ill!: I; FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON, D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY Division Section v.4 V -^ .K \^ v^v U 1932 A TEXT-BOOK OF CHURCH HISTORY. BY DR. JOHN 0. L. GIESELEK. JTranslatcti anU 22fcftrTJ BY HENRY B. SMITH, PEOFESSOB IN TnE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINABV, NEW TOEK. VOL. IV.— A.I). 1517-1648. TIIK REFORMATION AND ITS RESULTS TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. N E W Y O R K : HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQCAEE. 18 68. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, by HARPER & BROTHERS, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Only three sections of the present volume of Orieseler's Church History have ever before been published in an English transla- tion. These were contained in the Fifth Volume of the Edin- burgh edition, and are here given in a revised version, extending to page 122 of this volume. The history of the Reformation, in its general as well as in its religious bearings, was one of the fa- vorite objects of Dr. Gieseler's indefatigable researches. In no part of his great work is he more thorough ; in none is the value of his labors more generally recognized. Dr. Redepenning, the editor of the later volumes, says " that the crown of his labors in church history is found in his exposition of the doctrinal develop- ment in the period of the Reformation to the Peace of West- phalia." Certainly in no part of his work does he add more to the desiderata of our English literature. Neander's history does not reach to the Reformation ; our popular histories of the Refor- mation do not introduce us to the sources. Though the account of the English and Scotch Reformation is comparatively meagre, yet this can easily bo supplied from other accessible works. The present volume contains the whole history of the Reforma- tion to the Peace of Westphalia. The history of the Roman Cath- olic Church during the same period will be given in the Fifth Volume, which will also comprise the history of the whole Church from 1648 to the present times, as published by Redepenning from Dr. Gieseler's notes. Apart from its precise and condensed statement of facts and re- sults, the chief value of this work to the student is perhaps to be 4* INTRODUCTORY NOTE. found in its accurate citations from the original authorities. To retain this characteristic even in the translation seemed to be in- dispensable. But as many of the notes are in German, and as the bulk of the volume would be too much enlarged by giving both the German and a translation, the plan has been adopted of inclosing in brackets a condensed statement of the main points, which may prove sufficient for the general reader. As to the value of this history, the verdict is unanimous among all German, English, and American scholars, of every ecclesias- tical denomination. It is an indispensable Tielp and guide to all interested in such investigations. It is so thorough and exact, that it is itself an authority. It is so impartial, that even when we differ from its judgments it gives us the data by which we may fortify our dissent. And it fosters in every student the love of historic truth and the spirit of Christian charity. H. B. S. Union Theological Seminary, New York, February 25, 1861. CONTENTS OF VOL, IV. FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PRESENT TIMES. FIRST DIVISION. A.D. 1517-1C48. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. PART FIRST OF FIRST DIVISION. EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. FIRST CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION. TAGE Sources and Literature 9 § 1. German Reformation to 1524 13 Martin Luther 1G John Tetzel 21 John Eck 27 Cardinal Cajetan °0 Philip Melancthon 32 The Elector of Saxony 3-1 Carlstadt and the Lcipsic Disputation 36 Luther's Appeal to the Nobles 42 De Captivitate Babylonica 47' Bull of Condemnation 51 Diet of Worms 5° Carlstadt and the False Prophets 61 Hadrian VI ; '• G6 Clement VII. and Cardinal Campeggio 70 Extent of German Reform 71 § 2. Reformation in Switzerland to 1525 75 Llrich Zwiugle 76 Bernhardin Samson at Zurich 81 Zurich Disputation (Faber) 88 Appenzell 96 Berne (Sebastian Meyer) 97 Basle (Capito and Iledio) 98 Oecolampadius and Farel 90 § 3. Controversies prejudicial to the Reformation Luther against George of Saxony and Henry VIII. of England 100 Luther vs. Erasmus 101 On the Lord's Supper (Carlstadt) 107 Anabaptists (Miinzer) 1« Peasants' War ] '1 ii CONTENTS. TAGE § 4. German Reformation to 1530 123 Philip of Hesse 124 Diet of Spires 126 Rome taken 127 Synod of Romberg 127 Protestants 131 Conference of Marburg 133 Diet, of Augsburg 135 § 5. Continuation, to the Peace of Nuremberg, July 23, 1532 137 The Emperor and the Elector 138 Augsburg Confession 139 Confessio Tctrapolitana 149 Smalcald League 153 Peace of Nuremberg 154 § 6. Swiss Reformation to the Second Peace, Nov., 1531 155 Struggle in Basle (Oecolampadius) 156 Burgher Rights 159 Battle of Cappel 1C2 § 7. German Reformation to the Recess of the Diet of Ratisbon, July 29, 1541 102 Landgrave Philip 1G3 Treaty of Cadan 104 Paul III 105 Smalcald Articles 108 The Holy League 109 Ratisbon Interim 173 § 8. Continuation, to the Close of the Smalcald War, 1547 178 Diet of Spires, 1542 178 Hermann of Cologne 179 Council of Trent, summoned 182 Luther's Death 184 Duke Maurice 187 § 9. Continuation, to the Religious Peace of Augsburg, Sept. 25, 1555 191 Augsburg Interim 193 Formula Reformationis 194 Leipsic Interim 201 Council of Trent, assembling 205 Treaty of Passau 200 Peace of Augsburg 207 § 10. The Swiss Reformation to 1555 209 German Switzerland (Bullinger and Myconius) 209 The Catholic Cantons 211 French Switzerland (William Farel, at Geneva) 213 John Calvin 214 Italian Switzerland 217 § 11. Relations of the Two Religious Parties in Germany, to 1018 218 Ferdinand I * 219 Maximilian II 221 Rudolph II 224 The Reformed Calendar 225 Colloquy at Ratisbon ,. 220 Julich-Cleves 231 § 12. The Thirty Years' War 233 Frederick V 233 Treaty of Liibeck 234 Gustavus Adolphus 236 CONTENTS. iii PACK Peace of Westphalia 237 13. Ecclesiastical Affairs in Switzerland, to 1C48 2-10 Cliarles Borromeo 241 Francis of Sales 242 The Grisons 243 SECOND CHAPTER. THE REFORMATION IN OTHER LANDS. § 14. Bohemia and Moravia 243 Calixtines and Bohemian Brethren 244 Confession of Faith 24G Compactata 248 Bohemia plundered 249 § 15. Poland, Prussia, and Livonia 250 Albert of Brandenburg 251 Sigismund August = • ■ • 252 Gotthard Kettler 253 Synod of Sendomir 254 Pax Dissidentium 2oo Jesuits in Poland 250 Couference of Thorn 257 § 1G. Hungary and Transylvania 257 Hungarians in Wittenberg 258 Matthias Devay 259 Isabella 2G0 Unitarians 2G1 Jesuits 2G3 Gabriel Bethlen 2G4 Treaty of Linz : 265 § 17. Denmark, Norway, and Iceland 265 Christian II 26G Frederick 1 2G7 John Bugenhagen 268 Christian III. of Norway 2G9 § 18. Sweden 269 Olaf and Lawrence Peterson 270 Gustavus Vasa 271 Erich XIV., John III 273 § 19. Italy ". 27G Antonio Brucioli 277 Augustinianism 278 Ferrara, Venice, Naples 279 Ochino, Peter Martyr 280 Paleario's Del Beneficio di Christo 281 Inquisition 284 Index Librorum Prohibitorum 28G § 20. Spain 288 Seville and Valladolid 289 De Valero, Cazalla 290 Franz Enzinas 291 Auto-da-fes 292 Bartholomew dc Carranza 293 iv CONTENTS. PAGE § 21. France 293 Bishop Bri<;onnet 294 Francis 1 295 Margaret of Navarre 295 Calvin's Preface 298 Confession of Faith, 1559 299 § 22. Continuation, to the Edict of Nantes 300 Catherine de' Medici 300 Huguenots 300 Charles IX 302 Night of St. Bartholomew 304 Henry IV 305 § 23. Continuation, to the Peace of Westphalia 30G Louis XIII 307 Duke de Rohan 308 § 24. The Netherlands 309 The First Martyrs , 310 Maria, Stadtholder 312 Sect of Free Spirit 313 Bishop Granvella 314 The Beggars and Margaret 315 Union of Utrecht 317 William of Orange 317 § 25. Scotland 318 Patrick Hamilton 318 John Knox 319 Mary Stuart 320 James VI 321 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. SoCRCKS AND LITERATURE 321 $ 26. Under Henry VIII 32:1 Adsertio VII. Sacramentorum 323 Tyndal's New Testament 324 Cranmer 325 Head of the English Church 32G Thomas Cromwell 327 Excommunication ' 329 § 27. Under Edward VI. and Mary 330 Homilies, Liturgy, and Forty-two Articles 331 Reunion with Rome 333 § 28. Under Elizabeth .334 Act of Uniformity 334 Archbishop Parker 335 Thirty-Nine Articles 336 Mary Stuart executed 337 Puritans 339 Robert Brown .340 § 29. Under James I. and Charles 1 341 Gunpowder Plot 343 Sunday Sports 345 CONTENTS. v PAGR Episcopacy in Scotland 346 Archbishop Laud 347 Oliver Cromwell 348 FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE MINOR RELIGIOUS PARTIES OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD. § 30. Anabaptists and Antitrinitarians 351 Denck, Hetzer, Servetus 351 Christus David ! 352 Melchior Hoffmann, Campanus 353 § 31. Unitarians 354 Italian Humanists 355 Servetus burned 357 Laelius Socinus 358 Valentinus Gentilis 360 Blandrata, Peter Statorius 361 Francis Stancaro 362 Polish Unitarians 363 Catechism of Cracow 364 Faustus Socinus 365 Racovian Catechism 367 Unitarians in Transylvania 368 Francis Davidis 369 The Adorantes 3G9 Jesuits 370 § 32. The Mennonites 371 Menno Simons 372 Waterlanders, Flemings 375 § 33. Schwenckfeld 378 PART SECOND OF FIRST DIVISION. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. FIRST CHAPTER. FORMATION OF THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM IN THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. § 34. First Shaping of the System of Doctrines in the Lutheran Church 385 Luther's Doctrinal Views 385 Predestination 387 Justification by Faith 389 The Holy Scriptures , • 391 Melancthon's Articles for the Saxon Visitors 396 Antinomian Controvers}' 397 Confession of Faith 399 § 35. First Shaping of the Doctrinal System in the Swiss Church 400 Zwingle 400 The Lord's Supper 407 yi CONTENTS. PAGE Bucer 409 Basle Confession 410 First Helvetic Confession 411 John Calvin 412 Consensus Tigurinus 416 Bolsec 418 Theodore Beza 419 Calvin's Death 421 Heidelberg Catechism 421 Second Helvetic Confession 422 Confessio Belgica, Confessio Gallicana 423 § 36. Melancthon's Theological Relations to Luther . . : 423 Loci Communes Theologici 424 Necessarianism 426 Lord's Supper 428 Nicholas von Amsdorf 429 Caspar Cruciger 430 Augsburg Variata 432 Cologne Project 433 Wittenberg Reformation Articles 434 § 37. Controversj- of the Fhilippists and Strict Lutherans, to the Death of Melancthon 435 Matthias Flacius Illyricus : 436 Adiaphoristic Controvei-sy 437 Majoristic Controversy 438 Calvinistic Controversy 440 Crypto-Calvinists 441 Synergistic Controversy 444 Tilemann Hesshusius 447 Melancthon's Views 451 John Brenz 451 Communicatio Idiomatum 452 Melancthon's Death 453 § 38. Continuation, to the Fall of Crypto-Calvinism in the Electorate of Saxony, 1574 454 Ubiquity of Christ's Body 454 Flacius on Original Sin 455 Bremen Controversies (Hardenberg) 456 Elector August and Caspar Peucer 457 Conference at Altenburg 458 Abjuration of Flacianism 460 John Saliger and Transubstantiation 4G2 Andreae for Peace 465 Consensus Dresdensis 466 Wittenberg on the Lord's Supper 468 § 39. Osiandric Controversy 469 Andreas Osiander 470 Justification (Staphylus) 472 John Funck 477 Francis Stancarus 480 § 40. Redaction of the Formula Concordiae 481 Andreae's Efforts 481 Suabian Confession, Maulbronn Formula 482 Torgau Book 483 Bergen Convention and Book 485 Formula subscribed 489 Formula not universal!)' accepted 490 CONTENTS. vii TAGE § 41. German Reformed Churches 493 The Palatinate, Nassau 494 Bremen 495 Electoral Saxony, Anhalt 490 Hesse-Cassel 497 John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg 498 § 42. Final Statements of the Lutheran Doctrine 501 Samuel Huber and Aegidius Ilunnius 502 Giessen and Tubingen : Kenotists and Cryptists 503 § 43. Calvinism in the Netherlands : Arminian Controversy 505 James Arminius and Francis Gomarus 507 Simon Episcopius and John Uytenbogaert 508 Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants „ 509 Synod of Dort 510 § 44. History of the Remonstrants, continued 512 The Collegiants (Rhynsburgers) 512 Remonstrant Peculiarities 513 § 45. The Doctrine of Predestination after the S3-nod of Dort 515 French Reformed Church 51G SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE EXTERNAL ORDER AND WORSHIP OF THE EVANGEL- ICAL CHURCHES. § 46. Constitution and Government of the Evangelical Churches 518 Luther's Principles. Zwingle 518 Superintendents 525 Luther and the Jurists 527 Government by Princes 532 Denmark and Sweden 533 Swiss Cantons 533 Calvin and Geneva 536 The French Reformed Church 538 Netherlands , 539 § 47. The Order of Public Worship 539 Luther and Zwingle 540 Luther's Writings on the Subject 541 Reformed Church of Zurich 547 Basle, Geneva 549 THIRD CHAPTER. theological and religious culture in the evangelical ■ churches: § 48. History of Theology 551 The Scriptures. Aristotelian Philosophy 552 Ramus. Descartes : 554 Lutheran Divines 555 Reformed Theologians 557 French Reformed Church 560 § 49. Religious Education of the People 561 Universities and Academies 5C1 viii CONTENTS. PAGE Catechetical Instruction 562 Polemics and Preaching 563 Church Discipline 565 Witchcraft 565 § 50. Counter-workings of Mysticism and of Practical Christianity in the Lutheran1 Church 566 Paracelsus. Weigel 566 Jacob Bohme 567 Joh. Valent. Andreae. Kosicrucians 570 John Arnd. John Gerhard 573 § 51. Attempts at Union 575 Erasmus, Cassander 575 De Dominis 579 Lutherans and Reformed 579 John Dury 583 § 52. George Calixtus 584 CHURCH HISTORY. FOURTH PERIOD. FIRST DIVISION. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1517-1648. FIRST CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION. I. Sources for the Tlistory of both Countries: Jo. Sleidani (his family name was Phillipp- son of Sleida in the county of Manderscheid, Professor of Law at Strasburg, \ 1556) De Statu Religionis et Reipublicae, Carolo V. Caesare, Commentarii. Libb. xxvi. Argentor. 1555. fol.1 ; best edition, multis annotationibus illustrata a Chr. Car. Am- Ende. Francof. ad M. 1785, P. iii. 8 ; in French, with notes by P. F. le Courayer, a la Haye. 17G7. 3 voll. 4 ; in German with the notes of Courayef and others, original documents and a preface by J. S. Sender (by F. A. Stroth). Halle, 1771. 4 Bde. 8. [An English translation of this work, by Bohnn, was published at London, 1089.] Supplementary Works : Abr. Sculteti (Professor at Heidelberg, afterward preacher at Em- den, f 1G25) Annalium Evangolii, passim per Europam decimo sexto Salutis partac Seculo renovati, Decas I. et II. (from 1510 to 1530, the other decades were destroyed at the conquest of Prague). Heidelb. 1618. 8, reprinted in V. d. Ilardt, Hist, liter. Rc- formationis. P. V. Dan. Gerdes (Professor at Groningen, f 1705) Introductio in Hist. Evangelii saec. xvi. passim per Europam renovati. Groning. 1744-52. Tomi iv. 4. To this is to be added his collection of tracts and original documents : Scrimum Anti- quarium, s. Miscellanea Groningana nova ad Hist. Reformationis ecclesiasticam prae- cipue spectantia, ib. 1748-03. Tomi viii. 4. K. R. Hagenbach Vorlesungen uber Wesen u. Gesch. d. Reform, in Deutschland u. d. Schweiz. 4 Th. Leipz. 1834-39. 8; new edition, 1852 sq. H. N. Clausen populare Vortrage iiber die Reformation. Leip- zig. 1837. 8. [J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, History of the Great Reformation in Germany, Switzerland, etc. ; 5. 8. New York, 1843 sq.] ! As to the first two editions see AmEnde, in Schel horn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirehenhist. u. Literatur. Bd. 2. s. 414, 653. Against Sleidan; Simeon Fontaine, His- toire Catholique de nostre Terns touchant l'ctat de la Religion Chretienne, contre l'Hist. de J. Sleidan. Antverp. 1558. 8 : Roveri Pontani (Carmelite at Brussels) Vera Narratio Rerum, ab anno 1500 usque ad annum 1559, in Republ. Christiana memorabilium. Colon. 1559. fol. : Laur. Surii (Carthusian at Cologne, f 1578) Commentarius Brevis Rerum in Orbe Gestarum, ab ann. 1500 usque 1500. Colon. 1507. 8. VOL. IV. 1 10 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Reformations-Almanach herausgeg. v. Friedr. Keyser. 3. Jahrgg. Erfurt, 1817. 19. 21. in 12. II. Upon the History of the German Reformation. Sources : Ge. Spalatini (properly Burckart, of Spelt, in the bishopric of Eichstadt, court preacher of Saxony, afterward Superintendent at Altenburg, and historiographer of Saxony, f 15452) Annales Refor- mations or Yearbooks of the Reformation of Luther, published from his Autograph by E. S. Cyprian. Leipsick, 1718. 8. (cf. Spalatini Annales a mense Aug. 1513 usque ad finem fere 152G, in Menckenii Scriptt. Eerum Germ. t. ii. p. 589 ss., but not printed accurately, nor complete ; see Veesenmeyer in Vater's Archiv, 1825, s. 73 ; also, Spala- tini Vitae aliquot Electorum et Ducum Saxoniae, in Menckenii Scriptt. Rerum Ger- manic, t. ii. p. 1067, ss.). — Frid. Myconii (or Mekum, Superintendent at Gotha, f 15463) Hist. Reformationis A.n. 1518-1542, from the author's autograph, and illustrated with a preface by E. S. Cyprian ; a second impression, Leipsick, 1718. 8. — Phil. Melanch- thonis Hist. Vitae Mart. Lutheri, preface to Lutheri Opp. Lat. Vitemberg, t. ii. 1546, often issued separately, e. g. by Chr. A. Heumann, Gottingae, 1741. 4. bj' J. Chr. G. Augusti,4 translated by F. Th. Zimmerman, with notes bj' Villers, and a preface by Planck, second ed. Gottingen, 1816. 8. — Jo. Mathesii (pastor in Joachimsthal, f 1568) Historien von D. Martin Luther's Anfang, Lehren, Leben, standhaft Bekiintniss seines Glaubens und Sterben (in twenty-seven sermons), 1565. 4, often published e. g. Frank- fort and Leipsick, 1724. 8., in extracts by L. A. v. Arnim. Berlin, 1817. 8. — Joach. Camerarii (Prof, in Leipsick, f 1574) De Phil. Melanchthonis Ortu, totius vitae cur- riculo et morte, implicata rerum memorabilium temporis illius hominumque mentione atque indicio, cum expositionis serie cohaerentium narratio diligens et accurata. Lips. 1566. 8 ; published several times ; recensuit, notas, documenta, bibliothecam librorum Melanchth. aliaque addidit G. Th. Strobel. Halae, 1777. 8. On the edition by Au- gusti, see note 4. Hostile to the Reformation : Jo. Cochlaei (Canon successively at Frankfort, May- ence, Vienna, Breslau, f 1552) Commentaria de Actis-et Scriptis Mart. Lutheri, chro- nographice ex ordine ab anno Dom. 1517 usque ad annum 1547 inclusive fideliter con- scripta. Mogunt. 1549. fol., also Paris, 1565, Colon. 1568. 8. Original Documents : Val. E. Loscher vollstandige Reformations-Acta und Documenta. 3 tomi (for the years 1517-1519). Leipz. 1720-29. 4.— Documente zur Reformations- historie, in German, in Walch's edition of Luther's Works, Th. 15-17. The Works of the Reformers: Luther's works: the Wittenberg edition consists of 12 volumes in German (1539-59) and 7 in Latin (1545-58). The Jena edition is printed accurately after the autographs, with the exception of the first part of the German works, 8 volumes in German (1555-58) and 4 in Latin (1556-58), and two supple- mentary volumes by Aurifaber, Eisleben, 1564-65. The Altenburg edition contains only the German works, by John Christfried Saggitarius, 10 vols. 1661-64. A sup- plementary volume to all earlier editions, by J. G. Zeidler, Halle, 1702. The Leipsick edition, 22 voll. 1729-40. fol. The most complete edition is that of Halle, by J. G. Walch, 24 Thle. 1740-50. 4. In the last two editions the Latin works are found only in a German translation.5 [A new edition by Plochman v. Irmischer, 65 vols. 8. Er- langen, 1826-55.] Of special value is Dr. M. Luther's Briefe, Sendschreiben u. Be- denken, herausgeg. von Dr. W. M. L. de Wette. Berlin, 1825-56. 6 Th. 8. Phil. Melanchthonis Opera (theol. ed. Casp. Peucer) Witteb. 4 Partes, 1562-64. Consilia theologica ed. Christ. Pezelius. Neustadii, 1600. 8. Christliche Berathschla- gungen und Bedenken — in teutscher Sprach gestellet, zusammengebracht durch Christ. 2 Historia Vitae Ge. Spalatini exposita ab Chr. Schlegelio. Jenae, 1693. 4. 3 Narratio de Frid. Myconio primo dioeceseos Gothanae Superintendente, scrips. C. H. G. Lommatzsch. Annaebergae, 1825. 8. 4 Phil. Mel. de Vita Mart. Luth. Narratio, et Vita Phil. Mel. ab Joach. Camerario conscripta, ed. D. J. Chr. Gu. Augusti, Vratisl. 1819. 8. 5 Upon the editions of Luther's works, see Walch in the Halle edition. Th. 24. s. 582 fF. RISE OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND. H Pezelium, Reustadt a. d. Hardt, 1600. 8. The best edition is Ph. Mel. Epistolae, Prae- fationes, Consilia, Judicia, Schedae Academicae. voll. xxv. (1514-57), or, Corpus Reformatorum ed. C. G. Bretschneider, post Bretschneiderum ed. H. E. Bindscil, vol. i.— xxv. Halis, 1834-57. 4. There are useful documents in illustration of the earlier history of the Reformation. contributed from the originals by E. S. Cyprian, at the end of W. E. Tentzel's Histor. Bericht vom Anfang und ersten Fortgang der Reform. Lutheri. Leipzig, 1718. 2 Th. 8. — J. E. Kapp kleine Nachlese einiger zur Erliiuterung der Reformationsgeschichte niitzlicher Urkunden. Leipz., 1727 ff. 4 Th. 8. — Dr. Th. G. Neudecker's Urkunden aus der Reformationszeit. Cassel, 1836. 8. Also his merkw. Aktenstiicke aus dem Zei- talter der Reformation. 2 Abtheil. Niirnberg, 1838. 8. Historical Works: Vit. Lud. a Seckendorf (privy councilor in Saxony, afterward in Brandenburg, f at Halle, 1G92) Commentarius Historicus et Apologeticus de Luther- anismo. libb. iii. ed. 2. Lips., 1694. fol. (written against the Histoire de Lutheranisme of L. Maimbourg, the Jesuit, Paris, 1680. 4). — Christ. Aug. Salig (Co-rector in Wolf- enbiittel) Vollstandige Historie der Augsb. Confession u. dcrselben Apologie (1517- 1562). Halle, 1730-35. 3 Th. 4. — G. J. Planck Gesch. der Entstehung, der Veriinder- ungen u. der Bildung unsers protest. Lehrbegriffs bis zur Einfuhrung der Concordien- formel. Leipzig, 1781-1800. 6 Bde. 8 (a second edition of volumes 1-3. 1791-98).— C. L. Woltmann sets out from a political point of view in his Gesch. der Reform, in Deutschland. 3 Th. Altona, 1800-05. small 8.— Ch. W. Spieker Gesch. Dr. Mart. Lu- ther's u. der durch ihn bewirkten Kirchenverbesserung in Deutschland. Bd. 1 (to 1521). Berlin, 1818. 8. — K. A. Menzel Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen v. d. Reformation bis zur Bundesacte. Bd. 1-8. Breslau, 1826-39. 8. — Ph. Marheineke Gesch. der teutschen Ref- ormation, 4 Th. Berlin, 1816-34. 8 (a second edition of Parts 1 and 2, 1831).— L. Ranke deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, 5 Bde. Berlin, 1839-43. [Trans- lated by Sarah Austin. Lond. 1844. Phil. 1844.] Essai sur l'esprit et l'influence de la Reformation de Luther par Ch. Villers. Paris, 1804 ; translated into German by K. F. Kramer, with a Preface and several Treatises by Henke, 2 Abtheil (2te Aufl. Hamburg, 1828. 8). [Translated into English by S. Miller, 12. Phil. 1833.] III. Upon the History of the Reformation in Sicitzerland. Accounts by contemporary writ- ers : (1.) By Reformers : Bernh. Weiss (burgher of Zurich, perished at Cappel, 1531) Kurze Beschreibungder Glaubensanderungim Schweizerlande (in Fussli's Beytriige iv. 32). Valerius Anshelm (physician and historian of Bern) Berner Chronik bis 1526 (pub- lished by Stierlin and Wyss. Bern, 1825-33. 8. 6 Bde.) from volume 5, s. 368 on. Henry Bullinger (Antistes of the Church of Zurich, f 1575) Reformationsgeschichte (to 1532), published by J. J. Hottinger and H. H. Viigeli. 3 Bde. Frauenfeld, 1838-40. large 8. (2.) By Catholics : Job. Salat (clerk of the court at Lucerne) Beschreibung von Anfang u. Ursprung Luther, u. Zwinglischer Secten v. 1516-1535 (extant in man- uscript, partisan throughout, and full of calumnies ; see Fussli's Beytrage, ii. 81. Schu- ler's Huldreich Zwingli, Einleit. s. xix.). Valentin Tschudi (Pastor in Glarus, f 1555) Kurze Histor. Beschreibung der in Kriegs- u. Friedenszeiten verloffenen Sachen u. Handeln zu Glarus u. in einer Eidgenossenschaft, do-^n to 1523, very impartial (in manuscript ; see Egedius Tschudi's Leben u. Schriften von lid. Fuchs. St. Gallen, 1805. Th. 2. s. 33 ; Schuler as above, s. xxiv. 46). Egidius Tschudi (magistrate at Glarus, ] 1572) Chronik. " The part which relates to this period, extant only in manuscript, is a rich collection of original documents (see lid. Fuchs. u. s. Th. 2. s. 89). J. Oecolampadii et II. Zwinglii Epistolarum libb. iv. cum praef. Theod. Bibliandri et utriusque vita et obitu, S. Grynaeo, W. Capitone et Osw. Myconio auctoribus. Basil, 1536. fol. The Vita Zwinglii by Oswald Myconius (schoolmaster at Lucerne and Zu- rich, from 1531 preacher at Basle, -j- 1552), is printed separately in Staudlins u. Tzschir- ner's Archiv. fur Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. s. 1. Important supplementary facts are contained in that part of the Narratio verissima civilis Helvetiorum belli (Capellani) 12 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. per modum dialogi, ab Osvaldo Myconio congesta, which is printed in the above work, s. 38 sq. Original Documents: the works of the Reformers, Ulr. Zwinglii Opera. Turici, 1544. 4 voll. fol. The first complete edition of Zwingle's works is by M. Schuler and J. Schul- thess, 8 vols. 8. Zurich, 1828-42. 12 vols. [vols, i., ii., the German works, vols, iii.- viii., the original Latin works, and the German translated]. Jo. Calvini [Opera Theol. 12 fol. Genev. 155C] Opera Amstel. 16G7 ss. 9 voll. fol. [Calvin's Works, translated and published in Edinburgh, 1842 sq. in 52 volumes.] Miscellanea Tigurina. 3 Theile. Zurich, 1722-24. 8. J. Conr. Filssli (treasurer of the Chapter at Winterthur, f 1775) Beytrage zur Erlauterung der Kirchen-Reformations- gesch. des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1741-53. 5 Th. 8. Ejusd. Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helveticae Reformatoribus vol ad eos Scriptae. Tiguri, 1742. 8. J. J. Simler (Censor of Zurich, f 1785) Samml. alter unci neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen- gesch. vornemlich des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1767. 2 Bde. 8 (this gives onlv a small part of what is contained in the great manuscript-collection of Simmler in the town-library of Zurich; see Lebensgesch. Oecolampads von S. Hess. Vorr. s. iii.). Historical Works : J. H. Hottingeri (Professor at Zurich, f 1667) Hist. Eccles. (P. ix. Hanoviae et Tiguri 1655, ss. 8.) P. v. sq. J. J. Hottinger (Prof, in Zurich, f 1735) Hel- vetische Kirchengeschichten (4 Th. Zurich, 1708 ff. 4.), Th. 3. Abrah. Ruchat (Preach- er and Professor at Lausanne), Hist, de la Reformation de la Suisse. Geneve, 1727 sq. 6 voll. 12. Ludw. Wirz. (pastor atMtinchaltdorf near Zurich, f 1816) Neuere Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, 2 volumes were published, Zurich, 1813. 1819. 8 (the second by Melch. Kirchhofer, pastor at Stein, on the Rhine, comes down to 1523). Sal. Hess, (pastor of St. Peter's in Zurich) Ursprung, Gang u. Folgen der durch Zwingli in Zu- rich bewirkten Glaubensverbesserung und Kirchenreform. Zurich, 1819. 4. J. v. Miil- lers u. Rob. Glutz Blotzheim's Geschichten Schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft, con- tinued by J. J. Hottinger. Gth vol. from page 237 sq. and 7th vol. (Zurich, 1825 u. 1829) reaches down to 1531. Lebensbescnreibung M. Ulrich Zwingli's von J. C. Hess, from the French, with a literary and historical Appendix, by Leonh. Usteri, Professor at Zurich, 1811. 8 (Nach- triige bj- Usteri in Stiiudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv. fur Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. u. Bd. 2. St. 3). Huldreich Zwingli, Geschichte seiner Bildung zum Refonnator des Yaterlandes, von J. M. Sclmler, Pfarrer zu Bozberg im Canton Aargau. 2te Ausg. Zu- rich u. Leipzig, 1819. 8. — Jac. Tichler Diss, de Indole Sacrorum Emendationis a Zwin- glio institutae rite dijudicanda. Traj. ad Ehenum, 1827. 8. — Biographien beriihmter schweizer. Reformatoren. Bd. 1. Lebensgesch. D. Joh. Oekolampads (bjr Sal. Hess). Zurich, 1793. 8. — Lebensgeschichte M. Heinr. Bullingers, Antistes der Kirche Zurich, von Sal. Hess. Zurich. 1828, two volumes published, 8. — Bertold Haller, oder die Reformation von Bern, von M. Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1828. 8. — Das Leben Willi. Farel's aus den Quellen bearbeitet. v. M. Kirchhofer. 2 Bde. Zurich, 1831. 33. 8. — Das Leben Joh. Calvin's des grossen Reformators, mit Benutzung der handschriftl. Urkunden, vornehmlich der Genfer und Ziiricher Bibliothek, entworfen, nebst einem Anhang bisher ungedruckter Briefe u. anderer Belege von Paul Henry, Pred. zu Berlin, 3 Bde. Hamburg, 1835-44. 8. [Translated by II. Stebbing, excepting the Appendix, 2. 8. Lond. 1844.] [Biographies of the Reformers. Vitae quatuor Reformatorum ; Lutheri a Melanchthone, Melanchthonis a Camerario, Zwinglii a Myconio, Calvini a Theodoro Beza conscriptae, junctim editae. Berol. 1841.- -D. Schenkel, Die Reformatoren und die Reformation, 8. 1856. Luther. See below. Melanchthon. Als Praeceptor Germaniae, A. II. Niemeyer, Hal. 1817 ; Facius, 1832 ; Galle, Charakteristik Melanchthons, Halle, 2te Aufl. 1845 ; Matthes, Altenb. 1841 ; Melanchthon's Leben und Wirken, Altenb. 1841 ; C. F. Ledderhose, Life of Mel. from German, by G. F. Krotel, New York, 1854 ; Life by Dr. Cox, Lond. 1815, Bost. 1835. Calvin. Beza's Life of C, translated by Gibson, Phil. 1836; Life by Waterman, CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 13 Lond. 1813 ; by T. Smyth, Phil. 1835. Bib. Sacra, vols. ii. iii., by Prof. Robbing ; Kitto's Journal, vols. iii. and vii. ; Presb. Quarterly, Dec. 1854 ; Princeton Rev. xx. ; North British, xiii. Calvin's Life, with Extracts from his Correspondence, by Thos. H. Dyer, Lond. and New York. Calvin's Correspondence, edited by Bonner, trans- lated, two vols, issued, Edinb. 1856-57. Deutscher Kirchenfreund, Phil., Juli u. Aug. 1857. M. M. Haag, La France Protestante, article on Calvin. The Life of Calvin, by Audin, Par. 2. 8., transl. Louisville, is Roman Catholic and invidious. Zwingle. Life and Times, translated from the German of G. G. Hottinger, by Rev. T. C. Porter, Harrisb. 1856. Das Theol. System Z.'s, D. E. Zeller, Tubingen, 1853. G. W. Roder, d. Schweizer. Ref., Huldr. Zw., St. Gallon, 1855. C. Sigwart, D. Char- akter d. Theol. Syst. Zwingli's, mit Riieksichaft auf Picus Mirandula, 1855. Zeller, Charaktcr ds. Zwinglischen Lehrbegrift's, Theol. Jahrb. 1857. Jager in Stud. u. Krit. 1856. T. Tichler, II. Zwingli, de Kerkhervormer, Utrecht, 1857. Life, by Prof. Rob- bins, in Bib. Sacra, vols. viii. and ix. Iless's Life of Z., transl. by Lucy Aiken, Lond. 1812. Beza. Leben Beza's, von Schlosser, 1800. Baum Tlieodor Beza naeli handschriftl. Quellen, Bd. i. 1843; Bd. ii. 1852. Farel, by Schmidt, Strasb. 1834. Viret, by Jaquc- mont, Strasb. 1836. Under the superintendence of Prof. Hagenbach there is now in the course of publica- tion a series of volumes on the Lives and Writings of the Founders of the Reformed Church : the first, on Zwingle, is by Christoffel ; the second, by Hagenbach, will be on Oecolampadius and Myconius ; the others arc, Capito and Bucer, by Baum ; Calvin, by Stahelin ; Bullinger and Leo Jud, by Pestafozzi ; Beza. b}- Baum ; Peter Martyr, by Schmidt; Olevianus and Ursinus, by Sudhoff; Farel, Viret, etc., by other authors.] [Additional Works on the General History of the. Reformation. Thuanus (De Thou) His- toriarum sui Temporis libri 138 (1546-1647), Fcf. 1625. 5 fob, 7 fob, cum Continuatione, Londini, 1733. Beausobre, Hist, de la Reform. 4. 8. 1785. Robertson's History of the Emperor Charles V., numerous editions. Neudecker, Gesch. d. Reformation, 1517-32, Lpz. 1843, and his Gesch. d. Protestantismus, 1844, 2 Bde. Buchholz, Ferdinand I., Wien, 1832-38, 9 -Bde. C. A. Menzel, Geschichte Deutschlands, 12 Bde. 1836 sq. J. Dollinger (Rom. Cath.), Die Reformation, etc., Ratisbon, 3. 8. 1846-48, 2d ed., 1851. Gaillard's History of the Reformation, 8., New York. Guericke, Geschichte d. Ref. (from his General History), Berl. 1855. Frd. Blaul, D. Reformationswerk in der Pfalz, 8., Speyer, 1846. K. T. Keim, D. Schwabrische Ref. Gesch. bis 1531. 8. 1855. E. F. Gelpke, Kirchengesch. d. Schweiz. 1 Theil., Bern, 1856. Gobel, Geschichte ds. Christ- lichen Lebens in d. Eheinischen Westphal. Kirche, 2. 8. 1853. F. W. Hassenkamp, Hessiche Kirchengeschichte, 2 Bde. 8. 1852. II. Stebbiug, Histoiy of Reformation, 2. 18. 1836. G. Waddington, History of Ref., 3, 8., Lond. 1841. Charles Hardwick, His- tory of the Church during the Reformation, 8., Cambr. 1856. II. Soaincs, History of the Reformation, 4, 8. 1826.] § 1. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TILL 1524. W. E. Tcntzel's Hist. Bericht vom Anfang u. ersten Fortgang der Reform. Luthcri, mit- getheilt v. D. E. S. Cyprian, 3ter Druck. Leipz. 1718. 8. The corruption of the Church, and the necessity of a Reforma- tion, had been long felt and strongly urged, though understood and stated with very different degrees of precision. The people were made indignant by the immorality of the clergy, complained of cc- 14 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. clesiastical oppression, suspected many a pious deception, and felt the emptiness of what the Church offered them in the name of re- ligion. Princes and bishops saw that their rights were contemned by the Papacy, and that manifold disorders had crept into the Church ; and they desired an abolition of these evils by a Refor- mation in Head and Members. A few persons of deeper pene- tration saw that the real ground of the corruption was in the per- version of doctrine by means of human ordinances, and hence wished to have the doctrines brought back to their proper Biblical basis. The Papacy repelled all these various demands, for it feared that every concession would be a confession of past errors, and that its power would thus be undermined. After it had overcome the vio- lent pressure of the secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy, in the fifteenth century, for a reform in head and members, it was able so to turn against each other the different powers that were hos- tile to itself that they were mutually held in check. But its firm- est hold was still upon the common people ; for although popular enthusiasm for the Church had long since vanished, and though there was no lack of discontent on many points, yet the masses still quieted their religious needs by the mechanical system of the Church. The Pope was to them not only the centre of the Church, out of which there could be no salvation, but also the highest pos- sessor of all those ecclesiastical rewards and penalties which would be perpetuated in the world to come. Hence, a struggle against the papacy, carried to extremities, still threatened such an arous- ing of the masses as might well inspire terror even among the strongest. The time, however, could no longer be distant when the nations would be compelled to free themselves from the insnaring influence of Rome ; for the revival of thought and learning, begun with giant strides, must gradually penetrate the popular mind. But here a new danger threatened. Philosophical culture could not be direct- ly diffused among the people ; but only its most general and intel- ligible results. These results, however, without a knowledge of their grounds and reasons, could only generate a spirit disposed to deny every thing, and which would be likely to attack not merely ecclesiastical abuses, but even religious truth itself. In opposition to this negative spirit a fanatical enthusiasm would naturally be CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 15 evoked.1 Only a well-timed and genuine reformation, overthrow- ing error by the quickening influence of truth in the hearts of the people, could at the same time break in pieces the traditional yoke of spiritual bondage and shield from the impending perils. Those elementary principles of morality and religion which are near to every heart, and the contrast between them and the existing eccle- siasticism, must be brought to distinct consciousness among the people ; and then enthusiasm for the newly-discovered truth would be kindled at the same time with hostility to the long-endured deception. From the nature of the case such intelligent and quick- ening influences could make their way to the heart only by de- grees. The whole truth, suddenly presented, would have blinded and not enlightened. Accordingly, no Reformation could hope for success which did not begin with opposition to those errors and abuses that could be directly demonstrated to all that have moral and religious feelings, and then advance step by step from truth to truth, so that the people might follow with conviction and en- thusiasm. Hence, it would be a great advantage if the Reformer himself had advanced only by slow degrees in his own perception of the truth, so that he might always be in a condition to proclaim all the truth known by himself, without weakening the effect of his enthusiastic influence upon the people, by calculating how much should be given to them. For only enthusiasm can rouse enthusiasm : without this no one could hope to succeed in opposi- tion to the formidable colossus of the Papacy. Only an enthusiast- 1 Luther's advice to the elector John during the diet at Spires in April, 1529 (Luther's Letters, by de Wette, iii. 439) : " Since such abuses were so insufferably many and great, and were not changed by those who ought in justice to have done it, they began to fall down of themselves even- where in German lands, and the clergy to be despised on ac- count of them. But when, besides this, unskillful writers tried to defend and retain them, and yet could not bring forward any thing righteous, they made the evil so much the worse that the clergy were every where held to be unlearned, incapable, and even hurtful people, and their cause and defense derided. This falling down and perishing of abuses was already in full sweep in many parts before Luther's doctrine came ; for all the world was so tired of the abuses of the clergy and hostile to them, that it was to be feared that there would be a lamentable perdition in the German land if Luther's doc- trine did not come into it, so that the people might be instructed in the faith of Christ and obedience to the authorities. For they would not endure the abuses any longer, and would have a change right off, if the clergy would not yield or stop, so that there should be no resistance. It would have been a disorderly, stormy, and perilous mutation or change (as the Munzer began it) if a steadfast doctrine had not come in between, and without doubt all religion would have fallen to pieces, and Christians become pure Epicureans." 1G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. ic, world-despising piety could give adequate courage and strength to the man who was to enkindle such a movement ; but clear in- sight and thorough knowledge would he necessary to guard his enthusiasm from fanaticism, and to give internal steadfastness and permanence to his work. Martin Luther,3 born at Eislcben on the 10th of November, 1483, became, in consequence of peculiar providences, a monk in the monastery of the Augustine Eremites at Erfurt (1505). He was early led to Augustinism and the study of the Bible3 by a profound - Des scl. Zeugen Gottcs D. M. Luther's merkwiirdige Lcbens-Luistande von F. S. Keil. 4 Th. Leipzig, 1764. 4. Luther's Leben mit einer kurzen Reformationsgeschichte Deutschlands u. der Literatur v. G. H. A. Ukert. 2 Th. Gotha, 1817. 8. Martin Luther's Leben von Gustav Pfizer. Stuttgart, 183C. 8. [Biographies by Stang, Stuttg. 1835-38 ; Ledderhose, Speier, 1836 ; II. Gelzer, 1848 ; K. Jurgens, Luther's Leben, 1483 to 1517, Lips. 1846 sq. 3. 8. M. Meurer, L.'s Leben, aus den Quellen, Dresd. 3. 8. 1843-52. Mar- tin Luther, illustrated Life, by G. Konig and II. Gelzer, Hamburg, 1851, translated, London and New York, sin. 4. 1857. Dollinger's Sketch, 1851, translated, Lond. 1851, is polemical and Roman Catholic. Audin's Life, 2. 8., Paris, translated, Phil. 1841, is a collection of all the calumnies against the Reformer. Biographies of Luther in English, by Bower ; J. E. Riddle, Lond. 1837 ; J. Scott, New York, 1833 ; Michelet's Life, trans- lated from the French, New York, 1846; Life by Henry Worsley, 2. 8., Lond. 1856-57. Life of Luther by Dr. Sears, Phila. Archdeacon Hare's Defense of Luther against Sir Win. Hamilton, in the Notes to his Mission of the Comforter, and separately, 1855.] 3 Melanchthon in Vita Lutheri ed. Heumann, p. 7 : Occasio autem ingrcdiendi illud vitae genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse convenientius, haec fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et nt multi norunt : saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis poenarum exemplis, subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut paene exani- maretur. — Etsi doctrinam in sche-lis usitatam quotidie diseebat, et Sententiarios legebat, et in disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextricablies diserte multis admirantibus explicabat, tamen quia in eo vitae gencre non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quae- rebat, haec studia tanquam parerga tractabat, et facile arripiebat illas scholasticas meth- odos. Interea fontes doctrinae coelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta Prophetica et Apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudiret, et firmis testimoniis aleret tirno- rcm et fidem. Hoc studium ut magis expeteret, illis suis doloribus et pavoribus move- batur. Et senis enjusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano collegio Erfordiae saepe se con- firmatum esse narrabat, cui cum consternationes suas exponeret, audivit eum de fide multa disserentem, seque deductum ajebat ad symbolum, in quo dicitur: credo remissio- nem peccatorum. Ilunc articulum sic ille interpretatus erat, non solum in genere cre- dendum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et daemones credunt, Davidi aut Petro remitti, sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines nobis remitti peccata credamus. Et hanc inter- pretationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstratumque locum in concione de Annuntiatione, ubi haec sunt verba : sed adde — nt credas et hoc, quod per ipsum peccata tibi donantur. Hoc est testimonium, quod perhibet Spiritus sanctus in corde tuo, dicens : dimissa sunt tibi peccata tun. Sic enim arbitratur Apostolus, ijratis justificari hominem per fidem. Hac se voce non solum confirmatum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum esse de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc dictum : fide justificamur. De quo cum multorum expositiones legisset, tunc et ex hujus sermonibus et e suae mentis cou- solatione animadvertisse interpretationum, quae tunc in manibus erant, vanitatein. Pau- latim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla in Prophetis et Apostolis recitata, et quotidi- ana invocatione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit. Tunc et Augustini libros legere CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 17 religious spirit, which could not he satisfied hy the mechanical system of the Church. Transferred in 1508 to the Augustine cloister at Wittenberg, he devoted himself, in the newly-founded University (1502), first as bachelor,4 from 1512 as doctor, with special zeal to promote the study of the Bible.5 He met with coepit, ubi et in Psalmorum cnarratione, et in llbro de spiritu et litera multas perspicuas sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide doctrinam et consolationem, quae in ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nee tamen prorsus reliquit Sententiarios ; Gabrielem (Biel) et Cameracensem (Petrus de Alliaco) paene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu multumque legit scripta Occam. Hujus acumen anteferebat Thomae et Scoto. Dili- genter et Gersonem legcrat. Sed omnia Augustini monumenta et saepe legerat, et op- time meminerat. Hoc acerrimum studium inchoavit Erfordiae, in cujus urbis collegio Augustiniano commoratus est annos quatuor. 4 Melanchthon continues, p. 11 : Eo autem tempore quia reverendus vir Staupicius (John of Staupitz, Provincial of the Augustines, and Professor at Wittenberg), qui ex- ordia Academiae Wittebergensis adjuverat, studium theologicum in recenti Academia excitare cupiebat cum ingenium et eruditionem Lutheri considerasset, traducit eum Wittebergam anno MDVIII., cum jam ageret annum vicesimum sextum. Hie inter quotidiana exercitia scholae et concionum magis etiam lucere ejus ingenium coepit. Cumque eum attente audierant viri sapientes, Doctor Martinus Mellerstadius et alii, saepe dixit Mellerstadius, tantam esse yim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret, mutaturum eSse vulgare doctrinae genus, quod tunc in scholis unicum tradebatur. Hie primum Dialecticen et Physicen Aristotelis enarravit : interea tamen suum illud studi- um legendi scripta theologica non omittens. On the 17th March, 1509, Luther wrote to John Braun at Eisenach ; see Luther's Letters, collected by de Wette, Th. 1. s. 6 : Sum itaque nunc jubente vel permittente Deo Wittenbergae. Quod si statum meum nosse desideres, bene habeo Dei gratia, nisi quod violentum est studium maxime philosophiae, quam ego ab initio libentissime mutarim theologia, ea inquam theologia, quae nucleum nucis et medullam tritici et medullam ossium scrutator. However, even then he gave himself up to theological studies. He is enrolled under the Rector Nicol. Viridimon- tanus, ann. 1508, thus : Fr. Martinus Luder de Mansfeld, admissus mox 1509 d. 9 Mart. Baccalaureus tanquam ad Biblia ; see Sennerti Athen. Vitemberg. p. 57. 6 Luther's oath on taking his Doctor's degree is in the Liber Decanorum Facult. theol. Acad. Vitebergensis, ed. C. E. Foerstemann. Lips. 1838. 8. p. 14G. Luther's glosses on the alleged Imperial edict of 1531 (Walch's edition of his Works, Theil. xvi. s. 2061) : "But I, Doctor Martin, am thereto called and forced, that I must become Doctor with- out my thanks from pure obedience : then I had to take the Doctor's office, and swear and vow by my best beloved Holy Scripture, to preach and teach it truly and purely. In such teaching the Papacy fell in my way, and would keep me from it ; thereupon matters have gone with it as we all see, and shall go on worse and worse, and it shall not be able to resist me." Mathesius, s. 17 : " With this regular and public call, made to him by an established University, in the name and by the order of his High Imperial Majesty and of the See of Rome, after the counsel and decree of his preceptors and legal clerical superiors, and by the gracious promotion and authority of his elector and liege lord, and also by his solemn oath which he made to God, to the Hoi}' Scriptures, and to the University of Wittenberg, Luther did often comfort and support himself in great straits and struggles, when the devil and the world would have made him anxious and fearful as to who had commanded him, and how he was to answer for it, that he had started such a commotion in the whole of Christendom. Then, I say, he would recall and comfort himself with his orderly doctorate and public calling and solemn oath, on account of which he had continued on unterrified in his (truly God's) cause in the name of Christ with honor and much acceptance, and with the help of God honestly carried it forward." VOL. IV. 2 18 FOURTH PERIOD.-DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. great success as a teacher. By him and like-minded fellow-labor- ers the theological studies of Wittenberg were turned from Aris- totle and the schoolmen to Augustine and the Holy Scriptures. Rejecting the whole system of holiness "by works, he made the doctrine that man's salvation is only through faith in Christ to he his living centre.6 Such a practical and scriptural tendency had 6 At Wittenberg an aversion to scholasticism was avowed from the very first. Thus Martin Polichius of Mellerstadt, who had been active in the foundation of the Univers- ity- and then lectured there himself, declared the subtilties of the schoolmen to be un- profitable ; and, on the other hand, insisted on the importance of philology for theology ; on this point he got into a controversy with Wimpina at Leipsic, in 1505 : see Losch- er's Reformationsacta, i. 87. Melanchthon, in Vita Lutheri, p. 12 : Postea (after he was made Doctor) enarrare Epistolam ad Romanos coepit, deinde Psalmos. Haec scripta sic illustravit, ut post longam et obscuram noctem nova doctrinae lux oriri videretur omnium piorum et prudentum judicio. Hie monstravit legis et Evangelii discrimen : hie refutavit errorem, qui tunc in scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, mereri homines remissionem peccatorum propriis operibus, et homines coram Deo justos esse disoiplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt. Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad fili- um Dei, et, ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nostra, ostendit gratis propter filium Dei remitti peccata, et quidem oportere id beneficium fide accipi. Illus- travit et caeteras partes doctrinae ecclesiastiutationes, one for the degree of licentiate, the other for that of doctor, both were printed as early as 1517, and in fact were composed by Conr. Wim- pina (see Loscher, ii. 8), in Loscher, i. 503 ff. The theory of indulgence laid down in Disp. i. starts from the position that the Satisfactio is a necessary part of repentance. Thes. 5 : Haec satisfactio (cum Deus delictum absque ultione non patiatur) per poenam fit, vel aequivalens in acceptione divina : 6. quae vel a Presbyteris imponitur, arbitrio vel canone, vel nonnumquam a justitia divina exigitur hie vel in purgatorio dissolvenda. 11. Hanc poenam oh peccata contrita et confessa impositam potest Papa per indulgen- tias penitus relaxare, 12. sive haec sit ab eo, vel sacerdotis arbitrio, vel canone imposita, vel etiam justitia divina exigenda ; cui contradicere est errare. 13. Sed licet per indul- gentias omnis poena in dispositis remittatur, quae est pro peccatis debita, ut eorum est vindicativa: 14. errat tamen, qui ob id tolli putet poenam, quae est medicativa et prae- servativa, cum contra hanc Jubileus non ordinetur. The deep-rooted immorality of the system of penance at this period is unvailed in Thes. 30 : minima contritio, quae potest in fine vitae contingere, 31. sufficit ad peccatorum remissionem, ac poenae aeternae in temporalem mutatiouem. Here also Tetzel defends many of his obnoxious statements ; thus 64 : Non esse Christianum dogma, quod redempturi pro amicis confessionalia vel purgandis Jubileum, possint haec facere absque contritione, error : and, 99-101, even the shameless assertion— si quis per impossibile Dei genitricem semper virginem violas- set. Disp. ii. On the power of the Pope, Thes. 3 : Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa jurisdictionis auctoritate superior tota universali Ecclesia et Concilio, quodque statutis suis humiliter sit obediendum. 4. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa ea, quae fidei sunt, solus habet determinare, quodque sacrae scripturae sensus ipse auctoritative, et CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 27 rias, magister sancti palatii at Rome, wrote against him with equal violence.19 Dr. John Eck, vice-chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt, united himself with them, and wrote Obelisci against Luther's Theses.20 The matter and the manner of these attacks could not discourage a Luther ; they only enkindled in him a no- ble indignation against the hypocritical lies which were conjured up in defense of the soul-destroying imposture.21 Just in propor- nullus alius, pro suo sensu, interpretatur, et quod aliorum omnia dicta vel opera habct vel approbare, aut reprobare. 5. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod judicium Papae in his, quae sunt fidei, et ad humanam salutem necessaria, errare potest minime. 12. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod claves Ecclesiae non universali Ecclesiae, — sed Petro et Papae, et in eis omnibus eorum successoribus et universis Praelatis futuris per derivationem eorum in ipsos, sunt collatae. 13. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod plenissimam indulgentiam non Concilium generale, nee Praelati alii Ecclesiae simul vel disjunctim dare possunt, sed solus Papa, qui est sponsus universalis Ecclesiae. 17. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Ecclesia multa tenet ut catholicas veritates, quae tamen sicut nee in canone bib- liae, ita nee a doctoribus antiquioribus ponuntur. Tetzel also wrote a Refutation of Lu- ther's Sermon on Indulgence and Grace, in Lbscher, i. 484. Walch, xviii. 538. 19 Dialogus in praesumptuosas M. Lutheri Conclusiones de Potestate Papae (it ap- peared in December, 1517), in Lutheri Opp. Tom. Jenens. Lat. i. 15 ; in Loscher, ii. 12 ff. Characteristic of the work are the following positions, in Loscher, p. 14: Ecclesia uni- versalis virtualiter est Ecclesia Romana — Ecclesia Romana — virtualiter est Pontifex summus. P. 31 : Veniae sive indulgentiae auctoritate Scripturae nobis non innotuere, sed auctoritate Ecclesiae Romanae, Romanorumque Pontificum, quae major est. P. 22 : Quan- tum ad indulgentias attinet, Papa habet clavem jurisdictionis secundum Sanctos etiam in Purgatorium applicative : animas tamen a debito seu reatu poenarum non absolvit, sed eis tribuit, unde poenam vel debitum solvant, applicans et adjiciens eis satisfactionem Christi vel aliorum. — Praedicator, animam, quae in Purgatorio detinetur, adstruens evo- lare in co instanti, in quo plene factum est illud, gratia cujus plena venia datur, puta dejectus est aureus in pelvim, non hominem, sed meram et catholicam veritatem prae- dicat. Hence Erasmus, in his Responsio Nervosa ad Albertum Pium, could write with justice (in v. d. Hardt, Hist. Liter. Reform, i. p. 179) : scripsit Prierias : — sed ita, ut causam indulgentiarum fecerit deteriorem. 20 According to Eck's assertion, in a letter to Carlstadt of the 28th May, 1518 (in Losch- er, ii. 64), in which he tries to pacifj- the Wittenbergians, he had only composed them for private use at the request of his diocesan, the bishop of Eichstadt (in fact it was his duty, on becoming a canon, tb give the bishop advice when required ; see the papal bull, in Mederi Annal. Ingolst. iv. 25), and they had been published against his will. Luther published them with his Asterisci, in August, 1518 ; and so they are found, Tom. Jen. Lat. i. p. 31, in Loscher, iii. 333. But before this, Carlstadt, in his Academic Disputations, from May to July, 1518, had already drawn up a series of Theses against the Obelisci; see Loscher, ii. 62 ff. Against this work Eck published a Defensio, to which Carlstadt re- plied in August, 1518, with a Defensio adv. Jo. Eckii Monomachiam (in Loscher, ii. 108). 21 Against Tetzel's refutation, he wrote in June, 1518 (see the letter to Lang in de Wette, i. 124) : Freyheit des Sermons papstl. Ablass u. Gnade belangend, in Loscher, i. 525, and Walch, xviii. 564 ; against Prierias in August, Responsio ad Sylv. Prieria- tis Dialogum, in Tom. i. Lat. Jen. p. 44 ; in Loscher, ii. 390. His principal work, how- ever, at this time, was the Resolutiones Disputationum de Virtute Indulgentiarum, which had been already in May sent in manuscript to the Bishop of Brandenburg and the Pope, and appeared in print at the beginning of August. Tom, i. Lat. Jen. p. 76 ; Loscher, ii. 183. 28 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. tion as he saw that his enemies could only bring against him an exclusive human authority, it also became clear to him that the real source of the corruption was in the intermingling of human opinions with divine truth ; and thus he was led to enforce the principle, that only the Holy Scriptures offer a firm founda- tion to faith, and that the doctrine and state of the Church must be judged by them alone.22 The Dominicans accused him in 22 The Responsio ad Prierat, in Loscher, ii. 390, first laj-s down the principles from which Luther started : Secundum est illud b. Augustini ad Hieronymum : ego solis eis Ubris, qui canonici appellantur, hunc honorem deferre didici, ut nullum scriptorem eorum errasse firmissime credam. Caeteros autem, quantalibet doctrina sanctitateque polleant, non ideo verura esse credo, quia ill i sic senserunt. — Tu perpetuo pro verborum textu non nisi nuda verba ponis, aut solas opiniones d. Thomae mihi nunc demum decantas ; qui aeque ut tu nudis verbis incedit, sine Scriptura, sine Patribus, sine canonibus, denique sine ullis rationibus. Ideoque meo jure, i. e. Christiana libertate, te et ilium simul re- jicio et nego. P. 400 : Et ut animum meum scias, mihi videtur id in gravissimum Eccle- siae ludibrium vergere, si ea doceamus, de quibus nullam prorsus rationem reddcre pos- sumus. Nee satis ibi esse eredo etiam factum Ecclesiae, — quia tarn Papa quam Concili- um potest errare, ut habes Panormitanum egregie haee tractantem (see Vol. ii. § 13G, Note 6, p. 322). Resolution, conclus. 2G (Loscher, ii. 248) : Me nihil movet, quid placeat vel displiceat summo Pontilici : homo est sicut et caeteri : multi fuerunt summi Pontifi- ces, quihus non solum errores et vitia sed etiam portenta placuerunt. Responsio, p. 403 : Theologia ilia scholastica exulem nobis fecit veram et sinceram theologiam. Nam vides, quod perpetuo hoc dialogo nihil ago, nisi quod resisto et redarguo scholasticam theolo- giam, i. e. falsam Scripturae et Sacramentorum intelligentiam. Resolut. concl. 25, p. 23G : Deinde adversarios meos etiam rogo, ut ferant dolorem meum, quo crucior, dum audio ea praedicari in Ecclesia Christi, quae nunquam scripta et statuta sunt, quando Sanctis olim Patribus legimus visum esse periculosissimum, aliquid ultra praescriptum caeleste doceri, ut inquit Hilarius. Concl. 58, p. 282 : Plus trecentis aunis tot Universi- tates, tot in illis acutissima ingenia, tot ingeniorum pertinacissima studia in uno Aris- totele laborant, et tamen adhuc non solum Aristotelem non intelligunt, verum etiam er- rorem et fictam intelligentiam per universam pene Ecclesiam spargunt, quanquam si etiam intelligerent eum, nihil egregiae sapientiae adepti essent. Concl. 8, p. 203: Si canones poenitentiales manent mortuis, eadem ratione et caeteri omnes. Celebrent ergo, agant festa, et jejunia, et vigilias, dicant horas canonicas, non comedant ova, lac, car- nes certis diebus, sed tantum pisces, fructus, legumina, induant vestes pullas vel Candi- das pro differentia dierum, et alia onera gravissima quibus nunc premitur misera ilia, olim Uberrima, Ecclesia Christi (after Augustin. ad Januar. ; see Vol. i. § 100, Note 2, p. 455). Concl. 26, p. 238 : Cum nostro saeculo sint tarn zelosi haereticae pravitatis inquisitores, ut Christianissime catholicos vi conentur ad haeresim adigere, oportunum fuerit super singulis syllabis protestari. Nam quid aliud fecerint Johannes Picus Mirandulanus, Laurentius Valla, Petrus Ravennas, Johannes Vesalia, et novissime diebus istis Johannes Reuchlin atque Jacobus Stapulensis, ut inviti cogerentur et bene sentiendo male sentire, non facile viderim, nisi quod omiserint forte protestationem super singulis, ut dixi, syl- labis: tanta est hodie in Ecclesia puerorum et effoeminatorum tyrannis. With regard to indulgence Luther wrote as early as the 15th Febr. to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 92) : duo tamen dicam : primum tibi soli et amicis nostris, donee res publicetur: mihi in indul- gentiis hodie videri non esse nisi animarum illusionem, et nihil prorsus utiles esse, nisi stertentibus ct pigris in via Christi. Etsi banc sententiam non tenet noster Carolstadi- us, certum est tamen mihi, quod eas nihil ducit. Thus also Concl. 46, p. 270 : Veniae Eunt de numero eorum, quae licent, non autem eorum, quae expediunt. Concl. 49. p. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 29 272 : Quod autem dixi : sunt utiles, intelligo, non omnibus, imo veteri liomini et ster- tentibus operariis, eo quod melius sit, illis eas remitti poeuas, quam ut ferrent invite. Concl. 50, 1. c. indulgentiae est vilissimum bonum omnium bonorum Ecclesiae, nee nisi vilissimis Ecclesiae donandum, deinde nee meritorium, nee utile, sed plerumque nocen- tissimum, si non sint timorati. Against the doctrine of the Thesaurus, Concl. 58, e. g. p. 276 : nullus Sanctorum in hac vita sufficienter implevit mandata Dei, ergo nihil pror- sus fecerunt superabundans, quare nee ad indulgentias aliquid distribuendum relique- runt. Concl. 26, p. 240 : Procedit ejus somnium ex laboriosa ilia et inutili arte confitendi, imo desperandi et perdendi animas, qua hucusque docti sumus arenam numerare, i. e. singula peccata discutere, colligere, atque ponderare ad faciendam contritionem. Quod cum fecerimus, fit ut refricemus vel concupiscentias vel odia, praeteritorum memoria, et dum conterimur de praeteritis, nove peccemus ; aut certe si fiat optima contritio, sit tan- tummodo violenta, tristis, mereque factitia, de metu poenarum simulata duntaxat. Sic enim docemur peccata conteri, i. e. ad impossibile, vel ad pejus, conari. Cum vera con- tritio sit incipienda a benignitate et beneficiis Dei, praesertim a vulneribus Christi, ut homo ad sui ingratitudinem primo veniat ex intuitu divinae bonitatis, et ex ilia in odi- um sui ac amorem benignitatis Dei. Concl. 7, p. 199 : Theologi recentiores — Sacramen- tum poenitcntiae sic tractant et docent, ut populus discat, per suas contritiones et satis- factiones confidere, se peccata sua po«se delere. Quae vanissima praesumptio nihil aliud potest efficere, quam ut cum haemorrhoissa Evangelica, consumpta in medicos tota sub- stantia, pejus et pejus habeant. Fides primo iu Christum-, gratuitum remissionis largi- torem, docenda erat, et desperatio propriae contritionis et satisfactionis persuadenda, ut sic fiducia et gaudio cordis de misericordia Christi firmati, tandem hilariter odirent pec- catum, et contererentur, et satisfacerent. Concl. 42, p. 268 : Si populus doceatur propter poenarum evasionem contribuere (ad fabricam Eccl. s. Petri), — tunc clarum est, quod non propter Deum contribuunt, et erit timor poenarum, seu poena idolum eorum, cut sic sacrijicant. Concl. 