged the Truth thereof before the Lord Galway, Father Dolphin, the Friar, and others in Loughreagh. And about eight or nine Days after, the faid Captain Bourk (igned a Certificate in Prefence cf Captain Arthur French j and the faid High-Sheriff writ a Let- ter to the Lord Deputy, containing the principal Parts of the faid. Articles, as by the follow rag Copy may appear. Captain BourkV Certificate^ delivered by Captain* .. * to Captain French, Good-Friday, 1688. WHereas on the flrft Day of this Inftant March, ShThomas.. Southwell, with a conflderable party of Horfe, were travel- ling from the County of Clare, through the County of Galway^ near Loughreagh; an Account whereof being brought to Captain Thomas Bourk, Whofe Troop quartered at Loughreagh, and on No- tice immediately with his Troop repaired to meet the faid Thomas tyuthweu and his Party, and haying drawn up within Shot of each qther^ •/lRELA?NP,.&fW 79 brher, the laid Thomas fent one to give an Account of his and his friend's Defign to ride, without Offence, through the Country, and prayed not to be molefted : Whereupon the faid Captain Thomas Bour .' made anfwer, that without tne Governments Pafs (b confide- rable a Party fhould not ride where he had Power to hinder them. Then the faid SivThomas defired to be permitted to return whence he came. Towhichhewasanfweredj that by a late Order from the Government, Captain -Bourk was to feize all Arms and Horfe fit for his Majefty's Service in the County of Galway, and that he would not permit them to go on* nor return till he had their Horfe and Arms 5 and perfifting firm therein, the faid Sir Thomas and his Party fubmitted, and declared their Obedience to the Governments Ol- der 5 he the faid Captain Thomas Bourk alluring them, that he would fecure them their Lives, and offer'd them fuch fmall Naggs as he thought fit to cany the faid Sir Thomas and chief gentlemen back to their refpe&ive Homes, This I the faid Captain Thomas Bourk ha- ving promifed on my word, do now certifie tor truth, as Witnefs jnyliand this 9th Day of March, 1688-9, THO. BOURK* A Copy of the High- Sheriff's Letter^ delivered to Mr. French on Good-Friday, 1688. per Captain J ourdon. , May it pie fife your Excellency, Loughreagh, March gth. i68S-$T IT happened on Friday hft, the firll Day Or thislnftant, 1 had In- telligence, that a Party of Horfe with Sir Thomas Southwell and others, were making their way through this Country to Sligo or the Northy being routed out of Mtmfier ; whereupon the Horfe and Foot in this Town being commanded by Captain Thomas Bourk and Captain Charles Dawly, made ready to intercept the faid Sir Thomas and his Party, who met upon a Pais and faced one another -, but a Treaty being propofed, they came to Capitulation, wherein it was agreed, that the laid Thomas and his Party mould lay down fuch Horfe and Arms as was fit for the King's Service •, and after fo doing, thatthey and every of their Lives fhould be fecured them, and dif- inifTed with fuch PafTes and Convoys as may bring them fafe to their feveral Habitations without any Harm to their Perfons or Goods. All which with SubmiiTion at their requefts I humbly offer to you* Jxcelkncy, and fubfcribe, Xvur Excellency's tflojl Humble, and Mofl Obedient Servant, JAMES POWER. 4 RJ The State of the Prot eft ante (No. 17.) A Copy of a Letter from Bifhop Maloony /# Bijhop Tyrrel ; the Original found among ft Biftop TyrrelV Papers* March %th. 1689. I Have yours (my D. L» of the 29th of January lad,) your Style by M.r.Defpont. 'Tis large and plain enough, and another be- fore, concife and in Merchants Style, both tending to the fame end, and of which I made ufe to the fame purpofe, notwithstanding all the Difcompofure of my Health this Month paft, as you fhail I hope find by the Effects e'er this comes to your Hands j for the King up- on your earned Invitation in both your laid Letters, and by other itrong Confideratfons, took of afuddenthe.Refolution to go unto you, arid parted hen ce this Day Sennight being the lait of February,. and I hope in God is by this time landed fomewhere in Ireland, foe the Wind ferves fair ever fince he parted 5 and he did exped to be on Friday Night (this bting.Monday following) at Br,eft, where all, tilings, and mofl part of the Officers were in a Readinefs flaying for his Majefty's Arrival, for to part with the firft Wind. I wrote unto you in that Conveniency, by Sir Ned O Neil, and another by Poft at the fame time. This will .go flower, .and by the fec"on,4 Voyage of the fame Ships when they come back for - , more Men and Commodities. It goes by a Friend I dare truft with all the Secrets pfitj and fo I will be full, plain, and overboard. f . . The Bearer is Doctor B#//.- other £ngli(h, will ever think or make a ftep not fufFer the King to m^ke a ftep for your Reftauration, but leave you as you were hithi rto, and leave youi* Enemies over ycur Heads to crufh you any time t. ey pleafe, and cut you off Root and Branch, as t.-ey now publickly oeclare; And blame themfelves they have not tak n away \our Lives along with your Eftates long ago j nor is there 2.vxyEnrijh : An ] yet by their fine Politicks, they would perfwade the Irijh to come and fave their Houfes from burning, whilft they leave their own on fire : Which is no better than to look upon People as fo many Fools, when eve- ry body knows that Charity begins at home: That one's Charity for himfelf, is the Rule and Meafure of that he ought to have for Jhis Neighbour ; diliges proxlmum tunm pent teipfum. Is it not a bet- ter and more chrirtian Politick for the King, and all that are faith- ful unto him, to reftore firft a whole Kingdom that ftands out for liim when all the reft failed, to their Birth-right which -hey have been out of thefe thirty fix Years, only for being obftinately loyal to his Father, Brother and himfelf, than ro difpleafe tho^e who have been and are ftiil loyal, ('and who can get any Condition they pleafe from the Enemy to join with them) by thus pleafing or trimming with thofe who never were, or ever will be true or faithful; and when they are thus reftored, and no Enemies left in their Bowels that can do his Majefty or them any harm, than to go in a ftrongBody together with his Majefty into England, join with all fuch that will prove faithful and Loyal, and fo reftore his Majefty to his Throne, and each one to his Right. I would fain know from thefe trimming Politicks, whether it be not tocurcr and more honourable for the King of IRELAND, &S. Sj ^.ing to offer all fair Means, .md fhew his Clemency to his People when he is in Condition to force them to what he pleafcs to exact of them, than to be daily undervaluing himfelf by offering them all the fair Means imaginable, which they flight and fcorn, becaufe they feeing he has no Means, to force them or do them harm, think he does ail only out or Fear, and not by any fincere or true Affection. $ And I would rain further know, if ir be not bet er and greater Policy tor him to put the Kingdom of > eland (ttil! fo Loyal unto him) upon $he beft an d higheft Foot both Ecclefiaftical and Temporal he can contrive, and yet granting it nothing but its natural Right and Due, that it .nay be a Check upon the People of England, who are ready ever) New-Moon to rebel, than to keep it dill in a continual Slave- ry and full Dependance on inch perfidious and inconftant People, and himi elf deprived of the Support he can dill have from thence a- gainft their Revolt : I dare averr, if Ireland were put upon fuch a Foot by the King, he mall never fear any Rebellion ia England, cCper pally it Scotland be faithful to him., and France a Friend 5 all which $an now be well contrived and concerted. But when all is done, I Would fain yet know from thofe Politick Trimmers, by what Lav* 9t God or Man Ecclefiaftical or Politick, they think Ireland is boimd to be the Sacrifice and Victim of the Rebellion of England, either tor to hinder thofe turbulent People from rebelling, or for to re* conciletl em to their Duty, by giving them forfooth, as Recom- pence, the Eftates of thofe unfortunate Catholicks, and fend them- selves a begging ; I dare fay, no Ca;holick in England, much lefs aProteftant, £ who would fo eafily give his Confent and Advice, that the Eftates of the Iri/I) Cat bclicks may ferve as a Recompence for the Englijh Rebels) would willingly give a PIow-.Land of his own Eftate tu reconcile all the Rebels of England to their Duty if he were ot afraid to lofe his own whole Eftate by the Rebellion, and yet would advife to do to others what he would not have to be done 30 himfelf, contrary to the great Rule and Maxim of Nature and Chriftianitv, <§luod t'ibi Hen non vis, alteri nefecrris. I would fain furtherknow from this Politick Trimmer, fo large c| pther