hhh from f#e fetfirarg of (professor Jgatnuef QJtiffer in QfttemorE of 3ubge £fomuef (tttifPer QlSreditnribge (presenfeo fig ^dmuef (tttiffer QBrecftinribge feong to f0e feifirarg of (prtncefon Cljeofogtcaf ^eminarg 7^0 > ' y ? / / HIND LET LOOSE; &'•&>• OR, /fZ& AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION O F T HE TESTIMONIES O F T H E CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, FOR THE INTEREST OF CHRIST. WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS. TOGETHER W|TH A Vindication of the prefect TestiotH&y againft the Popifh, Pre- latical, and malignant Enemies of that Church, as it is new ftat- ed, for the Prerogatives of Christ, Privileges of the Church, artd Liberties of Mankind ; a"nd fealed by the iufferings of a re- proached Remnant of Prefbyterians there, witneffing againfl the Corruptions of the Time : WHEREIN Several Controverfies of greateft Confequence are enquired into, and in fome meafure cleared ; concerning hearing of the Curates, own- ing of the prefent Tyranny, taking of enfnaring Oaths and Bonds, frequenting of Field-meetings, defenfive Refiftance of tyrannical Violence, with feveral other fubordinate Queftions ufeful for thefe Times, ,.;. y Ey Mr. ALEXANDER SHIELS, late minister of the gospel in st. Andrew's. Pfal. xciv. lO. Shall the throne of iniquity have fdloivjhip ivith thee, ivhich frameth tnifcbirf by a la-zv ? Rev. xii. II. And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the tvoid of their teflimor.y ; and they loved not their lives unto the dsatb. r*-<$Zi$$1fii'* PRINTED BT WILLIAM PATON, FOR JOHN KIRK, CALTON, THE PUBLISHER. T 797 PREFACE. Christian Reader, PRESUMING it is thy defire to anfwer the holy and honourable dehgnation I accofl: thee with, I fhall take the confidence to allure thee, it is my defign to anfwer, in fome meafure, the expectation which the title of this treatife would offer, in the hope that, wherein I come fhort (as I indeed confefs not only my jealous fears, but my fenfible conviction of my infufficiency for fuch a great undertaking) thy Chris- tian tendernefs will impute it to my weaknefs, and not to any want of worth in the caufe I manage, which is truly worthy, weighty, noble and honourable, in the efteem of all the lovers of Chrift, that have zeal for his honour in exercife ; and therefore as it gives me all the encouragement I have, in dependence on his furniture whofe caufe it is, to make fuch an effay, fo it animates my ambition, albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion to its merit, yet to move the Chriftian reader to make enquiry about it, and then fure I am he will find it is truth I plead for, though my plea be weak. All I fhall further fay by way of preface, is to declare the reafon of the title, and the defign of the work. Though books ufe not to be required to render a reafon of their names, which often are arbitrarily im- pofed more for the author's fancy and the time's fa- shion, than for the reader's inftruction : yet, feeing the time's injuries do oblige the author to conceal his name, the title will not obfcurely notify it to fome for whofe fatisfattion this is mainly intended, and fig- nify alio the fcope of the fubjecl ; which aims at giv- ing goodly words, not fugared with parafitic fvveet- nefs, nor painted with affe&ed pedantry, but fairly A a brought IV PREFACE. brought forth in an unhampered freedom, for the beauty of the bleffing of human and Chriftian liberty, in its due and true boundaries. This was the fubjeft of a difcourfe, as fome may remember, on that text whence this title is taken, Gen. xlix. ar. *« Naphtali is a Hind let loofe." In profecuting of which, the fpeaker, with feveral others, falling at the fame time into the hands of the hunters, (to learn the worth of that interrupted fubject from the experience of the want of it) an occaiion was given, and interpreted by the author to be a call to ftudy more the precioufnefs of that privilege predicated of Naphtali, which is the right and property of the wreftling tribe of Ifrael, the perfecuted witnefTes of Chrift now every where prey- ed upon. And now, providence having opened a door for " delivering himfelf as a roe from the hand of the " hunter," he thought it his duty, and as neceiTa. ty a piece of fervice as he could do to the generation, to bring to light his lucubrations thereupon ; with an endeavour to difcover to all that are free born, and are not contented flaves, mancipated to a ftupid fub- jeclion to tyrants abfolutenefs, that this character of Naphtali, " fatisfied with favour, and full with the " bleffing of the Lord," that he is a " hind let loofe" from the yoke of tyrannical flavery, is far preferable, in the account of all that underftand to be Chriftians or men, to that infamous ftigma of IlTachar (the fin, lhame, and milery of this age) to be " a ftrong afs, " couching under two burdens ; and he faw that reft tc was good, and the land that it was pleafant, and " bowed his moulder to bear, and became a fervant " unto tribute." But to all that are not altogether Grangers in our Ifrael, it will appear, that this title is not inaptly applied to the fubjeQ: and defign of this treatife. The party whofe cafe and caufe, and con- tendings are here treated of, being known to have the fame fituation of refidence in Scotland that Naph- tali had in Ifrael, viz. the weft and the fouth (Deut. xxxiii. 23.) will be found, among all our tribes, moit PREFACE. mod appofitely to bear *he fignature of Naphtali, who, in their wreftlings for the intereft of Chrift and the liberties of his Ifrael, have mollly jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields ; and chiefly to deferve his elogy, being a fcC hind", (called wild by nickname in the fcorn of them that are at eafe, but) truly weak, in their prefent wildernefs condition, to wreftle againfl the force and fraud of their cruel and cunning hun- ters, who ceafe not (when they have now got the reft of the roes and hinds of the field made fafl afleep, under the bondage of the lions dens and mountains of leopards, by a pretence of a falfely fo called liberty of confcience) to feek and purfue the chace of them for a prey ; yet really they are " let loofe," and not only fufFered to run loofe, as a prey to the hunters, by the unwatchfulnefs of their keepers, but made to elcape loofe, by the mercy of the Mighty One of Ja- cob, from the nets of the hunters and fnares of the fowlers, and from the yoke of the bondage of thefe beads of prey, to whole authority they will not own a willing fubjeftion ; and being fuch " hinds," fo " let loofe," they make it their work to give goodly words, for the worth and honour, and royalties of their princely mafter, and for the precious liberties wherewith he hath endoted and entrufted his fpoufe and children, and to keep the goodly words of his patience, until he return "as a roe or a young hart up- " on the mountains of Bethei." This being the par- ty who are reprefented as the wild folk oi Scotland, the defign of this treatife is to'hold forth the hiftory of their manifold chaces, the* craft, keenefs, and cru- elty of their hunters, and the goodlinefs of the words of their teftimony, which, by reafon of the likenefs of the teftimony of former periods with the prefent, and that the latter ma> be vindicated by the former, is refumed from the beginning of the Church of Scot- land's wreftlings againft the enemies of Chrift, and deduced through all the molt fignal fteps of this long propagated and hereditary war. And, left my words mould VI PREFACE. fhould not be goodly enough, nor my notions grate- ful to the critics of this age, who cad every thing as new and nice, which is iomeway lingular, and not fuited. to their fentiments ; that it may appear the caufe here cleared and vindicated is not of yefterday, but older than their grandfathers who oppofe it, I dare avouch, without vanity, there is nothing here but what is confirmed by authors of greateft note and repute in our church, both ancient and modern, namely, Buchanan, Knox, Calderwood, Acts of Ge- neral Affemblies, Caufes of Wrath, Lex Rex, Apo- logetical Relation, Naphtali, Jus Populi, Hiftory of the Indulgence, Banders Difbanded, Reclius Inflru- endum, and fome other authors much refpected, whofe authority, more always repelled by rage than ever yet refilled by reafon, though I value more than all the vain oblatrations of the oppofers of this tefti- mony, and think it fufficient to confute all imputa- tions of its novelty, and to counterbalance the weight that may be laid on the contradictions of the greateft that treat on this fubjecl, yet I do not lay fo much flrefs on the reafon of their authority as on the au- thority of their reafon, which is here reprefented with that candour and care, that, left any Ihould cavil that they are wrefted or wronged when made to fpeak io patly to the prefent controverfies, I have chofen rather to tranferibe their word?, than to borrow their matter dreffed up in my own, except where the pro- lixity and multiplicity of their arguments, as clearly demonftrating that which I adduce them for, as that for which they were piimarily intended, did impofe the neceflity of abridging them, which yet is moftly in their own words, though reduced into a follogif- tical form. But this obloquy of novelty being anti- cipated, when I reflect on the helps I have collected from fo many hands, 1 am rather afraid the truths here delivered be contemned as obfolete and antiquate, than call at for new fpeculations. However, I am content, yea it is my ambition, that nothing here be looked PREFACE. Vli looked upon as mine, but that it may appear this is an old plea, and that the party here pleaded for, who are ftigmatized with many fingularities, are a people who afk the old paths, and the good way, that they may walk therein ; and though their paths be not now much paved, by the frequency of paffengers, and multitude of profeffors walking therein, and al- beit it muft indeed be confeffed the word of their tef- timony is fomeway lingular, that the fame things were never the word of Chrift's patience, ftated as heads of fuffering before, yet they are not untrodden paths, but the fame way of truth which hath been maintained by the witneffes of Chrift in all the pe- riods of our church, and aflerted by the greateft con- feflbrs, though never before fealed by martyrs. As for the arguments I bring to clear and confirm them, whether they be accounted mine, or borrowed from others, I am very indifferent, if they prove the point they are brought for, which I hope they will be found to do ; but of this I am confident, there is nothing here can be condemned until fome one or more of thefe grave authors be confuted ; and, when that is done, (which will be never, or againft the thirtieth of February), there is fomething befides here, which will challenge confideration. The defign then of this work is of great import- ance, even no lefs than to effay the difcuffmg the diffi- culties of all our conflicts with open enemies, about the prelent ftate of the teflimony ; the vindicating of all the heads of fufferings fuflained thereupon thefe twenty-feven years pad ; the propofing of the right ftate of the teflimony for the intereft of Chrift, not only of this, but of all former periods, with an ac- count of the propagation and profecution of the wit- neffes, wreftlings, and fufferings of it from time to time, to the end it may appear, not only how great the fufferings have been, fince this fatal cataftrophe and overturning of the covenanted reformation, and unhappy reftoration of tyranny and prelacy j buc that viii Preface. that the grounds upon which they have been Hated, are- not niceties and novelties, (as they are reproach- ed and reprobated by many), but worthy and weigh- ty truths of great value and validity, and of near af- finity unto, and conformity with the continued feries and fucceflion of the teftimonies in all former periods. So that in this little treatife muft be contained a com- pendious hiftory of the Church of Scotland, her tef' timony in all ages, a vindication of the prefent ftate of it ; yea, in effect, a fhort epitome of the fubftance of thofe famous forecited authors, as far as we need to confult them, concerning the controverfies of the prefent time with adverfaries ; which is much, and perhaps too much, to be undertaken in fo fmall a vo- lume. But confidering that many who are concern- ed in this caufe, yea the mod: part who concern them- feives about, are fuch who have neither accefs, nor time, nor capacity to revolve the voluminous labours of thefe learned men for light in this cafe, I have done bed to bring them into one body of portable bulk with as great brevity as could confift well with any mymeafure of perfpicuity,not meddling with any thing but what 1 thought might fome way conduce to clear fome part of the prefent teftimony. Every undertaking of this nature cannot but be li- able to feveral difadvantages that are unavoidable : this hath many difcouraging and difficult. One is, that it (hall be expofed to the common fate of fuch repre- fentations, to be ftigmatized as a feditious libel, and fo may be fent to the flames to be confuted ; and, to inflame the fury of thefe firebrands, already hell-hot, into the utmofi: extremity of rage againfl the author, that ever cruelty itfelf at its fulleft freedom did exert againfl: truth and reafon arraigned, and cafl: for fedi- tion and treafon : the only fanduary in fuch a cafe, is, in profpecl: of this, to have the greater care that nothing be fpoken, but what the fpeaker may dare to affirm in the face of cruelty itfelf. A fecond common difadyantsge is obvious from the confideration of the humour PREFACE. Jx humour of the age ; wherein fancy hath greater force than faith, and nothing is pleafmg but what is parafi- tical, or attempered to the palate of the greateit, not of the bed ; and naked truth, without the fairdings of flattery, or paintings of that pakinefs which is com- monly applauded as prudence now a-days, is either boggled at, or expofed to fcorn and contempt ; and reafon, if roundly written, except it meet with an ho- neft heart, is commonly read with a Hammering mouth, which puts a T before it, and then it is Hum- bled at as Treafon. This effiiy does expect no enter- tainment from any, but fuch who refolve to harbour truth, be the hazard what will, even when the world raifes the Hue and Cry after it, and from fuch who are really groaning, either by fuffering or fympathy, un- der the fame grievances here represented. There is a third, which makes it not a little difficult, the quali- ty, quantity, and intricacy of the matter, here to be confined to fuch a compend. All which, together considered, do infer a fourth difficulty, that hardly can it get a pafs through the prefs ; which is blocked up a- gainft all fuch books that may offer a manifeftation of the innocency of that people, and the injuftice and in- humanity of their enemies ; which is their only hope of preventing the world's knowledge and condemnation of their actings. Yea, there is a fifth, that wants not its own difficulty ; that though the Prefs were pa- tent, yet an empty purfe, from a poor impoverished people, will as readily preclude all accefs to it, as if it were locked up by law ; but both together make it hard. But there is a fixth difadvantage yet more dif- couraging, that the man as well as the money, is want- ing to manage the bufmefs : and this needs no other proof, than the neceflity of my poor pen to undertake it, inftead of a better. It muft needs be very low with that people, that (land in need of fuch a pitiful patro- ciny as mine is. Our perfecuted brethren, elfewherc, have this advantage of us, that they have champions to efpoufe their quarrel, which we have not ; but on- B ly X PREFACE ly fucb, who as they are reputed in the world, fo, In their own fenfe, own themfelves to be very unaccom- plifhed for fuch work ; and under this invincible dis- advantage alfo, that, being forced to a wandering and unfettled life, they have no conveniency, nor can be ac- commodated with time, nor helps to perform it ; and fo circumftantiated, that either it mull be done at this time, and in this manner, or not at all. In the feventh place, we are at a greater lofs than any Suf- fering people ; in that, among all other bitter ingre- dients, we have this gall alfo in our cup, that they that fuffer mofl among us, have not the comfort and benefit of the fympathy of others, that fufferers ufe to have from good people. The reafon of this makes an eighth difcouragement, befides what is faid above j that not only is the cafe and caufe of that poor perfe- cuted and wafted witneffing remnant, obfcure in itfelf, and not known in the world, nay, not fo much as in the very neighbouring churches of England and Ireland, but alfo more obfcured by the malice of enemies, tra- ducing, calumniating, and reproaching that righteous remnant whom they intend to ruin ; not indeed as he- reticks (which is the cafe of other fuffering churches, wherein they have the advantage of us alfo ; that though the name be more odious, yet it makes the notion of their caufe, and the nature of their enemies, notour, and is more effectual to conciliate fympathy from all that know that Proteftants are perfecuted by Papifts under the notion of hereticks : but we are at a lofs in this, that our perfecutors, at leaft the mofl part of the executioners of the perfecution, will not as yet avouch that Proteftantifm is herefy though we want not this nick-name likewife from the chief of them that are profefTed Papifts) but as Scifmaticks, Seditious, Rebels, Traitors, Murderers, Holding prin- ciples inconfiftent with Government, (to wit, their tyranny), and the peace of human fociety, (to wit, their afibciation againft religion and liberty),and there- fore to be exterminated out of the world. And this impofture^ PREFACE. XI impofture, covering all their mifchiefs, hath prevail- ed fo far with the blinded world, that under this brand the confideration of their cafe and caufe is buried, without farther inquiry. This were yet more tolera- ble from open enemies, if there were not another more preffing difcouragement, in the ninth place, peculiar to them in Scotland ; that having to do with treacher- ous as well as truculent enemies, as they have been much deftroyed by open force, fo much more by fraud ; while, by enfnaring favours, fome have been flattered from the teftimony, others difdaining and fufpecting, as well as deprived of, and fecluded from, thefe favours, have ftuck to it ; hence defection brought on divifion, and divifion confuilon, which hath reduced the reformation to a ruinous heap. In the next place, as the confequent of the former, while the purer remnant have been refolutely profecuting the 'teftimony, and not only keeping themfelves free of, and Handing at the farther! diflance from, all degrees of compliance, but alfo witneiling againft their brethren involved in them and thinking it their duty to difcountenance them in thefe corruptions and back- flidings ; they have been therefore reproached and mifreprefented very induftrioufly, as " Ignorant, Im- " prudent, Tranfported with blind zeal, Extravagant, " wild Separatifts, Efpoufing new and nice notions, " rejecters of the miniflry, impofers on the miniftry, " deniersof all government, ufurpers of an imaginary " government of their own, that died as fools, and as kins, under the pains of perjury. ■ Ambrofe. He that does not keep off injury from his neighbour, if he can do it, is as much in the fault as he who does it. Chamier. But all fubjeds have right or wfifting ty- rants, who by open force acquire dominion. Barclay. Againji contenders for Monarchy. All anti- quity agrees, that tyrants can, moft juftly, be at- tacked and flain as public enemies, not only by tne public, but alfo by individual perfons. A HIND LET LOOSE; O R, ■ *AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION O F TH E TESTIMONIES G F T H E CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, FOR THE INTEREST OF CHRIST WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS. WITH A VINDICATION OF THE PRESENT TESTIMONY. THE church of Chrift, in the imprefiion of all that have the leaft fpark of the day's fpirit is now brought tofuch a doleful and dreadful cafe and crifis, that if it be not reckoned the killing of the witneffes' yet all that have or defire the knowledge of the times' wijl judge it no impeachment to the prophecy to fay,' it is either very like, or near unto it. When now' the devil is come down in great wrath, and knowing his time is but fliort, and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom and violence, craft and cruelty of the dragon, and antichrift, alias pope, his captain- general, is now univerfally prevailing, and plying all his hellifli engines to batter down, and bury under the rubbifh of everlafting darknefs, what is left to be deftroyed of the work of reformation ; and the crown- ed heads, or horns of the beaft, the tyrants, alias kings of Europe, his council of war, are advancing their prerogatives upon the ruins of the nations and churches privileges, to fuch a pitch of abfolutenefs, c 2 and 20 A HIND LET LOOSE. and improving and employing their power for promot- ing their matters (the devil and antichrifts) interefts, to whom they have gifted the churche^f maneipated their own, and facrificed the nations intereft ; and that with fuch combination of counfels, and counte- nance of providential fuccefs, that all the powers of hell, the principalities of earth, and the providence of heaven, over-ruling all things for the accomplifh- ment of the divine purpofe, and purchafe, and pre- diction, feem to ccnfpire to produce that prodigious period, and lad attempt of the church's enemy. And the commencement is fo far advanced, that now in all the churches of Europe either the witneffes of Chrifl are a killing, or the witnefs for Chrift. is in a great meafure killed ; either the followers of the Lamb, who are called, and chofen, and faithful, are killed for their teilimony, or fainting in their zeal, and fal- ling from their firft love, they are cooled or cajoled from their teftimoiiy. Some are indulging themfelves in their eafe, fettling on their lees, and fleeping in a ftupid fecurity j and, while the Lord is roaring from above, and his, and their enemies raging about them, and defigning to raze them after they have ruined their neighbours, they are rotting away under the deftruttive diftempers of deteftable neutrality, loath- fome lukewarmnefs, declining, and decaying in cor- ruptions, defections, divifions, diftra&ions, confu- fions ; and fo judicially infatuated with darknefs and delufions, that they forget and forego the neceflary teitimony of the day. Others again, outwearied with the length and weight of the trial, under the tempta- tion of antichriff/s formidable ftrength on the one hand, and a deceitful profpeft of an infnaring liberty on the other, are overcome either to be hectored or flattered from their teftimonv. And fo, in thefe churches, comprehending all that are free from per- fection at this time, the witnefs for Chrift is in a great meafure killed. Other churches, which are keeping and contending for the word of Chuff's pa- tience, A HIND LET LOOSE. 21 tienqe, are fo wafted, and almoft worn out, with per- sons, afflictions, and calamities, that, after they have been, and are (fo much) daily killed for the vu i of God', and the teftimony of Jefus, it may well be laid, there hath been, and is, a great flaughter of the witnefles. And it were hard to determine, which of them can give the largeit and mod lamentable ac- count of their fufFerings, or which of them have had the greateft and moft grievous experiences of the treachery and truculency, violence and villany of a- theiftical and papiftical enemies : whether the reform- ed church of France, howling under the paw of that devouring lion, the French tyrant ; or the proteftants of Hungary under the tearing claws of that ravenous eagle, the tyrant of Auftria ; or thofe of Piedmont, under the grafiant tyranny of that little tyger of Sa- voy. The accounts they give in print, the reports they bring with them in their flight from their ref- pective countries, and the little hints we have in ga- zettes and news-letters, muft needs enforce a convic- tion, if not extort a companion of the greatnefs of their preffures ; and that with fuch a parity, that it is doubtful which preponderates. I mail not make com- parifons, nor aggravate nor extenuate the fufFerings of any of the churches of Chrift, beyond or below their due meafures ; but will prefume to plead, that Scot- land, another ancient, and fometimes famous reform- ed church, be inrolled in the catalogue of fuffering churches, befides thefe mentioned ; and crave, that ine may have a fhare of that charity and fympathy which is the demand and defire of afflicted churches of Chrift, from all the fellow- members of that fame body : and fo much the rather is this her due, that, whereas, among all the reft of the churches, Chrift's witnefles are killed in fome particular refpect, and each of them have their own proper complaint of it ; fome upon the account of perfecution, fome of de- fection, divifion, &c. of this it may be faid, in all refpects', both the witnefles of Chrift, and a witnefs for 22 A HIND LET LOOSE. for Chrift, are killed with a witnefs. This is the cafe of the fometimes renowned, famous, faithful, and fruitful, reformed, covenanted church of Scot- land, famous for unity, faithful for verity, fruitful in the purity of doctrine, worfliip, difcipline, and go- vernment ; which now, for thefe twenty-feven years paft, under the domination of the late tyrant, and prefent ufurper of Britain, hath been fo wafted with oppreilion, wounded with perfecution, rent with di- vifion, ruined with defection, that now fhe is as much defpifed, as fhe was before admired ; and her witnefs and testimony for reformation, is now as far depreffed snd fuppreffed in obfcurity, as it was formerly declared and depredicated in glory and honour. And yet, which iiiould move the greater commiferation, her witnef- iings and wrefilings, trials and temptations, have not been inferior, in manner or meafure, quality or con- tinuance, to any of the fore- mentioned churches, though in extent not fo great, becaufe her precincl: is not fo large, whereby the number of her opprefled and murdered children could not be fo multiplied, though her martyrs be more, and the manner of their murder more illegal, than can be inftanced in any of them during that time. A particular enumeration or ennaration whereof, cannot be here exhibited, but is referred and referved to a peculiar treatife of that fub- jecl, which ere long the world may fee. Only I mail give a compendious account of the kinds and caufes, grounds and heads of their fufferings, who have been moft flighted, and lead fympatized with, though they have luftained the greateft feverities of any ; and, in end, endeavour to vindicate the merit of their caufe, in the moil principal heads upon which their fuffer- ings have been ftated : whereby it will appear to im- partial men, that will not be impofed upon, there hath been, and yet is, a great and grievous, and fome way unparalleled, perfecution in Scotland, at leaft in- ferior to none : which hath not hitherto been duly conltdered, A HIND LET LOOSE. 23 confidered, with any proportion to the importance thereof. But though this be the fcope, it is not the fum of what is intended in this difcourfe. The method I have propofed to profecute it withal, will difcover it ; which is, 1. To give a brief and fummary account of the feries and fucceflion, fuccefs and refult of the feveral contendings of the witneffes of Chrift, againlt his enemies in Scotland from time to time j that it may appear, whether or not the prefent fufFerings, as now ftated, can be condemned, if the former be ap- proven. 2. To rehearfe fome of the chief means, methods and meafures, that the popifh, prelatical and malignant fa&ion have managed, for the ruin of this witnefling remnant, and fome of the mod fignal fteps of fufferings fuftained by and from thefe within thefe twenty-feven years ; by which it will appear, that the perfecution in Scotland hath been very remarkable (though little regarded) both in refpecl of the injuf- tice, illegality, and inhumanity of the perfecutors, and in refpecl: of the innocency, zeal and ingenuity of the perfecuted. 3. To clear the Hate, and vindicate the merit of the caufe of their fufferings, as to the moft material heads of it, that are moft controverted at this time. In the frrft of thefe, I muft ftudy all compendious brevity, as may confift with the clearing of my fcope ; which is not to enlarge an hiflorical de- duction of the rife and refult, progrefs and profecu- tion, occafion and continuation of every controverfy the church hath had with her feveral adverfaries in feveral periods ; but only to hint at the chief heads of their contendings, with a defign to make it appear, that the mod material heads of fufterings that are now condemned as new and nice notions, have been tranfmitted from age to age, from the beginning even to this prefent time, through all the periods of this. church. PERIOD 24 A HIND LET LOOSE. PER I O D I. Comprehending the Testimony of the Cul dees. IT is not without reafon reckoned among the pecu- liar prerogatives of the renowned church of Scotland, that Chrift's conqueft in the converfion.of that nation, is one of the raoft eminent accomplishments of fcrip- ture-prophecies, of the propagation of his kingdom in the new teftament difpenfation ; not only becaufe it was, when called out of Gentile paganifm, among the rudeft of heathen nations, and in the acknowledge- ment of all, among "the uttermoft parts of the earth," which were given to Chrift for his inheritance and pofieulon ; whereunto he had, and hath ftill un- doubted right, by his Father's grant, and by his own purchafe ; and took infeftment of it by a glorious conqueft of that land, which the Roman arms could never fubdue ; and erefted his victorious trophies there, whither their triumphs could never penetrate ; obtaining and thereby accompliftiing that predicted ibng of praife, " From the uttermoft parts of the " earth have we heard fongs, even glory to the righ- " teous." Which gives us ground to expect, that however Chrift's intereft there be now very low, and like to be loft as a prey in the dragon's mouth, yet Chrift, having fuch undoubted and manifold right to it, will not fo eafily quit or forego his pofleflion j but alfo, becaufe he hath fo conftantly continued his pof- leflion, and maintained his title, by a long courfe of contendings, by the teftimonies of his witnefies againft ihe invaders thereof, through all the periods of the church, from the very infancy of this new difpenfa- tion } and becaufe Scotland's converfion unto the Chriftian A HIND LET LOOSE. 25 Chriftian faith was among the firft fruits of the Gen- tiles, of the oldeft date, that any ftanding church holding the head Chrift this day can deduce its origi- nal from. For it is clear from ancient records, the Chriftian faith was embraced here a few years after the afcenfion of our Saviour, being taught by the dif- ciples of John the apoftle ; and received afterwards great increafe from the Britons flying to Scotland to efcape the perfecution of the Plmperor Domitian, and was long promoted by the ancient Culdees, (or worfhippers of God.) men whofe memory is (till fragrant for piety and purity of faith and life, who continued fome hundreds of years under various vi- ciffitudes of providence, before either prelacy or pope- ry was known in Scotland. They were flrft univerfal- ly encouraged by King Cratilinth, in the time of the laft perfecution underDioclefian, which brought many of Chrift's witneffes hither for fhelter, who were very helpful for the fettling of truth, and the total extir- pation of the idolatry of the Druids, the heathen priefts, whereby the pure doctrine, worfhip, and go- vernment alfo, of Chrift's inftitution, was eftablifhed and continued many years, while thefe witneffes of Chrift had no other emulation but of well-doing, and to advance piety. In this period, thefe ancient, and fir ft 'confefiors and witneffes of Chrift, did wreitle ftrenuoufly, according to their ftrength and light, for the truths and words of Chrift's patience, controvert- ed in their day, both againft profeffed enemies, Pa- gan perfecutors and priefts, and pretended friends, corrupters of the faith. Their teftimony was ftated in a peculiar manner, for the verity, value and virtue of Chrift's natures and offices, in aliening his truths relative to either, againft the malignants and fectaries of their time ; particularly for the concerns of his prophetical office. And though we be at a lofs, that for the moft part their witnefs is buried in oblivion, throucrh the darknefs of the times fuccesdine ; vet D the 2& A HIND LET LOOSE* the fcrapes and fragments that are left, do furnifh us with thefe few remarks. I. They maintained the verity of the Chriftian doc- trine, againft both Pagan Perfecuiors and heretical perverters ; and the purity of his inftituted worfhip, without the vanity of human inventions, or conformi- ty with, either the Druids on the one hand, or the heretics on the other, with which, fometime before the end of that period, they were infefted } chiefly the Pelagians, with whom the faithful would have no com- munion $ but abftracled themfelves in a monaftical life, living and exercifing their religion in cells, from whence many places in the country yet retain the name, as Kilmarnock, Kilpatrick, &c. that is the cells of thefe eminent men among the Culdees. And their government alfo was that of the primitive order, without bifhops, with little vanity, but great fimplicity and holinefs. Many authors do teftify, that near a- bout 400 years, the church of Scotland knew nothing of the epifeopal Hierarchy, until Palladius brought 16 in, and not without great oppofition. II. In thefe receffes, they had the advantage, both of outward peace, when others were in trouble, and of in- ward peace of confcience, when others were debauch- ed with many conjurations and abjurations, combina- tions and confederacies, impofed and exacted by thein that prevailed for the time, whereby they might both keep themfelves free of enfnaring oaths, perfidious compliances, and afibciations with the wicked, and alfo entertain and encourage the oppreffed for equity, who fled unto their faneluary for fafety. We find they refuf- ed to enter into league with malignant enemies. One memorable palTage 1 mall infert (though (Iriclly it be- long not to this period, as I diftinguifli it, yet falling out, within eighty years thereafter, in the time of the Culdees, it will not obfcurely evidence the truth of this) Goranus the forty-fifth king of Scots, earneftly diffuaded Lothus king of Picts to entertain the league with the Saxons, not only becaufe they were treach- erous A HIND LET LOOSE. 27 erous and cruel, but becaufe they were enemies to the country and to the religion they profefTed, concluding thus : Homini vera Chri'Hano id huge omnium videri, &c. " But to a Christian nothing muft feem more " grievous, fhan to confent to fuch a covenant, " as will extinguifh the Christian religion, and reduce " the prophane cuftoms of the heathen, and arm wick- V ed tyrants, the enemies of all humanity and piety, *,' againft God and his laws." Whereupon Lothus was perfuaded to relinquifh the Saxons, Buchan. Hift. Rer. Seotic. III. Though they were not for partaking in wicked unneceflary wars, without authority, or againft: it ; yet we have ground to conclude, they were for war, and did maintain the principle of reiifting tyranny ; fince there was never more of the practice of it, nor more happy reiiftances in any age, than in that ; where we find, that, as their anceltors had frequently done be- fore, fo they alfo followed their footfteps, in refilling, reducing to ord7 a continued cracl: of the witneflings and wrefllings of their worthy anceftors, and now let it flip and Hide through their feeble fingers ; and does the more juf- tify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of the prefent fufFerers, who, at leafl, when they cannot re-act thefc mighty works, in defending religion and liberty, do chufe rather to die than to refign the teftimony, or quit the leaft privilege that their progenitors poffefTcd them of: and though they be fupercilioufly defpifed, as little infignifkant nothings in the eyes of the bulk of the big boafters of this blind age ; yet if thefe valiant heroes, who did fuch exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of reformation, were now to fee the dull dotages of this dreaming generation, (not only fufFering and confenrv ing to, but congratulating and applauding, the intro- duction and re eftablifhment of idolatry and tyranny, popery and flavery, upon the ruins of the work they built with fo great expence) ; and were to read the pitiful petitions, and airy and empty, flattering and fawning addreffes, to this antichriftian tyrant, for the toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odi- ous notion of a crime, which they had conveyed to them under the fecurity of a fundamental law ; they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children, who difdain and difown fuch difhonourable and daftardly yieldings, and are therefore moil defpifed with dif- dain and defpight. A brief rehearlal of their contend- mgs will clear the cafe. While the Queen Dowager regent reigned by the curfe of God, and employed all her power and poli- cy to fupprefs the gofpel in Scotland, God fo coun- teracted her, thdt the blood of the martyrs fhe caufed to be murdered, proved the feed of the church ; and the endeavours of his fervants had fuch fuccefs, that no fmall part of the barons and gentlemen, as well as . commons, began to abhor the tyranny of the bifhops : yea, men'ahhoft univerfally began to doubt, whether they could without fin give their bodily prefence ' to 'the 38 A HIND LET LOOSE. ' the mafs, or offer their children to the papiftical * baptifm ? Whether thefe that were in any public * truft, could with fafe conference ferve the higher c powers in maintaining of icolatry, perfecting their * brethren, and fuppreffing Chrifl's truth ? Or whe- c ther rhey might fuffer their brethren to be murdered * in their prefence, without any declaration that fuch * tyranny difpleafed them ?' And, from the fcriptures, they were refolved, That a lively faith requires a plain confeffion, when ChrihVs truth is impugned j and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but alfo they that confent to evil, and this they mould do. if feeing fuch things openly committed, they mould be filent, and fo allow whatfoever was done. From doubts they came to determinations, to endeavour that Chrift Jefus his glorious gofpel fhould be preached, his holy facraments truly miniftred, fuperflitioo, idolatry, and tyranny fhould be fuppreffed in this realm ; and that both as to the worfhip, difcipline, and government, the reverend face of the firif primitive and apoftolic church fhould be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never fainted till the work was finifhed. To accomplifh this, famous and faith- ful Mr. Knox, and other fervants of the Lord, did preach diligently in private meetings. And for that, when they were fummoned before the Queen, feveral zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended, and told her with a vow, ' They fnould make a day of it, becaufe they oppref- * fed them and their tenants for feeding their idle be!- c lies, they troubled the preachers, and would murder * all ; fhould they fuffer this any longer ? No ; it ' fhould not be/ Thereafter, the more effectually to profecute the reformation begun, they entered into covenants, to maintain and advance that work of re- formation, and to ftand to the defence thereof; and of one another, againfl all wicked power, that might Intend tyranny or trouble againfl them, and to refent any A HIND LET LOO^E. 39 any injury clone to any of their brethren, upon the ac- count of the common ciufe, as done to all. Of which covenants they entered into many very folemnly ; one was at Edinburgh in the year 1557; another at Perth 1559; another at Stirling 1559, binding, that none mould have any correfpondence with the Queen, without notifying it to one another; and that nothing mould proceed therein, without common con- fent of them all. Another at Leith, in the year 1560; another at Ayr, in the year 1562, of the fame tenor. By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among themfelves, fo was it the more fear- ful to their adverfaries : when, according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held coun- fels with fuch gravity and clofenefs, that the enemies trembled. I mention thefe things more particularly, becaufe thefe fame very things commended in our fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating fuch covenants of the fame nature and tenor, and binding to the fame very duties, and pro- iecute in the fame methods of keeping general meet- ings for correfpondence, and confultation about com- mon mutual duties in common danger ; whereunto they have not only prefent neceflity to urge them, but alfo preterite examples of thefe worthies to encourage them, and their experience of comfort and tranquil- lity they reaped, by thefe Chriftian afTemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of their body. Thefe be- ginnings, the zealous covenanted reformers left no means uneffayed to promote, by proteftations to the parliament, and petitions, and many reiterated addref* fes to the Queen Dowager : from whom they receiv- ed many renewed fair promifes ; which me had never mind to keep, and wanted not the impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, c It be- ' comes not fubjects to burden their princes with * promifes further than it pleafed them to keep the ' fame ;' 40 A HIND LET LOOSE. fame :' and, at another time, £ that me was bound to keep no faith to hereticks :' and again, ' that prin- ces mud not be ftrickly bound to keep their promif- es ; and that herfelf would make little confcience to take from all that fort their lives and inheritance, if (he might do it with an honeft excufe.' Wherein fhe fpoke not only the venom of her own heart, but the very foul and fenfe, principle and project of all popifh princes: whereby we may fee what fecurity we have for religion and liberty this day, though the molt part make fuch a pretence a pillow to fleep on. But, after ma- ny difcoveries in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be bribed by promifes, blinded by pretences, nor boafted by her proclamati- ons, (flandering their enterprife, as if it pertained no- thing to religion) from their endeavours to profecute the fame : but finding themfelves compelled to take the fword of jufl defence, againft all that mould pur- fue them for the matter of religon, they firft llgniiied unto her ; * that they would notify to the lung of c France, and all Chriftian princes, that her cruel, un- ' juft, and mod tyrannical murder intended againtl c towns and multitudes, was and is the only caufe of ' their revolt from their accuftomed obedience, which c they owned and promifed to their Sovereign ; pro- ' vided they might live in peace and liberty, and enjoy c Chrifl's gofpel, without which they firmly purpofene- 6 verto be fubjecl to mortal man; and that better itv.ere 6 to expofe their bodies to a thoufand deaths ; than c to deny Chrift ; which thing not only do they, who 4 commit open idolatry, but alfo all fuch, as, feeing ' their brethren purfued for the caufe of religion, and ' having no fufficient means to comfort and affift them, c do neverthelefs withdraw from them their dutiful ' fupport.' And thereafter, they publimed a declara* tion to the generation of antichrift, the peftilent pre- lates, and their ihavelings within Scotland. ' That 'they mould not be abufed, thinking to efcape juft 6 punifhment, after that they, in their blind fury, had ' caufed A HIND LET LOOSE, 41 * caufed the blood of many to be fhed ; but if they ' proceeded in this their malicious cruelty, they fhould 1 be dealt withal, wherefoever they fhould be appre- ' hended, as murderers, and open enemies to God 1 and to mankind. And that with the fame meafure ' they had meafured, and intended to meafure to o- 1 thers, it fhould be meafured to them ; — that is, they ' mould, with all force and power they had, execute ' juft vengeance and punifhment upon them ; yea be- s _gin that fame war which God commandeth lirael to ' execute againfl the Canaanites ; that is, contract of * peace mould never be made, till they defift from ' their open idolatry and cruel perfecution of God's * children.' I rehearfe this declaration the more ex- prefsly, becaufe in our day declarations of this ftyle and drain, and aiming at the fame fcope, are hide- oufly hilfed and houted at as unheard of novelties. Finally, when by all their letters, warnings, admoni- tions and protections, they could obtain no redrefs, but rather an increafe of infupportable violence, they proponed the queftion in a general meeting, ' Whe- * ther me, whole pretences threatened the bondage of 4 the whole common-wealth, ought to be fuffered fo * tyrannically to domineer over them ?' Unto which the minifies, being required to give their judgment, anfwered, That fne ought not. And accordingly they declared her depofed from all government over them ; c becaufe of her perfecuting the profefTors of 8 the true religion, and opprefling the liberties of the ' true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any 4 crime; becaufe of her intrufion of magiflrates againft ' all order cf election; becaufe of her bringing in * Grangers to fupprefs the liberty of the country, and 1 placing them in greater! offices of credit ; becaufe of s her altering and fubverting the old laws of the s realm,' &q. Which I mention, becaufe hence we may fee what tilings our fathers judged did diifolve the relation between the people and. their rulers ; and, when applied to our cafe, will juftifv their reafons F that 42 A HIND LET LOOSE. that have renounced the prefent tyranny. This was done at Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereaf- ter, while they vindicated themfelves, and went on with the work of reformation, throwing down all mo- numents of idolatry* and propagating the reformed religion, God fo bleffed their endeavours, that their conftfiion of faith, and all articles of the proteftant religion, was read and ratified by the three eftates of parliament, at Edinburgh, July 1560. And the fame year the book, of difcipline, containing the form and order of prefbyterial government, was fubfcribed by a great part of the nobility. Thus, through the wif- dom and power of God alone> even by the weaknefs of very mean inftruments, againft the rage and fury of the devil, and of all the powers of hell, was this work of reformation advanced and effectuated ; and came to the eftablifhment of a law, which did not on- ly ratify and confirm the proteftant religion, but abo- lifli antichriftian popery, and appoint punifhment for the profefiors and promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified afterwards, though it be now celled and refcinded by the prerogative of the prefent tyrant ; becaufe it annuls and invalidates his pretence to fuccefiion in the government, (it being exprefsly ena&ed afterwards, by a parliament at Edin- burgh, 1567, confirming this, that all princes and kings hereafter, before their coronation, mail take oath to maintain the true religion thenprofeffed, and fupprefs all things contrary to it), yet is flill in force in the hearts of all honeit men, that will not profti- tute religion, law and liberty, to the lulls of tyrants ; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon, than the perfidious promifes of a popifh ufurper, pretending a liberty to diflenting proteflants, by taking away the penal fta- tutes, the legal bulwark againft popery : all which yet, to the reproach of all proteflants, fome are ap- plauding and congratulating in this time by their ad- dreffes and petitions, to this deftroyer of law and re- ligion A HIND LET LOOSE. / ui „V hack to fee what the lirion. /«* **? ^woft outers, before they oSf^ theaPr£f"h the fell it /uch a ra ,' ir.no- he papids, with the ? tp Js and dumb dogs empire o.er {P de(£r. * ruiH lefu*».![*? . 01 .11 .ui ulnl ( lav tney; u^ . , Th .^ola- t/ous priefts M"» ttionbei g fed U»W* *« law. And a proclamation be'ng.ftherewa '(wen's domeftic fervants tnatwe ^ P< p^ of ■Tproteftation given forth pre en J. • ma{ par. X fervants ftould « M* '^Weofc in i ticipate therewith, or take tn extendeli ,0 , that .cafe this P^amanon .f they 'them in thaf beh.a!,""u much more abominable . murder ; feeing ; the »«»» but that ,t may ' in the fight of God than ue , contained < be lawful to infl.a ffl?^ ^h£eveI they may . in God's word aga.nft *W, The words ot , be apprehended, without^ favour. ]oha 44 a»indxetioosb; John W „ "T l00SR" add<^ ' ThatT" 'he,fo''™''"g Sabba, ">an if ten th^r Th was more fearf,, n,ay be ; a7 par. o" fcrsi"rl r*fe him- ' whole religion f* A -°f PurP°ft to fun^ded 'n ' length t0%| f'/atd he) £ our Cod ^ th.e ' fognedly depend ^ C°"tmd ^"'uts iT ,S ' hands with fdo,at"P°n.h"n; but WM,J£%U?- ' amiable prefen°i " " ,s no doubt but Iwt Y°m .' ™> and wft^^mhfc defend §M'° it was voted in Z r " ,eCOme of "»" Vea 1?"° m'ghttafce,h"A G?neral ATemblv wh.rh ' "" affirmed, < Tha^?e" '* mafs from „ , J'? "h"h« 'hey 'herap)oifonan)they that ^T 1° the <*««>>'* "gand warnings on ail oTr^ and &thfuI pr" k" "our. At length f-o k n nd came off wirh h* £ & irrt ^OT^vft ^ and' greater , Ups °f 'Fanny and t Yruth> '"filed fome do thin? ;, ' thls ma"'s jrramk ,\ e derived f !kLltno£ unlikely thai h?T ather' and ^ fr0m this «°ck the ^ nt ^«^e dn complexion and A HIND LET LOOSE. 45 conftitution both of body and mind, fpare and fwar- thy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her prefence, by the King's confent and counfel ; (he conceived fuch contemptof,and indignation againilthe poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnley,thatfhe never refted till fhe and Bothwel contrived and exe- cuted his murder, and then fhe married that murder- ing adulterer, the faid Earl of Bothwel : whereupon the Proteftant Noblemen purfuing the murder, took her, and fent her prifoner to Lochleven, where they made her refign the government to her fon James, then an infant, and afterwards (he was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We fee now by this deduction, what was the teflimony of this period, and how in many things it confirms the heads of the prefent fufferings, which we may particularly re- mark. I. The reformation of Scotland had this common with all other proteftant churches, that it was carried on by refitting the oppofing powers ; but it had this peculiar advantage above all, that at once, and from the beginning, both doctrine and worfhip, discipline and government were reformed : as Mr. Knox witneffeth, that there was no realm upon the face of the earth at that time that had religion in greater purity. * Yea,' fays he, f we mud fpeak the truth, whomfoever we ' offend, there is no realm that hath the like purity ; ' for all others, how fincere foever the doctrine be, * retain in their churches and miniftry thereof, fome ' footfteps of antichrift, and dregs of popery ; but we ' (praife to God alone) have nothing in our churches ' that ever flowed from that Man of Sin.' The doc- trine was purely reformed, according to the rule of Chrift, both as to matter and manner of delivery. As to the matter of it, what it was, the Confeflion of Faith, ratified in parliament in the ) ear 1560, doth witnefs. In the manner of it, they ftudied not the fmooth and pawky prudence that is now fo much ap- plauded, for not obferving which, fuch as would fain 46 A HIND LET LOOSE. fain be honeft in this duty, are fo much condemned ; but they cried aloud againft, and did not fpare the fms of the time, with application to every degree of men ; as we have it publifhed and vindicated in Mr. Knox's Hiftory. They cried, * that the fame God * who plagued Pharaoh, repulfed Sennacherib, (truck ' Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs 6 the grave and fepulchre of the fpiteful Jezebel, will ' not fpare milled princes, who authorize the mur- * derers of Chrift's members in this our time. Many ' now a days will have no other religion than the ' Queen ; the Queen no other than the Cardinal j the ' Cardinal no other than the Pope ; the Pope no o- ' ther than the devil : let men therefore confider * what danger they ftand in, if their falvation fhall ' depend upon the Queen's faith.' And they ufed to defend fuch manner of free dealing, from the exam- ples of the prophets reproving Kings perfonally. ' Now, if the like and greater corruptions be in the ' world this day, who dare enterprize, to put to fi- ' lence the Spirit of God, which will not be fubjecl: * to the appetites of milled princes.' Mr. Knox's de- fence before the Queen, when rebuked for fpeaking of her marriage in the pulpit, was : * The Evangel, i faith he, hath two points, repentance and faith ; in ' preaching repentance, of neceility it is, that the fins ' of men may be noted, that they may know wherein 4 they offend.' And in his difpute with Lethington, requiring where any of the prophets did fo ufe Kings and rulers ; he gave the example of Elias ' reproving * Atab and Jezebel, that dogs fhall lick the blood of ' Ahab, and eat the flefh of Jezebel ; which was not e whifpered in their ears, but fo as the people under- ' flood well enough, for fo witnefied Jehu after the 6 accomplilhment.' Elifha reproved Jehoram, faying, ' What have I to do with thee j if it were not for Je- * hofhaphat, I would not have looked toward thee. 1 Though a fubjecl, yet he gave little reverence to the * King.' Thefe were their arguments for faithful- nefs A HIND LET LOOSE. 47 nefs then, which are now exploded with contempt. Their worfhip was alfo reformed from all dregs of popery, and fopperies of human ceremonies, retained in many other churches, efpecially in England ; to whofe bifhops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Af- fembly wrote, c That if furplice, corner cap, tippet, ' &c. have been the badges of idolaters in the very * act of idolatry, what have preachers to do with the * dregs of that Rcmifh beait ? Yeaj what is he that * ought* not to fear to take, either in his hand or fore- 4 head, the mark of that odious beafl ? — We think ' you fhould boldly oppofe yourfelves to all power, ■ that will dare extol itfelf againfl: God, and againft * all fuch as do burden the confcience of the faith- ' ful, further than God hath burdened them by * his own word.' The difcipline and government was from the beginning prefbyterial, even before the efta- bliihment : both in practice, among the perfecuted miniders, who kept their private meetings ; and in their doctrine. This was one of Mr. Knox's articles he fufiained at St. Andrew's, upon his firft entry un- to the miniftry. Art. 8. There is no bifhop, except he preach even by himfelf, without any iubftitute. But fo foon as they attained any fettlement, they af- fembled in their fir it national fynod in the year 1560, by virtue of that intrinfic power granted by the Lord to his church ; nor did they fo much as petition for the indulgence of the then authority ; but upon Chrift's warrant, they kept and held their courts in the name of the Lord Jefus Chritt only ; and in his fole authority, by direction of his word and Spirit, concluded all their counfels, votes and acts. And as they knew nothing of an exotic fupremacy, fo they put out and held out prelacy, and kept a perfect pa- rity ; which was nothing infringed by the extraordi- nary employments and cornmiffions delegated to fome fuperintendants, upon the account of the particular exigence of thefe timer. II. Next 4© A HIND LET LOOSE. II. Next we find in the pra&ice of thefe renowned reformers, many demonftrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation ; which I remark the rather, becaufe poor fufFerers that would now imitate it, are con- demned as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the reformers condemned for the fame things ? We find in the firft place, that they were fo far from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing pu- blic fins, that they could nor contain themfelves from declaring their deteftation of the fight of them ; yea the very boys did abominate them, as at the reform- ation, at St. Johnfloun, a boy cried with a bold voice, This is intolerable, that when God by his word hath plainly condemned idolatry, we mail fland and fee it ufed in defpight. Whereupon he and others threw down all the monuments of idolatry in that place. But if now any fnould enterprize fuch a thing, when the idol of the mafs is fet up in every city, they might expecl Jerubaal's cenfure of the A- biezrites ; though it is true they might have the fame encouragement, becaufe they have the fame command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of throwing down idolatrous altars. Next, they were fo far from complying with the enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a great fin not to op- pofs them, when their brethren were forced to take the fvvord of felf-defence, being perfuaded by thefe arguments : * That by their fainting and abftracting * their fupport, the enemies would be encouraged ; 1 and thereby they mould declare themfelves both ' traitors to the truth once profefled, and murderers ' of their brethren, whom their prefenee and concur- 4 rence might preferve ; and that if they mould deny c their brethren fuffering for his name's fake, they 4 mould alio deny Chrilt, and be denied of him ; and * that God hath punifhed fubjecls with their princes, ' for winking at, and not refilling their manifeft ini- £ quity ; and therefore, as he is immutable in nature, c fo would he not pardon them in that which he hath ■ punifhed A HIND LET LOOSE. 49 c punifhed in others/ &c. Which arguments pre- vailed with the noble Earl of Glencairn, in zeal to burfi: forth in thefe words : — * Albeit never man c mould accompany me, yet I will go to my bre- ' thren, and if it were but a pike upon my moulder, c I had rather die with that company, than live after * them.' But now profefibrs cannot only fit at home, in their fhops and cieled houfes, when the Lord's people are purfued and murdered in the fields, but alio can hire their murderers, and flrengthen their hands, by paying them ceffes and localities, and what they require for help to do their work, and maintain- ing them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox difproveth very much in his day, arguing, c That if * people thought they were innocent, becaufe they * were not the actors of fuch iniquity, they were ut* < terly deceived ; for God doth not only punifh the * chief offenders, but the confenters to fuch iniquity -f * and all are judged to confent, who give not teiti- ' mony againlt it ; as the rulers and bifhops are cri- * minal of all the innocent blood that is fhed for the * teftimony of Chrift's truth ; fo are all who aflift and * maintain them in their blind rage, and give no de- * claration, that their tyranny difpleafeth them. This ' doctrine is orange to the blind world, but the verity 6 of it hath been declared in all notable punifhments e from the beginning. When the old world was de- ' ftroyed by water, Sodom and Jerufalem were de- ' ftroyed, were all alike wicked ? Yet all perifhed : ' why t All kept filence, or did not refill ; by which ' all approved iniquity, and joined hands with the ' tyrants, as it had been in one battle againft the Om- 4 nipotent.' Which words, if impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull daubings of the prefent compliances, in maintaining tyrants and their emifiaries, by emoluments which they require and ex- act, and that profefledly, for promoting their accurf- ed projects \ and will juflify confeientious fufferers, for refunng to pay thefe impofitions. And this will' G the 50 A HIND LLT LOOSE. the more appear, if we add fome more of his pithy expreflions in the fame place, clearing the fubjecl he is upon, and anfvvering an objection, what poor peo- ple might do, when compelled to give obedience ta all their rulers demanded ? ' Ye may,' faith that au- thor, without fedition, ' withhold the fruits and pro- 4 fits, which your falfe bifhops and clergy mod un- ■ juftly received of you : upon which he fubjoins the ' preceeding arguments.' Yet now a-days thefe have no weight, but fuch as refufe either to pay oppreffors exactions, or curates ftipends, are condemned for gid- dy fools. Again we find, that when they were chal- lenged for duty, they would never decline a declara- tion of its righteoufnefs, nor do any thing directly or indirectly, which might feem a condemning of it. And therefore they would receive no pardons for thefe things which they could not confefs to be of- fences. John Knox, challenged for offending the Queen, had her promife, that if he would confefs an offence his greateft punifhment fhould be, but to go within the caftle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own houfe ; he refufed abfolutely. But now, if our pardon- mongers, and prudent men had been fo circumftantiate, furely they could have help- ed themfelves with their dift inctions, they might con- fefs and be pardoned for offending the Queen, though not confefs it to be a fault in their confcience : but Mr. Knox had not learned that then. When they were purfuing the murderer of King Henry of Darn- ly, the queen finding herfelf not ftrong enough, of* fers to forgive aid pardon that infurre&ion : the Eari of Morton, in name of all the reft, did not only re- fufe a ceffation, but told her they would not afk a pardon. But now fufferers, for refufing of thefe bafa and unmanly, as well as unchriftian compliances, are much condemned. Finally, becaufe this ftriclnefs, efpecially in their feverity againft their enemies, may be accufed of Jewifh rigidity, inconfiflent with a gof- pel fpirit of lenity, which alio is imputed to the much condemned A HIND LET LOOSE. 5! condemned fufferers of Scotland at this time, for their teftimonies againfl toleration and liberty of confid- ence : let us hear what Knox fays, * whatfo&ver * God required of the civil magiftrate in Ifrael 01 Ju- f dan, concerning the obfervation of true religion * during the time of the law, the fame doth he re- * quire of lawful magiftrates, profelling Chrift Jefus, ' in the time of the gofpel : and cites a large teftimo- * ny out of Auguftine to this purpofe.' And after- ward objecting to himfelf the practice of the apoltles, who did not punifh the idolatrous Gentiles ; he an- fwers, ' That the Gentiles, being never avowed to * be God's people before, had never received his law, * and therefore were not to be punifhed according to 1 the rigour of it, to which they were never fubjecl, ' being ftrangers from the common-wealth of Ifrael ; ' but if any think, after the Gentiles were received c in the number of Abraham's children, and fo made ' one people with the Jews believing ; then they were f not bound to the fame obedience of Ifrael's cove- ' nant, the fame feems to make Chrift inferior to Mo- i fes, and contrary to the law of his heavenly Father ; ' for if the contempt and tranfgreflion of Mofes' law ' was worthy of death, what judge we the contempt * of Chrift's ordinance to be ? And if Chrift be not 6 come to diffolve, but to fulfil the law of his heaven- ? ly Father, (hall the liberty of his gofpel be an occa- ' fion that the fpecial glory of his Father be trodden y under foot, and regarded of no man ?. God forbid: ' and therefore I fear not to affirm, that, the Gentiles ' be bound by the fame covenant that God made with * his people Ifrael, in thefe words—" Beware that 6 thou make not any covenant with the inhabitants $ of the land, but thou malt deftroy their altars," &c. ' When, therefore, the Lord putteth the fword in the 4 hand of a people, they are no lefs bound to purge 4 their cities and countries from idolatry, than were ' the Ifraelites, what time they received tjie povTeflion \ of the land of Canaan.' G 2 111. For 52 A HIND LET LOOSE. III. For the head of refiftance of fuperior powers, we have no clearer inflances in any period than in this, whereof the above-mentioned hints give fome account, to which their fentiments and arguments may be here fubjoined. They prized and improved this principle fo much, that they put it in their Con- feffion of Faith, Art. 14. To fave the lives of inno- cents, to reprefs tyranny, to defend the opprefled, are among the good works of the fecond table, which are mod pleafmg and acceptable to God, as thefe works are commanded by himfelf ; and to fuffer innocent blood to be fhed, if we may withftand it, is affirmed to be fin, by which God's hot difpleafure is kindled againft the proud and unthankful world. And if there were no more to render the late teft of Scot- land deteftable, that condemns all refiftance of kings upon any pretence whatfoever, this may make all Chriftians, and all men, abhor the contrivance of it; that that fame teft that confirms this theiis, doth alfo impofe the antithefis upon confcience. It obliges to this confeflion in the firft part of it, and to deny it in the latter. But no wonder, that men of feared con- sciences can receive any thing, though never fo con- tradictory to itfelf, and that men who deny fenfe, and that principle radicated in human nature, may alio deny confcience, and make a tool of it in folder- ing contradictories. But not only did our reformers aflert this truth, for which now their children adher- ing to their teftimony, fuffer both rage and reproach; but alfo gave their reafons for it. As ( 1 ) Mr. Knox, in his firft conference with the Queen, argues thus, ' There is neither greater honour nor obedience to ' be given to princes than parents ; but fo it is, that S the father may be ftricken with a phrenfy, in the ' which he would flay his own children ; now if the ' children arife, take his weapon from him, bind his * hands, do the children any wrong ? It is even fo f with princes, that would murder the children of 4 God fubject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but A HIND LET LOOSE. 53 * but a very mad phrenfy ; and therefore to take the ' fword from them, and caft them into prifon till they ' be brought to a more fober mind, is no difobedi- * ence againft princes.' (2.) In his conference with Lethingtoun, he proves the fame point, from the con- fideration of the juftice of God, punifhing the people for not refilling the prince. The fcripture of God teacheth me (faith he) S Jerufalem and Judah were 1 punilhed for the fins of Manafleh ; if you al- ' ledge they were punifhed, becaufe they were wick- * ed, and not becaufe the king was wicked j the fcrip- ' ture fays exprefsly, for the fins of Manafleh j yet ' will i not abfolve the people, I will grant the whole ' people oflended with their king, but how ? To af- ' firm that all Judah committed the ads of his impi- ' ety, hath no certainty ; who can think, that all Je- * rufalem fhould turn idolaters immediately after He- * zekiah's notable reformation ? One part therefore 5 willingly followed him in his idolatry, the other fuf- 6 fered him, and fo were criminal of his fin ; even as ' Scotland is guilty of the Queen's idolatry this day.' In the fame difcourfe he makes it plain, that all are guilty of innocents murder who do not oppofe it, from Jeremiah's words in his defence before the prin- ces.——" Know ye for certain, if ye put me to death, " ye (hall furely bring innocent blood upon your- " felves, and upon the city, and upon the inhabitants " thereof:" Now, if the princes, and the whole peo- ple mould have been guilty of the prophet's blood ; how mail others be judged innocent before God, if they fuffer the blood of innocents to be fhed, when they may fave it ? (3.) Unci. He argues from the di- ilinction between the perfon placed in authority, and the ordinance of God, the one may be refilled, the other cannot. The plain words of the apoftle makes the difference, ' The ordinance is of God, for pre- * fervation of mankind, punifhment of vice, which is ' holy and conftant : perfons commonly are profane * and unjuft : he that refifteth the power there, is on- 54 A HIND LET LOOSE. * ly meant of the juft power wherewith God hath ' armed his magiftrates, which whofo refitts, refills * God's ordinance ; but if men, in the fear of God, * oppofe themfelves to the fury of princes, they then i refill not God, but the devil, who abufes the fword * and authority of God : .it is evident the people re- * Med Saul, when he had fworn Jonathan mould * die, whom they delivered : the Spirit of God ac- * cufes them not of any crime, but praifes them, and ' condemns the king : this fame Saul again com- *■ manded the priefts of the Lord to be flain., his guard * would not obey, but Doeg put the king's cruelty * in execution ; I will not afk, whether the king's * fervants, not obeying, refitted the ordinance of * God j or whether Doeg's murdering gave obedi- ' ence to juft authority? The Spirit of God con- * demns that fact, Pfal. hi. that God would not only * punifli the commander, but alfo the mercilefs exe- * cutor ; therefore they who gainftood his command, * refitted not the ordinance of God. (4.) ibid. He * argues from examples, not only of refitting, but of * punifhing tyrants ; chiefly the example of Uzziah * is pertinent to this purpofe, 2 Chron. xxvi. who af- * ter his ufurping the prieft's office, was put out of * the temple.* When it was replied, that they were the priefts that withttood the king, not fimple people: he anfwered, ' The priefts were fubje&s, as Abia- * thar was depofed by Solomon, &c. yet they made * him go out of the temple for his leprofy, and the 4 people put him from the kingdom.' It is noted al- fo, that Mr. Knox, in that difcourfe, adduces exam- ples of thofe, who ufe to be brought in as objections againft defenfive arms, even the primitive Chriftians, before that pafTage laft cited : ' what precepts,' fays he, * the apottle gave, I will not affirm ; but I find * two things the faithful did ; the one was, they afiift- * ed their preachers even againft the rulers; the other ' was, they fuppreffed idolatry wherefoever God gave * unto them force, a(king no leave of the emperor, c nor, A HIND LET LOOSE. 5$ * nor of his deputies : read the Ecclefiaitical hiftories* * and ye mall find examples fufficient.' IV. In the next place, we may enquire into the judgment of thefe reformers, concerning that queftion that is now fo puzzling to many ; which indeed was never flarted before this time, as a head of furthering $ but now, when it is ftarted, we may gather from our anceltors actings and determinations about it, how it ought to be anfwered. They were indeed in capaci- ty, and accordingly did improve it, for difowning the authority of both the Queens ; for their capacity was not the thing that made it duty, if it had not been fo before. Capacity makes a thing poffible, but not lawful : it does indeed make a duty feafonable, and clears the call to it, and regulates the timing of af- firmative duties, but the want of it can never difpenfe with negative precepts : and a duty, negative efpe- cially, may become neceffary, when it hath not the advantage of feafonablenefs or capacity ; certainly it were duty to depofe the Pope from his ufurped au- thority, and to difown it even in Rome itfelf, but there it would not be thought very feafible or feafon- able, for twenty or thirty people to avouch fuch a thing there ; yet, at all times, it is a duty never to own it. It is thought unfeafonable and un- feafible to difown the tyrants authority ; but it is made neceffary, when urged, never to own it* And for this we have the grounds of our ancef* tors, {hewing who may be difowned, and mult not be owned. I fhall firft infert here John Knox*s proportions, profecuted in his fecond blaft, extant at the end of Anton. Gilbie's admonition to England and Scotland, i . * It is not birth only, nor propin- 8 quity of blood, that maketh a king lawfully to reign ' over a people profeffmg Chrift Jefus and his eter- 4 nal verity ; but, in his election, the ordinance which ' God hath eftablifhed in the election of inferior * judges, mud be obferved. 2. No manifeft idcta- * ter, nor notorious tranfgrefl.br of God's holy pre- cepts 56 A KIND LEI LOOS!. * cepts, ought to be promoted to any public regimen, ' honour, or dignity, in any realm, province, or city, ■ that hath fubjecled themieives to Chrift Jefus, and * his bleffed evangel. 3. Neither can oath, or pro- * mife, bind any fuch people to obey and maintain * tyrants, againft God and his truth known. 4. But * if rafhly they have promoted any manifeft wicked ' perfon, or yet ignprantly have chofen fuch an one, ' as after declareth himfelf unworthy of regimen a- 1 bove the people of God, (and fuch be all idolaters c and cruel perfecutors) moil juftly may the fame c men depofe and punifh him, that unadvifedly be- ' fore they did nominate, appoint and 61661.' Ac- cordingly this was done in depoling both the Queens; which is fully vindicated by the Earl of Morton, in his difcourfe to the Queen of England, as Buchanan relates it, book xx. page 746. * The deed itfelf, nei- ther the cultom of our anceftors of taking a courfe with their governors, will fuffer it to be accounted new, nor the moderation of the punilhment to be odious ; for it were not needful to recount fo ma- ny kings punifhed by death, bonds, and exile by our progenitors. For the Scottifh nation, being from the beginning always free, hath created kings upon thefe conditions, that the government entruft- ed to them by the people's fuffrages, might be alfo (if the matter required) removed by the fame fuf- frages : of which law there are many footfteps re- maining even to our day ; for both in the ifles a bout, and in many places of the continent, in which the old language and inftitutions have any abode, this cuftom is kept, in creating their governors of clanns : and the ceremonies, ufed at the entering into government, do yet retain the exprefs repre fentation of this law. Whence it is evident, that the government is nothing elfe but a mutual flipulation between kings and people : which further appears, from the inviolated tenor of the ancient law, fince the beginning of the Scottifli government, referved * even A HIND LET LOOSE. $J even unto our memory, without the lead effay ei- ther to abrogate it, or difable, or diminifh it. Yea, even when our fathers have depofed, banifhed, and. more feverely punifhed fo many kings, yet never was any mention or motion made or relaxing the rigour of that law, and not without reafon, feeing it was not of that kind of conftitutions, that change with the times, but of thofe which are engraven in the minds of men from the fitft original, and ap- proved by the mutual confent of all nations, and by nature's fanclion continued inviolable and per- petual, which, being fubjecl: to no other laws, do command and rule all. This, which in every ac~ tion doth offer itfelf to our eyes and minds, and whether we will or not, abides in our breafts, our predeceflbrs followed -, being always armed againfl: violence, and ready to fupprefs tyrants. — And now for the prefent, what have we done, but infilling in the footfteps of fo many kingdoms and free nations, fuppreffed tyrannical licentioufnefs, extolling itfelf above all order of laws, not indeed fo feverely as our predecelfors in like cafes ; if we had imitated them, not only would we have been far from all fear of danger, but alfo have efcaped the trouble of calumnies.— What would our adversaries be at ? Is it that we ihould arm with authority tyrants con- victed of grievous crimes, maintained by the fpoils of the fubjecls, having hands embrued in loyal blood, and hearts gaping for the oppreffion of all good men ? And ihall we put them upon our head, who are infamouily fufpecled of parricide, both projected and perpetrated V To which we may add, a foreign conclufion indeed, but adduced and main- tained by Mr. Craig, in the allembly, in the 1564, which had been determined by learned men in Bo- nonia, ' All rulers, be they fupreme or Subordinate, * may and ought to be reformed, or bridled (to fpeak ' moderately) by them, by whom they are chofen, 1 confirmed, or admitted to their office ; fo oft as H « they 58 A HIND LET LOOSi., c they break that promife made by oath to their fub- ' jects, becaufe princes are no lefs bound by oath to * their fubje&s, than are the fubjecls to their princes i ' and therefore ought it to be kept and performed e equally, according to law and condition of the oath * that is made of either party.' By comparing which two teftimonies together, we may fee the reafons, why neither of the two royal brothers, that have rul- ed in our day, could be confcientioufly owned as ma* giftrates, in the cafe they have been in for feveral years pad : the firft teftknony is for the fecond bro- ther, the latter is for the firft that's gone. But, as for Mr. Knox's opinion, it is evident he had written a book againft the government of women ; which though he did not intend it particularly againft Mary of Scotland, yet it did invalidate her authority as well as other women's. This book he owns and main- tains, in his firft conference with her, and confequent- ly could not own her authority as of the Lord, tho* he gave her common refpecl:, as the title of majefty, &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queen's queftion, you think, faid me, ' That I have 1 no juft authority ;' he would not anfwer in the af- firmative, but fhifted it, by telling her, ' That learn- ' ed men, in all ages, have had their judgment free, ' and moft commonly difagreeing from the common ' judgment of the world. And though, he fays, he * could live under her government (lb may, and ' would the greateft difowners of tyranny, if they be ' not troubled with queftions about owning it) yet ' he affirms that with the teftimony of a good con- ' fcience, he had communicated his judgment to the c world, and that if the realm found no inconveni- c ences in her government, he would no further dif- 4 allow than within his own breaft.' Certainly then, in his confcience, he did not, and could not own her, as the magiftrate of God ; and that though many things which before were holden ftable, had been called in doubt, yet neither proteftant nor papift could A HIND LET LOOSE. 59 could prove, that any fuch queftion was, at any time, moved in public or private. Neither could ever fuch a queftion be moved, if the confcience were not pof- ed ; and then, when it mud fpeak, it mud of necef- fity be unpleafant to tyrants. Thus we have, heard both the pofitions and fcruples of this witnefs ; let us alfo hear his arguings, that people may punifh princes for their idolatry and murder, &c. and therefore much more may difown them : and therefore again much more may they forbear to own them, when called ; for can a dead man, by law, be owned to be a magiftrate, and keeper of the law. ' Idolatry' (faith he in his conference with Lethington) * ought not ' only to be fuppreffed, but the idolater ought to die c the death ; but by whom ? By the people of God, ' for the commandment was given to Ifrael ; yea, a ' command, that if it be heard that idolatry is com- ' mitted in any one city, that then the whole body ' of the people arife and deflroy that city, fparing € neither man, woman, nor child. But (hall the king ' alfo be punifhed ? If he be an idolater, I find no ' privilege granted unto kings more than unto peo- * pie, to offend God's majefly. But the people may * not be judges to their king. God is the univer- ' fal judge ; fo that what his word commands to be * punifhed in the one, is not to be abfolved in the o- 6 ther ; and that the people, yea, or a part of the 5 people, may not execute God's judgments againft ' their king, being an offender ; I am fure you have * no other warrant, except your own imaginations, ' and the opinion of fuch as more fear to offend their c princes than God.' In the fame conference we have the inftance of Jehu adduced to prove that fub- jecls may execute God's judgments upon their prin- ces. It was obje&ed, Jehu was a king before he exe- cuted judgment upon Ahab's houfe, and the fact was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He anfwer- ed, He was a mere fubjecl: ; ' No doubt Jezabel both 6 thought and faid he was a traitor, and fo did many H 2 ' others 60 A HIND LET LOOSE. * others in lfrael and Samajia. And whereas itwas c faid, that the fadt was extraordinary ; I fay, it had * the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which * commandeth the idolater to die the death ; and ' therefore I yet again affirm, it is to be imitated of ' all thofe that prefer the true honour of the true ' worlhip and glory of God, to the affection of flefh c and wicked princes. We are not bound, faid Le- * thington, to follow extraordinary examples, unlels ' we have the like commandment and affurance. I ' grant, faid the other, if the example repugn to the ' law, but wheTe the example agrees with the law, 6 and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgment ' exprefled within the fame ; 1 fay, that the example * approved of God, (lands to us in place of a com- * mandment ; for as God, in his nature, is conllant * and immutable, fo cannot he condemn, in the ages ' fubfequent, that which he hath approved in his fer- ' vants before us.' Then he brings another argu- ment from Amaziah who fled to Lachifli, but the people fent thither and flew him there. Lethington doubted whether they did well or not : he anfwered, * Where I find execution according to God's law, * and God himfelf not accufe the doers, i dare not * doubt of the equity of their caufe : And it appearr, * God gave them fufficient evidence of his approving * the fact, for he bletfed them with peace and prof- * perity. But profperity does not always prove that * God approves the fa6t : yes, when the a&s of men * agree with the law, and are rewarded according to * the promife in that law, then the profperity fucceed- ' ing the fad is a mod; infallible affurance that God ' hath approved it ; but fo it is, that there is a pro- 1! mife ot lengthening out profperity to them that de- ' ftroy idolatry. And again, concluding Uzziah*s ' example, he fays there, the people ought to execute c God's law, even againft their princes, when that * their open crimes, by God's law, deferve punifh- ' ment ; A HIND LET LOOSE. 6t ' ment ; efpecially when they are fuch as may infeft ' the reft of the multitude.' V. There is another thing for which people have fuffered much in our day of blafphemy, rebuke and trouble, which yet we find was not fo odious in our reformers eyes as this dull and degenerate age would repreient it. That in fome cafes it is lawful and laudable for private perfons, touched with the zeal of God,#and love to their country, and refpect to juflice trampled upon by tyrants ; to put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment upon the ene- mies of God and mankind, intolerable traitors, mur- derers, idolaters ; when the ruin of the country, de- ftruclion of religion and liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened, in and for the impunity of that vermin of villains, and may be averted by their de- ftruction, always fuppofed, that thefe, whofe office it is to do it, decline their duty. The mind of our re- formers as to this is manifeil, both In their practice and opinion. We heard before of the flaughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fiddler Rizzio : we fhall find both commended by Mr. Knox, giving ac- count how thefe that were carried captives to France for this caufe from St. Andrew's were delivered. ' This (faith he), we write, to let the pofterity to ' come to underftand, how potently God wrought ' in preferving and delivering of thofe that had but * a fmall knowledge of his truth, and for the love of ' the fame hazarded all ; that if we, in our days, or * our pofterity that fhall follow, mall fee a difperfion £ of fuch as oppofe themfelves to impiety, or take * upon them to punifh the fame otherwife than laws * or men will permit, if fuch fhall be left of men, yea ' as it were defpifed and punifhed of God : yet let c us not damn the perfons that punifh vice, (and that * for jufl caufe,) nor yet defpair, but that the fame 6 God that dejects will raife up again the perfons de- * jeered, to his glory and their comfort ; and to let * the world underftand in plain terms what we mean; c that 6l A HIND LET LOOSE. * that great abufer of this commonwealth, that poul- * tron and vile knave Davie was juftly punifhed, c March 9, 1565, by the counfel and hands of James * Douglas, Earl of Morton, Patrick Lord Lindfay, * &c. who, for their juft act, and mod worthy of all * praife, are now unworthily left of all their breth- * ren.' This is not only commended by the author alone, but we find it concluded by all the brethren at that time, when the Queen brought in tjje idol of the mafs again, and the proud papifts began to avow it : Then let it be marked that, ' The brethren uni- c verfally offended, and efpying that the Queen by * proclamation did but delude them, determined * to put to their own hands, and to punifh for ex- * ample of others ; and. fo fome priefts in the c Weft land were apprehended, intimation was * made to others, as to the abbot of Cofragnel, the * parfon of Sanquhar, and fuch, that they mould * neither complain to the Queen nor council, but * mould execute the punifhment that God has ap- * pointed to idolaters in his law, by fuch means as ' they might, wherever they mould be apprehended.' Upon this the Queen fent for Mr. Knox, and dealt with him earneftly, that he would be the inftrument to perfuade the people not to put hand to punifh. He perceiving her craft, willed her Majefty to punifh malefactors according to law, and he durft promife quietnefs, upon the part of all them that profeffed Chrift within Scotland : but if her Majefty thought to delude the laws, he feared fome would let the pa- pifts underftand, that without punifhment they mould not be fuffered fo manifeftly to offend God's majefty. Will ye (quoth fhe) allow they (hall take my fword in their hand ? ' The fword of juftice (faid he) Ma- * dam, is God's, and is given to princes and rulers c for one end ; which, if they tranfgrefs, fparing the c wicked, and oppreffing the innocents, they that in ' the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath c commanded, offend not God, although kings do it ' not: A HIND Let loose. 63 4 not : the examples are evident, for Samuel fpared £ not to flay Agag the fat and delicate king of Ama- * lek, whom king Saul had faved ; neither fpared E- * lias Jezabel's falfe prophets, and Baal's priefts, al- * beit that king Ahab was prefent j Phineas was no ' magiftrate, and yet feared he not to ftrike Zimri ' and Cozbi in the very aft of filthy fornication ; ' and fo, Madam, your Majefty may fee that others I than magistrates may lawfully punifh, and have pu- * nilhed the vice and crimes that God commands to ' be puniihed.' He proved it alfo at more length in his appellation, from Deut. xiii. " If thy brother fo- *' licit thee fecretly, faying, Let us go ferve other " gods, confent not to him, let not thine eye fpare " him, but kill him ; let thy hand be firft upon him, " and afterward the hand of the whole people." Of thefe words of Mofes, two things appertaining to our purpofe are to be noted : ' The firft is, that fuch as c folicitate only to idolatry ought to be puniihed to * death, without favour or refpeft of perfon ; for he ' that will not fuffer man to fpare his fon, wife, &c. ' will not wink at the idolatry of others, of what ! flate or condition foever they be : it is not unknown f that the prophets had revelations of God, which c were not common to the people ; now, if any man * might have claimed any privilege from the rigour ' of the law, or might have juftified his fact, it mould * have been the prophet, but God commands, that * the prophet that fhall fo folicitate the people to ' ferve ftrange gods, mall die the death, notwithftand- ' ing that he alledge for himfelf, dream, vifion, or 4 revelation, becaufe he teacheth apoftacy from God.: ' hereby it may be feen, that none, provoking the 6 people to idolatry, ought to be exempted from the £ punifhment of death. Evident it is, that no Mate, * condition, nor honour can exempt the idolater from * the hands of God, when he fhall call him to an ac* < count : how (hall it then excufe the people, that * they according to God's command, punilh not to ' death 64 A HIND LET LOOSE. death fuch as fhall folicitate or violently draw the people to idolatry ? The fecond is, that the punifh- ment of fuch crimes, as idolatry, blafphemy, and o- thers that touch the majefty of God, doth not ap- pertain to kings and chief rulers only, but alfo to the whole body of the people, and to every mem- ber of the fame, according to the vocation of every man, and according that poffibility and occalion which God doth minifter, to revenge the injury done againft his glory : and that doth Mofes more plainly fpeak in thefe words of the fame chapter, " If in any city which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou fhalt hear this brute, there are fome men fons of Belial." — Plain it is, that Mofes fpeaks not nor giveth charge to kings, rulers, and judges only; but he commands the whole body of the people, yea and every member of the fame, according to their poffibility. And who dare be fo impudent as to deny this to be molt reafonable and juit ? For feeing God had delivered the whole body from bon- dage, and to the whole multitude had given his law, and to the twelve tribes had diftributed the land of Canaan : was not the whole and every member ad- debted to confefs the benefits of God, and to ftudy to keep the pofleflion received ? which they could not do, except they kept the religion eftablifhed, and put out iniquity from amongft them. To the carnal man this may feem to be a rigorous and fevere judg- ment, that even the infants there mould be appoint- ed to the cruel death ; and as concerning the city and fpoil of the fame, man's reafon cannot think but that it might have been better bellowed, than to be confumed. But in fuch cafes, let all creatures ftoop, md dellft from reafoning, when command- men:: is given to execute his judgment. I will fearch no other reafons than the Holy Ghoft hath afligned ; nrft, That all Ifrael mould fear to commit the like abomination ; and, fecondly, That the Lord might turn from the fury of his anger : which plain- A HIND LET LOOSE. 6$ * iy doth fignify, that, by the defection and ido- ' latry of a few, God's wrath is kindled againft the c whole, which is never quenched, till fuch punifh- * ment be taken upon the offenders, that whatfoever ' ferved them in their idolatry be brought to deftruc- ' tion,' &c. I have enlarged fo far upon this period, that it may appear, there is nothing now in contro- verfy, between the fuffering and reproached party now in Scotland, and either their friends or enemies, which could fall under our reformers inquiry ; but they have declared themfelves of the fame fentiments that are now fo much oppofed ; and therefore none can condemn the prefent heads of fuffering, except alfo they condemn the reformers judgment ; and confequently the imputation of novelty muft fall. PERIOD IV. Containing the Tejiimony of the firft Contenders againft Prelacy and Supre?nacy, from the Tear 1570, to 1638. XlITHERTO the conflict was for the concerns of Chrift's prophetical and prieflly office, againft pa- ganlfm and popery. But from the year 1570, and downward, the testimony is ftated, and gradually jprofecuted for the rights, privileges and prerogatives •of Chrifl's kingly office ; which hath been the peculi- ar glory of the church of Scotland, above all the churches in the earth, that this hath been given to her as the word of her teftimony ; and not only con- fequentially and redu&ively, as all other churches may challenge a part of this dignity, but formally and explicitly to contend for this very head, the headfhip and kingfhip of Jefus Chrift, the prince of the kings of the earth, and his mediatory fupremacy over his own kingdom of grace, both vifible and in- vifible, This is Chrift's fupremacy, a fpecial radi- I ant 66 A HIND LET LOOSE. ant jewel of his imperial crown, which as it hath been as explicitly encroached upon in Scotland, by his infclent enemies, as ever by any that entered in oppofition to him, fo it hath been more exprefsly wit- nefied and wreftled for by his fuffering fervants in that land than in any place of the world. This was in a particular manner the teftimony of that period, during the reign of King James the 6th j as it hath been in a great meafure in our day, fince the year 1660. Which, as it is the moft important caufe, of the greateft confequence that mortals can contend for ; fo it hath this peculiar glory in it, that it is not only for the truth of Chrift, of greater value than the ftanding of heaven and earth, but alfo it is the very truth for which Chrift himfelf died, confidered as a martyr ; and which concerns him to vindicate and maintain as a monarch. The witnefies of that day made fuch an high account of it, that they en- couraged one another to fuflfer for it, as the greateft concern ; c being a witnefs for Chrift's glorious and * free monarchy, which, as it is the end of the other ' two offices, fo the teftimony is more glorious to ' God, more honourable to his Son, and more com- "* fortable to them, than the teftimony either for his 8 prophetical office, or for his priefihood, becaufe his * kingdom was efpecially impugned at the time ;' as Mr. Forbes and Mr. Welch wrote in a letter to the Minifters at court. The corruptions and usurpations wronging this truth, that they contended againft, were prelacy and the King's fupremacy in eccleftafti- cal matters ; which will be ufeful to hint a little, how they profecuted the conflict. When Satan (whofe kingdom was then declining) by feveral in- struments and means, both by force and fraud, did endeavour to put a flop to the reformation, by re- introducing the antichriftian hierarchy of prelacy, when he could not re-eftabli£h the antichriftian doc- trine of popery j he left no means uneflayed to effec- tuate it. And firft he began to bring the name Bi- fhop A HIND LET LOOSE. 6j (hop in requeft, that was now growing obfolete and odious, by reafon of the abufe of it (as it ought to be ftill, for though the name be found in the fcrip- tures, yet neither is that catecheflical application of it to prelates to be found, nor was there any other reafon for the tranilation of it after that manner, ex- cept it were to pleafe princes ; feeing the native fig. nification of it is an overfeer, proper and common to all faithful paftors.) And indeed his firft effay reach- ed little further than the bare name, for they were to be rejected to, and tried by affemblies, and hardly had fo much power as fuperintendants before. But it was a fine court juggle for noblemen to get the church-revenues into their hands, by reftoring the ecclefiaftical titles, and obtaining from the titulars ei- ther temporal lands, or penfions to their dependers ; fo they were only Tulchan bifhops, a calf-Jkin to caufc the cow give milk. Yet, though this in our day would have been thought tolerable, the faithful fervants of Chrift did zealoufly oppofe it. Mr. Knox denoun- ced Anathema to the giver, and Anathema to the re- ceiver. And the following Aflembly condemned the office itfelf, * as having no fure warrant, authority, 'nor ground in the book of God, but brought in by ' the folly and corruption ot men's invention, to the * overthrow of the church ; and ordained all that ' brooked the office, to demit fimpliciter, and to defift * and ceafe from preaching, while they received de 6 novo admiflion from the General Aflembly, under ' the pain of excommunication.' Hereby they were awakened and animated to a more vigorous profecu- tion of the eftablifhment of the houfe of God in its due government. In purfuance whereof, the Affem- blies from that time, until the year 1581, did with much painfulnefs and faithfulnefs attend the work : until, by perfecting of the fecond book of difcipline, they completed their work, in the exacl: model of Prefbyterial Government, in all its courts and offi- cers ; which was confirmed and covenanted to be I 2 kept 68 A HIND LET LOOSE. kept inviolate, in the National Covenant, fubfcribed that year by the King, his Court and Council ; and afterwards by all ranks of people in the land. Whence it may be doubted, whether the impudence of the fucceeding prelates, (hat denied this, or their perjury in breaking of it, be greater. This was but the firlf. brufh. A brifker aiTault follows ; wherein, for the better eftablifhment of prelacy, that what it wants of divine right, might be fupplied by the acceffion of human prerogative, and not only Diocefan, but alfo Eraftian prelacy might be fet up, to deftroy Chrift's kingdom, and advance Satan's ; the Earl of Arran, and his wicked accomplices move the King, contrary both to the word and oath of God, to uiurp the pre- rogative of Jefus Chrift, and aflume to himfelf a blaf- phemous monfter of fupremacy, over all peribns, and in all caufes, as well ecclefiaflical as civil . But this alfo the faithful fervants of God did worthily and va- liantly refill ; and at the very appearance of it, gave in a grievance to the King in the year 1582, { That * he had taken upon him a fpiritual power, which ' properly belongs to Chrift, as only king and head ' of the church ; the miniftry and execution where- * of is only given to fuch as bear office in the eccle- e fiaftical government in the fame: fo that in the ' King's perfon, fome men-prefs to erect a newpope- ' dom, as though he could not be full king of this ' commonwealth, unlefs as well the fpiritual as tem- ' poral fword be put in his hand, unlefs Chrift be ' reft of his authority, and the two jurifdictions con- c founded, which God hath divided, which dire&ly * tendeth to the wreck of all true religion.' Which being prefented by the Commiflionersof the General Affembly, the Earl of Arran afked with a frowning countenance, who dare fubfcribe thefe treafonable articles ? Mr. Andrew Melvin anfwered, we dare, and will fubfcribe, and render our lives in the caufe. And afterward, that fame AfTembly prefented articles, {hewing, * That feeing the fpiritual jurifdi&ion of c the A HIND LET LOOSE. 69 * the church is granted by Chrift, and given only to * them, that by preaching, teaching, and overfeeing, ' bear office within the fame, to be exercifed, not by ' the injunctions of men, but by the only rule of ' God's word. — Hereafter, no other, of whatfoever 4 degree, or under whatfoever pretence, have any co- * lour to afcribe, or to take upon them any part there- c of either in placing or difplacing of miniflers, with- ' out the church's admiffion, or in Hopping the mouths * of preachers, or putting 'them to filence, or take 4 upon them the judgment of trial of doctrine,' &c. But in contempt and contradiction to this, and to profecute and exert this new ufurped power, Mr. Andrew Melvin was fummoned before the Secret Council, for a fermon of his, applying his doctrine to the time's corruptions ; whereupon he gava in his declinature againft them, as incompetent judges, and told them, ' They were too bold, in a conftitute ' Christian church, to pafs by the pallors, prophets, * and doctors, and to take upon them to judge the * doctrine, and to controui the ambafladors of a great- ' er than was there, which they neither ought nor can * do. There are (faith he, looting a little Hebr.ew bible 'from his girdle) my inftructions and warrant : fee * if any of you can controui me, that I have paft 6 my injunctions.' For this he was decerned to be warded in the caflle of Edinburgh ; but he being in- formed that if he entered in ward, he would not be releafed, unlefs it were for the fcaffbld, he conveyed himfelf fecretly out of the country. Hereafter when the parliament 1584 had enacted this fupremacy, and fubmiflion to prelacy, to be fubfcribed by all mini- sters ; the faithful firft directed Mr. David Lindfay to the King, deliring, that nothing be done in parli- ament prejudicial to the church's liberty, who got the prifon of Blacknefs for his pains. And then when they could not get accefs for fhut doors to pro- teft before the parliament ; yet when the acts were proclaimed at the grofs of Edinburgh, they took pub- lic 7© A HIND LET LOOSE. , lie documents in name of the church of Scotland (though they were but two) that they protefted a- gainft the faid acts, and fled to England, leaving be- hind them reafons that moved them to do fo. And Mr. James Melvin wrote againft the fubferibers at that time very pertinently ; proving firft, c That they c had not only fet up a new pope, and fo become trai- c tors to Chrift ; and condefcended to that chief * error of papiftry, whereupon all the reft depend ; * but further, in fo doing, they had granted more to * the King, than ever the popes of Rome peaceably * obtained/ &c. And in the end, as for thofe that lamented their own weaknefs and feeblenefs, he ad- vifeth them, to remove the public flander, * hy go- * ing boldly to the King and Lords, and fhew them * how they had fallen through weaknefs, but by c God's power are rifen again ; and there by public c note and witnefs taken, free themfelves from that * fubfeription, and to will the fame to be delete, re- * nouncing and detefting it plainly, and thereafter ' publicly in their fermons ; and by their declaration * and retractation in writ, prefented to the faithful, * manifeft the fame, let them do with ftipend, bene- * flee, and life itfelf, what they lift.' This I infert, becaufe this counfel is now condemned ; and when poor people, offended with minifters fubferiptions of bonds and other compliances, defire acknowledg- ments of the offence, they reject it as an imperti- nent impofition, and plead they are not obliged to manifeft any retractation but to an ecclefialtical judi- catory. To which I (hall fay nothing here, but this is no novelty. After this, it is known what bickerings the faithful witneffes of Chrift had, in their conflicts with this fupremacy upon the account of Mr. David Black's declinature, which they both advifed him to, and approved when he gave it in, againft the King and Council, as judges of his doctrine. And the Commiflioners of the General Affembly ordained all, to deal mightily with the power of the word, againft the A HiND LET LOOSE. J\ the Council's encroachments ; for which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh. After which he added a fecond declinature : ' Declaring, there are * two jurifdiftions in this realm ; the one fpiritual, ' the other civil ; the one refpecling the confcience, 4 the other externals, &c. — Therefore, in fo far as 4 he was one of the fpiritual office-bearers, and had * difcharged his fpiritual calling in fome meafure of * grace and fincerity, mould not, nor could not be 4 lawfully judged for preaching and applying the * word, by any civil power ; he being an ambaffador 4 and meffenger of the Lord Jefus, having his com- 4 million from the King of kings, and all his inftruc- * tions fet down and limited in the book of God, that * cannot be extended, abridged, or altered by any 4 mortal wight, king or emperor ; and feeing he was 4 fent to all forts, his commiflion and discharge of it 4 fhould not, nor cannot be lawfully judged by them 4 to whom he was fent j they being fheep, and not 4 paftors, to be judged by the word, and not to be 4 judges thereof in a judicial way.' The interlocutor being pad againft him for this, the brethren thought it duty, that the droclrine of the preacher fhould be directed againft the faid interlocutor, as againft a ftrong and mighty hold fet up againft the Lord Jefus, and the freedom of the gofpel ; and praifed God for the force and unity of the fpirit that was among themfelves. And being charged to depart out of the town, they leave a faithful declaration at large, mew- ing how the liberties of the church were invaded and robbed. But all this was nothing, in comparison of their wreftlings for the royalties of their princely Maf* ter, and privileges of his kingdom, againft the tyrant's infolences, after he obtained the crown of England ; for then he would not fuffer the church to indict her own Affemblies. And when the faithful thought themfelves obliged to counteract his encroachments, and therefore conveened in an Affembly at Aberdeen in the year 1605, they were forced to diffolve, and thereafter, J2 A HIND LET LOOSE. thereafter, the moft eminent of the minifters there af~ fembled were tranfported prifoners to Blacknefs ; whence being cited before the Council, they decline their judicatory. And one of their brethren, Mr. Robert Youngfon, who had formerly fuccumbed, being moved in confcience, returned ; and when the reft were (landing before the Council, defired to be heard, and acknowledged his fault ; and therefore, howbeit not fummoned by the Lords, was charged by the living God, and compelled to compear that day, to juftify that Affembly, to the great aftonifh- ment of the Lords, and comfort of his brethren ; he fubicribed the declinature with the reft ; and for this they were arraigned, and condemned, as guilty of treafon, and bammed. Before the execution of which l'entence, Mr. Welch wrote to the Lady Fleming, to this effect : ' What am I, that he fhould firft have ' called me, and then conftituted me a minifter of ' glad tidings of the gofpel of falvation, thefe fifteen ' years already, and now lad of all to be a fufferer * of his caufe and kingdom ? To witnefs that good ' confeftion, that jefus Chrift is the King of faints, \ and that his church is a moft free kingdom ; yea, 5 as free as any kingdom under heaven, not only to ' convocate, hold and keep her meetings, conventi- * ons and aflemblies j but alfo to judge of ail her af- * fairs in all her meetings and conventions among his c fubje&s. Thefe two points, (i.) That Chrift is * the head of his church. (2.) That fhe is free in * her government from all other jurifdi&ion except * Chrift's, are the fpecial caufe of our imprifonment, ' being now convict as traitors, for maintaining * thereof. We have now been waiting with joyful- ' nefs to give the laft teftimony of our blood in con- c firmation thereof, if it would pleafe our God to be * fo favourable, as to honour us with that dignity.' After this, the King refolving by parliament to ad- vance the ftate of bifhops again, as in the time of po. pery, without cautions as before j and further, to e- ftablifh A HIND LET LOOSE. 73 flablHh not only that Antichriftian Hierarchy, but an Eraftian fupremacy : the faithful minifters of Chrifl thought themfelves bound in confcience to proteit ; and accordingly they offered proteftation to the par- liament July — 1606, obtefting, * That they would ' referve into the Lord's own hands, that glory which * he will communicate neither to man nor angel, to ' wit, to prefcribe from his holy mountain a lively pat- * tern, according to which his own tabernacle mould * be formed : remembring always, that there is * no abfolute and undoubted authority in this world, * except the fovereign authority of Chrifl: the * King ; to whom it belongeth as properly to rule * the~ church, according to the good pleafure of his * own will, as it belongeth to him to fave his church * by the merit of his own fufferings : all other au- * thority is fo entrenched within the marches of di- * vine command, that the lead overpafling of the * bounds, fet by God himfelf, brings men under the ' fearful expectation of temporal and eternal judg- ' ment. — If ye mould authorize bifhops, ye mould * bring into the church the ordinance of man, which * experience hath found to have been the ground of * that Antichriftian Hierarchy, which mounted up on * fteps of bifhops pre-eminence, until that man of fin * came forth, as the ripe fruit of man's wifdom, whom * God (hall confume with the breath of his own ' mouth. Let the fword of God pierce that belly, * which brought forth fuch a monfter ; and let the * ftaff of God crufh that egg, which hath hatched * fuch a cockatrice : and let not only that Roman. * Antichrift be thrown down from the high bench of 'his ufurped authority, but alfo let all the fleps, f- whereby he mounted up to that unlawful pre-emin- * ence, be cut down and utterly aboiifhed in this ' land: and beware to drive again ft God wirh an c- * pen difplayed banner, by building up again the * walls of Jericho, which the Lord hath not only call: K ' down. 74 A HIND LET LOOSE. 6 down, but alfo hath laid them under an horrible lrf-* ' terdiction and execration ; fo that the building of ' them again muft needs ftand to greater charges to ' the builders, than the re-edifying of Jericho, to Hie! * the Bethelite in the days of Ahab.' Yet notwith- ftanding of all oppofition, prelacy was again reftored in parliament. And to bring all to a compliance with the fame, prefbyteries arid fynods univerfally charged, under higheft pains, to admit a conftant moderator without change ; which many refufed refolurely, as being the firft ftep of prelacy. TTpon this followed a great perfecution of the faithful, for their non-con- formity, managed by that mongrel and monftrous kind of court, made up of clergymen and ftatefmen, called the high commiffion court, erected in the year 1610, whereby many honeft men were put violently from their charges and habitations ; the generality were involved in a great and fearful defection. But the cope-done of the wickednefs of that period, was the ratification of the five articfes of Perth, f kneeling " at the communion ; private communion to be given * to the fick, private baptifm : and confirmation of * children by the bifhop ; and obfervation of fefti- * val days :' which were much oppofed and teftified againft by the faithful, from their firft hatching in the year 1618, to the year 1621, when they were ra- tified in parliament j at what time they were alfo wit- neffed againft from heaven ; by extraordinary light- nings and tempefts. And againft this the teftimony of the faithful continued, till the revolution in the year 1638. Here we fee how the caufe was ftated in this period ; and may gather alio wherein it a- grees ; and how far it differ s from the prefent tefti- mony, now flittered for under all rage and reproach. I. The matter of the teftimony was one with that we are fuffering for, againft popery, prelacy and fu- premacy ; except that it was not fo far extended a- gainlt tyranny, becaufe that tyrant was not fuch an ufurper, nor fuch a violator of the fundamental con- flitutions A HIND LET LOOSE. 75 ftitutions of the civil government, *>s thefe that we have had to do withal. But as to the managing the teftimony ; they far outftripped their fucceffors in this generation, in conduct and courage, prudence and zeal, as is above hinted in many inftances ; to which we may add fome more. When feveral plots of papift lords had been difcovered, confpiring with the king of Spain, and they were by the king's indul- gence favoured, and fome were alfo perfuaded to treat with them, famous Mr. Davidfon oppofed with great refolution ; declaring before the fynod of L'othian, * That it favoured much of defection in thefe days, ' that fuch notorious rebels to God, his church, and 6 the country, mould be fo treated with ; we mould c not rafhly ope^n a door to God's enemies, without ' better proof of their manners nor were yet feen/ And when a convention in Falkland was confulting to call home thefe confpiring traitors, Mr. Andrew Melvin went thithef tl&called ; and when found fault with by the king for his boldnefs, he anfwered, c Sir, * I have a call to come here from Chrift and his ' church, who have fpecial intereft in this turn, and ' againft whom this convention is aiTembled directly ; * I charge you, and your eftates, in the name of Chrift ' and his church, that ye favour not his enemies whom ' he hateth, nor go about to call home, nor make ci- ' tizens of thefe, who have traiteroufly fought to be- ' tray- their city and native country, with the over- € throw of Chrift's kingdom.* And further challen- ged them of treafon againft Chrift, his church and the country, in that purpofe they were about. About the fame time, in a private conference with the king, he calls the king God's filly valTal ; and taking him by the fleeve, tola him, £ Sir, you, and church and ' country is like to be wrecked for not telling the * truth, and giving you faithful counfel ; we muft dif* 4 charge our duty, or elfe be enemies to Chrift and ' you : therefore I mull tell you, there are two kings * and two. kingdoms ; there is Chrift and his king- K 2 i dom j6 A HIND LET LOOSE. 6 dom, whofe fubjed king James VI. is, and of whofe c kindom he is not a king, nor a head, nor a lord, ' but a member ; and they whom Chrift hath called * to watch over and govern his church, have fufficient (, authority and power from him, which no Chriftian ' king fhould controul, but aflift, otherwife they are ' not faithful fubjects to Chrift. Sir, when you were 4 in your Twaddling clouts, Chrift reigned freely in c this land, in fpight of all his enemies ; but now the c wifdom of your council, which is devilifh and per- ' niciotrs, is this, that you may be ferved of all forts * of men to your purpofe and grandeur, Jew and * Gentile, Papift and Proteftant, becaufe the minifters * and Proteftants in Scotland are too ltrong, and con- ' troul the king, they muft be weakened and brought ' low, by ftirring up a party againft them ; and the * king being equal and indifferent, both fhall be fain * to flee to him, fo fhall he be well fettled : but, Sir, * let God's wifdom be the only wifdom, this will * prove mere and mad folly ; for his curfe cannot but * light upon it ; fo that in feeking both, you fhall lofe * both.' To the like effect Mr. Robert Bruce, in a fermon upon Pfal. li. gives faithful warning of the danger of the times. £ It is not we (fays he) that are * party in this caufe ; no, the quarrel is betwixt a ' greater prince and them. What are we but fil- c ly men : Yet it has pleafed him to fet us in this of- c fice, that we fhould oppone to the manifeft ufurpa- ' tion that is made upon his fpiritual kingdom. Is * there a more forcible mean to draw down the wrath * of God, than to let Barabbas that nobilitate male- c factor pafs free, and to begin the war againft Chrift e and his miniftry. It putteth on the cope-ftone, that * fo many of our brethren fhould not be fo faithful, 1 as their calling and this caufe craveth. Fy upon * falfe brethren, to fee them dumb, fo faint-hearted, * when it comes to the fhock ; not only are they a- * fhamed to fpeak the thing they think, which is a c fhame in a paftor, but fpeak directly againft their *■ former A HIND LET LOOSE. 77 * former doctrine. They will fpeak the truth a while, * till they be put at, but incontinent they will turn, 6 and make their gifts weapons to fight againft Chrift ; * for there is none fo malicious as an apoftate, when 6 he begins to Hide back,' &c. The fame faithful witnefs, becaufe he would not preach as the king would have him, againft: his own confcience, to juftify and proclaim the king's innocency, in a forged confpiracy againft him, was put from his church in Edinburgh ; and ..being requefted in an infinuating manner to defift from preaching but for nine or ten days ; he condefcended at firft, thinking the matter of no great importance ; yet that night his body was call in a fever, with the terror of his confcience, and he promifed he mould never obey their command- ments any more. Thefe were faithful men, yet we find they challenge themfelves, in deep humiliation, for their fhort-comings and defections. At the reno- vation of the national covenant March 30th, 1596, was the greateft folemnity ever had been feen in Scot- land before that time ; fo that the place might worthily' have been called Bochim. O when mall we fee fuch a day, when even the mod faithful among us, mail mourn over our far more aggravated defections ! but if they mourned then for thefe firft degrees of declen- fions ; we may fay, f How heavily would thefe va- ' liant men groan, who formerly contended fo ftout- ' ly for the liberty of the church of Scotland, if they * beheld this our lazinefs (that I may call it by no 6 worfe name!') I know notwithstanding of all this, that fome encourage themfelves in a bafe compliance with the prefent corruptions of our church, from the practice of thefe worthies ; alledging, they did not fcruple to hear and join with prelatical men, difpen- fing the ordinances. But this objection will be eafi- ly refelled, if we confider, firft, the period wherein they were but growing up to a more perfect reforma- tion, and therefore might bear with many things lich we cannot, after we have been reformed from them : 7^ A HIND LET LOOSE. them : they were then advancing, and ftill gaining ground, we are now declining, and therefore mould be more fhy to lofe what we have gained. They had then of a long time enjoyed their judicatories, untq which' they might recur for an orderly redrefs of fuch grievances that offended them ; and when they were deprived of them, yet they were ftill in hopes of re- covering them ; and fo fufpended their total feceffion from that corrupt church, until they mould reco- ver them ; in the mean time ftill holding their right, and maintaining their caufe againft thefe invaders. But we were, at the very firft beginning of this un- happy revolution, totally deprived of our judicatories, and denuded of all expectation of them in an ordina- ry way, and of all place, but what they are mafters of to contend with them that way ; therefore muft keep ourfelves free of their communion. But next, if we confider their practice, we (hall find thefe wor- thies were not fuch conformifts, as our compilers would make them. What if we find among them meetings, that were called and counted as feditious and fchifmatic as ours are now ? We find a field meeting, yea, a General ArTembly at Dumfermline, without and againfl the king's warrant, when the ports were (hut againft them, in the year 1585. But that is not fo pat to the purpofe, as that we find pri- vate meetings at Edinburgh, and that in the very time of public fervice in the churches, difcharged by open proclamation in 1624, wherein it is charged, that they had no refpecV to the ordinary pallors, contemned and impugned their doctrine, difobeyed and controul- ed their difcipline, abftained to hear the word preach- ed, and to participate of the facraments. And long, before that, we find the fincerer fort fcrupled to hear Bifhop Adamfon, notwithftanding that he was abfolv- ed in the ArTembly. And that afterwards, the doubt being proponed to the AfTembly, if it be a ilander to a Chriftian to abfent himfelf from the fermons of them that are fufpended from all fun&ioa in the mi- niftry ? A HIND LET LOOSE. 79 niflry ? The AiTembly anfwered, there is no flander in the cafe, but rather it is flanderous to refort. And why is not this ground to think it flanderous, or fcan- dalous to refort to them, who deferve to be fufpend- ed (all of them by a fpiritual cognizance, and fome of them to be fufpended corporally for their villany) when there can be no accefs orderly to do it. And the rather, becaufe we find in this period, that fome- times minifters were fo faithful and zealous againit the corruptions of the miniftry, that they decerned mi- nifters to be fufpended for far fmaller faults, than ma- ny now could exempt themfelves from, viz. if they were not powerful and fpiritual ; if they did not ap- ply their doctrine to corruptions ; if they were ob- fcure and too fcholaftic before the people ; cold and wanting zeal, flatterers, diiTembling at public fins for flattery or fear, &c. As we may read in the advice of the brethren, deputed for penning the corruptions in the miniftry, in 1596. I wifli our lilent pru- dent minifters now would confider the juftnefs of this cenfure, and what ground people have to be of- fended at fuch cenfurablenefs. But not only this may anfwer the falfe imputation of conformity on thefe witneiTes of Chrift at that time ; but I fhall fet down a part of a letter of one of the banifhed minifters at that time, difcovering his mind about hearing thefe men, that were then ferving the times. Mr. John Welch, writing to Mr. Robert Bruce, ' What ' my mind is concerning the root of thefe branches, ' the bearer will fhew you more fully. They are no ' more to be counted orthodox, but apoftates ; they c have fallen from their callings, by receiving an anti- c chriftian, and bringing in of idolatry, to make the ' kingdom culpable, and to expofe it to fearful judg- * ments, for fuch an high perfidy againft an oath fo ' folemnly enacted and given ; and are no more to be 4 counted Chriftians, but ftrangers,, apoftates, and ' perfecutors ; and therefore, not to be heard any ' more, either in public, or in confiftories, colleges, * or 8o A HIND LET LOOSE. * or fynods ; for what fellowfhip hath light with dark* ■ nefs r We fee then as to that part of the teftimony, they were not diflonant to the witnefs of the prefent reproached fufFerers. II. As the matter and manner of their teftimony againft all the invaders of the church's privileges, did fpeak forth a great deal of fmcere and pure zeal ; fo their practice was conform, mewing forth a great deal of ftriclnefs and averfenefs from all finful complian- ces, even with things that would be now accounted of very minute and inconfiderable confequence, and for which honeft fufFerers now are flouted at as fools. When that oath was formed for acknowledging the fupremacy, there was a claufe added which might have been thought to falve the matter, " according to the word of God." I fear many now would not ftand to fubfcribe with fuch a qualification. Yet the faithful then perceived the fophiftry, that it made it rather worfe, affirming that that brat of hell was ac- cording to the word of God : and therefore, though there were feveral eminent men to perfuade them to it, both by advice and example, yet they could not, in confcience, comply ; and pleaded alfo from the il- legality of that impofition, that they mould be char- ged with the fubfcription of laws, a thing never re- quired before of any fubject ; if they offended againft the laws, why might they not be punifhed according to the laws ? When many honeft faithful patriots, for the attempt at Ruthven to deliver the country from a vermin of villains that abufed the King, to the de- ftruclion of the church and kingdom, were charged to crave pardon, and take remiflion ; they would do neither, judging it a bafe condemning duty, which puts a brand upon our fneaking fupplicators and petition- ers, and pardon mongers, as unworthy to be called the race of fuch worthies, who fcorned fuch bafenefs, and choofed rather to endure the extremity of their unjuft fentences of intercommuning and banifhment, &c. And when the Earl of Gowr«e accepted of a re- miflion A HIND LET LOOSE. 