62, p. 288 : Satis incognita res est Evangelium Dei in midta parte Ec- clesiae: ideo paulo latius de illo dicendum, nihil enim reliquit in mundo Christus praeter solum Evangelium. — Est autem Ecangelium secundum Apostolum Rom. I. sermo de filio Dei incarnato, nobis sine mentis in salutem et pacem donato. Est verbum salutis, ver- bum gratiae, verbum solatii, verbum gaudii, vox sponsi et sponsae, verbum bonum, verbum pacis. — £ea;vero est verbum perditionis, verbum irae, verbum tristitiae, verbum doloris, vox judicis et rei, verbum inquietudinis, verbum maledicti. Nam secundum Apostolum lex est virtus peccati, et lex iram operatur. Est lex mortis. Ex lege enim nihil habemus, nisi malam conscientiam, inquietum cor, pavidum pectus a facie pecca- torum nostrorum, quae lex ostendit, nee tollit, nee nos tollere possumus. Sic Itaque captis, ac tristibus, omninoque desperatis venit lux Evangelii et dicit : nolite timere : — ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi, ecce qui solus implet legem pro vobis. — Hoc suavissimum nuncium cum audierit conscientia peccatrix, reviviscit, — jam nee mortem — formidat, neque infernum. Ideo qui poenas adkuc timent, nondum audiverunt Christum, nee vocem Evangelii, sed vocem potius Mosis. Ex hoc itaque Evangelio nasci- tur vera gloria Dei, dum docemur, non nostris operibus, sed gratia miserentis Dei in Christo impletam legem et impleri; non operando sed credendo, non Deo aliquid offc- rendo sed ex Christo omnia accipiendo et participando. He denied the secular power as -well as the infallibility of the Pope ; see Concl. 80, p. 297: Id ego vehementer admiror, quisnam illam glossam invenerit primus, quod duo gladii significcnt unum spiritualem (non ut Aj>ostolus vocat, scil, gladium Spiritus, verbum Dei), alium materialem, ut sic Pontilieem utraque potestate armatum nobis non patrem amabilem, sed quasi tyrannum formidabilem faciant, dum nihil nisi potestatem undique in eo videmus. On the other hand, he still says, in Concl. 69, p. 290 : Auctoritati papali in omnibus cum reverentia credendum est. Qui enim potestati resistit, resistit Dei ordinationi. He still believed in purgatory also, Concl. 15, p. 215 : Quae ideo dico, ne Pighardus haereticus (the Bohe- mian brethren) in me sibi videatur obtinuisse, purgatorium non esse, quia locum ejus ignotum esse confiteor. — Mihi certissimum est, purgatorium esse. Liischer, p. 304, is wrong in thinking that as he wrote he advanced in knowledge, and that in ConcL 18, p. 30 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Rome.23 Leo X., who regarded the whole matter as a mere quar- rel of monks,24 did indeed permit Luther to be summoned to re- spond ;25 but, out of consideration for Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, whom he wished to gain over to his views in the ap- proaching election of a King of Rome, he was easily induced to commission his cardinal legate Cajetan, at Augsburg, to bring the new heretic to submission.26 However, this legate, before whom Luther made his appearance at Augsburg, in October, 1518, was not able to subdue the humble monk either by kindness or by threats.27 225, he denies purgatory ; he only says, that the reasons alleged by its adversaries for the statement, purgatorium non esse merendi locum, disproved all purgatory. — Concl. 89, p. 301 : Ecclesia indiget reformatione, quod non est unius hominis Pontificis, nee mul- torum Cardinalium officium, sicut probavit utrumque novissimum Concilium, sed totius orbis, imo solius Dei. Tempus autem hujus reformationis novit solus ille, qui condidit tempora. 23 Hochstraten, in his Apologia ad Sanctiss. Leonem Papam X. ac D. Maximilianum Imp. Colon, 1518. 4. made mention of Luther also in his way (see Lutheri Scheda con- tra Hochstratanum, Jul. 1518), T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 116. Loscher, ii. 323 : sanguinaria sua lingua ad caedem et fraternam perniciem anhelans, monet optimum Pontificein Leonem X., ut non agnino et Christiano, sed leonino et furiali animo exurgat. 24 According to the account of the contemporary Matteo Bandello, Bishop of Agon (Novelle. Lucca, 1554 ft. Th. 3, in the preface to the 25th Novelle), Leo at first replied to those who instigated him to more earnest proceedings against Luther, che Fra Martino fosse un bellissimo ingegno, e che coteste erano invidie fratesche. On the other hand, so early as Non. Febr., 1518, he -wrote to Gabriel Venetus, when he appointed him to be Promagister Ord. Augustinianorum Eremit. (see P. Bembi Epistolae Nomine Leonis X. scriptae lib. xvi. no. 18, p. 379) : Volo te earn curam suscipere, ut Martinum Lu- thcrum, tuae societatis sacerdotem, quern scire te existimo in Germania novas res mo- liri, nova dogmata nostris populis tradere, quibus utantur, ab inccepto, si potes, revoces auctoritate ea, quam tibi prafectura dat.— Id si celeriter feceris, non erit puto difficile modo natam flammam extinguere. Parva enim omnia atque surgentia paulum magnos vehementesque impetus non sustinent. Sin differes, et malum vires sumpserit, vereor ne, cum velimus adhibere incendio remedia, non possimus. 25 Loscher, ii. 309 ft'., 372 ff. 20 The papal brief to Cajetan of the 27th Aug. T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 181, Loscher, ii. 437. The commission ran: Mandamus, ut — dictum Lutherum haereticum — ad personaliter coram te comparendum, invocato ad hoc tam carissimi in Christo filii nostri Maximili- ani Rom. Imp. electi, quam reliquorum Germaniae Principum — brachio cogas atque compellas, et eo in potestate tua redacto, eum sub fideli custodia retineas, donee a nobis aliud habueris in mandatis, ut coram nobis et Sede apostolica sistatur. Ac quodsi coram te sponte ad petendum de hujusmodi temeritate veniam venerit, et ad cor reversus poe- nitentiae signa ostenderit, tibi eum ad unitatem sanctae matris Ecclesiae— benigne reci- piendi concedimus facultatem. 27 Reports of the proceedings at Augsburg may be found : 1. In Luther's letters writ- ten from Augsburg to Spalatin and Carlstadt, in de Wette, i. 142 ff. 2. More in detail in his letter to the Elector Frederick 19. Nov. ibid. 174. 3. His Acta apud Dom. Lega- tum Apostolicum Thorn. Cajctanum Augustae, ann. 1518, in Octobri, usually called Acta Augustana, published in 1518 (as to three different editions of these, see Riederer's Ab- handlung, 3tes Stuck, s. 362), in T. i. Lat. Jen. fol. 185. 4. There is a longer report of the proceedings of Dr. Martin Luther with Thomas Cajetan (by Spalatin) in the first CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 31 Instead thereof, the monk appealed a Papa non bene informato ad melius informandum ;28 and afterward, when the whole doctrine of indulgence, as it had been developed up to the present time, was confirmed by a bull from Rome,29 he issued an appeal from the Pope to a general council (at Wittenberg, 28th Nov., 1518).30 Sympathy with the bold champion had for a long time manifested itself only in tones of fear and warning :31 gradually some approv- ing voices now dared to speak with boldness, especially among the humanists,33 and his colleagues and fellow - citizens at Witten- part of the Jena edition of Luther's German works, fol. 108, b. ff. There is a collection of all the reports and acts in Luther's works l)jr Walch, xv. C36 ff. 28 The appeal of the 16th Oct. T. i. Jen. p. 193 ; in Loscher, ii. 484. 29 Of the 9th Nov. T. i. Jen. f. 203, b. ; in Loscher, ii. 493. On the other hand, in Ilottingeri Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. T. iii. p. 180, it bears the date Cal. Jan., 1518. Luther is not mentioned in it ; it is only directed against the errors which had been spread abroad, nonnullis Religiosis, in Germany about the indulgence ; that no one may be able in future to pretend — ignorantiam doctrinae Rom. Ecclesiae circa hujusmodi indulgen- tias — it takes the ground— Romanum Pontificem — potestate clavium, quarum est aperire tollendo illius in Christifidelibus impedimenta, culpam scil. et poenam pro actualibus peccatis debitam, culpam quidem mediante Sacramento poenitentiae, poenam vero tem- poralem pro actualibus peccatis secundum divinam justitiam debitam mediante ecclesi- astica indulgentia, posse pro rationalibus causis concedere eisdem Christitidelibus, — sive in hac vita sint, sive in Purgatorio, indulgentias ex superabundantia meritorum Jesu Christi et Sanctorum, ac tarn pro vivis quam pro defunctis — thesaurum meritorum Jesu Christi et Sanctorum dispensare, per modum absolutionis indulgentiam ipsam conferre, vel per modum suffragii illam transferre consuevisse. Ac propterea omnes tarn vivos quam defunctos, qui veraciter omnes indulgentias hujusmodi consecuti fuerint, a tanta temporali poena secundum divinam justitiam pro peccatis suis actualibus debita libsrari, quanta concessae et acquisitae indulgentiae aequivalet. 30 T. i. Jen. p. 205, b. ; Loscher, ii. 505. 31 Luther relates, in his commentary on Psalm cxviii. 9 (in Walch, v. 1713) : " When I first assailed the indulgence, and all the world opened their eyes and began to imag- ine that it was done with too high a hand, my prior and sub-prior came to me, alarmed at the loud outcry, and were sore afraid, and prayed me not to bring shame on the Order ; for the other Orders, especially the Preachers, were already leaping for joy, that they were not alone in disgrace, but that the Augustines also must now burn and bear reproach. Then I answered, dear Fathers, if this matter is not begun in God's name, it will quickly fall to the ground ; but if it is begun in His name, leave it in His hands," Staupitz wrote from Salzburg to Luther, 14th Sept, 1518, when he was summoned to Augsburg (Loscher, ii. 445) : quid hodie praeter crucem te maneat non video quicquam. In foribus, ni fallor, est sententia, ne quis inconsulto Pontifice scrutetur Scripturas, ad inveniendum se quod utique Christus ut fieret jussit. Paucos habes patronos, et utinam non sint occulti propter metum adversariorum. Placet mihi, ut Vittembergam ad tem- pus deseras, meque accedas, ut simul vivamus moriamurque. 32 That the humanists were the natural allies of Luther, appears from the epistle of Erasmus to Luther, dd. 30 Maji, 1519, which also illustrates his own peculiar attitude toward the Reformation (Erasmi Epistt. T. i. Ep\ 427) : Nullo sermone consequi queam, quas tragoedias hie excitarint tui libelli: ne adhuc quidem ex animis istorum revelli potest falsissima suspicio, qua putant tuas lucubrationes meis auxiliis esse scriptas, me- que hujus factionis, ut vocant, vexilliferum esse. Existimabant quidam sibi datam an- 32 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. berw33 In the young Melancthon, who was gained for Witteri- sam, qua et bonas literas opprimerent, quas capitaliter oderunt, velut offecturas majes- tati theologicae, quam multi pluris faciunt quam Christum. — Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis seriptis optime sentiant, et sunt hi maximi. Sunt et hie, quorum est eximius qui- dam, qui tuis favent. Ego me quod licet integrum servo, quo magis prosim bonis Uteris reflorescentibus. Et mihi videtur, plus profici civili modestia, quam impetu. Sic Chris- tus orbem in suam ditionem perduxit ; sic Paulus judaicam legem abrogavit, omnia tra- hens ad alieforiam. Magis expedit clamare in eos, qui Pontiticum auctoritate abutun- tur, quam in ipsos Pontifices : idem de Regibus faciundum censeo. Scholae non tarn aspernandae sunt, quam ad studia magis sobria revocandae. De rebus receptioribus, quam ut subito possint ex animis revelli, disputandum est argumentis densis et efficaci- bus potius quam asseverandum. Quorundam virulentas contentiones magis conducit contemnere quam refellere. Ubique cavendum, ne quid arroganter aut factiose loqua- mur, faciamusve : sic arbitror gratum esse spiritui Christi. Interea servandus animus, ne vel ira, vel odio, vel gloria corruuipatur : nam haec in medio pietatis studio solet insidiari. Haec non admoneo ut facias, sed ut quod facis perpetuo facias. In a letter of the 14th April, 1519, in which he dedicates his Vitae Caesarum to the elector Freder- ick the Wise, Erasmus also favors Luther in the interests of the humanists ; see this let- ter in full, T. i. Jen. f. 211 : Huic tam odioso negotio, praesertim apud mulierculas et iudoctam plebeculam, miscuerunt homines callidi trium linguarum, eloquentiae, politi- orisque literaturae mentionem, quasi aut Lutherus his praesidiis fideret, aut ex hisce fontibus haereses nascerentur.— Lutherus mihi tam ignotus est, quam cui ignotissimus, ut suspectus esse non queam, quasi faveam amico. But still, he says, the question em- braces theological opinions which had not yet been refuted, and for which he ought not to be pronounced a heretic and persecuted. Si quidquid in Scholis receptum est, oracu- lum habcri volunt, cur inter se Scholastici dissentiunt?— Ad haec non raro deprehen- duntur damnare in recentium libris, quod in Augustino aut Gersone non damnant : quasi Veritas cum auctore mutetur. Eos, quibus favent, sic legunt, ut omnia torquentes, ni- hilnon excusent : quibus infensi sunt, sic legunt, ut nihilnon calumnientur.— Caeterum, ut tuae Celsitudinis est, Christianam religionem pietate tua protegere, ita prudentiae est, non committere, ut quisquam innocens, te justitiae praeside sub praetextu pietatis aliquorum impietati dedatur. Vult idem Leo Pontifex, cui nihil magis est cordi, quam ut tuta sit innocentia.— Certe hie video libros illius ab optimis quibusque cupidissime legi, quamquam mihi nondum vacavit evolvere. Frederiak the Wise replied to this on the 14th of May (1. c. f. 212) : Non damnari ab eruditis causam Lutheranam,.et Doctoris Martini lucubrationes ab optimis quibusque istic cupidissime legi laetamur. Eoque ma- gis, quod plerique bonorum et eruditorum in nostris quoque regionibus et Principatibus, nedum extemis, hominis tam vitam et mores, quam eruditionem miro consensu laudant. Quod enim hactenus in Saxonibus nostris degit, non tam homini, quam causae dedimus. Nihil minus unquam conati, quam ut dignos praemiis poena premeret. Neque Deo om- nipotente juvante committemus, ut nostra culpa innocens quispiam sua quaerentium impietati dedatur. 33 Carlstadt was the first to come forward in behalf of Luther ; see Note 20. Luther wrote to Jodocus, professor at Erfurt, on the 19th May, 1518, in de Wette, i. 108 : Scis ingenia eorum, qui apud nos sunt, puta Carlstadii, Amsdorfii, D. Hieronymi (Schurf), D. Wolfgangi (Stehlen), utriusque Feldkirchen, denique D. Petri Lupini (Kadhemius). At ii omnes constanter mecum sentiunt, imo tota Universitas, excepto uno ferme Licen- tiato Sebastiano. Sed et Princeps, et Episcopus ordinarius noster, deinde multi alii Praelati : et quotquot sunt ingeniosi cives, jam uno ore dicunt, sese prius non novisse nee audivisse Christum et Evangelium. The university also interceded for him on the 25th Sept., 1518, on account of his summons to Rome, in two letters, to the Pope and to the Pope's Chamberlain, Charles of Miltitz. T. i. Jen. f. 183; in Loscher, ii. 384 ff. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. *§ 1. 1518. 33 berg in 1518,34 he found his truest helper in the great work,35 to which he was destined, without as yet himself suspecting it. By his luminous and edifying works he made the subject of contro- versy intelligible to a larger circle ; by his moral and religious ap- peals, in the spirit of the Augustinian system, he was able to quicken the sense of inward piety,36 in opposition to the deadening doctrine of holiness by works ; and thus he was constantly gaining the heart of the German people. Indignation against Roman im- posture increased ; universal attention and sympathy were direct- ed toward the bold champion of the truth.37 34 He entered upon his office on the 29th of August with an oration ; see Loscher, ii. 387. 35 Luther writes about him, Praef. in T. i. Opp. 1545: Eodem anno jam M. Phil. Me- lancthon a Principe Friderico vocatus hue fuerat ad docendas litteras graecas, haud du- bie, ut haberem socium laboris ill theologia. Nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum, non in Uteris tan turn, sed in theologia, satis testaiitur ejus opera, etiamsi iras- catur Satan et omnes squamae ejus. 36 His Sermon on the Sacrament of Penance is especially remarkable (Nov., 1518) ; in Walch, x. 1461 ; in Loscher, ii. 512 ; Fortschritte, s. 515. " All is at once given in faith, which alone makes the sacraments effect what they signify, and every thing to be true which the priest says ; for as thou believest so it is done to thee. Without this faith all absolution, all sacraments are vain ; yea, thejT do more hurt than good." — S. 517 : "Ninthly ; it follows, besides, that in the sacrament of penance and the forgiveness of sins, a Pope, a bishop, does no more than the humblest priest; yea, where there is no priest, every Christian may do as much, though a woman or a child. For if any Chris- tian can say to thee, God forgive thee thy sins in the name of Christ, etc., and if thou canst but seize the word with a firm faith, as though God spake it to thee, thou art in this faith certainly absolved." — S. 521 : "In the sixteenth place ; that no one may again accuse me of forbidding good works, I say, with all earnestness, that men should be penitent and sorrowful, should confess and do good works. But this I defend as much as I can, that we hold the faith to be the chief good in the sacrament, and the inherit- ance whereby we obtain God's grace ; and, accordingly, that we are to do much good only for the glory of God and the welfare of our neighbors, and not because we rely upon it as sufficient to pay the debt of sin ; for God gives his grace freely and gratis, and so we ought, in return, to serve him freely and gratis." — S. 524: "Accordingly there belong to auricular confession no sins but those which are publicly accounted mortal sins, and which weigh down and alarm the conscience at the time ; for if we are to confess all sins we must confess at every instant, because we are never without sin in this life, even our good works are not pure and without sin." — "And even if one does not go to confession at all, it might still be useful for him often to hear of absolution and the work of God, for the sake of the same faith, that he may thus form a habit of believing in the forgiveness of sin." — S. 521 : " The priest has enough signs and reasons for absolving, when he sees that absolution is earnestly desired from him." 37 Alphonsus Valdesius writes upon this period, from Brussels, 31st Aug., 1520, to Peter Martyr (Petri Martyris Epistt., Amstelod. 1G70, p. 380) : Intumuerunt dudum Germanorum animi, videntes Romanensium mores plus quam profanos, coeperantque de excutiendo Rom. Pontificis jugo clam per cuniculos agere. Quo factum est, ut, quum primum Lutheri scripta in vulgum prodiere, mirum quanto applausu ab omnibus sus- cepta sint. Ibi Germani gestire, et convicia in Romanenses jactare, petereque ut genc- ralis Christianorum ontniuin conventus indiceretur, in quo excussis his, quae Luthcrus scribebat, alius ordo in rebus Ecclesiae statueretur. Quod utinam factum fuisset! Ye- rumtamen dum Pontifex jus suurn mordicus tuetur, dum timet Christianorum conven- VOL. IV. 3 34 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. The Elector of Saxony was just now of too great importance to the Pope, in a political point of view, to be alienated from him for the sake of an insignificant monk. Leo X. sent to him his cham- berlain, Charles of Miltitz, with the golden rose,38 to win him to his views in the election of the King of Rome, and to come to an understanding on the affair of Luther. Miltitz, upon his arrival in Germany (Dec, 1518), soon saw that nothing could here be ef- fected by force ;39 still less when, after the death of Maximilian L, the 12th Jan., 1519, the Elector of Saxony became Regent of the empire in Northern Germany. He accordingly tried to flatter Lu- ther by kindness, and thus actually obtained, not indeed the de- sired recantation, but a promise to be silent if his opponents were silent, and an open declaration of obedience to the See of Rome.40 turn, dum (ut libere loquar) plus apud cum valet privatum commodum in generali sy- nodo forte periclitaturum, quam Christians populi salus, dum cupit Lutherana scripts nondum discussa e medio tollere ; Legatum a latere (Cajetan) ad Caesarem Maximilia- num mittit, caet. Wolfg. Fabritius Capito wrote to Luther, 18th Feb., 1519 (in Sculteti Annal. Reform, ad h. a.) : Helvetia et Rheuana regio ad Oceanum usque solidos amieos fovet Lutherio, eosque potentissimos, neque omnino alienos a bonis studiis. Cardinalis Sedunensis, Comes de Gerolseck, Episcopus quidam eruditus ac primae honestatis, alii- que ex nostris non pauci cum nuper audierant te periclitari, non tantum sumtum, sed etiam tuta loca pollicebantur, quibus aut latere, aut aperte degere posses. Cum peregre constitutum fama praedicaret et summa rerum difficultate laborare, fuerunt, qui per me submittere nitebantur sumtum, et submisissent utique. On the 14th Feb., 1519, Froben, the bookseller at Basle, -wrote to Luther (T. i. Jen. fol. 367. b.), that he had sent numer- ous copies of his works to France, Spain, Italy, Brabant, and England : venduntur Pa- risiis, leguntur etiam a Sorbonicis et probantur, quemadmodum amici nostri certiores nos reddiderunt. Dixerunt illic doctissimi quidam, se jam pridem talem libertatem de- siderasse in his, qui sacras literas tractaut. — Hie (in Basle) ut quisque est optimus, ita tui maxime est studiosus. Episcopus noster imprimis tibi favet, ejus item Suffraganeus Tripolitanus Episcopus. The Cardinal of Sitten said, after reading Luther's works : ,; Luther tu vere es hither" (tauter, i. e., clear) ; and, " Disputet Eccius quantum velit, Lutherus veritatem scribit." 38 Upon Miltitz's proceedings, see Loscher, ii. 552 ; iii. C, 92 ; Walch, xv. 808. 39 Lutherus ad Jo. Svlvium, dd. 2. Febr., 1519 (de Wette, i. 216) : Carolus de Miltitz missus ad Principem nostrum armatus plus 70 apostolicis Brevibus, in hoc scilicet datis, ut me vivum ac vinctum perduceret in Hierusalem homicidam illam Romam : sed per viam a Domino prostratus, i. e. multitudine mini faventium territus, juxta quod curio- sissime ubique de mei opinione exploraverat, mutavit violentiam in benevolentiam fal- lacissime simulatam, agens mecum multis sane verbis, ut pro honore Ecclesiae Romanae revocarem mea dicta. In the Praef. ad Opp. T. i. 1545, he states, that Miltitz had him- self said to him : " Si haberem 25 ruillia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me Ro- mam pcrduci. Exploravi enim per totum iter animos hominum, quid de te sentirent : ecce ubi unum pro Papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra Papain stabant." *° At a personal interview at Altenburg in the first days of January, 1519, Miltitz and Luther came to an agreement, as the latter reports to the Elector (de Wette, i. 209) : •• In the tir.st place, that there be a general inhibition laid upon both parties, and that they be both forbidden to preach, write, or act about these matters any further. Sec- ondly, that the said Charles [of Miltitz] will shortly take occasion to write to the holv CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 35 Under existing circumstances Miltitz thought he might well "be satisfied with such a result in this vexatious matter. At Leipsic he so sternly rebuked John Tetzel, the real author of the difficulty, for his shameless proceedings, that he died of chagrin.41 Luther made the promised declarations,42 and the whole matter seemed to be at an end. Dr. Eck started it again. To close in triumph a controversy Father, the Pope, about all matters, as he has found them ; and then see to it that his papal holiness commission some learned bishop, perhaps, to look into the matter and point out the articles which are erroneous, and which I should revoke. And then, when I am taught the error, I should and will recant it willingly, and not weaken the honor and power of the holy Roman Church." Besides this, Luther had proposed, in a some- what earlier letter to the Elector (de Wette, i. s. 208) : " In the next place, I would write to his holiness the Pope, submit in all humility, confess how I have been too hot and too sharp, yet did not mean to come too near to the holy Roman Church, but to show the reason WI13' I, as a true child of the Church, had opposed the scandalous preaching from which had grown such great scorn, reports, dishonor, and offense among the people against the Roman Church. In the third place, I was willing to publish a paper to warn everj' one to follow the Roman Church, to be obedient and reverential, and to un- derstand my writings not to the disgrace but to the honor of the holy Roman Church ; and also confess that I had brought the truth out with too great zeal, and perhaps un- seasonably." He writes to Christopher Scheurl on the 13th January, at the same time informing him of this agreement (Ibid. s. 212): Ego, quantum in me est, nee timeo nee cupio protelari causam. Sunt adhuc multa, quae Romanam lernam movere possunt, quae libens premam (not promam), si permittant. Sin Deus non volet, ut permittant, net voluntas Domini. Miltitz in general demeaned himself rather as a German than as a Roman, and thus gained the confidence of Luther. The Romans afterward complained of him (see Instructio Nuntio data ami. 1536, in Ranke Fursten u. Volker v. Siid-Europa. iv. 290) : id tantum fructus rcportavit, quod saepe, perturbatus vino, ea effutire de Pon- tifice et Romana curia a Saxouibus inducebatur, non modo quae facta erant, sed quae ipsi e malae in nos mentis aftectu imaginabantur et optabant ; et ea omnia scriptis ex- cipientes postea in conventu Vormatiensi nobis publice coram tota Germania exproba- bant. 41 Miltitz had, at the very first, summoned Tetzel to him at Altenburg ; but he ex- cused himself in a letter, 31st Dec, 1518 (published by Cyprian in Tentzel's Bericht v. Anf. d. Reform, i. 374, in Loscher, ii. 567): "Nu solt mich solcher Arbeit und Reiss nicht verdriessen, Ew. Erwird zu willfahren, wenn ich mich one meins Lebens Nach- theil durfft aus Leipzick begeben. Wann Martinus Luther, Augustiner, hat die Mach- tigen nicht allein schier in alien teutschen Landen, sondern auch in den Konigreicheu zu Behem, Ungarn und Polen also wider mich erregt und bewegt, dass ich nirgent sicher bin." Miltitz heard more particulars of Tctzel's impostures and other disgraceful pro- ceedings, and in January, 1519, called him to a strict account for them. (See Miltitz Schreiben an Pfeffinger, in Cyprian, ibid. s. 380 ; Loscher, iii. 20.) Lutherus, Praef. ad T. i. Opp. 1545 : Vocaverat (Miltitius) autem ad se Johannem Tetzelium, — et verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus terribilem cunctis, et imperterritum clamatorem, ut inde contabesceret, et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur. Quern ego, ubi hoc rescivi, ante obitum Uteris benigniter scriptis consolatus sum, ac jussi ani- rao bono esse, nee mei memoriam metueret. Sed conscientia et indignatione Papae forte occubuit. 42 He published in February : Unterricht auf. ctliche Artikel, so ihm von seinen Ab- gonnern aufgelegt und zugemessen worden (in Loscher, iii. 84 ; Walch, xv. 842). His letter to the Pope is dated the 3d of March, in de Wette, i. 233. 36 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. raised by his Obelisks,*3 this renowned disputant44 challenged Lu- ther's colleague, Andreas Bodenstein, from his birth-place surnamed Carlstadt, to a disputation at Leipsic,45 and also contrived to en- tangle Luther in it.46 In this disputation, which lasted from the 43 See above, Note 20. 44 Upon his former disputations held at Bologna and Vienna, see Riederer's Nach- richten, Bd. 3. s. 47, 178, 283. 45 This Disputation between Eck and Luther had been already concerted at Augs- burg, and Luther informs him, 15th Nov., 1518 (de Wette, i. 171), that Carlstadt agreed to it. 46 By 13 Theses, which Eck published in Januar}', 1519 (in Loscher, iii. 210), to which Luther replied in 13 others. Ibid. 212. Compare, Luther to Spalatin, 7th Febr. (de Wette, i. 222) : Eccius noster — gloriae edidit schedulam, disputaturus contra Carlstadi- um Lipsiae post Pascha. Et homo insulsa obliquitate, suae jam diu in me conceptae invidiae satisfacturus, in me et mea ruit scripta, alium nominans concertatorem, alium autem invadens tractatorem. On the 13th of March he apologized to the Elector, say- ing, that under these circumstances he could not consider his promise to Miltitz to keep silence as binding (de Wette, i. 237). In his 13th Thesis Eck broached an entirely new subject: Romarn Ecclesiam non fuisse superiorem aliis Ecclesiis ante tempora Sylves- tri, negamus. Sed eum, qui sedem beatissimi Petri habuit et fidem, successorem Petri et Vicarium Christi generalem semper agnovimus. Luther opposed to this the counter- thesis (as he writes to Spalatin in May, de Wette, i. 261 : haec xiii. propositio mihi est extorta per Eccium : xiii., as in the following letter, should here be read instead of xii.) : Eomanam Ecclesiam esse omnibus aliis superiorem, probatur ex frigidissimis Rom. Pontificum decretis, intra quadringentos annos natis, contra quae sunt historiae approbatae mille et centum annorum, textus scripturae divinae, et decretum Nicaeni Concilii omnium sacratissimi. There are some remarkable declarations of Luther at this period. He writes to Scheurl, 20th Febr. (de Wette, i. 230) : Eccius noster, hucusque Insaniam suam in me pulchre dissimulans, tandem manifestavit. Vide, quid sit homo. Sed Deus in medio Deorum : ipse uovit, quid ex ea tragoedia deducere voluerit. Nee Eccius sibi, nee ego mihi in hac quicquam serviemus. Dei consilium agi mihi videtur. Saepius dixi, hucusque lusum esse a me; nunc tandem seria in Bomanum Pontificem et arrogantiam Eomanam agentur. To Lange in the same strain, 7th Febr. (ibid. 217). To Spalatin, 5th March (ibid. 236) : Nunquam fuit in animo, ut ab Apostolica sede Ro- mana voluerim desciscere : denique sum contentus, ut omnium vocetur aut etiam sit Dominus. Quid hoc ad me ! qui sciam etiam Turcam honorandum et ferendum potes- tatis gratia. Quia certus sum, non nisi volente Deo (ut Petrus ait) ullam potestatem consistere : sed hoc ago pro fide mea in Christum, ut verbum ejus non pro libito trahant atque containment. Dimittant mihi decreta Romana Evangelium sincerum, et omnia alia rapiant : prorsus pilum non movebo. To the same, 13th March (ibid. 239) : Verso et decreta Pontificum, pro mea disputatione, et (in aurem tibi loquor) nescio, an Papa sit Antichristus ipse vel apostolus ejus: adeo misere corrumpitur et cruciiigitur Christus, i. e. Veritas, ab eo in decretis. Discrucior mirum in modum, sic illudi populum Christi, specie legum et Christiani nominis. Aliquando tibi copiam faciam annotationum mea- rum in decreta, ut et tu videas, quid sit leges condere postposita Scriptura ex affectu ambitae tyrannidis : ut taceam, quae alia Romana curia Antjchristi opera simillima exundat. Nascitur mihi indies magis ac magis subsidium et praesidium pro sacris lite- ris. One result of these studies was the Resolutio super Propositione xiii. de Potestate Pupae, which Luther had already prepared in May, though probably he did not have it printed till after the disputation at Leipsic, in T. i. Jen. fol. 295 b. (in Loscher, iii. 123). In May he wrote to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 260) : Multa ego premo, et causa Principis et Universitatis nostrae cohibeo, quae, si alibi essem, evomerem in vastatricem Scripturae et Ecclesiae Romam, melius Babylonem. Non potest Scripturae et Ecclesiae Veritas CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 37 27th June to the 16th July, 1519,47 Carlstadt maintained against Eok the Augustinian doctrine of free-will. Luther was forced into a dispute upon the primacy of the Pope ; and, in this connec- tion, Eck having charged him with holding Hussite opinions, he was led to make the declaration, which excited great surprise, that several of -Huss's doctrines had been unjustly condemned.48 Eck was superior to his opponents in controversial skill, and thus seem- ed to those present to have got the victory.49 But the correspond- ence, in which this disputation was continued for some time lon- ger,50 turned the public judgment again to the side of the Witten- tractari, mi Spalatine, nisi haec belua offendatur. Non ergo spores me quietum ac sal- vum futurum, nisi velis et me penitus theologiam intermittere. Sine ergo amicos putare me insanire. Res ista finem non accipiet (si ex Deo est), nisi sicut Christum discipuli et noti sui, ita et me derelinquant omnes amici mei, et sola sit Veritas, quae salvet se dextera sua, non mea, non tua, non ullius hominis : et hanc horam ah initio spectavi. 47 There are contemporary accounts of this in letters from Melancthon to Oecolampa- dius, Eck to Hochstraten, Joh. Cellarius to Capito, all written in July ; from Luther to Spalatin, from Amsdorf to the same, both in August ; from Peter Mosellanus to Julius Pflug, in December. From August there is the account of John Rubeus, favorable to Eck. All these are in Loscher, iii. 215 ff. The Latin minutes, written down during the disputation, form the principal authority ; best given in Loscher, iii. 292 ff. 48 Acta Disp., hor. 2. d. 5 Jul., in Loscher, iii. 360: Certum est, inter articulos Jo- hannis IIuss vel Bohemorum multos esse plane Christianissimos et evangelicos, quos non possit universalis Ecclesia damnare, velut est ille et similis, quod tantum est una Ecclesia universalis. Haec enim agentibus impiissimis adulatoribus inique est damnata. Deinde ille : non est de necessitate salutis credere Rom. Ecclesiam esse aliis superiorem. 49 Luther to Spalatin on the 20th July (de Wette, i. 287 ; Loscher, iii. 236) : Et ita nihil ferme in ista disputatione tractatum "est saltern digne praeter propositionem meam decimam tertiam. Interim tamen ille (Eccius) placet, triumphat et regnat, sed donee ediderimus nos nostra. Nam quia male disputatum est, edam resolutiones denuo. 50 In Julv, Eck published in reply to Melancthon's report, which was addressed to Oecolampadius, his — E.ccusatio Eckii ad ea, quae /also sibi Ph. Melanchthon Grammaticus Wittenb. super Theologica Disputatione Lipsica adscripsit (in Loscher, iii. 591), where- upon Melancthon immediately followed with a Defensio (Ibid. 596). Luther issued in August his Resolutiones super rropositionibus suis Lipsiac disputatis (T. i. Jen. fol. 279 ; in Loscher, iii. 733). Against these Eck drew up an Expurgatio in October, to which Lu- ther replied in November, with an Epistola super Expurgatione Ecciana (T. i. Jen. fol. 358, b. ; in Loscher, iii. 805 ; de Wette, i. 354). The Franciscans at Juterbock had al- ready drawn 1-1 propositions from Luther's works as heretical in April, and denounced them to the bishop of Brandenburg (in Loscher, iii. 115). Eck published these in Au- gust with notes ; in reph-, appeared, in September, Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium super aliquot Articulis a Fratribus quibusdam ei impositis M. Lutheri Defensio (T. i. Jen. fol. 211, b. ; in Loscher, iii. 856). Luther met with great favor among the Bohemians. Two of the utraquist clergy at Prague — Rosdialowin and Paduschka — wrote to him in July letters of congratulation and encouragement (T. i. Jen. fol. 366 ; in Loscher, iii. 649), which he received in October (see Luther's letter to Staupitz, 3d Oct., de Wette, i. 341). Rosdialowin writes e. g. quod olim Johannes Huss in Bohemia fuerat, hoc tu Martine es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus ! Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab hominibus. Neque animo concidas, si te haercticum, si excommunicatum audies, me- mor subinde, quid Christus passus, quid Apostoli, quid omnes hodie patiantur, qui pie volent vivcre in Christo. It was probably to the bearer of these letters that Luther gave 38 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. bergers, although Eck already pronounced them heretics under the name of Lutherans. This disputation was the real training school of the Reformer. To prepare himself for it, and to continue it in writing, Luther was obliged to make investigations, into which, with his practical religious tendencies, he would probably not have been led under other circumstances :51 here, too, Melancthon now faithfully aid- ed him with his extensive learning and clear penetration.52 In his writings to be carried to Bohemia (Luther to Spalatin, 15th Oct., de Wette, i. 350). In the mean time Jerome Emser, in a letter, printed in August, to Joh. Zack, adminis- trator of the diocese of Prague, De disputatione Lipsicensi quantum ad Boemos obiter deflexa est (T. i. Jen. fol. 348 ; in Loscher, iii. 660), had tried to rob the Bohemians of their joy, by maintaining that Luther, although he agreed with them in several points, would still have nothing to do with them as schismatics. Luther answered him in Sept., in his Ad Aegocerotem Emserianum (referring to Emser's armorial bearings, which were printed on the title-page of his book, the forepart of a Capricorn) M. Lutheri Responsio (T. i. Jen. fol. 350 ; Loscher, iii. 668). Emser wrote a reply in November : A venatione Luteriana Aegocerotis Assertio, in Loscher, iii. 691. 51 Lutherus de Captivitate Babyloniea Ecclesiae (Oct., 1520), in the letter of dedica- tion (T. ii. Jen. fol. 259) : Velim, nolim, cogor indies eruditior fieri, tot tantisque magis- tris certatim me urgentibus et exercentibus. De indulgentiis ante duos annos scripsi, sed sic, ut me nunc mirum in modum poeniteat editi libelli. Haerebam enim id tempo- ris magna quadam superstitione Romanae tj-rannidis : unde et indulgentias non penitus rejiciendas esse censebam, quas tanto hominum consensu cernebam comprobari. Nee mirum, quia solus turn volvebam hoc saxum. At postea beneflcio Sylvestri et Fratrum adjutus, qui strenue illas tutati sunt, intellexi, eas aliud non esse, quain meras adula- torum Romanorum imposturas, quibus et fidem Dei et pecunias hominum perderent. Atque utinam a bibliopolis queani impetrare, et omnibus, qui legerunt, persuadere, ut universos libellos meos de indulgentiis exurant, et pro omnibus, quae de eis scripsi, hanc propositionem apprehendant : Indulgent iae sunt adulatorum Romanorum nequitiae. Post haec Eccius et Emserus cum conjuratis suis de primatu Papae me erudire coeperunt. Atque hie etiam, ne hominibus tam doctis ingratus sim, conhteor, me valde promovisse eorum opera. Nempe cum Papatum negassem divini, admisi esse humani juris. Sed ut audivi et legi subtilissimas subtilitates istorum Trossulorum, quibus suum idolum fabre statuunt (est enim mihi ingenium in his rebus non usquequaque indocile) : scio nunc et certus sum, Papatum esse regnum Babylonis et potentiam Nimrod robusti venatoris. Pro- inde et hie, ut amicis meis omnia prosperrime cedant, oro librarios, oro lectores, ut iis, quae super hac re edidi, exustis, banc propositionem teneant : Papatus est rohusta vena- tio Romani Episcopi. 5- Melancthonis contra J. Eckium Defensio (Aug., 1519). Opp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 113 : Puto non temere fieri, sicubi sententiis S. Patres variant, quemadmodum solet, ut judice Scriptura recipiantur ; non ipsorum, nempe variantibus judiciis, Scriptura vim patiatur. Quandoquidem unus aliquis et simplex Scripturae sensus est, ut et coelestis Veritas simplicissima est, quem collatis Scripturis e filo ductuque orationis licet assequi. In hoc enim jubemur philosophari in Scripturis divinis, ut hominum sententias decreta- que ad ipsas ceu ad Lydium lapidem exigamus. Soon after he drew up these Theses among others (see his letter to Hess of Febr. 1520, 1. c. p. 138) : Quod Catholicum prae- ter articulos, quos Scriptura probat, non sit necesse alios credere. Deinde conciliorum auctoritatem Scripturae auctoritate vinci. E quibus fit, citra haeresis crimen non credi Transsubstantiationem aut Characterem aut similia. And in his letter to Hess he adds : Neque ad Transsubstantiationem tantum aut Characterem, sed ad omnia ejus generis, quibus vulgo divini juris titulus praetexitur, pertinebat axioma.— Videbam,— passim CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1519. 39 this way Luther gained so thorough an insight into the errors and corruption of the Roman Church53 that he gradually began to see humanis decretis auctoritati sacrarum literarum derogari, neque conferri modo, sed et anteferri huraana divinis : articulos iidei dici jam non modo, quae SS. Patrum conciliis decreta sunt, aut Pontifices sanxerunt, sed et quidquid Thomas, quidquid Scotus argu- tantur, et in iis non modo incerta multa pro certis defendi, sed et male Christiana pro piis tradi. 53 Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium Lutheri Defensio (in Sept., 1519) IV. (in Loscher, iii. 877) : Dictum est, canones hodie et reservationes casuum prorsus nihil esse, nisi laqueos avaritiae, non suo vitio, sed Romanensium tyrannorum. Impudentissima enim avaritia est Romanae Curiae : si dederis pecuniam, canones et omnia venalia ha- bes. V. et VI. (p. 879) : Consilia evangelica non sunt supra, sed infra praecepta, h. e. con- silia sunt quaedam viae et compendia facilius et felicius implendi mandata Dei. — Faci- lius enim continet, qui viduus aut virgo est, separatus a sexu, quam copulatus cum sexu, qui concupisceutiae aliquid cedit. VII. (p. 880) : Confessio ilia, quae nunc agitur occulte in aurem, nidlo potest jure divino probari, nee ita fiebat primitus, sed publica ilia, quam Christus Matth. 18 docet. — Non tamen damno istam occultam, nisi quod do- leo, ipsam esse in carnificinam quandam redactam, ut cogantur homines confiteri, et scrupulos facere de iis, in quibus nullum est peccatum, aut vcniale tantum. — Non est in Ecclesia negotium, quod aeque ut istud confessionis et poenitentiae indigeat reforma- tione. Nam hie omnes leges, quaestus, vis, tyrannis, error, pericula, et infinita mala omnium animarum et totius Ecclesiae grassantur pleno impetu, quod Pontifices parum curant, et sophistis animarum tortoribus relinquunt. VIII. (p. 881) : Neque enim Ro- mana Curia alia re magis nocuit Ecclesiae Christi, quam multitudine et varietate legum suarum, quae mihi videntur esse novissima et omnium maxima persecutio, ut in qua irretitae conscientiae- pereant irrecuperabiliter, ut turpissimum quaestum sileam, qui legibus istis alitur. XV. (p. 887) : Valde vellem scire, ex quo loco Scripturae tradita sit potestas Papae Sanctos canonisandi? Deinde, quae necessitas Sanctos canonisandi ? Tandem, quae utilitas Sanctos canonisandi? Sermon on the Venerable Sacrament of the holy and true Body of Christ, printed at the end of November; in Loscher, iii. 902; Walch, xix. 522 : " But it seems to me to be good, that the Church should again ordain, in a general council, that [the sacrament of the Lord's Supper] be given to all men in both forms, as it is to the priests. Not because one form is not enough, if so be there is enough desire for it in the way of faith alone ; but because it is fitting and seemly that the shape and form or sign of the sacrament be not cut up into pieces, but given whol- ly ; just as I have said about baptism, that it is more suitable to dip into the water than to pour it on, on account of the wholeness and completeness of the sign. Besides, this sacrament signifies a whole purification, an undivided fellowship of the saints (as we shall hear), which is illy and inaptly signified hy a piece or part of the sacrament. And then, too, there is not so great danger about the cup, as is thought, because the people seldom go to this sacrament, and specially because Christ, who well knew all future dangers, did 3-et institute both forms for the use of all his Christians." On account of this passage Duke George complained to the Elector about Luther, that he taught just like a Hussite, and had fellowship with the Hussites ; dd. 27th Dec, 1519 ; in Loscher iii. 920. The bishop of Misnia, by a prescript of the 24th Jan., 1520, prohibited this Ser- mon, and charged his clergy to defend the usage of the Church (T. i. Jen. fol. 4G0 b.). Against this Luther wrote, in February, Ant wort oaf den Zeddel, so unter des Officials zu Stolpen Siegel ausgegangen ("Walch, xix. 5G4), and toward the end of the year 1520 pub- lished an enlarged Latin edition : Ad Schedulam Inhibitionis sub Nomine Episcopi Mis- nensis editam super Sermone de Sacramento Eucharistiae D. Mart. Lutheri Responsio (T. i. Jen. fol. 460). Meanwhile Luther was going astray about Purgatory, also ; seo his letter to Spalatin of the 7th Nov., 1519 (de Wette, i. 367) : Breviter, quanquam ego scio, purgatorium esse apud nos, nescio tamen, si apud omnes Christianos sit. Hoc certum est, neminem esse haereticum, qui non credit esse purgatorium, nee est articuliiM 40 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. the necessity of separating himself from it.54 He felt himself call- ed as a soldier of Grod to fight against the wiles and deceit of the devil, by which the Church was corrupted.55 With this position, which he intrepidly maintained, he gained that unconquerable courage, that rock-like trust, and that joyful confidence, with which, henceforth, he steadfastly pursued his aim through ev- ery danger. After Charles V. had been elected Emperor by the influence of Frederick the Wise, contrary to the Pope's wish (28th June, 1519), the Curia had nothing to restrain it from proceeding in Luther's case. Accordingly, when Eck went to Rome in 1520, to act there with the help of the Dominicans, Luther might with certainty ex- pect a bull of excommunication. Yet Frederick the Wise, sup- ported also by the opinion of Erasmus,56 was still determined to fidei, cum Graeci illud non credentes nunquam sint habiti ob hoc pro haereticis, nisi apud novissimos haercticantissimos haereticantes. He had also given up the doctrine of seven sacraments : he wrote to Spalatin on the 18th Dec, 1519 (de Wette, i. 378); De aliis sacraraentis non est, quod tu vel ullus hominum ex me speret aut expectet ullum sermonem, donee docear, ex quo loco queam ilia probare. Non enim ullum mihi reli- quum est sacramentum, quod sacramentum sit, nisi ubi expressa detur promissio divina, quae fidem exerceat, cum sine verbo promittentis ct fide suscipientis nihil possit nobis esse cum Deo negotii. Quae autem de sacramentis illis septem fabulati illi sunt, alio tempore audies. 51 At first he deceived himself on this point, by making a distinction between the Roman Church and the Roman Curia ; compare his Letter of Dedication to Radhemius and Carlstadt, prefixed to the Comm. in Ep. ad Galatas, Sept., 1519 (T. i. Jen. 369, in de Wette, i. 333) : Quare et ego horum theologorum laicorum (Principum Germaniae) cxemplo pulcherrimo Iongissime, latissime, profundissime, distinguo inter Romanam Ecclesiam et Romanam Curiam. Illam scio purissimum esse thalamum Christi, ma- trem Ecclesiarum, dominam mundi, sed spiritu, i. e. vitiorum, non rerum mundi, spon- sam Christi, filiam Dei, terrorem inferni. — Haec vero ex fructibus suis cognoscitur. Non quod magni faciendum sit, res nostras et jura diripi, cum fixum sit in coelo, Chris- tianos in hac vita pressuram, Nimbrotos et robustos'venatores pati : — sed quod omnibus lachrymis sit miseria major, haec a fratribus ct patribus in fratres et filios fieri, — quae a Turca vix fierent. — Nullo modo ergo Romanae Ecclesiae resistere licet: at Romanae Curiae longe majore pietate resisterent Reges, Principes et quicunque possent, quam ipsis Turcis. 55 Luther to the Christian Nobles of the German nation, 1520 (Walch, x. 298): "We must be sure that in this matter we are not dealing with men but with the princes of hell, who may indeed fill the world with war and bloodshed, but who can not in this way be overcome. We must lay hold of the matter, renouncing physical force, with humble trust in God, and with earnest prayer seek help of God, and keep before our eyes nothing but the calamities and needs of suffering Christendom. — Wherever men have not acted in the fear of God, and with humility, the Popes and Romans have been able, with the devil's help, to entangle kings with each other ; and this they may now do again, if we go on without God's help in our own strength and skill." 56 Compare note 32, above. Erasmus wrote from Louvain, 1st Nov., 1519, to Albert, Elector of Mayence, a letter, ubi, as Luther expresses himself to John Lange, 16th Jan., 1520 (de Wette, i. 396), egrcgie me tutatur, ita tamen ut nihil minus quam me tutari . videatur, sicut solet pro dexteritate sua. This letter was soon after published, much to CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 41 protect the most honored teacher of his new university57 against the chagrin of Erasmus, undoubtedly by Ulrich of Hutten, who then lived at the court of Mayence ; it is in the Leyden edition of the Opera Erasmi, T. iii. T. i. p. 515. He describes in strong features the corruptions of the Church, and then proceeds : Haee, opinor, moverunt aniinum Lutheri, ut primum auderet se quorundam intolerabili impu- dentiae opponere. Quid enim aliud suspicer de eo, qui nee honores ambit, nee pecuni- am cupit? De articulis, quos objiciunt Luthero, in praesentia non disputo, tantum de modo et occasione disputo. Ausus est Lutherus de indulgentiis dubitare, sed de quihus alii prius nimis impudenter asseveraverant : — ausus est immoderatius loqui de potestate Romani Pontificis, sed de qua isti nimis immoderate prius scripserant: — ausus est Tho- mae decreta contemnere, sed quae Dominicani pene praeferunt Evangeliis : ausus est in materia confessionis scrupulos aliquos discutere, sed in qua monachi sine fine illaqueant hominum conscientias ; ausus est ex parte negligere scholastica decreta, sed quibus illi nimium tribuunt, et in quibus ipsi nihilominus inter se dissentiunt, postremo quae sub- tn.de mutant, pro veteribus rescissis inducentes nova. Discruciabat hoc pias mentes, cum audirent in scholis fere nullum sermonem de doctrina evangelica ; sacros illos ab Ecclesia jam olim probatos auctores haberi pro antiquatis ; immo in sacris concionibus minimum audiri de Christo ; de potestate Pontificis, de opinionibus recentium fere om- nia; totam orationem jam palam quaestum, adulationem, ambitionem, ac fucum prae se ferre. His imputandum opinor, etianisi quae intemperantius scripsit Lutherus. He then speaks earnestly against the propensity of theologians to denounce right off as heresy whatever is peculiar. 57 Compare the Chronicon Citicense of the contemporary Paulus Langus, Benedictine in the monastery of Bosau, in Pistorii Scriptt. Rerum Germanic, i. 188 : Witebergae anno quo haec scribo dominicae incarnationis 1520 ob florentissimum ac famatissimum tbeologiae et omnigenae sapientiae studium feruntur mille quingentique studentes ex- istere, fama eruditissimorum virorum Martini Lutheri Augustinensis, et Andreae Caro- lostadii Archidiaconi, — necnon Philippi Melanchthonis rhetoris, sacraeque theosophiae Baccalaurei, graece et latine peritissimi, allecti et adunati. Et memorati quidem inte- gerrimi, doctissimique duo illi hierophantes, Martinus ut luminare majus, Andreas ut lumiuare minus hujus Academiae, tbeologiae studium et divini verbi triticum absque omni palearum i. e. secularis philosophiae syllogismorumve mixtura purissime tractaht, et edocent sacram scripturam, et potissimum Christi Evangelium, Paulum Apostolum habentes pro archetypo et fundamento, cum ipso literarum studio timorem Dei, et cunc- tarum virtutum semina verbo, exemplo et calamo in discipulorum pectora spargentes. Neque enim in hac almiflua sapientiae palaestra fatuus ille Peripateticorum princeps Aristoteles, vel impius Porphyrius, ant certe ille blasphemus Averroes, et similes ortho- doxae fidei spretores et irrisores cathedram ullam habeut vel audientiam. Frederick the Wise replied to Valentine v. Teutlebcn at Rome, who had written to him of the un- favorable opinion there prevailing about him, on the 1st of April, 1520 (T. ii. Jen. fol. 256), that he would not decide about the truth of the Lutheran doctrines, but that Lu- ther had offered to give account of himself, and to receive instruction. Adfirmant mul- ti, D. Mart. Lutherum — invitum ad has controversias de Papatu descendisse, videlicet eo pertractum a D. Eckio. — Et cum nunc Germania fiorcat ingeniis, et multis doctrina et sapientia praestantibus viris, — cumque etiam nunc vulgo Laici sapere incipiant, et studio coguoscendae Scripturae teneantur: multi judicant valde metuendum esse, si neglectis aequissimis conditionibus a D. Luthero oblatis, sine legitima cognitione, tan- tum ecclesiasticis censuris feriatur, ye hae contentioncs et certamina multo magis exas- perentur, ut postea non ita facile ad otium et compositiones res deduci posset. Nam Luiheri doctrina ita jam passim in plurimorum animis in Germania et alibi infixa railicia egit, ut si non veris ac firmis argumentis et perspicuis testimoniis Scripturae revincatur, sed solo.ecclesiasticae potestatis terrore ad eum opprimendum procedatur, nonvideatur res sic abitura, quin in Germania acerrimas offensiones et horribiles ac exitiales tumul- tus excitatura sit, unde nee ad sanctissimum dominum Pontificem, nee aliis quidquam utilitatis redire poterit. 42 FOUKTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. unjust violence. But Luther had already found very decided friends in other parts of his German fatherland ;58 several knights offered him refuge, and protection against persecution.59 Thus he was put in possession of external facilities for publishing his present convictions about the state of the Church, and its relation to Christian truth. This he did, fearless of consequences, in the work An den Christlichen Adel deutscher Nation vo?i des Christ- lichen Standes Besserung (June, 1520), 60 with particular refer- 68 Jo. Botzhernus Abstemius, doctor and canon at Constance, wrote to Luther, 3d March, 1520 (Joh. v. Botzheim und s. Freunde, von K. Walchner. Schafhausen, 1836, s. 107) : Postquam orbi, aut saltern potiori orbis parti, h. e. bonis et vere Christianis amicus factus es, meus quoque amicus eris, velis, nolis. Quae scribis, ita mihi proban- tur, ut nulla proinde re gaudeam, ac fato meo propitio, quo factum, ut hoc tempore vi- ver'em, quo non humanae solum literae, sed et divinae pristinum nitorem recuperant, caet. Caspar Hedio, preacher at Basle, 23d June, 1520 (Kappen's Nachlese, ii. 433) : Video, doctrinam tuam ex Deo esse, carissime vir, dissolvi non potest, in dies efficacior, quotidie multos lucrifacit Christo, abducit a vitiis, asserit verae pietati.— Libellis ver- aaculis plurimum prodes, hisce enim vulgi judicium formatur, quod certe sequax est et tractabile, agnoscit fucum, cupit admoneri, intelligit beneficium, quae est gratitudinis pars. Cessandum ergo non est, - the Commissaries, that it was ad- visable they should not mix with the people; for it "ware zu besorgen, ihr Vorgeben ware mehr eine Verfuhrung, denn ein Bestand in Wahrheit, weil sie von den Haupt- sachem der Emporung und Aufruhr zu Zwickau seyn sollten, und zu furchten, — sie mochten zu Wittenberg auch Emporung anrichten." Among the articles thus agitated at Zwickau was the baptism of infant children : "als namlich, dass etliche zweifeln, ob der Glaube der Pathen dem Kind zu der Tauf behulflich ; etliche vermeinten, ohne den Glauben selig zu werden. Etliche geben an, als ware die gottliche Schrift zur Lehre der Menschen unkriiftig : denn der Mensch milsst allein durch den Geist gelernet wer- den. Denn hatt Gott den Menschen mit Geschrift wollen gelernt haben, so hatt er uns vom Himmel herab ein Biblien gesandt. Item fur die Todten wiire nicht zu bitten, und andere grausame Unart, die der Stadt Zwickau einen unchristlichen Pickardischen Na- men machten." Upon this Melancthon declared still more composedly: "dass an dem Artikcl von der Tauf der Kinder nichts sonderliches liege, und dass besser sey, dass man davon nicht weiter handle, denn dass man viel davon zweifele :" this only was suspi- cious, "dass die Leut zu Emporung geneigt, und zu Wittenberg auch Aufruhr moch- ten erregen." Moreover, the Elector, at the request of Melancthon, promised that these persons, if they did not begin a rebellion, should not be put down bj* force. Thus the prophets of Zwickau, namely, the two cloth-weavers, Nicholas Storch and Marcus Tho- mae, and two students, Marcus Stiibner and Martin Cellarius, now continued to work at Wittenberg, and won over Carlstadt especially to their side : who also had been mar- ried in January, 1522 (see the announcement of his marriage, 6th Jan., in Bretschnei- der, i. 538). As to their doctrines, see Camerarius De Vita Melanchth. ed. Strobel, p. 46. They rejected the existing Church, and said, "ex ilia djscedendo hanc institui oportere. Et quibus hoc persuaderetur et placeret, eos denuo baptismo initiandos esse. — Nihil recte et debito modo fieri gerique uspiam perhibebant, quod sumrna rerum esset penes malos. — Atque decrevisse Deum extinguere istud genus et sufiicere alteram inno- centia justitiaque et sanctitate praeditum. Ad cujus exordium atque incrementa doce- bant necessariam esse coram et diligentiam in procreanda sobole. Et ideo neminern ducere uxorem debere, ex qua non sCiret se liberos pios, et gratos aeterno Deo, et ad communionem regni coelestis electos suscepturum esse. Id autem non aliter quam ipso Deo patefaciente sciri posse. Et jactabatur praecipuum donum Dei in illis coetibus prae- dictionis eventuum futurorum, et arcanorum judicii, cujus eximiae et salutaris rei in vcritate nomen est graecum Prophetia. Compertum autem est, multis horum per quie- tem somni mirabilia visa, et species quasdam vigilantibus etiam aliquibus, sed paucis, oblatas esse. Cognitum etiam est, fuisse in coetu isto foeminas vaticinantes. — Et hoc erat in legibus istorum, ne quis in otio liberali bonis artibus et Uteris operam daret, neu aliunde scientiae cognitionisque facultatem quaereret, quam ab aeterni Dei benignitate, cui adjumentis humanis nihil esset opus. According to the Zeitung aus Wittenberg, written in the middle of Januaiy (Strobel's Miscellaneen, v. 127), Marcus Stubner said : "Martin is right on most points, but not on all : Another will come after him with a loftier spirit, etc. Item, the Turks will soon take possession of Germanj\ Item, all priests shall be slain if they now take wives. Item, in a short time — about five, six, or seven years — there shall be such a change in the world that no ungodl}- or sinful man shall remain alive, etc. Then shall there be one way, one baptism, one faith. The bap- tism of infants, as now administered, before they have reason, is no baptism." At Wit- tenberg the sect worked directly only in secret (minus libere et aperte, Camerar.), in a wider sphere only indirect^ by the preachers devoted to their cause, Carlstadt, and the former Benedictine, Gabriel Didymus, who advanced with rapid strides. With regard to these disturbances compare the Zeitung aus Wittenberg, quoted above. Something CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFOEMATION. § 1. 1522. 63 in such an extraordinary manner,88 could protect his work from was now conceded to the innovations, but the innovators proceeded still farther ; see Beyer's Schreiben an Einsiedel v. 25. Jan. (Bretschn. i. 540) : " I would have you know tbat the University and the town-council have agreed upon the way in which mass should be celebrated in the parish church to which we all belong. First, the hymn will be sung with the Tntroit, Gloria, et in terra, epistles, gospel, and Sanctus; then comes the ser- mon, and afterward the mass, as our God and Lord Jesus instituted it at the Last Supper. The priest speaks the words of consecration aloud in German, and admonishes the peo- ple that to everj' one who feels the burden of sin, and thirsts for the grace of God, the body and blood of the Lord will be administered. When the people have communica- ted, the Agnus Dei, Carmen, and Bcnedicamus Domine are sung. The canon has been reversed. For the future we will tolerate no beggar, be he monk or no monk. The poor shall be provided for from the common purse.— They will not endure images in church, and in time will remove them ; strong passages of Scripture are brought against them." Carlstadt and Didymus continually preached against the adherents of the old customs (Bretschn. i. 548) ; they taught, for instance (p. 548), "dass die Gemeine wohl Macht habe, in Nachlassigkeit der Oberkeit aus einem Mitleiden und Liebe Ichts (etwas) vorzunehmen," and thereby effected (p. 550), that in the beginning of February the im- ages were suddenly carried oft', cut to pieces, and burned. Carlstadt made yet further alterations in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, whereupon, in the parish church (p. 552), " einer sust, der andre so, ohne Ordnung und Messgewand Mess gehalten haben." This occasioned fresh investigations and threats, and orders from the Elector; mean- while the innovations were partially submitted to. The Council gave notice, on the 12th Febr. (p. 553) : "Der Bilde halben haben wir beschlossen auf dem Rathhaus, dass sie sollen durch die Obrigkeit, welcher allein es anstehet, eignet und gebuhret, abgethan werden." On the contrary, in the Mass (p. 554), the " Weise, Kleidung, und Gesang" were to remain as before. Carlstadt now promised (p. 557) that he would refrain from this style of preaching for the future. Didymus left Wittenberg. Still, great disunion remained (p. 560). This picture is filled up by the account of M. Sebast. Froschel, who came to Wittenberg in 1522, in the Dedication to the Elector Augustus of his tract on the Priesthood, Witten. 1565. 4 (Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1731, s. 691). He charges Carlstadt, Didymus, and M. George More, the master of the boys' school, with having ruined the boys' school, and says they would gladly have made an end of the University also. "These three men give out that no one should study, or keep school, or confer degrees, for Christ has forbidden all this in Matt, xxiii. with these words : Be ye not called Eabbi, or masters ; in consequence of this man)' men of fine ingenia at the same time left this place and forsook their studies, who might have been useful to their country and countrymen. — Dr. Carlstadt went round to the houses of the citizens, and asked them how they understood this or that passage in this or that prophet. And when the simple people wondered at his question, and said to him : Sir Doctor, how comes it that you learned men and doctors in holy Scripture thus ask us poor, illiterate, unlearned folk such questions ? ye should rather tell us the mean- ing: then Carstadt answered them, that God had hidden it from such, as the Lord Jesus himself says, in Matt. xi. and Luke x. : I thank thee, 0 Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes. Besides, these three persons began not only to tear down the schools, but also the churches and images in churches, casting the images out of the churches ; raid they gave out that no learned man should be received or allowed as preacher or priest in the churches, but laymen and handcraftsmen, who were only able to read, as I have known many such persons whom thej' wished to call to this office." 