People's Goods, and fo f paring of his own, it one Province in Englandhzd revolted againff. tlieiv King, as the whole Kingdom does now j and that the reft of the Provinces continued faithful* Would they think fit or prudent to give their Lands and Euates io thofe Rebels for laying down their Arms, and go to bcz them- felvesf Or would the King expect or defire it from them 3 Nc> Aire ; but rather that they mould take up Arms, and joyn with his Majefty to reduce and punifh fuch Rebels in lieu of recommencing them with the Loyal's Eftates s And is not that the Cale of the Ifijkf Why do you not then judge alike? Ol if you do not look upon an Irishman as a Fool, why will you have him do what you f^f is not fit for yourfelf or other fellow-Subjects to do in like cafe! And fure you muft think him a Fool and after-wit, as you ufe to fa v., if he will be perfwaded, by your Trimming Politick, to leave his own Eftate to his Enemy, and come to fave yours 5 who would b.u: Jau^h at him the next Day at the beft for his Folly : It their great and 2* \ z. ^°"Sl &£ Tloe State of the Proteftants long Vexations have not given the Irijh better Underftandtng, and know how little regard all the Englifi) whatsoever have for them, they deferve to be dealt with like Fools. But who would think it were prudent or politick for the King to bring a great Body of Men out of Ireland into England or Scotland, leaving behind him in Ireland a considerable ftrong Party of Phana- ticks, all Enemies, whatever outward fhew they make to the con- trary, to rife in Arms as foon as they fee the King turn his Back to them,and they get a fupply from their fellow Rebels out of England, which will not be wanting at any time, and fo cut the Throats of all his Majefty's true Subjects in Z>f/ ry free for the King to make any Settlement of any Spiritual or. Temporal Eftates there as he ftull think fit, notwithstanding any Settlement he makes in Ireland. Now remains, I think one Objection to folve, which may give fome Obftru&ion to this intended Settlement, which is. that of th$ Gownmen, or others, who made Purchafes of fome new Interefts, bona fide: Muft they !pfe their Purchafe and Money ? To which \_ anfwer ; That although it may be reply'd, Caveat emptor, efpeciallj? to the Gownmen, who knew bed of all that horrid Ad of Settle r ment, or fo called, was moft unjuft, and could by no true Lavg? hold ; yet hecaufe they are Perfons ufeful for the Common-wealth, and a&ed bona fide (feeing the Elate out of the ancient Proprietors Hands by fo many PubJick A£ts, as it was not like ever to come ta him again) there ought an. Expedient to be found for. the like, that they be not Lofers s„ And that either they cr the ancient Proprie- tors niay be recompenfed one way or other, rather than, it mould be an Obfracle to the common Good. And fo I have done with this matter, which I leave and recom* mend to God and you. This is all the A !vice I can now give upon this Matter: and the ObfervationsI make by my Converfation ard Acquaintance with the People this Year pad: : An^ I am fure I am not deceived in my Opinion of them in relation to 78, nor in the Reafons they will make life of to perfwade you to neglect your own Intereft to fav$ theirs; and I am no lefs certain 27 is all inclined that way; So you are to look to yourfelves, and whiL^ Sun mines, to make your Hay. Nunc tttnpus acceptalile, Nunc des Safaris; Dum ergo tern- pus habemus operemur lonum, max'ime ad domefticos fidei. 9~> if nmhoris'd, will make all this Court go in your way, bv fhewing tjiemit is their Intereft, of which he has laid fome Foundations sXj ready. There remains another Obfervation ; which is, That a Bene-^ diUye Englijh Mock called Price is gone thither with the King^ wb% if IRELAND, &ti tf Ivho pretends to play that we call here premier aumofnier, In England they call it Clerk of the Clofet to the King: Which Father Petert had there: And here it is always a Bifhop; now the Bifhop of Or- Uansy whofe Office is to affift the King at Mais, and all other Ec- cleflaftical Functions as Chief, when the Lord High Almoner is "not prefent, gives the Orders and fpiritual Directions, cum frivileglo txceptionis, in the King's Palace, and Liberties of it : Why mould We in our Country have any in that place but one of our felves : Let them take place in England ; and fo why would not you have this place for your felf there, or get it for M. B. and exercife the Functi- ons in his abfence, rather than a Stranger fhould have it before our Face and laugh at us* Now to other bufinefs, you are to know, your bufinefs in Rome is concluded upon and paft all Difficulties; only remains the Expe- dition of the Bulls, which you may ever move as you pleafe : The Expences whereof by Dr. sleyn's great Care and Solicitation, with the help of Cardinal Howard, and means of Monfieur Cafone, Fa- vourite to his Holinefs, are reduced to a hundred Roman Crowns ; though it coft Dr. F#//*r for worfe 170. notwithstanding all the Fa- vours and Solicitations, which were many, he could employ. Dr. Sleyn, this Seignior Coufin mould be thanked by a civil Letter, to Which I wrote one, of which I here fend you a Draught; you can make your? in their own Language; but for T>i'.»leyn, he is the belt and trueft Friend that can be, and gives your Lordihip his hear- ty thanks for your obliging Lines to Cardinal Norfolk about him 5 I befeech you get his Excellency to procure a Letter from his Majefty to his Holinefs in his behalf, to be made Bifhop of Waterford and Lifmore always united cum adrmriifiraon+Artfortenum cr Acadoenum femper etlam unitum quia exiguarum. The King has had feveral Com- memorations of him; and told me he fhould be the very firft he Would name. He is wanting in the Province, there being but two in M» S's abfence; I pray you earneftly to get it done; you may tell the King it is he who has been much recommended to his Maje- fty by my Lord Cafllemain, Cardinal Howard, and feveral otheis, and fend me the Letter if you get it, or any other of your own to Mr. Arthur, now Sir la. for John Lane, who is ever Yours. There are two very ambitious and prefling PerfonsforBifhop- ricks : and, I believe, importuning the King much upon that, both of this Place? one Darcy in Conaught, and one Puree in Munfier j I pray if you find any fuch thing, give it a flop for a While, donee mature/cant, nondum enim funt maturi ad mejfem, ■ptfertim cum alii longe matnriores in utraque Provincia expedient, Jfrtf tiki [oil Snprfcrihed, for the Right Reverend Father in G O D t Patrick Tyrrel LordBp. of Clogher. Thtf* in Dubliaj 83 *The State of the Proteftants No. 1 8. Prefentment of the Grand Jury of Fipperarjt againit Proteitants. Com. Tipperary. Special. Sejf. Pac. apudC2ihhe\\ t zSeptemb.i6%gl Memorand. That the Grand Tury empannellcd and fvvorn at the faid Seflion, have> among other things, made a Prefentment in h*Q verba. We find and prefent the feveral enfuing Perfons for flocking intd» she City of Cajhell there to dwell, having thereby an Opportunity to cabal and confpire agatnft the Government, being Perfons flrongly fufpe&ed to be inclinable that way ; John Shaw of Tippe- rary and his U fher Loughton, William Hobbs, John Bulhel, John Max and his three Sons, being each of Man's Stature, John Armer, Jo- fas Armer y Edward Hart, Henry Newcomb, Hugh Storman and his two Sons, being each of Man's Stature, F.dzvard Moore, John Whiter HichardChadzvick, and feveral others daily flocking in and dealing for Dwelling-houfes in Cajhell, whofe Names are not yet known, prefented by John Sail Deputy Mavor of Ca/helt 1 , whereupon this Court ordered that a Capias mould ifTue out againft the faid Perfons^ Copiavera. Ex. P. Mich. Kearny. CI. Pac. No. ip. /I Lift of all the Men of Note that came with King James out of France^ or that followed^ him after - y fo far as could be collected. THe Duke of Berv/iek. Hamilton Dean of Glafg$w\ Mr. Fitz-James, Grand Sir Edward Herbert. Prior. Sir John Sparrow, Duke Powis. Colonel Porter. Count D' Avaux AmbafTador Mv.Pedle. from France. Monfleur Pcntee Engineer. Earl of Dover. Captain St afford. Lord Henry Howard. Captain Trevanyon Sea-Captaffsi Lord ihomas Howard. Sir Roger Strickland ditto. Lord Drmnmond. Captain Arundel ditto. Ma rquefs D' Eftrades. Col. Sars field. Earl Mtlfort. Col. Anthony Hamilton. Lord Sea forth. Col. John Hamilton. JBifhop of Chefler,\vho died here. Co\. Symon LuttereL and is buried mChrift -Church. Col. Henry LuttereL •—-Qourdon Biftiop of Galway, Qo\.Ra}nfey killed at Deny*. Lord Lord Abercome. Col. Dorrington. Major Thomas Arthur. Lord Dungan. , Capt. Mac Donnel Sea Capt^ Sir William Jennings, Col. Sot her land. Sir Hen, Bond Receiver General. Mr. Collins Com. of the Reven. Col. Clifford. Col. Parker. Marfhal de