8f million, he afterwards condemned himfelf for it, and defired that his old friends, would accept of his friend- fhip, to whom he had the fame favour offered to him, refufed altogether, left fo doing he* mould condemn himfelf, and approve the courts proceedings : and the brethren, conferring with the counfellors, craving that fome penalty mould be condefcended unto for fa- tisfying his majefty in his honour, would not conde- scend to any, how light foever ; left thereby they mould feem to approve the judicatory and their pro- ceeding. The imprifoned minifters, for declining the counfel. had it in their offer, that if they would, without any confeflion of offence, only fubmit them- felves to his majefty, " for fcandal received, not gu " ven," they fhould be reftored to their places : but it pleafed God fo to ftrengthen them, that they flop- ped their mouths, and convinced them in their con- sciences, that they could not do it without betraying of the caufe of Chrift. Again, in another cafe, we have inftances of fuch ftriftnefs, as is much fcorned now a-days. The minifters of Edinburgh were com- mitted to ward, for refufmg to pray for the queen, before her execution in Fothringham caftle 1586. they refufed not (imply to pray for her, but for the preferyation of her life, as if fhe had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge, which had imported a condemnation of the proceedings againft her. After- wards, in the year 1 600. The minifters of Edinburgh would not praife God for the delivery of the king from a pretended confpiracy of the Earl of Gowrie at that time, of which they had no credit nor aflur- ance; and would not crave pardon for it neither* For this Mr. Robert Bruce was deprived of the exer- cife of his miniftry, and never obtained it again in Edinburgh : but now, for refufmg fuch compelled and impofed devotion, to pray or praife for the king, poor people are much condemned. I know it is al- iedged, that thefe faithful fuflerers in thofe days, were not (0 ftrict as they are now, in fubmitting to un- L juft 82 A HIND LET LOOSE. juft fentences, and obeying and keeping their confine- ments. I mail grant, there was much of this, and much might be tolerate in their circumftances, when the court's procedure againft them was not fo illegal, their authority was not fo tyrannical, nor fo neceffary to be difowned, and they were fo ftated, that they were afraid to take guilt upon them, in making their efcapes ; whereas it is not fo with us. Yet we find very faithful men broke their confinements ; as Mr. John Murray, confined at Dumfries, perceiving there was no end of the bifhop's malice, and that he would be in no worfe cafe than he was, he refolved without licence, either of king or council, to tranfport himfelf : fo did alfo Mr. Robert Bruce. III. For refiftance of fuperior powers, we have in this period, firft the pra&ice of fome noblemen at Ruthven, in the 1582. who took the King, and feiz- - ed on that arrant traitor, enemy to the church and country the Earl of Arran ; declaring to the world the caufes of it, the King's correfpondence with pa- pifts, his ufurping the fupremacy over the church, and opprefling the minifters, all by means of his wick- ed counfellers, whom therefore they removed from him. The King himfelf emitted a declaration allow- ing this deed. The General Aflembly approved of it, and perfuaded to a concurrence with it, and no- thing was wanting to ratify it, as a molt lawful and laudable adion. At length the fox efcapes, and changes all, and retrafts his former declaration. The lords again rally, and interprife the taking of the caf- tle of Stirling, and gain it 5 but afterward furrendfr it : after which the Earl of Gowrie was executed, and minifters are commanded to retraft the approbation of Ruthven bufinefs, but they refufed ; and many were forced to flee to England, and the lords were banifhed. But, in the year 1585, they return with more fuccefs, and take the caftle of Stirling. The cowardly king does again acknowledge andjuftify their A HIND LET LOOSE. 83 their enterprife, ' that they needed no apology of ' words, weapons had fpoken well enough, and got- * ten them audience to clear their own caufe :' but his after carriage declared him as crafty and falfe, as he was cowardly and fearful. Again, we have the advice of the General AfTembly, for refilling, when the minifters were troubled upon Mr. Black's bufi- nefs, and there was an intention to pull them out of their pulpits : they advifed them to (land to the dif- charge of their calling, if their flocks would fave them from violence, and yet this violence was ex- pected from the King and his emiffaries. As to that point then there can be no difpute. IV. There was little occafion for the queftion a- bout the King's authority in this period, but general- ly all acknowledged it ; becaufe they were not fenfi- ble of his usurpation, and his cowardice made him in- capable of attempting any thing that might raife com- motions in civil things. Yet we remark, that what- foever authority he ufurped beyond his fphere, that was difowned and declined by all the faithful, as the Supremacy. Next that they refented, and reprefented very harfhly, any afpiring to abfolutenefs ; as Mr. Andrew Melvin could give it no better name, nor en- tertain no better notion of it, than to term it, the bloody gully, as he inveighs againft it in the Aflembly 1582. And next, in this fame period, we have a very good defcription of that authority, which the King himfelf allows not to be owned, which out of a King's mouth abundantly juftifies the difowning of the prefent tyranny : this fame King James, in a fpeech to the parliament, in the year 1609, faith, 6 A king de- ' generateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by ' law, much more when he beginneth to invade his 6 fubje&s perfons, rights and liberties, to fet up an ' arbitrary power, impofe unlawful taxes, raile forces, 4 make war upon his fubje&s, to pillage, plunder, * wafte, and fpoil his kingdoms.' L 2 PERIOD, 84 A HIND LET LOOSE. PERIOD V. Containing the Teftimony for the laft Reformation from Prelacy , in all its fieps, from the year 1638. to 1660. X HE following period, from the year 1638, to 1660, continues and advances the teftimony, to the greateft height of purity and power, that either this church, or any other did ever arrive unto, with a gradation, fuccefllon, and complication of wonders, of divine wifdom, power, juftice and mercy, fignally and An- gularly owning and fealing it, to the confufion of his enemies, comfort of his people, conviction of indiffer- ent neutrals, and confternation of all. Now after a long winter, and night of deadnefs and darknefs, the fun returns with an amiable approach of light and life ; now the winter was pad, the rain was over and gone, the flowers appear on earth, and the time of finging of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land. Now the fecond time, the tefti- mony comes to be managed in an active manner, as before it was pailive : as the one hath been always obferved to follow interchangeably upon the other, es- pecially in Scotland, and the laft always the greateft ; which gives ground to hope, though it be now our turn to fuffer, that when the fummer comes again af- ter this winter, and the day after this night, the next active teftimony (hall be more notable than any that went before. The matter of the teftimony was the fame as before, for the concerns of Chrift's kingly prerogative, but with fome more increafe as to its oppofites : for thefe grew fucceflively in every period, the laft always including all that went before. The firft period had Gentilifm principally to deal with ; the fecond Popery ; the third Popery and Tyranny ; the fourth Prelacy and Supremacy j this fifth hath all together, and Sectarianifm alfo, to contend againft. The A HIND LET LOOSE. 85 The former had always the oppofites on one hand, but this hath them in extremes on both hands j both fighting againft one another, and both fighting toge- ther againft the church of Scotland, and fhe againft both, till at length one of her oppolites prevailed, viz. the Sectarian party, and that prevailing brought in the other, to wit, the Malignant, which now domineers over all together. Wherefore, becaufe this period is in itfelf of fo great importance, the revolutions there- in emergent fo eminent, the reformation therein pro- fecuted wanting little of its perfect complement, the deformation fucceeding in its deviation from the pat- tern being fo deftructive ; to the end it may be leen from whence we have fallen, and whether or not the pre- fent reproached fufferers have loft or left their ground, we muft give a fliort deduction of the rife, progrefs, and end of the contendings of that period. In the midft of the forementioned miferies and mif- chiefs, that the pride of prelacy and tyrannical fupre- macy had multiplied beyond meafure upon this church and nation, and at the height of all their haughtinefs, ■when they were fetting up their Dagon and erecting altars for him, impofing the fervice-book, and book of Canons, &c. the Lord in mercy remembred his people, and furprifed them with a fudden unexpected deliverance, by very defpicable means ; even the op- pofition of a few weak women, at the beginning of that conteft, which, ere it was quafhed, made the ty- rant tumble headlefs off his throne. The zeal a- gainft the Englifh popifii ceremonies, obtruded on Edinburgh, did firft inflame fome feminine hearts to witnefs their deteftation of them ; but afterwards was followed out with more mafculine fervor, accofting King and Council with petitions, remonftrances, pro- teflations and teftimonies againft the innovations, and refolving upon a mutual conjunction, to defend religi- on, lives and liberties, againft all that would innovate or invade them. To fortify which, and conciliate the favour both of God and man in therefolution, all the lovers 86 A HIND LET LOOSE. lovers of God, and friends to the liberty of the nati- on, did folemnly renew the national covenant, (where- in they were iignally countenanced of the Lord,) which, though in itfelf obliging to the condemnation of prelatical Hierarchy, and clearly enough confirm- ing prefbyterial government, yet they engaged into it with an enlargement, to fufpend the practice of nova- tions already introduced, and the approbation of the corruptions of the prefent government, with the late places and power of church men, till they be tried in a free General AfTembly. Which was obtained that fame year, and indicted at Glafgow : and there, not- withstanding all the oppofition that the King's com. jniflioner could make, by protestations and proclama- tions to diffolve it, the fix preceeding Afiemblies ef- tablifhing Prelacy were annulled, the fervice-book, and high commiflion were condemned y all the bi* fiiops were depofed, and their government declared to be abjured in that national covenant ; though ma- ny had, through the commiflioners perfuafions, fub- fcribed it in another fenfe without that application : as alfo the five articles of Perth were there difcovered to have been inconfiftent with that covenant and con- feffion, and the civil places and power of church men were difproved and rejected : on the other hand pre- fbyterial government was juflified and approved, and an act was paffed for their keeping yearly General Aflemblies. This was a bold beginning, into which they were animated with more than human refolution^ againft more than human oppofition, hell as well as the powers of the earth being fet againft them. But when the Lord gave the call, they confidered not their own deadnefs, nor were daunted with difcourage- ments, nor daggered at the promife through unbelief, but gave glory to God, outbraving all difficulties. Which in the following year were much increafed, by the prelates and their popifh partakers rendezvoufing their forces under the King's perfonal ftandard, and menacing nothing but mifery to the zealous covenan- ters j A HIND LET LOOSE. 8j> ters ; yet when they found them prepared to refift, were forced to yield to a pacification, concluding that an Affembly and Parliament mould be held, for healing all grievances of church and Mate. In which Aflembly at Edinburgh, the covenant is ratified and fubfcribed by the Earl of Traquair com- mimoner, and enjoined to be fubfcribed by the body of the whole land, with an explication, exprefsly con- demning the five articles of Perth, the government of bifhops, the civil places and power of churchmen : but the fons of Belial cannot be taken with hands, nor bound with bonds of faith, humanity, or honour, for in the year following, king and prelates, with their popifh abettors, go to arms again ; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new pacification, whereby all civil and religious liberties were ratified. And in the following year 1641, by laws, oaths, pro- mifes, fubfcriptions of king and parliament, fully con- firmed, the king, Charles 1. being prefent, and con- fenting to all ; though in the mean time he was treacheroufly encouraging the Irifh murderers, who by his authority made a maflacre of many thoufand innocent proteftants in Ireland. But in Scotland things went well, the kingdom of our Lord Jefus was greatly advanced, the gofpel flourifhed, and the glo- ry of the Lord did mine upon us with fuch a fplen- dour, that it awaked England, and animated the Lord's people there, then groaning under thofe griev- ances from which Scotland was delivered, to afpire to the like reformation. For advice in which, becaufe though all agreed to caft off the yoke of prelacy, yet fundry forms of church government were projected to be fet up in the room thereof, chiefly the Indepen- dent order, determining all acts of church govern- ment, as election, ordination, and depofition of officers, with admiffion, excommunication, and abfolu- tion of members, to be done and decided by the voices of every particular congregation, without any autho- ritative concurrence or interpofition of any other, con* A HIND LET LOOSE. condemning all imperative and deciilve power erf dalles, &c. as a mere ufurpation. Therefore, the brethren in England wrote to the Affembly then fitting at Edinburgh, who gave them anfwer, ' That they were grieved, that any of the godly mould 4 be found not agreeing with other reformed church- f es, in point of government as well as do&rine ; and 4 that it was to be feared, where the hedge of dif- * cipline and government is different, the doctrine and 4 woifhip fliall not long continue the fame without 4 change ; that the government of the church, by ' compound prefbyteries and fynods, is a help and * ftrength, and not a hindrance to particular congre- ' tions and elderfhips, in all the parts of government ; ' and are not an extrinfical power fet over particular 4 churches, but the intrinfical power wherewith * Chrift hath invefted his officers, who may not ex- ' ercife it independently, but with fubordination un- * to prefbyteries, &c. which as they are reprefentative * of particular churches, conjoined together in one 4 under their government ; fo their determination, * when they proceed orderly, whether in caufes com- 4 mon to all, or brought before them by reference in 4 cafe of aberration, is to the feveral congregations 4 authoritative, and not confultatory only. And this 4 fubordination is not only warranted by the light of * nature, but grounded upon the word of God, and * conform to the pattern of the primitive and apofto- * lie church, for the prefervation of verity and uni- * ty, againft fchifm, herefy and tyranny, which is the * fruit of this government wherefoever it hath place.' So from henceforth the Affembly did inceffantly urge uniformity in reformation with their brethren in Eng- land, as the chiefeft of their defires, prayers and cares. And in the year 1643, prevailed fo far, that the Englifh parliament did firft defire, that the two nations might be ftriftly united for their mutual de- fence, againft rhe papifts and prelatical faction, and their adherents in both kingdoms ; and not. to lay down A HIND LET LOOSE. 89 down arms, tiil thefe implacable enemies mould be brought in fubjeclion ; and inftantly urge for help and nfliftance from Scotland. Which, being fent, did re- turn with an olive branch of peace, and not without fome beginnings of a reformation in England. And afterwards, a bloody war beginning between the King and Parliament, with great fuccefs on the King's fide, whence the papifts at the time got great advantage, (vvitnefs the ceffation of arms concluded in Ireland,) commiffioners were fent from both houfes to Scot- land, earneftly inviting to a nearer union of the king- doms, andvdeiiring afliftance from this nation to their brethren in that their great diflrefs. And this, by the good hand of God, produced the folemn league and covenant of the three kingdoms, firff. drawn up in Scotland, and approven in the Affembly at Edinburgh, and afterward embraced in England to the terror of the popifh and prelatical party, and to the great com- fort of fuch as were wifhing and waiting for the refor- mation of religion, and the recoveries of jufl liberties. The tenor whereof did import, their fincere and conflant endeavours, in their feveral places and call- ings, for prelervation of the uniformity in reformati- on, in doctrine, worfbip, difcipline, and government : the extirpation of popery, prelacy, error and profa- nity ; the prefervation of the rights and liberties of the people; and of the magiftrates authority, in de- fence of the true religion and liberty ; the difcovery and punifhment of incendiaries ; the retaining of the peace and union of the kingdoms ; the mutual aflift- ance and defence of all under the bond of this cove- nant ; and the performing all duties we owe to God, in the amendment of our lives, and walking exemp- larily one before another.- This is that covenant com- prehending the purpofe of all prior, and the pattern of all poilerior covenants, to which Chriit's witnefTes did always adhere, for which the prefent witnefTes do iufier and contend ; that covenant, which the re- prefentatives of church and (late in the three nations M did go A HIND LET LOOSE. did folemniy fubfcribe and fwear, for themfelves and pofterity, of which the obligation, either to the duty or the punifhment, continues indifpenfibly on the ge- neration ; which for the moral equity of its matter, the formality of its manner, the importance of its pur- pofe, the holinefs of its folemn engagement, and the glory of its ends, no power on earth can difannul, difable, or difpenfe ; that covenant, which the Lord did ratify from heaven, by the converfion of many thoufands at their entering under the bond of it, fe- curing and eftablifhing unto them, and all the faith- ful, the bleflings and privileges therein expreft, and avouching himfelf to be their God, as they had a- vouched themfelves to be his people ; that covenant, which, in all the controversies it hath occafioned, did never receive a greater confirmation than from the malice and oppofition of its adverfaries ; that cove- nant, which malignants do malign and deny, and fec- taries fcorn and lay afide, as an almanack out of date ; which hath been many ways traduced and reproached by enemies, and yet could never be reflected on by any ferious in this land, without an honourable and fragrant remembrance : efpecially that retortion of adverfaries of the rigour of its impofition upon recuf- ants, to juftify their cruelty upon its aflerters now, is to be refelled, not with confutation of its importance, but with difdain of its impudence. For who were the recufants ; but wicked enemies to God, and church, and nation, who for their malignancy were then to be profecuted, not for their fcrupling at a covenant, but for their contumacious contempt of a law ? This was no violence done to their confcience ; for as they had none, and could not pretend to any, fo they were ne- ver troubled for that, but for their oppofition and con- fpiracy againfl the common caufe. However, it went through at that time : and that the covenanted reform- ation, in a nearer conjunction betwixt the united chur- ches, might be promoted, the parliament of England called an Affembly of divines at Weftminiter, and de- fired A HIND LET LOOSE 91 fired the AfTembly of Scotland to fend thither their commiflioners ; which accordingly nominated and e- le&ed Mr. Alexander Henderfon, Mr. Robert Doug. las, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, Mr. Robert. Baizie, Mr. George Gillefpie,minifters; John Earl of Caflils, John Lord Maitland, and Sir Archibald Johnflon of Warif- toun, ruling elders ; to propone, confult, treat, and conclude in all fuch things as might conduce to the extirpation of popery, prelacy, herefy, fchifm, fuper- ftition, and idolatry ; and for the fettling of the fo much defired union of the whole ifland, in one form of church-government, one confeffion of faith, one common catechifm, and one directory for the worfhip of God. Forces were alfo fent to affift the parliament of England: which were favoured with great fuccefsin their enterprizes, till that war was ended by the total o- verthrow of tyranny at that time, and all its upholders. But that popifh,prelatical, and malignant faction, being brought much under in England, attempted (not un- like the Syrians, who thought the God of Ifrael was not God of the hills and valleys both) to try the for- tune of war in Scotland, under the conduct of that treacherous and truculent traitor Montrofe, gathering an army of wicked apoflates and Irilh murderers : who prevailing for a time, did punifh in the juftice of God, the hypocrify and felf-feeking of in this land, whofe hearts were not upright in his covenant j at length was defeat at Philiphaugh, in the year 1645. Yet certain it is, that they had commiflion and warrant from the King ; as the Affembly that year, February 13. remonitrates it to himfelf ? warning him, in the name of their Mailer, the Lord Jefus Chrift, * That ' the guilt, which cleaved to his throne, was fuch, as c (whatfoever flattering preachers or unfaithful coun- ' fellors, might fay to the contrary) if not timely re- ' pented, could not but involve himfelf and his pof- ' terity, under the wrath of the ever-living God, for ' his being guilty of the fhedding of the blood of ma- * ny thoufand of his beft fubjecls, for his permitting 6 the mafs and other idolatry in his family and domi- M 2 « nion,* 92 A HIND LET LOOSE. * nion,' &c. At the fame time alfo, the Affembly did zealoufly incite the Parliament to a fpeedy courfe of juftice, againft thefe incendiaries and murderers, as the only mean of cleanfing the land from that deluge of blood then current, and of appearing the wrath of God : and folemnly and feafonably warned all ranks to applaud the glory and righteoufnefs of that judg- ment of the fword, in the hands of thefe apoitates and murderers, and to fearch to underftand the lan- guage of that difpenfation ; wherein many public fins and breaches of covenant are pointed at, as the canfes of that defolation ; and the covenant itfelf is there very encomiaftically vindicated. c We are fo far * from repenting of it (fay they) that we cannot men- ' tion it without great joy and thankfulnefs to God, * as that which hath drawn many bleffings after it, ' and unto which God hath given manifold evident ' teftimonies : for no fooner was the covenant begun c to be taken in England, but fenfibly the condition ' of affairs there was changed to the better, and our * forces fent into that kingdom, in purfuance of that ' covenant, have been fo mercifully and manifeftly * aflifted and bleffed from heaven, that we have what * to anfwer the enemy that reproacheth us concern- ' ing that bufmefs, and that which may make iniqui- ' ty itfelf to ftop her mouth ; but which is more un- e to us than all victories, the reformation of religion ' in England, and uniformity therein between both ' kingdoms (a principal end of that covenant) is fo ' far advanced, that the government of the church ' by congregational elderfhips, claffical prefbyteries, ' provincial and national affemblies, is agreed upon ' by the Affembly of Divines at Weftminfler, and ' voted and concluded in both houfes of Parliament.* After this the malignants in England being crufhed in all their projects, the King renders himfelf to the Scots in Newcaflle : by whom (becaufe by covenant they were not obliged to defend him, but only in de- fence of religion and liberty, which he had been de- coying A HIND LET LOOSE. 93 ftroying, and they defending, becaufe in this war he did directly oppofe and oppugn thefe conditions, un- der which they were only to defend him ; and there- fore they had all along carried towards him as an e- nemy, as he to them ; and becaufe, by the fame co- venant, they were obliged to difcover, and render to condign punifhment all malignantsand incendiaries, of whom he was the chief, and to retain the peace and uni- on of the kingdoms, which could not be retained in maintaining their deftroyer, and toaftift mutually all en- tred into that covenant, which he was fighting againft) he was delivered up unto the Englifh, and kept under reftraint in the ifle of Wight, until he received his juft demerit, for all his oppreffions, murders, treachery, and tyranny ; being condemned and execute January 30th, in the (648-9. Which fa£t, though it was pro- tefted againft, both before and after, by the AfTembly of the church of Scotland, out of zeal againft the Sec- tarians, the executioners of that extraordinary act of juftice ; yet it was more for the manner than for the matter, and more for motives and ends of it, than for the grounds of it, that they oppofed them- fclves to it, and refented it. For they acknowledged and remonftrated to himfelf, the truth of all thefe things upon which that fentence and execution of juf- tice was founded. And when a wicked afibciation, and unlawful engagement was on foot to refcue him, they oppofed it with all their might : (hewing, in their aniwers to the eftutes that year i6d8, and de- clarations and remonftrances, the finfulnefs and def- tructivenefs of that engagement ; that it was a breach of the commandments of God, and of all the articles of the covenant ; declaring withal, they would never confent to the King's reftitution to the exercife of his power, without previous aflurance, by folemn oath, under his hand and feal, for fettling of religion according to the covenant. By which it appears, they were" not fo ftupidly loyal, as fome would make them. Yet indeed it cannot be paft without regret, that 94 A HIND LET LOOSE. that there was too much of this plague of the king's- evil even among good men : which from that time forth hath fo infected the heads and hearts of this ge neration, that it hath almoft quite extinct all loyalty to Chrifl, and all zeal for religion and liberty. Then it began to infufe and diffufe its contagion, the when after death of Charles firft, in the year 1 64Q, they began, after all that they had fmarted for their trufting thefe treacherous tyrants, and after that grace had been mewed them from the Lord their God, by breaking thefe men's yokes from off their necks, and putting them again into a capacity to act for the good of religion, their own fafety, and the peace andfafety of the kingdom, to think of joining once more with the people of thefe abominations, and taking into their bofom thefe ferpents which had formerly ftung them almoft to death. Hence thefe tears, lo the ori- gin and fpring of our defection ! There was indeed at that time a party faithful for God, who confider- ing the many breaches of the folemn league and co- venant, and particularly by the late engagement a- gainft England, did fo travel, that they procured the covenant to be renewed, with the folemn acknow- ledgment of fins and engagement to duties, which was univerfally fubfcribed and fworn through all the land ; wherein alfo they regret this tampering with malignants. And therefore the Lord did mightily fave and defend them from all their adverfaries, fub- dued them at Stirling, and in the north. They did alfo give warning concerning the young King, ' That * notwithstanding of the Lord's hand againit his fa- * ther, yet he hearkens unto the counfels of thefe, c who were authors of thefe miferies to his father, by * which it hath come to pafs, that he hath hitherto ' refufed to grant the juft and neceffary defires of the ' church and kingdom, for fecuring of religion and *■ liberty : And it is much to be feared, that thefe c wicked counfellors, may fo far prevail upon him, * as to engage him in a war, for overturning the ' work A HIND LET LOOSE. g$ ' work of God, and bearing down all thofe in the £ three kingdoms that adhere thereto. Which if he * fhall do, cannot but bring great wrath from the * Lord upon himfelf and throne, and muft be the * caufe of many new and great miferies and calami- ' ties to thefe lands.' And, in the fame warning, by many weighty reafons, they prove, that he is not to be admitted to the exercife of his power, without fe- curity for religion and liberty. And when the bring- ing home of the King came to be voted in the Af- fembly, there was one faithful witnefs, Mr. Adam Kae, minifter in Galloway, protefted againft it : fore- fhewing, and foretelling, what mifchief and mifery he would bring with him when he mould come. Thefe things might have had fome weight, to demur the nation from meddling with that perfidious trai- tor. But all this ferves only to aggravate the fin and fhame of that diffraction, which hath procured all this destruction, under which the land mourns to this day : that notwithstanding of all thefe convic- tions, warnings ; yea, and difcoveries of his malig- nancy, treachery, and inclination to tyranny ; they fent commiffioners, and concluded a treaty with him at Breda. During which treaty, the commiffions which he had fent to that bloody villain Montrofe, and his cut-throat complices, to raife an army, and wafte, and invade the country with fire and fword the fecond time-; were brought to the Committee of Eftates, difcovering what fort of a king they were treating with. Whereupon, after ferious confulting, not only together, but with the Lord : and after ma- ny debates what to do in fuch a doubtful cafe, where- in all was in danger, the Eftates concluded to break off the treaty, and recal their Commiffioners. To which intent, they fent an exprefs with letters to Bre- da ; which, by providence, falling into the hands of Libberton, a true libertine, and falfe betrayer of his trull and country, was by him, without the know- ledge of the other Commiffioners, delivered unto the ' King j A HIND LET LOOSE, King ; who confulting the contents of the packet with his jeluitical and hypocritical cabal, found it,h?s intereft to play the fox (being difappointed .at £h$& time to play the tyger) and diffemble with Gotland man. And fo fending for the CommiiTioners, he made a flattering fpeech to them, mewing, that now after ferious deliberation, he was refolved to comply with all their propofals. Whereupon the poor cheat- ed CommiiTioners diipatch the port back with letters. dj*full of praife and joy for the fatisfaction they had re- ceived. # The E dates, perceiving themfelves impofed upon, confulted again what to do ; and in end, be- ing overfwayed more with refpect to their own cre- dit, (which they thought mould be impeached, if they ihould retract, their own plenipotentiary inftruc- tions, to conclude the treaty, upon the King's afTent to their conditions) than to their reclamant confer- ences, they refolved to bring home that, pert, and thereby precipitated themfelves and us into eluct.able inifery. Yet they thought to mend the matter, by binding him with all cords, and putting him to all moil explicit engagements, before he fhould receive the imperial cr.own. Well, upon thefe terms, home he comes, and, before he fets his foot on Britilh ground, he takes the covenant : and thereafter, be- caufe the commiflion of the General Affembly, by the act of the Wed kirk, Auguft 13th, 1650, pre- cluded his admittance unto the crown, if he fhould refufe the then required fatisfaclion, before his coro- nation, he emits that declaration at Dunfermline ; wherein, c Profefling and appearing in the full per- ' i'uafion and love of the truth, lie tepenteth (as hav ' ing to do with and in the fight of God) his father's * opposition to the covenant and work of God, and * his own reluctances againil the fame, hoping for * mercy through the blood of fefus ChrifL^i * tefiir.g the prayers of the faithful to G '.ftedfaftnefs. And then protelteth his txm'i ' ftneerity in entring into the oaih of Geo, iciblvh A HIND LET LOOSE. ()J profecute the ends of the covenant to his utmoft, c:and to have wiih it the fame common friends and e- ' nemies, exhorting all to lay down cheir enmity agamftr ' the caufe of God, and not to prefer man'9 intereft ' to God's, which will prove an idol of jealoufy to '.provoke the Lord : and he himfeif accounteth to be- f bur felhih flattery.' A declaration fo full of heart- profefllons, and high atteftations of God, that none, confidering what followed, can reflect thereon, with- out horror and trembling from the holy jealoufy of the Lord, either for the then deep difiimulation, or the after unparalleled apbftaf^ 1 know it is objected by coun-parafites, that the king was then compelled to do thefe things. To which I fhall only fay, it would have coll any of them their head at that time, to have afferted, that he did upon deliberation and choice mock God and man, and entered into thefe engagements,, only with a purpofe to be thereby in better capacity to deftroy what he fwore to maintain, only becaufc he could not have the crown without this way, which, in the confeffion of the ohje&ors themfelves, was on- ly deliberate and premeditate perjury. Next, if it. fhould be granted he was compelled; let it be alfo confidered, who compelled him ; and thefe will be found to be the deceitful courtiers. For, let it be ad- verted, what Mr. Gillefpie declares of the cafe, who put the pen in his hand when he fubferibed that decla- ration : he, perceiving there was fuiiicient ground to jealoufe his reality, and feeing evidently that the cour- tiers prevailed with the king on a fudden to offer to fubferibe the declaration (when they obferved that the commiUioners of church and flate were refolute, and ready to go away in a fixednefs,'.to leave out the put- ting of his intereft in the ftate of the quarrel) and be- ing afraid of the faid confequences of it,; fpoke his mind pi - the king : ' That if he was not fatis- c fie J in his foul and confcicnce, bevond all hefitation ■*. of the Wghteouffiefs of the fubfeription, he was io ' far from over-driving him to run upon that, for N ' which 98 A HIND LET LOOSE. * which he had no light, as he obtefted him, yea, he 9 charged him in his matters name, and in the naitte ' of thefe who fent him, not to fubfcribe this declara- 9 ration, no not for the three kingdoms/ Whereupon, the king anfwered, — Mr. Gillefpie, Mr. Gillefpie, I am fatisfied, I am fatisfied with the declaration, and therefore will fubfcribe it. Upon which fome of the courtiers fwore that- Mr. Gillefpie intended limply to diffuade the king from fubfcribing it, that fo church and ftate might profefledly lay afide his intereft ; which would have defeat their hopes to make up them- felves, as now they have done, upon the then defign- ed ruin of the intereft of truth. Then at his corona- tion, we have his again reiterated confirmations of that covenant ; firft, he is defired in. name of the peo- ple to accept the crown, and maintain religion accord- ing to the national and folemn league and covenant ; whereunto he gave his apparently cordial confent (the words are in the form and order of the coronation with the wholor action.) Then next, a fermon being preached upon 2 Kings xi. 12 and 1 7. the action com- menceth, with his moft folemn renewing of the na- tional and folemn league and covenant, by oath. Then, he is prefented to the people, and their willing- nefs demanded to have him for their king on thefe terms. At the fame time, in the next place, he took the coronp^tion oath. Then on thefe terms he accept- ed the fword. And after the crown is fet upon his head, the people's obligatory oath is proclaimed on the terms forefaid, otherwife he is not that king to whom they fwore fubjection. Then being fet upon the throne, he was by the minifter put in mind of his engagements, from 1 Chron. xxix. 33. And then the nobles of the land came one by one kneeling, and lifting up their hands between his hands, fwore the fame oath. Thefe things done, the whole action was clofed with a moft folid and fevere exhortation from feveral inftances, Neh. v. 13. Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19, 20. &c. Thereafter in the year 1651, followed the rati- fication A HIND LET LOOSE. 99 ^cation of all thefe preceeding treaties, tranfa&ions, and. engagements, concluded and enacted by the king, ajxdiibfc parliament then fully and freely conveened ; jtfhpreby the fame did pal's into a perp-etual law. And this covenant, which from the beginning was and is the moil: fure and indifpenlible oath of God, became at length the very fundamental law of the kingdom, whereon all the rights or privileges, either of king or people, are principally bottomed and fecured. This might feem fecurity fufficient, but confidering the former difcoveries and experiences they had of his rreachery, and the vifible appearances (in the mean time) of his refufals, vifible relu&ances, manifeit re- filings, open counter actings, and continued prejudi- ces againft the covenant, and his following unprece- dented avowed perjury, every thing doth indelibly fatten upon them the weaknefs at leaft of an over- weening credulity, and upon him the wickednefs of a perfidious policy, in all thefe condefcenfions. After this it came to pafs, that zeal for the caufe rightly itated was fuddenly contracted to a few, and the flame thereof extinguifhed in many, and court wild-fire fub- ftitute in its place : whereby a plain defection was vio- lently carried on by the public refolutioners, who re- lapfing into that mod finful conjunction with the peo- ple of thefe abominations, fo folemnly repented for and refolved againft, did notwithftanding bring in no- torious malignants, into places of power and truft, in judicatories and armies, in a more politic than pious way of requiring of them a conftrained and diflembled repentance, to the mocking of the God of truth, and fcorn of all our holy engagements. Which defection did not only caufe for a long time an incurable divi- iion ; the firft of that kind, and molt permanent of any that ever was in the church of Scotland, by rea- fon of the furceafe cf general aflemblies, (topped and hindered by the yoke of the fectarian ufurpation ; but alfo was the fpring and fource of all our defections fmce, all flowing from and fomented by that fame N 2 fpirit IOO A HIND LET LOOSE. fpirit that foftered that : and for that, fmce that timf, the Lord hath been contending with this church and nation, bringing us under the bondage of thefe ma- lignant enemies, whom we fuffered them then to en- courage and introduce. And both at that time, and fmce that time, the Lord never countenanced an ex- pedition where that malignant interefr was taken in unto the itate of that quarrel. Upon this our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwel, who defeated our ar- my at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evi- dently feen to fmoke againft us, for efpoufmg that in- tereft. And remarkabte it is, how in that very day wherein the public refolutions were concluded in the affembly at St. Andrew's, the Lord then fried the blood of his people at Inverkeithing ; fo as that the afiembry, having in great hade hurried through this approbation, were all made to run for it, and adjourn themfelves to Dundee, where they met and completed that ilep of defection. And afterwards it is known, what a peculiar vengeance fell upon that city, where this deed was done, beyond all other cities of the na- tion. Next, an army being raifed, according to thefe unhallowed refolutions, and the Lord putting remark- able difcountenance upon them in their attemptings at home, as was manifeft in their attemptings at Tor- wood, &c. They march into England, and there did the Lord continue, by his leaving our army to the fword, to preach that doctrine to the world, Join, vii. 10, ii, 12. (' Ifrael hath finned and tranfgrefied ' the covenant — have taken the accurfed thing — and ' diffembled alfo, and have put it even amongft their c own {luff, therefore the children of Ifrael could not ' fland before their enemies, but turned their backs * before their enemies, becaufe they were accurfed : ' Neither will I be with you any* more, except ye de- c ftroy *he accuifed thing from among you.') An army of near 30,000 was totally routed at Worcefter, and the Achan, the caufe of the overthrow, was for- ced to hide himfelf in the oak, and thence to tranf- port A HIND LET LOOSE. IOI port himfelf beyond fea, where he continued a wan- dering fugitive in exile, till the year 1660. In the mean time the fectarian army here prevailed, till, af- ter the ufurper Cromwel's death, the falfe Monk, then general, with a combination of malignants and pu- blic refolutioners, did machinate our mifery, and ef- fectuated it by bringing home the king to England from his banifhment : Wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred againft the work of God. Yet, though fince the king's firft reception into Scotland, our declenfions were ftill growing, until they produ- ced this dreadful revolt from God, wherein the na- tion is now involved ; there was Itill a faithful rem- nant of minifters and profeffors, zeafous for the caufe, keeping their integrity ; who in their remonftrances and teftimonies witneffed againft both their malignant enemies, and their backfliding brethren the revolu- tinners, and alfo againft the fectarians their invaders ; whofe vaft toleration and liberty of confeience, which they brought in to invade our religion as they had in- vaded our land, and infected it with their multifari- ous errors, was particularly by the fynod of Fife, and other brethren in the miniftry that joined them- felves to them, teftified againft, and demonstrated to be wicked and intolerable. Now to fee how far the prefent teftimony is confirmed by the witneffes of this period, we may refume foine reflections on it. I. They impartially carried on the teftimony againft prelacy, and the popifh, prelatical and malignant fac- tions on the one hand, and the fectarians on the other, without ever waving the teftimony againft either, or at the leaft, winking at the one to weaken the other : both which teftimonies they thought of fo great im- portance, that they could not difpenfe with but faith- fully maintain both, in their witnefllngs and warn- ings. In that feafonable and neceffary warning and declaration, concerning prefent and imminent dangers, given at Edinburgh July 27. feff. 27. they firft fay of the fectaries, ' That prevailing parry of iectaries in 4 England;, 102 A HIND LET LOOSE. - ' England, who have broken the covenant, and de- ' fpifed the oath of God, corrupted the truth, fub- c verted the fundamental government, look upon us c with an evil eye, as upon thefe who Hand in the way ' of their monflrous and new fangled devices in reli- 6 gion and government ; and though there were no * caufe to fear any thing from that party, but the c gangrene and infection of thofe many damnable and ' abominable errors which have taken hold on them ; * yet oilr vicinity unto and daily commerce with that ' nation, may juftly make us afraid, that the Lord 4 may give up many in this land into a fpirit of delu- ' lion to believe lies, becaufe they have not received ' the love of the truth. In that fame warning they fay, c We, are not fo to have the one of our eyes upon the * feclarians, as not to have the other upon malignants, c they being an enemy more numerous and more dan- 1 gerous than the other ; not only becaufe experience 6 hath proven, that there is a greater aptitude and in- e clination in thefe of our land to comply with malig- ' nants, than feclaries, in that they carry on their ' wicked defign, under a pretext of being for the ' king, but alfo becaufe there be many of them in our ' own bowels.' By which we may fee how impar- tially they oppofed both ; and that this cannot be condemned in the tefti monies of the prefent fufferers, except the afTembly be condemned. And. becaufe many now a-days have extenuating notions of thofe debates, againfl prelacy and fe&arianifm, about the government of the church, &c. and' condemn thefe that would adhere to and fuffer for the puncti- lios of it, as rigid nicety : I fhall, for feeing what account the afTembly had of them, cite their words in a letter to the afTembly of divines at Weflimin- iler, dated Edinburgh, June 18, 1646. The ' fmal- ' Ielt (fay they) of Chriit's truths (if it be lawful to c call any of them fmall) is of greater moment than c all the other bufineffes, that ever have been debated c fince the beginning of the world to this day : but 6 the ' A HIND LET LOOSE. I 03 * the higheft of honours and heavieft of burdens is ' put upon you ; to declare out of the facred records of * divine truth, what is the prerogative of the crown and ' extent of the fceptre of Jefus Chrift ; what bounds 6 are to be fet between him ruling in his houfe, and ' powers eftablifhed by God on earth ; how and by 4 whom his houfe is to be governed ; and by what 6 ways a reftraint is to be put on thefe who would * pervert his truth and fubvert the faith of many.' II. In the manner of maintaining this teftimony, thefe famous fathers, while faithful for God, gave us a perfect pattern of purity and ' ftri&nefs, in oppofi- tion to all degrees of conformity and compliance with the corruptions of the time ; an<^ laid down fuch rules and conftitutions, as might regulate us in our contend- ings about prefent defections, and teach us what ac- count to make of them, and how to carry towards them : which if adverted unto, would evince how ma- nifeft and manifold the declinings of many have been from the late reformation, that yet pretend to adhere unto it, and how juftifiable the averfation and ahftrac- tion of the prefent reproaching fuffering party is, from all thefe defections and the daubings of them, becaufe fo much deviating and declining from the attained re- formation. I need not repeat how prelacy, and all the parts and pendicles of that antichriftian hierarchy, were abjured in the national covenant, and condemn- ed in the acts of affemblies, and re-abjured in the folemn league and covenant, and in the folemn ac- knowledgement of fins and engagement to duties, where alfo we came under facred and inviolable en- gagements, to endeavour the extirpation thereof: Which doth clearly file the prefent countenancing and fubmitting to the prelatic curates, in receiving ordinances from them, among the groffefl of defec- tions ; being altogether inconfiftent with thefe acls and conftitutions, and covenant obligations to extir- pate them, as much as the countenancing of popifh priefts were inconfiilent therewith, being both equal- 104 A HIND LET LOOSi. ly covenanted to be extirpated. Next, though in this period, tyranny being in its retrograde motion, e- raftian fupremacy was not fo much contended for, and therefore not fo much queitioned as formerly, be- ing held exploded with execration out of doors and out of doubt ; yet the tettimony was (till continued a- gainft it, in the uninterrupted maintaining of the church's privileges and freedom of affembiies, againft all encroachings of adverfaries. And therefore the em- bracing of the late deteftable indulgences, were as contrary to the a&ings of this as to the teftimonies of the former period, againft the fupremacy from which they flow. Yea many particulars, might be inflanced, •wherein the acceptors had declined from the cove- nanted reformation then profecuted ; not only in their confederating with malignant ufurpers, for the pretended benefit of them (by which, if there had been no more, they are obnoxious to the cenfure of the church, Handing regiftered in an act of affembly, ordaining all perfons in ecclefiaftic office, for the like or leffer degrees of compliance, yea even for procur- ing protections from malignant enemies, to be fuf- pended from their office and all exercife thereof at Edin. 1646. feif. 14.) Nor only in their taking finful inftructions from them, reftriding them in the exer- cife of their miniilry ; but in admitting themfelves, by their patronage, to be by them prefented to their pre- limited and pre-impofed congregations: which involves them in the iniquity of the abolifhed patronages, condemned by the affembly ; for that miniftry of fuch fo prefented, is made too much to depend upon the will and pleafure of man, and fuch an impofition is deftructive of the church and people's liberties, ob- ftruclive of the gofpel's freedom and faithful plainnefs, and occafion of much bale flattery and partiality ; and in fubje&ing to, homologating, and fortirying a facri- legious fupremacy. overturning the intrinfic power of the church, contrary to the covenant obliging to the preservation of the government, as well as to the doc- trine A HIND LET LOOSE. 105 trine of the church, in the firfl article thereof; and in their fuffering themfelves, either directly or indirect- ly, either by combination, perfuafion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from that blefTed union and conjunction, which they were obliged to maintain and promove, according to the fixth article of the folemn league and covenant ; and in their ftrengthening the eraflian ufurpations of enemies encroaching upon the church's liberties and Chriit's prerogatives, againft which we are engaged exprefsly in the folemn ac- knowledgment of fins and engagement to duties, where alio we have thefe words article 2. Becaufe many have of late laboured to fupplant the liberties of the church, we fhall maintain and defend the church of Scotland, in all her liberties and privileges, againtr. all who fhall oppofe or undermine the fame, or en- croach thereupon under any pretext whatfomever. Next, we have many demonflrations of the zeal and ftri&nefs of thefe fervants of Chrift, in their fynodical determinations of cenfures, to be pad upon many mi- nifterial corruptions ; which will condemn the prefent courfe of covering and countenancing them, and com- mend the contendings of a poor reproached party a- gainft them, in their confcientious abftracting from them. Of which determinations, I fhall rehearfe fome. Among the enormities and corruptions of the mini- ftry, in their callings, this is one, fed:. 4, 5. Silence in the public caufe — fome accounting it a point of wifdom to fpeak ambiguoufly — whereof the remedy is feci:. 1 5. ' That befide all other fcandals, filence or am- ' biguous fpeaking in the public caufe — be feafonably ' cenlured, general affembly, at Edinburgh, June 13. ' 1646.' There is indeed an act againft withdrawers from mmifters : but in the felf fame act they are char- ged to be diligent in fulfilling their miniftry, " to be ' faithful in preaching, declaring the whole counfel * of God, and as they have occafion from (he text of * fcripture to reprove the fins and errors, and prefs ' the duties of the time, and in all thefe to obferve the O ' rules Io6 A HIND LET LOOSE. ' rules prefcribed by the acts of aflembly, wherein if ' they be negligent, they are to be cenfured, general ' affembly Edinburgh, Aug. 24. 1647. ^en* l9* Then there is that act, Aug. 3. 1648. fell. 26. for cenfuring minifters for their filence, and not fpeaking to the corruptions of the time ; ' calling it, a great ' fcandal, through fome minivers their referving and ' not declaring themfelves againfl the prevalent fins of * the times ; appointing, that all that do not apply ' their doctrine to thefe corruptions, which is the paf- 6 toral gift, and that are cold or wanting of fpiritual ' zeal, diflembling of public fins, that all fuch be cen- ' fured even to deprivation ; for forbearing or pafling £ in filence the errors and exorbitancies of fectaries ' in England, or the defections current at home, ' the plots and practices of malignants, the prin- ' cfples and tenets of eraftianifm ; and if they be * found too fparing, general, or ambiguous in their i applications and reproofs, and continuing fo, they ' are to be depofed, for being pleafeTs of men rather ' than fervers of Chrift, for giving themfelves to a de« ' tellable indifferency or neutrality in the caufe of God ' for defrauding the fouls of people, yea for, being c highly guilty of the blood of fouls, in not giving * them warning.' And in that feafonable and necefia- ry warning of the general aflembly, Edinbugh July 27. 1649. feff- 27* we are taughf how they refented the unfaithfulnefs of minilters continuing in defections, and how we are to look upon them and carry to them : where they fay, it is undeniably true, that ma- ny of the evils, ' wherewith this church and king- ' dom hath been afflicted in our age, have come to c pafs becaufe of the negligence of fome and corrupti- * ons of others of the miniftry ; and the courfe of ' backfliding was carried on, until it plealed God to ' ftir up the fpirits of thefe few, who flood in the gap, ' to oppofe and refill the fame, and to begin the work * of reformation in the land j fmce which time, the fi- ' lence A HIND LET LOOSE. \Oj 1 lence of fome minifters, and the compliance of o- ' thers, hath had great influence upon the backflid- * ings of many amongft the people, who, upon the * difcovery of the evil of their way, complain that they ' got no warning, or that if they were warned by « fome, others held their peace, or did juftiiy < them in the courfe of their backsliding : we ' can look upon fuch minifters no otherwife, ' than upon thefe that are guilty of the blood of the * Lord's people, and with whom the Lord will reckon, c for all the breach of covenant and defection that ' hath been in the land ; the prieft's lips mould preferve ■ knowledge, and they mould feek the law at his ' mouth, for he is the meflfenger of the Lord of hods, t but fuch as are departed out of the way, and have ■ caufed many to (tumble at the law, therefore hath * the Lord made them contemptible before all the ' people, according as they have not kept his ways, ' but have been partial in his law, becaufe they have * loft their favour, he hath caft out many of them as ' unfavoury fait/ Furthermore, to evidence the pu- rity and power of zeal burning and blazing in thefe days in their contendings againft public enemies on all hands, I (hall inftance fome of their acts and tefti- monies, clearly condemning the manifold complian- ces of this generation and which may contribute fome- what to juftify the reproached precifenefs of a rem- nant, ftanding at the furtheft diftance from them. There is an act for cenfuring the compliars with the public enemies of this church and kingdom, general affembly, June 17.1646, feff. 14. * where, they judge ' it a great and fcandalous provocation, and grievous * defection from the public caufe, to comply with rhofe c malignants (fuch as James Graham then was) in any ' degree, even to procure protections from them, or c to have invited them to their houfes, or to have * drunk James Graham's health, or to be guilty of 4 any other fuch grofs degrees of compliance j cenfur- () 2 ed 108 A HIND LET LOOSE. 4 ed to be fufpended from the communions, ay and ' while they acknowledge their offence.' And yet now, for refufing thefe degrees of compliance, for not having the protection of a pafs from the wicked courts of malignant enemies, by taking a wicked oath, and for refufing to drink the king's health, a greater ene- my then ever James Graham was, fome poor confcien tious people have not only been murdered by enemies, but mocked and condemned by profellors. There is an act likewife, and declaration againft all new oaths or bonds in the common caufe impofed without con- fent of the church general affembly, Edinburgh July 28. 1648. feff. 18. * Enjoining all the members of * the church to fearbear the fwearing or fubfcribing c any new oaths, or bonds, in this caufe without ad- * vice and concurrence of the church, efpecially any * negative oaths or bonds, which may any way limit * or reftrainthem in the duties w hereunto they are ob- ' liged, by national or folemn league or covenant.' Yet now, for refufing oaths, not only limiting in co- venanted duties, but contradicting and condemning many material principles of the covenanted reforma- tion, many have not only loft their lives, but alfo have been condemned, by them that are at eafe, having a wider confcience to fwallow fuch baits. It is known how pertinacious the mod faithful in thofe days were, in their contendings againft afTociations, in any under- taking for the caufe, with perfons difaftecled to the true itate thereof. I need not give any account of this, were it not that now that principle is quite inverted ; and poor adherers to it, for their abftracting and fubftra&ing their concurrence with fuch promifcuous afTociations, are much hated and flouted; thereforel mail give fome hints of their fentiments of them. In their anlwer to the committee of eftates, July 25, 1648, feff. 14. the ge- neral affembly fays, ' It was reprefented to the par- * liament, that for fecuring of religion it was neceffa- 4 ry, that the popifh, prelatical, and malignant party, 4 be declared enemies to the caufe upon the one hand, 4 as A KIND LET LOOSE. I09 c as well as fectaries upon the other, and that all affo- * ciations either in forces or counfels, with the former ' as well as with the latter, be avoided.' And in their declaration concerning the prefent dangers of reli- gion, efpecially the unlawful engagement in war, Ju- ly ult. 1648. fefT. 2i. they fay, ' Suppofe the ends of ' that engagement be good (as they are not) yet the * pieans and ways of profecution are unlawful ; be- * caufe there is not an equal avoiding of rocks on ' both hands, but a joining with malignants to fup- ' prefs feclaries, a joining hands with a black devil to ' beat a white devil ; they are bad phylicians who * would fo cure one difeafe, as to breed another as * evil or worfe — we find in the fcriptures condemned, * all confederacies and affociations with the enemies ' of true religion, whether Canaanites, Exod. xxiii. * 32 and 24. xii. 15. Deut. vii. 2. or other heathens, * 1 Kings xi. i, 2/ More arguments againft affoci- ations may be feen in that excellent difcuffion of this ufeful cafe, concerning aifociations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, hereticks, or any other known enemy of truth or godlinefs, by famous Mr. G. Gil- lefpie, published at that fame time : whereunto is ap- pended his letter to the commiffion of the general affembly, having thefe golden words in it, words filly fpoken in that feafon, when he was a-dying, at the beginning of the public refolutions : ' Having heard ' of fome motions and beginnings of compliance, with ' thefe who have been fo deeply engaged in a war de- * firuttive to religion and the kingdom's liberties, I ' cannot but difcharge my confcience, in giving a tef- 4 timony againft all fuch compliance. I know and am ' perfuaded, that all the faithful witnefies that gave 4 teflimony to the thefts, that the late engagement was ' contrary and deffruclive to the covenant, will alfo ' give teftimony to the appendix, that compliance * with any who have been active in that engagement f is moil fmful and unlawful. I am not able to ex- 6 prefs all the evils of that compliance, they are fo ' many 110 A HIND LET LOOSE. many — But above all, that which would heighten this tin even to the heavens is, that it were not only a horrid backfliding, but a backfliding into that very fin, which was fpecialiy pointed at and punifhed by the prevalency of the malignant party, God juftly making them thorns and fcourges who were taken in as friends. Alas ! mail we fplit twice upon the fame rock ? yea run upon it, when God hath fet a beacon on it ? yea I may fay, fhall we thus outface and outdare the Almighty, by protecting his and our enemies, by making peace and friendship with them, when the anger of the Lord is burning again (t them. I muft here apply to our prefent condition. the words of Ezrah, ix. [4. — O happy Scotland, if thou canfl now improve and not abufe this golden opportunity ! but if thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord, wrath upon wrath, and wo upon wo, mall be upon thee from the Lord.' Whereunto is fubjoined his dying teftimony to the fame purpofe ; wherein are thefe words : ' But if ' there fhall be falling back, to the fin of compliance e with malignant ungodly men, then I look for the ' breaking out of the wrath of the Lord, till there be * no remedy.' This was the warning of a worthy dy- ing man. Notwithstanding of which and many other warnings and wirneffings, a courfe of compliance was commenced by the public refolutioners, and continu- ed in to this day ; wherein that faithful warning of a dying fervant of Chrift is verified. But before I leave this purpofe, I muft obviate an objection that fome make ufe of for ftrengthening themfelves in their incorporations and joining at leaft in worfhip, with the corruptions of the time, and for condemning con- fcientious withdrawers ; that the godly in thofe days did not feparate from the men of thefe compliances and defe&ions, as many do now, viz. the protefting party did not withdraw from the public refolutioners and affociators with rnalignants. 1 anfwer, firft, ma- ny and thefe the mod godly and tender did withdraw, even A HIND LET LOOSE. Ill even from their own minifters, and would have gone forty or fifty miles to hear a faithful minifter at that time : yea minifters themfelves, in the cafe of intrufion of the unfaithful, would have fupplied the paroch, as if the church had been vacant, and when they could not get accefs to the pulpit, they preached in the fields, on purpole to witnefs againft, and profelfedly to with- draw the people from fuch an unfaithful intruder j as might be inftanced particularly for time and place, if need were. But next, the church then, though brok- en by divifion, and under the fubje&ion of ftrangers deprived of her general afiemblies, yet was in a con- ititute cafe, enjoying the privilege, power and order of fynods and prefbyteries, tcPwhom the people offend- ed with their minifters might addrefs themfelves, for an orderly redrefs, and removal of thefe fcandals in an ordinary way ; and fo they needed not aflume to themfelves that power to regulate their communion, that in a broken ftate, as now is, muft be allowed to them. And befides, both the minifters at that time who were faithful, though they might have proceed- ed to cenfure and filence the corrupt party as they were obliged, yet not only found it difficult by reafon of the injury of the times ; but alfo thought it beft to fpare them, and the people to bear them, as burdens; until, as they were ftill in hopes, they fhould obtain a general afiembly to take order with them, but now it is not fo. And then the defection was but beginning, and people did not know and could not expect it would go fuch a length, and therefore could not fall upon the rigour of that duty, which fuch diforders cali for at firft : but if they had feen where thefe be. ginnings would land them at length, 1 doubt not but they would have refifted thofe beginnings, in fuch a way as would have precluded this imputation of no- velty upon our neceflltated withdrawings. III. We have in this period, not only an illuftrious teftimony for the principle, but a continued and un- intermitted putting into practice the duty of defenfive arms, 3 12 A HIND LET LOOSE. arms, in refitting the fovereign power, maleverfing and abufmg authority to the deftruclion of the ends of it ; which reliftance was avowed, encouraged, and furthered by the general affembly, both for the de- fence of themfelves, and for the help of their brethren in England. Take one exprelTion in their folemn and feafonable warning to all ranks, Feb. 12, 1645, felT. 18 — \ Unlefs men will blot out of their hearts the * love of religion and caufe of God, and call off all ' care of their country, laws, liberties, &c. (all be- c ing in vifible danger of prefent ruin and deftruction) ' they rauft now or never appear actively, each one f ftretching himfelf to, yea beyond his power. It is * not time to dally, or go about the bufinefs by halves, ' nor be almoft, but altogether zealous : Curfed is he ' that doeth the work of the Lord negligently. If ' we have been forward to affifl our neighbour king- ' doms, mall we neglect to defend our own ? Or (hall ' the enemies of God be more active againfl his caufe * than his people for it ? God forbid.' In another feafonable and neceifary warning, July 27, 1649, &&• 27. they fay, * But if his majefty, or any having or ' pretending power and commimon from him, fhall ' invade this kingdom, upon pretext of eftablifhing ' him in the exercife of his royal power ; as it will be ' an high provocation againft God, to be acceffory or * aflifting thereto, fo it will be a neceifary duty to re- ' fid and oppofe the fame.' Thefe fathers could well diftinguifh, between authority and the perfon abufing it : and were not fo loyal, as now their degenerate children are ambitious to (hew themfelves, flupidly Hooping to the fhadow thereof, and yet will be called the only afierters of prefbyterian principles. But we find, they put it among the characters of malignants, to confound the king's honour and authority with the abufe and pretence thereof, and with commiilions, warrants, anu letters, procured from the king by the enemies of the caufe and covenant, as if we could not oppofe the Utter, without ii\croaching upon the for- mer* A HIND LET 'LOOSE. TI3 rner. Bat here an objection or two mull be removed out of the way before we go forward. One is, from the third article of the covenant ; where there feems to be a great deal of loyalty, obliging to defend the king's majefty, his perlon and authority, in the pre- fervaiion and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, ' that the world may bear witnefs * with our confciences of our loyalty, and that we ' have no thoughts or intentions to diminifh his majef- ' ty's jufl power and greatnefs.' I anfwer, there is in- deed a deal of loyalty there, and true loyalty, becaufe lawfully limited, being qualified with, and fubordinate unto the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdom (as the makers of the covenant do expound it. in the afiembly's declaration againlt the unlawful engagement, July ult. 1648, fell. 21.) not that reverfe loyalty, which makes duties to God conditional and limited, and duties to the king abfolute and unlimited, as our loyalifts do now. And 1 wifh others were free of it, who have fworn oaths of unlimited allegiances to maintain the king in any pow- er unto which his force afpires ; and to juilify this their loyalty, will bring in this article of the covenant with a diftorted lenfe, reading it backward, ' that we 1 in the preservation and defence of religion muft pre- * ferve and defend the king:' As if religion obliged to defend him, do what he will. It were better fuch pretended covenanters denied the covenant, than to be luch a reproach to it, in wrelting its genuine fenfe. But I have adduced the fenfe of the belt interpreters of it, the general aurfnbly. Next when they entered under the bond of this covenant, they did it wish a purpofe to oppofe ail his invafions upon religion and the liberties of the people, and to vindicate thefe pre- cious intejrefts from his ufuf pings, into a ftate of ii berty : And lhal! we imagine, that that very oath o; God did lay upon them or us an obligation to uefenc the perfon who is a deft foyer of all thefe, contrary to the very nature of the oath; contrarv to the fcope of P the 114 A rflND LET LOOSE. the covenanters, and contrary to their fubfequent practice ? Belt then it will be urged, why then was that ciaufe caft into the covenant ? I anfwer we have not the feme caufe to keep it, as they had fome caufe to put it in, with accommodation to the prefent pof- feflbr of the fovereignty. The owning of it in our circumftances would be as great a reproach to us, as the want of it was to them in theirs. They put in the words to prevent the world's miftake, and to re- move that odium indultriouily heaped upon the heads of whofe hearts were affociate in the defence of reli- gion and liberty, therefore they would profefs they would not be difloyal while he was for God. And a defiance may be given to clamour, and calumny itfelf, to give one inftance of the defect of performance here- of, while he went not about to ruin thofe things, incomparably more precious than his perfon or autho- rity, and in ruining whereof no perfon can retain au- thority. IV. But now two things will chiefly be defiderated, which now we own in our teftimony, for which many have died, that feem not to be confirmed by or con- fident with the teftimony of this period. One is, that we not only maintain defenfive refi (lance, but in fome cafes vindictive and punitive force, to be executed upon men that are bloody beads of prey, and burdens to the earth, in cafes of necefiity, when there is no livingamongthem. This principleofreafon and natural juftice, was not much inquired into in this time '; when the fun was up, whofe warmth and light made thefe beafts creep into their dens, and when they, be- ing brought under fubjection, could not force people into fuch extraordinary violent courfes when the or- dinary and orderly courfe of law was running in its right channel. Yet from the ground of their ordi- nary procedure, military and civil, againft fuch mon- flers, we may gather the lawfulnefs of an ordinary procedure in a pinch of neceffity, conform to their grounds : I hope to make this evident, when I come ex A HIND LET LOOSE. I I£ ex propofito to vindicate this head. But there is ano- ther thing that we own, which feems not to have been known in thefe days, viz. That when we are required to own the authority of the prefent dominator, we hold finful to own it. Yet we 'find thefe reverend and renowned fathers owned King Charles I. and did not refufe the fucceilion of Charles II. I fhall an- swer in order. Firft, A$ to King Charles I. there was a great difference betwixt him and his fons that fucceeded ; he never declared parliamentary that nei- ther promifes, contracts, nor oaths ihou'd bind him, as the firft of his perfidious fons did ; it might have been then prefumed, if he had engaged fo far for pro- moving the work of God, he would have been a m ' meet in their private houfes, and there to hear all ' fuch minifters, as either have or are willing to ac- c cept of the indulgence allenerly, and noi^e other : and 184 A HIND LET LOOSE. and that there be nothing faid or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, feditious or trea- fonable, under the highefl pains thefe crimes will import, nor are they to prefume to build meeting houfes, or to ufe out-houfes or barns in the mean time it is his royal will and pleafure, that field conventicles, and fuch as preach at them, or who fhall any way aflift or connive at them, (hall be profecute according to the utmofl: feverity of laws made agamft them in like manner tolerating the quakers to meet and exercife in their form, in any place or places appointed for their worfliip and by the fame abfolute power, forefaid, fufpending, flopping, and difabling all laws or acts of parliament, cuftoms or conftitutions againft any Roman catho- lic fubjects fo that they mall in all things be as free in all refpects as any proteftant fubje&s whatfo- ever, not only to exercife their religion, but to en- joy all offices, benefices, &c. which he (hall think fit to beftow upon them in all time coining and caffing, annulling, and difcharging all oaths what- foever, and tefts, and laws enjoining them. And in place of them this oath only is to be taken I A..B. do acknowledge, teftify, and declare that James the VII. &c. is rightful king and fupreme go- vernor of thefe realms, and over all perfons therein ; and that it is unlawful for fubjects, on any pretence or for any caufe whatfoever, torife inarmsagainflhim, or any commiflionated by him; andthatlfhallnever forife in arms nor aflift any who mall fo do j and that I mail never refift his power or authority, nor ever oppofe his authority to his perfon — but fhall to the utmoft of my power alTift, defend, and maintain him, his heirs and lawful fucceffors, in the exercife of their abfo- lute power and authority againft all deadly — and by the fame abfolute power giving his full and ample indemnity, to all the forefaid forts of people, under the forefaid reftriftions.* Here is a proclamation for a prince : that proclaims him in whofe name it is emitted, A HIND LET LOOSE. 1 85 emitted, to be the greateft tyrant that ever lived in the world, and their revolt who have difowned him to be the jufteft that ever was. For herein that monfter of prerogative is not only advanced, paramount to all laws divine and human, but far furmounting all the luft, impudence, and infolence of all the Roman, Si- cilian, Turkilh, Tartarian, or Indian tyrants that ever trampled upon the liberties of mankind : who have indeed demanded abfolute fubje&ion, and furrender of their lives, lands, and liberties at their pleafure, but ne- ver arrived at fuch a height of arrogance as this does, to claim abfolute obedience, without refer ve of confcience, religion, honour, or reafon ; not only that which igno- rantly is called paffive, never to refill him, not only on any pretence, but for caufe, even though he mould command his popifli janiflaries to murder and mafia-' ere all proteftants, which is the tender mercy and burning fervent charity of papifts ; but alfo of abfo- lute adtive obedience without referve, to afiift, defend, and maintain him in eveTy thing, whereby he fhall be pleafed to exercife his abfolute power, though he ihould command to burn the Bible as well as the co- venant (as already he applauded John Gib in doing of it) and to burn and butcher all that will not go to mafs, which we have all grounds to expect will be the end of his clemency at laft. Herein he claims a power to command what he will, and obliging fub- jecls to obey whatfoever he will command : a power to iefcind, (lop, and difable all law? ; which unhinges all (lability and unfettles all the fecurity of human fo- ciety, yea extinguMhes all that remains of natural li- berty : wherein, as is well obferved by the author of the reprefentation of the threatening dangers impend- ing over proteftants page 53. ' Jt is very natural to ' obferve, that he allows the government, under * which we were born, and to which we were fworn, 4 to be hereby fubverted and changed, and that there- ' upon we are not only abiblved and acquitted from \ all allegiance to him, but indifpenfibly obliged, by A a the I 86 A HIND LET LOOSE. 4 the ties and engagements that are upon us, to apply * ourfelves to the ufe of all means and endeavours a- 4 gainfl him, as an enemy of the people and fubverter 4 of the legal government.' But this was fo grofs, and grievoufly gripping in its reftri&ions, as to per- fons, as to the place, as to the matter allowed the prefbyterians in preaching, that it was difdained of all ; and therefore he behoved to bulk it better, and mend the matter, in a letter to the council (the fu- preme law of Scotland) bearing date March 31. 1687. of this tenor — ' Whereas we did recommend 4 to you to take care, that any of the prefbyterians ' mould not be allowed to preach, but fuch only as 4 fhould have your allowance for the fame, and that 4 they at the receiving the indulgence mould take the * oath contained in the proclamation thefe are 4 therefore to let you know, that thereby we meant 4 fuch of them as did not folemnly take the teit ; but 4 if neverthelefs the prefbyterian preachers dofcrupleto * take the faid oath, or any other oath whatfoever;, and ' that you (hall find it reafonable or fit to grant them ' or any of them our faid indulgence, fo as they defire ,' it upon thefe terms, it is now our will and pleafure « — — to grant them our faid indulgence, without be- c ing obliged to take the oath, with power unto them 4 to enjoy the benefit of the {aid indulgence (during 4 our pleafure only) or fo long as you fhall find they 4 behave themfelves regularly and peaceably, with- 4 out giving any caufe of offence to us, or any 4 in authority or truft under us in our government.' -Thus finding the former propofal not adequately apportioned to his defign, becaufe of its palpable odi- oufnefs, he would pretend his meaning was miftaken (though it was manifeft enough) and mitigate the matter by taking away of the oaths altogether, if any mould fcruple it ; whereas he could not but know, that all that had fenfe would abhor it : yet it is clog- ged with the fame reftrictions, limited to the fame perfons, characterized more plainly and peremptorily, with A HIND LET LOOSE.* 187 with an addition of cautions, not only that they mail not fay or do any thing contrary to the well and peace of his reign feditious or treafonable, but alfo rhat they behave themfelves regularly and peaceably without giving any caufe of offence to him or any un- der him ; which comprehends leffer offences than fedition or treafon, even every thing that will dif- pleafe a tyrant and a papift, that is, all faithfulnefs in feafonable duties or teftimonies. But at length left the deformity and difparity of the proclamation for the toleration in Scotland, and the declaration for liberty of confcience in England, mould make his pretences to confcience fufpect of difingenuity, and left it mould be faid he had one confcience for England and ano- ther for Scotland ; therefore he added a third eik to the liberty, but fuch as made it ftill an ill favoured patched project to deftroy religion and true liberty, in another proclamation dated at Windfor, June 28,1687, wherein he fays—' Taking into our royal confideration, thefiniftrous interpretations, which either have or may be made of fome reftrictions (mentioned in the laft) we have thought fit by this further to declare, that we will protect: our arch bifhops, &c. And we do likewife, by our fovereign authority, prerogative- royal, and .abfolute power, fufpend, (lop, and dif- able, all penal and fanguinary laws ; made againit any for non- conformity to the religion eftablifhed by law in that our ancient kingdom- to the end, that by the liberty thereby granted the peace and fecurity of our government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, we hereby flrictly charge all our loving fubjects, that as we do giye them leave to meet and ferve God after their own way, in private houfes, chapels, or places purpofely hir- ed or built for that ufe, fo that they take care that nothing be preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us and our government, and that their meetings be 6 peaceably and publicly held, and all perfons freely A a 2 ' admitted l88 A HIND LET LOOSE. * admitted to them, and that they do fignify and ' make known to fome one or more of the next pri- ' vy counsellors, fheriffs, ftewards, bailiffs, juflices * or the peace, or magiflrates of burghs royal, what * place or places they fet apart for thefe ufes, with * the names of the preachers provided always ' that the meetings be in houfes, and not in the open * fields for which now after this our royal grace and ' favour (which furpafles the hopes, and equals the 6 very wifhes of the mod zealoufly concerned) there * is not the lead fhadow of excufe left : which meet- * ing in the fields we do hereby flrictly prohibit and * forbid, againfl all which we do leave our laws and * acts of parliament in full force and vigour, notwith- * {landing the premifes ; and do further command all 4 our judges, magiflrates, and officers of forces, to ' profecute fuch as fhall be guilty of the faid field * conventicles with the utmofl rigour ; for we are ' confident, none will after thefe liberties and free- * doms, given to all without referve to ferve God in ' their own way, prefume to meet in thefe aflemblies, ' except fuch as make a pretence of religion to cover * their treafonable defigns againfl our royal perfon ' and the peace of our government.' This is the royal charter for fecurity «?f the protec- tant religion (intended to fecure it fo, that it fhall not go much abroad again) in lieu of all the laws, conflitutional oaths, and covenants wherewith it was formerly confirmed. This is the only patent which the royal dawties, the moderate prefbyterians, have now received to enfure their enjoyment of it durante bene placito, during his pleafure whole faith is as abfo- lute over all ties of promifes, as his power from whence it flows is over all laws ; whofe chiefefl prin- ciple of confcience is that no faith is to be kept to he- reticks. Here is the liberty' which is faid to furpafs the hopes, and equal the wifhes of the mofl zealoufly concerned ; holding true indeed of too many, whofe hopes and wifhes and zeal are terminate upon peace rather A HIND LET LOOSE. 189 rather than truth, eafe rather than duty, and their own things rather than the things of Chrift ; but as for the poor wild wanderers, it fome way anfwers their fears and correfponds with their jealoulies, who put the fame interpretation upon it as on all the former indulgences, indemnities and tolerations, pro ceeding from the fame fountain, and defigned for the fame finiftrous ends with this, which they look upon as more openly and obvioufly antichriftian : and therefore, while others are rejoicing under the bramble- fhadow of it, they think it a caufe of weep- ing and matter of mourning, not becaufe they do not fhare of the benefit of it, but becaufe they are afraid to mare of the curfe of it. For which caufe, though a freedom be pretended to be given, to all without re- ferve to ferve God in therr own way, they think it necefiary to referve to themfelves the liberty where- with Chrift hath made them free, and to ferve him in his way though interdicted by men, and to take none from antichrift restricted with his referves ; and do look upon it as a feafonable teftimony for the caufe cf Chrift, and the intereft of the proteftant religion, and the laws and liberties of the country, all over- turned and fubverted by this toleration, to keep their meetings as in former times, in the open fields whi- ther their tyranny hath driven them. x\nd let them call thefe meetings covered and treafonable deligns a- gainft the government on pretence of religion, I truft it fhall be made evident to the conviction of all that know religion, that their defigns are to preferve it, in oppofition to the tyranny that goes about all thefe ways to fupprefs it. Though I muft fufpend the rea- fons of their keeping their meetings in the fields, till I come to difcufs that cafe in its own place : here I fhall only fay, none that are acquainted with their cir- cumftances, which are as dangeroufly dated as ever, by reafon of the conftant persecution of cruel enraged enemies inceffantly purfuing them without relenting, notwithftanding of ail this pretence of clemency and tender- iCjO A HIND LET LOOSE. tendernefs to confidence, but may know they can nei- ther have fafety, fecrecy, nor conveniency in houfes for fear of their entrapping enemies, and none will blame them, that after fo many, difcoveries of their truculent treachery they dare not truft them : and be- fides, they think it finful, fcandalous, and inconve- nient to feem to homologate this toleration, the wick- ednefs whereof they are convinced of, from thefe reafons. I. Confidering the granter in his perfonal capacity, as to his morals, they look upon him as a perfon with whom they cannot in prudence communicate, in any tranfaction of that nature. Firft, becaufe being in his principles and practice profeflfedly treacherous, yea^ obliged to be both perfidious and' cruel by that reli- gion whereunto he is addicted, he cannot be trufte4 in the lead concerns, let be thofe of fuch momentous confequence as this, without a itupid abandoning of cou'dcnce, reafon and experience. Since both that known principle, that 4 no faith is to be kept to c here'icks,' which is efpoufed by all papifts, does to them jultify all their lying diffimulations, equivoca- tions, and treacheries imaginable ; and that lateran, canon, that enjoins kings ' to deilroy and extirpate c hereticks, under pain of excommunication/ does o- blige them to be cruel ; befides what deep engage- ments he is known to be under by oaths and promifes to the pope, both in his exile, and while a fubject, and fince he came to the crown ; which make him., to all confidering perfons, to be a perfon of that cha- racter, whofe deceitful dainties are not to be defired, and that when he fpeaketh fair is not to be believed, for there are feven abominations in his heart. Of which open and affronted lies we have a fufflcient fwatch, both in his proclamation for Scotland, and declaration for England ; where he fpeaks of his con- usant refolves of ' uniting the hearts of fubje&s to God * in religion, and to their neighbours in chriftian love, £ and that it never was his principle to offer violence ' to A HIND LET LOOSE. I &c* an<^ contrary to the covenant. 5. Confidering the channel in which it is convey- ed, they cannot comply with it. Becaufe it comes through fuch a conveyance, as fufpends, flops, and difables all penal laws againft papiftsy and thereby a- verts all the fecurities and legal bulwarks thar protec- tants can have for the eftablifhment of their religion ; vea in effect leaves no laws in force againft any that ihall attempt the utter fubverfion of it, but ratifies and leaves in full vigour all wicked laws and acts of parliament, A HIND LET LOOSE. 197 parliament, againft fuch as would moft avowedly af- fert it ; and flops and difables none of the moft cruel and bloody laws againft proteftants : for the molt cruel are fuch as have been made againft field-meetings, which are hereby left in full force and vigour. Hence as he hath formally by abfolute power fufpended all laws made for the protection of our religion, lo lie may when he will difpenfe with all the laws made for its efta- bilfhment ; and thofe who approve the one by fuch an acceptance, cannot difailow the other, but muft re- cognofce a power in the king to fubvert all laws, rights, and liberties, which is contrary to reafon- as well as religion, and a clear breach of the national and folemn league and covenants. 6. Confidering the ends of its contrivance, they dare not have any accefiion to accomplifh fuch wick- ed projects, to which this acceptance would be fo na- tively fubfervient. The exprefTed ends of this grant are, to unite the hearts of his fubjecls to him in loy- alty and to their neighbours in love, as- in the former proclamation ; and that by the liberty granted the peace and fecurity of his government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, as in the latter pro- clamation : and to unite the fubjecls to him by inclin- ation as well as duty, which he thinks can be done by no means fo effectually as by granting the free exer- cifc of religion, as in the Englifh declaration. Whence we may gather not obfeurely, what is the proper ten- dency of it, both as to the work and worker, to wit, to incline and induce us by flattery to a lawlefs loyal- ty, and a ftupid contented flavery when he cannot compel us by force, and make us actively co-operate in fetting and fettling his tyranny, in the peaceable pofTefTion of all his uiurpations, robberies, and en- croachments upon our religion, laws, and liberties, and to incorporate us with Babylon ; for who are the neighbours he would have us unite with in love, but the papifts ? againft whom all the lovers of Chrift mn ft 198 A HIND LET LOOSE. muft profefs themfelves irreconcileable enemies. The Englifh declaration does further difcover the defign of this device, in one expreffion which will moft eafily be obtained to be believed of any in it, viz. that he heartily wifhes that all the people of thefe dominions were mem- bers of the catholic church : which clearly infinuates, that hereby he would entice them to commit fornication with that mother of harlots ; which enticing to idola- try (if we confult the fcripture) mould meet with a- nother fort of entertainment than fuch a kind and thankful acceptance, which is not an oppofing of inch a wicked wifti, but an encouraging and corroborating of it. And further he fays, that all the former tract of perfecutions never obtained the end for which it was employed; for after all the frequent and preffirrg endeavours that were ufed, to reduce this kingdom to an exact conformity in religion, it is vifible the fuc- cefs has not anfwered the defign, and that the difficul- ty is invincible. Wherein we may note his extorted acknowledgment, that all former endeavours to de- ftroy the work of God have been fuccefslefs, which induces him to try another method, to which this ac- ceptance is very fubfervient, to wit, to deftroy us and our religion by flatteries, and by peace to overturn truth, and by the fubveriion of laws to open a door to let in popery and all abominations. But what is more obfcurely exprefied in his words, is more vifibly obvious in his works, to all that will not willingly wink at them ; difcovering clearly the end of this li- berty is not for the glory of God, nor the advantage of truth, or the church's edification, nor intended as a benefit to proteftants ; but for a pernicious defign, by gratifying a few of them in a pretended favour to rob all of them of their chiefeft interefls, religion, laws, rights, and liberties, which he could not other- wife effectuate but by this arbitrary way ; for if he could have obtained his defigns by law : he would ne- ver have talked of lenity or liberty, but having no legal ends, he behoved to compafs them by il- legal A HIND LET LOOSE. T99 legal means. They muft then be very blind who do nor fee, his drift is, firft to get in all popifh officers in places of public truft, by taking cff the penal laws difabling them for the fame j then to advance his ab- folutenels over all laws, in a way which will be belt acknowledged and acquiefced in by people, till he be fo ftiengthened- in it that he fears no control ; and then to undermine and overturn the proteftant religion, and eftablifh popery and idolatry : which he is con- cerned the more violently to purfue, becaufe he is now growing old, and therefore muft make hade, left he leave the papifts in a worfe condition than he found them : which, to be fure, the papifts are awar.5 of, and their confcious fears of the nation's refentments of their villanies will prompt them, as long as they have fuch a patron, to ail vi- gilance and violence in playing their game; and withal, hereby he may intend to capacitate himfeif for fubduing the Dutch, againft whom he hath given nn.nv indications of a hoftile mind of old and of late; not only in hiring two rafcals to burn the Amfter- dam-fleet heretofore, but in ft.irri.ng up and protecting the Algerine pirates againft them ; fo univerfal a pro- tector is he become of late, that Papifts and Protec- tants, Turks and Jews are fhrouried under the fha- dow of his pati ociny, but with a defign to deftroy the beft, when his time comes. Which curfed defigns cannot be counteracted, but very much ftrengthened by this acceptance. 7. Confidering the effects already produced thereby, they cannot but abhor it. Seeing the eyes of all that are tender may afflict their hearts, obferving how the papifts are hereby encouraged and encreafed in numbers, the whole nation o- vei flowed with their helliih locufts, and -all places fil- led with priefts and Jefuits, yea the executive power of rhe government put into the hands of the Roman- ians, and on the other hand how the people are en- dangered with their abounding and prevailing errors (to which the Lord may and will give up thofe that have QOO A HIND LET LOOSE. . have not received the love of the tiuth) truth is fal- len in the ftreets and equity cannot enter, a teftimony againft antichrift is abandoned and hid afide as unfea- fonable, the edge of zeal for the interest of Chrift is blunted and its fervour extinguished, they that fhould ftand in the gap and upon the watch tower are laid afide form all oppofition to the invafions of the enemy, and lulled afleep by this bewitching charm and intoxicating opium, minifters and profefiors are generally fettling on their lees and languishing in a fatal fecurity, defection is carried on, divifion promot- ed, and deftrucrjon is imminent. Is it not then both a part of the witnefs of the faithful, and of their wif- dom to ftand aloof from fuch a plague, that hath fuch deftructive effects ? 8. Confidering the nature and name of this pre- tended liberty, they cannot but difdain it as mod dif- honourable to the caufe of Chrift. It is indeed the honour of kings and happinefs of people, to have true human and Chriftian liberty eftabliihed in the com- mon wealth, that is, liberty of perfons from flavery ; liberty of privileges from tyranny, and liberty of con- fcience from all impofitions of men ; coniifting in a freedom from the doctrines, traditions, and com- mandments of men againft or befide the word of God in the free enjoyment of gofpel ordinances in purity and power, and in the free obfervance and el- rablifliment of all his inftitutions of doctrine, worfhip, difcipline, and government, in fubor- dination to the only rule of confcience, the revealed will of its only lawgiver Jefus Chrift. When this is ratified as a right by the fanction of approven autho- rity, and countenanced and encouraged as religion, by the confirmation of laws, approving whatfoever is commanded by the God of heaven to be done for the houfe of the God of heaven (which is the full amount of all magiftrates authority) then we are obliged to accept of it with all thankful acceptation. But fuch a liberty, as overturns our rights, our privileges, our laws, A KIND LET LOOSE. 201 laws, our religion, and tolerates it only under the no. tion of a crime, and indemnifies it under the notion of a fault to be pardoned, and allows the exercife thereof only in part fo and fo modified, cannot be ac- cepted by any to whom the reproach thereof is a bur- den, and to whom the reproaches ot Chrift are in ef- teem, in fuch a day, when even the hoofs of Chrifl's intereft buried in bondage are to be contended for. Whatever liberty this may be to fome consciences, it is none to the tender according to the rule of confci- ertce, it is only a toleration which is always of evil : for that which is good cannot be tolerated under the notion of good, but countenanced and encouraged as fuch. Therefore this reflects upon our religion, when a toleration is accepted which implies fuch a reproach : and the annexed indemnity and pardon tacitely con- demns the profeflion thereof as a fault or crime, which no Chriflian can bear with or by his acceptance ho. mologate thefe reproaches, if he confider the nature of it : and much more will he be averfe from it, if he confider how difhonourable it is to God (whatever fome addrefles, particularly the prefbyterians at Lon- don, have blafphemoufly alledged, that God is hereby reftored to his empire over the confcience) fince the granter, after he hath robbed the Mediator of his fu- premacy and given it away to antichrift, and God of his fupremacy imperial as univerfal king by a claim of abfolute power peculiar to him, he hath alfo rob- bed him of his empire over the confcience, in giving every man the empire over his own confcience, which he referves a power to retract whom he pleafes. 9. Confidering the extent of it, they cannot clafs themfelves among the number of them that are in- dulged thereby. It takes in not only the arch-biihops and bifhops, and the prelatical and malignant crew, but all quakers, and papiits, reaching all idolatry, blafphemy, and herefy, and truth alfo (which could never yet dwell together under one fconce.) Where- by the profeffors of Chrift come in as partners in the fame bargain with antichriit's vaiuis ; and the Lord's C c ark 202 A HIND LET LOOSE. ark hath a place with Dagon, and its priefts and fol- lowers confent to it ; and the builders of Babel and of Jerufalem are made to build together, under the fame protection ; and a fluice is opened to let the enemy come in like a flood, which to oppofe the ac- cepters cannot ftand in the gap, nor lift up a ftand- ard againft them. Liberty indeed fhould be univer- fally extended to all the Lord's people, as Cyrus's proclamation was general, who is there among you of all his people ? his God be with him. But a tole- ration of idolaters, blafphemers, and hereticks, as papifts, &c. is odious to God, becaufe it is contrary to fcripture, exprefly commanding idolaters to die the death, and all feducers and enticers to apoftacy from God to be put to death without pity ; and com- mending all righteous magiftrates that executed judg- ment accordingly, as Afa, Hezekiah, &c. yea even heathen magiftrates that added their fanction to the laws of God, as Artaxerxes is approven for that fta- tute, that whofoever will not do the law of God and of the king, judgment mould be executed fpeedily upon him. And in the new teftament this was never repealed but confirmed, in that the fword is given to magiftrates, not in vain, but to be a terror to, and revengers to execute wrath upon all that do evil, a- mong whom feducers that are evil workers and idola- ters are chiefly to be ranked, being fuch as do the worft of evil to mankind. Ephefus is commended becaufe they could not bear them which are evil : and Thyatira reproved for fuffering Jezebel : by which it appeareth, that our Lord Jefus is no friend to toleration. It is true this is fpoken againft church- men ; but will any think that will be approven in civil powers, which is fo hateful in church officers ? furely it will be the duty and honour of thefe horns fpoken of Rev. xvir. to eat the whore's flefh and burn her with fire : and mall that be reftricted only to be done againft the great antichrift, and not be duty a- gainft the leffer antichrifts, the limbs oi the great one? A HIND LET LOOSE. 203 one? it is recorded of Julian the apoftate, that among other devices he ufed, to root out Chriftiani- ty this was one, that he gave toleration openly to all the different profeflions that were among Chriftians, whereof there were many heretical in thofe days : which was exactly aped by James the apoftate now for the fame end. It is alfo contrary to the confef- fion of faith, chap. 20, feci. 4. afferting that ' for * their publishing fuch opinions, or maintaining of ' fuch practices, as are contrary to the light of na- ' ture, or to the known principles of Chriftianity, * whether concerning faith, worlhip, or converfation, ' or to the power of godlinefs, or fuch erroneous ojji*- * nions or practices, as either in their own nature, or * in the manner of publifhing or maintaining them, * are deftructive to the external peace and order, * which Chrift hath eftablifhed in the church ; they ' may lawfully be called to account, and proceeded ' againft by the cenfures of the church, and by the ' power of the civil magiftrate.' And therefore ro accept of this toleration is inconfiftent with the prin- ciples of the church of Scotland, with the national and folemn league and covenants, and iolemn aco. Coniidering the terms wherein it is offered, they cannot make fuch a fhameful bargain. In the former proclamation it is granted exprefly under fe- veral conditions, reftri&ions, and limitations : where- of indeed fome are retra&ed in the latter, as the re- striction of it to moderate prefbyteriaus, which would feem to be taken off by extending to all without n> C c 2 ferve 204 A HIND LET LOOSE. ferve to ferve God in their own way ; but being evi- dently exclufive of all that would ferve God in Chrift's way, and not after the mode prefcribed, it is fo modified and reftricted that all that will accept of it mull: be moderate prefbyteriy.ns indeed, which as it is taken in the court fenfe, mult be an ignominy to all that have zeal againft antichrift. The limitation alfo to private houfes and" not to out-houfes, is fur- ther enlarged to chapels, or places purpofely hired, but (till it is dinted to thefe, which they muft bar- gain for with counfellors, fherifts, &c. So that none of thefe reftriclions and limitations are altogether re- moved, but the condition of taking the oath only : yet it is very near to an equivalency homologated, by the accepters acknowledging in the granter a preroga- tive and abfolute power over all laws, which is con- firmed and maintained by their acceptance. As for the reft that are not fo much as faid to be removed, they muft be interpreted to remain, as the terms, conditions, reftriclions, and limitations, upon which they are to enjoy the benefit of this toleration. And what he fays, that he thought fit by this proclama- tion further to declare, does confirm it, that there are further explications, but no taking off of former reftriclions. Hence it is yet clogged with fuch provi- fions and reftriclions, as muft make it very naufeous to all truly tender. (i.J The reftriclion as to the perfons (till remains, that only moderate prefbyteri- ans, and fuel) as are willing to accept of this indul- gence allenarly, and none other, and fuch only whofe names muft be fignified to thefe fherifFs, ftew- ards, bailiffs, &c. are to have the benefit of this in- dulgence : whereby all the zealous and faithful pref- byterians are excluded, (for thefe they will not call them moderate) and all that v/ould improve it with- out a formal acceptance, and all who for their form- er diligence in duty are under the lafh of their wicked law, and dare not give up their names to thofe who are feeking their lives, muft be deprived of it. (2.) It A HIND LET LOOSE. 205 It is reftricled to certain places (till, which mufl be made known to fome one or more of the next privy counfellors, and whereby they are tied to a depen- dence on their Warrant, and mufl have their leafe and licence for preaching the word in any place, and field-meetings are feverely interdicted, though fignai- ly countenanced of the Lord, whereby the word of the Lord is bound and bounded ; and by this accep- tance their bloody laws againft preaching in the open fields, where people can have freed accefs with con- veniency and fafety, are juftified. (3.) The manner of meeting is reftricled, which mufl be in fuch a way as the peace and iecurity of the government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, and again that their meetings be peaceably held, which is all one upon the matter with the bond of peace, and binding to the good behaviour fo much formerly con- tended againfl by profeffors, and is really the fame with the condition of the cautionary bond in the indulgence after Bothwel, of which fee page — . And further they mufl be openly and publicly held, and all perfons freely admitted to them ; which is for the informing trade, expofing to all the inconveniencies of Jefuits, and other fpies and flies their delations, in cafe any thing be-fpoken reflecting on the government, a great temptation to miniflers. (4.) The worft of all is upon their matter of preaching, which is fo reflric- ted and limited, that nothing muff, be faid or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, feditious or treafonable ; and in cafe any. treafonable fpeeches be uttered, the law is to take place againft the guilty, and none other prefent, providing they reveal to any of the council the guilt fo committed, as in the form- er proclamation : and in the lafl it is further declar- ed, that nothing mufl be preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the people from him or his government. Here is the price at which they are to purchafe their freedom (a fad bar- gain to buy liberty and fell truth) which yet hardly cea 2o6 A HIND LET LOOSE. can be fo exactly paid, but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleafes ; for if a minifter fhall pray for the overturning of a throne of iniquity, or for confounding all that ferve graven images, and for deftru&ion to the pope, and all that give their power to that bead, there will be fomething faid a- gainft the well of his government ; or if any fhall hear this and not delate it, then the fame pretence is relevant ; or if he fhali preach againft the king's reli- gion as idolatry, and the church of Rome as Baby- lon, and difcharge his confeience and duty in fpeak- ing againft the tyranny of the times j or let him preach againft any public fin faithfully, a poplin cri- tic or Romifh bigot mail interpret it to be an aliena- tion of the people's hearts from the king and his go- vernment. But who can be faithful, and preach in feafon and out of feafon now, but he mull think it his duty to endeavour to alienate the hearts of the people from fuch an enemy to Chrift, and his abfo- lute tyranny, fo declaredly ftated againft God ? What watchman muft not fee it his indifpenlible du- ty, to warn all people of his devilifh defigns to de- ftroy the church and nation, and preach fo that peo- ple may hate the whore, and this pimp of her's ? fure if he preach the whole counfel of God, lie muft preach againft popery and tyranny. And if he think this indulgence from abfolute prerogative, granted and accepted on thefe term?, can fuperfede him, from this faithfulnefs, then he is no more the fervant of Chrift but a pleafer of men. Therefore fince it is fo clogged with fo many reftriclions, fo inconftftent with duty, fo contrary to fcripture, fo clearly violatory of covenant-engagements, fo crofs to the conftant con- tendings and conftitutions of this church, and acts of affembly. (fee page — , &c.) it were a great defec- tion to accept of it. ii. Confidering the fcandal of it, they dare not fo offend the generation of the righteous by the ac- ceptance, and difhonour God, difgrace the protec- tant A HIND LET LOOSE. 2.0J tant profefiion, wrong the intereft thereof, and be- tray their native country, as thus to comply with the defign of antichrift, and partake of this cruel tender mercy of the beaft ; who hath always mifchief in his heart, and intends this as a preparative for inducing or inforcing all that are hereby lulled afleep either to take on his mark, or bear the marks of his fiery fu- ry afterwards. For hereby foreign churches may think, we are in a fair way of reconciliation with an- tichrift, when we fo kindly accept his harbinger's fa- vours. And it cannot but be very {tumbling to fee the minifters of Scotland, whofe teftimony ufed to be terrible to the popifh,^ and renowned through all the proleftant churches, purchafmg a liberty to them- felvcs at the rate of burying and betraying the caufe into bondage and reftraint, and thus to be laid by from all active and open oppofition to antichrift's de- figns. in fuch a feafon. The world will be tempted to think, they are not governed by principles but their own intereft in this juncture, feeking their own things more than the things of Chrift ; and that it was not the late ufurpation upon, and overturning of religion and liberty that offended them, fo much as the perfecution they fuftained thereby ; but if that ar- bitrary power had been exerted in their favours, though with the fame prejudice of the caufe of Chrift, they would have complied with it as they do now. Alas, fad and dolorous have been the fcandals given, and taken by and from the declining minifters of Scotland heretofore, which have rent and racked the poor remnant, and offended many both at home and abroad, but none fo ftumbling as this. And there- fore the tender will be fhy to meddle with it. 12. Confidering the addrefies made thereupon, with fuch a ftain of fulfome and blafphemous flatte- ries, to the difhonour of God, the reproach of the caufe, the betraying of the church, and detriment of the nation, and expofmg themfelves to the contempt of all, the poor perfecuted party dare not fo much as feem 203 A HIND LET L003E. feem to incorporate with them. I (hall fet down the iirft of their addrefies, given forth in the name of all the prefbyterian minifters, and let the reader judge whether there be not caufe of {landing aloof from every appearance of being of their number. It is dated at Edinburgh, July 2 1, 1687, of this tenor. To the king's mod excellent majefty. The humble adclrefs of the prefbyterian minifters of his majejlf s kingdom of ■ Scotland. ■ We your majefty's mo ft loyal fubjects, the mini- * fters of the prefbyterian perfuafion in your ancient 6 kingdom of Scotland, from the due fenfe we have ' of your majefty's gracious and furprifing favour, in 4 not only putting a Hop to our long fad fufferings for ' non-conformity, but granting us the liberty of the * public and peaceable exercife of our minifterial * function without any hazard : as we blefs the great < God who hath put this in your royal heart, do ' withal find ourfelves bound in duty to offer our * mod humble and hearty thanks to your facred ma- 1 jelly, the favour bellowed being to us and all the * people of our perfuafion valuable above all our ' earthly comforts, efpecially fince we have ground 4 from your majefty to believe that our loyalty is not * to be queftioned upon the account of our being 6 prefbyterians, who as we have amidft all former * temptations endeavoured, fo we are firmly refolved * Hill to preferve an entire loyalty in our doctrine and * practice (confonant to our known principles, which * according to the holy fcriptures are contained in the * confeflion of faith, generally owned by prefbyteri- ' ans in all your majefty's dominions) and by the ** help of God fo to demean ourfelves, as your maje- ' fly may find caufe rather to enlarge than to dimi- * nifh your favours towards us ; throughly perfuad- s ing ourfelves from your majefty's juftice and good- 6 nefs, that if we fliall at any time be otherwife repre- 1 ftnted?1 A HIND LET LOOSE, 209 * fented, your majefty will not give credit to fuch in- ' formation, until you have due cognition thereof: ' and humbly befeeching, that thofe who promote ' any difloyal principles and practices (as we difown ' them) may be looked upon as none of ours, what- * foever name they may aflume to themfelves. May ' it pleafe your mod excellent majefty gracioufly to ' accept of this our moft humble addrefs, as proceed- ' ing from the plainnefs and fincerity of loyal and e thankful hearts, much engaged by your royal fa- " vour, to continue our fervent prayers to the King ' of kings, for divine illumination and conduct, with ' all other blefiings fpiritual and temporal, ever to at- ' tend your royal perfon and government, which is * the greateft duty can be rendered to your majefty, 4 by Tour majefty s mod humble, mg/i faithful, and mcft obedient fubjecls. 1 Subfcribed in our names, and in the name of ' the re*ft of our brethren of our perfuafion, at * their defire. Which received this gracious return. The king's letter to the prefbyterians in his ancient king- dom of Scotland. 4 We love you well : and we heartily thank you * for your addrefs : we refolve to protect you in your ' liberty, religion, and properties, all our life : and * we mall lay down fuch methods, as mall not be in ■ the power of any to after hereafter. And in the * mean time, we defire you to pray for our perfon * and government.' To which may be added that kind compliment of the chancellor's : ' Gentlemen, ■ My mafter hath commanded me to tell you, that I * am to ferve you in all things within the compafs of * mv power.' D d Thefe 210 A HIND LET LOOSE. Thefe gentlemen needed not to have been folici- tous that thofe who avouch an adherance to the co- venanted reformation, and avow an oppofition to an- tichriilian ufurpers (which they call promoting dif- loyal principles and practices) might not be looked upon as of their confederacy : for all that abide in the principles and practices of the church of Scot- land (which they have deferted) and that defire to be found loyal to Chrifi, in oppofition to his and the church's, and the country's declared enemy, would count it a fin and fcandal, laying them obnoxious to the difpleafure of the holy and jealous God, who will refent this heinous indignity they have done unto his majefty (if they do not addrefs themfelves unto him for pardon of the iniquity of this addrefs, which is the defire of thofe whom they difown that they may find grace to do fo) and a fhameful reproach, expos- ing them- to the contempt of all of whom they expect fympathy, to be reckoned of their afibciation who have thus betrayed the caufe and the country. Thefe mutual compliments (fo like the careiTe* of the Ro- mifh whore, whereby flie entices the nations to her fornication) between the profefled fervants of Chriil and the vaflals of antichrift , if they be cordial, would feem to import that they are in a fair way of com- pounding their differences, and to accommodate their oppolitions at length ; which yet 1 hope will be irre- concilably maintained and kept up by all true pref- byterians, in whofe name they have impudence to give out their addrefs : but if they be only adula- tory and flattering compliments, importing only a conjunction of tails (like Samfon's foxes) with a dif- jun&ion of heads and hearts, tending towards diftincr. and oppolite interelfs ; then, as they would fuit far better the diflimulaaons of politicians, than the fim- plicity of gofpel-minifters, and do put upon them the brand of being men-pleafers rather than fervants of Chrift, fo for their diffemblings with diffemblers, who know their compliments to be and take them for fuch, A HIND LET LOOSE. 2 I I fuch, they may look to be paid home in good mea- fure, heaped up and running over, when fuch me- thods fhall be laid down as mail not be in the power of any to alter, when fuch defigns fhall be obtained by this liberty and thefe addrelTes, that the after- bought wit of the addreffers fhall not be able to dif- appoint. However the addrefs itfelf is of fuch a drefs, as makes the thing addrefled for to be odious, and the addreffers to forefault the refpecx, and merit the indignation of all that are friends to the proteftant and preibyterian caufe, as may appear from thefe ob- vious reflections, j. It was needful indeed they mould have affumed the name of prefbyterians (though it might have been more tolerable to let them pafs under that name, if they had not prefumed to give forth their flatteries in the name of all of that perfuafion, and to alledge it was at their defire ; which is either an illuding equivocation, or a great untruth, for though it might be the defire of the men of their own perfuafion, which is a newly ftart up opinion that intereft hath led them to efpoufe, yet nothing could be more crofs to the real defires of true prefbyterians, that prefer the truth of the caufe to the external peace of the profeffors thereof) and call it the humble addrefs of prefbyterian minifters : for o- therwife it could never have been known to come from men of the prefbyterian perfuafion ; feeing the contents of this addrefs are fo clearly contrary to their known principles. It is contrary to prefbyterian principles, to congratulate an antichriflian ufurper for undermining religion, and overturning laws and liberties. It is contrary to prefbyterian principles, to juftify the abrogation of the national covenant, in giving thanks for a liberty whereby all the laws are called and difabled therein confirmed. It is contrary to preibyterian principles, to thank the king for opening a door to bring in popery, which they are engaged to extirpate in the folemn league and cove- iiant. It is contrary to prefbyterian principles, to al- D d 2 low 112 ArUIND LET LOOSE. low or accept of fuch a vafl toleration for idolaters and hereticks, as is evident above from all their con- tendings againft it, which is alfo contrary to the con- fefiion of faith, generally owned by prefbyterians, as may be feen in the place forecited, chap. 20. par. 4. It is contrary to prefbyterian principles, to confent to any reftrictions, limitations, and conditions, binding them up in the exercife of the minifterial function, wherewith this liberty is loaded and clogged ; where- by indeed they have the liberty of the public and peaceable exercife of it, without any hazard of pre- fent perfecution, but not without great hazard of fin, and incurring the guilt of the blood of fouls, for not declaring the whole counfel of God, which addref- fers cannot declare, if they preferve an entire loyalty in their doctrine, as here they promife. 2. There is nothing here founds like the old prefbyterian ftrain -t neither was there ever an addrefs of this ftile feen be- fore from prefbyterian hands. It would have looked fer more prefbyterian like, inftead of this addrefs, to have fent a proteftation againii the now openly de- signed introduction of popery, and fubverfion of all Jaws and liberties which they are covenanted to main- tain, or at lead to have given an addrefs in the ufual language of prefbyterians, who ufed always to fpeak of the covenants, and work of reformation : but here never a word of thefe, but of loyalty to his ex- cellent, to his gracious, and to his facred majefty, of loyalty not to be queftioned, an entire loyalty in doc- trine, a refolved loyalty in practice, and a fervent loyalty in prayers : and all that they are folicitous a- bout, is not left the prerogatives of their mafter be encroached upon, and the liberties of the church be fupplanted, and religion wronged ; but left their loy- alty be queftioned, and they be otherwife reprefent- cd : and all that they befeech for is, not that the caufe of Chrift be not wronged, nor antichriftian ido- latry introduced by this liberty ; but that thefe who promove any dijloyal principles and practices may be looked A HIND LET LOOSE. 213 looked upon as none of theirs, wherein all their en- couragement is, that they perfuade themfelves from his majefty's juftice and goodnefs, that he will not give credit to any other information, until he take due cognition thereof. Here .is a lawlefs unreftri&ed loyalty to a tyrant, claiming an abfolute power to be obeyed without referve, not only profefied, but foli- citoufly fought to be the principle of prefbyterians ; whereas it is rather the principle of atheiftical hobbes exploded -with indignation by all rational men. This is not a Chriftian loyalty, or profeflion of confcien- tious fubjeclion, to a minifteT of God for good, who is a terror to evil doers, but a flupid fubjeclion and abfolute allegiance to a minifter of antichrift, who gives liberty to all evil men and feducers. This is not the prefbyterian loyalty to the king, in the de- fence of Chrift's evangel, liberties of the country, miniitration of juftice, and punifhment of iniquity, according to the national covenant ; and in the pre- fervation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, according to the folemn league and covenant ; but an eraflian loyalty to a tyrant, in his overturning religion, laws and liberties, and protect- ing and encouraging all iniquity. This loyalty in doctrine will be found difloyalty to Chrift, in a fmful and fhameful filence at the wrongs done to him, and not declaring againft the invafions of his open e- nemies. This loyalty in practice is a plain betraying of religion and liberty, in lying by from all oppofi- tion to the open deftroyer of both. And this loyalty in prayers, for all bleflings ever to attend his perfon and government, will be found neither confonant to prefbyterian prayers in reference to popilh tyrants, nor confident with the zeal of Chriftians, and the cries of all the elect unto God to whom vengeance be- longs, againfl antichrift and all his fupporters, nor any way conform to the faints prayers in fcripture, nor founded upon any fcripture promifes, to pray for a blefling to a papift's tyranny, which cannot be of faith 214 A HIND LET LOOSE; faith and therefore muft be fin. It were much more fuitabte to pray, that the God which hath caufed his name to dwell in his church, may deftroy all kings that mall put to their hand to alter and deftroy the houfe of God, Ezrah vi. 12. 3. This addrefs is fo fluffed with fneaking flatteries, that it would become more fycophants and court- parafites than minifters of the gofpel ; and were more fuitable to the popifh, prelatical, and malignant faction, to congratulate and rejoice in their profelfed patron and head, and fill the gazettes with their adulatory addrelfes, which hereto- fore ufed to be defervedly inveighed againft by all diffenters ; than for prefbyterians to take a copy from them, and efpoufe the practice which they had con- demned before, and which was never commended in any good government, nor never known in thefe Bri- tifh nations, before Oliver's ufurpation and Charles' tyranny ; flattery being always counted bafe among ingenuous men. But here is a rhapfody of flatteries, from the deep fenfe they have of his majefly's gra- cious and furprifing favour finding themfelve« bound in duty to offer their molt humble and hearty thanks, to his facred majefty, the favour bellowed be- ing to them — — valuable above all earthly comforts. One would think this behoved to be a very great fa- vour, from a very great friend, for very gracious ends : but what is it ? in not only putting a flop to their long fad fufferings ; which were fome ground indeed if the way were honeft: but this noc only fup- pofes an alfo ; what is that? but alfo granting us the liberty which is either a needlefs tautology (for if all fufferings were flopped, then liberty muff needs follow) or it muft refpect the qualifications of the li- berty ; flowing from fuch a fountain, abfolute power ; through fuch a conveyance, the flopping all penal laws againft papifts ; in fuch a form as a tolera- tion ; for fuch ends, as overturning the reformation, and introducing popery. This is the favour for which they offer mofl humble and hearty thanks, more A HIND LET LOOSE. 1\$ more valuable to thera than all earthly comforts j though it be manifeftly intended to deprive the Lord's people, at the long run, of the heavenly com- forts of the preached gofpel. Sure, if they thank him for the liberty, they mult thank him for the pro- clamation whereby he grants it, and juftify all his claim there to abfolutenefs, being that upon which it is fuperftructed, and from which it emergeth, and fo become' a lifted faction to abett and own him in all his attemptings, engaged now to demean themfeives as that he may find caufe rather to enlarge than to diminilh his favours, which can be no other way but in affifting him to deflroy religion and liberty, at lead in fuffeiing him to do what he will without controul. O what an indelible reproach is this for miniflers, who pretend to be fet for the defence of the gofpel, thus to be found betraying religion, through juftify- ing and magnifying a tyrant, for his fufpenfion of fo many laws whereby it was eftablifhed and fupported. 4. It were more tolerable if they went no further than flatteries : but I fear they come near the border of blafphemy, when they fay, that the great God hath put this in his royal heart : which can bear no other conftru&ion but this, that the holy Lord hath put it in his heart to aifume to himfelf a blafphemous and abfolute power, whereby he Hops and fufpends all penal laws againft idolaters, and gives a toleration for all errors : or if it be capable of any other fenfe, it muft be like that as the Lord is faid to have moved David to number the people, or that Rev. xvii. 17. " God hath put it in their hearts to fulfil his will, and to agree and give their kingdom unto the bead." But to blefs God and thank the tyrant for this wick- ed project, as deliberate and purpofed by men, I fay is near unto blafphemy. And again where they fay, they are firmly refolved by the help of God fo to de- mean themfeives as his majefty may find caufe rather to enlarge than to diminifh his favours ; this in effecl is as great blafphemy as if they had faid, they refolv- ed 2l6 A HIND LET LOOSE. ed by the help of God to be as unfaithful, time-ferv- in", and filent minifters as ever plagued the church of& God ; for no otherwife can they demean them- felves fo as he may find caufe to enlarge his favours towards them, it being no way fuppofeable that his en- larging his favours can confift with their faithfulnefs, but if they dilcover any meafure of zeal againft anti- chrift, he' will quickly diminifh them. Thus far I have compendiouily deduced *the ac- count of the progrefs, and profecution of the teltimo- ny of this church to the prefent ftate thereof, as it is concerted and contended for, by the reproached rem- nant now only perfecuted : which I hope this pre- tended liberty (hall be fo far from obfcuring and in- terrupting, that it ihall contribute further to clear ir5 and engage them more to conftancy in it, and induce others alio to countenance it, when they (hall fee the fad effects of this deftruaive fnare, which L leave to time to produce ; and hope, that as the former re- prefentation of their caufe will conciliate the charity of the unbiaffed, fo an account of their fufferings thereupon will provoke them to fympathy. To which I now proceed. aaTMagvz'/rarrgaMr'— w PART II. Containing a brief account of the perfection of the lali pe- riod, "nd °f the great fuffering whereby all tbe parts of its teftimony were fealcd. THE foregoing deduction, being the firft thing I propofed to be difcuffed in the method of this effay, hath now fwelied to fuch a bulk, that the laft period of it doth, in a manner, fwallow up what I in- tended to have faid on the fecond : becaufe it gives grounds A HIND LET LOOSE. 