68 Compare his judgment about the fanatics, addressed to Melancthon, 13th Jan., 1522 (de Wette, ii. 125) : Venio ad Prophetas, ac primum non probo tuam timiditatem, cum et majori tarn spiritu quam eruditione polleas, quam ego. Ac primum, cum testi- monium perhibeant de se ipsis, non statim audiendi sunt ; sed juxta consilium Joannis, spiritus probandi. Habetis consilium Gamalielis dift'erendi : nihil enim adhuc audio ab 64 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. sinking into a destructive fanaticism. He suddenly came forth from his seclusion, in March, 1522 ;89 his powerful preaching frightened away the false prophets, and quieted men's minds.90 eis dici et fieri, quod Satanas non queat praestare vel aemulari. Then follows advice as to how the prophets were to be examined, and a defense of infant baptism and the Au- gustinian doctrine that the fides aliena of the sponsors availed for the children. He writes to Spalatin on the 17th Jan. (1. c. 135) : Tu quoque cura, ne Princeps noster ma- nus cruentet in prophetis illis novis Cygnaeis. There is also a fragment of a letter to the men of Wittenberg, probably in Febr. (not Dec, 1521, as in de Wette, ii. 118) : "They have introduced these changes in the mass and images, attacked the sacrament, and other things which are of no account, and have let faith and love go ; just as though all the world hereabout had great understanding in these matters, which is not the fact ; and so they have brought it about, that many pious people have been stirred up to do what is really the devil's work. It would indeed be a good thing to begin such changes, if we could all together have the needful faith, and if they suited the whole Church in such measure that no one should take offense at them. But this can never be. We can not all be as learned as Carlstadt. Therefore we must yield to the weak ; otherwise thou, who art strong, wilt run far ; and the weak, who can not follow thee at like pace, will be run down. God has given to you the Word in its purity, and shown great grace to them at Wittenberg. Yet I do not descry among you any love at all," etc. 89 On the journey he wrote to the Elector, who had warned him against it (Melanchth. Epist. ed. Bretschneider, i. 559), on the 5th March (de Wette, ii. 139), from Borua, e. g. : " This I know full well about myself, if matters stood so at Leipsick as at Wittenberg, I would ride thither, though (your Electoral grace will pardon my foolish speech) for nine days long it were to rain only Duke Georges, and each of them were nine-fold more furious than this one is. — This is written to your Electoral grace to the intent that j-our Electoral grace may know that I go to Wittenberg under far higher protection than that of the Elector. I have no intention of demanding protection from your Electoral grace. Yea, I take it I have more power to protect your Electoral grace than you have to protect me. Besides, if I knew that j'our Electoral grace could and would protect me, I would not come. No sword either can or ought to guide and aid this cause : God alone must provide, without human care or help. Accordingly, whoever has most faith will be here of most use. Since I now perceive that }Tour Electoral grace is still very weak in faith, I can by no means regard your Electoral highness as the man who is able to shield or save me. As your Electoral grace desires to know what you should do in this cause, especially as you think you have done far too little : I answer with all subjec- tion ; j-our Electoral grace has done far too much, and you ought to do nothing at all. For God neither can nor will endure jTour or my plans and proceedings. He will have it left to himself; this and nothing else : j'our Electoral grace may decide accordingly. — In respect to men your Electoral grace should thus conduct yourself; you should, as an Elector, be obedient to the supreme authority, and allow his imperial majestj- to rule in your Electoral grace's towns and dominions, over persons and property, as is due, according to the order of the Empire, and neither oppose, nor resist, nor desire to offer any resistance or hinderance to the authorities, if they wish to arrest or kill me. For no one may break with or resist the powers that be excepting Him alone who has ordained them ; to act otherwise is rebellion, and against the will of God," etc. On Luther's meeting at an inn in Jena with some Swiss traveling to Wittemberg, see the true-hearted account of one of them, John Kessler, in the original in J. J. Bernet's Joh. Kessler gc- nannt Ahenarius, Burger und Reformator zu St. Gallen. St. Gallon, 1826. 8. s. 27. 90 Luther arrived at Wittenberg on Friday the 7th of March, and preached every day from the Sunday Invocavit to Reminiscere (9th— 16th March) against the imprudent in- novations: "Acht Sermon D. M. L. von ihm gcprediget zu Wittenberg in der Fasten, darin kurzlich begriefen von den Messen, Bildnissen, beyderley Gestalt des Sacraments, von den Speisen und heimlichen Beicht," in two different editions, Walch, xx, 1 ft"., and CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1522. (35 Soon after he offered to his German fatherland the precious fruit plucked in his retirement at the Wartburg, his Translation of the New Testament,91 which gave to every man of the people the means of arriving at certainty in his faith, and of being able to wive a reason for it.92 o C2 ff. Luther wrote to Gaspar Giittel, prior of the Augustines at Eisleben, 30th March (de Wette, ii. 177) : Ego Carolstadium oft'endi, quod ordinationes suas cassavi, licet doc- trinam non damnarim, nisi quod displicet in solis ceremoniis et extemis faciebus labo- rasse eurn, neglecta interim vera doctrina Christiana h. e. fide et charitate. Nam sua inepta docendi ratione eo populum perduxerat, ut sese Christianum arbitraretur per lias res nihili, si utraque specie communicaret, si tangeret (receive the. sacrament with the hand), si non confiteretur, si imagines frangeret. Froschel (see Note 87), Fortg. Samml. 1731, s. 694 : "As Dr. Carlstadt now saw that his projects were defeated, he went away from the city of Wittenberg to a village called Segren, not far off; there he bought him a farm, and became a peasant ; and the other peasants called him Naber Enders (neigh- bor Andreas). — Naber Enders did not endure this very long ; it soon became too much for him ; and he crept back again to the Cross (zum Kreulz). So, likewise, did the other two, Frater Gabriel and M. More," etc. At first Luther refused to see the prophets of Zwickau ; at length he admitted Marcus Stiibner, Martin Cellarius, and a third to his presence (Camerarius in Vita Melanchth. § 15) : Audivit Lutherus placide narrantem Marcum sua. Cum dicendi finem fecisset, nihil contra ilia adeo absurda et futilia dis- serendum ratus Lutherus hoc modo monuit : viderent, quid agerent. Nihil eorum, quae commemor assent, sacris Uteris niti, commentaque esse cogitationum curiosarum, aut etiam fallacis et fraudulenti spiritus deliras et perniciosas subjectiones. Ibi Cellarius et voce ct gestibus vesanis, cum et solum pedibus, et propositam mensulam manibus feriret, ex- clamare et indignari, ausum esse Lutherum suspicari tale aliquid de divino homine. At Marcus paulo sedatior, ut scias, inquit, Luthere, me spiritu Dei praeditum esse, ego, quid in animo tuo conceperis, sum indicaturus, idque est : te incipere inclinari ad haec, ut meam doctrinam veram esse credas. Cum Lutherus, ut ipse postea dixit, istam dedita opera sententiam cogitando esset complexus : increpet te Dens, Satana. Post haec plus verborum faciendum Lutherus non putavit, et minantes gloriantesque eos dimisit. — Eo die oppido illi excesserunt, et Chembergo — literas plenas maledictis et execrationibus ad Lutherum miserunt. Compare Luther's short account of this interview, given to Spalatin and Lange, 12th April (de Wette, ii. 179, 181). Nicholas Storch also afterward appeared before him ; see Luther to Spalatin, 4th Sept., 1522 (1. c. 245). 91 The first edition appeared in September, 1522, the second as early as December, and so ever}- year original editions and reprints. In 1523 followed the first part of the Old Testament, the Books of Moses ; in 1524 the second part, the rest of the historical books ; and the third part, Job, the Psalter, and the writings of Solomon ; in 1532 the fourth part, the Prophets, some of which had been before published by themselves. The first entire edition of the Bible, with the Apocrypha, appeared in 1534. Compare G. W. Pan- zer's Entwurf einer vollstandigen Gesch. der Deutschen Bibeliibersetzung Luther's. 2te Aufl. Niirnberg, 1791. 8. Lucke's kurzgefasste Gesch. d. Luther. Bibelubersetzung, in the Zeitschrift fur gebildete Christen der evangel. Kirche, otes Heft (Elberfeld, 1823), s. 1. K. A. Weidemann's Gesch. der Deutschen Bibelubersetzung Luther's. Leipzig, 1834. 8. D. H. Schott's Gesch. der Deutschen Bibelubersetzung D. M. Luther's, u. der fortdauernde Worth derselben, Leipzig, 1835. 8 (vgl. Jen. A. L. Z. Marz, 1836, s. 321). Grotesend iiber D. M. Luther's Verdienste um die Ausbildung der hochteutschen Schrift- sprache in the Abhandlungen des Frankfurter Gelehrten-Vereins fur teutsche Spraehe. St. 1 (Frankf., 1818), s. 24 ff. 92 Cochlaeus, De Actis et Scriptis M. Lutheri ad ann. 1522, fol. 50, b. : mirum in mo- dum multiplicahatur per chalcographos novum Testamentum Lutheri, ut etiam sutores, et mulieres, et quilibet idiotae, qui theutonicas literas utcunque didicerant, novum illud VOL. IV. 5 qq FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Hadrian VI. , a pious and strict man,93 who mounted the papal Testamentum, tanquam fontem omnis veritatis, avidissime legerent, quicunque Luthe- rani cra'nt illudquo saepe legcndo memoriae commendarent, in sinu secum portantcs codicem. Ex quo tantam intra paucos menses sibi doctrinam arrogabant, ut non solum cam laicis partis catholicae, verum etiam cum sacerdotibus et monachis, atque adeo etiam cum Magistris et sacrae theologiae Doctoribus disputare de fide et Evangelio non erubescerent. Quin immo repertae sunt mulierculae, quae propositis thematis editisque libellis theutonicis ausae fuerint ultro provocare, et quidem procacissime insultantes, ignorantiamque improperantes et contemptui habentes viros, non modo laicos atque pri- vatos homines, verum etiam quoslibet Doctores et Licentiatos totius facultatis theologi- cae, ac totas etiam Universitates, id quod de Argula, nobili quadam muliere, compertum habetur (compare Lipowsky Argula v. Grumbach geb. Freiien v. Stauffen. Miinchen, 1811. 4. de Wette, ii. 558). — Cum igitur mobile vulgus ubique magis intentum sit et avidum ad res novas late divulgandas, quam ad res consuetas in suo statu conservan- das ; factum est, ut turba Lutherana longe plus operae impendent discendis sacris Ute- ris ita translatis, quam impendit populus Catholicorum, ubi Laici earn curam potissime in sacerdotes et Monachos rejiciebant. Unde contigit nonnunquam, a laicis Lutheranis plures scripturae locos ex tempore citari in colloquiis, quam citarentur a presbyteris et Monachis catholicis. At jam dudum persuaserat Lutherus turbis suis, nullis dictis ha- bendam esse fidem, nisi quae ex sacris Uteris proferrentur. Idcirco reputabantur Catho- lici ab illis ignari scripturarum, etiamsi eruditissimi essent theologi. Quinetiam palam aliquando coram multitudine contradicebant eis Laici aliqui, tanquam mera pro cond- one dixerint mendacia aut figmenta hominum. Accedebant ct alia incommoda. Nam cum antiqui theologi multis retro annis peritiam l'mguarum et politiores literas neglcx- issent ; Lutherus mox ab initio per Pbilippum Melancthonen, et per Zuinglium, Oeco- lampadiumque et Bucerum (antequam ab eo in nonnullis articulis dissentire coepissent) totam vere juventutem, eloquentiae Uteris linguarumque studio deditam, ac ingenio ex acutis et expolitis Erasmi Roterdami opusculis pulcherrime excultam, in partem suam traxit. Juvenes vero et ingenio alacres, et laborum patientes mox in sacris Uteris (qui- bus Lutherus unicum tribuebat sensum, et eum solummodo literalem) ita profecerunt literaliter ut vel XXX annorum theologi tarn prompti in citandis scripturae locis non viderentur, quam erant illi. Qui et de peritia linguarum et de styli elegantia superb i- entes mox quoslibet veteris farinae theologos non solum contemnere, verum etiam pro- vocare coeperunt, maxime, quando ad populum verba faciebant. Quod si quis novita- tibus eorum contradiceret, mox praetendebant lectionem graecam vel hebraicam, aut aliquem ex vetustissimis auctoribus, et confestim plenis convitiorum plaustris invehe- bantur in graecarum et hebraicarum literarum ignaros theologos, quos odiose sophistas, asinos, porcos, animalia ventris, et inutilia pondera terrae vocitabant, superaddentes " etiam 'ronchos'et cachinnos immodestissime. Ac unum Lutherum, velut verum theolo- gum populo commendantes, ejus adversarios velut ignaros, immo hostes veritatis, et ob alimoniam sibi praecisam aut imminutam Luthero invidcntes, invidiosissime traduce- bant. 93 He had taught the fallibility of the Pope in his Comm. in libr. quartum Sententia- rum (reprinted, Romae, 1522, fol.). Quaest. de sacra confirm, certum est, quod (Ponti- fex) possit errare in iis, quae tangunt fidem, haeresim per suam determinationem aut decretalem asserendo: On the other hand, Luther's doctrines appeared preposterous to him, the strict scholastic theologian, and so he said with regard to Luther's propositions condemned by the theologians of Louvain, in a letter which he wrote to them while yet cardinal (C. Burmanni Iladrianus VI. sive Analecta historica de Hadr. VI. Traj. ad. Rhen., 1727. 4. p. 447) : qui sane tarn rudes ac palpabiles hacreses mini prae se ferre videntur, ut ne discipulus quidem theologiae, ac prima ejus limina ingressus, ita labi mcrito potuisset.— Miror valde, quod homo tam manifesto, tamque pertinaciter in fide errans, et suas haereses somniaque difiundens, impune errare, et alios in perniciosissi- mos errores trahere impune sinitur. Hence he must come to the opinion that the redress of external abuses in the Church would put an end to Luther's success. This judgment CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1522. (57 throne after Leo X. (t 1st Dec., 1521), thought that the more plain- ly he acknowledged and promised to redress the defects that had crept into the external constitution of the Church, so much the more decidedly he might venture to claim the execution of the existing law of heresy against Luther's deviations in doctrine. But the public declarations which, for this purpose, he caused to be made at the Diet of Nuremberg (Dec., 1522),94 only resulted in would necessarily be strengthened by the letter of Wilibald Pirkheimer addressed to him (Pirckheymeri Opp., ed. Conr. Ritterhusius, p. 372; Gerdesii Hist. Evangelii renovati, i. Monum. p. 170), according to which the arrogance and deceitfulness of the Domini- cans, and their hatred of the humanists, were the cause of all the evils. Ludovicus Vi- ves, in a formal opinion (Opp. ii. 831 ; Burmannus, p. 45G), recommended the new Pope to call a general council, to do away with all the confusion prevailing in Europe. Ha- drian's correspondence with Erasmus is worthy of especial notice (Bermannus, p. 493 seq., but here the letters are not all given ; see Danz Analecta Critica de Hadriano VI. P. ii., Jenae, 1814. 4. p. 9). He challenges him to write against Luther. Erasmus de- clines this as useless : he complains that he has been erroneously considered as the orig- inator of the heresy ; he expresses his aversion to it, but points out the perverse methods of Luther's adversaries (Burmannus, p. 501 : centum locos colligam ex Paulinis episto- lis qui congruunt cum his quae damnata sunt in Lutheri libris), and renews his former proposal (see Note 67) to let the question be adjusted by impartial arbitrators from dif- ferent nations. Paul Sarpi (Histoire du Concile de Trent, traduite par Courayer, i. 41 seq.) gives an account of the Pope's deliberations with the cardinals as to the means to be adopted, from a diary of Francis Chieregati (p. 50) ; but it is not probable that Car- dinal Cajetan, who had written on indulgence a short time before in the sense of Thomas Aquinas, would have advised him to declare, according to the earlier doctrine, that indulgence availed only for the remission of church-penalties. See Pallavicini, lib. ii. c. 4. 94 The legate, Francis Chieregati, first had a shorter form of Instructions read before the Diet, without delivering it in writing ; in the beginning of the year 1523 he first pro- duced the second, with express declarations about reform ; many persons were thus led to the opinion that it had been first composed in Nuremberg (see the account of the Saxon envoy Hans von der Plaunitz to the Elector, in Luther's works, 2ter Deutsche'- Jen. Theil. Bl. 206 b). It was sent after him, as soon as it was manifest that the pub- lic feeling in Germany required more effective declarations. These last Instructions Luther soon after published in German with comments (Sleidan, lib. iv. init.), in the original in Raynald. ann. 1522, No. 66, and Goldast Constitutt. Imperial, i. 450. After setting forth the reasons with which the legate was to urge the princes to suppress the Lutheran heresy, it proceeds: Item dices, nos ingenue fateri, quod Deus banc persecu- tionem Ecclesiae suae inferre permittit propter peccata hominum, maxime sacerdotitm et Ecclesiae Praelatorum. — Scimus, in hac sancta sede aliquot jam annis multa abomi- nanda fuisse, abusus in spiritualibus, excessus in mandatis, et omnia denique in pcr- versum mutata: nee minim, si aegritudo a capite in membra a summis Pontificibus in alios inferiores Prelatos descenderit. Omnes nos, i. e. Praelati et ecclesiastici declina- vimus unusquisque in vias suas, nee fuit jam din, qui faceret bonum, non fuit usque ad unuin : quamobrem necesse est, ut omnes demus gloriam Deo, et humiliemus animas nostras ci, videatque unusquisque nostrum undjg ceciderit, et se potius quilibet judicet, quam a Deo in virga furoris sui judicari velit. Qua in re quod ad nos attinet, pollice- beris nos omnem operam adhibituros, ut primum Curia haec, unde forte hoc malum pro- cessit, reformetur; ut sicut inde corruptio in omnes inferiores emanavit, ita ctiam ab eadem sanitas et reformatio omnium emanet. — Quanquam nemo mirari debebit, si non statim omnia errata et abusus omnes per nos emendatos viderit : inveteratus nimium 68 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. a new and importunate demand for the redress of the oft-repeated grievances of the German nation.95 For the first attempts at reform morbus est, nee simplex, sedvarius ct multiplex; pedetentim in ejus cura procedendum est, et prius gravioribus magisque periculosis occurrendum, ne omnia pariter reformari voleutes omnia perturbemus. — Quod autem ultimis Uteris suis scribis, questos fuisse Principes istos, quod Concordatis eorum per hanc sedem derogatum sit ; dices, nos de his, quae ante nos facta fuere, culpari nee posse, nee debere, nobisque ejusmodi deroga- tiones, etiam dum in minoribus essemus, semper displicusse. Proinde nobis certissimam sententiam esse, etiamsi ipsi non requirerent, illis nostri Pontificatus tempore penitus ab- stinere, partim, utunicuique jus suum servemus, partim quia aequitas et humanitas ex- poscit, ut inclytam nationem nostram non solum non offendamus, sed etiam peculiares ei favores impendamus. De processibus vero, quos a Rota avocari, et ad partes remitti postulant, dices, nos cupere eis in hoc gratificari quantum honeste possimus ; sed prop- ter absentiam auditorum ab urbe pestis gratia, non posse nos de qualitate et habitudinc ipsorum processuum ad praesens informari ; reversis vero illis — facturos in gratiam dic- torum Principum quidquid rationabiliter poterimus. — Item quia intelleximus, in Ger- mania esse multos bonos et doctos viros pauperes, aliqua etiam praeelara ingenia, quae ex indignitate apostolicarum provisionum, histrionibus et stabulariis potius quam viris doctis fieri solitarum, a sedis hujus devotione aversa ; cupimus, ut inquiras, quinam ill L sint, eorumque nomina ad nos transmittas, ut occurrente beneficiorum Germanicorum vacatione, illos proprio motu providere possimus. Scimus enim, quantum Dei honori, et animarum saluti ac aediiicationi obfuerit, quod jam diu beneficia eccleslastica, maxi- me curam et regimen animarum habentia, data fuerunt hominibus indignis. Pirckhei- mer wrote on this point to Erasmus (Strobel's Vermischte Bej-trage zur Gesch. d. Lite- ratur Niirnberg, 1775, s. 1G5) : Pollicetur multa, quae utinam velit, et quum velit, possit, et quum possit, re exequatur, quod multis impossibile videtur. In the letter to the German princes, which the legate brought with him (Raynald, 1522, no. GO, and Lu- theri Opp. T. ii. Jen. lat. fol. 536, b.), he complains that the edict of Worms was not observed, and exhorts them to carry it into execution, with a reference to the treatment of earlier heretics, e. g. Huss at Constance. In order to produce a greater impression, he suggests the political dangers of the Lutheran heresy : An putatis, alio tendere istos iniquitatis filios, quam ut libertatis nomine omni obedientia sublata, quod cuique libu- erit faciendi licentiam inducant ? An ullius pensi jussa et leges vestras habituros cre- ditis, qui sacros canones et Patrum decreta — non solum vilipendunt, sed etiam diabolica rabie lacerare et comburere non verentur ? An denique vestris cervicibus parsuros, qui non tangendos Christos Domini contemerare, caedere, trucidare ausi sunt? In vos, in vestras res, domos, uxores, liberos, ditiones, dominatus, templa, quae colitis, haec mise- randa calamitas tendit, nisi mature obviam eatis ! At the same time he addressed a violent letter to the Elector Frederick (Raynald, 1. c. no. 73 ss.) ; and, besides this, let- ters to the town-councils of Bamberg (which Luther published with notes, T. ii. Jen. lat. fol. 538, b.), of Breslau (see Fibiger's eingerissenes Lutberthum), of Constance (Fussli's Beytrage zur Reformationsgesch. iv. 223), to Henrj-, Duke of Mecklenburg (Riederer's Nachrichtcn, iv. 202), and undoubtedly others to the separate Estates which have not been divulged. 95 The answer of the Estates to the Pope may be seen in Latin in Goldast Constitutt. Imperial, i. 452, in German in F. Hortleder Von den Ursachen des Deutschen Krieges, i. 9, and Walch, xv. 2550 (compare Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. ii. 52 ff.) : Quod sedis Apostolicae sententia in Lutherum lata, simulque Sacrae Caesareae Ma- jestatis edictum non sit debitae executipni demandatum, non sine maximis, urgentissi- misque rationibus, utputa ne pejora inde causarentur, etc., hactenus praetermissum est. Majori namque populi parti jam pridem persuasum est, et modo Lutheranis libris ac dogmatibus populorum opinio sic informata, ut jam pro comperto habeant, Nationi Ger- manicae a Curia Romana per certos abusus multa et magna gravamina et incommoda illata esse : ob id, si pro executione Apostolicae sedis seutentiae, vel Imperatoriae Ma- CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1523. (J9 in Rome, Hadrian earned hatred, resistance, and an early death (14th Sept., 1523).96 His successor, Clement VII., immediately jestatis edicti quidpiam acerbius attentatum esset, mox popularis multitudo sibi hanc suspicioncm animo concepisset, ac si talia liebant pro cvertenda evangclica veritatc, et sustinendis manutenendisque malis abusibus impietatibusque. Unde indubie nihil aliud quam gravissimi tumultus populares, intestinaque bella speranda essent, quemadmodnm ex multis ac variis rerum argumentis Principes aliique Ordines jam plane didicere et cognovere. Oportunioribus itaque remediis his malis, in hac potissimum temporum difficultate, suceurrendum esse existimant. Then the Tope's promises were highly praised. Nam nisi istiusmodi abusus et gravamina, simulque certi Articuli, quos saecu- lares Principes jnxta haec specialiter designates scriptis exhibebunt, fideliter reformentur, vera pax et concordia inter ecclesiasticos saecularesque Ordines, hnjusque tumultus et errorum extirpatio per Germaniam minime speranda est. Then they pray for the abo- lition of the annates, asserting, Principes Germaniae in solutionem Annatarum ad ali- quot annos sedi Apostolicae solvendarum ea lege ac conditione consensisse, ut ilia in oppugnationem perfidissimi Turcae, et defensionem fidei Catholicae converterentur. But that time had long since passed, and this purpose was never regarded. They propose, as the best means of allaying all disturbances, quod Beatitudo Pontificis, accedente ad haec Sacrae Caesareao Majestatis consensu, liberum Christianum Concilium ad locum convenientem in Natione Germanica, quanto ocius et celerius quoad fieri possit, videlicet vel in Argentoratum, vel Moguntiam, Coloniam Agrippinam, vel ad civitatem Metcn- sem, vel alium convenientem locum in Germania indiceret : nee ultra unius anni spatium (si possibile foret) haec Concilii convocatio et designatio differretur, et quod in tali Con- cilio eis qui interesse deberent Ecclesiastici vel laicalis ordinis, non obstantibus quibus- cunque juramentis et obligationibus, libere liceret loqui et consulere pro gloria summi Dei, et salute animarum, proque republica Christiana, absque aliquo impedimento ; quinimo quilibet ad haec debeat esse obnoxius, etc. Till this could be brought about, a check should be placed upon innovating letters and sermons. The legate, in his reply (Goldast, 1. c. 455), expressed himself as much dissatisfied with this answer, but he re- ceived a curt dismissal (1. c. 45G) : Quamvis Principes, et reliqui ordines Germanicae na- tionis iterum pro verbis verba dare potuissent, quum tamen aliis magis necessariis oc- cupati essent, Pontificium oratorem priori responsione contentum esse jusserunt ; donee gravamina nationis Germanicae summo Pontifici transmissa forent, ac inde manifestum iieret, num verba ejus tarn blanda, facta etiam debita secutura essent. In the composi- tion of the Gravamina, those of Worms (see Note 7G) were the ground-work ; these were only to be brought into a more convenient form. They were to have been given to the legate, as is expressly stated in the preface (in Georgi, p. 366) ; and this would have been done, si non praeter omnium exspectatlonem abitionem suam hinc tantopere matu- rasset, ac inopinato ita decessisset (see the Peroratio in Georgi, p. 500) ; so they had to be sent after him. Veesenmeyer (Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 87) erroneously asserts the contrary ; for the statement in the Peroratio, which is not the work of the first editor, but of the Estates, certainly outweighs all other testimony. See these Gravamina in Goldast, 1. c. 456 ; J. F. Georgii Imperatorum Nationis Germ. Gravamina adv. Scdem Romanam, Francof. et Lips., 1725. 4. p. 365. On the many Latin and German editions of them, see H. G. Franci De Gravaminibus Norimbergensibus ab Erroribus Liberatis Epist. ad J. E. Kappium, Lips., 1731. 4. 96 The judgment of the Roman clergy with regard to these concessions made to the Germans has been preserved in Pallavicini's Hist. Cone. Trident, lib. ii. c. 6, § 8 : Est pa- ritcr veritati consentanea ea ratio, quam Suavis asserit a Soderino Cardinale propositam Pontifici : emendationem Datariae, aliorumque ecclesiasticorum Romae Magistratuum, haereticorum conversioni parum esse conducibilem. — Quin ex eo quod ipsorum causa emendatum fuisset, plausum auctoritatemque apud populos sibi comparaturos fuisse. — Atque ita experimento compertum esse, moderatis concessionibus iratum quidem popu- lum quandoque placari posse, perduellem non posse : adeoque perduellionis incendium 70 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.-A.D. 1517-1648. returned to the old papal ways, and demanded, through his cardinal legate, Campeggio, at the Diet of Nuremberg (Jan., 1524), the un- conditional suppression of the heresy.97 The legate only obtained an unsatisfactory decree for the observance of the edict of Worms, as far as was possible,98 and now endeavored, by negotiations with the separate Estates and with individuals, to obtain somewhat non nisi vel terroris gelu, vel sanguinis pluvia restingui. With regard to the instruc- tions of the legate, Cap. 7, § 9: Hujusmodi mandata, sicut aperto declarant Adriani probitafem,— ita apud plerosque majorem in eo prudentiam circumspectionemque desi- derabant. § 10 : Experientia compertum est, non rnodo Romanum Pontificatum, — sed regimen modici Ordinis religiosi, quantumvis simplicis ac formae severioris, melius regi a quodam praedito mediocri probitate cum exhnia prudentia conjuncta, quam a saucti- monia modicae prudentiae compote. Quapropter ut ipsa sanctitas in subditis conservc- tur, non tantum in sanctitate, quam in prudentia momenti est. 97 When Campeggio was required to make a declaration at the Diet with regard to the Gravamina, he replied (Sleidanus, lib. iv. ed. Am Ende, p. 226) : In conventu Worma- ciae Caesaris exiisse mandatum ejus rei, de communi ipsorum consilio promulgatum :— sibi igitur videri, priusquam aliud decernatur, de modo executionis deliberandum esse. —Quantum ad ipsorum postulata pertinet, an edita sint, ut Romam deferantur, omnino se nescire : tria solum exemplaria fuisse perlata Romam ad quosdam privatim : ex iis unum sibi contigisse : Pontifici autem et Cardinalium senatui non posse persuaderi, haec a'Principibus ita fuisse decreta, sed existimare, privatos homines odio reipublicae Ro- manae in lucem emisisse : nullum etiam ejus rei se mandatum habere: neque tamen hoc sic accipiendum esse, quasi de eo potestatem non habeat agendi : sed in iis postula- tis esse multa, quae et Pontificis derogent auctoritati, et haeresim redoleant, et a se tractari non possint : alia vero, quae non adversentur Pontifici, quaeque nitantur aequi- tate non se recusare, quominus de iis et cog'noscat et agat : sed tamen sibi videri, mo- derators multo posse proponi, si quid erga Pontificem habeant. Pirkheimer narrates that this Campeggio, then at Nuremberg, cheated a poor mathematician out of a book and a globe, and refused to make him any indemnification because he was a Lutheran ; see Strobel's Vermischte Beytrage zur Gesch. der Literatur, Niirnberg, 1765, s. 98. 98 The final decree of the Diet, 18th April, 1524, in Liinig's Reichsarchiv P. Gen. cont. 1, p. 445 ; Walch, xv. 2674: the Emperor had expected that the states would, with re- gard to the edict of Worms, " gehorsamlich gelebt und nachkommen seyn, darzu das- selbe gehandhabt haben, und aber solches nicht beschehen, davon gemeiner Christen- heit deutscher Nation nicht kleine Beschwerung erfolgt." On the repeated demand of the Emperor, the Estates determined, " demselben unserm Mandat gehorsamlich, wie sie sich dess schuldig erkennen, so viel ihnen moglich, zu geleben, gemass zu halten und nachzukommen." Libels were to be discontinued, a general council assembled as soon as possible, an abstract of the new doctrines, "was darin disputirlich gefunden," to be prepared for its use ; meanwhile, " das h. Evangelium und Gottes Wort nach rech- tem wahren Verstand u. Auslegung der von gemeiner Kirchen angenommenen Lehrern ohn Aufruhr u. Aergerniss gepredigt u. gelehrt." But measures were to be taken witli regard to the Gravamina at the next diet. But the electoral envoy, and the deputies of the counts and nobility, protested against this decree (see the documents in Walch, xv. 2696). The Pope remonstrated against its indefiniteness to the Emperor, and to the Kings of France and England (see letters of the 16th, 17th, and 22d May, in Eay- nald, 1524, no. 15 ss.). The Emperor accordingly, in an edict from Burgos, 15th July (Cyprian's Nutzl. Urkunden appended to Tentzel's Bericht, Th. 2, s. 304), refused the demand for a council, and required, " pei vermeidung Criminis laesae Majestatis, un- ser u. des Reichs Acht u. Aberacht" tho observance of the edict of Worms. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1524. 71 more." He actually succeeded so far as to unite several of the . Estates at Ratisbon (July, 1524), in concluding a league for the execution of the edict of Worms, and in receiving from the legate a decree against isolated abuses, as if this was the reformation of the Church that was to satisfy the universal expectation.100 How- ever, the time for deception was past; even zealous Catholic prin- ces were ashamed of supporting this sham, reform ; and it soon became the laughing-stock of the people.101 Hadrian's honest concessions and fruitless efforts, as well as the opposite policy of his successor, only increased the conviction that a reformation of the Church was necessary, but could never be expected from Rome. Hence there was a more decided return to those ecclesiastical reforms which had already been success- fully begun. In almost every part of Germany they had their champions. Popular authors, such as Hans Sachs at Nurem- berg,10- John Eberlinof Giinzburg,103 Michael Stiefel from Essling- 99 He desired especially to draw over Melancthdn to his side. When, in April and May, he visited his fatherland, the Palatinate, the legate sent his secretary, Frederick Nausea, to him, to win him by large promises. Melancthon stoutly refused every over- ture (see the account of Camerarius, who was present at the time, Vita Melanchth. § 2G, ed. Strobel, p. 93). Melancthon was thereby induced to send the cardinal a letter, which has become known under the title De Doctrina D. Lutheri ad Amicum quendam (Mel. Epistt., ed. Bretschneider, i. 657), and begins with the important remark : Fallitur mundus, cum unum hoc agi a Luthero judicat, ut publicae caeremoniae aboleantur. — Verum non de caeremoniis dimicat Lutherus, ma jus quoddam docet, quid intersit inter hominum justitiam et Dei justitiam. The legate also tried to win Melancthon by means of Erasmus ; see Erasmi Ep. ad Mel. postr. Nonas Sept., 1525, in Bretschneider, i. 672. 100 Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. ii. 158. These were the Archduke Ferdinand, the Duke of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishops of Trent, Ratisbon, Bamberg, Spires, Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Basle, Freisingen, Passau, and Brescia. The Documents of the League are in Walch, xv. 2699 ; best in Strobel's Miscellaneen, ii. 118. The Constitutio ad removendos Abusus et Ordinatio ad Vitani Cleri reformandam, which belongs to it, issued by Campeggio, may be seen in the Fas- ' ciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, ed. E. Brown, p. 422. Goldasti Con- stitt. Imperial, iii. 478. 101 Even the zealous Catholic Ortuinus Gratius says of it in his Fasciculus 1. c. : quae sicuti pauca complectitur, ita etiam a paucis est reccpta. Lampoons against it are men- tioned in Strobel's Miscellaneen, ii. 134, where also some extracts are given from one of them, "Absaz oder Fehdschrift des hollischen Fursten Lucifers, Doctor Martin Lu- ther jetzt zugesandt." 102 por instance, by his Wittenbergische Nachtigal, probably in 1523. Disputacion zwischen einem Chorherrcn u. Schuhmacher, darin das Wort Gottes u. ein recht christ- lich Wesen verfochten wird: 1524. Dialog von den Scheinwcrken dor Geistlichen u. ihren Geliibden : 1524. See Hans Sachs, Beforderer der Reformation, von Veesenmeyer, in the Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1826, iii. 249. 103 In 1521 he left the Franciscan monastery at Olm, and labored in many places as a preacher of reform. To the number of his works, which arc distinguished for their 72 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. cn,10i and others,105 recommended them. In many parts of northern Germany, and the adjacent countries, they obtained the ascend- ancy : in East Friesland from 1519 ;106 in some towns of Pome- rania,107 and of Livonia,108 and in Silesia,109 from 1522; in Prus- sia110 and Mecklenburg111 from 1523; in Denmark and Sweden mildness, belong especially the 15 Bundsgenossen. Strobel's Nachricht v. Job. Eb. v. G. Leben u. Schriften im Altdorf. literar. Museum, i. 363. Eighteen works of his are here enumerated. His work on the Reformation of the Clerical Order is reprinted in Strobel's Miscellaneen, ii. 207. 104 An Augustinian monk at Essling ; be wrote a poem, "Von der Christformigen, rechtgegriindten Lehre D. M. Luther's," and was drawn into a correspondence about it with Thomas Murner at Strasburg. He left his monastery in 1522, worked as an evan- gelical preacher in many places, wrote much in the cause of the Reformation, but de- generated at length into Apocalyptic dreams, f 1567 at Jena ; see the Nachricht von M. Stiefel's Leben u. Schriften, in Strobel's Neue Bej'trage, i. 1. 105 Thus Kettenbach, a barefooted friar, wrote, "Practica practicirt aus der h. Bibel, 1523. 4." See Altdorfisches literar. Museum, ii. 51. In the j'ear 1524 appeared : " Ain Sermon gepredigt vom Pauren zu Werdt bey Niimberg von dem freyen Willen des Menschen, auch von Anrufung der Heiligen," composed by Diepold Peringer, a peasant from the district of Ulm, who had preached publicly at Kitzingen and Nuremberg, and was probably also the author of the following works: "Des Christl. Pauren getreuen Rath," and "Ain schone Auslegung iiber das gottlich Gebet Vater Unser, das uns Gott selbst geleret hat. Das hat betracht ein armer Bauer, u. s. w. ;" see Riederer's Nachrich- ten, ii. 71. — Utz Rychsner's (Urbanus Regius) Gesprach zwischen einem Pfaffen u. We- ber : probably to the same author belongs also the dialogue between a barefooted friar and a spoon-maker. Both dialogues have been erroneously attributed to Hans Sachs ; see Veesenmeyer, in the Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1826, iii. 271. — Ain schoner Dialogus von einem Lanzknecht u. Predigermunich durch Wolfgang Zierer von Salzburg; see Vee- senmeyer in Illgen's Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theologie, ii. 2, 257. 106 Gittermann's Reformationsgeschichte v. Ostfriesland, in the Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 23. 107 It was propagated in Treptow, from 1520, by Bugenhagen, persecuted in 1521 ; see Johannes Bugenhagen, by Zietz, Leipz., 1829, s. 43 ff. Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. v. i. 230 ; and the same work, new series, I. iii. 139. Stettin received two preach- ers from Wittenberg, Seckendorf, i. 240, b. Christian Ketelhodt preached at Stralsund from 1522 ; in April, 1523, a general storm against images ensued ; see Sastrowen's Le- ben, edited by Mohnike, i. 36 ; Joh. Berckmann's Stralsundiscbe Chronik, edited by Mohnike u. Zober (Stralsund, 1833), s. 33, 259. D. C. F. Fabricius, Die Acht u. Vierzig oder: die Einfiihrung der Kirchenverbesserung in Stralsiuid. Stralsund, 1837. 8. — (v. Modem's) Gesch. der Einfiihrung der evangel. Lehre im Herzogth. Pommern. Greifs- ' wald, 1837. 8. J. G. L. Kosegarten, De Lucis Evangelicae in Pomerania exorientis Ad- versariis. Gryphisw., 1830. 4. 108 See§ 15, Note5, below. 109 Breslau set the example ; it was followed bj- Frederick II., Duke of Liegnitz, and George, Margrave of Brandenburg, as Duke of Jiigerndorf ; see Rosenberg's Reform. Gesch. v. Schlesien. Breslau, 1767. 110 See § 15, Note 3, below. 111 First at Rostock, in 1523, by Joachim Schlutcr (M. Joachim Schliiter erster evang. Prediger zu Rostock, ein Beitrag zur Reformationsgesch. geschr. durch Nicolaum Gry- sen 1593, neu herausgegeben v. K. F. L. Arndt, Liibeck, 1832. 8), at Wismar, by Hen- ry Mollens, in 1524, Seckendorf, i. 295, a. Sculteti Annates Evangelii Renovati, ad arm. 1524. D. Schroder's Kirchenhist. des evang. Meklenburg. Rostock, 1788, 2 Thcile, 4. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1524. 73 the number of adherents was already considerable. Reform met with special success among the people in the free towns. Thus, by the decision of the citizens, it prevailed at Francfort on the Mayne,112 in Swabian Halle,113 and in Magdeburg in 1523,m in 1524 in Ulm,115 Strasburg,116 Bremen,117 and Nuremberg.118 Very few were the towns in which it did not stir up a hazardous strug- gle that endangered the old constitution of the Church.119 112 It had been preached there ever since 1521, and been protected by certain noble- men in the neighborhood. On the 5th March, 1523, the Senate had to issue an order to all the clergy to preach the word of God pure and clear, Seckendorf, i. 243. J. B. Rit- ter's Evang. Denkmahl der Stadt Frankf. a. M., od. ausfuhrl. Bericht der daselbst er- gangenen Kirchenreform. Frankf., 172G. 4. 113 By John Brenz, who here became pastor in 1522, and discontinued mass in 1523, Seckendorf, i. 242. 114 The citizens assembled on the 23d June, 1523, with seven preachers, in the Au- gustinian monaster}', and drew up articles for the Council, in which they demanded a reformation. Then they prevailed on Nic. Amsdorf to undertake the arrangement of ecclesiastical matters, Seckendorf, i. 246. G. S. Rtitger's Magdeburg. Reformations- geschichte. 2te Aufl. Magdeburg, 1792. 8. 115 Though the Franciscans, John Eberlin (see Note 103), Henry of Kettenbach (see Veesenmeyer's Beytrage zur Gesch. der Literatur u. Reform., Ulm, .1792, s. 79), and John Diepholt had preached the Reformation before this time, it obtained greater con- sistency in 1524, when Conrad Sam was called in at the request of the townsmen. In the same year the Senate began its regulations for reform, by a command to the clergy either to dismiss their concubines or to marry them ; see Seckendorf, i. 242. — The Ref- ormation prevailed at Heilbronn also by means of Bernhard Lachmann, 1521, who was pastor there ; see C. Jager's Mittheilungen zur Schwab, u. Frank. Reformationsgesch. Bd. 1 (Stuttgart, 1828), s. 30 if. In Kauf beuern the signal for the introduction of reform was given by a tinman, 8th Sept., 1524, who interrupted the priest in a sermon of ex- travagant commendation of the Virgin Mary with the words "Pfaff, du liigst" (Priest, thou liest); see Wagenseil's Beitrag zur Gesch. der Reform. Leipz. 1830, s. 2. 116 The efforts for reform, which had been early undertaken, received a decided char- acter from the year 1523, when Caspar Hedio came to Strasburg as preacher at the ca- thedral, Wolfgang Fabricius Capito as provost of the foundation of St. Thomas, and Martin Bucer. The alteration in divine service was commenced in 1824, with the approv- al of the Senate ; see A. Jung's Beitrage zu der Gesch. d. Reformation. 2te Abth. Gesch. der Reformat, der Kirche in Strasburg u. dem Elsasse. Strasb. u. Leipz., 1830. 8. 117 Henry of Ziitphen preached the reformation here from 1522-24 in the Anscharii- kirche ; John Timann from 1524, in the church of St. Martin. In 1525 the mass was ev- ery where abolished; see Pratje, Bremen u. Verdische Bibliothek, B. 1, St. 2, s. 1 ; II. W. Rotermund vom Anfange der Reformation im Erzstifte Bremen u. Stifte Verden. Liineburg, 1825. 118 Job. Mullner's Reformationsgesch. der freyen Reichstadt Nurnberg. Niirnbern-, 1770. 8. The two provosts, George Besler at St. Sebald, and Hector Pomer at St. Lau- rence's, the Augustine prior, Wolfgang Volprecht, and Andrew Osiander, from 1522 preacher at St. Lawrence's, began, from the year 1522, to preach the Reformation ; and the Council protected them, notAvithstanding the remonstrances of the papal legate, and the Emperor's stadtholder, at the Diets of Nuremberg, in 1523 and 1524 ; see Altdor- fisches iiterar. Museum, ii. 26. In the year 1524 they abolished the mass and other popish usages, and the sentence pronounced against them by the Bishop of Bamberg re- mained without result ; see Strobel's Miscellaneen, iii. 45. 119 For a characteiiitic account of this struggle, see Ambrose Blarcr's apology to the 74 FOURTH PERIOD^DIV. I.-A.D. 1517-1G48. town-council of Constance, a.d. 1523 (in FUssli's Beytriige zur Reformationsgesch. iv. 195). He shows how Luther's doctrine was perverted by his enemies : " They say Lu- ther rejects all outward good works which God has commanded, but at the same time they pass over in silence his faithful teaching, that all good and fruitful works must proceed from the ground of a believing heart : thus he would first make the root and the tree good, so that the fruits may not be hung upon it from without, but put forth from within. They also pretend that he inculcates carnal enjoyments, and teaches that men should fast no more, and that accordingly he rejects all appointed days and sea- sons • but they maliciously conceal the fact that he exhorts us earnestly to daily chas- tening and restraint of the flesh- — Further, they object that, according to Luther's doc- trine man need not pray, merely because he condemns vain repetition, as Christ himself condemned such lip-service ; — however, they omit to say that he teaches us to pray without ceasing, with elevation and aspiration of the soul toward God.— They report that Luther teaches carnal wantonness, because he wishes to put some check upon the wide-spread, scandalous impurity of the clergy by permission to marry, and to assist well-meaning priests, who, through bashfulness, are unable to advise themselves, and who would yet be willingly helped in the becoming manner allowed by Christ and his apostles ; but they pass over in silence that he forbids all impurity, while we still have to this day, as our ecclesiastical superiors and spiritual advisers, men who live in open fornication, scandal, and crime.— Further still, they cry out that Luther would do away with all authority, because, forsooth, he will not endure the cruel rule of certain tyrants who undertake, with unhallowed boldness, to encroach upon the sovereignty of God the Lord, since they try to extend their power over our souls and consciences; yet they do not say that, according to Luther's doctrine, we are not only subject to authority, but also are bound to suffer and endure with Christian patience even their insane and cruel government, reserving only the freedom of the soul and conscience.— Besides, they al- lege the discord and disturbance which this doctrine has roused in the world, and do not consider that the word of God from the first has caused disunion and conflicts between the believers in truth and falsehood.— Then we have to consider, as Christians, that, as the Church was at first begun and built up by the persecution and bloodshed of the faithful, now too, since it has been brought to ruin and lamentable disorder in almost all points, it can not be reconstituted, and re-established in its ancient dignity without great disturbance and revolt.— They also pretend that Luther rejects all divine orna- ments, tables, coffins, lamps, tapers, organs, mass-vestments, etc. ; but they conceal the fact that he so earnestly exhorts us to keep in repair and to adorn the living temples of God, as Paul says, namely, the poor, that they may not suffer from want and necessity. —In like manner, they complain that this doctrine tends to the disgrace and the lessen- ing of the honor of the immaculate and ever-pure Virgin Mary, and other of God's saints ; because pilgrimages, outlying chapels, taper-burning, and such proceedings, are not allowed to be of much avail ; but they do not say that we are taught true reverence for saints, namely, to recognize, praise, and adore the grace of God in His saints, and thus to strengthen our hearts in confidence and hope, that Ho will grant unto us the same paternal grace as to them, because they are our brethren, and, in fine, so direct us in their footsteps that we may follow the example of their faith and virtuous living. They will imbitter this honey of ours by saying that Luther is so hasty, quarrelsome, and bitter, that he attacks, reproaches, and reviles his adversaries, and among them even the great nobles and princes, ecclesiastical and temporal, with such wanton boldness that he quite forgets brotherly love and Christian courtesy. Of a truth he has often mispleased me in this respect ; I would advise no one now to imitate him in this point. At the same time, I have not, on this account, rejected his good, Christian doctrine, nei- ther will I pronounce sentence upon his person in this matter ; because I do not under- stand his spirit and the secret judgment of God, since by this fault many people are deterred from his doctrine ; but I also bear in mind that he is not fighting his own cause, but for the word of God ; on this account much may be forgiven him, and all ascribed to a zealous indignation for God.— Lastly, they endeavor to make this doctrine suspicious and reproachful, by saying that for more than a thousand years there has CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 75 § 2. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND TO 1525. From the time that the brave Swiss mercenaries had so often decided the fortunes of war on the battle-fields of northern Italy, the Pope and the kingdom of France had been the chief rivals in the attempt to obtain adherents in the thirteen cantons.1 Pen- sions were given by both parties to win men of influence. The Pope employed his spiritual power, also, for the same purpose ; and allowed great forbearance and concessions about ecclesiastical mat- ters, indulgences, and church-benefices. The direct result of the constantly increasing enlistment in foreign service was a deplora- ble demoralization ; for the mercenaries, on their return to their fatherland, brought back licentiousness, wanton levity, and all sorts of crimes.3 At the same time, the clerical order was degraded by the unprincipled distribution of church-patronage.3 But rev- erence toward Rome also rapidly decreased, now that men so often came to know her near at hand, and found such frequent cause of complaint against her.4 Accordingly, the Swiss Govern- ments were constantly assuming a more independent bearing been a general agreement in the understanding of Holy Scripture ; and that the holy fathers and teachers have been quite unanimous in this ; but now comes Luther, over- throws every thing, and will have a private meaning after his own head, so that all past opinions together are quite worthless. In answer to this, it is enough to say that he, above all other men, has so restricted his understanding, according to the exhortation of Paul, and forced it into subjection to the word of Christ, that he seldom decides by his own opinion, but by comparing and explaining Scripture with Scripture, which is the highest art in commenting.— Besides, it is not true that ancient or modern teachers have hitherto been agreed in handling Scripture, for in a few days I could compile a large book of articles in which they have been entirely at variance and discordant. — Against Luther only, Avho has pointed out and laid his hand on the real ulcer and crime of the Church, they raise the cry of murder'; the}- can not endure his writings, they endeavor to make his doctrine loathsome to all men, they pervert his words, they attribute to him many unheard- of heresies, so that every thing preposterous which is now sung or said of God and the saints, all vicious books and heresies, are burdened upon Luther and the Lutherans," etc. 1 Compare J. v. Midler's Schweitzergeschichte, Th. 5, Abth. 2, by Robert Glutz-Blotz- heim (Zurich, 1816), s. 243 ff. Wirz, Neuere Helvet. Kircheng. i. 31 ff. 2 Anshelm's Berner Chronik, vi. 91, in the year 1521 : " Wie dann vornach bishar alle Uebermass, Ueppigkeit and Aendrung der Sitten in ein schlechte, tapfere Eydgenoss- schaft us fremden Kriegen gebracht ist worden, also ist auch zu diser Zyt beschehen, etc." Bullinger's Reformationsgeschichte, i. 4. Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 504. Wire, i. 48. Niklaus Manuel von Griineisen. Stuttg. u. Tubingen, 1837, s. 27. Compare the poem "Der alte u. der neue Eidgenosse," ibid. s. 4G1. 3 Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 501. Hottinger, continued by Muller and Glutz-Blotzheim, vi. 282. Griineisen, s. 16. * Gruneisen, s. 26. Anshelm, v. 481. When a papal legate appeared before the Diet at Glaris, in Jan., 1520 : " Da erklagten sicli die Eydgenossen, ihre Pension wurd ihuen >j-G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. toward the Pope, as they became certain that circumstances im- posed upon him the necessity of courting their favor.5 Thus the evil of foreign enlistment, which was perpetually denounced hy patriots as the ruin of Switzerland,6 brought with it its own cure, by helping to prepare the way for an ecclesiastical reformation. The point of light in Switzerland was Basle. At its university, amono- many divines stiffly attached to the old order of things, Thomas Wyttenbach of Biel7 had been teaching from 1505, and Wolfgang Fabricius Capito, a native of Alsatia, from 1512 to 1520,8 and opening to their hearers many clear views of particular doctrines. But Erasmus especially, who in 1516 was for a time domesticated at Basle, gathered round him a circle of enthusiastic admirers of ancient learning, and of enlightened religious views.9 To this circle Ulrich Zwingle joined himself. He was born on mit nuwer, unwiihrer Miinz und zu Unzyt bezahlt, anders dann der Bund wyste. Audi so ware nut ze dulden, dass sie von Curtisanen betrubt wurdint, dass des Babsts Gardi- knecht Pfriinden erwurbint und die verkouftint ; item, und dass die verwiirkten Priester um Diebstahl, Todtschlag, Ketzery, etc., dem Biscbofen iibergehen, usgelassen oder en- trunnen wieder Mess bieltint, und andere priesterlicher Wiirdigkeit Aempter ubtint, Ihnen sollte zugelassen werden, soliche ze strafen und abzewysen. Autwort der Legat, es wurde Besserung und Fiirsehung beschehen, stilltint ein Zyt Geduld haben, und ge- mein Anligen der heil. Kilchen bedenken." 5 When the Pope, in 1518, required 12,000 men at arms from the confederates for an expedition against the Turks, they declared themselves ready on condition (Anshelm, v. 341): "So wir nit uf sin sollten, bis ander Christliche Fiirsten, Herren und Stand, die uns vorgahn, uf sind, und wider den Turken ziehent." They promised 10,000 men, and added : " Wo babstliche Ileiligkeit noch meh bedorfe, wollint wir ihr uf ihra Gefal- len noch 2000 Pfaffen us unserer Eidgenossschaft auch nachlassen, dass die auch sollint Ziehen, damit die Zahl der 12,000 erfullt werde." G Thus many persons advised, as early as the Diet of Lucerne, in 1495 : " Aller frem- den Herren miissig zu gehn," Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 5G. At Berne, the Carthusian, Franz Kolb, from 1512 preacher at the Vinzenzen-Munster, was very zealous against foreign en- listment, and left the town from chagrin at the ill success of his sermons ; see the Re- formatoren Bems im XVI. Jahrh., by G. J. Kuhn. Bern, 1828, s. 344 ff. 7 With regard to him, see Kuhn, s. 47 ff. 8 About him, see Jung's Gesch. d. Reform, d. Kirche in Strassburg, B. 1, s. 86 ff. 9 To this circle of Erasmians, which is also known from Zwingle's earlier correspond- ence, belonged Capito, Beatus Rhenanus, Henricus Glareanus, the Franciscan, Conrad Pellicanus, Oswald Myconius in Basle, Joachim Vadianus, professor at Vienna, from 1518 at his native town of St. Gall, Wilh. Nesen at Basle, afterward at Paris, Joh. v. Botzheim, canon of Constance (see J. v. B. u. seine Freunde von K. Walchner, Schaf- hausen, 1836. 8). The extent to which progress in theology had been made among these men, even at an early date, is shown in the narrative of John Fabritius Montanus (f 1566), in his funeral oration on Pellicanus; according to which he and Capito, as early as 1512, had come to an understanding at a private conference in Bruchsal upon the commentum transubstantiationis, and, with St. Augustine, received the bread as Symbolum corporis (see Miscellanea Tigurina, iii. 431 ss. Gerdesii Hist. Evangelii Re- novati, i. 112 ss.); although this later account of it is evidently colored by opposition to the Lutheran opinion. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 77 the first of January, 1484, at "Wildhaus, in the county of Toggen- burg, and educated at the universities of Vienna and Basle : at the latter place he received from Wyttenbach10 his first impulse in the study of divinity. From 1506, when he was elected by the community of Grlarus to be their pastor,11 he devoted himself to a zealous study of the Latin classics and fathers of the Church.12 10 Leo Judae in Praef. ad Adnotatt. Zuinglii in N. T. 1539 : D. Th. Wittenbachius— vir in omni disciplinarum genere exercitatissimus, et qui propter multijugam eruditio- nem omnibus istius seculi doctissimis hominibus miraculo ct stupori, et phoenix quidam liabitus sit. Quo praeceptore Zuinglius et ego uno eodemque tempore circa a.d. 1505, Basileae Uteris operam navantes formati sumus, nee solum in cultioribus disciplinis, quorum erat callentissimus, sed in scripturarum quoque veritate. Ut enim homo ille praeter singularem eloquentiam acuto erat ingenio, multa quae posteris temporibus ab aliis prodita sunt, providebat ac praesagiebat, ut de indulgentiis Papisticis et aliis rebus, quibus Romanus Pontifex stultum mundum aliquot jam secufis dementaverat. Ex hoc hausimus quidquid nobis fuit solidae eruditionis, atque hoc totum ei debemus. Quiim ergo a tanto viro semina quaedam verae religionis Zuingliano pectori injecta essent, et calcar additum, quo ad lectionem literarum, rejectis nugis sophisticis, excitaretur, ad Graecanicarum literarum studium statim accinctus Marte suo profecit, etc. Zwingle, in his Uslegen u. Grund der Schlussreden 1523, in the Uslegung des XVIII. Artikels (Werke v. Schuler u. Schulthess. Bd. 1, s. 254) : Dann ich vorhin (vor Luther) von dem Ablass bericht was, wie es ein Betrug und Farbe war, us einer Disputation, die Doctor Thomas Wytembach von Biel, min Herr u. geliebter triiwer Lehrer, vor etwas Z}-ten ze Basel gehalten hatte, wiewol in minem Abwesen." In the Arnica exegesis ad Lutherum, 1527 (Opp. ed. Schuler et Schulthess, iii. 544), he had already learned from Wyttenbach — solam Christi mortem pretium esse remissionis peccatorum. Rud. Gualterus (Zwingle's son-in-law, preacher at Zurich, f 1586), in Praef, ad Priorem Partem Homiliarum in Matthaeum (Miscell. Tigur. iii. 102), says of Wyttenbach: Non solum bonarum litera- rum et liberalium artium studia instauravit, sed multos, quoque Papisticae doctrinae articulos de Sacramentis, indulgentiis, votis monasticis publice damnabat, et junioribus dicere solebat, non procul abesse tempus, quo theologiam scholasticam aboleri, et doc- trinam Ecclesiae veterem, ab orthodoxis patribus et scriptura sacra traditam, instaurari oporteat. On the other hand, Zwingle writes to Wyttenbach on the 15th June, 1523 (Opp. vii. 297) : Quod quereris, frustra te aetatem tarn tuam, quam nostram, in Sophis- taruni nugis detrivisse, non injuria facis : quanquam nihil est, cur nostra causa turberis. Dedimus haec jam olim temporum iniquitati ; verum poenitendo nihil efficimus, quam quod aliis exemplo sumus, qui paulo sunt ingenio magis ingenuo, ne illi diutius quam par sit his haereant, a quibus nos esse avulsos, ut vehementer gaudemus, ita non parum dolet, sero nimis avulsos. 11 The Pope's presentation to this cure of Henry Goldli, of one of the first families of Zurich, who already held several benefices, was not regarded ; and in 1512 the Pope paid him an annual sum by way of indemnity (Schuler's Huldr. Zwingli, s. 20, 302). This is at once an example of the Pope's arbitrary dealing and of his concessions to Switzerland. l- The letters written by him and to him at this time are an indication of the char- acter of his studies ; they are entirely taken up with subjects of interest to the circle of humanists, with questions of taste and style, literary intelligence, and snch points. John Dingnauer wrote to him on the 6th of December, 1514 (Opp. vii. i. 9), as — Apollineae lyrae moderatori, nostraeque tempestatis Ciceroni indubitato. Wilh. Nesen, 27th April, 1517 (Opp. vii. 21), writes to him : Tanta est tua eruditio candorque, ut inter extremae sortis homines sint merito connumerandi, qui te non eximium mirentur Musarum simul et Christi sacerdotem. Zwingle wrote first to Erasmus in 1514, and received a very friendlj' answer (Opp. vii. 10) ; how highly he prized it is shown by his letter to him, 29th April, 1515 (1. c. 12) : Tu nobis amasius ille es, cni ni confabulati simus, somnum 78 FOUKTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. As an eloquent preacher, he inveighed against the corrupt morals of his day ;13 in 1510 he did the same in satirical and allegorical writings.14 Nevertheless, he was still quite devoted to the Pope ; he received from him a pension as an influential preacher ;15 and regarded the support which the Swiss rendered to the Pope as a dutiful protection of the Holy See.16 But afterward he was led back more and more to the Holy Scriptures as the only source of Christianity : in 1513 he began to learn Greek, and engaged with zeal in the study of the New Testament.17 Thus his sermons, from non capimus. — Nos peracti ad te itineris — scias tantum abesse ut poeniteat, ut magnum etiam fecisse nomen nos existimemus, non alia re magis gloriantes, quam Erasmum vi- disse, virum de Uteris Scripturaeque sacrae arcanis meritissimum, quique Dei hominum- que ita caritate flagret, nt quidquid Uteris impenditur, sibi impendi putet, pro quo item cranes bene precari oporteat, ut eum Deus O. M. incolumem servet, ut sanctae literae a barbarie sophismatisque per eum vindicatae in perfectiorem aetatem grandescant, ne tenellae adhuc tanto patrc orbae ingratius duriusque educentur. Ego enim — pro tua i9thac in universos beneficientia, sero licet, tibi dudum quod Socrati Aeschines (quan- quam imparem) donavi (viz., myself). 13 Myconius, De Zwinglii Vita, § 11, in Stiiudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archivf. Kircheng. i. ii. 8 : Congredi coepit juxta Christi normam cum flagitiis quibusque perniciosissimis, ante omnia tamen cum pensionibus (sic appellamus munera Principum, quae certis milites parandi bellique conficiendi gratia dabantur hominibus), eo quod eas exstirpare, et pa- triam reformare ad sanctitatem pristinam prorsus baberet in votis. Nam videbat, turn demum doctrinae coelesti locum futurum, ubi fons malorum esset exhaustus omnium. Compare his Narratio verissima civilis Helvetiorum Belli, ibid. s. 41. 14 The Labyrinth (Works, ii. ii. 243), against the manifold errors to which foreign lands lead men ; Fabelgedicht torn Ochsen und etlichen Thieren (ibid. s. 257), against for- eign enlistment and pensions. 15 See Note 43, below. 10 This appears from his Relatio de Gestis inter Gallos et Helvetios ad Ravennam, Papiam, aliisque locis (in Freheri Rerum Germ. Scriptt. ed. Struvii, iii. 137 ss.), a.d. 1512 : e. g., hunc itaque Christianorum matris (the Church of Rome) statum intuentes confoederati, malo periculosoque exemplo futurum existimant, si cuilibet Tyrannorum (as the King of France) pro rabie communem Christifidelium matrem impune permittant incessere, sedulo raptim habitis conventibus strenue accisas Ecclesiae Italiaeque res resarcire statuunt. The Pope is to him beatissimus Christi vicarius, the conduct of Lewis XII. toward him, and his intention — Antipapam, ut ajunt, Cacodaemonis instinctu cre- are, are altogether to be condemned. 