Rofene. LieutenantGeneralM*#zx>e kill'd atDerry. Lieu. Gen. Pufighan, kill'd there alfo. Major General Zeary. Lord Tendr aught. Lord Buchan. Majpr John Gourdcn. L\eut.Co\. John Skeltonl Major JohnEnnis. Major William Douglas^ Lieut. Col. Huhgate. Major William Connock. Sir Charles Carney. Lieut. Col. Alex. Mackenzy. Major James 'Fountains Major Teig Regan. Lieut. Col. Edward Scott. Major Robert Frayne. Major Symcn O Hogherni, Lieut. Col. By nns. Col. James Pur eel. Lieut. Col. George Traps. Major Robert Ingram. Major Edmond Pendergdji. Major John Gifford. Lord Hunfdon, Col. Lieutenant Col. Francis Leonard. ■Col. Alexander Cannon went for Scotland. Major Edmond Bourk. Major James Dempfey. . Major Frederick Cunningham. Col. Robert Fielding. Major Richard Hillerfden. i4ajor Boepry. Monfi eur Boijleau, made Gover- uour of Cork. VIRELAND.a 89 itis Brother St. Martin, Com- miflary of the Artillery, killed at Cromp-Caflle. Sir Edzvard Vaudrey* Sir Charles Murray. Sir Robert Parker. Chaplains, vlt} FAther Nich, Dunbar. Father Dan. Mac Ayliffg^ Anthony Mac Gwyer. Nicholas Trapps. John Madden. Aufiin Matthews, Lawrence Moore. Father Edmond Reyly* Jchn de Gravell. John Holoihan. - Father Richard Pierce! Patr. Aghy. Darby Daley. Thady Croley. ' Daniel Mac Carthy. Chirurgeons, viz,} IOhn Brunton. Thady Regan, jo. Baptijla Monlebecfc Charles Stapleton. John James Aremore* John Cajfel. Edmond Tully. Nicholas Reynard. Captain?." William Charters'. William Oliphanf} Robert' Charters. Peter BUre. Thomas Brown. Francis Creightortl James Buchan. Alexander Qourdonl Geor?'. TL,attin. Sir Alphonfo Moiclc. John Baptiji* du Motl» rtt y*a J>3 John Mollins, John Wynnel. john Forte/cue. Robert London. George Robirts, Thomas Scott. James Fitz-Symons, William Gibbons. William DeUvaL Mau.Flynn. Richard Scott. Connor O Toghil, Anthony Ryan. Rupert Napier. Terence Brian. Edmund Kendelan, henry Crofton. Richard Anthony. "Edmund Nugent* John Plunkett. John Dungan. Rowland Smyth, Cow en Talbot. Simon Barnwell* John Br oder, John C-dvenagh, Edmund Stack. Walter Haftings. Edward JViddrwgtoft] Samuel Arnole. Robert Weljh. David Rock. Charles Booth. . Jornoe, Robert Fielding francis Gyles, John Bamardy. Woe State of the Proteftanis Anthony "Bower, John Chapele. Rowland Wat fonl Thomas Arundel* Robert Hacket. Sir WdliamWaUiil Richard Burton. Cornelius Mac Mahori* Talbot Zaffels. Richard Sucker, Charles Fox. Anthony Vane, Strickland Tyrwhitl John Manback. Francis Cullange. John Lumendato, Fran. "Lappanfe, Bernardo Busketil Jof. Pamnett, Captain Mi'dio. George Coney, Chevalier Devaloryl Sir Samuel Fexon, John Power. John Banner. Henry Nugent. William Mackentofii Charles Danniel. Arthur Dillon. Lord Brittas, Allen Bellingham. John Brown, Thomas Carleton'. Robert Nugent, Captain Pagez. Captain Durafsi Nicholas Kemijh, N*. zo. A Lift of the Lords that fat in the pretended Parliament at Dublin, held the 7th of May, 1689. The Nobility of Ireland, May yth 1689. Sir Alex. Fitton, Kt. Baron of Gaufworth, Lord Chancellor. Dr. Mic. Boyle, Lord Archbifhop of Armagh, Primate of all Ire- land. 5^-^.X^o^Duk* oiTyrconntU, Earls.' Nugent Earl of Wejimeath, Mac Donel Earl of Antrim} Barry Earl of Barry more. Lambert Earl of Cavan. MacCarty Earl of CUncartyl Power Earl of Tyrone, Amper Eajl of T+ongforL Forbejq •/IRELAND, &e. $crhefe Earl of Granard. Dungan fcarl of Limerick, Vifrounts. Prefton Vifcount Gcrmanjlown, Butler Vifcount Montgarret. Billon Vifc.Coftello and G alien, Nettervil Vifcount Dowth. Magennis Vifcount Iveagh. Sarsfield Vifcount Kilmallock, Bourk Vifcount Maya. Butler Vifcount Ikerin. Dempfy Vifcount Glanmalier, Butler Vifcount Galmoy. Barnwell Vifcount Ktnpland,, Brian Vifcount Clare, Parfons Vifcorat Rojje. 'Bourk Vifcount Galway. Brown Vifcount Kenmare.. Mac Carty Vifcount Mountcafhel. Cheevers ViCcount Mount Leinjler. Bifhops. jtntb.Dop ping Rifti. of Meath. Tho. Otway Bifhop of Offory and Kilkenny. Bdw. Wetenhall Bifhop of Cork and Rojfe. P* Symon Dighy Biihop of Lymerick ?.:id Ardfart. Barons. Bermingham Baron of At henry. Ccprcy Baron of Kinjale. B;tz.-Morris Baron of Kerry and Lixnare. Fleming Baron of Slane. St. Laurence Baron of Howth. Barnwall Baron of Trembleftown. Pluxhet Baron of Dun/any. Butler Baron of Dunboyne. Bitz-Patrick Baron oWpperOjfery, Plunket Baron of Lowth. Bourk Baron of Caftle-connel, Butler Baron of Cohair. Bourk Raron of Brittas. BUney Baron of Monoghan. Malone Baron of Glenmalun and ifourchey. Mac Gwyre Baron of lk'r ; 'hilling Hamilton Baron of Strabane» Belle w Baron of Dulcek. Bourk Baron of Bophine. Nugent Baron of RivcrJIown. N°.2.i. The Names of the Knights, Citizens, and BurgefTes re* turned to the Parliament beginning the 7th of May, 1689. Com. Ardmagh* Arthur Brownloe, Efq; fValter Hovendon, Efq; Bur. Ardmagh. Brands Stophard, Efq; ConJlantineO Neile, Efq; 16th of May $9. Bur. Charlemonf. Com. Antrim. Cormick O Neile, Efq; Randal Mac Donel, Efq; Bur, Carrickfergus. Bur. Belfaft. MarkTalbot, Efq; Bur. Lisburn. Daniel O Neile, Efq; zotb May, 89. Bar. Antrim. Com. Catherlough, t)udiey Bagnal, Efq; fisnry Luttrell, Efqj Bar.Catherlough. WlarkBaggot, Efq; John Warren, Efq; Bur. Old Loughlin^ Darby "Long, Efq; Daniel Doran, Efq; Com. Cork. Juftin Mac Carty, Efq; Sir Richard Nagle, Knight.' lown of Youghall. Thomas Uniack, Aid. Edward Gough, Aid. Tow.i 0/KinfaJe. Andrew Mur rough, Efqj Miles deCourcy, Efq; Bur. Baltimore. Daniel ODotiaz-an, Efq; Jeremiah O Donwan, Efq; M 01 a Bur v S2 "Bur. Bandonbridge. Charles Mac Carry of Balloa, Efqj Daniel Mac Carty Reagh, Efqj Bur. Cloghnerkilty. Lieut. Col. Owen Mac Carty DanieiFyn Mac Carty, Efq; Bar, Middletowne. Dermot Long, Efq; John Longan, Efq; Bur t Moyallow. John Barret of Caftlemore, Efq; David Nagleoi Carrigoone, Efq; Mannor and Burrough of Rath- cormuck. James Barry, Efq; Edward Powel, Efq; Mannor of Donerail. JDonello Donovan, Efq; John Baggot Jun. of Baggotjlown, Efq; Itar.Charleville. John Bazgot of Baggotflown Sen. Efq;^ y^» Poztfr of Kilbelone, Efq; C/Vy 0/Cork. Sir James Cotter, Knight. John Galway, Efq; Ccw. Cavan, Phil. Reyley of Aghnicrery, Efq; 3^# /leyiey of Garryrobuck, Efq; B«r. Cavan. 2>£i/. Oge O Reyley, Efq; Hugh Reyly oi Larha Efq; Bar. Belturbet. Sir Edward Tyrrel, Baronet. — ^ Tjw< of Ncwcafile, Efq; G^w. Clare. David OB rien, Efq; %£» Mac Nemara of Crattelagh, E % E«r. Ennis. Florence Mac Carty of Dromzd, Efq; ioMrfy 89. Theob. Butler of Szathnogalhon, Efq; 10 JMry 89. Ctfw.Down. Murtagh Magennis of Greencaflle, Efq; ■ i?™? Magenms of Cajiiewelan, The State of the Proteflants Ef< 4> £ar. Hilsburrow? £#r. Newry. j& Rowland Wite, Efq; Rowland Savage, Efq; Bar. Bangor. £«r. Keleleagh.' Bernard Magennis of Ballygorion* beg, Efq; X00/ O N«/e of Dromankelly Geau B«r. Down. New-Town. Cow. Dublin. Symon "Lutterel of Lutterel's-town Efq; Pd/r. Sarsfield Jun. of Laft*#,Efq; Bar. Swords. F>-tf. Barnwell of Woodpark Co, Meath, Efq; Ro^r/ £«j^/ of Drynham, Efqj Bar. Newcaftle. T^. Arthur ok Colganftown, Efq| 3^» Ta/££» Mead, Knight. 5^<^A Coghlan, Efq; T0i>;?z 0/ Drogheda, Henry Dowdal,VAc\;Recot-derl Alderman Chrijlopher Peppard Fitz-George. Com. Donnegall. Lifford. Ballyfhannon, Killebeggs.' Donnegall, St, John's-To'wn, Sir William Ellis, Knight. Lieut. Go\. James Nugent, Com.Gzlwzy. SWUlickBourk, Bart. Sir Walter Blake, Bart; Bur. Athenry. tfamesTalbot of MountTalbot,J?.fcfi Charles Daly of Dunjhndale, Efqj Bar. Tuam. James Lally of Tullendaly 9 Efq; William Bur k of GtrmvfnlaJLfcfc ef IRELAND, &e. H Tauw o/Galway. 'Oliver Martin, Efq; JohnKirwan, Efq; Com. Kilkenny. John Gr at of Courtjiown, Efq; Robert IVelfi of Cloonefiy, Efq? Bur. Callaim. Walter Butler, Efq; ' T';ady Meagher, Efq; 2?#r. Thomas-town. Robert Grace Sen. Efq; Robert Grace Jun. Efq; £#r. Gowran. Richard Butler , Efq; ftitfcf JC^,% Dr. of Phy fick, Efq-, Col. Robert Fielding by a new E- lection. Bar.Inifhoge. Edward Fitzgerald, Efq; tf.mesBolger, Efq; 2?