21? grounds to gather the methods and meafures that our adverfaries have managed, for the ruin of this witnef- hng remnant, and alfo difcover fome fpecial fteps of their fufferings within thefe 27 years paft, under the tyranny of both the brothers. It will now be the more eafy to glean the gradations of the means and machines, ufed by this popifh, prelatical, and malig- nant faction, to raze the work of reformation, and to build their Babel of popery and flavery on the ruins thereof; and to aggregate an account in brief of the great fufferings of the faithful. Which though it be beyond my power, and befides my purpofes at pre- fent, to offer a narrative of it, with any proportion to the greatnefs of the fubject ; a more particular rela- tion thereof, being now projected, if providence per- mit, to be publifhed to the world, which will difco- ver ftrange and unheard of cruelties : yet, in this lit- tle heap of fome hints only of the kinds of their fuf- ferings, I do not queflion but it will appear, that the perfecution of Scotland hath been very remarkable, and fcarcely out-done by the mod cruel in any place or age, in refpett of injuflice, illegality, and inhu- manity, though perhaps inferior in fome other cir- cumftances. But that none could be more unjuft, iU legal, or inhuman, I need not further, I cannot bet- ter, demonftrate than only to declare the matter of fa£t, as it fell out in the feveral fteps of the lafl pe- riod. I. In the entry of this fatal cataftrophe, the firft of their mifchievous machinations was to remove out of the way all who were eminent inftruments in carrying on the former work of God, or might be of influence for obftru&ing their antichriftian and tyrannical de- figns, both in the ftate and in the church. And ac- cordingly, when the marquis of Argyle, who had a main hand in bringing home the king, and clofing the fecond treaty at Breda, went tip to London, to congratulate his return from exile, he was made pri- foner in the tower, thereafter fent down to S cor land, E e indicted 2l8 A HIND LET LOOSE. indi&ed of high treafon, at length beheaded, and his head placed upon the tolbooth of Edinburgh (a watch- word of warning to our addreffers, who may, ere all be done, meet with the fame fauce) for no other al- ledged caufe, but for his compliance with the Eng- lifii, when they had our land in fubjection ; a thing wherein the judges who condemned him were equally criminal ; but really for another provocation that in- cenfed the king againft him, which made him a ty- rant as infamous for villany as for violence, to wit, for his reproving the king (when others declined it) for an adulterous rape, which he held for fo piacular a crime, that he refolved nothing mould expiate it but the blood of this nobleman. For the fame pre- tended caufe was the lord Wariflon afterwards exe- cuted to death at Edinburgh, after they had miffed of their defign of taking him off by clandeftine ways a- broad. Then they fall upon the minifters : and be- caufe Mr. James Guthrie was a man, who had been honoured of God to be zealous and Angularly faith- ful, in carrying on the work of reformation, and had afferted the kingly authority of Chrift, in oppofition to the eraftian fupremacy encroaching thereupon, therefore he muff live no longer, but is condemned to die, and mod bafely handled, as if he had been a moll notorious thief or malefactor ; he is hanged, and afterward his head placed upon one of the ports of Edinburgh, where it abideth to this day, preach- ing not only againft the enemies rebellion againft God, but againft the defection of many minifters fince, who have practically denied that great truth for which he fuffered, to wit, his teftimony againft the fupremacy, and for declining the ufurped authority of him who arrogated it. At the fame time there was a proclamation, which they caufed to be read at all the church -doors, difcharging minifters to fpeak againft them or their proceedings, whereby profane and malicious perfons were encouraged to witnefs a- gainft their minifters. By which means (though ma- ny A HIND LET LOOSE. 2 10. ny were in no hazard, thinking it commendable pru- dence, commended indeed by the world, but hateful unfaithfulnefs before God, to be filentat fuch a time) fome faithful minifters giving faithful and free warn- ing, and protefting againft the prefent defection, were condemned of treafon, and banifhed out of the three dominions. Others, without a legal citation, or without accefs to give in their defences, were fen- tenced with baniihment, and could never get an ex- tract of their fentence : and further, were compelled to fubfcribe a bond, under pain of death, to remove out of all the dominions betwixt and fuch a day. This was the lot, and alfo the blot of thefe famous and faithful minifters, Mr. John Livingfton, Mr. Ro- bert Macward, Mr. John Brown, &c. who fpent the reft of their days in Holland, ferving their generation by their excellent writings. Then, after they had difpofed of many other minifters, whom they thruft out, for not keeping the 29th of May, having now laid by the mod eminent, and whom they feared moft of the miniftry, they fhortly thereafter outed, and violented the reft from the exercife of their miniftry, and ftraitned them with Orange and fevere confine- ments ; yea, becaufe they would not be outdone in fupprefling religion by any, no, not by Julian the a- poftate, they proceeded to poifon all the fprings and fountains of learning ; ordaining that none be mafters in univerfities, except they take the oath of fupremacy, and own the government of prelacy ; and none be admitted to teach in a fchool, without the prelate's licence. Thefe courfes brought many minifters and expectants to great fuflerings. II. Hitherto they reached only noblemen, gentle- men and minifters, and others whom they thought might ftand in their way of advancing their curled defigns. The next drift is, when they had emptied the churches of minifters, and filled them with the vermin of ignorant and fcandalous curates, to force the people to conformity, and to difown and difcoun- E e 2 tenancy 220 A HIND LET LOOSE. tenance their own minifters ; firft, by fevere edicts of exorbitant fining not only the perfons themfelves con- traveemng, but thofe that had the fuperiority over them, and rigorous exaction of thefe fines, to the de- population of a poor country, by military force ; whereby, where there was but one church in the bounds, ftill enjoying a minifter whom the people could hear, the profane foldiers would befet that church in time of worfhip, and caufe all within to pay their fines, or take the garments from them that could not, and beat them to the efRlfion of their blood : and where the church was planted with a cu- rate, the foldiers would come, and call the names of the parifhioners, and amerciate the abfents in fuch lines as they pleafed. In other places they went to private houfes, and by force drove them to church, even though lick and unable. But where the diflent- ers were numerous, great bands of legal robbers were fent to exact and extort thefe exorbitant fines, by plundering, quartering, beating, wounding, binding men like beafts, chafing away from houfes, and ha- raffing whole country-fides in a hideous manner. And yet after all thefe infolencies, fome of the com- mon fort were compelled to fubfcribe an acknowledg- ment, that the captain had ufed them civilly and dif- creetly ; though the account of others of that place maniefts the violence to have been fo monftrous, that it juftified the great barbarity ; Ihewing their ex- actions to have been intolerable, both for the quanti- ty, without all proportion or pity, and for the man- ner of it, confuming and waiting poor people's provi- fion by their very dogs, and fparing no more thefe who conformed, than others who did not conform at all, and punilhing hulbands for their wives, yea, doubling and tripling the fame exactions after pay- ment. Next, though at firft they did not imprifon any for fimple abfenting themfelves from the curates, yet they began to fill prifons with fuch as at any time ihewed more than ordinary zeal againft the curates intrufion, A HIND LET LOOSE. 221 intrufion, and teflified their dhTatisfaction to his face ; for which, fome were imprifoned, fcourged, ftigma- tized, and thereafter carried to Barbadoes. Others, becaufe they would not give the prelates their title of lords, when conveened before them, were alfo fcour- ged : and one miniiter feized for preaching, and of- fending the prelates by the fame fan It, was carried firfl: to the thieves hole, laid in irons in company with a madman, and then banifhed to Shetland, the coldeft and wildeft of all the Scots iflands. HI. But when fining would not do, and ftill the people were more averle from the curates, by getting fometimes occasions of hearing their own miniiters in private ; hence were houfes forced and fearched, ma- ny hawled to prifons, and feveral neceffitate to efcape at windows with the hazard of their lives, fpies fent unto and fet in fufpected places, to feize and fall up- on fuch as they found at fuch meetings, or but fuf- pected to have been there. Whence it came to pafs, that many, both men and women, young and old, have been dragged to prifons, and there clofe kept as malefactors, befides feveral other outrageous and ille- gal acts of violence and oppreffion committed againfi them, contrary to all law, equity and confcience. , IV. After Pentland defeat, they ruled by rage more than either law or reafon. There 40 prisoners, who were taken upon quarter, and folemn parole to have their life fpared, yet treacherouily and bloodily were all hanged (except five that were reprieved) who had much of the Lord's prefence at their deaths, and aflurance of his love, ftrengthening them to feal a no- ble teftimony. One of them, a much honoured young minifter, only for having a fword about him, though not prefent at the fight, did firft moft patient- ly endure the cruel torture of the boots (a cruel en- gine of iron, whereby with wedges the leg is tortured, until the 'marrow come out of the bone) and after- wards death, with great courage and conftancy. Upon the fcaffold, at their execution, they then be- gan 5 22 A HIND LET LOOSE. gan that barbarity never pra&ifed in Scotland before, but frequently, and almoft always at all the execu- tions fince, to beat drums, that they might not be heard. After this conflict, many were forefauUed of their eftates, and intercommuned, with inhibition to all to refet, conceal, or correfpond with any that had efcaped, under the pain of being accounted guilty of the fame rebellion, as they called it. Soldiers are permitted to take free quarter in the country, and li- cenfed to all the abufes, that either rapine or cruelty may fuggeft ; to examine men by tortures, threatning to kill or roaft alive, all that would not delate all they knew were acceffory to that^-ifing ; to ftrip them who did fo much as refet the fugitives, and thrtift them into prifons, in cold, hunger and nakednefs, and crowd them fo with numbers, that they could icarce ftand together, having the miferies of their own ex- crements fuperadded ; yea, to murder without pro- cefs, fuch as would not, nay could not, difcover thofe perfecuted people. But not only time, but heart and tongue would fail, to relate all the violen- ces and infolencies, the ftobbings, woundings, {hip- ping and imprifonings of mens perfons, violent break- ing of their houfes both by day and night, beating of wives and children, raviming of women, forcing of them by fire-matches and other tortures, to difco- ver their hufbands and neareft relations, although not within rhe compafs of their knowledge, and driv- ing away all their goods that could be carried away, without refpect to guilt or innocency, and all the cruelties that were exercifed without a check by thefe ruffians at that time. V. After all thefe tender mercies and clemencies, or cruelties, which his gracious majefty was pleafed to confer or commit upon thefe poor contenders for religion and liberty, he and his cabal the council thought it not enough to fupprefs them with oppref- fions and force, diitrufting the authority of his law (that he knew the people would no more obferve, than A HIND LET LOOSE. 22^ than he would obferve a promife or oath) and divid- ing alfo the authority of his fword, which he had a- bove their heads, he propofes terms of bargaining with them, whereupon he would fuffer them to live, and to which he would have them bound to live ac- cording to his prefcript ; therefore, befides the old oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, that were ftill go- ing among hands, he caufed coin new ones to keep the peace, and to live orderly, meaning to conform themfelves to the diforders of the times ! whereby, af- ter he had wrought fuch deftruction to their bodies and eftates, and almoft nothing was left them but a bit of a confcience, he would rob them of that too, verifying the conftant character of the wicked, they only confult to cad a man down from his excellency. What is a man's excellency but a good confcience? But thefe men, having feared confciences of their own, not capable of any impreffion, they prefume to impofe upon all others, and cannot endure fo much as to hear of the name of confcience in the country, except it be when it is baffled in the belchings of beaftly mouths ; as one, that was well acquaint with the council's humour in this point, told a gentleman that was going before them, to have one of thefe oaths impofed upon him, who was beforehand figni- fying his fcruples, that he could not do fuch things in confcience. Confcience (faid he) I befeech you whatever you do, fpeak nothing of confcience before the lords, for they cannot abide to hear that word. Therefore it is, that fince this laft revolution, there have been more confcience-debauching and enfnaring oaths invented and impofed, and fome repugnant and contradictory to others, than ever was in any nation in the world in fo fhort a time : and hereby they have had woful fuccefs in their defigns, involving the generality of the land in the fin of perjury and falfe fwearing with themfelves. And it hath been observ- ed, that fcarcely have they let one year pafs, without impofing fome oaths or bonds upon prefbyterians ; fuch 224 A HIND LET LOOSE. fuch always as are unlawful to take, yea and impofll- ble to keep, fometimes more obvioufly grofs, fome- times more feemingly fmooth, fometimes tendered more generally through the kingdom, fometimes im- pofed upon particular mires ; and thefe carried on by craft and cunning, fometimes by force and cruelty. Doubtlefs it is not the lead part of their deiign, here- by to make oaths and bonds become a trivial and common thing, and by making all men of as capa- cious confciences as themfelves. VI. Further, they never ceafed to exprefs their fear of another rifing, (their guilty confciences dic- tating that they deferved greater oppolition.) Hence, to fecure themfelves, and incapacitate the people from further attempts of that nature, they order all with- drawers from churches, all who did not join to fup- prefs the Lord's people, to deliver up their arms be- twixt and fuch a day, and not keep a horfe above fuch a very mean price, unfit for fervice. VII. When force could not do the bufinefs, then they try flatteries ; and hence contrive that wicked indulgence to divide and deftroy the minifters that remained, and to fupprefs meetings. But when this bait, fo well bulked, could not catch all, but ftill there were meetings for adminiftring the ordinances; their flattery turns to fury, and the acceptance of that indulgence by fome, and defpifing of it by others, did both animate and mitigate them unto a following forth of their defign, by all the cruel acts and bloody executions. And hereby the refidue of the faithful of the land were expofed unto their rage, while the indulged became interpretatively guilty of, and accefibry to all the cruelties ufed and executed upon minifters and profeffors, for adhering unto that way. Hence it was common at private and peacea- ble meetings, when, without arms of defence, they were diflurbed by foldiers, and expofed to all man- ner of villanous violence, fome being dragged to pri- fons, fome banifhed and fold to French captains to be tranf- A HIND LET LOOSE. > 225 tranfporfed with rafcals, many intercommuned and driven from their dwellings and relations, great fums of money were proffered to any that would bring in feveral of the moil eminent minifters, either dead or alive; yea feveral at feveral times were killed, and o- thers cruelly handled : all which, for feveral years, they patiently endured without refinance. But efpe- cially, when not only they were driven to the fields to keep their meetings In all weathers, fummer and winter, but neceilitate to meet with arms, then they raifed more troops of horfe and dragoons to purfue them with all rage, as traitors and rebels. Hence what purfuings, hornings, huntings, hidings, wan- derings through mountains and muirs, and all kinds of afflictions, the people of God then met with, be- caufe of their following that neceffary and fignally blefied duty ; all the lands inhabitants know, the jail- ors can witnefs to this day, and the barbarous fol- diers, bloody executioners of the commands of their enraged matters, having orders to wound and kill, and apprehend all they could take at thefe meetings, or on the way fufpecled to be going to or coming from them, having encouragement to apprehend fome minifters, and bring them dead or alive, by the pro- mife of 2000 merks, others valued at 1000, and fe- veral profeffors alfo with prices put upon their heads. Hence others that were taken of them were fent into the Bafs, a dry and cold rock in the fea, where they had no frefli water, nor any provifion but what they had brought many miles from the country ; and when they got it, it would not keep unfpoiled. And others, both minifters and many hundreds of profef- fors, were outlawed ; whereby all the fubjects were prohibited to refet, fupply, intercommune with any of them, or to correfpond with them by word, writ, or meflage, or furnifh them with meat, drink, houfe, harbour, victual, or any other thing ufefui, under the higheft pains. Hence alfo prifons were filled, and the wives and children of the outed minifters, F f that 226 A HIND LET LOOSE. that were come to Edinburgh for fhelter, were com- manded to diflodge. within a fhort day prefixed, un- der the pain of being forcibly fhut up or dragged out. For which and other fuch ufes, to apprehend and feize, on meetings, a major was appointed in Edin- burgh, with command over the town guard?, and a good falary for that end. Then prifons being filled, they were emptied to make room for others in fhips, to be taken away to be fold for flaves, in one of which were fent to Virginia above 60 men, fome mi- nifters ; who, through the kindnefs and fympathy of fome Englifh godly people, were relieved at London. A greater barbarity not to be found in the reigns of Caligula or Nero. VIII. But all this is nothing to what followed ; when, thinking thefe blood -hounds were too favoura- ble, they brought down from the wild Highlands an hod of favages upon the weftern (hires, more terrible than Turks or Tartars, men who feared not God nor regarded man ; and being alfo poor pitiful Skybalds, they thought they had come to a brave world, to wafte and deftroy a plentiful country, which they re- folved, before they left it, to make as bare as their own. This hellifh crew was adduced to work a re- formation, like the French converfions, to prefs a band of conformity, wherein every fubfcriber was bound for himfelf and all under him, wife, children, fervants, tenants, to frequent their parifh churches, and never to go to thefe meetings, nor refet, nor en- tertain any that went, but to inform againft, purfue, and deliver up all vagrant preachers, as they called them, to trial and judgment. "Which they proiecut- ed with that rigour and reftlefs, boundlefs rnge, that the children then unborn, and their pitiful mothers do lament the memory of that day, for the lofs of their fathers and huibands. Many ho ufes and fami- lies then were left defolate in a winter flight, many loft their cattle and horfes, and fome, in feeking to recover ihem, loft their lives, by the fword of thefe Burrios A HIND LET LOOSE. 227 Bunios. So that it was too evident, both by what orders was given, the ieverity of profecuting, and the expreflions of fome great ones fince, that nothing lefs than the utter ruin and defolation of thefe (hires was confulted and concluded, and that expedition, at that time, calculated for that end ; for what elfe can be imagined could induce to the raifing 10 or 11,000 barbarous favages, the joining them to the (landing forces, and with fuch cruel orders the directing them all to the weft, where there was not one perfon moving the finger againft them : neither could they pretend any quarrel, if it was not the faithfulnefs of the people there in their covenanted religion, and their hopelefsnefs of complying to their popifh and tyrannical defigns, and therefore no courfe fo feafible as to deftroy them ; fo for difpatching thereof, order is given forth, that whofoever refufeth to fubfcribe that hell-hatched bond, mufl inftantly have 10, 20, 30, 40, more or fewer according to his condition as he is poorer or richer, of thefe new reformers fent to him, to ly not only upon free quarters to eat up and deftroy what they pleafed, but alfo (for the more fpeedy expedition) ordered to take a fixpence for each common foldier a-day, and the officers more, According to their degrees, and fo to remain till ei- ther the bond was fubfcribed, or all deftroyed ; nor was thefe truftees deficient to further their purpofes in profecuting their orders, who, coming to their quar- ters, ufed ordinarily to produce a billgate for near to as many more as came, and for thefe abfents they muft have double money, becaufe their landlord was not burdened with their maintenance, and, where that was refuted, would take the readied goods, and if any thing remained not deftroyed and plundered at their removing, which was not tranfportable, rather thaa the owner fhould get any good of it, they would in fome places fet fire to it, as they did with the corn- ftacks. It would require feveral great volumes to re- cord the many inftances of horrid barbarities, bloods F f 2 and, 228 A HIND LET LOOSE. and villanies of that wicked expedition ; fo that what by free quarterings, exactions, robberies, thefts, plunderings, and other acts of violence and cruelty, many places were ruined almoft to defolation, all which the faithful choofed rather to fuffer, than to fin in complying : and albeit their opprefiion was ex- ceeding lamentable, and their lofs great, yet that of the compliers was greater and fadder, who lofed a good confcience in yielding to them, and compound- ing with them. IX. Then the country behoved to pay the foldiers for all this fervice, and hire them to do more, by paying the impofed cefs ; whereby they were fharp- ened into a greater keennefs in cruel executions of their orders, returning to thofe places of the country whither they had chafed the persecuted people, who flill kept their meetings wherever they were, though they could not attend them, but upon the hazard of being killed, either in the place (where fome had their blood mingled with their facrifice) or fleeing, or be expofed to their dreadful cruelties, more bitter than death. For then it was counted a greater crime, and ^uniflied with greater feverity, for perfons to hear a faithful minifter preach, than to commit murder, in- ceft, adultery, or to be guilty of witchcraft, or ido- latry, or the grofiefr abominations : for thefe have palTed uripunifhed, when fome, for their fimple pre- sence at a meeting, have been executed unto the death. Then alfo, when fome were forced to flee in- to the Englifh border for fhelter, there alfo were parties ordered to purfue thefe poor hunted par- tridges, who could not find a hole to hide their head in. There we loft a valiant champion for truth, and truly zealous contender for the intereft of Chrift, that univerfally accomplilhed gentleman and Chrifii- an, Thomas Ker of Heyhope, who was cruelly mur- dered in a rencounter with a party of the Englim fide. Thereafter followed that lamentable ftroke at Bothwel3 A HIND LET LOOSE. 220, Bothwel, where about 300 were killed on the field, and about 10 or nco taken prifoners, and ftript, and brought into Edinburgh in a mercilefs manner. After which, firft two faithful and painful minifters and witneffes of Chrift, Mr. John Kid and Mr. John King, received the crown of martyrdom, fealing that teftimony with their blood, and many others after them for the fame caufe. Then the enemy, after the manner ufed before, firft to wound our head, and then put on a hood upon it, (as they have done al- ways after a mifchief, and intending a greater), offer- ed their bond of peace, on terms that clearly con- demned the caufe, never to rife in arms againft the king, &e. by which bond, many of the prifoners, after they had lien feveral weeks in a church-yard, without the fliadow of a houfe to cover them night and day, were liberate : and many of the reft, by the perfuafion of fome minifters, at whofe door their blood lies as well as at the enemy's, took that bond ; and yet were fent away with others that did not take it, in a fhip bound for America between 2 and 300 in all, who were all murdered in the fhip, being fhut up under the hatches, when it fplit upon a rock in the north of iScotland, except about 50 perfons ; whereof many to this are living witneffes of fuch a cruelty. X. Hitherto only the common rules and rudiments of the art of perfecution were put in practice, exactly quadrating with the rules of Adam Contzen the Je- fuit for introducing of popery, in his polit. lib. 2. cap. 18. which are, (1.) To proceed as muficians do, in tuning their inftruments gradually. (2.) To prefs the examples of fome eminent men to draw on the reft. (3.) To banifh all arch-heretics at once (that is the moft zealous witneffes of Chrift) or at leaft with all expedition by degrees. (4.) To put them out of all power and truft, and put in friends to the catholic intereft. (5.) To load the proteftart opinion?, as a»rc moft obnoxious, with all odious con- ftru&ions. 23O A HIND LET LOOSE. tions. (6.) To difcharge all private conventicles. (7.) To make and execute rigorous laws againft the moft dangerous. (8.) To foment all quarrels among proteftants, and ftrengthen the party that is ready to comply. But thefe, and many other of a deeper pro- jection, and greater perfection, were fallen upon af- terwards, equalling the moft mifchievous machines of Spanifh inquifition, or the methods that effectuated the defolation of the church of Bohemia ; that were exactly followed, as they are related in Clark's Mar- tyrology. Efpecially the laft of Contzen's rules were induftrioufly obferved, in the device of the indulgence both before and afteT Bothwel, which contributed more to the rending and ruining the remnant, and to ex- pofe the faithful to rage and cruelty, than any thing : for when, by thefe enfnaring favours, many were dra^n away from their duty, the reft that maintained it, and kept up the teftimony, were both the more eafily preyed upon, and more cruelly infulted over. Hence the field-meetings that were kept, were more fiercely purfued after Bothwel than the many before, and more cruel laws were made againft them, and more bloody executions, than I can find words to ex- prefs in fhort. But, in a word, no party of Tartars invading the land, or crew of cut-throats deftroying the inhabitants, or the moft capital malefactors, could have been more violently oppofed, or more vigorous- ly fought to be fupprelfed, than thefe poor meeters were. But I muft make fome more fpecial hints. i. They not only raifed more forces to exhauft the; ftrength and fubftance of the already wafted country, and laid on and continued from one term to another that wicked exaction and cruel oppreflion of the cefs, for the fame declared ends of fuppreffing and banifh- ing what remained of the gofpel, and impofed locali- ties for maintaining the foldiers employed in thofe de- figns ; for refufing which many families were pillaged, plundered, and quite impoveriffied, befides the beat- ing and abufing them ; but alfo they went on unwea- riedly A HIND LET LOOSE. 2t I riedly with their courts of inquilition, prefling the bonds of peace, and dragging them like dogs to pri- sons that would not fubfcribe them, and for taking up in their Porteous' roils the names of all that were fui- pecfced to have been at Bothwel infurrcciion : which they gathered by the information of fycophants, and reputed them convict, if being fummoned they did not appear, and forced others to fwear concerning things that are to be enquired after, and delate upon oath whom they did either lee or heard that they were in arms, or went to meetings ; and fuch as refufed, fuffered bonds or banifhment. Yea, having made it criminal to refet, harbour, correfpond, or converfe with thefe whom they declared rebels, they thereupon imprifoned, fined, and ruined vail numbers, for ha- ving feen or fpoken with fome of them, or becaufe they did not difcover or apprehend them when they fancied they might, and even when they were not o- bliged, and could not know whether they were ob- noxious perfons or not : for which many gentlemen and others were indicted and imprifoned, and fome arraigned and condemned to death. For thefe caufes, the country was harrafied and deftroyed by four ex- traordinary circuit courts, fucceflively going about with their numerous rrain, whereby many were grie- voufly oppreffed, and with their opprefTions tempted with many impofitions of confcience-debauching oaths, and bonds to compear when called, and to keep the church, and to refrain from going to meetings, &c. and by thefe temptations involved in compliances and defections. 2. To enrich themfelves, by thefe means, with the fpoil of the country, did not fatisfy thefe deftroyers ; but they mud glut themfelves with the blood of the famts, upon every pretext that they could catch, un- der any colour of law. As upon the account of Both- wtl iniurre&ion, many were cruelly executed to the death, fome gentlemen, and fome common country men, without any legal convifticn, by packing bloody juries, 232 A HIND LET LOOSE. juries and aflizes mod partially for their murdering ends, befides more than can be reckoned that were kept to perifh in their imprifonments. And not only for being actually in arms, or any ouvert act of tranf- grefimg their wicked laws, but even for their extort- ed opinion of things, or becaufe they could not con- demn thefe necefiitated rifings in arms to be rebellion, and a fin againft God, which they were forced to declare by terrible menacings of death and torture, they have been condemned to death ; making their arbitrary laws to reach the heart, thoughts, and in- ward fentiments of the mind, as well as outward ac- tions- Whereupon this became a criminal queftion robbing many of their lives, Was the rifing at Both- wel-bridge rebellion, and a fin againft God ? And this another, Was the killing of the bifhop of St. An- drew's horrid murder ? Which if any anfwered nega- tively, or did not anfwer affirmatively, they were cruelly condemned to death ; for which, firft, five innocent Chriflians were execute upon the fpot, where that murderer fell. Though they declared, and it was known, they were as free as the child unborn, and that fome of them had never feen a bifhop that they knew from another man, and were never in that place of the country where he was killed. And af- terwards this was the conftant queftion that all brought before them were troubled with, which fome avouch- ing to be duty, were difmembered alive, their hands ftruck off, and then hanged, and their heads cut oft when dead. 3. After Sanquhar declaration, they obierved the jefuits rules more exaftly, efpecially that mentioned above, to load the opinions that are mod obnoxious with all odious conftruftions, and to make it both criminal to declare them, and alfo criminal to conceal and wave their intrapping queftions thereupon. For after Mr. Hall was killed at the Queensferry, and Mr. Cameron with feveral worthies were flam at Airfmofs, and after Mr. Hackfton for declining the authority of his A HIND LET LOOSE. 233 his murderers, head and tail, and for being acceflbry to executing judgment upon the arch traitor, or arch bifliop of St. Andrew's (though he laid not his hands on him himfelf, nor was prefent at the action, bur at a diftance when it was done)-was tortured alive, with the cutting off of his hands, and then hanged, and before he was dead, ripped up, his heart taken out, and carried about on the point of a knife, and thrown into a fire, and afterwards his body quartered. Then, not only fuch as were with that little handful at Airf- mofs were cruelly murdered, but others againir. whom they could charge no matter of fach were questioned if they owned the king's authority ? which if any did not anfwer affirmatively and pofitively, he was to look for nothing but exquifite torments by terrible kinds of tortures, and death befides. And if any declared their judgment, that they could not, in confcience, own fuch authority as was then exercifed j or if they declined to give their thoughts of it, as judging thoughts to be under no human jurifdiction j or if they anfwered with fuch innocent fpecifications as thefe, that they owned all authority in the Lord, or for the Lord : or according to the word of God, or all juft and lawful authority, thefe underwent and fuf- fered the capital punifhment of treafon. And yet both for declining and declaring their extorted anfwers a- bout this, they were condemned as unfufferable main- tamers of principles inconhilent with government. 4. But here, as in Egypt, the more they were af- flicted, the more they grew, the more that the ene- mies rage was increaled, the more were the people in- flamed to inquire about the grounds of their fuffcring, feeing rational men and religious chriftians die fo re- folutely upon them j and the more they infilled in this inquifition, the more did the number of w'itneffes multiply, with a growing increafe of undauntednefs, jo that the then (hed blood of the martyrs became the feed of the church, and as by hearing and feeing them fo fignally countenanced of the Lord, many were re- O g claimed 234 A HIND LET LOOSE. claimed from their courfes of compliance, fo others •were daily more and more confirmed in the ways of the Lord, and fo flrengthened by his grace, that they chofe rather to endure all torture, and embrace death in its mod terrible afpe&, than to give the tyrant and his complices any acknowledgment : yea, nor fo much as to fay, God fave the king, which was offer- ed as the price of their life, and teft of their acknow- ledgment, but they would not accept deliverance on thefe terms, that they might obtain a better refurrec- tion. Which fo enraged the tygrifh truculency of thefe perfecutors, that they fpared neither age, fex, nor profeffion : the tendernefs of youth did not move them to any relenting, in murdering very boys upon this head, nor the grey hairs of the aged; neither were women fpared, but fome weie hanged, fome drown- ed, tied to ftakes within the fea-mark, to be devour- ed gradually with the growing waves, and fome of them of a very young, fome of an old age. Efpecial- ly afier the murder of the never to be forgotten mar- tyr, Mr. Cargil, the multitude of mercilefs fufferings upon this account cannot be enumerated ; which in- creafed far beyond all the former fteps, after the La- nark declaration, which was burnt with great folem- nity by the magi ft rates of Edinburgh in their robes, together with the folemn league and covenant, which had been burnt before, but then they would more declaredly give new demonftrations of their rage a- gainft it, becaufe they confeffed, and were convinced of its being conform unto and founded upon that co- venant. And becaufe the incorporation of Lanaik did not, becaufe they could not, hinder the publifh- ing of it ; therefore they were threatened with the lofs of their privileges, and forced to pay 6000 merks. Upon the back of which, the fuilerings of poor peo- ple that owned the teftimony were fadder and iharper, and further extended than ever : fome being bammed for foldiers to Flanders, &c. fome to be fold as Haves in Carolina, and other places in America, to empty the A HIND LET LOOSE. 235 the filled prifons, and make room for more, which were daily brought in from all quarters, and either kept languishing in their nafty prifons, or thieves holes, in bolts and irons to make them weary of their life, or difpatched as facrifices, and led as dumb fheep to the (laughter, without fuffering them to fpeak their dying words, for beating of drums, or difpofed of to mailers of (hips to be tranfported to flavery. 5. Had they iatisried themielves with murdering them out of hand, it would have been more tolerable, and reckoned fome degree of mercy, in comparifon of their malice ; which, after all their endeavours to murder their fouls, by enfnaring offers, enflaving bonds, blafphemous and contradictory oaths, and mul- tiplying captious queitions to catch the confcience, or at leaif vex the fpirits of the righteous, whom they could not prevail with to put forth their hands into iniquity, did proceed to invent all exquifite torments more terrible than death. Some at their firfr. appre- hending were tortured with fire-matches, burning and for ever thereafter difabling their hands : then laid faft, and locked up in great irons upon their legs, where fhey lay many month's in the cold of winter, without any relaxation. Some were tortured with the boots, fqueezing out the marrow of their legs : others with thumbkins, piercing and bruifmg the bones of their thumb*s : and fome tormented with borh one after another, and befides, kept waking nine nights together by watchful foldiers, who were fworn not to let the airlifted perfon fleep all that time. 6. All this tyranny had been the more tolerable, if they had kept within any bounds of colourable or pretended fhadow of legality, or in any confonancy to their own wicked laws, or exemplars of any for- mer perfecutions. But in an ambition to outdo all the Neros, Domitians, Dioclefians, duke d'Alvas, or Lewis le Grands, they fcorned all forms, as well as juftice of law, and fet up monllrous monuments of unprecedented illegality and inhumanity. For when, G g 2 after 0,^6 A HIND LET LOOSE. after all their homines, haraffings, huntings, fearch- ings, chafmgs, catchings, imprifonments, torturings, banifhments, and effufions of blood, yet they could not get the meetings crulhed, either in public or pri- vate, or the zeal of the poor wanderers quenched, with whom they had interdicted all harbour, fupply, comfort, refreihment, converfe or correfpondence, and whom they had driven out of their own and all other habitations, in towns, villages, or cottages, to deferts, mountains, muirs, and moflfes, in whofe hags and holes they were forced to make dens and ;s to hide themfelves, but that" they would ftill meet for the worfhip of God, either in public (though moflly in the cold winter nights) or in their private fellowships for prayer and conference ; and to refcue their brethren, and prevent their murder in thefe ex- tremities, would furprize and take advantages of the foldiers now and then : they then raged beyond all bounds, and not only apprehending many innocent per- fons (againft whom they had nothing to accufe them of, but becaufe they could not fatisfy them in their anfwers) fentenced, and .executed them, all in one day, and made an d€t to do fo with all; but allowed the bloody foldiers to murder them, without either , trial or fentence. Efpecially after the apologetical de- claration, a&ixed on the churc^ doors, they acted with an unheard of arbitrarinefs. For not. only did they frame an oath of abjuration, renouncing the fame, but preffed it univerfally upon pain of death, upon all men and women in city and country, and went from houfe to houfe, forcing young and old to give their judgment of that declaration, and of the king's authority, &c. to ridicule and reproach, and make a mocking flock of all government : yea impowered fol- diers, and common varlets, to impannel juries, con- demn, and caufe to be put to death, innocent recu- fants, and having ftopt all travel and commerce with- out a pafs, fignifymg they had taken that oath, they gave power to all hoitlers and inn-keepers to impofe oaths A HIND LET LOOSE. Z^J oaths upon all paffengers, travellers, gentlemen and countrymen, who were to fwear, that their pafs was not forged. And prifoners that would not take the oath were, according to the forefaid act., condemned, fentenced and execute, all in one day, and early in the morning, that the people might not be affected with the fpectacles of their bloody feverities. Yea fpeclators alfo, that gathered to fee the execution, were impofed upon, and commanded to give their judgment, whether thefe* men were juftly put to death or not. And not only fo, but after that, they gave orders and commands to the foldiers to purfue the chafe after thefe wanderers more violently, and fhoot, or otherwife put them to death wherever they could apprehend them ; whereby many were taken and in- ftantly mod inhumanly murdered. XI. In the beginning of this killing time, as the country calls it j the firit author or authorizer of all thefe mifchiefs, Charles II. was removed by death. Then one would have thought the feverity would have (topped : and the duke of York fucceeding, in his late proclamation would make the world believe, that it never was his principle, nor will he ever fuffer violence to be offered to any man's confcience, nor ufe force or invincible neceility againft any man on the account of his perfuafion : fmooth words, to co- ver the mifchiefs of his former deftructions, and the wickednefs of his future defigns. To which his for- mer celebrated faying, that it would never be well till all the fouth fide of Forth were made a hunting field; and his acts and actings defigned to verify it, fince his unhappy fucceflion, do give the lie. For imme- diately, upon his mounting the throne, the execu- tions and acts, profecuting the perfecution of the poor wanderers, were more cruel than ever. i. There were more butchered and flaughtered in the fields, without all fhadow of law, or trial, or fen- tence, than all the former tyrant's reign ; who were murdered without time given to deliberate upon death. 238 A HIND LET LOOSE. death, or fpace to conclude their prayers, but either in the inftant, when they were praying, fhooting them to death, or furprizing them in their caves, and murdering them there, without any grant of prayer at all ; yea many of them murdered without taking notice of any thing to be laid againft them, according to the word of their own laws, but flain and cut oft without any pity, when they were found at their la- bour in the field, or travelling upon the road. And fuch as were prifoners, were condemned for refilling to take the oath of abjuration, and to own the autho- rity, and furprized with their execution, not know- ing certainly the time when it fhould be, yea left in fufpenfe whether it mould be or not, as if it had been on defign to deftroy both their fouls and bodies. Yea Queenfberry had the impudence to exprefs his defire of it, when fome went to folicit him, being then commiflioner, for a reprieval in favours of fome of them, he told them, they fhould not have time to prepare for heaven, hell was too good for them. 2. There have been more banifhed to foreign plan- tations in this man's time, than in the other's. With- in thefe two years, feveral fhipfuls of honed and con- fcientious fufferers have been fent to Jamaica, (to which before they were fent, fome had their ears cut) New Jerfey, and Barbadoes, in fuch crouds and numbers, that many have died in tranfportation ; as many alfo died before in their pinching prifons, fo thronged that they had neither room to iy nor lit. Particularly the barbarous ufage of a great multitude of them that were fent to Dunotter cattle, when there was no room for them in Edinburgh, is never to be forgotten ; which the wildeft and rudeft of favages would have thought fhame of. They were all that long way made to travel on foot, men and women, and fome of both fexes, very infirm and decrepit through age ; and feveral fick, guarded by bands of foldiers, and then put into an old ruinous and rufty houfe, and ihut up under vaults above 80 in a room, men A HIND LET LOOSE. 239 men and women, without air, without eafe, without place, either to ly or walk, and without any comfort lave what they had from heaven, and fo ftraitned for want of refrefhmenL, which they could not have but at exorbitant prices inconfiftent with their poor emp- ty purfes, and fo fuffocated with the fmell of the place, and of their own excrements, that as feveral of them died ; fo it was a wonder cf mercy that any of them could outlive that mifery, yet there they re- mained fome months, at a diftance from all their friends, being fent thither to that northern corner out of the fouth and welt borders of the country ; and fome out of London, Whofe tranfportation hi- ther, if it were not a part of this tragical ftory, would feem a merry and ridiculous pafiage to ftran- gers, difcovering the ridiculous folly as well as the outrageous fury of their perfecutors. For at a pri- vate meeting in London, among others, fome Scots- men, of very mean figure, fome taylofs, a fhoemak- er, a chapman, &c. were taken, and being found to be Scotfmen, were not only examined at the common courts there, but by Sir Andrew Fofter, by exprefs commiffion from the late king a little before his death ; who threatened them under a ft range fort of certification, (confidering what fell out immediately thereafter) that afturedly they mould be fent to Scot- land very fhortly, if there were not a- revolution of the government. Buc this revolution, following within a few days, retarded it a little : yet not long thereafter they were fent in a yacht, with a guard of foldiers, and a charge of high treafon. But, when brought before the council of Scotland, the amount of all that budle was, a queftion pofed.to them under pain of death, whether the king mould be king or no? that is, whether they owned his authority or not. Yet though fome of the poor men did own it, they were fent to Dunotter caftle: and thence among . the reft baniihed and tranfported to New Jerfey; in which paffage, by reafon of their crude and bad pro- vision, 24© A HIND LET LOOSE. virion, the moft part in the (hip were caft: into a fe- ver, and upwards of fixty died, yea even iince the former proclamation for this pretended liberty, there are twenty-one men and five women fent to Barba- does, againft whom nothing could be alledged but matters of mere religion and confcience : which, as it proclaims the notorioufnefs of thefe impudent lies, wherewith the proclamations for this liberty are Huf- fed ; fo it puts an indelible brand of infamy upon feme London merchants, that are faid to pretend to foine profeflion of religion, who fent the fhip to tranf- port them, thereby to make gain of the merchandife of the Lord's captives, 3. There have been more cruel ads of parliament .enacted in this tyrant's time, than the former made all his reign. For in his firft parliament held by Queeniberry, commiiTioner, not only was there an ad for making it trealbn to refufe the oath of abjura- ,tion, confirming all the illegalities of their procedure hereupon before \ but an act making it criminal to (own the covenant, and another act making it crimi- nal for any to be prefent at a field- meeting, which .was only fo to preachers before. Yet neither thefe acts, and all the executions following upon them, vhave daunted, nor I hope mail drive them, nor the .indemnity and toleration (fo generally now applaud- ed) draw them from the duty of owning both thefe, that are fo much the more publicly to be avouched, •that they are fo openly interdicted by wicked and bhfpbemous tyranny, though for the fame they ex- pect from the Scottifn inquifition all the murdering violence, that hell and Rome and malign-rat rage can exert. But to conclude this tragical deduction: as thefe hints we have heaped together of the kinds and feve- ral forts (the particulars being impollitle to be reckon- ed) of barbarities and arbitrary methods, ufed in car- lying on this perfecution, demonllrating the reign,, or rather rage of thefs two dominators, under which we A HIND LET LOOSE. 24T we have howled thefe twenty-feven years, to be a com- plete and habitual tyranny, to difcover the inhumani- ty and illegality of their proceedings, having no other precedent fave that of the French ccnverfions, or Spa- nifh inquifition, out-done by many ftages, in refpect of illegality, by the Scottifh inquifition, and the prac- tices of the council of Scotland, and jufticiary court ; fo I fhall fhut up all in a fummary relation of the common practices and forms of procedure in thefe courts : which will be ufeful to underitand a little more diftinctly, to the end the innocency of fufferers may more clearly appear, I. They can accufe whom they will, of what they pleafe ; and if by fummar ci- tation, he will not, may be, becauie he cannot, com- pear ; if once his name be in their Porteous' rolls, that is fufficient to render him convict 2. They ui'ed alio to feize fome, and fhut them up in prif'on year and day, without any fignification of the caufe of their imprifonment. 3. They can pick any man off the flreet ; and if he do not anfwer their captious quef- tions, proceed againft him to the utmofl of feverity ; as they have taken fome among the croud at execu- tions, and impofed upon them the queftions. 4. They can alfo go through all the houfes of the city, as well as the prifons, and examine all families upon the queftions of the council's catechifm, upon the hazard of their life, if they do not anfwer to their fa- tisfaction, as has been done in Edinburgh. 5. When any are brought in by feizures, fometimes (as is faid before) they let them lie along without any hearing, if they expect they cannot reach them ; but if they think they can win at them any way, then they hur- ry them in fuch hafte, that they can have no time to deliberate upon, and oftentimes have no knowledge or conjecture of the matter of their profecution : yea, if they be never fo infignificant, they will take diver- fion from their weightiest affairs, to examine and take cognizance of poor things, if they underftand they dare vem or avow any refpect to the caufe of Chrift : H h and I^Z A HIND LET LOOSE. and the filliefi: body will not efcape their catecKization about affairs of itate, what they think of the autho- rity, &c. 6. If they be kept in prifon any fpace, they take all ways to pump and difcover what can be brought in againlt them : yea, fometimes they have exactly obferved that device of the Spanifh inquifi- tion, in fuborning and fending fpies among them, under the difguiie and fhew of prifoners, to fearch and find out their minds, who will outltrip all in an hypocritical zeal, thereby to extort and draw forth words from the moll wary, which may be brought in judgment againlt them the next day. 7. When prifoners are brought in before them, they have nei- ther libel nor accufer, but mud anfwer concerning things that are to be enquired after, to all queftions they are pleafed to alk. 8. If at any time they form a fort of libel, they will not reftrict themfelves to the charges thereof, but examine the perfon about other things altogether extraneous to the libel. 9. They have frequently fuborned witneifes, and have fuftain- ed them as witnefles, who either were fent out by themfelves as fpies and intelligencers, or who palpa. b!y were known to delate thole againft whom they MitnefTed, out of a pick and prejudice, and yet would nor fufter them to be caft for partial counfel. 10. If they fuppoie a man to be wary and circumfpect, and more prudent than forward in the teftimony ; then they multiply queftions, and at firft many impertinent interrogations, having no connexion with the caufe, to try his humour and freedom, that they may know how to deal with him : and renew and reiterate feve- ral criminal examinations, that they may know where- of, and find matter wherein, to indict him, by en- deavouring to confound, or intrap, or involve him ia confeffions or contradictions, by wrtHing his words. 1 :. They will admit no time for advice, nor any law- ful defence for a delay, but will have them to anfwer preicntly, except they have fome hopes of their com- pliance, and find them beginning to itagger and fuc- cumb A HIND LET LOOSE. 243 cumb in the teftimony ; in that cafe, when a man feeks time to advife, they are animated to a keennefs to impofe, and encouraged to an expectation of catch- ing by their mares, which then they contrive and prepare with greater cunning. 12. If a man mould an- fwer all their queftions, and clear himfelf of all things they can aliedge againft him, yet they ufed to impofe fome of the oaths, that they concluded he would not take ; and according to the meafure of the tendernefs they difcovered in any man, fo they apportioned the oaths to trap them, to the ftricter the fmoother oaths, to the laxer, the more odious, that all natural con- ferences did fear at. 13. They will not only have their laws obeved, but fubferibed, and they reckon not their fubjecls obedience iecured by the lawmak- er's fanction, but the people's hand- writing; and think it not fufficienc that people tranfgrefs no laws, but they mult alio own thejuflnefs of them, and the au- thority that enacts them, and fwear to maintain it : and yet when fome have done all this, and cleared themfelves by all compliances, they will not difcharge them, but under a bond to anfwer again when called. 14. They will have their laws to reach npt only ac- tions, but thoughs ; and therefore they require what people think of the bifhop's death, and of Bothwel infurrection ; and whether they own the authority, when they can neither prpve their difowning of it, nor any way offending it. 15. They will have them to declare their thoughts, and hold them convict, if they do not anfwer politively all their captious quef- tions ; and if they will not tell what they think of this or that, then they mull go as guilty. 16. If they infill in waving, and will not give categorical anfwer >, then they can extort all, and prove what they pleafe by torture : and when they have extorted their thoughts of things, though they be innocent as to all actions their law can charge them with, then they ufed to hang them when they had done. 17. They have wheedled men fometimes into confdlion either of H h 2 practices 244 A HIND LET LOOSE. pra&ices or principles, by promifing to favour their ingenuity, and upbraiding them for diffemblers if they would not, and by mock expoftulations, why were they afhamed to give a teftimony ? and then make them fign their confeflions at the council, to bring them in as a witnefs againft them at the crimi- nal court. i3. Yea, not only extrajudicial confeiiion will fuftain in their law: but when they have given the public faith, the king's fecurity the act and oath of council, that their confeflion fhall not militate a- gainfc them, they Lave brought it in as witnefs againft them, and given it upon oath, when their former oath and act was produced in open court, in demon- ilration of their perjury. 19. When the matter comes to an aftize or cognizance of a jury, they ufe to pack them for their purpofe, and pick out fuch as they lift- ed, who they think will not be bloody enough. 20. Sometimes when the jury hath brought their verdict in favours of the pannel, they have made them fit down, and relume the cognition of the cafe again, and threat tried ihem with an aftize of error, if they did not bring him in guilty- 21. Yea,moft frequently the king's advocate ufed to command them tocondemn, and bring in the pannel guilty, under moft peremptory certifica- tions of puniiliment if they ihould not ; fo that they needed no juries, but only for the fafhion. 22. Some- times they have fentenced innocent perfons twice, once to have their ears cut and be banifhed, arid af- ter the lopping of their ears, fome have been re-ex- amined, and fentenced to death, and execute. 23. They have fentenced fome and hanged them both in one day : others early in the morning, both to fur- prize the perfons that were to die, and to prevent fpe&ators of the fight of their cruelty ; others have been kept in fufpence, till the very day and hour of their execution. 24. Not only have they murdered ferious and zealous followers of Chrift in taking a- way their lives, but endeavoured to murder their names, and to murder the caufe for whrch they fuf* A HIND LET LOOSE. V 245 fcred ; loading it with all reproaches, as fe&rion, re- bellion, Sec. which was their peculiar policy, t>> bring the heads of fufferings to points that are moft obnox- ious to men's cenfure, and accounted moft extrtn- lic to religion, whereby they levelled their defigns a- gainft religion, not directly under that notion, but o- bliquely in the destruction of its profeffors, under the odium and reproach of enemies to government. 25. But chiefly they labour to murder the foul, defile the confeience, and only confuk to caft a man down from his excellency, which is his integrity ; that is a chris- tian's crown, and that they would rather rob him of as any thing, either by hectoring or flattering him from the teitimony : which they endeavour, by pro- pofing many offers, with many threatnings in fubtile *ernii ; and pretend a great deal of tendernefs, pro- teiting they will be as tender of their blood as of their own foul (which in fome fenfe is true, for they have none at all of their own fouls) and purging themfelves as Pilate did, and charging it upon their own^heads. 26. They will be very eafy in their accommodations, where they find the poor man beginning to faint, and hearken to their overtures, wherein they will grant him his life, yielding to him as cunning anglers do with fiflies : and to perfuade him to complying, they will offer conference fometimes or reafoning upon the point, to fatisfy and inform his confeience, as they pretend, but really to catch him with their bulked hook. 27. Sometimes they ufed to fliage feveral to- gether, whereof they knew fome would comply, to tantalize the reft with the fight of the others liberty, and make them bite the more eagerly at their bait, to catch the confeience. But when they had done all they could, Chrift had many witnefTes, who did re- tain the crown of their teftimony in the fmalleft points, till they obtained the crown of martyrdom, and at- tained boldly to them without fear or ftiame, and dif- daining their flattering propofals, but looking on them ynder a right notion, as ftated there in oppofition to Chrift ; Z4& A HIND LET LOOSE. Chrift; whereby they foufid this advantage, that hence they were retrained from all linful tampering with them, or entertaining any difcourfe with them, but/what was fuitable to fpeak to Chrift's enemies, or doing any thing to fave their life, but what be- came Child's witneffes, who loved not their lives un- to the death. Of whom univerfally this was obferv*. ed, that to the admiration of all, the conviction of many enemies, the confirmation of many friends, the eftablifhrnent of the caufe, and the glory of their Re- deemer, they went off the ftage with fo much of the Lord's countenance, fo much affurance of pardon and eternal peace, fo much hope of the Lord's re- turning to revive his work, and plead his caufe again in thefe lands, that never any fuffered with more meeknefs humility and compofure of fpirit, and with more faithfulnefs, ftedfaftnefs and refolution, than thefe worthies did for thefe defpifed and reproached truths ; for which their furviving brethren are now contending and fuffering, while others are at eafe. ART III. The Prefent teftimony ftaied and vindicated in its princu pal heads. Y what is above premitted, the reader may fee the feries and fucceffion of the teftimony of Chrift's witnefles in Scotland from time to time, in all the periods of that church ; how it hath been tranfmitted from one generation to another down to our hands ; how far it hath been extended, and what increafernents it hath received in every period j how it hath A HIND LET LOOSE. 247 hath been oppofed by a continued profecution of an hereditary war againft Chrift, "toy an atheiftical, pa- piftical, prelatical, and tyrannical faclion ; and how it hath been concerted, contended for, maintained, and fealed actively and paflively, by an anti-pagan, anti-popi(h, anti-prelatical, antieraftian, anti-fectari- an, and anti-tyrannical remnant of the followers, pro- feffors, confeflors, and martyrs of Chrifl in all ages. Now it remains in the third and laft place, to confi- der the merit of the caufe as it is now dated, to fee whether it will bear the weight of thofe great fufter* ings wherewith it hath been fealed. I hope all the lovers of Chrift, who have an efteem even of his re- proaches above all the treafures of Egypt, will grant, that if thefe fufferings be flated on the lead or loweft of the truths of Chrift, then they are not miflated, nor built upon a bottom that will not bear them, or is not of that worth to fuftain them. For certainly every truth, the leaft of truths, is of greater value than any thing that we can fuff'er the lofs of for it; yea, of infinitely greater value, than the whole world. So that if I prove thefe heads of fufFering to be truths wherein confcience is concerned, the caufe will be fufficiently vindicated from the loadings and lafhings of fuch as prefer peace to truth, and eafe to duty, who to juftify their own backwardnefs and deteftable lukewarmnefs, call fome of them only ftate queftions about things civil, and not gofpel truths and heads to ftate fufFering upon : and if they be truths and duties, the caufe will fome way be rendered more illuftrious, that it is ftated upon the fmalleft hoofs and hair- breadths of the concerns of Chrift's declarative glory ; as being a greater witnefs of its owners love and loy- alty to Chrift, and of their pure and tender zeal for his honour, than if for more fubftantial and funda- mental truths, which a natural confcience may re- claim to decline, when for the meaneft circumftan- tials of Chrift's truths they dare and are ambitious to beftow their deareft blood. But if the complex of them 248 A HIND LET LOOSfi. them be impartially confulered, no unprejudifed ar- biter will fuffer himfelf to have fuch extenuating im- preflions of the prefent word of patience, and tefti- mony of the fuffering remnant in Scotland this day : but it will appear to be a very weighty and worthy concern, as any that either men or Chriftians can be called to witnefs for ; being the privilege of all mankind, the duty of all Chriftians, and the dignity of all churches, to alien ; it is for the glory and crown prerogatives and imperial regalia of the King of kings, with reference to his vifible kingdom, of which the government is laid upon his moulders, a* gainft the heaven daring ufurpations and encroach- ments made thereupon, both as he is Mediator, and King, and Head of the church, and as he is God and univerfal King of the world. As he is Mediator, it is his peculiar prerogative to have a fupremacy and fole fovereignty over his own kingdom, to inftitute his own government, to conftitute his own laws, to ordain his own officers, to appoint his own ordinan- ces, which he will have obferved without alteration, addition, or diminution, until his fecond coming : this his prerogative hath been, and is invaded by eraftian prelacy, facrilegious fupremacy, and now by antichrifiian popery, which have overturned his go- vernment, inverted his laws, fubverted his officerSj and perverted his ordinances. As he is God and u- niverfal King, it is his incommunicable property and glory, not only to have abfolute and illimited power, but to inveft his deputed ministers of jultice with his authority and ordinance of magiftracy, to be adminif- tred in Subordination to him, to be regulated by his laws, and to be improved for his glory, and the good of mankind ; this glory of his, hath been invaded by tyrants and ufurpers arrogating to themfelves an abfo- lute power, intruding themfelves without his invest- ment into authority, in a rebellion againft him, in oppofition to his laws, and abufing it to his disho- nour, and the deftruction of mankind. Againft both which A HIND LET LOOSE. 2.Q "■[fry which encroachaients the prefent teftimony is ftated m a witnefs for religion and liberty, to both which thefe are destructive. This will appear to be the re- fult and tendency of the teftimony in all its parts op- pofed by the enemies of religion and liberty, and the end of all their oppofition, to bring it to this crino- menon, who fliall be king ? Jefus or C for be- fides what other reafons might be given againft this old relict of popifli bondage of patronages, it deflroys that A HIND LET LOOSE. 277 that privilege and liberty of the church in calling their own paftors, and makes all intruders, without the church's choice ; whereas the flock are allowed a judgment of difcretion, knowledge of, and confent to the admiffion of their parlors, to whom they intruft their foul's directions, before they be fubject to, and obey him in the Lord, for otherwife he is a ftranger that hath not come in at the door, and they mult not, nor will not be impnfed upon, John x. 1 — 5. They had an interefl in choofing and nominating even the apoftles, though there were other apoflles of infalli- ble knowledge, as to qualifications, prefent to ordain them ; and they appointed two to be chofen by lot, Acts vi. 23. and even the deacons were looked out and chofen by the people, and appointed over thebufmefs, Acts vi. 3. * Much lefs ought miniflers to be thruft 1 upon fuch a weighty employment, to pleafure great ' men who are.patrons, fince in their faithfulnefs the ' people are infinitely more concerned,' Rectius In- ilruen. ubi Supra. Hence, if the curates have no call but what deftroys the people's privilege, they have no lawful call at all, neither ought they to be owned, or countenanced as called miniflers ; but by the prefentation of patrons they have no call,' but what deftroys the people's privilege : Ergo — Next, col- lations from prelates cannot give a lawful call : for ( 1 .) they cannot give that to others which they have not themfelves ; but they have not a lawful call themfelves, becaufe they are not lawful officers, as is clear, and may be proven afterwards. (2.) the only way of con- veyance of an ordinary call to this office, is by the act of a prefbytery, Tim. iv. 4. And, by minifters, their ordaining elders in every church, with the confent of that church ; but a prelate's collation is not this act of a prefbytery. (3.) That which only makes a man a prelate's depute, cannot give him a call to the mi- niftry of Chrifl: ; but this collation only makes a man a prelate's depute. Or thus, a prelate's depute is no imnifter, but a curate is a prelate's depute : Ergo That 278 A HIND LET LOOSE. That a prelate's depute is no minifter, 1 prove ; not only from that, that a prelate, as fuch, is not a fervant of Chrift, but an enemy ; and therefore cannot confer upon another, that dignity to be Chrift's fervant; but from this, that the Scripture allows no derivation of deputed officers. If no of- ficers of Chrift can have deputes of Chrift's in- ftitution ; then the deputes that they make cannot be Chrift's officers of his inftitution ; but no officers of Chrift can have deputes by Chrift's inftitution : every man that hath any piece of ftewardfhip in God's fami- ly, muft ever fee and execute it immediately by him- felf, and wait upon it, Rom. xii. 7, 8. That curates are prelates deputes is clear: for they are fubjett to them in order and jurifdiclion, and derive all their power from them, and are accountable to them : therefore they cannot be acknowledged with confi- dence of conscience to be Chrift's minifters. 4 Be- 4 caufe they have not fuch a vifible evidence of the 4 call of Chrift, as, in reafon and charity, doth oblige c all men to receive the perfon fo called, as truly ' fent : which things are fo evident in themfelves, 4 that whoever denieth them, is obliged by the fame 4 confequence to affirm, that if Simon Magus had in * his horrid wickednefs, purchafed the apoftlefhip by 4 money, the Chriftian world had been bound to re- 4 ceive him as an apoftle,' Naphtali, p. 105, 106, firft edition. That their miniftry is the Lord's ordi- nance is plainly denied, Naphtali, p. 109. * They 4 have nothing like a folemn ordination, having no 4 impofition of hands of the prelbytry with fading and 4 prayer, according to the order of the gofpel, but 4 the fole warrant and miffion of jhe prelate, and 4 therefore it cannot be lawful to countenance fuch, 4 and to look upon them as lawful minifters/ Apol. Relat. feci. 1 5. pag. 183. !t will be objected here, 1. 4 That then their baptifm is no baptifm, if they be no * minifters.' Anf. * (1.) what fad confequences may * follow upon the nulling of their office, let them fee 4 to A HIND LET LOOSE. 279 6 to it who either fend fuch forth, or employ them.' Apol. Relat. ib. p. 294. the beft way to avoid thefe in- conveniences is not to countenance them. But (2.) the fame anfwers may ferve which are adduced for popifh baptifms and ordinations : and the deed fome- times fignifies, That it ought not to be done. Next it will be, Object. 2. That many of the curates were in the miniftry before, therefore the argument is not ftringent againfl them. Anf. The one half of it about the qualifications does ftill urge them, through the want of which, and their bafe treachery and betraying their truft, and perjuries in breaking covenant, they have really forefaulted their miniftry, and loofed all from an obligation to hear them, or a- ny other to whom thefe fcripture-characters may be applied, and brings all under the guilt of partaking with them that hear them. II. It is neceffary alfo, that all whom we may law- fully hear as miniflers and ambaffadors of Chrift, fliould not only have had a commiflion from Chrift, fometimes conveyed to them in his orderly appointed way, by and from approven church officers ; but they muft have it then when we hear them, at this time when we own communion with them. For if they have fometimes had it, and forefaulted or changed it, by taking a new right another way, it i-s all one in point of owning them, as if they had none at all: and we muft not meddle with fuch changelings, in things that they and we muft not come and go upon, Prov. xxiv. 21. Now plain it is, that fome curates fometimes had a commiflion from Chrift, when they were prefbyters ; but now they have changed their holding, and taken a new right from them who are no officers of Chrift, inve,fted with power to confirm or convey a minifterial million ; and fo they have forefaulted what they had. Mr. Durham, in a di- greffion on this fubjecl: of hearing, fliews, that mini- fters may forefeit, on Revel, chap. i. p. 55. in 4to. ' In matter of hearing (fays he) it is not fo hard to * difcern 28o A HIND LET LOOSE. * difcem, who are to be counted to {peak without 4 God's commiffion ; becaufe ordinarily fuch have no ' warrantable call at all (no not in the outward form, * and fo cannot be counted but to run unient) or by * palpable defection from the truth, and commiffion * given them in that call, they have forefeited their ' commiffion : and fo no more are to be counted am- ' balfadors of Chrift , or watchmen of his flock, than e a watchman of the city is to be accounted an ob- ' ferver thereof, when he hath publicly made defec- ' tion to the enemy, and taken on with him.' Let the indulged and addrefling minifters advert to this: and confider, whether or not the truly tender have reafon to difcountenance them, while they continue in their palpable defection. But undeniably this re- fells that objection of the curates ordination before they were curates ; for they that change their holding of a right, and take a new right which is null, they forego and forefeit their old right, and all right ; but the prelatic curates have changed their holding of their right, and taken a new one, which is null : therefore they have foregone and forefeited their old one. The minor I prove thus. They who had a right from Chrift by conveyance of his officers, and take a new grant for the exercife of it, not from Cnriit, but by conveyance of fuch as are none of his officers, they change their holding, and take a new one, which is null. But the prelatic curates, who had a. right by conveyance of his officers, have taken a new grant for the exercife of it, not from Chriit, but by conveyance of the prelate, which is none of his officers ; Therefore-^ The ftrefs of all will ly in the probation of this, that the prelate is none of Chrift's officers, and therefore the conveyance of a power from him is not from Chrift. Which I prove, i. Becaufe his office is crofs to the very nature of gof- pel church government, and therefore he cannot be a gofjxt- church ruler. Chrift difeharged his officers to exercife dominion (or lordfhip, Luke xxii. 25.) or au- thority A HIND LET LOOSE* 28 I thority, as the Gentiles did, but that the .chiefeft mould be only a minifter, Matth. xxii. 25, 26. The apoftle Paul difclaims dominion over the church, 2 Cor. i. ult, Peter exhorts the elders not to be lords over God's heritage, 1 Pet. v. 3. The autho- rity of church-officers then is not a defpotic power, but a minifterial ftewardfhip. But the diocefan bifhop is both a lordly title and power, having all authority in the diocefe derived from him, as being as it were the univerfal paftor, and fo taking upon him a power, which is neither commanded, nor can be difcharged. Hence, he that fubje&s his miniltry to the domination of a ftrange lord, inverting the nature of gofpel church-government, cannot be owned in his miniftry ; but all curates fubject their miniilry, &c. Therefore ■ 2. Becaufe he is an officer diftinct from, and fu- perior to a prefbyter or pallor j whereas the fcripture makes a bifhop and prefbyter all one. The elders of the church of Ephefus are called epifcopi or overfeers, Acts xx. 17, 28. An ordained elder muft be a blamelels bifhop, as the fteward of God, Tit. i. 5, 7. Again, it cannot be fhown, where the fcripture men- tions either name, qualification, work, duty, or or- dination of an ordinary church officer fuperior to prefbyters, and which are not like wife appropriate to them who are called rulers, governors, bifhops. In all the holy Ghoft's purpofed recitals of ordinary church-officers, there is not the leaft hint of a dioce* fan bifhop ; and yet a deacon is defcribed the meaneft officer in his work and qualifications. Hence then, if this diocefan prelate be fuch an uncouth beaft, that neither in name nor nature is found in the word of God, all the power derived from him is null ; but the fir ft is true : therefore 3. Becaufe every offi- cer in the fcripture relates to the flock (except the ex- traordinary officers, who were further extended, now ceafed) bifhops of Ephefus, were overfeers over the flock, Ads xx. the elders that Peter writes to were over the flock. But this diocefan antifcriptural mon- N n fter iSz A HIND LET LOOSE. iter pretends to be over the fliepherds, and invents new degrees and orders of fuperiority and inferiority of officers of the fame kind, befide and againft the fcripture, which makes all apoflles alike, and all e- vangelifts, fo all teachers ; though there be a diftinc- tion and fuperiority in diverfe kinds, yet not in the fame. God hath fet fome in the church, firft apof- tles, fecondarily prophets, thirdly teachers, i Cor. xii. 28. but not among teachers, fome above others, in a power of order and jurifdiclion. Hence, an of- ficer over officers of the fame kind, is not an officer of Chrift's inftitution, and confequently any power conveyed from him is null ; but a prelate pretends to be an officer over officers of the fame kind : there- fore, 4. Becaufe every officer in the church hath e- qually, and in perfe£l parity, equal power and autho- rity allowed them of God in the exercife of both or- der and jurifdiclion ; all ruling elders may rule alike, and deferve equal honour ; and all preaching elders have the like authority, and the like honour confer- red upon them, 1 Tim. vi. 17. The fcripture attri- butes both power of order and jurifdiclion ; to all preaching prefbyters equally. They mult overfee the ilock (or as the word is, do the part of a bifhop over them) Ads xx. 28. and they mud alfo feed the flock, j Pet. v. 2. Subjection and obedience is due to them all alike : all that are over us and admonifh us, we jnuft efteem highly for their work's fake, 1 Thef. v. 12. and obey and fubmit ourfelves to them that watch for our fouls, Heb. xiii. 17. We find alfo ex- communication belongs to all alike, 2 Cor. ii. 6. and ordination, 1 Tim. iv. 14. But the diocefan prelate takes from prefbyters to himfelf power of or- dination, aifuming only his curates for fafhion's fake, and the fole cecifive power in church judicatories, wherein he hath a negative voice ; like a Diotrephes, the firit prelate who loved to have the pre-eminence, 3 John 9. the only precedent for prelacy in the fcrip- ture. Hence, he that would take all power to him- felf, A HIND LET LO0S£. 233 felf, which is undivided and equal to all officers by Chrift's appointment, hath none by Chrift's allow- ance, but is to be reckoned an ufurping Diotrephes ; but the Diocefan prelate would take all the power to himfelf, which is undivided and equal to all. By all which it appears, the prelate being no authorized church-officer of Chrift's, no authority can be deriv- ed from him ; and fo that fuch as betake themielves to this pretended power, for warranting them in the function, can warrantably claim no deference there- upon, nor can be owned as minifters, whatever they were before. ' For this were an acknowledging of * the power and authority of prelates (efpecially when ' the law commands our hearing as a fubmitting to * them.) The reafon is, becaufe thefe men came * forth from the prelate, having no other cafl or war- * rant but what the prelate giveth : and fo a receiving ' of them will be a receiving of the prelate, as a rc- c fufing of them will be accounted a flighting of the ' prelate and his power,' Apol. Relat. J5. p. 272. III. It is neceffary alfo, that all with whom we own communion as minifters, ihould be Chrift's ambafla- dors, having then, when we hear them, and holding ftill their commiflion from Chrift as king, and only head of his church : conveyed not only from church - officers, in a way that he hath revealed as the pre* phet of his church, but in a way of dependence up- on, and fubordination to Chrift as king, who afcend- ing far above principalities and powers, appointed and gave the gifts of the miniftry, Jiph. iv. 8, n> and fet them in the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and gave them commiflion to go and teach the nations, by vir- tue of that all power that was given to him in heaven and ear h, Matth. xxviii. 18, 19. If then they take a new holding, and clofe with a new conveyance of the miniftry, and of the power to exercife the fame, from a new architectonic ufurped power in the church, encroaching on Chrift's royal prerogative, we dare not homologate" fuch an affront to Chrift, as N n 2 to 284 A HIND LET LO0SK. to give them the refpecl of his ambaffadors, when they became the fervants of men, and fubjett even in minifterial functions to another head than Chrift ; for then they are the minifters of men, and by men, and not by Jefus Chrift, and God the Father, who raifed him from the dead, becaufe they do not hold the head, Col. ii. 19. Hence thofe that receive and derive their church power from, and are fubordinate in its exerr.ife to, another head than Chriit Jefus, fhould not be received and fubje&ed to as the ministers of Chrift in his church ; but the prelates and their curates do receive and derive their church power from, and are fubor- dinate in its exercife to, another head than Chrift : therefore they mould not be received, &c. The firft propofition cannot be denied, the fecond is proved thus : Thofe officers in the church, profeffing themfelves fach, that derive their church power from, and are fubordinate in its exercife to, a power truly architectonic and fupreme in the church (to wit the magistrate) befide Chriit, do derive their power from, and are fubordinate in its exercife to another head than Chrift Jefus ; but lb it is that prelates and their cu- rates do derive, &c. Therefore — — -The major is e- vident % for whofoever hath a fupreme architectonic power in and over the church, muft be a head to the fame, and the fountain of" ali church-power. The minor is alfo clear, from the foregoing hiftorical de- duction, manifefting the prefent prelacy to be grofs eraftianifm ; for the difpofal of the government of the church is declared by law to be the crown-right, and and an inherent perpetual prerogative, and thereupon the bilhops are reitored to the epifcopal function ; it is exprefsly declared, that there is no church power in the church office-bearers, but what depends upon, and is fubordinate unto the fupremacy, and authorized by the bifhops, who are declared account- able to the king for the adminiftration ; by virtue of which eccleiiaitic fupremacy, he put excommunica- tion 9 A HIND LET LOOSE. 285 tion and fpiritual cenfures, and consequently the pow- er of the keys, into the hands of perfons merely civile in the ad for the high commiflion. Hence it is clear, that as the fountain of all church government, he im- parts his authority to fuch as he pleafes, and the bi- mops are nothing elfe but his commiffionersin the ex- ercife of that ecclefiailic power, which is originally in himfelf, and that the curates are only his under clerks. All the ftrefs will ly in proving, that this mbnfter ct a fupremacy, from which the prelates and their cu- rates have all their authority, is a great encroachment on the glory of Chrift as king ; which will appear, if we wilt briefly confider theie particulars, i. It ufurps upon Chrilt's prerogative, who only hath all undoubt- ed right to this architectonic and magilterial dominion over the church, his own mediatory kingdom ; not only an effential right by bis eternal Godhead, being the everlafting Father, whofe goings forth hath been of old, from everlafting, Ifa. ix. 6. Mic. v. 2. in re- cognizance of which, we own but one God the Fa- ther, and one Lord, by whom are all things, and we by him, 1 Cor. viii. 6. but alfo a covenant-right, by compact with the Father, to bear the glory and rule upon his throne, by virtue of the counfei of peace between them both, Zech. vi. 13. A donative right by the Father's delegation, by which he hath all power given in heaven and in earth, Mat. xxviii. 18. and all things given into his hand, John iii. 35. and all judgment and authority to execute it, even becaufe he is the Son of man, John v. 22, 27. and to be head over all things to the church, Eph. i. 22. An inftitute right, by the Father's inauguration, who hath fet him as King in Sion, Pfal. ii. 6. and appoint- ed him governor, that (hall rule over his people Ifrael, Matth. ii. 6. An acquifite right, by his own purchafe, by which he hath merited and obtained, not only fub- jects to govern, but the glory of the fole fovereignty over them in that relation. A name above every name, Phil ii. 9. which is, that he h the head of the church, w 286 A HIND LET IO0SE. church, which is as much his peculiar prerogative, as to be Saviour of the body, Eph. v. 23. A bellical right by conqueft, making the people fall under him, Pfal. xlv. 4. and be willing in the day of his power, Pfal. ex, 3. and overcoming thofe that make war with him, Rev. xvii. 14. An hereditary right by proxi- mity of blood and promogeniture, being the firft born, higher than the kings of the earth, Pfal. lxxxix. 27. and the firft born from the dead, that in all things he might have the pre-eminence, Col. i. 18. An e- leclive right, by his people's choice and furrender, having a crown wherewith his mother crowned him in the day of his efpoufals, Cant. iii. laft verfe. By all which undoubted titles, it is his fole incommunica- ble prerogative, without a co-partner or competitor, co-ordinate or fubordinate, to be judge, and only lawgiver, and king in fpirituals, Ifa. xxxiii. 22. to be that one lawgiver, Jam. iv. 12. who only can give the power of the keys to his officers, (which compre- hends all the power they have) Matth. xvi. 9. to be that one Matter over all church officers, who are but brethren, Matth. xxiii. 8, 10. in whofe name only they muft perform all church acts, and all parts of their miniftry, and not in the name of any mortal, Matth. xxviii. 18, 19.' Matth. xviii. 20. from whom only they receive whatever they have to deliver to the church, 1 Cor. xi. 23. to be the only inftituter of his officers, who hath fet them in the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and gave them to the church, Eph. iv. 1 1. whole ambafladors only they are, 2 Cor. v. 20. from whom they have authority for edification of the church, 2 Cor. x. 8. 2 Cor. xiii. 10. in whofe name only they- are to aflemble, and keep and fence their courts, both the leaft, Matth. xviii. 20. and the greateft, Acts xv. But now alfo this 'is ufurped by one who is not fo much as a church-member, let be a church-of- ficer, as fuch : for the magiftrate is neither, as he is a magiftrate, otherwife all magiftrates would be church-members. Hence they that have all their power A HIND LET LOOSE. 287 power from a mere ufurper on Chriit's prerogative* who is neither member nor officer of the church, have none at ail to be owned or received as his lawful am- bafladors ; but the prelates and their curates have all their power from a mere ufurper on Chrift's preroga- tive, who is neither member nor officer of the church : Ergo 2. It confounds the mediatory kingdom of Chrift with, and fubjects it to, the kingly government of the world, removes the fcripture land-marks and limits between civil and ecclefiaftic powers in making the governors of the ftate to be governors of th« church, and denying all church-government in the hands of church-officers, diftinct from and independ- ent upon the civil magiftrate: which clearly dero- gates from the glory of Chrift's mediatory kingdom, which is altogether diftinct from, and not fubordinate to the government of the world, both in the old tef- tament and in the new. For, they have diftinct foun- tains whence they flow ; civil government flows from God Creator, church government from Chrift the Lord Redeemer, Head and King of his church, whofe kingdom is not of this world, John xviii. 36. though for this end he came into the world, that he fhould have a kingdom there,4fctrfe ^y. They have diftinct objects : civil government hath a civil object, the> outward man ; church government a fpiritual object, men confidered as Chriftians ; in the old teftament, the matters of the Lord are clearly diftinguiftied from the matters of the king, 2 Chron. xix. laft verfe. In the new teftament, there are matters of church cogniz- ance which do not at all belong to the civil magif- trate ; as, in the cafe of offence, they muft tell the church, not the civil magiftrate, Matth. xviii. 15, 20. In the cafe of excommunication, the church is to act by virtue of the power of the Lord Jefus Chrift, 1 Cor. v. 4, 5. not by the magiftrate's power; in the cafe of abfolution, the church is to judge what punifh. ment is fufficient, and what evidence of repentance is fufficieiu to remove it, 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7. So in the cafe of 283 A KIND LET LOOSE. of trial and ordination of minitters, &c. None of thofe belong to the magiftrate. They have diftinc; natures : the civil is a magifterial, the ecclefiaftic is a minifterial government ; the one is the power of the fword, the other of the keys; the one put forth in political punilhments, the other in ecclefiaftic cen- iures : Jn the old teftament, the magiftrate's power was coactive, by death, banifhment, confifcation, &c. Ezra vii. 26. the church, but putting out of the fynagogue, interdiction from facred things, &c. In the new teftament, the magiftrate's power is defcribed, Rom. xiii. to be that of the fword by punifhment ; tbe power of the church only in binding and looting, Matth. xvi. 19. They have diftinct ends, the end of the one being the good of the commonwealth, the o- ther the church's edification : In the old teftament, the end of the civil government was one thing, and of the church another, to wit, to warn not to trefpafs againft the Lord, in that forecited, 2 Chron. xix. 10. In the new teftament, the end of magiftratical power is to be a terror to evil works, and a praife to the good, Rom. xiii. 3. but the end of church power is edification, 1 Cor. v. 5. 2 Cor. x. 8. 2 Cor. xiii. 10. They have diftinct courts of^Jpcers : in the old tefta- ment, the diftinction of the civil and ecclefiaftic San- hedrim is known, where there were diftinct caufes, and perfons fet over them to judge them refpe&ively, 2 Chron. xix. laft verfe. In the new teftament, find officers given unto the church, 1 Cor. xii. 28. with no mention of the civil magiftrate at all, and church aflemblies diftinct from parliaments or fenates (yea, when the magiftrate was an enemy) determining qusltions that did net belong to the magiftrate at all, Acts xv. we have rulers diftinct. from the rulers of the commonwealth, 1 Theft, v. 12. whom we are to obey and iubmit ourfelves to as thofe who are ac* countable to Chrift only, tor to whom elfe can they give account5 of fouls ? Heb. xiii. 17. we have rulers inferior to labourers in word and doctrine, not to be honoured A HIND LET LOOSE. 289 honoured fo much as they : fure thefe cannot be civil rulers, 1 Tim. v. 17. we have rulers commended for trying impoftors, which were not magistrates, Rev. ii. 2. And others who are rebuked for fuffering he- reticks, ibid. ver. 14, 15, 20. which fuppofes they had authority to do it ; yet diftinct from and not de- pending on the magistrate. Befides it is from the con- fufion of the two governments together, and making the fupreme magistrate to be fupreme govejnor of the church, would follow many absurdities; as that they who are not church members mould be church-offi- cers, even heathen magistrates ; yea women mould be church-officers ; and none ihould be chofen for magiif rates, but fuch as have the qualifications of church-officers. See Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. pag. 190* Re&ius Inftruen. Confut. 1 Dial. chap. 6. pag. 50. Hence, they that in deriving iheir authority do con- found the two governments, civil and ecclefiaftic, and take it all from a mere civil power, cannot be owned as having any authority of Christ's inftitution : but the prelates and their curates, in deriving their authority, do confound the two governments civil and ecclefiaftic, and take it all from a mere civil power. This fame argument equally militates againff. hearing the indulged ministers, who have taken a licence and warrant from the ufurper of this Supremacy : becaufe it is highly injurious to Chriit's headfhip ; very con- trary to prcfbyterian principles ; clearly homologato- ry of the fupremacy ; plainly prejudicial to the power of the people ; very much eftablifhing eraftianifm ; fadly obstructive and destructive to the good of the church ; wronging our caufe and ground of fuffering; itrergthening the prelates hands ; contradictory to our covenants ; prejudging the meetings of God's people ; and heinouily icandalous and otfenfive : as is clear by, and unanfwerably proven in the hiltory of the indul- gence. IV. There is a neceflity that any man whom we may join with as a minister, muff, not only be a mini- O 0 iter, 29O A HIND LET LOOSE. fter, and a minifter clothed with ChrifVs commillion then, when we join with him, but he muft alfo have a right to adminifter there where we join with him. Elfe we can look upon him no otherwife than a thief and a robber, whom Chrift's fheep mould not hear, John x. 1 — 5. Now the prelates and curates, though they mould be accounted and acknowledged minifters, yet they have not a right to officiate where they have intruded themfelves. Hence we have feveral argu- ments, as i. They who have no juft authority, nor right to officiate fixedly in this church as the proper paftors of it, ought not to be received but withdrawn from : but the prelates and their curates have no juft authority, or right to officiate in this church as her proper paftors : therefore they ought not to be receiv- ed, but withdrawn from. All the debate is about the minor, which may thus be mace good. They who have entered into and do officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and confent, have no right fo to do : but the prelates and their curates have entered into and officiate fixedly in this church, with- out her authority and confent : Ergo — The major is nianifeft : for if this church have a juft right and power of electing and calling of minifters, then they who enter into and officiate fixedly in this church, without her authority and confent, have no juft autho- rity or right fo to do : But this church hath a juft right and power of ele&ing and calling of minifters, as all true churches have. And, if it were not evi- dent from what is faid above, might be eafily demon- ftrated from fcripture. The minor, to wit, that the prelates and their curates have entered into and offi- ciate fixedly in this church, without her authority and confent, is evident, from matter of fact : for there was no church-judicatory called or convocated, for bring- ing of prelates into this church j but on the contrary her judicatories were all cafhiered and discharged, and all her officers turned out to let them in ; and all was done immediately by the king and acls of parliament without A HIND LET LOOSE. figf without the church ; a practice wanting a precedent in this, and (for any thing we know) in all other churches : All that the curates can fay is, that they came in by the bifhop and patron, who are not the church, nor have any power from her for what they do ; all their right and power is founded upon and derived from the fupremacy, whereby the diocefan eraftian prelate is made the king's delegate and fub- ftitute, only impowered thereto by his law. This is Mr. Smith's 1 ft and 6th argum. If ' we fuppofe a ' particular congregation acknowledging their own * lawful paftor, and a few violent perfons arife and c bring in a minifter by plain force, and call out their ' lawful paftor ; are not the faithful in that church ' obliged to relinquifh the intruder, and not only dif- * countenance him, but endeavour his ejection :' This is our cafe, Naphtali, pag. 106. Sect. 5. firft e- dition. 2. If we cannot fubmit to thefe curates, with- out confenting to the great encroachments made up- on the privileges of this church, then we cannot fub- mit to them without fin ; but we cannot fubmit to them without confenting to the great encroachments made upon the privileges of this church : therefore we cannot fubmit to them without fin. The minor is all the queflion : but inftances will make it out. As firft, The robbing of the privilege of election of her paftors, and fubftituting the bondage of patrons pre- fentations, is a great encroachment upon the privi- lege of this church : but accepting of curates as rnini- fters lawfully called, notwithstanding that they want the election of the people, and have nothing for their warrant but a prefentation from the patron, were a confenting to that robbery and wicked fubftitution. It will be of no force to fay, Our forefathers did fubmit to this, and to a miniftry who had no other call. This is anfwered above in the narrative ; 'tis a poor confequence to fay, The pofterity may return back- ward, becaufe their forefathers could not advance fur- ther forward. Secondly, The thrufting out of lawful O o 2 rninifters 592 A HIND LET LOOSE. minifters without any caufe but their adhering to the covenanted work of reformation, and thrufting in o- thers in their rooms who denied the fame, is a great encroachment on the churches privileges ; but em- bracing and encouraging curates by countenancing their pretended miniftry, were a confenting to this violent extrufion and intrufion. The minor is proven thus. They who leave the extruded, and counte- nance the intruded, they confent to the extrufion and intrufion, and declare they confefs the intruded's right is better than his who is extruded : but they who embrace and encourage curates by countenancing their pretended miniftry, do leave the extruded, to wit, their old minifters, and countenance the intrud- ed : Ergo> To fay, that people, in this cafe, fhould proteft againft thefe encroachments is frivolous; for withdrawing is the beft proteftation : and if after their proteftation they ftill countenance the encroach- ment, they fhould undo their own proteftation. The fame argument will militate againft countenancing the indulged, or any that obtained authority to preach in any place by a power encroaching on the churches li- berties. There is an objection to be removed here, from Matth. xxiii. 2, 3. The Scribes and Pharifees fit in Mofes chair ; therefore whatever they bid you obferve, that obferve and do ; therefore they who, without a title, ufurp the office, may be heard. Anf. 1. The cafe is no- ways alike ; for then the Lord had no other church in the world but that, which was confined in its folemnities of worfhip to that place, where they intruded themfelves : he had not yet in- ftituted the New Teftament form of adminiftration, in its ordinances and officers. Therefore the head of the church being prefent might give a toleration, dur- ing pleafure : but it is not fo now. But, 2. Our Lord's words bear nq command for the people to hear them at all, but oily not to reject found doctrine, be- caufe it came from them : furely he would not bid vhem hear fuch, as he calls plants that his Father had fcfever A HIND LET LOOSE. 293 never planted, whom he bids let alone, Matth. xv. 13, 14. and who were thieves and robbers whom his fheep mould not hear. V. They mud not only be minifters, and acknow* ledged as fuch then and there, when and where we join with them ; but they mull be fuch as we can own church communion with in the ordinances admini- flrated by them, as to the matter of them. Other- wife if they pervert and corrupt their miniftry, by preaching and maintaining errors, either in doctrine, worfhip, difcipline, or government, contrary to the fcriptures, our confefTions, and principles of our co- venanted reformation, and contradictory to our teftl- mony founded thereupon, and agreeable thereunto, maintaining errors condemned thereby, or condemn- ing truths maintained thereby, we muft withdraw from them. For if any feek to turn us away from the Lord our God, we mufl put away that evil, and not con- fent nor hearken to them, Deut. xiii. 5, 8. We mull ceafe to hear the inftruction that caufeth to err from the words of knowledge, Prov. xix. 27. We mull have a care of thefe leaders that will caufe us to err left we be deftroyed with them, Ifa. ix. 16. we mud mark thefe who contradict the doctrine that we have learned, and avoid them, Rom. xvi. 17" If any man teach otherwife we mud withdraw ourfelves from fuch, 1 Tim. vi. 3, 5. If there come any, and bring not this doctrine, we muft not receive him, nor bid hifrt God fpeed, in that work of his preaching or practic- ing againfl any of the truths, we have received from the word, 1 John x. 11. Hence we mud not hear falfe teachers, who, in preaching and prayer, bring forth falfe doctrine contrary to the principles of our reformation ; but the curates are falfe teachers, who, in preaching and prayer, bring forth falfe doctrine, &c. Therefore we muft not hear them. The minor is certain, in that not only many of them are tainted with points of Popery and Arminianifm ; but all of fhem do teach falfe doctrine tending to feduce the hearers * 294 A HIND LET LOOSE. hearers : when in their preaching they cry up the lawfulnefs of prelacy, and vent bitter invectives againft prefbyterian government, condemn the work of re- formation, and inveigh againft the covenant, and fo teach and encourage people to follow them in openv perjury, and condemning all cur teftimony, as nothing but treafon and fedition ; which we are perfuaded is truth, and that therefore they are blafphemers : and in their prayers, fluffed with error, and larded with blafphemy, they reproach the work of reformation, and the power of godlinefs, and pray for a blefling on the prelates, and on their courfes which are curfed ; befides their parafitick prayers for the king, to be bleffed in his government when flated in oppofition to Chrift, and feveral other things that tender con- feiences cannot go along with them therein. And yet if they hear them, they muft go along and active- ly concur with them, as their mouth to God. If it be objected here, that this doth not ftrike againft all, nor againit any at all times, becaufe fome preach al- ways found doctrine, and all preach fometime found doctrine, and the like may be faid of their prayers-: therefore fometimes at leaft they may be heard. I an- fwer 1. This may be alledged for all hereticks, who do all at fometimes preach found doctrine, and yet thefe fcriptnres are ftiingent againft them at all times, which I have adduced ; for by thefe fruits which they bring forth at fometimes, they fhevv themfelves to be fuch as we muft beware of at all times. 2. We can- not know when they will preach found doctrine, fee- ing by their fubjection to that government, they are obliged to maintain prelacy, and impugn our cove- nanted conftitution. VI. They muft not only be fuch as we can join with in the ordinances as to the matter of them, but in 'he manner alfo they muft be fuch adminiftrators, as we are obliged in charity to think the Lord will approve of them, and their adminiftrations, and of us in our communion with them 3 or at leaft, that, in their manner \ A I^IND LET LOOSE. 295 manner of difpenfing ordinances, they be not fuch as we find are under a recorded- fentence of dreadful punifhment, both againtt them and their partakers : tor if it be fo, it is as fufficient a ground to withdraw from them, as for men to withdraw from a company flaying in a houfe, that they fee will fall and fmother them in its ruin j yea it is as warrantable to feparate from them, as for Ifrael to feparate themfelves from the congregation of the rebels who were to be con- fumed in a moment, Numb. xvi. 1 1. or for the Lord'£ people to come out of Babylon, that they receive not of her plagues, Rev. xviii. 4. Now we find that not only the prophets of Baal, and enticers to idolatry, and leaders to error upon the matter are threatened, and the people for adhering to them, but we find alfo (as is obferved by Reclius Inilruendum confut. dial chap. 1. pag. 21.) many terrible charges and adjura- tions laid upon miniilers, in reference to a faithful diligence in their minifterial function, and a fuitable teftimony concerning the fin and duty of the time, that they are commanded to cry aloud and fhew the people their fin, Ifa. lviii. 1. and as they would not have the blood of fouls upon them, to give faithful warning touching the peoples cafe and hazard, fin and duty, eipecially in times of great fin and judg- ment, when God is terribly pleading his controverfy with them, Ezek. iii. 17. therefore they muft be in- llant in feafon and out of feafen, 2 Tim. iv. 2. And for their negligence and unfaithfulnefs herein, we find many fcripture woes and threatening* thundered a- gainft them. When in the deceit of their own heart they promile allured peace, when the Lord is plead- ing againfi a generation, they are threatened to be confumed with fword and famine, and the people to whom they prophefy mail be call out in the ftreets, Jer. xiv. 13, 15, 16. therefore we dare not admit them to prophefy to us. When they ftrengthen the hands, and harden the hearts of evil doers, that none doth return from his wicksdnefs, the Lord threatens to ig& A HIND LET LOOSE. to feed them with wormwood, and commands not to hearken to them, Jer. xxiii. 14. — 16. their blood Jhall be required ,at their hands, Ezek. iii. 18. one builds a wall, and another daubs it with untempered morter, then ye, O great halftones fhall fall, and they fhall be confumed in the midff. thereof, Ezek. xiii. 10, 11, 1 a, 18, 22. we dare not join with either builders or daubers of fuch a work, as is carried on to the difhonour of Chrift and ruining of reformation, lior by our countenance and concurrence ftrengthen either builders or daubers ; left we alfo be confumed in the midfl: thereof. When there is a confpiracy of the prophets, and the priefts violate the law, and pro- fane holy things, and fhew no difference between the, unclean and the clean, then the Lord will pour out his indignation upon all, Ezek. xxii. 25,- — to the end. We would endeavour to keep ourfelves free of having any hand in that confpiracy. Thefe fcriptures do give the perfect pourtraclure of our curates, in the convic- tion of all that know them. Hence we draw a com- plex argument : fuch minifters as can do no good by their miniftry, but a great deal of hurt to their hear- ers, and expofe themfelves and them both to the in- dignation of a jealous God, are not to be heard ; but the curates are fuch as can do no good by their mini- ftry, but a great deal of hurt to their hearers, and ex- pofe themfelves and them both to the indignation of the jealous Lord : therefore they are not to be heard. The connexion of the major is clear from what is fatd above. The minor is alfo evident from the applica- tion of thefe fcriptures, thus : they that in the deceit of their own heart promife peace to, and ftrengthen the hands of evil doers, and give them not warning, but feduce them by daubing their wickednefs, and fhew no difference between the unclean and the clean, &c. are fuch as can do no good by their miniftry, but a great deal of hurt to hearers, and expofe themfelves and them both to the indignation of God ; but the curates are fuch, and all others who are fo unfaithful as A HIND LET LOOSE. 297 as to give no warning againft, but juftify the fins of the times. To be fhort, the minor of both thefe fore- going arguments is evident from the experience of all that go to the curates, who wrong thereby their own fouls, mar their edification ; and run to citterns with- out water. What blefling can be expected upon the labours of fuch, who having perjured themfelves in taking on with the prelates, are proiecuting that courfe of defection, and making themfelves captains to lead the people back to Egypt, encouraging profanity and wickednefs, being themfelves patterns and patrons of the times corruptions ? And feeing a blefling cannot be expected upon their labours, but rather a curfe, as daily, experience maketh good, when inftead of any work of converfion or conviction among peo- ple, there is nothing feen but a fearful hardening in profanity, ignorance and atheifm : fo that many that feemed to have fomewhat like religion before, through hearing of them, are turned loofe and lax in all duties : yea never can it be inftanced thefe twen- ty-feven years, that they have brought one foul to Chrifl, from darknefs to light, and from the power of Satan unto God : but many inftances might be given of their murdering fouls, as indeed they cannot be free of it, who cannot warn nor declare the whole counfel of God. Hence thefe who cannot but be foul-murderers, may not be heard nor entertained as foul-phyficians ; but the curates cannot but be foul- murderers. Again, we can expect no good from them, but a great deal of hurt ; feeing their miniftry is not the Lord's ordinance, which he will approve, and no performances can be acceptable unto the Lord which are not, in manner as well as in matter, agree- able to his will : hence the wickednefs even of the Lord's lawful priefls, not only caufed the people to ^abhor the offerings of the Lord, but even the Lord himfelr to abhor his fanctuary, and to account their incenfe an abomination, fo that he could not away with the calling of their affemblies, which yet upon P p the 598 A HIND LET LOOSE. the matter were duties. Should not we then hafe that which the Lord hates, and withdraw from that which he hath forfaken ? But the meetings of the cu- rates for adminiftration of ordinances in their way, the Lord hates, and hath fignally forfaken : therefore we mould hate and forfake them. This is confirmed by what Mr. Durham fays in that digreflion about hearing, Rev. 1. page 55. in quarto, ' Seeing edifica* s tion is God's gift, can it be expected but in his way, c or can that be accounted his way which he hath not 4 warranted/ VII. As we would not partake of their judgment in countenancing of their' adminiftration of ordinances, fo we would keep ourfelves free from all participation of their fin ; for we mufl not be partakers with any in fin, nor have fellowfiiip with the unfruitful works of darknefs, that we muft reprove, *and that we find the Lord reproves and condemns, Eph. v. 7, r 1. and not only minifters in ordaining, but people in hear- ing, may be in hazard of partaking of fome mens fins, who enter into the miniftry, 1 Tim. v. 22. we muft. keep at the great eft diftance from fin : hence if we hear the curates without partaking of their fin, then we muft not hear them ; but we cannot hear the curates without partaking of their fin : therefore we muft not hear them. The minor I prove. If hearing of them be a teflera of our incorporation with them, a teft of our fubmiflion to them, a badge of our com- pliance with them, and fign of our approbation of them, then we cannot hear them without partaking of tlieir fin ; but hearing of them is fuch : the major cannot be denied, if prelacy and conformity therewith be fin, as is in part proven above : for if thefe be fins, then we muft not incorporate with, nor fubmit to them, nor comply with them, nor approve them. The minor I prove by parts, i. Hearing of curates is a teffera of our incorporation with them ; for com- munion in facred things doth infer an incorporation of the communicants or joiners in all cafes, both in lawful A HIND LET LOOSE. 299 lawful and unlawful communions, 1 Cor. x. 1 7.- , 20. All partakers of the bread are one body, and they which eat of the facrifices are partakers of the al- tar ; and alfo they that partake of the facrifice offered to devils, though they do not offer it fo themfelves, yet they are incorporate, and have fellowfhip with devils. And 2 Cor. vi. 14. 17. where they that do not come out, and are feparate from unlawful communions, are expoflulated with, as making an. unequally yoked fellow/hip between iighteoufnefs and unrighteouihefs, light and darknefs, Chrift and Be- lial, the temple of God and idols : hence then, if we cannot partake of their facred things, without partak- ing of their altar, and becoming one body with them, and making fuch an unequally yoked mixture with them, then we muft be feparate ; but the firft is true from thefe places. This argument concludes with e- qual force, againlt joining with any deeply engaged in the grofs defections of the time. 2. Hearing of curates is a teft of our fubmiffion to them, and com- pliance with them : for fo it is required by law, as the acfs themfelves fay, ' That a chearful concur- * rence, countenance, and afliilance given to fuch * minifters, and attending all the ordinary meetings i for divine worfhip, is an evidence of a due acknow- * ledgment of, and hearty compliance with his majef- e ty's government ecclefiaftical and civil, as now elta- ' blifhed by law within this kingdom," Acl: of Pari. July 10, 1663. And themfelves look on all fuch as obey this ad as their friends. Hence, if this be fin* ful to fubmit to them, and comply with their efta- blifhment, in obedience to a fmful act of parliament, then it is linful to hear them ; but the former is true, as hath been fhown : Therefore 3. Hence it fol- lows, by native confequence, that hearing of curates is a fign of our approbation of them : tor he that gives that which is required, and accepted, and in- terpreted as an evidence of a due acknowledgment, and of compliance with the government ecclefiaftical, P p 2 gives ^OO A HIND LET LOOSE. gives the fign of his approbation of it ; but the hear- er of curates does that in obedience to the act requir- ing, accepting, and exprefly interpreting It fo : therefore, &c. VIII. As we would be free of their fin, in approv- ing of, and complying with their courfe ; fo we muft endeavour to ftand at the greateft diftance from all appearance of fin in ourfelves, either by commifiion or omiiiion, in which our joining with them in thefe circumftances would involve us. For we muft ab- ftain from all appearance of evil, 1 ThefT. v. 22. and from every thing that circumftances may make finful: for otherwife, fuppofe a thing might be materially lawful and not finfully finful, yet circumftances may1 make it finful, and a countenancing it fo circumftan- tiated, doth infer a communion in thefe circumftan- ces that makes it finful. They that eat of the facri- fice are partakers of the altar, and if the altar be not of God's approbation, the thing offered, though o- therwife lawful to be eaten, cannot juftify the eaters, fo circumftantiated. An idol is nothing, and that which is offered, in facrifice to idols is nothing, yet they who eat of it, when they know it is fo circum- ftantiated, have fellow fhip with devils, 1 Cor. x. 18, 19, 20, 2:1. And it is called idolatry, comp. verfe 14. which provokes the Lord to jealoufy, verfe 22. Efpecially when an action is fo circumftantiated, that it would infer an omiflion of our duty, and a declin- ing from or denying of our teftimony, then it is clearly finful. For whofoever fhall deny the Lord before men, him will he deny before his Father, Matth. x. 33. And we muft ' hold faft the profef- 4 fion of our faith without wavering/ Heb. x. 23. and ' keep the word of his patience,' if we would be kept in the hour of temptation, and hold it faft that no man take our crown, Rev. iii. 10, 11. 'All t truth muft be avowed, and practically avowed, on ' the greateft hazard : and as this teftimony muft be ; full, fo muft it be alfo conftant. It was Demas's 1 (names A HIND LET LOOSE. 30* 1 fhame, that the afflictions of the gofpel made him c forfake the apoftle, after great appearances for c Chrift : and therefore whatever truth or duty is * oppofed, that becomes the fpecial object of this tef- * timony.' Rectius inflruend. confut. 3. Dial. Chap. 1. Pag. 18, 19. Hence, if hearing of the curates would infer and involve us under the guilt both of commiflion of (in, and omiffion of duty, then we cannot hear them without fin ; but the former is true : therefore alfo the latter. 1 prove the minor by parts. Firft, That it would infer and involve us under the guilt of commiflion of fin, all that is faid above doth evince it ; and befides, palpable breach of covenant, hereafter to be charged and cleared : and idolatry is a great fin of that nature ; but the hearing of the curates doth infer this. Which may be made out thus ; the breach of the fecond com- mandment is idolatry, (for to make the fins againil that command odious, they are all comprehended un- der that odious name of worfhipping images, p.s the fins againft the feventh are called adultery, compre- hending all unchafte thoughts, words, and actions) ; hearing of curates is a breach of the fecond com- mand : Ergo The minor I prove thus : E- very worfhip, not according to Chrift's appointment, is a breach of the fecond commandment ; but hear- ing of curates is a worfhip not according to Chrift's appointment. Which I prove thus : a worfhip en- joined by, and performed in obedience to a law, e- ltablifhing a human ordinance in the church, befides and againft the inftitution of Chrift, is a worfhip not according to Chrift's appointment ; but the hearing of curates is a worfhp enjoined by, and performed in obedience to a law eftablifhing a human ordinance, to wit Diocefan Eraftian prelacy, with the curates their fubftitutes. Hence alfo the fecond doth follow by necef- fary confequence, that it would infer and involve us un- der the guilt of omiffion of duty. For, firft, If re- ductively $©$ A KIND LET LOOSE. du&ively it may involve us under the guilt of idola- try and breach of the fecond commandment, then it will infer the guilt of omiffion of thefe neceflfary du- ties incumbent to the Lord's people with a reference to idolatry; to make no covenant with them nor with their gods, nor let them dwell in the land, left they make us fin, Exod. xxiii. 32. 33. Exod. xxxiv. 14, 15. to overthrow their altars, and break their pillars, and deftroy the names of them out of the place, Deut. xii. 3. Judg. ii. 2. I do not adduce thefe precepts, to ftretch them to the full meafure of the demerit of the groffeit of idolaters : for as there are degrees of breaches of the commandment, fome groffer, fome fmaller, fo there are alfo degrees of punilliment, and as to the manner of deftroying and extirpating all pieces of idolatry ; but that the com- mands being founded upon a moral ground, left they be fins and fnares unto us, do oblige us to fome endeavour of expelling, extirpating and overthrow- ing all pieces of idolatry, according to the word and our covenants ; * and that the true and right zeal of ' God fhould and would not only infpire all with an * unanimous averfion againft the profane intruding 6 curates, but animate us as one man to drive away 4 thefe wolves and thieves, and to eradicate thefe * plants which our heavenly Father never planted,* Naph. Prior edit. pag. 108. The leaft duty that can be inferred is that of the apoftles, flee from idolatry, 1 Cor. x. 14. which idolatry, there mentioned to be avoided, is to eat of the facrifices offered to idols : whence we infer, that if to eat of things confecrated to idols be idolatry, then alfo to partake of facred things confecrated by idols mull be idolatry ; as the curates difpenfing of ordinances is confecrated by, and hath all its fanclion from, an idol of Diocefan E- raftian prelacy ; but we fee the apoftle exprefTes the former : therefore we may infer the latter. Further, It will alfo infer a declining from, and denying a ne- eejjary tedimony, in the cafe circuinftantiated. Even the A MIND LET LOOSE. ^Oj the fmallefl: matter is gieat, when a teftimony is con-- cerned in it, were it but the circumftance of an open window j Daniel durft not omit it upon the greateft hazard. And now this is clearly come to a cafe o* confeffion, when there is no other way to exoner out 4 confciences before God and the world, and declare e our non conformity to this courfe of backfliding* ' no getting of wrongs redreffed, or corruptions in * the miniftry removed, but by this practice ; and c certainly fome way we muft give public teftimony ' againft thefe courfes, and there is no other way fo * harmlefs and innocent as this, though fuffering fol- ' low upon it/ Apol. Relat. Seel;. 14. 272, 273* And now there is no other way apparent, whereby the difference fhall be kept up betwixt fuch as honeft* ly mind the covenanted work of reformation, and the corrupt prelatical and malignant enemies ; but this argument alfo will infer the expediency of with* drawing from all minifters, with whom our circum^ ftantiate joining would involve us in a participation with their defections. IX. As we would endeavour to avoid fin in our-* felves ; fo we muft have a care to give no occafion of others finning, by our taking liberty in a promifcu- ous joining in church communion, whereby we may offend and ftumble the confeience of others : for to that, in this as well as in other things, we muft have a fpecial refpeft, and forbear things, not only for our own unclearnefs, but for the fake of others alfo* If therefore the hearing of curates be a fcandal, we muft refufe it, be the hazard what will : for ' whofo * fhall offend one of Chrift's little ones, it were bet- * ter for him that a milftcne were hanged about his ' neck/ Matth. xviii. 6. ' No man rruft put a * ftumbling block, or an occaiton to fall in his bn> * ther's way/ Rom. xiv. 13. They that ' fin fo a- * gainft the brethren, and wound their weak con- science, they fin againft Chrift/ 1 Cor. viii. 12, we muft forbear fome things for confeience fake. onfcien.ee> 504 A HIND LET LOOSE. * Confcience, I fay, not our own, but of others, 6 giving none offence, neither to the Jews, nor * to the Gentiles, nor to the church of God,' 1 Cor. x, 28, 29, 32. and fo e cut off all occafion from ' them that defire occafion,' 2 Cor. xi. 12. * Thefe * commands difcharge whatever practice gives occa- * fion of our brother's finning, of calling truth in c queftion, of acting with a doubting confcience. or ' which weakens his plerophory or affurance ; and * neither the lawfulnefs nor indifferency of the thing * itfelf, nor mens authority commanding it, nor the * weaknefs, yea, or wickednefs of thofe in hazard to * be fcumbled, will warrant the doing of that out of 1 which offence arifes,' Reclius Inftruend. Confut. 3. Dial. chap. 1. p. 19. Mr. Durham in that forecited place faith, ' It carries offence along with it ; in re- 4 ference to the party who runs unfent, it proves a 1 ftrengthening and confirming of him, and fo a par- * taking of his fin ; in reference to others, either c ftrengthens them by that example, to caft them- * felves in that fnare, which poffibly may be their ru- f in ; or it grieves them, and makes them fad, who * are tender of fuch things, or gives occafion to make ' all difference of that kind to be thought light of.' Hence, it hearing of the curates be an offence or fcan- dal, both in reference to malignants, and in refe- rence to the godly, and in reference to the pofterity, then it muft be avoided ; but the former is true : which is evidenced by parts. Firft, in reference to malignants, it hardens and encourages them in their oppofition to the work of God, and all backfliders and compliers with them in their apoftacy ; this ftrengthens their hands in their wicked courfes, when they fee how they are countenanced by all, and that there is no difrefpe£t. put upon them, nor diffatisfac- tion evinced againft their courfes, then they conclude that they are approven of all : and this hardeneth them, fo that they never once think of the evil of their ways. Next, in reference to the godly, it ftumbles A HIND LET LOOSE. 