11 Zwingli Uslegen der Schlussreden im J. 1523 des XVIII. Art. (Works, i. 254): " For who stirred me up to preach the Gospel, and to expound an entire Evangelist ? Did Luther do this ? I had begun to preach before I had ever heard of Luther's name, and ten years before (so in 1513) I had begun to learn Greek with this end in view, that I might draw the doctrine of Christ from the original." (With this agrees Zwinglii Ep. ad Joh. Vadianum, 23d Febr., 1513, Opp. vii. 9: Graecac, latinae ignarus, aninuim ap- plicui. Quare boni consule, ne oleum laborque pereant ; et in manus post Chrysolorae Isagogen quid sumendum ? Ita enim graecis studere destinavi, ut qui me praeter Deum amoveat nesciam, non gloriae, — sed sacratissimarum literarum ergo.) See also his essay Von der Klarheit des Worts Gottes. 1522. (Works, i. 79) : " In my younger days I advanced as far as any of my contemporaries in human lore ; and when, seven or eight years ago (1514-15), I felt moved to devote myself to Holy Scripture, philoso- phy and theology strove to entangle me in their disputes. But at last I thought within CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 79 the year 1516, assumed a thoroughly simple and biblical form.18 He began to discern many ecclesiastical errors and abuses ;19 but he did not yet openly assail them.20 When, however, a large part of the confederates allowed themselves to be won over to the side of France, and Swiss began to fight against Swiss in foreign lands,31 he then raised his voice against pensions and foreign en- listment. As he thereby incurred the hatred of the French party, he accepted the invitation of the administrator, Diebold von Ge- roldseck, who was devoted to learning, to reside at Einsiedeln in 15 16,22 where, in close intercourse with several congenial spir- mysclf (guided by Scripture and the Word of God), Thou must leave all this, and learn the meaning of God plainly from His own simple word. Then I set to work, prayed to God for His light, and Scripture began to be much plainer to me, when I read the plain text, than if I had read many comments and expositions." 18 Zwingli Uslegen der Schlussreden, 1523 ; Uslegungdes XVIII. Art. (Works, i. 253) : " Before any one in our neighborhood knew any thing of Luther's name, I began to preach the Gospel of Christ, in the year 151G; so that I never went up into the pulpit without taking for my text the word whicn had been read as the gospel the same morn- ing at mass, and explaining it from I10I3- writ alone. Much as I adhered, at the begin- ning of this period, to the ancients, as purer and plainer teachers, I was nevertheless disappointed with them at times. As that honorable gentleman, Diebold of Geroldseck, Warden of Einsiedeln, ma}- perhaps remember how I advised him many times to read Jerome with all diligence, and added, the time will soon come, if God will, when neither Jerome nor any other writer will have much authority among Christians, but Holy Scrip- ture alone." 19 E. g., Zwingli Uslegung des XX. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 298) : " Eight or nine years ago (1514 or 1515) I read a comfortable fiction written on the Lord Jesus by the learned Erasmus of Rotterdam, in which Jesus complains that men do not seek all good things from Him, whereas He is a fountain of all good. Then I thought, if this be the case, why do we seek help from the creature ? I began to search in Scripture and the works of the Fathers, whether I could find there any certain information with regard to prayer to saints. In short, I found nothing of it in the Bible at all ; among the ancients I found it in some, and not in others. However, it did not much move me if the}* did teach prayer to saints ; for they always stood on tradition alone. And when I read the Scriptures which they quoted for this purpose in the original, these had no such mean- ing as they wished to thrust upon them ; and the more I considered this doctrine or opin- ion, the less authority I found for it in Scripture, but rather more and more against it." 20 Myconius, § 13 : Interea gratiam evangelicam ita promulgabat, ut de Ecclesiac Romanae abusu nihil, vel admodum parce commcmoraret. Volebat, veritatem cogni- tam in cordibus auditorum agere suum ofhcium : nam veris perceptis et intellectis haud difficulter falsa cognoscimus. Quamvis nee per tempus turn licuerit aliter : prius cnini Veritas in tanta hominum protervitate et malitia penitus fuisset amissa, quam abusus religionis sublatus. Accordingly, when, in the A-ear 1522, Zwingle preached once more at Glarus, he acknowledged that he had formerly recommended many doctrines of men, and exhorted his hearers to hold fast the Word of God alone (according to the manu- script history of the Reformation by Werner Stciner, who was present at the time ; given in J. J. Ilottinger's Helvet. Kircheng., iii. 92). 21 Anshelm, v. 219, 225 ; Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 43G. 22 Zwinglius ad Jo. Vadianum, dd. 13. Jun., 1517 (Opp. vii. 2-1): Locum mutavimus. non cupidinis ant cupiditatis moti stimuli*, verum Gallorum tcclinis, et nunc Eremi su- mus. lie remained still on the best terms with the government, 73. ad Stapjerum, 80 FOURTH PERIOD.-DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1618. its,23 he continued his studies after the method of Erasmus,24 and rained new light in theology. His sermons continued to be dis- tinguished only for their simple, Scriptural style. Although he had quietly helped to put an end to certain abuses,25 still he did not yet assail the doctrine of the Church.26 True, Zwingle and his friends recognized more and more clearly the necessity of a Reformation in the Church f but like their master, Erasmus, they still hoped that this might be effected by the ecclesiastical authorities.28 Zwingle himself took some steps with this end in view, which were of course completely unsuccessful.29 15<>2 (1. c. p. 237) : Apud meos Dominos Claronae tanta cum pace et facilitate versatus sum, ut nunquam aliquitl litis intercesserit, atque adeo tanta cum gratia discessi, ut mini Praebendam duos annos prorogaverint, spe ducti, me reversurum esse. 23 Besides the administrator Geroldseck, chiefly with the papal chaplain, Franz Zink, John Oechslin ; see Schuler, s. 176 f. _ 24 One memorial of these studies is Zwingle's copy of the Epistles of St. Paul in Greek, preserved in the town-library at Zurich : it was made from Erasmus's edition of 1516, and finished at Einsiedeln in May, 1517, with marginal notes from the Fathers of the Church and Erasmus. See Bulliuger, i. 8 ; Myconius De Vita Zwinglii, § 10 (Archiv, i. ii. 7) ; Schuler, s. 303. 25 The inscription over the entrance of the monastery— hie est plena remissio omnium peccatorum a culpa et a poena— was removed. Zwingle and Oechslin were sent by the administrator to the convent of Fahr, to introduce among the nuns the reading of the New Testament in German, instead of the chanting of matins, and to release those who wished to depart ; Hess's Life of Zwingle, translated by Usteri, s. 59 f. ; Schuler, s. 180. —On the other hand, Zwingle's sermon, on the day of the commemoration of angels, mentioned by Bullinger, i. 81, in which he inveighs against the worship of saints, pil- grimages, and vows, does not belong to this date, as Hess (Usteri, s. 61 ff.) ; Wirz, i. 142) and others maintain ; but to the year 1522, in which Zwingle and Leo Judae preach- ed at Einsiedeln on the commemoration of angels ; see Anshelm, vi. 97 f. : Schuler, s. 357. As the feast of the Blessing of Angels was only celebrated every seventh year, it could not have taken place during Zwingle's residence at Einsiedeln. 26 Salat, in his manuscript account (in Schuler, s. 357), says : " Er fing an zu rutteln, doch so listiglich, dass er nicht zu begreifen war, dazu man sich keines andern, dann dem Christenglauben gemiiss und gleich versehen hatte." Compare Note 18. 27 Capito ad Bullingerum, 1536 (ex MS. in J. H. Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. p. ii. p. 207) : Antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zuinglius et ego inter nos commu- nicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitam degeret in Eremitorio. Nam utrique ex Erasmi consuetudine, et lectione bonorum auctorum qualecunque judicium turn subolescebat. Compare Beatus Rhenanus ad Zwinglium, d. G. Dec, 1518 (Opp. vii. 1, 57), complaints on the state of the Church : Sacerdotes— etlmicam aut judaicam doctrinam docent. De vulgo sacerdotum loquor. Nequc enim me latet, te tuiquc simi- les purissimam Christi philosophiam ex ipsis fontibus populo proponere, non Scoticis aut Gabrielicis interpretationibus depravatam, seel ab Augustino, Ambrosio, Cypriano, Hie- ronymo germane et sincere expositam.— Utinam tui similes multos haberet Helvetia ! Sic tandem facile posset, ut meliores mores nostrates induerent. 2S Cf. Capitonis Epist. ad Christoph. Utenhemium, Episc. Basileensem, prefixed to Jo. Clichtovaei Elucidatorium Ecclesiasticum. Basil., 1517. Reprinted in Gerdesii Hist. Evang. r.enov. i. Monum. p. 123. In this letter of dedication the necessity of counter- acting the immorality ami ignorance of the clergy was inculcated upon the bishops. 29 Bullinger, i. 10. Zwingle's Antwurt an Valentin Compar., 1525 (Works, ii. i. 7) : CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH— 1523. 81 In the year 1518, when a trader in indulgences, the Franciscan, Bernhardin Samson, made his appearance also in Switzerland, and surpassed all in effrontery,30 Zwingle, as well as many others, raised his voice against this abuse.31 This, however, was the less surprising, since even the Bishop of Constance regarded this trader in indulgences as an intruder.32 Zwingle remained in such high favor with the papal legate that he appointed him pa- pal chaplain.33 On the first of January, 1519, Zwingle entered upon the office of Leut-priest in the great minster at Zurich; and in order to spread abroad a knowledge of pure, Scriptural doctrine, he at once abandoned the customary mode of preaching from the pas- sages of Scripture assigned for each service, and explained in his sermons entire books, first the Gospel of St. Matthew, in regular order. Although he undertook his work independently,34 "Eight years ago (hence in 1517), at Einsiedeln, and afterward at Zurich, I often proved to the Lord Cardinal von Sitten, in plain language, and testified throughout with strong passages of Hoi}' Scripture, that the entire papacy had a bad foundation. The noble gentleman, Diebold von Geroldseck, Master Franz Zingg, Doctor Michael Sander, who are all three still living, often heard me. And the aforesaid cardinal often answered me to the following effect : If God help me to recover my authority (for he was at that time out of favor with the Pope, and the popelings, that is, the cardinals, who always breed popes), I would see to it that the arrogance and falsehood which the Bishop of Rome employs should be brought to light and reformed. He has often since then con- versed with me on doctrine and on Holy Scripture, but always to the effect that he rec- ognized what was false and disapproved it. But there is no need here to record how he has conducted himself since that time." 30 Miiller's Schweitzergesch., continued by Hottinger, vi. 287. He was so well satis- fied with Bern, that, upon his taking leave, he granted plenary indulgence to all per- sons present, who repeated the Paternoster and Ave Maria upon their knees ; those who went three times round the church praying, he assured that the}' would deliver any soul they desired out of purgatory. At length, after all had repeated the Paternoster and Ave Maria five times for the souls in purgatory, "syhrey er hit: jetzan diss Augen- blicks sind aller Berneren Seelen, wo und wie joch abgescheiden, alle mit enandere us der hollischen Pyn des Fagfiirs in die himmelsche Froud des Himmelrychs ufgefahren." So says the eye-witness, Anshelm, v. 335 f., on the year 1518. 31 Hottinger, Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. P. iii. p. 1G2, and J. J. Hottinger, Helvet. Kirch- eng. iii. 20, only state in general terms, without naming their authorities, that when Samson sold the indulgence in Switzerland, Zwingle preached against him at Einsiedeln. 32 See Fabri Epist., Note 38, below. 33 He appointed him Accolitus Capellamts. The document, dated 1st Sept., 1518, is in Hottinger, saec. xvi. P. ii. p. 275. 34 Bullinger, i. 12. Zwingli Uslegung des XVIII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 254) : " When I began to preach at Zurich, in the year 19, I gave notice before the honorable dean and chapter that I wished, if God so willed it, to preach upon the Gospel written by St. Matthew, without any glosses of man, and not to be led into error or controversy. At the beginning of this year none of us knew any thing about Luther, except that some work upon indulgence had been issued by him ; this taught me but little, for I had be- fore learned about the indulgence, that it was a deceit and imposture, from a disputa- VOL. IV. — 6 g2 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. yet, as Luther's mighty voice, waxing louder and louder, just now began to penetrate Switzerland also, arousing the slumbering and encourao-ino- the backward,35 the agreement between the two men was soon recognized ; and abroad, the later and feebler movement of Zwingle was understood to have arisen from the earlier and more powerful impulse of Luther.30 The universal excitement tion which Doctor Thomas Wytembach of Biel, my master and truly-beloved teacher, had held some time ago at Basle, albeit in my absence. So Luther's work, published at the same time, had helped me but little in my sermons on Matthew. But all persons who longed for the Word of God resorted to these sermons in such numbers, without in- termission, that I wondered at it myself. Now I will thus speak with the enemies of the doctrine of Christ. Who charges me with being a Lutheran ? When Luther's book on the Lord's Prayer came out, as I had shortly before commented upon this prayer in St. Matthew, I know well there were many pious persons who suspected erroneously that I had written the book, and prefixed Luther's name to it. Who, then, can charge me with being a Lutheran ?" The order in which he proceeded with the other books of the New Testament, and his reasons for it, may be seen in his Archeteles, 1522 (Opp. iii. 48). 35 Luther's works went from Basle through Switzerland. According to Froben's and ( jpito's Letters to Luther in Febr., 1519 (see § 1, Note 37), the Cardinal von Sitten, and the Administrator of Einsiedeln, Herr von Geroldseck, were well-disposed toward him already at that time. At Coustance they were well known after Luther's conference with Cajetan at Augsburg (Oct., 1518) ; see Fussli's Beytrage, iv. 174. 30 In Bern, for instance, where Luther was well known as a reformer before Zwingle began to reform; see Beatus Rhenan. ad Zuingl. dd. Basil., 26. Dec, 1518 (Opp. vii. CI) : Nudius tertius hue a Bernensibus missus est bibliopola, qui multum hie Luthera- •i-orum exemplarium coemit et illo deportavit. Gaudeo, mi Zuingli, vehementer, quo- ties video mundum resipiscere, et abjectis mataeologorum somniis solidam consectari doctrinam. Idem a meis municipibus factum est. Quo magis miror Thuregiensium negligentiam, qui moniti per Te facere cessent, quod alii sua sponte capessunt. Neque cairn credere possum, Te illos non monuisse, aut rem non succepisse apud eos, qui tibi iu judicando primas tribuunt. (But Zwingle did not come to Zurich till the 27th Dec.) Anshelm, Berner Chronik, v. 273, on the year 1517, speaks of Luther's first appearance as the "Urhab u. Anfang der wunderbaren Erriiiwerung des heil. Evangeliums," and describes, vi. 101, the reformation of the Church as " durch den Luther angericht und von Zwingli gestarkt." On the year 1519 he relates, v. 368: "At the very beginning of this year the steadfast Ulrich Zwingle brought a great accession of strength to the strong Luther. After preaching three years at Einsiedeln on the Gospels appointed to be read -in the mass-service, according to the style and method of the early teachers of the Church, he was now appointed to be a people's priest, and preacher at the great minster of Zurich, a worthy confederate of the afore-mentioned place. After first ob- taining the permission of his dean and chapter, he began to preach upon the Gospel of St. Matthew from Scripture only, and earnestly to exhort his people to hear, read, re- ceive, and believe the Word of God only, as the immovable foundation of our salvation and holiness. He began and carried on this blessed undertaking with such great suc- cess, that there, as at Wittenberg, a wonderfully large concourse of people came to hear the Word of God; and an opinion prevailed that Luther and Zwingle, far apart as they were, and only known to each other by hearsay, preached a doctrine learned from each other, and were in fact united together. But thereupon the divine truth itself clearly showed and proved, that where the Word of God was expounded in purity and accord- ing to His Spirit, it would be every where consistent, and every where produce the same doctrine, faith, and fruit." CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1519. 83 roused by Luther could not be without effect upon Zwingle also. True, he remained essentially faithful to his principle of over- throwing falsehood not by direct attack, but by proclaiming the opposite truths.37 Still, so many weighty questions were brought by Luther before the public, that Zwingle could not avoid ex- pressing his opinion on these points. Of his public ministry it is only known, that when Samson came at this time to Zurich, he preached zealously against indulgences,38 and censured the cor- ruptions of the clergf and monks. Many private expressions of his may have contributed to the opinion which soon prevailed in Zurich, that he was a Lutheran at heart.39 The monks first at- 37 Zwingli Uslegung des XX. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 268) : " I have not done as some now do ; when they begin to preach, they first pray for the intercession of saints ; and if one object to this, they say: Have not the preachers been showing j'ou, first of all, that the false gods are not gods but idols ? Hence, since I find that men rely upon the intercession of saints, and that there is no ground for this practice, shall I not first show them this? I answer, No, there is another shape to this matter, and one that can not be well measured in this way. I have taken the matter thus in hand ; I have faithfully taught and pointed out Christ Jesus, that people should seek every good thing from Him, and have recourse to Him in every need. I have thus made the grace of God an object of love to men, and have certainly proved and experienced that God will work with His word. I have also yielded to ignorant persons, after often speaking with them, if they maintain their point obstinately : Well, well, you bring your prayers to the saints ; I will bring mine to God alone. Let us see which of us takes the better court- And I have thus fed them with milk, until some of them, who were formerly strongly against me, afterward became strong in the cause of God alone. So I advise all persons at this time who preach the Word of God that they should duly preach salvation from the plain and true Word of God. Thus trust in God alone will surely increase, and the deceitfulness of false hopes fall to the ground." 38 In the early months of 1519. Samson was rejected in Zurich; Bullinger, i. 17; Muller-Hottinger, vi. 290. The papal letters of 30th Apr., 1519, are in Hottinger, saec. xvi. P. iii. p. 177 ss. The vicar-gencral, John Faber, who governed the diocese of Con- stance in place of the feeble Bishop Hugh v. Landenberg, wrote on this subject to Zwin- gle, 7th June, 1519 (Opp. vii. 79) : Quid ad fratrem indulgentiarium coelipotentem atti- net, meus mihi genius praesagiit hunc eventum : neque enim tam frigidus circa prae- cordia sanguis obstitit, ut tam portentosas venias a sede apostolica nunquam profectas crederem. Quid aliud ejusmodi veniarum licitatores effrontes agunt, quam ut ecclesia passim vel a Christianis irrideatur? 39 Zwingli Uslegung des XVIII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 255): "The papists, by a silly trick, heap such names upon me and others ; they say, You must be a Lutheran ; you preach just as Luther writes. I answer them, I preach quite as much like what Paul wrote ; why do ye not rather receive me as a disciple of Paul ? Yea, I preach the word of Christ, wherefore do ye not receive me as a Christian ? Thus it is*nothing but non- sense. Luther is, as seems to me, an excellent champion for God, who has searched out the meaning of Scripture with greater earnestness than an}' one on earth has done for a thousand years : and no one has equaled him in the manly, steadfast courage with which he has assailed the Pope of Rome, so long as the Papacy has existed, not to say aught against the others. But whose is such a deed ? Is it of God or of Luther ? Ask Luther himself; I well know he will say of God. Why, then, do j-ou ascribe other men's doctrine to Luther, when he ascribes his own to God? Again, I will not bear the name 84 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. tacked him ;40 then several canons of his cathedral complained that he denied the divine right of tithes, and in the exercise of his spiritual office did not keep sufficiently in view the increase of the revenue of the chapter:41 his adversaries could not as yet charge him with heresies. In order to avoid dispute, the city council charged all their clergy to preach only the doctrine of the Holv Scriptures.43 The legate, then at Zurich, did indeed see the impending danger, and tried to win Zwingle. But the latter gave up his Roman pension in 1520, and declared that nothing should hinder him from preaching the Gospel.43 The legate pressed ea- of Luther, because I have read very little of his doctrine, and have often studiously kept aloof from his writings on purpose to satisfy the papists. But what I have read of his writings (so far as concerns dogmas, doctrine, opinions, and the sense of Scripture, for I have nothing to do with his quarrels) is generally so well fortified and grounded in the Word of God, that it is not possible for any creature to refute them." 40 Beatus Rhenanus ad Zuinglium, d. 7. Maj., 1519 (Opp. vii. 74) : non paulo gratius fuit, quod ore nobis retulit Simon noster, pergere te videlicet in asserendo Christianis- mo, quern partim impietas manifesta, partim fallax superstitio non istic modo, sed ubi- vis gentium, indignis modis conspurcarunt. Et quanquam, ut non caret aemulatione virtus, obstrepant quidam, tamen a proposito tuo, quod instanter urges, adhuc nemo te retrahere potuit. In qua re constantiam tuam admirari subit, qua nobis apostolici illius seculi virum repraesentas. Obganniunt quidam, rident, minantur, petulanter inces- sunt ; at tu vere Christiana patientia suffers omnia. Glareanus ad Zuingl., d. 7. Jun., 1519 (1. c. p. 78), audio, nescio quas contentiones esse tibi cum monachis, hominibus, a quibus plus quam ab aspidum veneno cavendum est. Obesse possunt, prodesse paucis vol tint. 41 Wirz, i. 17G. The principal duty of the Leut-priests was the increase and manage- ment of the revenue ; Schuler, s. 227. 42 Bullinger, i. 32. The report of the Council of Zurich to their subjects, 1524, in Fiissli's Beytragc, ii. 237 : " Our preachers have, however, for four or five j-ears preach- ed among us the holy gospels and the Word of God ; at first, as ye say, their doctrine seemed strange and new, since it was unlike that taught us by our forefathers. For this reason there have been among us, both priests and laymen, ten-fold different opin- ions, and in consequence divisions sprung up, principally among those who went little to hear sermons. Accordingly, before we knew or heard of Luther's doctrine, we issued a public charge to all Leut-priests, parochial clergy, and preachers in our city and can- ton, that they should all be free (as even the papal law allowed) to preach the holy gospels and epistles of the Apostles, in conformity with the Spirit of God, and the di- vine Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and whatsoever they could cite and prove from Scripture ; but that they should be silent about other incidental innovations and ordinances. The greater part of the preachers, to the best of our belief, have faith- fully done this." 43 Zwingli Uslegung des XXXVII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 354): "But that the expedi- tion to the Pope (the reinforcement granted by the Zurichers in 1521) happened in con- sequence of my efforts, can not be laid to my charge with truth by any man. For at the very time I was at open enmity with the papists, and they had broken with me in this wise : Three whole years before this time I had preached the gospel of Christ with earnestness ; thereupon the Pope's cardinals, the bishops, and legates, of whom the city was never free at that time, often exhorted me with professions of friendship, with en- treaties, with threats, with promises of great gifts and benefices. However, I would not yield to them, but resigned under my own hand, in the year 1520, a pension of fifty CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1521-1522. 85 gerly for the burning of Luther's works,44 but did not venture ei- ther to attack the council for its decree or Zwiftgle for his sermons. He thought he had attained his principal object when Zurich steadfastly refused to join the league,45 which all the rest of the cantons concluded with France on the 5th May, 1521 : but Zwin- gle had greatly contributed to this result by his sermons against foreign enlistment in general.46 As Zwingle, in his sermons, distinguished, with growing clear- ness, between the ordinances of man in the Church and the divine teaching of Holy "Writ, he was first entangled in a controversy in 1522. He had designated the rule of fasting as a human ordi- nance : several citizens broke the rule, and were called to answer for so doing.47 When questioned by the council, under the direc- tion of Zwingle, the clergy censured the transgression as capri- cious, but persisted in the statement that the rule was an ordi- nance of man.48 The Bishop of Constance accordingly sent a commission to Zurich to command the observance of the ceremo- nies (Apr., 1522). However, the council took Zwingle's part, and demanded more satisfactory orders from the bishop.49 This event florins, which they paid me annually (they were now ready to give me a hundred florins, but I would not receive them), which I had refused in the year 1517, but from which they would not release me for three years after." Zwingle's Reply to Val. Compar (Works, ii. 1, 8) : " Antonius Puccius [the papal legate] held a parley with me for the fourth time at Zurich, with great promise ; to whom I spoke right out about the matter and its bearings, and that I would, with the help of God, carry out the doctrine of the Gospel, aud with it would weaken the papacy, etc. ; but all this did not help the mat- ter." 44 Especially at the Diet of Baden, 1520; see Myconius ad Zuingl., d. 2. Nov., 1520 (Opp. vii. 153). 45 Anshelm, vi. 25 ff. ; Muller-Hottinger, vi. 36 ff. 46 Zwingle's Pious Exhortation to the Confederates of Schwyz, to beware of Foreign Lords, 1522 (Works, ii. ii. 286), contains, as Bullinger (i. 42) asserts, what he had before spoken from the pulpit and elsewhere on this subject ; see Muller-Hottinger, vi. 30. With regard to Zwingle's sermons against pensions in 1521 and 1525, see Bullinger, i. 51. 47 Bullinger, i. 69. The minutes of the inquiry are in Muller-Hottinger, vi. 496. Compare Wirz, i. 217. 49 Wirz, i. 219. 49 Zuinglii Epist. ad Erasmum Fabricium de Actis Legationis ad Tigurinos missae, diebus vii. viii. ix. Aprilis MDXXII (Opp. iii. 7 ss.). The bishop's vicar-general, at the head of the embassy, said before the council : Quosdam doctrinas novas irritabiles ac seditiosas docere, germanice rviderivartig und aufruhrirj lehren ; nempe nihil praeceptio- nuin humanarum servari oportere, nihil eeremoniarum. Quae doctrina si vicerit, futu- rum, ut non modo civiles leges sed et Christiana fides aboleatur. Cum tamen ceremo- niae sint veluti manuductio — ad virtutes. Immo virtutum fontem esse, ein Ursprung, — ceremonias. Quadragcsimam item doceri non servari oportere: in hac enim urbe ausos esse quosdam sese a reliquis Christianis separare, et a Christiana ecclesia. — Carnes 36 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. occasioned Zwingle's first reforming work, " Von Erkiesen und Freyheit der Spy sen"™ The adherents of the old order of things now gave more atten- tion to the matter. In May, 1522, the Bishop of Constance issued a pastoral letter to warn against innovations,51 and the Diet of Lucerne forbade all preaching likely to cause disquiet.52 On the other hand, Zwingle, in the name of several like-minded ecclesi- astics, defended the free preaching of the Gospel, in a friendly pe- tition and exhortation addressed to the Diet 13th July,53 and in enini eos in quadragesima cdisse non sine totius reipublicae Christianae scandalo. Quod tametsi literae evangelicae aperte non permittant, audere tamen eosdem asserere ex Evangelicis et Apostolicis scriptis sibi licere ; contra sanctorum patrum decreta et con- cilia, contra denique vetustissimum morem eos fecisse, quern, nisi ex spiritu sancto flux- isset, tanto tempore servare nunquam potuissemus, etc. Though he thereupon refused to hear Zwingle, and even asserted that he had spoken nothing against him ; neverthe- less he was allowed to respond. First he refuted the charge that the preaching of the Gospel led to sedition. Tigurum enim magis, quam ulluan Helvetiorum pagum, paca- tum et quietum esse, id quod omnes boni cives acceptum ferrent Evangelio. Quod de- inde objectum sit, nullas humanas nee praeceptiones nee ceremonias servari oportere doceri; ingenue agnoscam, ceremoniarum justam partem ac praeceptionum me cupere abolitam esse, quod praecepta sint magna parte talia, quae etiam Petrus in Actis neget ferri posse. — Imo ceremonias haud quicquam aliud agere, quam et Christo et ejus fideli- bus os oblinere, spiritus doctrinam abolere, ab invisibilibus ad elementa mundi avocare, quod tamen brevibus dici nequeat et explicari.— Carnibus esse quosdam ausos vesci minime malos, qui nee inficientur ; sed quandoquidem divina lege a carnibus non sit eis interdictum, in testimonium fidei potius edisse quam in ullius contumeliam. Quod hinc pateat: nam mox, ut docti sint a nobis, rationem scandali haberi debuisse, desti- teruut, unde nee ista legatione opus fuisse, remittente sua sponte malo, si modo malum est. Hoc tamen vehementer nos admirari, quod, dum annum jam XVI. in dioecesi Con- stantiensi evangelizem, hactenus tamen non resciverim, aliquo misisse Constantienses tarn splendidam legationem, quae scrutaretur quonam pacto Evangelicum negotium in- deceret. Then he maintained that fasting was not commanded by God, and so must be left free. The council determined to request the bishop (Fiissli, ii. 14) that he— " ver- schaffen wolle, es sey bey piipstlicher Heiligkeit, bey den Cardinalen, Bischofen, Con- cilien, oder sonst rechten, Christlichen, gelehrten Leuten, damit man eine Erlauterung und Bescheid gebe, wie und welcher Gestalten man sich in solchem Falle halten solle, dardurch wider die Satzungen Christi nicht gehandelt werde." The people were to be exhorted, "dass hinfiiro niemand in der Paste ohne merkliche Ursach Fleisch esse, son- dern dass man ein Erlauterung kraft des mit U. G. Herrn von Costnitz Botschaft ge- machten Abscheids erwarte." 50 Works, i. 1. 51 Bullinger, i. 78. Sebastian Meyer, barefooted friar at Berne, published the pas- toral of the 2d May, with some bitter remarks : extracts from it in Wirz, i. 262. Kuhn's Reformatoren Berns, s. 100 (cf. Meyer ad Zuingl. d. 11. Nov., 1522, Opp. vii. 243). A similar letter of 24th May reached the chapter at Zurich ; printed in Zwingle's Archete- les (Opp. iii. 33). There is a letter to the council of Zurich, in May also, in Fiissli, iv. 125. « Anshelm, vi. 99. " On the next day, the 20th of May, a decree was passed that even- place should charge its clergy to abstain from all such preaching as would cause discon- tent, discord, and error as to the Christian faith to grow up among the common people." 53 " Ein frundlich Bitt und Ermahnung etlicher Priester der Eidgenosseuschaft, dass CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1521-1522. 87 the Apologeticus Archeleles, directed to the Bishop of Constance in August.54 As the celibacy of the clergy had led to the grossest abuses in Switzerland, Zwingle and his friends, in that friendly petition to the diet, and in a private petition to the Bishop of Con- stance (dated Einsiedeln, 2d July), prayed, first of all, for the ab- olition of this ordinance of man.55 However, no answer was giv- en; on the contrary, the diet and the bishop began to persecute several of the clergy who had made themselves too conspicuous.56 The most calumnious reports about Zwingle were disseminated in the neighboring cantons ;57 in the three monasteries of Zurich, the resorts of the adherents of the old faith, sermons were preached against him incessantly.58 Since the efforts of the council to re- store peace remained without success, it yielded to Zwingle's wish man das heilig Evangelium predigen nit abscblahe, noch Dnwillen darob empfach, ob (Us Predigenden Acrgernuss zu vermyden sich ehelicb vermablind." Werke, i. 30. 54 Apologeticus Arcbcteles appellatus, quo respondetur paraenesi a Rev. Dom. Con- stantiensi ad Senatum Praepositurae Tigurinae, quem Capitulum vocant, missae. Opp. iii. 26. 53 Supplicatio quorundam apud Helvetios Evangelistarum ad R. D. Hugonem Episc. Constantiensem, ne se induci patiatur, ut quidquam in praejudicium Evangelii promul- get, neve scortationis scandalum ultra ferat, sed Presbyteris uxores ducere permittat, aut saltern ad eorum nuptias conniveat (Opp. iii. 17), signed by Baltbasar Tracbsel, pastor at Weiningen, in the Grafschaft Baden ; Georga Chalybeus (Stiiheli), Zwingle's assistant; Werner Steiner of Zug ; Leo Judae, Lout-priest at Einsiedeln; Erasmus Fa- bricius (Schmid), prebendary at Zurich ; Simon Stumpf, pastor at Hongg, near Zurich ; Jodocus Kilchmeyer, prebendary at Lucerne ; Huldreich Pistoris (Plister), pastor at Uster, on the Greifensee ; Gaspar Megander (Grossman), preacher at the Hospital of Zu- rich ; John Faber (Schmid), chaplain at Zurich ; Huldreich Zwingle. 56 The diet at Baden (Nov., 1522) delivered over the pastor Weiss to the bishop; Bullinger, 5. 80; Anshelm, vi. 99; Wirz, i. 315; compare ibid. s. 321 ft'. 57 Thus he heard from Jacob Stapfer in Chur, a foreign pensionary; see Jac. Salan- dronius ad Zuingl. d. 26. Aug., 1522 (Opp. vii. 220) : Effutivit nescio quid de ternis liberis tibi adscriptis et insolitis nocturnis moribus. Item quod et te pensionem non modo a Sanctissimo, sed et a Gallo comprobare vellet (si urgeretur) accepisse. Prae- terea dixisse inter concionandum : Ave Maria dicere esset dicere : Gott griiss dich Gret- lin etc. Non credis, quot suo impudentissimo ore alienarit alias tibi faventissimos. Objicitur illico nobis, ut scis, hi, hi sunt mores Evangelicorum. A similar story was circulated in Schwyz ; see Balth. Stapfer to Zwingle, 19th Oct., 1522 (1. c. p. 236), and Zwingle's answer, p. 237. Compare Zwingle's Entschuldigung etlicher Huldr. Zwingli zugelegter Artiklen, doch unwarlich, an die edlen, strengen, frommen, wysen gmeiner Eidgenossschaft Rathsboten in der Stadt Bern v. 3ten Jul., 1523 (Werke, ii. ii. 299), and his Ein flyssige and kurze Underrichtung, wie man sich vor LUgen huten und bewahren soil, of the 25th June, 1524 (ibid. s. 322). 58 Bernh. Weiss in Fiissli, iv. 38 : " Deshalb predigten die Monchen in dcr Stadt al- lenthalben von den Heiligen :— deswegen redten ihnen etwann die Lute darein, denn viele Leute hatten neue Testamenter, und waren der Sache wol berichtet." Thus even Leo Judae interrupted the prior of the Augustines, p. 41. As early as the 22d July, 1522, the monks were censured by the council for their " ungeschickte Predigten" on the saints, s. 11. Compare Zuingl. ad Oecolampadium. d. 3. Jan., 1527. 58 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. of publicly meeting these calumnies and attacks, and ordered a religious conference between the two parties for the 29th Jan., 1523, in which they were to adduce their doctrines, and support them from the Holy Scriptures alone.59 The same political reasons which had led the Pope to overlook other arbitrary acts of the Swiss in church matters60 induced him to take no notice of these great movements. Zurich was the only canton which steadfastly refused the league with France,61 and still, in 1521, granted soldiers to the Pope ;62 while the rest of the cantons supported France, and treated the papal legate in Switz- erland with hostility.63 Hadrian accordingly overlooked what scarcely could be overlooked any longer ; and at the very time in which this conference was threatening the existing ecclesiastical order,64 no less in its form than in the results to be expected from it, he sent Zwingle a flattering letter, to induce him to employ his influence to retain the powerful canton on the Pope's side. For the disputation to be held on the 29th Jan., 1523, Zwingle 39 See Bullinger, i. 84. 60 Anshelm, vi. 201, on the year 1523 : Berne maintained its right to deal with the clergy in secular cases, "liess auch, unangesehen der Geistlichen hochste Fryheit und Bann, einen Pfaffen um Diebstahl und Frevel enthaupten." There was so little opposi- tion on the side of the clergy, that the people thought the Pope had granted the confed- erates power to chastise the crimes of the clergy with the secular arm. See Schatzmann's Letter to Vadian of the 19th Jan., 1523. Wirz, i. 57. 61 See note 45. c- Bullinger, i. 51. Miiller-Hottinger, vi. 51 ff. A calumny was raised against Zwin- gle at this time (Uslegung des XXXVII. Art. Works, i. 355), that, out of consideration for his pension from the Pope, he had "zu demselbigen Heerzug ein Oug zuthon und nit ernstlich gewehrt :" in reply he asserted, " es besindt sich, dass ich so stark hab ge- wehrt, als ich je gheinem Kriegen und Ufbrechen gewehrt hab." Bullinger, i. 51, has preserved some of his declarations. 63 Wirz, ii. 240. Even the safe-conduct of the legate Ennius was rescinded by the diet of 1522, and he could only remain with safety at Zurich. 64 Dated 23d Jan., 1523, in Bullinger, i. 83 ; in Zuinglii Opp. vii. 266 : Remittimus— Ennium, Episcopum Verulanum, ad istam invictam, nobisque et huic sanctae sedi con- junctissimam nationem, ut de maximis rebus— cum ilia agat. Licet autem ei dederi- mus in mandatis, ut ea communiter cum omnibus et publice tractet : tamen cum de tua. egregia virtute specialiter nobis sit cognitum, nosque devotionem tuam arctius amemus ac diligamus, ac peculiarcm quandam in te fidem habeamus, mandavimus eidem Epis- copo,— ut tibi separatim nostras literas redderet, nostramque erga te optimam volunta- tem declararet. Hortamur itaque devotionem tuam in Domino, ut et illi omnem fidem habeat, et quo nos animo ad honores tuos et commoda tendimus, eodem tu in nostris— rebus procedas, de quo gratiam apud nos invenies non mediocrem. Myconius 1. c. adds to this : Non ad hunc solum Papa scripserat, verum etiam ad eximium D. Franc. Zing- gium (see Note 23), ut sibi et sedi apostolicae virum lucrifaceret. Dumque rogitarem a Francisco, quid pro illo pollicitus esset Papa ; serio respondit : omnia certe praeter sedciu Papalem. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1523. 89 had brought together the doctrines he had preached in sixty-seven articles ;65 and he so defended them on that day against the Yicar- 65 Bullinger, i. 86; Zwingle's Works, i. 153. Articles: "I. All persons who say that the Gospel should not be preached without the permission of the Church are in er- ror, and bring reproach upon God. II. The sum of the Gospel is this, that our Lord Christ Jesus, the true Son of God, has made known to us the will of His Father in Heav- en, and by His innocence has delivered from death and reconciled God. III. Hence Christ is the only way to holiness for all who have been, are now, or ever shall be. IV. Whosoever seeks or shows any other door is in error, yea, he is a murderer of souls and a thief. V. Therefore all persons who esteem any other doctrine equal to, or higher than, the Gospel, are in error, and know not what the Gospel is. VI. For Christ Jesus is the Leader and the Captain promised and granted by God to all mankind. VII. That He is the eternal salvation and the head of all believers, who are His body, but without Him this bodj- is dead and powerless. VIII. Whence it follows, first, that all who live in the Head are members and children of God : and this is the Church or communion of saints, the bride of Christ, Ecclesia Catholica. IX. Secondly, that as the members of the body can do nothing without the guidance of the head, so in the body of Christ no man can do any thing well without Christ his Head. XI. Hence we see that the ordinances of the clergy, as to their pomp, their wealth, their ranks, their titles, their laws, are one cause of all disorder; for thus they agree not with the Head. XII. Thus they rage not for the sake of the Head (for to effect this is the object of our labor by God's grace) ; but because men will care no more for their storming, but render some obedience to the Head. XIII. When he is redeemed by Christ, man learns the will of God clearly and plainly, and is drawn to Him by His Spirit, and changed into His likeness. XIV. Therefore all Christian men should use their utmost diligence that the Gospel of Christ alone be every where preached. XV. For in faith in Him stands our salvation ; in unbelief, our condemnation ; for all truth is plain in Him. XVI. Man learns in the Gospel that human doctrine and human ordinances are not profitable for salvation. — On the Pope. XVII. That Christ is the one only eternal High-priest; hence it follows that they who have given out that the}' are high-priests resist and impugn the honor and the power of Christ.— On the J/ass.#XVIII. That Christ, who once offer- ed up himself, is forever an abiding and sufficient sacrifice for the sins of all believers ; hence it may be concluded that the mass is not a sacrifice, but only the memorial of the sacrifice, and an assurance of the redemption which Christ has shown us. XIX. That Christ is the one onty Mediator between God and us. — On the Intercession of Saints. XX. That God will give us all things in His name ; hence it follows that henceforth we need no other mediation than His. XXI. That when we pray for one another upon earth, we really pray that we trust all things will be granted us through Christ only. — On Good Works. XXII. Christ is our righteousness ; hence we conclude that our works are so far good as they are the work of Christ ; but so far as they are our own, neither right nor good. — On the Property of the Clergy. XXIII. That Christ condemns the wealth and pomp of this world; hence we must infer that they who amass wealth in His name are a reproach to Him, and make Him a cloak for their own avarice and wan- tonness.— On Prohibition of Food. XXIV. That no Christian is bound to works which God has not commanded ; any food may be eaten at any time ; hence we learn that the Kits and A nhenbrief (letters of dispensation) is a Roman trick. — On Feast-days and Pil- grimages. XXV. That time and place are subject to Christian men, not men to them ; hence it may be known that they who impose times and places upon Christians rob them of their freedom. — On Cowls, Clothing, and Signs. XXVI. That God hates nothing more than hypocrisy ; so He has taught us that all that is done for appearance' sake be- fore men is mere hypocrisy and perversion ; hence cowls, signs, shaven crowns, etc., fall to the ground. — Of Orders and Sects. XXVII. That all Christian men are brethren of Christ and of each other ; they should boast themselves of no earthly father ; hence all orders, sects, clubs fall to the ground. — On the Marriage of Clergy. XXVIII. That 90 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. General, Faber, that the council charged him to persevere in his course, and all their preachers to preach the pure Gospel in the same all which God has allowed or not forbidden is right; accordingly, marriage is becoming in all men. XXIX. That all persons called spiritual sin if, when they are convinced that God has denied them the gift of continence, they do not protect themselves by marriage. — On Vows of Chastity. XXX. That they who vow chastity undertake too much, like fools or children ; hence it may be inferred why they who take such vows are insolent toward pious men. — On Excommunication. XXXI. That no one man can excommuni- cate another, but the Church, that is, the community in which the person to be excom- municated lives, together with the guardian, that is, the pastor. XXXII. That man alone is to be excommunicated who is a notorious sinner. — On Unjust Possessions. XXXIII. That unjust property should not be granted to temples, monasteries, monks, priests, nuns, but be given to the poor, unless it can be returned to its rightful owner. — On the Supreme Power. XXXIV. The power called spiritual has no grounds for its pomp in the doctrine of Christ. XXXV. But the secular power has strength and con- firmation from the doctrine and example of Christ. XXXVI. All rights and protection claimed bj>- the so-called spiritual state belong to the secular authorities, if they will act as Christians. XXXVII. Also all Christians, without exception, are bound to obey them. XXXVIII. So long as they require nothing which God has forbidden. XLII. If they act unfaithfully and break the rule of Christ, they may be deposed by the Avill of God. — On Prayer. XLIV. True worshipers call upon God in spirit and in truth, without cry- ing out before men. XLV. Hypocrites do their works that they ma)- be seen of men, receiving their reward also in this life. XLVI. So it must needs follow that church- music or crying aloud, without devotion and only for money, is either seeking of fame from men or for gain. — On Offenses. XLVII. A man should rather suffer death in the body than injure or disgrace a Christian man. XLVI II. If a man, from stupidity or ignorance, injure himself without cause, he must not be left sick or suffering, but be restored to strength, lest he take that for sin which is not sin. XLIX. I know no greater injury than not to allow the clergy to have wedded wives, but to let them have concubines for money. How great a scandal ! — On Forgiveness of Sin. L. God forgives sin only through Jesus Chrjst, His Son, our Lord. LI. Whosoever attributes this power to the creature deprives God of His honor, and ascribes it to one who is not God ; this is real idolatry. LII. Therefore confession, whether made to the priest or to one's neighbor, should not bo set forth as the forgiveness of sin, but only as a request for counsel. LIII. Penances imposed by human authority (except in cases of excom- munication) do not take away sin ; they arc only imposed by way of menace. LIV. Christ has borne all our sorrows and troubles : whosoever, therefore, attributes to works of penance that which belongs to Christ alone, errs and reproaches his God. LV. Who- soever pretends to remit even one sin for the penitent man, stands not in the place of God, or of Peter, but of the devil. LVI. Whosoever remits any sin for money only is a companion of Simon and Balaam, and an especial emissary of the devil. — On Purga- tory. LYIL The true Holy Scripture knows nothing of Purgatory after this life. LVIII. The sentence of departed spirits is known to God alone. LIX. And just as God has allowed us to know less upon this subject, so we should undertake to know less. LX. I do not condemn a man if he call earnestly upon God to show His grace toward the dead ; yet to fix a time for this grace (seven years for a deadly sin), and to lie for the sake of gain, is not human, but devilish. — On the Priesthood. LXI. Holy Scripture knows nothing of the character (ordination-grace) which priests claim in these last times. LXII. It acknowledges also no priests but such as preach the Word of God. LXIII. It commands that due honor should be shown them ; that is, that they should be supplied with food for the body. — On the Abolition of Abuses. LXIV. All who acknowl- edge their error should not be made to pay for it, but be permitted to die ill peace ; and thus the Church property be placed on a Christian footing. LXV. As for those who re- fuse to acknowledge, God will surely deal with them. So men should employ no force CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1523. Ql manner.66 By this disputation, by the explanation of his articles, soon after (in July) published by Zwingle,67 and by the preaching of Zwingle, and his friend, Leo Judae, who came to Zurich in the beginning of 1523 as Leut-priest at St. Peter's,68 men's minds were more and more won over to the Reformation; and many wished to see it carried out in practice.69 For them it was not enough that the council allowed nuns to leave their convents (17th June),70 that several of the clergy married without hinderance,71 upon their persons ; unless it happen that they conduct themselves so perversely as to be no longer endurable. LX VI. All ecclesiastical dignitaries should humble themselves, and set up only the cross of Christ, not their chests : else they will perish, for I warn you, the axe lieth at the root of the tree. LXVII. If any man desire to confer with me upon tributes and tithes, upon unbaptized children, upon confirmation, I hold my- self read}- to answer him. Let no one here undertake to contend with sophistry or hu- man trifling, but come to Scripture, have it for the judge (foras canes) ! Scripture breathes the Spirit of God ; thereby let him discover the truth ; or if it be, as I hope, discovered, let him hold it. Amen. God grant it. 66 Bullinger, i. 97. M. Erhard Hegenwald gave an account of this disputation soon after it took place (in Zwingle's Works, i. 105). As John Faber, the vicar-general of Constance, who had been present, considered himself injured by this account, he forth- with issued a counter-report, " Ein warlich Underrichtung" (Wirz, ii. 45) : but seven young men of Zurich replied to this with a satirical refutation, "Das Gyrenrupfen"' (Geyerrupfen plucking the vulture), Wirz, ii. 50. Besides this, John Salat, historian at Lucerne, published a " Historical Account" of this conference, drawn entirely from He- genwald's report, a partisan representation on the Catholic side (in Fiissli's Beytrage, ii. 81). The decree of the council, published on the very day of the conference (Zwin- gle's Works, i. 143 f. ; Anshelm, vi. 195 f.), since no one rose up against Zwingle to re- fute him, or convict him of the heresy laid to his charge, ran thus : " That Master LT- rich Zwingle shall proceed, and henceforth as before preach the Holy Gospel and the true divine Scripture to the best of his power, until he be better informed. Also let all other Leitt-priests, parochial clergymen, and preachers in their city, country, and district, neither accept nor preach an}- other doctrine than what may be proved from the Holy Gospel and the rest of the true divine Scriptures ; likewise they must not revile one an- other in any sort, call each other heretics, or by any other reproachful name. Whoso- ever oppose and are not satisfied with this decision, must be regarded as persons who err and know that they are wrong." 67 Uslegen und Griind der Schlussreden oder Artikel, in Zw. Werke, i. 169. 69 He was elected on the Sunday before Whitsuntide, 1522, but did not enter upon his office till Candlemas, 1523 ; Bullinger, i. 75 ; Miscellanea Tigurina, iii. 30. 69 Compare the complaints of the chaplain Widmer at Zurich, an adherent of the ancient order, to Henry Goldli at Home, 28th June, 1523 (Wirz, ii. 87). The state of things in Zurich is such " that we priests hardly know how far we are safe in the city ; not to mention when we go out hunting with falcons, or venture in the country among the peasants. Besides, singing, mass-reading, and the rest of the service of God in use hitherto, is so sorely despised, and openly regarded by the common people as idolatry and a soul-destroying exhibition, and denounced in the pulpit as an evident imposture, that I fear, as the Pope, cardinals, and the bishop leave us to shift for ourselves, we shall have to renounce the faith and all divine service in a short time, or else allow our- selves to be put to death by the common people." 70 Fiissli's Beytrage, ii. 25 ; iv. 47. A nun had been already married in August, and demanded restitution of the property which she had brought to the convent, ii. 28. 71 First Willi. Rimbli, pastor at Wytikon, 28th Apr., 1523 ; sec Bsrnh. Weiss in Fiissli, 92 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. that a German baptismal service was introduced in the city (10th Aug.),72 and that the cathedral chapter, at its own request, received new and suitable ordinances (19th Sept.).73 They wished to abol- ish all the idolatrous parts of divine service which had till now re- mained unchanged, especially images and masses, and according- ly they soon began, on their own motion, to demolish images and the apparatus of superstition.74 These occurrences made, for the most part, an evil impression upon the rest of the confederacy. They were in part terrified by the prospect of a schism in the Church ; in part they concluded, from certain exaggerated rumors, that all civic order was destroyed in Zurich ;75 and they dreaded the power of this example. In Lu- cerne,76 Freiburg, and Zug, there was violent exasperation against the Reformation, from a stiff adherence to the old order of things ;77 the Bernese aristocracy opposed the attempts at ecclesiastical in- novation, out of regard for their own authority.78 Although in iv. 45. He was followed by others, and among them by Leo Judae, 19th Sept., 1523, and Zwingle, 2d Apr., 1524. Bullinger, i. 108. 72 Weiss in Fiissli, iv. 47. This baptismal service is in Zwingle's Works, ii. ii. 224. 73 Bullinger, i. 113. The Christian Constitution is also in Fussli, i. 1. 74 In September, 1523, Lawrence Hochrutiner broke in pieces the sacred lamp in the cathedral church ; soon after the same thing was clone in several chapels (see the exam- ination in Muller-Hottinger, vi. 498) : but the overthrow of a great crucifix by the cob- bler, Nicholas Hottinger, at the end of September, attracted the most attention. Compare especially Fussli, ii. 33 ; Wirz, ii. 124 ; Muller-Hottinger, vi. 387, 450. 75 The Bernese envoy, Gaspar of Miilhien, said, at the diet in Berne, JuLy, 1523 (Fiiss- li, ii. 2G) : " Dear confederates, beware in time lest the Luthei'an cause, and they who are embarked in it, gain the upper hand ; for their preachers have brought their city (Zurich) to such a state, that if the nobles themselves wished to retrace their steps they could not do so. Matters are come to such a pitch that a man is not safe in his own house. It is necessary that a man should take other men to his house to protect him with arms from all mischance ; the cause has advanced so far that their peasants in the country will pay neither tribute nor tithe, and there is such a division in this city and the whole canton that the like has never been seen before." Compare the letter of the Council of Zurich' to that of Constance, Donnerst. nach Othmer (November), 1523, in Fussli, v. 71 : " It has been reported to us that certain godless persons, enemies to the evangelical doctrine, have stated before you that disquiet prevails among us in consequence of preaching, so that all ranks are expecting a rebellion ; and that we are repenting that we have so fully received the evangelical doctrine." All this is un- true, "since, b}- the grace of God and His divine doctrine, there has never been, for a long time, greater peace and friendship between the lower and higher orders than at the present da}-." 76 At Lucerne, during a diet, the people burned Zwingle in effigy, Febr., 1523 ; Miiller- Hottinger, vi. 433. 77 Muller-Hottinger, vi. 394, 410, 418. 78 According to Anshelm, vi. 199, it was the vicar-general, Faber, who, in connection with the rest of the prelates, "has made enemies and opposers of the evangelical doc- trine, yea, even tyrants, out of by no means the least of the confederate nobles, as, for CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1523. 93 other cantons the Reformation had many friends, even among the rulers, yet the voices of these powerful cantons swayed the diets, and from them, as well as from the Bishop of Constance,79 procla- mations were issued against all ecclesiastical innovations.80 As, however, the general voice of Zurich was expressed with increasing preponderance for the advance of the Reformation, the council cared the less for these warnings ; in fact, it made prep- arations for a new conference on the 26th of October upon images and the mass.81 No champion was found for them ; but so gross an ignorance was then discovered among the clergy, that the coun- cil determined to leave the old order of things for a while undis- turbed, until sufficient instruction had been imparted.82 Zvvingle, the Abbot Von Cappel, and Conrad Schmid, commander of the Knights of St. John at Kusnacht, were to preach for this purpose in the country districts ; and, besides this, Zwingle was to com- pose his Christian Introduction^ which was then published with the assent of the council, in order to explain more fully the mean- instance, Bastian von Stein at Berne, who formerly were favorable and friendly to the Gospel, and gracious lords. The priests and monks, especially the bishops, raised the cry: The storm falls now upon us: it will fall next upon the nobles. Your free life, your tribute and tithe, will all be despoiled. Let us stand together against these rebell- ious heretics. By such outcry as this, raised day by day, many powerful and wealth}' nobles were deterred from even listening to, much more from accepting, the Word of God : that which was divine and evangelical they called devilish and infernal." 79 Pastoral of the 10th Jul}-, 1523, in Simler, i. 789 (in German in Fussli, iv. 135). 90 Anshelm, vi. 200. "After the aforementioned meeting (at Zurich, in January), when the pious Zwingle went forth into the country to preach and instruct the clergy, and every where in the confederacy the Word of God increased ; then the confederates passed a decree, in July at Berne, and in autumn at Lucerne, that all the followers of Luther and Zwingle should be strictly searched out and punished ; and that Zwingle should be arrested if he came into their dominions; in order that they might support the Bishop of Constance against his disobedient clergy, as they had been earnestly ex- horted to do." t (Compare Lud. Tschudii Epist. ad Zuinglium, die Jovis post Margare- tae, 1523. Opp. vii. 302.) The bishop had remonstrated to the diet at Berne against the disobedience of his clergy, and received this answer at the diet of Lucerne ; it may be seen in Fussli, iv. 156. 81 Bullinger, i. 126. All the Swiss bishops and cantons were invited to this confer- ence, but only Schafhausen and St. Gall sent delegates. The minutes of the confer- ence were published at once by Lewis Hetzer (in Zwiugle's Works, i. 459) : from these, again, Salat derived his historical account, composed in the same spirit as that of the first disputation (Note 66) ; see Fussli, iii. 1. 82 Zwingle recommended this course during the conference — see Ins Works, i. 531 f. ; as did the commander, Conrad Schmid, ibid. s. 533 ff. On these decrees, made imme- diately after the conference, see Zuinglius ad Yadianum, d. 11. Nov. (Opp. vii. 313); Bullinger, i. 135. 83 "Eine kurze Christenliche Ynleitung:" prefixed to it is a mandate of the council of 17th Nov. ; in Zwiinrlc's Works, i. 5H. 94 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. ing and the object of the Reformation. All excess of zeal, wheth- er in behalf of the old or the new, was held in check ; and all ex- cesses and illegal demonstrations were chastised.84 On the other hand, concessions were gradually made to the pressure for reform : in December the shrined pictures in the churches were shut up, and every priest was left free to celebrate mass or not as he chose.85 Even a solemn embassy from the diet to Zurich (in Febr., 1524) could no longer impose any restraint,86 much less the Pope's re- fusal to pay arrears of debt till after the abolition of the innova- tions.87 After the council thought they had waited long enough, on Whitsunday, in 1524, a more thorough reform of the Church was begun by the destruction of images.88 One after another all 84 Proofs of this may be seen in the decisions of the council, Fiissli, ii. 31 ff. 85 The verdict of the council of the 19th Dec. (Bullinger, i. 139 ; Fiissli, ii. 47, Note ; Zwingle's Works, i. 568) was that all the priests should appear before the council on the 28th of December, and in case they had any thing to allege against the last disputation, there to bring it forward. The picture tablets were to be shut up, and images were to be no longer carried about. Afterward the decree against the mass and prohibiting all aspersions was read to the priests in presence of the council, the 28th December (see the decree in Fiissli, ii. 43 ff. ; Zwingle's Works, i. 581) : at the same time, it was determined to send to the bishops of Chur, Constance, and Basle, to the University of Basle, and the other cantons, the Introduction published by the council, "that if they were then still inclined to conform their opinions to Scripture, the}' might do so, and return us a friendly answer. Thus answers might be obtained, and it would be seen what progress was made in the matter, in order that at Whitsuntide it might be taken in hand once more, and a conclusion arrived at pleasing to God and to" the furtherance of His holy Word." 80 Bullinger, i. 157. Anshelm, vi. 227. The impression made bj" this embassy was weakened by the fact that their instructions did not agree ; see Miiller-Hottinger, vi. 474. The Zurichers gave their answer on the 21st of March in print (the conclusion and date are in Anshelm, vi. 227; the whole is in the Bericht an die Unterthanen, Fiissli, ii. 231-261) : but this made the confederates less favorable than before to the innovations ; Anshelm, vi. 230. 87 See Wirz, i. 41, and the investigations prefixed to Zwingle's Judgment on these transactions, 1526, in Zw. Werke, ii. ii. 387. The Pope's manifestoes were always of the same import as the brief to the Zurichers, 11th Dec, 1525 (1. c. p. 390): Quod si id, quod Dcus avertat, in his novis et impiis erroribus perstare propositum Arobis haberetis, quomodo possemus non solum erga vos uti liberalitate, sed pecunias ullas, etiamsi max- ime vobis debitae essent, juste et pie persolvere ? Cum alienis a fide recta, nee quae ipsorum quidem patria et avita bona sunt, illis jure relinqui debeant. 