#r. Knocktophcr t Marvy' Morris, Efq; Heiry Meagh, Efq; City of Kilkenny. JohnRooth, Efq; Mayor. James Bryan Alderman, 4./^ Atay 1689. Pw. Kells, Patrick Everard, Efqj y^» Delamare, Efq; $ur. St. Cam'ce. Com. Kildare. JohnWogan, Efq; George Aylmer, Efq; £k/\ Naas. Walter Lord Dungan. Charles White, Efq; £«r. Athy. W.lliam Fitzgerald, Efq; William Archbold, Efq; £#r. Harriftown, James Nighill, Efq; Edmund Fitzgerald, Efq; £#r. Kildare. Tr amis Leigh, Efq; Robert Porter, Efq; King's County. Heward Oxbourzh, Elq$ gwenKerrall s Efcp JS«r. Philip's-towtt, JqhnConner, Efq; Flew ar d Qxb our gh, Efq; B«r. Banaahcr. Terence Coghlan, Elq.; Terence Coghlan, Gent. £#r. Birr. Ow. Kerry. Nicholas Brown, Efq; Sir Thomas Crosby, Knight. Bar. Tralee. Morrice Huffey of Kerries, Efq; ^foknBrawnof Ardagh, Efq; Bar. Dingle- 1 couch. Eizy. Rife Fitz-James Ballinleg- gin C07?;. Lym. Efqj 5^7? H«j^y of Cuhullin, E% R#r. Ardfart. Col. R^r Mrfc Elligvtt, Efq ; Cornelius Mac Gillicuddy, Efqj C0/0. Longford, R^r Farrell, Efq; Robert Far r ell, Efq; £>*/ Longford* Cow. Lowth. Thomas Bcllew , Efq; ■ WMiamTalbot, Efq; £#r. Atherdee. HughGemon, Efq; John Babe, Efq; .Bar. Dundalk. Robert Dermott, Efq; John Dow dall, Efq; itar. Carlingford. Chriftoph. Peppard Fitz Ignatius, Efq; Bryan Dermod, Efq; Dunlier. Cow. Lymerick. SirJ^&w Fitzgerald, Bart. Gerald Fitzgerald, Efq,- common* ly called Knight 0/ f& Glynn. Bar. Kilmallock. Sir William Harky, Bart. John Lacy, Efq; $4 the State of 'Eur. Askeaton. John Bourk of Carrickinohill, Efq; Edward Rice, Efq; City of Lymerick, Nicholas Arthur, Aid. Thomas FLarr old, Aid. Com. Leitrim. Edmond Reynolds, Efq } Irrell Farrell, Efq; Bur. J am eft own. Alexander Mac Donnel, Efqj I *>th May 1689. William Shanley, Efq 5 1 5f£ Af^/y 1689. Carrickdrumrusk. Com. Mayo. Garret Moor, Efq; Walter Bourk, Efq; Caftlebar. 3fo/;« Bcrmiwham Tort reeves Thomas Bourk, Efq; Cow. Meath. Sir William 1 'allot, Bart. Sir Ptf?r. Bamwall, Bart. Bar. Ratoath. ^^;; H*#y, Efq* fames Fitzgerald, Efq.; Bar. TrW C&pt, Nicholas Cufack. V/alter Nangle Efq; Bar. of Navan. Chriftoph. Cufack ofCorlallis^fcfi Chrijfi. Cufack of Rathcldran, Efq; Bur. Athboy. John Trinder, Efq,- Robert Longiicld, Efq; Duleek. Kell-s. Cow, Monoghan, "Bryan Mac Mahon, Efq; 9th July JitijhMuC Mahon, Efq-, &h July 1689. lozvnof Monoghan. Cow. Fermanagh. Enniskillen. QueenVCounty. $ir Pat rid; Trant, K night, Edmond Morris, Efq; Bar. Maryborough, Peirce Bryan, Efq; X/Wy Faz- Pat rick, Efqi. /fe Proteftants Bur. BallinkilL Sir Gregory Bourne, Bart.' O/iz^r Grace, Efq ; Port-Arlington. Sir Henry 'Bond, Barr. Sir Thomas Hacket, Knighti Com. Rofcommon. Charles Kelly, Efq; John Bourk Bur. Rofcommon, John Dillon, Efq; John Kelly, Efqi Bur. Boyle. John King, Capt. Terence MacDermot A\d.6th.May 1689. "TuJske. Cow. Sligoe„ Henry Cr.ofton, E(q; Oliver O Gar a, Efq; Bar.Uigoe. Terence MacDonogh ,Efq 5 %thMa$ 1689. J^wm French, ECq&th Jtofjr 1689. Cow.Tipperary. Nicholas Fur cell of Logiw^Efq^ James Butler of Grangebeg, Eftyf C/Vy 0/ Cafhell. Dennis Kearney, Aid. 3*w^ Hacket, Aid. Bar.C-lonmelU Nicholas White, Aid. . j?o£;2 B>vzy, Aid. Bar. Fethard. SWJohnEverard, Bart. James Tobin of Fethard, Efqj$ Bar. Thurles. Bar. Tipperary. Cow. Tyrone. Col. Gordon O Neile, Efqi Lw« Doe of Dun^annon, Eftjf B«r. Dungannon. Arthur O Niel of Rally gawlyJLity Pat. Donnelly of Du7igannon,ECqi Bur. Strabane. Chriflopher Nugent of 'Dublin, ,Efq» £,*«. ODonelly of the fame,Gent» S/& Jif a> 89. Clogher. AughcTj Co/» # p/IRELANDj &e. 9? Cow.Waterford, John Tfower, Efq; Math, Hore, Efq; Bur. Dungarvan. John Hore, ECqijth May 89. Martin Hon, Efq; jthMayS?. City of Waterford; John Porter, Efq-, Nicholas Fitzgerald, Efqi Bar. Li (more, Tallow. Ow. Wexford^ Walter Butler of Munfine. Patrick Colclogh of Moulnirry'* Bur. Wexford. William Talbot, Efq; Francis Rooth, Merchant* Bur. New-RofTe. Zuke Dormer, Efq; Richard Butler, Efq ; Bur. Bannow* Francis Plovoden, Efq; Commif. of the Revenue. Or. Alexius Stafford, Bur. Newborough. Abraham Strange of Tobberduff, Efq; Richard Daley of Kilcorky, Gent. B«r. Enifcorthy. James Devenux of Carrigmenan, Efq; Dudley Colclough of Moughery, Efq; 'jirthur Waddington, Efq; by a new Election. JS#r.Taghmon. George Hore of Polhore, Efq; Walter Hore of Harperflown, Efq; B«r. Cloghmyne. Edward Sherlock of Dublin, Efq; Nicholas White ofNew-RoJfe, Mer- chant. **r, ArkloW.' Fytherd. Col. James Porter. Capt. Nicholas Stafford. Com. Wicklow. Richard Butler, Efq; William Talbot, Efq; B#r. Caryesfort; H#g& Byrne, Efq; Psirce j4rchibold,ECqi Upon whofd default of Appearance ,*• JBarth. Polewheele. Bur. Wicklow, Francis Toole, Efq; Thomas Byrne, Efq; JBar. Bleflington. James Euftace, Efq; Maurice Eufi ace, Gent. Baltinglafs. Cow. Weftmeath.' the Honourable Col. William Nugent. The Honourable Col. Mwry Dillon. Bur. and Mannor of Mullingar. Garret Dillon, Efq; Prime Ser- geant. Edmond Nugent of Garlanffown, Efq; 2?#r. Athlone. Edmond Malone of Ballynehown, Efq; Edmond Malone, Efq; Councellor at Law. B«r. Kilbeggnn. Bryan Geogheganoi Donore, Efq; Charles Geoghegan of 5y^»«»,Efqj Bar. Fore. j^?&» Nugent of Donore, Efq; Chriftoph. Nugent of Dardijiown^ Efq; Cow. Londonderry. C/ry Londonderry. B.vr. Co! crane. Jtor. Lamavudy. ft $$ The Stdte of the P rot eft ants No . 1 1 . An Addrefs to King James in Behalf of the Pur* chafers under the Acl of Settlement by Judge Keating. THis humble Reprefentation made unto your facred Majefty is in the Behalf of many Thousands of your Majefty 's dutiful and obedient Subjects of all Degrees, Sexes and Ages. The De- Cgn and Intention of it, is to prevent the Ruin and Defolation, Which a Bill now under Confideration, in order to be made a Law, Will bring upon them and their Families, in cafe your Majefty doth not interpofe ; and by your Moderation and Juftice protect them fo far as the known Laws of the Kingdom, and Equity and good Confcience will warrant and require, i . ; It is in the Behalf of Purchafers, wh'o for great and valuable Con- siderations, have acquired Lands and Tenements in this Kingdom j by laying out not only their Portions and Provifions made for them by their Parents, but alfo the whole Produ® of all their own Indu- ftry, and the Labour of their Youth; together with what could be fa'ved by a frugal Management, in order to make fome certain Pro- ■vifion for old Age and their Families, in purchasing Lands and Te- nements under the Security of divers, Afts of Parliament, publiejc Declarations from the late King: And all thefe accompanied with a PofTeflionof twenty five Years. Divine Providence hath appointed us pur Dwelling In an Ifland; and confequently, we muft trade or live in Penury, and at the Mer- cy of our Neighbours. This neceflitates a Tranfmutation of Pof- feliions, byPurchafe from one hand to another, of mortgaging and pledging Lands for great and confiderableSums of Money, by charging them with Judgments j and indeed gives Name to one of the greateft Securities made ufe of in this Kingdom, Statutes Mer- chant, and of the Staple? and very many, efpecially W.idows and Orphans, have their whole Eftates and Portions fecured by Mort- gages, Bond of the Staple and Judgments. Where or when fha)l a Man purchafe in this Kingdom > under what Title or on what Security fhall he lay out his Money, or fe- cure the Portions he defigns for his Children ) If he may not do it under divers Acts of Parliament, the folemn and reiterated Decla- rations of his Prince, and a quiet and uncontroverted PofTeflion of twenty Years together ; and this is the Cafe of thoufands of Fa- milies who are Purchafers under the A£ts of Settlement and Expla- nation. If were a hard Task to juftifie thofe At"tS in every Particular con- tained in them; I will not undertake it; but if it be confider'd, that from 2?. Ottober 1641. until 29. May 1660. the time of his Maje- fty'sReftauration, the Kingdom was upon the matter in one conti- nued Storm; that the Alterations of PoiTeflions was fo univerfal, and Properties fo blended andmixtby Allotments and Difpofitions made by the then ufurping Powers: It may be well concluded, that they muft be fomewhat more than Men, that could or can frame *fIRfeLANt>, ©& P 7 4 Law to take in every particular Cafe, though it mould have fwoJn to many Volumes, and Laws which are to be of fuch univerfal Con- fequenceasthiswas, are to have a Regard to the Generality of a, Kingdom or People, though pofTibly fome particular Pcrfon may have fome hardfhip in his private Concern. But ir we may judge by generalLaws ; by the produce and efFe£t of them, and at the fame time have a Profpeft to the Eftate and Condition of this Kingdom from 1640/and as far backwards as you pleafe, until the time of his late Majefties happy Reftaurationj and at the fame time take into Confideration what the Kingdom be- came in few Years after the Commiflion for the Execution of thofe Ads were at an end 3 the Buildings, and other Improvements ; th* Trade and Commerce; the vaft Herds of Cattel and Flocks of Sheep, equal to thofe of England ; together with great Sums of Money brought over by our Fellow-Sub j efts of England, who cam* to Purchafe and Plant in this Kingdom: The Manufactures fet on foot in divers parts 5 whereby the meaneft Inhabitants were at onc« inriched and civilized, it would hardly be believed it were the fame Spot of Earth: Nay, Over-flown and Moorifh Grounds were redu- ced to the bettering of the Soyl and Air. The Purchafers who brought the Kingdom to this flourifhing Condition, fly to your Ma- jefty for Succour, offering not only their Eftates and Fortunes, but even their. Lives to any legal Trial within this vour Majefty's King- dom, being