305 ftumbles the truly tender, by encouraging them to do contrary to their light and confcience, even when they are not clear to hear them, then they are em- boldened thereunto when they fee others doing fo ; and fo it tends to the wounding of their peace, and makes them halt in the ways of the Lord. Lafrly, With reference to pofterity, it would prejudge them very much : though now the honeft party be not in a capacity to tranfmit the work of reformation unto their pofterity, in fuch a manner as were to be wifh- ed : yet they mould do fomething for keeping frefh the memory of the good old caufe, by keeping up fome footfteps of a ftanding controverfy for Zion's in- tereft againft the common enemy : but now let all join with, and own the curates, what appearance of this (hall the pofterity fee ? fhall not they conclude that the day is loft, and the caufe is gone, when they fee that this generation hath fled the fields, or rather fold and betrayed the caufe, by owning, countenan- cing, and complying with the enemy, and no ftand- ing teftimony againft thefe corruptions ? whereas if there were but this much of a ftanding difference, betwixt the people of God and the common enemies of God, to be feen, pofterity (hall in fome meafure be kept from being deceived, and fhall fee the inter- cft of Chrift not killed nor buried quick, but living, though in a bleeding condition, and this will occa- fion their eng?ging for Chrift, and interefting them- felves in the quarrel ; and it is far better to fee the caufe of Chrift owned, though by fuffering and blood, than fold and betrayed by bale flenching and complying with perfecutors. This argument may al- io found and infer a withdrawing from the addrefling minifters, who, to the great fcandai of prefbyterians, give forth their addrefles in the name of all of that perfuafion. X. Our duty to themfelves, yea our greateft office of love we owe to them, in order to their conviction, does oblige us to withdraw from them. This may Qjl feenv 306 A HIND LET LOOSE. feem a paradox, yet it will be apparent, if we fearch the fcriptures, to fee what we owe to fcandalous bre- thren. There we find it is a duty, to endeavour by all lawful means to fhame them out of their fin ; and it is an argument of hatred, when we do not rebuke our neighbour, or when we fuffer fin upon him, Lev. xix. 17. If we confider them then as neigh- bours and friends, we mud ufe endeavours to take a- way their fin from them j if we confider them not as fuch, but as enemies, then we muft avoid them, and not be mingled with them, as I could adduce many fcriptures for that. But 1 fuppofe all that will oppofe my thefis, would have them confidered as friends. Well then, if they be fcandalous brethren, this is the way prefcribed by the apoftle to deal with them, in or- der not tofufferfin upon them, that wefhould withdraw from them our company ; and if we muft withdraw our company, then alfo a fortiori, we muft deny them our religious communion : for that muft either be included there, or neceflarily inferred. He writes, not to keep company : If any man that is called a brother (mark that efpecially) be a fornica- tor, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer, or an extortioner, with fuch an one no not to eat, 1 Cor. v. u. And 1 prefume they that know them bed, will grant, that it would not be hard to prove, that all the curates in Scotland were chargeable with fome of thefe, or at leaft partakers with them ; and that if they were all impartially impannelled, they would be rare ones, whom an honeft jury would not bring in guilty of this libel. Then we are exprefly command- ed, ' in the name of our Lord Jefus Chrift, to with- * draw ourfelves from every brother that walketh dif- 6 orderly, and not after the received tradition. And < if any man obey not the word, to note him, and * have no company with him, that he may be afham- ' ed,' 2 Theff. iii. 6, 14. Sure neither their office nor their innocency can exempt them from thefe rules. For either rhey muft be confidered as our brethren ; A HIND LET LOOSE. 307 brethren ; or not ; if not, then we own no church communion with them ; for that is only among bre- thren that are fo in fympathy and affection, and affi- nity, having one father and one mother, if they be brethren, then all fcandalous brethren are to be withdrawn from ; but they are fcandalous brethren : therefore they are to be withdrawn from. The mi- nor will not be doubted by any, but fuch as are ftrangers to them, who both in their minifterial and perfonai capacity are fo fcandalous to the conviction of all, that profanenefs hath gone forth from them into all the land, and they as much as ever the pro- fane fons of Eli, have made men to abhor the offer- ing of the Lord, 1 Sam. ii. 17. But even ftrangers, that are unacquaint with their perfonai profligatenefs and ignorance, &c. cannot be altogether ignorant of the fcandal of prelacy and eraflianifm, in which they are involved, of the fcandal of apoflafy, perjury, and breach of covenant, which is their brand, and the nation's bane, that hath countenanced them. And none can doubt, but if our church were duly confti- tute, and invefted with the orderly power of Chrift, and in capacity to exercife and improve it, they would foon be cenfured every foul of them as fcandalous, as they have been alfo previoufly fentenced as fuch, by the ads of our general afiemblies. This argument levels alfo againft alt complying, indulged, addreffing minifters, who by thefe courfes have incurred the character of diforderly brethren. XI. Our faithfulnefs to God, and to one another, engaged in our covenants, doth oblige us to turn a- way from them who have broken it, and fo clafTed themfelves among thefe truce breaking traitors, who make our times perilous, from whom we muff, turn away, 2 Tim. iii. 1,— — 5. It appears from the foregoing deduction, how folemnly thefe nations were engaged, both to keep out and put out this ge- neration of prelatifts, now prevailing ; the obligation of which yet lies upon all the inhabitants of the land, 308 A HIND LET LOOSE. with a binding force, both in regard of their form, and object and end. Hence, if the curates be cove- nant-breakers, and we alfo in owning them, then we cannot own them without fin ; but the curates are covenant-breakers, and we alfo in owning them : Er- gc The minor may be manifeft by an induction of all the arricles of the folemn league and covenant, broken by them, and all that own them. i. That doctrine, worfhip, difcipline and government in the ift article, fworn to be preferved and propagated, was the prefbyterian then eftablifhed, which our church was in poffeffion of, which they have oppofed, and their owners refiled from, and have not main- tained. 2. We are engaged in the 2d article, to en- deavour the extirpation of prelacy, and its depen- dents ; which is diametrically oppofite to owning of curates : can we own them whom we are bound to abhor ? and fubmit to them whom we are bound to extirpate ? Surely this were to rebuild what we have deftroyed, fee Napht. p. 104. and fince in relation to popery, herefy and fchifm, this article obliges us to difown, and not to hear papifts and fchifmatics, why not alfo in relation to prelatitts, who are great- eft fchifmatics ? 3. They have eftablifhed and homo- logated an eraftian fupremacy, to the prejudice of true religion, and the liberties of the chuich and kingdom ; and their owners have abetted and coun- tenanced the fame, and not preferved either the liber- ties of church or kingdom, contrary to the 3d arti- cle. 4. They have not only concealed and counte- nanced malignant enemies to this church and king- dom, but have themfelves been real incendiaries, hindering the reformation cf religion, making fac- tions and parties among them contrary to this league and covenant : and their hearers are fo far from bringing them to condign punifhment, that they have ftrengthened their hands in their avowed oppo- sition to the covenants, contrary to the 4th article. 5. They have broken our conjunction in firm peace and A HIND LET LOOSE. 309 and union, and yet their hearers have not marked and avoided thefe caufers of divifions, contrary to fcripture, and the 5th article. 6. Inftead of aflifting and defending all thefe that entered into this league and covenant, &c. they have been the greateft perse- cutors of all them that adhered to it ; and their own- ers have fuffered themfelves, by combination, or per- fuafion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from their fuffering brethren, and have made defection to the contrary part, and given themfelves to a detefta- ble indiiFerency in this caufe, contrary to the 6th ar- ticle. 7, Inftead of humbling themfelves for their fins, and going before others in the example of a real reformation, they have obftinately defended their breach of covenant, and have been patrons and patterns of all deformations ; and their owners and hearers have not repented of that neither, when they counte- nance fuch covenant-breakers and profane perfons, nor of their not labouring for the purity and power of the gofpel when they feek it from fuch impure hands : neither do they go before others in reforma- tion, when they are fuch bad examples of defection, contrary to the conclufion of the covenant. This ar- gument will alfo flrike againft hearing of fuch mini- iters, that have made themfelves guilty of the fame, or equivalent breaches of covenant. XII. Finally, for union's fake, and to avoid fchifm in the bodv, we mult withdraw from them. This may feem another paradox ; but it is apparent, if we confider, ' That there mould be no fchifm in the bo- * dy, but that the members ihould have the fame care ' one for another,' 1 Cor. xii. 25. And that for to prevent and remeid this, the apoflle ' befeeches us * to mark them which caufe diviiions and offences, * contrary to the doctrine which we have learned, 6 and avoid them,' Rom. xvi. 17. Now then, if the prelates and their curates be fchifmatics and fepara- tifts, and dividers, then we rauft avoid and with- draw from them, but fo it is, that the prelates and their 310 A HIND LET LOOSE. their curates are fchifmatics and feparatifts, and dU viders : therefore we mull avoid and withdraw from them. The minor I prove from all the conftituents of a formed fchifm, feparation . and finful diviiion. i. They that (tart out from under due relations to a church, and from her miniftry, are fchifmatics, fepa- ratifts and dividers ; but the prelates and their cu- rates have ftarted out from under due relations to the covenanted church of Scotland, and from her mi- niftry, in being fo unnatural rebellious children, as have broken their mother's beauty and bands, order and union, and razed her covenanted reformation in doctrine, worfhip, difcipline and government. 2, Thefe who withdraw from the communion of a true church, and therefore are cenfurable by all her (land- ing acts, are fchifmarical feparatifts ; but the prelates and their curates have withdrawn from the commu- nion of the true church of Scotland, and therefore are cenfureable by all her (landing acts, in that they have made a faction and combination repugnant to the communion of this church, and all her eftablifhed order. 3. Thofe who feparate from a church, whofe principles and practices are fubfervient to that church's true union and communion, and right efta- bliihment, are properly fchifmatics ; but the prelates and their curates have feparated from this church, whofe principles and practices are fubfervient to its true union and communion, and right eftablifhment : for they could never yet impeach or challenge any principle or practice, contrary to the word of God, or not fubfervient to true union and order, but their principles and practices are dated in oppoftdon to her purity and reformation. Thofe who innovate the worftiip and government, owned and eftabliihed in a true church, are fchifmatics ; but the prelates and their curates have innovated the worfhip and govern- ment of the true church of Scotland, in bringing a doctrine new and odd, and not the voice of this church j and their worihip, over and above the cor- ruption A HIND LET LOOSE. 3U ruption adhering to it, is the worfhipping of an inno- vating party, contrary to our church's eftablifhed or- der. 5. They that make a rent in the bowels of the true and genuine church, are the fchifmatics ; but the prelates and their curates have made a rent in the bowels of this church, and have caufed all the divi- fions in this church. 6. Thofe that divide themfelves from the fellowfhip of a pure church, either in her miniftry, lawful courts and ordinances, are the fchif- maiics ; but the prelates and their curates have divid- ed themfelves from the fellowfhip of this pure church, in her miniftry, lawful courts and ordinan- ces, in that they have caufed the ejection of her mi- niftry, diffipation of her aflemblies, and fubverfion of her pure ordinances. 7. Thofe that break union with fuch, to whom they were under obligations to adhere, are fchifmatical dividers ; but the prelates and their curates have broken union with fuch to whom they were under obligations to adhere, both from the antecedent morally obliging duty, and from the fuperadded obligation of the covenants, neither could they ever pretend any thing that might loofe the obligation. 8. That party in a reformed church, which having overturned her reformation, hath fhut out, laid a fide, and perfecute away found adherers thereunto, both minifters and piofeflbrs, and will not admit minifters to officiate, but upon the finful terms of compliance with their way, are fchifmatics ; but the prelates and their curates are that party in this re- formed church, which having overturned her refor* mation, hath fhut out, laid afide, and perfecute a- way found adherers thereunto, &c. therefore they are the fchifmatics to be withdrawn from, and their way is the fchifm, which we are bound to extirpate in the covenant. HEAD 312 A HIND LET LOOSE. T HEAD II. The fufferings of many for refufin% to ozvn the tyrant's authority "vindicated. THE other grand ordinance of God, magiftracy, which he hath in his fovereign wifdom, juftice, and goodnefs, appointed, ordained, and eonfecrated, for the demonflration, illuftration, and vindication of his own glory, and the communication, conferva- tion, and reparation of the peace, fafety, order, li- berty, and univerfal good of mankind, is next to that of the miniftry of great concern : wherein not only the prudence, policy, property, and liberty of men, but alfo the confcience, duty, and religion of Chriftians, have a fpecial intereft. And therefore it is no lefs important, pertinent, profitable, and necef- fary for every one that hath any of thefe to care and contend for, keep and recover, to inquire into and underftand fomething of the inftitution, conftitution, nature, and boundaries of the facred ordinances of ma- gistracy, than into the holy ordinance of the miniftry ; io far at lead as may confift with the fphere of every one's capacity and ftation, and may conduce to the fa- tisfaclion of every one's confcience, in the difcharge of the duties of their relations. Every private man indeed hath neither capacity, concern, nor neceflity, to flu- dy the politics, or fearch into the fecrets, or intrigues of government, no more than he is to be verfed in all the adminiftrations of eccle/iaftical policy, and inte- refts of the miniitry ; yet every man's confcience is no lefs concerned, in didinguifhing the character of God's minifters of juftice, the magistrates, to whom he owes and owns allegiance, that they be not ufurp- ing tyrants, everting the ordinances of the magiftra- cy, than in acknowledging the character of Chrift's miniftei'c; A HIND LET LOOSE. 3 13 mmiiters of the gofpel, to whom he owes and owns obedience, that they be not ufurping prelates or im- porters, perverting the ordinance of the minifby. The glory of God is much concerned, in our owning and keeping pure and entire, according to his will and word, both thefe ordinances. And our con- fcience as well as intereft is concerned in the advan- tage or hurt, profit or prejudice, of the right or wrong, obfervation or prevarication, of both thefe or- dinances ; being interfiled in the advantage or magif- tracy, and hurt of tyranny in the itate, as well as in the advantage of the miniflry, and hurt of diocefan, or eraftiaii fupremacy in the church ; in the advantage of liberty, and hurt of flavery in the ftate, as well as in the advantage of religion, and hurt of profanenefs in the church ; in the profit of laws, and prejudice of prerogative in the ftate, as well as in the profit of truths and prejudice of error in the church ; in the profit of peace and true loyalty, and prejudice of oppreflion and rebellicn in the ftate, as well as in the profit of pu- rity and unity, and prejudice of defection, and divifiori or fchifm in the church. So that in conscience, we are no more free to proflitute our loyalty and liberty abfoiutely, in owning every poileiibr of themagiftra- cy ; than we are free to proflitute our religion and faith implicitly, in owning every pretender to the miniflry. This may feem very paradoxical to fome, becaufe io dilibnant and difientient from the vulgar, yea almoft univerfal and inveterate opinion and practice of the world, that hitherto hath not been fo precife in the matter of magiftracy. And it may feem yet more ftrange, that not only fome mould be found to aiTert this ; but that any fhould be found fo ftricl and ftrait laced, as to adventure upon fullering, and even to death, for that which hath hitherto been feldom fcru- pled, by any that were forced to fubjection under a yoke, whicii they had no force to make off, and wherein religion feems little or nothing concerned ; for not owning the authority of the prefent pofTefTbrs of the place of government : which feems to be a R r queftioa 314 A HIND LET LOOSE. queftion not only excentric and extrinfic to religion, but fuch a ftate-queftion, as for its thorny intricacies and difficulties, is more proper for politicians and lawyers to difpute about, (as indeed their debates a- bout this head of authority, have been as manifold and multiplied as about any one thing) than for pri- vate chriftians to fearch into, and fuffer for, as a part of their teftimony. But if we will call off prejudices, and the tyranny of cuftom, and the bondage of being bound to the world's mind in our inquiries about ty- ranny, and fuffer ourfelves to ponder impartially the importance of this matter ; and then to (late the quef- tion right ; we mail find religion and confcience hath no fmall intereft: in this bufinefs. They muff have no fmall intereft in it, if we coiifider the importance of this matter, either extenfively, objectively, or fubjedtively. Extenfively confidered, it is the intereft of all mankind to know and be refolved in confcience, whether the government they are under be of God's ordination, or of the devil's adminiftration ? Whether it be rr>3- giftracy or tyranny ? Whether it gives fecurity for re- ligion and liberty, to themfelves and iheir pofterity r Or whether it induces upon themfelves, and entails upon the pofterity, flavery as to both thefe invaluable interefts ? Whether they have matter of praife to God for the bleflings and mercies of magiftracy, or matter of mourning for the plagues and miferies of tyranny, to the end they may know both the fins and fnares, duties and dangers, cafes and crifis, of the times they live in ? All men, that ever enjoyed the mercy of a right conftitute magiftracy, have experien- ced, and were bound to blefs God for the bleffed fruits of it : and, on the other hand, the world is full of the tragical monuments of tyranny, for which men were bound both to fearch into the caufes, and fee the effecls of fuch plagues from the Lord, to the end they might mourn over both. And from the begin- ning it hath been obferved, that as people's fins have always procured the fcourge of tyranny; fo all their miferies might be refounded upon tyrants encroach- ments A HIND LET LOOSE. 315 ments, ufurping upon or betraying their truft, and overturning religion, laws and liberties. Certainly mankind is concerned in point of intereft and con- fcience, to inquire into the caufe and cure of this e- pidernic diftemper, that hath fo long held the world in mifery, and fo habitually, that now it is become, as it were, natural to ly ftupidiy under it ; that is, that old ingrained gangrene of the king's evil, or com- pliance with tyranny, that hath long afflicted the king- doms of the world, and affected not only their backs in bearing the burden thereof; but their hearts into a lethargic ftupor of infenliblenefs ; and their heads in infatuating and intoxicating them with notions of the facrednefs and uncontroulablenefs of tyranny ; and their hands in infeebling and fettering them from all attempts to work a cure : or elfe it hath had another effect on many that have been fenfible of a touch of it ; even equivalent to that, which an ingenious author, Mr. Gee, in his preface to the divine right and ori- ginal of the civil magiftrate, (to which Mr. Durham is not abfonant) expounds to be the effect of the fourth vial, Rev. xvi. 8, 9. when in thefe dog days of the world, power is given to the fun of imperial, efps- cially popifh, tyranny, by their exorbitant ftretches of abfolute prerogative, to fcorch men with fire of furious oppreflions, they then blafpheme the name of God which hath power over thefe plagues, in their male-content complaints, grumblings, grudgings, and murmurings under the mifery, but they do not re- pent, nor give him glory, in mourning over the caufes promeriting fuch a plague, and their own acceflion in expofing themfelves to fuch a fcorching fun, nakedly without a fconce. Certainly this would be the reme- dy that confcience would fuggeft, and intereft would incite to, an endeavour either of allaying the heat or of fubtracting from it under a fnelter, by declining the oblique malignity of its fcorching r?ys. But will the world never be awakened out of this dream and do- tage, of dull and ftupid fubjection to every monfter that can mount a throne ? Sure at length it may be R r 2 expected 3*6 A HIND LET LOOSE. expeded, either confcience from within as God's de- puty, challenging for the palpable perverfion of this his excellent ordinance, or judgments from without, making fenfible of the effeds of it, will convince and confute thefe old inveterate prejudices. And then thefe martyrs for that univerfal intereft of mankind, •who got the fore-ftart and the firft fight of this, will net be fo flouted as fools, as now they are. And who knoweth, what prelude or preparative, foreboding and prefaging the downfal of tyranny, may be in its afpirings to this height of arbitrary abfolutenefs, and in the many queftions raifed about it, and by them impofed upon confeiences to be refolved. If we con- iider the object of this queftion ; as confcience can only clear it, fo in nothing can it be more concerned. It is that great ordinance of God, moft fignally im- preffed by a very facred and illuftrious character of the glorious majefty of the Moft High, who hath ap- pointed magiftracy ; in which, coniidering either its fountain, or dignity, ends, or effects, confcience muft have a very great concern. The fountain, or efficient caufe of magiftracy, is high and fublime. The pow- ers that are, be of God, not only by the all-difpofing hand of God in his providence, as tyranny is, nor only by way of naked approbation, but by divine in- inftitution ; and that not only in the general, by at leaft a fecondary law of nature, but alfo the fpecial inveftifure of it, in inftitution and conftitution, is from God ; and therefore they are faid to be ordained of God, to which ordinance we muft be fubjed, not only for wrath, but alfo for confcience fake : which is the great duty required in the fifth commandment, the firft commandment with promife ; that hath the priority of place before all the fecond table, becaufe the other commandments refped each fome one inte- reft, this hath a fupereminent influence upon all. But tyrannical powers are not of God in this fenfe. And it were blaiphemy to affert they were of the Lord's authorization, confcience cannot bind to a fubjedion tq A HIND LET LOOSE. $\J to this. Again, the dignity of magiftracy, ordained for the maintenance of truth and righteoufnefs, the only foundations of people's felicity, whether temporal or eternal, including the bonds and boundaries of all obedience and fubjection, for which they are intend- ed, and to which they refer, is fupereminent ; as that epithet of higher, added to the powers that are of God, may be rendered ; making them high and fub- lime in glory, whofe higheft prerogative is, That, being God's minifters, they fit in the throne of God, a- nointed of the Lord ; judging not for man, but for the Lord, as the fcripture fpeaks. To this confcience is concerned in duty to render honour as due, by the prefcript of the fifth commandment ; but for tyranny, confcience is bound to deny it, becaufe not due, no more than obedience, which confcience dare not pay to a throne of iniquity, and a throne of the devil, as tyranny may be called, as really as magiftracy is cal- led the throne of God. Next, confcience is much concerned in the ends of magiftracy, which are the greateft, the glory of God, and the good of mankind. And, in the effects of it, the maintenance of truth, righteoufnefs, religion, liberty, peace, and fafety, and all choiceft external bleffings ; but the ends and effects of tyranny are quite contrary, domineering for pleafure, and deftroying for profit. Can we think that confcience is nothing concerned here, that thefe great ends fhall be fubverted, and the effects preclud- ed ; and to that effect, that tyranny not only be fhrouded under a privilege of impunity, but by our fubjection and acknowledgement of it, as a lawful power, encouraged into all enormities, and licenfed to ufurp, not only our liberties, but God's throne by an uncontroulable fovereignty ? But if we confider the fubjettive concern of confcience, it muft be very graat, when it is the only thing thai prompts to fubjection, that regulates fubjection, and is a bottom for fubjection to lawful powers. If it were not out of confcience, men {hat are free born are naturally fuch lovers of liberty, and 3i8 A HIND LET LOOSE. and under corruption fuch lufters after licentioufnefs, that they would never come under the order of this or- dinance, except confirained for wrath's fake : but now, undemanding that they that refid the power, refill the ordinance of God, and they that refill fhali receive to fchemfelyes damnation, they mud needs be fubject, not only for wrath, but alio for confcience fake. If confcience were not exercifed in regulating our duty to magiftrates, we would either obey none, or elfe would cbferve all their commands promifcuouiiy, lawful or unlawful, and would make no difference either of the matter commanded, or the power com- manding : but now, underflanding that we mud obey God rather than man, and that we mud render to all their dues, fear to whom fear, honour to whom ho- nour, confcience regulates us what and whom to o- bey. And without confcience there is little hope for government to prove either beneficial or permanent ; little likelihood of either a real, regular, or durable fubjeciion to it. The difcernible (landing of govern- ment upon confcientious grounds, is the only thing that can bring in confcience, and a confcientious fub- miiiion to it ; it being the highed and raoft kindly principle of, and the ftrongeft and mod lading obli- gation to any relative duty. It will not be liberty of confcience, (as faith the late declaration for it) but reality of confcience, and government founded upon a bottom of confcience, that will unite the governed to the governors, by inclination as well as duty. And if that be, then there is needful a rule of God's re- vealed preceptive will, (the only cynofure and em- prefs of confcience, touching the founding and erect- ing of government, that it have the damp of God's au- thority. It muft needs then follow, that confcience hath a very great concernment in this queftionin the general, and that before it be forced to an abandoning of its light in a matter of fuch moment, it will rather oblige people-that are confcientious to differ the word that ty- rants can do ; efpecially when it is impofed and ob- truded A HIND LET LOOSE. 319 truded upon confidence, to give its fufferage and ex- prefs acknowledgment that the preient tyranny is the authority of God, which is fo vifible in the view of all that have their eyes open, that the meaneft capaci- ty that was never converfant in laws and politics can give this verdict that the conftitution and administra- tion of the government of the two royal brothers, un- der whofe burden the earth and we have been groan- ing thefe twenty-feven years pad, hath been a com- plete and habitual tyranny, and can no more be own- ed to be magiftracy, than robbery can be acknow- ledged to be a rightful pofTeffion, It is fo plain, that I need not the help of lawyers and politicians to de- monftrate it, nor launch into the ocean of their end- lefs debates in handling the head of magiftracy and tyranny : yet I (hall improve what help I find in our moft approved authors who have enlarged upon this queftion, (though not as I muft ftafe it) to dilucidate the matter in Then, and refer to the foregoing de- duction of the fucceffion of teftimonies againft tyran- ny, to clear it in Hypothefi. Whence we may fee the occafion, and clearly gather the foiution of the queftion, which is this : Whether a people, long eppreiTed with the en- croachments of tyrants and ufurpers, may difowa their pretended authority ; and, when impoled upon, to acknowledge it, may rather choofe to fuffer than to own it ? To clear this queftion: I fliall premit fome concef- fions, and then come more formally to refolve it. L It muft be granted the queftion is extraordinary, and never fo ftated by any writer on this head ; which makes it the more difficult and odious, becauie odd and fingular, in the efteem of thole who take up opinions rather from the number of votes than from the weight of the reafons of the aflerters of them. It will alfo be yielded, that this was never a cafe of con- feflion for Chriftians to fuffer upon. And the reafon of both is, becaufe, before thefe feven years paft, this was 320 A HIND LET LOOSE. was never impofed upon private and common fubjects to give an account of their thoughts and confcience a- bout the lawfulnefs of the- government they lived un- der. Conquerors and ufurpers fometimes have de- manded an acknowledgment of their authority, from men of greateft note and ftroke in the countries they have feized ; but they never fince the creation urged it upon common people, as a teft of loyalty j but thought always their laws and power to execute them on offenders, did fecure their fubjection. Or other- wife to what purpofe are laws made, and the execu- tion of them committed to men in power, if they be not thought a fufficient fence for the authority that makes them ; except it alfo have the actual acknow- ledgment of the fubjec~ts to ratify it ? Men that are really invefted with authority, would think it both a difparagement to their authority, and would difdain fuch a fufpicion of the queftionablenefs of it, as to put it as a queftion to the fubjecls, whether they own- ed it or not. But the gentlemen that rules us, have fallen upon a piece of unprecedented policy ; wherein they think both to involve the nation in the guilt of their unparalelled rebellion againft the Lord, by own- ing that authority that promotes it ; and fo fecure their ufurpations, either by the fuffrage of all that own them, or by the extirpation of the confcientious that dare not, with the odium and obloquy of being enemies to authority ; by which trick they think to bury the honour of their teftimony. Yet in fobriety without prophefying it may be prefumed, at the long run, this project will prove very prejudicial to their intereft : and herein they may verify that Scots pro- verb, \ o'er faft o'er loofe,' and accomplim thefe di- vine fayings, ' He difappointeth the devices of the. ' crafty, he taketh the wife in their own craftinefs, ' and the counfei of the froward is carried headlong.' For as they have put people upon this queftion, who would not otherwife have made fuch inquiries into it; and now finding they muft be refolved in confcience to A HIND LET LOOSE. 3 2 i to anfwer it, whenever they mall be brought before them ; upon a very overly fearch, they fee terrible tvranny vvrirten in legible bloody characters almoit on all adminiftrations of the government, and io come to be fixed in the verdict, that their confcience and the word of God gives of it ; fo it may be thought, this queftion now ftarted, for as defpicable begin- nings it hath, yet ere it come to a full and final de- ciiion, will be more enquired into through the world, and at length prove as fatal to tyranny, as ever any thing could be, and then they may know whom to thank. But however, though the queftion be extra- ordinary, and the fufTerings thereupon be unprece- dented, and therefore, among other contradictions that may be objected, that neither in hiftory nor fcripture we can find inftances of private people's refufing to own the authority they were under, nor of their fuf- fering for that refufal ; yet neverthelefs it may be du- ty without example. Many things may be done, though not againft the law of God, yet without a precedent of the practice of the people of God. Though we could not adduce an example for it, yet we can gather it from the law of God, that tyranny muft not be owned, this will be equivalent to a thou- fand examples. Every age in fome things muft be a precedent to the following, and I think never did any age produce a more honourable precedent, than this beginning to decline a yoke under which all ages have groaned. 2. It will be alfo gramed, it is not always indifp&n- fibly neceffary, at all times, for a people to declare their difclaim of the tyranny they are under, when they cannot (hake it off; nor, when they are ftaged for their duty before wicked and tyrannical judges, is it always neceilary to difown their pretended authori- ty pofitively ; when either they are not urged with queftions about it, then they may be filent in refe- rence to that ; or when they are impofed upon to give their judgment of it, they are not always oblig- S 3 ed, 322 A HIND LET LOOSE. ed, as in a cafe of confeflion, to declare all their mind, efpecially when fuch queflions are put to them with a manifeft defign to entrap their lives, or in- tangle their confcience. All truth is not to be told at all times ; neither are all queftions to be anfwered when impertinently interrogate, but may be both cautioufly and confcientioufly waved. We have Chrift's own practice, and his faithful fervant Paul's example, for a pattern of fuch prudence and Christi- an caution. But yet it were cruel and unchriftian ri- gour, to cenfure fuch as, out of a pious principle of zeal to God and confcience of duty, do freely and pofitively declare their judgment, in an abfolute dif- owning of their pretended authority, when pofed with fuch queftions, though to the manifeft detriment of their lives, they confcientioufly looking upon it as a cafe of confeflion. For where the Lord hath not per- emptorily aftricled his confeflbrs to fuch rules of pru- dence, but hath both promifed, and ufually gives his Spirit's conduct, encouraging and animating them to boldnefs, fo as before hand they fhould not take thought how or what they fhall fpeak, and in that fame hour they find it given them, it were preemp- tion for us to flint them to our rules of prudence. We may indeed find rules to know, what is a cafe of confeflion ; but hardly can it be determined, what truth or duty we are queftioned about is not, or may not be, a cafe of confeflion. And who can deny, but this may be in fome circumftance, a cafe of con- feflion, even politively to difown the pretended au- thority of a bloody court or council ? when either they go out of their fphere, taking upon them Chrift's fupremacj\ and the cognizance of the con- cerns of his crown, whereof they are judges noways competent ; then they muft freely and faithfully be declined. Or when, to the dimonour of Chrift, they blafpheme his authority, and the facred bounda- ries he hath prefcribed to all human authority, and will after* an illimited abfolute authority, refufing and A HIND LET LOOSE. 323 and discharging all offered legal and fcriptural re- ftri&ions to be put thereupon, (as hath been the cafe of the mod part of thefe worthy though poor mar- tyrs, who have died upon this head) then they muft think themfelves bound to difown it. Or \vhen they have done fome cruel indignity and defpite to the Spirit of God, and to Chrift' s prerogative and glory, and work of reformation, and people, in murdering them without mercy, and impofing this owning of their king, by whofe authority all is acted, as a con- demnation of thefe witneffes of Chrift their teftimony, and a juftification of their bloody cruelties againft them, which hath 'frequently been the cafe of thefe poor people that hath been ftaged upon this account : in this cafe, and feveral others of this fort that might be mentioned, then they may be free and pofitive in difowning this tefl of wicked loyalty, as the mark of the dragon of the fecular beaft of tyranny. And in many fuch cafes, when the Lord gives the fpirit, I fee no reafon but that Chrift's witneffes muft follow his pattern of zeal in the cafe of confeflion, which he witneffed before Pontius Pilate in afferting his own kingfhip, as they may in other cafes follow his pat- tern of prudence. And why may we not imitate the zeal of Stephen who called the council before whom he was ftaged ftiff-necked refifters of the Holy Ghoft, perfecutors of the prophets, and betrayers and mur- derers of Chrift the juft one, as well as the prudence of Paul ? But, however it be, the prefent teftimony againft this pretended authority lies in the negative, which obliges always, for ever and for ever ; that is to fay, we plead, that it muft never be owned. There is a great difference between a pofitive difown- ing and a not owning ; though the firft be not always neceffary, the latter is the teftimony of the day, and a negative cafe of confeffion, which is always clearer than the pofitive. Though we muft not alwavs con- fefs every truth, yet we muft never deny any. 3. It U confeffed, we are under this fad difadvan- S s 2 tage £24 A HIND LET LOOSE. tage befides others, that Dot only all our brethren, groaning under the fame yoke with us, will not take the fame way of declining this pretended authority, -nor adventure, when called, to declare their judg- ment about it, (which we do not condemn, as is faid, and would expect from the rules of equity and cha- rity, they will not condemn us when we find our- felves in conference bound to ufe gieater freedom) but aifo fome when they do declare their judgment, give it in terms condemnatory of, and contradictory unto our teflimony, in that they have freedom poii- tively to own this tyranny as authority, and the ty- rant as their lawful fovereign : and many of our mi- ni ft ers alfo are of the fame mind. And further, as we have few expr.efly afTerting our part of the debate, as it is now {tared ; fo we have many famous divines exprefly againft us in this point, as efpecially we find jn their comments .upon, Rom. xiii. among whom I cannot diflemble my forrow to find the great Calvin, faying, Ssepe folent inquirere, &c. ' Men often en- 4 quire, by what right they have obtained their power * who have the rule ! it fhould be enough to us that * they do govern j for they have not afcended to this ' eminency by their own power, but are impofed by f the hand of the Lord.' As alfo Pareus faung too much againft us. For anfvver to this, I refer to Mr. Knox's reply to Lethington, producing feveral tefli- rnonies of divines againft him upon this very head; wherein he mews, that the occafions of their difcour- fes and circumftances wherein they were ftated, were very far different from thofe that have to do with ty- rants and ufurpers, as indeed they are the moll con- cerned, and fmart moft under their fcourge, are in bed cafe to fpeak to the purpofe. , 1 fliall only fay, mens averment, in a cafe of confeience, is not an o- racle, when we look upon it with an impartial eye, in the cafe wherein we are not prepoffeffed : it will bear no other value, than what is allayed with the vmpeiiefticn? of fallibility, and moreover is contradic- ted A HIN.D LET LOOSE. 3? 5 ted by fome others, whofe teftimony will help us as much to confirm our perfuafion, as others will hurt us to infirm it. 4. But now when tyrants go for magiftrates, lefl my plea againfl owning tyranny, ihould be miftaken, as if it were a pleading for anarchy, I mufl alien, that 1 and all thofe I am vindicating, are for magiitracy, as being of divine original, inltitute for the common good of human and Chriftian focieties, whereunto every foul mufl be fubjecl:, of whatfoever quality or character, and not only for wrath but alfo for con- ference fake (though as to our foul and confeience, we are not fubjecl:) which whomever refifteth, relifteth the ordinance of God, and againft which rebellion is a damnable fin, whereunto (according to the fifth commandment, and the many reiterated exhortations of the apoltles) we mull be fubjecl:, and obey magi- ilrates, and fubmit ourfelves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's lake, whether it be unto the king as fupreme, &c. And we account it a hateful brand of them that walk after the flefh, to defpife govern- ment, to be prefumptuous, felf-willed, and not afraid to fpeak evil of dignities: and that they are filthy dream- ers, who defpife dominion, and fpeak evil of dignities : and of thofe things which they know not. We allow the magiflrate, in whatfoever form of government, all the power the fcripture, laws of nature and nations, or municipal do allow him ; afferting, that he is the keeper and avenger of both the tables of the law, hav- ing a power over the church, as well as the (late, fuit- ed to his capacity, that is, not formally ecclefiaftical, but objectively, for the church's good; an external power, of providing for the church, and protecting her from outward violence, or inward diforder, an im- perate power, of commanding all to do their refpec- tive duties ; a civil power of punifhing all, even church- officers, for crimes ; a fecondary power of judicial ap* probation or condemnation ; or difcretive, in order to give $l6 A HIND LET LOOSE. give his fanction to fynodical refults ; a cumulative power, affifting and ftrengthening the church in all her privileges, fubfervient, though not fervile, co-or- dinate with church-power, not fubordinate (though as a chriftian he is fubject) in his own affairs, viz. ci- vil ; not to be declined as judge, but to be obeyed in ail things lawful, and honoured and Itrengthened with all his dues. We would give unto Caefar the things that are Caefar's, and to God the things that are God's ; but to tyrants, that ufurp and pervert both the things of God and of Caefar, and of the peoples liberties, we can render none of them, neither God's, nor Ca^far's, nor our own : nor can we from consci- ence give him any other deference, but as an enemy to all, even to God, to Caefar, and the people. And in this, though it doth not found now with court-pa- rafites, nor with others that are infected with royal indigencies and indemnities, we bring forth but the tranfumpt of old principles, according to which our fathers walked when they flill contended for religion and liberty, againft the attemptings and aggreflions of tyranny, againft both. 5. It mull be conceded, it is not an eafy thing to make a man in the place of magistracy a tyrant : for as ever)/ efcape, error, or act of unfaithfulnefs, even known and continued in, whether in a minifter's en- try to the miniftry, or in his doctrine, doth not unmi- niiter him, nor give fufficient ground to withdraw from him, or reject him as a minifter of Chrift : fo neither does every enormity, mifdemeanor, or act of tyranny, injuftice, perfidy, or profanity in the civil magiitrate, whether as to his way of entry to that of- fice, or in the execution of it, or in his private or per- fonal behaviour, denominate him a tyrant or an u- furper, or give fufficient ground to diveft him of ma- giltratical power, and reject him as the lawful ma- giflrate. It is not any one or two a&s contrary to the royal covenant or office, that doth denude a man of the royal dignity, that God and the people gave him. David A HIND LET LOOSE. 327 David committed two acts of tyranny, murder and a* dultery ; yet the people were to acknowledge him as their king (and fo it may be faid of fome others, own- ed ftill as kings in fcripture) the reafon is, becaufe though he finned againft a man or fome particular perfons, yet he did not fin againft the ftate, and the catholic good of the kingdom, fubverting law j for then he would have turned tyranr, and ceafed to have been lawful king. There is a- great difference between a tyrant in act, and a tyrant in habit ; the firft does not ceafe to be a king. But on the other hand, as every thing will not make a magiftrate to be a tyrant; fo nothing will make a tyrant by habit a magiftrate. And as every fault will not unminifter a minifter j fo fome will oblige the people to reject his miniftry, as if he tQrn heretical, and preach atheifm, Mahometan- ifm, or the like, the people, though they could not formally depofe him, or through the corruption of the times could not get him depofed ; yet they might re* ject and difown his miniftry : fo it will be granted, that a people have more power in creating a magi- ftrate, than in making a minifler ; and consequently they have more right, and may have more light in difowning a king, as being unkinged ; than in disown- ing a minifler, as being unminiftred. It will be ne- cefiary therefore, for clearing our way, to fix upon fome ordinary characters of a tyrant, which may dif- crimate him from a magiftrate, and be ground of difowning him as fuch. I fhall rehearfe fome, from very much approved authors ; the application of which will be as appofite to the two brothers, that we have been burdened with, as if they had intended a particular and exact defcription of them. Buchanan de jure regni apud Sco.tos, (hews, ' That the word ty- * rant was at firft honourable, being attributed to them ' that had the full power in their hands, which power ' was not aftricted by any bonds of laws, nor obnoxi- * ous to the cognition of judges ; and that it was the f ufual denomination of heroes, and thought at firft fo ' honourably 328 A HIND LET LOOSE. * honourable, that it was attributed to the gods : but ' as Nero and Judas were fotnetimes among the Ro- 1 mans and Jews names of greateft account, but after- 4 ward's by the faults of two men of thefe names, it ' came to pafs, that the moil flagitious would not have ' thefe names given to their children, fo in procefs of ' time, rulers made this name fo infamous by their ' wicked deeds, that all men abhorred it, as contagi- ' ous and peftilentious, and thought it a more light re- ' proach to be called hangman than a tyrant.* There- after he condefcends upon feveral characters of a tyrant, i. 'He that doth not receive a government ' by the will of the people, but by force invadeth 4 it, or intercepteth it by fraud, is a tyrant j and e who domineers even over the unwilling (for a king ' rules by confent, but a tyrant by conftraint) and pro- ' cures the fupreme rule without the peoples confent, 4 even tho* for feveral years they may fo govern, that ' the people fhall not think it irkfome.' Which very well agrees with the prefent gentleman that rules over us, who, after he was by public vote in parliament fe- cluded from the government, of which the (landing laws of both kingdoms made him incapable for his murders, adulteries and idolatries, by force and fraud did intercept firft an act for his fucceflion in Scotland, and then the actual fucceflion in England, by blood and treachery, ufurping and intruding himfelf into the government, without any compact with, or confent of the people ; though now he ftudies to make him- felf another Syracufan Hiero, or the Florentine Cof- mo de medices, in a mild moderation of his ufurped power ; but the weft of England, and the weft of Scotland both, have felt the force of it. 2. He does not govern for the fubjects welfare, or public utility, but for himfelf, having no regard to that, but to his own luft, * acting in this, like robbers, who cunning- ' ly difpofing of what wickedly they have acquired, do * feek the praife of juftice by injury, and of liberality * by robbery j fo he can make fome fhew of a civil ' mind j A HIND LET LOOSE. 329 * mind ; but fo much the lefs affurance gives he of it, * that it is itianireft, he intends not hereby the fubjects ' good, but the greater fecurity of hi; own lulls, and ' liability of empire over posterity, having fomewhat ' mitigated the peoples ha-red, which when he had ' done, he will turn back again to his old manners ; * for the fruit which is to follow, may eafily be known, * both by the feed and by the fower thereof/ An ex- act copy of this we have feen within thefe two years, oft before in the rule of the other brother. After God hath been robbed of his prerogatives, the church of her privileges, the date of its laws, the fubjects of their liberty and property, he is now af- fecting the praife, and captating the applaufe of ten- dernefs to confcience, and love of peace, by offering now liberty after all his cruelties j wherein all the thinking part of men do difcern he is profecuting that hellifh project, introducing popery and flavery, and overturning religion, law, and liberty. 3. The king- ly government is according to nature, the tyrannical againft it ; principality is the kingly government of a freeman amongft freemen ; the tyrannical a govern* ment of a mailer over flaves. Tyranny is againft na- ture, and a mafterly principality over flaves. Can he be called a father, who accounts his fubjecta flaves ; or a fliepherd, who does not feed, but de- vours his flock ? or a pilot, who doth always ftudy to make fhipwreck of the goods, and ftrikes a leak in the very (hip where he fails ? ' What is he then that 6 bears command, not for the people's advantage, 8 but fiudies only himfelf, who leadeth his fubjects in* ' to manifefl fnares ? Helhali not verily be accounted * by me either commander, emperor, or governor.' King James VI. alfo, in a fpeech to the parliament in the year 1609, makes this one character of a tyrant, when he begins to invade his fubjects rights and li- berties. And if th':s be true, then we have not had a king thefe many years : the foregoing deduction will demonflrate, what a flavery we have been under. T t 4. What 330 A HIND LET LOOSE. 4. What is he then, who doth not contend for virtufi with the good but to exceed the moll flagitious in vi- ces ? ' If you fee then any ufurping the royal name, * and not excelling in any virtue, but driving to ex- 4 ceed all in bafenefs, not tendering his fubjects good ' with native affection, but prefling them with proud f domination, efteeming the people committed to his e truft, not for their fafeguard, but for his own gain, ' will you imagine this man is truly a kingj albeit he ' vapours with a numerous levee-guard, and makes ' an oftentation of gorgeous pomp?' The learned Al- thufius likewife in his politics, chap. 38. Num. 15. (as he is cited by Jus Populi, chap. 16. p. 347. ) makes this one character of a tyrant, that ' living in 8 luxury, whoredom, greed and idlenefs, he neglect- ' eth, or is unfit for his office. ' How thefe fuit our times we need not exprefs ; what effrontery of impu- dence is it> for fuch monflers to pretend to rule by virtue of any authority derived from God, who pol- lute the world with their adulteries and inceits, and live in open defiance of all the laws of the univerfal king ; with whom to exceed in all villanies is the way to purchafe the countenance of the court, and to af- pire to preferment ? No Heligobaldus, Sec. could e- ver come up the length in wickednefs, that our ru- lers have profeffed. 5. He can transfer unto him- felf the flrength of all laws, and abrogate them when he pleafes. King James VI. in that forecited fpeech faith, a king degenerateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by law. Althufms alfo, in the fore- cited place, faith, f There is one kind of tyranny, 6 which confifteth in violating, changing, or remov- * ing of fundamental laws, fpecially fuch as concern ' religion ; fuch, faith he, Philip the king of Spain, * who, contrary to the fundamental Belgic laws, did * erect an adminiflration of juftice by force of arms ; * and fuch was Charles IX. of France, that thought ' to overturn the Salic law.' All that knoweth what hath been done in Britain thefe twenty-feven years, can A HIND LET LOOSE. 33! can atteft our laws have been fubverted, the reform- ation of religion overturned, and all our beft laws refcinded ; and now the penal ftatutes againft papifts difabled and Hopped, without and againft law. 6. He can revoke all things to his nod, at his pleafure. This is alfo one part of King James VI. *s character of a tyrant, when he fets up an arbitrary power ; and of Ahhufius, in the forecited place, ' when he makes * ufe of an abfolute power, and fo breaks all bonds ' for the good of human fociety.' We allow a king an abfolute power taken in a good fenfe, that is, he is not fubaltern, nor fubordinate to any other prince, but fupreme in his own dominions : or if by abfolute he meant perfect he is mod abfolute that governs beft, according to the word of God ; but if it be to be loofed from all laws, we think it blafpfyemy to af- cribe it to any creature. Where was there ever fuch an arbitrary and abfolute power arrogated by any mortal, as hath been claimed by our rulers thefe years paft ? efpecially by the prefent ufurper, who, in this liberty of confcience now granted to Scotland, af= fumes to himfelf an abfolute power, which all are to obey without referve, which carries the fubjects flave- ry many ftages beyond whatever the grand Signior did attempt. 7. For by a tyrant ftrangers are em- ployed to opprefs the fubjects : ' they place the efta- ' blifhment of their authority in the people's weak- * nefs, and think that a kingdom is not a procuration * concredited to them by God, but rather a prey fal- ' len into their hands ; fuch are not joined to us by ' any civil bond, or any bond of humanity, but * Ihould be accounted the moft capital enemies of 1 God, and of all men.* King James, as above fays, he is a tyrant that impofes unlawful taxes, raifes for- ces, makes war upon his fubjects, to pillage, plunder, wafte, and fpoil his kingdoms. Althufius as above, * makes a tyrant, who by immoderate exactions, and * the like, exhaufts the fubjects, and cites fcripture, * ler. xxii. 13, 14. Ezek. xxxiv. 1. Kings xii. 19. T t 2 Pfal 33* A HIND LET LOOSE. ' Pfal. xiv. 4.' It is a famous faying of Braclon, he is no longer king, than while he inks well, but a tyrant whenfoever he oppreiTeth the people that are trufted to his care and government. And Cicero fays, he lofeth all legal power in and over an army or empire, who by that government and army does obftruct the welfare of that republic. What oppref- fions and exactions by armed force our nation hath been waded with, in part is difcovered above. 8. Al- thufius in the place above quoted, makes this another mark, * When he keepeth not his faith and promife, * but defpifeth his very oath made unro the people.' what J'hall we fay of him then, who not only brake, t>ut burnt, and made it criminal to aiTert the obliga- tion of the mod folemnly transacted covenant with God and with the people, that ever was entered into* who yet upon thefe terms of keeping that covenant only was admitted to the government f And what fhall we fay of his brother fucceeding, who difdains all bonds, whofe profeffed principle is, as a papift, to keep no faith to heretics ? 9. In the fame place he makes this one character : f A tyrant is he, who takes * away from one or more members of the common- * wealth the free exercife of the orthodox religion.' And the grave author of the impartial enquiry into the administration of affairs in England, doth alTert, p. 3*4. * Whenfoever a prince becomes depraved to * that degree of wickednefs, as to apply and employ s his power and intereit, to debauch and withdraw * his fubjecls from their fealty and obedience to God, ■ or fets himfelf to extirpate that religion which the * Lord hath revealed and appointed to be the rule of 6 our living, and the means of our happinefs, he doth * by that very deed depofe himfelf ; and inflead of * being owned any longer for a king, ought to be * treated as a rebel and traitor againtt the fupreme and * univerfal fovereign.* This is the perfect portracture of our princes ; the former of which declared an open y/ar againlt religion, and all that profeffed it : and the latter A HIND LET LOOSE. 333 latter did begin to profecute it with the fame cruelty of perfecution, and yet continues without relenting againft us ; though to others he tolerates it under the notion of a crime, to be for the prefent difpenfed with, until he accomplifh his defign. 10. Ibid, he tells us, ' That whofo for corrupting, of youth erecl- 6 eth ft?ge- plays, whore-houfes, and other play-houfes, * and fuffers the colleges and other leminaries of learn- e ing to be corrupted/ There were nevet more of this in any age, than in the conduct of our court, which, like another Sodom, profefs it to be their de- fign to debauch mankind into all villanies, and to poi* fon the fountains of all learning and virtue, by intrud* ing the bafeit of men into the place of teachers, both in church and univerfity, and precluding all accefs to honeft men. 1 1 . Further he fays. ' He is a tyrant ' who doth not defend his fubjefts from injuries when ' he may, but fuffereth them to be oppreffed, (and * what if he opprefs them himfelf?)' It was one of the laws of Edward the confeflor, if the king fail in the difcharge of his truft and office, he no longer de- ferves nor ought to enjoy that name. What name do they deferve then, who not only fail in the duty of defending their fubjecls, but fend out their liclors and bloody executioners to opprefs them, neither willfuf- fer them to defend themfelves 1 But Althufius makes a diftincl character of this. 12. Then, in fine he mufl certainly be a tyrant, who will not fufTer the people, by themfelves nor by their reprefentatives, to maintain their own rights, neither by law nor force ; for, faith my author forecited, ' He is a tyrant who ' hindereth the free fufFrages of members of parlia- * ment, fo that they dare not fpeak what they would ; c and chiefly he who takes away from the people all ' power to refill his tyranny, as arms, ftrengths, and c chief men, whom therefore, though innocent, he * hateth, aiflicteth, and perfecuteth, exhaufts their * goods and livelihoods, without right or reafon.* AW know that our blades have been all along enemies tQ 334 A HIND LET LOOSE. to parliaments ; and when their interefl forced to call them, what means were ufed always to paque and prelimit them, and overawe them, and how men, who have faithfully difcharged their truft in them, have been profecuted with the height of envy and fury, and many murdered thereupon ; and how all the arm- ed force of the kingdoms have been inhanced into their hand, and the people kept fo under foot, that they have been rendered incapable either to defend their own from inredine ufurpers, or foreign invaders. AH that is faid amounts to this, that when ever men in power to evert and fubvert all the ends of govern- ment, and intrude themfelves upon it, and abufe it, to the hurt of the commonwealth, and the deftruction of that for which government was appointed ; they are then tyrants, and ceafe ,to he magiftrates. To this purpofe I fliall here append the words of that fore- cited ingenious author of the Impartial Inquiry, pag. 13, 14. ' There can be nothing more evident from * the light of reafon as well as fcripture, than that all * magistracy is appointed for the benefit of mankind, < and. the common good of focieties ; God never gave * any one power to reign over others for their de- * ftruction, (unlefs by his providence when he had * devoted a people for their fins to ruin,) but on 15 whomfoever he confers authority over cities or na* < tions, it is with this conditional provifo and limitation, 4 that they are to promote their profperity and good, c and to ftudy their defence and protection ; all k princes are thus far pactional-^ And whofoever k refufeth to perform this fundamental condition, he * degrades and depofes himfelf ; nor is it rebellion in * any to refill him ; whenfoever princes ceafe to be * tor the common good, they anfwer not the end they 4 were inflituted unto, and ceafe to be what they were * chofen for.* 6. It will not be denied, but when the cafe is fo eircumftantiate, that it would require the arbitration r! judgment to determine, whether the king be a ty-. ran? A HIND LET LOOSE. 33 j fant or not, that then people are not to difown him : for if it be a queftion, whether the people be really robbed of their rights and liberties, and that the king might pretend as much reafon to complain of the peo- ple's doing indignity to his fovereignty, as they might of his tyranny ; then it were hard for them to affume fo far the umpirage of their own caufe, as to make themfelves abfolute judges of it, and forthwith to re* ject his authority upon thefe debatable grounds* But the cafe is not fo with us ; no place being left for doubt or debate, but that our fundamental rights and liberties civil and religious, are overturned, and an ab* folute tyranny, exactly characterized as above, is efta- blifhed on the ruins thereof. Hence we have not dif- owned the pretended authority, becaufe we judged it was tyrannical, but becaufe it was really fo. Our dif* cretive judgment in the cafe was not our rule, but it was our underftanding of the rule, by which only we could be regulated, and not by the underftanding of another, which cannot be better, nor fo good, of our grievances, which certainly we may be fuppofed to underftand belt ourfelves, and yet they are fuch as are understood every where. To the queltion then, who ihall be judge between thefe ufurping and tyrannizing rulers and us ? We anfwer briefly and plainly. We do not ufurp a judgment in the cafe pretending no more authority over them in our private capacity, than we allow them to have over us, that is none at all? Nor can we admit that they mould be both judg^ es and party ; for then they might challenge that pre-* rogative in every cafe, and itrengthen themfelves in an uncontroulable immunity and impunity to do what they pleafed. But we appeal to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, agreeable to the word of God, to judge, and to the whole world of impartial fpeclators to read and pronounce the judgment. Lex Rex, Queft. 24. pag. 213. faith in anfwer to this, ' There * is a court of neceihty no lefs than a court of juftice; * and the fundamental laws muft then fpeak, and it is 6 with 336 • A HIND LET LOOSE. ' with the people in this extremity as if they had no ' ruler. And as to the doubtfomenefs of thefe laws, ,* he faith, (i.) As the fcriptures in all fundamentals ' are clear, and expound themfeives, and in the firji ' inftance condemn herefies ; fo all laws of men in ' their fundamentals, which are the law of nature and - nations, are clear. (2.) Tyranny is more vifibleand 4 intelligible than herefy, and it is foon difcerned ' The people have a natural throne of policy in their ' confcience, to give warning, and materially fentence i againfl the king as a tyrant; — where tyranny is more J obfcure, and the thread final!, that it efcape the eye 8 of man, the king keepeth pofleffion, tmt I deny that ' tyranny can be obfcure long.' ' 7. I mail grant that many things are yieldable even to a graffonant dominator, and tyrannical occupant of the place of magiflracy ; as 1. There may be fome cafes, wherein it is lawful for a people to yield fubjec- tlon to a lawlefs tyrant, when groaning under his over- powering yoke, under which they mud patiently bear the indignation of the Lord, becaufe they have finned a- gainft him, until he arife and plead his own caufe, and execute judgment in the earth, (Mic. vii. 9.) until which time they mull kifs the rod as in the hand of God, and own and adore the holinefs and fovereignty of that providence that hath fubjected them under fuch a flavery ; and are not to attempt a violent ejection or excufllon, when either the thing attempted is altoge- ther impracticable, or the means and manner of effec- tuating it dubious and unwarrantable, or the neceffary concomitants and confequents of the cure more hurt- ful or dangerous than the difeafe, or the like. As in many cafes alfo a man may be fubjecr. to a robber pre- vailing againft him ; fo we find the people of Ifrael in Egypt and Babylon, &c. yielded fubjection to ty- rants. But in this cafe we deny two things to them, (1.) Allegiance or adive and voluntary fubjec- tion, fo as to own them for magifirates. (2.) Stupid paffvue obedience, or fuifering without reMance. For the A HIND LET LOOSE. 337 the firft, we owe it only to magistrates, by virtue of the law, either ordinative of God, or constitutive of , man. And it is no argument to infer ; as a man's fubje&ing himfelf to a robber affaulting him, is no fc- lid proof of his approving or acknowledging the in- jury and violence committed by the robbery, there- fore a perfon's yielding, fubjection to a tyrant a public robber does not argue his acknowledging or approv- ing his tyranny and opprellion. For, the fubjection that a tyrant requires, and which a robber requires, is not of the fame nature; the one is legal of fubjects, which we cannot own to a tyrant; the other is forced of the fubdued, which we mud acknowledge to a rob- ber. But to make the parallel ; if the robber mould demand, in our fubjecting ourfelves to him, an own- ing of him to be no robber but an honed man, as the tyrant demands in our fubjecting ourfelves to him in owning him to be no tyrant, but a magiftrate, then we ought not to yield it to the one no more than to the other. For the fecond, to allow them paflive o- bedience is unintelligible nonfenfe and a. mere contra- diction ; for nothing that is merely paflive can be c- bedience as relative to a law ; nor can any obedience . be merely paflive ; for obedience is always active. But not only is the inaccuracy of the phrafe excepted againfl, but alfo that pofirion maintained by many, that, in reference to a yoke of tyranny, there is a time which may be called the proper feafon of fuffering, that is, when fuffering (in oppofition to acting or re- ading) is a neceffary and indifpenfible duty, and re- nding is a fin : for if the one be an indifpenfible du- ty, the other mud be a fin at the fame time , but this cannot be admitted. For, though certainly there is fuch a feafon of fuffering, wherein fuffering is lawful, laudable and necefTary, and all mud lay their account with fuffering, and little elfe can be attempted, but which will increafe fufferings ; yet'even then we may refid as well as we can : and thefe two. refidance and ^fFering, at the fame time, are not incompatible : Da- U u vid 33^ A &IND LEf LOOSE, vid did bear mod patiently the injury ot his fon's li- furpation, when he faid, ' Let the Lord do to me as ' feemeth him good,' 2 Sam. xv. 26. chap. x. 12. and betaketh himfelf to fervent prayers, Pfal. iii. and yet thefe were not all the weapons he ufed againft him ; neither did he ever own him as a magistrate. We are to fuffer all things patiently as the fervants of the Lord, and look to him for mercy and relief, (Pfaf. cxxiii. 2.) ; but we are not obliged to fuffer even in that feafon, as the ilaves of men. Again, fuffering in oppofiticn to refiftance. does never fall under any mo- ral law of God, except in the abfolutely extraordinary cafe of Chriff's paffive obedience, which cannot fall under our deliberation or imitation; or in the cafe of a pofitive law, as was given to the Jews to fubmit to Nebuchadnezzar, which was exprefs and peculiar to them, as (hall be cleared. That can never be com- manded as indifpenfible duty, which does not fall un- der our freewill or deliberation, but the enemies will, as the Lord permits them, as the cafe of fuffering is. That can never be indifpenfible duty, which we may decline without lin, as we may do fuffering, if we have not a call to it ; yea, in that cafe, it were fin to fuffer; therefore, in no cafe it can be formally and iudifpenfi- bly commanded, fo as we may not fhift it, if we can without fin. Suffeiing fimply the evil of punifhment, jufl or unjuft, can never be a conformity to God's preceptive will, but oDly to his providential difpofal ; it hath not the will of the fign for its rule, but only the will of well-pleafmg. All the commands that we have for fuffering, are either to direct the manner of it, that it be patiently and cheerfully, when forced to it wrongfully, 1 Pet. ii. 19, 20, or comparatively, to determine our choice in an unavoidable alternative, e'ther to fuffer or fin ; and fo we are commanded, ra- ther to fuffer, than to deny Chrift, Matth. xiii. 33. and we are commanded upon thtie terms to follow Chriftr to take up his crofs, when he lays it on his providence, Match, xvi, 24. See at length this clear^ ed, A HIND LET LOOSE. 339 ed, Lex Rex, Q^ 30. page 317 — 320 otherwife in'no cafe fubjecrion, even paflive, can be a duty ; for ii is always to be coniidered under the notion of a plague., judgment and curfe* to be complained of as a burden, never to be owned as a duty to magistrates. As we find the Lord's people relenting it as a fervi- tude, under which they were fervants even in their own land, which did yield increafe unto the kings whom the Lord had fet over them, becaufe of their fins, Neh. ix. 36, 37. 2. In divers cafes there may be fome compliance with a mere occupant, that hath no right to reign ; as upon this account the noble marquis of Argyle and lord Warrifton fuffered for their compliance with the ufurper Cromwell. Such may be the warrantablenefs, or goodnefs, or neceflity, or profitablenefs of a compliance, when people are by providence brought under a yoke which they can- not make off, that they may part with fome of their privileges, for the avoidance of the lofs of the reft, and for the conveniency and profit, peace and fafety of themfelves and their country, which would be iu hazard, if they did not comply ; they may do what- foever is due from them to the public weal, what So- ever is an office of their ftarionor place, or which they have any other way a call unto, whatfoever may make for their own honeft intereft, without wronging o- thers, or the country's liberties in their transactions with thefe powers, even though fuch a compliance may be occafionally to the advantage of the ufurpers, feeing good and neceffary actions are not to be declin- ed for the ill effects that are accidental to them, and arife from the ufe which others make of them. But though this may be yielded in fome cafes to fuch u- furpers, efpecially conquerors, that have no right of occupying the empire, but are capable of it by deriva- tion from the people's ccnfent : yet it muft not be extended to fuch ufurpers as are alfo tyrants, that have no right of their own, nor are capable of any, gnd that overturn all rights of fubjects. To fuch we U u 2 cap 34© A HIND LET LOOSE. cart yield no compliance, as may infer either tranfacT:- ing with them, or owning them as magiftrates. We find indeed the faints enjoyed places under thefe, who were not their magiftrates ; as Nehemiah and Mor- decai and Efther was queen to Ahafuerus. But here ■was no compliance with tyrants (for thefe heathens were not fuch) only fome of them were extraordinary perfons, raifed up by an extraordinary fpirit, for ex- traordinary ends in extraordinary times, tha<- cannot be brought to an ordinary rule, as Eftber's marriage : and all of them in their places kept the law of their God, ferved the work of their generation, defiled not themfelves with their cuftoms, acted again ft no good, and engaged to no evil, but by their compli- ance promoted the welfare of their country, as Ar- gyle and Warrrifton did under Cromwel. Again, we find they paid cuftom to them, as Neh. ix. 36, 37. and we read of Auguftus' taxation univerfally com- plied with, Luke ii. 1 — 5. and Chrift paid it. This fhall be more fully anfwered afterwards. Here I fhall only fay (1.) It can never be proven that thefe were tyrants. 2. Chrift paid it with fuch a caution, as leaves the title inflated ; not for confcience (as tribute muft be paid to magiftrates, Rom. xiii. 5, 6.) but only that he might not offend them. (3.) Any other inftances of the faints taxations are to be judged for- ced acts, badges of their bondage, which, if they had been exacted as tefts of their allegiance, they would not have yielded. Strangers alfo, that are not fubjects, ufe to pay cuftom in their trafficking, but not as tefts of their allegiance. 3. There may be al- fo, in fome cafes, obedience allowed to their lawful commands becaufe of the lawfulnefs of the thing com- manded, or the coincidency of another juft and oblig- ging authority commanding the fame. We may do many things which a tyrant commands, and which he enforces, and many thirigs alfo whether he will or not ; but we muft do nothing upon the confideration of his command, in the acknowledgement of obe- A HIND. LET LOOS*. 341 obedience, due by virtue of allegiance, which we own of confcience to a lawful magiftrate. We muft do nothing, which may feem to have an ac- ceflbrinefs to the tyrant's unlawful occupancy, or which depends only on the warrant of his authority to do it, or may entrench on the divine institution of magiflracy, or bring us into a participation of the u- furper's fin. In thefe cafes we can neither yield obe- dience in lawful things, nor in unlawful : ' nor can * we own abfolute fubje&ion, no more than we cm ' abfolute obedience ; for all fubje&ion is enjoined, ' in order to obedience : and to plead for a privilege ' in point of obedience, and to difclaim it in point of c fubje&ion, is only the flattery of fuch. as having re- ' nounced with confcience all didinction of obedience, ' would dived others of all privileges, that they may e exercife their tyranny without comroul, Naphtali, 4 p. 28. prior edit..' 4. There may be addreffes made to fuch as are not rightful poiTefTors of the go- vernment, for juftice, or mercy, or redrefs or fome intolerable grievances, without fcruple of accepting that which is materially juftice or mercy, or feeking them at the hand of ?ny who may reach them out to , us, though he that conveys them to us be not inte- refted in the umpirage of them. Thus we find Jere- miah fupplicated Zedekiah for mercy, not to return to prifon ; and Paul appealed to Casfar for juftice. But in thefe addreffes we may not acknowledge the wicked laws that brought on thefe grievances, nor conceal the wickednefs, no more than the mifery of them which we have endured ; nor may we own the legal power of them that we addrefs, to take them off, nor fignify any thing, in the matter and manner of our representations, that may either import a declin- ing our teftimony, for which we have fuffered thefe grievances, or a contradiction to our declinature of their pretended authority : only we may remonftrate, what cruelties we have endured, and how terrible it will be to them to be guilty of, or acceifory to our blood, in not pitying us \ which was all that Jere- miah 342 A HIND LET LOOSE. miah did. And as for Paul's appeal, we find he was threatened to be murdered by his countrymen, Acts xxiii. 14. from whofe hands he was refcued, and brought before the judicatory of Feftus the Roman deputy, not voluntarily ; thence alfo they fought to remand him to Jerufalem, that they might kill him, A£ts xxv. 3. whereupon he demands in juftice that he might not be delivered to his accufers and murderT ers, but claims the benefit of the heathens own law, by that appeal to Casfar, which was the only conflr -lin- ed expedient of faving his own life, Acts xxviii. 19. by which alfo he got an opportunity to wicnefs for Chrift at Rome. But, as mail be cleared further af- terwards, Caefar was not an ufurper over Judea ; which not obfcurely is infinuated by Paul himfelf, who ai- ferts, that both his perfon, and his caufe criminal, of which he wras accufed (it was not an ecclefiaftical caufe, and fo no advantage hence for the fupremacv) appertained to Csefar's tribunal, and that not only in facl:, but of right, Acts xxv. 10. * I ftand at Caefar 's ' judgment-feat, where I ought to be judged.' We cannot fay this of any tribunal, fenced in the name of them that tyrannize over us. 5. I will not ftand neither upon the names and titles of kings, &c. to be given to tyrants and ufurpers, in fpeaking to them or of them, by way of appellation or compellation : for we find even tyrants are called by thefe names in fcripture, being kings in fact, though not by right ; and indeed not impertinently, kings and tyrants for the mofl part are reciprocal terms. But in no cafe can we give them any names or titles, which may iig- nify our love to them whom the Lord hates, or who hate the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 2. or which may flatter them, whom Elihu durft not give, for fear his Ma- ker mould take him away, Job xxxii. 22. or which may be taken for honouring of them, for that is not due to the vileft of men, when exalted never fo high, Pfal. xii. ult. a vile perfon mult be contemned in our eyes," Pfal. xv. 4, nor which may any way import or infc-c A HIND LET LOOSE. 343 infer an owning of a magiftratical relation between them and us, or any covenant tranfa&ion or confede- racy with them, which is no terms with them, as fuch, we 'will fay or own, Ifa. viii. 12. Hence many fufferers upon this head forbear to give them their titles. 8. It will be yielded very readily by us, that a ma- gillrate is not to be difowned, merely for his differing in religion from us : yea, though he were a heathen. We do not difown our pretended rulers merely upon that account, but cheerfully do grant and fubferibe to that truth in our Confeflion of Faith, chap, xxiii. feci. 4. That infidelity, or difference in religion, doth not make void the magiftrate's juft and legal authority, nor free the people from their due obedience to him: on which our adverfaries have infulted, as if our principle and practice were thereby difproved. But it is eafy to anfwer, i . Let the words be conlidered, and we are confident, ' That no fober man will think,the acknow- ' ledgement of juft and legal authority, and due obe- ' dience a rational ground to infer, that tyranny is ' thereby either allowed or privileged,' Napht. p. 60 prior edition. 1. Though infidelity or difference of religion, does not make void authority, where it is lawfully inverted ; yet it may incapacitate a perfon, and lawfully feclude him from authority, both by the word of God, which exprefsly forbids to fet a Gran- ger over, who is not our brother, Deut. xvii. 15. which includes as well a ftranger of a ftrange' reli- gion, as one of a ftrange country, and by the laws of the land, which do incapacitate a papift of all authority, fupreme or fubordinate. And fo, if this James VII. II. had been king before he was a Roman Catholic, if we had no more to objecl, we iliould not have quarrelled his fuccefiion. 3. We both give and grant all that is the confeflion, to wit, that dominion is not founded in grace : yet this remains evident, that a pTince, who not only is of another religion, but an avowed enemy to, and overturner 344 A HIND LET LOOSE. overturner of the religion eftablifhed by law, and in- tending and endeavouring to introduce a falfe, he- retical, blafphemous and idolatrous religion, can claim no juft and legal authority, but in this cafe the people may very lawfully decline his pretended authority ; nay, they are betrayers of their country and pofterity, if they give not a timeous and efTeclual check to his ufurpings, and make him fenfible that he hath no fuch authority. Can we imagine, that men in the whole of that bleffed work fo remarkably led of God, being convocate by a parliament of the wifeft and worthieft men that ever were in England, whom they did encourage, by writing and preaching, and every way to ftand fail in their oppofition to the then king difplaying a banner for his preroga- tive (a court dream) againft religion and liberty, mould be fo far left, as to drop that as a' principle and part of our religion, which would facrifice religion itfelf to the luft of a raging tyrant ? Muft we believe, that a religion deftroying tyrant is a righte- ous ruler ? And muft we own him to be a nurfing fa- ther to the church ? Shall we conclude, that the common bounds and limits, whereby the Almighty hath bounded and limited mankind, are removed by an article of our ConfelTion of Faith, which hereby is turned into a court creed: Then welcome Hobs de cive, with all the reft of Pluto's train, who would babble us into a belief, that the world is to be go- verned according to the pleafure of wicked tyrants. 1 would fain hope at length the world would be a- Wakened cut of fuch ridiculous dreams, and be a- fhamed any more to own fuch fooleries- And it may be, our two royal brothers have contributed more to cure men of this moral madnefs than any who went before them. And this is the only advantage, I know, that the nations have reaped by their reign. 9. Though we deny that conqueft can give a juft title to a crown ; yet we grant, in fome cafes, that by the peoples after-confent it may be turned into a juft title A HIND LET LOOSE. 345 title. It is undeniable, when there is juft ground of the war, if a prince fubdue a whole land, who have juftly forfeited their liberties, when by his grace he preferves them, he may make ufe of their right now forfeited, and they may refign their liberty to the con- queror, and content that he be their king, upon fair and legal, and not tyrannical conditions. And even when the war is not juit, but fuccekful on the invad- ing conquerors fide, this may be an inducement to the conquered, if they be indeed free and unengaged to any other, to a fubmiffion, dedition, and delivery up of themfelves to be the fubjects of the victor, and to take him for their fovereign : as it is like the cafe was with the Jews in Cxfar's time, whofe government was tranflated by dedition to the Roman power ; in the tranfiation, when a-doing, there was a fault, but after it was done, it ceafed ; though the beginning was wrong, there was a pott-fact, which made it right, and could not be difTolved, without an unjuft distur- bance of public order. Whence, befides what is laid above, in anfwer to that much infilled inftance of ChrifVs paying tribute, and commanding it to be paid to Caefar, the difficulty of that inftance may be clear- ly folved. That tribute which he paid, Matth. xvii. 24. &c. and that about the payment whereof he was queltioned, Matth. xxii. 21. feem to be two different tributes. Many think, very probably, they were not one and the fame tribute. It is a queflion, for whom, and by whom that of Matth. xvii. was gathered ; it is mod likely, it was gathered by the officers of the temple tor its fervice : however, the payment was made, wkh fuch caution (tacitely declining the ftric^ right to 'exact, it from him, but to avoid offence, in an act in itfelf unobliging) that their claim is left as much in the dark, as if the queltion had never been moved. The other, Matth. xxii. was exacted for Csefar : but to that captious queflion our Lord re- turns fuch an anfwer, as might both folve it, and e- vade the fnare of the propounder, giving a general X x rule 346 A HIND LET LOOSE. rule of giving to God and to Caefar each their own, without defining which of them had the right to the payment in queftion ; whether Casfar fhould have it, or whether it fhould be paid only for the temple's ufe : upon which they marvelled-, which they needed not do, if they had underltood in his words an exprefs and pofitive declaration of an obligation to make that payment to Casfar ; for then they would have obtain- ed one of their ends, in making him odious to the people, who were not fatisfied with the payment of it. But however, the knot is loofed, by confidering that they were now lawfully fubjecl to the Roman Emperors, as their governors, to whom they were obliged (I do not fay Chrift was) to pay tribute. For they had yielded themfelves unto, and owned the Ro- man dominion in Pompey, Casfar Auguftus and Tibe- rius, ere this queftion about tribute paying was pro- pofed to our Saviour ; and therefore they who ftuck at the payment of it, were a feditious party, differ- ing from the body of the nation ; elfe it is not fup- pofeable readily, that their dominion in judea could have been exercifed long without forne confent, fuffi- cient to legitimate it to the prefent rulers ; and this is the more likely, if we con'fider the confeflion of the Jews themfelves, difavowing the power cf capital puniihment. It is not lawful for us to put any man to death, and owning Casfar as their king, with an exclufive abrenunciaticn of all other, we have no king but Casfar ; as Paul alio acknowledges, he ought to be judged at Caeiar's bar, in his appeal to Ceeiar. It is alfo acknowledged by very good authors, that this was the tribute which Judas the Galilean itood up to free the people from ; and that the fedition of thofe Jews that followed him, mentioned Acts v. 37. who mutinied upon this occafion, was, according to Ga- maliel's fpeech, difallowed by that Sanhedrim, or council of the Jews. And it may be gathered out of Jofephus, that the Jews of Hircanus' party came under the Roman power by confent and dedition, while A HIND LET LOOSE. 347 while they of Ariftobulus* party looked upon the Homans as ufurpers. Which difference continued till our Saviour's time, when fome part of them ac- knowledged the Csefarean authority, fome part look- ed upon it as an ufurpation ; and of this generally were the Pharifees. To confirm this, Calvin's telti- mony may be adduced, upon Matth. xxii. who faith, * The authority of the Roman emperors was by com- ' mon ufe approved and received among the Jews, ' whence it was manifeft, that the Jews had now of * their own accord impofed on themfelves a law of £ paying the tribute, becaufe they had paifed over to ' the Roman's the power of the fword.' And Cha- rmers panllrat. torn. 2 lib. 15. cap. 16. p. 635. 4 What then ? if Csefar's authority was from bad be- ' ginnings, did therefore Chrift untruly fay it was from 6 above ? Can no power, at nrft unjuft, afterward be- c come juft ? if that were fo, then either none, or ve- ' ry few kingdoms would be juft.' 10. As tyranny is a deftructive plague to all the interefts of men and Chriftians ; to anarchy, the ufu- al product of it, is no lefs pernicious, bringing a com- munity into a paroxyfm as deadly and dangerous., We muft own government to be absolutely neceffary5 for the coniiitution and confervation of all focieties. I ihall not enter into a difquifition, let be determina- tion of the fpecies or kind of magiftracy, whether mo- narchy, ariltocracy or democracy, be preferable. My difpute, at prefent, is not levelled againft monar- chy, but the prefent monarch : not againft: the in ftitution of the ipecies (though I believe, except betake ourfelves to the divine allowance and pe»- miflion ; we fbajl be as puzzled to find out the divine original of it, as cofmographers are in their fearch of the fpring of Nilus, or theologues of the Father of Melchizedeck) but the conftitution of this individual monarchy eftablimed among us, which, in its root and branch, fpring and itreams, in its ori- ginal nature, ends and effects, is diametrically oppo- X x 2 fite 34& A HIND LET LOOSE. fite to religion and liberty ; and becaufe its contagion, univerfally converting and corrupting all the ends and orders of magifhacy, doth affect and infect all the fubordinate officers, deriving their power from fuch a filthy fountain ; we muft alfo fubitract and deny their demanded acknowledgments as any way due, fo long as they ferve the pride and projects of fuch a wicked power : and do not reckon ourfelves obliged by covenant, or any otherwife (though, in the third article of the folernn league, we are bound to pre- ferve the rights and privileges of cur parliaments, and confequently the honour and deference that's due to our peers, or other parliament-men, acting according to the truft committed to them, but not when they turn traitors engaged in a confpiracy with the tyrant) to own or defend a foullefs fhadow of a court cabal, made up of perfons who have fold themfelves to work wickednefs, in confpiring with this throne of iniquity againll the Lord, which is all we have for a parlia- ment, whom we can in no ways own as our reprefen- tatives, but muft look upon them as perjured and per- fidious traitors to God and their country, which they have betrayed into the hands of a tyrant ; and there- fore diverted of that power and authority, which they had of the people as their reprefentatives, which now is returned to the fountain. And therefore we mult act as we can againft them, and alfo what is ne- ceiTary for fecuring of ourfelves, religion and liberty, without them. We would think nobles, ennobled with virtue, a great mercy and encouragement ; and if they would concur in the teftimony for religion and liberty, we would be glad that they mould lead the van, and prove themfelves to be powers appointed by God, in acting for him in his intereft. But for the want of their conduct, we mult not furceafe from that duty that they abandon, nor think that the*concurrence of peers is io neceflary to legitimate our actions, as that with- out that formality our resolutions to maintain the truth or A HIND LET LOOSe. ^4^ of God on all hazards, in a private capacity, were un- lawful in the court of God and nature : bur, on the contrary, muft judge that their lclinquifhing or oppo- fing their duty, which before God they are chilled to maintain, preferve, and promove, is i'o iar from loofing our obligation, or exeeming us from our duty that it fhould rather prefs us to profecute it with the more vigour, without fufpending it upon their prece- dency. For now they can pretend to no precedencVj when they do not anfwer the end of their own pri- vate advantage, they ceafe to be the miniiiers of God and of the people, and become private perfons. And reafon will conclude, ' That when the Ephori or truftees betray their trull, and fell, or bafely givea- way the liberties and privileges of the people, which they were entrufted with, the people cannot be brought into a remedilefs condition; if a tutor wade and deflroy the pupils efl:3te, the law provides a re* medy for the pupil, Jus popu. vind. cap. 15. page 335, 336.' * The remedy, in this cafe, can only be, as every one mud: move in his own fphere, while all concur in the fame duty ; fo if any, in higher place, become not only remifs, but according to the influence of their power would feduce others into their apoftafy, it is their duty to refill and endea- vour their reformation or removal : and if thefe more eminently entrufted fhall turn directly apof- tates, and obftrucYive and deftructive to common in- terefts, the people of an inferior degree may Rep forward to occupy the places, and affert the interefts^ which they forefault and defert. Neither is this a breach of good order ; for order is only a mean fub- ordinate to, and intended for the glory of God, and the peoples good, and the regulation thereof muTc only be admitted as it is conducible, and not repug- nant to thefe ends. A general's command to his foldiers in battle, does not impede the necefiity of fucceffion, in cafe of vacancy of any charge, either * through 35^ A H1KD LET LOOSE. * through death or defertion, even of fuch as in qua- * lity may be far inferior to thofe whofe places they * itep into, Naphtali, page 151. firft edition.' I do not aiTert this for private peoples afpiring into the ca- pacity of primores of peers ; but that they may do that which the peers defert, and dare not, 01; will not do, if the Lord put them in a capacity to do it. And more plainly I afferr, that if the peers of the land whofe du- ty it is principally to reilrain and reprefs tyranny, ei- ther connive at it, or concur with it, and fo abandon or betray their truft, then the common people may do it ; at leait are obliged to renounce, reject, and dif- own allegiance to the tyrant, without the peers. For which 1 offer thefe realbns. i. Becaufe all men have as much freedom and liberty by nature as peers have, being no more fiaves than they ; becaufe flavery is a penal evil contrary to nature, and a mifery confe- quent of fin, and every man created according to God's image, is a facred thing ; and alfo no more fubjects to kings, &c. than they; freedom being natural to all (ex- cept freedom from fubjetlion to parents, which is a mo- ral duty, and moft kindly and natural, and fubjection of the wife to the hufband, &c.) but otherwifcas to civil and politic fubjection, man, by nature, is born as free as beaits ; no lion is born king of lions, npr no man born king of men ; nor lord of men, nor reprefenta- tive of men, nor rulers of men, either fupreme or fubordinate ; becaufe none, by nature, can have thofe things that elTentially conflitute rulers, the cal- ling of God, nor gifts and qualifications for it, nor the election of the people. 2. The original of all that power, that the primores or reprefentatives can claim, is from the people, not from themfelves ; from vvhenoe derived they their being reprefentatives, but from the people's commiffion or compact ? when at the firft conftitution of parliaments, or public conventions for affairs of ftate, neceflity put the people, who could Dot fo conveniently meet all, to confer that honour and A HIND LET LOOSE. 35 I and burden upon the befl qualified, and who had chief interefr by delegation. Hence, if the people give fuch a power, they may wave it when perverted, and act without their own impowered fervants. 3. The people's power is greater than the power of any delegated or conftituted by them ; the caufe is mere than the effect; parliament-men do reprefent the peo- ple, the people do not reprefent the parliament : they are as tutors and curators unto the people, and in effe£t their fervants deputed to overfee their public affairs, therefore if their power be lefs the people can act without them. 4. It were irrational to imagine, the people committing the adminiftration of their weighty affairs unto them, did denude themfelves of all their radical power ; or that they can devolve up- on them, or they obtain any other power but what is for the good and advantage of the people ; therefore they have power to act without them, in things which they never refigned to them ; for they cannot be de- prived of that natural aptitude, and nature's birth- right, given to them by God and nature, to provide the moff. efficacious and) prevalent means for the pre- fervation of their rights and liberties. 5. As the peo- ple have had power before they made peers, and have done much without them ; fo thefe primores could never do without them, therefore in acls of common interefr, the peers depend more upon the people than the people do .upon them. 6. All thefe primeve rights, that gave rife to focieiies, are equal to both, people and peers, whereof the liberty to reprefs and reject tyranny is a chief one. The people as well as peers have a hand in making the king, and other jud- ges alfo, as is clear from Deut. xvii. 14. Judg. ix. 6. 1 Sam. xi. 15. 2 Kings xiv. 21. therefore they may unmake them as well as they. To feek to preferve the ends of government, when they are overturned, is effentially requifite to all focieties, and therefore common and competent to all conftituents of thefe fo- cieties, fuperiors or inferiors. The glory of God and fecurity 352 A HIND LET LOOSE. fecurity of religion, the end of all Chrifiian govern- ment, doth concern all equally. As every one equal- ly is bound to obey God rather than man, fo violence in this cafe deiiroys both the commonwealth, and maketh the end and means of government, and the injured perfons obligation thereto to ceafe ; and this equally to every man of private or public capacity. In the concern of religion at lead, we mud not think, becaufe we are not nobles, or in authority, that the care of it, or reformation thereof does nothing per- tain to us ; nay in that, and carrying. on the work thereof, there is an equality : as in the erection of the Old Teftament tabernacle, all the people were to contribute alike half a fhekel, Exod. xxx. that it might be for a remembrance befoie the Lord. Hence it follows, if we difown the iupreme ruler, and the inferior confederate with him, and cannot have the concurrence of others : ' now through the manifeft ' and notorious perverfion of the great ends of fociety * and government, the bond thereof being difibived, ' we liberated therefrom, do relapfe into our primeve ' liberty and privilege : and accordingly, as the fimi- ' litude of our cafe, and exigence of our caufe doth 4 require, may, upon the very fame principles, again c join and affociate, for our better defence and pre- ' fervation, as we did at firft enter into focieties,' Nap. p. 1 50. yet, whatever we may do in this cafe, we are not for prefumptuous affumptions of authority, which maleverfers have forefaulted : neither are we for new erections of government, but are for keeping the fociety, of which we are members, entire, in an endeavour to have all our fellow members united un- to God, and to one another, in religion and liberty, according to the bond of the folemn league and co- venant. Certain it is, that greater focieties, under one government, may in fome cafes make a feceflion, and divide into lefler, without fedition : or elfe, how would there be fo many diftincr. commonwealths in the world ? feeing at firft all was under cue head : and A HIND LET LOOSE. 353 end how comes it to pafs, that there are fo many- kingdoms in Europe, when it can be inftanced, when all, or the rnufl: parr, were under one Roman empe- ror ? But this, in our circumitance, is noway ex- pedient, neither was it ever in projection. But our aim is to abftract ourfelves ihofTenfively, and maintain our rights that remain unrobbed, and to adhere clofe- ly to the fundamental conftitutions, laws, and lau- dable practices of our native kingdom. 1 1. We own the obligation of our facred cove- nants, unrepealably and indifpenfibly binding to all the duties of chriftian fubjection to magiftrates. But we deny, that hereby we are bound either to main- tain monarchy, efpecially thus perverted ; nor to own the authority of either of the two monarchs that have monarchized or tyrannized over us thefe twenty-feven years pail. For as to the firft, we afTert, That that which is in its own nature mutable, cannot be (imply fworn unto to be maintained and preferved, but hy- pothetically at mod, elfe it were fimply finful ; fince it were to make things in their own nature, and in the providence of God changeable, unchangeable ; yea it were a downright fwearing not to comply with, but to fpurn againft, the various viciffitudes of divine providence, the great rector of the univerfe. And it is unqueilionable, that when things alterable and un- alterable are put in the fame oath, to make the en- gagement lawful the things muft be underftood, as they are in their own nature, and no oiherwife : elfe both the impofer and the taker grievouily tranfgrefs ; the former, in taking upon him what is in the power of no mortal, and a contradiction to the prerogative of the immortal God ; and the other, in owning that power as juft. Hence when thefe two fall to be in the fame oath, thf.y mull be fo underftood as it may not be made a mare to the confeience of the fwearer. For it may fall fo out in the providence of God, that the prefervation of both is in all refpects made impof- fible : and an adheiion to rhe one, may fo far inter- Y y fere 354 A HIND LET LOOSE. fere with the prefervation of the other, as if the mu* table and that which hath no objective obligation to be ftuck to the other, which with the lofs of all inte- refts we are to maintain, mult be abandoned ; yea, that which was fworn to be maintained as a mean on- ly, and a mutable one too, may not only ceafe to be a mean, but may actually deftroy the main end, and then it is to be laid afide, becaufe then it inverts the order of things. Hence alfo it may be queftioned, if it were not more convenient, to leave out thofe things that are alterable in themfelves, out of the fame oath with things unalterable, and put them in a diftincl oath or covenant by themfelves ; as we fee Jehojadah did 2 Kings xi. 17. 'He made a covenant be- ' tween the Lord, and the king, and the people, c that they mould be the Lord's people ; between the ' king alfo and the people.' Here are two diftinct covenants ; the one made with God, about things e- ternally obligatory, wherein the king and people en- gage themfelves upon level ground to ferve the Lord, and Joafh the king, his treacherous dealing with God in that matter, brought the curfe of that covenant upon him: the other covenant was civil,about things alterable relating to points of government and fubjection. And as he, by virtue of that prior covenant, had obliged himfelf, under the pain of the curfe thereof, to carry as one covenanted to God with the people, and fo not to tyrannize over his brethren : fo, the people, by virtue of that fame covenant, were to yield obe- dience, but in nothing to acknowledge him, as having power or authority to countermand God's command j neither had it been an act of difloyalty, to have bro» ken down his groves, which he had, with the addi- tion of the guilt of perjury, fet up, and to have bound his ungrateful hands from the blood of the gracious Zechariah : a perfect parallel to our cafe under the former dominator, fave that it was outdone as to all dimenfions of wickednefs by him. To fpeak more plainly, the religious part of our covenant is of an e- ternai A HIND LET LOOSE, 355 ternal obligation ; but as to the civil part, it is impof- fible it can ever be fo, unlefs it be well and cautioufly underftood ; that is, unlefs inftead of any fpecies of government, as monarchy, &c. we put in magiftracy itfelf. For this is that power which is of God ; but monarchy, &c. is only a human creature, about the creation whereof men take a liberty, according to what fuits them bed in their prefent circumftances. And as to this fpecies of monarchy ; men are never left at liberty to clothe therewith any inept or impious perfon. And they are perfectly loofed from it. i. When that fpecies of government becomes oppofite to the ends of government, and is turned tyranny, efpecially when a legal eftablilhment is pretended, then it affects with its contagion the very fpecies itfelf : the houfe is to be pulled down, when the leprofy is got into the walls and foundation. 2. When it is exercifed, it is turned inept for anfwering the ends of its erection, and prejudicial to the main thing for which government is given, to wit, the gofpel and the coming of Chrill's kingdom : hence it is promifed to the church, Ifa. xlix. 23. i Kings * (hall be nurfing fathers to the church :'-. — —And Ifa. Hi. 1 5. It is promifed to the Mediator that ' Kings * fhall fhut their mouths,' — /'. e. n^ver a word in their head, but out of reverence and refpect to his abfolute fovereignty, they fhall take the law from him, without daring to contract, far lefs to take upon them, to prefcribe in the houfe of God, as they in their wif- dom think fit. 3. When providence, without any finful hand, makes that fpecies impoffible to be kept up, without the ruin of that for which it was erected 2 when things comes to this pufii, whofoever are clothed with the power, are then under an obligation to comply with that alteration of providence, for the fafety of the people ; elfe they declare themfelves uq« worthy of rule, and fuch who would facrifice the in- tereft of their people to their particular intereft ; in which cafe the people may make their public fervan-t Y y 2 fenfible y 35^ A HIND LET LOOSE. lenfible, ne is at his higheft elevation but a fervant. Hence now, when this fpecies named in the covenant, viz- monarchy, is by law fo vitiate, as it becomes the mean and inftrument of the deftruction of all the ends of that covenant, and now by law transmitted to all fucceflbrs as a hereditary, pure, perfect and perpetual oppofition to the coming of Chrift's kingdom, fo that as long as there is one to wear that crown, (but Je- hovah will in righteoufnefs execute Coniah's doom upon the race, Jer. xxii. alt. ' Write this man child- ' lefs' '■ — ) and enter heir to the government as now eftablifliment, he mud be an enemy to Chrift ; there is no other way left, but to think on a new mo- del moulded according to the true pattern. As to the fecond, we are far lefs obliged to own and acknow- ledge the intereft of any of the two monarchs, that we have been mourning under thefe many years, from thefe facred covenants. For, as to the firft of them, Charles II. Thofe confiderations did caifate his inte- reft, as to any covenant obligation to own him. r. In thefe covenants we are not fworn abfolutely to maintain the king's perfon and authority, but only conditionally, in the prefervation and defence of reli- gion and liberties. Now, when this condition was not performed, but, on the contrary, profefledly re- folved never to be fulfilled ; and when he laid out himfelf to the full of his power and authority, for the deftruction of that reformed religion and liberties of the kingdom, which he folemnly fwore to defend when he received the crown, only in the terms that he fhould be a loyal fubjecl: to Chrift, and a true and faithful fervant to the people, in order to which a magiftrate is chofen, and all his worth, excellency, and valuablenefs, confifts in his an- swering that purpofe ; for the excellency of a mean, as fuch, is to be meafured from the end, and its anfwerablencfs thereunto : we were not then oblig- ed, to maintain fuch an enemy to thefe precious in- terefts. 2. Becaufe, as the people were bound to him, A HIND LET LO03E. 357 him, fo he was bound to them by the fame covenant, being only on thefe terms entrufted with the govern- ment, all which conditions he perfidioufly broke, whereupon only his authority and our allegiance were founded ; and thereby we were loofed from all reci- procal obligation to him by virtue of that covenant. 3. Though he and we ftood equally engaged to the duties of that covenant, only with this difference, that the king's capacity being greater, he was the more obliged to have laid out that power, in caufing all to ftand to their covenant engagements, as Jofiah did, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 31,32, 33. (but alas ! there was never a Jofiah in the race,) yet he rofe up to the height of rebellion againft God and the people, in heaven dar- ing infolency, and not only brake, but burnt that co* venaiit, and made laws to cafs and refcind it, and made a not-concurring in this confpiracy, a note of incapacity for any truft in church or ftate. Therefore to plead for an owning of him in this cafe, were only concludent of this, that the generati- on had dreamed themfelves into fuch a diffraction, as may be feared will be purfued with deftruction, and make fuch dreamers the deteftation of pofterity, and caufe all men proclaim the righteoufnefs of God, in bringing ruin upon them by that very power and au- thority they owned in fuch circumftances. 4. It is a known maxim, ' He that does not fulfil the conditi- * ons, falls from the benefit of it, and whofo remits * the obligation of the party obliged upon condition, ' cannot exact it afterwards.' So then it is evident, that the fubjech of Scotland were by king Charles II. his confent, yea exprefs command, difengaged from lo much of that covenant as could be alledged in fa- vours of himfelf: fo that all that he did, by burning and refcinding thefe covenants, and purfuing all who endeavoured to adhere to them, was a moft explicit liberating his fubjedb from, and remiflion of their al- legiance to him, (and in this we had been fools if we had not taken him at his word j) yea he refund- ed 358 A HIND LET LOOSE. ed his very coronation, by an act of his firft parlia- ment after his return, which did declare null and void ail acts, conftitutions and eftablifhments, from the year 1633 to that prefent feflion, not excepting thofe for his own coronation, after which he was never re- crowned, and therefore we could not own that right, which himfelf did annul. But as for his royal bro- ther, James the VII. and II. we cannot indeed make ufe of the fame reafons and arguments to dilbwn him, as we have now adduced ; yet, as we fhall prove af- terwards, this covenant does oblige to renounce him. So it is fo clear, that it needs no illuftration, that there lies no obligation from this covenant to own him. i . Becaufe, as he is an enemy to the whole of our covenant, and efpecially to thefe terms upon which authority it is to be owned therein : fo he will not come under the bond of this covenant, nor any other compact with the people, but intrude himfelf upon the throne, in fuch a way as overturns the bafis of our government, and deftroys all the liberties of a free people, which by covenant we are bound to pre- ferve, and confequently, as inconfiftent therewith, to renounce his ufurpalion. For, a prince that will fet himfelf up without any tranfacYions with the people, or conditions giving fecurity for religion and liberty, is an ufurping tyrant, not bounded by any law but his own lufts. And to fay to fuch an one, reign thou over us, is all one as to fay, come thou and play the tyrant over us, and let thy luft and will be a law to us : which is both againfl: fcripture and natural fenfe. If he be not a king upon covenant terms, eir ther exprefly or tacitely, or general flipulations ac. cording to the word of God, and laws of the land, he cannot be owned as a father, protedlor, or tutor, hav- ing any fiduciary power entrufted to him over the common wealth, but as a lawlefs and abfolute domin- ator, affuming to himfelf a power to rule or rage as he lifts : whom to own were againft our covenants : for there we are fworn to maintain his majefty's juft and A HIND LET LOOSE. 359 and lawful authority, and by confequence not to own ufurpation and tyranny, ftated in oppofition to religi- on and liberty, which there alfo we are engaged to maintain. Sure, this cannot be lawful authority which is of God, for God giveth no power againft himfelf ; nor can it be of the people, who had never power granted them of God to create one over them, with, a liberty to deltroy them, their religion and li- berty, at his pleafure. 2. As he is not, nor will not be our covenanted and fworn king (and therefore we cannot be his covenanted and lworn fubje&s ;) fo he is not nor cannot be our crowned king, and therefore we mud not be his liege fubjects, owning fealty and obedience to him. For, 4 according to the national c covenant, as all lieges are to maintain the king's au- 4 thority, confident with the fubjects liberties ; which, 4 if they be innovated or prejudged, fuch confufion 4 would enfue, as this realm could be no more a free * monarchy ; — fo for the prefervation of true religion, * laws and liberties of this kingdom, it is ftatute by the * 8th act, pari. 1. repeated in the 99th aft, pari. 7th, 'ratified in the 23d act, pari, nth, and 14th act, ' pari. 1 2th of king James VI, and 4th act. of king 4 Charles I. that all kings and princes, at their coro- * nation and reception of their princely authortity, mall ' make their faithful promife by their folemn oath, in 4 the prefence of the eternal God, that enduring the * whole time of their lives, they fhali ferve the fame 4 eternal God, to the uttermoft of their power, ac- 4 cording as he hath required in his mod holy word, ' contained in the Old and New Teftaments ; and ac- 4 cording to the fame word, fhall maintain the true 4 religion of Chrift Jefus, the preaching of his holy 4 word, the due and right miniftration of the facra- 4 ments, now received and preached within this realm * (according to the confeflion of faith immediately 4 preceding) and fhall abolifli and gainft and all falfe 4 religion, contrary to the fame ; and fhall rule the 4 people committed to their charge, according to the 4 will 3<5o A HIND L£T LOOSE. * will and command of God, revealed In his forefaid ' word, and according to the laudable law and con- ' iiitutions received in this realm, no ways repugnant ' to the faid will of the eternal God ; and fnall pro- * cure, to the uttermotl of their power, to the kirk of i God, and whole Chriitian people, true and perfect 4 peace in all time coming, and that they (hall be care- * ful to root out of their empire all hereticks, and e- * nemies to the true worfhip of God, who (hall be con- c victed by the true kirk of God of the forefaid crimes.* Now, this coronation oath he hath not taken, he will not, he cannot take; and therefore cannot be our crowned king according to law. As there be alfo many other laws, incapacitating his ad. million to the crown, being a profeiTed papiil, and no law for it at all, but one of his own making, by a packed cabal of his own complices, a parliament, wherein himfelf prefided as commifiioner, enacting materially his fuc- celTion, and refcinding all thefe ancient laws : which act of fucceilion (which is all the legal right he can pretend to in Scotland) becaufe it cannot be juftified j therefore his right cannot be owned, which is found- ed upon the fubverfion of our ancient laws. But as he cannot be our legally crowned king, fo he is not fo much as formally crowned. And therefore before his inauguration, whatever right to be king (whom the reprefentatives may admit to the government) he may pretend to, by hereditary fucceffion, yet he can- not formally be made king, till the people make a compact with him, upon terms for the fafety of their deareft and neareft liberties, even though he were not difabled by law. He might, as they fay, pretend to fome right to the thing, but he could have no right in the thing. The kings of Scotland, while uncrown- ed, can exercife no royal government ; for the coro- nation in concrete, according to the fubliance of the act, is no ceremony as they, who make conscience it- felf but a ceremony, call it) nor an accidental ingre- dient in the confiitution of a king, but as it is diftinc- tive A HIND LET LOOSE. 36c tive, fo it is conftiturive : it diflinguifhed Saul from all Ifrael, and made him from no king to be a king ; it is dative, and not only declarative ; it puts fome ho- nour upon him that he had not before. 3. Though the laws fhould not ftrike againfl: his coronation, and though the reprefentatives legally fhould take the fame meafures with him that they took with his bro- ther, and admit him upon the terms of the covenant ; yet after fuch doleful experiences of fuch tranfaclions with thefe fons of Belial, who muft not be taken with hands, nor by the hand, it were hard to truft, or en- trufl them with the government, even though they fhould make the faireft profeflions ; fince they, whofe principles is to keep no faith to heretics (as they call us) and who will be as abfolute in their promifes as they are in their power, have defervedly forfeited all credit and truft with honeft men ; fo that none could rationally refer the determination of a half crown reck- oning to any of them, far lefs own them and their go- vernment in the management of the weightieft affairs of flate, fince their malverfations are written in fuch bloody characters, as he that runs may read them. At lead it were wifdom, and is our duty, to take our meafures from the general affembly's procedure with the other brother, before his ad million to the govern- ment, to fufpend our allegiance to him, until autho- rity be legally devolved upon him, and founded upon, and bounded by terms, giving all fecurity for religion and liberty. 12. As I faid, before wary prudence, in waving fuch an impertinent and ticklifh queftion, cannot be condemned ; fince whatever he may be in confcience, no man in law can be obliged, fo far to furrender the common privilege of all mankind, to give an account of all his inward thoughts, which are always faid to be free. And as in nothing they are more various, fo in nothing they can be more violented, than to have our opinion and fentiments of the current government extorted from us, a declining of which declaration of Z z thoughts 3^2 A HIND LET LOOSE. thoughts, where no ouvert act in project or practice can be proven againft it, cannot be treafon in any law in the world : fo a cautelous anfwer, in fuch a ticklifh and intrapping impofition, cannot be cenfured in point of lawfulnefs or expediency, even though much be conceded, to flop the mouths of thefe bloody but- chers, gaping greedily after the blood of the anfwer- er ; if he do not really own, but give them to under- ftand, he cannot approve of this tyranny. But as thefe poor faithful witnefles, who were helped to be mofl free, have always been honoured with the moft fignal countenance of the Lord in a happy iffue of their teftimony : fo thofe that ufed their prudentials mofl:, in feeking fhifts to fhun feverity, and ftudying to fatisfy thefe inquifitors with their ftretched concef- fions, were ordinarily more expofed to fnares, and found lefs fatisfaction in their fufTerings even though they could fay much to-juftify, or at leaft extenuate their fhiftings. I knew one, who had proof of this, who afterwards was afhamed of this kind of prudence. A fhort account of whofe managing of anfwers to this queftion, becaufe it may conduce fomewhat to the ex- plication of it, may here be hinted. The queftion moved after the ufual form, was, do ye own the au- thority of king James VII. In anfwer to which, he pleaded fiift, for the immunity of his thoughts, which he faid were not fubject to theirs or any tribunal. When this could not be an evafion from their extor- tions, he objected the ambiguity of the terms in which the queftion was conceived, being capable of divers fenfes : and enquired, what they meant by autho- rity ? ifWhat, by owning authority? By authority, whether did they mean the adminiftration of it, as now improved ? If fo, then he . was not fatis- fied with it : or the right, as now eftablifhed ? If fo, then he was not clear to give his opinion of it, as being neither lignificant nor neceilary ; and that it was fitter for lawyers and thofe that were better ac- quaint with the fecrets of government, than for him to difoute it, Again A HIND LET LOOSE. 363 Again he afked, what they meant by owning ? Ei- ther it is paflive fubje&ion, that he did not decline ; or active acknowledgment of it and that he faid he looked upon as all the fuffrage he could give to its eftablifhment in his ftation, which he muft demur u- pon fome fcruple. The replies he received were very various, and fome of them very rare, either for igno- rance or impofture. Sometimes, it was anfwered : to own the king's authority, is to take the oath pi allegiance ; this he refufed. Some anfwered, it is to engage never to rife in arms againft the king, upon any pretence whatfoever ; this he refufed like- wife. Others explained it to be, to acknowledge his right to be king : to his he anfwered, when the autho- rity is legally devolved upon him by the reprefenta- tives of both kingdoms, it was time enough for him to give account of his fentiments. Others defined it, to own him to be a lawful king by fucceffion. To this he anfwered, he did not underftand fucceffion could make a man formally king, if there were not fome other way of conveyance of it ; it might put him in the neareft capacity to be king, but could not make him king. Some did thus paraphrafe upon it, that he muft own him to be his fovereign Lord under God, and God's vicegerent, to be obeyed in all things lawful. To this he anfwered, whom God appoints, and the people choofe according to law, he would own. When thofe Ihifts would not do, but from time to time being urged to a categorical anfwer ; he told them, he was content to live in fubjection to any go- vernment providence fet up ; but for owning the prefent conft.itution as of God, and according to law, he durfl not acknowledge it, nor own any mortal as his lawful fovereign, but in terms confiflent with the covenant fecuring religion and liberty. This not fa- tisfying, when he came to a more pinching trial ; he declared, he owned all lawful authority according to the word of God, and all authority that was the or- Z 2 2 dinance 364 A HIND LET LOOSE. dinance of God by his preceptive will, and he could be fubject to any ; but further to acknowledge it, he behoved to have more clearnefs ; for fometimes a nation might be charged with that, * Ye have fet ' up kings, and not by me/ &c. Further he con- ceded, he owned his providential advancement to the throne ; he owned as much as he thought did oblige him to fubject himfelf with patience; he owned him to be as lawful, as providence pofiefling him of the throne of his anceftors, and lineal fuccef- fion, as prefumed next in blood and line, could make him : but Hill he declined to own him as lawful king, and alledged that was all one, whether he was lawful or not, he refufed not fubjection, didinguifhing it al- ways from allegiance. But all thefe conceflions did not fatisfy them, and alledged he might fay all this of a tyrant ; and there- fore commanded him to give it under hand, to own not only the lineal, but the legal fucceffion of king James VII. to the crown of Scotland ; which he did, upon a fancy, that legal did not import lawful, but only the formality of their law ; withal protefting, he might not be interpreted to approve of his fucceffion. But this was a vain proteftation againft fact. Howe- ver, by this we fee, what is owning this authority, in the fenfe of the inquifitors. The refult of all is, to acknowledge allegiance to the prefent poffeffor, and to approve his pretended I authority as lawful, rightful and righteous ; which indeed is the true fenfe of the words, and any other, that men can forge or find out, is drained. For, to fpeak properiy, if we own his authority in any refpect, we own it to be lawful : for every authority, that is owned to be authority indeed, is lawful ; authority always importing authorization, and confiding in a right or call to rule, and is formally and efTentialiy contradifiincl: to ufurpation : where ever the place of power is merely ufurped, there is no authority but according to his word ; a dile without truth, a bare- ly pretended nominal equivocal authority, no real de- nomination : A HIND LET LOOSE. 365 nomination : if we then own this man's authority, we own it to be lawful authority : and if we cannot own it fo, we cannot own it all. For it is moft fuitable, either to manly ingenuity, or Christian fimplicity, to fpeak properly, and to take words always in the iewfe, that they to whom they are fpeaking will un- derftand them, without equivocating. Thefe preliminaries being thus put by, which do contribute to clear fcmewhat in this controversy, and both furnifh. us with fome arguments for, and Solu- tions in moft of the objections againft my thefis, in anfwer to the queftions above dated. I fet it down thus: A -people long opprefled with the encroach- ments of tyrants and ufurpers, may difown all allegi- ance to their pretended authority, and when impofed upon to acknowledge it, may and muft rather chufe to fuffer, than to own it. And confequently we can- not, as matters now Stand, own, acknowledge, or approve the pretended authority of king James VII. as lawful king of Scotland ; as we could not, as mat- ters then flood, own the authority of Charles II. This confequence is abundantly clear from the fore- going deduction, demonstrating their tyranny and u- furpation. In profecuting of this general thefis, which will evince the particular hypothefis, I (hall, i. Ad- duce fom.e historical inftances, whence it may be ga- thered, that this is not altogether without a precedent, but that people have difowned allegiance to tyrants and ufurpers before now. 2. Deduce it from the dictates of reafon. 3. Confirm it by fcripture argu- ments. I. Albeit, as was fhewed before, this queftion, as now ftated, is in many refpects unprecedented ; yet the practice, which in our day hath been the refultof it, to difown, or not to own prevailing dominators ufurping the government, or abufing it, is not fo alien from the examples of hiftory, but that by equivalency or confequence it may be collected from and confirmed by inftances. 1. To begin at home, belides many paffages related already $66 A HIND LET LOOSE. already for confirmation, we may add, (1.) That for about 1025 years, the people had in their choice whom to own, or admit to fucceed in the government, ' Even * though the kingdom was hereditary ; and ufed to e- * left, not fuch who were nearefl in blood and line, 4 but thefe that were judged moft fit in government, be- 6 ing of the fame progeny of Fergus,' Buchanan's Hiitory of Scotland, book vi. pag. 195. in the life of Kenneth III. This continued until the days of Kenneth III. who to cover his villainous murder of his brother's fon Malcolm, and prevent his, and fe- cure his own fon's fucceflion, procured this charter for tyranny, the fettlement of the fucceflion of the next in line from the parliament: which, as it pre- tended the prevention of many inconveniencies, arif- ing from contentions and competitions about the fuc- ceflion ; fo it was limited by laws, precluding the fuc- ceflion of fools or monfters, and preferving the peo- ple's liberty to fhake off the yoke when tyranny mould thereby be introduced : otherwife it would have been not only an irrational furrender of all their own rights, and enflaving the pofterity, but an irreligious con- tempt of providence, refuting and anticipating its de- termination in fuch a cafe. However it is clear, be- fore this time, that as none but the fitteft were ad- mitted to the government ; fo if any did ufurp upon it, or afterwards did degenerate into tyranny, they took fuch order with him, as if he had not been ad- mitted at all ; as is clear in the inftances of the firft period, and would never own every pretender to he- reditary fucceflion. (2.) As before Kenneth's days, it is hard to reckon the numerous inftances of kings that were dethroned, or imprifoned, or ilain, upon no other account than that of their opprellion and ty- ranny ; fo afterwards they maintained the fame power and privilege of reprefling them, when ever they be- gan to encroach. And although no nation hath been more patient towards bad kings, as well a9 loyal to- wards good ones ; yet, in all former times, they underftocd fo well the right they had, and the duty they ' A HIND LET LOOSE. 