88 A commission of the clergy had been already obliged to draw up a proposal about the images and the mass (Bullinger, i. 162; Zwingle's Works, i. 572). The council agreed upon this, but resolved (Bullinger, i. 172) "that at this time a beginning should be made with images, and they should be done away with ; with regard to the mass they would wait a short time, and see meanwhile what measures could be convenientl}- taken, even if the matter of the images should be mismanaged, as it was natural for the uninformed and the confederates to fall into error." But with regard to images, an or- der of the council was issued on the 15th June, 1524, to the provincial authorities (Land- vogte) (Bullinger, i. 173; Fiissli, i. 142): It had determined "to do away with images and idols wheresoever they were held in honor;" no force was to be used, but it was CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1524. 95 the objects and usages of superstition quickly disappeared ;89 the monasteries were suppressed, and changed into schools and alms- houses.90 The council secured the assent of its subjects by a pub- lic invitation to declare their opinion upon these proceedings ;91 and it had now less to fear from the threatening aspect of some of the cantons, since the others, especially Berne, entered into more friend- ly relations with it.92 The transformation in public worship at desired, "that if a parish had set up images and pictures by common consent at its own expense, it might remove them, if the majority of the parishioners desired it to be done, but on condition that it should be done in the presence of the pastor and persons of good repute appointed for the purpose by the community, with decency and without tumult. If, however, any one had put up images at his own expense, he might take them into his own hands without hinderance." A commission was appointed at once in Zurich to remove the images (Ftissli, ii. GO) : the work was begun on the 20th of June, and was quietly finished in thirteen days (Bernh. Weiss in Fiissli, iv. 49). Compare Zwingle's account in his answer to Valentine Compar. 1525 (Works, ii. i. 58). 83 The feast of Corpus Christi was abolished (Fiissli, ii. 59) : a list of all that was done away with in 1524 is given by Bullinger, i. 1G0 ; Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 57 ; Aushelm, vi. 225 : "In May, this year, the honorable city of Zurich has quite abolish- ed and done away with the popish mass, observance of times, saints, hymns and prayers for the dead, all idols and images, together with the decorations and the services which belonged to them. It has also buried its patron saints, St. Felix and St. Regula, with the bones of the rest of its dead. Next fell the popish confessional, anointing and con- secration, monastic rules and vows. In their stead the holy sacraments of Baptism and the Supper of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, were ordered to be celebrated with pi- ety, according to their first institution, and in the German language, that all might un- derstand. Daily preaching was also established, common prayer, public confession, teaching and instruction in Holy Writ in four languages. The poor and need}' were provided for with alms, holy matrimony was allowed to all estates, open sin and licen- tiousness strictly forbidden and punished, and a public account of these transactions printed and made accessible to us all." 90 The abbess of Frauenmunster surrendered her convent to the council on the 30th Nov., with the reservation of a pension; Fussli, ii. 74, 77. By the advice of Zwingle (Works, ii. ii. 327), the Augustines, Dominicans, and Franciscans were all placed to- gether in the Franciscan monastery on the 3d Dec. ; those that wished to learn a trade received back the property they had brought in ; the rest were to die out. Fussli, ii. 7G, 78 ; iv. 79. With regard to the appropriation of monastic property, see Muller-Hot- tinger, vii. 71. On the 20th Dec, 1524, Zwingle gave up the higher and lower jurisdic- tion of the prebendal stalls at the great minster, but he reserved its propertj- for the es- tablishment of schools (Works, ii. ii. 342). 91 The Bericht des Rathes zu Zurich an ihre Unterthanen, -was sich die Zeit hero fur Vcranderungen in der Religion zugetragen haben (of the 7th Jul}-, 1524 ; see Muller- Hottinger, vi. 478 A.) ; in Bullinger, i. 177. Fussli, ii. 228. The answers, all approv- ing, are in Fussli, iii. 105. 92 After Zurich had begun the Reformation, Schafhausen and Appcnzell openly joined its party. The most ardent of their opponents, Schwj-tz, Uri, Unterwalden, Lu- cerne, Frybftrg, and Zug, entered into a league at Baden on the 28th of June, " with all their power, so help them God, to stand by the. old faith, and banish the new; also to have no fellowship with its adherents ;" see Anshelm, vi. 231. The three states above mentioned were not summoned to the diet at Zug on the 11th Juby ; however threaten- ing as this diet certainly was, Zurich still received from Berne distinct assurances of friendly feeling; see Muller-Hottinger, vii. 48. St. Gall, Basle, and Solothurn joined 9Q FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Zurich was completed by the celebration, on Maundy-Thursday, 13th April, 1525, of the Lord's Supper again in its original sim- plicity in the great minster.93 This same year produced, for the establishment of the Reformation among the learned, Zwingle's work, De Vera et Falsa Religione ;94 and for the instruction of the common people, the firs}; part of the Zurich translation of the Bible, which the clergy of Zurich composed in Swiss-German.95 Beyond the canton of Zurich the Reformation, for the present, was only carried out in Appenzell and the town of Muhlhausen. The free Appenzellers, to whom, since the year 1522, Walter Kla- rer, pastor at Hundweil, had preached the Gospel, after a violent struggle, granted to every parish the right of deciding for itself (1524). Out of the eight parishes of the canton, six at once came over to the Reformation, and began to change their Church con- stitution, undeterred by any considerations.96 Muhlhausen was with Berne "forsooth as the strong Bear (Berne) had determined, in accordance with the hopes and efforts of the six cantons, Zurich must be considered a lesser Turkey, and must defend her creed not against the Word of God, but against fire and steel." An embassy to the three reforming cantons was resolved upon ; but Berne spoke in the name of the ten districts much more mildly than Lucerne in the name of the six ; An- shelm, vi. 232. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 50. Zurich justified her conduct again in a print- ed letter (of the 4th January, 1525, Bullinger, i. 233. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 74) : see this in Fussli, i. 293. 93 The youth received the communion on Maundy-Thursday, the middle-aged on Good Friday, the aged on Easter Sunday ; see Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 64. Anshelm, vi. 324. Bullinger, i. 263. The liturgy used on the occasion may be seen in Zwingle's Works, ii. ii. 233. Why Zwingle delayed so long may be seen in Anshelm, vi. 203, on the year 1523 : Luther and Zwingle had demonstrated the exceptionable authority of the canon, and the propriety of administering the Lord's Supper under both kinds and in the vulgar tongue. "The Lutherans had instituted a German mass, with German psalms and hymns, and certain ancient ceremonies, with a view to the introduction of a new or altered papacy. But Zwingle endeavored to restore the first constitution of the Church, and abolish every ordinance of man. With this view he would neither in- troduce a German mass nor church-music, but waited until he could firmly establish the Lord's Supper with the preaching of the pure Word of God, without any mass or devised ceremonies, according to the simple institution and usage of the Lord and the apostles ; which he soon afterward effected." 94 Opp. iii. 145. 95 See a list of the editions in Simler's Sammlung, ii. 381. As early as 1524 the New Testament was printed at Zurich after Luther's translation ; in 1525 the historical books of the Old Testament, according to Luther's translation, altered in some places ; in 1529 the prophets, Hagiographa, and Apocrypha, were printed in a new translation, upon which Leo Judae and Gaspar Grossmann were chiefly employed. The first complete edi- tion of the Zurich Bible was issued in 1531. See Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. 224. 96 See the historical account by the reformer Walter Klarer, by what occurred in the canton of Appenzell in the time of the blessed Reformation, written in 1565, in Simler's Sammlung, i. 803. Wirz, i. 514, ii. 387. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 144. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. BEYOND ZURICH, TO 1525. 97 won over to the Reformation by Ulrich of Hutten, and reshaped its forms of worship as early as 1523. Still a party of adherents of the ancient order, who relied upon the confederacy for support, imposed upon the council the necessity of caution.97 In Berne,98 by the fiery, barefooted friar, Sebastian Meyer, and the more prudent priest, Berchthold Haller, a broad foundation was early prepared for the Reformation, and favored by the gov- ernment ;" Niklaus Manuel, in his carnival-farce of 1522, could unmask, without restraint, the crimes of the papacy and the cler- gy.100 But the events at Zurich in the year 1523 made the rul- ing nobles suspicious of the Reformation as a source of disorder ;101 and the government endeavored to uphold its influence by an in- termediate position between the parties. The preaching of the G-ospel was, indeed, freely conceded ;103 but every attack upon ec- 97 Matthias Graf, Gesch. der Stadt Muhlhausen, 2ter Theil. His Gesch. der Kirchen- verbesserung zu Muhlhausen. Strasburg, 1818. 8. 98 Compare Valerius Anshelm's Berner Chronik, vi. 101 ff. Die Reformatoren Berns im XVI. Jahr. Nach dem Bernerschen Mausoleum umgearbeitet von G. J. Kuhn. Bern, 1828. Bertold Haller oder die Reformation von Bern, von Melchior Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1828. 8. 99 Thus the council decided in favor of the pastor, George Brunner, who was accused by his dean of preaching evangelical doctrine in 1522 (see Anshelm, vi. 103) ; and an- other contemporary account in Simler, i. 461 ; Kuhn, s. 253 ft'. ; and soon after punished a citizen who had accused Sebastian Meyer of heresj' ; Anshelm, vi. 108. 100 There were three which were publicly acted in the streets ; Anshelm, i. 107 : " One, called the Todtenfresser, touching all the abuses of the papacj-, on the priests' Fassnacht ; another, on the contrast between the character of Jesus Christ and that of his so-called vicar, the Pope of Rome, on the old Fassnacht. Between these, on Ash- Wednesday, the Roman Indulgence, with the Bohnenlied, was dragged through all the streets and ridi- culed. By this strange exhibition, which had never before been thought profane, a great nation was induced to consider and distinguish between Christian freedom and papal bondage. Among all the evangelical publications there is scarcely a book so oft- en printed and so widely spread as these farces." They were printed at Zurich, 1525, Berne, 1540 ; but they had almost entirety disappeared, and accordingly were published again : Des Venners der Stadt Bern Niklaus Manuel Fastnachtspiele. Bern, 1836. 8 ; also in Niclaus Manuel, von Dr. C. Griineisen. Stuttg. u. Tubingen, 1837. 8. s. 339. 101 Compare Note 78, above. 10s The mandate of 15th June, 1523, is in Anshelm, vi. 204: "That you and all per- sons who undertake and use the office of preaching, preach nothing else but the Holy Gospel and the free love of God, openly and without concealment, and in like manner what you can defend and prove from the true Holy Scripture, the four Evangelists, Paul, the Prophets, and the Bible — in short, from the Old and New Testament ; and en- tirely desist from all other doctrine, controversy, and unprofitable trifling not agreeing with the Holy Gospels and Scriptures above mentioned, whether they be written or pub- lished by Luther or other doctors." Anshelm, vi. 207, remarks thereon : When the no- bles, of whom the lesser council was composed, "who thought that by this mandate the doctrine of Luther, Zwingle, and their adherents, would be excluded, saw and heard that the new doctrine and preaching were only strengthened thereby : then they rued, and began to seek with all their might to hinder the observance of their mandate, which VOL. IV. 7 98 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. clesiastical usages, and all controversy, were forbidden and punish- ed with severe penalties.103 Thus Sebastian Meyer, the preacher of the Dominicans, was obliged to leave the city on account of his controversial sermons, as was also his adversary.104 Haller, on the other hand, and those of like opinions, were allowed to preach the simple Gospel, though the government of Berne, with the Cath- olic cantons, remonstrated against the alterations which had taken place in Zurich. The governments of the lesser cantons, which were more or less inclined to the Reformation, followed this example of the powerful Berne. But they were obliged to be satisfied with hindering any violent ecclesiastical alterations, while they overlooked other in- fringements of the old order, in consonance with the views pre- vailing among their subjects. Biel, where Thomas Wyttenbach preached the Gospel, follow- ing the example of Berne, dismissed eight married priests, and Wyttenbach among them, from their offices. But in 1525 the citizens carried through the free preaching of the Gospel, and pro- cured the restoration of Wyttenbach.105 In Basle,106 Wolfgang Fabricius Capito and Gaspar Hedio were the first preachers of the Gospel. When they departed, as early as 1520, others came in their place, especially John Oecolampa- dius, in 1522, as professor of divinity, and assistant minister at St. Martins. The cathedral and the university were against the Reformation : but the more it spread among the people so much the more were the authorities inclined toward it, although out of they dared not rescind from fear of their fellow-townsmen and the community. How- ever, the greater council maintained the mandate inviolate." 103 See the mandate of the Thursday after St. Mark's day, 1523, in Fiissli, ii. 271, in which that of the 15th June was confirmed ; " yet with this addition, that priests who had married wives, or hereafter should marry, were to forfeit and lose their benefices. In like manner, that all persons who spoke abusively or contemptuously of the Mother of God and the saints, or ate flesh and other forbidden food on fast daj-s, or otherwise practiced or preached from the pulpit such unheard-of customs, must expect punishment from us." 104 1524. Anshelm, vi. 24G. Kuhn, 122 ff. Anshelm's own wife was punished, in 1523, for saying, " Our Lady was a woman like herself; requiring the grace of her Son Jesus Christ— else she could not be saved ;" and Anshelm had so much to suffer in con- sequence that he left Berne ; see Anshelm, vi. 209. 105 Bullinger, i. 155. Nachricht von der Kirchenreformatiou in Biel in Fiissli, ii. 2G5 ff. Wyttenbach's Leben, in Kuhn, s. 53 ff. 100 Christ. Wursteisens (professor at Basle, f 1588) Basler Chronik. Basle, 1580. fol. ; from Book vii. cap. 11 onward. Ochs Geschichte von Basel, Bd. 5, s. 429 ff. Lebens- geschichte D. Joh. Oecolampads (von Sal. Hess). Zurich, 1793. 8. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. BEYOND ZURICH, TO 1525. 99 consideration for the other cantons, and a prudent regard for internal peace, all that they did in a public way was to grant it toleration. In 1524 they issued an ordinance to the same effect as the Bernese mandate of 15th June, 1523 :107 yet they appointed disputations for Oecolampadius, 30th August, 1523,108 for William Farel, and Stephen Stb'r, Leut-priest of Liestal, 15th and 16th February, 1524 ;109 and conceded to Oecolampadius those conditions as to reform under which he accepted the ministry of St. Martins in 1524.110 So, too, in Schafhausen the Reformation was favorably intro- duced by Sebastian Hofmeister, a barefooted friar, after 1522,111 and in St. Gall by two laymen, Joachim Vadianus and John Kess- ler,112 though as yet unable to come into full activity. 107 See this in Wursteisen, book vii., cap. 13 (compare Note 102, above). 108 Erasmus ad Zuinglium, d. 31 Aug., 1523. Opp. vii. 308. Oecolampadius pro- posuerat, quaedam disputare, jamque schedas prodiderat. Jussus est in. aliud tempus prorogare. Nunc permissum est disputare, quum volet. P. 310. Oecolampadius heri disputavit, disputaturus denuo proximo dominico. He had prepared four concluding addresses to refute the following charges commonly brought against the Reformation : 1. That its adherents despised all teachers; 2. That the new doctrines abrogated all good works ; 3. That they taught men to despise the saints ; 4. That they allowed no validity to human laws. See Wirz, ii. 360. These theses he defended on two Sunday afternoons. 109 Both of these men were refused permission by the University ; the Council granted it : see the mandate in Fiissli, iv. 243. Farel's thirteen theses impugn the false, and point out the true waj' of salvation ; see Fiissli, iv. 246. The Life of Oecolampadius, by S. Hess, s. 77. The Life of W. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 21. Stor, who had married, de- fended the marriage of priests in five theses. Bullinger, i. 152. Fussli, ii. 151. 110 His condition was, according to Wursteisen, vii. 13, "that he should be free with regard to the Word of God, to teach what it teaches, and condemn what it condemns ; also, that he should be released from the popish ceremonies, which he said were unprof- itable to the people ; and one deacon only should be allowed him, of whose help he might avail himself in the administration of the holy sacraments, etc. Thus much was conceded to him by the patrons, and afterward sanctioned by the Council ; but on the understanding that he should introduce no important innovation without previously in- forming them. When Dr. Hausschein (Oecolampadius) addressed himself to the Church service, he charged his deacon to baptize children intelligibly in the German language. They administered the Lord's Supper in both kinds, with the knowledge of the Council. He taught that the mass was no sacrifice for the sins of the living and dead, or for those who were still in purgatory ; but that full forgiveness of their sins was obtained once for all, by the passion and death of our Saviour Christ, for all believers. He warned the people against consecrated water, salt, palms, tapers, wafers, and such things. He proved that it was against God to attribute any virtue to these things, and beyond God's command to circumscribe the freedom of the Holy Ghost with such ordinances. This produced so great an effect that the chaplains of important churches discontinued these usages, and bj' degrees processions with crosses, carrying the sacrament, and ceremo- nies of the kind, were abolished, together with the mass." 111 Life of Sebastian Wagner, called Hofmeister, by Melch. Kirchhofer, Zurich, 1808. His Schafhauserische Jahrbiicher, from 1519 to 1529. Schafhausen, 2te Aufl., 1838. 8. 112 The principal source is the Chronicle of Kessler, extant in manuscript, Sabbatha 100 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. § 3. CONTROVERSIES PREJUDICIAL TO THE REFORMATION. i It was natural that the new-born freedom, following the slav- ery of a thousand years, should bring in its train not only constant warfare against the old principles, but also many conflicting de- velopments, and even errors and abuses : hence came manifold struggles ; but this, too, gave an appearance of truth to the accu- sation of its adversaries, that the Reformation led to endless revolt against all existing institutions. First of all, the fearless vehe- mence with which Luther treated even the monarchs who opposed themselves to the Gospel, contributed to strengthen this charge; and though they opposed him in a sphere where their authority ought not to prevail, yet it still seemed to threaten mischief to the truth.1 G-eorge, Duke of Saxony, had most frequently to endure Lu- ther's violent indignation, for his persecution of the Reformation.2 Better deserved was the reply of Luther to Henry VIII., King of England, who had ventured to come right into the region of the- ology in his Adsertio Septem Sacramentorum ad versus Martinum Lutherum, 1521, in order to win from the Pope the title of a De- j fensor Fidei. Luther's rejoinder, Contra Henricum, regem An- gliae, 1522,3 was conclusive, although it far overstepped all bounds of reverence and courtesy. But Luther's controversy with Eras- mus, and the entire separation of the latter from the cause of the Reformation, were much more injurious than these other contests. Erasmus, who has been very frequently considered the real au- thor of the Reformation, did, indeed, accompany its first steps with (see Kessler von Bernet, s. 9, 80, 113), of which the old history of the Reformation in St. Gall, in Simler's Sammlung, i. 115 ff., is an abridgment. Ildef. v. Arx, Geschichten des Cantons St. Gallen, Bd. 2 (St. Gallen, 1811), s. 477 ff. Joh. Kessler, genannt Athe- narius, Burger und Reformator zu St. Gall, by J. J. Bernet, St. Gallen, 1826. 8. 1 Compare Luther's work on the Secular Authority, how far a man is bound to render obedience to it, 1523, in Walch's edition, x. 426. 2 First, when George demanded of Luther, in consequence of his letter to Hartmuth v. Kronberg, March, 1522 (de Wette, ii. 161), whether he acknowledged it as his (Walch, xix. 593) ; a very severe answer of the 3d Jan., 1523 (de Wette, ii. 284). Compare, with regard to all Luther's quarrels with George, Walch, xix., hist. Einleit., s. 28. Georg u. Luther, oder Ehrenrettung des Herzogs Georg v. Sachsen, von M. A. M. Schulze. Leipzig, 1834. 8. ' Walch, xix., hist. Einleit., s. 1 ff. CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LUTHER AGAINST HENRY VIII. 101 sympathy ; but at the same time, he took good care that his own ease and good understanding with his dignified ecclesiastical pa- trons should not be disturbed, and that the progress of learning, which was more to him than all things else, should not be viewed with suspicion by the powerful.4 After the Reformation seized upon the minds of men as an overpowering impulse, and did not, as he would have it, merely cause them to smile with friendly in- telligence upon their former errors ; and after the edict of Worms had not only pronounced the ban upon all Luther's adherents, but had also made them outlaws, he shrank back in affright, and looked forward with fear and anxiety to endless tumults. Thus he belonged to the Reformation by his convictions, but was kept on the side of the old Church by calculation and fear. He thus fell into an untenable intermediate position, in which he endeav- ored, by a double-tongued policy, to allay the suspicion with which he was regarded by both parties, and to satisfy the demands inces- santly made upon him, by the adherents both of the old and of the new faith, to declare himself decidedly on their side.5 Zwingle 4 See § 1, Notes 32, 56, 67 ; cf. Erasmi Ep. ad Leonem X. dd. 13. Sept., 1520 (Opp. ed, Lugd. ill. 1, 578) : Esse video, qui quo magis communirent factionem suam, conati sunt eausam bonarum literarum, causam Reuchlini, meamque causam cum Lutheri causa conjungere, cum his nihil sit inter se commune. — Lutherum non novi, nee libros illius unquam legi, nisi forte decern aut duodecim pagellas easque carptim. Ex his, quae turn degustavi, visus est mihi probe compositus ad mysticas literas Veterum more ex- planandas, quando nostra haec aetas immodice indulgebat argutis magis quam necessa- riis questionibus. — Ferme primus omnium odoratus sum periculum esse, ne res exiret in tumultum, a quo sic abhorrui semper ut nemo magis. Proinde minis etiam egi cum Joanne Frobenio typographo, ne quid operum illius excuderet. He writes more in de- tail in Ep. ad Campegium Card. dd. 6. Dec, 1520 (1. c. p. 594), in which he seeks espe- eiallj- to justify his letter to Luther (§ 1, Note 32). P. 596 is characteristic: Siquidem ut veritati nunquam fas est adversari, ita celare nonnunquam expedit in loco. Semper autem plurimum refert, quam in tempore, quam commode et attemperate earn proferas. Quaedam inter se fatentur theologi, quae vulgo non expediat efferri. P. 601 : Si cor- rupti mores Romanae curiae postulant ingens aliquod ac praesens remedium, certe meum aut mei similium non est banc provinciam sibi sumere. Malo hunc, qualis qualis est, rerum humanarum statum, quam novos excitari tumultus, qui saepenumero vergunt in diversum, atque putabatur. 5 Erasmi Ep. ad Petr. Barbirium dd. 13. Aug., 1521 (1. c. p. 656) : Quum Lutherana tragoedia semper in pejus glisceret, mire quidam conati sunt me illi admiscere. — Uti- nam tarn immunis essem ab omnibus vitiis, quam sum ab hoc alienus negotio. — Mihi sane adeo est invisa discordia, ut Veritas etiam displiceat seditiosa. — Si tibi narrem, a quibus, et quibus modis solicitatus sim, ut adjungerer negotio Lutherano, quibus tech- nis quidam conati sint me pellicere, quibus odiis quidam hue me conati sint propellere, turn demum intelligeres, quam mihi displiceant dissidia. — Non ignorabam, quam perti- nacibus odiis me insectarentur quidam apud nos odio bonarum literarum. Perspicie- bam esse tutius in alteram factionem secedere. At mihi stat, semperque stabit senten- tia, vel membratim discerpi potius, quam fovere discordiam, praecipue in negotio fidei. 102 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. and the rest of the Swiss were forbearing, from their old deference ; — In his articulis, qui damnantur in Lutheri libris, nihil video quod illi mecum conve- niat, nisi forte quod a me moderate suoque loco dictum est, ille dicit immodice. — Si hoc est congruere, congruet vinum aceto. Sed dices : hactenus non scripsisti quicquam ad- versus Lutherum. Id quo minus fecerim, duo praecipue fuerunt in causa, otii penuria, et imperitiae propriae conscientia. — Si pium est nocere causae Lutheri, fortassis magis illi nocui, quam quisquam eorum qui odiosissime reclamarunt, quique hominem convi- tiosissimis libellis prosciderunt. Primum, violentum ilium ac seditiosum scribendi modum constanter — improbavi. Non destiti — dehortari plurimos, ut ab ea factione sese abstinerent. Nullis studiis adduci potui, ut vel paululum ipse memet admiscerem. Haec, opinor, plus fregerunt vires ejus factionis quam quorundam tumultus. — Nae ego praeclarum interim operae pretium fero, qui utrinque lapidor ? Apud nostros falsissi- mo titulo traducor Lutheranus, apud Germanos male audio, ut Lutheranae factionis ad- versarius. Ad Paul. Bombasium, dd. 23. Sept., 1521 (p. 664) : Quominus hactenus libris editis cum Luthero pugnarim, plurimae sunt causae, quas hie non est necesse percense- re : sed ilia praecipua fuit, quod mihi prorsus defuit otium legendi, quae scripsit Luthe- rus.— 0 mi Bombasi, proclive dictu est : scribe adversus Lutherum. Sed ad hoc pluri- bus rebus est opus, quam ad plaustrum fabricandum, ut inquit Hesiodus. Video, quam varia, quam morosa sint hominum judicia.— Egi diligenter cum Hieronymo Aleandro, daret mihi facultatem legendi quae scripsit Lutherus. Nam hodie Sycophantarum et Corycaeorum plena sunt omnia. Pernegavit se id posse, nisi nominatim impetraret a summo Pontifice. Primum igitur hoc mihi velim impetres Brevi quopiam. Ad Episc. Palentinum, dd. 21. Apr., 1522 (p. 713) : Sunt isthic, qui reclamante ipsorum conscientia me faciant Lutheranum, nimirum illud agentes, ut me suis odiis volentem nolentem protrudant in castra Lutheri. Me vero ab Ecclesiae catholicae consortio nee mors dis- trahet, nee vita. — Novi Pontificis docta prudentia, et provida sinceritas, simulque divi- nus quidam nostri Caesaris animus me in summam spem vocat, fore ut haec pestis sic tollatur, ne quando possit reviviscere. Id net, si radices amputentur, unde hoc mali toties repullulat. Quarum una est odium Romanae Curiae, cujus avaritia ac tyrannis jam coeperat esse intolerabilis. Et aliquot humanae constitutiones, quibus Christiani populi libertas gravari videbatur. His omnibus citra tumultum orbis Caesaris auctori- tas et novi Pontificis integritas facile medebitur. Compare his correspondence with Pope Hadrian VI., § 1, Note 93, above. With this may be compared his letter to Zwin- gle, dd. 31. Aug., 1523 (Zwingli Opp. vii. i. 308) : Lutherus proponit quaedam aenigmata in speciem absurda: omnia opera sanctorum esse peccata, quae indigna ignoscantur Dei misericordia ; liberum arbitrium esse nomen inane; sola fide justificari; hominem prope nihil ad rem facere. De his contendere, quomodo velit intelligi Lutherus, non video quem fructum adferat. Deinde video in plerisque ei addictis miram pervicaciam, et in Lutheri scriptis quantum maledicentiae, saepe praeter rem ! Ista me cogunt sub- dubitare de spiritu illorum, quem ob causam, cuifaveo, velim esse sincerum. — Ego flo- rentissimam regionem (Brabant) reliqui, ne miscerer negotio Pharisaico : nam alia lege non licuisset illic vivere. — Satis admonui Episcopos, satis Principes vel in libello de Principe, homo nullius auctoritatis. Quid me velles facere praeterea ? Etiamsi vitam contemnerem, non video, quid esset insuper faciendum. Tu in nonnullis disseutis a Luthero. Dissentit et Oecolampadius. An ergo propter illius doctrinam objiciam me meosque libros periculis? Omnia recusavi, quae mihi hoc nomine offerebantur, ut ad- versus ilium scriberem. A Pontifice, a Caesare, a Regibus et Principibus, a doctissimis etiam et carissimis amicis hue provocor. Et tamen certum est, me non scribere, aut ita scribere, ut mea scriptio non sit placitura Pharisaeis. — Lutherus scripsit ad Oecolainpadi- um, mihi non multum esse tribuendum in iis, quae sunt Spiritus. Velim hoc ex te dis- cere, doctissime Zwingli, quis sit ille Spiritus. Nam videor mihi fere omnia docuisse, quae docet Lutherus, nisi quod non tarn atrociter, quodque abstinui a quibusdam aenig- matibus et paradoxis. Erasmus von Rotterdam v. S. Hess, ii. 77. Leben des Erasmus von A. Muller, s. 282. CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LUTHER AND ERASMUS. 103 but with Luther, who had always remained far removed from the stand-point of Erasmus,6 and whose whole personal character stood in decided opposition to the Erasmian refinement and indecision,7 he was soon brought into open variance.8 The ungenerous con- duct of Erasmus toward Hutten at Basle, in 1522, and the con- troversy which thence arose, in which his relation to the Reforma- tion was the principal subject of discussion,9 estranged him entirely 6 Compare § 1, Note 6. 7 Lutherus ad Spalatinum, dd. 9. Sept., 1521 (de Wette, ii. 49) : Neque Capitonis, neque Erasmi judicium me tantillum movet : nihil alienum opinione sui apud me faci- unt : quin et hoc veritus sum, ne quando mihi cum alterutro negotium fieret, quando Erasmum a cognitione gratiao longinquum esse viderem, qui non ad crucem, sed ad pacem spectet in omnibus scriptis. Hinc omnia putat civiliter et benevolentia quadam humanitatis tractanda gerendaque : sed hanc non curat Behemoth, neque hinc quicquam sese emendat. Memini, me, dum in praefatione sua in N. T. de se ipso diceret : gloriam facile contemnit Christianus, in corde meo cogitasse : 0 Erasme, falleris, timeo. Magna res est gloriam contemnere, caet. 8 Zwinglius ad B. Rhenanum, d. 25. Maj. 1522 (Opp. vii. i. 193) : Accepimus p'aucis ante diebus, duellum inter Erasmum atque Lutherum futurum : propendent enini omnia ad dissidium : stimulari hunc a Wittembergensibus, ut adulatorem aliquando prodat ; ilium a Romanensibus, ut haereticum sibi damnosissimum extinguat. Quae res quan- tum mali datura sit Christianis, conjectura non opus habes. — Scis enim, quantae ab utriusque parte stent copiae, quantaque sit utriusque vel pugnandi vis, vel eludendi solertia. He prays Rhenanus to join with Pellicanus in mediating between Erasmus and Luther. He himself was with Erasmus at Basle about this time, probably with similar views; see the letter of Mj'conius to Zwingle, 1. c. p. 192, 195. 9 In a letter to Erasrnus of 15th Aug., 1520 (published by Hagenbach in the Studien u. Kritiken for 1832 ; Heft 3, s. 633), Hutten already censures his pusillanimous con- duct with reference to Luther. When he came to Basle in Nov., 1522, after the fall of Sickingen, Erasmus declined to receive him, to avoid his remonstrances, and that he might not be remarked upon for associating with him. Erasmus related this occurrence untruthfully in an Epist. ad Marc. Laurinum, dd. 1 Febr., 1523 (Opp. iii. i. 7G0), and at the same time entered at length upon his position with regard to the evangelical party and the reasons for it. Hutten's mortification now rose to indignation, and his Expostulate cum Erasmo (July, 1523 — Hutten's works by Munch, iv. 343) overwhelm- ed him with reproaches for his unworthy conduct, which Erasmus did not succeed in obliterating with his Spongia adv. Huttenicas Adspergines (Munch, iv. 403 ; Erasmi Opp. ed. Lugd. x. 1631). At the same time, Erasmus tried, in an ungenerous manner, to make the knight an object of suspicion to the Council of Zurich, where he lived, as one who had nothing to lose, and acted only from love of mischief and frivolity (in a letter of the 10th Aug., 1523, in Hess's Life of Erasmus, ii. 572; Munch, iv. 397), and petitioned the magistrates of Strasburg to punish his printer (dd. 27. Mart, and 23. Aug., 1524 ; Opp. iii. i. 793, 804). Here, again, he showed himself to be double-tongued, for to both these evangelical towns he alleged the interests of the Gospel as the reason : to Zurich, — " But this I write that he may not abuse your goodness in favor of a licentious and arrogant style of writing, which is highly injurious to the cause of the Gospel, to liberal arts, even to common morality." To Strasburg : veneror pietatem restrain, quod favetis Evangelio, pro quo provehendo ego jam tot annistantum exhauriolaborum, tan- tumque sustineo invidiae. — Certe Evangelico negotio non parum obfuerit, si videant homines, per occasionem Evangelii Reipublicae disciplinam fieri deteriorem. — Pro meo erga bonas literas et erga rem Evangelicam affectn sincerissimo visum est hoc admonere. Ea res vehementer displicuit ipsi etiam Luthero et Melanchthoni, qui intelligunt nullos 104 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. from its adherents.10 From this time Erasmus complains inces- santly of the hostility of the Evangelicals.-11 The haughty style homines magis officere negotio Evangelico, quam tales. — Pro Evangelio provehendo plurimum laborum et invidiae sustinui. Omnia recusavi quae mihi Principes obtule- runt, ut scriberem adversus Lutherum, imo mea malui perdere, quam ad affectus quo- rundam scribere contra meam conscientiam. Tantum isti foederi (the Evangelical Church) nolui dare nomen, quum multis aliis de causis, turn ob hoc, quod quaedam in libris Lutheri non intelligerem, quaedam omnino non probarem, praesertim cum in ista conjuratione viderem quosdam esse, quorum mores et molimina mihi viderentur longis- sime abesse a spiritu Evangelico. Nullus usquam a me laesus est, vel quia faverit Lu- thero, vel quia parum faverit. Thus wrote Erasmus in August, 1524, although as early as September his work against Luther had appeared. Compare Ulrich v. Hutten gegen Desid. Erasmus u. D. Er. gegen U. v. H. zwey Streitschriften, iibersetzt, mit den no- thigen Notizen versehen u. beurtheilt von D. J. J. Stolz. Aarau, 1813. Ulrich v. Hutten von Wagenseil, Nurnberg, 1S23, s. 129. Hutten's Werke von Miinch, iv. 64G. Erasmus Leben v. Hess, ii. 116. Erasmus Leben von Miiller, s. 307. [Ulrich von Hut- ten, von Dr. Dan. Fr. Strauss. 2 Thle. Leipz., 1858.] 10 In defense of Hutten and the Reformation against the Sponffia, as Hutten had died before its publication, on the island of Ufnau, in the Lake of Zurich, in Aug., 1523, Otto of Brunfels wrote at Strasburg his Ad Spongiam Erasmi pro Hutteno Responsio (Hut- ten's Works by Miinch, iv. 497), and Erasmus Alberus his Judicium de Spongia Erasmi (1. c. p. 555). Luther gave his opinion with regard to this controversy (to Hausmann, 1st Oct. 1523, de Wette, ii. 411) : Equidem Huttenum nollern expostulasse, multo mi- nus Erasmum extersisse. Si hoc est spongia abstergere, rogo, quid est maledicere et conviciari ? Prorsus frustra sperat Erasmus sua rhetorica sic omnibus ingeniis abuti, quasi nemo sit, imo quasi pauci sint, qui sentiant, quid alat Erasmus. — Incredibilem et nominis et auctoritatis jacturam fecit hoc libro. Luther's opinion upon Erasmus in general (to Oecolampadius, 20th Jun., 1523, de Wette, ii. 352) : Quid Erasmus in rerum spiritualium judicio sentiat, aut simulet, testantur ejus libelli abunde, tain primi quam novissimi. Ego etsi aculeos ejus alicubi sentio, tamen quia simulat, se non esse hostem palam, simulo et ego, me non intelligere astutias suas, quanquam penitius intelligatur, quam ipse credat. Ipse fecit ad quod ordinatus fuit. Linguas introduxit, et a sacrile- gis studiis rcvocavit. Forte et ipse cum Mose in campestribus Moab morietur : nam ad meliora studia (quod ad pietatem pertinet) non provehit. Vellemque mirum in modum, abstinere ipsum a tractandis Scripturis Sanctis et paraphrasibus suis, quod non sit par istis officiis, et lectores frustra occupat et moratur in Scripturis discendis. Satis fecit, quod malum ostendit : at bonum ostendere (ut video) et in terram promissionis ducere non potest. Sed quid ego de Erasmo tarn multa ? nisi ut illius nomine et auctoritate nihil movearis, atque adeo gaudeas, si quid ei displicere sentias in re ista scripturarum, ut qui vel non possit, vel non velit de iis recte judicare, sicut paene totus jam orbis in- cipit de eo sentire. Erasmus was much vexed at this letter, a sight of which he soon obtained ; see his letter to Zwingle, 31st Aug., Note 5, above. 11 Ep. ad Stanisl. Turzonem Ep. Olomucensem, dd. 21. Mart., 1523 (Opp. iii. i. 766): Sunt, qui me impudentissime etiam in aula Caesaris traduxerint ut Lutheranum. Hie fremunt in me Lutherani, quod ab eo dissentiam, meumque nomen in publicis professi- onibus suis lacerant, libellos insuper dentatos minitantur. Ad Sylvestrum Prieratem, 1523 (1. c. 777) : Aleander nihil non facit adversus Lutherum, at si pernosses rem om- nem, solus Erasmus plus fregit vires et animos illius factionis, quam omnia Aleandri molimina. — Id an vobis isthic [Romae] persuasum sit, nescio: certe Lutherani hie intelligunt, qui mihi uni imputant, quod illis non succedit, jamque dentatis libellis in me debacchantur tanquam in adversarium, et vere sum. Ad Jo. Canium, 1524 (1. c. 795) : ignoras, quantum malorum hie sustineam a Lutheranis. Ego puto, mor- tem esse leviorem his quae patior. — Lutherani in neminem magis fremunt, quam in Erasmum. i CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LUTHER AND ERASMUS. 105 in which Luther offered him peace13 could only have the effect, upon this ambitious man, of giving additional weight to the re- quest which reached him at the same time from England, that he would take revenge upon Luther for his attack upon the royal author.13 And so, to assail the formidable Luther in the weakest 12 In April, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 498). E. g., Nihil causor, quod alieniorem te erga nos habueris, quo magis esset tibi intcgra et salva causa tua contra hostes meos Papistas. Denique non aegre tuli admodum, quod editis libellis in aliquot locis pro illorum gratia captanda, aut furore mitigando, uos acerbiuscule raomorderis et perstrinxeris. Quando enim videmus, nondum esse tibi a Domino datam earn fortitudinem vel et sensum, ut monstris illis nostris libere et fidenter occurras nobiscum, nee ii sumus, qui a te exigere audeamus id, quod vires et modum tuum superat. Quia imbecillitatem tuain et men- suram doni Dei in te toleravimus et venerati sumus. — Sic hactenus stilum cohibui, ut- cunque pungeres me, cohibiturumque etiam scripsi in Uteris ad amicos, quae tibi quo- que lectae sunt, donee palam prodires. Nam utcunque non nobiscum sapias et plera- que pietatis capita vel impie vel simulanter damnes aut suspendas, pertinaciam tamen tibi tribuere non possum neque volo. Nunc autem quid faciam ? utrinque res exacer- batissima est. Ego optarem (si possem fieri mediator) ut et illi desinerent te impetere tantis animis, sinerentque senectutem tuam cum pace in Domino obdormire. Id sane facerent mea quidem sententia, si rationem haberent tuae imbecillitatis, et magnitudi- nem causae, quae modulum tuum dudum egressa est, perpenderent : praesertim cum res jam eo pervenerit, ut parum sit metuendum periculum nostrae causae, si Erasmus etiam summis viribus oppugnaret, nedum si aliquando spargit aculeos et dentes tantum. Rursus si tu, mi Erasme, illorum infirmitatem cogitares, et a figuris illis rhetoricae tuae salsis et amaris abstineres, etsi omnino neque posses neque auderes nostra asserere, in- tacta tamen dimitteres et tua tractares. Erasmus answered on the 5th May (Fortg. Sammlung von alten u. neuen theolog. Sachen, 1725, s. 545): Nee tibi concedo, ut ma- gis ex animo bene cupias Evangelicae sinceritati, quam ego, cujus rei gratia nihil non perpetior, et hactenus omnium venor occasionem, ut Evangelium fiat omnibus com- mune. Caeterum quod tu imbecillitatem voces aut ignorantiam, partim constantia est, partim judicium. Tua quaedam legens valde pertimesco, ne qua arte deludat Satanas animum tuum: rursum alia sic non capio, ut velim hunc metum meum esse falsum. Nolim profiteri, quod ipse mihi nondum persuasi, multo minus quod nondum assequor. Hactenus rectius consului negotio Evangelico, quam multi qui se jactant Evangelii no- mine. Video, per hanc occasionem exoriri multos perditos et seditiosos ; video pessu- mire bonas literas ac disciplinas ; video discindi amicitias, et vereor, ne cruentus exori- atur tumultus. Si tuus animus sincerus est, precor ut Christus bene fortunet quod agis : me nulla res corrumpet, ut sciens prodam Evangelium humanis affectibus. Nihil ad- huc in te scripsi, facturus id magno Principum applausu, nisi vidissem hoc absque jac- tura Evangelii non futurum : tantum eos repuli, qui conabantur omnibus modis Princi- pibus passim persuadere, mihi tecum foedus esse, et mihi tecum per omnia convenire, et in libris meis esse quicquid tu doceres ; haec opinio vix etiam nunc potest ex illorum animis revelli. Quid scribas in me, non magnopere laboro: si mundum spectem, nihil mihi accidere posset felicius. — Si paratus es omnibus reddere rationem de ea, quae in te est, fide, quare aegre feras, si quis discendi gratia tecum disputet? Fortasse Erasmus scribens in te magis profuerit Evangelio, quam quidam stolidi scribentes pro te, caet. 13 Erasmus ad Hier. Emserum, Note 17, below. He was chiefly influenced by a re- port which was spread about him by certain persons in England, that he had some share in Luther's work against Henry VIII. (Cutbert. Tonstallus ad Erasm. dd. 7. Jul., 1523, Opp. iii. i. 771). With what fear Erasmus undertook the work, and how highly he estimated his compliance with the King's wish, may be seen in his Ep. ad Henricum Regem Angliae, dd. 4. Sept., 1523 (1. c. p. 773) : Molior aliquid adversus nova dogmata, sed non ausim edere, nisi relicta Germania, ne cadam, priusquam descendam in arenam. 10G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. part of his theological system, he wrote his work De Libero Ar- bitrio, in September, 1524.14 Luther replied with his usual bit- terness in the work De Servo Arbitrio (Dec., 1525). 15 Erasmus repaid, in like coin, in his Hyperaspistes (1526).16 Thus the re- nowned Erasmus17 now passed over into the ranks of the enemies 14 OPP- ec*- Lugd. ix. 1215. See the double-tongued expressions with -which he ac- companied it, Erasmus ad Henricum Angl. Regem, dd. 6. Sept., 1524 (1. c. p. 816) : Quid non audeam tuae felicissimae Majestatis fretus auspiciis ? Jacta est alea, exiit in lucem libellus De Libero Arbitrio, audax, rnihi crede, facinus, ut nunc res habent Germaniae. Exspecto lapidationem, et jam nunc aliquot rabiosi libelli provolarunt in caput meum. Sed consolabor meipsum exemplo Majestatis tuae, cui non parcit istorum immanitas. Decretum erat et alioqui facere ad quod per literas hortaris, et religione Christianae ju- vandae immori, sed tamen alacrior id faciam, posteaquam tua Majestas currenti, quod ajunt, calcar addere dignata est. Ad Melanchthonem eod. die (I. c. p. 819): Miraberis, cur emiserim libellum De Libero Arbitrio. Sustinebam triplex agmen inimicorum. Theologi et bonarum literarum osores nullum non movebant lapidem, ut perderent Erasmum. Hi Monarchis omnibus persuaserant, me juratissimum esse Luthero. Ita- que amici, videntes me periclitari, spem praebuere Pontifici et Principibus, fore ut ali- quid ederem in Lutherum. Earn spem et ipse pro tempore alui. Et interim isti non exspectato libello coeperant me libellis lacessere. Nihil igitur restabat, nisi ut ederem quod scripseram : alioqui et Monarchas habuissem infensos, quibus visus fuissem dedisse verba. — Postremo quoniam epistola Lutheri (Not. 12) jam est in manibus, qua pollicetur se cohibiturum calamum in me si conquiescam ; viderer ex pacto non edere. Ad haec qui Romae profitentur literas ethnicas, ipsi idviKwTtpoi, mire fremunt in me, invidentes, ut apparet, Germanis. Itaque si nihil edidissem, praebuissem ansam et theologis, et Mo- naehis, etillis Romanensibus figulis, — utfacilius persuaderentPontificibusac Monarchis quod persuadere conabuntur: postremo hos furiosos Evangelicos habuissem iniquiores. Nam ipse rem tractavi modestissime. Et tamen quod scribo, non scribo adversus animi sententiam, quanquam ab hac quoque libenter discessurus, ubi persuadebitur quod rectius est. Man}* persons took offense at Luther's strong Augustinianism. George, Duke of SaxonjT, in a letter to the King of England, dd. 7. Id. Maj. 1523, designated as Luther's fundamental error (Seckendorf, Comm. de Luther, i. 277), quod bonorum et malorum necessitatem a Deo pendere statuat, errore ne Ethnicis quidem tolerando, quo omnis humanae rationis vis, omne consilium, jus denique omne, quod vel praemium bonis, vel poenam malis decernit, tollatur. 15 T. Witenb. ii. 457; Jen. iii. ICO. 16 Opp. ed Lugd. x. 1240. 17 As to the effect of his controversial work he writes, ad Jac. Sadoletum, d. 25. Febr., 1525 (Opp. iii. i. 854) : non paucos revocavi a factione damnata, et jam passim redtlun- tur literae, quibus declarant se persuasos libello De Libero Arbitrio ab hoc Lutheri dog- mate descivisse. On the other hand, ad Hier. Emser, 1527 (1. c. p. 1056) : Quid mea diatriba civilius? Quid profecit tamen, nisi quod Lutheranos excitavit ad majorem in- saniam ! Id non ignarus futurum, tamen morem gessi Regi et Card. Angliae, Pontifici et doctis aliquot amicis, non tacens interim quid esset sequuturum. Erasmus did not h)- any means satisfy Luther's violent enemies. Albertus Pius, Princeps Carpensis, repeated in a letter to him, which had grown into a pamphlet (v. d. Hardt, Hist. Liter. Reform, i. 114 ss.), in 1526, the old accusation, that he was in truth the original author of the Reformation, and was bound to a continual warfare against Luther, p. 127 : Quid in eura posses, modo velles, declarasti libello tuo De Libero Arbitrio, quo Lutherum non exagitas, non perturbas modo, sed prosternis, enecas. — Quod si idem praestiteris dog- matibus in caeteris, jam non erit, quod suspicari possint homines, ullo pacto convenire tibi cum Luthero. Si autem praeterieris, hoc edito libello potius suspicionem adauxisti. Putabunt enim multi, si aeque in caeteris dissensisses, pariter caetera te fuisse refutatu- CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LORD'S SUPPER. 197 of the Reformation, although, he did not cease to recommend con- ciliatory measures toward it.18 The controversy about the Lord's Supper, and the division it made between the Saxon and Swiss reformers, was a much more grievous blow to the Reformation. Carlstadt, who had already, from the year 1521, played a principal part in the disturbances at Wittenberg, gave occasion for it. In the beginning of 1524 he forced himself into Orlamund as pastor ;19 and here, with a war- fare against pictures and images which caused much commotion, he began what he considered a thorough reformation, as Luther seemed to him entangled in many errors, especially about the Lord's Supper.20 In Sept., 1524, he was obliged to leave Orla- mund, and from Basle poured forth his indignation against Luther, whom he considered his persecutor, in a series of works against his doctrine of the Lord's Supper.21 rum, quae silentio probare videaris, hoc uno tantum improbato. On the controversy of this prince with Erasmus, see Hess's Life of Erasmus, i. 843. — Following Erasmus, his decided friends separated entirely from the Reformation, e. g., John of Botzheim, Canon of Constance (see J. v. B. by K. Walchner. Schaffhausen, 1836, s. G5 if.). ia Compare Erasmi Consilium Senatui Basil, in Negotio Lutherano, datum A.n. 1525 (in Erasmus Leben by Hess, ii. 577, in German, in Wursteisen's Basler Chronik, B. vii. cap. 13), e. g., Si Tigurinis persuaderi possit, ut imagines, formam Missae — reponerent, donee ex publico orbis consilio statueretur super his, valde pertineret ad totius Helve- tiae concordiam. Et tamen si id non possit persuaderi, nolim hac gratia moveri bellum, sed expectare potius occasionem. De sumptione Eucharistiae, si id pio affectu petatur ex consensu regionis tribus verbis, impetrabitur a Pontifice, cujus auctoritas certe ad hoc valebit hie, ut excludat seditionem civilem. De esu carnis idem sentio. Si rogetur Pontifex publico vestrae regionis nomine, nihil erit difficultatis. 19 Luther against the Himmlische Propheten, in Walch, xx. 227. 20 He defended his boisterous principles of Reform in a letter addressed to the record- er of Joachimsthal : "Ob man gemach fahren, und des Ergernilssen der Schwachen ver- schonen soil in Sachen, so Gottis Willen angehen, 1524. 4." (reprinted in Fiissli's Bey- trage, i. 57). How far the inhabitants of Orlamund were led on by him is shown by their letter to Luther, in which they invite him to a personal conference (in Walch, xv. 2433), e. g., "You despise all persons who, at the command of God, destroy dumb idols and heathenish images, to which you oppose only a powerless, worldly-wise, and incon- sistent argument, drawn from your own brain, and not founded on Scripture. But the fact that you so publicly censure and revile us, who are members of Christ grafted in by the Father, unheard and unconvicted, proves that 3-011 yourself are no member of this true Christ, the Son of God," etc. Accordingly, in August, 1524, Luther traveled to Jena and Orlamund by the desire of the Elector; compare the account "was sich D. Andr. Bodenstein v. Carlstadt mit D. M. Luther beredt zu Jena, und wie sie wider einandcr zu schreiben sich entschlossen haben. Item die Handlung D. M. Luther's mit dem Rath und der Gemeinde der Stadt Orlamunde, am Tage Bartholomai daselbst geschehen" (by Mart. Reinhard, preacher in Jena), 1524. 4., in Walch, xv. 2422 and 2435. 21 Andreas Bodenstein's sonst Carlstadt genannt Lebensgeschichte v. J. C. Fiisslin, Francf. u. Leipz. 1776, s. 82. A full list of Carlstadt's writings is in Riederer's Abhand- lungen, s. 473. The works which relate to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper are printed in Walch's edition of Luther's Works, xx. 138, 378, 2852. 108 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Luther had, in former times, wavered with regard to this doc- trine.22 But as he adopted, for his general guide and limit in his reform of the Church, the plain word of Holy Scripture and the practical demands of religion, so, on the other hand, he rejected all intermixture of merely speculative reason. Accordingly, he had restricted himself on this subject to the rejection of the opus operatum and of transubstantiation, because both of these dogmas were injurious to religion ; but he had maintained the real pres- ence of the Body and Blood of Christ, against which exception could be taken only on grounds of reason.23 When the view of the Lord's Supper, as a memorial rite, was first maintained against him, with an evident wresting of the words of institution,24 by -2 Luther to the Christians at Strasburg, 15th Dec, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 577) : " I con- fess that if Dr. Carlstadt, or an}' one else, could have informed me five years ago that there was nothing in the Sacrament but bread and wine, he would have done me a great service. I have here, indeed, suffered such hard attacks, and been so wTrung and wound- ed, that I would gladly have escaped from it, for I saw plainly that I could thus have dealt the Papacy the heaviest cuff. I have also had two men write to me on this sub- ject more skillfully than Dr. Carlstadt, without torturing the Word so much after their own notions. But I am bound — I can not escape ; the text is too strong there, and will not bear to be twisted out of its meaning with words." As early as his work on the Adoration of the Sacrament, addressed to the Bohemian brethren in 1523 (Walch, xix. 1593), Luther refuted all the different opinions which were afterward brought forward in the Sacramentarian Controversy, viz. : 1. That bread signifies the body ; 2. That a participation of the spiritual body takes place ; 3. The doctrine of transubstantiation ; i. That the Sacrament is a sacrifice and good work. " The third error is, that no bread remains in the Sacrament, but only the figure of bread. But this error has not much force, if it be only allowed that the body and blood of Christ are there with the Word. Although the papists have fought stoutly, and still fight, for this new article of theirs, though the}' reproach every man as a heretic who does not hold with them as necessary truth this monkish dream, upheld by Thomas Aquinas and sanctioned by Popes, that no bread remains. But since the}' press this point so strongly, of their own wanton will, without Scripture, we will only maintain, in opposition to and defiance of them, that actual bread and wine remain, together with the body and blood of Christ, and will gladly be reproached as heretics before such dreamy Christians and undisguised soph- ists, for the Gospel calls the Sacrament bread ; thus, the bread is the body of Christ. By this we stand ; truly it is enough for us against all sophistical dreams, that that should be bread which Scripture calls bread." 23 According to Petrus de Alliaco Card. Cameracensis ; see De Captivitate Babyloni- ,ca, § 1, Note 61, above. 2* According to Albr. Hardenberg (f 1574) in the Vita Wesseli (prefixed to Wessel Opp. ed. Groning; Joh. Wessel, by Ullmann, s. 326), Carlstadt had drawn his doctrine of the Lord's Supper from a work De Eucharistia, which Henry Rodius, president of the nouse of Brethren at Utrecht, had received from Cornelius Honius (Hoen), a distin- guished jurist in Holland, and brought to Wittenberg and then to Zurich ; this was aft- erward sometimes considered a work of Weasel's, and sometimes was said to be about iwo hundred years old. Ullmann's Joh. Wessel, s. 326, must be corrected here by Ger- des. Hist. Ev. Renovati I. Monum. p. 228. It will be proved in Note 27, below, that this work was brought to Wittenberg in the year 1521. Hardenberg, in his account, er- roneouslv introduces at this time the events at Jena in 1524, But Carlstadt had not CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. THE LORD'S SUPPER. 109 Carlstadt, who stood in close connection with the Anabaptists, at that time rising again into notice, and who was also carried away by many superstitious views, Luther was ready to see in this doc- trine, as well as in the rejection of infant baptism, only the pride of reason going beyond Scripture ;25 and he resisted both opinions as belonging to the same order of fanaticism. On the other hand, Carlstadt's conception of the Lord's Sup- per corresponded well with the tendency of the theologians of the school of Erasmus to understand and explain Scripture in harmony with reason.26 Zwingle had long cherished this doc- trine in secret.27 Erasmus himself was clearly inclined toward drawn from this work his marvelous explanation of the words of institution, correspond- ing so remarkably with that of the Cathari (Moneta contra Catharos, lib. iv. c. 3) : "Eat the bread, for this my body is the body which shall be given for you." Moreover, in 1521, Carlstadt still maintained the real presence; see his work "Von Anbetung u. Ehrerbietung der Zeichen des N. T. 1. Nov., 1521" (Unsch. Nachr. 1718, s. 177). Bucer writes very truly to Boniface Wolfhardt, and the men of Augsburg, a.d. 1537 (from Zanchii Opp. in Gerdesii Scrinium v. 227) : Hoc ego, fratres, ingenue dico, et coram Domino sic sentio, optandum piis, ut nihil unquam contra Lutherum de Eucharistia scriptum esset.— Jam in spiritualem manducationem posuerat omnia, corporalem ultro admodum extenuabat, fiduciam in externum opus submoverat: ubi autem Carolostadi- us virum commovit, sicut persuaserat sibi, Caroiostadium velle externum verbum et Sacramenta penitus e medio tollere, ita totus erat in evehendis istis, sicut nihil in ec* non vehemens: indeque factum, ut nos ipsi, et nostri Oecolampadius et Zwinglius putaremus, eum externis rursus justificandi vim tribuere, quod ille tamen nunquam sensit. 25 Luther to the Christians at Strasburg, 15th Dec, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 578): "Yea, if even at this day it might happen that a man prove with sound arguments, that mere bread and wine were present, there would be no need to assail me with so much wrath. I am, alas, all too much inclined to this view, so much of the old Adam do I feel with- in. But Carlstadt's fanaticism on this subject is so far from convincing me that my opinion is only strengthened thereby. And if I had not entertained it before, I should have concluded at once, from such lame and foolish trickery, without any Scripture, founded only upon reason and reflection, that his view could not be true." 26 Melanchthon ad Camerarium, dd. 26. Jul., 1529 (Mel. Opp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 1083), writes of Erasmus, whom he calls Pothinus (Ylodtivos Desiderius) : Vide quan- tum judicii sit nostris inimicis : ilium amant, qui multorum dogmatum semina in suis libris sparsit, quae fortasse longe graviores tumultus aliquando excitatura fuerant, nisi Lutherus exortus esset, ac studia hominum alio traxisset. Tota ilia tragoedia -mpi Stiirvov KvpiaKou ab ipso nata videri potest. Quam non iniquus esse videri alicubi pos- sit Ario et illius factioni, quam nos hie constantissime improbavimus. Quae litera in libris est magnopere digna viro Christiano de justificatione, de jure Magistratuum ? — Sed tollant eum, qui non norunt. 27 Capito and Pellicanus as early as 1512 ; see § 2, Note 9. According to the later Swiss historians (e. g., Hess in his Life of Zwingle, translated by Usteri, s. 21, and Huldr. Zwingle, by Schuler, s. 24) Zwingle read, while at Glarus, Ratramn on the Lord's Supper, and Wycliffe's works ; according to S. Hess (Sammlungen zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen- u. Reformationsgesch. d. Schweiz. Heft 1. Zurich, 1811, s. 20), also the works of Peter Waldo (?) : however, I find no proof of this. This doctrine of the Lord's Sup- per first appears in his works, in the letter to Wyttenbach, 15th June, 1523 (Opp. vii. i. HO FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. it :28 thus Carlstadt found much agreement with his doctrine in southern Germany and Switzerland, though not with his marvel- ous interpretation of the words of institution. Capito and Bucer, at Strasburg, showed themselves unmistakably influenced by it.29 297) ; but here Zwingle unfolds it as a secret : Ex his omnibus, puto, sententiarn nos- tram, doctissime praeceptor, capis, non quod etiamnunc ita doceam : vereor enim, ne porci in nos conversi dirumperent turn doctrinam, turn doctorem : non quod tanti faciam tumultuosarn hanc vitam, sed ne, quod recte sancteque doceri poterit, dum intempestive doceretur, damni quiddam aut tumultus Christo daret. Before the public at large, at that time, he only denied transubstantiation, in his explanation of the Articles (July, 1523), and taught that the body and blood are received by faith only (Uslegung des XVIII. Artikels, in Zw. Works, i. 251). — However, in 1521, the work issued by Corne- lius Honius (see Note 24) had already fallen into his hands and won his assent; see Lud. Lavateri Hist, de Origine et Progressu Controversiae Sacramentariae de Coena Domini. Tiguri, 1564, p. 1, b. Factum quoque est, ut Joannes Rhodius et Georgius Saganus, pii et docti viri, Tigurum venirent, ut de Eucharistia cum Zwingli conferrent. Qui cum ejus sententiarn audivissent, dissimulantes suam ; gratias egerunt Deo, quod a tanto errore liberati essent, atque Honii Batavi epistolam protulerunt, in qua est in verbis institutionis Coenae Dominicae per significat explicatur, quae interpretatio Zwin- glio commodissima videbatur. In the year 1525 Zwingle published this work : Epistola Christiana admodum ab annis quatuor ad quendam, apud quern omne judicium sacrae scripturae fuit (Luther), ex Batavis missa, sed spreta, longe aliter tractans coenam do- minicam, quam hactenus tractata est, per Honnium Batavum; reprinted in Gerdesii Hist. Ev. Ren. i. Monum. p. 231. Melanchthonis Epist. ad Aquilam, dd. 12. Oct., 1529 (Bretschneider, iv. 970), is also worthy of notice ; Cinglius mihi confessus est (in Mar- burg), se ex Erasmi scriptis primum hausisse opinionem suam de Coena Domini. 28 Erasmus ad Mich. Budam Episc. Lingonensem, dd. 2. Oct., 1525 (Opp. iii. i. 892) : Exortum est novum dogma, in Eucharistia nihil esse praeter panem et vinum. Id ut sit difficillimum refellere, fecit Jo. Oecolampadius, qui tot testimoniis, tot argumentis cam opinionem communiit, ut seduci posse videantur etiam electi. Ad Bilib. Pirkhei- mer, dd. 6. Jun., 1526 (p. 941) : Mihi non displiceret Oecolampadii sententia, nisi ob- staret consensus Ecclesiae. Nee enim video quid agat corpus insensibile, nee utilitatem allaturum si sentiretur, modo adsit in symbolis gratia spiritualis. Et tamen ab Eccle- siae consensu non possum discedere, nee unquam discessi. Ad eund., dd. 30. Jul., 1526, p. 945 : Pellican, who had come to Zurich early in 1526 as professor of Hebrew, assured his friends in this place of Erasmus's agreement with them in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper : and the three letters in which Erasmus reproaches him for so doing (p. 963 ss.) were not calculated to refute this assurance ; compare Erasmus's Life by Hess, ii. 264. In the same year Leo Judae, in a work published under a false name, sought to prove the same fact from the earlier works of Erasmus ; see Bullinger, i. 352 ; Hess, ii. 271. The words which Hottinger contributes from his manuscript are characteristic of this author's method of silencing himself and others with sophisms (continuation of Muller's Schweizergesch. vii. 131) : Finge, in Eucharistia non esse substantiam corporis domini- ci, tamen Deus ilium errorem nulli poterit imputare. Quum eum adoramus in Eucha- ristia, semper subest tacita exceptio, si illic vere est. Nobis enhn non constat, an sa- cerdos rite consecraverit. 