ready to fubmit their Perfons and Eftates to anyefta- blifned Judicature 5 where, if it (hall be found that they enjoy any thing without legal Title, or done any thing that may forfeit what they have Purchafed, they will fit down, andmoft willingly acquiefce in the Judgments: But to have their Purchafes made void, theiri Lands and Improvements taken from them j their Securitie* and Afturances for Money lent, declar'd Null and Void by a Law made ex fofi fatlo, is what was never practifed in any Kingdom ok Country. If the Bill now defign'd to be made a Law, had been attempted within two, three, four or five years after the Court for the execu- tion of thefe Acts was ended, the Purchafers would not have laid out their Eftates in acquiring of Lands, or in Building or Improving on them : Thoufands who had fold them fmall Eftates and Free- holds in England, and brought the Price of them to Purchafe oc Plant here, wou'd haveftaidat home : andyourMrijeftiesPvevenue, with that of the Nobility and Gentry, had never come to the Height it did; If your Majefty pleafe to conilder upon what Grounds and Aflurances die Purchafers of Lands and Tenements in this King- dom proceed, you will foon conclude, that never any proceeded up- on fecurer Grounds : The Ads of xvij. and xviij. of King Charles your Father of blefted Memory, the Firft takes notice, that there was a Rebellion begun in this Kingdom on the 23^. of Gthber 1641 j And fo doth a Bill once read in the Hcufe of Lords; whoever looks into the Royal Martyrs Difcourfe upon that Occafion, will fee with what an abhorrence he laments it ; aad that he had Once thoughts of corning oyer in Perfon to fupprefs it. N a Tlioff 5)5 The State tf the Protejimts Thofe Ads promife Satisfadion out of forfeited Lands t6 {iiift as would advance Money for reducing thefedifturbers of the publick JPeace, unto Duty. The Invitation was his late Majefties your Roy- al Brothers Letters from Breda fome few weeks before his Reftaura- tion, wl fi happ'ned the iqth of May 1660 : And within fix months after, came forth his Majefty's moft Gracious Declaration for the Setti.aenc of this Kingdom. This> may it pleafe your Majefty, is tt c Bads and Foundation of the Settlement, and was fome yearsafter enacted and made aLaw by two feveralAdsof Parliament,' Itistrue, that the Ufurping Powers in the Year 1653. (having by the permiifion of the Almighty, as a juft Judgment on us for our Sins, prevailed here) did difpofe and fet out the Eftates of Catho- licks unto Adventures and Soldiers > and in a year or two after, tranf- planted out Catholick Free-holders for no other Reafon, but their being (o in Connanght % 'w\\txz Lands were fet out unto them under di- Yers Qualifications, which they and their Heirs, or thofe deriving under them as Purchafers enjoy'd, and ftill do enjoy under the Security of the before-mentioned Ads of Parliament and De- claration. His Majefty's gracious Delaration of the 10th of November 1660. which I call the Foundation of the Settlement, was, before it was concluded on, under the Conflderation of that great Prince, and the Lords of his Council of England, where all Perfons concerned for the Proprietors, as well old as new, were heard ; whoever reads, Will find the many Difficulties which he and his Council met with from the different and feveral Ptetenders 5 what Conflderation was had, andCaretaken, to reconcile the jarring Interefts; and to acw commodate and fettle, as well as was poifible, the Mafs and Body of Subjects here. It was fome years after, before the Ad for the Execution of his Majefty's moft Gracious Declaration became a Law; it was near two Years upon the Anvil $ it was not a Law that paft in few days, or fub jikntio. Itwasfirft, according to then Courfe of paf- fitig Laws, here framed by the chief Governourand Council of this Kingdom, by the Advice, and with the Afliftance of all the Jud- ges, and of his Majefty's Council Learned in the Law, and then tratifmitted into England to be further confider'd of by his Majefly and Lords of his Council there, where the Council at Law and A- gentsof all Pretenders to the Propriety of Lands in this Kingdom? •were heard, and that Ad, commonly called the Act of Settle- ment, approved of and retranfmitted under the Seal of England to receive the Royal AiTent, which it did, after having patted both Houfesof Parliament. The innocent Proprietors being reftored purfuant to this A£t ; and fome Difficulties appearing as to the farther execution of it ; Ano* ther Act patTed, commonly called the Ad of Explanation, which %vent the fame Courfe, and under the fame Scrutiny. It is confefled, that though they are two Ads, it was by the fame Parliament, who were chofen according to tht ancient Courfe of •^foiling Parliaments, M •/IRELAND, £W j>p But if any mifcarriage were in bringing that Parliament together, jprthe procuring the aforefaid Ads of Parliament to pafs, which we can in no wife admit j andthelefs, for that your Majelty's Revenue Was granted and fettled by the fame Parliament, and many good an4 wholefom Laws therein Enacted : Yet it is mankeft, that nothing of that kind ought to afFed the plain and honed Purchafer, wno for great and valuable Confiderations, acquired Lands under the Secu r rity aforefaid,an4 expended the remainder of his Means in Building, improving,and Planting on them, and that for die foliowingReafonsi Firft, the Purchafer advifing with his Council, how to lay out or fecure his Money, that it may not lie dead, not oniy to his, but the' publick detriment, tells him that he is ofFer'd a Purchafe of Lands in Fee, or defired by his Neighbours to accommodate him with Mo- ney upon the Security of Judgment or Statute Staple j anduponthe enquiry into the Title, he finds a good and Secure Eftate, as firm in Law, as two Ads of Parliament in force in this Kingdom can make it; and in many Cafes, Letters Patents upon a CommiiTion of Grace for remedying of defedive Titles, he finds PoiTcflion both of many years gone along with this Title feveral defcents part, and pof- fibly that the Lands nave been purchafed and paiTed through the hands of divers Purchafers : He reforts to the R cords, where he jneets with ;. Spoken on the Bill of Repeal tff the Ac! of Settlement.. 'My lords, t . YOUR Lordfhips, have now under your Conflderation a Bill of great Weight and Importance, for the future Profperity or Ruin of the King and Kingdom depends upon it ; A Bill that unfet- tlesa former Foundation (upon which this Kingdom's Peace and Flourifhing was fuperftru&ed) and defigns to erect another in it! itead, the Succefs whereof is dubious and uncertain ; I fhall there- tore humbly crave your leave to reprefent my thoughts candidly and impartially upon it : And that fo much the rather, becaufe I am here fummoned by the King's Writ to give his Majefty my beft Ad* Tice for his own Service, and the good of the Nation, My */ IRELAND, fie. iof My Lords, In every Law, two things are to be tonfider'd •, Firft, that ic be juft, and doth no Man r. Hisnn]'uft, Wrong. Secondly, and that it be p/o bono publico 3 And 1 am humbly of Opinion, that this Bill is faulty in both the r e Itefpcits: And therefore ought not to pafs this Houfe. Itisunjufl to turn Men out of their Polleffions and Eftates without any Fault or Demerit; To deprive Widow*of their Jointures, and Children of their Portions, when they have done nothing to forfeit them. But the Injuftice will rife much higher, if we confider it with a re- fpecl: to Purchafers, who have laid out all their Subftanceupon E- ftates deriv'd under the Acts that are now defign'd to be repeal'd. What have they done to make them Delinquents, except it be the laying out their Money on the publick Faith of the Nation, de- clared in two A&s of Parliament, and on the Publick Faith of his Majefty's Royal Brother cxprcfTed in his Letter Patents. Their Cafe is yet harder, if we confider the great Improvements they have nude upon their Purchafes, which by this Bill they are like to lofc, without any Reprizal for them; And if it be reafonable to reftore the Old Proprietors to their Eftates, 'tis enough for them to enjoy them in the fame Plight and Condition that they left them : But I fee no reafon why they mould have them in a better Condition, or enjoy the Benefit of other Mens Labours and Expences, to the utter Ruin of them and their Families; Here, Mercy fhould take Place as well as Juftice, for the Purchafers are the Objects of therrj both. Two Things I am fenfible, may be reply d to this : and I am willing to confider them both. Firft, That , if it be unjuft to turn; them out ; it is as unjuft not to reftore the Old Proprietor, who hath been fo long kept out of his Eftate. Secondly, That there is no Injury done to the prefent pofleflbr, becaufe