367 they owed to their own prefervation, as that they fel- dom failed of calling the exorbitantly flagitious to an account. And albeit, inftead of condoling or aven- ging the death of the tyrannous, they have often both excufed and juftified it, yet no kingdom hath inflict- ed feverer punifhments upon the murders of juft and righteous princes : and therefore, though they did neither enquire after, nor animadvert upon thofe that flew James III. a flagitious tyrant, yet they did, by mod exquifite torments, put them to death who flew James the I. a virtuous monarch. Hence, becaufe thefe and other inftances I mind to adduce of depof* ing tyrants, may be excepted againft, as not pertinent to my purpofe, who am not pleading for exauctora- tion and depofition of tyrants, being impracticable in cur cafe : I (hall once for all remove that, and defire it may be coniidered, (i.) That though we cannot for- mally exauctorate a tyrant ; yet he may, by law itielf, fall from his right, and may exauctorate himfelf, by his laws by whom kings reign ; and this is all we plead for as a foundation of not owning him. (2.) Though we have not the fame power, yet we have the fame grounds, and as great and good, if not greater and better reafons to reject and difown our tyrant, as thev, whofe example is here adduced, had to de- pofe fome of their tyrannizing princes. (3. J If they had power and ground to depofe them, then a forti- ori, they had power and ground to difown them ; for that is lefs, and included in the other, and this we have. (4.) Though it fhouM be granted, that they did -not difown them before they were depofed ; yet it cannot be faid that they did difown them only becaufe they were depofed: for it is rot depofition that makes a tyrant ; it only declares him to be juftly punifhed for what he was before. As the fentence of a judge does not make a man a murderer or thief, only declares him convict of thefe crimes, and puniffiable for them ; it is their own committing them that makes him cri- minal ; and, as before the fentence, having certain knowledge 368 A HIND LET LOOSE, knowledge of the fact, we might difown the man's innocency or honefty ; fo a ruler's acts of tyranny and usurpation make him a tyrant and ufurper, and give ground to difown his jufl: and legal authority ; which he can have no more than a murderer or thief can have innocency or honefty. (3.) We find alfo examples of their difowning kings undepofed ; as king Baliol was difowned with his whole race, for at- tempting to enflave the kingdom's liberties to foreign power. And if this may be done for fuch an attempt, as the greateft court parafites, and fycophants confent ; what then (hall be done for fuch as attempt to fubjecl the people to domeflic or inteftine flavery ? fhall we refute to be flaves to one without, and be, and own ourfelves contented fiaves to one within the kingdom ? It is known alfo that king James the I. his authority was refufed by his fubje&s in France, fo long as he was a prifoner to the Englifh there, though he charged them upon their allegiance, not to fight againft the party who had his perfon prifoner: they anfwered, They owned no prifoner for their king, nor owned no allegiance to a prifoner. Hence princes may learn, though people fubmit to their government ; yet their resignation of themfelves to their obedience is not fo full, as that they are obliged to own allegiance to them when either morally or phyfically they are incapacitate to exercife authority over them. They that cannot rule themfelves cannot be owned as rulers over a people. 1. Neither hath there been any nation, but what at one time or other hath furnifhed examples of this nature. -The Englifh hiftory gives account, how fome of their kings ha\te been dealt with by their fub- jecfcs, for impieties againft the law and light of nature, and encroachments upon the laws of the land. Vor- tigern was dethroned for inceftuoufly marrying his own filter. Neither did ever blafphemies, adulteries, murders, plotting againft the lives of innocents, and taking them away by poifon or razor, ufe to efcape the animadverfion of men, before they were pried ridden A HIND LET LOOSE. 369 ridden unto a belief that princes perfons were facred. And if men had that generoiity now this man that now reigns might expect fume fuch animadverlion. And we find alio king Edward, and Richard the II. were depofed, for ufurpation upon laws and liberties, in doing whereof the people avowed, They would not fuffer the laws of England to be changed. Surely the people of England muff, now be far de- generate, who having fuch laws tranfmitted to them from their worthy anceftors, and they themfelves be- ing born to the poffeffion of them without a change, do now fuller them to be fo encroached upon, and mancipate themfelves, and leave their children vaffals to popery, and ilaves to tyianny. 3/ The Dutch alfo, who have the bed way of guid- ing of kings of any that ever had to do with them (witnefs their having fo many ot them in chains, now in Batavia in the Ealf Indies) are not wanting for their part to furnilh us with examples. When the king of Spain would not condefcend to govern them according to their ancient laws, and rule for the good of the people, they declared him to be fallen from the feigniory of the Netherlands, and fo eredted themfelves into a fiourilhing common-wealth. It will not be a- mifs to tranferibe fome of the words of the edict of the itates general to this purppfe. It is well known, (fay they)' That a prince and lord of a country is ' ordained, by God, to be fovereign and head over * his fubjecls, to preferve and defend them from * all injuries, force, and violence ; and that if the c prince therefore faileth therein, and inftead of pre- ' ferving his fubjects, doth outrage and opprefs them, ' depriveth them of their privileges and ancient cuf- ' toms, commandeth them, and will be ferved of them ' as flaves ; they are no longer bound to refpect him 6 as their fovereign lord, but to efteem of him as a 1 tyrant, neither are they bound 10 acknowlege him ' as their prince, but may abandon him, &c.' And with this agrees the anfwer William, prince of Orange, 3 A to 37& A HIND LET LOOSE. to the edift of profcription, publiflied againfl him by Philip the II. There is, fays he, ' A reciprocal bond ' betwixt the lord and his vaffal ; fo that if the lord ' break the oath, which he hath made unto his vaffal, * the vaffal is difcharged of the oath made unto his ' lord.' This was the very argument of the poor fuffering people of Scotland, whereupon they difown* ed the authority of Charles the II. 4. The monarchy of France is very abfolute ; yet there alfo the flate hath taken order with their ty- rants ; not only have we many inftances of refiftances made againft them, but alfo of difowning, difabling, and invalidating their pretended authority, and re- preffing their tyranny. So was the two Childerici ierved ' fo alfo Sigebertus, Dagabertus, and Lcdo- wick the II. kings of France. 5. The great body of Germany moves very flowly, and is inured to bear great burdens : yet there alfo we find Joanna of Aftria, mother of Charles V. was put to perpetual imprifonment : which example is ad- duced by the earl of Morton, in his difcourfe to the queen of England (whereof I reheaifed a part before) vindicating the depofing and difowning queen Mary of Scotland. ' If, faith he, we compare her with * Joanna of Auftria,— what did that poor wretch com- * mit, but that fhe could not want a little luflful plea- * fure as a remedy neceffary for her age ? and yef, * poor creature, fhe fuffered that punifhment, of which ' our dame, convicted of moft grievous crimes, now * complains. ,— -Buchanan's Hiftory of Scotland, book xx. p. 748. The duke of Saxon, the landgrave of Heffe, and the magifirates of Magdehurgh, joined in a war againfl her fon Charles V. and drew up a con- clufion by refolution of lawyers, wherein are thefe words~ ' Neither are we bound to him by any o- * ther reafon, than if he keep the conditions on which ' he was created emperor. By the laws themfelves it * is provided, That the fuperior magiftrate fhall not * infringe the right of t hav- ing their crown fet on by God, Pfal. xxi. 3. But in regard now he doth not by any fpecial revelation determine, who fhall be the governors in this or that place ; therefore he makes this conftitution by medi- tation of men, giving them rules how they fhall pro- ceed in fetting them up. And feeing, by the law of nature, he hath enjoined government to be, but hath 3 C ordered 386 A HIND LET LOOSE. ordered no particular in it with application to fmgu- lars, he hath committed it to the pofitive tranfaction of men, to be difpofed according to certain general rules of juftice. And it muft needs be fo ; for firft, without this conftitution, either all or none would be magiftrates : if he hath ordained civil power to be, and taken no order in whom it fhall be, or how it fhail be conveyed, any might pretend to it j and yet none would have it, more than another. If then he hath affixed it to a peculiar having and holding, by virtue whereof this man is enftated and entitled to the office, and not that man, there muft be a law for con- figuring him in authority, which will difcover in whom it is. 2. If it were not fo, then refilling of a particular magiftra^e would not be a refilling of the ordinance of God, if a particular magiftrate were not conftitute of God, as well as magiiiracy is inflitute of God : for ilill it would be undetermined, who were the owner ; and fo it would be left as free and lawful for the refifter to take the place, as for the re« fifted to hold it ; the inftitution would be fatisfied if any poiTefled it : therefore there muft be conftitution to determine it. 3. No common law of nature can put in practice, without particular conftitution regu- lating it. That wives and children own their fuperi- or relations, is the law of nature ; but there mull be fuch a relation firft fixed by human tranfaction, be- fore they can own them ; there muft be marriage au- thorized of God, there muft be children begotten, an*1 then the divine ordination of thefe relative duties take place. So the judges of Ifrael for four hundred and fifty years were given of God, Acls xiii. 20. not all by an immediate exprefs defignation, but a medi- ate call from God by men, as Jephthah, Judg. xL 6~. 1 1. Inferior judges alfo are magiftrates appointed by God, yet they have their deputation from men. Our Saviour fpeaks of all magiftrates, when he applies that of the 82 pfalm to them, I faid ye are gods ; and mews how they were gods, becaufe unto them the word A HIND LET LOOSE. 387 word of God came, John x. 35. that is, by his word and warrant he authorized them, not by immediate defignation in reference to the mod of them, but the word of God comes to them, or his cdnftitution is pafl upon them, who are advanced by men according to his word. Whe'n men therefore do a£fc according to the divine rule, in the moulding and erecting of government and governors, there the conflitution is of God, though it be not immediate. And where this is not obferved, whatever power (fo named or pretended) there may be, or whatfoever perfons there be that take upon them to be the power, and are not thereto appointed or therein inflated, and do exercife fuch a power as God hath not legitimated, they are not a power ordained of God. Hence, whatfoever power hath no conflitution from God, either imme- diate or mediate, cannot be owned : but the authori- ty of tyrants and ufurpers, is a power that hath no conflitution from God, either immediate or mediate ; therefore it cannot be owned. The major is cleared above. The minor is alfo undeniable : for, either they mufl pretend to an immediate conflitution by re- velation, that James duke of York a vaflal of anti- chrift, had, by all his plots and pranks, merited the crown of Britain, and therefore mufl be conflitute king; and this I hope they will not pretend to, ex- cept the Pope hath gotten fuch a revelation from Plu- to's oracle; or they mufl have recourfe to -.he medi- ate conflitution by men : and if fo, then either this mediate conflitution of God is left undetermined, in- definitely and abfolutely giving way to any that will aim me what power they pleale and can : and then, I, confefs tyrants may have a conflitution ; but this con- flitution cannot be of God ; or elfe it is fixed by a rule, regulating the fucceffion or conflitution of the, governors, and obliging the people to own the go- vernment fo conflituted, with exclufion and difallow- ance of any other. And fo, if in that conflitution there he a fu.bflaiuial deviation from, the rule, as when 3 C a moony* 388 A HIND LET LOOSE. incompetent or unallowed perfons be the advancers of themfelves, or others, into that place by illegal and fmiitrous means, in as much as in that cafe there lSgthe divine difapprobation, it may be faid there is no ordinance of God, but a contradiction and contra- ordination to God's order. Gee's magift. origin, chap. 5. feci. 4. fubject 3 page 135. This will (hake off this of ours, and all other tyrants and ufurpers, that come into the government, and hold it not ac- cording to God's rule. 4. It is clear alfo in the fecond place, that the au- thority which we can own out of confcience, mull have conftitution by the people, The fpecial way by which men fhould be called into the place of fovc- reign power, may perhaps not be found fo exprefly defined in fcripture, as mens call to the other ordi- nance of the miniftry is ; yet in this two things are efTentially neceffary to the conftitution of a magi- lirate, the peoples confent and compact either formal and virtual. And without thefe we can own confci- entious fubjection and allegiance to no man living. That the firft is neceffary will be evident, from the law of nature and nations, and from fcripture. Firft, The light and law of nature dictates, that the right and intereft of constituting magiftrates is in the elec- tive vote or fuffrage of the people. This will appear,- j. If we confider the original of government among men, efpecially after they wer.e fo multiplied, that there was a neceffity of a reduction into diverfe com- munities ; which, whatever was before the flood, yet after it, behoved to be by a coalition with confent under an elective government. The fcripture makes it more than probable, that the partition of common, wealths was in Peleg's days, in whofe time the earth was divided, Gen. x. 2. occafioned by the confufion of " languages at Babel, which did diffolve their u- *' nion, and fcatter them abroad upon the face of all " the earth," Gen. xi. 9. Then was it that we may conceive; as Buchanan fays, A HIND LET LOOSE. 389 fay?, de jure regni apud Scot. * The time was when ' men dwelt in cottages and caves, and as flrangers * did wander to and fro without laws, and fuch as ' could converfe together of the fame language, •f- ' fembled together as their humours did lead them or ' as fome common utility did allure them* a certain ' inftinct of nature did oblige them to defire converfe ' and fociety.' But this confufion of languages, and communion of language, in feveral divided parcels, could not incorporate thefe feveral parties into com- munities ; that behoved to be the effect of fome other caufe : and what fhould that be, but the joint will, confent and agreement of the feverally languaged ? It could not be by confanguinity ; for there is no direc- tion from nature for a confinement of that into fuch and fuch degrees, to make out the bonds of a com- mon-wealth, or poflibility of knowing all within fuch degrees ; befides all within thefe degrees might not be of the fame language. Now, the fcripture fays, they " were divided every one after his tongue, af- " ter their families, in their nations," Gen. x. 5. Next, it could not be by cohabitation : for how that muft go to be the boundaries of a common- wealth, in- clufively, or exciufiveiy, is not defined by nature, nor can it be otherwife determined, than by human choice. Then, it could not be by mens belonging to fuch a fovereign : for, after that divifion and confufion, they could not all be under one fovereign, nor under the fame that they were fubject to before j and a fo- vereign cannot be before the aggregation of the fub- je£ls whereof he is head, they mutt firft be a com- monwealth before they can belong to it. Again, it cannot be founded upon the right of fatherhood : for, in that fcattering, fuch a right could not be uninter- ruptedly preferved : and then Noah fhould alfo have been the univerfal magiftrate, which he could not be in thefe multiplied feceflions. And further, if it be refounded on the right of fatherhood, either every company had one common father over all, or every father 39® A HIND LET LOOSE. father made a commonwealth of his own children : the latter cannot be faid, for that would multiply commonwealths in infinitum : neither can the firft be faid ; for, if they had one common father, either this behoved to be the natural father of all the com- pany, which none can think was fo happily ordered by Babel's confufion : or elfe the eldeft in age, and fo he might be incapable for government, and the lav/ of nature does not direct that the government ihould alway be aftricted to the eldeft of the community : or elfe, finally, he behoved to be their political father, by confent. For, before this confent, they were unr engaged as to common order of government ; none of the community having any l^gal claim to fovercignty more than the reft. When therefore they were forced to conclude upon aflbciation, for their mu- tual prefervation, they mu(t be thought to act ra- tionally, and not to make their condition worfe, but rather better by that conclufion ; and if they found it worfe, to refume their radical right which they had conferred upon men fubject to law, not to tyrannize over them : and in this cafe, certainly they had the power of choofing what kind of government fuited moft to their advantage, and would bed preferve their liberties, and how far this mould be extended, and who mould be affumed into this combination ; ftill with a refervation of the privilege to their own fafety, if their afTociates mould not do their duty : and lb they might aifo referve to themfelves a liberty to alter the form, when they found it productive of more pre- judice than advantage, and never to leave their con- dition remedilefs ; and to pitch upon this way of fuc- ceffion, and not another, the way of free election of every fucceflbr, or of definite election limited to one line, or to the neareft in line ; and e contra, with a referve ftill of their primeve privileges, to fecure themfelves from the inconveniences of that de- termination, or to change it ; and to make choice of ftich a family and line, and not another, and whether A HIND LET LOOSE. 39I whether the eldeft always of that family, or the fit- ted is to be chofen ; and however it be, yet ftill by the peoples confent : and in all this to have refpecl: to fome good, great and necefiary ends, which, if they mould be difappointed of, and find thefe means ufelefs or deftru&ive to, they were to be loofed from their obligation to ufe or to own them. See Jus po- puli vindicat. chap. 5. p. 80, &c. 2. If we confider how nature determines the peoples intereft in the conftitution of governors : whence comes it that this man, and not that man, this race and family, and not that, is invefted with that title ? It will be found there is no title on earth now to the crowns, to fami- lies, to perfons, but the peoples fuffrage: for the inftitution of magiliracy in general does not make James Stewart a king, no more than John Chamber- lain : neither do qualifications make one, otherwife there might be many better than is this day extant j for there are many men better qualified : and there is no prophetical or immediate callings to kingdoms now : and as for conqueft without confent, and hav- ing no more for a title, it is no better than royal La- trociny. It is certain, God would not command us to obey kings, and leave us in the dark, that we fhould not know him that hath a real call to it. And if he have not the peoples call, where fhall we find another? It. remains therefore they mud have it from the people, who have it to give radically and virtually, having a power to preferve themfelves, and to put it in the hands of one or more rulers, that they may preferve themfelves by them. All men are born alike as to ci- vil power (no man being born with a crown on his head) and yet men united in fociety may give it to this man, and not to that man ; therefore they mull have it virtually, for they cannot give what they have not. And as cities have power to choofe their ma- gistrates, fo many cities have power to create an univerfal ruler over them all. The people alfo have 39* A HIND LET LOOSE. have power to limit the magiftrates power with conditions ; fo that the prefent ruler mall not have fa much prerogative as his predecefTor, as royalifts can- «ot deny, theiefore they muft have given that power which they can limit. See Lex Rex, quell. 4. p. 10* &c. idly, The fcripture alio gives light in this par- ticular. 1. In giving directions and rules about their orderly calling their governors, impowering them to " take wife men, and underitanding, and known a- " mong their tribes, to be made rulers," Deut. i. 13. '* To make judges and officers in all their gates," Deut. xvi. 18. " To fet one among their brethren " king over them, and not a ftranger," Dent. xvii. 15. To what purpofe are thefe rules given them, if they had no intereit to choofe their magiftrates ? Would God command them to fet a king over them, if they had not power to do it ? And to fet fuch a man over them, and not fuch an one, if they had no Influence in making one at all ? And accordingly that wife ftatift fays very well, 2 Sam. xvi. 18. Hufhai to Abfalom, nay, but whom the Lord and this peo- ple, and all the men of Ifrael choofe, his will 1 be, and with him will I abide. Which will alfo hold in the negative, whom the Lord and the people, and all the men of the kingdom do not choofe, his we will not be, nor with him will we abide. 2. The fcripture «xprefly attributeth the making of kings to the peo- ple. All the people of Judah took Azariah, and made him king, inftead of his father Amaziah, whom they had executed, 2 Kings xiv. 2 1 . They came with a perfect heart to make David king in Hebron, 1 Chron. xii. 38. So they made Joafti king, 2 Chron. xxiii. ii. 3. Even thefe that were particu- larly defigned of God, and chofen to be rulers, yet were not formally inverted with power, before the people conferred it upon them. Gideon was called of God to it, but was not judge, till the people faid, Rule thou over us, both thou and thy fon, giving him an hereditary right for his children, Judg. viii. 12* A HIND I,ET LOOSE. 303 1 2. Saul was appointed to be king, and therefore Samuel honoured him, becaufe he was marked out of God to be king, 1 Sam. ix. 24. and anointed him with oil, i Sam. x. 1. after which he was gifted and qualified lor government. God gave him another heart, verf. 9. yet all this did not make him king, till the people met for his inauguration, verf. 17. &c. and crowned him, and made him king in Gilgal, 1 Sam. xi laft verfe. David was anointed by Samuel, and yet was a perfecuted fugitive for feveral years, and never acknowledged formally king, till the men of Judah came and anointed him, 2 Sam. ii. 4. for if he had been king before, then there were two kings in lfrael at one time, and David failed of his royal duty, in not punifhing the murderer Saul ; whereas himfelf fays, he would not touch the Lord's anoint- ed. Therefore the people made all kings, and that by choice and confent, without which they were no> kings. Hence I argue, if the confent and choice of the people be fo effentially neceifary to the making o£ kings, then they who fet up themfelves againft the confent of the body of the land, and without the choice of any, muft be ufurpers, not to be acknow- ledged for lawful kings ; but the former is true, as is proven above : therefore. Now plain it is, that this duke fet up himfelf againft the confent of the bo- dy, being excluded from the government by the re- prefentatives of England, and generally hated of all; who difdaining to wait upon the formal choice of any, but after he had paved his paffage to the throne upon his brother's blood, did ufurp the title without all law. 5. The fecond thing neceifary for the legal ccnfti- tution of a king by the people, is their compact with him : which muft either be exprefs or tacit, explicit or implicit. Two things are here to be proven, that will furnifh an argument for difowning both the bro- thers. Firft, that there muft be a conditional reci- procally obliging covenant between the fovereign and 'x D the 394 A HIND LLT LOOSE. the fubjects, without which there is no relation to be owned. Secondly, that when this compact is brok- en in all or its chiefeft: conditions by the fovereign, the peoples obligation ceafes. The firft I mall fet down, in the words of a famous author, our renown- ed countryman Buchanan, in his dialogue ' de jure * regni apud fcotos. There is then (or there ought 4 to be) a mutual compact between the king and his ' fubjects,' &c. That this is indifpenfibly neceflary and effential to make up the relation of fovereign and fubjects, may be proved both from the light of na- ture and revelation. Firft, It may appear from the light of natural rea- fon. 1. From the rife of government, and the inte- reft people have in erecting it by confent and choice (as is mewed above) if a king cannot be without the peoples making, then all the power he hath muft ei- ther be by compact or gift : if by compact, then we have what we propofed : and if by gift : then if abu- fed, they may recal it ; or if they cannot recover it, yet they may and ought to hold their hand, and give him no more that they may retain, that is, no more honour or refpect, which is in the honourer before the honoured get it. Can it be imagined, that a people acting rationally, would give a power abfolute- ly, without reftrictions, to deftroy all their own rights ? Could they fuppofe this boundlefs and lawlefs creature, left at liberty to tyrannize, would be a fit mean to procure the ends of government ? for this were to fet up a rampant tyrant to rule as he lifteth, which would make their condition a great deal worfe than if they had no ruler at all, for then they might have more liberty to fee to their fafety. See jus po- puli, chap. 9. pag. 96, 97. 2. This will be clear from the nature of that authority, which only a fove- reign can have over his fubjects ; which, whatever be the nature of it, it cannot be abfolute, that is a- gainft fcripture, nature, and common fenfe, as ihali be proven at more length. That A HIND LET LOOSE. 395 That is to fet up a tyrant, one who is free from all conditions, a roaring lion and a ranging bear to de- stroy all if he pleafes. It mult he granted by all, that the fovereign authority is only fi Juciary, entiuft- ed by God and the people with a great charge: a great pledge is impawned and committed to the care and cultody of the magiftrate, which he mull rake fpecial care of, and not abufe, or wafte, or alienate, or fell : (for in that cafe, royalifts themfelves grant he may be depofed.) He is by office a patron of the fubje&s liberties, and keeper of the law both of God and man, the keeper of both tables. Sure, he hath no power over the laws of God, but a minifterial power, he may not (lop and difable them as he plea- fes ; of the fame nature is it, over all other parts of his charge. He is rather a tutor, than an inheritor and proprietor of the commonwealth, and may not do what his pupil's intereft, what he pleafes. In a word, the nature and whole fignificancy of his power lies in this, that he is the nation's public fervant, both objectively in that he is only for the good of the people, and reprefentatively in that the people hath impawned in his hand all their power to do royal fer- vice. The fcripture teaches this, in giving him the titles of fervice, as watchmen, &c. allowing him royal wages for his royal work, Rom. xiii. he is God's mini ft er attending continually on this thing. There is his work, for this caufe pay you tribute alfo. There is his wages and maintainance. He is called fo in that tranfaclion with Rehoboam ; the old men advifed him to be a fervant unto the people, then they mould be his fervants, i Kings xii. 7. There was a conditional bargain propofed : as to be a fervant, or tutor, or guardian upon truft, always implies conditions and accountablenefs to them that entruff. them. 3. It mufl needs be fo, otherwife great abfurdities would follow. Here would be a volunta- ry contracted relation, obliging us to relative duties, to a man that owed none correlative to us, and yet 3 D 2 OI1Q 39^ A HIND LET LOOSE. one whom we fet over us. It were ftrange, it there were no condition here; and no other voluntarily fufcepted relations can be without this, as between man and wife, mafter and fervant, &c. This would give him the difpofal of us and ours, as if both we and what we have were his own, as a man's goods are, againft. which he does not fin whatever he doth with them. So this would make a king that could not fin againft us ; being no ways obliged to us, for he can no otherwife he obliged to us, but upon cove- nant conditions ; he may be obliged and bound in duty to God otherwife, but he cannot be bound to us otherwife : and if he be not bound, then he may do what he will, he can do no wrong to us to whom he is noways bound. This alfo is point blank againft the law of God, which is the feconc way to prove it, by the light of revelation or fcripture. i. Jn the very directions about making and fetting up of kings, the Lord fhews what conditions fhall be re- quired of them, Deut. xvii. 1 5. &c. and in all direc- tions for obeying them, the qualifications they mould have are rehearfed, as Rom. xii. 3, 4. Therefore none are to be fet up but on thefe conditions, and none are to be obeyed but fuch as have thefe qualifi- cations. 2. In his promifes of the fucceffion of kings, he fecnres their continuation only condi- tionally, to eftablifajthejcingdom, if they be conftant to do his commandments and judgments, 1 Chron. xxviii. 7. There fhali not fail a man to fit upon the throne, yet fo that they *tjake heed to their way to walk in God's law, a& David, did, 2 Chron. vi. 16. Now he was not otherwife to perform thefe pro- mifes, but by the action and fuffrage of the people letting him up, (which he .had appointed to be the way of calling kings to thrones,) if therefore the Lord's promife be conditional, the people's actions alfo behoved to be fufpended upon the fame condi- tions. 3. We have many exprefs covenants between rulers and fubje&s in fcripture. Jephthah was fetch- ed A HIND LET LOOSE. 397 ed from the land of Tob, and made the head of the Gileadites by an explicit mutual ftipulation, where- in the Lord was invocated as a witnefs, Judg. xi. 6, 8, 9, 10, 11. So all the elders of Ifrael came to make David king; and king David made a league with them in Hebron before the Lord, and then they anointed him over Ifrael, 2 Sam. v. 3. he made there a covenant with them before the Lord, 1 Chton. xi. 3. He was no king before this covenant, and fo it was a pactional oath between him and the king- dom, upon terms according to the law, Deut. xvii. He was only a king in fieri ; one who was to be king, but now actually inaugurate a covenanted king upon terms that fan&ified them. It is true, they came to recognofce Rehoboam's right, and came to Shechem to make him king, 1 Kings xii. 1. and yet when he would not enter in covenant-terms with them, to fatisfy their juft demands, the people anfwered the king, faying, what portion have we in David, neither have we inheritance in the fon of Jef. fe, to your tents, O Ifrael, verf. 16. They refufed to acknowledge fuch an ufurper, and we find no prophets ever condemning them for it. So when Jehoafh or Joafh was crowned, Jehoiada made a co- venant between the Lord and the king and the peo- ple, between the king alfo and the peopler 2 Kings xi. 17. 2 Chron. xxiii. 11, 16. From all thefe reafons and fcriptures, it is clear, there mud be a mutual com- pact between the fubjecls and every fovereign they own fubje&ion to, which if he refufe, and ufurp the fword, they are under an anterior obligation to fub- ftracr. their allegiance, and to make ufe of their fword, if they be in capacity to pull it out of hi* hands, and ufe it againft him. And of this we are put in mind by the motto of our old coronation pieces, which have thefe words about the fword, * for me, but, if I deferve, againft me:' and furely to him that hath it now in his hands, it may be faid, thou 39^ A HIND LET LOOSE. thou haft deferred, and as yet deferves. We fee then, the allegiance that this ufurper alledges is his due, wants a bottom, to wit, a compact with the people. Whence I argue, if there mud of neceftity be a compadt between the king and the people, when he is advanced to the government : then he that ad- vances himfelf, without and againft this compact, is an ufurper not to be owned; but the former is true: therefore he that advances himfelf without and againft this compact, is an ufurper noi to be owned. And who more notoriouily deferving fuch a figna- ture, than James VII. and II who hath made horns of his own ftrength, or the Pope's bulls, to puih his brother out and himfelf into the throne, upon no terms at all, or any fecurity for religion and liberty. One objection is to be removed here : can the cuf- toms of the Jews be binding to all nations ? The kings of Judah made fuch covenants, fhall therefore all kings do fo ? Anfw. Why not this cuftom, as well as crowning, which they ufed likewifc ? Thefe rules are not typical or ceremonial, nor only fo judi- cial as to be peculiarly judicial, but are matters of moral equity, bearing a ltanding reafon founded up- on that law, Deut. xvii. 15. &c. limiting the prince to ftand to conditions. Tf we caft at divine laws for rules of government where will we find better laws ? It is recorded of the firft of the Britifh kings who was Chriftian, that writing to Eleutherius bifliop of Rome, (before Antichrift took that feat) for the Ro- man laws, he received this anfwer : ' By divine cle* « mency ye have received the law and faith of Chrill, « you have the Old and New Teftaments, out of « them in God's name by counfel of your ftates take < laws, and govern your kingdom.' And of ano. ther, that he began his laws thus. God fpake alt thefe words, &c. And fo repeated the laws of God. The fecond thing I undertook to prove, is that aiTer- tion of Buchanan ubi fupra, de Jure Regni. * There 5 being a paction between the king and fubjects, he who A HIND LET LOOSE. 399 who firft recedes from what is covenanted, and doth * counteract what he hath covenanted, he loofes the * contract ; and the bond being loofed which did hold c fait the king with the people, whatever right did ' belong to him by virtue of that compact, he loofes ' it, and the people are as free as before the ftipula- tion.' Which is alfo afTerted by the author of Jus populi, chap. 6. pag. 112. ' It is no lefs clear, that ' when the fovereign doth not perform the principal, c main, and mod neceffary conditions, condefcended ' and agreed upon, by right he falleth from his fove- ' reignty : and pag. 1 ty. when the prince doth vio- * late his compact, as to all its conditions, or as to * its chief, main, and moft neceflary condition, the c fubjects are by right free from fubje&ion to him, c and at liberty to make choice of another.* This is fo clear that it needs no labour to prove it, that, up- on this head, we were loofed from all allegiance to the former tyrant, who was admitted upon terms of an explicit covenant, the conditions whereof he did as explicitly break. There are two cafes wherein fubjecls are loofed from covenanted allegiance to their princes. r. When the prince remits the obligation of the fubjects, and refufes allegiance upon that bafis ; then he can no more demand it by virtue of that compacl. He that remits, and will not have that allegiance, that the fubjecls covenanted upon fuch and fuch condi- tions to him, thefe fubje&s fhould not give it that they fo covenanted, for they mould not proftitute it to a refufer and remitter : but Charles the II. remitted and would not have that allegiance, which we cove- nanted upon fuch and fuch conditions, viz. upon the terms of the covenant, which he calfed and annulled and made criminal to own : therefore to him we fhould not have given it, which we fo covenanted, 2. When the prince doth enter into a mutual cove- nant with the people upon mutual conditions, and does not only ceaie to perform the conditions, but (imply 4©o a kind let loose. fimply denies all obligation to do it, and makes it a quarrel to infinuate fo much, yea perfecutes all who dare afTert the obligation of that covenant ; and yet demands allegiance, not upon the obligation of that covenant which he hath remitted, but abfolutely up- on the grounds of his prerogative : in this cafe it will be evident alfo, the fubjects are not bound either to own their formerly covenanted allegiance to him, or that which he demands on other grounds. GrotiuS de Jure belli, is clear as to this, lib. i. cap. 4. num. 12. * If there be fuch a claufe or condition in the ve- ry devolution of the government upon a prince, as if he do fo and fo, the fubjects (hall be loofed from all bonds of obedience, then, when he does fo, he be- comes a mere private perfon/ Grotius there fuppo- fes the power is transferred upon a refolutive condi- tion ; that is, if he tranfgrefs the condition, the power fhall be refolved into its ftrfl fountain : much more if it be transferred exprefly alfo upon a fufpen- five condition, that he fhall continue to maintain the ends of the covenant, defend religion and the liber- ties of the fubjects, in the defence whereof we (hall own allegiance to him, other wife not. In that cafe, if he do not maintain thefe ends, plain it is, our ob- ligation ceafes ; for how can it ftand upon a condi- tional obligation, when his performance of the con- dition fills ? But whatever be the conditions mutual, it flows natively from the nature of a mutual com- pact:, ' That he who doth not perform the conditions agreed upon, hath no right to the benefit granted upon condition of performance of thefe conditions j efpecially if he perform not, or violate thefe condi- tions upon fuppofition whereof he would not have gotten the benefit : it were very abfurd to fay in a mutual conditional compact, one party mall ftill be found to perform his conditions, though the other perform none, but break all. Were it the act of ra- tional creatures to fet up a fovereign, upon conditions he fhall not play the tyrant, and yet be bound to him A HIND LET LOOSE. 40I him though he tyrannize never fo much ? We have the nature of mutual compacts in the fpies covenant with Rahab, Jem. ii. 20. " If thou utter this our " bufmefs, then we will be quit of thine oath, which " thou haft made us to Iwear :" if me mould break condition, then the obligation on their part mould ceafe. But next, all the ftrefs will Iy in proving that the covenant, on fuch and fuch conditions between a prince and fubjects, doth equally and mutually oblige both to each other : for if it equally oblige both, then both are equally difen^aged from other by the1>reach on either lide, and either of them may have a juft claim in law againft the other for breach of the con- ditions. But royalifts and court flaves alledge, that1 fuch a covenant obliges the king to God, but not to the people at all : fo that he is no more accountable to them, than if he had none at all. But the cdfi-1 trary is evident : for, (1.) If the compact be mutual, and if it be infringed on one fide, it mull be fo in the other alio; for in contracts, the parties are coniider- ed as equals, whatever inequality there may be be- twixt them otherwife : 1 fpeak of contracts among men. (2.) If it be not fo, there is no covenant made with the people at all : and fo David did no more co- venant with lirael, than with the Chaldeans : for to all with whom the covenant is made it obliges them to it. Otherwife it mult be laid, he only made the covenant with God, contrary to the text : for he made it only before the Lord as a witnefs, not with him as a pirty. JoafiVs covenant with the Lord is exprefly diftinguilhed from that with the people. (3.) If it be not fo, ic were altogether nonfenfe to fay, there were any covenant made with the king on the other hand : for he is fuppofed to be made king on fuch and fuch terms: and yet, by this, after he i$ made king he is no more obliged unto them, than if there had been no compact with him at all. (4.) If he be bound as king, and not only as a man or Chriftiaii) then he is bound with refpect to the peo- 3 E pie ) 402 A HIND LET IO0SE. pie ; for with re.fpeft to them he is only king : bat he is bound as king, and not only as a man or Chrii- tian, becaufe it is only with him as king that the people covenant, and he muft tranfact with them un- der the fame confideration. Next, that which he is obliged to, is the fpecifical act of a king, to defend religion and liberty, and rule in righteoufnefs ; and therefore his covenant binds him as a king. Again, if he be not bound as king, then as a king he is un- der no obligation of law or oath, which is. to make him a lawlefs tyrant ; yea, none of God's fubje&s. It would alfo fuppofe that the king as king could not fin againft the people at all, but only againft God : for as king he could be under no obligation of duty to the people) and where there is no obligation, there is no fin ; by this he would be fet above all ob- ligations to love his neighbour as himfelf, for he is above all his neighbours, and all mankind, and only lefs than God ; and fo by this doctrine, he is loo fed from all duties of the fecond table, or at lead he is not fo much obliged to them as others. But againft this it is objected : both prince and people are oblig- ed to perform their part to each other, and both are obliged to God, but both are not accountable to each ether ; there is not mutual power in the parties to compel one another to perform the proraifed duty ; the king hath it indeed over the people, but not the people over the king, and there is no indifferent judge fuperior to both, to compel both, but God. Anf. i. What if all this fhould be granted? Yet it doth not infringe the propoiiiion : what if the people have not power to compel him? Yet, if by law, he may fall from his fovereignty, though, indeed, he is not depofed : he lofes his right to our part, when he breaks his part. i. There is no need of a fuperior arbiter : for as in contracting they are confidered as equal, fo the party keeping the contract is fuperior to the other breaking it. 3. There may be mutual co-ac- tive power, when there is no mutual relation of fupe- riority A HIND LET LOOSE. 40^- fiority and Inferiority : yea, in fome cafes, inferiors may have a co-active power by law, to compel their fuperiors failing in their duty to them ; as a fori wronged by his father, may compel him to repara- tion by law ; and independent kingdoms, nothing in- ferior to each other, being in covenant together, the wronged may have a co-active power to force the o- ther to duty, without any fuperior arbiter. 4. The bond of furetifhip brings a man under the obligation to be accountable to the creditor, though the fumy were never fo high, and the creditor never fo low : Solomon fays, in general, without exception of kings ; yea, including them beeaufe he was a king that fpake it, Prov. vi. 1,2. " My fon, if thou be furety for " thy friend, thou art fnared with the words of " thy mouth." Now a king's power is but fiduci- ary ; and therefore he cannot be unaccountable for the power concredited to him. And if this generation had minded this, our ftewards mould have been called to an account for their ftewardfhip ere now. Hence I argue, if a covenanted prince, breaking all the conditions of his compact, doth forfeit his right to tiie fubjecls allegiance, then they are no more to own him as their fovereign ; but the former is proved, that a covenanted prince, breaking all the conditions of his compacl:, doth forfeit his right to the fubje&s allegiance : Therefore -And con- fequently when Charles II. exprelly bound by co- venant to defend and promote the covenanted refor- mation and liberties of the kingdom, to whom only we were bound in the terms of his defending and pro- moting che fame, did violently and villainoufly vio- late and vilify thefe conditions, we were no more bound to them. Somewhat poilibly may be objected here, 1. If this be the fenfe of the covenant, then it would feem that we were not bound to own the king, but only when and while he were actually promoving and carrying on the ends of the covenant. Anf. It does not follow, but that we are obliged to preferve 3 E 2 formally 4^4 A HIND LET LOOSE. his perfon and authority in thefe necefTafy intervals, when he is called to fee to himfelf as a man ; for we muft preferve him as a mean, becaufe of his aptitude and defignation for fuch an end, albeit not always formally profecuting it : we do not fay, that we are never to own him, but when actually exercifed in profecuting thcfe ends : but we fay, we are never to own him, when he is tyrannically and treacheroufly abufing his authority for deftroying and overturning thefe ends, and violating all the conditions of his compact. It may be. Object. 2. Saul was a tyrant, and a breaker of his royal covenant, and perfecutor of the godly, and murderer of the prieits of the Lord, ufurper upon the prieft's office, and many other ways guilty of breaking all conditions : and yet David and all Ifrael owned him as the anointed of the Lord. Anf- 1. Saul was indeed a tyrant, rejected of God, and to be ejected out of his kingdom in his own time and way, which David, a prophet knowing, would not anticipate. But he was far fhort, and a mere bungler in acts of tyranny in companion of our graf- fators : he broke his royal covenant in very grofs par- ticular acts, but did not cafs and refcind the whole of it, did not burn it, did not make it criminal to own its obligation, nor did he fo much as profefs a breach of it, nor arrogate an abfolute prerogative, nor attempt arbitrary government, nor to evert the fundamental laws, and overturn the religion of Ifrael, and bring in idolatry as ours have done : he was a perfecutor of David upon fome private quarrels, not of all the godly upon the account of their covenanted religion : he murdered 85 priefts of the Lord, in a tranfport of fury, becaufe of their kindnefs to David ; but he did not make laws adjudging all the minifters Of the Lord to death, who mould be found molt faithful in their duty to God and his church, as ours have done againfl: all field preachers : he ufurped u- pon the priell's office, in one elicit act of facrificing : but he did not ufurp a fupremacy over them, and an- nex A HIND LET LOOSE. 405 nex it as an inherent right of his crown. 2. He was indeed fiich a tyrant, as defer ved to have been de- throned and brought to condign punifhment, upon the fame accounts that Amaziah and Uzziah were de- pofed for afterwards : and in this the people failed in their duty, and for it they were plagued remarkably. Shall their omiflion be an argument to us ? 3. As the queflion was never put to the people, whether they owned his authority as lawful, or not ? So we do not read, either of their univerfal owning him, or their poiitive difowning him *. however, that is no good argument, which is drawn from a not doing to a doing ; becaufe they did it not, therefore it mud not be done. 4. They owned hirn ; but how ? As {he miniiter of God, not to be refitted or revolted from under pain of damnation ? (as all lawful magi- ilrates ought to be owned, Rom. xiii. 2, 4.) This I deny : for David and his fix hundred men refitted him refolutely; and though the body of the nation did long lazily ly and couch as alTes under his bur. den, yet, at length, weary of his tyranny, many re- volted from under him, and adjoined themfelves to David at Ziklag, ul while he kept himfelf clofe, be- " caufe of Saul the fon of Kim," 1 Chron. xii. 1 . who are commended by the Spirit of God for their valour, verfe. 2. &c. " and many out of ManaiTeh fell to " him, when he came with the Philiftines againft Saul " to battle," verfe 19. This was a practical difown- ing of the tyrant, before the Lord depofed him. 5. David did indeed pay him and his character fome de- ference, as having been the anointed of the Lord ; yet perhaps his honouring him with that title, the Lord's anointed, 1 Sam. xxiv. 1 Sam. xxvi. and cal- ling him fo often his Lord the King, cannot be alto- gether juftified, no more than his ufing that fame language to Achiih King of Gath, 1 Sam..xxix. 8. I (hewed before how titles might be allowed ; but this fo circumftantiate, does not feem fo coniiitent with his imprecatory prayer, for the Lord's avenging him on 405 A HINt) LET LOOSE. on him, 1 Sam. xxiv 12. and many other impreca- tions againft him in his Pfalms. In fome of which he calls the fame man, whom here he called, Pfal* lix. 6$, 14. and the evil, violent and wicked man, Pfal. cxl. i, 4. and the vileft of men, Pfal. xii. ult. However it be, there can be no argument from hence, to own the authority of tyrants and ufur* pers. 6. Though this necefiary conditional compact, which mufl always be in the constitution of lawful rulers, be not always exprefs and explicit, fo that a written authentic copy of it cannot be always produ- ced ; yet it is always to be underftood, implicitly at lead, tranfacted in the ruler's admiffion to the govern- ment, wherein the law of God muft regulate both parties : and when he is made ruler, it mult be un- derftood that it is upon terms to be a father, feeder, and protector, and not a tyrant, murderer and deflroy- er. Ali princes are fo far pactional, that they are ob- liged, by the high and abfolute Sovereign from whom they derive their authority, to reign for the peace and profit of the people. This is fixed unalterably by the laws of the fupreme fegiflator, and folemnly engag- ed unto at the coronation : and whofoever declines or deftroys this fundamental condition, he degrades and depofes himfelf. It is alfo not only the univerfal practice, but neceffary for the conilitution and con- fervation of all commonwealths, to have fundamental laws and provifions about government, both for the upholding, and tranfmitting and transferring it, as occafion calls, and preventing and punching violations thereof, that there be no invafion or intrufion upon the government ; and if there be any entrance upon it not according to the conftitution, that it be illegiti- mated, and the nation's liberties always fecured. This doth infer and regulate a conditional compact with all that are advanced to the government, albeit it fhould not be exprefTed. For it is undeniable that sn the erection of all governors, the grand interefts of the A HIND LET LOOSE. 407 the community mud be feen to, by legal fecurities for religion and liberty, which is the end and ufe of fundamental laws. Now, how thefe have been un- hinged and infringed, by the introduction and prefent eft ablifhment by law of that monfter of the preroga- tive, enacled in Parliament anno i66», the apologe- tic relation doth abundantly demonllrate, fed:. 10. Concerning the King's civil Supremacy, enhancing all the abfolutenefs that ever the Great Turk could ar- rogate, and yet far fhort of what hath been ufurped fince, and impudently proclaimed to the world ; es- pecially by him who now domineers, in his challenges of Sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and abSo- lute power, which all are to obey without reServe ; whereby the whole bafis of our conftitution, and bul- wark of our religion, laws and liberty, is enervated, and we have Security of no law but the king's lull. Hence I argue, thole princes that, contrary to their virtual compact (at lead) at their coming to the crown, overturned all fundamental laws : Ergo they cannot be owned. The major is plain ; for they that overturn fundamental laws are no infiltrates ; there- by all the ends of goverment being Subverted, and the fubverter cannot be owned as a father or friend, but an open enemy to the commonwealth, nor looked u- pon as magistrates doing their duty, but as tyrants, Seeking themfelves with the deftruction of the com- monwealth. And in this cafe, the compact, the ground of the conftitution, being violated, they fall from their right, and the people are liberated from their obligation ; and they being no magistrates, the people are no Subjects ; for the relation is mutual, and (o is the obligation, Jus popuii, chap. 9. page 183. The minor is manifeft, both from the matter of fact, and the mifchiefs framed into laws, by the Sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and abSolute power Sore- Said : whereby what remains of our fundamental con- stitutions, either in religious or civil fettlements, un- fubverted as yet, may be Subverted when this absolute monarch 408 A HIND LET LOOSE. monarch pleafes. Which abfolute authority we can- not in conscience own, for thefe reafons, taken both from reafon and fcripture. Firft, It is againfl reafon, i. A power contrary to nature cannot be owned ; ab- folute power is fuch : for that which takes away, and makes the people to give away their natural pou er of preferving their lives and liberties, and fets a man a- bove all rule and law, is contrary to nature : fuch is abfolute power, making people refign that which is not in their power to refign, an abfolute power to deftroy and tyrannize. 2. A power contrary to the fir ft rife of its conftitution cannot be owned j abfo- lute power is (uch : for the firft rife of the conftitu- tion is a peopled fetting a fovereign over them, giv- ing him authority to adminifter juftice over them : but it were againft this, to fet one over them with a power to rage at random, and rule as he lifts. It is proven before, a king hath no power but what the people gave him ; but they never gave, never could give an abfolute power to deftroy themfelves. 3. That power whjch is againft the ends of government cannot be owned ; abfolute power is fuch : for that which will make a people's condition worfe than be- fore the conftitution, and that mean which they in- tended for a blefling to turn a plague and fgourge to them, and all the fubjects to be formal flaves at the prince's devotion, muft needs be contrary to the ends of government ; but abfolute power is fuch : for a- gainft the exorbitance thereof, no means would be left to prevent it obftrucling all the fountains of juf- tice, and commanding laws and lawyers to fpeak, not juftice, righteoufnefs, and reafon ; but the luft and pleafure of one man, turning all into anarchy and confufion : certainly it could never be the inten- tion either of the work or workers, at the conftitu- tion of government, to fet up a power to enflave the people, to be a curfe to them , but their ends were to get comfort, fafety and liberty, under the fhadow of government. 4. That power which invalidates, and A HIND LET, LOOSE. 409 and Is inconfiftent with the king's compact with the people, cannot be owned j abfolute power is fuch : for the tenor of that is always to fecure laws and li- berties, to rule according to law ; but to be abfolute invalidates, and is inconfiftent with that : that which were an engagement into contradictories cannot con- fift with that compact ; but to engage to be abfolute, and yet to rule by law, is an engagement into con- tradictories, which no people could admit for a fecu- rity. It is inconfiflent with this compact, to give the king abfolute power to overturn religion and li- berty ; and to affume that which was never given, were to invalidate this compact, and to make himfelf no king ; but to reflore unto the people the power they conferred upon him for the defence of religion and liberty. 5. That power which is not from God, nor of God, cannot be owned j but abfolute power is not of God ; becaufe it is a power to tyrannize and fin, which, if it were of God, he mould be the author of fin ; for if the moral power be of God, fo rnulr the ads be ; but the acts of abfolute power be- ing lawlefs, cannot be from God : Ergo, neither the moral power to commit thefe acts. 6. That ruler who cannot be God's minifter for the people's good, cannot be owned ; (for that is the formal reafon of our confcientious fubjection to rulers, Rom. xiii. 4, 5.) But abfolute (overeigns are fuch as cannot be God's minifters for the people's good ; for if they be God's minifters for good, they muft adminifter juf- tice, preferve peace, rule by law, take directions from their mafter ; and if fo, they cannot be abfo- lute. 7. A tyrant in the fignal act and exercife can- * not be owned ^ but an abfolute prince is fuch ; being a power that may play the tyrant if he pleafes, and by law as king ; and fo if kings be by action tyrants, then people are by action flaves ; and fo royal power cannot be a blefling to them ; yea, a lawlefs breaker of all bonds, promifes, and oaths, cannot be owned as lawful power j but abfolute power is fuch : for, it 3 F cannot 4'0 A HIND LET LOOSE. cannot be limited by thefe obligations, at Ieafi: peo- ple cannot have any fecurity by them. 8. A lawlefs power is not to be owned ; an abfolute power is a lawlefs power : ergo, not to be owned. The major is plain. Cicero fays, lib. 2. ' The reafon of mak- ing laws was the fame, as of the creation of kings.* And Buchanan, de Jure Regni, very excellently, when * the luft of kings was inftead of laws, and ' being veiled with an infinite and immoderate pow- c er, they did not contain themfelves within bounds. * The infolency of kings made laws to be defir- * ed ; for this caufe laws were made by the people, * and kings conftrained to make ufe, not of their li- * centious wills in judgment, but of that right and * privilege which the people had conferred upon ' them, being taught by many experiences, that it * was better that their liberty fhould be concredited 4 to laws, than to kings ; better to have the law, ' which is a dumb king, than a king, who h not a ' fpeaking law.' If then laws be neceflary for the making of kings, and more neceflary than king?, and the fame caufe requires both, then a king without laws is not be owned. A king muft be a fpeaking and living law, reducing the law to practice. So much then as a king hath of law, fo much he hath of a king; and he who hath nothing of the law, hath nothing of a king. Magna charta of England faith, * The king can do nothing but 5y law, and no obe- dience is due to him but by law.' Buchanan rehear- fes the words of the molt famous emperors, Theo- dofius and Valentinianus, to this effect, * It is,' fay they, ' a word worthy of the maj*ity of a king, to confefs he is a tied prince to the laws ; and indeed it is more to fubmit a principality to the laws, than to enjoy an empire.' But now that an abfolute power muft be a lawlefs power, is alfo evident ; for that is a lawlefs power that makes all laws void, needlefs and ufelefs ; but fuch is abfolute power : for it can- not be confined to the obfervance of laws. 9. That power A HIND LET LOOSE. 41 I power which is deftru&ive to the people's liberties cannot be owned ; abfolute power is fuch : for fuch a licentious freedom as is abfolute cannot confift with the people's liberties ; for thefe may infringe when he pleafes. Now thefe, in their own nature, and in all refpecls, being preferable to the king's preroga- tive, and it being no prerogative which is not coniif- tent with, yea in its own nature adapted to, the pre- cious interefts of religion and liberty : when the king's abfolute authority is dated in contradictory terms to thefe, we cannot own that authority; for now he hath another authority than could be given him for the prefervation of thefe interests ; in the prefervation whereof he can only have an authority to be owned, feeing he claims a power to deflroy them, if he pleafe. 10. If we mould own abfolute authority, then we mould own a royal prerogative in the king to make and difpenfe with laws : now that cannot be owned ; for, it would infer that the king had a mafterly dominion over his fubjecls, to make laws, and inflict penalties without their confent. And plain it is, they that make kings mull: have a co-ordinate power to make laws alfo ; but the people, in their reprefentatives, make kings, as is proven. Next, a prerogative to difpenfe with laws, except fuch laws as are in their own nature difpenia- ble, without prejudice to any law of God or liberties of men, cannot be owned : for any power to difpenfe with reafon and law, not grounded on any other rea- fon but mere will and abfolute pieafure, is a brutifh. power. It cannot be a right annexed to the crcrwn, to do fo ; for a king, as a king, can do nothing but what he may do by law. Nay, this is not only a brutifn power, but a blafphemous power, making him a kind of god on earth, illimited, that can do what he pleafes : and to difpute it further, were to difpute whether God hath made ail under him flaves by their own confent ? or, whether he may encroach on the prerogative of God or not ? By this prerogative, 3 F z Ik 412 A HIND LET LOOSE. he arrogates a power to difpenfe with the laws of God alfo, in pardoning murderers, &c. which no man hath power to do ; the law of God being fo peremp- torily indifpenhble. Gen. ix. 6. " Whofo fheddeth man's blood, by man fhall his blood be fried." Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. " Whofo killeth any perfon, the murderer fhall be put to death Moreover, ye fhall take no fatisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he fhall be furely put to death." Thefe pardons are acts of blood to the community. If the judgment be God's, as it is, Deut. i. 17. and not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. then no king can arrogate a power to difpenfe with it, no more than an inferior judge can difpenfe with the king's laws ; for the king is but a minifter, bearing the fword, not in vain, but as a revenger, to execute wrath upon them that do evil, Rom. xiii. 4. They are but baf- tard kings who give out fentences out of their own mouth, contrary to God's mind. And if he may do acts of grace by prerogative a- bove law, then may he alfo do acts of jullice (fo pre- tended) by the fame prerogative ; and fo may mur- der innocents, as well as pardon murderers ; he may condemn the juft, as well as juflify the wicked ; both which are alike abomination to the Lord, Prov. xvii. i 5. This power cannot be owned in any man. 1 r. To own abfolute power, were to recognofce the king as the proper and fole interpreter of the law. This Buchanan fhews to be very abfurd, ' AVhen you 4 grant the interpretation of laws to a king, you give * him fuch a licence, that the law fhould not fpeak ' what rhe lawgiver meaneth, but what is for the in- * terpreter's intereft ; fo that he may turn it to all ' actions, as a Lefbian rule, for his own advantage ; 4 and (o what hepleafes the law fhall fpeak, and what * he will not, it fhall not fpeak." Now the king's abfolute pleafure can no more be the fenfe of the law, ihan it can be the law itfelf : he is king by law, but he is not king of law : no mortal can make a fenfe to a. A HIND LET LOOSE. 41 3 a law, contrary to the law ; for it involves a contra- diction : the true meaning is only the law. This al- io would take away the ufe of all laws ; for they could rot declare what werejuft and unjuft, but as the king pleafed : their genuine fenfe could not be the rule. i2. If we own tlie law to be above the king, then we cannot own the king to be abfolute ; but the former is true ; for he mull be under it feveral ways : (■.) Under its directive power ; that will not be de- nied. (2.) Under its constitutive power ; he is not a king by nature, but by constitution and law : there- fore the law is above the king ; becaufe it is only from the law that there is a king, and that fuch a man and not another is king, and that the king muft be fo and fo qualified, and they that made him a king, may alfo unmake him by the fame law. (3.) Under its limiting and reftri&ive power, as a man he cannot be abfolute, nor as a king by law. (4.) Under its co-ac~live power. A lawmaker, faid king James the VI. mould not be a law-breaker : but if he turn an overturner of the fundamental laws, that law or covenant that made him king, doth oblige to unmake him. Whatever power he hath, it is only a borrowed fiduciary power, as the nation's public fervant : and that which was lent him in pledge or pawn may be reclaimed, when abufed by him. Efpecially if he turn parricide, kill his brother, murder his nobles, burn cities, then he may and ought to be punifhed by law. Otherwife God mould have provided better for the fafety of the part than of the whole, though that part be but a mean for the fafety of the whole : for if he turn a tyrant in his ab- folutenefs, the people muff, be deftroyed, if they may not reprefs him : thus he is fecured, and the whole expofed to ruin. Yea, if he be a man, as well as a king, he muft be under rule of law ; and when he tranfgreffes, either his tranfgreflions are punifhable by men, or they are not tranfgeffions with men. See many arguments to this purpofe in Lex Rex, queft. 4*4 A HIND LET LOOSE. queft. 14, 19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27. But fecondly, 1 prove it by fcripture, 1. Even as a king he is regu- lated by law, not to multiply horfes, nor wives, nor money, but to keep the words of the law, and not lift up himfelf above his brethren, Deut. xvii. 16, 17, 19, 20. he muft obferve to do according to the taw, and not turn from it to the right hand or to the left, Jofh. i. 7. therefore he muft not be abfolute. 1. He is certainly under that law, Matth. vii. 12. Whatfoever ye would that men mould do to you, do you even fo to them : which is the univerfal funda- mental Jaw. If then he would have us keeping in our line ol fubordination to him, he mud keep his line, and fo cannot be abfolute. 3. What is God's due and peculiar prerogative, can be owned in no mor- tal ; but abfolute power is God's due and peculiar prerogative. He alone does whatfoever pleafes him, Pfal. cxv. 3. He alone worketh all things after the counfel of his own will, Eph. i. n. Ads or com- mands founded upon the fole pleafure of the agent, are proper to God. It is God's will and not the crea- ture's that can make things good or juft. It is blaf- phemy therefore to afcribe abfolute power to any crea- ture. 4. That which the Spirit of God condemned as a point of tyranny in Nebuchadnezzar, that is no prerogative to be owned ; but the Sprit of God con- demned this in him, proceeding from abfolute pow- er, that whom he would he Hew, and whom he would he kept alive, whom he would he fet up, and whom he would he put down. And his heart was lifted up, Dan. v. 19, 20, 5. That which God condemns and threatens in tyrants in the word in general, can- not be owned ; but abfolute power God condemns and threatens in the word in general ; that they u turned judgment into gall," and faid, " Have we not taken to us horns by our own ftrength r" Amos vi. 12, 13. 6 The word of God fpeaks nothing of the king% abfolute prerogative, to make laws as he will, k i-s plain the king of Judah ha 1 it not : but the A HIND LET LOOSE. 4;? the Sanhedrim had a great part of the legiflitive pow- er, and of the punitive power in a fpecial manner : the princes and people had it by Jeremiah's acknow- ledgement, Jer. xxvi. 14. And Zedekiah confeffes to them, The king is not he that can do any thing againft you, Jer. xxxviii. 5. 7. We find the king in fcripture had not an abfolute power, to expone or execute the law as he would ; Saul made a law, 1 Sam. xiv. 24. Curfed be the man that eats any food un- til the evening. But exponing it, and thinking to- execute it after a tyrannical manner, he was juftly re- filled by the people, who would not let him kill in- nocent Jonathan. 8. Nor -had he the fole power of interpreting it ; for inferior judges were interpreters, who are no lefs effential judges than the king who are fet to judge for the Lord, and not for the king, 2 Chron. xix. 6. and therefore they weTe to expone it according to their own confcience, and not the king's. They were to fpeak righteoufnefs and judge uprightly, Pfal. lviii. 1. hence called gods as. well as kings, Pfal. lxxxii. 1. There was no effential difference between a king of God's approving, and a judge ; there being but one law to both, Deut. xvii. 9. He was fubject to judgment as well as others : for being but a brother, even while on the throne, who was not to lift up his heart above his brethren, Deut. xvii. ult. Whe*n this caufe was to be judged, his perfon, though never fo great, was not to be refpecfed : nor were they to be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment was God's, Deut. i. 17. therefore the judges were to give out fentence in judgment, as if the Lord were to give it out : there was no exception of kings there. Yea we find, according to common law, they judged and punifhed offending kings, as fhall be made ap- pear. 10. If they were under church cenfures, then they were not abfolute ; but we find kings were un- der church cenfures j not only rebuked fharply to their face, of which we have many inftances j but alfo 416 A HIND LET LOOSE. alfo fubje&ed to church difcipline, as Uzzlah fhut up for his leprofy. And certainly at all times this inuft be extended to all : for the king is either a brother, or not : if not, then he mould not be king, according to the fcrip- ture, Deut. xvii. 15. then alfo he is not a Chriftian, nor can he fay the Lord's prayer : if he be, then if a brother offend, he is fubjedi to the church, Matth. xviii. there is no exceptions of kings there. The ob- jection from Ecclef. viii. 3, 4. he doth whatsoe- ver pleafeth him, where the word of a king is, there is power, and who may fay unto him, What doff thou ? is of no fignificancy here. For, 1. This argu- ment will enforce abfolute obedience, if the power be to be taken abfolutely ; for it is obedience that is there commanded : and fo we muft not only own the abfolute authority, but obey it without refcrvc, which never any yet had the impudence to plead for, until James the unjuft claimed it in a Scots proclamation : but we anfwer, It is better to obey God than man. 1. If he may do whatfoever pleafes him, then he may turn prieft, then he may kill whom he pleafes, and take porTeilion ; and yet for Saul's ufurpation Samuel could fay more than what doft thou ? even to tell him, he had done foolifhly, and his kingdom fhould not continue, 1 Sam. xiii. 13, 14. And for Ahal/s tyranny, Elijah could tell him, the dogs fliall lick thy blood, even thine, 1 Kings xxi. 19, And Eze- kiel, thou profane wicked prince of Ifrael, Ezek. xxi. ■25. 3. The meaning is then only this ; that a righ- teous king's jufl power may not only be controul- e 1 : he is armed with power that may not be refifted, for he beareth not the fword in vain, and therefore we mafl not (land in an evil matter againfl: them. 1 conclude then this argument, with the word of an ingenious author, upon this fame fubjecT:, both in thefi and hypothefi : * Whofoever mail offer to rule ' arbitrarily, does immediately ceafe to be king by * right, feeing by the fundamental, common and fta- • tute A HIND LET LOOSE. 417 ' tute laws of the realm, we know none for fupreme c magiftrate and governor but a limited prince, and ' one who (lands circumfcribed and bounded in his ' power and prerogative. Ill effects of animofities,* 7. From what is faid, this is the refult, that it is enentially necelTary to a moral power and authority, to have a right and title, without which we can own none, but as a tyrant without a title. For what is authority, but a right to rule ? if then it have not a right, it is not authority. This will be undeniable, if we confider, that as private dominion, or property, confifts in a right to enjoy ; fo public dominion, in, a right to rule. Some things indeed are expofed to the common and arbitrary ufe of every man, and al- fo at the beginning, by reafon of the fewnefs of man- kind, dominion was not reduced to diftinct property; yet now, upon the multiplication of occupants, of neceflity it muft be Hated by peculiar appropriation, from the law of nature, and by the grant of the fu- prerne king, who hath given the earth to the chil- dren of men, Pfal. cxv. 16. not to be catched up as the food of beads, which the ftronger feize, and the weaker get only what the other leave them, but di- vided by right as an inheritance, by him who fepa- rated the Tons of Adam, and fet the bounds of the people, Deut. xxxii. 8. Efpecially public dominion cannot be without a foundation, for its relation to the fubjected, and muft be fo tied up, that it may be faid, this man is to command, and thefe are to obey. 1 fliew, that authority is from God, both by inftitu- tion and constitution ; fo that the fubjecls are given to underftand, fuch an one is fmgled out by God to fuftain this authority, by prefcribing a rule for men's eniry into the authoritative relation, whereby he communicates that power to them which is not in o- thers, and which otherwife would not be in them. Hence it is, that orderly admittance that muft give thQ right, and upon men's having, or not having fuch 3 G an 41 8 A HIND LET LOOSE, an entrance to it, depends the reality or nullity of the power they challenge. Where therefore there is no lawful inveftiture, there is no moral power to be owned ; otherwife John of Leyden's authority might have been owned : the unlawfulnefs of fuch a power confifts in the very te- nor itfelf ; and if we take away the ufe or holding of it, we take away the very being of it : it is not then the abufe of a power lawfully to be ufed, but the ve- ry ufe of it is unlawful. But in the ufurpation of this man, or monfter rather, that is now mounted the throne, there is no lawful inveftiture in the way God hath appointed as is fhewed above ; therefore there is no moral power to be owned. To clear this a lit- tle further, it will be neceflary to remove the ordi- nary pretences, pleaded for a title to warrant the owning of fuch as are in power, which are three chiefly, to wit, poffeffion, conqueft, and hereditary fu'cceflion. The fir ft muft be touched more particu- larly, becaufe it hath been the originate error, and fpring of all the ftupid miftakes about government, and is the pitiful plea of many, even mal contents, ■why this man's authority is to be owned, averting, that a perfon attaining and occupying the place of power (by whatfoever means) is ro be owned as the magiftrate. But this can give no right : for, i. If providence cannot fignify God's approbative ordina- tion, it can give no right ; for without that there can be no right ; but providence cannot fignify his approbative ordination, becaufe that, without the warrant of his word, cannot fignify either allowance or dilallowance, it is fo various, being often the fame to courfes dire&ly contrary, and oftentimes contrary to the fame courfe ; fometimes favouring it, tome- times croliing it, whether it be good or bad, and the fame common providence may proceed from far dif- ferent purpofes, to one in mercy, to another in judg- ment ; and mod frequently very difproportionnble to men's ways. Providence places fometimes CJ wicked- " nei's A HIND LET LOOSE. 419 " nefs in the place of judgment, and iniquity in the " place of jighteoufnefs," Eccl. iii. 16. that is, not by allowance. By providence it happens to the juft according to the work of the wicked, and to the wicked according to the work of the righteous, Eccl. viii. 14. No man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before them. All things come alike to all, there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, Eccl. ix. 1, 2. It were a great debafing of the Lord's anointed, to give him no other warrant than fin hath in the world, or the falling of a fparrow. 2. Either every providential poiTeflion, in every cafe, gives a title ; or, God hath declared it as a law, that it mall be fo in this particular matter of authority only. The firlr. cannot be laid : for that would juftify all robbery : nor the fecond, for where is that law found ? Nay, it were impious to alledge it ; lor it would lay, there is no unjufl poffefTor or diforderly occupant, but if he were once in the poffeffion, he were right enough, and then ufurpation would be no (in. 3. If none of the caufes of magiftracy be requir- ed to the producing of this pofTefTory power, then it cannot give or have any right ; for without the true caufes it cannot be the true effect, and fo can have no true right to be owned : but none of the caufes of magiftracy are required to the production of this ; neither the inftitution of God, for this might have been, if magiftracy had never been inftituted ; nor the conftitution of men, for this may ufurp without that. 4. That which mull follow upon the right, and be legitimated by it, cannot be owned as the right, nor can it give the title : but the poiTeflion of the power, or the pofTefTory exercife thereof, mult follow upon its right, and be legitimated by it : therefore. A man muft firft be in the relation of a ruler, before he can rule ; and men mufl firft be in the relation of fubjecls, before they obey. The commands of public juftice, to whom are they given but to magiflrates ? They mufl then be magi- 3 G 2 ftrates. 420 A HIND LET LOOSE* ftrates, before they can be owned as the minifters of juftice : he muft be a magiftrate, before he can have the power of the fword : he cannot, by the power of the fword, make himfelf magiftrate. 5. That which would make every one in the pofleffion of the magi- ftracy a tyrant, cannot be owned ; but a pofleflbry occupation giving right, would make every one in pofleffion a tyrant j for, that which enervates, and takes away that neceflary diftinction between the king's perfonal capacity and his legal capacity, his natural and his moral power, will make every king a tyrant (feeing it makes every thing that he can do as a man, to be legally done as a king) but a pofleflbry occupation giving right, would enervate and take a- Way that diftmclion : for how can thefe be diftin- guifhed in a mere poillflbry power ? The man's pof- fefiion is all his legal power ; and if pofleffion give a right, his power will give legality. 6. What fort or fize of pofleffion can be owned to give a right ? Ei- ther it mutt be partial or plenary pofleffion : not par- tial, for then others may be equally entitled to the government, in competition with that partial poflef- for> having alfo a part of it : not plenary, for then every interruption or ufurpatton on a part, would make a diffolution of the government. 7. Hence would follow infinite abfurdities ; this would give e- qual warrant, in cafe of vacancy, to all men to ftep to, and ilickle for the throne, and expofe the com- monwealth as a booty to all afpiring fpirits : for they needed no more to make them fovereigns, and iay a tie of fubjeflion upon the confciences of people, but to get into pofleffion : and in cafe of competition, it would leave people ftill in fufpenfe and uncertain- ties whom to own ; for they behoved to be fubject only to the uppermoft, which could no-t be known until the controverfy be decided : it would caflate and make void all pre-obligations, cautions, and reftric- tions from God about the government : it would cancel and make vain all other titles of any, or con- ftitutions, A HIND LET LOOSE. 4^ ' ftitutions, or provifions, or oaths of allegiance, yea, to what purpofe were laws or pactions r about ordering the government, if poffi. gave right, and laid an obligation en all to oui; it ? Yea, then it were finful to make any fuch provi- fions, to fence in and limit the determination of pro- vidence, if providential pofleffion may authorize every intrufive acquifition- to be owned : then alio in cafe of competition of two equal pretenders to the go- vernment, there would be no place left for arbitra- tions. If this were true, that he has the power that is in pofleffion, the difference were at an end ; no man could plead for his own right then ; in this alfo it is inconfiitent with itfelf, condemning all refiftance a- gainft the prefent occupant, yet juilifying every re- mittance that is but fuccefsful to give pofleffion. 8. That which would oblige us to own the devil and the pope, cannot be a ground to own any man ; but it this were true, that pofleffion gave right, it would oblige us to own the devil and the pope. Satan we find claiming to himfelf the pofleffion of the world's kingdoms, Luke iv. 6. which as to many of them is in fome refpeel: true, for he is called the god of this world, and the prince of this world, John xiv. 30. 1 Cor. iv. 4. Are men therefore obliged to own his authority ? or fhall they deny his, and acknowledge his lieutenant, who bears his name, and by whom all his orders are execute, I mean the man that tyran- nizes over the people of God ? For he is the devil that cafts fome into prifon, Rev. ii. iq. Again, the pope, his captain-general, lays claim to a temporal power and ecclefiaftic both, over all the nations, and poflefles it over many ; and again, under the conduct of his vaflal the duke of York, is attempting to reco- ver the pofleffion of Britain : fhall he therefore be owned. This curfed principle difpofes men for pope* ry, and contributes to ftrengthen popery and tyran- ny both on the- ftage, to the vacating of al! the pro- mi fes 422 A HIND LET LOOSE. mifes of their difpoffeffion. 9. That which would juftify a damnable fin, and make it a ground of a duty, cannot be owned ; but this fancy of owning e- very power in poffefiion would juftify a damnable fin, and make it the ground of a duty ; for, refinance to the powers ordained of God is a damnable fin, Rom. xiii. 2. But the relifters having fuccefs in providence, may come to the poffefiion of the power, by expel- ling the juft occupant ; and, by this opinion, that poffefiion would be ground for the duty of fubjeclion for conscience fake. 10. If a felf-created dignity be null and not to be owned, than a mere poffeffory is not to be owned ; but the former is true : as Chrift faith, John viii. 54. If I honour myfelf my honour is nothing. 11. That which God hath difallowed poffefiion without right, Ezek. xxi. 27. I will over- turn, overturn, overturn it, until he come whofe right it is, Hof. viii. 4. They have fet up kings and not by me, Matth. xxvi. 52. All they that take the fword fhali perifh with the fvvord ; by this the ufurp- er of the fword is differenced from the true owner. 1 2. Many fcripture examples confute this ; (hewing that the poffefiion may be in one, and the power with right in another. David was the magiftrate, and yet Abfalom pof- feffed the place, 2 Sam. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. chap. Sheba alfo made a revolt and ufurped the poffefiion in a great part, and yet David was king, 2 Sam. xx. 2. Adonijah got the ftart in refpect of poffefiion, exalting himfelt faying, I will be king : yet the king- dom was Solomon's from the Lord, 1 Kings i. The houfe of Ahaziah had not power to keep flill the kingdom, 2 Chron. xxii. 9. and Athaliah took the poffefiion of it, yet the people fet up Joafh, xxiii. 3. Next we have many examples ' of fuch who have in- vaded the poffeffor, witnefs Jehoram and Jehofha- phat's expedition again ft Mefha, king of Moab, E- lifha being in the expedition, 2 Kings, iii. 4, 5. Hence we fee the ftrft pretence removed. The A HIND LET LOOSE. 42 3 The fecond is no better ; which Auguftine calls Magnum Latrocinium, a great robbery ; 1 mean con- quefl, or a power of the fword gotten by the fword ; which, that it can give no right to be owned, I prove i. That which can give no fignification of God's ap- proving will, cannot give a title to be owned : but mere conquefl can give no fignification of God's ap- proving will, as is juft now proven about poiTefiion : for then the Lord mould have approven ail the im- juft conquefts that have been in the world, i. Either conquefl as conquefl mull be owned, as a juft title to the crown, and fo the Ammonites, Moabkes, Phi- liftines, &c. prevailing over God's people for a time, mult have reigned by right, or as a juft conquefl. In this cafe, conquefl is only a mean to the conque- rors feizing and holding that power, which the ftate of the war entitled him unto ; and this ingreis into authority over the conquered, is not grounded on conquefl buc on juftice, and not at all privative, but incluiive of the confent of the people ; and then it may be owned ; but without a compact, upon con- diiions of fecuring religion and liberty, and pofterity, cannot be fubjected without their confent ; for what- ever juft quarrel the conqueror had with the prefent generation, he could have none with the pofterity, the. father can have no power to refign the liberty of the children. 3. A king as king, and by virtue of his royal office, mutt be owned to be a father, rutor, protector, fhepherd, and patron of the peopie ; but a mere conqueror, without confent cannot be owned as fuch. Can he be a father and a patron to us againft our will, by the fole power of the fword? A father to thefe that are unwilling to be fons ? An head over fuch as will not be members ? And a defender thro' violence ? 4. A king, as fuch, is a fpecial gift of God, and bleffing, not a judgment: but a conquer- or, as fuch, is not a bleffing, but a judgment, his native end being not peace, but fire and fword. 5. That 424 A HIND L£T LOOSE. Thar which hath nothing of a king in it, cannot be owned to make a king ; but conqueft hath nothing of a king in it : fof it hath nothing but violence and force, nothing but what the bloodieft villain that was never a king may have, nothing of God's approving and regulating will, nothing of initituiion or confti- tion ; and a plain repugnancy to the ordination of God, for God hath faid, Thou fhalt not kill j con- quell fays, I will kill, and profper, and reign. 6.' A lawful call to a lawful ofSce may not be refilled ; but a call to conqueft, which is nothing but ambition or revenge, ought to be refifted ; becaufe not of God's preceptive will, otherwife he mould be the au- thor of fin. 7. That power which we muft own to be the ordinance of God, muft not be refifted, Rom. xiii. 2. But conqueft may be refifted in defence of our king and country : therefore it muft not be owned to be the ordinance of God. 8. That which God con- demns in his word, cannot be owned ; but dominion by the fword God condemns in his word, Ezek.xxxii. 26. " Ye ftand upon the fword, and fhail poflefs the land," Amos vi. 1 3. " Ye rejoice in a thing of naught, which fay, Have we not taken to us horns by our own ftrength ?" Habbak. ii. 5, 6. " Wo to him that encreafeth that which is not his, how long." &c. 9. We have many examples of invading con- querors ; as Abraham, for the refcue of Lot, purfued the conquering kings unto Dan, Gen. iv. 4. " Jo- nathan fmote a garrifon of the conquering Philif- tines," 1 Sam. xiii. 3. The Lord owning aud autho- rifing them fo to do. The people did often fhake off the yoke of their conquerors in the hiftory of the judges: but this they might not do to their lawful rulers. What is objected from the Lord's people conquering Canaan, &c. is no argument for conqueft : for he, to whom belongs the earth and its fulnefs, difponed to Ifrael the land of Canaan for their inhe- ritance, and ordained that they fhould get the pof- feffion A HIND LET LOOSE. 425 feffion thereof by conqueft ; it followeth not there- fore, that kings now, wanting any word of promife, or divine grant to any lands, may afcend to the thrones of other kingdoms than their own, by no bet- ter title than the bloody fword. See Lex Rex, queft. 12. The third pretence of hereditary fucceffion re- mains to be removed ; which may be thus difproven, 1. This claffes with the former, though commonly aflerted by royalifts. For either conqueft: gives a right, or it does not : if it does, then it loofes all allegiance to the heirs of the crown difpoffefTed thereby : if it does not give a right, then no hereditary fucceffion founded upon conqueft: can have any right, being founded upon that which hath no right : and this will make the moft part of hereditary fucceffions that are now in the world. 2. Tf hereditary fucceffion have no right but the people's confent ; then of itfelf it can give none to a man that hath not that confent ; but the former is true. For, it is demanded, how doth the fon or brother fucceed ? By what right? It muft 'either be by divine promife ; or by the father's will ; or it muft come by propagation from the firff. ruler, by a right of the primogeniture ; but none of thefe can be. For the firft, we have no immediate divine conftitution tying the crown to fuch a race, as in David's cove- nant : it will eafily be granted, they fetched not their charter from heaveu immediately, as David had it, a man of many peculiar prerogatives, to whofe line the promife was aftricled of the coming of the Meffia?, and Jacob's prophecy that the fceptre mould not de- part from Judah until his coming, Gen. xlix. 10. was reftricted to his family afterwards : wherefore he could fay, The Lord God of Ifrael chofe me be- fore all the houfe of my father, to be king over Ifrael for ever ; for he hath chofen Judah to be the ruler ; and of the houfe of Judah, the houfe of my father -y and among the fons of my father, he liked me to make me king over Ifrael; and of all my fons he 3 H hath 426 A HIND LET LOOSE. bath chofen Solomon, 1 Chron. xxviii. 4, 5. All kings cannot fay this ; neither could Saul fay it, tho* immediately called of God as well as David : yet this fame promife to David was conditional, if his child- ren mould keep the Lord's ways, 2 Chron. vi. 16. Next, it cannot be faid this comes from the will of the father ; for according to the fcripture, no king can make a king, though a king may appoint and rie- fign his fon for his fucceifor, as David did Solomon, but the people make him. The father is fome way a caufe why his fon fucceederh, but he is not the caufe of the royalty conferred upon him by line : for the queftion will recur, who made him a king, and his father, and grandfather, till we come up to the fir ft: father ? Then, who made him a king ? Not himfelf ; therefore it muft be refounded upon the people's choice and conftitution : and who appointed the lineal fucceflion, and tied the crown to the line, but they ? It is then, at the beft, the patrimony of the people, by the fundamental law of the kingdom, conferred upon the fucceftbr by cenfent. And generally it is granted, even where the fuc- ceflion is lineal, he that comes to inherit, he does nor fucceed by heritage, but by the force of Jaw ; the fon then hath not his kingdom from his father, but by law, which the people made and fland to, as long as it may confift with the reafons of public advantage, upon which they condefcended to eftablim fuch a fami- ly over them. Neither can it be hid, it is by a right of primogeniture, propagated from the firit tuler ; for this muft either be Adam the firft of the world ; or Fergus for example, the firft of this kingdom. It could not come from Adam as a monarch and father of all : for that behoved to be, either by order of nature, or his voluntary aflignment ; it could not be transferred by order of nature ; for befides the diffi- culty to find out Adam's fucceifor in the univerfal monarchy, and the abfurdity of fixing it on Cain, (who was a curfed vagabond, afraid of every man, and A HIND LET LOOSE. 427 and could not be an univerfal monarch, yet Adam's firft born.) It will be afked, how this parted from him unco others ? Whether it went by fatherhood to all the fons, fathers to their pofterity ? Which would multiply as many commonwealths, as there have been fathers fince : or if it went, by primogeniture, only to the firft-born, that he alone could claim the power which would infer the neceffity of an univer- sal monarchy, without multiplication of common- wealths If it was by his voluntary affignment, to whom, and in what proportion, he pleafed ; then the univer- fal monarchy died with hirnfelt, and fo could not be conveyed at all : for, either he behoved to give each fon a (hare, to be conveyed downwards to their chil- dren in that proportion ; or whole and folid to one : fo alfo the former dilemma recurs, for if the firft be faid, it will make as many little kingdoms as there have been fons of Adam ; if the fecond, the world fhould be but ftill one kingdom. But however it be, this could never be the way that God appointed, ei- ther for raifing a magiitratical power where it is wanting, or deriving a right to any in being ; confi- dering the multiplication, divificn, confufion, and- ex- tinction of families that have been. If it be from Fergus the firft of :his line ; then either it comes from him as a king, or as a father : not the firft, for the reafon above hinted : nor as a father ; for a father may defraud his fon of the heritage, a king cannot divide the kingdom among his fons; it muft then be length refounded on the peoples confent. 3. If even where lineal fuccellion is conftitu:ed by law, for evit- ing the inconveniencies of frequent eie&ions, people are not tied to admit every firft born of that line ; then that birth-right, where there is no more, cannot make a king ; but the former is true ; for they are tied on- ly conditionally, fo he be qualified, and have a head to fit at the helm, and not a fool or monfter ; neither are they free to admit murderers or idolaters by the 3 H 2 Uw 428 A HIND LET LOOSE. laws of God, and df the land : it is not birth then, buf their ariniiflion being fo qualified, that makes kings. Hence, 4. That which takes away the peo- ples birth-right, given them of God to provide for their liberties in the fitted government, and that is not to be owned ; but to make birth alone a title to the crown, takes away the peoples birth right given them of God of providing for their liberties in the fitted government, fetters their choice to one deftruc- tive to thefe. Certainly where God hath not bound the confcience, men may not bind themfelves nor their pofterity ; but God hath never fettered men to a choice of a government or governing line ; which, contrary to the intention of the oath, may prove de- ftru&ive to the ends thereof. Nor can the fathers leave in legacy, by oath, any chains to fetter the af- ter wits of poflerity to a choice deftrucfive to religion and liberty. Ifrael was bound, by covenant, not to deilroy the Gibeonites ; but if they had rifen to cut off Ifrael, Who can doubt but they were loofed from that obligation ? For to preferve cut-ihroats was con- trary to the intention of the oath : fo when either monarchy, or the lucceeding monarch, proves de- structive to the ends of government, the choice, law, or oath of our fathers, cannot bind us. 5. If we are tied to the hereditary fuccefiion, not for the right the fucceffor hath by birth, but for our covenanted alle- giance to them whole fucceffor he is ; then cannot his birth-right be the ground of our allegiance, and confequently herecitary fuccefiion cannot make a king ; but the former is true ; for in hereditary crowns, the firfl family being chofen by the fuffrages of the people, for that caufe the hereditary fucceffor hath no privilege or prerogative, but from him who was chofen king : therefore the obligation to the fon, being no greater than the obligation to the father, which is the ground of that, if the father then was owned only becaufe he was chofen, and qualified for government, the fon cannot be owned for any other j-xraufe A HIND LET LOOSE. 429 caufe, but as chofen in him, and alfo qualified and admitted with confent. We cannot choofe the father as qualified, and tie ourfelves to the fucceftbrs, be what they will. 6. If a king be not born heir of a kingdom, then is he not king by birth ; but he is not born heir of a kingdom ; for, a mean cannot be born to inherit the end, the king is but a mean for the kingdom's prefervation. If the kingdom be his, by birth, as an inheritance, why may he not upon ne- cefTary occafions fell his inheritance? But if he fell it, then ail confefs he is no more king. 7. If that which makes a king cannot be transmitted from father to fon ; then fucctffion, by birth, cannot make a king ; but the former is true. The royal faculty of governing cannot be tranfmitted : Solomon afked it from God, he had it not from his father : nor can he be born to the honour of a king, becaufe not born with either the gift or honour to be a judge. God maketh high and low, not birth. Nor can the call and conftitution of a king, according to the will of God, be transferred from father to fon, for that can- not be in God's way without the intervening confent of the people, that cannot make him a born king. 8. If no dominion can come by nature, as is proven before, then can no man be a born king : nature and birth cannot give them a fceptre in their hand, nor kingly majefty, they muft have that alone from Gcd and the people, and may only expect honour from their own good government : kings (as Plutarch fays) muft be like dogs that are bell hunters, not theie who are born ot beft dogs. 9. The peculiar pre- rogative of Jefus Chrift muft not be afcribed to any other ; but this is his peculiar prerogative, id be born a king, of whom it might be truly laid, "Where is he that is born king of the Jews ? And for this end was he born, who came out of the wcmb with a crown on his head, which no creature can bear. 10. In fcripture we find that a king was to be fo and fo qualified, not a itranger, but ? reader ot God's 43<3 A HIND LET LOOSE. God's word, &c. Deut. xvii. 15, &c he was not qualified by naked birth. Hence, if all the qualifica- tions requiiite in an heir cannot make a king qualifi- ed according to the inlliiution of God, then his being heir cannot make him king : but the firft is true, an heir may be an heir without thefe qualifications. 1 1. We find in the fcripture, the people were to make the kings by that law, Deut. xvii. 15, Thou fhalt choofe him whom the Lord choofeth : yea, neither Saul nor David were kings, till the people met to make them : therefore birth never made them kings, even though the kingdom was tied to David's line. That was only a typical defignment by fpecial pro- inife, becaufs Chrift was to come of that line; it was therefore eftabliihed in David's family for typical rea- fons, -that cannot be now alledged. 1 2. We find in the difpofal of government among brethren, this birth order was not feldom inverted ; as when Jacob was prefened before Efau, Judah before all the elder fons of Jacob, Ephraim before ManafToh, Solomon before Adonijah. Hence if this gentleman, now regnant, have no better pretences than thefe now confuted, we can- not recognize his right to reign ; yea, though this laft were valid, yet he cannot plead it, it being ex- prefly provided in our laws againft the fucceflion of a papift. But there is one grand objection againft all this. The Jews and other nations are commanded to bring their necks under the yoke of the king of Ba- bylon, and to ferve him, and yet he had no other ri'.rht to thefe kingdoms ; than the Lord's providen- tial difpofal, becaiife the Lord had " given all thefe " lands into his hand," Jer. xxvii, 6, 7, 12. Anf. 1. He was indeed an unjuit ufurper, and had no right but the Lord's providential gift ; which fometimes makes " the tabernacles of robbers profper, into " whofe hand God bringeth abundantly, Job xii. 6. "; And gives j?tcob fometimes for a fpoil, and Ifrael *; to the robbers, Ifa. xlii. 24. And giveth power to 6\ the be^il.to continue forty and two months, and to " have A HIND LET LOOSE. 4 j I " have power over all kindreds, and tongues, and na- •* tions," Rev. xiii. 5, 7. His tyranny alio was very great extenfively, in refpect of his oppreflions and u- furpations by conqueft ; but it was not fo great inten- fively, as our robbers and fpoilers may be charged with ; he was never fuch a perverter of all the ends of government, nor a treacherous o\erturner of all conditions, he was never a perfecutor of the Jewifh religion, he never oppreiled them upon that account, nor endeavoured its extirpation, he never enact- ed fuch mifchiefs by law. The Lord only made ufe of him to bring about the holy ends of the glory of his juflice and wifdom, in which refpecf. alone he is called his fervant, as elfewhere his rod and hammer, having g.'ven him a charge agaiult an hypocritical na- tion, to trample them down in his holy providence ; and accordingly there was no refinance could prevail, they mull be trampled upon, no help for it ; but no fubjection was required, acknowledging his magiftra- tical right by divine ordinance, but only a fubtniilive Hooping to the holy difpofil of divine providence , no owning was exacted either of the equity of that power, or of fealty to the adaiinillrator. 2. This behoved to be a particular command, by pofitive re- velation given at that time, not binding to others in the like condition ; which I refer to the judgment of the objectors : put the cafe, and make it run parallel, if the king of England were in league with the king of France, and breaking that league, mould provoke that afpiring prince, growing potent by many con- quers to difcover his defigns, make preparations and give out threatuings for the conqueft of" England and all Britain ; were the people of England bound to fur- render themfelves as fervants and tributaries to him for 70 years, or for ever, under pain of deflruetion, if they ihould not ? This were one of the moft ridi- culous inferences that ever was pleaded ; nay, it would make all rcfufai of fubjeclion to invaders un- lawful. 3. I will draw an argument from this to confirm 432 A HIND LET LOOSE. confirm my plea : for thefe commands of fubjec- t Q to Babylon, were not delivered, until after the khyy of Judah had furrendered to Nebuchad- nezzar, and entred into covenant with him to be fubjecl: to him, 2 Kings xxiv. chap, in keeping which covenant the kingdom might have flood, and after he had rebelled againft him, and broken that covenant, " when lo, he had given his hand," after which he could " not profper, or efcape, or be de- " livered," Ezek. xviii. 14, 15, 18, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 13. Then the commandment came, that they fhould difown their own king Zedekiah, now forfeiting his right by breach of covenant, and he fubjecl: to Ne- buchadnezzar, whence I argue, ff people are com- manded to difown their covenant-breaking rulers, and fubjecl: themfelves to conquerors, then I have all I plead for ; but the former is true, by the truth of this objection : therefore alfo the latter. There is a 2d Objection from Rom xiii. 1. " Let every foul ti be fubjecl to the higher powers, the powers that be ." are ordained of God ?' yet the Roman emperor, to which they were to be fubjecl, was an ufurper. Anf. It cannot be proven, that the apoflle intendeth here the Roman emperor as the higher power : there were at this time feveral competitions for the empire, about which Chriftians might have their own fcruples whom to own ; the apoftle does not determine their litigations, nor intereft himfelf in parties but gives the general ftandard of God's ordinance they had to go by. And the bed expositors of the place do al- iedge, the queftion and doubt of Chriftians then was not fo much in whom the fupremacy was, as whe- ther Chriftians were at all bound to obey civil power, efpecially Pagan? Which the apofrle refolves, in giv- ing general direclions, to obey the ordinance of ma- gistracy, conform to its original, and as it refpecls the end for which he had and would fet it up : but no refpecl is there had to tyrants. 2. It cannot be proven, that the fupreme power then in being was ufurped A HIND LET LOOfil. 4.33 ufurped, fliere being then a Supreme Senate, which was a lawful power ; nor that Nero was then an u- Surper, who came in by choice and confent, and with the good liking of the people. 3. The text means of lawful powers, not unlawful force, that are ordained of God by his preceptive will, not merely by his pro- vidential difpofal, and cf conscientious Subjection to magistracy, not to tyranny, defcribing and characte- rizing the powers there, by Such qualifications as ty- rants and uSurpers are not capable of. But 1 mind to improve this text more fully hereafter, to prove the quite contrary to what is here objected. 8. From the right of magistracy, flows the magi- ftratical relation, which is neceflary to have a bottom, before we can build the relative duties thereon. This brings it under the fifth commandment, which is the rule of all relative duties between inferiors and Supe- riors, requiring honour to be given fo fathers, mailers, huSbands, &e. and to rightful magistrates, who are under Such political relations, as do infer the Same duties ; and prohibiting not only the omiffion of theSe duties, but alio the committing1 of contrary fins ; which may be done, not only by contrary acts, as dishonouring and rebelling againlt fathers, magistrates, &c. but alio by performing them to contrary objects, as by giving the father's due to the father's oppofiie, and the magistrates due to tyrants who are their op. pofites. Certainly this command, prescribing honour, does regulate to whom it fhould be given j and mull: be understood in a confiitency with that duiv- and character of one that hath a mind to be an inhabitant of the Lord's " holy hill," Pfal. xv. 4. *» In uhoSe iw eyes a vile perfon is contemned, but he honoureth " them that fear the JUord." So that we fin agaiuft the fifth command, when we honour them that we are obliged to contemn by another command. Hence I argue, if owning or honouring of tyrants be a breach of the fifth command, then we cannot own their atu thorny ; but the former is true : therefore the las* n I ier# 434 A KIND LET LOOSE. ter. I prove the affumpticn : a honouring the vi to whom no honour is due, and who (land under no relation of fathers as fathers, is a breach of the fifth command j but the owning of tyrants authority is a honouring the vile, to whom no honour is due, 'anil who if and under no relation of fathers, and is yet a honouring them as fathers : therefore the owning of tyrants authority is a breach of the fifth command. The major is clear : for if the honouring of thefe to whom no honour is due, were not a breach of the fifth command, that precept could neither be kept at all or broken at all. It could not be kept at all ; for, either it muft oblige us to honour all indefinite- ly, as fathers, and other relations, which cannot be ; or elfe it mud leave us ftill in fulpenfe and ignorance, who fhall be the object of our honour ; and then it can never be kept : or finally, it mud aftrict our ho- nouring to fuch definite relations, to whom it is due ; arid then our tranlgreliion of that reftriclion fhall be a breach of it. Next, if it were not fo, it could not be broken at all : for if proflituting and abufing ho- nour be not a fin, we cannot fin in the matter of ho- nour at all ; for it the abufe of honour be net a fin, then difhonour a!fo is not a fin : for that is but an a- bufe of the duty, which is a fin as well as the omif- fion of it. And what mould make the taking away of honour from the proper object to be rm, and the giving it to a wrong object to be no fin ? Moreover, if this command do not reffrict honour to the proper ob- ject, we mall never know who is the object. How fhall we know who is our father, or what we ewe to him, if we may give another his due ? The minor alfo is msnifeft : for if tyrants be vile, then no honour is due to them, according to that, Pfal. xv. 4. and yet it is a honouring them as fathers ; if they be owned as magifirates ; for magiftrates are in a politic fenfe fa- thers; butcertainitis, that tyrantsarevile, astheepithets and characters they get in fcripture prove. Butbtcaufe, in contradiction to this, it may be faid, though fa- thers A HIND LET LOOSE. 435 thers -be never fo wicked „ yet they are to be honoured, becaufe they are (till fathers ; and though matters be never to vile and froward, yet they are to be fubjecl- ed unto, 1. Pet. ii. ,8— -20. and fo of other relations, to whom honour is due by this command ; therefore though tyrants be never fo vile, they are to be own- ed under, thefe relations, becaufe they are the higher powers in place of eminency, to whom the apoftle Paul commands to yield fubjeclion, Rom. xiii. and Pct^r to j^ivt- fubmiflion and honour, i Pet. ii. 13, 17 Therefore it miift be confidered, that as the re- lative duty of honouring the relations to whom it is du^, mult not interfere with the moral duty of con- temning the vile, who are not unuer thefe relations ; fo tills general moral of contemning the vile, muft not caflate the obligation of relative duties, but mufl b nnderfrood vyjth a conlrttency therewith, without any prejudice to the duty itfelh We mufl contemn all the vile, that are not under a relation to be ho- noured, and thefe alfo that are in that relation, in fo far as they are vile. But now tyrants do not come under thefe relations at all, that are to be honoured by this command. As for the higher powers that Paul fpeaks of, Rom. xiii. they are not thofe which are higher in force, but higher in power, not in autho- rity, but in power, not in a celfitude of prevalency, but in a pre-excellency of dignity ; not in the pomp and pride of their pofterity, and pofTeflion of the place, but by the virtue and value of their office, be- ing ordained of God not to be refilled, the minifters of God for good, terrors to evil doers, to whom ho- nour is due; thofe are not tyrants but magift rates. Hence it is a word of the fame root which is render- ed authority, or an authorized power, 1 Tim. ii. 2. and from the fame word alfo comes that fupreme, to whom Peter commands fubje£hon and honour, r Pet. ii. 13. Now thefe he fpeaks of have the legal conftitution of the people, being the ordinance of man, to be fubjecled to for the Lord's fake, and who 3 I 2 fends 4j6 A HIND LET LOOSE. fends other inferior magiltrates for the punifhmentof evil doers, and for the praife of them that do well, who are to be honoured as kings or lawful magi- ftrates ; this cannot be faid of tyrants. But more par- ticularly, to evince that tyrants and ufurpers are not to be honoured according to this 'command, and that it is a breach of it fo to do ; let us go through all thefe relations of fuperiority, that come under the obliga- tion of tins command, and we fhall find tyrants and uiurpers excluded out of all. Fir ft, They cannot come under the parental relation : we are indeed to efteeni kings as lathers, though not properly, but by way ol fome analogy, becaufe it is their office to ci'C:or tiie people, and to be their counfellors, and to defend them, as fathers do for children : but roar- i: ■■;;• lions and ranging bears, as wicked rulers are, Prov. xxviii. .5. cannot be fathers. But kings can- not properly be owned under this relation, far lefs tyrants (with whom the analogy of fathers cannot coniiil) there being i'o many notable difparities be* twixt kings and fathers. 1. A father may be a father to one child ; but a king cannot be a king or politic father to one only, but his correlate mull be a com- munity ; a tyrant can be a father to none at all in a ppjitic fenie. 1. A lather is a father by generation to all coming out of his loins ; a king not fo, he doth not beget them, nor doth their relation flowr irojrn that ; a tyrant is a deflroyer, not a pn>creator of people. 3. A father is the caufe of the natural i.g of his el:il Jren, a king Only of the politic well \ of his {ui'je'cts ; but tyrants are the caufe of the ijl being of both, 4. A fa' her, once a lather, as long as his children live, re' aims dill the relation, though he turn mad and never fo wicked ; a king turning niad may be ferved as Nebuchadnezzar was, at leaft all will grant in ibme cafes the fabje&s may make off king ; and if irj any cafe, it is when he turns ty- <<.;•>'■ 5. *\ lather' a relation never ceaies, whitherfo- r hti chiiureti go ; but iVljcc'ts may change their .iehticii to a king, by coming under another king in another A HIND LET LOOSE* 437 another kingdom ; a tyrant will force all lovers of freedom to leave the kingdom where he domineers. 6. A father's relation never changes, he can neither change his children, nor they change their father ; but a king may naturalize new fubjtcts, and iu' j.Sts may alio change their fovereign. Royaliiis will g t a ftate or commonwealth may make a king, and there is gr^at reafon fometimes that a monarchy be turned into a commonwealth ; but a tyrant changes thofe that are under him,. expels the native?, brings in fo- reigners, and all good patriots do pant for a ch^n^e of him every day. 7. A father hath no power of life and death over his children ; a king hath it over his fubjects according to law ; a tyrant ufurps it over the innocent againft law. 8. A father is not a father by confent of his children ; as a king is by confent of his fubjects ; a tyrant is neither a father with it nor without it. 9. A father is not made by the children, as a king is by his fubjecls, as was mewed : a tyrant is neither a natural, nor by compact, but a felf cre- ated power. 10. A father is not chofen conditionally upon compact, as a king is by the free fuffrages of the community ; a tyrant in this differs from a king that he is not chofen, and in tyranny from a father. 1 1. Children wanting a father cannot choofe whom they will to be their father ; as fubjecls wanting a king may choofe whom they will, and what form they pleafe ; but though they can, yet if they be ration- al, they will never choofe a tyrant, nor a tyrannical form of government. 12. Children cannot reilricf. their father's power to what degrees they pleafe ; as fubjects may limit their kings, at their fir ft erection ; but a tyrant, though he ought, yet he will not be limited, and if he might, he mould be retrained. 13. Children cannot fet bounds how long they will have their fathers to continue ; fubjecls may condefcend Upon the time, in making laws how long fuch an one fhall be their fovereign, during life, or while faultlefs, according as the fundamental law is made at fifft -, tyrants 43 & A HIND LET LOOSE. tyrants ought every day to be reprefled that they mould not continue at all. Yet giving and not grant* ing, that a king were to be owned under the relation of a father ; though ev"ery man be bound to own and maintain his father's parental authority, yet let the cafe be put, that the father turns a robber, murderer, an avowed enemy to God and the country, is his perfon and authority in that cafe to be owned, to the difhc- p.our of God, and hurt and hazard of the country ? cr ought he not rather to be delivered up even by the fon to juftice ? Much more then will it follow, that a king who turns the more dangerous, becaufe the more powerful robber, and legal murderer, and enemy to God and the country^ cannot be owned feeing the relation between father and fon is ftronger and ftrictsr as having another original, than can be betwixt, king and fubjecls, and (lands unremoved as long as he is father, though turning fuch, they ought to contri- bute, (in moral duty, to which their relative duty mufl: cede) that he mould no more be a father, nor no more a living man, when dead by law. Secondly, They cannot come under the herile or mafterlv rela- tion, though analogically alfo fometimes they are itiled fo, and fubjecls are called fervants, by reafon of their fubjeclion, and becaufe it is the office of kings to command, and fubjecls to obey, in this there is fome analogy. But kings cannot properly be owned under this relation, as mailers over either per- fons or goods of fubjecls, far lefs tyrants, yea kings, aiTuming a mafterly power turn tyrants. Now that the magiltratical relation is not that of a mafter, is clear from many difparities and ab'iirdities, whether we confider the ftate of hired fervants or flaves. For hired fervants, the difference is vail betwixt them and fubjecls- i. The hired fervant gets reward fot his fervice, by compact j the fubjecls none, but ra- ther gives the royal reward o£ tribute to the king for his fervice ; the tyrant exacts it to maintain his ty- ranny. 2. The hired fervant is maintained by his mafter j A HIND LET LOOSE. 439 matter j the fubje&s maintain the king ; the tyrant robs it from them by force* 3. The hired fervant bargains only for a time, and then may leave him ; the fubject cannot give up his covenanted allegiance, at that rate and foi thefe reafons as the fervent may his fervice ; a tyrant will make nor keep no fuch bar- gain. 4. The hired fervant mu({. have his matter's profit mainly before his eyes, and his own fecondarily ; but the magistrates power is primarily ordiuated to the public good of the community and only confe- quentially to the good of himielf. 5. The matter hath a greater power over the hired fervant, to make and give out laws to him, which if rhey be lawful he mull obey ; than the king hath over the na- tion, to which he is the fole lawgiver, as is (hewed- 6. The hired fervant's fubjection is mercenary and fervile ; but the fubjecl's fubjection is civil, free, vo- luntary, liberal, and loving to a lawful king. Again for flaves, the difference between them and fubjefts is great. 1. Slavery, being againfr. nature, rational people would never choofe that Hie, if they could help it ; but they gladly choofe government and go- vernors. 2. Slavery would make the;r condition woffe than when they had no government, for liber- ty is always preferable ; neither could people have acr ted rationally in letting up government, if to be free o£ oppreflion of others they had given themfelves up to Ilavery, under a matter who may do what he pieafes with them. 3. All flaves are either taken in war, or bought with money, or born in the houf'e where their parents were Haves, as Abraham and Solomon had of that fort; but fubjecls are neither captives, .nor bought, nor born ilaves. — 4. Slavery is not natural, but a penal fruit of fin, and would never have Pft?n if fin had not been ; but government is not fo, but na- tural and necefTary. 5. Slaves are not their matter's brethren, fubje&s are the king's brethren, " over " whom he mutt not lift up himfelf," Deut. xvii. 20. 6. Mailers might purchafe and fell their flaves, Abi- melech 44<> A HIND LET LOOSE. melech took fheep and men fervants and gave them unto .Abraham, Gen. xx. 14. Jacob had maid fer- vants, and men-fervants, and afTes, Gen. xxx. 43. no otherwife than other goods, Solomon got to him- felf fervants and maidens, and fervants born in his houfe, Ecclef. ii. 7. a king cannot do fo with his fubjecls. 7. Princes have not this power to make the people flaves, neither from God, nor from the peo- ple : from God they have none, bat to feed and to lead them, 2 Sam. v. 2. to rule them fo as to feed them, 1 Chron. xi. 2, Bfal. lxxviii. 7), 72. From the people they have no power to make flaves, they can give none fuch. 8* Slavery is a curfe : it was Canaan's curfe to be a fervant of fervants, Gen. ix. 25. but to have magiftrates is a promifed bleffing, Jer. xvii. 25. 9. To be free of flavery is a bleffing, as the redemption from Egypt's bondage is every where called, and the year of redemption was a jubi- lee of joy, fo the freedom of releafe every feven years a great privilege, Jer. xxxiv. 9. but to be free of go- vernment is a judgment, Ifa. iii. 4; 5. 'tis threatned, " Ifrael (hall abide without a king and without a prince j" Hof. iii. 4. In the next place, they cannot be owned a- mailers or proprietors over the goods of the fubjects ; though in the cafe of neceflity, the king may make ufe of all goods in common, for the good of the kingdom ; for, 1. The introduction of kings cannot overturn nature's foundation; by the law of nature property was given to man, kings cannot re- fcind that. 2. A man had goods ere ever there was a king ; a. king was made only to preferve property, therefore he cannot take it away. 3. It cannot be fuppofed that rational people would choofe a king at all, if he had power to turn a great robber to pre- ferve them from leffer robberies and oppreflions ; would rational men give up themfelves for a prey to one, that they might be fafe from becoming a prey to others ? 4. Then their cafe fhould be worfe, by erecting of government, if the prince were proprie- tor A HIND LET LOOSE. 4„jl tor of their goods, for they had the property them* felves before. 5. Then government fhould riol be a bleffing, but a curfe, and the magiftrate could not be a miniiler for good. 6. Kingdoms then fhould be a- mong the goods of fortune, which the king might fell and dif, one as he pleafed. 7. His place then mould not be a function, but a pofieffion. 8. Peo- ple could not then, by their removes, or other wife, change their fovereigcs. 9. Then no man might difpofe of his own goods without the king's confent, by buying or felling, or giving alms ; nay, nor pay tribute, for they cannot do thefe things except they have of their own. 10. This is the very character of a tvrant, as described, 1 Sam. viii. 11. " He will take yolir forts'," Zeph. iii. 3. " Her princes are roaring lions, her judges are evening wolves." 1 1. All the threatnings and rebukes of oppreffion con- demn this, Ifa. iii. 14, 15, Ezek. xlv. 9. Mic. iii. 2, 3. Ahab condemned for taking Naboth's vineyard. 12. Pharaoh had not all the land of Egypt, till he bought it, Gen. xlii. 20. So the land became Pha« raoh's not otherwife. Yet giving, and not granting that he were really a matter in all thefe refpects ; notwithstanding if he turn to purfue me for my life, becaufe of mv fidelity to my mafter and his both, and will withdraw me from the fetvice of the fupreme univerfal mafter, I may lawfully withdraw" myfelf from his, and difown him for one, when 1 cannot ferve two mailers. Sure he cannot be mafter of the confcience. Thirdly, they cannot come under the conjugal relation, though there may be jbme propor- tion between that and fubjection to a lawful ruler, becaufe of the mutual covenant tranfacted betwixt them ; but the tyrant and ufurper cannot pretend to this, who refufe all covenants. Yet hence it cannot be inferred, that becaufe the wile may not put away her hufband, or renounce him, as he may do her in the cafe of adultery ; therefore the people cannot difown the king in the 3 K cafe 442 A HIND LET LOOSE. cafe of the violation of the royal covenant. For the king's power is not at all properly a hufband's pow- er, i. The wife, by nature, is the weaker veffel ; but the kingdom is not weaker than the king. 2. The wile is given as an help to the man ; but here the man is given as an help to the common-wealth. 3. The wile cannot limit the hufband's power ; as fubje&s may limit their fovereigns. 4. The wife cannot prefcribe the time of her continuing under him ; as fubjecls may do with their fovereigns. 5. The wife cannot change her hufband ; as a kingdom can do their government. 