29 They pronounced the controversy unimportant, as it only related to the spiritual participation of Christ; see Capito's Urtheil, was man halten u. antworten soil von der Spaltung zwischen M. Luther u. A. Carlstadt, in Luther's Werke by Walch, xx. 445 ; and Bucer's Grund u. Ursach us gottl. Schrift, der Neuerungen wegen an dem Nacht- male des Herrn zu Strasburg vorgenommen, Ibid. s. 458 : both works belong to the year 1524. At the same time, the preachers of Strasburg wrote to Luther to draw him into an explanation upon the controversy, dated 23d Nov., 1524, in Kapp's Nachlese, ii. CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. THE LORD'S SUPPER. m Zwingle declared himself in favor of it in a letter to Matthew Al- berus, preacher at Reutlingen ; at first, indeed, only in confidence,30 but soon after also in public.31 To refute Carlstadt, Luther wrote against the Celestial Prophets in 1525 ;32 Bugenhagen's work, Con- tra Novum Errorem de Sacramento Corporis et Sanguinis Chris- ti,33 was directed against Zwingle. Carlstadt, oppressed by want, and the suspicion of being concerned in the Peasants' Rebellion,31 soon yielded once more, and returned repentant to Saxony ;35 but the controversy awakened by him was continued by both parties in a violent series of works. Zwingle defended his doctrine in sev- eral works ;36 Oecolampadius joined him ;37 but he met with oppo- nents in the Swabian preachers, led by John Brentz and Erhard Schnepf.38 Luther himself first appeared against the Swiss party 640. He answered b3' his letter to the Christians at Strasburg, 15th Dec, in de Wette, ii. 574. 30 Dd. 16th Nov., 1524. Opp. iii. 589. He argues from John vi. for a manducatio spiritualis : est, in the words of institution, means signijlcat. The anxiety with which he opposes the publication of his opinion is unmistakable, p. 593 : Nos enim nostra pro- ferimus, non ut censeamus. Res enim tarn est ardua, ut, nisi dominus dederit intellec- tum, frustra dicturi simus, quicquid tandem adduxerimus. And in conclusion : Adjuro te per Christum Jesum, qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos, ut hanc epistolam nulli hominum communices, quam ei, quem constat sincerum esse in fide ejusdem domini nostri. The letter was first printed at Zurich in March, 1525. 31 In the Comm. de Vera et Falsa Religione, March, 1525 (Opp. iii. 145; the chap- ter "Von dem Nachtmal Christi" was published at the same time in a German transla- tion also), and the Subsidium s. Coronis de Eucharistia, Aug., 1525 (1. c. p. 326). Com- pare Bullinger, i. 261. 32 Walch, xx. 186. 33 It appeared at the same time in German also ; in Walch, xx. 641. 34 Probably without reason. An invitation from Miinzer to join in his rebellion, sent from Altstadt to Orlamund, was refused from this place in a letter undoubtedlj- com- posed by Carlstadt ; see Miinzer's Life by Strobel, s. 77. Afterward Carlstadt's residence at Rothenburg, on the Tauber, furnished an occasion of accusing him of co-operation in the Peasant War ; see Kapp's Nachlese, iv. 561. He defended himself in the " Entschul- digung D. A. Carlstadt's des falschen Namens der Aufruhr, so ihm ist mit Unrecht auf- gelegt," which Luther edited at his request in Wittenberg, 1525, with a preface (this may be seen in Walch, xv. 2468). Compare Fiissli, Leben Carlstadt's, s. 92 ; Leben Munzer's von Strobel, s. 76. 35 Walch, xv. 2466. 36 Especially "Eine klare Underrichtung vom Nachtmal Christi:" 1526. Werke, ii. i. 426. 37 De genuina verborum Domini, hoc est corpus meum, juxta vetustissimos auc- tores expositione, lib. 1525. 8 (also in Pfaffii Acta et Scripta publ. Eccl. Wirtember- gicae, p. 41). He sought to prove a trope in the word corpus : Hoc est figura corporis mei. 38 Clarissimorum virorum, qui anno 1525 Halae Suevorum convenerunt, syngramma et pium et eruditum super verbis coenae dominicae ad Jo. Oecolampadium, dd. 21. Oct., 1525, commonly called Syngramma Suevicum (composed by Breuz ; see Walch, xx., Hist. Einleit, s. 34), also in Pfaff, 1. c. p. 153. 112 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. in a Preface39 in the year 1526, and thus a warfare was enkin- dled which brought into the bitterest opposition the reformers of both parties, who ought to have been united by the closest bonds in their common aim and common danger. The Swiss doctrine of the Lord's Supper also found support beyond the bounds of Switzerland,40 especially in southern Germany, Strasburg,41 and Ulm.42 Nevertheless, as these Churches remained in connection with the Church of Saxony, they were obliged to take an equivo- cal position. The Reformation, however, was most injured in public opinion by the Anabaptist disturbances and the Peasant War, which also broke out at the same time. The first beginnings of these evils are to be sought in the dis- turbances at Zwickau in 1521. Thomas Miinzer,43 who, as pas- tor at Zwickau, had a large share in these disturbances, and was in consequence deposed, after a vain attempt to gain support among the Bohemians,44 had betaken himself to Altstadt, in Thu- ringia, with a view to advance far beyond the beginning made at Wittenberg, and there establish the kingdom of God upon earth in equality and community of goods, compelling, if necessary, the princes to submission by force.45 When these disturbances began 39 Prefixed to Agricola's Translation of the Swabian Syngranima into German ; see the Preface in Walch, xx. 721. 40 For instance, in East Friesland, where George Aportanus, the first evangelical preacher at Emden, immediately adopted this doctrine ; see Sittermann, in Vater's Kirch- enhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 3G, 43. 41 See Note 29. 42 Where Conrad Sam (see § 1, Note 115) declared himself on Zwingle's side ; see Weyermann, Die Burger in Ulm, der Zwinglischen Confession zugethan, in Steudel's Tiibinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, 1830, i. 142. 43 Historie Thomae Munzer's von Phil. Melanchthon (Luther's Werke von Walch, xvi. 109). Leben, Schriften u. Lehren Thomae Miintzer's von G. Th. Strobel. Nurnb. u. Altdorf, 1795. 8. Thomas Miinzer von L. v. Baczko, in Woltmann's Zeitschrift, Ge- schichte u. Politik, 1840, ii. 1. Hast, Gesch. der Wiedertaufer Minister, 1836, s. 58. Old mystic writings, as for instance the prophecies of the Abbot Joachim and Tauler's works, had produced a strong effect upon him, Strobel, s. 7 ff. A contemporary writes of him (Tentzel's Hist. Bericht v. Cyprian, ii. 334) : " Thomas Miinzer and his followers were carried away by a misunderstanding of Tauler's doctrine of the spirit and ground of the soul, for he read him constantly." 44 See the Intimatio, published at Prague, in Strobel, s. 19. 45 Disregard of the written Word of God, the dead letter, is the characteristic of his doctrine : man must hear the everlasting Word of the Father speak from within him : God utters his holy Word, that is, his only begotten Son, into the inmost soul : by this incarnation of Christ men are at once entirely deified by God, and even in this life, as it were, translated into heaven. On the other hand, he inveighs against the mere faith of the lips, and trust in outward baptism : faith is not given to those only who have CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. ANABAPTISTS. 113 to attract more attention, Miinzer was obliged to leave Altstadt in 1524,46 and withdrew beyond Nuremberg to Waldshut, on the borders of Switzerland, where he had already formed connections by letter.47 In Switzerland there were also many persons who longed for a speedier and more thorough reformation of the Church,48 and who particularly insisted upon the rejection of infant baptism, about which Zwingle had for some time been in doubt.49 been sprinkled with water, Strobel, s. 43, 154, 159. In his history of the Anabaptists, Bullinger thus states Miinzer's doctrine (Fiissli's Beytrage, v. 136) : " All preachers who preached the Gospel at this time are not sent of God, neither do they preach the true Word of God ; but they are only learned in Scripture, and preach the dead letter of Scripture. Scripture and the external word of God are not the real true Word of God, for this is internal and heavenly, and proceeds immediately from and out of the mouth of God. A man must be taught by this AVord from within, and not by Scripture and preaching. He also held baptism with water in little esteem ; he even maintained that infant baptism was not of God ; accordingly we must be baptized with a spiritual and more real baptism : nevertheless he did not, in the beginning of his anabaptism, have himself rebaptized, something hindered this. His disciples began to rebaptize before him. He was also baptized with his own blood, i. e., put to death. He also said it was false that Christ had made satisfaction for us, as the weak learners of Scripture maintained. The marriage and marriage-bed of the unbelieving and carnal was no undented bed, but whoredom and a devilish brothel. He taught that God revealed His will in dreams ; he himself attached great importance to dreams, and gave out that they were the sugges- tions of the Holy Spirit. Accordingly, he and his followers were called the Heavenly Prophets, and Spiritualists or Geistler." He set up at Altstadt a league for the estab- lishment of the kingdom of God upon earth ; he destroyed a resort of pilgrims in the neighborhood, and summoned the nobles to join his sid«, else the sword should be taken awa}' from them. Strobel, s. 45, 46, 51. 46 Miinzer published at Nuremberg, in reply, his libel upon Luther, "Hochverursachte Schutzrede und Antwort wider das geistlose sanftlebende Fleisch zu Wittenberg, welches mit erkliirter Weysse durch den Diepstal der heil. Schrift die erbermdliche Christenheit also ganz jamerlichen besudelt hat." 4. Strobel, s. 64, 162. 47 Especially with Conrad Grebel. On his letter to Munzer at Altstadt, on the 5th Sept., 1524, see Zwingle's Works, ii. i. 374. [On Grebel, see Heberle, Die Anfange des Anabaptismus in der Schvveiz, in Jahrbiicher f. Deutsche Theologie, Bd. iii., 1858, s. 225-280.] 49 Grebel particularly ; Zwingle's Works, ii. i. 373. At the second conference at Zu- rich, 26th Oct., 1523, Conrad Grebel, Simon Stumpf, and Balthasar Hubmeyer came forward with such like demands ; see the Acts in Zwingle's Works, i. 528, 530. Wirz, ii. 163. All these, and also the fanatical iconoclasts, Niclas Hottinger, and others (§ 2, Note 74), afterward became Anabaptists. The village of Zollikon, wheje, as early as Whitsuntide, 1524, images and altars were destroyed in the church (Fiissli, ii. 58), aft- erward became a principal residence of the Anabaptists. 43 Hubmeyer reproached Zwingle with having denied infant baptism in 1523, in a conference with him ; see Fiissli's Beytrage, i. 252, Anm. In his exposition of the arti- cles, Art. XVIII. (Works, i. 239), Zwingle says, in fact: "Though I well know that children were baptized from ancient times till now, this was not, however, so common as in our own day ; but they were publicly instructed together in the word of salvation. And if they had a firm faith in their heart and confessed it witli their mouth, they were baptized." Zwingle also confesses, in 1525, in the work " Vom Touf, vom Wiedertouf, und vom Kindertouf " (Werke, ii. i. 245) : " I was so far led away by error as to think that it was much more becoming for children not to be baptized till they were come to VOL. IV. 8 114 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Miinzer now connected his other fanatical doctrines with this view, which they had in common ; Waldshut became the head- quarters of fanatics.50 who soon spread from this place over the whole of Switzerland. Unfortunately, at this very time the great insurrection of the peasants61 broke out in southern Germany, and encouraged the Anabaptists to violent measures. Even before the Reformation severe oppression had more than once driven the peasantry to revolt.52 The refusal to instate evan- gelical preachers now became in many places a new cause of dis- content, and misunderstanding of evangelical liberty gave to it a religious character. After some isolated outbreaks in the year 1524, the peasants of the Abbot of Kempten rose, upon the first of January, 1525 ; and in a short time tins insurrection of the peas- antry spread throughout Swabia, Franconia, and Alsace. The XII. Articles in which the peasants stated their demands, and tried to prove them from the Gospel,53 favored the inference of a good age." William Roubli, pastor at Wytykon, was thrown into prison in August, 1524, for denying infant baptism in his sermons (Fussli, ii. 64). 50 At this time the susceptibility to fanaticism was still further increased by external oppression. This town had called Balthasar Hubmeyer to be its pastor, against the will of the Austrian government; and when it proposed to eject him by force, the citizens of Waldshut called upon the reformed Swiss to render aid to the threatened Gospel, and several inhabitants of Zurich went thither in defiance of the prohibition of the Council. Bullinger, i. 223 ; Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 10. Thus a numerous and susceptible circle of disciple's to Miinzer's gospel of the free spirit was formed in this place. Anabaptism was a secondary doctrine to Miinzer (see Bullinger, Note 45), and was first developed as a party sign in this circle. il There is a list of works on the subject in Strobel's Beytrage zur Literatur, ii. 43. Especially Petri Gnodalii Seditio repentina vulgi, praecipue Rusticorum anno 1525 ex- orta. Basil., 1580. 8., also in Schardii Scriptt. Rer. Germ. ii. 1031. G. Sartorius, Gesch. des Deutschen Bauernkrieges. Berlin, 1795. 8. Materialien zur Gesch. des Bauern- kriegs, 3 Lieferungen. Chemnits, 1791-94. F. F. Oechsle, Beitrage zur Gesch. des Bau- ernkrieges in den Schwabisch-Frankischen Grenzlanden. Heilbronn, 1830. W. Wachs- muth der Deutsche Bauernkrieg, in his Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformations- Zeitalters, Th. 1, Lief. 1. Leipzig, 1834. 8. Das Breisgau im Bauernkriege, in Schrei- ber's Taschenbuch f. Geschichte u. Alterthum in Suddeutschland. Freiburg, 1839, s. 233. Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter der Ref. ii. 182. i2 Oechsle, s. 74 ff. Wachsmuth's Aufstande und Kriege der Bauern im Mittelalter, in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuch, Jahrg. 5. 1834, s. 281. Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter der Reform, i. 214. In the year 1476, in the district of Wurzburg ; in 1492, the peasants of the Abbot of Kempten, and in the Netherlands ; in 1493 in Alsace ; after 1502, the Bundschuh, in the diocese of Spires; in 1513, the Anne Konz in Wirtemberg; in 1514 in the diocese of Augsburg and in Carinthia; in 1517 in the Windische Mark. 53 "The Reasonable and Just Articles of the entire Peasantry and subjects of the ecclesiastical and secular sovereignties, by whom they think themselves oppressed" (re- printed in Strobel's Beytrage, ii. 7 ; Oechsle, s. 246) : I. " First, it is our humble petition and desire, also our will and opinion, that for the future we should have power and au- thority ; a whole community should choose and appoint a pastor. Also, that we should CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. ANABAPTISTS. H5 evil-disposed persons, who said that the whole insurrection was the fruit of the Reformation ; although it had found the ferment- have power to depose him if he conduct himself improperlj'. The pastor thus chosen should preach us the Holy Gospel pure and plain, without any addition, or doctrine, or ordinance of man. II. Secondly, as the right tithe is appointed in the Old Testament, and fulfilled in the New, we are willing to pay a fair tithe of corn. Yet, as is fitting, the Word of God says plainly that, with a view to giving it to God, and distributing it to His people, it is required to be given to a pastor. We will that for the future our Church-provost, whomsoever the community may appoint, shall gather and receive this tithe ; from out of this he shall give to a pastor, provided he be elected by an entire cominuuity, a decent and sufficient maintenance ; the residue shall be distributed to the poor, resident in the same place. With regard to any further residue, it should be kept in hand, in case any one should have to leave the country from poverty, so that provision may be made from this superfluity that no land-tax may be laid upon the poor. Also, in case one or more villages have sold out their tithes, and have thus put them- selves in the position of one entire village, there should be no injustice in consequence ; but we will that the sum should be repaid in due time with proper interest. But if a tithe owner has not bought his right from the village itself, but his forefathers have appropriated the tithe to themselves, the people will not, ought not, and are not to make an)- further payment. Small tithe we will not pay at all, for God the Lord has made cattle free for all men. III. Thirdly, hitherto it has been the custom for men to hold us as their own people, which is a pitiable case, considering that Christ has delivered and redeemed us with his precious blood shed for us, the peasant as much as the prince. Accordingly, it is consistent with Scripture that we should be free, and wish to be so. Not that we wish to be absolutely free and under no authority ; but we take it for grant- ed that you will either willingty release us from serfage, as true and real Christians, or prove to us from the Gospel that we are serfs. IV. In the fourth place, it has been the custom hitherto that no poor man should have power, or be allowed to touch venison, wild fowl, or fish in flowing water, which seems to us quite unseemly and unbrotherly, but also selfish and not agreeable to the Word of God. In some places, also, the author- ities will have us preserve the game to our own annoyance and great loss ; the unrea- soning animals destroy for no purpose our crops, which God suffers to grow for the use of man, and we must remain quiet ; this is neither godly nor neighborly. For when God created man he gave him dominion over all animals, over the fowl of the air and the fish in the water. Accordingly, it is our desire^ if a man holds possession of waters, that he should prove, from satisfactory documents, that his right has been unwittingly acquired by purchase, we do not desire to take it from him by force ; but whosoever can not produce such evidence should surrender his claim to the community* with a good grace. V. In the fifth place, we are aggrieved in the matter of wood-cutting. For our nobles have appropriated all the woods to themselves alone ; and if the poor man re- quires wood, he must buy it for two pieces of money. It is our opinion with regard to a wood which has fallen into the hands of lords spiritual or temporal not by purchase, that it should be reassigned to an entire community, and should be free in seemly wise to the whole community, that every man should be allowed to take to his house what he requires for fire-wood. Also, if a man require wood for carpenter's purposes, he should have it, but with the consent of a person appointed by the community for the purpose. VI. In the sixth, a mitigation of feudal services. VII. In the seventh, of other services. VIII. Lowering of rents was demanded. IX. " In the ninth place, we are annoyed with a great evil in the constant making of new laws, so that we are not punished according to the case, but sometimes from great ill-will, sometimes from good-will. It is our opinion that we should be dealt with according to the old written law, with reference to the case, and not by favor. X. In the tenth place, we are aggrieved by the appropri- ation of meadows, and likewise of corn land, which at one time belonged to a commu- nity; these we will take again into our own hands, except it be that the land has HQ FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. ation already at work, and only influenced its external character. Luther, to whom the peasants appealed, recognized, in his exhort- ation to peace, the justice of many of their complaints, that he mii67ivai Tiva ov ooKtl ovrt anaipov ovte iTri/jit/inrTov. ?;i/ 8k pi\-ri(TTov Trawraxou (ppovtiv tts to aroxppoviiv. Erunt certe alii eventus, quam hi aut illi putant atque sperant. Nam omnino ingens mutatio rerum impendet. The two margraves of Brandenburg, John von Kustrin and the frivolous Albert of Bayreuth (Seckcudorf, iii. 662), went so far as to enter into the Emperor's service ; Sleidanus, lib. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 8. 1546. 137 The Smalcald War43 began with such unexpected energy on the part of the League, which had seemed to be almost dead, that the Emperor, who was tarrying with a small army at Ratisbon, seemed to be in great peril. At the beginning of July he was confronted by a much superior army from the Wirtemberg highlands, led. by the distinguished general, Sebastian Schiirtlin von Burtenbach, which was soon joined by Saxon and Hessian troops. But still nothing decisive occurred. The arbitrary course of the Emperor, which reached its height in proclaiming the ban, July 20, against the Elector and the Landgrave,44 and his purpose to destroy Protest- antism, which lurked behind, were very clearly set forth in the de- fensive writings of the Protestants ;45 but the majority of the Coun- cil of War still prevented all warlike undertakings. The Emperor was thus in a condition to march to Ingolstadt, and there strength- en himself on all sides, until he was ready to make an attack. But now, in November, Maurice fell upon the Electorate of Sax- ony, the Elector hastened to the aid of his land, the allied army xvii. p. 461. Cf. the admonitory letters to the former by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave, and by his mother, the widowed Electoress of Brandenburg^ in Hortleder, Th. il. Buch iii. cap. 14. The answer of both the Margraves, July 29 ; ibid., cap. 17. — Bavaria, until now very jealous of Austria, was gained by the marriage, in 1546, of Prince Albert of Bavaria with Anna, daughter of King Ferdinand ; see Winter's Gesch. d. Evang. Lehre in Baiern, ii. 137. 43 Best sources: (1.) Favorable to the Emperor: Lud. de Avila, Span. General, Los Commentarios de la Guerra del Emperador Carolos V. contra los Protestantes de Ale- mania, Lat., Antverp., 1550. Argentor., 1630. 12. In German, in Hortleder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 81. (2.) For the Protestants : " Schmalkaldische Kriege anno 1546— angespon- nen, ursprunglichen beschrieben durch einen wolerfarnen u. dieses Kriegs selbst bej-- wohnenden Kriegsmann (not Schiirtlin), in Mencken Scriptt. Rerum Germ., iii. 1361, against Avila. Heinr. Merckel, secretary of St. Magdeburg, Bericht von der alten Stadt Magdeburg Belagerung ; in Hortleder, ii. iv. 19. Tileman v. Gunterode, Hessian chan- cellor, Diarium in Mogen Hist. Captivitatis Philippi. Francof., 1766. (3.) Moderate in tone : Camerarii Hist. Belli Schmalcaldici in Freheri Scriptt. Rerum Germ., ed. Struve, T. iii. . Lambertus Hortensius, rector at Naerden in Holland, De Bello Germanico, lib. vii. 1550; in Schardii Scriptt. Rer. Germ., ii., and at the end of Avila, Argent., 1630, especially used by Sleidanus. Cf. Rommel's Philipp der Grossmiithige, ii. 482. A col- lection of passages in Melancthon's letters about this war, in Strobel's Neue Beytrage, i. ii. 125. Collection of different reports in Hortleder Vom Teutschen Kriege," Th. ii. Buch iii. Works on the subject : Haberlin's Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte, i. Men- zel's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, iii. 1. Rommel's Philipp d. Grossm., i. 522; ii. 486. J. G. Jahn's Gesch. d. Schmalkaldischen Krieges. Leipzig, 1837. 8. 44 Hortleder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 16. 45 Compare especially the proof of their innocence by the Elector and Landgrave, July 15, in Hortleder, ii. iii. 11. A further statement, August, ibid., cap. 15. Their letter renouncing allegiance to the Emperor, Aug. 11, in Sastrowen's Leben, ed. Moh- nike, i. 421. On their outlawry by the Emperor, Sept. 2, in Hortleder, ii. iii. cap. 29 and 30. 188 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. separated, and the Protestant cause was lost. The states in the Upper Land prayed for grace, and received it with great sacrifices. Hermann, Elector of Cologne, had been already deposed by a pa- pal decree of April 16, 1546,46 but had thus far been spared by the Emperor;47 now, however, Charles convened the estates of Cologne, Jan. 24, 1547, and carried this decree into execution.48 The Elector of Saxony easily drove Duke Maurice from his do- main ; but in the spring the Emperor came upon him by surprise, defeated him near Muhlberg, in the Lochau forest, took him pris- oner,49 April 24, 1547, and compelled him, in the Wittenberg ca- pitulation, to give up his electoral dignity and the half of his do- minions to Duke Maurice. The Landgrave of Hesse, now stand- ing alone, submitted in Halle, June 19 ; and, although he thought himself secured by the previous negotiations of the Electors of Brandenburg and of Saxony, he too was kept in prison by the Emperor.50 46 Raynaldus, arm. 154G, No. 103. The decision was first communicated to the Chap- ter, Senate, and University of Cologne in a brief, July 3 ; ibid., No. 104. 47 Cf. the Emperor's letter to the Elector, 7th July, above, Note 38. 48 Sleidanus, lib. xviii. p. 575. Haberlin's Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte, i. 112. 49 That the Elector was betraj'ed by his Councilors is maintained by the zealous ad- herents of the Ernestinian line, Paul Muhlpfort, in Hortleder, ii. iii. G9, and the narra- tion in G. Arnold's Kirchen-u. Ketzerhistorie, Schafhausen edition, 1740, Th. ii. s. 1000; this narrative of the religious disputes is falsely ascribed to Ratzenberger ; it is bjr a passionate follower of Flacius. The complaints against the Wittenberg divines, espe- cially Melancthon and Bugenhagen, as given in this last narration, that they had at once abandoned the old Elector in his misfortunes, are proved to be calumnies by Bu- genhagen's work : " AVie es uns zu Wittenberg in der Stadt in dem vergangenen Kriege ergangen 1547" (also in Hortleder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 73). Cf. Fortgesetzte Sammlung von alten u. neuen theol. Sachen 1729, s. 293 ff. 50 The Emperor demanded the unconditional submission of the Landgrave ; the Elect- ors, however, desired that certain conditions should be secretby granted them, and their councilors, with this in view, laid before the imperial councilors, June 2, certain arti- cles which begin thus (Rommel's Philipp d. Grossm., iii. 235): "Der Landgraf erpeut sich von neuem, er wolle sich in der Kais. Maj. Gnad u. Ungnad frey u. ohne ainiche Condition oder Anhang ergeben. Doch so setzen meine genadigste u. geniidige Herrcn, der Churf. v. Brandenburg u. Herzog Moriz v. Sachsen, zu, dass fur ihre Personen von Nothen seyn wurd, einen Verstand von Ir. Maj. zu haben, dass ihm, dem Landgrafen, solche Ergebung weder zu Leibstraf noch zu ewiger [einiger] Gefenknuss reichen." Here first occurs the expression, which was afterward a matter of dispute : on the side of the Emperor it was maintained that the assurance read " noch zu ewiger Gefangniss," that is, to perpetual imprisonment; on the other side, "noch zu einiger Gefangniss, '' that is, to some imprisonment. Nothing more is extant of the further secret negotia- tions ; thej' were probably for the most part oral. So much is certain, that the Electors believed they had insured the Landgrave against any imprisonment, for they wrote to him, June 4 (ibid., s. 237): " Wir versprechen E. L., dass dieselbige dardurch iiber die Artikel weder an Leibe noch Gute, mit Gefenknuss, Bestrickung oder Schmalerung Ihres Landes nicht sollen bcschwert werden." When Philip was taken prisoner in the abode CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 8. 1547. 189 Even in the midst of his victories, however, the Emperor was still at variance with the Pope. Charles was convinced that if the ecclesiastical abuses we're abolished the Protestants might be easily reconciled with the Church ; and he was consequently dis- pleased that the Council of Trent, instead of beginning with a reformation, began with passing judgment upon the Protestant doctrines,51 thus making it more difficult for the Protestants to appear there. The Pope could not be favorable to a reform that of the Duke of Alba, the Electors declared it to be a piece of villairvy, and the Elector Joachim Wanted to cut oft' the head of the Bishop of Arras as the chief deceiver (Anal. Hassiaca, Coll. xi. 22G; Rommel, iii. 510). It is inconceivable that the Electors could have neglected so weighty a point in the negotiations, since they pledged themselves personally to the Landgrave that he should not be held a prisoner ; we must, therefore, give credit to the contemporary testimony, that the imperial councilors allowed them- selves to be deceived. And this deception is easily explained, if it be true, according to the report of the vice-chancellor Held, that the Electors brought the negotiations with the Bishop of Arras to an end on the 19th June, just before the final solemn act, and after they had been drinking together very freely (v. Bucholtz's Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinand's I., vi. 65). That the Emperor had no share in the deception, and knew only of a promise that the imprisonment should not be perpetual, appears from his correspond- ence at this time with Ferdinand (v. Bucholtz, vi. 63 f., 69). When, then, the Emperor, at the Diet of Augsburg (Sept., 1547), endeavored to justify himself publicly against the general opinion that the Landgrave had been betrayed, the two Electors replied (Hort- leder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 84) : " Sie wiissten in dieser Such die Kays. Maj. in nichten zu beschuldigen, dass an Vollziehung der abgeredten Capitulation bey Ihrer Maj. einiger Mangel jemals gewesen: gleichwol sind in diesen Sachen allerhand Be}'- u. Neben- Handel furgefallen, anfiinglich mit der Rom. Kays. Maj., ehe und denn Ihre Maj. aus dem Feldlager vor Wittemberg verruckt, und folgends mit Kays. Maj. Rathen, welche ganz geheim u. enge geschehen. Und konnte sich hierinnen noch wol zugetragen ha- ben, dass in Mangel u. Unverstand der Sprachen mit der Kaj-s. Maj. Rathen allerhand Misverstand erfolget seyn mochte. Jedoch ware beyder Churfiirsten — Gemiith u. Mcy- nung nicht, sich deshalben in einige Disputation einzulassen." The}-, however, give the assurance that they did not understand there was any danger, and that with this conviction they had been able to secure the appearance of the Landgrave. But when Maurice, in 1552, declared against the Emperor, he asserted outright that he had heard him promise that the Landgrave should "not be subjected to imprisonment or loss of land" (Ilortleder, Th. ii. Bueh v. cap. 4). That the imperial councilors used deception is maintained particularly in L. G. Mogen's Historia Captivitatis Philippi Magnanimi. Francof., 176G. 8., and Rommel's Philipp der Grossm., i. 533; ii. 507; iii. 235. On the other hand, the attempt is made to deny it in M. G. We^rnher, Kaiser Carls V. Ehrenret- tung u. Vertheidigung wegen der bey Landgraf Philipps Ergebung gebrauchten Worte : nicht zum ewigen Gefiingniss. Niirnberg, 1782, and Menzel's Neuere Gesch. der Dcutsch- en, iii. 198. 51 As early as 1540 the imperial embassadors demanded that the Reformation should first be taken in hand ; after an animated discussion the council concluded to take up dogmas and reforms together ; see Histoire du Concile de Trente, par P. Sarpi trad, par Courayer, i. 246; Pallavicini, lib. vi. c. 7; Raynaldus, 1546, No. 10. When, however, the council was about to pass to the first dogmatic anathemas, the imperial embassador, Francis Toletanus, was obliged, in Maj-, 1546, still to interpose earnest objections ; Sarpi, i. 290; Pallavicini, lib. vii. c. 3: the Spanish prelates were on his side, but it was in vain (Raynald., 1546, No. 70). Against the objections of the Emperor in this matter the Pope tried to excuse himself in Febr., 1547 (Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3, No. 3 ss.). 190 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. threatened important limitations upon his power, and watched with mistrust the influence of the Emperor upon the council. Hence he was not less terrified than were the Protestants "by the rapid victories of the Emperor;52 for as long as Protestantism was not rooted out the imperial preponderance was not less dan- gerous to him than to the Protestants. He therefore again made a closer alliance with France,53 recalled his troops in Dec, 1546, and, while the Emperor was busy in Saxony, adjourned the council, March 11, 1547, on the pretext of the plague, from Trent to Bo- logna,51 where the imperial preponderance would make itself less felt. The Emperor was greatly enraged by these acts of the Pope. He could not so easily act in conformity with the intimation that Protestantism should be at once suppressed ;55 for there were pow- 62 Sarpi, i. 387. Ranke, Fursten u. Volker von Siid-Europa iin 16ten u. 17ten Jalirh. ii. 252. 63 That the King of France instigated the Pope against the Emperor, while he also encouraged and aided the Protestant states, appears from the correspondence of the King with his embassadors, present with the Pope, the Elector, and the Landgrave, in the Lettres et Memoires d'estat des Roys, Princes, Ambassadeurs, et autres Ministres sous les regnes de Francois I., Henry II., et Francois II., rangees par M. Guill. Ribier. a Paris, 1666, 2 Tomes fol. The Pope went into the matter so far that the French em- bassador at Rome, du Mortier, announced to his King, in the spring of 1547 (Ribier, i. 637) : Sa Saintete a — entendu, que le Due de Saxe se trouve fort, dont elle a tel con- tentement, comme celuy qui estime le commun ennemy estre par ces moyens retenu d'executer ses entreprises : et connoist-on bien qn'il seroit utile sous-main d'entretenir ceux qui luy resistent, disant, que vous ne scjauriez faire depense plus utile ; Sarpi, i. 497 ; Eanke, ii. 260. 64 As early as June, 1546, a change of place was agitated by the legates at the coun- cil (Pallavicini, lib. viii. c. 5, c. 10, c. 15) ; but it was hindered by the threats of the Emperor, and apparently abandoned. Thus it is said in the papal work written to justi- fy it, Febr., 1547 (Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3, No. 4) : translationem Concilii gravissimis de causis opportunam sibi visam : ab ea tamen animum avertisse, non quidem ob ad- ductas a Caesare rationes, quibus neutiquam acquiescebat ; sed ob adversum illius ani- mum, cui se concordem praeoptabat in iis etiam quae minus idonea ex aliis rationibus existimasset. The death of some persons now gave the opportunity to feign a conta- gious sickness, which was also asserted to exist by two physicians of the council, but denied by the resident physicians of Trent. On the change of place of the council, see Sarpi, i. 483 ; Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3 ; Salig's Hist, des Trident. Conciliums, i. 593. The true reason, however, was the fear, already avowed in a private letter bjr the Cardinal Cervinus (Pallavicini, viii. 5, 5), quaenam Caesaris armati partes imposterum futurae essent ; nimirum Concilio leges dare, essetne de dogmatibus disputandum necne, quave ratione de ea ipsa re agendum ; nee posse repulsam reddi. The imperial bishops pro- tested against the transference, and remained in Trent. 55 Cf. the papal Letter of Justification, Febr., 1547, in Pallavicini, ix. 3, 5 : Suam Carolus voluntatem significarat expeditionis continuandae, donee Protestantes ad obse- quium Sedis Apostolicae pertraxisset. Hoc Caesaris studium Pontifex commendabat, ajebatque, id a se sperari, cum ad illud ipsum obtinendum foedus coisset, tametsi post- modum per concordiam cum Wirtembergico, variisque haereticis urbibus initain, inscio Pontifice, fuisset a pactionibus resilitum, sibique materia querelarum exhibita. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 191 erful Protestant princes yet unsubdued, and a still harder conflict was to be expected with the Protestant people. Nor did he wish to do this before the ecclesiastical reformation was effected, which he viewed as the condition and price of victory. Therefore he could not abide the prorogation of the council to an Italian city, where it seemed about to become wholly dependent on the Pope ; he protested against it, and demanded that the council should re- turn to Trent.56 Tedious negotiations sprang up between the Em- peror and the Pope, and the activity of the council was interrupted for several years. § 9. CONTINUATION, TO THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF AUGSBURG, SEPT. 25, 1555. As the council, under these circumstances, was for a long time forced to remain inactive, the Emperor determined, on his own au- thority, to establish preliminary arrangements in the German em- pire, which might at first bring about an external, and thus open the way for an internal, union of the contending religious parties ; he also intended, by these provisions, to break the road for such a general reform of the Church as he desired.1 The point of 56 Discussions between the Emperor and the Pope, Sarpi, i. 502 ; Pallavicini, 1. x. c. 6 ss. Particularly the sending by the Emperor of the Cardinal Madruzzi, Bishop of Trent, to Rome, in Nov., 1547 ; the documents on it in Raynald., 1547, No. 88 ; Martene Collect. Vet. Monum., viii. 1162; Barth. Sastrowen Leben, by Mohnike, ii. 178 ff. The imperial protest in Bologna, 16th Jan., 1548, in Rajmald., 1548, No. 6; Sastrow, ii. 214 ; and in the papal Consistory in Rome, 23d Jan., in Raynald., 1548, No. 19. 1 The idea seems to have been first started by the estates. At the Diet of Augsburg the Emperor declared to them in his Proposition, Sept. 1, 1547 (see Barthol. Sastrowen Herkommen, Geburt u. LaufF seines gantzen Lebens, by G. Chr. F. Mohnike, Greifs- wald, 1824, Th. ii. s. 105), that he was determined to bring the religious division "to a speedy conclusion." Thereupon the Catholic electors responded (s. 117), that the Em- peror should, in the mean time, until the close and decision of the council, be watchful to restore peace and right in Germany. The evangelical electors demanded, on the other hand (s. 118), a mutual and free Christian council, of which the Pope should not be the President, where the Protestants might have a part in the consultations and de- cisions ; and that those articles should again be taken up which the Council of Trent had already determined. The princes wished (s. 129 sq.) a continuation of the Council of Trent, but so that the articles there already decided might "again be taken in hand and the Protestants sufficiently heard upon them." But as the end of the council might be long delayed, they pray that the Emperor "would at once see to it, and maintain order in the mean time as far as he could, until, by the official examination of this com- mon council, religious matters might be arranged and decided in a Christian way," so that peace should be insured. The Emperor, in his address, Jan. 14, 1548, responded to this request (Sleidan., lib. xx., ed. Am Ende, iii. 93 ; the address is in Sastrow, ii. 198) ; and a commission of the estates was appointed to consult about the Interim, which be- 192 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. view from which he started was this : that the Protestants, after their obstinacy was broken, would be kept away from the Church gan to act Feb. 11 (Sastrow, ii. 296 sq.). Meanwhile, however, some bishops had been privately at work in the affair, and had gained over the Elector Joachim II. of Branden- burg, who was deeply involved in it, and his court preacher, John Agricola (Sastrow, ii. 299, 304). Julius von Pflug, Eishop of Naumburg, had previously drawn up a form- ula of union after the style of that of Ratisbon (see § 7, Note 42, above), and making use of it (Formula sacrorum emendandorum in Comitiis Augustanis anno 1518 a Julio rflugio composita et proposita, ed. M. Chr. G. Miiller. Lips., 1803. 8. Agricola also sa}'s, 1562 : " Ich glaub das Interim war gemacht ehe wir nach Augspurg kamen ;" see Freiwilliges Hebopfer Beitr. 29, s. 706). Of this, Parts I. and II., on doctrine and ec- clesiastical usages, were laid at the basis of the Interim, and presented to Michael Held- ing, Bishop of Sidon, Suffragan of Mayence, and to Agricola, for examination. The vain Agricola was so won over by the ready reception of his remarks, which, however, did not go very deeply into the matter, for he also was desirous of the union, that he wrote to Glatius, preacher in Orlamunde : non solum adfui compositioni, sed etiam prae- fui (Bieck's Dreyfaches Interim, s. 25). They also tried to gain Bucer : toward the end of Jan. (Sleidan., iii. 94) he must come privately to Augsburg, at the invitation of the Elector Joachim ; he delayed, however, subscribing (Sastrow, ii. 310). The writing was now laid before the Emperor by " some persons of high position and name" (the expres- sions of the Emperor in the preface to the Interim ; the chief of them was the Elector Joachim, see Sastrow, ii. 304 ; the others were probably the bishops, who had originated the affair) ; he received it willingly, as the official commission had not come to any re- sult, and communicated it first to some of the estates, to give their opinion on it in pri- vate. Thus it came first, on the 17th March, to the Elector Maurice (see Expositio eo- rum, quae theologi Acad. Wittebergensis de rebus ad religionem pertiuentibus monue- rint. Witeberg, 1559. 4. ; folio O. 4. b). He sent it at once to his theologians, who con- sulted upon it in Zwickau (Expositio, Q. 2 sq.), and tried to avoid the urgency of the Emperor that he should at once accept the Interim (Expositio, P. 2 sq.). The divines assembled in Zwickau answered, April 14 (Expositio, R. 2), and afterward sent in a still fuller opinion, 24th April (Expositio, S. 2) ; it was all unfavorable to the Interim. To the Pope it was first sent in behalf of the Emperor, April 11, by Cardinal Sfondratus ; but the nuncio, dispatched in this affair, came too late with his comments ; for he had audience before the Emperor (May 15) only on the day when the Interim was proclaim- ed, and after its publication (Pallavicini, lib. x. c. 17, No. 2 and 7). In consequence of the manifold opinions sent in, the original Formula of Pflug had undergone man}' alterations, even after it had been communicated to the Elector Maurice: Expositio, Q. 4. b: Notum est, librum Interim in capite justiiicationis initio minus corruptelarum ha- buisse, et post vel Malvcndam vel Dominicum quondam a Soto, vel utrumque plures inseruisse, de quo et infra (X. 3) Principis Mauritii scriptum ad Caesarem queritur: et nominare ex adversariis possemus, qui Philippo Melanthoni de Sotensis inscrtionibus confessi sunt. — (Melanthon) Ratisponensi similem judicavit inter initia. — Et ex auctori- bus libri primis unus nostris narravit, consilium Imperatoris fuisse, ut caput de justifi- catione iisdem verbis in librum Interim insereretur, quibus in tractationibus Ratisponen- sibus de hoc ab utraque parte convenisset, ut corruptelas crassiores a Magistris secundis extitisse necesse sit. Bekenntnuss u. Erklerung aufs Interim durch der erbare Stiidte Liibeck, Hamburg, Luneburg, etc., Superintendenten, Pastoren, etc. Magdeburg, 1519. 4. ; folio 4. b. " Zum dritten ist darin alles vermischet u. verwirret, gut u. bose also zusammengeruhret u. gekocht, dass be}' einem guten Wort stets ein tiickisch bose Wort hinzu gethan ist, — u. scheinet aus dem Interim, dass das Buch von ungleich gesinneten Meistern geschrieben u. zu Hauf getragen sey. — Es wird auch allenthalben gesagt, dass etzliche furnemliche Interim-Meister selbst sollen klagen, dass in dc'm Interim Verende- rung geschehen sey, und dass itzt drinnen stehe, das sie weder gerathen noch gewilligt haben." Particularly was the Formula of Pflug changed so as to agree with the decrees CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 193 less by their peculiar doctrines than by the Catholic abuses; and that here was a good opportunity, by doing away with these abuses beforehand, to compel the council, which would by-and-by begin to act again, to take earnest steps in the reform so long desired in vain. In this sense he had a provisional ecclesiastical formula drawn up for the Protestants by the two Catholic bishops, Julius von Pflug and Michael Helding, in conjunction with the court preacher of Brandenburg, John Agricola.2 According to this the Protestants were again to become subject to the Pope and the bishops, accommodate themselves to the Catholic doctrine, and have concessions made only on some matters of external order. This provisional arrangement received legal sanction at the Diet of Augsburg, May 15, 1548— the Interim Augustanum.3 At of Trent, so far as they then existed ; see Planck's Gesch. des Protest. Lehrbegriffs, B. iii. Th. ii. s. 432. Agricola translated the Interim into German (Freiwilliges Hebopfer Beitr., 29, s. 706). This German text became the original ; the Latin (as we now have it) is translated from it ; and thus are to be explained the numerous deviations of the Formula of Pflug from the Latin Interim in the mode of statement, even where the sense is the same. Miiller has collected these in the preface to the Pflugii Formula, p. xlviii. sq., and wrongly represents them as intentional alterations of the text. a At first it appeared as thdugh this were to hold valid for both parties ; but the Catho- lic estates at once made provision against it. TJie clerical electors took offense at the mar- riage of the clergy and the Communion under both forms ; they missed the restitution of the ecclesiastical property ; and they demanded that the Interim should apply only to the Protestants, and not to the Catholics (Sastrow, ii. 322). The Catholic princes ex- pressed themselves still more strongly on the matter (ibid., s. 327. The answer there given only in part is found in full in a Latin translation in Martene Collect., viii. 1184), and prayed : " Die Kais. Maj. wollte die Cathol. Stand mit sollicher Zulassung u. Be- schwerung ihrer Gewissen unbeladen lassen ; dieweil auch sonderlich u. unzweifenlich ein gemeiner Aufruhr u. ein gemeiner Abfaal von dem christlichen Glauben daraus er- folgen mochte." Accordingly the Emperor demanded of the estates, in the introduc- tion to the Interim : " So bisher die Ordnungen u. Satzungen gemeiner christlichen Kirch- en gehalten, — dass sie dieselben hinfuran auch halten, u. darbey bestandiglich bleiben, verharren, u. darvon nicht abweichen, noch Veranderung furnehmen. — Aber die andern Stande, so Neuerung furgenommen, ersuchen Ihr Kais. Maj. auch ganz genadiglich u. ernstlich, das sie entweders widerum zu gemeinen Stiinden treten, u. sich mit ihnen in Haltung gemeiner christlichen Kirchen Satzungen u. Ceremonien aller Ding vergleich- en, oder sich doch mit ihrer Lehr u. Kirchenordnungen bemeltem Eathschlag in all- we«- gemass halten, u. weiter nit greifen noch schreiten." The Elector Maurice, too, made complaint about this to the Emperor, May 16th (Expositio Wittebergensis, x. 2, b) : at first it was said to him, quod ab utrisque partibus ilia formula recipi com- muni consensu deberet: jctzt aber hore er, quod ea non communiter utrisque partibus, sed alteri tantum ad servandum imponerentur. [A. Jansen de Jul. Pflugio ejusque sociis reformationis aetate et ecclesiae»concordiae et Germaniae unitatis studiosis. Berl., 1858.] 3 " Der. Rom. Kais. Majestat Erklarung wie es der Religion halben im heil. Reich, bis zu Austrag des gemeinen Concili gehalten werden soil, auf dem Reichstag zu Augs- purg, den XV. May im MDXLVIII. Jahr publicirt u. eroffnet, u. von gmainen Standeii angenommen. Mit Kais. Maj. Freyhait, nit nachzutrucken, vcrboten." At the end : " Getruckt zu Augspurg, durch Phil. Ulhart." 4. (also in the Sammlung der Reichsab- VOL. IV. 13 194 FOURTH PEMOD.— DIY. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. the same diet, June 14, lie caused a Formula Reformationis to be schiede. Frankf. a. M. 1737. fol. Th. ii. s. 550, and in Bieck, Das dreyfache Interim. Leipz. 1721. 8., s. 266). A Latin edition was published at the same time: e germanica lingua in latinam, quean proxime fieri potuit versa, et ipsius Majestatis jussu typis excusa, . ne aut ipsi propositions, aut scripto, quod subsequitur, scribentium rarietaie quicquam possit (tddi vel detrahi. Franco/, ad Oderam. 4. It contains twenty-six sections : I. Of Man be- fore the Fall. — II. Of Man of ter the Fall. — III. Of redemption through Christ our Lord . — IV. Of Justification. "Wer nun durch das tkeuer Blut Ckristi erloset, u. ikm der Ver- dienst des Leidens Ckristi zugetheilt u. gegeben, der wird alsbald gerecktfertigt, d. i. er fiudet Vergebung seiner Sunden, wird von der Sckuld der ewigen Verdammniss erledigt, u. verneuert durck den keil. Geist, u. also aus einem Ungerechten wird er gereckt. Dann da Gott rechtfertiget, handelt er nicht allein menscklicker Weis mit dem Menscken, also dass er ikm allein verzeike, u. sckenke ihme die Siinde, u. entbinde ikn von der Sckuld, sondern er mackt ihn auck besser. — Dann er ikm seinen keil. Geist mittkeilet, der sein Herz reiniget u. reizet durck die Liebe Gottes, die in sein Herz ausgegossen wird, dass er das, so gut u. reckt ist, begekre, u. was er begekret, mit dem Werk vollbringe, das ist .lie recite Art der eingegebenen Gerecktigkeit. — Dieweil nun ein Mensck, so lang er kie auf Erden lebt, die Vollkommenkeit dieser eingegebenen Gerecktigkeit nicbt mag erlan- gen, so koinmt uns Ckristus auck dieses Orts merklick u. guiidigst zu Hiilf, — also dass er eben, wie er — die Gerecktigkeit des Menscken — gewirkt kat, also mekret er sie auck, — u. durck den Verdienst seines tkeuren Bluts u. seiner Gerecktigkeit (die ganz vollkom- men besteket) erwirbt er dem Menscken Vergebung." — V. Of the Fruits and the Uses of Justification. — VI. Of the Way by which Man receives Justification. " Wiewol Gott den Menscken gereckt mackt — okn seinen Verdienst ; — dock kandelt der barmkerzige Gott nicht mit einem Menscken wie mit einem todten Block, sondern zeuckt ihn mit seinem Willen, wenn er zu seinen Jakren kommt. Dann ein solcker empfiihet diesellien Wohl- tkaten Ckristi nickt, es sey dann, dass durck die vorgekende Gnad Gottes sein Herz u. Will bewegt werde, den Sunden feind zu werden. — Alsbald bewegt die Gnade Gottes das Herz zu Gott durck Jesum Ckristum, u. diese Bewegung ist des Glaubens, durck welcken der Mensck ohne Zweifel glaubt der heil. Schrift. — Wer also glaubt, — der wird aufgericht, u. durck Bewegung der Gnaden Gottes empfiiket er das Vertrauen u. die Hoffnung. — Dieser Glau'o erlangt die Gab des heil. Geistes, durch welchen die Liebe Gottes ausgegos- sen wird in unsere Herzen, welche, so sie zum Glauben u. der Hoffnung kommet, werden wir alsdann durck die eingegebene Gerecktigkeit, die im Menscken ist, wakrkaftiglich gerechtfertigt. Dann diese Gerechtigkeit bestehet durch den Glauben, die Hoffnung u. die Liebe, also wo man dieser Gerechtigkeit der Stuck eines wollte entzieken, so wiirde sie gestummelt und mangelkaftig seyn."— VII. Of Love and Good Works. "Die Liebe, die da ist das Ende des Gebots und die Vollkommenkeit des Gesetzes, so bald sie in der Becktfertigung eintritt, so ist sie frucktbar, u. beschleusset in sich selbst die Samen aller guten Werk.— Und wiewokl diese Werk dermassen gestalt seynd, dass sie Gott von uns, als fur sein Beckt erfordern mockte,— nock dannock, dieweil solcke Werk aus der Lieb kerfliessen, und Gott nach seinem Wohlgefallen den Wiirkenden Beloknungen allermil- dest zugesagt ; so begnadet er sie mit Vergeltung zeitlicker Guter u. des ewigen Lebens. —Nock eins muss man lernen, wiewokl die Werk, die von Gott geboten, notkig seyn zur Seligkeit,— so seynd dock die Werke, welcke uber diese Gebot geschehen, u. ehrlich u. gottselig gehandelt werden, auch zu loben, auf dass wir nicht wider den heil. Geist seynd, der dieser viel in heil. Schrift lobet."— VIII. Of Trust in the Forgiveness of Sins. " Allhie muss man sich wohl fiirsehen, dass man die Menschen nicht allzusicher mache, u. dass sie ihnen selbst nicht allzuviel vertrauen, ai»ch durch iingstiglich Zweifeln nicht in Verzweiflung kommen. Darum dieweil Paulus sagt, ob er gleich sich selbst in nichts schuldig weiss, sey er doch darum nicht gerechtfertiget : so kann ja der Mensck ganz schwerlich von wegen seiner Schwachheit u. Unvermogens ohn einigen Zweifel glauben, dass ilmi die Siinde vergeben sind."— IX. Of the Churches. " Und wiewohl die Kircke, so- fern sie in solchen Gliedern stehet, die nach der Liebe leben, allein der Heiligen ist, u. des- halben unsichtbar, so ist sie doch auch sichtbar, indem dass sic Christus zeigt, da er CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 195 laid before the German bishops, according to which they were to spricht : sag es der Kirchen. Zu dieser gehiiren die Bischofe, die das Volk regieren, — dar- zu gehoren auch die andern Diener. — Nun seynd in dieser Kirchen nicht allein die Heil- ' igen, sondernauch die Bosen, als Glieder derselbigen, wiewohlunfruchtbar." — X. Of the Signs and Notes of True Churches. — XI. Of the Power and A uthority of the Churches. ' ' Wie- wohl die Schrift, wie Christus sagfc, nicht aufgeltist werden kann, u. also deshalben un- beweglich, u. grosser denn aller Menschen Gewalt: so ist doch bey der Kirchen alhveg die Macht gewesen, die wahren Schriften von den falschen zu scheiden. — Also hat sie auch Gewalt, die Schrift auszulegen, u. sonderlich aus ihnen die Lehren zu nehmen u. zu erklaren, sintemal der heil. Geist bey ihr ist, u. leitet sie in alle Wahrheit, wie dann der Ilerr Christus solches selbst zugesagt.— Uber das hat die Kirch etliche Satzungen von Christo u. den Aposteln durch die Hand der Bischoffen an uns bis hieher gebracht : wel- cher die zerreisst, der laugnet, dass die Kirch ein Saul u. Grundvest sey der Wahrheit. Dieserley seynd die Kindertauf u. andere. So ist auch das gewiss, dass die Kirch Macht habe zu strafen, u. zu excommuniciren. — So hat sie auch Gewalt zum Gerichtszwang : dann wem da gebuhrt die Macht zu straffen, dein muss auch die Macht des Gerichts- zwangs zugestellt werden. Und wann zweifelhaftige Fragen fiirfallen in der Kirchen, so hat sie Macht, von denen zu urtheilen u. zu schliessen, u. das durch einen Synodum oder Versammlung, unci was sie dann im heil. Geist rechtmilssig versammelt beschleusst, das ist zu achten, als hatt es der heil. Geist selbst geschlossen, wie dann geschrieben stehet im Concilio zu Jerusalem : Es gefallt dem heil. Geist u. uns."— XII. Of the Serv- ants of the Churches. — XIII. Of the highest Bishop and other Bishops. " Und auf dass die Kirch, die eines Haupts d. i. des Herrn Christi einiger Leib ist, desto leichter in Einigkeit erhalten wiirde, wiewohl sie viel Bischofte hat, welche das Volk, so Christus durch sein theures Blut erworben hat, regieren, u. das aus gottlichen Rechten, so hat man doch einen obersten Bischoff, der den andern alien mit vollem Gewalt furgesetzt ist, Schismata u. Trennung zu verhuten, u. das nach der Praerogativ. u. Filrzug, der Petro verliehcn ist. — Wer nun den Stuhl Petri innen hat als oberster Bischoff, der soil mit dem Recht, damit es Petrus von Christo empfangen, da er sprach : weide meine Schafe, die ganze Kirchen regieren u. verwalten, aber er soil seinen Gewalt, so er hat, gebrauchen nicht zur Zerstorung, sondern zur Erbauung." — XIV. Of the Sacraments in general. As to these, in the subsequent section, the Catholic doctrine is given entire. — XV. Of Baptism. — XVI. Of Confirmation— XVII. Of the Sacrament of Penance.— XVIII. Of the Sacrament of the Altar. — XIX. Of Holy Unction. — XX. Of the Sacrament of Ordination of Priests. — XXI. Of the Sacrament of Marriage. — Then, XXII. Of the Sacrifice of the Mass. " Gleich- wie nun vor der Zukunft Christi Gott den Viittern etliche gewisse Opfer gegeben hat, dardurch sie die Gedachtnuss des grossen Opfers, das sie zukunftig erwarteten, in ihren Herzen erwegten ; — also hat Gott seiner Kirchen ein reines u. hcilsames Opfer seines Leibs u. Bluts unter Gestalt Brots u. Weins befohlen, dardurch wir ohn Unterlass die Gedachtnuss seines Leibs u. Bluts, das fur uns vergossen ist, in unserm Herzen verneue- ten, u. den Nutz des blutigen Opfers, in welchem er die Geheiligten in Ewigkeit vollkom- raen gemacht hat, an uns brachten." — XXIII. Of the Remembrance of Saints in the Sac- rifice of the Mass, and of their Intercession, which is therein desired; also, shortly, Of the Praying to Saints. — XXIV. Of the Remembrance of the Dead in Christ. — XXV. Of Com- munion, and how it is to be observed in the Sacrifice of the Mass. — XXVI. Of the Cere- monies and Usages in the Sacraments. Here all the Catholic usages, festivals, and fasts are confirmed. " Die Ceremonien der andern Sacramenten sollen gebraucht werden ver- mog der alten Agenden. doch wo ichts in denselbigen, das zu Aberglauben Ursach geben mochte, eingeschlichen wiire, das soil nach zeitlichem Rath gebessert werden. — Und wie- wohl man mit dem Apostel halten soil, dass der, so ohn ein Weib ist, fur die Ding sorge, die des Herrn seynd, darumb es zu wunschen wiire, dass der Clerici viel gefunden war- den, die, wie sie ohne Weiber sind, auch wahrhaftige Keuschheit hielten : jedoch, dieweil ihrer jetzo viel sind, die im Stand der Geistlichen, die Kircheniimter verwalten, u. an vielen Orten Weiber genommen haben, die sie von ihnen nicht lassen wollen ; so soil hieriiber des gemeinen Concilii Bescheid u. Erorterung erwartet werden, dieweil doch 196 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. set aside the abuses that had pressed into the Catholic Church.4 By these measures he believed that he could bring the two parties so near together that they would regard themselves as belonging to the same Church ; and that afterward, by a wise action of the council, they could readily be entirely united. At the same time, he also hoped in this way to call forth and prepare for the desired efficiency of the council in respect to reforms. Although these imperial arrangements about ecclesiastical affairs were most unac- ceptable to the Pope,5 and though he was strengthened in his hos- tile Veranderung (wie jetztdie Zeitu. Liiuf seynd) auf dissmakl ohrie sckwereZerriittung nieht geschehen mag. Doch kann man nickt liiugnen, wiewokl der Ehestand fur sich selbst ekrlick ist nach der Schrift, class doch der, so kein Eheweib nimmt, u. wahrhaftige Keusckkeit halt, besser tkue nach derselben Schrift. Eben dtese Mejmung kat es audi mit dem Gebrauck der Eucharistien unter beyder Gestalt, welcher sich nun ikrer viel gebraucken, u. deren gewoknt seynd, die mogen dieser Zeit okne sclmere Bewegung davon nicht abgewendet werden. Und dann das gemeine Concilium, welchem sick alle Stand des keil. Reicks unterworfen kaben, okne Zweifel einen gottseligen u. eifterigen Fleiss anwenden wird, dass in diesem Fall vieler Leut Gewissen, u. dem Frieden der Kirchen nach Nothdurft gerathen werde. Demnach, welche den Gebrauch beider Ge- stalt vor dieser Zeit angenommen haben, u. davon nicht abstehen wollen, die sollen kier- iiber gleickfalls des gemeinen Concilii Erorterung u. Entsckeid erwarten. Dock soller. die, so den Gebrauck beider Gestalt kaben, die Gewoknkeit, die nun alt ist, unter eine«" Gestalt zu communiciren, nickt strafen, auck keiner den andern kierin anfeckten, bi>- hierilber von einem allgemeinen Concilio gescklossen wird." 4 The basis of it seems to have been tbe third part of Pflug's Formula sacrorum emend (see Note 1), and Pflug kimself to be the author ; see Midler's Praef. to Pflugii Formula, p. xx. It appeared under the title : Formula Reformationis per Cues. Majestatem Stati bus ecclesiasticis in Comitiis Augustanis ad deliberandum proposita, et ab eisdem ut pad publlcae consulerent, el per earn Ecclesiarum ac Cleri sui utilitati comviodius providerent, probata et recepta : it was printed in 1548 in Augsburg, Mayence, Cologne, and other places. With some additions, of the }-ear 1559, in Goldasti Constitt. Imp. ii. 325, and in Andr. Brauburger de Formula Reformationis Ecclesiasticae ab Imp. Carolo V. ann. 1548 statibus eccles. oblata. Mogunt., 1782, p. 87 ss. 5 Characteristic of the opinion of Rome upon the Interim are tke declarations of Car- dinal Farnese, tkat lie could skow seven or eight heresies in it ; that the Emperor had given a scandal to Christendom, and might ver}' well have attempted to do something better (Ranke, Fiirsten u. Vtilker, ii. 263). Another voice from the curia, in Raynald., 1548, No. 62 : Cum Caesar improbet translationem, et velit cogere redire Tridentum, ostendit nolle, Concilium esse liberum, ut etiam in publicatione Interim videtur credere Concilium non esse legitimum, nunquam legitime congregatum, cum in eo contineantur et diversa, et contraria decretis Concilii, ut de lapsu kominis, et de justificatione, et de auctoritate Papae. Si euim decreta Concilii de verbo ad verbum in Interim inseruisset, subticens nomen Concilii, et non accepta ilia ferens Concilio, culpandus adhuc esset. Si enim volebat ponere falcem in messem alienam, quo nomine nunquam excusaretur, etiamsi Evangelium ipsum publicasset, debebat prius statuere, quod decreta Concilii essent servanda, et hoc colore petere, ut Concilium rediret Tridentum. Sed cum ipse impugnet illud hac sua falsa doctrina, non video, quo jure petat reditum Concilii ad Tri. dentum : quam enim curam vult habere Concilii nonjegitimi, et potius Conciliabuli^ quam Concilii ? Angelus Massarellus, in his Diarium, gives tke imperial Reformation with the addition, ita ut jam unusquisque videat, Imperatorem kuuc Carolum usurpasse sibiouinem jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam : nam die XV. Maji praeteriti praescripsit mo- CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 197 tility by the King of France, who stood in fear of all attempts to establish unity in the German Empire,6 yet, under the circum- stances, he was compelled to avoid a total rupture with the Em- peror. Therefore, when the latter applied for the needful dispensa- tions for the Protestants who would accept the Interim,7 the Pope sent legates prepared, in the worst case, with all the powers desired by the Emperor, but who were at the same time warned to reveal only so much as they were compelled to do by the exigencies.8 dum credendi quoad dogmata fidei, nunc autera XIV. hujus mensis formam vivendi quoad mores Germanlae dedit. 