he is to be repriz'd for his LofTes. As to the (irft of tkefe, I flnall not at prefent meddle with the Reafons why they loft their Eftates, nor touch upon the Grounds and Occafionsof their forfeiting their Interefts iii them : Being fen- fible that neither the Time nor the Place will admit a Difcourfc of this Nature; I mail therefore take it for granted, that they were unjuftly put out : That ft is juft and reafonable that they mould be rcftored : But then it muff be granted, that it is unjuft to turn out the prefent Purchafer and Pofleflor. What then is tobedenein this Cafe, where the Juftice or the Injury is alike onbothfides: If we reftore the Old Proprietor, we injure the prefent Poileflorj if we do not, we injure the Old Proprietor. A/'■' t is great Body, and that whether we refped his Ma jetty's Honou. - or his Profit. L is not "or 1 is Majefty's Honour to confent to the ruining of To many innocent loyal Perfons as muft Not for the Unavoidably perifh if this Bill doth pals : It is not for King's Good, his Honour to refcind ti. ofe juft Acts of his Royal Fa- ther and Brother, h l & f r X 1 venturers palled in England, and the Declaration and Ads of Settlement and Explanation, which, if I am not mifin rmed, weie five Years upon the Anvil, andatlaft Jtot pafs'd, til! all Parties were fully Heard. It is not for his Majefty's Honour to break hi$ vVord witih his People, nor violate fo many re- peated Promifes as he hath made, that he would not confent to the Repeal of them. And as it is not for his Honour, fo it is not for his Profit or Advan- tage ; it will neither preferve him in the Kingdom that he enjoys, nor reftore him to thofe that he has unhappily loft. His Profit in this King om muft arife out oi a conftant Payment of ins Revenue both ordinary and extraordinary: And who is able to pay his Reve- nue or (upport the Dignity of his Crown,, if this B:ll parTeth into a Law? The Proteftants are notable, the Rapparees have plundered them or all their Subftance, and here is a Bili to takeaway their E- (tares ; and confequently they will have nothing left to pay the pub- lid Taxes of t;ie Nation : And as for the Romawfls, they will be in as ill a Condition, as the Proteftants-, The Old Proprietor comes poo and hungry into his Eitare, and can pay nothing till his Te- nant raife it . and the p/efent D ofIelTor lo r eth the Benefit of his Pur- chafes and Iropro ementsj and who then is able to fupply the Ne- cellittesof his Majeftv? Befides this, in many Parts of the King- dom, the Land is lardly able to pay the King's Quit-Rent, byllea- fon of the univerfal Depredations that reign every where j and can it be ImaginM but that Things will grow far worfe when the ableft Ca holicV Merchants, and the molt wealthy Purchafers of that Com.n nion are ruin'd and undone ? An ] a it is not tor the King's Profit in this Kingdom, fo it is to the utfer Ruin of his Intereft in the Kingdoms that he has loft : Will tie Proteftants in England and Scotland join heartily in reftoring him ro his Crown, when they underftand how their Brethren hcie are ufed ? No, My Lords, They will rather bend and unite all their Fo ces to hinder his Reft i tut ion, when theyconfidcr that the MiC* ^hief is like to come home to their own Doors, and that what is a doing here, is but a Model of what they muft fuffer if heberefto- red. Will they truft his Word in England, when he breaks it in Ireland, or rely on his Promifes to them, when he doth not keep, tnem to his Subjects here ; This, my Lords, will abate their Affec- tions for him, and gain him more Enemies there than he can have Friends here, O o 2 It 1 of The State of the Proteftants It Is not for the good of the Kingdom, and that if* Jt ruins the we coniider it in reference to Trade, Wealth, lm- Kingclom. provements, Husbandry. It will ruin the Kingdom in point of Trade; Divine Providence hath placed us in an Ifland, where we muft trade or want many Conveniencies of Life ; and can we expect that the Trade of this Nation will increafe in our Hands, when we find it funkfo low by the removal of the Proteftant Merchants Effects out of the Kingdom, and forthofe Catholick Merchants that carry it ori in fome meafure, can we believe that they will be able to carry it on, when we are ruining their Stocks by taking away their Eftates and improvements from them; Nay, we fhall not only ruin our own Traders a; home, but break their Correfpondents abroad whofe Effects are in their Hands. We have palled a Bill in this Houfe for the inviting Strangers to fettle and trade among us ; but it is worth confidering, whether the Courfe we are now taking, will not hinder the Nation of the intended benefit of that Bill ; lor if Foreign Merchants come among us, what Security have they but the* Publick Faith of the Nation, and it is not probable that Strangers will rely upon it, when they obfeive that it is fo ill kept towards our own People. If Trade decays, the Wealth of the Nation muft perifh with it 5 for they live and die together. Wealth cannot fubfift without Trade, or without fecurity foil Debt: And who will ever lend Money, or Purchafe, or improve in tin's Kingdom after this : when the Money that hath been lent, and the Purchases made from Perfons deriving their Eftates under two Acts of Parliament, many years Pofieftion, and Letters Patents on Record, are all blown off at once, and no- thing left fure or firm in the Kingdom J For my part, 1 cannot un- derftand that any Man will purchafe an Acre of Land hereafter, When former Purchafers that thought themf elves fecureare Co much discouraged. Improvements mull perifh likewife, for by the Peti- tions that have been preferred to this Houfe, your Lordfhips may perceive that fome Proprietors have but fmall Eftates, 20, 40, or ioo Acres, on which fumptuous Houfes and large Gardens and Or- chards have been erected, and the Income of their Eftates is not able to repair the Glafs Windows, or defray the Wages of the Gardiner : And as for Husbandry, what between the Old Proprietor that is to be reftor'd, and cannot manure the Ground till he is poflefted of it, and the prefent PoflefTbr that knows not how long hisTerm will hold, and therefore will be at no Charges upon a Term "that depends on the Will of the Commiflioncrs ; We fhall have the Plow neglected, an-! muff feed on one another inftead of Corn My Louis, This is not all the inconven'ence in it,but k is likewife to the prejudice of the People in "the Kingdom bom It ruins the Peo~ Proteftants and Catholicks : The Proteftants are p!( in it. al.-eady ruin'd by the Rapparees,^nd it their Eftates a e taken torn them, 1 know nothing want- ing to make them compleatly miserable. The rich Catholicks have as yet efcap'u'ihc Depredations ui their Neighbours, but they will be «/ IRELAND,^. to*. keatmoftasmiferableas the Protectants, when their Eftates and Improvements are taken from them. My Lords, This Bill doth likewife deftroy the Public'* Faith zai, Credit of theNationjit deftroys theCredit of England byRepealing theAcT: pafs'd there tor the Satisfaction It deftroys t\t of Adventurers ; it deftroys the Publick Faith oi Ire- Publick Faith, land by Repealing the Arts of Settlement and Expla- nutioni it violates the Faith of his late Ma jelly which hath bee* pafs'd to his Subjects in his Gracious Declaration tor the Settle- men of this Kingdom, and in his Letteis Patents purfaanr to it. It fubverts the Credit of his prefent Majefty in his Letters Patents that he hath pafs'd (ince his coming to the Crown on the Commif- fionof Grace, for he has receiv'd the Compofition money } and if thefe Giants mull: be vacated, 1 cannot forbear to fpeak it plainly, that the Subject is deluded ; it commits a Rape upon the Common. Law, by making all Fines and Recoveries ufelefs and ineffectual j and it invades the Property of every private Subject, by destroying all Senlements on valuable Considerations. My Lords, This Bill is inconvenient in point of Time, Is it now a time for Men to feek tor Vineyards and Olive yards when a civil War is raging in the Nation, and we Incwueniznt m are under Apprehenfions (1 will not fay fears, for point of time. it is below Men of Courage to be afraid) of Invafions from abroad ; is it not better to wait for more peaceable times, and poftpone our own 'Concerns to the Concerns of his Ma- jefty and the publick Peace of the Nation i To do otherwife is to di- vide the Spoil before we get r, to drfpofe of the Skin before we Catch the Bead. We cannot in this cafe let a better Prefident before us than the Cafe of the Iraelitt s in the Book of Jnfima} they had the Land of Canaan given them bv God, but yet Jojbua did not go a- boutto make a Dillribution of it to the Tribes, till they had {ub- dued their Enemies, and the Lord had given them