6. The hufband hath not power of life and death ; but the fovereign hath it o~ ver malefactors. Yet giving, and not granting, his power were properly marital : if the cafe be put, that the man do habitually break the marriage- covenant, or take another wife, and turn alfo cruel and intole- rable in compelling his own wife to wickednefs ; and put the cafe alfo, that (he mould not get a legal di- vorce procured, who can doubt but (lie can uifown him, and leave him ? For this cafe is excepted out of that command, 1 Cor. vii. 10. Let not the wife de- part from her hufband, meaning for mere difference in religion, or other lefler caufes ; but adulterv doth annul the marriage relation. See Pool's Synopfis critic, in locum. So when a prince breaks the royal covenant and turns tyrant, or without any covenant commits a rape upon the common-wealth, that pre- tended relation may and muft be difowned. Kence we fee, there is no relation can bring a king or ruler under the object of the duty of the fifth command, except it be that of a fiduciary patron, or truftee, and public fervant: for we cannot own him properly either to be a father, or a mailer, or a hufband. Therefore what can remain, bin that he muft be a fi- duciary fervant ? Wherefore if he mail either treache- roully break his truft, or prefumptuoufiy refufe to be entrufted, upon terms and conditions to fecure and be accountable for, (before God and man) religion and A HIND LET LOOSE. 445 and liberty, we cannot own his ofurped authority. That metaphor which the learned Buchanan ufes, de jure regni, of a public and politic phyfician, is not a relation different from this of a fiduciary fervant ; when he elegantly reprefents him as entrulted with the prefer varion and reftoration of the health of the politic body, and endowed with {kill and experience of the laws of his craft. If then he be orderly called unto this charge, and qualified for if, and difcharges his duty faithfully, he defery.es, and we are obliged to give him the rLf,jrencc of an honourec phyfician ; but if he abufe his calling, and nor obferve the rules thereof, and inftead of curing, go about wilfully to kill the body he is entrufted with, he is no more to be owned for a phyfician : but for a murderer. 9. If we enquire further into the nature of this re- lation between a king, (whofe authority is to be own- ed) and his fubjects ; we can own it only as it is re- ciprocal in refpect of fuperiority and inferiority ; that is, whereby in fome refpec"ts the king is fuperior to the people, and in fome refpects the people is inferior to him. The king is fuperior and fupreme as he is called, 1 Pet ii. 13. In refpect of formal fovereign- ty, and executive authority, and majeftic royal dig*, niry, refulting from the peoples devolving upon him that power, and conftituting him in that relation o- ver themfelves, whereby he is higher in place and power than they, and in refpect of his charge and conduct is worth ten thoufands of the people, 2 Sam. xviih 3. and there is no formally regal tribunal high- er than his ; and though he be leffer than the whole community, yet he is greater than any one, or all the people diftributively taken ; and though he be a royal vafial of the kingdom, and princely fervant of the people ; yet he is not their deputy, becaufe he is really their fovereign, to whom they have made over their power of governing and protecting themfelves irrevo- cably, except in the cafe of tyranny 5 and in acis of 3 K, 2 jvftice, 444 A HIND LET LOOSE. juftice, he is not accountable to any, and does not de- pend on the people as a deputy. But, on the other hand, the people is fuperior to the king, in refpect of their fountain power o( fove- reignty, that remains radically and virtually in them, in that they make him their royal fervant, and him rather than another, and limit him to the laws for their own good and. advantage, and though they give to him a politic power for their own fafety ; yet they keep a natural power which they cannot retracl, the power of juiiice to govern righteouily, yet it is not fo inevocably given away to him, but that when he a- bufcth his power to the deftruclion of his fubjecb, they may wren: a fword out of a mad man's hand, though it be his own fword, and he hath a juft power to ufe it for good, but all fiduciary power abufed may be repealed. They have not indeed fovereignty, or power of life and death formally ; yet, in refpect, they may conftitufe a magiilrate with laws, which if they violate they mufl be in hazard of their lives, they have this power eminently and virtually. Hence, in re'pir.cl, that the king's power is, and can be only fiducial, by way of truft repofed upon him, he is not fo fuperior to the people, but he may and ought to be accountable to them in cafe of tyranny ; which is rvident from what is faid, and now I intend to make it further appear. But, firft, I form the argument thi^ ; we can own no king_ that is not accounta- ble to the people : ergo, we cannot own this kii *. To clear the connexion of the antecedent and con-fequeat, T add ; either he is accountable to the people, or he is not : if he be accountable to all, then he is renouncible by a part, when the community is defective as to their part, it is the intereft of a part, th?t would, but cannot, do their duty, to give no ac- count to fuch as they can get no account from for his maleverfations. This is all we crave : if he be not accountable, then we cannot own him, becaufe all kings are accountable : for thefe reafons, i. The in- ferior A HIND LET LOOSE. 445 ferior is accountable to the fuperior ; the king is in- ferior, the people fuperior : ergo, the king is accoun- table to the people. The proportion is plain : if the king's fuperioriry make the people accountable to him in cafe of tranigreffing the laws ; then, why fhould not the peoples fuperiority make the king accountable to them, in cafe of tranfgrefTmg the law? ? Efpeciaily, feeing the king is inferior to the laws : becauie the law retrains him, and from the law he hath that whereby he is king ; the law is inferior to the people, becaufe they are as it were its parent, and may make or unmake it upon occafion : and feeing the law is more powerful than the king, and the people more powerful than the law, we may fee before which we may call the king 1,2. The Lord is difpleafed when " judgment is turned away backward, and judgment Hands afar off," — —and when there is 3 L no 4j O A HIND LL'T LOOSE. no judgment, whatever be the caufe of it, lfa. lix. 14, 15. The Lord threatens he will be " avenged on the nation," when a man is " not found to exe- cute judgment," jer. v. 1, 9. And promifes, if they *' will execute judgment and righteoumefs, and de- liver the fpoiled out of the hand of the oppreffor," he will give them righteous magiftrates, Jer, xxii. 3, 4. but if they do not, he will lend defolation, ibid. He rebukes thofe that " turn judgment to wormwood, and leave off righteoumefs in the earth," Amos v. 7. He refents it, when " the law is flacked, and judgment doth not go forth" freely, without over- awing or over-ruling rettraint, Hab. i. 4. Can thefe fcriptures confifl with the judges depen- dence on the king's pleafure, in the exerciie and exe- cution of their power ? therefore, if they would avuid the Lord's dilpleaiure, they are to give judgment, though the kmg fhould countermand it. Secondly, That the king is not excepted from their judgment, is alio evident from the general commands, Gen. ix. 6. " Whoio iheddeth man's blood, by nun mall his blood be fhed :" there is no exception ol kings or dukes here: and we mutt not diftrnguifh where the law diftinguifhtth not, Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. Whom kiiieth any perlbn, the murderer mail be put to death by the moma of witfiefles, ye (hail take no fatisfacUon tor the iite of a murderer winch is guilty of death, but he mail be furely pu, to death,. What fhould hinder then justice to be awarded upon a murdering king? Shall it be for want of witneffea ? It will be eai'y to adduce thoufands. Or, mall this be fati.sfac~f.ion for his life, that he is a crowned king ? The law faith, there ihail be no fatisfaction taken. The Lord fpeakcih to under judges, Levit. xix. 5. Ye mall do no unrighteoufnefs in judgment, thou fhah not refpe.cl the periqa of the poor, nor honour the perlbn of the mighty. It kings be not among the mighty, how (hall they be ciaflcd f Deut. i. 17. Ye mail not refpect perions in judgment, but you fliall hear A HIND LET LOOS£. 45 1 hear the fmall as v eu as the great ; you (hall not be afraid of the face of mftri, for the judgment is God's. If then no man's face can outdare the law and judg- ment of God, then the king's majeilic fece muit not do it; but as to the demerit ot blood, he muit be fubject as well as r. It is no argument to fay, the Sanhedrim did not pumfh David for his murder and adultery ; therefore it is not lawful to puniih a king for the fame ; a reafon from not doing is not relevant* David did not panifh joab for his mur- der, but authorized it, as alfo he did Bathfheba's a- dultery ; will that prove, that murders connived at, or commanded by he king, (hall not be punifhed ? Or that whores of (late are not to be called to an ac- count ? Neither will it prove, that a murdering king mould not be punifhed ; that David was not poniftl- ed, becaufe he got both the im pardoned, and hi granted from the Lord, faying 'o him by the mouth of the prophet Nathan, Thou (halt not die. But as for the demerit of that fact, he himfelf pronounced the fentence out of his own mouth, 2 Sam. xii. 15. " As the Lord liveth, the man that hath done this thing (hall iurely die." i So every king condemned 4 by the law, is condemned by his own mouth : for c the law is the voice of the king. Why then do we c io much weary ourfelves concerning a judge, feeing *■ we have the king's own confeffion, that is, the law P Buchanan de jure regni. And there needs be no other difficulty to find a tribunal for a murdering king, than to find, one for a murderer ; for a judgment rrtuft acknowledge but one name, viz. of the crime. If a king then be guil- ty of murder, he hath no more the name of a king, but of a murderer, when brought to judgment ; for he is not judged for kingfhip, but for his murder ; as when a gentleman is judged for rebbery, he is not hanged, neither is he fpared, becaufe he is a gentle- man, but becaufe he is a robber. See Buchanan a- bove. 6. If the people's, reprefentatives be fuperior 3 L 2 to 452 A HIND LET LOOSE. to the king in judgment - and may execute judgment without him, and againft his will, then they may alfo feek account of him ; for if he hath no power but from them, and no power without them to aft as king", (no more than the eye or hand hath power to act without the body) then his power muft be infe- rior, fiduciary, and accountable to them; but the former is true, the peoples reprefentatives arefuperior to the king in judgment, and may execute judgment without him, and againft his will. In fcripture we find the power of the elders and heads of the people was very great, and in many cafes fuperior to the king ; which the learned Dr. Owen demonfirates in his preliminary exercitations on the epiftle to the He- brews, and proves out of the Rabbins, that the kings of the Jews might have been called to an account, and rmnifned for tranfgreiftng of the law. But in the fcripture we find, (i.) They had a power of judg- ment with the fupreme magiftrate in matters of reli- gion, jnftice and government. Hamor and Shechem would not make a covenant with Jacob's fons, with- out the confent of the men of the city, Gen. xxxiv. 20. David behoved to confult with the captains of thoufands, and every leader, if it feemeth good to bring again the ark of God, 1 Chron. xiii. 1, 2, 3. bo alfo Solomon could not do it without them, 1 Kings viii. :. Ahab could not make peace with Ben- hadad againft the confent of the people, 1 Kings xx, 8. The men of Ephraim complain that Jephthah, the fupreme magiftrate, had gone to war againft the children of Ammon without them, and threatned to burn his houfe with fire, which he only excufes by the law of necefiity, Judges xii. 1, 2, 3. The fe- venty elders are appointed of God, not to be the ad- vifers only and helpers of Mofes, but to bear a part of the burden of ruling and governing the people, that Mofes might be eafed, Numb. xi. 14, 17. Mo- fes upon his fole pleafure, had not power to reftrain them in the exercife of judgment given of God. They A HIND LET LOOSE. 453 They were not the magiftrate's depending deputies* but in the aft of judging, they were independent, and their conferences as immediately fubjeeled to God as the fuperior magiftrate, who was to add his appro- bative fuffrage to their a&ings, but not his directive nor imperative fuffrage of abfolute pleafure, but only according to the law ; he might command them to do their duty, but he could do nothing without them, (2.) They had power, not derived from the prince at all, even a power of life and death. The rebellious fon was to be brought to the elders of the city, who had power to done him, Deut. xxi. 18, 24. They had power to puniih pdultery with death, Deut.xxii.21. They had power to cognofce whom to admit into, and whom to feclude from the cities of refuge : fo that if the king had commanded to take the life of an innocent man, they were not to deliver him, Jofn. xx. throughout. But befides the elders of cities, there were the elders and heads of the people, who had judicial power to cognofce on all criminal mat- ters, even when Jofhua was judge in Ifrael we find they aflumed this power, to judge of that matter of the two tribes and the half, Jofh. xxii. 30. And they had power to make kings, as Saul and David, as was fhewed : and it mull needs follow, they had power to unmake them in cafe of tyranny. (3.) They had power to conveen, even without the indic- tion of the ruler, as in that, Jofh. xxii. They con- veen without him ; and without advice or knowledge of Samuel, the ruler, they conveen to afk a king, 1 Sam. viii. And without any head or fuperior, they conveen and make David king, notwithftanding of Jmbofheth's hereditary right. Without and againir. tyrannous Athaliah's confent, they conveen and make -Joam king, and cared not for her Treafon, treafon, 2 Kings xi. But now the king alone chal- lenges the prerogative power of calling and diffblving parliaments as he pleafes, and condemns all meetings of eftates without his warrant, which is purely. tyran- nical 454 A HIND LET LOOSE. nical ; for, in cafes of neceffity, by the very law of nature, they may and mutt conveen. The power is given to the king only by a pofitive law, for order's fake ; but otherwife, they have an intrinfical power to afiembie thetnfelves. All the forecited commands, admonitions, and certifications, to execute judgment, mud. neceffarily involve and imply a power to con- veen, without which they could not be in a capacity for it : not only unjuft judgment, but no judgment, in a time when truth is rallen in the {treets, and equi- ty cannot enter, is charged as the fin of the (late ; therefore they muft conveen to prevent this fin, and the wrath of God for it: God hath committed the keeping of the commonwealth, not to thek;ng% only, but alfo to the people's reprefentatives and heads. And if the king have power to break up all conven- tions of this nature, then he hath power to hinder judgment to proceed, which the Lord commands : and this would be an excufe, when God threatens vengeance for it. We would not execute judgment, becauie the king forbade us. Yet many of thefe fore- mentioned reproofs, threatnings, and certifications were given, in the time of tyrannous and idoL.r^us kings, who, no doubt, would inhibit and difcharge the doing of their duty ; yet we fee that was no ex- cufe, but the Lord denounces wriuh for the omidion. (4.) They h?d power to execute judgment againit the will of the prince. Samuel killed Agag againit Saul's will, but according to the a mmand of God, 1 Sam. xv. 32. Againft Ahab's will and mind Eli- jah caufed kill the prieits of Baal, according to God's exprefs law, t Kings xviii. 40. It is true it was ex- traordinary, but no otherwife than it is this day ; when there is no magiftrate that will execute the judgment of the Lord, then they who have power to make the magiftrate, may and ought to execu;e it, when wicked men make the law of God of none ef- fect. So the princes of Judah had power, againit. the kiag's will, to put Jeremiah to death, which the king A HIND LET LOOSE. 4jJCJ king fuppofes, when he directs him what to fay to them, Jer. xxxviii. 25. They had really fuch a power, though in Jeremiah's cafe it would have been wickedly perverted. See Lex Rex. q. \g, 20. (5.) They had a power to execute judgment upon the king himfelf, as in the cafe of Amaziah and Uzziah, as (hail be cleared afterwards. I conclude with re- peating the argument : if the king be accountable, whenfover this account mail be taken, we are confi- dent our difowning him for the prefent will be ju (li- fted, and all will be obliged to imitate it : if he be not, then we cannot own his authority, that {c pre- (umptuoufly exalts himfelf above the people. 10. If we will further coiifider the nature of magi. frracy, it will appear what authority can confcientioui- ly be owned, to wit, that which is power, not au- thorifed power, not might or force ; moral power, not merely natural. There is a great difference be- twixt thefe two : natural power is common to brutes, moral power is peculiar to men ; natural power is more in the fubjecls, becaufe they have more Ptrength and force; moral power is in the magiiliate, they can never meet adequately in the fame fubjecl; natu- ral power can, moral only may warrantably exercife rule ; natural power is oppofed to irnpotency and weaknefs, moral to illicitnefs or unla vfulnefs ; na- tural power confifts in ftrength, moral in righte- ouinefs ; natural power may be in a roul of rogues making an uproar, moral only in the rulers ; they cannot be diftinguifhed by their ads. bin by the p ;;i- ciple trom which the acts proceed; m the one from mere force, in the o'Aisr from authority. The p - ciple of natural power is its own mighi and will, the end only felf; moral hath irs rile irom , conftitution. aad its end is public f&feiy. The ftrength • of natural power lies in the fword, whereby its might gives law ; the thength of moral power is in its word, whereby reafon gives law, unto which the fword is added for punifhment of coruraveeners : natural pow- er 456 A HIND LET LOObE. er takes the fword, Matth. xxvi. 52. Moral bears the fword, Rom. xiii. 4. In natural power the fword is the caufe ; in moral it is only the confequent of authority ; in natural power the fword legitimates the fceptre ; in moral the fceptre legitimates the fword : the fword of the natural is only backed with metal, the fword of the moral power is backed with God's war- rant : natural power involves men in pafiive fubjection, as a traveller is made to yield to a robber ; moral pow- er reduces to confcientious fubordination. Hence the power that is only natural, not moral authority, not power, cannot be owned ; but the power of a tyrant's and ufurper's is only natural, not moral, authority, not power : Ergo it cannot be owned. The major cannot be denied ; for it is only the moral power that is ordained of God, unto which we mud be fubject for confcience fake. The minor alfo j for the power of tyrants is not moral, becaufe not authorized, nor warranted, or ordained of God by his preceptive or* dinance, and therefore no lawful magiftratical power. For the clearer underitanding of this, let it be obferv- ed, there are four things required to the making of a moral or lawful power ; the ni3tter of it mull be law- ful, the perfon lawful, the title lawful, and the ufe lawful, ». The matter of it, about which it is exert- ed, or the work to be done by it, mult be lawful and warranted by God : and if it be unlawful it de- ftroys its moral being. As the pope's power, in dif- peniing with divine laws, is null and no moral pow- er ; and fo alfo the king's power, in difpenfing with both divine and human laws is null. Hence that power, which is, in regard of matter unlawful, and never warranted by God, cannot be owned ; but ab- folute power, which is the power of tyrants and ufur- pers, (and particularly of this of ours) is in regard of matter unlawful, and never warranted by God : Er- go— 2. The perfon holding the power muft be fuch as not only is capable of, but competent to the te- nure of it, and to whom the holding of it is allowed ; and A HIND LET LOOSE. 457 and if it he prohibited, it evacuates the morality of the power. Koran and his company arrogated to themfelves the office of the priefthcod, this power was prohibited to them, their power then was a nulli- ty. As therefore a perfon that ihould not be a mini- fter, when he ufurps that office is no minifter ; fo a perfon that fhouid not be a magistrate, when he u- jfurps that office, is no magiftrate. Hence, a perfon that is incapable and incompetent for government can- not be owned for a governor ; but the duke of York is fuch a perfon, not only .not qualified as the word of God requires a magiftrate to be, but by the laws of the land declared incapable of rule, becaufe he is a papift, a murderer, an adulterer, &c. 5. There muft be a moral power, a lawful title and inveftiture, as is fhewed above ; which, if it be wanting, rht pone*, er is null, and the perfon but a icenical king, like John of Leyden. This is effentially necefTary to the being of a magiftrate ; which only properly diftin- guiihe? him from a private man ; for when a perfon becomes a magiftrate, what is the change that is wrought in him? uhat new habit or endowment is produced i» him ? he hath no more natural power than he had before, only now he hath the moral pow- er, right and authority to rule, legally impowering him to govern. Let it be confidered, what makes a fubordinate magiftrate, whom we own as fuch : it muft be only his commiffion from a fuperior power, otherwife we rejecl: him ; if one come to us of his own head, taking upon him the (tile and office of a bailiff, (heriff or judge, and command our perfons, demand our purfes, or exa£t our oaths ; we think we may deny him, not taking ourfelves to owe him any fut-jcclion, not owning any bond of conicience to him ; why ? becaufe he hath no lawful commiiiion. Now, if we require this qualification in the fubordi- nate, why not in the fupreme ? fjence, that magi- strate, that cannot produce his legal inveftiture, can- not be owned -f but the duke of York cannot produce 4$S A HIND LET LOOiE. his legal inveftiture, his ad million to the crown upon oath and compact, and with the conient of the fub- jects, according to the laws of the land, as is fhewed above : therefore — • 4. There muft alfo be the lawful ufe of the power ; which muft be not only le- gal for its compofure, but right for its practice ; its courfe and procefs in government muft be juft, go- verning according to law, otherwife it is mere tyran- ny : for what is government, but the fubjecting of the community to the rule of governors, for peace and order's fake, and the fecurity of all their precious in- terefts ? and for what end was it ordained, and con- tinued among men, but that the ftronger may not domineer over the weaker ? and what is anarchy, but the playing the rex of the natural power over the mo- ral ? Hence, that power which is contrary to law, e- vil and tyrannical, can tie none to fubjection ; but the power of the king, abufed to the deftruction of laws, religion and liberties, giving his power and ftrength unto the beaft, and making war with the Lamb, Rev. xvii. 13, 14. is a power contrary to law, evil and tyrannical : therefore it can tie none to fub- jection : wickednefs by no imaginable, reafon can ob- lige any man. It is objected by fome, from Rom. xiii. 1. There is no power but of God; the usurp- ing power is a power : therefore it is of God, and confequently we owe fubjection to it. Anf. 1. The original reading is not univerfal, but this : for there is no power if not from God : which confirms what I plead for, that we are not to own any authority, ii it be not authorized by God. The words are only relative to higher powers, in a reftricted fenfe and at rriofl are but indefinite, to be determined according to the matter ; not all power (imply, but all lawful power. 1. It is a fallacy from what is faid according to a certain thing, there is no power but of God, that is no moral power, as uni- verfal negatives ufe to be underllood, Heb. v. 4. No man taketh his honour unto himfelf, but he that is called A HIND LET LOOSE. 459 safled of God ; which is clear, muft not be under- stood for the negation of the fact, as if no man at all do u or ever did take unto himfelf that honour, for Korah did it, &c. but, no man taketh it warrantably, with a moral right and God's allowance without God's call : fo alio the univeriai imperative, in that fame text, mult not be taken abfolurely without re- flnctioii ; for if every foul without exception were to be i'ubj ct, there could be none left to be the higher powers ; but ir is understood with reitriction to the relation of a fubject. 80 here, no power but of God, to be underitood with reftri&ion to [he relation of a lawful magiflrate. It is alfo to be underltood indifcriminately, in reference to the divers fpecies5 forts and degrees of lawful power, fupreme and fub» ordinate, whether to the king as fupreme, or to go- vernors, &c. as Pefer exprefies it : or whether they be C';rillian or pagan; it cannot be meant of all uni- versally, that may pretend to power, and may attain to prevailing potency ; for then by this text, we mull fubject ourfelves to the papacy now intended to be introduced; and indeed if we fubject ourfelves to this papitt, the next thing he will require will be that. 3. To the minor proportion, I aniwer, the ufurping power is a power ; it is power, I grant, that it is power, or authority, I deny. Therefore it is of God by hk providence, I con- cede } by his ordinance, I deny. Confequently we owe fubjedtion to it, I deny. We may be fubject paffively, I grant. Actively, out of confeience, 1 de- ny. But fome will object, 2. Though the power be ufurped, and fo not morally lawful in all thefe re- fpects ; yet it may do good, its laws and adminiftra- tions may be good. Anfw. I grant all is good that ends well, and hath a good beginning. This cannot be good which hath a bad principle, good from the entire caufe. Some government for conftitution good, may, in fome acts, be bad"; but a government tor conltitution bad cannot^ for the acts it puts forth0 3 M 2 be 4.66 A HlfcD LET LOOSE. be good. Thefe good acls may be good for matte!** but formally they are not good, as done by the ufur* per : they may be comparatively good, thai is better fo than worfe ; but they cannot be abfolutely, and in a moial fenfe good: for to make a politic action good, not only the matter mufl be warrantable, but" the caM alio. It may indeed induce fubjects to bear and improve to the bed, what cannot be remedied ; but cannot oblige to own a magiftratical relation. II. The nature of the power thus difcovered, let us fee the nature of that relative duty, which we owe and mufl own as due to magiitrares, and what fort of owning we mufl give them ; which, to inquire a little into, will give light to the queftion. All the duty and deference the Lord requires of us, towards them whom we mull own as magiftrates, is compre- hended in thefe two exprefnons, honour required in the fifth command, and fubjeclion required in Rom. xiii. i. &c. i Pet, ii. 13. &c. Whomsoever then ve own as magiftrates, we mufl own honour and fubjeclion as due to them: and if fo be, we cannot, upon a confeientious ground, give them honour and fubjeclion, we cannot own them as magiftrates. The leaft deference we ran pay to magiftrates is fub- iection, as it is required in thefe words ; Let every foul be fubject. to the higher powers, and, iubmit Aourfelves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's fake. But this cannot be given to tyrants and ufur- pers ; therefore no deference can be paid to them at ail : and corfequently they cannot be owned. That this fubjeclion, which is required to the higher pow- ers, caimoc be owned to tyrants, will be apparent, if we confider, 1. The fubjeclion required is orderly fubjeclion to an orderly power, that we be regularly under him that is regularly above ; but ufurpation and tyranny is not an orderly power, orderly placed above us ; therefore we cannot be orderly under it. This is gathered from the original language, where the: power? to be fubjscled to, are ordained of God, and A HltfD LET LOOSE. 46* aiid the ordinance of God, and he that refifteth the power is counter-ordered, or contrary to his orderly duty ; fo the duty is to be fubject. They are all words coming from one root, which fignifles to or- der ; fo that fubjection is to be placed in order under another relative to an orderly fuperiority ; but, to oc- cupy the feat of dignity unauthorized, is an ataxy, a breaking of order^ and bringing the commonwealth quite out of order. Whereby it may appear, that, in relation to an arbitrary government, there can be properly no orderly fuhjection. 2. The thing itfetf muft import that relative duty which the fifth com- mand requires ; not only a paffive (looping endurance, or a feigned counterfeit fubmiflion, but a real aclive duty including obedience to lawful commands; and not only fo, but fupport and maintenance ; and that both to the acts of his adminiftration, and to his ftanding and keeping his Ration, aiTiMing him with ail our abilities, both human and Chriftian ; and not only as to the external acts of duties, but the inward motions of the heart, as confent, love, reverence., and honour, and all fincere fealty and allegiance. But can a fubje&ion of this extent be paid to a ty- rant or ufurper ? Can we fupport thofe we are bound to fupprefs? Shall we love the ungodly, and help thofe that hate the Lord? Can we confent, that we and our pofterity fhould be flaves ? Can we honour them who are vile, and the vileft of men -, how high foever they be exalted ? 3. The ground of this fubjection is for confcience iake, not for wrath, that is, fo far and fo long as one is conftrained by fear, and, to avoid a greater evil, to ftoop to him, but out of confcience of duty, both that of piety to God who ordained ma- giftracy, and that of equity to him who is his mini- fter for good, and under pain of damnation if we break this orderly fubje&ion, Rom. xiii. ?., 5. But can it be imagined, that all this is due to a tyrant and ufurper ? Can it be out of confcience, becaufe he is the 4^6 i A HIND LET LOOSE. the Lord's minifter for good ? The contrary is clear, that he is the devil's drudge ferving his intereft : Is refiftance to tyrants a damnable fin ? I hope to prove it to be a duty. 4. If fubjection to tyrants and ufurp- ers will inveigle us in their fnares, and involve us in their fin and judgment, then it is not ro be owned to them ; but the former is true ; therefore the lat- ter- In the foregoing head I drew an argument, far withdrawing from and dilbwning the prelatic mini- fters, from the hazard of partaking in their fin, and of being obnoxious to their judgment, becaufe people are often punifhed for their patter's fins ; Aaron and his fons polluting themfelves, would have brought wrath upon all the people, Lev. x. 6. becaufe the teachers had tranfgreffed againft the Lord, therefore was Jacob given to the curie, and Ifraei to reproach- es, Ifa. xliii. 27, 28. and all thefe miferies lamented by the church, were inflicted for the fins of her pro- phets, and the iniquities of her priefts, Lam. iv. 13. the reafon was, becaufe they owned them, followed them, countenanced them, complied with rhem. or connived at them, or did not hinder, or elfe difown them. The fame argument will evince the neceflity of withdrawing our fubjection from, and difowning, ufurping, and tyrannical rulers, when we cannot hinder their wickednefs, nor give any other refti- mony againft them, to avert the wrath of the Lord. If the defections of minifters will bring on the whole nation deforcing judgments ; then mych more have^we reafon to fear it, when both magiftrates and minifter? are involved in, and jointly carrying on, and carefTmg and encouraging each other in promoting a woful apollafy from God: when the headsoftheboufe ef Jacob and princes of thehoufe of Ifraei, abhor judg- ment, and pervert all equity. The heads judge for reward, and the priefts teach for hire, and the pro- phets divine for money, and yet lean upon the Lord, and fay, is not the Lord among us : none evil can come upon us. Then we can expect nothing, but that A HIND LET LOOSE. 4S3 that Zion for their lake fhall be plowed as a field, and Jerufalem become heaps, and the mountain of the houfe as the high places of the foreft, Mic. iii. 9, 1 1, 1 2. Certain it is, that fubjects have fmarted fore for the fins of their rulers : for Saul's fin, in breaking covenant with the Gibeonites, .the land fuffered three years famine, 2 Sam. xxi. 1. and the wrath of the Lord could not be appeafed, till feven of his fons were hanged up unto the Lord. What then mall appeafe the wrath of God, ior the unparalleled breach of co- venant with God in our days? For David's iin of numbering the people, 70.000 men died by the pef- tiience, 2 Sam. xxiv, 5. For Jeroboam's fin of ido- latry, who made Ifrael to fm, the Lord threatens to give Ifrael up, becaufe of the tins of Jeroboam, 1 Kings xiv. 16. only they efcaped this judgment, who •withdrew themfelves and fell into Judah. For Ahab's fm of Jetting go a man whom the Lord had appoint- ed to utter deftruction, the Lord threatens him, thy !ii'e fhall go for his life, and thy people for his people, i Kings xx. 42. Becaufe Manuflch, king of Judah, did many abominations, therefore the Lord threaten- ed to bring fuch evil upon -Jeruialern and judah, that whoi'oever heard it, his ears fhculd tingle, &c. 2 Kings xxi. 11, 12. and notwithstanding of his repen- tance and the reformation in the days of Jofuih, not- withstanding (he Lord turned not from the fiercenefs of his great wrath, wherewith his anger was kindled againfl Judah, becaufe of all. the provocations that Manaifch had provoked him withal, 2 Kings xxiii. 26. which was accomplimed by the hands of Ait Chaldeans, in jehoiaktm's time. Surely, at the commandment of the Lord, came this upon Judah, to remove them out of his light, for the fins -of Manaf- feh according to all that he did, and alfo for the in- nocent blood which helhed, which the Lord would not pardon, 2 Kings xxiv. 3, 4 And Jere- miah further threatens, that they fhould be removed into all kingdoms of the earth, becaufe of Manafieh for. 4#4 A HIND LET LOOSE. for that which he did in Jerufalem, Jer. xv. 4. Ccjv- fcfttnly pallages were recorded for our learning-, Rom. xv. 4. a')d for our examples, to the intent we fhouid not do as they did, 1 Cor. x. 6. and for our admo- nition, ver. 11. Whence we may be admoniftied, that it is not enough to keep ourfelves free of public fins of rulers ; many of thofe then puniihed, were free of all actual acceffion to them ; but they be- came acceiibry to, and involved in the guilt of them, when they did not endeavour to hinder them, and bring them to condign puniihment for them, accord- ing to the law of God, which refpeð not perfons ; or, at leaft, becaufe they did not revolt from them, as Libnah did : there might be other provocations on the peoples part, no doubt, which the Lord did alfo punifh by thefe judgments ; but when the Lord fpe- cifies the fin of rulers as the particular procuring caufe of the judgment ; it were prefumption to make it vthe occafion only of the Lord's punithing them : for plain it is, if thefe fins of rulers had not been committed, which was the ground of the threatening and execution, the judgment would have been prevented ; and if the people had be- ftirred themfelves as became them, in repreffing and reflraining fuch wickednefs, they had not fo fmarted ; and when that fin, fo threatened and punifheu, was re- moved, thenthejudgmentitfelfwasremovedor deferred. It is juft and neceffary, that the fubjects, being jointly included with their rulers in the fame bond or fidelity to God, be liable to be punimed for their rebellion and apoftacy, when they continue under the bond of fubjection to them. But how deplorable were our condition, if we mould Hand obnoxious to divine judgments, for the atheifm, idolatry, murders, and adulteries of our rulers, and yet be neither authorized nor capacitated to hinder it, nor permitted to with- draw ourfelves from fubjeclion to them ? But it is not fo j for, the Lord's making us refponfible for their 4ebt A HIND LET LOOSE. 46? debt, is an impowering us either to reprefs their wic» kedn^fs when he gives us capacity, or at lead to lave oqrfelves harmlefs from their crimes, by difowning rhem ; thai being the only way of (landing no long- er accountable for their fouls. 1 2. It; remains to coniider the ends for which go- vernment was institute by God, and conftitute by men ; from whence I argue, that government, that deftroys the ends of government, is not to be owned ; but tyranny, and especially this under which we howl, deltroys all the ends of government ; there- fore it is not to be owned. The minor I prove thus, That government, that deftroys all religion and faf'ety, deftroys all the ends of government j but this popifh and arbitrary abfolute power, deftroys religion and fafety ; therefore—it is evident, both from the iaws of nature and reve'.arion, that the ends of govern- ment are the glory of God, and the good of man- kind. The firft is the glory of God, the ultimate end of ah ordinances; to which whatever is oppofite, is not to be owned by them that fear him : whatever power then is deftructive to religion, and is applied and employed againft the glory of the univerfal King, and for withdrawing us from our fealty and obedience to him, is nothing but rebellion againft the fupreme Lord and Lawgiver, and a traiterous confpiracy a- gainft the Almighty, and therefore not to be owned : a.ud they are enemies to religion, or ftrangers to it, who are not fenfible this hath been the defign of the prefent government, at lead thefe twenty-feven years, to overturn, the reformed covenanted religion, and to introduce popery. Hence, feeing a king at his belt and higheft elevation, is only a mean for pre- ferving religion, and for this end only ehofen of the people to be keeper of both tables of the law, he is not to be regarded, put wholly laid afide, when he not only moves without his fphere, but his motion infers the ruin of the ends of his erection, and when he employs all his power for the deftruction of the 3 N caufe 466 A HIND LET LOOSE. caufe of Chrift, and advancement of antichriit, giving his power to the beaft ; he is fo far from deferving the deference of the power ordained of God, that he is to be looked upon, and treated as a traitor to God, and ftated enemy to religion and all righteoufnefs. The fecond end of government is the good of the people, which is the fupreme and cardinal law ; the fafety of the people is the fupreme law. Which can- not be denied, tf it be confidered, 1. For this only the magiftrate is appointed of God to be his minifter for the people's good, Rom. xiii. 4. and they have no goodnefs but as they conduce to this end : for all the power they have of God is with this provifo, to promote his people's profperity. (It were blafphemy to fay, they are his authorifed miniiters for their de- ftruction) to which if their conduct: degenerate, they degrade themfelves, and fo mult be difowned. He is therefore, in his inftitution, no more than a mean for this end ; and himfelf cannot be either the whole or half of the end ; for then he mould be both the end and the mean of government ; and it is contrary to God's mould to have this for his end, to multiply to himfelf filver and gold, or lift up himfelf above his brethren, Deut. xvii. 17, 2c. If therefore he hath any other end than the good of the people, he can- not be owned as one of God's moulding. 2. This only is the higheit pitch of good princes ambition, to jioiiporie their own fafety to the peoples fafety. Mo- les defired, lather than the people mould be dei'troyed, that his name ihould be razed out of the book of life. And David would rather the Lord's hand be on him and his father's houfe, than on the people, that they fliould be plagued, 1 Chron. xxi. 17. But he that would feek his own ambitious ends, with the deftruc- tion of the people, hath the fpirit of the devil, and is to be carried towards as one poflefied with that ma- lignant fpirit. 3. Originally their power is from the people, Irom whom ail their dignity is derived, with referve of their fafety, which is not the donative of kings, A HIND LET LOOSE. 46? kings, nor held by conceilion from them, nor can it be refigned or furrendered to the difpofal of kings ; fince God hath provided, in his univerfal laws, that no authority make any difpofal, but for the good of the people. This cannot be forfeited by the ufurpa- tion of monarchs, but being always fixed in- the ef- fential laws of government, they may reclaim and re- -cover it when they pleafe. Since then we cannot ali- enate our fafety, we cannot own that authority which is inconfiftent with it. 4. The attaining this end was the main ground and motive of peoples deliberat- ing to conftitute a government, and to choofe fuch a form, becaufe they thought it mod conducible for their good ; and to admit fuch perfon? as fitteft inftu- ments for compafling this end ; and to eftablifh fuch a conveyance, as they thought molt contributive for this end. When therefore princes ceafe to be what they could be conftitute for, they ceafe to have an authority to be owned ; but ceafing to anfwer thefe ends of government, they ceafe to be what they could be conftitute for. 5. For no other end were magi- ftrates limited with conditions, but to bound them, that they might do nothing againft the peoples good and fafety. Whofoever then breaking through all legal limita- tions, fhall become injurious to the community, lifts himfelf in the number of enemies, and is only to be looked upon as fuch. 6. For this end all laws are ratified or refcinded, as they conduce to this end, which is the foul and reafon of the law : then it is but reafon, that the law eftablifhing fuch a king, which proves an enemy to this, mould be refcinded alfo. 7. Contrary to this end no law can be of force ; if then, either law or king be prejudicial to the realm, they are to be abolifhed. 8. For this end, in cafes of neceffity, kings are allowed fometimes to neglect the letter of the laws, or private interefts, for the fafety of the community : but if they neglect the pub- lic fafety, and make laws for their own interefts, they i N 2 are 468 A HIND LET LOOSfl. are no more truftees but traitors. 9. If it were not for tliis end, it were more eligible to live in defarts, than to enter into focietles. When therefore a ruler, in direct oppofition to the ends cf government, feeks the ruin, not only of religion, but alio of the peoples fafety, he ifluft ceriainly forfeit his right to reign. And what a Vafl, as well as innocent number, have, ibr religion, and their adherence to their fundament- al rights* been ruined, rooted out of their families pofieflions, opprefled, perfecuted, murdered, and de* droved by this and the deceafed tyrant, all Scotland can tell, and all Europe hath heard* If ever the ends of government Were perverted and fubverted in any place. Britain is the ftage where this tragedy has been acted. 13. I may argue from the covenant, that to own this authority is contrary to all the articles thereof. 1U That authority which overturns the reformation of religion in doctrine, wori'hip, difcipliae and govern- ment, which we are fworn to preferve againft the common enemies thereof, in the firft article, can- not be owned ; but the prefent pretended authori- ty overturned (and continues more to overturn) the reformation of religion, &c. therefore it cannot be owned. For againTt what common enemy muft we prderve it, if not againlt him that is the chief enemy thereof? And how can we own that authority, that is wholly employed and applied for the deftruc- tion oi religion ? 2. If we are obliged to extirpate popery, without refpecr. of perfons, left we partake in other mens fins ; then we are obliged to extirpate papiits without refpect of perfons ; and consequently the r.ead of them. (For how otherwife can popery be extirpated ? Of how otherwife can we cleanle the land of their fins ?) But in the 2d article We are ob- liged to extirpate popery without refpect of perfons, lelt we partake in others mens fins : therefore we are obliged to extirpate papifts without refpecr. of per- fons, and confequentl.y tfce crowned Jefuit, and there- A HIND LET L00S£. 469 therefore cannot own him : for how can we own him, whom we are bound to exflirpate ? 3. If we be engaged to preferve the rights and liberties of par- liaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and the" king's authoiity only in the prefetvation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, then we cannot own his authority, when it is inconfiilent with, oppofne to, and deftructive of all thefe precious interefU, as now it is with a witnefs. But in the 3d article we are engaged to preferve the rights and pri- vileges of parliaments, and the liberties of the king- doms, and the king's authority only in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms: therefore all allegiance that te can own to any man, mud fland perpetually thus qualified, in defence of religion and liberty ; that is, fo far as it is not contrary to religion and liberty, and no further.; For if it be deitru&ive of thefe, it is null. If we mould then own this man, with this reftri&ed allegi- ance, and apply into his own authority (as we muft apply it to all authority that we can own) it were to mock God and the world, and own contradictions : for can we maintain the deilroyer of religion, in de- fence of religion, and the deflroyer of all our rights and liberties, and all our legal fecurities for them, in the prefervation of thefe rights and liberties ? That were pure nonfenfe. 4. If we be obliged to endea- vour, that all incendiaries and malignants, &c. be brought to condign punifhment, then we cannot own the authority of the head of thefe incendiaries and malignant enemies ; but in the fourth article, we aie obliged to endeavour, that all incendiaries and ma- lignants, &c. be brought to condign punifhment : therefore — The connexion of the major cannot well be doubted, for is it imaginable, that the head of that unhallowed party, the great malignant enemy, who is the fpring, and*gives life unco all thefe abominations mail be exempted from punifhment, or owned for a facred majefty ? mail we bt obliged to difcover, and bring- 470 A HIND LET LOOSE. bring to juftice the little petty malignants, and this implacably flared enemy to Chrift efcape with a crown on his head ? Nay, we are by this obliged, if ever we be in cafe, to bring thefe Hated enemies to God and the country to condign punifhment, from the higheit to the lotveft : and this we are to do, as we would have the anger of the Lord turned away from us, which cannot be, without hanging up their heads before the Lord againit the fun, as was done in the matter of Peor, Numb. xxv. 4. For hath not he and his accomplices made the kingdom a curfe ? and we, with our own confent, have made ourfelves obnoxi- ous to it, if we do not procure, each in our capaci- ties, and purfue thefe traitors and rebels, that the judgment of the Lord be executed upon the accurfed. 5. No wilful oppofer of peace and union between the kingdoms is to be owned ; but, according to the 5th article, we are obliged to endeavour, that juftice be done upon him : but this man and his brother have been wilful oppofers of peace and union between the kingdoms, all true peace and union, except an u- nion in confederacy againit the Lord ; for they have taken peace from both the kingdoms, and deftroyed and annulled that which was the bond of their union, to wit, the folemn league and covenant. 6. If we are obliged to affifl and defend all thole that erKer in- to this league and covenant, in the maintaining and purfuing thereof, and never to fuffer ourfelves to be divided, to make defection to the contrary part, &c. According to the 6th article then, we mufl not own the butcher of our covenanted brethren, who hath imbrued his hands in their blood, in maintaining and purfuing thereof, and would have us withdrawn into fo deteftable a defection ; for we cannot both own him as he requires to be owned, and as God requires every magiftrate to be owned (fo as not to refif.t him under pain of damnation, Rom. xiii. 2.) and ailill our brethren too in refifling his murders : and our Owning of him were a dividing of ourfelves from ouf brethren A HIND LET LOOSE. 47 I brethren that oppoie him, into a defection to the contrary part, whereof he is head and patron. Laft- ly, In the condufion, we are obliged to be humbled for the fins of thefe kingdoms, and to amend in a real reformation ; whereof this is one to be mourned for, that after the Lord had delivered us from the yoke of this tyrannical family, we again joined in amity with the people of thefe abomina- tions, and took thefe ferpents into our bofom again, which hath bit us fo fore, and wherewith the Lord hath fcourged us feverely. And if it was our fin to engage with them at firft, then it is our fin to continue under their fubje&ion ; and is not confident with that repentance, that the Lord's contendings call for, to continue owning that power which was our fin to own at firft. IF. In the third place, I promifed to confirm my thelis from more exprefs fcripture arguments. Therefore I fhalr endeavour to gather them as briefly as may be, i. From fcripture inferences, nearly and natively confequential. 2- From fcripture aflertions. 3. From fcripture precepts. 4. From fcripture prac- tices.' 5. From fcripture promifes. 6. From fcrip- ture threatnings. 7. From fcripture prayers. Firft, I.fhall offer fome arguments deduced by way of immediate inference, from the grounds laid before us in fcripfure about government : wherein I mall confine myfelf to thefe particulars.. 1. Let us confider the characters of a magi- ftrate, laid down in fcripture ; and we may in- fer, if tyrants and ufurpers are not capable of thefe characters, then they cannot be owned for magiftrates. For if they be not magiftrates, they cannot be owned as magiltrates ; but if they be not capable of the characters of magiftrates, they are not magiftrates : Ergo, if they be not capable of the cha- racters of magiftrates, they cannot be owned as ma- giftrates. To find out the characters of magiftrates, 1 need feek no further than that full place, Rem. *iii. 47? A HINp LET LOOSE. xiii. Which ufually is made a magazine 01 objert tions agaipft this truth ; bat I truft to find (tore of arguments for it from thence, not repeating many that have been already deduced therefrom. We find, in this place, msmy characters of a magistrate, that are all incompatible with a tyrant or ufurper. \. He is the higher power, verfe i. Authorities fupere- • roinent, fignifying fueh a pre-excelleucy as draweth towards it a recognition of honour ; but this is not competent to tyrants and ufurpers ; for they are the vileft of men, let them be never fo high exalted, Pfal. xii. laft verfe, and if they be vile then they are to be contemned, Pfal, xv. 4.. and no more to be regarded than Herod was by Chriit, when he called him a fox, Luke xiii. 32. But more particularly, let us confider what is the highnefs, or dignity of magi- ifrates, fet forth in fcripfure. They are liijed gods, not to be reviled, Exod. xxii. 28. among whom God judgeth, Pfal. lxxxii, 1. fo called, becaufe the word of God came unto them, John x. $$.. But tyrants are rather devils, as one of them is called Lucifer, I fa. xiv. 12. and they that ptrfecute and imprifon the people of God, becaufe actuated by the devil, and acting for him, do bear his name, Rev. ii. 10. They are devils that caft the Lord's witneffes into prifon. The magiftrate's judgment is God's judg- ment, Deut. i. 17. becaufe it is not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. and therefore Solomon is faid to have fat on the throne of the Lord, 1 Chron. xxix. 2 5. But it were blafphemy to fay, That tyrants judgment, ufurping the place without his warrant, and giving forth judgment again ft his laws, and caufe, and people, is the Lord's judgment, or for him, or that rhey fit on the throne of the Lord. A throne of iniquity is not the throne of the Lord, for he hath no fellowfhip with it ; the tyrant's throne is a throne of iniquity, Pfal. xciv. 20. Magi- ftrates are truly to be fubje&ed to and obeyed, as principalities and powers, Tit, iii, i* it is a fin to fpeak A HIND LET LOOSE. AJ $ fpeak evil of them, verfe i. for it is prefumption to defpife dominion, and fpeak evil of dignities, 2 Pet. ii. 10. Jude 8. But tyrants are very catechreftically and abimvely principalities and powers, no otherwife then the devils are fo termed, Eph. vi. 1 2. and there is no argument to own or obey the one more than the other : for if all principalities and powers are to be fubjected to and owned, then alfo the devil tr.uft, who gets the fame title. To fpeak truth of tyrants indignities, cannot be a fpeaking evil of dignities ; for truth is no evil, nor is tyranny a dignity. Hence they that are not capable of the dignity of rulers, as thefe places prove : Ergo Againft this it is objected. That Paul did apply this character to the tyrannical nigh pried Ananias, whom, after he had objurated for manifeft injul'lice, he honours with that apology, that he wift not that he was the high prieft, for it is written, thou (halt not fpeak evil of the ruler of thy people, Acts xxiii. 5. Anf. Though all fhould be granted that is in this objection, yet our ar- gument would not be enervated : for ^rant we fhould o o not fpeak evil of tyrants, that does not evince that we fhould hold them as rulers ; for we fhould blefs our perfecutors, Rom. x. 14. and fpeak evil of no man, Tit. 11.1. 2. tint does not fay, We fhould hold every man, or our perfecutors, to be rulers. The meaning nmft be, he knew not that he was the high-pried ; that is, he did not acknowledge him to be either high-pried or ruler, he could acknowledge or obferve nothing like one of that character in him : for as the high-prieft's office was now null and ceafc ed, fp this Ananias was only an ufurper of the office, in place of Ifmael and Jofeph, who had purchafed it by money : and Paul had learned from his matter Gamaliel, Tit. Talmud, of the Sanhedrim. That a judge who hath given money for purchafmg this ho- nour, is neither a judge, nor to be honoured as fuch, but to be held in place of^an afs. And it was com- mon among the Jews to fay, If fuch be gods, they \ O are 4/4 A HI'N'J) LLY LOOSE. are filver gods, not to be honoured, as is quoted by Pool's fynopfis criticorum, &c. on the fame place. And that this muft be the fenfe of it is plain ; for he could not be ignorant that he was there in place of a judge, being called before him, and fmitten by him authoritatively, whom therefore he did threaten with the judgment of God ; it were wicked to think, that he would retracl that threatning which he pronoun- ced by the Spirit of God. And therefore this place confirms my thefts : if a tyrannical judge, acting con- trary to law, is not to be known or acknowledged to be a ruler, but upbraided as a whited wall ; then a tyrant is not to be known or acknowledged as fuch ; but the former is true, from this place : therefore al- fo the latter. Paul knew well enough he was a judge, and knew well enough what was his duty to a judge, that he mould not be reviled ; but he would not ac- knowledge this priefl to be a judge, or retraft his threatning againft him. 2. He is of God, and ordained of God ; I proved before, tyrants are not capable of this ; yea, it were blafphemy to fay, They are authorized, or ordained of God, by his preceptive will. Hence, take only this argument. All rulers that we muft own are or- dained of God, do reign, and are fet up by God, Prov. viii., 15. (for that and this place are parallel) but tyrants do not reign, nor are fet up by God, Hof. viii. 4, They are fet up (faith the Lord) but not by me; Ergo, we cannot own them to be ordained of God. 3. Whofoever refifteth this power ordained or God, refifteth the ordinance of God, and they that refill:, fhall receive to themfelves damnation, verfe 2. This cannot be owned of a tyrant, that it is a damnable fin to refift him, for it is duty to iefift, and alfo reprefs him, as is proven already, and mall be afterwards. Hence, whatfoever authority we own fubjeclion to, we muft not refill; it ; but we cannot own that we "muft not refift this authority : therefore we cannot own it at all. Again, That cannot be the power A MIND LET LOOSE. 475 power not to be refifted which is acquired and im- proved by r eliding he ordinance of God ; but the power of ufurp.ri, and tyrants is acquired and im- proved by rending the ordinance oi God : Ergo, their power cannot be the power not to be refitted. The major is .rrianifefl:.} f r when the apoftle fays, The reftdiv.g at the power brings damnation to .the reiiiter', certainly that refidance cannot purcbafe do- minion instead of damnation : and if he 'hat refills in a lefler degree, be under the doom of damnation ; then certainly he that docs it in a greater degree, fo as to complete ir, in putting himfelf in place of that power which he refilled, cannot be free. The minor is alio undeniable ; for, if ufurpers acquire their power without refinance forcible and fenfible, it is becaufe they that defend the power invaded, are wanting in their duty ; but however morally the ty- rant or ufurper is always, or in contrary order to a lawful power. 4. Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, and they that do that which is good, mail have praile of the fame, verfe 3. This is the charadter and duty of righteous magistrates, though it be not always their adminidration ; but an ufurper and tyrant is not capable or fufceptible of this character ; but, on the contrary, is, and mud be a terror to good works, and a praife to the evil : for he mud be a terror to them that would fecure their rights and liberties in oppofition to his encroach- ments, which is a good work ; and he mud be a tu- tor, patron, and protector of fuch, as encourage and maintain him in his ufurpation and tyranny, which is an evil work : and if he were a terror to the evil,. then he would be a terror to himfelf and all his ac- complices, which he cannot be. Therefore, that power which is not capable of the duties of magi- strates, cannot be owned; but the power of tyrants and ufurpers is fuch : Ergo — We find in fcripture the bed commentary on this chara&er, where the duties pf a magiftrate are defcribed ; they mud juftify the 3 O 2 righteous, 47^ A HIND LET LOOSE. righteous, and condemn* the wicked, Deut. xxvii. 1*. They mull, as Job did, deliver the poor that cry, and put on righieoufnefs as a clothing, and be eyes to the blind, and i'stt to the lame, and a fa- ther to the poor -and break ihe jaws of the wic- ked, Job xxix. 12, 17. Their throne ttiuft be eita- blifhed by righteoufr.efs, Prov. xvi. 12. A king fit- ting on the throne of judgment mult icatter away ail evil with his eyes— [hen mercy and truth will pie- ferve him, and his throne is upholden by mercy, Prov. xx. 8, 28. But tyrants have a quite contrary character ; the throne of iniquity frames mifchief by a law, and condemns the innocent blood, Pfal. xciv. 20, 2 1. They judge not the fatherlefs, neither doth the caufe of the widow come unto them, {fa. i. 23, Thej build their houfe by unrighteoufnefs, and their chambers by wrong, and uie their neighbours fervice without wages, Jer. xxii. 13. They opprefs the poor, and crufh the needy, Amos :v. 1. They turn, judg- ment to gall, and the fruit of righteoufnefs to hem- lock, and fay, have we not taken horns to us by our own iirength, Ainos-vi. 12, 13. Thefe contrary cha- racters cannot confift together. 5. He is the minifter of Cod for good, verie 4. not by providential com- ir.iiTion, as Nebuchadnezzar was, and tyrants may be eventually, by the Lord making all things turn a- bcut for the good of the church ; but he hath a mo- ral commiflion from God, and is entruited by the people, to procure their public and political good at leaft. Now, then tyranny and ufurpation, are together inconfiftible ; for if tyrants and ufurpers were mini* iters for good, then they would reilore the public and perfonal rights, and rectify all wrongs done by them ; but then they mult furrender their authority, and refign it. or elfe all rights cannot be refiored, nor wrong;, rectified. Hence, thefe that cannot be owned £« i ragnirates of God for good, cannot be owned as mugiilrates f but tyrants and ufurpers, (and in parti- cular A HIUD LET LOOSE. 477 tular this man) are fuch as cannot be owned as mini-. fters of God for good : Ergo Again, if magi- (rracy be always a bleffing, and tyranny and ufur- pation always a curfe, then they cannot be owned to be the fame thing, and the one cannot be owned to be the other ; but magistracy, or the rightful magi- ftrate, is always a bleffing ; tyranny and ufurpafion, or the tyrant and ufurper, always a curfe : iirgn That the former is true, thefe fciiptures prove it. God provides him for the benefit of his people, 1 Sam, xvi. 1. A jufl ruler is compared to the light of the morning, when the fun riieth, even a morning without clouds, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4. So the Lord exalted David's kingdom, for his people Ifrael's fake, 2 Sam. v. 12. Becaufe the Lord loved Ifrael for ever, there- fore made he Solomon king, to do judgment and juf- tice, 1 Kings x. 9. When the righteous are in au- thority the people rejoice -The king by judgment itablifhed the land, Prov. xxix. 2, 4. The Lord promifes magiflrates as a fpecial bleffing, Ifa. i. 26. Jer. xvii. 25. And therefore their continuance is to . be prayed for, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godlinefs and honefty, 1 Tim. ii. 2. And they muff needs be a bleffing, becaufe to have no ruler is a mifery : for when Ifrael had no king, every man did that which was right in his own eyes, Judges xvii. 6. And the Lord threatens it as a curfe to take away the flay and the itaff the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge and the prophet, &c. Ifa. hi. 1, 2. &c. And that the chil- dren of Ifrael fhall abide many day's without a king, and without a prince, Hof. ii. 4. But on the other hand, tyrants and ufurpers are always a curfe, and given as fuch : it is threatened among the curfes of the covenant, that the ftranger fhall get up above If- rael very high and that they fhall lerve their e- nemies, which the Lord fhall fend againlt them — and he fhall put a yoke of iron upon their neck, until he hath defiroyed them, Deut. xxviii. 43, 48. As a roaring 47S A HIND LET LOOSE. roaring lion and a ranging bear, fo is a wicked ruler over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 15. and therefore, when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn, Prov. xxix. 2. The Lord threatens it as a curfe, that he will give children to be their princes, and babes (hall rule over them, Ifa. iii. 4. And if unqualified rulers be a curfe, much more tyrants. They are the rod of his anger, and the Baffin their hand is his indignation, his axe, and fawe, and rod, lfa. x. 5, 15. It is one thing to call a man God's initrumcnt, his rod, axe, fword, or hammer ; another thing to call him God's minifter ; there is a wide difference betwixt the in- flruments of God's providence, and the minifters of his ordinance j thofe fulfil his promifes only, thefe do his precepts. Such kings are given in the Lord's an- ger, Hof. xiii. 11. therefore they cannot be owned to be minifters of Gocl for good. 6. He beareth not the fword in vain, for he is the minifter of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, veffe 4. The apoitle doth not fay, He that beareth the fword is the ruler, but he is the ruler that beareth the fword. This is not every fword, for there is the fword of an enemy, the fword of a robber, the fword of a common traveller ; but this as a faculty of politi- cal rule, and authoritative judgment. It is not faid, He takes the fword (as the Lord exprefTes the ufur- pation of that power, Matth. xxvi. 52.) but he bear- tth the fword, hath it delivered him into his hand by God, by God's warrant and allowance, not in vain; to no end or without reafon, or without a com million, as Parous upon the place expounds it. He is a re- venger to execute wrath, not by private revenge, for that is condemned by Paul before, Rom. xi. 19. not by providential recompenfe, tor when a private per- fon fo revengeth, it is the providential repayment of God ; but as God's minifter, by him authorised, com- mimonated, and warranted to this work. Now this cannot agree with a tyrant or ufurper, whofe fword only legitimates his fceptre, and not his fceptre his fword, A HIND LET LOOSE. 479 fword-, who takes the fword rather than bears, and ufes it without reaTon or warrant from Go J, in the execution of his luftful rage upon him that doth well, and hath no right to it from God. Hence, he that beareth the fword no other way but as it may be faid of a murderer, cannot be a magiflrate bearing the fword; but a tyrant and ufurper beareth the fword no other way but as it may be faid of a murderer ; Ergo. So much for the characters of a magi- flrate, which are every way inapplicable to tyran sand ufurpers, and as inapplicable to this of ours as to any in the world. 2. If we confider the fcripture refemblances, isxi' porting the duty of magittrat.es, and the contrary comparifons, holding forth the fin, vilenefs, and vil- lainy of tyrants and ufurpers ; we may infer, that we cannot own the lad to be the firft. Fiift, From rhe benefit they bring to the commonwealth, maghlrates are fliled, i. Saviours, as Othniel the fon of Kcnaz is called, Judges iii. 9. and Jehoahaz in his younger years, 2 Kings xiii. 5. and all good judges and ma- gistrates, Neh. ix. 27. Bui tyrants and ufurpers cannot be fuch, for they are deitroyers, whom the Lord promifes to make go forth from his people, Ifa. xlix. 17. The Chaldean tyrant is cayed the detlroy- er of the GehHles, Jer. iv. 7. and the deftroyer of the Lord's heritage, Jer. 1. 1 1. where they can no more be owned to be magistrates, than Abaddon or Apollyon can be owned to be a faviour. 2. From their paternal Jove to the people, they are Ailed fa- thers, and therefore to be honoured according to the fifth command. So Deborah was raifed up a mother in Ifrael, Judges v. 7. Kings are nurfing fathers by office, Ifa. xlix. 23. But that tyrants cannot be fuch, I have proved already ; for they can no more be accounted fathers, than he that abufeth or forceth our mother. 3. From the protection and fhelter that people find under their conduct, they are called fhields, Pfal. xlvii, ult. The princes of tne people, the 43o A HIND LLT LOOSE. the fhields of the earth, belong unto God. But ty- rants cannot be fuch ; becaufe they are the fubvert- ers of the earth, 4. From the comfort that attends them, they are refembled to the morning light, and Fruitful mowers of rain, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4. They waited for me, as for the rain, faith Job xxix. 23. But tyrants cannot be refembled to thefe, but rather to darknefs, and to the blaft of the terrible one?, Ifa. xxv. 4. as a ftorm againft the wall. If darknefs can- not be owned to be light, then cannot tyrants be owned to be magiftrates. 5. From their paftoral care and conduct and duty, they are feeders. The judges of Ifrae). are commanded to feed the Lord's people, 1 Chron. xvii. 6. David was brought to feed Jacob his people, and Iffael his inheritance, Pfal. lxxvii. 71. But tyrants are wolves, not (hep- herds. 6. By office they are phyficians, or healers, Ifa. iii. 7. That tyrants cannot be fuch, is proven4 above. Secondly, On the other hand, the vilenefs, villainy, and violence of tyrants and ufurpers, are held forth by fit refemblances, being compared to thefe unclean creatures. 1. Tyrants are wicked dogs, as they who compafs about Chrift, Pfal. xxii. 16, 20. Saul is called Dog there, and in that golden pfalm, Plal. lix. 6. Saul and his accomplices watching the houfe to kill David, make a noife like a dog, and go round about the city. 2. They are puming bulls, Pfal. xxii. 12. and crufriing kine of Bafhan, that op- pr.efs the poor, Amos iv. 1. They have need then to have their horns cut (hort. 3. They are roaring li- ons, that are wicked rulers over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 15. Zeph. iii. 3. So Paul calls Nero the lion, our of whofe mouth he was delivered, 2 Tim. iv. 17. 4. They are ranging bears, Prov. xxvii. 15. So the Perlian monarch is emblemized Dan. vii. 5. 5. They are leviathan, the piercing ferpent and dra- gon, Ifa. xxvii. 1. and have great affinity in name and nature with the apocalyptick dragon. So alfo, lfaiah li. q. the Egyptian tyrant is called dragon and Ne- buchadnezzaj: A HIND LET LOOSE. 4S ! buchadnezzar f wallowed up the church l:ke a dra- gon, Jer. li. 34. See aifo Ezek. xxtx. 3. 6. They are wolves, ravening for (he prey, Ezek. xxii. iy. Evening wolves, that g-?a\v not the bones till the morrow, Zetm. iii. 3. 7. They are leopards ; fo the Grecian tyrants are called, Dan. vii. 6. and anti- chrift, Rev. xi:i. ;.. 3. T ey are foxes ; fo Chrifk calls Herod, I. P (which 4§2 A HND LET LOOSE. (which are cautions all calculated for the people's good, and the fecurity of their religion and liberty, and for precluding and preventing his degeneration into tyranny) and that he fhould write a copy of the law in a book, according to that which he fhould go- vern, verfe 15. to the end of the chapter, yet the Lord did not approve the change of the form, which that luxuriant people was long affecting, and at length obtained : for, long before Saul was made king, they proffered an hereditary monarchy to Gi- deon, without the boundaries God's law required : which that brave captain knowing how derogatory it was to the authority of God's inftitution, not to be altered in form or frame without his order, generally refufed, faying, I will not rule over you, neither fhall my fon rule over you ; the I ord mail rule over you, Judges viii. 23. But his baftard, the firft mo- narch and tyrant in Ifrael, Abimelech, by fmiftrous means being advanced to be king by the traiterous Sechemites, Jotham, and other of the godly, dif- owned him ; which, by the Spirit of God, Jotham defcribes parabolically fignificantly holding out the nature of that tyrannical ufurpation, under the apo- logue of the trees itching after a king, and the offer being repudiate by the more generous fort, embraced by the bramble : fignifying, that men of worth and virtue would never have taken upon them furh an ar- rogant domination, and that fuch a tyrannical go- vernment, in its nature and tendency, was nothing but an ufelefs, worthlefs, faplefs, afpiring, fcratching, and vexing fhadow of a government, under fubjec~tion to which there could be no peace nor fafety. But this was rather a tumultuary interruption than a change of the government, not being univerfally ei- ther detired or owned; therefore, after that the Lord reftored the prilline form, which continued un- til, being much perverted by Samuel's fons, the peo- ple unanimously and peremptorily defired the change thereof, and, whether it were reafon or not, would have A HIND LET LOOSE. 483 have a king ; as we were fondly let upon one, after we had been delivered from his father's yoke : and the Lord gave them a king with a curfe, and took him away with a vengeance, Hof. xiii. 1 1. as he did our Charles II. Yet he permitted it, but with a pio- teftation againft and conviction of the iin, that there- by they had " rejected the Lord," i Sam. viii. 7. and with a demonitration from heaven, which extort- ed their own confeffion, that they '• had added unto " all their fins this evil to alk a king," 1 Sam. xii. 17, 18, 19. And to deter and diifuade from fuch a ccnclufion, he appoints the prophet to fhew them the " manner of the king" that fhoul i reign over them, 1 Sam. viii. 9. to declare before hand, what fort of a ruler he would pro»'e, when they got him ; to wit, a mere tyrant, who would take their fons and appoint them for himfelf, for his chariots, and for horiemen, and to run before his chariots, and make them his foldiers, and labourers of the ground, and inftrument makers, and houfehold fervants, and he would take their fields and vineyards — the belt of them, and give unto his fervants. In a word, to make all flaves $ and that in the end, when this mould come to pajs, they mould cry out becaufe of their king, but the Lord would not hear them, ver. 11 18. All which, as it is palpable in hfelf, fo we have fenfibly felt in our experience to be the natural defcription of tyranny, but more tolerable than any account of ours would amount to. It is both foolifhly and fallely al- ledged by royalifts or tyrannifts, that here is a grant of uncontroulable ablolutenefs to kings to tyrannize over the people without refiftance, and that this man- ner of the king is in the original Mifhphat, which fignifies right or law ; fo that here was a permifiive law given to kings to tyrannize, and to oblige people to pafiive obedience, without any remedy but tears ; and therefore it was regiftered, and laid up before the Lord in a book, 1 Sam. x. 23. But I anfwer, 1. .If any thing be here granted to kings, it is either by 3 P 2 God's 484 A HIND LET LOOSE. God's approbation, directing and inilructing how they mould govern ; or it is only by permifTion and providential commiffion to them, to be a plague to the people for their fin of choofmg them, to make them drink as they have brewed, as fometimes he gave a charge to the Ahyrlan rod to trample them down as the mire of the (beets : if the firft be faid, then a king that dees not govern alter that manner, and fo does not make people cry out for their opprel- iion, would come fhort ot his duty, and al!o behoved to tyrannize and make the people cry out ; then a king may take what he will from his iubjtcls, and be approved of God : this were blafphemy abfurd, for God cannot approve of the fin of oppreflion. If the iecond be faid, then it cannot be an univerial grant, or otherwife all kings mult be ordained icr plagues ; and if fo, it were better we wanted fuch nuifmg fa- thers. 2. Though Mifhpha: fignines right or law, yet it Fignifies alio, and perhaps no lefs frequently, manner, courfe, or cuftom : and here it cannot figni- fy the law of God, for all thefe acts of tyranny are Contrary to the law of God ; for to make Jervants ot fubjecis is contrary to the law of God, Deut. xvii. 2c. Forbidding to lift up himfelf fo far above his bre- thren ; but this was to deal with them as a proud Pharaoh ; to take fo many for chariots and horfemen, is alfo contrary to the law, Deut. xvii. » 5. " Lie fhall •' not multiply horfes ;" to take their fields 'And vine*, yards is mere robbery, contrary to the moral and ju- dicial law, whereof he was to have always a copy, ver. 18. And contrary to Ezek. xlvi. 18. "Ihe " prince fhall not take of the peoples inheritance," &c. This would juftily Ahab's taking Naboth's vine* yard, which yet the Lord accounted robbery, and for which tyrants are called " companions of thieves," Ifa. i. 23. and ** robbers, *' Ifa. xlii. 24. into whofe hands the Lord fometimes may give his people for a Jpoil in judicial providence, but never with his appro- bation and grant of right : to make them cry out, is oppreflion, A HIND LET LOOSE. 4S5. oppreffion, which the Lord abhors, If?., v. 7, 8. And it this be all the remedy, it is none ; for it is f'uch a cry, as the Lord threatens he will not hear. 3. It is fiilfe, that this manner of the Lord was regi- itred in that book mentioned, 1 Sam. x. 15. for that was the law of the kingdom, accordingly the co- py of which the king was to have for his inftruction containing the fundamental laws, point blank contra- ry to this which was the manner of the king ; there is a great difference between the manner of the king- dom, which ougi.t to be obferved as law, and the manner of the king, what he would have as iuft. Would Samuel write in a book the rules of tyranny, to teach to opprefs, contrary to the law of God ? lie fays himfelf, he would only teach both king and peo- ple u the good and the right way," 1 Sam. xii. 23, 25. 4. Nothing can be more plain, than that this was a mere diffuafive againfl feeking ; for he proteft s againft this courfe, and then lays before them what fort of a king he mould be, in a delcription of many act.s of tyranny j and yet in the end it is faid, 1 Sam. vii. 19. " Neverthelefs the people refufed to obey M the voice of Samuel, and faid, Nay, but we will " have a king." Now, what elfe was the voice of Samuel, than a difiuafion ? 1 am not here levelling this argument a- gainft monarchy in the abftraft, that does not ly in my road ; but I infer from thence, 1. If God was difpleafed with this people for afking and owning a king, who was only to become a tyrant and difluades from the choice, by a description of his future tyran- ny ; then certainly he was difpleafed with them, wh«n they continued owning, when he was a tyrant indeed, according to that defcription; but the former is true, therefore a!fo the latter. The confequence is clear : for continuing in fin is fin ; but continuing in own- ing that tyrant, which was their fin at nrn, was a continuing in fin ; therefore -The minor is con* firmed thus : continu;ng is counteracting the mo- tives 4S"6 A HIND LET LOOSE. tives of God's difluafion, efpecially when they are fenfibly vifible, is a continuing in iin ; but their con- tinuing in owning Saul after he became a tyrant, was a continuing in counteracting the motives of God's difluafion, when they were fenfibly vifible. I do not fay, becaufe it was their (in to afk Saul, therefore it was not lawful to own him, while he ruled as a ma- giftrate: and fo if Charles II. had ruled righteoufly, it would not have been fm to own him ; but after the Lord ufes diflliafives from a choice or fuch an one, and theie are fignally verified, if it was to make the choice, then it mud be (in to keep it. z. If it was their fm to feek and fet up fuch an one before he was tyrant, who yet was admitted upon covenant terms, and the manner of it regiftred ; then much more is it a fm to feek and let up one, after he declared himfelf a tyrant, and to admit him without any terms at all, or for any to confent or give their fuffrage fo fuch a deed ; but the former is true, therefore the latter : and confequently, to give our confent to the erection of the duke of York, by owning his authority, was our fin. 3. If it be a (in to own the manner of the* king there defcribed, then it is a fm to own the pre- tended authority, which is the exact tranfumpt of it ; but it is a fm to own the manner of the king there defcribed, or elfe it would never have been ufed as a difluafive from feeking fuch a king. 4. To bring our- felves under fuch a burden, which the Lord will not remove, and involve ourfelves under fuch a mifery, wherein the Lord will not hear us, is certainly a fin, ver. 18. But to own or choofe fuch a king, whofe manner is there defcribed, would bring ourfelves un- der fuch a burden and mifery, wherein the Lord would not hear us : therefore it were our fin. 4. We may add the neceflary qualifications of ma- giftrates, which the Lord requires to be in all, both fuperiur and inferior: and thence it may be inferred, that fuch pretended rulers, who neither have nor can nave theie qualifications, and are no? to be owned as rainifters, A HIND LET LOOSE. 487 minifters, who have no qualifications for fuch a func- tion. We find their effentially neceflary qualifications particularly defcribed. Jethro's counfel was God's counfel and command ; that rulers mud be able men luch as fear God, men of truth, hating covetoufnefs, Exod. xviii. 2 1. Tyrants and ufurpers have, none, nor can have any of thefe qualifications, except that they may have ability of force, which is not here meant : but that they be morally able for the difcharge of their duty : furely they cannot fear God, nor be men of truth ; for then they woufd not be tyrants. It is God's direction, that the man to be advanced and afTumed to rule, muft be a man in whom is the fpirit, Numb, xxvii. 18. as is faid of Jofhua ; what fpirit this was, Deut. xxxiv. 9. explains, he was full of the fpirit or wifdom, that is, the fpirit of govern- ment ; not the fpirit of infernal Jefuirical policy, which tyrants may have, but they cannot have the true regal fpirit, but fuch a fpirit as Saul had when he turned tyrant, an evil fpirit from the Lord. Mofes faith, They muft be wife men, and understanding, and known among the tribes, Deut. i. 13. for if they be children or fools, they are plagues and punifhments, Ifa. iii. 2, 3, 4. &c. not magistrates, who are always bleiiings. And they muft be known men of integri- ty, not known to be knaves or fools, as all tyrants are always. The law of the king is, Deut. xvii. 15. he muft be one of the Lord's chufmg. Can tyrants and ufurpers be fuch ? No, they are fet up, but not by him, Hof. viii. 4. He muff be a brother, and not a ftranger. that is, of the fame nation, and of the fame religion : for though infidelity does not make void a magiftrate's authority ; yet both by the law of God and man, he ought not to be chofen, who is an enemy to religion and liberty. Now it were almoft. treafon, to call the tyrant a brother ; and 1 am fure it is no reafon, for he difdains it, being abfolute a- bove all. That good king's teftament confifms this, the God of Ifrael faid, the rock of Ifrael fpake, he that A HIND LET LOOSE. that ruleth over men muft be juft, ruling in the fei't of God, 2 Sain, xxiii. 3. But tyrants and ufurpers cannot be juft : for if they fhould render every one their right, they would keep none to themfelves, but behoved to reiign their robberies in the firft place, and then alfo they mud give the law its courfe, and that againft themfelves. Fhefe fcriptures indeed do not prove, that all magistrates are in all their admini- ftrations fo qualified, nor that none ought to be own- ed, but fuch as are-fo qualified in all refpe&s. But as they demon Urate what they ought to be, fo they prove, that they cannot be magistrates of God's or- daining, who have none of thefe qualifications : but tyrants and ufurpers have none of thefe qualifications. Much more do they prove, that they cannot be own- ed to be niagimrates who are not capable of any of thefe qualifications : but ufurpers are not capable of any of thefe qualifications. At lead they conclude, in fo far as ,they are not fo qualified, they ought not to be owned, but difowned ; but tyrants and ufurpers are not fo qualified in any thing : therefore in any thing they are not be owned, but difowned. For in nothing are they fo qualified as the Lord pre- fcribes. Secondly, I fhall offer fome reafons from fcripture- aifertions. 1. It is flrongly afferted in Elihu's fpeech to Job, that he that hateth right mould not govern, where he is charging Job with blafphemy, in accufing God of injuflice ; of which he vindicates the almighty, in af- lerting his fovereignty and abfolute dominion, which is inconfiftent with injultice, and mews both that if he be fovereign, he cannot be unjufl : and if he be unjurt, he could not be fovereign : which were hor- rid blafphemy to deny. And in the demonflration of this, he gives one maxim in a queftion, which is e- quivalent to an univerfal negative, Job xxxiv. 17, Jg. Shall even he that hateth right govern ? And ^gj thou condemn him that is molt jult? Is it fit to fay A HIND LET LOOSE. 489 fay to a king, thou art wicked ; and to princes ye are ungodly ? In which words, the fcope makes it clear, that if Job made God a hater of right, he fhould then deny his government ; and if he took upon him to condemn him of injuftice, he fhould blafphemoufly deny him to be king of the world. For it is not fit to lay to any king, that he is wicked, or fo ungodly, as to be a hater of right ; for that were treafon, lefe majefty, and in effect a denying him to be king \ much lefs is it fit to fay to him that is King of kings. Here then it is affirmed, and fuppofed to hold good of all governors, that he that hateth right fhould not govern, or bind, as it is in the margin ; for Habafti fignifies both to bind and to govern, but all to one fenfe ; for governors only can bind fubjects authoratively, with the bonds of laws and puniftiments. I know the following words are alkdged to favour the uncontroulablenefs and abfolutenefs of princes, that it is not fit to fay to them,, they are wicked. Bat plain it is, the words do import treafon againft lawful kings, whom to call haters of right were to call their kingfliip in queftion ; as the fcope mews, in that thefe words are adduced to juftify the fovereign- ty of God by his juftice, and to confute any indirect charging him with injuftice, becaufe that would dero- gate from his kingly glory, it being impoffible he could be king, and unjuft too. So in fome analogy, though every act of injuftice do not unking a prince j yet to call him wicked, that is habitually unjuft, and a hater of juftice, were as much as to fay, he is no king, which were intolerable treafon againft lawful kings. But this is no treafon againft tyrants ; for truth and law can be no treafon : now this is the lan- guage of truth and law, that wicked kings are wick- ed ; and they that are wicked and ungodly ought to be calied {o, as Samuel called Saul, and Elijah, Ahab, &c. However it will hold to be a true maxim, whe- ther we exprefs it by way of negation or interroga- tion. 3 — Thou malt jiot confent unto him, nor hearken unto him, nei- ther 494 A HIND LET LOOSE. ther fhall thine eye pity him. How famous Mr. Knox improved this argument, is fbewed in the third period. That which 1 take notice of here is only, that kings are not excepted from this law ; but if they be open enticers to idolatry, by force or fraud, perlecution or toleration, as this idolater now reign- ing is palpably doing, they are obnoxious to a legal animadverfion. As it cannot befuppofed, that fecret enticers fhould be liable to punifhment, and not open avouchers of a defire and defign to pervert all the na- tion to idolatry : that a private perverter of one man, though never (o nearly and dearly related, mould be purfued and brought to condign punifhment, and a public fubverter of whole nations, and introducer of a falfe and biafphemous idolatrous religion, mould e- fcape fcot free. Let the punifhment inflicted be in a judicial way, and of what meafures it pleafes the judge to determine, 1 fhall not controvert here j on- ly 1 plead, that idolatrous tyrants are not excepted from this law : and infer, that if they ou^ht to be punifhed, they ought to be depofed ; and if they ought to be depofed, they cannot be owned, when undeniably guilty of this capital crime, as was urged above. To this I may add that part of that prophetical king's teftament ; who, being about to leave the world, under fome challenges of mal adminiftration in his own government, (for which he took himfelf to the well ordered everlafting covenant, for pardon and encouragement,) after he had fhewn what rulers fhould be, he threatens, by antithefis, tyrannical pre- tenders, in thefe fevere words, which do alfo imply a precept, and a direction how to deal with them, 2 8am. xxiii. 6, 7. " But they of Belial fhall be all «* of them as thorns thruft away, becaufe they cannot A HIND LET LOOSE. hand and tranfacled within any bargain as other men, for they that would do fo, will find them like prick- ing and jagging briers, which a man cannot handle without hurt to himfelf : nor can they be any other way repelled or retrained, or touched, but by hands fenced wirh iron, that is, with the fword of necenTity> or axe of juilice. And this is infinuated as duty, fo to endeavour to extirpate and eradicate fuch thorns, as pefter the commonwealth ; but if it cannot be done, it rauft be duty and wifdom both not to med- dle with them, nor own them, no more than Jo- tham, who would not fubjeft himfelf, nor come un- der the ihadow of the baftard bramble. I confefs it is commonly taken as a threatning of the Lord's judgment againfl: thefe fons of Belial : And fo it is. But it teacheth alfo what men are called to, when they have to do with fuch, to wit, to take the fame courfe with them as they would to clear the ground of thorns and briers. And that it is reit.ric~t.ed to the Lord's immediate way of taking them off, is not cre- dible: for, it can have no tolerable fenfe to fay, they mall be thruft away, becaufe they cannot be taken with the Lord's hands : neither is there need, that he fhould be fenced with iron, &c. And let iron, &c. be taken tropically for the Lord's fword of ven- geance ; yet how can it be underftood, that he muil be fenced therewith ? or that he will thruft them a- way, as a man mud be fenced againfl: thorns ? What defence needs the Lord againfl: tyrants ! It is only then intelligible, that the Lord, in his righteous judgment, will make ufe of men and legal means, and of thofe who cannot take them with hands, in his judicial procedure againfl: them. Hence I argue, if tyrants are to be dealt with as thorns, that cannot be taken with hands, but to be thruft away by vio- lence, then, when we are not in cafe to thrufl: them away, we mud let them alone, and not meddle nor make with them, and fo mufl not own them, for we cannot own them without meddling, and without being A HIND LET LOOSE. 497 being pricked to our hurt ; but the former is true : therefore, —Of this fame nature, another threat- ning confuting the pretence of the prince's impunity, may be fubjoined out ot Pfal. lxxxii. 6, 7. " 1 have " faid, ye are gods, and all ot you are children of " the mod high, but ye (hall die like men, and fall " as one of the princes." From which words the learned author of the hiftory of the Douglaffes, Mr. David Hume of Godfcraft, in his difcourfe upon Mr. Craig's fermon, upon the words, doth ftrongly prove, that the fcope is to beat off all kings, princes and ru- lers, from the conceit of impunity for their tyranni- cal dominations ; that they mult not think to domi- neer and do what they lift, and overturn the founda- tions or fundamental laws of kingdoms, becaufe they are gods ; as if they were thereby uncontroulable, and above all law and puniihment : no, they muft know, that if they be guilty of the fame tranfgreffions of the law, as other capital offenders, they fhall die like other men, and fail as princes, who have been formerly puniflied. It is not to be reftri&ed to a threatning of mortality ; for that is unavoidable, whether they judge juftly or unjuftly, and the fear [hereof ufually hath little efficacy to deter men from crimes punilhable by law : neither can it be under- ftood only of the Lord's immediate hand taking them away, excluiive of men's legal puniihment ; for ex. preily they are threatned to die like common men, and to be liable to the like punifhment with them : now, common men are not only liable to the Lord's immediate judgment, but alfo to men's puniihment. Hence, if tyrants and overturners of the foundations of the earth muft be puniflied as other men, then when they are fuch, they cannot be looked upon as righteous rulers, for righteous rulers muft not be pu- nched ; but the former is true : therefore, Ac- cording to thefe fcriptures, which either exprefs or imply a precept to have no refpedt to princes in judg- ment, when turning criminals, we find examples of 3 R the 49^ A HIND LET LOOSE. the people's punifhing Arnaziah, &c. which is re- corded without a challenge, and likewife Athaliah. 2. There is a precept given to a humbled people, that have groaned long under the yoke of tyranny and oppreflion, enjoining them, as a proof of their fincerity in humiliation, to beftir themfelves in fhak- ing off thofe evils they had procured by their fin, Ifa. Win. 6. " Is not this the fa ft that I have chofen, to " loofe the bands of wickednefs, to undo the heavy " burdens, and to let the oppreffed go free, and that " ye break every yoke?" which are all good works of juftice and mercy, and more acceptable to God, than high flown pretences of humiliation, under a flupid fubmifiion, and hanging down the head as a bulrufli. We fee it then a duty to relieve the op- preffed, and to reprefs tyranny, and break its yoke. If it be objected, («.) That thefe are fpiritual bonds and yokes, that are here commanded to be loofed and broken ; or if any external be meant, they are only the yokes, of their exactions and ufuries. For Aafw. I grant, that it is the great duty of a people humbling themfelves before the Lord, " to break off *"• their fins by righteoulnefs, and their iniquity, by li {hewing mercy to the poor," Dan. iv. 27. but that this is the genuine and only fenfe oi this place, can- not be proved, or approved by the fcope ; which is, to prefs them to thofe duties they omitted, whereby the poor oppreffed people of God might be freed from the yokes of them that made them to howl, and to bring them to the conviction of thofe fins for which the Lord was contending with them, whereof this was one* that they exacted all their labours, or things wherewith others were grieved (as the margin reads) or fuffered the poor to be oppreffLd. (2.) If it be alledged, that this is the duty proper to rulers to relieve, the oppreffed, &c. 1 anfwer, it is fo ; bat not peculiar to them: yet moil commonly they ate the oppreffors themfelves, and caft out the poor, which others muff take into their houfes. But the duty A HIND LET LOOSE. 499 duty here is prefTed upon all the people, whofe fins are here cried out againft (ver. 1.) upon all who pro. feffed the fervice of God, and afked the ordinances of jultice (ver. 2.) upon all who were fading and humbling themfelves, and complained they had po fuccefs (ver 3.) the realbns whereof(the Lord riifco- vcrs (ver. 4, 5 ) whereof this was one, »hat they did not loofe thoie bands, nor break theie yokes, nor relieved the opprtffed ; and ihofe works of juftice (ver. 6.) are puffed upon the fame grounds, that the works of mercy are prefTed upon (ver. 7.) fure thefe are not all, nor only rulers. Hence i argue, if it be a duty to break every yoke of opprcflion and tyran- ny, then it is a duty to come out from under their fuhjection j but the former is true : therefore alio the latter. 3. In anfwer to that grand objection of the Jews fubjection to Nebuchadnezzar, 1 (hewed what litvle weight or force there is in it. And here I fhall take an argument from that fame palfige. The Lord commands his people there, to deiert and difown Ze- dekiah, who was the poffeffor of the government at prefent, and fays, it was the way of life to fall to the Chaldeans, Jer. xxi. 8, 9. which was a falling away from the prefent king. Either this commanded fub- jeclion to the Chaldeans is an univerfal precept ; or it is only particular at that time. If it be univerfal, obliging people to fubjeel: themfelves to every con- queror, then it is alfo univerfal, obliging people to re- nounce and difown every covenant-breaking tyrant, as here they were to fall away from Zedekiah : if it. be only particu'ar, then the owners of tyranny have no advantage from this paffage. And I have advan- tage, fo far as the ground of the precept is as moral, as the reafon of that punifhment of Zedekiah, which was his perfidy and perjury. Hence, if the Lord hath commanded to difown a king breaking cove- nant, then at leaft it is not infolent or unprecedented 3 R 2 to 500 A HIND LET LOOSE. to do fo ; but here the Lord hath commanded to dif- ovvn a king : therefore, — Fourthly, We may have many confirmations of this truth from ictipture practices approven. i. 1 was but hinting before, how that after the death of that btave captain and judge Gideon, when Abimelech, the fon of his whore, did firft alpire into a monarchy, which he perfuaded the filly ^heche- mites to confent to, by the fame argument, which royalifts make fo much of, for afTerting the neceflity of an hereditary monarchy, (whether it is better for you, either that all the fons of Jerubbaal reign over you, or that one reign over you ?) and by bloo- dy cruelty did ufurp a monarchical or rather tyranni- cal throne of domination, founded upon the blood of his feventy brethren, (as ve know, whofe throne is founded upon the blood of all the brethren he had,) Jo: ham, who elcaped, fcorned to put his truft under the fhadow of fuch a bramble, and they that did lub- mit, found his parable verified, a mutual fire recipro- cally confirming both the ufurping king and his trai- terous fubjects ; neither did all the godly in Ifrael Jubmit to him. See Pool's Synupfis Critic, on the place, Jud. ix. Mere is one exprels example of dif* owning a tyrant and ufurper. 2. 1 fhewed before, how, after the period of that theocracy, which the Lord had maintained and ma- naged for fome time in great mercy and majefly in and over his people, they itching after novelties, and affecting to be neighbour- like, rejected the Lord in defiriiig a king ; and the Lord permittirg it, gave them a king in wraih, (the true original and only ianction of tyrannical monarchy,) when the charac- ters of his tyranny, prefaged by Samuel, were veri- fied in his afpiring into a great deal of abfolutenefs, efpecially in his ciuei perfecuting of David, not only the 6co men that ivere David's followers flood out In oppofition to him, but, in the end, being weary of his govit'Dhteiit', many brave and valiant men, whom the A HIND LET LOOSE' 501 the Spirit of God commends and defcribes very ho- nourably, fell off from Saul, even when he was ac- tually tyrannizing, before he was dead, 1 Chron. xii. i. &c. They came to David to Ziklag, while he yet kept himfelf dole, becaufe of Saul the fon of Kifh, (N. B. now he is not honoured with the name of king,) they were armed with bows, and could ufe both the right hand and the left. And of the Ga- dites, there feparated themfelves unto David men of might, fit for the battle, that could handle mield and buckler, whofe faces were as the faces of lions, ver. 8. And the Spirit came upon Amafai chief of the captains, faying, thine are we David, and on thy fide, thou fon of Jeffe. Here was a formed revolt from Saul unto David before he was king; for after this he was made king in Hebron, and there could not be two kings at once. Hence I argue, if people may feparate themfelves from, and take part wifh (he re- fifter, againft a tyrant ; then they may difown him, (for if they own him (till to be the minifler of God, they mult not refill him, Rom. xiii. 2.) But here is an. example that many people did feparate themfelves from Saul, and took part with the refifter David : therefore Here two of the firit monarchs of If. rael were difowned, Abimelech and Saul. 3. The firfl hereditary fucceffor was likewife dif- owned, as was hinted above likewife. The ten tribes offer co covenant with Rehoboam, in terms fecuring their rights and liberties. They defired nothing on the matter, but that he would engage to rule over them according to the law of God ; [o which, when he anfwered mod tyrannically, and avowed he would tyrannize over them, and opprefs them more than any of his predeceffors, they fell away from, and erected themfelves into a new commonwealth, 1 Kings xii. 16. So when Ifrael faw that the king hearkened not unto them, they anfwered, what portion have we in iDavid ? Neither have we inheritance in the fon of Jeffe ; to your tents, Q Ifrael ; now fee to thine own houfe David, 5©2 A HND LET LOOSE. David, 2 Chron. x. . 6. Now, however the event of this declared revolt proved forrowful, when they and their new king made defection unto idolatry, yet if they had dated and managed it right, the caufe was good, judicable, and commendable. For, (i.) We find nothing in all the text condemning this. (2.) On the contrary, it is exprefly faid, the caufe was from the Lord, that he might perform his faying, which he fpake by Ahijah, 1 Kings xii. 15. 2 Chron. x. 15. And (3.) When Rthoboam was preparing to pur/ue his pretended right, he was reproved and dis- charged by Shemaiah, ye (hall not go up, nor fight againit your brethren, for this thing is from me, 1 Kings xii. 24. 2 Chron. xi. 4. (4.) Whereas it is alledged by fome, that this was of God only by his providence, and not by his ordinance ; the contrary will appear, if we confider how formally and cove- nant-wife the Lord gave ten tribes to Jeroboam, 1 Kings xi. 35, 37, 38. " I will take the kingdom out *' of his fon's hand, and 1 will give it unto thee, even " ten tribes ; and I will take thee, and thou fhalt " reign according to all that thy foul defirerh, and £: malt be king over Ifrael ; and it fhall be, if thou M wilt hearken unto all that I command thee, and " wilt walk in my ways, and do that which is right iC in my fight, to keep my ilatutes and command- tc merits, as David my iervant did, that I will be with " thee, and build thee a fure houfe, as I built for Da- ifcffion can- not take away their right, if they have it before. 2. There are many promifes of breaking the yoke of tyrants, if a. x. 27. " His burden mail be taken ii away from olF thy (houlder, and his yoke from off f' thy neck." And in that promife of the church's deliverance and enlargement, wherein they are pro- phetically urged and itirted up to fome activity in co- operating wjth thQ providence, lfa. lii. 1 . 2c " They are called to awake, and put on ftrength and their beautiful garments — and to fhake themfelves from the dud — and to rife and to loofe themfelves from the bands of their neck," that were captives. Here is not only a promife of deliverance or a ground of en- couragement what the church may expect, but a pro- mife of, and direction for their being active in deli- vering themfelves, as men, from the encroachments that were made on their human liberties, that they mould loofe themfelves from thefe bands. Whole bands ? from their bands that ruled ovet them, and j them to how), and the Lord's name to be blaf- 3 T phemecl j;i4 A HIND LET LOOSE. phemed, (ver. 5.) Here is a promife of breaking tjia bands of rulers, by them who howled under their fub- ieftion. And it alfo includes a precept, that people fhould not (lay any longer under thefe yokes, than they can fhake them off, or flip from under them. Hence we fee we are not to ly ftupidly fleeping, or finking in the ditch, expecting the accomplifhment of the promife of deliverance ; but are to endeavour ac- tively, in dependence upon the Lord's affiftance, to deliver ourfelves. Hence we may argue, 1. A pro- mife by way of command, that a people under bands of opprefling rulers fhall roufe themfelves up to looie themfelves from them, implies and infers a promife and a duty of difowning thofe rulers (for otherwife they cannot be Ioofed from their fubjeclion.) But here is a promife by way of command, that a people under bands of opprefling rulers fhall roufe them- felves up to loofe themfelves from them : Ergo ■ 2. If the removal of tyranny and usurpation be pro- mifed as a blelling, then thofe can never be owned to be the ordinance of God ; for the removal of that can never be a bleding ; but in thefe promifes we fee the removal of thofe is promifed as a bleffing : there- fore they can never be owned. Sixthly, To the fame purpofe we may cite fome threatnings, that will confirm the fame truth. 1. There are many threatnings again ft tyrants themfelves. There are two mentioned, Jer. xxii. that feem partly to quadrate, and near df a piece with our mifrulers ; both becaufe of the demerit of the threatning, and the likenefs of the judgment threat- ned. The ground of it was " building their houfe " by unrighteoufnefs, and their chambers by wrong," ver. 13. And feverally threatned : " Jehoiakim with " the burial of an afs unlamented," ver. 18, 19. Coniah with a life without profperity, and a death without iffue to fucceed, ver. 30. The firft of thefe is veri- fied in the elder of our royal brothers, the laft is like to be of both. But that which I take notice of is, firft, A HIND LET LOOSE. 515 firft, the demerit, building their houfe by unrighte- oufnefs, on which Whitehall is built with a witnefs : and particularly it is noted of Jehoiakim, as his crim- fon fin (to which his fon Jehoiachin or Coniah ferv- ed himfelf heir) that he burnt Jeremiah's roll, or caufes of wrath ; fo did our dominators burn the caufes of wrath (a book written by the commhlion of the general affembiy) and the covenants. Then { note thefe words, ver. 15. " Shalt thou reign be- caufe thou clofeft thyfelf in cedar, Ecc. It is certain- ly not fit for us to lay, He (hall reign, of whom the Lord fays, He (hall not reign ; but when we own the authority of thofe whom the Lord threatens they /hall not reign, we fay, they mall reign ; for we fay, they have a right to reign, and own ourfelves obliged to do all that is required in our capacity to perpetuate their reign. There is a terrible threatning againfl: Zedekiah, Ezek xx. 25, 27. " Thou profane," or as fome tranflate it, r we are to pray for all that are in authority, i Tim. ii. 2. But we are not to pray for tyrants j Ergo, we are not to own them. The minor now muff be prov- ed. And this leads me to another fuborriinate quef- tion, which hath alfo been a head of fuifering to fome ferious feekers of God in our land of late. The profane emiiTaries of this and the late tyrant, fent out with bloody commiflions to hunt after the Lord's hidden ones, in order to murder all whom they might meet with, that made confeience of ad- hering to every part of the prefent teftimony ; among other trapping queftions to difcover their prey, they ufed to put this to them as a difcriminating Shibbo- leth, and tefTera of owning the prefent tyranny, will you fay, God fave the king ? and for refuiing this, many have been cruelly murdered in the fields ; and many before their bloody judicatories, have for this been arraigned and condemned, and executed to the death. Wherefore to this fomewhat mud be faid, i. By way of conceflion. i. By way of vindication, of fcrupling it, and fuffering upon it. Firft, In the general, it will be neceffary to premit by way of conceffion, i, It is duty to pray, fuppli- cate, and interceed for all men, iTim. ii. t . not col- lectively coniidered nor didributively for evrry one univerfally without exception, but indefinitely arid in- difcriminately, for the kinds cf every individual, for all forts and fexes, of whatfoever nation or religion., Jew or Gentile, Chriitian or infidel, not excluding any for thefe diftinctions : and not only fo, but for e- very individual of the kinds, alfo conditionally, if they be among thofe all whom the Lord wiH ha'te to be faxed. j 5 » 8 A HIND LET LOOSE. faved, verfe 4. If they be among thofe all for whom the mediator gave himfelf a ranibm to be teftified in due time, verfe 5, 9. If they have not finned the fin unto death, for which we are not bidden pray, 1 John v. 19. Which, becauie we know not particu- larly who are guilty of it, charity will oblige us to fake iiivo our prayers many thai may never be the bet- ter of them ; yet it is neceflary that we pray in faith, for what, or whomfoever we pray, at leaft, if I may fo call it, we mud have a negative faith, a belief that they have not finned that fin unto death; which we cannot. have at all, there being fome whofe demonftra- tions of defperate difplays of affronted wickednefs, and hatred of holinefs may give ground to doubt of it, as Chriftians had of Julian the apellate. 2. We are obliged to love our enemies, to blefs them that curfe us, 10 do good to them that hate us, to pray for them that defpitefully ufe and perfecute us, Mat. v. 44. Accordingly our mailer, who commanded this, did give us a pattern to imitate, when he pray- ed. Father forgive them for they know not what they do, Luke xxiii. 34. And his faithful martyr Stephen, prayed for his murderers, Lord lay not this fin to their charge, Acts vii. the laft veri't. We are to pi- ty them, and not to feek vengeance againfl them, for any injuries they can do to us. Yet, as this doth not interfere with a holy and zealous appeal to God for righting, and relenting, and requiting, the wrongs done to us, that he may vindicate us and our caufe, and make them repent of their injuries done to us, to the glory of God, and conviction of onlookers, and confufion of themfelves, which may well conjfift with mercy to their fouls ; fo all we can pray for them in rheif oppofition to us, is in order to their repentance, but never for their profperity in that courfe. And we may well imitate, even againit our enemies, that prayer of Zech'ariah's, " The Lord look upon " it, and require it," 2 Chron. xxiv. 22. But we are never to pray for Chrilf's ftated enemies, as to the bulk A HIND LET LOOSE. 5 i p bulk of ..them ; and under that formality as his ene- mies: for we mud not " love them that hate the ** Lord," 2 Chron. xix. 2. but hate them, and hate them with a perfect hatred, Pial. cxxxix. 21, 22. We are to pray for the elect among them, but only to the end they may efcape the vengeance, which we are obliged to pray for againit them. 3. We are not to execrate our enemies, or ufe imprecations againil any, out of blind zeal, or the paffionate or revenge- ful motions of our own hearts : our Lord rebuked his difciples for fuch prepofterous zeal, Luke ix. 55. " Ye " know not what manner of fpirit ye are of;" but a- gainft the dated and declared enemies of Chrift, as fuch and while fuch, we may well take a pattern from the imprecatory prayers of faints recorded in fcrip- ture ; fuch as do not peremptorily determine about the eternal ftate of particular perfons : which deter- minations, except we be extraordinarily acted by the lame fpirit, whofe dictates thefe are, are not to be i-. mitated by us. We find feveral forts of imprecations in the Pfahr.s and other fcriptures : fome are imitabi?, fome not ; fome are prophetical, having the force of a prophecy, as David's Pial . xxxv. 4. iC Let them be *' confounded that feek after my foul. Let " Jeftruction come upon him," Pial. I v. 1 5- " Let ct them go down quick to hell." And Jeremiah, chap. xvii. 18. " Let them be confounded that " perfecute me, deftroy them with double de- " ftruction." Without this prophetical fpirit, deter- mining the application of thefe threa tnjngs to particu- lar perfons, we may not imitate this percmp'.orinefs. Some are typical of Chriit's mediatory devoting his enemies to destruction ; who as he interceeds for his friends, fo, by virtue of the fame merits (by. them trampled upon) he pleads for vengeance againft his enemies; which mediatory vengeance is the molt dreadful of al) vengeances, (tieb. x. 29.) So alfo, Pfal. xl. lie whofe ears were- opened, and who faid, " \o I come," verfe 6, 7. (that is Chrift) does imprecate 520 A HIND LET LOOSE. imprecate fhame, and confufion, and defolation, ver. 14, 15. As alfo, Pfal. cix. the Pfalmiit perfonates Chriif., complaining of, and impre#ating againft his enemies ; particularly Judas the traitor, verfe 8. It mull be dreadful to be under the dint of the Mediator's imprecations ; and alfo dreadful to clafh with him in his intercessions, that is, to apprecate for them againft whom he intercedes. But fome imprecations again it the enemies of God are imitable, fuch as proceed from pure zeal for God, and the fpirit of prayer, as that, Pfal. cix. lad verfe, " Put them in fear, O Lord, " that the nations may know themfelves to be but " men." Pfal. Ixxxiii. 16. " fill their faces with " fhame that they may feek thy name." This is to be imitated in general againlt all the enemies of God, Pfal. cxxix. 5. " Let them all be confounded that ii hate Zion ;" without condefcending on particular perfons, except obvioufly and notorioufly defperate, and preemptively Chrifl's implacable enemies. 4. Touching magiftrates it is a great duty to pray, that God would give us magiftrate?, as he haih prom i fed for the comfort of his church, Ifa, i. 26. lfa. xlix. 2. Jer. xxx. 2i* Promifes fhould be motives and fo- ments of prayer: We ought to pray againft anarchy as a plague, and with all earneftnefs beg of God, that the mercy of magistracy may again be known in Bri- tain, of which it hath been long deprived. 5. And when we have them, it is a neceifary duty to pray for them ; " For kings and for all that are in authority, " that we may lead a quiet and. peaceable life in all C{ godlineis and honefty," 1 Tim. ii. 2. Where it is fpecified, what fort we mould pray for, and to what end. As we are not to pray for all men abfo- lutely ; for fome, as they are declared to be out of the precincts of Chrifl's mediation, fo they muff be out of our prayers : fo there may be fome in actual rule, that may be excepted out of the verge of the Chriftian prayers, as was faid of Julian the apoftate. , But he that is a magiftrate indeed, and in authority, the fub- jects A HIND LET LOOSE. £21 je&s are to pray and to give thanks for him, not as a man merely, but as a magittrate. Yea, though they be heathen magiftrates, Ezra vi. 10. We may pray for all in authority, two ways ; as men, and as kings. As men, we may pray for their falvation, or conver- fion, or taking them out of the way, if they be ene- mies to Chrill's kingdom, according as they are dat- ed ; and upon condition, if it be poiTible, and if they belong to the election of grace. Though for fuch as are oppofites to the coining of Chrift's kingdom, as it is a contradiction to the fecond petition of the Lord's prayer, (thy kingdom come.) So, in the experience of the molt eminent wreltlers, they have found lefs faith, and lefs encouragement, in praying for them, than for any other fort of men. It is rare that ever any could find their hands in praying for the conver- fion of the rulers. And though we pray "that the Lord would convince them ; yea, and confound them, in mercy to their fouls ; yet this muff never be want- ing in our prayers for tyrants, as men, that God would bring them down, and caufe judice overtake them, that God may be glorified, and the nation eaf- ed of fuch a burden, But if we pray For them as kings, then they mull be fuch by God's approbation', and not mere poffeflbry occupants, to whom we owe no fuch refpect, nor duty. For whatever the Hob- bills, and the time ferving Cafuifts of our day, and even many good men (though wofully lax in this point) homologating both doctrinally and practically their heathenifn notions, fay to the contrary ; 1 hope it be in fome meafure made out, that tyrants are no more the ordinance of God, nor to be owned as ins minilters and vicegerents, than the devil the prince of this world for the Lord's anointed, or Baal's priefts for true minifters. If we pray for them as kings, we muft pray for their peace, profperity, and preferva- tion, that their government may be bleffed with fuc» cefs, their deligns not frustrated, nor their defires difappointed. This we cannot pray tor tyrants. 6, 3 U Albeit $2t A HIND LET LOOSE. Albeit, we may pray for the peace of the nation, and for the government thereof, lo far as it may conduce to our own and the church's tranquillity, that we may live a peaceable and godly life under it ; yet this can- not be extended to the peace of tyrants, for whom the beft prayer that we can beftow is, that the Lord would bridle and reflrain them, that they may not mar the church's peace. That command, Jer. xxix. 7. " Seek the peace of the city, whitherfoever I have " caufed you to be carried captives, and pray unto " the Lord for it, for in the peace thereof mall you " have peace," is apparent to have been but of a tem- porary nature, upon occafio'n of their captivity there, until the 70 years mould be expired, having it alfo declared by God. that their own peace was bound up in that of Babylon's : for after that time they are taught the contrary carriage towards that city, to depart, and pray againft it, and exult and rejoice in its ruin : " O " daughter of Babylon, happy fhall he be that re- *' wardeth thee as thou hail ferved us, that dafheth cc thy little ones againft the ftones,,, Pfal. exxxvii. 8, 9. " The voice of them that flee out of the land of c- Babylon, to declare in Zion the vengeance of the ** Lord, the vengeance of his temple," Jer. 1. 28. And Jer. li. 35. " The violence done to me, and to " my flefh, be upon Babylon, mail the inhabitant of jj2§ the fecond, thy kingdom come ; for when he takes unto him his great power and reins, then is the time he will deftroy them that deflroy the earth, Rev. xi. 17, 18. It is againft the third, thy will be done — • for it is againft his preceptive will that there fhould be a throne of iniquity, it mall not have fellowship with him ; as it would have, if according to his will. And therefore Habbakkuk pleads from the Lord's holinefs and righteoufnefs againft tyrants, Habbak. i. 13, 14. It is againft the fourth, give us this day our daily bread, to pray for them that rob us of it, whom the Lord hath fet over us for a plague, to do- mineer over our bodies, and all the means of life, Neh. ix. 2>7' ^ ne faints there make a complaint of kings, and pray to remove them, not to fave them : the church alfo prays againft bafe rulers on this ac- count, becaufe under them they get their bread with the peril of their lives, Lam. v. 8, 9. It is againft the fifth, forgive us our debts or fins ; for if we pray for taking away the guilt of fin, we muft alfo pray for removing the punifhment ; whereof this is one, to be under tyrants : and if it be fin which brings on judgment, then it is fin to pray for the keeping of it on, and contiauing thereof ; and though we mould forgive their fin againft us, yet we ought to complain againft their fins againft God, and the church, in de- filing it, and fhedding the blood of the faints? Pfah lxxix. 1 7. It is againft the fixth, Lead us not into temptation, and deliver us from evil : for their government is a continued trac~l of temptation, they being a fnare on Mizpah, and a net fpread upon Ta- bor, Hof. v. 1. And if we pray to be delivered from all evil, then we muft pray to be delivered from ty- ranny, which is a great evil. It is againft the conclu- fion alfo, For thiae is the kingdom,— - — and glory : tyrants being ftated in oppofition to the glory of God. Again, in the next place, it is againft many promifes of giving good rulers, and of breaking the yoke of tyrants, (as I cited feveral above j) neither 3* of $$& A HIND LET LOOSE. of which can confift with the prefervation of tyrants* if fuch a prayer fhould be anfwered according to the idol of the heart of the fupplicants : for if God fhould fave this man as long as we may pray for him as a king, then all the promifes of a change and revolu- tion are precluded. Laftly, It is contrary to the con- flant tenor of the faints prayers againft the enemies of God. Deborah prayed upon the deftrudtion of a ty- rant, fo let all thine enemies perifh, O Lord, Judg. v. ult. Jotham prayed againft the baftard king, Let fire come out from Abimelech and devour the men of Shechem, and — let fire come out from the men or Shechem and devour Abimelech, Judg. ix. 20. Da- vid prays againft Saul, whom he calls Cufh the Ben- jamite in the title of Pfal. vii. alluding to Kifh his fa- ther, or becaufe he was no better than an Ethiopian, a Cufhite, Amos ix. 7. and could no more change his manners than an Ethiopian can change his ikin, Jer. xiii. 23. See Pool's fynopf. critic, in locum. Where it is proven, that this was Saul ; againft him he prays, that the Lord would awake to judgment, Pfal. vii. 6. and that he would break the arm of the wicked and the evil man, Pfal. x. 15. that he would not flay them, (to wit, iuddenly, or in a common way) left the people forget, but fcatter, and bring them down, and confume them in wrath, that they may not be, that it may be known God raleth in Ja- cob to the ends of the earth, Pfal. lix. 11, 13. This is a pfalm againft dogs, ver. 9. what dogs? Saul and his men watching David. See the title. As alfo it is againit Saul that he prays, that the Lord would not grant his defires, nor further his devices, and as for the head of them that compafled him about, (which was Saul.) Let the mifchief of their own lips cover them, Pfal. cxl. 8, 9. There is alfo a prayer, that the faints may execute vengeance, and the judg- ment written upon tyrants, and bind them with chains, Pfal. cxlix. 6, 8, 9. The church is brought in praying for vengeance againft the Babylonian ty- rant, A HIND LET LOOSE. 53 I rant, Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon hath de- voured me, — the violence done to me and my flefli be upon Babylon (hall the inhabitants of Zion fay, Jer. li. 34, 35. Paul imprecates any man that does not love the Lord Jefus, let him be Anathema Mara- natha, 1 Cor. xvi. 22. and fure no tyrant, perfecutor, fubverter of Chrift's kingdom, can be a lover of Chrift. The martyrs, under the fifth feal fbin for the word of God, and the teftimony which they held, are brought in crying againir. the tyrants that mur- dered them, How long ! O Lord, holy and true, doft thou not judge and avenge our blood, Revel, vi. 9, 10. Which though it be to be underftood of a mo- ral cry of blood, as Abel's blood cried againft Cain : yet ought to be a pattern of our prayers againft fuch bloody enemies, imbruing their hands in the blood of our brethren, for which we ought to pray that the Lord would hade to make inquifition. Durham ob- ferves from this place, that God's people, in a holy way, may pray for vengeance upon perfecutors. 5. Let us confider the perfon and matter, for whom and for what this prayer is extorted. Either it is for the perfonal falvation of James the papift , or the roy- al prefervation of James the tyrant. It will not fatis- fy to pray, that if it be poffible, and if it were the Lord's will, he might be taken to heaven, that lb we might be quit of him. Neither were it lawful to pray, that, except we prayed firft, that he might repent of this his wickednefs, if perhaps it might be forgiven him, as Peter directed Simon Magus to pray for him- lelf, Acls viii. 22. for it is unlawful to pray for the falvation of a papift, except upon fuppofition of his repentance and relinquifhing popery. We muft pray nothing but according to the will of God ; and it is not the will of God, that they that have and keep, and will not part with the mark of the bead, mould be faved, for he is adjudged of God to drink of the wine of his wrath, Revel, xiv. 9, 10. So we cannot pray for him as a Chriftian, which he is not ; nor as 3X2 a 532 A HlNfl LET LOOSED a papift, except that he may get repentance. Nor can we pray for him as a king, which he is not ; nor as a tyrant, except that he may repent of and relin- quifh his tyranny and ufurpation : for tyrants as fuch cannot be faved, no more than papift s as fuch ; for Tophet is ordained of old, yea for the king it is pre- pared,— ■ — Ifa. xxx. 33. We cannot then pray for his falvation, except we pray for his repentance, and relinquifhing all his fins, and fo we muft pray for his relinquishing his kingfhip, and that he may ceale to be king ; for that is his fin, that: he hath made him- felf king without God, and againff. the laws of the land. And now, while he continues fuch, we muft com- plain in prayer, not for his mifgovernment only, but for that he governs, and deiire to be delivered from him. See Gee's magiitrates original, pag. 258. But now confidering what a man, and what a king he hath been, guilty of murder, adultery, idolatry, un* der fentence of the law both of God and man ; we can pray no otherwife for him, than for a murderer, adulterer, or an idolater. We cannot pray for him as cloathed with authority, or that the Lord may blefs his government, for that is his fin and our mifery, that he is a governor : and his throne is a throne of iniquity, which we dare not pray may have fellow- ship with God- Can we pray that God would blefs him on a throne of iniquity ? Could we pray, that the Lord would blefs a drunkard in his drunkennefs, a- bufing his enjoyments ? Or a thief in his dealing, though he uied his purchafe never fo foberly ? What if prevailing robbers by land, or pirates by fea, prey- ing upon all paffengers, fhould require this as the fign of fubjeclion to them, and only condition whereupon luch, as they apprehend and overcame, fhould be dif- fered to live, that they fhould pray for prefervation and profperity to them ? Would not this be wicked- nefs ifeui to pray for thieves and robbers ? And ar,e not tyrants the greateft of thieves, that rob and de- A HIND LET LOOSE. 