6 The King wrote to the Pope through his nuncio (Pallavicini, lib. x. cap. 17, No. 4), cum ea omnia ad christianam rempublicam opprimendam tenderent, ubi Pontifex ad ea praestauda (to the desired dispensations) animum induxisset, extemplo revocaturum se Bononia Oratores et Praesules : quod si aliter fieret, patrocinaturum se Concilio et Apos- tolicae sedi. 7 The demands of the Emperor, in Raynald., 1548, No. 45. The most important were, the 4th, that dispensations be given to the married clergy ; and 7th, for communion un- der both forms. The opinions of the cardinals (Martene Collectio, viii. 1180), and of the presidents of the council in Bologna (Raynald. 1. c, No. 46), were favorable ; less so were those of the bishops deputed to Rome by the council (1. c, No. 48), who particu- larly insisted that the married clergy should give up their offices. 8 On the 31st August three nuncios were elected for this object. Eae vero facilitates postulatae a Caesare non in effusa amplitudine Internuntiis concessae sunt, sed justitia pro Dei cultu amplificando temperatae. — Cum enim non iidem casus occurrerent in omnibus, qui solvi lege ecclesiastica flagitabant, ideo pro eorum varietate distincta fuere tria diplomata, quibus jussi sunt Internuntii in sacerdotum conjugiis, et communione sub utraque specie permittendis, jejuniorum et feriarum observantia restringenda, sacer- dotiorum vectigalibus conjungendis, rerumque oblatarum restitutione componenda esse parcissimi, ac nisi tres Internuntii mutua sententiarum consensione conspirarent (Bel- larmin. de Clericis, lib. i. c. 19, in Raynald., 1548, No. 72). One of these bulls, Bene- dictus Deus, gave full powers for the dispensations held to be absolutely necessary, to which the legates sub-delegated many German bishops (the instrument sub-delegating, which contained the bull, is in Martene Collectio, viii. 1203, and in Sastrow, ii. 351 ; in Martene, at the end, there is also a list of those who were, and of those who were to be, sub-delegated. In this bull is also the dispensation to the communion, sub utraque: Praeterea iis, qui hactenus contra statutum Ecclesiae Communionem sub utraque specie sumere praesumserint, si ut id eis concedatur humiliter devotionis causa petierint, sub- latis a se antea singulis erroribus et haeresibus, — facta prius per eos confessione in Ec- clesia coram catholico sacerdote, tempore sumptionis eucharistiae sacrae, tantum sub una quantum sub utraque specie, verum videlicet Christi Domini nostri et integrum cor- pus contineri, catholicam Ecclesiam non errare, quae sacerdotibus celebrantibus dum- taxat exceptis, caeteros tarn laicos quam clericos sub una, videlicet panis specie, com- municare statuit, sub utraque specie — ad eorum vitam, vel ad tempus de quo vobis vide- bitur, eommunicare valeant, separatim tamen loco et tempore, — etiam concedendi et indulgendi (concedimus facultatem). Here, too, authority was conveyed to absolve the clergy for all kinds of irregularities, even for bigamy, if they should be penitent, and the married would give up their wives. The power, however, to allow married priests to continue married, if they laid aside their clerical office, was given to the legates in the bull Ad Diligentem, and was not sub-delegated by them (in Flacii Bulla Antichristi de retrahendo populo Dei in ferream Aegyptiacae servitutis fornacem. 1549. 8. ; Sastrow, ii. 683) : Cum charissimus in Christo filius noster Carolus Rom. Imp. — nobis significa- verit, quod pro restituendis ad Ecclesiam iis, qui in ipsa Gerraania ab eadem Ecclesia 198 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. The imperial proposals for reformation were at once proclaimed at councils by the Catholic bishops,9 and had just as little effect as the innumerable earlier ordinances for reform of the same kind. On the other hand, great difficulties were found in the acceptance of the Interim by the Protestants. At the diet the Electors of the Palatinate and of Brandenburg declared for it ; the Margrave John von Ciistrin and the Palgrave Wolfgang von Zweibriicken opposed it outright ; the other Protestant states answered evasively. In southern Germany the imperial preponderance compelled its ac- ceptance; the Duke of "Wurtemburg conformed,10 following the example of the Elector of the Palatine ;u the free cities were forced to yield ; the example of Constance intimidated others — it was deprived of its civil and ecclesiastical freedom for opposing.13 On desciverant, non tarn utile, quam necessarian* esse dignoscitur, ut cum aliquibus clericis in sacris ordinibus constitutes, quod cum mulieribus, quas tanquam usores retinent, re- manere, aut legitimum matrimonium contrahere possint, de Apostolicae sedis benigni- tate dispensetur ; Nos — Vobis, — ut — aliquos Clericos seculares tantum — citra tamen altaris et alia sacerdotum ministeria ac titulos beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, cumque ipsorum ordinum exercitio sublato, — absolvere, ac cum eis, — quod inter se matrimoni- um legitime contrahere, et in eo, postquam coutractum fuerit, licite remanere possint, — misericorditer dispensare possitis, plenam ac liberam — concedimus potestatem et facul- tatem. The third bull has never been made public, and may have referred to the dis- pensation of married priests, so that they might remain in the clerical office, or to com- pacts to be concluded with Protestants on account of the ecclesiastical property confiscated by them. — Although these nuncios received such full power as early as August 31, yet the Emperor sent word to the bishops, of the date Brussels, 28th May, 1549, that this indul- gence had been communicated to him only a few days before ; the sub-delegating instru- ments are also dated the same time. That imperial letter contains, among other things, this warning to the bishops (Sastrow, ii. 685) : "Und dieweil sich audi befunden, dass hievor der Sachen umb etwas zuviel beschehen seyn mocht, indem dass Etliche — sich etwan mit mehrerm Ernst u. Strenge erzeigt, dann Gelegenheit dieser Zeit u. Liiufe er- tragen u. erleiden konnten : ob nun woll zu wunschen, dass all christliche Disciplin u. Zuchten der alten Kirchen— allenthalben eingefuhrt— werden mochte, nicht destoweni- ger, dieweil die Sach vormals dermassen uberhand genommen, dass deren eben viel seind, die auf ihrem gefassten Sinn u. Unverstand— vast zu beharren gedenken, u. sich davon schwerlich abwenden lassen wollen ; so sollt unsers Erachtens der Sachen umb so viel mehr dienlich u. furtreglich seyn, dass allenthalben— solche Maass u. Beschei- denheit gehalten wurde, damit diejenigen, so sich abgesundert, wiederumb zu einem rechten christlichen Wesen u. Wandel mehr mit gutem Willen unterwiesen u. geleitet, dann durch ubermassigen Ernst abscheucht gemacht wurden." 9 In 1548 diocesan councils were held for this object in Paderborn, Mayence, Wurz- burg, Augsburg, Liege, and Treves ; in the next year in Strasburg and Cologne, and provincial councils in Cologne, Mayence, Treves, and Salsburg. See Hartzhcim Concil. Germ. T. vi. ; Brauburger de Formula Reformationis, p. 29 ss. 10 Sattler's Gesch. v. Wiirtemberg, iii. 273. Zahn's Reformationsgeschichte v. Wiir- temberg, s. 189. Hartmann's Gesch. d. Reform, in Wiirtemberg (Stuttgart, 1835), s. 98. 1 1 Struven's Pfalzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 15. 12 Comp. Sleidanus, ed. Am Ende, iii. 133. Salig's Historic der Augsb. Confession, i. 583. Augsburg was first compelled ; see Paul v. Stetten, Gesch. v. Augsburg, s. 452. On Nuremberg, see Carl Christ. Hirsch, Gesch. des Interim zu Nurnberg. Leipzig, 1750 CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 199 the other hand, in northern Germany13 the Interim encountered the liveliest opposition;14 by the free cities, especially Magdeburg, (cf. Ricderer's Abhandlungen aus d. Kirchen- Biicher- u. Gelehrten-Geschichte, St. i. s. 99); Strasburg, see Rohrich's Gesch. v. Strasburg, iii. 1; Ulm, see Melch. Adami Vitae theologorura. Vita Mart. Freeh t, p. 145 ; Reutlingen, see Fusing's Relation wie cs mit der Reformation d. St. Reutlingen liergegangcn, s. 278 ; Kaufbeuren, see Wagenseil's Beitrag zur Gesch. d. Reform. (Leipz., 1830), s. 16; Heilbronn, see Jiigcr's Mittb.eil.zur Schwab, u. Frank. Reformationsgeschicbte, i. 270. However, all changes were, for the most part, partial and external. One of the papal legates wrote to Cardinal Farnese, dd. Mogunt., 1548 (Raynald. h. a., No. 72), se peragrasse superiorem Germaniam non sine periculo ; infuctos Lutherana lue in perfidia obduruisse, et paucos ad Religionem catholicam reversos, spesque tenues coram in castra Ecclesiae traducendorum affulgere, nisi Caes. Majcstas magis strenuam operam ad id coiitulerit ; jacta quidem ab ea funda- menta redintegrandae verae religionis in omnibus terris ipsi obuoxiis, aut ia maxima earum parte ; Ecclesiasticos et Monachos, qui pulsi ab haereticis erant, suis bonis resti- tuisse ; in Ecclesiis principibus duo altaria excitari jussisse, — et in iis quotidie duo sacra celebrari, sed paucos iis interesse; compressis imperio illius adversariis Catholicos in omnibus locis concionari posse, at quod majoris ponderis erat, non interdixisse Luthera- nos a concionibus babeudis, ac propterea illos majori quam antea dilligentia ac furore habere concioncs, impietatemque diifundere et confirmare, cum formidarcnt ne extin- gueretur. 13 Here the Interim was accepted only by Erich II., Duke of Calenberg (Schlegel's Kirchcngesch. von Nord-Deutschland, ii. 172) ; Duke Henr3r the younger, of Brunswick- Wolfenbiittel, who was reinstated in his lands, endeavored to introduce Catholicism en- tire (ibid., s. 194). In East Friesland Countess Anna introduced a milder Interim-, like that of electoral Saxony — the East Frisian Interim ; see Gittermann's Reformationsgesch. v. Ostfriesland, in Vater's Kirchenhistor. Archiv f. 1825, Heft ii. s. 142. — The cities of Hamburg, Liibeck, Bremen, Luneburg, Brunswick, Hanover, Hildesheim, Gottingen, and Eimbeck, after mutual consultations with the Emperor, rejected the Interim (Reht- meyer's Stadt Braunschweig. Kirchenhistorie, iii. 18G, and the Be3'lagen, s. 81). — To the imperial rescript, 30th June, 1548, by wdrich they were called upon to accept it, the princes of Anhalt responded with a denial (Beckmann's Anhalt. Hist., v. 144; vi. 93). The Count of Schwarzburg and the Counts of Mansfield promised to maintain as much of it as was possible (fortges. Sammlung v. altcn u. neuen theolog. Sachen, 1721, s. 3G7, 719). At a synod at Eisleben, called Jan., 1549, by the Counts of Mansfield, Stollberg, Schwarzburg, Hohenstein, and Regenstein, the Interim was wholly rejected (Bieck's Dreyfaches Interim, s. 87). The Archbishop of Magdeburg and Bishop of Halberstadt, John Albert, did indeed call together his landed proprietors in Halle, Aug., 1548, and demanded its immediate introduction, but without success; see J. G. Kirchner's Nach- richt von den wegen des Interims in Halle vorgefallenen Begebenheiten. Halle, 1748. 8. — The imprisoned Elector, John Frederick, could not be induced to accept the Interim, either by threats or by severe treatment (see Job. Forster's custodia u. liberatio des durchl. Herm Job. Friedrich, etc., in Hortleder, Yom Deutschen Kriege, Th. ii. Buch iii. cap. 88; Sleidanus, lib. xx., ed. Am Ende, p. 11G; comp. the remarks of Minckwitz in Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. 1057). His sons, also challenged to accept, assem- bled their superintendents in Weimar, July 26, 1548 ; these declared against the Interim (see der Prediger der jungen Herm, Joh. Friedrichcn Herz. v. Sachsen Sohnen, christlich Bedenken auf das Interim, in Bieck's Dreyfaches Interim, s. 102) ; thereupon it was also rejected by the princes (see Bieck, s. 71 ; cf. die Urkunden in Tentzel's Histor. Be- richt v. Cyprian, ii. 500). — The imprisoned Landgrave acted in a weaker way : lie ac- commodated himself to the Interim, and also exhorted his sons to accept it, yet it still found no favor in Hesse (Sleidanus, lib. xx. p. 118; Salig's Historie d. Augsb. Confes- sion, i. 600; Rommel's Philipp d. Grossmiithige, ii. 530). 14 The first work agajnst it was "Bedenken aufs Interim des Ehrwiirdigen u. Iloch- 200 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. it was opposed and satirized in the most violent manner ;15 even the Elector of Brandenburg was not able to introduce it into his land.16 The Elector Maurice, who at Augsburg had rejected every defi- nite declaration, did, indeed, cause the Interim to be apparently accepted, according to the advice of his divines, at a diet in Leip- sic, Dec. 22, n but with such alterations that the Lutheran doctrine gelahrten Herrn Philippi Melanchthonis ICten Jun., 1548" (printed in Magdeburg by Andreas Kegel, rector in Eisleben, without consent of Melancthon ; see Bieck, s. 64) : the fullest and most respected was by the Hamburg Superintendent, Joh. Aepinus, "Be- kenntniss u. Erklarung aufa Interim durch der Stadte Liibeck, Hamburg, Luneburg, etc., Superintendenten, Pastorn, u. Predigern, 1549." 4. List of writings against the Interim, in Bieck, s. 123. Danische Bibliothek, v. 15 ; vi. 168. Walchii Biblioth. Theol. ii. 626. 15 On the satirical poems and the so-called Interimsthaler, see Bieck, s. 128. 16 Immediately after his return from the diet he appointed a convention of the preach- ers in Berlin ; the most of them refused the Interim (Nic. Leuthinger de Marchia Bran- denb., lib. vi., in Krausii Scriptores de rebus March. Brand. Francof. et Lips., 1729. 8., p. 218). Agricola now had to treat with individuals : Nic. Leuthinger, father of the his- torian, threw the Interim into the fire in his presence (N. Leuthinger Oratio de vita et obitu patris, 1. c. p. 1432). Thereupon Joachim followed the example of the Elector Maurice, introduced a modification of the Interim, and effected a union with him upon it in Juterbock, Dec. 16, 1548 (in Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch iii. cap. 87). The Emperor he manifestly tried to deceive in his letter of Jan. 11, 1549 (in Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, Buch i. cap. 12) : " Weil er die Gemiither des armen gemeinen Volkes etwas hart darwider verbittert u. angehetzt gefunden, so babe er erstlich allgemach einen Ar- tikel nach dem andern vorgenommen, die armen verfuhrten Gemiither berichten u. be- deuten, so dann aberes in seinen Landen drucken u. publiciren, auch in seinem Hoflager in alien Kirchen aufrichten lassen, u. zu halten geboten. Nun stehe er auch noch in der tiiglichen Arbeit u. Uebung das Interim in andern Kirchen u. Stiidten u. in seinem ganzen Land anzurichten, u. nach seinem hochsten Vermogen dariiber zu halten, finde auch bey seinen Unterthanen gute Folge u. Gehorsam." About the convention at Juter- bock he writes, that he had there persuaded the Elector Maurice and his friends to ac- cept the Interim ; only the Saxon theologians had some doubts about the canon ; yet he hoped to set them aside. In fact nothing effectual was done by Joachim to carry out the Juterbock Interim, so that the Emperor reproached him about it : but — satius duce- bat, iram Caesaris obsequii figmento praecurrendum, quam negatione manifesta eundem in patriam acrius incessendam armandum (Leuthinger, 1. c. p. 228). 17 Maurice called a convention of divines and a committee of the estates at Misnia, July 1 (Expositio eorum, quae theologi Acad. Wittenbergensis de rebus ad religionem pertinentibus monuerint. Witeberg., 1559. 4. ; Bl. Dd. 4), with the demand that they should so decide that the Emperor might see, vos et nos propensos esse ad obedientiam subjectissime praestandam in omnibus, quae ad piam et christianam consensionem — faciant, et pie et bona cum conscientia fieri possint (Expositio, Ee 2). The theologians, in their Opinion, held fast to the Lutheran doctrines, and then declared, as to the cere- monies (Hh 3, b) : si in rebus istis adiaphoris bono consilio eorum, quibus gubernatio Ecclesiarum commissa est, aliquid deliberatum fuerit, quod ad concinnitatem aliuuam rituum, et ad bonam disciplinam faciat, in hoc concordiae et bono ordini non deerimus. Nam de rebus per se mediis non volumus quicquam rixari, quod ad externum attinet usum. Since, however, they foresaw only disturbances from all changes, they proposed, ab Imperatore simpliciter absque disputatione et contrariis articulis peti, ut has Eccle- sias in praesenti statu manere sinat (LI 2). Maurice rejected this as useless, and de- manded, ne in iis, quae salva veritate — fieri possent, concedere recusarent (Mm). But CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 201 was essentially retained, and the Catholic constitutions and usages were only allowed as adiaphora (Interim Lipsiense).18 Yet this as he was at the same time earnestly entreated by the Emperor, the King of Rome, and the Elector of Mavence (Mm 2), he called a conference of the Bishops of Misnia and Naumburg with his theologians in Pegau, Aug. 23, to see if they could not come to an agreement about the doctrines, if they were promised the introduction of the ceremonies considered as adiaphora, and the restitution of their episcopal authority (Mm 4). The bishops accepted a draft made by the divines on Justification, with an insignificant alteration (Oo 6), and declared that it was then, slight as the change was, in agreement with the Interim (Pp 2) ; further they would not enter into the matter, especially be- cause they had no papal dispensation sanctioning the Interim. Thereupon Maurice, at a diet at Torgau, Oct. 18, laid before the theologians called to it propositions for a mod- ification of the Interim (Qq 3) ; they answered these in part, but requested time to ad- vise with other clergymen upon the matters which might be allowed as adiaphora. At the convention of theologians at Monchszelle, Nov. 16 (Vv 3), the counselors of the Prince agreed with the divines about the modifications to be made, and prepared a doc- ument (Yy 4, b), which was thereupon adopted in the project for union of the two Elect- ors at Jiiterbock, Dec. 16 (see Note 16). This document, with an Introduction, and prefaced by the articles on Justification agreed upon at Pegau, and with the addition of some concluding words, was laid before the diet in Leipsic, Dec. 22 (Ccc 6), sanctioned by it, and then printed as the order of the diet. The Elector, on this basis, issued an ordinance on Public Worship. The above order was called by the Flacians the Lipsi- cum Interim majus ; the ordinance, Lipsicum Interim minus (Ddd4. b. ; Bieck, s. 134, is incorrect on this point). 19 See the Beschluss des Landtages zu Leipzig, in Bieck, s. 361 : " Unser Bedenken stehet darauf, dass man der Romischen Kais. Majestat, unserm allergniidigsten Herm Gehorsam leiste, u. sich also verhalte, dass Hire Majestat u. manniglich unser aller Ge- muth zu Ruhe, Frieden u. Einigkeit geneigt vermerken moge. — Demselben nach beden- ken wir erstlich, dass alles, was die alten Lehrer in den Adiaphoris d. i. in den Mittel- dingen, die man ohne Verletzungen gottlicher Schrift halten mag, gehalten haben, u. bey dem andern Theil noch im Brauch blieben ist, hinfort auch gehalten werde, u. dass man darinne keine Beschwerunge oder Wegerunge suche oder fiirwende, dieweil solches ohne Verletzung guter Gewissen wohl geschehen mag." First comes the article on Just- ification, as agreed upon at Pegau. — I. How Man becomes just before God. "Wiewohl Gott den Menschen nicht gerecht macht durch Verdienst eigener Werke ; — gleichwohl wurket der barmherzige Gott nicht also mit dem Menschen wie mit einem Plock, sondern zeucht ihn also, dass sein Wille auch mit wurket, so er in verstiindigen Jahren ist. Denn ein solcher Mensch empfaliet die Wohlthaten Christi nicht, wo nicht durch vorgehende Gnade der Wille u. das Herz bewegt wird, dass er fur Gottes Zorn erschrecke, u. eincn Missfallen habe an der Siinde. — Es hat aber Gott nicht allein seinen Zorn geoft'enbaret, sondern darbey hat er seine gniidige Verheissung, nemlich das Evangelium von seinem Sohn gegeben, und ist sein ewiger unwandelbarer Wille, — dass er gewisslich die Siinde vergeben will, will uns seinen heil. Geist geben, annehmen, verneuen, u. Erben ewiger Seligkeit machen um seines Sohns willen, nicht von wegen unserer Verdienst oder Wurdigkeit, so wir in diesem Schrecken u. Reue wahrhaftiglich glauben u. vertrauen, dass uns um desselbigen Mittlers Willen gewislich die SUnde vergeben werden. — Dieser Glaube ist nicht allein eine Erkenntniss, wie es in den Teufeln ist, oder in Menschen, die in bosen Gewissen leben ; sondern dieser Glaube glaubt samt andern Artikeln die Vergebung der Siinden, nimmt die Verheissung an, u. ist im Herzen ein wahrhaftiges Vertrauen auf den Sohn Gottes, welches Trost u. Anrufung u. andere Tugenden mit er- wecket.—- Und wird darum zugleich der heil. Geist in unser Herz gegeben, so wir also die gottliche Verheissung mit Glauben fassen, u. uns damit trosten u. aufrichten. — Und wurket der heil. Geist alsdann im Herzen bestandigen Trost u. Leben, erwecket alle nothigc Tugenden, mehret den Glauben, die Zuversicht, Hoffnung, zundet an die Liebe, treibet zu rechter Anrufung u. zu guten Werken, u. sind diese, die also Vergebung der 202 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. mitigated Interim, which, however, came only from the Protest- ants, aroused even greater wrath among the strict Lutherans than Sunden u. den heil. Geist empfahen haben, alsdann Erben der ewigen Seligkoit, urn des Heilandes AVillen. — Und wiewohl ia menschlicher Schwachheit noch viel Zweifelns u. Zappelns bleibet, so hat doch Gott dagegen seine Verheissung gegeben, uns zu trosten u. zn starken, dass wir den Zweifel ubenvinden u. zu Gott Zuriucht haben mogen. Und dass St. Paulus spricht : ich bin mir nichts bewusst, aber damm bin ich nieht gerecht : hiemit lehret er nicht, dass man zweifeln soil, sondern will, dass wir beyde Stiicke ge- wisslich schliessen sollen, das Gewissen soil reeht stehen, u. dabey wissen, dass viel Ge- brechen in uns seyn, u. ob wir gleich ohne Siir.de nicht leben, dass wir doch Gott gefallig, u. einen gnildigen Gott haben urn seines Sohns willen. — Gleichwohl muss man darne- ben wissen, dass in diesem schwachen Leben viel boser Neigung im Menschen bleiben, u. er ohne Siinde nicht lebet. — Darum obgleich ein neuer Gehorsam angefangen, u. die eingegebene Gerechtigkeit im Menschen ist, so ist doch nicht zu gedenken, die Person habe darum Vergebung der Sunden, und sey nun also rein, dass sie keine Ver- gebung der Sunden u. keinen Mittler bedarf. — Es werden audi die Tugenden u. gute Werk in solchen Versohneten Gerechtigkeit genennet, wie oben von der eingegebenen Gerechtigkeit gemeldet, doch nicht in diesem Verstande, dass darum die Person Ver- gebung der Siinde habe, oder dass die Person in Gottes Gericht ohne Sunde sey, son- dern dass der Mensch durch den heil. Geist erneuert, u. die Gerechtigkeit mit dem Werk vorbringen kann, u. dass Gott ihm diesen schwachen angefangenen Gehorsam in die- ser elenden gebrechlichen Natur um seines Sohns willen in den Glaubigen will ge- fallen lassen." — II. Of Good Works. "Weiter von guten Werken ist diese Regel ge- wiss, dass diese Werk gut und noting seyn, die Gott gcboten hat, lauts der zehen Ge- bot, u. derselben Erklarung in der Apostel Schriften genngsam ausgedriickt. — So jemand, der in Gottes Gnaden gewesen ist, wider Gottes Gebot wissentlich handelt, der betrubt den heiligen Geist, u. verleuret Gnade u. Gerechtigkeit, u. fallt in Gottes Zom, u. so er nicht wiederum bekchret wird, fallt er in die ewige Strafe. — So istauch die Wiedergeburt u. ewiges Leben an ihr selbst ein neues Licht, ist Gottesfurcht, ist Liebe u. Freude in Gott u. andere Tugenden, wie der Spruch sagt : Diess ist das ewige Leben, dass sie dich wahrhaftigen Gott erkennen, it. mich Jesum Christum. Wie nun dieses wahrhaftige Erkennen in uns leuchtcn muss, also ist gewisslich wahr, dass diese Tugenden, Glaube, Liebe u. Hoffuung, u. andere in uns sej-n miissen, u. zur Seligkcit noting seyn — Und die- weil die Tugenden u. gute Werk Gott gefallen, wie gesagt ist, so verdienen sie audi Belohnung in diesem Leben geistlich u. zeitlich nach Gottes Rath, u. mehr Belohnung im ewigen Leben vermoge gottlicher Verheissung. Und wird hiemit in keinem Wege bestatiget der Irrthum, dass die ewige Seligkeit durch WUrdigkeit unserer Werke ver- dienet werde. Item dass wir andern unsern Verdienst mogen mittheilen." So far the Pegau Articles. — III. Of the Power and Authority of the Churches. " Was die wahre christ- liche Kirche, die im heil. Geist versammelt, in Glaubeusachen erkennet, ordnetu. lehret, das soil man auch lehren u. predigen, wie sie denn wider die heil. Sehrift nichts ordnen soil noch kann." — IV. Of the Church Officers. "Und dass dem Obersten u. andern Bi- schoffen, die ihr bischoflich Amt nach Gottes Befehl ausrichten, u. dasselbige zu Erbauung, u. nieht zur Zerstorung gebrauchen, unterworfen u. gehorsam seyn alle andere Kirchen- diencr." — V. Of Baptism. — VI. Confirmation. " Dass die Firmung gelehret u. gehalten werde, u. sonderlich die Jugend, die erwachsen, von ihren Bischofen, oder wem cs die- selben befehlen, verhort ihres Glaubens, — u. die Zusage, die ihre Pathen in der Taufo fur sie gethan — bekraftigen, u. also in ihrem Glauben vermittels gottlicher Gnaden con- firmiret u. bestatiget werden mit Auflegung der Hande u. christl. Gebeten u. Ceremo- nien." — VII. Penance. — VIII. — Extreme Unction. "Wiewohl in diesen Landen die Oelung in vielen Jahren nieht in Gebrauch gewesen, dieweil aber im Marco u. Jacobo geschrieben stehet, wie die Apostel derer gebraucht haben ; — darum mag man hinfiir- der solche Oelung nach der Apostel Brauch halten, u. iiber den Kranken christliche Gebet u. Trostsprtiche aus der heil. Sehrift sprechen, u. das Volk des also berichten, damit man den rechten Verstand fafi'e, u. aller Aberglaube u. Missverstand vorkonimen u. ver- CHAP. 1.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 203 did that of Augsburg, and by means of the Interimistic Contro- versies made the first rupture in the new Church. Neither the proposal for Reformation nor the Interim attained the object the Emperor had in view. The former was without effect; the latter was opposed by the Catholics as an ill-advised half measure,19 and by the Protestants as the work of the devil.21' hutet M'erde."— IX. Order of Church Officers.— X. Marriage. — XI. Mass. " Dass die Messe hinforder in diesen Landen mit Liiuten, Lichten u. Gefiissen, Gesangen, Klei- dungcn u. Ceremonien gehalten werde." The usual lists of prayers for mass and hymns follows ; but, instead of the Canon, Consecration is introduced.— XII. Images.— XIII. Singing in Churches. " Dass man die horas canonicas, die gottseligen Psalm in den Stiften, u. Stadten in den Kirchen, da es vorhin gehalten ist, singe."— XIV. Festivals. —XV. Eating of Flesh. "Item dass man sich am Freytage, Sonnabend, auch in der Fasten Fleischessens enthalte, u. dass solches als eine iiusserliche Ordnung auf der Kais. Majestiit Befehl gehalten werde."— XVI. The Manner of Life of the Church Offi- cers. Many deviations from the Augsburg Interim are seen in that of Leipsic only in the omission of definite statements. To these belongs what in Pegau was demanded of the bishops (Expositio Nn 4 b): De extrema unctione : ne ipsi quidem Episcopi consecra- bunt oleum, si consideraverint, quales sint consecrationes et quam absurdae. Ne one- rentur Canone. Nee onerentur invocatione Sanctorum. 1 9 According to Sleidanus xxi., p. iii. p. 131, Robertus Episc. Abrincensis (Antidotum ad Postulatade Interim. Lugd., 1548.' 8.) wrote against it ; see the description in the Ncue Beytrage v. alten u. ncuen theol. Sachen, 1759, s. 435, and the general of the Dominicans, Franciscus Romaeus, in Rome. Catholic defenders, with the exception of G. Wic'elius's Apologie (Cologne, 1549), did not venture to appear in print : Pflug's Defense has only recently been published (by Chr. G. Muller, in Staudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv f. alte u. neue Kircheng. Bd. iv. St. 1, s. 104). 20 On the effects of the Interim and of the Imperial Reformation, see the Declaration of the States at the Diet of Augsburg, 1550 (the acts of this diet in MS. in Wolfenbiitel, see Salig, i. 658), in Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, Buch. i. cap. 14. The spir- itual Electors declared : " Wenn sie auch — die Priidicanten, die sich nicht nach dem Interim fi'igen wollten, absetzten, so fanden sie keine andere ; u. die kathol. Geistlichen diirften sie vermoge des Interim selbst nicht dazu braucheu. Um die vorgeschriebene Reformation in das Werk zu richten, hiitten sie Provincial- u. Diocesan-Synoden ge- halten : dass sie aber ihren Zweck nicht ganz erreichet, seven allerhand besondere Ex- emtionem, Freyheiten, Dispensationem, Indulte u. andere Verhinderungen Schuld." The secular Electors : " Ihre Landschaften n. Unterthanen widersetzten sicli der Auf- richtung des Interim um so mehr, weil sie glaubten, es sey nicht allerdings der Schrift gemass : wollten sie nun Ernst furwenden, so hiitten sie sich Aufruhre, Rumoren, u. also ihrer Land u. Lent grosse Zerruttung u. schwerlich Verderben u. Abfalls zu be- fahren." The Princes: "Die Ursachen der Nichtbefolgung des Interim wiiren haupt- siichlich diese : man habe auf hohen u. Particular-Schulen zu wenig Fursehung gethan, um die Jugend demselben gemass zu unterweisen ; da nun auch die Priidicanten das Volk nicht nur allein nicht zur Haltung desselben ermahnten, sondern auch offentlich dagegen predigten, so konne dasselbe nicht dafiir eingenommen werden. Auch seyen durch dasselbe zwar die Communion unter beyden Gestalten u. die Priesterehen ge- stattet : allein da der Papst die Sache noch nicht formlich gut geheissen, so ausserten sich diejenigen, die diese Dinge verlangeten, der ganzen Declaration. Nebst dem sey Mangel an katholischen Priestern, die im Stande wiiren, den Leuten den hinlanglichen Unterricht dariiber zu geben : vor allem aber mussten alle Kirchendiener ordentlich ge- weiht, zu der Verwaltung der Sacramente fahiggemacht, von der ordentlichen geistlich- en Obrigkeit gesendet u. den Bischofen unterworfen seyn. Der gemeine Mann werde auch nicht wenig durch etlicher Geistlichen leichtfertiges u. argerliches Leben, dass der kaiser- 204 FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Meanwhile it appeared as though some durable measures might soon follow these preliminary arrangements, when Julius III., after the death of Paul III., succeeded him in the papal see, and at once acceding to the desire of the Emperor, again called the council to meet at Trent,21 May 1, 1551 ; and this, too, in spite of the opposition of the King of France.22 The latter, accordingly, at once greeted the reassembled council with a Protest (Sept. 1, 1551) ;23 while it seemed as though the whole of Germany, on the other hand, would have to submit to it. The Protestant princes, summoned by the Emperor to send to this council, received only general promises24 in reply to their demands ; the Emperor, at the same time, manifested such unusual earnestness,25 that it appear- lichen Reformation so wenig gclebt n. nachgegangen werd, davon abgehalten. Die letzte Hindemiss seyendlich, dass ungeachtet des kaiserlichen Verbots so viele Schmach- u. Schandbiichlein dagegen geschrieben, und unter dem Volk ausgestreut wiirden." 21 The previous negotiations in Pallavicini, lib. xi. c. 8 ss. The Pope demanded as condition (1. c. c. 9, No. 3), ut in illis Comitiis (in Augsburg, 1550) denuo stabiliret Cae- sar firmiter Protestantium subjectionem per legitimas tabulas ab ipsis exhibendam. Ubi id ab illis recusaretur, Coneilio amplius locum non esse ; — superesse, ut in eos Caesar armorum vim exerceret. The Bulla resumptionis, of 14th Nov., 1550, in the Canoues et decreta Cone. Trid. 22 Sec the correspondence in the Lettres et Memoires d'estat, par Gail. Ribier (Paris, 1CG6 fol.), T. ii. p. 275 ss. 23 Raynaldus, 1551, No. 28-33. Cf. the account of the royal plenipotentiary, the ab- bot Jac. Ani3*ot, in Judoci le Plat Monument, ad hist. Cone. Trid. spectant. collectio, iv. 249. 24 The same which the evangelical electors had already made at the diet of 1547 (Sas- trow, ii. 118 ; above, Note 1) were repeated bj' the Elector Maurice ; but he was not listened to (Sleidanus, lib. xxii. P. iii. p. 210 ; Raynaldus, 1550, No. 18). 25 Final decree of the diet, 13th Feb., 1551 (Neue Sammlung der Reichsabschiede Frankf. a. M. 1747, ii. Gil): "Wir — wollen aus kaiserlicher Macht u. Gewalt alle die, so auf dem Coneilio erschienen, die haben Aenderungen in der Religion fiirgenommen, oder audi andere, gmidiglich versichert haben, dass ein jeder frey ungehindert darzu kommen, darauf erscheinen, dasjenige so er zu Ruhe und Sicherung seiner Conscienz u. Gewissens fur gut und nothwendig acht, fiirbringen, u. wiederum von dannen bis in sein Gewahrsam frey sicher abziehen und kommen mog. Zu dem gedenken Wir im h. Reich oder doch in der Niihe, so viel immer miiglich, zu verharren, ob dem Coneilio zu halten u. zu befordern, damit dasselbig zu guter richtiger Endschaft gebracht werde. — Wir ersuchen, ermahncn, erinncrn auch hiemit Churfiirsten, Fiirsten, u. Stande des heil. Reichs, u. sonderlich die Pralaten geistlichs Stands, auch diejenigen, bey denen sich die Neurung in der Religion erhalten, dass sie sich auf der Piipstl. Heiligkeit Ausschreiben zu dem fiirgenommenen Coneilio geschickt machen, und gefasst erscheinen, damit sie sich kunftiglich nicht zu beklagen, oder fiirzuwenden, als ob sie in dem iibereilt, u. ihre Nothwendigkeit fiirzubringen nicht zugelassen wiiren. Dann wir an unserm Fleiss nichts gedenken erwinden zu lassen, auf dass — bemeldte Stand, bey denen in der Reli- 'gion Neuerung furgenommen, oder der Augspurgischen Confession anhiingig gewesen, und derselben Gesandtcn in solchem Coneilio erscheinen mogen, dass sie darzu, darin u. davon, bis wieder an ihr Gewahrsam gesichert u. vergleitet, auch nothdiirftiglich ge- hort, und die ganze Tractation u. Beschluss gottseliglich u. christlich, alien Affect hin- tangesetzt, nach gottlicher u. der alten Vater heil. Geschrift u. Lehr furgenommen, ge- CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1552. 205 ed as if the conquered party must abandon all resistance. Joa- chim II, Elector of Brandenburg, who was trying to get the pa- pal confirmation of his son Frederick as Archbishop of Magdeburg and Bishop of Halberstadt, declared his submission to the council through his embassadors.26 The states of southern Germany and of electoral Saxony did, indeed, have confessions composed (Con- fessio Virtembergensis, Confessio Saxonica27), so as to insist upon the Protestant doctrine ; their embassadors were heard in a private congregation of the council (Jan. 24, 1552), in which the Wir- tembergers handed in their Confession,28 while the Saxon envoys renewed the old demands of their lord.29 From southern Germany came also Protestant theologians,30 and Saxon divines journeyed to Trent to defend their doctrines.31 But in this way no deliver- handelt u. beschlossen, u. auch ein christlich nutzliche Reformation der Geistlichen u. Weltlichen aufgericht, u. alle unrechte Lehren u. Misbrauch der Gebuhr nach abgestellt werden." 26 See the documents in Raynaldus, 1551, No. 41 and 42. 27 Confessio doctrinae Saxonicarum Ecclesiarum Synodo Tridentinae oblata, or, in the original title, Repetitio confessionis Augustanae anno 1551 Wittebergae scripta et sub- scriptione praecipuorum doctorum in ecclesiis et scholis confirmata (letzte Ausgabe v. Jo. Quodvultdeus Burger. Lips., 1722. 8.), written by Melancthon ; see Camerarius De Vita Melanchthonis, § 90; Burger, in the introduction to his edition; Salig's Historie der Augspurg. Confession, i. 667. — Confessio piae doctrinae, quae nomine illustr. Princ. Christophori Ducis Wirtenb. d. 24. m. Jan., 1552, congregationi Tridentini Concilii pro- posita est (last published in Pfaffii Acta et scripta publica Ecclesiae Wirtembergicae. Tubing., 1720.»4. p. 276), written by Joh. Brentius ; see PfafF liber commentarius de actis scriptisque publ. Eccl. Wirtemb., Tubing., 1718, 4. p. 24 ss. ; Salig, i. 673. Both confessions were also published with the Augsburg Confession : Confessiones fldei Chris- tianae tres. Francof. 1553 and 1556. 4. 28 Sleidanus (who came as the Strasburg embassador to Trent), lib. xxiii. P. iii. p. 287, 312 ss. The acts in Jud. le Plat Monum. ad hist. Cone. Trident, spectant., iv. 417 ; Syntagma eorum quae nomine 111. Princ. Christophori Ducis Wirtemberg. in Synodo Trident, per legatos ejus acta sunt. Basil., 1553. 8. (reprinted in Pfaffii Acta Eccl. Wirt., p. 232). 29 Their Address in Raynald., 1552, No. 61, and translated from a- manuscript in Salig's Hist, des Trident. Concil., ii. 130. They demanded that further decisions should be post- poned until the arrival of the Saxon divines, that the decrees already made should be again weighed, and that the bishops in the council should be released from their oath made to the Pope. Reports about these audiences in Friderici Nauseae Ep. Viennensis ad Regem Ferdinandum, dd. 30. Ian. in Planchii Anecdota ad hist. Cone. Trid. pert. nr. x. (Gottinger Osterprogramm v. 1801) ; of the imperial embassadors to the Bishop of Arras, in the Lettres et Memoires de Francois de Vargas, de Pierre de Malvenda et de quelques Eveques d'Espagne touchant le Concile de Trente, traduits de l'Espagnol, par Mr. Mich, le Vassor. a Amsterdam, 1699. 8. p. 468, 482, 487, 501. The latter show the great impression which was made by the addresses of the Protestant embassadors, and the sympathy they found with many bishops. 30 18th March, Sleidanus, xxiii., cd. Am Ende, iii. p. 323, where, too, their Instruc- tions are given. 31 Camerarius in Vita Melanchth., § 92. 206 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.-A.D. 1517-1648. ance for Protestantism could be anticipated ; it came, unexpect- edly, from another quarter. The Elector Maurice, who had until then been wholly devoted to the Emperor, and had carried the ban into effect against the refractory Magdeburg,32 all of a sudden lifted up the standard for the oppressed Protestantism, the imperiled German freedom, and the imprisoned Landgrave. In March, 1552, he assailed the Em- peror, lying sick at Innspruck ; his army increased mightily as he advanced ; and the whole of Protestant Germany was gradually uniting with him,33 while the King of France,3* his ally, assailed the imperial possessions in the Netherlands. As Maurice did not stop for negotiations the Emperor was obliged to accept the Pas- sau Treaty,35 Aug. 2, 1552, whereby freedom was given to the two imprisoned princes, and a religious peace, insuring liberty of conscience, was guaranteed to the Protestants. The diet, at which the last point was to be concluded upon, was somewhat delayed, because the Emperor v/as kept in the Netherlands by the French war, and because the wild Margrave, Albert of Brandenburg, was filling all Germany with commotion ;36 to the latter Maurice fell a victim at Sievershausen, July 9, 1553. Since many demands upon them might still be made by the Em- peror, the Protestants prepared for the negotiations by the conven- tion of theologians at Naumburg,37 May, 1554. Meaawhile Fer- dinand was so hard pressed by- the Turks, and the Emperor so constantly employed with the French, that the latter was obliged 33 The imperial ban, July 27, 1547. All the writings belonging to this matter are in Hortleder Vom teutschen Kriege, Th. ii. Buch 4. How Magdeburg was taken in Nov., 1551, see ibid., cap. 17 and 18. 33 Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch 5. Sleidanus, lib. xxiv. 34 The League of 5th Oct., 1551, not ratified by the King till Jan., 1552, in the Re- cueil des Traites de paix, ii. 258. 35 See it in Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch v. cap. 14. In the treaty itself all that is said of the religious peace is, that "soil die Kais. Maj.— innerhalb eines halben Jahrs einen gemeinen Reichstag halten, darauf nochmals, auf was Wege, als nemlich, eines General- oder National-Concilii, Colloquii oder gemeiner Reichsversammlung dem Zwiespalte der Religion abzuhelfen— gchandelt, u. also solche Einigkeit der Religion durch alle Stande des heil. Reichs samt Ihrer Maj. ordentlichen Zuthun soil befiirdert werden." But a concurrent treaty declared: "Da aber die Vergleichung audi durch derselben Weg keinen wurde erfolgen, dass alsdann nichts desto weniger obgemeldter Friedstand bey seinen Kriiften bis zu endlicher Vergleichunabestehen u. bleiben solle." 30 Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch vi. 37 Camerarius in Vita Melanchth., § 98. Acts in Mel. Deutsche Bedcnken, s. 377, and in the Unschuld. Nachrichten, 1714, s. 541. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1555. 207 to sacrifice his views to the exigency.38 Although he could not determine to be present at the negotiations which annihilated his plan of many years, yet he gave to his brother Ferdinand, in his place, unlimited powers. Under the presidency of the latter the Diet of Augsburg was opened Feb. 5, 1555, and there, on Sept. 25, the Religious Peace concluded.39 Its general principles were?< that the princes were guaranteed a free choice between the Cath- olic religion and the Augsburg Confession, and that the religion of the subjects should depend upon that of the princes.40 The 39 The extent of the preponderance of the Protestants is seen in two works, which are manifestly satirical inventions of the times : I. Sendbrief vom Bischof u. s. Geistlichen von Koln an d. piipstl. Lcgaten in Augsburg, 1555 (in Schmidt-Phiseldek Repertor. der Gesch. u. Staatsverfassung v. Deutschland, Abtheil. 5. Anhang, s. 41), concluding with the proposal, "Dass Ew. Heil. die Sach dahin zu richten bedacht, u. v. d. Lutterischen dis allein erlangen u. erhalten mochte, damit sie uns, wie die Apostol. Romische Kirch- en fur die griechische— geduldet, oder aber wie sie der Juden Synagog leidet,— also audi leiden u. gedulden, u. ob sie schon so gar mit uns nit stimmten, jedoch unsere Guter, Pfruuden u. Einkommen verfolgen lassen wollten."— II. Consilium trium Episcoporum de ratione stabiliendae Romanae Ecclesiae Paulo III. datum (in Wolfii Lectt. Memorabil., ii. 519 : in Brownii App. ad Fascic. rerum expotendarum et fugiendarum, p. 644 ; the same is addressed to Julius III., and dated 1553). It is incredible how Brown, and even the author of "Die Kathol. Kirche Schlesiens," Alteuburg, 182G, s. 14, could have. held it to be genuine. It needs not even the arguments in le Plat Monum. ad Hist. Cone. Trid. spect., ii. 595, but only the simple reading of the work, to descry its irony, which is, indeed, often very witty and to the point. It is here said, and this is also further proved at length in No. 1 : Quod ad Germaniam nunc attinet, nos (ut verum tibi fatea- mur) nullo pacto sperare possumus, illam in tuam fidem unquam esse redituram. Quare hortamur, ut omnem de ea spem abjicias, etc. 39 Christoph Lehenmann De pace Religionis acta publica et originalia. Frankfort, 1631. 4. J. A. Noesselt Diss, admiranda singularis providentiae divinae vestigia in vin- dicanda per pacem Passaviensem et Augustanam Saerorum Evangelicorum libertate exponens, in his Opuscul. ad Hist. Eccl., fasc. iii. (Halae, 1817) p. 199. On the spirit of this religious peace, see Henke's Magazin, iii. 596. 40 The instrument itself, in the form of an ordinance of the empire by King Ferdi- nand, is in Lehenmann, s. 136. First a general state of peace is established in the Ger- man empire. " Und damit soldier Fried, audi der spaltigen Religion halben, — desto bestandiger — erhalten werden mochte : so sollen die Kaiserl. Majestat, Wir, auch Chur- fursten, Fursten, u. Stands des heil. Reichs keinen Stand des Reichs von wegen der Augspurgischen Confession u. derselbigen Lehr, Religion u. Glaubens halben mit der That gcwaltigerweis uberziehen, beschadigen, vergewaltigen, oder in andere Wege wider seine Conscienz, Wissen u. Willen von dieser Augspurgischen Confessions Religion, Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen, Ordnungen u. Ceremonien, so sie aufgericht, oder noch- mals aufrichten mochten in ihren Furstenthumben, Landen u. Herrschaften tringen, oder durch Mandat, oder in einiger anderer Gestalt beschweren oder verachten, sondern bey soldier Religion, Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen, Ordnungen u. Ceremonien, auch ihren Haab, Giitern — ruhiglich u. friedlich bleiben lassen. Und soil die strittige Re- ligion nit anderst dann durch christliche, freundliche, friedliche Mittel u. Wege zu ein- lielligem christlichen Verstand u. Vergleichung gebracht werden. Alles bey Kaiser- lichen u. Kouiglichen Wurdcn, Fiirstlichen Ehren, -wahren Worten u. Pon des Land- friedens. Dargegen sollen die Stande, so der Augspurgischen Confession verwandt die Rom. Kais. Maj. Uns u. Churfursten, Fursten u. andere des heil. Reichs Stande der alten Religion anhangig— gleichergcstalt bey ihrer Religion,— auch ihren Haab, Giitern 208 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Catholics demanded an exception to the first principle in the case of the clerical princes ; the Protestants contended against the sec- ond point for a long time. Since they could not come to an agree- ment on these controverted matters, they at length, in order to have a peace, contented themselves with the Declarations of the Emperor about them.41 — unbeschwert bleiben — lassen.— Doch sollen alle andere, so obgemeldten beyden Re- ligionen nicht anhangig, in diesem Frieden nit geraeynt, sondern ganzlicb ausgeschlos- sen seyn." On the church property confiscated by the Protestants: "So sollen auch solche eingezogene Gilter, welche denjenigen, so dem Reich ohn Mitteln unterworfen u. Reichstaude seynd, nit zugehorig, u. deren Possession die Geistlichen zu Zeit des Pas- sauischen Vertrags, oder seithero nit gehabt, in diesen Friedstand mitbegriffen u. ein- fezogen seyn, u. bey der Verordnung, wie es ein jeder Stand mit obberiihrten eingezo- genen u. allbereit verwendten Giitern gemacht, gelassen werden. — Damit auch obber- uhrte beiderseits Religionsverwandte so viel mehr in bestandigem Frieden — bleiben mo- gen, so soil die geistliche Jurisdiction — wider der Augspurgischen Confessionsverwand- ten Religion, Glauben, Bestellung der Miuisterien, Kirchengebriiuchen, Ordnungen u. Ceremonien, so sie ufgericht, oder ufrichten mochten, bis zu endlicher Vergleichung der Religion nicht exercirt, gebraucht oder geubt werden,— und also— bis zu endlicher christ- licher Vergleichung der Religion die geistliche Jurisdiction ruhen, eingestellt u. sus- pendirt seyn u. bleiben.— Es soil auch kein Stand den andern, noch desselben Unter- thanen zu seiner Religion dringen, abpracticiren, oder wider ihre Oberkeit in Schutz u. Schirm nehmen, noch vertheidingen in keinen Weg.— Wo aber unsere, auch der Chur- fursten, Fiirsten u. Stande Unterthanen der alten Religion oder Augspurgischen Con- fession anhangig, von solcher ihrer Religion wegen, aus unsern, auch der Churfursten, Fiirsten und Standen des h. Reichs Landen— mit ihren Weib u. Kindern an andere Ort ziehen, u. sich niederthun wollten, denen soil solcher Ab- u. Zuzug, auch Verkaufuug ihrer Ilaab u. Guter, gegen zimlichen billigen Abtrag der Leibeigenschaft u. Nach- steuer, wie cs jedes Orts von Alters anhero iiblichen herbracht u. gehalten worden ist, unverhindert manniglichs, zugelassen u. bewilligt, auch an ihren Ehren u. Pflichten allerding unentgolten seyn. — Und nachdem eine Vergleichung der Religion u. Glaubens- sachen durch zimliche u. gebuhrliche Wege gesucht werden soil, u. aber ohne bestan- digen Frieden zu christlicher freundlicher Vergleichung der Religion nicht wol zu kom- men ; so haben wir— diesen Friedstand— bewilligt, solchen Frieden— bis zu christlicher —Vergleichung— stat, fest u. unverbriichlich zu halten, u. demselben treulich nachzu- kommen. Wo dann solche Vergleichung durch die Wege des Generalconciliums, Na- tional-Versammlung, Colloquien oder Reichshandlungen nicht erfolgen wiirde, soil als- dann nicht destoweniger dieser Friedstand in alien oberzahlten Puncten u. Articuln bey Kraften bis zu endlicher Vergleichung der Religion u. Glaubenssachen bestehen u. blei- ben.—Nachdem aber in vielen Frey- u. Reichs-Stadten die beede Religionen, nemlich unsere alte Religion u. der Augspurg. Confession- Verwandten Religion, ein Zeithero im Gang u. Gebrauch gewesen ; so sollen dieselbigen hinfiiro auch bleiben, u. in denselben Stadten gehalten werden, u. derselben Frej-- u. Reichs-Stadt Burger u. andere Einwoh- ner, geistlichs u. weltlichs Stands, friedlich u. ruhig bey u. neben einander wohnen, u. kein Theil des Andern Religion, Kirckengebrauch oder Ceremonien abzuthun, oder ihn darvon zu dringen, unterstehen." 41 The Declaration in relation to the first point, the so-called Reservatum ecclesiasti- cum, was adopted into the treaty itself: "Und nachdem bey Vergleichung dieses Frie- dens Stritt flirgefallen, wo der Geistlichen einer oder mehr von der alten Religion ab- treten warden, wie es der von ihnen bis daselbst hin besessenen u. eingehabten Erzbi- stumb, Bisturab, Pralaturn u. Beneficien halben gethan werden soil, welche sich aber beede Religionsstande nit haben vergleichen konnen : demnach haben wir in Kraft hoch- gedachter Kom. Kays. Maj. uns gegebenen Vollmacht u. Heims'tellung erklart und CHAP. I— SWISS REFORM. § 10. GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 209 § 10. HISTORY OF THE SWISS REFORMATION TO 1555 (COMPARE § 6). By the unfortunate Cappel War (1531) the reformed cantons not only lost their political superiority, but also their two chief spiritual leaders; for Occolampadius died, Nov. 23, 1531, of his grief for these misfortunes and the death of Zwingle. Their places were, indeed, taken by men who worked in the same spirit: Hen- ry Bullinger1 was the successor of Zwingle, and the post of Occo- lampadius was filled by Oswald Myconius ;2 but the relations of the cantons appeared to be altering in a way most unpropitious to the Reformation. In Zurich and Berne many voices were raised in opposition to the governments, and especially against the interference of the clergy in political affairs ;3 and although there gesetzt, thun auch solches hiemit wissentlich, also, wo ein Erzbischof, Bischof, Pralat, ocler ein anderer geistliches Stands, von unser alten Religion abtreten wiirde, dass der- selbig sein Erzbisthumb, Bisthumb, Pralatur, u. andere Beneficia, auch damit alle Frucht u. Einkommen, so er davon gehabt, alsbald ohn einige Verwiderung u. Verzug, jedoch seinen Ehren ohnnachtheilig, verlassen, auch den Capitdln, u. denen es von ge- meinen Rechten— zugehort, ein Person der alten Religion verwandt— zu wahlen u. zu ordnen zugelassen seyn — sollen, jedoch kunftiger christlicher, freundlicher u. endlicher VerLj;leichung der Religion unvergreiflich." In relation to the second point King Fer- dinand decided in an accompanying decree, 24th September (in Lehenmann, s. 122): " Dass der Geistlichen eigen Ritterschaft, Stadt u. Communen, welche lange Zeit u. Jahr hero der Augspurgischen Confession u. Religion anhangig gewesen, u. derselbigen Re- ligion Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen, Ordnungen u. Ceremonien oflfentlich gehalten u. gebraucht, u. bis auf heut dato noch also halten u. gebrauchen, von deroselben ihrer Religion, Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen u. Ceremonien hinfiiro durch jemand nicht ge- drungen, sondern darbey bis zu obberiihrter christlicher u. endlicher Vergleichung der Religion unvergewaltigt gelassen werden sollen. Und auf dass solch unser Declaration limb so viel destoweniger angefochten werden mocht, haben gemeine christliche Stande — uns zu unterthanigen Ehren u. Gefallen bewilliget, dass die Derogation in gemeinem Religionfrieden dieses Reichstags (inhaltende, daSs wider denselben Religionfrieden keine Declaration — nit gegeben, — noch angenommen werden, sondern unkraftig seyn soil)— obberiihrter unser Erklarung und Entscheid unabbruchig, aber sonst bey ihren Wvirden u. Kriiften bestehen u. gelassen werden soil." 1 Lebensgeschichte M. Heinr. Bullingers, Antistes der Kirche v. Zurich, by Sal. Hess, 2 Bde. Zurich, 1828-29. 8. (incomplete). s Oswald Myconius, Antistes der Baslerischen Kirche, by Melch. Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1813. 8. 3 Bullinger, in. 254 : " Viel richtetend sich trotzlieh uff, sagtend, der Tuftel hatte den Zwingli u. viel syner Schryern hingefuhrt ; manch Biedermann babe schwygen miissen n. habe nitt reden dorfen ; jetzund aber dorfe ein Biedermann auch reden ; sy habend wol gedacht, die lydenlosen PfafFen wurdent also das Schiff verfuhren, u. fiirohin miisse es ein anders werden. Man sahe denocht jetzund wol, wer den rechten Glauben habe, und wem Gott bygestanden sye. Etlich woltend wetten, man wurde kurzlich zu Zurych wiederum Mess halten. Etlich, die sich glycbsnet hattend, als warend sie getriiwe VOL. IV. 14 210 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. was, at the same time, a public profession of attachment to the Reformation, yet the secret partisans of the old Church began to work with new confidence.4 To this were added divisions between the Reformed cantons. The peace, which the Zurichers were the first to enter into, was considered as treasonable to the faith ;5 on the other hand, the conduct of the Bernese in the last war had been displeasing to the Zurichers ; and thus coldness and distrust stole in between the two great Reformed cantons.6 The circum- stances became still more perplexing when the Anabaptists began to come forward more boldly among the Reformed, and thus fur- nished, as it seemed, new evidence in favor of the Catholic com- plaints as to the dangers of the Reformation ; nor would they let themselves be instructed by the public disputations7 that were held with them, the most important of which was that at Zo- Friind Christi u. synes Evangelii gsyn, wolltend dess nit Namen mer haben, stalltend sich wider die Pfaffen (als sy die nampten), u. redtend grusamer wider den Zwingli u. synen Anhang, denn die offen Find gewesen warend." The malcontents in the canton of Zurich met at Meilen, on Lake Zurich, and gave to the Council, Nov. 28, a written statement of their grievances, in which they demanded (Tschudi in the Helvetia, ii. 337 ; comp. Bullinger, iii. 283) : " Dass Ihr — der heimlichen Rathen, u. harverloffener Pfaffen u. Schwaben abstandeYit (dann uns will bedunken, dass der heimlich Rath, auch die Pfaffen u. andere ufruhrische Schreyer uns nit wol erschossen habeut), dessglychen der Pfaffen in offeutlichen u. heimlichen Rathen miissig gangent, u. sich die Pfaffen der weltlichen Sachen ganz u. gar nut beladent in Stadt noch uff dem Land, sonder das Gottswort verkiindent, darzu sie geordnet sind. — Zum vierten, — dass ihr nun hinfiir in iiwer Stadt Predikanten annemment, die friedsam syent, u. uff Fried u. Rub. stelleut, u. die ufruhrischen Pfaffen, so Uech u. uns, die gern Fried u. Rub hattent, offentlicb an der Kan- zel gottlosent, hinwegthuent, u. uff dem Land unseren Predikanten solliches auch sagent, dass sie uns das Gottswort verkiindent hit beder Testamenten, u. sich die Pfaffen, wie obgemeldt, keiner weltlichen Sachen unterwindent noch beladent, in Stadt noch uff dem Land, im Rath noch darneben, sonder Uech, unser Herren, lassent regieren, als denn einer frommen Oberkeit zustaht, u. Ihr keinem Pfaffen nun hinfiir kein Pfrund wyter verlychent, denn von einem Jahr zum andern, u. auch uns uff dem Land mit keinen Pfaffen iibersetzent, die einer Gemeind nit angenem syent." At last, however, the as- surance : " Ihr sollent ganzlich by aller Wahrheit wiissen, dass Niemand des Gemiits ist, von Gottswort zu wycben," u. s. w. Similar complaints were made by the people of Berne to the Council ; seethe Schweizerischer Geschichtforscher, Bd. 7. Heft 1. (Berne, 1828) s. 132 : " Des ersten", des wir all gemeinlich u. einhellig ratig sind worden, antref- fend das heilig gottlich Wort, by demselbigen zu beliben,— u. nachdem alsdann die Predicanten in Stadt u. Land uff dem Cantzel vil uff Uffruhr u. Blutvergiessen geschru- wen, dardurch gross Uneinigkeit entstanden, sich desselbigen gar u. ganz zu mussigen, ouch der Schmiitz u. Scheltworten sich gar u. ganz abzethun, sunder uns allenthalben nut anders denn das wahr, luter, eynig Gottswort nach Inhalt des Buchstabens on alien ihren Zusalz zu verkiinden." Comp. Muller-Hottinger, vii. 440 ff. 4 Bullinger's Leben, by Hess, i. 128. 5 Hess, ubi supra. 6 H aller, by Kirchbofer, s. 180. 7 In St. Gall, 1532, Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. GG2; in Berne, 153G, ibid., s. 730. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORM. § 10. GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 211 sin^en,8 July, 1532. The milder position which the Reformed assumed toward them,9 in order to rebuke the Catholic spirit of persecution, only served to make them holder. The Catholic cantons at once made use of the superiority they had gained. They restored by violence the Catholic Church in the free districts of Bremgarten and Mellingen, Rapperschweil and G-aster.10 The conquered party and the Reformation were contemptuously assailed and lampooned.11 When Zurich repelled the wide-spread report that it was about to return to the papacy12 by the most decisive mandates13 establishing the Reformation, 1532, it was met by a breach of the articles of peace on the part of the Catholic cantons, and had to submit to fresh humiliation in the treaty of Einsiedeln, 1533.14 These mandates, however, re- 8 Ruchat, Hist, de la Reform, de la Suisse, iv. 213. Kirckhofer, s. 178. 9 In Zurich, Hess, i. 209 ; in Berne, Rucliat, iv. 220. 10 Bullinger's Reformationsgesch., iii. 30G. Hottinger's Helv. Kirchengesch., iii. 600 ff., 63G. Ruchat, iii. 4G8 S3., 500. 11 Hess, i. 121. 12 Bullinger, iii. 305 : it was ever}' where rumored, "in kurtzem wurde man in Ziirych wiederum Mess halten, und den Glouben der Romischen Kylchen uffnen." Casp. Me- gander Ep. ad Bullingerum, in Hess, i. 157. Berne made a formal demand on Zurich that it should publicly refute this rumor ; Kirchhofer, s. 175. 13 Comp. Hess, i. 156 ff. Most important was the mandate of Wednesday after Trin- ity, 1532, against mass and pilgrimages, in Bullinger, iii. 315: "Wiewol wir vornaher uss Grund bewiihrter heiliger Gschrift— den Missbruch der Biipstischen Mess u. Sacra- ments, wie die bishar by der Romischen Kilchen, nit zu kleiner Schmalerung und Ver- kleinung des bitteren Lydens u. Sterbens Jesu Christi,— brucht worden, abgethan, und anstatt derselben den begriindten wahren Bruch des Nachtsmals des Herren— ingesetzt ; — und so wir uns aber umb christenlicher Verschonung willen uber die, so sich in dem Sacrament der Danksagung u. christenlicher Gemeinsammi von uns absunderent, u. nach Biipstischer Wyss anderswo zum Sacrament gond, noch bisher keiner usserlichen Straf erlutert :— darus mit der Zyt, wo es gestattet wurde, vil Unruwen, Spaltung u. Absiinderung der Gmiidten u. burgerlicher Frundschaften grosslich zu ersorgen :— so gepiettent wir hiemit vast ernstlich, — dass sich menklich der Unseren des Sacraments der Danksagung u. Nachtmals Christi nach christenlicher u. unserer Ordnung, wie es die gottlicli heilig Gschrift lehrt u. vermag,— gebruche.— Dann so jemands sollichs ilbersehen, sich in Empfahung des Sacraments von uns sunderen, u. also die Christenen Gemeinden verachten wurde, den wollent wir ouch als ein abgetheilt ungehorsam Glied halten, ihn nit by oder under uns gedulden, wandlen noch wohnen lassen, sonder von Stadt und Land verwysen.— Dann wir mit gottlicher Gnad, unverhindert der Triibsal u. Unfaals, so Gott vielleicht unserer Sunden halb uber uns verhangt, des styffen Sin- nes u. Gemiiths sind, dass wir by erkannter Wahrheit— trostlich belyben, u. in unser Stadt u. Land weder die Mess, biipstische Sacrament, noch utzid des us Gottes Wort nit Grund oder Handveste hat, wissen noch getulden, sonder Gott u. der Wahrheit Gstand, Lob, Ehr, u. Pryss in die Ewigkeit geben." 14 Bullinger, iii. 329, 367. Hess, i. 164. The Ziirichers had, they said, broken the treaty (Bullinger, iii. 334, 339), for it put them under obligation not to meddle by dis- putation and argument with the Catholic faith ; also by sending to the Catholic cantons epistles and public documents, with seals, declaring that Zurich had the true, indubita- 212 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. mained in force in Zurich ;15 and in Berne, too, an oath to main- tain the Reformation was taken by the whole canton, November, 1534.16 In the divided cantons the Catholic party was especially active. In Solothurn, where the city was reformed only in a small pro- portion, while the country was so by a large majority, the Refor- mation was suppressed in 1533 with the aid of the Catholic can- tons.17 Appenzell adhered to its former decrees.18 In Glarus the Catholic service was restored only in some of the churches ;19 in the city, Valentin Tschudi was able so far to allay the bitterness of the parties that he and other clergymen could officiate in both churches.20 Lie Christian faith (cf. above, Note 39). At Einsiedeln the Zurichers (April, 1533, Bul- linger, iii. 341) were forced to confess that they had not thought, in issuing the man- date, that it would be so hostile and hurtful to the Five Cantons, and if they had con- sidered this that they would not have issued it. For the future they would be on their guard against such mandates as would do detriment to the confederacy and the peace of the land. In the second place, the Zurichers were to take in hand and keep back the mandates not yet sent out, and wherever they had not yet been proclaimed and read, not have this done. 15 Hess, i. 166. 16 Haller, by Kirchhofer, s. 202. 17 Hottinger's Helv. Kirchengesch., iii. 663. Ruchat, iv. 247. 18 Hottinger, iii. 644. 19 Hottinger, iii. 644 ff. 20 On this Valentin Tschudi, see Schiller's Huldreich Zwingli, Gesch. seiner Bildung zum Reformator. 2te Ausg., s. 318 ff. His Erasmian tendencies are apparent in his Letter to Zwingle, 15th March, 1530 (in Fuesslini Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helvet. Refor- matoribus vel ad eos scriptae. Centur. i. Tiguri, 1742. 8., p. 63 ss.) : Quod vero hacte- nus signa tua sequi detrectarim, non, charissime frater, Papisticae leges me adeo detinu- erunt, nee avarum illud jugum prostratum commovit, ut ejus me vindicem subscribe- rem ; sed longe periculosissimum hoc bellum scientia duce, regnantibus privatis consiliis, suscipere animus meus abhorruit.