peace : Nay, My Lords, I am confident that it will prejudice His Majefty's Service, becaufe every Man'seye and heart will be more on his own Concerns than his Majefty's Bufinefs; it is poilible that their affections may be more fet upon the gaining of their Eitates than the fighting for the King 5 and then all their Endeavours will be drowned in the Confi- deration of their own profit: Mofes was jealous ol this .when the Two Tribes and an half defired to have their PolTeffions on this fide Jordan, be'ore tht Land was iniirely fubdued j and there may be the fame motives to the like lufpicions now. My Lords, Either there was a REBELLION in this Kingdom, or there was nor. It there was none, then we have been very un- juft all this while in keeping fooiany Innocents onto. 1 their Eitates c And God forbid that I fhould open my Mouth in the Defence of fo grofs an Injuftice ; but then what [hall we lay to his Majefty's Royal fathers Declaration in his Eikom Bmt'Ahen, who there owns that there was a Rebellion ; and in purfuance of that Opinion, palled an Act to fecure fuch as fhould adventure Money for the fup- prdEng fitf The State of the Pnteftam prefilngof it? Nay, What fhall we fay to the Two Bills thatnar* been brought into this Houfe ; The one by an Honourable Lord* which owns it fully ; the latter from the Commoners, which owns a Rebellion, but extenuates it ? I take it then tor granted that there was a Rebellion; and if fo, it waseithera tota!, or a partial ones If it was a general one, then all were guilty of it, and none can pre-! tendtobereftorcd to hisEftate, farther than the King in his Mercy fhall think fit to grant it him : if it was a partial one, then lome Dis- crimination ought to be made between the Innocent and Guilty. The Innocent mould be reftored, and the Guilty exclud dfrom t. eii* Eftates; but here is a Bill that makes no diftintlion between them, but Innocent and Nocent are all to fare alike : The one is to be put in as good a Condition a? the other ; and can your Lord fhips imagine that it is reafonable to do this, when we all know that there has been aCourt of Claims erected for theTryai of I nnocents ; that feverai have put themfelves upon theP oof of their Innocence, and after 3 full Hearing of all that they could offer for themfelves, have beenadjud^ ged Nocent. My Lords, I have r ventured Candidly and Impartially to lay my Thoughts before you ; and I have no other defi^n in it, than honeftly. to acquit my Confcience towards my KING and Country fmy Freedom hath given your Lordfhips any Offence, I do here fubmif- /ively beg your Pardon for it ; but it is the Concern of the Nation in general, that hath made me o warm in this Affair. I have but one thing more to add, TV.at God would fo direft and inftrucl your hearts, that you may pitch upon thofe Courfes, that may be foj-the Honour of the King, and the Be ie tof t. e Kngdom. Objections agalnfl the Particulars cf the$i\ , mudtbythe LurdBifhop. of Meath. J. No Penalty on fuch as fnall enter without Injunctions. II. No confideration for Improvements. III. No Saving for Remainders. IV. No Time given to Tenants and Pofleflbrs to remove theix. Stock and Corn. V. No Provih'on for Proteftant Widows. yi. It allows only Reprizals for Original Purchafc-Money, which h hard to make out, and is an Injury to the Second or Third Purchafer. N\ 24. Copies of the ORDERS forgiving Pof- feffion, &c. Com. Kil--» By the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Kildare, andont dare. S of His Ma jetty's mofi Honourable Prhy Council, [Note, The Copy of the Fir ft Order for Garrifoning the Houfe of Batlifannan could not be protten.] WHereasT have been informed, that BaUifannan, now belong- ing to Mr. Anmflsy, was a Houfe of Strength, and there- d/ IRELAND, &5V." Iff fere fit to have a Garrifonj and now being convmc'd of the con- trary: Thefe are therefore in his Majefty's Name to require you forthwith to remove your Men to their former Garrrifon, out of the faid Houfc. Given under my Hand this Firji day of April 1690. Charles White. For Captain Patrick Nugent, or the Of- ficer in Chief, Commanding the Trtcf at Kiidare. SIR, *This is to let you underftand that I am authorized to gTve the Pro- prietor pofleltion of the Land, of Ballyfannan, &c. according to the A& of Parliament ; and that you may ndt be furpriz'd therein, I five you this Notice, from Sir, Tour loving Friend and Servant, \zzsrhttth of April, 1690. tor John Annefly Efqtiire, or in his Charles White. Abfenct, to Francis Annefly, Efc\\ Theft. Second Order for Ballyfannan. ¥ K THereas Luke Fit herald Elquhe, has proved himfelf before me^ VV to be the Ancient Proprietor of the Town and Lands of ^allifannan, and that his Anceftors were poffefs'd of their Manfion- houfe there, in the Year 1641. I do therefore, in purfuance of His Miiefty's Orders unto me, appoint the under-named Perfons to give p ofTeiTioriof tneManfi >n-noufe there, to Luke Ftzzerald Efquire : And for r o doing;, this fhall be your Warrant. Given under my Rand and Seal this 6//^. day of May, 1690. Charles White, I do hereby appoint Captain WaUer ArMold,o\- Captain John Dil- lon of Ath ■, to ^ive poiTellion of the Manfion-houfe of Ballifannan, to Lu e Fitzgerald Efquire' . An Account of Abfentees Goods* and how they were imbezelled. THE beginning of March 16S8. or before, feveral Perfons, Officers of the Army, who were impowered, or pretended to be impowered by my Lord Deputy, feized on the Goods of Abfentees, in mcft Counties of the Kingdom, except the City of bublin. May yth, 1689. A Warrant comes to the Commiffamers of his Xlajefties Revenue under his Majefty's Privy Signet and Sign Manual, dated April, -2.9th. 1689. to impower the Commiflionersof the Revenue, to call all fuch Perfons to Account, that had feiz'd any G->ods or Chattels of Abfentees. . May t)th. 1689. The Commiflioners of the Revenue, iflued out Inftruclionsto everal Perfons, in the refpecfive Counties, purfuanc to His Majefty's faid Warrant. As to the Country, it muff, beobferved, That betwixt the ifl. of March, i$$g. (being the Time gf fciaing by the QUjcers of the Army} j i z 7?)t> State of the Protcfiant? ArmyJ and oth. of M ay 1689, when the Commiflioners were HiV* powered, a great part of the Goods of Abfentees were flolenor dif- pofed : The Officers that feiz'd, were at the Camp at Perry; ancl it any Accounts were retu'rn'd by them to the Lord Deputy, the Mine never came to the CommifTioners, though they often endea- voured with the Secretary to find any fuch Accounts. The CommifTioners of the Revenue thereupon follfcfted a Bill to pais in Parliament, to veil the Goods of ail Aufenrees, in the King, with fome fitting Power to the Commiilioners of the Revenue, for the more eafie and expeditious bringing all Perions to Account, that had formerly fciz'd • But this met with much delay and alterations, /itlaft the Bill pafs'd the \%th. of July, 1689. and the Scope of it a- jriounts to no more, than to veil in His Majcfty, the Goods of fuch Perfons only, as are declared forfeiting Perfons by the Acl of At- tainder, or Perions abfent, who abet orafTift the Prince of Orange, (with exception of Minors, and fome Provifo's by the Aft of Attain- der) molt had time to return till the TPirfl of September; and the gene- ral Claufe of all Perfons thar have aided or abetted the Prince of O- tange, does not intitle the King without an Office found, that fuch Perfons did aid or abet; and this requiring Proof* and a Great Charge, theredid notappear fufficient profit toarife to anTwer the Charge. Upon the whole Matter this Bill feemed rather to IefTen the Zealot thofe employed to feize Abfentees Goods, than' otherwife, when they confider'd, that upon debate in Parliament, it was cfenyed to pa's" a Law that fhould indemnifie them for more than half their Seizures, even in the City of Dublin, half the : Perfons, whofe Goods were there feiz'd, not being named in the Bill of Attainder : However, Ah?. 9th. 1689. The CommifTioners of the Revenue having appointed four Provincial Surveyors, gave them lnflru&ions, that the Surveyor-General and the Collectors, fhould difpofe of the Stocks of Absentees; whereby it appears that inrlead of ne- glecting that Matter of the Goods of Abfentees, they feemed fa- ther to have given Order for the Difpofal of them beiore they were, forfeited. Septzmb. \\th. 1689. The CommifTioners finding no fatisfactory Returns, from the CommifTioners employed by them, mod of the Commiilioners being in the Army, or neglecting the Matter, or ap- plying the Goods to their own life, they fuperceded thofe Commiffioners, and left the whole Matter to their Collectors; which if done at firft, lome profit might have redounded to His filajeflyv 2. The Goods of Abfentees in the City of