53 j ftroy twenty for one of private robberie? ? And do they not require this as fuch a fign on fuch a condi- tion ? ^o Tnaqsi v 6. Laftly, Then the plea will be reduced to this, thfat;it is exacted as a badge of loyalty, and fign, Tellera, Shibboleth of owning the authority. Which 1 have at this length endeavoured to prove, cannot be confcientioufly owned by us, in thefe circumftan- ces. And even by this argument : that authority which we cannot pray for we cannot own ; but we cannot pray for this tyrannical authority : therefore. — The minor I trufl is in fome meafure made mamfeft, by what is faid above. And fo I conclude this head, with that form of prayer, that I ufe for the king. O Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth, mew thy- ielf ; lift up thyfelf, thou judge of the earth, render a reward to the proud. Lord, how long mall the wicked ? how long fhall the wicked triumph ? Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowfhip with thee, that frameth mifchief by a law ? The mighty and terrible God " deftroy all kings and people, that put to their hand ' to alter and deftroy the houfe of God. Overturn, overturn, overturn this throne of tyran- ny, and let it be no more, until he come whole right it is. >trii s si an e ut ar wolb} 97£fi ^fitn ysiq Jon aieb wpial zbid bfuovr boO isdi ystq aw n&J boO du/> arirJsfh -v*nq »_/ hij^ ^oim la anoirfi b no mid ^mjiHirE A 13 III. sail ?.ifi ni te'irtt 6 iQ i -^ahisd jfidW' "» ^hadot ol T3V3H alflrfoiuc .;od> %'he refvfing to [wear and fubfcribe the many unlawful impofed oaths, for which many have fuffered great cru- elties ; chiefly that of Abjuration which was the caufe offeveral their fufferin? to death, vindicated. 'nonfivt'jt^q icl vfiiq bluodt ysd) ladi ^yil A NOTHER great head of grievous fufferings, in J~JL this fatal period, hath been, this dated war be- tween Chrift -and his enemies in Scotland, he hath not 534 A HIND LET LOOSE. not wanted witneiTes, who in their wreftlings for the word of God and the teftimony which they held, thought it their duty to refufe all illegally impofed and wickedly required transactions with his declared enemies, and tampering any manner of way with them, in taking or fubfcribing any of their confcience cou- zening impofuions or deceitful and deftru&ive bonds and oaths, obtruded by men who have call off all fenfe of a Deity, or regard to humanity, upon the con- ferences of poor people, to debauch them and caft them down from the only excellency or integrity that was left them: whereby (though they have miffed of their defign as to fome, who through grace have ef- caped the fnares of thefe fowlers, and in refitting have overcome through the blood of the Lamb) they have prevailed to inveigle the generality, even of the profeifors of this generation, into fuch a degree of defection and wretched compliance with all their fnares, that as it prognosticates univerfal defolation ineluctable, (if it be not prevented as univerfal as the compliance hath been,) fo it proclaims the infamy of the compliers perjury as indelible as their perfidy with whom they have complied. The confideration of which woful apoftafy, in its various fteps by which it hath been propagated and promoted, ought to deter and demur all the fearers of God, that would not partake of its threatned punifhment, from venturing any more to come near the brink, or border of fuch precipices, and paths of the deitroyer, when fo many have (tumbled, and fallen, and been hooked, and taken ; yea not fo much as to look near them, left they be Jeft to follow their look,, but to (land a- ioof from every appearance of tranfacting with thefe man catchers, yea confcience-cacchers, who are fo cunning to enfnare and deftroy ; as their predecef- fors, to whofe fins and judgments alfo they ferve themfelves heirs, are defcribed by the Holy Ghoft, jer. v. 26. 29. They lay wait as he that fetteth • nares? they fet a trap, they catch men, their houfes are A HIND LET LOOSE': 535 a*e full of dqceit, therefore they are become great and waxen rich. Shall I not vifit for thefe things faith the Lord ? Many and manifold have been the fnares, traps and gins, laid in the way of the profef- fors of this generation and nation, by thefe mifchief hatchers, thefe keen and cunning perfecutors,~ the' party now regnant or rather raging, in madnefs and malice againft: Chrift and all that are loyal and zeal- ous for his intereft againft their encroachings there- on j whereby they have caught and cozened many out of their confeiences, and have broken the neck of fome, the peace of others, and the hearts of not a few. Yea no nation can be inftanced, wherein fo many oaths and bonds have been impofed on peoples confeiences, fo naufeating for naughtinefs and num- ber, as well as noxious in their nature, in an age, as have been in Scotland within thefe 27 years paft ; on defign to wade all remainder of conference, or fenfe of religion among people, that fo having worn out the awiul impreffion of it, they may introduce wha'J they would, upon a people involved in the fame a- poftafy with themfelves and either to incoporate all with themfelves in the fame combination againft the Lord, or to extirpate all diilenters, who .mould difco-* ver any tendernefs of confeience, in not going along with them in the fame excefs of riot. And to the end they might have the greater concurrence and countenance, with the help of hell's policy, they con- trived them in fuch terms as might engage many to take them, and load the recufants with odious oblo- quies, either as filly fcruplers, or feditious fchifma- ticks, or rebels. For this hath been all along their grand project, to level their defigns againft religion, not directly and formally under that notion, but ob- liquely to the deft ruction of the lovers and profefibrs of it under the nickname of fanatical enemies to go- vernment. Of thefe enfnaring engines levelled to thefe ends, fome have been morepatentandopen, othersmore latent and hidden \ both have made a pray cf people, the' laft 536 A HIND LET LOOSE. lad chiefly. For a fnare the more latent and hidden it be and the more varnifhed over with the vei million of pretended honefly and innocence, it is the more dan- gerous ; and will be fo accounted by all the circum- fpect and cautious, as in its defign more destructive, and in its effects, when discovered, more dolorous, than that which is more open and mauifcft. A hook, the braver that it is bulked, and the better that ir is baited, the furer and more fuccefsful it is to catch the fimple fiih ; if it want its bulking, they will not fo readily bite at it. In vain is a net fpread in the fight of any bird ; yet though this is a truth, fuch filly birds have the bulk of us been, fuch filly doves without a heart, and fo fenflefsly ftupified, as to fuffer ourfelves to be blind- folded and hood- winked into fnares, of fuch a mani- felt bafenefs, as none could be readily fuppofed might fall into, who did not brutilhly abandon all common fenfe of reafon, bcfides religion ; as a teft, and oaths of arbitrary allegiance, bonds of conformity, and ir- regular regulation, &c. Some again, and thefe, alas ! too many, have been enfnared with fnares of a more fmooth, and fubtile complexion, and poifoned with gilded arrows, coloured over with the fpecious pre- texts of the enemies relenting condefcendency and tendernefs, {looping now to univcrfal and genera! terms, obvioufly thought capable of a very good con- flruction, and daubed over with the untempered mor- tar of the frequency of the molt univerfally unfcrup- led fupfcription of very good and confcientious men and the rarity of recufants lying under the reproach of fjme few, wild, fantaftical fools. Thefe well bulked hooks have caught many; of which fort have been many banded indemnities, and eafily fwallowed oaths there- unto appended. Though the prcfent indeed is con- trived without gins of this fort, and now all thefe fnares of oaths and bands are as illegally taken away as they were before impofed ; upon the fame defign, tg catch filly fifti by other methods j not with hooks, as A HIND LET LOOSE. 537 as before, but with a large fpread net, to hale the whole ichool to antichnd's fhore ; and to put to proof and practice the val'nefs of that leviathan prerogative of abiolute power, to difpenfe with all oaths ; efpe- cially beccmfe, in all of them, even the mod mon- drous, people might think there was fometye obliging them to maintain the proteilant religion, therefore to obliterate that, and bury it in oblivion, all now are taken away ; but the guilt of them dill remains upon the land, and the grievous cry of fufferirg lor refu- fing them Hill coninues ; and 'J'eiehre the iniquity of them mult be looked unto Mid lamented, and that with an eye to the account and reckoning mud be ren- dered for them, to a greater judgment than thai of crea- tures. But among all tbefe deilruclive and diabolical devices, there have been none more charming and cheating, than that cunningly contrived oath of ab- juration, as it is called, enjoined to be taken by all within the kingdom, by a proclamation about it, re- prefenting a law declaration emmitted by that party, whofe fufterings I am vindicating (as a maniftilo of their enemies) under the molt odious character, that the malice of men helped with hell's hatred could de- vife ; and requiring all to abjure it in the molt pe- remptory manner, and under the fevered penalty that ever was heard. This oath, I fay, was contrived with fuch cunning, and followed with fuch keennefs, that it hath involved more under its obligation, and en- gaged more to fubferibe it, than any other that went before it : becaufe it hath been painted over with fuch pretexts, as never any before was capable of. The prefling of it hath been fo impartial, upon travelling to the country, &c. And their acceptance of the pafs annexed to it thought fo neceiTary, as without it no bufinefs could be gone about. Its fubfeription fo univerfally unfcrupled, even by the generality of great profevlbrs and minilters too ; the thing abjured repre- fented fo odious, as no honed man could refufe to re- nounce ; and the matter renounced, under its beft 3 Y afpect $$% A HND LET LOOSE. afpeft and conftruction, efteemed only a paper de- claration of a party very defpicable, wherein the principles, profeflion, or confeffion of the church feems no way concerned; and if any way concerned, yet the^ concern appearing fo fmall, as few or none durfr. ftate their fufFerings upon that head. Yet I be- lieve, if either fuch as have taken it, or others that may haye the tentation of the like hereafter, will im- partially ponder it ; fo much iniquity may be difco- vered in it, as may oblige the one to mourn in the fenfe of its fulnefs, and the other tobewareof its danger. And fo much rather would 1 offer this to confideration, that I know one who was wofully wheedled into it, that found the bitter effe&s of this poifoned pill in his W( unded confeience, after reflections on the deed, in fuch a meafure that he defpaired of ever recover- ing peace. And this man had as much, and more to fay, to juftify his deed, than any that ever took it ; having ihwifh all the advantages that ever it could be tenderedrwith : for, being urged thereunto before the judiciary, he exprefly refufed to difown that declara- tion, and the principles whereupon it was founded, and told them that it was mifreprefented in the pro- clamation : and when they yielded to an abftracl dif- owning of it in fo far as the proclamation reprefents it, or, if fo be, it might be fo reprefented, he gave in a fenfe in writ, wherein he would lake it ; fhewing that, upon fuppofition, the declaration did aifert fuch things as was reprefented, he would difown it : and after the fenfe was accepted as fatisfactory, he refufed to fwear after the ordinary manner, following the clerks, blind manuduction, but behoved to have it written down : and when it was written, with exprefs fpecification of that apologetical declaration, he refuf- ed to fwear it, till it was altered arkl corrected, and the word pretended put in the (lead of it : which done, before he fubferibed it, he protetted it might be con- ftru&ed in no other faife, than the genuine meaning of A LET HIND LOOSE. 539 of the words he delivered in, and that it might not be reckoned a compliance for fear of his life : yet, notwithstanding of all this, he loft the jewel of inward peace, and knew the terror of the Lord for many days. Therefore I fhall chiefly infift on difcovering the iniqui ies of this laft oath, called the abjuration oath, both becaufe it is the fmootheit, and more ge- nerally taken than any other, and approven by many that condemn the reft, and refufing it hath been pu- nched by death, and moil illegally preffed upon all, under the penalty thereof, as none of the reft was ; and becaufe as all other oaths fucceflively impofed, were fo contrived that the laft did always imply and involve the fubftance of the former, fo it will appear that the iniquity of none of the preceeding oaths was altogether wanting in this. Bat to the end, both the complication of the iniquities of this oath may be e- vinced, and the continued (train of ail the oaths (which have alfo been heads of fufFering, though not to this degree) may be difcovered ; I fliall touch fome- what of all the forts of them, and (hew that their ini- quity cleaves to this laft oath : and then come to can- vafs this oath itfelf, after I have premiited fome gene- ral conceflions. Firft, In a few words fome general concefibry pro- portions may be premitted, i. That oaths both aflertory and promhTory are lawful, will not be denied but by Quakers, &c. It is clear, fwearing is a moral duty, and fo material, that oftentimes it is ufed for the whole worihip of God, Deut.vi. 13. " Thou (halt fear the Lord thy God, and " fhalt ferve him, and fwear by his name, Deut. x. 20. r" To him (halt thou cleave and fwear by his " name." The reafon is, becaufe by whomfoever we fwear, him we profefs to be our God, and invocate him as witnefs of our heart's uprightnefs, and honeft meaning in the thing fworn, according as it is under- ftood by both parties, and as avenger if we prove falie. Hence, every oath, which doth not bind us 3 Y 2 fafte.r 540 A HIND LET LOOSE. fafter to ferve and cleave to him, is but a breach of the third command. Again, it is not Only command- ed as a duty, but qualified how it filould be perform- ed, Jer. iv. i, 2. Where it is required of a people returning to the Lord, to fweai in truth, in judgment, and in righteoufnefs. Hence, every oath which is not fo qualified, and does not confilt with a penitent frame, is> fin. It is like wife promifed in the covenant, that believers fhall fpeak the language of Canaan, and fwear to the Lord, Ifa. xix. i.8. every oath then that is not in the language of Canaan, is unfuitabie to believers, that is to fay, confentaneous to the word of God, and confeflion of our faith. Again, he that fweareth in the earth fhall fwear by the God of truth, Ifa. Ixv. 16. and therefore that oath which is not ac- cording to truth, is difhonourable to the God of truth. If all the oaths impofed upon Scotland thefe many years, were examined by thefe touch-ftones, they would be found all naught. So giving bands for' fe- curity, which for obligation are equivalent to promif- fory oaths, are alfo lawful materially; but with the fame qualifications, otherwife they are finful. 2. This duty when fuitably discharged, truly, judi- cioufly, righteoufly, in the fear of God, according to his will, is in many cafes very neceffary. Not only in vows, in which God is the party, in matters moral- ly neceffary, to keep the righteous judgments of God, Pfal.cxix. 106. Nor only in national covenants for reformation, and promoting the intereft of Chrift, whereof we find many inftances in fcripture, in Mo- 'fes, Jofhua, Afa, Hczekiah, Jofiah, Ezrah, Nehe- miah, their making and renewing fuch covenants by oath, coming under the dreadful curie of it if they mould break it. And this may make cur hearts me- ditate terror, for iheuniverfal unparalelled breach of fole'mn covenants with God, that e;cpofes the nation to the curfe of it ; but alfo in human tranfactions, » whereunto God is invocated as a witnefs ; as in na- tional tranfactions, at choofing and inaugural ing their magiifrates, A HIND LET LOOSE. 54I ' magiftrates, for (ecurity of religion and liberties,* as we have many examples in fcripture. Seldom indeed do fuch bonds hold tyrants, but it is this genera- tion's indelible brand and bane, that without this they have come under the yoke of ineluctable fltveiy, and have entailed it upon'pofterity. As likewife in contracts and mutual c< mpa&s of frier, g (hip, o'r firic- ter affectation, when edification, or other (atisfaciion, or fecurit) calls for it, as Jacob fware to Laban.. Da- vid to Jonathan, &c. In which the matter mult be clear, and mutually understood, and honettly meant, without equivocation and mental rcfervation, and all ambiguity, as alio pcffible, and likely to continue fo: for othenvife, it were but a mocking of God and man, to fwear a thing we either cannot, or will not per- form, according to the meaning of him in whofe fa- vours the oath is given, But withal ue ought to be fparing in fuch things except where the matter of the oath or bond is weighty and -neceffary, and not mul- tiply them needlefly upon formality or cultom; for if there were fuitabie confidence in one another, there would not be need for fo many of thefe lecurities. And fpecially in relative Stipulations betwixt man and wife, &c. Where an indiff-lvable relation is entered into. And, in a particular manner, even in things civil, when we are called thereunto by a lawful ma- gistrate, for deciding of controverfies, or our own vindication, or to confirm our obligation to fome du- ty, an oath for confirmation is an end of all Strife, Hcb. vi. t6. But always in this the matter mull be lawful, according to the will of God, and true, and certainly known, and alio nectffary, weighty, ufeful, woithy of fuch confirmation, for the glory of God, and the good of our neighbour, that his holy name be not taken in vain ; for otherwife if the matter be falfe, God is made witnefe of a lie ; if uncertain, con- fcience condemns us that we know not, nor care not, what we call God witnefs to ; if unlawful, then God is called to approve what he hath condemned, and fo 54-2 A HIND LET LOOSE. fo to contradict himfelf, which is horrid blafphemy. With all which cafes, and hell devifed impofitions on consciences in thefe days, obtruded to debauch and enfnare them, not one of them, levelling a'l at one defign, how fmoothly foever conceived, can be taken without a wound and wramp to the conference; 3. Of all thefe cafes, only two are applicable to our impofed tranfactions with our wicked rulers, viz. in the matter of friendly contracts, or in the matter of judicial appearances before them, and fwearing and banding before, and to them. In both which, there mult be a fort of confederation, with them. In con- tracts with them it will not be doubled ; and injudi- cial fubmitting to their authoritative impofitions of fuch fecurities, it is evident, there mult be alfo a con- federation with them, not only in acknowledging their authority, but in coming under mutual exacted (tipu- lations ; wherein, by taking thefe oaths and bands, we give them Security of orderly fubjedtion, as mem- bers of the community whereof they are judges, and get their fecurity of acquittance, and that we (hall not be molefled nor profecuted among the recufants. Now concerning this confederation, 1 (hall concede in two cafes, it may be owned, and eonfequentially oaths and bonds may be given to men of their ltamp, 1. A con^ federation which is more difcretive, or difcriminative may be allowed to them ; that is, fuch bargains where- in they and we are kept (till divided as two parties, and not under one incorporation, as in contracts of co habitation, living under them as tenants, buying and felling, and the like. But we cannot enter into a confederation uni ive with them, which may make us one body or patty. 2. A confederation which is ncccflary and unavoidable ; when either an unavoid- able (trife or contention doth arife between them and us, whereupon we are compelled to anfwer in law, and can no otherwife be decided but by our oath of confirmation, which is an end of all ftrife ; or when we are falfely accufed of fojne odious and heinous crimen A HIND LET L0O52. 543 crime, as of murder or adultery : it is then lawful and neceffary to vindicate ourfelves, by giving all thefe le- gal confirmations that we are free of thefe things; for otherwife to ly under the imputation of fuch e- normities, were fhamefully fcandalous to religion. But we cannot allow any tranfactions of this forr, which are elective and voluntary, to make or purfue either peace or pleas with them, when our own inte- reft or benefit draweth us thereunto ; but ere we go to law, or give oaths and bonds to, and before the unjuft and perfidious, and fuch alfo as we cannot own as magiftrates, we would rather take wrong, and fuf- fer ourfelves to be defrauded as the apoftle advifeth, i Cor. vi. 1,7. It was not unlawful, as expofitors {hew from that place, for the Corinthians to anfwer in law for their own vindication, being purlued by a heathen ; but it was utterly a fault to go voluntarily one with another. And if to purfue a brother was a fault, then much more to go to law with an apoftate, with whom there fhould be lefs meddling. And if to go before the unjult magistrates, as thefe heathen judges were at Corinth, who yet were magiftrates, was utterly a fault, then much more to go before fuch as have neither righttul nor righteous authoiity at all : which yet muft be acknowledged, if we take oaths and bands before them : for none can exact thefe but acknowledged magiftrates. Hence it is apparent, it would be an elective confederation with thefe wicked ufurping judges, when brought before them to take their tendered oaths and bonds, not as parties purfued before them, but as tranfacting with them, with whom, as well as before whom, we muft give thefe confirming fecurities : and fo not only muft we ac- knowledge them to be gods, among whom the Lord fitteth, whofe holy name is interpoled in fuch folemn tranfaclions j but alfo we njuft fwear and enter in bonds to them as they require. This indeed is ne- ceffary when called before them againft our will, and accufed of horrid crimes, as was always in the impo- fuion 544 A HIND LET LOOSE. fition of the oath of abjuration audacioufly imputed to the refufcrs, that they aflerted murdering princi- ple?, and owned it lawful to kill all that iervcd the king; in fuch a cafe, to declare with the mod folemn affev'erations, for vindication of truth, that we difown not only all fuch afifertions, but all fucli thoughts as that it is lawful to kill all that ferve the king, or any that ferve him bec let loose* 55' this, all, of what degree or quality foever, without refpecl: of perfons. And left it fhould be thought this is meant only of thefe feven nations there enumerate, the law is interpreted by the fpirit of God of many o- ther nations ; where Solomon is condemned for join- ing in affinity with other wicked people, befides thefe, 1 Kings, xi. 1,2. So that it is to be underftood ge- nerally, againfl confederacies with all, to whom the moral ground is applicable, and the danger of infnar- ing the people of God. It is clear likewife, we muit have nothing to do with the wicked, but to treat them and with them as enemies, Pal. cxxxix. 21, 22. with whom, as fuch, there can be no confederation ; for that fuppofes always the enmity is laid afide, but that can never be between the profeflors of religion and the profefTed enemies thereof: but that muft always be the languageof their practice, "Depart frommeye workers " of iniquity, for the Lord hath heard me," Pfal. vi. 8» The command is peremptory and perpetual, " For- " fake the foolifh," Prov. ix. 6. " Make no friend- *' fhip with them," Prov. xxii. 24. " Say not a con* " federacy to them." Ifa. viii. 12. where it is clear from the oppofition in that text, betwixt confederate ing with the wicked and the fear of God, that the one is not confident with the other. There is an exprefs difcharge to yoke or have any fellowfhip with them, 2 Cor. vi. 14. to the end—- " for what fellowfhip hath righteouinefs with unrighteoufnefs ?- — what con- cord hath Chriit with Belial ? — < — wherefore come out from among them, and be leparate." -2. Many fad and fharp reproofs for fach trunfactions and con- federations do conclude the fame thing, Judg. ii. 1, 2, 3. " I faid, — - — ye fhall make no league with the inhabitants of this land, you fhall throw down their altars : but you have not obeyed my voice. Why have you done this ? Wherefore -I will not drive ihcm out from before you ." It cannot be expect- ed, the Lord will drive out thefe enemies, if we fwear fubjeclion J j 2 A HIND LET LOOSE. fubjettion and allegiance, and come under confedera- tions with them ; for thereby we contribute actively to their fettlemeat and eftablifhment, and bring our- felves not only under che mifery, but the guilt of (lengthening the hands of evil doers. So Jer. ii. the people of God are reproved, for making themfelves home-born Haves. How ? by outlandifh confedera- cies, verfe 18. " Now what haft thou to do in the way of Affyria ? The Chaldee paraphrafe hath it, What have you to do to aflociate with Pharaoh king of Egypt ? and what have you to do to make a cove- nant with the Aflyrian ?" So may we fay, what have we to do to take their oaths and bonds, that are as great enemies as they were ? Ephraim is reproved for mixing himfelf among the people, Hof. vii. 8. by making confederacies with them. What follows ? lie is a cake not turned, hot in the nether fide, zeal- ous for earthly things, but cold and raw in the upper fide, remifs in the things of Chrift. And this we have feen in our experience to be the fruit of fuch bargains, or bonds, or oaths, that they that were en- gaged in them, have always in fome meafure fallen from their former fervour for Chrift. Nay we fhali find, that fuch tranfa&ions are feldom or never re- corded in the book of God without a reproof, or fome greater marks of God's difpleafure put upon them ? which doubtlefs is fet purpofely as beacons, that we may beware of them. And therefore, 3. We may take notice of many difallowed and condemned ex- amples, on which the Lord fet marks of wrath, as Ahab's covenant with Benhadad, 1 Kings xx. 32. to the end. Afa's covenant with Benhadad, which the prophet calls a foolifh deed, 2 Chron. xvi. from be- ginning to verfe 10. proceeding from an evil heart of unbelief, as all fuch tranfaclions are overawed com- pliances. Jehofhaphat's with Ahab hath the fame \ cenfure, though he kept himfelf free of Ahab's idola- try, and Ahab feemed to have been penitent before' he A HIND LET LOOSE. 553 be joined with him, and his relation to him was very near, the enemy of both was an infidel, the caufe was good, to recover a city of refuge, the manner of his proceeding was pious*, confulting the prophets, and his end good ; yet all this did not juftify that wickednefs, related 2 Chron. xviii. and reproved 2 Chron. xix. 2. Jehu the prophet is fent to him, " Should!! thou love them that hate the Lord ? there- " fore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord." After this, when he joined himfel'f with Ahaziah, who did very wickedly, the Lord brake his works, 2 Chron. xx. 35. to the end : which made him after- wards mend his fault, for he would not again join with him, when he fought the like afibciation, 1 Kings xxii. 49. So Amaziah's bargain with the Is- raelites, when the Lord was not with them, is con- demned by the prophet, admonifhing him to disjoin himfelf from them, 2 Chron. xxv. 7,— 20. and A» haz's bargain with Tilgath Pilnefer the Affyrian, 2 Chron. xviii. 16. &c is plainly difallowed. 4. The complaints, confeflions, and lamentations of the Lord's people, mourning over this fin, demonftra'e the evil of it, Ezra ix. 14. " Should we again break M thy commandments, and join in affinity with the " people of thefe abominations ? Wouldft not thou " be angry with us, till thou hadft confumed us, fo " that there fhouldft be no remnant nor efcaping ?" Pfal. cvi. 35. l* They were mingled among the hea- " then, and learned their works." All thefe commands, reproofs, examples and com- plaints, are written for our learning ; and being feri- oufly laid to heart, will Sufficiently fear all the fearers of God to join, but ftand aloof from all compliances, conjurations, or confederacies with the enemies of God, directly or indireclly, formally or interpreta- tively, for fear of partaking of their fins, and receiv- ing of their plagues. I infill: the more largely on this argument, both becaufe it will conclude that for which thofe proofs are adduced, to condemn all bond- 4 A ing 554 A HIND LET LOOSE. ing or bargaining with malignant enemies ; and be- caufe it will vindicate the averfion of this poor perfe- cuted remnant, from affociating in expeditions of war, with promifcuous fubverters and perverters of the caufe, on which it were not proper to my purpofe to dilate any difcourfe in a diftincl: head, while I mud confine myfelf only to the heads of fufferings ; only becaufe it may be objected, and it will be profitable to confider it, that thtfe fcriptures difprove only vo- luntary and elective confederations with the wicked, but cannot condemn neceffitated fubfcriptions of law- ful obligations, when the matter is not finful ; nor eorae they home to the cafe of prifoners, who are conflrained to tranfact and treat, and have do with the men in power, otherwife, if all bonds were un- lawful, then prifoners might not procure liberty for longer or fhorter time, upon bond and bail, to an- fwer again when called ; which yet is generally ap- proven, and praclifed without fcruple, and fee us not want a precedent in fcriprure, in that Jafon gave fuch fecurity, Acts xvii. 9. 1 fhall therefore fubjoin here fome confiderations, by way of anfwer to this. 1. Thefe fcriptures difprove all covenants, Exod. xxiii. 32. All confederacies, Ifa. viii. 12. All concord or agreement with the men of Belial, 1 Cor. vi. 15. and, without diftin&ion of voluntary or overawed tranfaclions, all unitive agreements of ^whatfoever fort are difcharged, and can no more be reftridted to the particulars there fpecified, as if any other cove- nant, confederacy, or concord might be lawful, that there was not a joining in marriage, an affociating in war, or communion in communion in worfhip with them, than the moral grounds of thefe prohibitions can be fo reflricfed : for the hazard of fins and fnares, the hurt of faithlefs fears from whence they flow, and the hatefulnefs of fuch unequal conjunctions, which are the grounds and reafons of thefe laws, as may be feen in thefe forecited places., cannot be re- stricted to the particulars fpecified. But now all the j tendered A HIND LET LOOSE. $$$ tendered oaths and bonds of our adverfaries, when fublcribed as they require; yea, even thofe tranfa&ipns of prifoners for procuring their liberty, on terms of en- gaging to re enter themlelves according to agreement with their perfecutors, are unitive covenants, or con- ditional agreements, giving folemn lecurities for their refpective obligations, upon terras wherein both par- ties accord ; for thefe bonds are given to them, and not only before them, as was faid. They are confe- deracies of the lubje&ed, feeking the peace and fa- vours of their fuperiors, which when overawed are finful to be made with wicked enemies of religion, as well as when unconftrained, for Ahaz's tranfa&ion with the.Affyrian, was forced out of iear, and yet it is called a finful confederacy, not to be homologated by any of the fearers of the Lord, Ifa. viii. i 2. They are concords and agreements with the unrighteous fans of Belial, and not about common matters, but matters wherein religion and righteoufnefs are nearly concerned : can any think that thefe commands are given with exception of prifoners ? and that il any liraelite was prifoner to thefe nations, he might make a covenant with them for his liberty, upon an engage- went to render himfelf prifoner to them again ? Then he might give bond to God's devoted enemies, to bind up his hands from proiecuting the war with them, which all Ifrael was obliged to do : for if they might covenant fubjection to them, then it would have been their fin to rebel, as it was Zedekiah's fin to rebel againfl: Nebuchadnezzar, becaufe it was breach of covenant : and fo there might be a cafe, wherein the Ifraelites, notwithftanding of all thefe prohibitions, would be obliged not to deftroy, nor break down their altars, to wit, if they made fuch a bargain with them for their liberty, to furrender them- felves as their fubjects. Now we read, many times they were brought under fubjection, and that as a punifhment of their leaguing with them : and yet they broke the yoke, when they cried unto the Lord, 4 A 2 and 556 A HIND LET LOOSE. and never fubmitted any longer than they were able to deliver themfelves. Whence it is plain, that they never bound themfelves to fuch fubjection by oath, bond, or promife, for that would have been no mercy which was purchafed by treachery. 2. It is a volun- tary compact with the men in power, to procure li- berty upon bond to anfvver again, ajid cannot be cal- led neceflitated ; or if it be, it is but a necemYared fin. It muft be voluntary, becaufe it is an aft of the will, and the will cannot be forced ; it is the confent of the will, and the confent cannot but be voluntary, in fo far as it is a confent ; and by this, whereas, before their fo procured liberty, they were prifoners rw con- ftraint, now when they muft return to priion, they are prifontrs by confent : it is the priioner's choice, whether he will come out upon thefe terms, or not ; and every choice, in fo far as it is a choice, is elec- tive and voluntary : it is put to the man's choice, whether he will continue under the crofs, and conti- nue his teftimony for the caufe, or furceafe from it for a time, the latter in the cafe is chofen. It is the prifoner's defire and petition, to tranfacl wi.h them in thefe terms for liberty, without which no benefit of any fuch bond can be procured, and every defire is voluntary. Yea, it is a formal compact and capi- tulation wirfi them, binding and obliging thefe bond- ers by their own word and writ, at lea.it to be at their call and command, not by compulfion and force now, but by the moral obligation of their own compaft : now, every fuch compact is voluntary. And there- fore, if all voluntary covenants, confederacies, and agreements, be difcharged in lcripture, then this bond of compearance alto muft: be difcharged. The judgment of the famous Mr. Rutherford, of a draught of a petition to have been prefented to the committee of ellates, by thofe minitters who were prifoners in the caftle of Edinburgh, will confirm what is faid : we find it in the third part of his letters, Numb. 93. where are thefe words, * I am ftraitned as another fuf- * fering A HIND LET LOOSE. 557 ' fering man, but dare not' perition this committee, ' i. Becaufe it draws us to capitulate with fuch as * have the advantage of the mount, the Lord io dif- ' pofjng for the prefent, and to bring the matters of ' (Thrift to yea and no (you being prifoners, and they 'the powers) is a hazard.' 3. This agreement with the enemies for liberty upon thefe terms, is finfui. For it is not only an acknowledgement of a wicked power, in owning and transacting with them as judg- es, who can free them and bind them as prifoners by law, which is difproved above ; but it is a binding themfelves over to a packed, perverfe, and law-per- verting judicatory, not as prifoners by forcible con- ftraint, but a willing confent, acknowledging the le- gality of their imprisonment, and obliging themfelves to obferve it when demanded : yea, it is a covenanted and bonded obedience to a wicked law ; for it is a wicked law, to exact from a fufterer for truth his re- entry to prifon, lor no crime but his duty. As alfo it is a jullifying of a wicked fentence ; for it is a wicked fentence, that an innocent man mail return to prifon when they pleafe ; which is juUified when they bind themfelves to obey it. This is no ways like a man's going to the gibbet on his own feet ; for the man does not bird himlelf to do that, neither is it exacted of him as an obedience to a law, nor is it given forth as a part of his fentence, only he choof- eth it for his own eafe : but if all thefe did concur, it were unlawful for a martyr for righteoufnefs to obey fuch a law, or voluntarily to fubmit to fuch a wicked fentence. Neither is it of any pertinency to urge, that it is lawful for a man to fubmit fo far to a rob. ber, as to bind himfelf to return to him againft fuch a day with another purfe to him : for this is a necef- iitattd bargain, to give what a man hath, and pro- mife more to fave his life, and is like a man's calling his goods out at fea to fave the fhip ; the other is not fo, but ele&ive : this is only a choice of the leaft of two evils of fuffering, but the other is a ehoiee of on? 558 A HIND LET LOOSE. one of two evils, which is fin, which cannot come under a Chriltian's election at all ; this is a compact with the robber, which is (till difcretive, and no ways unitive of the robber and him, in any bargain of con- cord, or confederacy, or acknowledged lul •■jccfcion, only a paflive furrender to his greater force as an e- nemy ; but the other is unitive, as between rulers and ruled : this is not any obedience to a law, nor is the man's purle required to be given, or pvomifcd under that notion, as the other is. I (hall hen fubjoin fome more of that forefaid letter of Mr. Ru- therford's, in the fecond place, fays he, i A fpea 1 to them in writ, and palling in filence the . > ' covenant, and the caufe of God, which is the very c prefent controveriy, is contrary to the practice of * Chriit and the apoitles, who being accufed, or not * accufed, avouched Chrift to be the Son of God, and £ the Meffias, and that the dead mull rife again, even c when the adverfary miitated the queftion.' Now plain it is, that neither in the bonds nor petitions, is there any word of the caufe or teftimony fuffered for. 4. As it is fmful, fo it is very fcanda'ous in fe- veral refpech ; in that at lead it hath the appearance of evil, which Chriftians fhould abftain from, 1 Thef. v. 12.' and feems to be a voluntary iubjecting them- felves to their impofitions (at lead of that to return to prifon again) a willing acknowledgment of their un- juft ufurpations ; a fpontaneous confenting to their mifchiefs framed into a law, and exacted under the notion of a law ; a gratifying of the enemies of reli- gion, and pleafmg them more than any thing a pri- soner can do, except he mould wholly deny the cauic : and therefore chiefly always this overture is molt ac- ceptable from thofe that durft give any teftimony, be- caufe they look upon it as fome indication- of their fainting or falling from it, or of their wearying of the crofs of Chriit, of which they are very glad j and an offending and making fad the hearts, and con- demning the practice, of fome truly tender and zea- lous I A HIND LET LOOSE: $$g lour, confeilers of Chrift, who have had ftrong tenta- tion? to make fuch tranfactions, and durft not yield fo far for a world ; yea it is certainly an argument of faithlefs fear, and impatient wearying of the crofs, becaufe of the fitry of the opprtlTor, which the Lord taxeth, when the captive haftneth that he may be loofed, and that he mould not die in the pit, nor that his bread mould fail ; which is a difhonour to him who hath promifed to bear their charges, and hath given them many encouragements to truft, that he will open a door in his own time and way. See Ifa. li. 13, 14. Of this Rutherford addeth in that forecited letter : ' Silence of the caufe of God which ' adversaries perfecute, feems a tacit deferting of the ' caufe, when the Mate of the question is known to 4 beholders, and I know the brethren intend not to ' leave the caufe. And a little after, fays he, the 6 draught of that petition which you fent me, fpeaks * not one word of the covenant of God, for the ad- 4 hering to which you now fufter, and which is the ' object of men's hatred, and the deftruction whereof c is the great work of the times ; and your filence, in c this nick of time, appears to be a not confeffing of ■ Chrift before men, and you want nothing to beget c an uncleanly deliverance, but the profefiion of fi- 4 lence :' which is profeffed by all that petition for fuch a bond, when their addrefs and tranfaction fpeaks no more in favours of 'the caufe, than if they denied it. It is plainly a coming out of prifon with- out a teftimony, which cannot confifl with faithful and zealous fuffering for Chrift, and is far from the choice of Chriit's witneffes, who overcame by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their teftimony, recorded, Heb. xi. 35. Who were tortured, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better refurreclion. 5. As it is a fcandalous, fo it is very inconvenient and unfuitable for the confeffors of Chrift. In that not only they may be ignorant, and much troubled to knew what underhand dealings their $6o A HIND LET LOOSE. their friends may ufe fometimes to procure that liber- ty, without acquainting them, and how odioufly their act of deliverance may be worded and regiftred to the prejudice of the caufe, which they dare not teftify a- gainit afterwards when they do knorv it, for fear of many inconveniencies. But alfo it cannot be vindi- cated from being a difhonourable (fiifting, and put- ting off, or carting off the call of a teftimony ; and confeffing either an inconftancy, or impatience, or nnreadinefs, or want of refolution, to confefs or pro- fefs the teftimony for Chrift, without fome refpite to gather new defences for it : whereas Chrift's witneffes Ihould be ready always, to give an anfwer to every man that afketh them a reafon of the hope that is in them, i Pet. iii. 15. And befides, they involve rhemfelves into the incumbrances of a doubtful fuf- pence about the event, whereas if they keep their firff. refolution and condition with cheerfulnefs, aloof from fuch bargains, they know the utmoft they have to fear or hope from men. But now, as it is hard for them to come off without fome finful engagement, and to continue any meafure of faithfulnefs when they are out, for fear of being fbon called again ; fo they bring themfelves into many fad difficulties how to behave, and cad themfelves into many tentations unavoidably. However, except of late, a precedent of this practice can hardly be inftanced among the fufferers of Chrift in former times, but, on the con- trary, many have refufed fuch offers. 1 mail only name one ; in the perfecution of queen Mary of Eng. land, Dr. Sands, piifoner at London, had the offer of liberty, upon the term of fuch a bond, finding bail to appear when he mould be called, but refufed it abfo. lutely ; and when a gentleman, without his know- ledge, having procured it by giving 1 000 1. bond for him, brought him- forth and required his confent and obfervance of the obligation, he would not confent to give any fecurity: and denied his refolution to obferve it in the leaft ; whereupon the gentleman very cour- teoufly A HIND LET LOOSE. 561 teoufly told him, he would ftand to his haznrd. This was far more like the innocency. of ihe dove, but this new prudence refemb'es more the wifdom of the ferpent. Finally, as for Jafon's bufinefs, which is fo much harped upon by thefe bonders. (..) Thefe were rulers that he had to deal withal, and not raging tyrants. (2.) They were indifferent arbiters between Jafon and the lewd fellows that troubled him, and not both judge and party ; he gave no fe- curity to his perfecutors, as thefe bonders do, but to the true judges of the caufe, who impartially took cognizance of it, from whom Jafon might and did expect right. (3.) This was before he was prifoner, being as free as his acc.ufers, and having the law as free for him as it was for them ; whereby he could vindicate himfelf and abide the law, and be abfolved by it : which does not anfwer the cafe of prifoners actually engaged in and called to a teftimony for Chrift, when there is no law but what is eftablifhed in oppofition to Chrift. ' (4) In the original it is9 when they got fatisfaction from him ; that is, when he fo cleared himfelf, that they could not fallen any tranfgreffion upon him, then they abfolved him. 2. All thefe oaths and folemn fecurities that have been impoled in thefe times, are dreadful and heinous breaches of the third command, by taking his name in vain in the word fort, whereby the takers cannot be holden guiltlefs. For it is impoflible fuch oaths and bonds, however they be conftructed, can ever be taken with thefe requifite qualifications neceflary to be obferved in all oaths fand confequently in all fo- lemn promifes or bonds) that are mentioned onqe for all, jer. iv. 2. where one that fweareth, muft do it in truth, in judgment, and in righteoufnefs. 1. They cannot be taken in truth, which is a necefTary quali- fication in all oaths, according to the definition of a true oach, which is a folemn invocation of God, for confirmation of fome true, lawful, grave, and weigh- ty, ufeful and worthy bufinefs, wherein he is attelted 4 £ and 562 A HIND LET LOOSE. and appealed unto, that he, as the only fearcher of hearts, may give his teflimony to the truth of the thing, and punim the fwearers, if he fwear not in truth. And this fwearing in truth does import and require both fincerity of the heart, filled with reve- rence and the awful apprehenfion of a prefent God ; and fimplicity of the mind, well informed of the ge- nuine meaning of the oath, that we have clear up- taking of it, and take it not implicitly, but with our own underftanding ; and alfo finglenefs and honefty of the intention, that it be not to deceive, by putting any other fenfe than the impofer hath, or will allow when he underftands it : fo the meaning muft be clear, and fueh as may be obvioufly gathered from the words, and according as they are fuppofed to be underftood by others, efpecially them that exact the oath ; for if they mean one thing and we another, God's name is profaned, and the end of the oath fru- ftrated, and fo all equivocations and mental referva- tions are condemned ; as all divines treating on oaths teach, and worthy Mr. Durham particularly on the third command, who afferts, ' that though we could * devife fome other meaning, that might feem to ' make for us ; yet if that was not meant at firft ten- 6 dering, but otherwife underftood by him that did s take it, it will not abfolve from the guilt of perjury ; * for an oath of Uriel: law, and will not admit, on any 4 refpect or account, of interpretations prejudicial to ' the native truth of it, left it mould be found to be' (according to Pfal. xxiv. 4.) ' a fwearing deceitfully/ And he afterwards fays, c much lefs will it exempt a ' man from guilt, that in fwearing he had a meaning ■ of the words, contrary to what in common fenfe £ they bear, and in the conftruccion of all indifferent * perfons, without oath, or beyond it ; but it mould ' be plain, fingle, and clear.' And Parseus faith, in Catech. Urf. part 2. quell. 102. An oath hath the divine fanclion, that it might be a bond of verity a- mong men, and a teftimony that God is the author and A HIND LET LOOSE. 563 and defender of truth. Now, none of thefe oaths and bonds can be taken in truth ; for if they may be fafely taken in any fenfe, it rauft be fuch as the oath in the defign of the impofers cannot bear, and which the impofers never intended, nor would they ever have allowed, if they had underftood it; which induftrioufly the takers have a care they fliould not underiland, and fo they muft take it in that fenfe with a mind to deceive, which cannot be in truth, but moll derogatory both to the truth and fimplicity of the gofpel. And they are all unclear and ambiguous which cannot be taken in truth, be- caufe they have no truth in them, as Dr. Sanderfon faith, de jure. promifT. oblig. prsd. 6. Sect. 10. 'A ' propofition of an ambiguous and indefinite fenfe, 4 before the matter be diilinguifhed, is not a true ' propofition ; yea, nor a propolition at all : for a pro- c pofirion, as its definition cleareth, mould fignify ei- 1 ther a truth or a falfehood, without any ambiguity; J and therefore, fays he ; fuch oaths fhould be fuf- * pected that there is fome deceit lurking, and every * pious and prudent man mould refufe them offered ' under fuch terms/ cited by apol. relat. feci, io. pag. it 8. and feci. 15. pag. 267. In fine, none of them can be taken in truth, fmce they are all a deny- ing the truth, as will be evident by the induction of all of them : which, how it can confift with the fear of God, or fincerity of the heart, cannot be imagin- ed; and if confcience be called into judgment, it will condemn the taking them. 2. They cannot be taken in judgment, is that, with knowledge and deliberation, minding and underftanding what it is we fwear or fubfcribe, as Mr. Durham explains it in the place a- bove cited. For, firft, they cannot be taken in judg- ment, becaufe they are ail ambiguous, the terms of them being capable of divers fenfes, not explained by the impofers. And if they were explained in their fenfe, then they could not be taken in righteoufnefs ; and fo at beft they are uncertain : and that is dread- ful 564. A HIND LET LOOSE. ful to invoke the majefty of God to be a witnefs t6 Uncertainties ; for that is to fwear with an evil con- fcience and contempt of God to dare to call him in as a witnefs of that which is in fufpenfe, whether it be truth or a lie ; and fuch a fwearer mult make it a mar- ter indifferent, whether he make God a witnefs of a truth or of a lie in the cafe. Vide Parssum. loc. fup. cit. pag. 754. feet. 4. Dr. Sanderfon as before, gives thefe reafons further againft all ambiguous oaths. * Becaufe of him who tendereth the oath. For the * proper end of an oath is, that he in whofe favours ' it is taken Ihould have fome certainty of that where- 4 of he doubted before ; but there can be no certain- ' tv out of the words which have no certain fenfe. e Next, becaufe of him who fweareth, who, if he take f fuch an oath in thefe terms, either ftumbleth his ' neighbour, or fpreadeth a net for his own feet ; for c to what elfe mould fuch collufion tend, but either ' that by our example others may be induced to take * it, whereby they are (fumbled ; or, that afterwards, * by virtue of that oath, fomething may be required c of us, which is either unlawful or hurtful, and this * is to lay a fnare for ourfelves ! Therefore let every * prudent man beware of fuffering himfelf to be de- * ceived by thefe wiles, and of thinking fo much ei- * ther of the favour of the ill will of any other, as to ' fwallow the bait under which he is fure there is a ' hook : it is expedient, that, in the matter of oaths, * all things be done aright, and that the fenfe be clear * to all, and that is, to fwear with a clear confeience,' apol. relat. pag. 267. But next, they cannot be ta- ke in judgment; becaufe they are all impofed and extorted under a fevere penalty, and fome of them of death, and fo muft be taken out of fear. Such oaths are by many famous divines judged unlawful, efpeci- ally public oaths impofed by authority, and under co- Jour of law ; thefe are worfe than a man's private oaib given to a robber, for fear of death, if the matter be unlawful \ for, without the matter be lawful or unlawful A LET HIND LOOSE. 56* Unlawful, fuch oaths coacled, exacted, and impofed by law, cannot be taken in judgment ; for if they be taken out of refpett to the law ; then it is the per- fbirs fuffrage to the equity of that law, and an appro- bation ot the impofition ; which, in the prefent cafe, cannot be done, by any man of confcience ; for, whe- ther the oaths be lawful or not, the authority impo- fing them is nought, and the lav/ wicked, and can never be approven ; and if they be extorted out of fear, then they cannot be taken with deliberation, or voluntary and unviolented choice, unconi'trained light or liberty, which are all the ingredients of judgment. 3. They cannot be taken in righteoufnefs, that is, ac- cording to the law of equity as well as piety, neither wronging God nor others by our oaths. Lawful oaths mould be in themfelves ties of equity, as well as truth. And Pargeus faith, in the place before cited, lawful oaths are only thefe which are engaged into a- bout things true, certainly known, lawtui, poflible, weighty, necelTary, ufeful and worthy. And if that be true, then are all the oaths and bonds taken thefe many years but fetterings into bends of iniquity ; which, when the confeiences of the takers will reflecl: on them, will become galls of bittemefs, and found to have none of thefe qualifications ; but on the con- trary, to be about matters falfe, uncertain, unlawful, impolTible, frivolous, fruitlefs, ufelefs, and unworthy, to the worft degree of bafenefs ; and, which is worlt of all, dreadfully finful, and horrid to be thought on to interpofe the name of God upon, making him the approver of what his foul hates, and a witnefs of that which he will be an avenger of, as will appear by the particular confideration of all of them. 2. Let it be confidered, that though (as the plead- ers for thefe tranfacuons do impertinently) alledge the fame words in other cafes might be fubferibed in a mor° abftracf. fenfe, as being capable of a good con- ftru&ion j yet complexly confidered in the form and frame of all the oaths and bends we have been trou*. bled 566 A HIND LET LOOSE. bled with, they cannot be fubfcribed m any fenfe ; and if in any, that mult be the impefer's fenfe, which in them all is always pernicious, i. They cannot be taken in any fenie though never fo good, if we con- fider the abfolute Legality of their arbitrary impofi- tion. It will be confeffed that oaths mould be very tenderly impofed upon confciences, not only left the name of God be proltitute to profanation, in matters light and trivial, or dubious and uncertain ; but left a tyrannical jurisdiction be exercifed over the fouls of men, which are not fubject to any power that mortals can claim : fo it cannoi be denied but that the ctm- flitution of our government requires, and reafon as well as religion fays it is neceilary, that no ruler hath right to enjoin an oath which is not firft enacted into a law ; and it was always accounted a good plea for refufing oaths, when there was no law for them ; and fome have been charged with treafon, for exacting oaths without a ftatute ordaining them : whieh might be brought in as a charge againft all the impofers of our oaths, the molt part of which have been enacted and extorted without any colour of law y fome of them being never ordained by any act of parliament, and others of them before they could obtain fuch a mifchief framed into an act for them, and all of them neither ever legally adminiftred nor righteoufly enact- ed, by fuch who had power to make ads ; for as for the packed parliaments that made them, no confeien- tious man could ever own fuch a company of perjur- ed traitors, to be their parliamentary reprefentatives* Yet abstracting from that, I fay, the oaths that have been impofed without and againft: law could never be taken in any fenfe, without confenting to their trea- fonable breach of law, for which they have forfeited their iives to juitice, whenever there lliall be a judi- catory to revile their adminiftrations : and thefe that have been impofed by a pretended law, could never be taken without juftifying of that law that ordained them, which hath been nothing but a mifchief fram- ed A HIND LET LOOSE. $6 "J ed into a law by a throne of iniquity. 2. They can- not be taken in a good fenfe, with a fafe confcience, coniidering either what is plain in them, or what is more ambiguous. What is plain and capable but of one fenfe, that is always either retraining to a clear fin, to renounce fome part of the covenanted refor- mation, in profeflion or practice ; or containing from a clear duty, that we fhould not do that which we may or ought to do. There is nothing in all of them plain but what obliges to one of thefe two. A- gain, what is ambigious in them, as it ought to be refufed for its ambiguity ; fo, when it is explained ac- cording to the impofer's mind and meaning, the fenfe will be found always pernicious, though the words may be plauiible. As when they require an obliga- tion to allegiance, or loyalty, or peaceablenefs, or or- derlinefs, and other fmooth words, fignifying excel- lent things in an abftract notion, thefe will be found to carry quite another fenfe, if we enquire into the impofer's meaning, in which only oaths and bonds mud be taken. The only way to find out their mean- ing, is to confider either their a els or actings, or their defigns and intentions, as they are difcoverable by any man of prudence or confideration. If we confult their acts or actings practically, and not only legally explaining them for a commentary, then by allegi- ance, we can underfland nothing elfe but an owning of their abfolute tyranny : by loyalty, nothing but an abfolute and implicit obedience of their abfolute commands, without reftrve (as the late proclamation for the toleration expounds it) by peaceablenefs, no- thing but a ftupid fubje£Hon to them, letting them do what they pleale without refitlance or controul ; and by orderlinefs nothing but a diforderly compliance and conformity with them, in going along with the cor- ruptions and defections of the time ; for their acts and actings expound them fo. If we confider their defigns and intentions, according to which they are all uniformly calculate and equally levelled \ he is blind 563 A HIND LET LOOSE. blind who hath not feen they have been driving all this time at thefe defigns (to which all thefe oaths and bonds have been adapted and fuccefsfully fubfer- vient, and by which they have been promoted to the prefent pafs) to overturn gradually all the degrees of our covenanted reformation, to eftablilh tyranny, and advance it unto greater degrees of abfolutenefs, and to introduce popery and flavery : fo that by allegiance and loyalty can be meant nothing elfe but an obliga- tion to own and obey, and never to oppole the deiign of advancing tyranny ; and by peaceablenefs and or- derlinefs, nothing elfe can-be intended, than an obli- gation never to oppofe either the prefent fettlement, or future efiablimment of popery and arbitrary pow- er, upon the ruins of the reformation, and our civil and relgious rights and liberties. Whence, they that can take thefe oaths and bonds in any other fenfe, and plead for the inoffenfiveneis of the terms, in a more abitracT: notion, and fenfe alledged more legal, with- out regard to that of the impofers, practically explain- ed by their adminifirations, and fo looking more to the briberies of their blinded reaion and worldly iu- tereft, than to the dictates of confcience, pleafe them- felves with fuch notions and quibbling evafions, do but mock God, deceive the world, elude the enemies, and delude themfelves. And all thefe debati-ngs for accommodations and expofitions in another fenfe, are but foul fairdings of confcience-beguihng compound- ings in, and pitiful priggings for, a bafe compliance. ' But it is ufual for a guilty fon of Adam to few fig- leaves. 4. Let it be considered, that all thefe oaths and bonds that the land hath been debauched with thefe 27 years, are all condemned by, and contradictory to anterior binding orders, the acts of the general af- femblies requiring no oaths in the common caufe to be taken, without the church's content, as was clear- ed in the hittorical part, upon the fifth period, page 97. And that efpecially they are condemned as being con- A HIND LET LOCSE. ^69 contradictory to, and violatory of prior oaths, of con- tinuing indifpenfiale obligation ; being defigned, preffed, and impofed, on purpofe to delete the fame out of the minds and memories of the prefent genera- tion ; I mean the national* and folemn league and co- venants, and other former nationally binding public engagements. Which, becaufe they are not only broken and burnt, but declared criminal to be owned, and becaufe the owning of their obligation is ordina- rily inferted in the indictments of our martyrs, 1 rauft touch upon them more particularly. It was cleared above, Head I. arg. i i. from the form, the object, and from the ends of the covenant, which are all moral, and of indifpenfible obligation, that it is of per- petual and unalterably binding force, obliging the prefent and all future generations, as well as that which did firft come under the bond of it. And ta confirm this, I fhall add more particularly thefe many confidertions. i. The national engagements are na- tional promifes, plighting and pledging the nation's public faith, for the prefer vation and propagation of religion and liberty, to fucceeding poiterity ; which rif fucceeding generations may reverfe, then the faith of men, and the faith of na ions, can be of no force above a century of years ; nay nor after the deceafe of them that perfonally made the promife : and fo every new ruler, every new parliament , ^ea every perfon coming up to fuc.ceed the father in any capa- city, might be free not to ftand to it, which were very abfurd. Certainly that promife of the jewifh nobles and rulers, not to exact ufury of their brethren, but to reftore, and n;t require it of them, did not only oblige themfelves but would bring their pofterity un- der the curfe, if they mould exact the fame debt there remitted, Neh. v. 12, 13. And does not a national promife of preferving the reformation, bind as much to the curfe of the breach of it ? 2. They are nation- al vows, avowing and avouching, and devoting them- felves and their pofterity to be the Lord's people, and 4C \p 57© A HIND LET LOOSE. to keep his ftatutes, and promote his interefts, which do bind the pofterity. Jacob's vow at Bethel, that the Lord fhould be his God, Gen. xxviii. 21. did oblige all that his pofterity, virtually comprehended in him ; he found him in Bethel, and there he fpake with us, faith the prophet many hundred years after, Hof. xii. 4. The Ifraelites vow to deftroy the Ca- naanites, did oblige all their pofterity, Numb. xxi. 2. Not only by virtue of the Lord's command, but by virtue of their vow ; as we are obliged to preferve the reformation, not only by virtue of the Lord's command, but by virtue of our covenants. Vows are bonds to the foul, which mud ftand, Numb. xx. 2, 4. And whereas it is faid, that as a woman's fa- ther or hufband might difannul her vow, and fo the magiftrate might abrogate the covenant : befides the impertinency of this comparifon, as might be eafy to demonftrate, it may be refelled, by giving and not granting (hat he might do fo ; yet if the father and hufband fhall hold their peace, then all her vows fhall ftand, and her bonds wherewith fhe bound her foul ihall ftand, ver. iv. 7. but fo it was, that the fupreme magiftrate did give his confent to the national cove- nant, and the fucceffor did fwear the folemn league and covenant, and received the crown on the terms, thereof, to preferve and promote religion and liber- ty ; and therefore his vows muft ftand, they cannot be made void afterwards ; for, it is a fnare to devour that which is holy, and after vows to make enquiry, Frov. xx. 25. So we find the Rechabites were ob- liged to obferve the vow of their forefathers Jonadab, jer. xxxv. 6. 14. And if the father's vow obliges the children, fhall not the nation's vow oblige the pofte- rity ? 3. They are national oaths which do oblige pofterity : Efau's oath to JaCob, refigning his birth- right, did oblige his pofterity never to recover it, Gen. xxv. 33. [ofeph took an oath of the children of Ifrael to carry up his bones into Canaan, Gen. f. xxv* which the pofterity, going forth of Egypt in after A HIND LET LOOSE. 57I after ages, found themfelves ftraitly fwom to obferve, Exod. xii. 19. and accordingly buried them in She- chem, Jofti. xxiv. 32. The fpies fvvore to preferve Rahab alive and her houfe, Jofli. ii. 12, &c. which was without the confent of the magiftrate, and yet Jofhua found himfelf obliged to obferve it, Jofh. vi. 22. Mofes fwore unto Caleb to enfure him an inhe- ritance, Jofh. xiv. 9. and upon this ground he demands it as his right, ver. 1 2. which he could not do, if fucceffors might reverfe their predeceffors lawful oaths. The Lord will in a fpecial manner, refent and re- venge the pofterities breach of the oath of their fa. ther's covenant, Ezek. xvi. 59. " Thus faith the " Lord God, I will even deal with thee, as thou haft " done, which haft defpifed the oath, in breaking the " covenant," which was the covenant of their fa- thers. 4. They are national covenants, wherein king, parliament, and people do covenant with each other, for the performance of the refpective duties of their feveral ftations, either as to the work of reformation, or as to the prefervation of each others mutual rights and privileges : fo that they are national covenants made by men with men ; and thef€ we find do oblige the pofterity. Ifrael's covenant with the Gibeonites did oblige the pofterity, Jofh. ix. 15, 19*. and for the breach of it many ages after, the pofterity was plagued, 2 Sam. xxi. 1. Zedekiah was bound by his prede- ceflbr's covenant, though it was fuch as made the kingdom bafe, yet in keeping it, it was only to ftand. " Shall he break the covenant, and be delivered ? " Thus faith the Lord, as I live, furely mine oath that "*he hath defpifed and my covenant that he hath bro- :t ken, even it will 1 recompense upon his own head," Ezek. xvii. 12, 14, 15, 19. The apoftle lays even of human covenants, " Though it be but a man's cove- " nant, yet if it be confirmed, no man difannulleth \\ or addeth thereunto," Gal. iii. 15. that is, cannot do fo lawfully much lefs can one man difannul a na- 4 C 2 tion's 572 A HIND LET LOOSE. tion's covenant. 5. They are national atteftations of God as a witnefs, for the perpetuity, as well as fide- lity of thefe facred engagements. All fuch covenants, wherein the holy name of God is invocated as wit- nefs, are owned of God as his (hence the covenant betwixt David and Jonathan, is called the covenant of the Lord, 1 Sam. xx. 8.) and Zedekiah's fault was the breach of the Lord's covenant, Ezek. xvii. forecited. So likewife that covenant mentioned Jer. xxxiv. 8, 9, 10. wherein the princes and peo- ple did fwear to let their Hebrew fervants go free, is called God's covenant, verfe 18. and upon this ac- count forer judgments are threatened, verfe 19, 20. " And 1 will give the men that have tranfgrefTed my " covenant, which have not performed the words of " the covenant which they had made before me « into the hands of their enemies." Certainly this did oblige the pofterity, at leaft not to recal thefe fervants, and it was always morally obliging. So our national covenant, fworn with hands lifted up to the mod high God, being materially alfo binding, cannot be abrogated by the pofterity except the Lord renounce his intereft in them ; as long as the witnefs liveth then, who claims them as his, they cannot be made void ; efpecially confidering. 6. They are national covenants made with God, as the other party contracting, in the matters of God, which none can difpenfe with,' or grant remiffions in ; and therefore they muft perpetually bind, until he loofe them. And if even the pofterity break them, the Lord will make them that hate them to reign o- ver ;hem, and he will bring a fword upon them to a- venge the quarrel of his covenant, Levit. xxvi. f 5, 17. 2.£. Such were all the national covenants of the Lord's people, renewed by Jofhua, Afa, Jehofhaphat, Heztkiah, Jofiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, for the breaches of which the Lord plagued the pofterity. It was for breach of their fathers covenant with God, that the ten tribes were carried away captive, 2 Kings xvii. l$* A HINI5 LET LOOSE. $j{ 15, &e. We have already experienced the threatned judgments for covenant-breaking, and may look for more. 7. They are for their matter national cove- nants, about things moral objectively, obliging to join ourfelves to the Lord in a perpetual covenant that lhall not be forgotten, Jer. 1. 5. I might eaiily de- monstrate all the articles of the covenant to be moral- ly binding, but they are d^monllrated fufiiciently a- bove, Head 1. Arg. i 1. therefore they are perpetual- ly binding. 8. They are for their ends national co- venants, inviolably obliging. Which cannot be made void, though they fhculd b^ broken, becaufe the ends of them are always to be purfued, as is proved above, Head 1. therefore they are perpetual. 9. They are for their formality national covenants,- mod folemnly fworn, and fubfcribed by all ranks, with uplifted hands, with bended knees, with folemn invocating the name of God, with folemn preaching, prayer and praife, rendering themfelves and the pofterity obnoxi- ous to the curfe, if they fhould break it. Now the folemnities of the oath do aggravate the heinoufnefs of the breach of it, as is clear from Jer. xxxiv. 19. Ezek. xvii. 18. quoted above: the reafon is, becaufe of their greater deliberation in the action, and be- caufe of the greater fcandal accompanying the viola- tion thereof. Hence as they are national oaths and covenants fo folemnized, they are national adjurations, under the pain of a national curfe, not to break them nationally, which do make the pofterity obnoxious to it; as Jofhua adjured Ifrael, faying, " Curfed be the " man that raileth up, and buildeth this city Jericho," Jofh. vi. 26. which was fulfilled many generations af- ter, in the days of Ahab, upon Hiel the Bethelite, 1 Kings xvi. lair, verfe. So the curfe of introducing abjured prelacy and popery, if it be let in, will be impendent on the nation. Ail national covenants have a curfe annexed, in cafe of a breach, whenever it fhall be : fo in Ne.hemiah's covenant, > They clave to their brethren, and entered into a curfe, and into an 5?4 A HIND LET LOOSE. an oath, to walk in God's law, which was given by Mofes the fervant of God, and to obferve and to do all the commandments of the Lord our Lord, and his judgments and ftatutes ;' particularly not to enter in- to affinity with their malignant enemies, Neh. x. 29, 30. which certainly did oblige the polterity, becaufe the thing was moral ; fo in our covenants we are bound to the fame things, and nothing but thefe : and therefore the pofteriry is liable to the curfe of perjury, for the breach thereof. 10. They are for their legality national laws, being folemnly ratified by the parliament and by the king, and made the foun- dation of their compacl with him at his inauguration, whereby they became the fundamental laws of the government, and among the very laws and rules of governing, which, though they be refcinded by a wic- ked law, yet make the refcinders chargeable not on- ly of perjury, in breaking a covenant, but of treafon and tyranny, in breaking and altering the constitution of the government, and render them liable to the curfe thereof: for they cannot refcind that, nor efcape its vengeance : whereof we have a fpeaking pledge al- ready, in that the refcinder of thefe covenants was fo terribly refcinded, and cut off by the hands of unna- tural violence ; God thereby fulfilling that threatned judgment of covenant breakers, that he hath broken his covenant fliall be brought to d eff.ru ction, and bloody and deceitful men mail not live out half their days, Pfal. Iv. 20. lafl: verfe. So Charles II. got not leave co live out half the days that he projected to himfeif. 1.1. They are national .engagements of an hereditary nature, like that of Ifrael, Deut. xxix. 14, 1 $. which did oblige not only the prefent, but the abfent, ' not only them that flood there that day be- fore the Lord their God, but them that were not there that day.' 'Grotius de jur. bel. lib. 2. capc 6. gives thefe marks of hereditary covenants, (i.) When the fubject is of a permanent nature, and as longas the fame body remains : therefore as long as Scotland A HIND LET LOOSE. $f § Scotland is Scotland, whofe people in their perfonal capacity, whofe parliaments in their parliamentary ca- pacity, whofe king in his princely capacity, did all fo- lemnly and facredly engage in the covenant, it mud be real and perpetually obliging. (2.) When there is fuch a claufe in the covenant, as that it mould be perpetual, there are many claufes in the folemn league to this purpofe. In Art. 1. are thefe words, * That * we, and our poflerity after us, may, as brethren, ' live in faith ahd love, and the Lord may delight to ' dwell in the midft of us.' In the 5th Art. ' We * fhall each one of us, according to our place and in- ' tereft, endeavour that the kingdoms may remain con- ' joined in a firm peace and union to all pofterity.' (3.) When it is fuch as is made for the good of the kingdom, the covenant exprefies its end, for the per- petual good of the kingdom, ' having before our eyes ' the glory of God, the advancement of the kingdom ' of Chrift, the honour and happinefs of the king € and his pofterity, and the true public liberty, fafety, ' and peace of the kingdoms; wherein every one's ' private condition is included.' And again it is ad- ded, ' for prefervation of ourfelves and our religion c from utter ruin and deftruttion.' All this is a pub- lic national good. (4.) The matter is moral, about materially binding duties, and therefore it muft be he- reditary, and of perpetual obligation. 1 2. Laftly, They are national obligations, taking on public du- ties, by way of virtual reprefentation of the poflerity. And they that think it irrational, that the father mould reprefent and involve the family, muft refolve us how the religious and civil covenants of iirael and Judah, made in Motes', jofhua's, David's, Afa's, Joafh's, Hezekiah's, Jofiah's and Nehemiah's days, did comprehend and bind as well the abfent as the prefent, and their pofterity, yet unborn ; as alfo, how the laws and contracts continually paiTed by fome do take in others, not perfonally confenting ; yea, how comes it to pafs, that every fucceeding generation is bound 5/6 A HIND LET LOOSE. bound to the laws, and muft be obedient to the kings, that they did not make themfelves, no reafon can be given, but becaufe they are virtually reprefented by, and included in their fathers. Now, it thefe argu- ments prove our national covenants' to be perpetually binding, and cannot be difpenfed with, then mult thefe potlerior oaths that are made in a diametrical op- pofition to the covenants, and are condemned by the covenants, be falfe and unlawful oaths; but the fir ft: is proved : therefore thefe oaths 10 oppofite to, and condemned by the covenants, are falfe and unlawful. That they are oppofite to the covenant, will appear in the induction of all of them. And that, whatever they be impofed by th'.s party, they are condemned by the covenants, wherein we are obliged to make no fuch transactions with them, will appear if we conli- der thefe and the like expreflions, ' That we (hall nei- 4 ther directly, nor indirectly, fuffer ourfelves to be * divided by whatsoever fugged ion, allurement, or * terror, from this bleiled conjunction, nor (hall cart '■ in any let or impediment that may (top or hinder a- c ny fuch refolution, as (hall be found to conduce for ' fo good ends.' Which are the words of the natio- nal covenant, clearly condemning oaths and bonds given to malignants, which are divifive of them that adhere to, and unitive with them that oppofe the co- venant, and impeditive of refolutions to profecute the ends thereof. So, in the folemn league and cove- nant, Art. 4. ' We are obliged to oppofe all fuch ' as make any faction or parties amongft the people, c contrary to this league and covenant ; but by thefe * oaths and bonds, fuch factions are made/ &c. And by Art. 6. ' We are obliged to aflift and de- 1 fend all thofe that enter into this covenant (contra- 4 dieted by all the latter oaths and bonds) and not to ' fuffer ourfelves directly, or indirectly, by whatfover * combination, to be divided from this ' blefled union. whether to make defection * to the contrary part, or to give ourfelves to a detef- * table A HIND LET LOOSE. 577 *■ able indifrerency,' &c. Which we do, when we divide ourfjlves from thefe that refufe thefe oaths, and make defection unto the party that impofe them. And in the folemn acknowledgment of fins, and en- gagement^ duties, ' We are fworn, fe&. 6, to be 4 fo far from conniving at, complying with, or coun- c tenancing of malignancy, injuftice, &c. that we * mail not only avoid and difcountenance thefe 8 things, &c. but take an effectual courfe to punifh * and fupprefs thefe evils.' All which we counteract and contradict, when we take any of thefe oaths or bonds. In the fecond place, by a particular induction of the feveral kinds of thefe oaths and bonds, the ini- quity of each of them will appear ; and the complex iniquity of the fmoothefl of them, the oath of abjura- tion compared wiih every one of them, will be ma- nifeft. And confequently the honefty and innocen- cy of fufferers for refufing them will be difcovered. i. The firft in order, which was a copy to all the reft, was the declaration, ordained to be fubfcribed by all in public charge., office, or truft, within the kingdom : * Wherein they do affirm and declare, ' they judge it unlawful to iubjetts, upon pretence of * reformation, or any other pretence whatfoever, to ' enter into leagues and covenants, or take up arms ' againft the king, and that all thefe gather- * ings, petitions, proteftations—- that were i ufed for carrying on of the late troubles, were ' unlawful and feditious ; and particularly that thefe ' oaths, 'the national covenant, and the fo- ' lemn league and covenant, were and are in themi- c felves unlawful oaths/ Here is a confederacy re- quired againft the Lord, at which the heavens might ftand aftonifhed ; an unparalelled breach of the third command. Which could no more be taken in truth and righteoufnefs, than an oath renouncing the bible ; but it hath this advantage of the reft ; that it is fomewhat plain, and the iniquity legible on its front. 4 X i. That 578 A HIND LET LOOSB. i. That it is a renouncing of folemn and facred co- venants, perpetually binding to moral and indifpen- fible duties, the wickednefs whereof is evident from what is (Aid above. 2. It makes perjury of the deep- eft, dye, the abfolute necefTary qualification of all in public office, who cannot be prefumed capable of ad- ministrating juftice, when they have avowed them- felves perjured and perfidious, and not to be admit- ted among heathens, let be Chriitians, nor trufted in a matter of ten millings money, according to the laws of Scotland. 3. It renounces the whole work of reformation, and the way of carrying it on, as a pretence and trouble unlawful and ieditious, which it it be a trouble, then the peace they have taken in renouncing it, mult be filch a peace as is the plague of God upon the heart, filling it with fenfelefnefs and ftupidity in his latt judgment, becaufe of the palpa- ble breach of covenant ; or fuch a peace, as is very confiitem with the curie and vengeance of God, pur- fuing the quarrel of a broken covenant. 4. It con- demns the taking up arms againit the king, which {hall be proven to be duty. Head 5. Bcfide?, that hereby the moil innocent means of feeking the re- drefs of grievances, that religion, lifings, law, and practice of all nations allows, is condemned. Yet, in effect, for as monftrous as this oath is, the complex of it,, iniquity is touched in the oath of abjuration ; in which many of thefe methods of combinations, ri- fin'gs and declarations of war againfl the king, and proreilarions againft his tyranny, which were ufed in the la>e troubles fo^ carrying on the reformation, are abjured ; in that a declaration is renounced, in fo far as it declares war again!! the king, and aliens it law- ful to kill them that ferve him : which yet, in many cafes in the covenanted reformation here renounced, were acknowledged and practifed as lawful, befides that it ha*h rnmy other breaches of covenant in it, as will be (hewed. JJ, The next net they contrived to catch conferen- ces. A HJND LET LOOSB. $•? ) ees, was the oath of allegiance and fupremacy i ' Wherein they that took it for teftification of their ' faithful obedience to their molt gracious and re- ' doubted fovereign, Charles king of Great Britain, * do afEnn, teftify, and declare,— That they ' acknowledge their faid fovereign, only fupreme go- ' vernor of this kingdom, over all perfons and in all * caufes ; and that no foreign prince hath any * jurisdiction, power, or fuperiority over the fame; ' and therefore do utterly renounce all foreign power, ' and mall, at their utmofl power, defend, a (lift, ' and maintain his majefty's jurifdietion forefaid, > f and never decline his power- ».' The iniquity of this oath is very vail and various, I. It is a covenant of allegiance with a king, turned tyrant and enemy to religion, fubverter of the reformation, and over* turner of our laws and liberties : and therefore de- monftrate to be finful both from the fuft general ar- gument againft oaths, and from head 2d. 2. It can* not be taken in truth, righteoufnefs, or judgment; becaufe the words are general and very compre- henfive, and ambiguous, capable oi diver fe fenfes ; when he is affirmed to be fupreme over all perfons, and in all caufes, and to be aflifted, and maintained, in that jurifdiclion. Who can be fure in (wearing fuch an oath, but that he may thereby wrong others, wrong parliaments in their privileges, wrong the church in her liberties, and which is worfe, wrong the Lord Jefus Chrift, who is fupreme alone in fomei •caufes ? Can an oath be taken in truth and righteouf- nefs, to aflift him in all encroachments, upon caufes that are not fubordinate to him ? And in invading all thofe privileges of fubjects, which are natural, civil, moral, and religious ? For if he be fupreme in all caufes, then all thefe depend upon him, and be fu* bordinate to him. And can it be taken in judgment, and with a clear mind, when it may be debated and doubted (as it may by fome) whether the obligation of it is to be confidered, as circumstantiate and fpeci- 4X2 fkate 580 A HIND LET LOOSE. ficate to the prefent object of it, fuppofing him a ty- rant ? Or in a more abftract notion, as it might be rendered in the fenfe of its firft: authors as it was taken in king James the VTs days, and as they plead for taking the Englifh oath of allegiance, as it was excepted by the Puritans in queen Elizabeth's days ? Whether it obliges to a king in idea, and in a more general confideration, as one who is faid never to die ? Or with reference to fuch an one as we have, a mor- tal man, and an immortal enemy to all thofe precious interefts, for prefervation of which he only received his kingfhip ? Whether it mud be taken in that of the impofers, -practically explained by their admini- ftrations ? Or in any other fenfe, allecged more le- gal ? Thefe would be clear, before it can be taken with the due qualifications of an cath. 3. As for the civil part of it, or ecclefiaftical, no other exami- nation needeth to be enquired after, than what they give forth on their acts on record : the act of fu- premacy (to be feen in the hiftorical representa- tion of the fixth and laft period,) fenfes the eccle- fiaftical part of it : and the act for acknowledgment of his Majefty's prerogative does fufficiently fenfe, explain and expound the civil part ; declaring, That it is inherent in the crown, and an undoubted part of his royal prerogative, to have the fole choice and appointment of all officers of (late, ■■ > the power of calling, holding, and diflblving par- liaments and all conventions and meetings of eftates, the power of armies, making of peace and war, treaties and leagues with foreign princes or tlates, or at home by the fubjects among themfelves : and that it is high treafon in the fubjects, upon whatfoever ground to rife in arms, or make . any treatiesxor leagues among themfelves : with- out his majefty's authority firft interponed thereto; that it is unlawful to the fubjects, of whatfoever quality or function to convocate themfelves, for jiolding of councils to treat, confult, or determine • in A HIND LET LOOSE. 58 I * in any matters civil or ecclefiaftic, (except in the ' ordinary judgments) or make leagues or bonds up- ' on whatfoever colour or pretence, without his ma- * jefty's fpecial confent, that the league and co- ' venant, and all treaties following thereupon, and ' a&s or deeds that do or may relate thereunto, are c not obligatory, and that none mould pre- c fume, upon any pretext of any authority whatfo- * ever, to require the renewing or fwearing of the *• laid league and covenant,' &c. Whereby it ap- pears, that all this fcrewing up the prerogative to fuch a pitch is by the oath of allegiance to defend all this jurifdiction juftilied : and fo, thefe palpable encroach- ments on the privileges of the Scots parliaments, that, by the fundamental conftitutions of the government always had a mare in making laws, and peace and war : thefe robberies of our natural privileges of de- fending ourfelves by arms, in cafe of the king's ty- ranny and opprefiion, and of convocating for conful- tations about the belt, means thereof ; and thefe in- vafions upon our eceleiiaftical privileges, in keeping general aflemblies for the affairs of religion for an af- fair newly happening, always ftrenuouily contended for as a part of the teftimony ; yea, all thefe refcind- ings, repealing?, and condemnings of the way and manner, methods and mealures, of promoting the co- venanted reformation, are by this oath explained, and by this act acknowledged to be parts of that fu- premacy and jurifdiction to be defended and main- tained : as likewife, by many wicked acts fince pro- mulgated, which promote the fupremacy to a vali de- gree of abfolutenefs, which all do interpret what that fupremacy is which is fworn to be maintained, to wit, pure tyranny eftablifhed by law. See the many grie- vous confequences of this laid out at large, in Apol. Relat. Sect. 10. 4. Here is abfolute allegiance fworn to an abfolute power, paramount to all law, engaging to faithful obedience to their fovereign, as fupreme over all perfons, and in all caufes and to defend 582 A HIND LET LOOSE. defend, affift, and maintain his faid jurifdi&ion, and never to decline his power t there is no rellriction here on obedience, nor limitation on the power, nor definition of the caufes, nor circumfcription of the cafes, in which that aiTiftance, &c. is to be given, whether they be lawful or not. Now, abfolute alle- giance to an ablolute power cannot be iworn by any man of confcience, nor owned by any man of reafon, as is proven, Head 2. Arg. 6. It cannot be lawful in any fenfe, to fwear fuch an oath to any mortal, nay, not to a David nor Hezekiah : be«aufe to fwear un- reftri&ed and unlimited allegiance to any man, were a manifeft mancipating of mankind, not only to an afs-like fubje&ion, but to a fervile obligation to main- tain and uphold the perfons and government of mu- tual men, be what they will, turn to what they will ; it is known the beft of men may degenerate : and by this no remedy is left to redrefs ourfelves, but our heads, hearts, and hands all tied up under an engage- ment to defend, aililt, and maintain whofoever doth hold the government, manage it as he pleafes. This reafon will alfo conclude againft the Englifh oath of allegiance, though it be a great deal more fmoothly worded, and (eems only to require a rejection of the Pope, and legal fubjection to the king ; yet, that com- prehenfive claufe makes it border upon abfolurenefs, I will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty's heirs and fucceffors, and him and them will > efend to the uttermoll of my power, againft all confyiracies and attempts whatfoever. There are no conditions here at all, limiting the allegiance, or qualifying the object ; but an arbitrary impofition of true allegiance and defence, in all cafes, againft all attempts, (even that of reprefiing their tyranny not excepted), not only of their perfms, but of their dignities, if this be not an illimited allegiance to an abfolute power, I know not what is. 5. Here is an acknowledgment of the ecclefiaftical iupremacy refident in the king : which is the mod > blafphemous ufurpation on the * prerogatives A HIND LET LOOSE. 5S3 prerogatives of Chrift, and privileges of his church that ever the greateft monfter among men durft arro- gate, yea, the Roman bead never claimed more; and, in effect, it is nothing elfe but one of his name of blaiphemv twitted „ out of the Pope's hands bv king Henry the Vlll. and handed down to queen E- lizabeth, and wafted over to James the VI. for that was the original and conveyance of it. The iniquity whereof is difcovered above, Head i. Arg. 3. But further, may be aggravated in thefe particulars, (1) It is only a change ot the Pope, but not of the pope- dom ; and nothing elfe but a making oif the ecclefj- altical pope, and fubmitting to a civil pope, by whom Chrill's headlhip is as much wronged as by the other : and hereby a door is opened for bringing in popery (as indeed by this ftratagem it is brought new to our very doors) for by the act of fupremacy he hath power to fettle all things concerning doctrine, wor- ship, difcipline or government, by his clerks the bi- fhops, having all the architectonic power of difpofino-, ordering, and ordaining thefe, as he in his royal wif- dom thinks fit. (2.) By this church and (late are confounded (whereof the diftinefcion is demonftrate above) making the magiftrate a proper and compe- tent judge in church matters, not to be declined ; whereby alfo he hath power to erect new courts, mongrel-judicatories, half civil, half ecclefiaftic, which- have no warrant in the word. (3.) By this, many palpable and intolerable encroachments made upon the liberties and privileges of the church of Chrift are yielded unto ; as that there mult be no churchy judicatories or aflemblies, without the magiftrate's eonfent, but that the power of convoeating and indict- ing aflemblies do belong only to him, and the power ot delegating and conftituting the members thereof, that he may diffolve them when he pleafes ; that his prefence, or his commiilioners, is necefTary unto each national affembly ; that minifters have no proper de- clare fuffrage in fynods, but only of advice j that the church? 584 A HIND LET LOOSE. church judicatories be prelimited, and nothing mud be treated there, which may be interpreted grating upon the prerogative, nor any thing whatsoever, but what he mall allow and approve, without which it can have no force nor validity ; yea, by this a door fhould be opened unto the utter deft ruction and over- throw of all churchjudicatories, feeing he is made the fountain of all church power. (4.) By this, the magiftrate is made a church-member as he is a magi- strate, and fo all magiftrates as fuch are church-mem- bers, even heathens. And yet, (5.) By this he is ex- empted from fubjection to the miniftry, becaufe they are made accountable to him in their adminiftrations, and in the difcharge of their function are under him as fupreme. Yea, (6.) By this the magiftrate is made a church officer, having the difpofal of the churches government. And not only lb, but (7.) By this he is made a church officer of the higheft de- gree, being fupreme in all caufes, to whom minifters in the difcharge of their miniflry are fubordinate. And fo, (8.) By this the church of the New Tefta- ment is made imperfect, fo long as fhe wanted a Chriftian magiftrate, wanting hereby a chief officer ; yea, and the apoftles did amifs in robbing the magi- ftrate of his power. (9.) By this the magiftrate might exercife all acts of jurifdi&ion, immediately by himfelf 5 feeing he can do it as fupreme by his com- miffioners in ecclefiaflic affairs. (10.) Finally, by this oath the king is made the -head of the church, being fupreme over all perfons, and in all caufes, un- to whom all appeals and references muft ultimately be reduced, even from church judicatories. Thofe things are only here touched they are more apodic- tically confirmed above, and may be feen made out at large in Apol. Relat. Seel;. 12. But I proceed. 6. It is contrary unto the folemn League and Cove- nant ; into whofe place, after it was broken, burnt, buried, and refcinded, fince they have remitted the fubje&s allegiance by annulling the bond of it, they 1 fubftitute A HIND LET LOOSE. f 585 fubflitute and furrogate this in its place : and there- fore none can comply with the furrogation of the fe- cond, except he confent to the abrogation of the firft oath. All the allegiance we can own according to the covenants, (lands perpetually and exprefly thus qualified, viz. in defence of religion an' liber y, ac- cording to our firft and fecond covenants, and in its own nature mud be indifpenfibly thus rettricled : therefore to renew the fame, or take an oath of alle- giance fimply, purpofely omitting the former reftric- tion, when the powers are in manifeft rebellion a* gainft the Lord, is, in effect, a difowning of that li- mitation, and of the fovereign prerogative of the great God, which is thereby referved and as much as to fay, ' Whatever authority command us to do, we * (hall not only flupidly endure it, but actively con- • cur with, and afiiit in all this tyranny.' See Naph. firft edition, Pag. 177, 178. Vindicated at length by Jus Populi. chap. 11. By all this the iniquity of the Scots oath of allegiance and fupremacy may appear, and alfo that of the Englifh oath of allegi- ance, even abftract from the fupremacy, is in fome meafure difcovered ; though it is not my purpofe particularly to fpeak to that : yet this I will fty> That they that plead for its precifion from the fupremacy annexed feem not to confider the full import of its terms ; for under the dignities, fuperiorities and au- thorities, there engaged to be upheld, the ecclefiafti- cal fupremacy mult, be included ; for that is declared to be one of the dignities of the crown there, as well as here; and hither it was brought from thence. And therefore thofe Scots men that took that oath there, and pled, that though the oath of allegiance in Scotland be a fin, yet it is duty to take the oath in England, feem to me to be in a great deceit ; for the object, is the fame, the fubject is the fame, the duty expected, required, and engaged into, is the fame, and every thing equal in both. Yet all this iniquity, here couched, is fome way comprehended 4 Y in, $%6 - A HIND LET LOOSE. in, and implied by the oath of abjuration: for the civil part is imported in abjuring a declaration, for its declaring war againft the king, where it is clear, he is owned as king, and all part with them that de- clare war againlt him being renounced, it is evident the abjurers muft take part with him in that war, and fo affift and defend him ; -for being fubjects, they muft not be neutral, therefore if they be not againft him, they muft be for him, and fo under the bond of allegiance to him : the ecclefiaftical fupremacy is in- ferred From tfia^exprefiion of it. where fome are faid to ferve him in church, as well as in ftate, which im- plies an ecclefiaftical fubordination to him as fupreme over the church. III. The tenor of fome other bonds was more fmooth and fubtile, as that of the bond of peace ; feveral times renewed and impofed, and under feveral forms ; but always after one (train ; engaging to live peaceably, whereby many were caught and cheated with the feeming fairnefs of thefe general terms ; but others difcerning their fallacioufnefs, refufed and fuf- fered for it. This in the general is capable of a good fenfe : for no Chriftian will refufe to live peaceably, but will endeavour, if it be poffible, as much as lieth in ,them, to live peaceably with all men, Rom. xii. 1 8. that is, fo far to follow peace with all men, as may confift with the purfuit of holinefs, Heb. xii. 14. But if we more narrowly confider fuch bonds, we mall find them bonds of iniquity. For, 1. They are covenants of peace, or confederacies with God's enemies, whom we fhould count our enemies, and hate them becaufe they hate him, Pfal. cxxxix. 21. It is more fuitable to anfwer, as Jehu did to Joram, 1 Kings ix. 22. What peace, fo long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witch- crafts are fo many ? than to engage to be at peace with thofe, who are carrying on Babylon's intereft, the mother of harlots and witchcrafts. 2. This can- not be taken in truth, judgment, and righteoufnefs, becaufe A HIND LET LOOSE. 587 becaufe of the fallacy and ambiguity of the terms : for there are diverfe forts of peace and peaceablenefs j fome kind is duty, fome never. It mud then be right- ly qualified, for we can profefs and purfue no peace of confederacy with the enemies of God, not confid- ent with the fear of the Lord, otherwife we cannot expect to have the Lord for a fan&uary, but for a Hone of {tumbling, Ifa. viii. 8, 12,-; 14. No peace obftructing the gofpel or teftimony, or abftract- ing from the duty of the day : no peace tending to finful fecurity, Jer. viii. 11. No peace leading to flavifh ftupidity ; no peace prompting to prepofterous prudence, in palliating fin, or daubing defections with untempered morter; no peace incpnfiftent with truth j they muft go together, Zech. i. 19. No peace that may not be followed with holinefs, Heb. xii. 14. But it muft be fo qualified, that it be m the Lord, in truth, in duty, contributing for the good of the church, Pfal. cxxii. 8, 9. and the fruit of that wifdom, which is firjft. pure, and then peaceable, James iii. 17. Now, all that know the impofers of thefe bonds, will acknowledge that is not the peace they are feeking. 3. If we further enquire into their meaning of living peaeeably, and feek a determinate fenfe of it from their acts and actings, it is plain they mean fuch a peaceable living, as gives obedience to their wicked laws, and is a compliance to their efta- blilhed courfes : and it muft be fuch a peaceable liv- ing, as is oppofite to their fenfe of fedition, rebellion, fchifm, &c. Which they interpret every feafonable duty to be : and it muft be fuch a peaceable living, as they were prefumed not to have been obfervant of before ; and whatever it be, muft be oppofite to that with which they were charged as turbulent, and fo contrary to all the duties of our covenanted profef- fion, as going to meetings, withdrawing from the cu- rates, &c. Which they interpret not to be peaceable Jiving. 4. This is contrary to our covenants, which oblige us to a conftant contending with, and oppofi- 4 Y 2 tion 588 A HIND LET LOOSE. tion to them. Yet all this is engaged into in the oath of abjuration, which abjures all war againfl the king, and all doing injury to them that ierve him, and confequently to peace, and living peaceably with them IV. Of *.{finity to this were many other bonds of regularity, frequently renewed and generally impofed, and that with unparalleled illegality and rigour ; fomeiimes by hods offavage Highlanders: fometimes by circuit courts, and by heritors upon their tenants, and with fuch unheard of imolvments, that the mafter or heritor was obliged for himfelf. his wife, children, fervants, tenants, and all under him, to live orderly; which in fome was more bluntly expreffed, in others more flatly explained, that they ihculd keep the pub- lic ordinances, that is, hear the curates, and not go to any feditious conventicles, (fo they called the per- fected meetings of the Lord's people for the worfhip of God) and in others yet more impudently exacted, that rhey mould not harbour, entertain, or correfpond with any that went to thefe meetings, but difcovcr and ailiil to the apprehending of them. There were ie- ve- al forms of them from time to time, fome longer, fome fhorter ; but all of them, fir ft and lail, were to the fame fenfe and fcope. And the moil favourably worded had much wickednefs in them: for, 1. They are covenants of order, and coming under the fame rule with themfclves, which is nothing but their lulls and mifchiefs framed into law, not according to the rule cf the word of God, but the iniquitous laws of men. 2. They could not be taken in truth, judg- ment, and righteoufnefs : for either they were ambi- guous, or their plain fenfe obliged to manifeft iniqui- ties, to conform with all their enacled corruptions. 3. Thev are clear breaches of covenant, which oblig- es ro another kind of ordeilinefs, and to follow other rulers, and take none from them in the matters of G .id. 4. They are impoilible, and abfurd ; obliging mailers to bind for all under them, that could neither lie A HIND LET LOOSE. 589 lie in their power, nor in their duty, to reftrain their liberty in thefe lawful things, and to conftrain and compel their confcienccs to tin. 5. They are unna- tural and cruel, obliging the takers to partake with them in their perfecution of the godly. 6. They were engagements to hear curates, which is proved to be fin, head i. throughout. 7. They were en- gagements to withdraw from the meetings of the Lord's people, proved to be duty, head 4. Yet the rath o\ abjuration is lb me way equivalent to this, in that it obliges the abjurers to renounce diforderlinefs in their fenfe, and to do no harm to the time-ferving . orderly clergy or laity, ferving and profecuting their wicked orders. V. Some other bonds of that nature, and oaths frequently put to fu fieri ng people when taken prison- ers, did require peaceablenefs and orderlinefs, in this ililej that they ihould either tacitly or exprefly con- demn fome rifings in arms, as at Pentland, Bothwel, &c. to be rebellion againfl the king, and a fin againlt God, and engage never to rife in arms againlt the king, or any commiflionate by him, upon any pre- tence whatfoever. The iniquity whereof is manifeft : For, 1. This is a covenant equivalent to a league of- fenfive and defeniive with them, obliging never to offend or oppofe them, nor to defend nor refcue our brethren againft and from their murdering violence. 2. This could not be taken in truth, judgment, and righteoufnefs : for who can tell how far that may ex- tend, upon any pretence whatfoever ? This may ob- lige us to make a Itupid furrender of our lives, when the king turns fo tyrannical, as to fend his cut throats to demand them, or authorizes his bloody papifts to maffacre us, them we mud not refill upon any pre- tence. 3. It is contrary to our covenants, that al- low refinance in fome cafes, and oblige to.afiift and defend all that enter under the bond thereof. 4. This infers an owning of the prefent authority, as the irrefiftible ordinance of God, and an obligation of living- 59© A HIND LET LOOSE. living peaceably in fubjeclion under it ; difproved a" bove. To which I mall add a part of that forecited letter of Mr. Rutherford's, the 63d in number of the third part of his printed letters, which are a clear vindication of the principles and practice of our con- fcientious fufferers on this point : (' There is a pro- mife and real purpofe, (faith he) to live peaceably, under the king's authority; but (1.) You do not fo anfwer candidly and ingenioufly the mind of the ruler3, who to your knowledge, mean a far other thing by authority than you do : for you mean his jufl authority, his authority in the Lord in the maintainance of true religion, as in the covenant, and confeffion of faith— — is exprefTed from the word of God ; they mean his fupreme authority, and abfolute prerogative about laws, as their acis clear, and as their practice is ; for they refufed to fuch as were unwilling to fubfcribe their bond to add, authority in the Lord, or juft and lawful au- thority, or authority as it is exprefTed in the cove- nant ; but this draught of a petition yields the fenfe and meaning to them which they crave. (2.) That authority for which they contend, is exclufive of the fworn covenant ; fo that except ye had faid, Ye mall be fubjecl: to the king's authority in the Lord, or according to the fworn covenant, you fay no- thing to the point in hand, and that fure is not your meaning. (3.) Whoever promifes fo much of peaceable living under his majefty's authority, leav- ing out the expofuion of the fifth command, — may, upon the very fame ground fubfcribe the bond re- fufed by the godly, and fo you pafs from the cove- nant, and make all thefe bypaft actings of this kirk and (late thefe years bypaft to be horrid rebellion, and how deep this guilt draws, confider.' 5. This would infer, though the king mould fend and kill us, we muft not refift , nor defend our own lives : yet, being an oath againfl: the fixth command, which enjoineth natural felf-prefervation, it Ihould be intrin- fically A HIND LET LOOSE. 59! vfically finful ; and 'tis all one to fwear to non prefer- vation of felf, as to fwear to felf-murder. 6. I hope to make it appear in the fifth head, that this is againft the practice of nations, the law of nature, and the word ot God. Yet all this complex iniquity is clear- ly comprehended in the oath of abjuration, in terms abjuring all war againft the king. VI. There were fome other oaths, frequently ob- truded upon people, for refufing which they have fuf- fered great cruelties, that can hardly be defcribed by any name ; nor can their imposition have a parallel in any age or place, for illegality, inhumanity, arbitra- rinefs, and odioufnefs. Thefe were the oaths of in- quifition, or things beyond all enquiry : whereby peo- ple were preffed to anfwer the inquifitors, according to all their knowledge of things they were interrogate upon, and delate and difcover intercommuned perfons in their wanderings, or fuch whofe names were in their Porteous rolls, &c. And power was given to fingle foldiers, to prefs thefe oaths upon whom they pleafed. The iniquity of which is monflrous : For, i. This was the worft kind of combination with thefe bloodhounds, to abet and afiift them in their purfuing after the Lord's people : which is worfe than to be bare confenters to fuch wickednefs, or to be onlookers to their affliction in the day of their ca- lamity ; , but like that fin charged upon Edom, that they delivered up thofe of his that did remain in the day of diftrefs, Obad. ver. 13, 14- for thefe that took oaths, obliged themfelves to do all they could to deliver up the remnant that efcaped ; and if they did not, no thanks to them ; if they could not, their fin was in their willingnefs : if they would not, and yet fwore would contribute their help towards it, by telling of all they knew, that was horrid perjury and falfe fwearing. 2. This could be no ways capable of the qualification of an oath ; not only becaufe the matter is wicked and unnatural, to difcover, may be, the cg2 A HIND LET LOOSE. the hufband, or children, or nearefi: relations, to pleafe men, or fave their own life, which was a great tentation ; and therefore in it there could be no deli- beration ia {wearing : but alfo for the doubtful per- plexity confounding the mind, that they either could not, nor durit not tell of a'l they knew, and yet fwore to do it. 3. It is againft the covenant, which obliges to dilcover malignant enemies, and aflitt our covenanting brethren, and not to dilcover them, and affift malignant enemies ; which is a perfect invening the fourth and fixth articles of the covenant. 4. It is contrary to clear precepts in fcripture, to allift and defend our brethren, to make our fhadow as the night in the midft of the noon-day, and hide the out calt, and bewray not him that wandereth, I la xvi. 3, 5. The illegality of this impofition makes it very abfurd, that every pitiful officer or foldicr mould be empowered to impofe and exact oaths, and impanel and examine witntiTes, about alledoed criminals. Yet the motiltroufnefs of this oath ferves to aggravate the oath of abjuration ; in that the abjurers do re- nounce their part of, and difown the declarers of that abjured declaration, and fo do as much as from them is required, to give them up for a prey to their hun- ters ; yea they declare them murderers, in that they abjure their declaration as afferting murder ; and con- fequently they muit be obliged to difcover them to their acknowledged judges. VII. The abominable tell comes next : whkh needs no other refutation than to rehearfe it ; the fubflance whereof was a folemn {"wearing, * That they owned 4 and nnccrely profelTed the true proteilant religion, * contained in the confeffion of faith, recordeJ in the * firft parliament of king James VI. and that they 1 would adhere thereunto all the days of their life, — 4 and never confent to any change or alteration con- * trary thereto, but renounce all docfiines, princi- ' pies, practices, whether popifh or fanatical, contra- * ry thereto. • And they fwear, that the king is the only A HIND LET LOOSE. 593 * only fupreme governor of this realm, over all per- ' fons, in all caufes, as well ecclefiaflical as civil;, and promifes to bear faith and true allegiance to the * king's majefty, his heirs and lawful fuccefTors, and * to their power (hall ?flift and defend all rights, ju- ' rifdiclions, prerogatives, belonging to them * and affirm — it— ——unlawful for fubje&s, upon pre- ' tence of reformation, or any other pretence whatfo- 1 ever, to enter into covenants or to convocate, ' conveen, or affemble to treat, confult, or de- ' termine in any matter of (late, civil or ecclefiaflic, ' without his majefty's fpecial command or to take up £ arms againft the king, or thefe commiflionate by ' him — and that there lies no obligation on them, ' from the national covenant, or folemn league and * covenant — to endeavour any change or alteration in ' the government, either in church or Hate, as it is ' now eftablifhed by the laws of the kingdom — and ' they mall never decline his majefty's power and ju- * rifdi&ion — and finally, they fwear, that this oath is * given in the plain genuine fenfe and meaning of the £ words, without any equivocation, mental refervati- ' on, or any manner of evafion whatfoever.' ■ This is the complement of a wicked confpiracy, couch- ing in its capricious bofom the complication of all their mifchiefs, comprehending all, and explaining all the former : which indeed cannot be taken with any e- quivocating evafion, that can efcape either the (tigma of nonfenfe and felf contradiction, or the cenfure of atheifm and irreligion, or the fentence of divine ven- geance againft fuch baffling the name of God, The belt fenfe that can be put upon it, is that which a poor fot expreffed, when it was tendered to him, pre- facing thus before he took it, Lord have mercy upon my foul. For, i. It is not confident with itfelf, there being fuch contradictions between that confdfion of faith and the following part, that no man can recon- cile, fome whereof may be inftanced as follows ;(;».-) In the 1 ith art. of thai confeflion, intituled, of Chrifi's 4 Z aicenfion 594 A HIND LET LOOSE. afcenfion, it is faid, ' That Chrift is the only head of * the church, and juft lawgiver, in which honours £ and offices, if men or angels prefume to intrude £ themfelves, we utterly cieteft and abhor them, as 1 blafphemous to our fovereign and fupreme governor \ Chrift Jefus.' And a little before in that fame ar- ticle, it is faid, ' This glory, honour and prerogative i he alone among the brethren mall poffef*. ' And in the 1 6th Art- of the kirk, ' Chrift is the only head of ' the fame kirk.' And yet in the ted, the king is af- firmed to be the only fupreme in all caufes ecclefiafti- cal. (2 ) In the 14th Art. among good works are reckoned thefe: ' To obey fuperior powers and their c charges (not repugning to the commandment of * God) to fave the lives of innocents, to reprcfs tv- * ranny, to defend the oppreiled.' And among evil works thefe are qualified, c To refill any that God c hath placed in authority (while they pafs not over 4 the bounds of their office.') And Art. 24th, it is confeiTed, ' That fuch as refift the fupreme power, 5 doing that which pertains to his charge, 60 refill ' God's ordinance,- — -while the princes and rul- 4 e.rs vigilantly travel in the execution of their office.' And yet in the tell, true allegiance is engaged into without any fuch limitations ; and it is affirmed to be unlawful, upon any pretence whatfoever, to con- vocate, &c. or to take up arms again It the king. (3.) In the 14th Art. ' Evil works are affirmed to be, ' not only thofe that exprefly are done againit God's * commandment, but thofe alfo that, in matters of * religion, and worshipping of God, have no other af- - furance but the invention and opinion of men.' And Afct. 1 8th, among the notes of the true church, ' ecclefiaftical diic'pliae, uprightly miniftred, as God's ' word prescribes, whereby vice is repreffed, and vir- k tue nourished, is one.' In Art. 20th. ' The voice '. of God and conftitution of men are oppofed.' And yet in the tell, they fwear never to endeavour any change or alteration m the government of the church A HIND LET LOOSE. 595 •—•as it is now eilablifhed ; whereof many things mult be altered, yea, the whole form and frame of it, if thefe proportions be true, as they are (4.) In the teit, they £a?ear, never to confent to any change or al- teration, contrary to that confefiion, and that alt principles and practices contrary thereto are popilh and fanatical (for fo they divide them into one of thefe disjunctively) then mud all the following principles in their tell be renounced as f-:ch, feeing they are contrary to that confefiion in fome propor- tions or articles ; and that the government eftablifbed by that contention was prefbyterian, and this eflablifh- ed by the tell is epifcopai. 2. It comprehends all the. former oaths and bonds, which are cleared above to bs fmful. Yet for as wicked as it is, it muft be fome way homologated by the oath of abjuration, excepting the contradiction that is in it ; feeing all rhefe oppofnionG againit the king, fworn againit in the teft, are ab- jured and renounced in that oath of abjuration, in renouncing all declarations of war againit the kingi for it any war crvn be undertaken againfl him, all thefe kinds of oppofition mufl be allowed, that are in the tefl. fworn againit. VI II. In the lall place, I fhall come to confide.r more particularly the oath of abjuration itfelf 5 for re. fufmg of which, the fufFerings were more fevere (be- ing extended even to death or banifhment) though the words be more fmooth than in any of the former, which are thefe : ' I do abjure, renounce, and ' difown a late pretended declaration, affixed on feve- ' ral market crolTes, &c. in fo far as it declares war ' againfl the king, and afTerts it lawful to kill any ' that ferve his nnjelty in church, ftate, army or ' country.' That the taking of this oath is a flep of compliance, difhonourable to God, derogatory to the day's teflimony, contradictory to the many reiterated confeiTions of Chrid's worthy (though poor defpifed) witneffes, fcaled by their blood, bonds and banifh- 4 Z 2 ments 59^ A HIND LET LOOSE. ments, encouraging and gratifying to the enemies o God, hardening to backlliding brethren, offenfive to the generation of the righteous; {tumbling to all, leaving a ilain and fling upon the confcience of the fubfcnber, I fhail endeavour to make out by thefe ccnilderations. i. Conquering the party who impofed it; it muft be looked upon as a confederacy with them, being tendered upon all the fubjects, as a tefl of their incor- porating themfelves with, and declaring themfelves for their head, and Tiding with them and him, in this their conteff and contention with a poor remnant of the Lord's people, persecuted and murdered by them for truth and confcience fake, who iflued forth that declaration againfi them, here abjured. Therefore let the party be confidered, impofing the oath with iuch rigour, and profecuting the refulers with raven- ous rage, murdering and torturing all who did not comply with them, declaring a war more formally and explicitly againft Chrift as king, and all that will dare to aflert their allegiance to him ; under an open difplayed banner of defiance of him and his, than even mortals durft efpoufe and avouch : the head of that treacherous and truculent faction, both he who was firfl declared againft in that declaration, and he who hath by bloody and treacherous ufurpation fucceeded to him, being fuch a monfter for murder and mifchief, tyranny, oppreflion and perfidy, that a- mong ail the Nimrods and Nero's that paft ages can recount, we cannot find a parallel, by all law divine and human, incapable of government, or any truft, or fo much as protection, or any privilege, but to be purfued by all, as a common enemy to mankind : and his underlings, agents and complices, devoted to his luft, and ferving his wicked defigns, in their refpeclive offices and places of truft under him, which by his nomination and fole appointment they have been erected to, and eftablifhed in, with the ftain and , A HIND LET LOOSE. $gy and Indelible character of perjury, the only quali'- a. tion of their being capable of any advancement, oc- cupying by ufurpation, intruiion and violence, the pu- blic places of judicatories, and carrying all fo infolemly and arbitrarily, and with an effrontery or. wickednefs and defpight of all reafon, religion or juftice, that they cannot but be looked upon as the moft peftilent and peftiferous plague that ever peilered a people i the ta- king then of this oath, by them projected as a peft to infect confciences, with, and pervert rheni to wicked, truth-deferting and law perverting loyalty, and impofed as a teft of compliance with then: and coming off from that little flock whom they defign to devour and deftinate to destruction ; mult be in their own efleem, as well as of the generation of the righ- teous, to their fatisfaction, and the others forrow, a real incorporating with them, an owning of their u- furped power as judges to adminifter oaths, giving them all obedience they required for the time to their authority, and all the fecurity they demanded for the fubfcribers loyalty, an approving of all their proceed- ings in that matter, and tranfacting, tampering, and bargaining with thefe fons of Belial, out of fear, whereby a right is purchafed to that common badge of their owned and profeffed friends, who (upon ta* king that oath) had from them a privilege and al- lowance to travel and traffic (where and how they will) through the country, denied to all other that wanted that badge ; I mean the pafs or teitihxate they got from them thereupon, which was the mark of that fecular beaft of tyranny, no lefs pernicious to the world than popery hath been to the church, and which was given to all the takers of the oath, as a mark or teffera, that they were no enemies to the government, as they call it. O bafe and unworthy livery ! for the fuffering fons of Zion to put on the fignature of the fociety of her devourers. Hence, if covenants and confederacies, declaring we are on their fide, cannot be made with the enemies of reli- J9& A HIND LET LOOSE. gion, then this oath could not be taken lawfully ; but the former is proved above : therefore the latter follows. This will yet more appear, 2. if we confider the party that fet forth that de- claration, whom the proclamation againf: it reprefents fo odioufly and invidioufly, whom the oath impofed obliges us to condemn ; being fo represented, as if they were maintainors of murdering principles, and perpetrators of affaffinating villanies, inconfillent with peace or any good government, and therefore to be exterminated and deft roved out of the land, whom therefore they profecute and persecute fo cruelly to the efrufion of their blood, under colour of law. i. The takers of this oath mud have formally, under their unhappy hand, difowned and renounced them, and all part or interefl; in them, or fociety or fympn- thy with them ; who yet are known to be the Suffer- ing people of God, more earneftly contending, wit- nefling, wreflling for the faith and word of Chrifl's patience, and have fuffered more for their adherence to fhe covenanted reformation of the church of Scot- land, and for their opp fition to all its deformations and defections, than any party within the land : yet them have they rejected as their companions, though with fome of them fometimes they have had fweet company and communion to the houfe of God, by abjuring and condemning their deed which duty and riecefiiiy have drove them to. 2. Hereby they have prefumptunufly taken upon them, to pafs a judgment upon the deed of their brethren, before their murder- ing enemies ? and that not a private difcretive judg- ment, but a public definitive Sentence (in their capa- city) by the mod folemn way of declaring ir, that can be, by oath and fubfeription under their hand ; whereby they have condemned all the fufferings of their brethren, who fealed their teftimony in oppofi- tion to this compliance with their blood, and finifhed It with honoured joy. as foolifh and frivolous protu- fton of their own blood, nay, as juit and legally in- flitted A HIND LET LOOSE. 599 flicted and executed upon them, as being rebels, of murdering principles and practices : for this cannot be vindicated from a more than indirect juftifying of all the murdering feverity executed upon then, y And here* by they have unkindly and unchriftianly lifted them- ielves on the other fide againft them, and take part rather with their enemies than with them ; for thus they ufed to plead for it. when they preiTed this oath upon them that fcrupled it ; when any war is declared againft the king, c any of his rfrajefty's foldiers may ' queftion any man whom he is for, and if he be not * for the king, he may act againft him as an enemy, 4 and if they will not declare for the king and difown ' the rebels, they are to be reputed by all as enemies.* Which, whatever weaknefs be in the arguing, plainly difcovers, that they take the abjuring of that declara- tion, in thai juncture, to be a man's declaring of what fide he is for, and that he is not for the eminitterr of that declaration, but for the king and his party : which, in the prefent (late of affairs, is a moft dread* ful owning of Chuft's enemy, and drowning of his friends. Hence, a diibwning of the Lord's persecu- ted people, and condemning their practice, and an owning of their periecutors, and efpoufmg their fide of it, is a finful confederacy ; but the taking of this oath is fdeh, as is evident by what is faid ; therefore it is a finful confederacy. -}. Corif.denng the nature, conditions, and qualifi- cations of fo folemn and ferious a piece of God's wor- fnip, and way of invocaiing his holy name, as an oath is ; it will appear, that the taking of this impufed oath of abjuration, was a dreadtul and heinous breach or the third command, by taking his name in vain, in the worft fort, and io cannot be bolder! guilty. 1 prove it thus : An oath which cannot be taken in truth, judgment and righteoumefs, is a breach of the third command ; but this is an oath which cannot be in truth, judgment and righteoufnefs : which is evi- dent j for, i. It cannot be taken by any conscientious man 6oO A HIND LET LOOSE. man in truth, in fincerity of the heart, fimplicity of the mind, finglenefs and honefty in the intention, not putting any other fenfe than the impofer hath, and which is the clear fenfe of it without oath and be- yond it. For if he take it according to the meaning, then he mould fwear ic unlawful ever to declare war againft the king, and consequently never to rife in arms againft him upon any pretence whatfoever : for, if we may rife in arms for our own defence, we make and muft declare a defenfive war. And in- deed, in themfelves, as well as in their fenfe and meaning who impofed them, thefe two oaths never to rife in arms againft the king, and this of abjuration, are one and the fame. Then alfo mould we fwear it unlawful, at any time, upon any occafion, or for any caufe, to kill any fuch as ferve the king in church, ftate, army or country, either in peace or war : for that is their thought, and the fenfe even of the oath itfelf, or what is beyond it : and in part, for their ex- emption and immunity from all condign punifhment, this oath was contrived. But in fine, how can this oath be taken in truth ; when it is not apparent, ei- ther that the declaring of a war againft the king, or killing fome for fome caufes (which mall afterwards be made appear to be lawful) that ferve him, are to be abjured and difowned ? or that the declara ion does affert any fuch thing ? And indeed it will be found to be a denying the truth, and a fubfcribing to a manifeft falfehood, invoking God to be witnefs thereto. 