— Caute enim providendum, ne, dum corrosas veteres columnas dejicimus, tota domus nimio impetu aegre concutiarur, priusquam nova fulcra admoveantur. Video enim, quosdam neglecta charitate tumultuario agmine grassantes rei christianae plus detrimenti, quam commodi convehere, quibus si non tandem per Dominum capistrum imponatur, ut secundum Paulum idem omnes loquamdr, nulla spes est futurae quietis. Caeterum cum inter duo mala, quod tolerabilius eligendum sit, licet summe metuam gravia incommoda, quae evenire possunt recluso ostio tjjs Koivwvias ; praesenti tamen malo prius occurrendum. Video enim hujus dissensionis praetextu, quam tam pertinaciter de cortice, relicto nucleo, excitaviraus, clam irrepere neglectum Dei, despectum magistratuum, violationem judiciorum, vitam quoque licentiosam : nam tanto odio exacerbatis animis perit aequitas, charitas extinguitur.— Quid vero populo tam hostiliter diviso ultra expectandum quam desolatio ? Propterea saluti patriae pri- mum consulendum, ne libertas tanto labore parta, nostra negligentia amittatur.— Palam hactenus testatus sum, Christianismum in omnibus his ceremoniis non consistere ; sed —illud unicum a nobis requiri, ut exuatur vetus ille homo, ac charitate amplectamur proximum. Hue, hue ego direxi, ceremoniarum causam reaedificatae relinquens chari- tati: non enim hae antiquatae me commoverunt, at commovit Kowwvia versa in privata consilia. Quod si alitor fieri nequit, valeant. Apud me plus valebit publica quies, quam CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORM. § 10. GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 213 In German Switzerland the War of Cappel set bounds to the Reformation ; but in the French cantons it now gained an effectu- al entrance. William Farel had been preaching the Gospel from 1526 in the French parts of the cantons of Berne and Biel;21 next he established the Reformation in Neufchatel,22 1530 ; but in Ge- neva he now found a much wider sphere for his energies. The dukes of Savoy, supported by the bishops of Geneva, had been long struggling for the possession of this free city, surrounded on all sides by the Savoy territory. By the luxurious manners of their court they had here gained adherents (the Mamelucs) in the same degree that they had corrupted the morals of the city. The Gene- vese who loved freedom (called Eidgnots, i. e., confederates) made an alliance with the cantons of Berne and Freiburg, and with their help restored, in 152 6,23 the freedom of the city, which had been almost lost. From Berne, too, the Reformation made its way to Geneva in 1528, and it advanced in spite of the opposition of the Catholic Freiburg.24 There was first formed a secret Reformed Church, which had to struggle with hard oppression and persecu- tion. At the suggestion of the Bernese a religious conference was held,25 Jan. 29, 1534, in which Farel defended the Reformation; immediately afterward public worship was allowed to the Reform- ed. Freiburg now abandoned its alliance with Geneva ; the plots of Savoy became more perilous ; the city was put under the ban, and had to rely wholly upon the aid of Berne. The Reformation then advanced with great rapidity, through the zeal of the preach- ers Farel, Anton Froment, and Peter Viret. After another dispu- harum cura, caet. As the Catholics now began to move anew, Tschudi quieted the people in Glarus. Being married, he did not read mass ; but he was present at it, and preached to both parties. So, too, his chaplain, Hans Heer. In 1542 the Catholics in Linthal, who had no priests, asked the Reformed preacher, Brunner, to preach to them, and to visit those that were sick. See Hottinger's Kirchengesch., iii. 648. 21 Ruchat, i. 391, 488; ii. 222; iii. 173. Das Leben Wilh. Farels, by Melch. Kirch- hofer (2 Bde., Zurich, 1831-33. 8.), i. 67. Etudes sur Farel, these par Charles Schmidt. Strasb., 1834. 4. 22 Ruchat, iii. 175; iv. 95. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 109. 13 Histoire de Geneve, par Mr. Spon, ed. augm. a Geneve, 1730. 8. T. i. Hist, de Ge- neve, par Jean Picot (Geneve, 1811. 8. 3 vols.). Hist, de Gen., par A. Thourel (Gen. 1833. 8.), T. i. [Les Actes et Gestes Merveilleux de la cite de Geneve (from 1522), par Anthoine Fromment ; new edition by Gustave Revilliocl, 1856. E. F. Gelpke, Kirchefl» gesch. d. Schweiz, i. 1856. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, D'Aubigne', vol. iv. J. Gaberel, Hist, de l'Eglise de Geneve, 2 vols., published 1858. Comp. p. 10-12, above.] 2* Ruchat, ii. 276 ; iii. 222 ; iv. 294. " The Acts were printed in French, 1534 ; in French and Latin, 1G44, in 12. Extracts in Ruchat, v. 97. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 175. 214 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. tation26 the papacy was abolished by the council, and the Refor- mation adopted, Aug. 27, 1535.27 The next year the city gained its most distinguished teacher, John Calvin28 (Aug., 1536), who was destined to have such an efficient influence upon the devel- opment of all the Reformed Churches. After Berne had effected the deliverance of Geneva, hard pressed by the Duke of Savoy, it also conquered the Pays de Vaud,29 Febr., 1536. Here, too, the friends of the Reformation made their appearance ; and a dispu- tation at Lausanne,30 Oct. 1, 1536, in which Farel, Viret, and Cal- vin took part, was followed by a general adhesion to the Reforma- tion.31 Viret was left in Lausanne, to be its reformer ; and as early as 1537 an academy was there formed for the training of the clergy.32 Though the Reformation, especially in consequence of the state of civil affairs, had gained so rapid a victory in Geneva, yet there were still in the city many who were secretly attached to the old Church ; and there were others, infected by the corruption of mor- als introduced under the Savoy rule, who hoped to obtain complete license by the acceptance of the Reformation.33 When the preach- ers set themselves against this immorality by enforcing strict church discipline, a slight quarrel between them and the Bernese on church usages was made the occasion of getting rid of these troublesome disciplinarians : they were banished by a decree of the council in 1538.34 But their loss was soon so deeply felt that 26 On the 30th May, 1535, Ruchat, v. 271. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 187. 27 Ruchat, v. 300. 28 Calvin, in his Praefatio ad Psalmos, relates that he was traveling through Geneva, intending to spend only one night there, and at first withstood the appeals of Farel, do- nee Genevae non tam consilio vel hortatu, quam formidabili G. Farelli obtestatione re- tentus sum, ac si Deus violentam mihi e coelo nianum injiceret. Quo terrore perculsus susceptum iter — oniisi. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 197. Das Leben Johann Calvins, by Paul Henry (Hamburg, 1835), i. 161. [Cf. above, pp. 10-12. ] 29 Ruchat, v. 418. Viret, Reformateur de Lausanne, these par Henri Jaquemot. Strasburg, 1836. 4. 30 Farel's Theses here, in Ruchat, v. 693. Acts, in Ruchat, vi. 1. Farel, by Kirch- hofer, i. 199. 31 Measures of the Bernese government to promote the Reformation, Ruchat, vi. 324. Edict, in which it was ordered to be introduced 24th Dec, 1536, in Ruchat, vi. 367. 32 Ruchat, vi. 446. 33 Calvinus: quasi nihil aliud esset Christianismus, quam statuarum eversio ; Hot- tinger's Kirchengesch., iii. 722. Registres de la Rep. 4, Sept., 1536 : Quelques uns d'en- tre les principaux citoyens, et un grand nombre d'autres, ne pouvant point endurer les ministres qui les reprennent de leurs vices, protestent devant le Conseil vouloir vivre en liberte. Leben Calvins, b}- Henry, i. 196. 34 Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 235. Henry, i. 199. CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 10. GENEVA. 215 Calvin, in 1541, was called back from Strasburg;35 Farel remain- ed in Neufchatel. Calvin had to undergo many a hard conflict, especially with a party of fanatical free-thinkers, Libertines, who called themselves Spirituels ;36 his life was at times in 25 Henry, i. 385. 36 Who manifestly still belonged to the sect of the Free Spirit ; see vol. ii. p. 590, Note ; iii. p. 173. Cf. Calvini Instruetio adv. fanaticam et furiosam sectam Libertino- rum, qui se Spirituales vocant, written in 1544 (Ejusd. Tractatus theologiei Amstelod., 1667, fol., p. 374). On the spreading of this sect it is there said, chap, iv., that a Flem- ish man, Coppin, from Yssel, had first preached this doctrine for fifteen j-ears, and that then one Quiutin, from Hennegau, had made himself still more famous, and propagated the sect in France. Ant. Pocquet joined them, the same who, two years before, had tarried some time in Geneva. Cap. 7 : peregrina ct insolenti utimtur lingua, qua sic cornicantur, ut nihilo plus perspicuitatis insit, quam in avium canto. Non nego, quin utantiir commuuibus vocabulis, sed ita significationem eorum deformant, ut nemo intel- ligat. — Id quidem malitiose agunt, ut possint clanculum velut ex insidiis idiotas circum- venire. Nemini eniin revelant abominationum suarum mysteria, quae sub illis verborum tegumentis latent, praeterquam iis qui jam jurejurando sibi astricti sunt. Cap. 8 : unus est ex praecipuis capitibus theologiae ipsorum : artem simulandi, et sese trail sformandi nosse oportere, quo facilius homiiiibus imponant. — Quemadinodum nulla est ipsis religio coram idolis se pi-osternere, ita se omnibus superstitionibus Papistarum adhaerere simu- lant, quod ex eorum opinione externa omnia in hominis Christiani libertate posita sunt. Cap. 9 : Semper hoc retinent principium : scripturam in naturali sensu suo acceptam literam mortuam esse, atque occidere, ideoque missam esse faciendam, ut ad Spiritum vivificantem veniamus. — Conantur nos a Scripturis avertere, ut in imaginationibus suis vagari, aut potius extra Scripturae fines errare cogant ; ut unusquisque somnia sua, et diaboli praestigias loco verbi Dei sequatur. Cap. 10 : Notandum est, eos nullum posse aliqua de re sermonem inchoare, quin nomen Spiritus statim ab eis proferatur : vixque binas clausulas continuare possunt, quin subinde repetant. — Nomen Spiritus ad omnia applicant, quoties ipsis commodum videtur, ut omnibus modis res suas agant. Cap. 11 : Primum hoc statuunt : TJnicum esse tantum Spiritual Dei, qui sit ac vivat in omnibus creaturis. — Quum igitur unicum tantum spiritum statuunt, fingunt Angelos nihil aliud, quam iuspirationes aut motus, non creaturas essentia praeditas esse. Animarum nos- trarum loco ajunt Deum vivere in nobis, vegetare corpora nostra, nos sustinere, atque omnes vitales actiones efBcere. Cap. 12 : Diabolum, mundum et peccatum accipiunt pro imaginatione, quae nihil est. Talemque hominem esse ajunt, quoad sit in ipsorum secta reformatus.— Docent non esse amplius inhaerendum opinationi, quum abolitum sit peccatum : stultumque esse, ac si aliquid foret, de eo amplius laborare. Cap. 13 : Postea quam unicum Spiritum suo arbitratu finxerunt, destructis atque abolitis turn Angelorum, turn Diabolorum, turn etiam animarum naturis, ajunt, solum hunc Spiritum efncere om- nia. Quintin says : Quod ego aut tujacimus, Deus efficit. Quod etiam Deus /ac it, ipsi facimus. Nam in nobis est. Cap. 15 : Id praecipue sibi proponunt, ut sopiant consci- entias, quo omni sollicitudine vacui homines, quicquid sese offeret, quicquid appetierint, perpetrent. Cap. 16 : Posteaquam sic frena laxarunt omnibus, ut sinant unumqnemque vivere suo arbitratu, hoc praetextu, quod se a Deo regi sinant, ex eodem principio de- ducuut, perperam fieri, si de re aliqua judicetur. Cap. 17 : (Dicunt) Christum non obi- isse in cruce, sed tantum opinationem. — In eo constituunt redcmptionem nostram, quod Christus solum velut typus fuit, in quo contemplemur ea, quae ad salutem nostram re- quirit Scriptura. — Quum ajunt Christum abolevisse peccatum, sensus eorum est, Chris- tum abolitionem illam in persona sua repraesentasse. — Caeterum, ut imaginantur, nemo nostrum non est Christus : quodque in ipso factum est, in omnibus etfectum dicunt. Cap. 18: Fatentur quidem nobiscum, nos Dei filios esse non posse, nisi renati simus. Ac prima quidem facie idem nobiscum sentire videri possint, si tantum verba spectan- 216 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. peril,37 until his opponents were put down in an insurrection set on foot by Ami Perrin, when they were finally subdued, 1555.38 By the iron firmness of Calvin the morals of Geneva were wholly changed.39 Thus the city was indebted to the Reformation for its freedom, its order and honorable morals, and its growing pros- perity. The position and language of the city made it the centre of the Reformation for the Romanic countries ; those driven thence here sought protection.40 On the other hand, companies of preach- ers were trained in Greneva, and for other lands too, especially in the academy41 founded in 1588. The French Reformed Church received thence almost all its preachers.42 Calvin had thus the opportunity of influencing the development of many Reformed tur. — Sed quum explicandum est, quid per ea significare velint, omnia pervertunt. — Hoc enim principium summit: -nempe regenerationem esse restitutionem innocentiae, in qua Adam, antequam peccasset, constitutus erat. Hunc autem innocentiae statum sic accipiunt : nihil dignoscere, nee inter album, quod ajunt, et nigrum discernere, quia hoc Adae peccatum fuit, comedere de fructu scientiae boni et mail. Sic, ex eorum sen- tentia, veterem Adamum mortificare nihil aliud est, quam nihil discernere quasi mali cognitione sublata : ac puerorum more naturalem sensum atque inclinationem sequi. Cap. 19 : Libertatem christianam deinceps ita extendunt, ut statuant, omnia homini sine exceptione licita esse. Totam legem abolere volunt, inquientes, nullam amplius ejus habendam esse rationem, propterea quod in libertatem asserti simus. Cap. 20 : Paulus admonet, ut unusquisque in ea vocatione, in qua vocatus est, permaneat (1 Cor., vii. 20). — Infelices isti sententiam hanc evertunt, ut probent ac persuadeant omnibus, unum- quemque oportere naturalem inclinationem sequi, atque sic agere et vivere, ut libebit, aut e re sua esse videbitur. — Turn viris turn mulieribus permittunt sese quibuscunque visum fuerit, copulare. Idque matrimonium spirituale vocant, quum alter altero con- tentus est. — Ajunt matrimonium etiam solemni ritu initum coram hominibus carnale esse, nisi spiritus ipsi bene conveniant, atque ideo christianum hominem minime ad id adstrictum esse, sed id solum inter Christianos firmum esse debere, in quo utrique simul cum altero bene est. Cap. 21 : Eandem in bona confusionem inducunt, communionem sanctorum esse dicentes, si nemo quicquam possideat tanquam suum ; sed unusquisque, undecunquo nancisci poterit, ad se rapiat. Cap. 22: Rident spem omnem, quam de resurrectione habemus, idque jam nobis evenisse dicunt, quod adhuc expectamus. Si quaeratur, quomodo id intelligant : nempe, inquiunt, ut homo sciat, animam suam spi- ritum immortalem esse perpetuo viventem in caelis; ac Christum morte sua opinatio- nem abolevisse, eaque ratione nobis restituisse vitam, quae in eo est, ut nos minime mori cognoscamus. Henry, ii. 398. 37 Thus in the case of Jacob Gruet, Spon's Hist, de Geneve (edit, de 1730), ii. 47. Henry, ii. 439. Process with Philibcrt Berthelier, see 1522. Spon, ii. 69. Bullinger's Leben von Hess, ii. 97. 38 See Calvin's Letter to Bullinger, 15th June, 1555, in his Epistoll., p. 163. Spon, ii. 72 ss. Trechsel's Michael Servet u. seine Vorganger. Heidelberg, 1839, s. 182. 39 See Farel's declaration in 1557, in Farel's Leben, by Kirchhofer, ii. 125. 40 Henry, ii. 420. Bezae Ep. ad Pastores Tigur., dd. 17. Dec, 1568 (Ejusd. Epistt. Hanov., 1597, p, 152) : in hanc potissimum Ecclesiam tamquam in portum quendam multa naufragorum millia fuerunt et ejecta et recepta. 41 Spon, ii. 87. 42 Beza, 1564, calls Geneva, Seminarium Ecclesiarum Gallicarum ; Hottinger's Kirch- engesch., iii. 831. CH. I— SWISS REF. § 10. GENEVA. ITALIAN SWITZERLAND. 217 Churches in other countries, and of diffusing far and wide his ecclesiastical and doctrinal views ; so that he may be considered as the second founder of the Reformed Church. The Reformation spread by degrees also into the Italian Switz- erland. From 1512 the Twelve Cantons possessed in common the lordships of Lugano and Locarno ; the Grisons also had the exclusive right to Veltlin and the lordships of Bormio and Chia- venna (Cleves). Scattered accounts of the Reformation had reach- ed these places somewhat earlier. But when the Inquisition ap- pointed by Paul III., 1542, compelled the Italian adherents of the Reformation to quit their native land,43 many of them emigrated into these Swiss provinces, became preachers of the Reformation, and established Churches. But there were uninterrupted conflicts among them, partly because the Catholics were violently opposed to them, and in part because the Italian refugees held and preach- ed many peculiar doctrines. The Grisons established religious freedom in their provinces in 1544, and also the equal rights of both Churches in 1557,44 without, however, being able to deliver the Reformed from constant persecutions. In the lordships held in common the Reformation was continually opposed by the Cath- olic cantons, and only feebly defended by the Reformed ; so that at last the little Church gathered in Locarno was obliged to wan- der forth in 1555 ; the members of it were settled for the most part in Zurich.45 Switzerland was not involved in the great struggle which the Reformation aroused in Germany; this was owing to the relations which the Catholic cantons held to France, then favorable to the German Protestants. Thus both parties refrained from taking any part in the Smalcald war, although the Pope had made a very earnest demand upon the Catholic cantons that they should contend against the German heretics.46 At the reopening of the 43 P. D. R. do Porta Hist. Reformationis Ecclesiarum Rhaeticarum, i. ii. 25. Thom. M'Crie, History of the Reformation in Italy, p. 183. Ferd. Meyer, die Evangel. Ge- meinde in Locarno, i. 21. 44 De Porta, i. ii. 49, 274. M'Crie, s. 29G, 325, 333. Meyer's Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ii. 198 ff. 46 Die Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ihre Auswanderung nach Zurich u. ihre -\vei- tern Schicksale, by Ferd. Meyer, 2 Bde. Zurich, 183G. On the various industrial arts which they transplanted to Zurich, especially in velvets and silks, see Meyer, ii. 140, 281, 330. 46 See § 8, Note 40. Bullinger, by Hess, i. 474. 218 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Council of Trent in 1551, the latter did not take any part in it on account of the protest of the French.47 There were, in- deed, constant difficulties between the Catholic and Reformed cantons ;48 but as both parties were about equally powerful, one sword held the other in the scabbard ; and they both, slight changes excepted, retained, from this time onward, the territories of which they had possession. § 11. RELATIONS OF THE TWO RELIGIOUS PARTIES IN GERMANY TO 1618. The religious peace corresponded so entirely to the deep-felt necessities of Germany, that the disapproval of it, immediately expressed by Pope Paul IV., produced no effect.1 And when the same passionate pontiff gave new vent to his rancor by opposing Charles in his delegation of the imperial throne to Ferdinand,2 in 47 Treat}' with France, 1549 ; Bullinger, by Hess, ii. 0. Papal invitation to the coun- cil, ibid., s. 30 ; refused, s. 34. 48 Thus when, 1555, the Catholic cantons demanded that the evangelical party should swear to the confederacy in the name of the saints in the old way ; Bullinger, by Hess, ii. 267 ; F. Meyer's Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ii. 48 : when the Catholic cantons or- dered, 1555, that the Bible translations sent out from Zurich should be expelled from their region ; Meyer's Gemeinde in Locarno, i. 451 ; ii. 56 : and when, accordingly, in 1556, Bibles were burned in Zug and Wallis ; Bullinger, by Hess, ii. 402, 415 ; Meyer, ii. 61, 70. 1 As early as Dec. 18, 1555, he wrote to King Ferdinand (Raynald., h. a. No. 51) : Vidit Serenitas Tua, quanta Nos et nostri proximi Praedecessores cura et sollicitudine — procuravimus, ut Conventus Augustanus potius religionis rebus intactis dissolveretur, quam ad Recessum veniretur tarn perniciosum, sicuti et Nobis, et Tua Serenitate et Catholicis omnibus invitis tandem ventum est. On the same day ad Wolfgangum Ep. Passav., 1. c. No. 53 : quid alienius a fide catholica potuit deliberari, quam quae in Au- gustae proximi conventus Recessu decretum fuisse accepimus ? Ferdinand was com- pelled to listen, at the beginning of 1556, to still more earnest representations from the nuncio of the Pope, Delfmus (see his Report in Pallavicini, lib. xiii. c. 14, No. 1) : Rex vero cum sibi videretur et in iis concedendis, quae Catholicis officerent, ab aperta neces- sitate omnis a se nota procul arceri, et in rebus sibi arbitrariis vel maximum Religionis studium a se fuisse praestitum, respondit per commotions animi sensum, quam modera- tum ejus ingenium ferre consueverat. Id etiam fortassis accidit, quod jam apparerent in Paulo argumenta animi male affecti in Austriacam familiam. 2 Ferdinand's upper chamberlain, Don Martin Gusman, who was to notify the Pope of it, was not admitted as an imperial embassador; the Pope laid the affair before the cardinals, whose opinion, as rendered, corresponded entirely with his views ; Thuani Histor. sui Temporis, lib. xxi. c. 2 ; Raynaldus, 1558, No. 8. Comp. the reports of Car- dinal Du Bellay on the procedures in the consistories, in Ribier Lettres et Memoircs d'Estat, ii. 623, 759. The Pope— rememora la translation de l'empire de Grece faite par les Papes, et le Privilege d'en faire election donne par lesd. Papes a la Germanic— II ne se trouveroit point qu'il fut en la puissance d'un Empereur de resigner l'Empire, ny CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 11. FERDINAND I. 219 1558, he only effected the formal rupture of the bonds by which the empire had until now been bound to the papacy.3 It became aux Electeurs d'accepter la resignation, et suivant icelle faire nouvelle election, incon- sulto summo PonUfice. — Indignus est electus, comme qui a jure plusieurs Reces heretiques : ;tem a fait a son escient mouvoir son fils aisne (Maximilian) de fausses doctrines : item souft're de long-temps prescher en sa cour a la Lutherienne : item a laisse vacquer dix ou douze ans les gros Eveschez sans y nommer, pour en prendre les fruits, et ce- pendant 3' a laisse faire aux Lutheriens ce qu'ils ont voulu : item s'est usurpe plusieurs Palais et Chasteaux des Eveschez et Monasteres : finalement s'est fait elire clandcstine- ment, refusant au Nonce du Pape sa suite, et s'est fait elire par heretiques, ergo depo- nendus, si jam esset Imperator. The Pope, as in the resignation of prelates, must first in- vestigate, an justae causae sint resignandi, et se Mberamdi a juramento praestito Sedl Apos- tolicae, a quo non potest se solvere, nisi per Pontijicem solvatur. Puis il eust fallu proceder et examiner toutes autres choses, et mesmemcnt de vita, morihus et idoneitcUe Ferdinandi. "With this also agrees the opinion of the cardinals, in Thuanus, as cited above. They likewise add : ob id— Ferdinando opus esse poenitentia ;— itaque mittendum ab illo pro- curatorem cum plenis mandatis, quibus declaret, se iis, quae Francofurti acta sunt, ut uullius momenti, renunciare, remque omnem Pontificis arbitrio permittere, caet. Even after Charles V. had died, Sept. 21, 1558, the Pope said to the French embassador (see his Report to the King, 25th Dec, 1558, in Ribier, ii. 777), qu'il est mort Empereur, ayant este sacre par le Pape, sans l'authorite du quel il ne pouvoit renoncer, ny coder sa dignite ; et dit davantage que Ferdinand n'a encore autre qualite, que celle de Roy des Romains, obstant d'une part la nullite de la renonciation du defunt, et de l'autre que l'Empereur mort, le Roy des Romains ne luy succede pas indistinctement, mais qu'il faut qu'il soit examine, et fasse foy, comme il s'est au precedent porte en 1'estat de Roy des Romains, pour estre promeu a l'Empire, ou depose de ladite dignite de Roy des Romains, selon qu'il se sera dignement, ou indignement porte. Et par la veut conclure, que l'Empire est aujourd' huy vaquant, et comme en passant me toucha, que le feu Tape Leon avoit eu envie de faire le feu Roy (Francis I.) Empereur. 3 Already, by occasion of the coronation of Charles V., it was proved by the Bishop of Gurck, Hieronymus Balbus, De Coronatione, lib. sing., ad Carolum V., Imp., Lugd., 1530 (also in Freheri Scriptt. Rer. Germ.), ex sola elcctione Caesarem jus plenissimum imperandi consequi, ex coronatione nihil novi juris Caesaribus accedere. Now the zeal- ous Catholic Vice-chancellor of the empire, Dr. George Siegmund Seld, addressed to the Emperor a most remarkable document about it (reprinted in Goldast's Politische Eeichshandeln, Th. 5, s. 167). In the introduction he refers to the earlier pretensions of the Popes, and then continues : "Jetzund so das Reich— auf Ew. Maj. erwachsen, so hebt man den alten verlegnen Zank wieder an,— u. bedenkt doch hergegen nicht, dass mittlerzeit, von den vorigen Babsteu her, die Sachen weit ein andere Gestalt gewonnen. Dann da man vormals den Rom. Stuhl gar nahend angebetet, u. fur Gott gehalten, da wird derselbe jetzund von einem grossen Theil der Christenheit verachtet ; u. da man vormals den Babstlichen Bann ubler, dann den zeitlichen Tod gefiirchtet, da laehet man jetzunder desselben ; u. da man vormals, was von Rom kommen, fur gottlich u. heilig gehalten, da ist das romische Wesen 11. Leben jetzund der ganzen Welt dermas- sen bekannt, dass schier manniglich, er sey wer er wolle, der alten oder neuen Religion, dafur ausspeyet." Then the author goes on to show that the Emperor is under obliga- tion to the Pope only as having the highest cure of souls ; that the Enfperor is to decide about the election of the Pope, has the right to call councils, to bestow ecclesiastical benefices, and to depose godless Popes. On the other hand, the Pope has no rights over the empire ; coronation by him is not necessary. Thereupon he refutes the accu- sation of the Pope against the Emperor, and reproaches the Pope with many unseemly doings. He advises that the Pope should be set right, and, in case he will not yield, an appeal to a general council.— Both parties now let the matter drop. Paul IV. died Aug. 18, 1559 ; the newly-elected Pius IV. declared at once, after consulting with the cardi- 220 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. clear to all that a union of the two religious parties could no lon- ger be expected. The Colloquy of Worms, appointed according to the condition of the treaty, 1557, was dissolved before it began.4 The invitation to the Council of Trent, whose sessions were re- sumed, was definitively rejected by the Protestants.5 Protestant- ism was so diffused, even in Austria and Bavaria, that the strict Catholic rulers of these countries, Emperor Ferdinand and Duke Albert, were compelled to make-concessions by allowing the Eucha- rist under both forms, 1556 ;6 in Silesia Ferdinand was compelled to see the Reformed not only holding their ground, but also spread- ing abroad farther and farther.7 Had the ecclesiastical reserva- tions not existed Germany would have soon become wholly Prot- estant. The Protestant princes, however, did not allow themselves nals, Ferdinandum lcgihus creatum Imperatorem (Raynald., 1550, No. 42) : but from this time the papal coronation of the Emperor was no longer requested, and no right of the Pope over the empire was acknowledged. 4 Its history, after the manuscript acts in the Wolfenbuttel library, is in Salig's Hist, d. Augsp. Confession, iii. 290 ff. Some of the documents in Goldast's Polit. Reichshan- deln, s. 740 ff. ; v. Bucholtz's Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinands I., vii. 359. 5 Addressed to them by imperial and papal embassadors, particularly at the diet at Naumburg, 1561 ; see Salig, iii. 684 ff., 691 ff. ; see J. II. Gelbke der Naumburg. Fur- stentag. Leipzig, 1793, s. 15 ff, and the Acts, s. 78 ff., 119 ff. The further exposition of the grounds of refusal there concluded followed, under the title " Griindlicher Bericht u. wahrhaftig Erklarung deren Ursachen, warum die Chur- u. Fursten u. sonst die Standc der Augsp. Conf. zugethan das verdachtig, vermeint vom Papst Pio IV. verkiindigt Tri- entisch Concilium nit haben besuchen wollen" (in Goldast's Reichshandlungen, s. 194, and his Polit. ReichshiLndeln, s. 744), and it was handed to the Emperor in Frankfort, 1562, at the coronation of Maximilian. These were also further carried out in the work, published 1564, in quarto, " Stattliche Ausfiihrung der Ursachen, etc." (also in Hortleder Vom teutschen Kriege, Th. i. Bd. i. cap. 47). 6 Ferdinand had issued a strict edict, Febr. 20, 1554 (to be seen in Raupach's Erlau- tertes Evangel. Oesterreich, ii., appendix, s. 96), enjoining upon all his subjects to ad- here to the old religion, and allowing the Lord's Supper under only one form. When he afterward asked of the states of Lower Austria aid against the Turks, they handed to him a supplication, Jan. 31, 1556 (in Raupach, i., appendix, p. 12), in which they asked for the freedom of the evangelical religion. Ferdinand, pressed by the exigencies, allowed them the Eucharist under both forms ; yet on the condition that, in other respects, they should conform to the decrees and usage of the Roman Church (Raupach, i. 47. Sleidanus lib. xxvi., ed. Am Ende, p. 536). Thus, too, Albert of Bavaria (who had twice heard the Protestant preacher Pfauser, summa cum attentione, on a visit to the Palgrave in Neuburg, Strobel's Beytriige, i. 313), when he asked money of his states, by an edict of March 31, 1556, allowed (Sleidanus, 1. c. p. 544), ut coenam Domini totam percipiant, et diebus vetitis urgente necessitate cames edant. 7 To the mediate princes of Liegnitz, Brieg, Oels and Milnsterberg, Teschen, Troppau and Jagemdorf, and the city of Breslau, which had long since declared for the Reforma- tion, Ferdinand silently granted the same rights, about ecclesiastical matters, which had been conceded to the princes and cities of the empire by the religious peace. But Prot- estantism also gained the upper hand among the knights and in the cities of the direct principalities. Thus, 155C in Schweidnitz, 1564 in Jauer ; Menzel's Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, v. 244. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REF. § 11. FERDINAND I. MAXIMILIAN II. 221 to be restrained thereby from giving to the benefices lying nearest them, and already gained to the Reformation, bishops or adminis- trators out of their families ;8 at the same time, they constantly pressed at the diets for the complete abolition of such reservations, that is, for freedom of religion.9 These negotiations, and many other causes of complaint, were continually receiving fresh stimulus at the diet by the collision between the two religious parties; but they were not attended with perilous consequences so long as the Emperor kept to an impartial medium. This impartiality was maintained as well by the Emperor Ferdinand as by his son and successor, Maximilian II. (1564-76) ;10 although the latter was really inclined to the Reformation,11 and conceded to the Austrian 8 Thus the mediate benefices of Brandenburg had electoral princes as administrators: Havelburg from 1551 ; Lebus, 1555 ; Brandenburg, 15G0. The archbishopric of Bran- denburg had always had Brandenburg princes as archbishops, of whom Sigismund was the first Evangelical, 1553 ; Joachim Frederick reformed the benefice entirely, 15GG. Thus, too, Saxon princes were designated to the Saxon bishoprics : Naumburg, 15G1 ; Merseburg, 1565 ; Misnia, 1581 ; the chapters, in 1582, tirade a covenant that they would always remain, with their incumbents, attached to the heirs of the Elector ; Camin, in 1556, received administrators from the princely family of Pomerania ; Schwerin, from 1516, and Ratzeburg, from 1551, had bishops from the princely house of Mecklenburg ; Halberstadt, Bremen, Liibeck, Verden, Osnabriick, and Minden received gradually evan- gelical bishops, especially from the neighboring princely families, without, however, be< ing exclusively attached to any one ; Eichhorn's deutsche Staats- u. EechtsgeschichtC; 4te Aufl. iv. 149, 158.. 9 First at the diet at Ratisbon, 1556 ; see B. G. Struven's ausfuhrl. Historie der Rcli- gionsbeschwerden zwischen denen Romisch-catholischen u. Evangelischen im teutschen Reich (2 Theile. Leipzig, 1722. 8.), i. 275 ft'. Haberlin's neueste teutsche Reichsgc- schichte, iii. 155 ff. 10 On the times of Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II., in Ranke's Hist. Pol. Zeitschrift, Bd. i. (1832) s. 223 ff. 11 His first inclination to it came from the teacher of his j-outh, Wolfg. Severus ; S£e Raupach's Evangel. Oesterreich, i. 31. Afterward he engaged in a confidential corre- spondence with Protestant princes and theologians, and had an evangelical court preach- er, Joh. Sebastian Pfauser (his life in Strobel's Beytrage zur Literatur, i. 257), whom, however, he was obliged to dismiss at the request of Maximilian (Raupach, i. 51 ft'.), but recommended to his intimate friend, Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg (Schelliorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 95), and the Palgrave Wolfgang (Strobel's Beytrage, i. 303). In Rome Maximilian was consequently regarded as an apostate (see Note 2). As he did not partake of the Catholic Eucharist for several years, and would only commune sttb utraque, this was one of the chief reasons why Ferdinand demanded such a permission from the Pope (Literae secretiores Ferd. I. Rom. Imp. pro obtinenda Eucharistia sub utraque in gratiam Maxim. II. ann. 1560 missae ad Pium IV. P. M., ed. J. A. Schmidt. Helmst., 1719. 4. ; reprinted in Gerdesii Scrinium antiquarium, vii. 89). The relations between father and son were now in such tension that Maximilian even feared he should be compelled to flight ; and for this event endeavored to secure a refuge with Frederick II. of the Palatinate (Abrah. Sculteti narratio apologetica de curriculo vitae. Emdae, 1625. 4. p. 8 ; Strobel's Beytrage, i. 301 f.) and Philip of Hesse (Rommel's Phil, d. Grossmlithige, ii. 577 f.). In 15G0 Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Ermeland, became the papal nuncio at the imperial court, and sought to win the King back to Catholicism 222 FOUKTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. nobility fhe free exercise of religion in the churches of which he held the patronage.12 In the latter years of this Emperor,13 however, a change in the (Bzovius, 1560, No. 6 ss. ; Raynaldus, 1560, No. 16 ss. ; Salig's Gesch. d. Trident. Con- cils, ii. 179, Note ; comp. also the letters in Cypriani Tabularium Eccl. Rom., p. Ill and 129) : but that he was deceived in his oft-expressed hope of success is proved by Maxi- milian's later epistles to Duke Christopher ; see his Correspondence in Le Bret's Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten- u. Kirchengesch., ix. 1. The chief reason which kept him from going over was found in the state of political affairs, especially in Spain ; he always remained a decided opponent of all persecution for religion (Raupach, i. 148). Comp. Ilaas, Vermischte Beytrage zur Gesch. u. Literatur, Marburg, 1784, s. 1 ; v. Bucholtz's Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinands I., vii. 481. 12 At first only verbally, and under condition of remaining true to the Augsburg Con- fession, and introducing a church order corresponding with it : with this in view, Dav. Chytraus was called to Austria (Raupach, i. 86). Pius V. sent at once a legate, Cardi- nal Commendon, to the Emperor, to procure a revocation of these concessions (Raupach, i. 98 ; ii. 174, 192), and the latter was obliged to declare to him (Gabutius, de Vita Pii V., Romae, 1605, p. 97), Pontificem omnibus execrationibus, ecclesiasticisque poenis in cum animadversurum, ipsumque privaturum imperatoria Majestate, atque catholicis Prineipibus in eum convocatis novum Imperatorem creaturum, nisi ejusmodi decretum, ; i factum esset, illico rescidisset. The Emperor, however, gave that permission in a formal written assurance, 14th Jan., 1571 (Raupach, i. 125 ; ii. 199). 13 The extent to which Protestantism had until now maintained a preponderating in- fluence over men's minds may be seen in the remarkable document of the famous Gen- eral Lazarus von Schwendi, 1574: "Bedenken an Kaiser Maxim. II. von Regierung des h. Rom. Reichs u. Frej-stellung der Religion," in Goldast's Polit. Reichshandeln, s. 962 ff. It is there said, s. 968: "Der Adel ist fast durchaus im Reich unter Kathol. u. Lu- ther. Obrigkeiten der geanderten Religion zugethan, u. wo sie es nicht oftentlichen seyn dorfen, so seind sie es doch heimlichen in Gemuthern, oder ist schon ein Theil der Rom. Religion noch anhangig, so ist es doch ein kalt halb Werk, u. wenig Eifers dahinten, u. die Alten, so noch mit Andacht u. Eifer dahin geneigt, die sterben taglich hinweg, die Jugcnd aber kann man also nicht zugeben, sondern da man schon Fleiss dabey thut, so wills doch bey diesen Zeiten u. Exempeln u. Gemeinschaften nicht haften. Zudem so reisst solche Veranderung unter den Geistlichen eben so wol ein. Also findt sich auf den Stiften an mehr Oertern, dass ein guter Theil der Thumbherren der Augsburgischen Confession nicht heimlich zugethan seyn, u. dass die andern audi je langer je mehr neu- tral u. kalt werden, u. dass sich in Summa schier Niemand unter ihnen um seinen Beruf u. geistl. Stand recht annehmen will, sondern ist das meist um die Niessung der feisten Pfrunden u. das gut miissig Leben zu thun. So stehets mit dem gemeinen Manne fast also durchaus, dass er von dem alten Thun u. Ceremonien der Rom. Geistlichkeit nit mehr halt, dann so weit er von seiner Obrigkeit darzu angehalten wird. Und siehet man fast uberall, wenn die Predigt aus ist, dass das VTolk aus der Kirchen lauft. Item, dass audi fast uberall an den catholischen Orten die Leute ihre sondere Lutherische odor evangelische Biieher haben, darinn sie zu Haus lesen, u. einander sclbst predigen u. lehren. Item so findt man aus der Erfahrung, da man schon die geanderte Religion wieder abgestellt, u. die Catholische angericht, als zu Costanz u. andern mehr, dass man doch auch durch sonder fleissiges Zuthun der Geistlichen in so langen Jahren die Ge- miither nicht wieder gewinnen, u. der Rom. Religion anhangig machen kann. So hat auch solches bisher weder in Niederland, noch in Frankreich keine Gewalt, Obsieg, Straf, Tyrannejr mogen zuwegen bringen, u. da man sich schon ein Zeitlang duckt oder leidt, so brennen doch inwendig die Gemiither, u. warten u. hoffen auf ein bessere Zeit u. Go- legenheit, u. wollen ehe das Ausserst darilber zusetzen. So mangelt es an den Mittelu zu solchem Werk nicht wenig bey dem Stuhl zu Rom, dass er namlich kein christliche Reformation wollc zulassen, u. giebt sich derhalbcn gegen der Welt ganz bloss, als ob er CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 11. MAXIMILIAN II. 223 state of affairs was brought about by the increasing influence of the Jesuits in the Catholic countries of Germany.14 New life and greater unity were thus given to the opponents of the Reformation ; while the Protestants were divided by violent conflicts, in conse- quence of many of their princes becoming connected with the Re- formed (Calvinistic) Church ; and they thus lost their command- ing position. By the activity of the Jesuits the Reformation was first suppressed in Bavaria.15 Next, in 1575, followed the Abbot16 nicht Gottes Ehre u. die Wahrheit, sondern nur sein eigen Geitz, Gewalt, Ehr, Reputa- tion u. Vortheil suche. Unci lauft unter andern auch diese grosse Verstockung u. Blind- heit diessfalls bejr ihme fur, dass er gar dem armen gemeinen Mann die christliche Ge- bet, u. die Biicher des Evangelii, u. Gottes Wort in seiner Sprach an denen Orten, da er Gewalt u. Oberhand haben mag, nicht will zulassen, sondern unterstehet, ihn bey Ver- lust des Lebens u. des Guts dahin zu dringen u. zu zwingen, dass er seinen lieben Gott in einer fremden Sprache muss anbeten, u. weiss nicht, was er bittet, u. vermeint also nachmals die Religion allein durch Dnwissenheit, u. mit ausserlicher Andacht, Zucht u. Ceremonien zu erheben u. wiederzubringen, da doch die Grundfesten misers christl. Glaubens u. Heils nicht auf iiusserlichen Zwang u. Kirchendisciplin, sondern auf der Erkantnuss u. Vertnauen an Gott stehet, u. Christus selbst, u. seine Apostel, u. ihre Nachfolger die Gebot und das Wort Gottes in gemeiner Sprach alien Volkern verkiindi- get u. gelehrt haben. Darum sichs dann abermals bej- jetziger Welt desto mehr argern u. stossen wird, u. lasst sich desto mehr ansehen u. muthmassen, dass die vorstehende Veranderung nicht am Ende, sondern noch kiinftiglich, wie in den vergangenen Jahren fortschreiten u. wiirken werde, u. dass Gottes heimlich Urtheil, Straf u. Fiirsehung mit furlaufe." Comp. Ranke, Fursten u. Volker von Siid-Europa, iii. 8. 14 At first three Jesuits were appointed professors in Ingolstadt, viz., Jay, Salmeron, and Canisius, in 1519 (Winter's Gesch. d. Evang. Lehre in Baiern, ii. 167) ; in 1557 a complete college was opened there ; 1559 in Munich. In Vienna they had a firm hold in 1551; in Cologne, 1556; in Treves, 1561. The Cardinal Otto, Bishop of Augsburg, gave to them, in 1563, the institutions for education which he had founded — a seminary, a gymnasium, and a university at Dillingen ; comp. Ranke, Fursten u. Volker v. Siid- Europa, iii. 25. 15 On the extent to which this reached, see Historia Soc. Jesu, P. i. (by Orlandini) lib. xi. p. 256, and P. ii. (by Sacchino) p. 321. In the year 1558, at the instigation of the Jesuits, an Inquisition was instituted, to consult about all accused of Lutheranism in the light of thirty-one articles; see "Die abgottische Artikel gestellet voneinem Monch in Bayern, etc., mit einer kurzen Erinnerung Phil. Melanchthonis, 1558" (reprinted in the Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1730, s. 405). Against these articles Melancthon also wrote his Responsiones ad impios articulos Bavaricae inquisiti- onis. Witteb., 1558. 4. (comp. Strobel's neue Beytrage zur Literatur, iii. ii. 167). In the 3-ear 1561 all public officers were obliged to take oath to remain true to the Catholic Church, according to those articles. Then the same oath was imposed on all subjects : those that would not take it must sell their property and forsake the country. Jesuits were sent round to carry out this order (Sacchino, 1. c.). The violent acts which ensued are described in the work: " Zwey Trost- u. Vermahnung-schriften an die verjagten Christen aus dem Bayerland. Item ein Rathschlag Joannis Brentii," 1564. 4. (see Schel- horn's Ergotzlichkeiten, ii. 287). Of the extent to which Munich was depressed, in conse- quence of the emigration of many of its thrifty burghers, is described in the letter of the magistracy to the Duke, 14th Dec, 1570, in P. Ph. Wolfs Gesch. Maximilians I., and see Zeit, i. 33, Note. — Ranke, Fursten u. Volker, ii. 37. 16 Immediately after he had introduced the Jesuits; Haberlin's neueste teutsche Reichs- gesch., ix. 371 ; Ranke, iii. 51. 224 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. of Fulda, and the electorate of Mayence at Eiohsfeld,17 in spite of the opposing imperial declaration about a religious peace ; even the existence of such a treaty was denied.18 Under the Em- peror Rudolph II. (1576-1612) this Catholic reaction increased greatly ; for though he loved peace, yet he was wholly under the papal and Spanish influence, and he showed at once his opposition to the Protestants by abolishing the evangelical worship in the hereditary Austrian cities (1578). 19 Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg, drove out all Protestants20 in 1586 ; other bishops and Catholic cities of the empire were aroused to similar acts.21 While in this 17 Which was almost wholly Protestant. Here, too, Jesuits were the soul of the re- action, and erected at once a college in Heiligenstadt ; J. Wolf's Eichsfeldische Kirchen- geschichte. Gottingen, 1816. 4., s. 176 ft'. 18 See § 9, Note 41. At first the Abbot of Fulda replied to his Protestant subjects (see Beschwerde der Stadt Fulda, in Lehenmann De Pace Religionis, Buch ii. cap. ix. s. 200) : " Desgleichen ware der Appendix u. Declaration des Religionsfriedens unerfindlich u. in rerura natura nit gewesen, werde sich auch weder in der Mantzischen noch Cammer- gerichts-Canzley einig Original oder Bekriiftigung befinden ; so auch schon 10 Origina- lia bey Handen, wiirden sie in Rechten wenig gelten, dieweil der Religionsfried des Ap- pendicis mit keinem Wortlein gedenkt, sondern inhalt, dass keine Declaration von Wiir- den und kraftig seyn soil." When the secular electors demanded, at the election of Rudolph II., Oct. 15, 1,575, that the Declaration should be mentioned in the stipulations, the clerical electors responded (Lehenmann, ii. xv. s. 274), "dass sie der angeregten Declaration halben vor der Zeit nichts, als erst diss Jahrs gehort, ilire Rath, so den Re- ligionsfrieden anno 1555 helfen berathschlagen u. schliessen, wiiren im Leben u. bey Handen, u. hatten sich sich zwar wol zu erinnern, was gestalt bemeldter Frieden abge- handelt, aber wie es mit der Erklarung ergangen, ware ihnen verborgen." Thereupon a hard strife sprung up ; but the Declaration was not received into the stipulations, and the secular electors satisfied themselves with guarding the rights of Protestants by Prot- estations. Haberlin's neueste Reichsgeschichte, ix. 341. 19 He confirmed to the nobility, 1577, the religious freedom secured to them by Max- imilian (Raupach's Evangel. Oesterreich, ii. 275). Meanwhile he had also allowed evan- gelical worship to be celebrated in the imperial cities in his own houses ; very many of the citizens had taken part in these services. This was not forbidden under Maximilian ; but it was now prohibited, at first in Vienna, where Maximilian had expressly allowed such service in houses (Raupach, ii. 283; Appendix, p. 157); next the prohibition was made general (Raupach, i. 155 ; ii. 302). The Flacian, Josua Opitius, evangelical preach- er in Vienna, had indeed caused a great excitement by his violent sermons (Raupach, ii. 285 f.). Those who applied for citizenship were, to be examined on articles like the Ba- varian (see Note 15), to set themselves right about their Catholicism ; see Raupach, ii. 307; Appendix, 187. 20 Haberlin's neueste Reichsgesch., xiv. 513. Ranke, Fiirsten u. Vcilker, iii. 119. 21 In Paderborn, when under Bishop Heinrich (1577-85), Protestantism was widely diffused, his successor, Theodore von Fiirstenberg, founded at once a Jesuit college, and suppressed the Protestants ; they were wholly expelled in 1612 (Bessen's Gesch. des Bisth. Paderborn. Paderb., 1820, ii. 89; s. 127). In Minister, where there was still a large number who favored Protestantism, Bishop Ernest of Bavaria introduced the Jes- uits in 1588, and suppressed Protestantism (Geschichte Ministers, nach den Quellen be- ar'neitet, by Dr. II. A. Erhard, drittes Heft. Munster, 1837). Salzburg was again made Catholic by Archbishop Wolf Dietrich, after 1588 (Gocking's Emigrationsgeschichte v. d. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 11. RUDOLPH II. 225 way one of the imperial declarations about a religious peace was wholly disregarded, the other declaration — the so-called ecclesias- tical reservation — was, on the contrary, enforced with great strict- ness when the Elector of Cologne, Gebhard Truchsess von Wald- burg, in 1582, went over to the Protestant Church ; nor was any attention paid to the appeal of the Protestant princes, who were also weakened by internal feuds.22 The tension between the two religious parties was still more heightened by the Reformed Calendar of Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582 ;23 as the Catholics accepted it and the Protestants rejected it, there thus sprung up mutual hostilities, which were renewed almost every day. Just occasion for solicitude was also given to the Protestants by many works that were published, particularly of the Jesuits, which not only calumniated the Preformation, but also contested the validity of the religious peace.24 Nor were they less disturbed by the rumors of the plans of their opponents for the total suppression of Protestantism.25 Some events occurred which increased this solicitude. Margrave Jacob of Baden-Hochberg26 aus Salzburg vertriebenen Lutheranern, i. 88) ; Bamberg by Bishop Neithard, 1595 (Jack's Gesch. v. Bamberg, iii. 199, 212). 22 Gebhard was deposed and put under the ban by the Pope, April 1, 1583 ; and Er- nest of Bavaria put in his place by the cathedral chapter. Gebhard was thereupon ban- ished, especially through the Bavarian influence. Cf. Mich, ab Isselt (Catholic priest about 1580 in Cologne, then in Hamburg, f 1597) Historia Belli Coloniensis, libb. iv. Colon., 1584. 8. Gerh. v. Kleinsorgen (councilor of the electorate of Cologne in Weil, f 1591) Tagebuch v. Gebhard Truchsess, or his Church History of Westphalia, 3ter Theil. Monster, 1780. 8. — Hiiberlin's neueste Reichsgeschichte, xiii. Gebhard Truchsess v. Waldburg, by F. W. Barthold, in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuch. Neue Folge, i. (Leipz., 1810) s. 1. 23 Haberlin's neueste Reichsgesch., xii. 640; xiii. 441. 2* So especially the treatise of Franciscus Burghardus (rather Andreas Erstenberger), De Autonomia, i. e., von Freystellung mehrerley Religion u. Glauben. Miinchen, 1586, 4. Cf. Salig's Gesch. d. Augsp. Conf., i. 788. Schrockh's Neuere Kirchengesch., iv. 338. 25 Comp. the Practicae Romanae de Germanis Haereticis Extirpandis, Jan., 1573, by Cardinal Charles of Lothringia, in Riesling's Beweis der Wahrheit der Evangelisch- Luther. Religion aus den Kunstgriffen der Romisch-Kathol. Kirche ihre Religion zu ver- breitcn. Leipzig, 1762. 8., s. 159. — De Statu Religionis in Germania consilium Romae scriptum, written soon after 1600, in Strobel's Beytrage zur Literatur, i. 179. On the attempts to bring Protestant princes into the Catholic Church, the Elector August of Saxony, Louis, Palgrave of Neuburg, William IV. of Hesse, see Ranke Fursten u. Vol- ker, iii. 138; iv. 361. 26 Induced by Pistorius, his physician in ordinary, who had already gone over, and who stood in close connection with the Jesuits. The excitement was increased by the colloquies which the Margrave set on foot: one at Baden, Nov., 1589, between Pistorius and the Wiirtemberg divines, Andreae, Heerbrandt, and Osiander (see Acta des Collo- quii, zwischen den Wurtemb. Theologen u. Dr. Jo. Pistorio zu Baden gehalten. Tubin- gen, 1590. 4.) ; and one at Emmendingen, June, 1530, between the Strasburg theologian, VOL. IV. — 15 22G FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. went over to the Catholic Church in 1590, and at once threatened to suppress Protestantism in his territory.27 Archduke Ferdinand, a pupil of the Jesuits,28 since 1596 ruler of Steiermark, Carinthia, and Crain, drove all the Protestants out of his country in 1598.29 Maximilian, also trained by the Jesuits,30 Duke of Bavaria since 1598, in order to gain the Palgrave of Neuburg for the Catholic interest,31 appointed a colloquy between the Jesuits and the Prot- estant theologians at Ratisbon, 1601 ;32 his object was not attain- ed, but the embittered feeling between the two parties was only the more intensified. The Catholic preponderance was next shown in a menacing way in the affair of the imperial city, Donauwerth. Pappus, and Zehender, court preacher of the Margrave (Jo. Fechtii Hist. Colloquii Em- mendingensis. Rostochii, 1694. 8.). 27 He became a Catholic July 5, 1590, on the 2d August commanded his evangelical preacher and school teacher to leave the country within a quarter of a year, and died August 17 ; whereupon his land fell to his two Protestant uncles ; Haberlin, xv. 535. 28 After the decease of his father he came under the guardianship of Duke William V. of Bavaria, and had studied, 1590 sq., in Ingolstadt under the direction of the Jesuits; Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I., i. 93. William constantly impressed upon him, orally and in writing, that the happiness and success of his government depended upon his zeal for the Catholic religion, and that nothing but misfortune could result from a dif- ferent course ; Schmidt's neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, Buch iii. cap. 16. 29 F. Chr. Khevenhiillers, Count of Frankenburg, Annales Ferdinandei (9ter Th. Re- gensb. u. Wien, 1640, fol. 12 Bde. Leipzig, 1716 ft', fol.), Th. 5. Joh. Keppler's (then in Steyermark) Leben u. Wirken von Freih. v. Breitschwert. Stuttg., 1831, s. 45 ff. G. E. Waldau's Gesch. d. Protestanten in Oesterreich, Steyermark, Kiirnthen, u. Krain. Anspach, 1783, 2 Bde. 8. Partisan for the Catholics is Casar's Staats- u. Religionsgesch. v. Ste}-ermark, B. 7. 30 On the spirit of his education, see the Instructions of Duke William V. for the court masters and preceptors of the prince, 1584, in Lor. Westenrieder's Beytr. zur va- terliind. Historie, iii. 146. P. Ph. Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I. u. seiner Zeit (Miin- chen, 1807 ff. 4., Bde. 8, incomplete), i. 53. 31 Wolf, i. 440 ft". 32 The leading Catholic colloquists were Albert Hunger, pro-chancellor of Ingolstadt, and the Jesuits, Jac. Gretser and Adam Tanner ; the Protestants, Jac. Heilbrunner, court-preacher at Neuburg, and Aegidius Hunnius, professor in Wittenberg. The Cath- olic edition of the acts : Actorum Colloqu. Rarisbonensis de norma doctrinae catholicae et controversiarum religionis judice, ed. II. Monachii, 1602. 4. The Protestant: Col- loquium de norma doctrinae et controversiarum religionis judice Ratisbonae habitum mense Nov. anno 1601. Lavingae, 1602. 4. Other writings, see in Walchii Bibl. Theol.. iii. 882. Struven's pfalz. Kircbenhistorie, s. 512, most complete in Senkenberg's Forts, v. Haberlin, i. 36. Maximilian had previously sent to the Palgrave several calumnious works against Luther, especially Conrad Andreae's (really by the Jesuit Conr. Vetter) Der unschuldige, demuthige, wahrhaftige, etc., Luther. Ingolst., 1600. 4., in wbich Luther was charged with the most horrible crimes, which here seemed to be proved by his own writings. When the Protestants accused the Jesuit of falsifying the passages from Luther, he said that he was ready to have corporal punishment inflicted on him if this was proved ; accordingly, after the colloquy a conference was held, in which the calumniator was shown to be guilty of what was charged, in the presence of Maximil- ian ; see Ileilbrunner's Postcolloquium Ratisbonense. Lauingae, 1607. 4. Wolf, i. 493. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 11. RUDOLPH II. 227 This city, wholly evangelical, because it would not allow to the Abbot of the Holy Cross (Zum heiligen Creuze) the revival of the public processions long since abolished, was laid under the impe- rial ban. Maximilian undertook to carry this decree into execu- tion, transformed the free city into a Bavarian appendage, and abolished all freedom of evangelical worship, 1607.33 All complaints of the Protestants were fruitless.34 The Em- 33 See the Report bjr Ulricli Grosse, then apothecary in Donauwertk, in Winckler's Anecdota Historico-ecclesiastica Novantiqua, i. 3G7 ; Hiiberlin, xxii. 440 ; Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I., ii. 190. 34 The mutual complaints of the parties may serve as a basis for judging about the circumstances ; these were presented at the Diet of Ratisbon, 1594 (see the Acts in Le- henmann De Pace Religionis, i. 481 ; extracts in Struven's Hist, der Religionsbesehwer- den, i. 373). The Protestants, in their gravamina, insisted that the conditions of the Religious Peace were not observed, "dass auch derselb wol zuweilen in einen andern Vcrsfcand will gezogen werden, darzu dann der Papst u. seine Legaten u. Nuntii, so hin u. wiedcr im Reich umziehen, auch jetzo noch bey dieser wiihrender Reichsversammlung zur Stelle seyn, nit wenig helfen. Denn es wird offentlich ausgeben, dass weil. Konig Ferdinand hochloblichstem Gedachtnus ohne papstlichen Conseus nicht gebiihrt habe, ein Religionfrieden zwischen den Standen im Reich zu treffen, dass auch derselb linger nicht, dann bis nach vollendetem Tridentischen Concilio kriiftig seyn soil : derhalben cr numehr sein Endschaft erreicht, u. Ringer nit bindlich seye. Dahero dann die Augs- purg. Confession unschuldig fiir ein verdampte Religion angezogen, u. die darwider in das Reich geschickte papstliche Bull mit angedroheter Execution wiederum ofTentlicli angeschlagen, auch die im Religionfrieden suspendirte geistliche Jurisdiction wider miin- niglichen wieder aufzurichten unterstanden werden will. Wie dann der Papst u. seine Nuncii ihre Jurisdiction durch die Jesuiter ihrer im Reich angemassten Gewalt u. Bot- miissigkeit so weit extendiren, dass sie die andern zu excommuniciren u. degi-adiren, die Zeit u. Jahr zu veriindern sich unterstehen, auch wol die Kais. Maj. dahin bewegen wollen, dass Ihre Maj. keinem geistlichen Stand seine Regalia leihen soil, er habe dann des Papsts Confirmation uber seine Election oder Postnlation zuvor erlangt, zu welchem Ende er dann auch die Juramenta u. Statuta auf den hohen u. andern Stiften, auch Rit- ter- u. andern Orden von Tag zu Tag dermassen geschiirfet u. geandert, dass den Evan- gelischen aller Zutritt abgeschnitten wird. — Uberdiess wird fiirgegeben, als sollten die- jenigen, welche vor dem Religionfrieden nicht zur Augsp. Confession getreten, jetzo dasselb nit furzuuehmen Macht haben, u. derwegen keinem Stand, sonderlich den Reich- stadten einige Reformation zu verstatten sein. Derohalben es bey etlichen Stadten da- hingebracht, dass sie sich vermittelst Eids verbunden u. reversirt, bey der jetzigen Romischen Religion zu bleiben, keinen evangelischen Burger in Rath zu ziehen, den Biirgern kein Exercitium, wie fleliendlich auch von viel tausend Biirgern darum ange- sucht wird, zu verstatten, wie in der Stadt Coin geschieht, allda die evangelischen Biir- ger mit neuen vom Rath angerichteten fiscalischen Processen geplagt, gethiirnet, urn Geld gestraft, u. den Ubelthatern gleich gehalten werden. — Wie in gleichem auch bey etlichen andern oberlandischen Stadten, als zu Schwiibischen Gmiind, wie auch der Stadt Kaufbeurn u. andern fast dergleichen unterstanden, da der frej-e Lauf des h. Evangelii wider die Reichs-Constitutiones gehindert, auch prajudicirliche Decreta u. Bescheid ertheilt. — Es befinden sich auch die Evangel. Augsburgischer Confession ver- waudte Stiinde in ihren u. Christi Mitgliedern in dem wider den Eeligionsfrieden nit wenig beschwert, dass anstatt des freywilligen ungezwungenen Auszugs, so den Unter- thanen zu einer sondern Wohlthat im Religionsfrieden gegonnet, sie die Unterthanen auszuziehen u. dabey mit allem Ernst gezwungen werden, das Ihrig in einer engcn prafigirten Zeit, so Manchen unmuglich, mit Unstatten zu verkaufcn, u. das Land wie 228 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.-A.D. 1517-1648. peror Rudolph was indeed obliged, after he had been compelled to Ubelthater zu raumen, u. da sich ja einer seiner Gelegenheit nach in ein benachbart evangel. Ort begiebt, wird ihme doch nit gestattet, uf seine verlassene Statt oder Feld- guter zii gehen, u. die zu bauen, oder die gebaueten Frucht ihres Gefallens einzuheim- scben, sondern' ihnen ihre Guter noch darzu wider ihren Willen, auch zum Theil unbe- wusst'derselben in ganz geringen Werth gesetzt, und uberdiss die Nachsteur von den Unterthanen rnit Gewalt gefordert u. eingenomnien werden, alles den Reichsordnungen u der Billigkeit zuwider. Wie dann auch diejenigen, welche schon zur Eomischen Re- ligion treten, solcher harten Weis darbey zu bleiben verpflicht gemacht werden, dass, wenn sie wieder zur Augspurg. Confession sich begeben, die Obrigkeit sie als Apostatas a Unchristen zum hochsten zu strafen Macht haben sollten, wie die Formulae jurandi, auch derwegen hin u. wieder publicirte Mandata, darin den Evangelischen aller Handel bey Straf der Confiscation ihrer Giiter verboten, ausweisen. So will man auch der Re- ligion halben vertriebenen an andern Orten kein Schutz gonnen, u. die sie schutzen, verfol^en u. anfeinden ; die Declaration des Religionfriedens, so weil. Kaiser Ferdinand — begeben als unkraftig anziehen u. deuten." They also complained that the evangel- ical bishop's had no seat in the councils of the empire ; that in the courts the Catholics had a strong party majority ; that the council of the imperial court, consisting almost entirely of Catholics, had cases illegally brought before it (comp. Ranke, Fiirstlen u. Volker, iii. 408) ; that the incomes which should come from Catholic countries to clois- ters under evangelical sway were kept back ; that the evangelical party in Catholic territories were loaded with heavy pecuniary penalties ; that Catholic princes forbade their subjects buying and selling in the neighboring evangelical cities, etc. The Cath- olics on the other hand, in their rejoinder, maintained, in respect to the Religious Peace, "dass sie denselben bishero— ufrichtig, mit unverfulschtem Gewissen— gehalten, auch nit cemeint seyen, denselbigen in einige Disputation, Erkliiren, oder in was Namen des- sen°Veranderung bedacht werden konnte,— fur sich selbst zu Ziehen, oder ziehen zu lassen— Es lassen sich auch die kathol. Stande wenig irren, wie es billig den andern Tbeil auch so hoch nicht anfechten sollt,— was von Ufhebung des Religionfriedens, ob u. wie lang derselbig bestiindig seyn soil oder konne, disputiret, besagt, oder besckrie- ben wird —Wie nicht wenigers auch ihnen ganz u. gar kein Gefallens an dem unbe- scheidenen Ausschreien geschieht, wollen es auch wissender Ding ungern verhangen, do sie die Katholische u. ihre Religion hin u. wieder uf der Gegentheil Canzeln unver- laumdt unausgediinzelt, u. ihre hohere Stand unverketzert, u. vor den rechten Anti- christen olmausgeschrien bleiben mochten." The spiritual jurisdiction was suspended, they said in Protestant countries, but not in the Catholic ; the latter still reverentially acknowledged the Pope as the visible head of the Church. " Zu welchem Ende dann die papstl. Legaten u. Nuntii jezuweilen in das h. Reich verordnet werden, einzig der Inspection halben, damit bey der Katholischen Kirchen die unzertrennte Einigkeit u. alte darbey herbrachte Ordnungen in bestiindigem Wesen erhalten werden, dariiber sie auch im Reich kein andere Verwaltung haben, oder jemand der Katholischen ihnen et- was weiter dem h. Reich oder einigen desselben Stand zu Nachtheil einzuraumen ge- meint u. wird ihnen mit keinen Fugen zugelegt, dass sie die Zeit u. Jahr zu verandern unterstehen, sondern hat allein die Papstl. Heiligkeit die Tage der Zahl halben, der Kirchen u. mathematisehen Nothdurft nach, mit Wissen der Kais. Maj. u. anderer Po- tentaten (wie es Julius Casar gethan, u. andere lobliche Kaiser auch thun wollen) zu- ruck