Duhlin, were not or- dered by the Lord Deputy to befeizedj but the People obferving' what was done in the Country, and there being free Tranfportation tot England \\\ March % the Cuftom-Houfe-Key became like a Fair,, and the mofl of Abfentees Goods were then fent for England ; fcarca anything valuable was then left, unlefs by the Carelefsncfsot th^ Perfons employed by the Abfentees. I ©/IRELAND, &V. li ? The faid gth. of Auguft 1689. the Commiflloners fmpowered feve* ral Perfons tofeize the Goods of Abferrtees in the City of Dublin, with like directions as the Lord Deputy gave formerly in other Counties, viz. To inventory and take fecurity for the forth-coming of thefe Goods, and not to ft rip the Houfes, or hinder Trade j for many Brewers, Ale-fellers, and other Handy-Crafts and Traders though abfent, yet had left behind them Servants, Friends, and fometimes their Wives to manage their Trade 5 and to have ftript thole Houfes, had but added to the Number of Waft Houfes, and lefTened his Majefty's Revenue; fome Ale-Houfes not having the value of Forty Shillings of Abfentees Goods, draw three or four Bar- relsof Dv'mkper Week, befides their Quartering of Soldiers, which has coft the Inhabitants more generally by far, than the Goods could be fold for thefe Times. And this Matter ought at prefent to be well confidered ; for,' though now the Goods are vefted in the King by Law, and the beft of them is to be made for the King's Advantage $ yet Rotten Hang- ings will fell only to thofe that have the Houfe. >J °. Zf . Albavilles Inftrudions to theCommiflioners of Oyer and Terminer. Gentlemen, TH E many Robberies, Opprefllons, and Outrages com* mitred through all parts of the Kingdom, to the utter Ruin thereof, and to the great Scandal of the Government, as well as or Chriftianity, forces his Majefty to a great refent- ment againft thofe that prove Encoiuagcrs and Abettors of them, by an unpardonable negled in the Execution of his Royal Or- ders. And whereas the IfTuing out Commiifions of Oyer and T*-Caftle, Jan. iSth, 1690* s° C ui J P ye f ent ^ e & n £ s mo ft Excellent Majefty in Council* W' H E R E AS his Majefty is informed upon Oath, That Ed- ivardWifeman late Mayor of the Town of Wexford, did i> legally feize upon the Parifh Church ot St. iberius in the faid Town of Wexford, broke down the /^u\f and Altar of the fad Church, and detained the Vepnents, Church-Books, and other Ornaments ihcvcun- to belonging: His Majefty was gracioufly pleafed, to order Mr. Nicholas Siajford , prefent Mayor of the faid Town of Wexford , forthwith to caufe the faid Church and Goods to be reftored -to Alexander Allen , Minifter of the faid Parifh , in the fame Condition they were in when feiz'd upon by the faid Edward, IVifeman. Hugh Reily* No. 27. Mr. Prawd Minifter of Trim, his Account of the remarkable Accident that happened upon, Plundering the Church of Trim. Sir, THIS will give you an Account of an eminent Tnftance ofGod's Vengeance fhewn on one John Keating, a Church Rapparee, who in the very Act of Plundc ring and Breaking of our Church, was ft ruck with a fudden Madnefs> in which he continued for the Space of three Weeks 3 and that Day three Weeks he was (truck Mad^ died in a fad and miferable Condition. The Manner of it was thus :' This Keating was a Soldier in the Lord of Kwmare'b Regiment; he with others his AfTociates, having often before plundered, broken and defpoiled the Scats of our Church, without Interruption or Di- fturbance, refolved on Chriftmafs-day at Night, to break and plun- der our Altar, (on which we had that Dav celebrated the Holy Com- munioi]i :) and to that End he with two more, about Midnight, en- tered the Church. This Keating immediately attempted to break one or the folding Doors leading to the Communion Table, and endeavouring with all his "Force to wreft the Doer from the Hinges* immediately (as he tl'Ought) faw feveral glorious and amazing Sights 3 But one ugly Black Thing (as he call'd it) gave him a great Soufe upon the Poll, which did drive him immediately into fo great Diforder, that he tore all the CloathsofF his Back, and ran naked about the Streets, and ufed all mad Bedlam Pranks whatever. He w. is put into the Dungeon, where he remained for the Space of 14 Days without either Meat, Drink, Cloaths, or any thing necellary' f*l the Support of Natus*| would not take as much as a Drop of ef IRELAND, £&. ti? cejfimo diejanuar' Anno ReviiD:mini nojtri Jacobi fecundi Dei gra* Anal' Scot' Franc' c> Hibernian, Regis FideiDefenfor'&c. quinto, apuS Caftrum de Dublin* in Com' Dublin* Prddicl' feditiofam, malitiofam, e?* illicit' fcribfit 3 vel Scribi fecit quandam feditiofam C7" malitiofam Epifto* lam five Chartam cujus quidem feditiofam e^ malitiofam EpiJioU ttnor^ fequitur in h&c verba, fcilket. Enniskillin the 10th of January, 1689. Coufin Spike, Y Ours I receiv'd January the \fl. it being the greater!: Satisfacti- on I could expect to hear of your good Health and Wei are, and the 'eft ov vdur good Family ; getting the Convenience of theho- jieft Bearer, makes me acknowledge your often Kindneffes to me. Yefterday we received Letters from Londo?'derry, they all agree Vfithour Propofois, as in carrying on our Defign in Dublin: The Day appointed is the 4th of February at Supper-time in the Caftle; and for foms of our Men intended for that purpofe, to go in a lit- tle before, as many as can well, not being fufpe&ed 5 others to ftay in the Street and Houfes thereabout till the Word is given [Gcd iexoithus^ Then all to Force in, Killing the Guards, after giving the T/tf/*r and the reft of his Function their laft Supper. Mv.brury^, he is intended to fire the Suburbs with others of his Ailiftance as might be thought ft, it being a means to force the Soldiers out of the Citv. We queftionncr but our People is in number enough to do the Work, as well in the City as Caftle : One Night does all. We have her- in thefe Parts, 14000 Horle and Foot in readinefs to be with you in Dublinln five or fix Days at fartheft. I hope God will infpire into our Peoples Hearts to perfevere with undaunteA Hearts to pull down that Yoke of Popery which we are likely to lie under, unlefs by God prevented. We are in the Truth, and I hope God is with us j although our Expectations being failed hereto, we might think it rather punifhment for our Sins, than in any wife hin- drance of our Victory. Laft Week we had an Account from Derry, that there landed two Ships laden with Ammunition and Provifion, and to the Numberof fifty-fix Volunteers, the mod of them now being here with us: They giving us an Account of our F.nglifl) Re- solution, that they will every Man die rather than ba yielding to Po- pery j likewife, that great Preparations are made for our Ln^lifl) to com* tick The State of the Protejlanis come over this Spring, to the value of two and twenty Thoufancf Soldiers and Inhabitants to fettle the Country. Coujin, I defire you'll direft the Bearer to Mr. Pains, with a Letter he has for him : And likewifel defire you to go to my Coufin, and give my kind Jove to him,and the reft of his good Family. I fuppofe the Pacquet of Letters as touching this Matter, wholly is dirc&ed to Mr. Smithy which meeting with him, will give you the full at large. My kind love to my Coufin George, and your Wife. This being all at pre- sent. Your loving Coufin to command during Life, The fe for Mr. Will. Spike, living Mary Smith, at College-Green, in the Old Parliament-Houfe, Dublin. Et ulterius Jurat or 1 \pradicT fup'er Sacrament* fuum pr&di6l l dicunt Erpr&fent\ quod idem Dioni fius Conno r fciens eandem Epiftolam five Chartam fore falfam, malitiofam, V fediuofam, poftea fcilicet eodern I'icejfimo die Januarii Anno Regni didV Domini Regis quint' fupraditl* apud Cafirum Dublin' in Com* Dublin' predidi',feditivfam ejr malitiofam 'Epiftolam five Chart am pr&dicT publicavit t?" publicari fecit contra debit 9 ligeantiam fuam in malum exemplum aliorum in tali cafu delinquent tium, v contra pacem dicli Domini Regis tiunc, coronam ane, where accordingly Captain John Nichols of Lazar's-Hill, Chrifiopher Horncafileof ditto, together with Thomas Pooley, Efqj and many others that were made Commiflioners met at the faid Garner's Houfe: When the faid Commiffioners underftood the Matter, the faid Pooley went to take Advice of Counsellor Thomas Whiuhett $ who declared, when he underftood how the Matter was defigned, that it was no lefs thart High Treafon, if King William fucceeded } whereupon Notice being given to fome of the faid Commiflioners, each of them de- clared, they would rather fufFer any Punifhment than aft there- in. After which the faid Commiflioner Garner did not fend any Summons's. The Honourable Robert Fitzgerald was one of the faid Commif- fioners. finis. /fcc4«4- (p.