2. This oath cannot be taken in judgment ; that is, with knowledge and deliberation, &c. All the terms of it have much of obfcure ambiguity, de- claring a war, and killing any who ferve the king, may be conftru&ed in feveval fenfes, good and bad, but here they are indefinitely exprefied, and univer- fally condemned. Particularly that (in fo far as) hath feveral faces, and can never be fworn in judgment ; for if it denote a cafuality, and fignify as much as becaufe or wherefore, then all declarations of war a- gainft A HIND LET LOOSE. 6oI gainft any that have the name of king whatfoever, upon whatfoever grounds, and all killing of any fer- ving him, though in our own defence, mud be uni- versally condemned, for the confequence is good as to every thing, if it import a reliri&ion, excluding other things in the declaration, but obliging to ab- jure only that ; then it implies alfo an affirmation, that thefe two things are contained in it, which will not appear to the judgment of them that will fen- oufly ponder the declaration itfelf ; if again it be a fuppofition or condition, and to be interpreted^ for if fo be, then all that the judgment can make of it is, that it is uncertain, and fo the c.onfcience dare not invoke God as a witnefs of that which is uncertain wheiher it be a truth or a lie. 3. This oath could not be taken in riffhteoufnefs : for the matter is not o true, certainly known, lawful, poffible, weighty, ne- ceffary, ufeful, and worthy : it is not true, that the declaration imports fo far as it is reprefented in the oath of abjuration ; neither is it certainly known, but by collating thefe two together the contrary will appear ; neither is it lawful (if it were true that fuch affertions were in it) to abjure all declarations of war againft the king, and co fwear it unlawful ever to kill any, if he be once in the king's fervice, in church, flare, army, or country ; nor is it poJible to reduce this affertory oath into a pTomiiTory one lawfully, as mod part of fuch oaths may and do neceffarily im- ply ; for when I fwear fuch a thing unlawful, it im- plies my promife, by virtue of the fame oath, never, to practice it : But it is nor poiiible (as the cafe ft ands) .for a man to bind up himfelf in every cafe from all declared war againft rhe king, or from killing fome employed in his fervice ; what if there be a neceflary caM to join in arms with the Lord's people, for the defence of their religion, lives and liberties, againft him? what if he commands mafTacre? Shall not a man defend himfelf? nor endeavour to kill none of that murdering crew, becaufe they are in his fervice ? 5 A wa? 631 A HIND LET LOOSE. was ever a fool fo fettered ? nor is it of fuch weight, to be the occafion of involving the whole country in perjury or perfecution, as by that oath was done ; nor was it neceflary, in this man's time, to make all ab- jure a declaration out of date, when the object of it Charles II. was dead, and no vifible party actually in arms to profecute it ; nor was it ever or any ufe or worth, except it were implicitely to gratify their gree- dy lufting after the blood of. innocents, or the blood of filly fouls cheated by their fnares, by involving them in the fame fin of perjury and confcience de- bauching falfe (wearing, whereof they themfelves are fo heinoully guilty. But let them, and fuch as have taken that oath, and not fled to Chriil for a fanctua- ry, lay to heart the doom of falfe fwearers, ' the fly- '- ing roll of the curfe of God mail enter into their ' houfe,' Zech. v. 4. ' Love no falle oath, for all * thefe are things that I hate, faith the Lord,' Zech. viii. 17. c The Lord will be a fwift witnefs againlt ' falfe (wearers,' Mai. iii. 5. And let them lilt their confcience before the word, and let the word to the confcience, and thtfe confiderations will have fome weight. 4. If we confider this particular oath itftlf, and the words of it more narrowly, we fhall find a complica- tion of iniquities in it, by examining the fenfe of them as the impofers expound them. 1. Not only that declaration, but all fuch in fo far as they declare* and afTert fuch things, are here renounced ; and hereby many and faithful declarations are c'ifowned, that declare the fame things. It is indeed pleaded by fome, that profefs to be prefbyterians, as it was «lfo pretended by fome of the preflers of the oath themfelves but in order to pervert and cheat the confcience ; that here is not required a difown- ing of the apologetical declaration fimpliciter, but only according to which, or rather of a pretend- ed one of their fuppofing, in fo far as it imports fuch things : but this is frivolous for that pre- tended one is intended by the impofers to be the real apologetical A HIND LET LOOSJi. 6o\ apoiogetical declaration, which they will have to be difowned, and cannot be diftinguifhed from it : and though all thefe aflertions cannot be fattened upon that apoiogetical declaration, but it is evident, that it is invidioufly mifreprefented : yet that fame is the pretended one which they require to be abjured in fo far as it ailerts fuch things, which it does not : and if it be according to which to be difowned, then that mult either be according to that aflertion of killing any, &c. which is not to be found in it, and fo it is not to be difowned at all ; or it mud be according to the declaration of war againft the king, and fo that which, or formal reafon of difowning it. will oblige to difown all declarations of war againft the king, which cannot be difowned. Others again object, that it is not required to be difowned formally but only conditionally, taking and confounding in fo far, for if fo be : but to any thinking man it is plain, this cannot be a fuppofiticn nor yet a fimpie reftriclion (as they would give it out) but an affertion, that fuch things are indeed imported in it; for i'o the impofers think and fay : and if it might pals current under that notion, as a fuppofition, being equivalent to if fo be, then under that fophiflical pretext, I might re- nounce the covenant, or the moft indifputed confeflion or declaration that ever was, in fo far as it contained fuch things ; and fo this equivocation might elude all 'teftimonies whatfoever, and juftify all prevarications. 2. This muft condemn all defenfive war of fubje&s againft their opprefiing iulers, in that a declaration is abjured, in fo far as it declares war againfl the king : to prefs and perfuade people to which, it was ufually urged by the impofers, that when a war is declared by rebels againft the king, then all the fubjects are o- bliged to difown the rebels, or elfe be repute for fuch themfelves ; and, when it was alledged the war was ceafed, becaufe the object declared againft was ceafed, Charles II. being dead, otherwife if a man be obliged to give his opinion about a war declared againft a 4 A 2 king 604 - A HIND LET LOOSE. king deceafed and gone, then by the fame parity of reafon, he mufl be obliged to give his opinion of that war of the lords of the congregation (as they were called) againft queen Mary, in the beginning of the reformation. It was it ill replied by them, that the rebellion continued, and all were guilty of it, that did not abjure that declaration ; whence it is evident, they mean, that every thing which they call rebel- lion, mu it be diiowned, and confequently all refin- ance of fuperior -, upon any pretence whatfoever, as many of their ads explain it ; yea, and it was plainly told by fome of them, to fome that fcrupled to take the oath, becaufe they faid they did not underftand it, that the meaning was to fwear, never to rife in arms againft the king. Againft this it hath been objected by feveral, that this -was always denied by prefbyte- rians, that ever they declared war againft the king expreily, purpofediv and dciignedly, but only againft him by accident, when he happened to be theadverfe party ; but this diftinction will not be a falvo to the confcience ; for the object declared againft, is either a king or not ; if he be not, then a declaration of war againft him is not to be abjured ; if he be king, then he is either declared againft as king, and by himfelf, or as an oppreflbr, or an abufer of his power : the firit indeed is to be difowned-; for a king, ?.s king or lawful magiftrate, muft- not be refifted, Rom. xiii. 2. But the fecond, to declare war a- gainft a king, as an oppreflbr and abufer of his power, and fubverter of the laws, hath been owned by our church and ftate many a time, and they have oppofed and declared war as purpofedly againft him, as he did againft them, and as really and formally as he was an oppreflbr : fure he cannot be an oppreflbr only by accident : however this hath been owned al- ways by piefbyterians, that war may be declared a- gainft him who is called king. And therefore to ab- jure a declaration, in fo far as it declares war againft the king, will condemn not only that declaration, upon A HIND LET LOOSE. . 60$ tipon the heads wherein its honefty and faithfulnefs chiefty confifh,but all other mod honeft and honour- able declarations, that have been made and emitted by oar worthy and renowned anceftors, and by our worthies in our own lime, who have formally, a edly and explicitely, or exprelly, purpofediy and de- signedly, declared their oppofition to tyranny and ty- rants, and their lawful and laudable defigns to re- prefs, deprefs and fupprefs them, by all the ways and means that God and nature, and the laws of nations allow, when they did by law itfelf depofe and exauc- torate themfelves from all rule, or privilege, or pre- rogative of rulers, and became no more God's mini- fters, but Beelzebub's vicegerents, and monfters to be exterminated out of the ibciety of mankind. The honefteft of all our declarations of defenfive war^ have always run in this (bain ; and others, infinuat- ing more prepofterous loyalty, have been juftiy taxed for aliening the intereft of the tyrant, the greateft c- nemy of the declarers, and principal object of the Je. clared war ; which diungenious juggling and folding in fuch flattering and falfifying di; ii.ctions in the {late of the quarrel, hath rationally been thought one of the procuring caufes or occafions of the difcomfl- ture of our former appearances for the work of God and liberties of our country. 3. This muft infer an owning of his authority as lawful king, when the de- claration difowning him is abjured, in fo far as it de- clares war againft his majefty ; for in this oath he is filled, and aflerted to be king, and to have the ma- jelly of a lawful king, and therefore muft be owned as fuch by all that take it j which yet I have proved to be finful above, Head 2. Againft this it hath been quibbled by fome, that that declaration does not de- clare war againft the king exprefly as king, who let forth the declaration. But this will not falve the matter j for then (1.) It a fubferibing to a lie, in ab- juring a declaration, in fo far as it did declare a thing, which it did not, if that hold. (2.) The enemies impofe 606 A HIND LliT'LOOSE. mpofe the abjuring and difowning of it, in fo far as it declares war againfl their king, who had none o- ther bur Charles Stewart at that time, who was the king in (heir fenfe ; and an oath cannot be taken in any other fenfe, contradictory to the impjftrs, even though by them allowed, without an unjuftifiable e- quivocation. (3.) Though he had been king, and had not committed fuch acts of tyranny, as might ac. tually denominate him a tyrant, and forfeit his king. fhip ; yet to rcprefs his illegal arbitrariness and into- lerable enormities, and to repel his unjuit violence, and reduce him to good order, fubjects, at lead for their own defence, may declare a war exprefly, pur- pofedly and dcfignedly againft their own acknow- ledged king ; this ought not in fo far to be difoam- cd ; for then all our declarations emitted, during the whole time of profecuting the reformation, in oppo- fition to our king would be difowned ; and fo with one da(h, unhappily the whole work of reformation, and the way of carrying it on, is hereby tacitely and confequentidlly reflected upon and reproached, if not difowned. (4.) It mud infer an owning of the ec- clenaftical fupremacy, when it afferts, that fome do ferve the king in church, as well as in (late ; there is no diftinction here, but they are faid to ferve him the fame way in both And it is certain they mean fo, and have expreffed fo much in their acls, that church- men are as fubordinate, and the fame way fubject to the king's fupremacy, as (tatefmen are ; theabiurdity and blafphemy of which is difcovered above. 5. This condemns all killing of any that ferve the king in church, flate, army or country; for a declara- tion is abjured, in fo far as it afferts it lawful to kill any fuch ; and fo by this oath, there is an impunity fecured for his idolatrous priefts and murdering var- lets, that ferve him in the church ; for his bloody counfellors, and gowned murderers, that ferve his tyrannical defigns in the (late ; for his bloody li&ors and executioners, the fwordmen, that fervs him in the army A HIND LET LOOSE. 607 army, whom he may fend when he pleafes to murder us; and for his bloody juft-affes, informers, and in- telligencing fycophants, the Zyphites, that ferve him in the country : all thefe mult efcape bringing to condign punishment, contrary to the 4th Art. of the folemn league and covenant, and mail be confuted, Head 6. Againft this it is excepted by the pleaders for this oath, that it is only a declared abhoring of murdering principles, which no Chriir.ian dare re- fufe ; and it may be taken in this fenfe fafely, that it is to be abjured, in fo far as it afferts it lawful to kill all that are to be employed by his majeity, or any, becaufe fo employed in chuicfj, ftaje, army or coun- try, which never any did affert was lawful: but though murdering principles are indeed always to be declaredly abhorred, and all refufers of that oath did both declare fo much, and abhorred the thoughts of them ; yet this invafion is naught : for (1.) The de- claration afferts no fuch thing, neither for that caufe nor for any other, but exprefly makes a dilt. inction between perlons under the epithet of bloody cruel murderers, and thefe only whom it threateneth to a- nimadvert upon. (2.) The only reafon of their de- clared intent of profecuting thefe, whom theythrea- ten to bring to condign punifhment, was, becaufe they were io employed by the t- rant in fuch fervice, as fhedding the blood of innocents, murdering peo- ple where they met them ; and fo that's the very reafon for which they deferveto be killed, and there- fore foolifh, impertinent, and very abfurd to be aU ledged, as a qualification of the fenfe of that impious oath. 5. If we confider the proclamation enjoining this oath and narrating and explaining the occafions and caufes of it, all thefe reafons againit it will be confirm- ed ; and it will further appear, that the proclamation itfelf is indirectly approved. For though it might be fuftained in the abftracl, that we may and muff re- nounce fuch declarations founded on principles in- confiflent <5o8 A HIND LET LOOSE. confident with government, and bearing fuch infer- ences as are fpecified in that proclamation ; yet com- plexly confidered what they mean by government, what fort of fociety that is, the fecurity whereof is faid to be infringed by that declaration, and what is the icope of that narrative ; a renouncing of a paper con- tradictory thereto, mud be in fo far a tacite approba- tion of that proclamation. For that oath, which re- nounceth what is contrary to fuch a proclamation, does judify the proclamation ; but this oath renoun- ces what is contrary to the proclamation, and that on- ly : therefore it juftirks the proclamation. It is intit- uled, as it was really deiigned, for ciifcovering fuch as own or will not difown the forefaid declaration, by them falfely nicknamed, a late treafonable declaration of war againit his majedy, and the horrid principle of arTafii nation. And the body of it difcovers fuch hell-bred hatred of, and malice againit., that poor par- ty, deftinated, in their defign. to final and total de- Uruction, and lays down fuch contrivances for their difcovery and ruin, that the heads and hearts of the in venters and authors may feem to be pofiefled and iufpired with the devil's immediately afliding counfel, and the clerk's pen that drew it up to have been dipt in the Stygian lake, and the gal! and venom of hell : reprefenting the emitters, and abetters, and fpreadeflS of that declaration, and all who have been joined in any of their focieties, and all who either will own or fcruple to difown the faid declaration, in the man- ner by them tendered and impofed, (which are the generality; of the mod tender and confcientious chriltians in the land) under all the viled and mod a- bominable and odious terms, their malice could invent; as if they were ' infolent and defperate rebels, aflfo- 1 ciated under a pretended form oi government, who * had formerly endeavoured to difguife their bloody c and execrable principles, but now had pulled off the 6 mafk, and who think it a duty to kill and murder 4 all w>ho do any manner of way ferve the prefent ' rulers, A HIND LET LOOSE. 609 1 rulers, or bear charge under them, who maintain ' principles inconfiftent with all government and fo- * ciety, and tending to the deftruction of the lives of ' their loyal and honeft fubjects ; treacherous and affaf- f finating principles, &c. Who now have declared ' their hellifh intentions, and for the better perform- * ance of their mifchievous defigns, do lurk in fecret, ■ and are never difcerned but in the acts of their hor- ' rid aflaflinations, and palling up and down among ' the king's loyal fubjects, take opportunity to mur- ' der and aflaffinate, like execrable rebels ; and call- * ing that declaration, an execrable and damnable pa- ' per,' &c. AW which are execrable and damnable lies, and forgeries of the fathers of them, and a charge which all their fophiftry can never make out in any particular : yet by them amplified to a fwelling height cf heinoufnefs ; and, among other circumftances, ag- gravated, from their frequent refufing the reiterated offers of their clemency, by which they underftand their contempt of their prefumptuous, Ch rift- defying, and church-deftroying indulgences, and their not fubmitting to their infnaring and bafe indemnities, or their confcience cheating bonds and oaths by them fo finely bufked. From thefe impudently pretended pre- miffes, in their falfely forged viperous narrative, they lay down their bloody methods and meafures for pro- secuting that poor people, with all vigour of favage feverity j ordaining, * That whofoever fhall own that ' declaration, and the principles therein fpecified,' (which is a larger dilatation of their meaning, than their pretended rettriftion, (in fo far as, &c.) and gives a further difcovery of the intent of the oath, that gives a covert ftroke to all the principles of our reformation, which are reduclively fpecified in that declaration) ' or whofoever fhall refufe to difown the * fame fhall be execute to the death ; and com- ' manding all fubjects to concur, and do their utmoft 4 endeavour to feek, fearch, delate, and apprehend all ' fuch, under the fevereft penalties of the laws j and 6lO A HIND LET LOOSJB. ' to difference the good from the bad, (meaning their ' own afibciates and friends, from Chrill's followers) c by difcriminating figns, declaring it their pleafure, 1 and requiring all paft the age of i6 years not to ' prefume to travel without teftificates of their loyalty * and good principles, by taking the oath of abjura- * tion ; whereupon they are to have a teftificate, which 6 is to ferve for a free pafs, with certification to all * that {hall adventure to travel without fuch a teftifi- ' rate, (hall be holden and ufed as concurrers with * the faid rebels ; commanding all heritors, &c. to ' give up the lifts of the names of all under them, be- * fore the curate ; declaring, if any (hall rehife to 6 concur in fuch fervice, rhey fliall be holden as guil- ' ty of the forefaid crimes, and punifhed accordingly j ■ and ftri&ly prohibiting all to harbour, lodge, or en- c tertain any, unlefs they have fuch certificates, un« ' der the fame pain : and for encouragement to any ' that (hall difcover or apprehend any to be found ' guilty as above faid, enfuring to them the Aim of * 500 merks Scots for each of them.' This is that hell hatched proclamation, fo grievous for its effe&s, fo dreadful for its defigns, fo montlrous for its abfur- dities, that the like hath not been feen : whereby not only the country's intereft and trade hath been pre- judged, by compelling all to have a pafs in time of peace, and thefe to be procured at exorbitant rates, opprefling poor people ; not only common hoftlers and innkeepers are made judges, impowered to im- pofe oaths upon palfengers for their paries, that they be not forged ; but many conferences couzened, cheated, wounded and infnared, and the whole land involved in fin. But they that took this oath have approved and judified this deteftable, execrable, bloody proclamation, the fpurious fpawn of the de- vil's venom againft Chrift's followers : for they gave all the obedience to it that was required of them ill their capacity, and obedience juftifies the law enjoin- ing it , they have done all was required, .or could be done A HIND LET LOOSE. 6 J t done by them, to anfwer the defign of it in their cir- cumftances ; and confequently, by- doing the thing prefcribed, they have juilified the grounds upon which the refcript was founded, and the methods by which it was profecuted, which hath a dreadful medly of in- iquity in it. Hence, (i.) They have fubfcribed to aH thefe odious characters wherewith they branded that poor\perfecuted party, and condemned them as infolent, defperate rebels, murderers, bloody afTaffi is, &c. (2.) In difowning that declaration, they have difowned the principles therein fpecified, and confe- quently all the teftimony againft this ufurping faction of overturners of the work of reformation, active and paflive, that have been given and fealed by the emin- ent fervants of God, fince this cataftrophe, the prin- ciple of defenfive arms, and our covenants, and feve- ral others which are therein fpecified. (3.) They have given their confent to all the concurrence there- in required, for feeking, fearching, delating, and ap- prehending of thefe people, and to all the cruel vil- lainies committed againft them. (4.) They have tak- en on their prefcribed discriminating fign of loyalty, and of being repute by them men of good principles, that is, their friends^ men for the times ; which is fo finful and fcandalous, that it is fhameful to hint at them, and yet fhameful to hide them. 6 If we confider the apologetical declaration itfelf, which is fo befpattered, and lb odioufly reprefented, and fo rigoroufty enjoined to be abjured ; who will more narrowly look into it, and ponder and perpend the purpofe and fcope of it, will fee nothing that can be abjured coufcientioufly in it, but the whole of it, laying afide prejudice and invidious critical cenfori- oufnefe, capable of a fair and acceptable conilruction. The motives leading them to fet it forth, being only their defires and juft endeavours to profecute, and fe- cure themfelves in the profecution of holy command- ed duties, and to keep a Handing teftimony againft the infolency of thofe that are given up of God, to 4B2 lay 6 12 A HIND LET LOOSE. lay out themfelves in promoving a courfe of profani- ty and perfecution, notwithstanding of all their viper- ous threatnings. Their meafures being none other, than the commeridable precedents and examples of zealous and tender hearted Chrillians, who have done the like, and our national and folemn covenants, ly- ing with their binding force indifpenfible upon all of us, and obliging us to endeavour all that is there de- clared, as being bound for ever to have common friends and foes with our covenanted reformation, to all which they declare and avouch their refolved ad- herence', and their own former declarations, difown- ing their allegiance to, and authority of a man who had, by law itfelf, forfeited all authority, by his in- tolerable tyranny, perjury, and perfidious breach of truft, repofed and devolved upon him by covenant ; by his overturning all the fundamental conftitutions of the government, perverting, inverting, and evert- ing all laws, all liberties, all privileges of church and ftate, all eftablifhments of our covenanted work of reformation, all fecurities of our life and enjoyments whatfoever, ufurping to himfelf an abfo- lute tyrannical civil fupremacy, inconfiftent with the fafety or freedom of the people ; and a monftrous, blafphemous, ecclefiaftical fupiemacy ; upon which confiderations, to endeavour to make good their free- dom and emancipation from that yoke which they had call off, they behoved to refolve upon defenfive refiftance, againft him and his bloody emiflaries ; which warbeing declared before, they onlyinthisdeclar- ation teftifyed their unanimous approbation of, adher- ence to, and refolutions for profecuting the fameagainft him and his accomplices, fuch as lay out themfelves to promove his wicked and hellifli defigns : by which war they do not mean a formed ftated and declared infurrection with hoftile force, to break the peace of the nation, and involve all in blood, but a refolved, avowed, conftant, oppofition to the murdering vio- lence, injuftice, oppreffion, and perfecution, .of this wicked faction, now raging, rather than reigning, wh«j A HIND LET LOOSE. 6lj Who have declared, and (till profecute a declared war againft Chrift, bearing down his work and intereft in the land ; ' And a conftant endeavour, in oppofi- * tion to them, to purfue the ends of our covenants, ' in (landing to the defence of the glorious work of ' reformation, and their own lives ; and, in the de- * fence thereof, to maintain the caufe and intereft of ' Chrift againft his enemies, and to hold up the ftand- * ard of our Lord Jefus Chrift meaning the gofpel and ' the word of our teftimony) whereunto they looked c upon themfelves as bound and obliged by their ho- ' ly covenants, being therein dedicated to the Lord in ' their perfons, lives, liberties, and fortunes, for de- ' fending and promoving this glorious work of r e- ' formation, notwithstanding of all oppofition, that is, ' or may be made thereunto, and iworn againft all * neutrality and indifferency in the Lord's matters ; - whereunto they befeech, invite and obteft, all them ' who with well to Zion, to a concurrence and con- * certing the fame caufe and quarrel.' In maintain- ing of which oppofition againft fuch wicked enemies, becaufe by them they were reftlefsly purfued and hunted, and murdered wherever they were found, neither could find any harbour or hiding place in any corner of the country, for fearchers, informers, and inftigators, who ftill ftirred up the country to raife the hue and cry after them, and caufed them to be deliver- ed up, and delated them to the courts of their murder- ing enemies, whereby much innocent blood was fhed ; therefore, to ftoptheir career of violenceand deter them from fuch courfes, they found it neceflary to threaten them with more adlive and vigorous oppofition, and that they might expecl to be treated as they deferved. Wherein they are far from owning affaffinating prin- ciples, or pra&ifing affafli nations ; for they give on- ly open and plain warning, and advertifement to the world, of their neceflitated endeavours to defend themfelves, and prevent the murder of their brethren, and can no way be charged with afferting it lawful, %o kill all employed in the king's fervice in church, ftate, 614 A HIND I,ET LOOSE. ftate, army, or country, as the proclamation in viperous, invective calumny, mifreprefencs the decla- ration ; but, on the contrary, do jointly and unani- moufly declare, ' They detell and abhor that hellifh ' principle of killing fuch as differ in judgment from ' them, and they are firmly and really purpofed, not < to injure or offend any whomfoever, but fuch as * are directly guilty of, or acceffory to the murder of ' their brethren.' Whom yet they mind not to af- faffinate or kill tumultuarily, but to profecute them with all the legal formalities, that juftice in their ca- pacity, and the times diforder and diffracted condi- tion will allow; exprefsly declaring, * That they ab- * hor, condemn, and discharge all perfonal attempts ' upon any pretexts whatfdmever, wirnout previous ' deliberations, common confent, certain probation < of fufficient witneffes, or the guilty perfons confef- 4 lion.' Neither could it ever be fuppofed, that they threaten all employed in the king's fervice with this fort of handling, but fome felect and exprefsly riif- tinguifhed kind of notorious villains, men of death and blood, openly avowing and vaunting of their murders : and thefe they diftinguiihed into feveral claffes, according to the refpeclive aggravations of their v/ickednefs : in the firff, ' They place thofethat 'murder by command, under pretext of an ufurped c authority, as counfellors, jufticiary, and officers of ' their forces, or bands of robbers, and not all, nor * any of rhefe neither, but the cruel and bloody.' In the lecond clafs, they threaten fuch as are actually in arms againft them of an inferior rank, and fuch gen- tlemen, and bifhops, and curates, as do profeffedly and willingly i'erve them to accompliih and effectuate their murders, by obeying their commands, making fearch for thefe poor men, delivering them up, miti- gating, informing, and witneffing againft, and hunt- ing alter them : and not all thefe neither, but fuch as cruelly profecute that fervice, to the effuilion of their bldod. Neither do they threaten all equally, nor A HIND LET LOOSE. 615 nor any of them peremptorily, * But that continuing ' after the publication of this their declaration, obfli- ' nately and habitually in thefe courfes (plainly de- ' daring they intended no hurt to them if they would c hold up their hands) they would repute them as e- * nemies to God and the reformation, and punifh * them as fuch, according to their power, and thede- ' gree of their offence; withal leaving room for civil * and ecclefialtical faasfaclion, before lawful and fet- ' tied judicatories, for the offences of fuch perfons, * as their power may not reach,' &c. And as un- willing to be neceffitated ro fuch fevere courfes, and earneftly defirous they be prevented, they admonifli them with for row and ferioufnefs, of the fin and ha- zard of their wicked courfes; and proteft, that only necefilty of felf prefervation, and zeal to religion, left it Ihould be totally rooted out by their infolency, did drive them to this threatening declaration, and not becaufe they were acted by any finful fpirit of re- venge. This is all that is contained in that declara- tion. And if there be any thing here fo odious and execrable, to befofolemnly abjured, renounced, and abhorred in the prefence of God, for the pleafure of, and in obedience to the will of his and our enemies, let all unbiaffed confiderers impartially weigh, or any awakened confcience fpeak, and I doubt not but the fwearing and fubfcribing this oath will be caff and condemned. I fhall fay nothing of the necefiity, or conveniency, or expediency, or formality of this declaration : but the lawfulnefs of the matter, cdmplexly taken, is fo undeniable, that it cannot be renounced, without condemning many very material principles of our re- formation : only iuccefs and incapacity is wanting to juflify the manner, whole procedure, formality, and all the circumltances of the bufinefs ; if either the declarers themfelves, or any other impowered with itrength, and countenanced with fuccefs to make good the undertaking, had iffued out fuch a declara- tion 6t5 A HIND LET LOOSE. tion in the fame terms, and had .prevailed and prof- pered in the projed, many, that have now abjured it, would approve and applaud it. But palling thcfc things that are extrinfic to the confederation in hand u is the matter that they required to be abjured and condemned, it is that the enemies quarrelled at, and not the inexpediency or informalities of it: and it muft be taken as they propound it, and abjured and renounced by oath as they reprefent it ; and there- fore the iniquity of this fubfcription will appear to be great, in two refpeas ; ift, In denying the truth. Idly, In fubfcribing *o, and fwearing a he. i. They that have taken that oath have denied and renounced the matter of that declaration, which is truth and duty, and a teitimony to the caufe of Chrift, as it is this day ftated and circumftantiate in the nation, founded UDon former (among us uncontroverted) precedents and principles of defenfive wars, difowmng Tyranny, and repreffing the infolency of tyrants and their accomplices ; the whole matter being reducible tothefetwo points, declaring a refolved endeavour of breaking the tyrant's yoke from oft our neck, thereby aliening our own and the poftenties liberty and freedom, from his infupportable and entailed ila- very : and a jutt threatening to curb and reitrain the infolency of murderers, or to bring them to condign puniflimcnt : whereof, as the firft is noways repug- nant, but very confonant to the third article ; io the fecond is the very duty obliged unto in the fourth article of our folemn league and covenant. But all this they have denied by taking that oath. 2. By ta- king that oath, they have fworn and fubfcnbed to a he, taking it as thev reprefent it, abjuring it in fo far as it declares, &c.' and aliens it is lawful to kill all em- ployed in the fervice of the king, in church, itate, ar- my or country ; which is a mamfeft he, for it aliens nofuch thing. Neither will any other fenfe put. upon the words, in fo far as falve the matter ; lor as thereby the takers of the oath (hall deal deceitfully, A HIND LET LOOSE. 6 1 7 in fruftrating the end of the oath, and the defign of the tenderers thereof ; and to take an oath in fo far, will not fatisfy, as Voetius judgeth, de Pol. Eccl. p. 213. So let them be taken which way they can, either for fo much, or even as, or providing, it is ei- ther a denying the truth, or fubfcribing a lie : and confequently thefe poor people fuffered for righteouf* nefs that refufed it. HEAD IV. HIhe Sufferings of People for frequenting Field Meetings, Vindicated, HITHERTO the negative heads of fufferings have been vindicated : now follow thepofirive, found- ed upon pofitive duties, for doing, and not denying, and not promilingand engaging to relinquifh which, many have fuffered feverely. The firft, both in order of na- ture and of time, that which was firft and laft, and frequently, moll conftantly, moll univerfally, and moit fignally fealed by fufferings, was that which is the cleared of all, being in fome refpect the teftimo- ny of all ages, and which clears all the reft, being the rife and the root, caufe and occafion of all the reft ; to wit, the neceifary duty of hearing the gofpel, and following the pure and powerful faithfully difpenfed ordinances of Chrift, banifhed out cf the churches to private houfes, and perfecuted out of the houfes to the open fields, and there purfued and oppofed, and fought to be fuppreffed, by all the fury and force, rigour and rage, cruelty and craft, policy and power, that ever wicked men, maddened into a monftrous malice againft the mediator Chrift, and the coming of his kingdom, could contrive or exert j yet ftill 4 1 followed 6l8 A HIND LET LOOSE. followed and frequented, owned and adhered to by the lovers of Chrift, and ferious feekers of God, even when for the fame they were killed all day long, and counted as (heep for the Daughter, and continually opprcifed, harralTed, hunted, and cruelly handled, dragged to prifons, banifhed and fold for flaves, tor- tured, and murdered. And after, by their fraudu- lent favours of enfnaring indulgences and indemni« ties, and a continued tract of impofitions and exac- tions, and many oaths and bonds, they had prevailed with many, and even the mod part both of minifters and profefTors, to abandon that neceffary duty ; and even when it. was dechred criminal by aft of parlia- ment, and interdicted under pain of death, to be found at any field meetings: they neverthele s per- flated in an undaunted endeavour, to keep up the ftandard of Chrift, in following the word of the Lord wherever they cculd have it faithfully preached, though at the greateft of hazards : And fo much the more that it was profecuted by the rage of enemies, and the reproach and obloquies of pretended friends^ that had turned their back on the teftimony, and pre- ferred their own eafe and interefts to the caufe of Chrift ; and with the greater fervour, that the labou- rers in that work were few, and like to faint under fo many difficulties. What the firft occafion was that conftrained them to go to the fields, is declared at length in the hiftorical deduction of the teftimony of the fixth Period : to wit, Finding themfelves bound in duty, toteftify their adherence to, and continuance in their covenanted profeffion, their abhorrence of abjured prelacy, and their love and zeal to keep Chrift and his gofpel in the land, after they had un« dergone and endured many hazards and hardfhips, oppreffions and perfecutions, for meeting in the houfes where they were fo eafily attrapped, and with fuch difficulty could efcape the hands of thefe cruel • men ; they were forced to take the fields, though with the unavoidable inconveniences of all weathers* without A HINtf) LET LOOSE. 6 i 9 without a fhelter : yet propofing the advantages, both of conveniency for meeting in great numbers, and of fecrecy in the remote receives of wild muirs and mounains, and of fafety, in betaking themfelves to inacceflible natural ftrengths, fafefl either for flight or refinance ; and withal, having occaiion there to give a teftimony for the reformation with greater freedom. And to this very day, though many have a pretended liberty to meet in houfes, under the fe- curiry of a man's promife, whofe principle is to keep no faith to heretics, and under the fhelter and fhadow of an xlntichriftian toleration ; yet there is a poor people that are out of the compafs of this favour, whom all thefe forementioned reafons do yet oblige to keep the fields, that is both for conveniency, fecre- cy, and fafety; they dare nottruft thofewho are ftill thirfling infatiably after their blood, nor give them fuch advantages as they are feeking, to prey upon (hem, by fhutting themfelves within houfes ; and .moreover, they take the -mfelves to be called indiTpen- fibly, in the prefent circumflances, to be as public, or more than ever, in their teftimony for the preach- ed gofpel, even in the open fields. Now this would be a little cleared ; and to effay the fame, I would of- fer, iff, Some conceflions. 2dly, Some poftulara, or fuppofed grounds. 3dly, Some more fpecial confi- derations, which will conduce to clear the cafe. Firfl, That we may more diftindlly underfland what is the duty here pleaded for, and what is that which thefe people fuffer for here vindicated ; let thefe conceflions be premifed, i. Now under the evangelical difpenfation, there is no place more facred than another, to which the worihip of God is aftricted, and which he hath chof- en for his houfe and habitation, whither he will have his people to refort and attend, as under the legal and typical difpenfation was ordered; there was a place where the Lord caufed his name to dwell, Deut. xii, 5, 1 1. But now, " neither in the mountain, nor at 4 I 2 " Jerufalem 620 A HIND LET LOOSE. " Jerufalem, the Father will be worshipped ; but e" " very where, and any where, in fpirit and in truth,* John iv. 21, 23, 24. And the apoitle wills, " that " men pray every where, lifting up holy hands, with- " out wrath and doubting/' 1 Tim. ii. 8. We ab- hor therefore the Englifh and popifh fuperllition of confecrated places, and affert that all are alike in this refpecl, houfes or fields. 2. In the conilitute itate of the church, or where- ver it can be obtained, order, decency, and conveni- ency doth require that there be appointed places, fe- queftrate and appropriate for the meetings of the Lord's people, according to that general rule, " Let " all things be done decently and in order," 1 Cor. xiv. lall verte. And, in that cafe private conventi- cles, fet up in a Ichifmatical competition with public churches, are not to be allowed. But even then pri- vate meetings for prayer and conference, are necefla- ry, lawful, and laudable. But now the church is broken by a crew of fchifmatical intruders, who have occupied the places of public afTemblies : and thruft out the Lord's minilters : It is thefe we fear at, and not the place. 3. Suppofe a magiftrate mould interdict and dif- charge the public place of worihip, and reftrain from the churches, but leave all other places free to meet in : or if he mould prohibit the houfes, but leave free- dom for the fields, or difcharge the fields, and give liberty in houfes j in that cafe we would not contend for the place out of contempt : though it were duty then to witnefs againft fuch a facrilegious injury done to the church, in taking away their meeting places j yet it were inexpedient to ftickle and it rive for one 1 fpot, if we might have another ; then when only ex- cluded out of a place, and not included or concluded and reftrided to other places, nor otherwife robbed of the church's privileges, we might go to houfes when fhut out of churches, and go to fields when, {hut out of houfes, and back again to houfes when difcharged A HIND LET LOOSE. 621 difcharged thence. But this is not our cafe, for we are either interdicted of ail places : or if allowed any, it is under fuch confinements as are inconfiftent with the freedom of the gofpel : and befides, we have to do with one from whom we can take no orders, to determine our meetings ; nor can we acknowledge our liberty to depend on his authority, or favour which we cannot own nor truft, nor accept of any protection from him. Neither is it the place of fields or houfes that we contend for; nor is it that which he mainly oppofes : but it is the freedom of the gofpel faithfully preached, that we are feeking to fupprefs. The contelt betwixt him and us, is the fervice of God in the gofpel of his Son ; that we profefs, without owning him for the liberty of its ex- ercife : and therefore as an enemy to the matter and object of thefe religious exercifes, which are the eye- fore of antichrill, he profecutes with fuch rage the manner and circumftances thereof. 4. Even in this cafe, when we are perfecuted in one place, we flee unto another, as the Lord allows and directs, Matth. x. 23, And if occa- lionally we find a houfe, either public, or a church or a private dwelling houfe that may be fafe or convenient, or capacious of the numbers ga- thered, we think it indifferent to meet there, or in the field ; but, in the prefent circumftances, it is more for the conveniency of the people, and more congruous for the day's teftimony, to keep the fields in their meetings, even though it irritate the incenfed enemies. Which that it may appear, Secondly, I fhall offer fome poftulata or hypothe- cs to be confidered, or endeavour to make them good, and infer from them the neceflity and expedi- ency of field meetings at this time in thefe circum- ftances : which confequently vindicate the fufferings that have been thereupon ftated formerly, and are ftill continued. i. It is neceffary at all times that Chriftians mould meet 622 A HIND LET LOOSE. meet together, whether they have mir.ifters or not, and whether the magiftrate allow it or not. The au- thority of God, their neceflity, duty, and intereft, makes it indifpenfible in all cates. It is neceflary for the mutual help, " two are better than one, for if they fall, the one will lift up his fellow," Eccl. iv. 9, io. It is neceilary for cherifhing mutual love, which is the new commandment, and badge of all ChriiVs dilciples, John xiii. 34, 35. a principle which they are all taught of God, 1 ThefT. iv. 9. It is ne- ceflary for nourifhing union to communicate together, in order to their being of one mind, and one mouth, and that they receive one another, Rom. xv. 5, 6, 7. 1 Cor. i. 10. Standing faft in one fpirit, driving together for the faith of the gofpel, Phil. 1. 27. It is neceffary for ferving one another in love, Gal. v. 13. bearing one another's burdens, and io fulfilling the law of Chrift, Gal. vi. 2. fubmitting to one ano- ther, Eph. v. 21. 1 Pet. v. 5. teaching and admonifh- ing one another, Col. iii. 16. comforting one another, I ThefT., iv. laft verfe, edifying one another, 1 ThefT. v. 1 1. exhorting one another, Heb. iii. 13. It is ne- ceffary for coniidering one another, and provoking unto love, and to good works ; and for this end, they mult not forfake the affembling of themfelves together, as the manner of fome is, for that were to fin wilfully, Heb. x„ 24, 25, 26. Mud thefe things depend on the magiftiate's allowance ? Or can they be done without meeting together in private or pu- blic ? The fame rcafons do alike conclude for thene- ceffity of both. If then there mull be meetings for thefe ends ncceffary at all times, then when they cannot do it within doors, they rauft do it without. 2. There is a neceflity for meeting for preaching and hearing the gofpel ; the enjoyment whereof hath always been the greateft defign and defire of I faints, who could not live without it ; therefore they loved the place where the Lord's honour dwelt, J Pfal. xxvii. 3. This was the one thing they defired cf A HIND LET LOOSE. 623 of the Lord, and that they would feek after, to be- hold the beauty of the Lord, Pfal. xxvii. 4. For this they panted, and their foul thirfted, Pial. xlii. 1, 2. without which every land is but a thirfty land, where there is no water, where they cannot fee the power and glury of God, as they have feen it in the fancluary, Pfal. Ixiii. 1,2. O how amiable are his tabernacles ? u One day in his courts is better than " a thoufand elfewhere," Pfal. Ixxxi. 1, 10. No gladnefs to them like that of going 10 the houfe of 'the Lord, Pfal. cxxii. 1. A chritlian cannot pofiibly live without gofpel ordinances, no more than chil- dren can want the breafts, or the poor and needy want water when their tongue faiieth for third: ; they are promifed it in high places, and in the wilder- nefs, when they can get it in no where elfe, Ifa. Ixi, 17, 1 3. There is an innate defire in the faints after it, as new born babes they defire the fincere milk of the word, 1 Pet. ii. 2. So that any that is offended with them for this, mull be offended with them for being chriftians, for as fuch they mull have the gofpel, cuff what it will. It is the greateft defire of the fpoufe of Chriff, to know where he feeds and where to find the Shepherd's tents, v, here they may reft at noon, Cant. i. 7, 8. And not only in iheir elteem is it neceffary : but in itfelf, the church cannot bear the want of it, for where there is no vifion, the word of the Lord is then very precious, 1 bam. iii. 1. No wonder then that the Lord's peo- ple make fuch ado of it, in a famine of it, that they go from lea to fea to feek it, Amos viii. 1 1, 12. and that they are content to have it at any rate, though with the peril of their lives, becaufe of file fword of the wildernefs, Lam. v. 9. Seeing they cannot live without it. Would men be hindered, by law, from feeking their natural food ? Nay, they would fight for it before they wanted it, againlt any that oppo- fed them. If then they cannot get it with peace, they muft 624 A HIND LET LOOSE. muft have it with trouble : and if they cannot get it in houfes, they muft have it wherever it is to be found, with freedom, and the favour of God. 3. It is neceiTary that the meetings be as public, as they can be with conveniency and prudence ; yea, fimple hazard mould no more hinder their pubhc- nefs and folemnity, than their being at all. Efpecial- ly, in an evil time, when wickednefs is encouraged and eftablifhed, and conformity thereto prefled, truth baniihed, and a witnefs for Chrift fupprefled, cor- ruption in doarine, worfhip, difcipline, and govern- ment connived at, countenanced, and advanced, the word of God is become a reproach, and men have no delight in it, apoftafy is become univerfal, and born magiftrates and minilters generally turned promoters of it, which is the true defcription of our times * then the meetings of the Lord's people, that en- deavour to keep clean garments, mould be more fre- quent, public, and avowed. The realons are, 1. ■ Then the call of God, by his word and works, is more clamant, for public and folemn humiliation, m order to avert public imminent judgments, and im. pendent flrokes from God. It is not enough to re- form ourfelves privately and perfonally, and to keep ourfelves pure from fuch courfes, by an abftraCtion and withdrawing from them, as is proved, Head U (where this is improved as an argument againlt hear- ing the curates) Nor is it enoogh to admomlh, exhort,, reprove, and tellify againft fuch as are involved in thefe courfes, but it is necenary, for them that would be approven, to adhere to the truth, and ferve God after the right manner, and to mourn, figh, and cry tor all the abominations of the time, fo as to get the 4 mark of mourners on their foreheads,' Ezek. ix. 4. and they that do fo, will be found ' on the mountains < like doves in the valleys, all or them mourning, « every one for his iniquity,* Ezek. vu. 16. and not only to be humbled every family apart, but there A HIND LET LOOSE. 625 * muft be a great mourning, as the mourning of Ha- * dadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon,' Zech. xii. 1 1. to the end. That is a folemn public mourning there promifed. There muft be a ' gathering them- * felves together, though a nation not defired, before * the decree bring forth, before the day pafs as the ' chaff, and the fierce anger of the Lord come upon ' them, if they would have any poilibility of their * hiding,* Zep. ii. i, 2, 3. ' The trumpet then muft * be blown in Zion, to fanctify a fart, to call a folemn 1 affembly, gather the peopl?, fanctify the congrega- * tion, affemble the elders, gather the children/ Joel ii. 15, «6. As was exemplified in Ezra's time, when there were great congregations of people afTenibled publicly, weeping very fore, then there was hope in Ifrael, Ezra x. 1, 2. and when that meffenger of the Lord came up from Gilgal to the people of Ifrael, and reproved them for their de- fections and compliance with the Canaanites, they i had fuch a folemn day of humiliation, that the place of their meeting got a name from it, they called the name of that place Bochim, that is, weepers, Judg. ii. 4, 5. ' And when the ark was at Kirjathjearim all the ■ l houle of Ifrael lamented after the Lord * and they gathered together at Mizpeth, and drew * water, and poured it out before the Lord,' 2 Sam. vii. 2. 6. I fhewed before, that there is reafon to fear that the fins of a few, efpecially of magiftrates and ministers, will bring wrath upon the whole body of the people, as is plain from thefe fcriptures, Lev. x. 6. Ifa. xliii. 27, 28. Lam iv. i$. Micah iii. 11. itl fhewing the fins of minifters may procure univerfal deftiu£tion. And 2 Sam. xxiv. 25. 2. Kings xxi. 11. Jer. xv. 4. proving rhe fins of magiftrates may procure it : and Numb. iii. 14. 15. Jofh. xxii. 17, 1 8. Demonftrating that the fins of a party of the peo- ple may draw wrath upon the whole. Now, the only way the fcripture points out to evite and avert fuc.n public judgments is to make our refentment of thefe 4 K indignit s ie * 626 A HIND LET LOOSE. indignities done to our God, our mourning over them, and our witnefs againft them, as public as the fins are, at leaft as public as we can p;ei them, by a- public pleading for truth, Ifa. lix. 4. For the defect whereof he hides his face, and wonders that there is no man, no interceflbr, ver. 16. that is, none to plead with God, in behalf of his borne down truths ; there mud be in order to this, a public feeking of truth, which if there be any found making confcience of, the Lord makes a gracious overture to pardon the city, jer. v. 1. We cannot think there were no mourners in fecret there, but there was no public meetings for it, and public ovvring the duty of that day : There muft be valour for the truth upon the earth, Jer. ix. 3, a public and refolute owning of truth : there muft be a making up the hedge, and itanding in the gap for the land, that the Lord fbould not deftroy it, Ezek. xxii. 30. a public teftimony in oppofition to detection : there muft be a pleading With our mother, Hof. ii. 2. which is fpoken to pri- vate perfons in the plural number, commanding all that would confult their own fafety, publicly to con- demn the fins of the whole nation, that they may e* fcape the public punifhment thereof, as it is expound- ed in Pool's Synop. Critic, in locum. By this means we muft endeavour to avert the wrath and anger of God, which muft certainly be expected to go out a- gainft the land, which hath all the procuring caufes, all the fymptoms, prognoftics, and evidences of a land devoted to deftruction, that ever a land had. If then there muft be fuch public mourning, and fuch folemn gathering for it, fuch public pleading for truth, feeking for truth, valour for truth, making up the hedge, and pleading with our mother, there mull of neceflity be public meetings for it : for thefe things cannot be done in private, but muft be done by way of teftimony. Which I make a fecond reafon, The nature and end of meeting for gofpel ordinances is for a public teftimony for Chtift and his truths and intereft, A HIND LET LOOSE. 627 intereft, againft fin and all dishonours done to the Son of God. So that the only end, is not only to bring to Chrift, and build up fouls in Chrift, but it is to teflify alfo for the glory of Chrift, whether fouls be brought in and built up or not. The preach- ed gofpel is nor only the teftimony of Chrift, 1 Cor. i. 6. but a teftimony for Chrift ; in which fenfe, the teftimony of Jefus is faid to be the fpirit of prophecy. Rev. xix. 10. fo called, Durham expounds it, for its bearing witnefs to Chrift ; in which refpect minifters are often called witneffes. It is alfo the teftimony of Ifrael (not only given to Ifrael, but given by Ifrael) unto which the tribes go up, the tribes of ihe Lord, Pfal. cxxii. 4. Whenfoever therefore, or howfoever the 'eftimony of the church is contradicled, that is not a lawful meeting of the tribes of the Lord. It is alfo the teftimony of the preachers for Chrift, againft them that will not receive them, Mark vi. 1 1. And a witnefs unto all nations to whom they preach, Matth. xxiv. 14. And of all the witneffes that hold it, and fuffer for it, Rev. vi. 9. And the fame which is the word of Chrift's teftimony, is the word of theirs, Rev. xii. 11. by which they overcome, and for which they love not their lives. Wherever then the gofpel is preached, it muft be a teftimony except it be public, at leaft as public as can be, as we find all Chrift's witneffes were in the Old and New Tef- taments. 3. The motive or principle prompting the Lord's people to a frequenting of gofpel ordinances, is a public fpirit, ftirring up to a public generation work, whereof this is the fcope, to promote the king- dom of Chrift, and not only to obey the Lord's com. mand enjoining the duty, to enjoy the Lord, the end thereof, to edify their own fouls; but to partake in, and promote this great work of the day, for the glo- ry of God, and the church's good. For the gofpel is. not only a banner of love over his friends, but Chrift's ftandard of war againft his enemies, Ifa. lix. 19. under which all that countenance it, are called to 4 K 2 lift 628 A HIND LET LOOSE. lift themfelves as his foldiers, called, and chofen, and faithful : and it is required of his foldiers that they be valiant for the truth upon the earth, difcovering a gallant greatnefs and generofity of a public fpirit, having their defigns and defires not limited to their own interefts, even fpiritual, but aiming at no lefs than Chrift's public glory, the church's public good, the faints public comfort, having a public concern for all Chrift's interefts, public fympathy for all Chrift's friends, and a public declared oppofition to all Chrift's enemies : this is a public fpirit, the true fpirit of all Chrift's zealous lovers and votaries ; which, when he is a miffing, will prompt them to go about the city, in the ftreets, and in the broad ways, to feek him whom their foul loveth, Cant. iii. 2. and not only in. their beds, or fecret corners, but they muft go to the ftreets, and to the fields, and avow their feeking of Chriit, even though the watchmen mould fmite them, and the keepers of the walls take their vails from them , Cant. v. Which obliges them to take him into their own cottages, and entertain him in their hearts, and give him a throne there, but alfo to endeavour to en- large his dwelling, and propagate his courtly refidence through the world, that the kingdoms of the earth may become the kingdoms of the Lord ; and if they cannot get that done, yet that he may have the throne in their mother's houie, and take up his abode in the church, or nation they belong to, that there his ordi- nances'be eftablifhed in purity, peace, plenty, and power, according to his own order ; and if that can- not be, but that their mother play the harlot, and he be provoked to give up houfe with her, and, by her children's treachery, the ufurping enemy be invited into his place and habitation, and take violent poflef- fion of it, and enadt his extrufion and expulfion by law ; yet they will endeavour to fecuTe a place for him among the remnant, that he may get a lodging among the afflicted and poor ' people that truft in the * name of the LorcU- that they may feed and * ly down, and none make them afraid, Zeph. iii. 1 2, 13. tha A HIND LET LOOSE. 6l$ ( 13. that the poor of the flock that wait on him, may * know that it is the word of the Lord,' Zech. xi. n. they will lay out themfelves to ftrengthen their hands. This is the work of the public fpirited lovers of the gofpel, which hath been, and yet is the great work of this our day, to carry the gofpel, and follow it, and keep it up, through the land, as the ftandard of Chrilt, againft all oppofition, from mountain to hill, when now Zion hath been labouring to bring forth as a woman in travail, and made to go forth out of the city, and to dwell in the field, Mic. iv. io. Therefore, feeing it is the public work oi the day, and all its followers mult have fuch a public fpirit, it fol- lows that the meetings to promote it mull, be as pub- lic as is poffible. 4. The intereit and privilege of the gofpel, to have it in freedom, purity, power, and plen- ty, is the public concern of all the Lord's people, pre- ferable to all other interefts ; and therefote more pub- licly, peremptorily, and zealoufly to be contended for, than any other intereit whatfoever. It is the glory of the land 1 Sam. iv. 21. without which, I- chaboa may be the name of every thing; and every land, though never fo pleafant, will be but a dry and parched land, where no water is, in the efteem of them that have feen the Lord's glory and power in the fanctuary, Pfal. Ixiii." 1. Whereas its name is Hephzibah and Beulah, Ifa. lxii. 4. and Jehovah- Shammah, Ezek. xlviii. ult. where God is enjoyed in his gofpel-ordinances ; and the want and reproach of the lolemn afTemblies, is a matter of the faddeit mourning of the Lord's people. Zeph. iii. 18. Therefore, while 'the ark abode in Kirjath jearim, the time was thought very long, and all the houfe of If- rael lamented after the Lord, 1 Sam. vii. 2. then they heard of it at Ephratah, and found it in the fields of the wood, Pfal. cxxxii. 6. . But it hath been longer than twenty years in our fields of the woods, and therefore we mould be lamenting after it with a greater concernednefs -f efpecially remembering, how we 630 A HIND X-ET LOOSE- we were privileged with the gofpel, which was fome- times publicly embraced and countenanced by autho- rity, and enfured to us by laws, ftatutes, declarations, proclamations, oaths, vows, ?nd covenant- engage- ments, whereby the land was dedicated and devotee! unto the S m of God, whofe conqueft it was. And now are not all the people of God obliged to do what they can, to hinder the recalling of this dedica- tion, and the giving up of the land as an offering un- to fatan and antichrift ? And how fliail this be, but by a public contending, for this privilege, and a re- viving they {hall fooner bereave us of our hearts blood, than of the gofpel in its freedom and purity 1 But this we cannot contend for publicly, 11 our meet- ings be not public. 5- The nature and bufmefs of the gofpel miniltry is fuch, that it obliges them that exercife it to endeavour all publicnefs, without which they cannot difcharge the extent of their initruchons: their very names and titles do inhnuate [o much. They are witneiles for Chrift, and therefore their teuimonies mould be public, though their lot often- times be to whnels in fackcloth. They are heralds, and therefore they mould proclaim their matters will, though their lot be often to be a voice crying in the wildernefs, as John the Baptift was in his held preachings. They are ambaffadors, and therefore they mould maintain their mafter's majelty in the public port of his ambaffadof s, ?nd be wholly taken L about their fovereign's bufmefs. They are watch- men, and therefore they mould keep and maintain their poll their matter has placed them at. Nay, they are lights and candles, and therefore cannot be hid, Matth! v. ,*.,. The commands and m truclions .iven them, inter the neceffity of this They muft cry aloud, and fpare not, and lift up their voice like a tmmpet and mew the Lord's people their tranf, greflions and fms, Ifa. lviii. .. They are watch .men toon Jerusalem's walls which muft not hold their peace day nor night, nor keep filence, nor giveAe A HIND LET LOOSE. 63 I Lord reft, till he eftablifh, and till he make Jerufa- lem a praife in the earth, I la. lxii. 6, 7. They are watchmen, that mult command all to hearken to the found of the trumpet, Jer. vi. 17. They muft be va- liant for the truth spon the earth, Jer. ix. 3. They muft fay. Thus faith the Lord even to a rebellious na- tion, whether they will hear or forbear, and not be a- fraid of them, Ezek. ii. 5, 6. They muft caufe the people to know their abominations, Ezek. 16. 2. and the abominations of their fathers, Ezek. xx. 4* And what their mafter teils them in darknefs, that they muft fpeak in the light, and what they hear in the ear, that they muft preach upon the houie tops, Matth. x. 27. Thefe things cannot be done in a ciandeltine way ; and therefore now, when there is no much neceflity, it is the duty of all faithful mi« .nifters, to be laying out themfelves to the utmoft in their paftoral function, for the fuppreffing of ail the evils of the time, notwithstanding of any prohibition; to the contrary, in the molt public manner, accord- ing to the examples of all the faithful fervants of the Lord, both in the Old and New Teftaments ; though it be mod impioufly and tyrannically interdicted, yet the laws of God ftiand unrepealed ; and therefore all who have a trumpet and a rnouth, mould fet the trumpet to their mouth, and found a certain found ; not in fecret, for that will not alarm the people, but in the mod public manner they can have accefs to ; and it is the duty of ail to come and hear, and obey their warnings and witneiTings, command who will the contrary. It was for mocking, defpifing his words, and mifuling his prophets, that the wrath of the Lord arofe againlt his people, the Jews, until there was no remedy, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16. There- fore, from all that is faid, it muft be concluded, that meetings for gofpel ordinances mult be as public as can be : and if fo, then that they mould be in houfes, fafety will not permit to us ; to go to the Itreets or marketplaces, neither fafety nor prudence- will ad- mit; 6^2 AHIND LET LOOSE. mit ; therefore we muft go to the fields with it} coft what it will. 4. Seeing then there muft be meetings, and public meetings ; and feeing we cannot, and dare not in con- ference countenance the curates meetings, we mult hear, own, embrace and follow fuch faithful mini- fters, as are clothed with Chrift's commiffion, righte- oufnefs and falvation, and do keep the words of the Lord's patience, and the teftimony of the church of Scotland in particular. This I think will not, or dare not be denied, by any that own the authority of Chrift (which none can deny or inftruct the contrary, but our minifters that ventured their lives in preach- ing in the fields, have had a certain feal to their mi- niftry, and is fealed fenfibly in the conviction of many, and confeffion of more) that Chrift's minifters and witneffes, employed about the great gofpel-mef- fage, clothed with his authority and under the obli- gation of his commands lying upon them, muft preach, and the people muft hear them, notwithftand- ing of all laws to the contrary. Divines grant that the magiftrate can no more fufpend from the exer- cife, than he can depofe from the office of the mini- dry ; for the one is a degree unto the other. See Apollon. de jure Magift. circa Sacra, Part 1. p. 334, &c. Rutherford's Due right of Prefbyterians, p. 430, &c. For whether it be right in the light of God, to hearken unto men more than unto God, the con- fciences of the greateft enemies may be appealed un- to, Acts iv. 19. They muft not ceafe, wherever they have a call and cccafion, to teach and preach Jefus Chrift, Acts v. laft verfe. Neceffity is laid upon them ; yea. wo unto them, if they preach not the gofpel, 1 Cor. xi. 1 6. In all things they muft ap- prove themfelves, as the minifters of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in necefTuies, &c. by honour and dilhonour, by evil report and good report, as de- ceivers, and yet true, as unknown, and yet well known.- z Cor. vi. 4. 8. 9. They muft preach the A HIND LET LOOSE. 633 the word, be inftant in feafon, and out of feafon ; re- prove, rebuke, exhort with all long fuffering and doc- trine, 2 Tim. iv. 2. Dare any fay then, that a na- gidrate's or tyrant's laws can exaudtorate a miriiiler? or filence him by his own proper elicite acts, as king or tyrant, or formally and immediately ? Will mif- chiefs framed into a law warrant fuch iniquity ? of an act of a king of clay refcind the mandates of the King of kings ? or exempt people from obedience due thereunto? or will the bifhops canons, who have no power from Chrid, or the cenfures of them, that ftand condemned themfelves by the conditutions of the church, and acts of the general affemblies, have any weight in the cafe ? And yet thefe are all that can be alledged, except odious and invidious calum- nies, the ordinary lot of the moll faithful, againd the •prefent preachers in the fields, which are fufficiently confuted in their late informatory vindication, and need not here be touched. Seeing therefore they have given up themfelves unto Chriit as his fervants they mud refolve to be employed for him to the ut- moft of their power, and mud not think of laying up their talent in a napkin ; efpecially now when there is fo great neceffity, when defection is yet growing, covered, countenanced more and more, divifion no- thing abated, but new oil call daily into the flames of devouring contentions j the people generally drown- ed in the deluge of the times, (hares and fins, and like to be overwhelmed in the inundation of Wck popery^, now coming in at the opened fluice of this wicked toleration, with the congratulations of ad. drefling minillers, when now the harved is great, and the labourers are few ; great then is the neceiTity$ and double mud the woe be that abideth fuch mini- sters, as are filent at fuch a time : and great and in- excufable is the fin of the people, if they do not come out, and countenance faithful mihiiters, the meffengers of the Lord of hods, from whom they fliouid feek the law. Mai. ii. 7. efpecially when there 4 L arg 634 A HIND LET LOOSE. are fo many, that have fo palpably betrayed their truft, and fo few that are faithful in the necefTary tes- timony of the day. Seeing then faithful minifters muft preach, and people muft hear, where can they meet with conveniency, and fafety and freedom, ex- cept either under the fhelter of this wicked tolera- tion, which they dare not do, or elfe go to the fields ? 5. It muft be obtained alfo, that the minilters have a right to preach in this unfixed manner, wherever they have a call ; their relation now, in this difturb- ed ftate of the church, being to be confidered more extenfively, than in its unfettled condition. For un- derftanding which, we muft diftinguifh a three or fourfold relation, that a minifter of the gofpel ftands into. Firft, He is a minifter of Chrift, and fteward of the myfteries of God, 1 Cor. iv. 1. having his commiflion from Chrift as his mafter : and this rela- tion he hath univerfally, wherever he is. Secondly, He is a minifter of the catholic church, though not a catholic minifter of it, which is his primary relation ; for that is the church, in which minifters are fet, 1 Cor. xii. 28. and to which they are given, Epli. iv. 1 1. 22. Thirdly, He is a minifter of the particular church whereof he is a- member ; and fo in Scotland, a minifter is a minifter of the church of Scotland, and is ^obliged to lay out himfelf for the good of that church. Fourthly, He is a minifter of the par- ticular congregation, whereunto he hatn a fixed re- lation in a conltitute cafe of the church : this laft is not effential to a minifter of Chrift, but is fubfervient to the former relation ; but when feparated from fuch a relation, or when it is impofTible to be held, he is ftill a minifter of Chrift, and his call to preach the gofpel ftands and binds. See Mr. Durham's digref- fion on this particular, on Rev. chap. 2. pag. 89. &c. in quarto, For though he be not a catholic- officer, having an equal relation to ail churches, as the Apo- ftles were ; neverthelefs he may exercife minifterial a&s authoritatively, upon occafions warrantably call- ing A HIND LET LOOSE. 635 ing for the fame, in other churches, as heralds of one king, having authority to charge in his name where- ever it be : efpecially in a broken ftate of the church, when all the reitriction his ministerial relation is ca- pable of, is only a tie and call to officiate in the fer- vice of that church whereof he is a member ; and fo he hath right to preach every where, as he is called for the edification of that church. The reafons are, 1. He hath power from Chrift the matter of the whole church ; and therefore, wherever the matter's authority is acknowledged, the fervant's minifterial authority cannot be denied ; at leaft in relation to that church, whereof he is a member as well as a minifter. 2. He hath commifllon from Chrift principally for the edification of ChrifVs body, as far as his miniftry can reach, according to the fecond relation. 3. His relation to the whole church is principal, that which is fixed to a part is only fubordinate, becaufe it is a part of whole 4. His commiffion is indefinite to preach the gofpel, which will fuit as well in one place as in another. 5. The fame great ends of the church's great good and edification, which warrants fixing of a minifter to a particular charge in the church's peaceable ftate. 6. Elfe it would follow, that a faithful minifter, Handing in that relation to a difturbed and deftroyed church, and all his gifts and graces were ufelefs in that cafe, which notwithstand- ing are given for the good of the church. 7. Yea, by this, when his fixed relation cannot be kept, it would follow, that he ceafed to be a minifter, and his commiilion expired ; fo that he mould ftand in no other relation to Chrift, than any private perfon fo qualified, which were abfurd : for by commifllon he is abfolutely fet apart for the work of the miniftry, fo long as Chrift hath work for him, if he continue faithful. 8. This haih been the practice of all the propagators of the gofpel from the beginning, and of our reformers in particular ; without which they could never have propagated it fo far : and it was ne- 4 L 2 ver 6$6 A HIND LET IOOSE. vei accounted the characleriflic of apoftles, to preach unfixedly ; becaufe in times of perfecutions, pallors and doctors alfo might have preached wherever they came, as the officers of the church of Jerufalem did, when fcattered upon the periecution of Stephen, Acts viii. t. did go every where preaching the word, ver, 4. Since therefore they may and mult preach, in this unfixed manner, they muft in this broken flate look upon all the godly in the nation, that will own and hear them, to be their congregation, and embrace them all, and confult their conveniency and univerfal advantage, in fuch a way as all equally may be ad- mifted, and none excluded from the benefit of their mimitry. And therefore they mull go to the fields with it. 6. The Lord hath fo fignally owned, fuccefsfully countenanced, and fmguiarly lealed field preaching in thefe unfixed exercifef, that both miniflers and people have been much encouraged again.lt, all oppo- fition to profecute them, as having experienced much of the Lord's power and prefence in them, and of the breathings of the enlivening, enlarging, enlightening and ^lengthening influences of the Spirit of God up- on them. The people are hereby called, in this cafe of defection, to leek alter thefe waters that they have freen fo often refrefhed by : for in this cafe of defec- tion, God being p leafed to leal with a palpable blef- fing on their iouls. the word from miniflers adhering to heir principles, they may fafely lock on this as a call from Goct to hear ;hem, and follow after them fo owned of the Lord. And it being beyond all doubt, that the aflemblies of the Lord's people to panake of pure ordinances, with full freedom of con? fcience in the field's, hath been fignally owned and blefled of the Lord, and hath proven a mean to fpuad the knowledge of God beyond any thing that appeared in our bed times; and in defpite of this fign; • ' ai nee of God, and envy at the good done in thefe meetings, all endeavours being ufed by wick- ed A HIND LET LOOSE. 6$7 ed men to fupprefs utterly all thefe rendczvouzes of the Lord's militia, both by open force and cunning Midianitifli wiles ; minifters cannot but look upon it as their duty, and that the Lord hath been preaching from heaven, to all who would hear and underftand it, that this way of preaching, even this way, was that wherein his foul took pleafure, and to which he hath been, and is calling all who would be co-workers with him this day, to help forward the intereft. of his crown and kingdom. Many hundreds of perfecuted people can witnefs this, and all the martyrs have feal- ed it with their blood, and remembered it particular- ly on the fcaftbldis, that they found the Lord there, and that he did lead them thither, where he had made them to ride upon the high places of the earth, and to eat the increafe of the fields, and to fuck ho- ney out of the rock, and that in their experience, un- der the Spirit's pouring out from on high, they found the wildernefs to be a fruitful field, and, in their e- fteem, their feet were beautiful upon the mountains that brought good tidings, that publifhed peace, that brought good tidings of good, that publifhed falva- tion, that faid unto Zion, Thy God reigneth. And all the minifters that followed this way, while they were faithful, and had but little ftrength, and kept his word, and did not deny his name, found that ve- rified in their experience, which was faid of Philadel- phia, Rev. iii. 8. that they had an open door which no man could fhut. The characters whereof, as they are expounded by Mr. Durham, were all verified in thefe meetings : where i. The minifters had a door of utterance upon the one fide opened to them ; and the people's ears were opened to welcome the fame, in love to edification, fimplic.ity, and diligence on the other. 2. This had real changes following, many being made humble, ferious, tender, fruitful, &c. 3. The devil raged and fet himfelf to oppofe, traduce, and fome way to blaft the miniftry of the moft faith, ful more than any others : juft as when Paul had a greater 638 A HIND LET LOCSE. greater door and effectual opened to him, there were many adverfaries, 1 Cor. xvi. 9. 4- Yet the Lord hath been obfervedly defeating the devil and profani- ty in every place, where the gofpel came, and made him fall like lightning from heaven, by the preach- ing of the word. 5. And the moll experimental proof of all was, that hereby ground was gained up- on the kingdom of the devil, and many prifoners brought off to Jefus Chrift. And therefore feeing it is fo, this muft certainly be a call to them who are yet labouring in that work, which others have left offjj to endeavour to keep this door open with all dili- gence, and reap the corn while it is ripe, and when the fun mines make hay, and with all watchfulnefs, left the wicked one fow his tares, if they fhouid fall remifs. 7. As for the circumftance of the place, of this un fixed manner of celebrating the folemn ordinances of the worfhip of God, in a time of perfecution : this cannot be quarrelled at by any, but fuch as will quar- rei at any thing. But even that is better warranted, than to be weakened with their quarrels. For before the law, mountain-worfhip was the firft worfhip of the world, as Abram's Jehovah-jireh, Gen. xxii. 14. Jacob's Bethel, (or houfe of God in the open fields) Gen. xxviii. 17, 19. his Peniel, Gen. xxxii. 30. his El-Elohe Ilrael, Gen. xxxiii. ult. do witnefs : under the law, they heard of it at Ephratah, they found it in the fields of the wood, Pfal. cxxxii. 6. After the. law, field preaching was the. firft that we read of in the New Teftament, both in John's preaching in the wildernefs of Judea, being the voice of one crying in' the wildernefs, and the mafter-ufher of Chrift, Matth.i iii. 1. 3. and in his ambafiadors afterwards, who, on the Sabbath, went out to a river-fide where prayer was wont to be made, as Lydia was converted at Paul's field preaching, A&s xvi. 13, 1 4. And chief- ly the prince of preachers, Chrift himfelf preached many a time by the fides of the mountains, and the fea- A HIND LET LOOSE. 639 fea-fic!e : that preaching, Matth. v. was on a moun- tain, ver. 1. And this is the more to be confidered, that our Lord had liberty of the fynagogues to preach in, yet he frequently left them, and preached either in private houfes, or in the fields ; becaufe of the opposition of his doctrine by the Jewifh teachers, who had appointed that any who owned him fhould be excommunicate : and therefore, in the like cafe, as it is now, his fervants may imitate their mafter : for though all Chrift's actions are not imitable : fuch as thefe of his divine power, and the actions of his divine prerogative (as his taking of the afs without the owner's liberty) and the actings of his mediatory prerogative, which he did as Mediator ; but all his gracious actions, and moral upon moral grounds, and relative upon the grounds of relative duties, are not only imitable, but the perfect pattern for imita- tion. Therefore that fuperftitious and ridiculous ca- , vil, that fuch meetings in fields or houfes are con- ! venticles, gathering feparate congregations, is not worth the taking notice of: for this would reflect upon Chrift's and his apoftles way of preaching, and the conftant method of propagating the gofpel in times of persecution, in all ages lince, which hath al- ways been by that way which they call keeping of ^conventicles. It is abfurd to fay, It is a gathering of feparate congregations, it is only a fearching or feek- ing after the Lord's fheep, that are made to wander through all the mountains, and upon every high hill, n.and his flock which is fcattered by corrupt fhepherds, and the cruelty of the beafts of the field, Ezek. ixxxiv. 5, 6. and preaching to all who will come and hear the word of truth, in fuch places where they may get it done molt fafely, and may be mod free from diftraction and trouble of their enemies, who are waiting to find them out, that they may haul them to prifons, or kill them, 8. As for the circumftance of the time, that is fpe- cially alledged to be unfeafonable, efpecially when there l 64O A HIND LET LOOSE. there is a little breathing, aad fome relaxation from the heat of perfecution, to break the peace, and awaken fleeping dogs by fuch irritating courfes, is thought not confident with chriftian prudence. This is the old pretence of them that were at eafe, and preferred that to duty. But as we know no peace at this time, but a peace of confederacy with the enemies of God, which we defire not to partake of, and know of no relaxation of perfecution againfl: fuch as continue to witnefs againfl: them ; fo let what hath been laid a- bove in the third hypothecs, of the neceffityof pub- dicnefs in our meetings at fuch a time as tins is, be confidered ; and let the fcripture be confulted, and it will appear, not only that in preaching the gofpel there muft be a witnefs and teftimony kept up, (as is proved above) and not only that minifters preach the word, and be inftant in feafon and out of feafon, i Tim iv. 2. But that fuch a time, as this, is the very feafon of a teftimony. For, in the fcripture, we find, that teftimonies are to be given in thefe feafori efpecialiy i. When the enemies of God, beginning to relent from their ftiffnefs and feverity, would com* pound with his witneffes, and give them fome liberty, but not total ; as Pharaoh would let the children of Ifrael go, but flay their flocks ; and now our Pha- raoh will "ive fome liberty to ferve God, but with a refervation° of that part of the mater of it that no- thing be faid to alienate the hearts of the iubjects from his arbitrary government. But Moles thought it then a feafon to tellify (though the bondage or the people mould be thereby continued) that there fhould not a hoof be left behind ; for, fays he, we know nol with what we muft ferve the Lord, until we come thither, Exod. x. 24, 25, 26. So muft we tellify foi everv hoof of the intereft of Chrift this day. 2. Wner there is a toleration of idolatry, and confederacy witr idolaters, and fufpending the execution of penal laws a gainft them, or pardoning of thole that fhould bi ourvflied : in fuch a feafon as this, that meiienger r tha A HIND LET LOOSE. 64I that came from Gilgal, gave his teftimony at Bochim. againft their toleration of idolatrous altars, and con- federacy with the Canaanites, Judg. ii. i, 2. He is called an angel indeed, but he was only fuch an one as minifters are, who are called fp, Rev. ii. 1. for heavenly fpirits have brought a heavenly metiage to particular perfons, but never to the whole people ; the Lord hath committed fuch a treafure to earthera veflels, 2 Cor. iv. 7. and this came from Gilgal, not from heaven : fo the man of God teftified againft Eli, for his toleration of wicked priefts, though they were his own fons, 1 Sam ii. 27, &c. So Samuel witn. if- ed againft Saul, for his toleration and indemnity granted to Agag, 1 Sam. xv, 23. So the prophet a- gainft Ahab, for fparing Benbadad, 1 Kings xx. 42. The angel of Ephefus is commended for this, and he of Pergamos, and he of Ihyatira is condemned, for omitting this teftimony and allowing a toleration of the Nicolaitans and Jezebel, Rev. ii. 2, 14, 20. In fuch a cafe of univerfal compliance with thefe things, and the peoples indulging themfelves under the fha- dow of the protection of fuch a confederacy, the fer- vants of the Lord that fear him muft not fay a con- federacy, though they mould be accounted for figns and wonders in Ifrael, Ifa. viii. 12, 13, 18. But now idolatrous mafs-altars are fet up, none thrown down, penal ftatutes againft papifts are ftopt and difabled, and the generality of minifters ate congratulating, and faying a confederacy io their addrefles for the fame, 3. When the univerfal apoftafy is come to fuch a height, that error is prevailing, and few fiding them- felves in an avowed oppofition againft it ; as Elijah chofe that time, when the people were halting be- tween two opinions, i Kings xviii. 21. And gene- rally all the prophets and fervants of Chrift, confut- ed alway the peoples neceffity for the timing of their teftimonies : and was there ever greater neceffity than now, when popery is coming in like a flood ? 4. When wicked men are chief in power j as when Ha- 4 M man 6^2 A HIND LET LOOSE. man was promoted. Mordecai would not give him one bow, though all the people of God fhould be en- dangered by fuch a provocation, Efther iii. 2. And when tyrants and ufurpers are fet up without the Loid's approbation, then they that have the Lord's trumpet mould fet it to their mouth, Hof. viii. 1, 4. Is not this the cafe now ? 5. When, upon the ac- count of this their teftimony, the Lord's people are in greater danger, and enemies defign to malfacre them, then, if they altogether hold their peace at fuch a time, there (hall enlargement and deliverance, arife another way, but they and their father's houfe fhall be deftroyed, who are filent then as Mordecai faid to Efther, Efth. iv. 11. And who knows not the cruel defigns of the papifts now ? 6. When iniquity is univerfally abounding, and hypocrify among pro- feffors, then the fervants of the Lord muft cry aloud and not fpare. Ifa. lviii. 1. as the cafe is this day. 7. When the concern of truth, and the glory of God, is not fo illuftrioufly vindicated as he gives us to ex- pect it fhall be ; then the watchmen muft not hold their peace, and they that make mention of the name of the Lord muft not keep fdence, Ifa. lxii. 6, j< efpecially when his name and glory is blafphemed, baffled, and affronted, as at this day with a witnefs. 8. When minifters generally are involved in a courfe of defection, and do not give faithful warning, but daub over the peoples and their own defections ; then the prophets muft prophefy againft the prophets, E- zek. xiii. 2, 10. &c. As, alas! this day there is a neceffity for it. 9. When public worfhip is inter- dicted by law, as it was by that edict prohibiting public prayer for 30 days in Daniel's time : they could not inte' diet all prayer to God ; for they could ioi bid nothing by that law, but that which they might hinder and punifh for contraveening ; but mental prayer at leaft could not be fo reftrained. And certain it is, they intended only fuch prayer fhould be difcharged as might difcover Daniel : but might A HIND IE T L OOSE. 643 flight not the wifdom of Daniel have eluded this in- terdiction, by praying only fecretly or mentally ? No, whatever carnal wifdom might dictate, his honeily did oblige him in that cafe of confeffion, when he knew the writing was figned, to go into his houfe, and to open his windows, and to kneel upon his knees three times a day, —as he did aforetime, Dan. vi. 10. Now, what reafon can be given for his opening his windows ? Was it only to let in the air ? or was it to fee Jerufaiem out at thefe windows ? The temple he could look toward, as well when they were fhut. No other reafon can be affigned, but that it was neceflary then to avouch the teltimony for that indifpenfible duty then interdicted. And is not public preaching indifpenfible duty too ? which is de- clared criminal, except it be confined to the mode their wicked law tolerates ; which we can no more homologate, than omit the duty. 10. When it is an evil time, the evil of fin is incumbent, and the evil of wrath is impendent over a land; then the lion hath roared, who will not fear ? The Lord God hath fpoken, who can but prophefy ? Amos iii. 8. There is no contradiction here to that word, which hath been miferably perverted in our day, to palliate fin- ful filence of time fervers, Amos v. 13. The pru- dent mall keep filence in that time, for it is an evil time : whereby we cannot underfland a wylie with- drawing our witnefs againlt the time's evils : for there they are commanded to beftir themfelves active- ly, in feeking good, hating the evil, loving the good, and eftablifhing judgment in the gate, ver. 14, 15. but we underftand by it a fubmiffive filence to God, without fretting (according to that word, Jer. viii. 14. For the Lord our God hath put us to filence, —and Mic. vii. 9.) Calvin upon the place ex- pounds it, ' The prudent (hall be affrighted at the * terrible vengeance of God ; or they mall be com- ' pelled to filence, not willingly (for that were un- 4 worthy of men oi courage to be lilent at iuch wick- 4M2 « ediifs) #44 • A HIND LET LOOSE. *■ ednefs) but, by the force of tyrants, giving them ' no leave to fpeak.' Sure then this is fuch a time, wherein it is prudence to be filent to God, but not to be filent for God, but to give public witnefs a- gainft the evils of fin abounding, and public warning of the evils of punifhment imminent, n.. Then is the feafon of it, when worldly wifdcm thinks it un- fealonable, when men cannot endure found doftrine, but after their own lulls they heap to themfelves teachers, having itching ears, and turn away their ears from the truth ; then to preach the word, and be inftant is indeed in itfe'f feafonable, becauie pro- 6table and necefiary ; but it is out of feafon as to the preachers or hearers external intereft, and in the efteem of worldly wifclings, 2 Tim. iv. 2, 3, 4. See Pool's Synopf. Critic, in Locum. So in our day, men cannot endure free and faithful dealing againft the fins of the times, but would have fmooth things and deceits lpoken unto them ; like thofe, Ifa. xxx. 10. And nothing can be more offenfive, than to fpeak plainly (fo as to give every thing its own name) either of the fins of the times, or cf the fnares of the times, or of the miieiies and evils of the times, or of the duties of the times, or of the dangers, and the prefent crifis of the times : which no faithful miniifer can forbear. Therefore lo much the mere is it fea- fonable, that it is generally thought ur.feafonable. 1 2* In a word, whenever the teftimony of the church, or any part of it, is oppofed and fuppiefied -, then is the feafon to keep it, and sontend for it, and to hold it fa ft, as our crown, Rev. iii. 10, 11. It mud be then a word fpoken in due feafon, and good and necefiary (Prov. xv. 23.) at ihis time, to give a public tellimony againft all wrongs done to our blef- fed Lord Jefus, all the encroachments upon his pre* rogatives, all the invafions of the church's privileges, all the overturnings of our covenanted reformation, ' and this openly defigned introduction of popery and flavery. But now how (hall this teftimony be given by A HIND LET L0O3B. 645 fey us conveniently ? Or how can it be given at all, at this time, in our circumflances, fo as both the mat- ter and manner of it may be a moil fignificant witnefs bearing to the merit of it, except we go to the fields? Who can witnefs fignificantly again!! popery and ty- ranny, and all the evils to be fpoken againfl: this day, under the protection of a papilt and tyrant, as houfe- meetings under the covert of this toleration are (fac- ed ? For if thefe meetings be private and fecret, then the teflimony is not known j if they be public, then they are expofed to a prey. Now, by all thefe gene- ral hypothefes, it is already in fome meafure evident, that field meetings are very expedient. But I mall add fome particular confideraticns, to inculcate the fame more clofely. In the third place, belides what is faid, To clear the lawfuinefs and neceffity of a public teflimony a- gainft the evils of the prefent time, fome confidera- tions may be added to prove the expediency of this way and manner of giving a teflimony, by maintain- ing held meetings in our prefent circumflances, 1. The keeping of field meetings now, is not only mod convenient for tefiifying, but a very figni- ficant teflimony in itfelf, again (t this popifn toleration ; the wickednefs of whole fpring and original, and of its nature and terms, channel and conveyance, end and detigu, is ihewed in the hiftorical narrative thereof, and cannot be denied by any prefhyterian, whole coniiant principle is that there mould be no tolera- tion of popery, idolatry, or herefy, in this reformed and covenanted church. Reafon and religion both will conclude, that this is to be witncfied againfl, by 3;11 that will adhere to the caufe of reformation over- turned hereby, and refolve to (land in the gap aga'nft popery, to be introduced hereby, and that will ap- prove themfelves as honed patriots in defending the f laws and liberties of the country fubverted hereby. And befides, if it be confidered with refpecf. to the granterj it is palpable his defign is to introduce po- pery, 646* A HIND LET LOOSE. pery, and advance tyranny, which can be hid front none that accept it^ the effectuating whereof hath a neceffary and infeparable connexion with the accep- tance of the liberty ; and is fo far from being averti* ble by the accepters, that it is chiefly promoted by their acceptance, and the defign of it is to lay them by from all oppofition thereto. If it be confidered with relation to the accepters, it is plain it mud be taken as it is given, and received as it is conveyed* from its fountain of abfolute power, through a chan- nel of an arbitral law difabling and religion-difho- nouring toleration, which is always evil ; and with confent to the finful impofitions, with which it is ten- dered ; concerning and affecting the doctrine of mi- nifters, that they fhall preach nothing which may alienate the fubjects from the government : againft all which there is no accefs for a proteftation, con- fident with the improvement of the liberty, for it is granted and accepted on thefe very terms ; that there mall be no protections for if there be, that will be found an alienating of the hearts of the fubjecte from the government, which, by that proteftation, will be reflected upon. If if be confidered with refpecf. to the addreffers for it, who formally fay a confederacy with, and congratulate the tolerator for his tolera- tion, and all the mifchiefs he is machinating and ef- fectuating thereby : then feeing they have prefump- tuoufly taking upon them to fend it in the name of all prefbyterians, it concerns all honeft men, zealous Chriftians, and faithful minifters of that perfuafion and denomination, in honour and confcience, to de- clare to the world by fome public teftimony, that they are not confenters to that finful, fhameful, and fcandalous confpiracy, nor of the corporation of thefe flattering addreftes who have betrayed the caufe ; with which all will be interpreted confenters, that are not contradiclers. Further this toleration is finful as is cleared above, Period 6. And to accept of it rs contrary to our folema covenants and engagements, where A HIND LET LOOSE. £47 where we are bound to extirpate popery, preferve the reformation, defend our liberties, and never to ac cept of a toleration everfive of all thefe precious L terdts we are fworn to maintain. And it is heinouf- ly icandalous, being, in effect, a fuccumbing at len-h and yielding up the caufe, which hath been fo lone controverted, and fo long contended for; at leaft an appearance of ceding and lying by from contending tor the mierefts of Chrift, of condemning our former wrefl : hngs for the fame, of purchasing a liberty to ourfelves at the rate of burying the teftimony in bor- aage and oblivion ; of hardening and confirming open adverfanes in their wicked invafions on our re. Jigion, laws, and liberties; of being weary of the : crofs of Chr.it, that we would fain have eafe upon i any terms, and of weakening the hands, yea, con- demning the practice and peremptorinefs of thefe that are exempted from the benefit, or rather the ; fnare of it, and fuffer when others are at eafe. It is alio attended with many inconveniences ; for either iuch as preach under the covert of it, muft forbear declaring fome part of the counfel of God, and rive ■ no teftimony feafonable this day : or elfe if they^do they will loon be difcovered, and made a pre/ Hence, feeing there muft be a teftimony againft this toleration, it is certainly moft expedient to give it there where the meeting is without the reach and bounds of it and interdicted by the fame proclama- tion that tenders it, and where the very gathering in iuch places is a teftimony againft it : for to preach in houfes conftantly and leave the fields, would now be interpreted and homologating the toleration that commands preaching to be reftricled ; efpecially when anaddrefsis made in name of all that accept the benefit of it, from which odium we could not via- dicate ourfelves, if we mould h make ufe of it. . 2. Ihe keeping of field meetings now is a teftimo- £K*a uat WICk6d ,aW that dif^arges them, and interdicts them as criminal; yea, in. fome refpeS a cafe 64$ AHIND LET LOOSE. cafe of confeffion j for if Daniel's cafe, when public prayer was difcharged under pain of death, was a cafe of confeffion, as all grant ; then muft alfo our cafe be, when public preaching is difcharged under the fame penalty ; for it is equivalent to an umverlal difcharge of all public preaching, when the manner of it b difcharged, which we can only have with free dom and fafety in way of public teftimony, which can be none other in our circumftances but in the field* Again if the law be wicked that difcharges them, as certainly it is, and is demonftra'.ed from what is faid already, then it muft be fin to obey it 5 but it were all obeving of it to quit the fields. # ; * The keeping of field meetings now is a teitimo* nv againft tyranny and ufurpation, encroaching upon our religion, laws, and liberties, and prefuming to re ftridand bound the exercife of the miniftenal fund tion,and difcharge it altogether, except it be modin> ed according to the circumftances prefenbed by a wicked law, which cannot be allowed as competent to any man whofe authority is not acknowledged, tot reaions given in Head z. Therefore though there were no more, this is fufficient to call all miuftdj to give teftimony againit fuch an ufurpation, by re. fnfmg to obey any fuch aft, and preaching where God giveth a call. For otherwife, to fubmit to it, W-H be an acknowledging of his magiftratical p^er to difcharge theie meetings, and to give forth feme* ces againft faithful minifters. a 4. The keeping of field meetings now is a teftimo* nv for the honour, head&ip, and princely prerogaj live of Jefus Chrift, which hath been the great word of his patience in Scotland, and by an unparalleled infolence encroached upon by ufurpers m our day and in effeel, denied by fuch as took a new holing for the exercife of their taioiftry from their ufurped power- Now in thefe meetings, there is a P«cti«J- declaration of their holding their mimftry, and the exercife thereof from Chtift alone, without any d* A HIND LET LOOSE. 649 pendence upon, fubordinaiion to, or licence and war- rant from his ufurping enemies ; and that they may and will preach in public, without authority from them. If then it be lawful and expedient to main- tain the interefts of a king of clay againft an ufurper ; then much more muft it be lawful and expedient, to maintain the quarrel of the King of kings, when wic- ked men would banifh him and his interefts out of the kingdom by their tyrannical cruelty, and cruel mercy of a deftruclive toleration. 5. The keeping of field meetings now is a testi- mony for the gofpel and the ministry thereof ; which is always the deareft and neareft privilege of Chris- tians, and in the prefent circumllances, when our lives and our all are embarked in the fame bottom. with i,, ai*d fought to be deftroyed together with it, by a party confpiring againft Chrift, "it is neceffary duty to defend both by refilling their unjuft violence ; cfpecially when religion and the gofpel is one and the chief ol our fundamental land rights, and the cardi- nal condition of the ettabliihed policy, upon which we can only own men for magiftrates by the law of the land : and this teftimony, by defence of the gof- pel and of our own lives, cannot be given expedient- ly any where but in the fields. It is alfo a teftimony for the freedom and authority of the gofpel miniftry, and for their holding their unremoveable relation to the church of Scotland, which is infringed by thefe tyrannical acts, and maintainted by theie exercifes ; which is a privilege to be contended for, above and beyond all other that can be contended for or defend- ed, efpecially to be maintained againft thofe that have no power or authoriry to take it away. There will no man quit any of his goods upon a fentence com- ing from an incompetent judge : and fhall minifters or people be hectored or fooled from fuch a, privi- lege by them that have no fuch power. 6. The keeping of field meetings now is a teftimo- ny for our covenants, the owning whereof is declared 4 N criminal 6^© A HIND LET LOOSE. criminal by that fame law that difcharges thefe meet in^s ; in which we are fworn to preferve the refor- mation in doftrine, worfhip, difcipline, and govern- ment and to defend all the church's liberties, and to oppofe all their oppofites, and endeavour their extir- pation : And in the folemn acknowledgment ot fins and engagements to duties, we are fworn, Becaufe many have of late laboured to fupplant the liberties of the kirk, to maintain and defend the kirk of Scot- land, in all her liberties and privileges, againlt all who' mail oppofe and undermine the fame, or en- croach thereupon, under any pretext whatfoever. Since then, the owning of thefe meetings and the co- venants are both difcharged together, and the own- ing of the covenant does oblige to a public oppoii- lion againft the difchargers, and an avowed mainte- nance of the church's privileges, whereof this is, in a manner, the only and chief liberty now left to be maintained, to keep meetings where we may teihfy a- gainft them, without dependence on their toleration ; it muft follow, that thefe meetings are to be main- tained, which only can be in the fields, with conve* me7 ° To give over thefe field meetings now, would be an hardening and encouraging of thefe enemies in their wicked defign of banifhing all thefe meetings ■ out of the land ; which manifeflly would be defeat, bv a refolute refufal of all to fubmit to their difchar- aing of them ; and they that do fubmit, and give them over, do evidently contribute to the effectuating that wicked defign, which is of that fort, but further ft intended to extirpate all meetings for gofpel ordi- nances, in which there is any teftimony againlt them. To comply therefore with fuch a forbearance of them at this time, would lay a ftone of ftumbhng before them, to encourage them in thele their defigns : when thev mould fee their contrivance fo univerfally com- plied with, wherein they might boaft that at length A HIND LET LOOSE. 651 they had prevailed, to put quite away that eye-fore of theirs, field meetings. 8. To give over thefe field meetings now, were a ftumbling to the poor ignorant people ; who might think, that now it appears that work was but of men, and fo hath come to naught ; and would look upon, it as an evidence of fainting, and fuccumbing at laft in the matter of the teftimony, as being quite over- come ; and that indeed all have embr?ced and accept- ed this prefent toleration, and were all alike fleeping under the fhade, and eating the fruits of fuch a bramble. 9. Finally, To give over thefe field meetings now, would be very fcandalous to the pofterity, and to ftrangers, who fhall read the hiftory of our church, to find, that as prelacy came in without a joint wit- nefs, and the monftrous, blafphemous, and facrile- gious fupremacy was erected, without a teftimony in its feafon ; fo black popery iifelf, and tyranny, was introduced by a toleration, which laid them all by from a teftimony againft thefe ; who formerly had valiantly, refolutely, and faithfully contended againft all lefler corruptions ; but at laft, when that came, and ftricler prohibitions of all public meetings, but j under the covert thereof, were emitted, then all were i perfuaded to comply with that courfe. How afto- [ nifhing would it be to read, that all thefe contendings, fealed with fo much precious blood, fhould come to fuch a pitiful period ! But I haften to the next, which is the fecond pofitive ground of fuffering. 4 N 2 HEAD 652 A HIND LET LOOSE, HEAD V. The Principle of, and Te/limony for, Dcfcrtfive Amu Vindicated. THIS truth is of that fort, that can hardly be il- luflrated by demonftration ; not for the dark- nefs thereof, but for its felf-evider.cing clearnefs, be- ing fcarcely capable of any further elucidation, than what is offered to the rational underftanding by its fimple propofition. As firft principles can hardly be proven becaufe they need no probation, and cannot be made clearer than they are, and fuch as cannot confent to them, are incapable of conceiving any probation of them; fc this truth of felf prefer vation being lawful, becaufe it is congenite with and Eradi- cated in every nature, that hath a felf which it can preferve, can fcarcely be more illuftrated that it may do fo, than that it can do fo. And therefore to all who have a true refpect to their own, as well as a due concern in the intereft of mankind, and zeal for the intereft of Chrift, it might feem fuperfluous to make a doubt or debate of this : were it not that a generation of men is now prevailing, that are as great monfters in nature, as they are malignant in religion, and as great perverters of the law of nature, as they are fubverters of municipal laws, and everters of the Jaws of God : who for owning this principle, as well as ufing the practice of defenfive refiftance for felf prefer vation againft tyrannical violence, have fet up fuch monuments of rage and cruelty, in the mur- der of many innocent people, as was never read nor heard of before. It hath been indeed the practice of all nations in the world, and the greateft of men have maintained this principle in all ages j but the bare A HIND LET LOOSE. 653 bare afferting the principle, when extorted by fevere inquifitirns, was never a cauie of t king the lives of any, before this was impofed on the poor fufferers in Scotland, to give their judgment, whether or not fuch appearances for defence (as the tyranny of ru- lers had forced people to) were rebellion, and a fin againft God, which rhev could not in confcience af. fert ; and therefore, though many that have fufFered upon this head, have been as free of the practice of fuch refinance as any ; yet becaufe they would not condemn the principle, they have been criminally procefled, arraigned, and condemned to the death. And againft this truth they have been obferved to have a fpecial kind of indignation, either becaufe the light of it, which cannot be hid, hath fome heat with it to fcorch them ; or becaufe they fear the impreffion of this in the hearts of people more than orhers, knowing that they deferve the practical expreifion of it by the hands of all. But the realon they give why they are fo offended at it, is, that they look upon it as the fpving of all the errors of prefbyterians, and a no- tion that deftro)? them ; which indeed will be found to have a neceffary connexion with many of the truths that they contend for this day, as it hath been the neceffary method of defending them. What practices of this kind hath been;, and w|iat were the occafions inducing, or rather enforcing to thefe de- feniive refinances, here to be vindicated as to the principle of them, is manifefted in the hiiiorical re- presentation, mewing, that after the whole body of the land was engaged under the bond of a folemn covenant, fever al times renewed, to defend religion and liberty ; and in fpecial manner the magiftrates of all ranks, the fupreme whereof was formally ad. mitted to the government upon thefe terms ; he, with his aflociates, confpiring with the nobles, to involve the whole land in perjury and apoftafy, overturned the whole covenanted work of reformation ; and thereby not only encroached upon the intered of Chrifl 654 A HIND LET LOOSE. Chrift and the church's privileges, but fubverted the fundamental conftitution of the kingdom's govern- ment, and preffed all to a fubmiilion unto, and com- pliance with that tyranny and apoftafy, erected upon the ruins thereof; yet the godly and faithful in the land, feafible of the indifpenfible obligation of thefe covenants, refolved to adhere thereunto, and fuffered long patiently for adherence unto the fame*, until be ing quite wearied by a continued tract of tyranni- cal oppreilions, arbitrarily enacted by wicked laws, and illegally executed againft their own laws, and cruelly profecuted even without all colour of law, in many unheard of barbarities, when there could be no accefs for, or fuccefs in complaining, or getting ie- drefs by law, all petitions and remonftrances of grie- vances being declared feditious and treafonable, and interdicted as luch : chey were forced to betake them- felves to this laft remedy of defenfive reiiftance, in- tending only the prefervation of their lives, religion and liberties ; which many times hath been bleffed with fuccefs, and therefore zealoufly contended for, as an inadmiffible privilege, by all well affected to the caufe of Chrift, and intereft of their country, becaufe they found it always countenanced of the Lord ; un- til the caufe was betrayed by the treachery, and aban- doned by the cowardice of fuch, as were more loyal for the king's interests, than zealous for Chrift's and the country's ; for which ihe Lord in his holy jealou- fy difcountenanced many repeated endeavours of this nature, cutting us off, and putting us to fhame, and would not go forth with our armies. But becaufe the duty is not to be meafured by, and hath a more fixed rule to be founded upon than providence ; therefore the godly did not only maintain the princi- ple in their confeffions and teflimonies, but profecute the practice in carrying arms, and making ufe of them in the defence of the gofpel and of themfelves, at field meetings ; which were always fuccefsfully profperouSj by the power and prefence of God. This qneftion A HIND LET LOOSE. 6$$ queftion is fufficiently difeuiTed, by our famous and learned invincible patrons and champions for this ex- cellent privilege of mankind, the unanfwerable au- thors of Lex Rex, the Apologetical Relation, Naph- tali, and Jus populi vindicatum. But becaufe it is eafy to add to what is found, I Ihall fubjoin my mite ; and their arguments being various and voluminoufly profecute, and fcattered at large through their books, I ihall endeavour to collect a compend of them in fome order. The two firft fpeak of a defenfive war, managed in a parliamentary way : and the two lafl, of refinance againft the abufe of a lawful power, when there is no accefs to maintain religion and li- berty any other way ; which does not come up fo clofe to our cafe, nor is an antithefis to the affertions of our adverfaries, who fay, that it is no ways lawful, in any cafe, or upon any pretence whatfoever, to re- fill the fovereign power of a nation, in whomfoever it be refident, or which way foever it be erected. I fhall confider it more complexly and extenfively, and plead both for refiftance againft the abufe of a lawful power, and againft the ufe and ufurpation of a tyran- nical power, and infer not only the lawfulnefs of re- filling kings, when they abufe their power (as is de- monstrate unanfwerably by thefe authors) but the ex- pediency and neceflity of the duty of refilling this ty- rannical power, whenfoever we are in a capacity, if we would not be found treacherous covenant-break- ers, and betrayers of the interefl of God, and the li- berties of the nation, and of our brethren, together with the pofterity, into the hands of this popifh and implacable enemy, and fo bring on us the curfe of Meroz. and the curfe of our brethren's blood, crying for vengeance on the heads of the fhedders thereof, and upon all, who being in cafe, came not to their reicue ; and the curfe of pofterity, for not tranfmit- ting that reformation and liberty, whereof we were by the valour of our forefathers put and left in pof- feflion. I ihall not therefore reftricl myfelf to the ftate 656 A HIND LET LOOSE. ftate of the queftion, as propounded ordinarily, to wit, Whether or not, when a covenanted king doth really injure, opprefs and invade his Subjects civil and religious rights, or unavoidably threatens to deprive their dearefr. and neareit liberties, and fends out his epiiiTaries with armed violence agaiuft them ; and when all redrefs to be had, or hope by any addrefs or petition, is rendered void or inacceSIible, yea addref- iing interdicted uiider Severe penalties, as treasonable ; then, and in that cafe, may a community of thefe fubjects defend themfelves, and their religion and li- berties, by arms, in refilling his bloody emifTaries ? But, to bring it home to our prefent cafe, and anfwer the laxnefs of the adverfaries pons ion of the uncon- troulablenefs of every one that wears a crown, I (ball ftate it thus, : Whether or not is it a neceifary duty for a community (whether they have the concur- rence of the primores or nobles, or not) to endea- vour, in the defence of their lives, religion, laws and liberties, to refill and reprefs the ufurpation and ty- ranny of prevailing dominators, ufing or abufing their power for fubverting religion, invading the liberties, and overturning the fundamental laws of their coun- try ? I hold the affirmative, and Shall eflay to prove it, by the fame arguments that conclude this queftion, as ufually ftated ; which will more than evince the jufiifiablenefs of the fufferings upon this head. In profecuting of this iubject, I Shall tirft premit fome conceifory confederations to clear it. And fecondly, bring reafons, to prove it. Firft, For clearing of this truth, and taking off miftakes, there conceflions may be considered. 1. The ordinance of magistracy, which is of God, is not to be refilled, no, not fo much as by difobedi- ence or non obedience, nay, not fo much as mental- ly, by curfing in the heart, Ecclef. x. 20. but a per- fon clothed therewith, abufing his power, may be in fo far refilled. But tyrants, or magistrates turning tyrants, are not God's ordinance j and there is no hazard AM1ND LET LOOSfi. 6$1 hazard of damnation, for refufing to obey their unjuft commands, but rather the hazard of that i;, hi •. dik- ing willingly after the commandment, when the fta- tutes of Omri are kept. So that what is objected from Eccl. viii. 2— —4. " I counfel thee to keep the king's commandment," &c. is anfwered on Head II. and is to be underftood only of the lawful commands of lawful kings. 1. Rebellion is a damnable fin, except where the word is taken in a lax fenfe, as Ifrael is faid to have rebelled againft Rehoboam, and Hezekiah againft Sennacherib, which was a good rebellion, and clear duty, being taken there for refiftance and revolt. Iii that fenfe indeed fome of our rilings in arms might be called rebellion ; for it is lawful to rebel againft tyrants. But becaufe the word is ufually taken in an. evil fenfe, therefore it would have been offenflve to acknowledge that before the inquifitors, except it had been explained. But rebellion againft lawful magis- trates, is a damnable lin, exemplarily punifhed in Korah and his company, who rebelled againft: Mofes ; and in Sheba and Abfalom, who rebelled againft Da- vid. For to punifh the juft is not good, nor to ftrike princes for equity, Prov. xvii. 26. and they that re- lift fhall receive to themfelves damnation, Rom. xiii. 2. So that this objection brought from this place, as if the apoitle were commanding their fubjection without refiftance to Nero, and fuch tyrants ; as it is very impertinent, it is fully anfwered above, Head II. Here it will be fufficient to reply, 1. He is hereby vindicating Chriftianity^from that reproach, of calling eff or refufing fubjection to magiftrates for conscience fake in general. And it is very confiderable, what Buchanan fays in his book de juri regni, that Paul did not write to the kings themfelves, becaufe they were not Chriftians, and therefore the more might be born with from them, though they fhould not under- stand the duty of magiftrates ; but imagine, that there had been fome Christian king who had turned tyrant 4 O and 658 AH1ND LET LOOSE. and apoftate, c to the fcandal of religion : what would * he have written then ? :->ure if he had been like him- ' felf, he would have denied that he fhould be owned ' for a king, and would have interdi&ed all Chriftians ' communion with him, and that they fhould account ' him no king, but fuch as they were to have no fel- * lowfhip with, according to the law of the gofpel.' 2. He fpeaks of lawful rulers here, not tyrants, but of all fuch as are defined and qualified here, being powers ordained of God, terrors to evil works, mi- nifters of God for good. Yea, but fay prelates, and their malignant adherents, thefe are only motives of fubjection to all powers, not qualifications of the powers. 1 anfwer, they are indeed motives, but fuch as can be extended to none but to thefe powers that are fo qualified. 3. He fpeaks of lawful powers in- definitely in the plural number, not fpecifying any kind or degree of them, as if only kings and empe- rors were here meant. It cannot be proven, that the power of the fword is only in them. Neither was there a plurality of kings or emperors at Rome to be fubject to : if he meant the Roman emperor, he would have defigned him in the lingular number. All the reafons of the text agree to inferior judges alfo, for they are ordained of God, they are called rulers in fcripture, and God's minifters, revengers by office, who judge not for man, but for the Lord : and infe- rior magittrates alfo are not to be refilled, when do- ing their duty, 1 Pet. ii. 13. yet all will grant, when they go beyond their bounds, and turn little tyrants, they may be withftood. 4. He does not fpeak of Ne- ro, concerning whom it cannot be proven, that at this time he had the foverereign power as the learned Mr. Prin fhews : or if he had, that he was a tyrant at this time ; and if he meant him at all, it was only as he wa obliged to be by righ , nor as he was in deed. Ail men know, and none condemns the fact of the fe- nate, that refilled Nero at length, without tranfgref- fing this precept. Yea I mould rather think, the fe- nate A HIND LET LOOSE. 659 nate is the power that the apoftle applies this text to, if he applied it to any in particular. 5. The fubjec- tion here required, is the fame with the honour in the fifth command, whereof this is an expofition, and is oppofite to the contraordinatenefs here condem- ned. Now, fubjection takes in all the duties we owe to magiftrates, and refiftance all the contraries forbidden ; but unlimited obedience is not here re- required : fo neither unlimited fubje&ion. 3. We may allow paflive fubjection in fome cafes, even to tyrants, when the Lord lays on that yoke, and in effec"t fays, he will have us to lie under it a while, as he commanded the Jews to be fubject to Nebuchadnezzar : of which paflage, adduced to prove fubjection to tyrants univerfally, Buchanan, as above, infers, that if all tyrants be to be fubjecled to, becaufe God by his prophet commanded his peo- ple to be fubject to one tyrant ; then it muft be like- wife concluded, that all tyrants ought, to be killed, becaufe Ahab's houfe was commanded to be deftroy- ed by Jehu. But paflive fubjection, when people are not in capacity to refift, is neceffary. I do not fay paflive obedience, which is a mere* chimera, invent- ed in the brains of fuch fycophants, as would make the world flaves to tyrants. Whofoever fufFereth, if he can fhun it, is an enemy to his own being : for every natural thing mult ftrive to preferve itfelf a- gainft what annoyeth it; and alfo he fins againft the order of God, who in vain hath ordained fo many lawful means for prefervation of our being, if we muft fufTer it to be deftroyed, having power to help it. 4. We abhor all war of fubjects, profeiTedly declar- ed againft a lawful king, as fuch ; all war againft lawful authority, founded upon, or defigned for maintaining principles inconfiftent with government or againft policy and piety ; yea, all war without au. thority. Yet, when all authority of magiftrates, fu. preme and fubordinate, is perverted and abufed, con. 4 O 2 pie 660 'A HIND LET LOOSE. trary to the ends thereof, to the opprefiing of the peo" pie, and overturning of their laws and liberties, peo- ple muft not fufpend their refinance upon the concur- rence of men of authority, and forbear the duty in cafe of neceflity, becaufe they have not the peers or nobles to lead them : for if the ground be lawful, the call clear, the neceflity cogent, the capacity pro- bable, they that have the law of nature, the law of God, and the fundamental iaws of the land on their fide, cannot want authority though they may want parliaments to efpouie their quarrel. This is cleared above, Head 2. yet here I (hall add, 1. The people have this privilege of nature, to defend themfelves and their rights and liberties, as well as peers ; and had it, before they erected and constituted peers or nobles. There is no dift.inct.ion of quality in interefts of nature, though there be in civil order : but felf defence is not an act of civil order. In fuch interefts, people mud not depend upon the priority of their fu- periors, nor fufpend the duties they owe to themfelves and their neighbours, upon the manuduct.ion of other mens greatnefs. The law of nature allowing Self-de- fence, or the defence of our brethren, againft unjuil violence, addeth no fuch restriction, that it muft on- ly be done by the conduct or concurrence of the no- bles or parliaments. 2. The people have as great in- tereft to defend their religion as the peers, and more, becaufe they have more fouls to care for than they, who are fewer. And to be violented in their consci- ences, which are as free to them as to the peers, is as infupportable to them : yea, both are equally con- cerned to maintain truth, and refcue their brethren Suffering for it, which are the chief grounds of war j and if the ground of the defenfive war be the fame with them and without them, what reafon can be given, making their refiftance in one cafe lawful, and not in the other ? Both are alike obliged to concur, . and both are equally obnoxious to God's threat- ened judgments^ for Suffering religion to be ruined, and A HIND LET LOOSE. 66 1 and not relieving and refcuing innocents. It will be but a poor excufe for people to plead, they had no peers to head them. What if both king and nobles turn enemies to religion, (as they are at this day) (hall people do nothing for the defence of it then ? Many times the Lord hath begun a work of reformation by foolifh things, and hath made the lead of the flock to draw them out, Jer xlix. 2. and 1. 45. and did not think fit to begin with nobles, but began it,, when powers and peers were in oppofition to it ; and when he blelled it fo at length, as to en- gage the public reprefenw*tives to own it, what was done by private perlons before, they never condemn- ed- 3. The people are injured without the nobles, therefore they may refift without them, if they be a- ble ufor there can be no argument adduced, to make it unlawful to do it with them. 4. It is true the no- bles are obliged beyond others, and have authority more than others to concur ; but feparately they can- not act as reprefentatives judicially : they have a ma- giftratical power, but limited to their particular pre- cincts where they have intereft, and cannot extend it beyond thefe bounds ; and fo if they mould concur, they are ftill in the capacity of fubjects ; for out of a parliamentary capacity they are not reprefentatives. 5. All the power they can have is cumulative, not privative ; for the worle condition of a ruler ought not to be by procuring. "Why then fhall the reprer fentatives, betraying their trull, wrong the caufe of the people, whofe truftees they are ? Nay, if it were not lawful for people to defend their religion, lives, and liberties without the concurrence of parliaments, then their cafe mould be worfe with them than with- out them ; for they have done it before they had them, and fo they had better be without them ftill. 6. People may defend themfelves againft the tyranny of a parliament, or primores, or nobles : therefore, they may do it without them j for if it be 063 A HIND LET LOOSE. be lawful to refill them, it is lawful to wave them, when they are in a confpiracy with the king againil them. 5. We difallow all war without real undeclinable neceflity, and great and grievous wrongs fuftained : and do not maintain it is to be declaied or undertaken upon fuppofed grounds, or pretended caufes : and fo the queltion is impertinently dated by our adverfaries, ' Whether or not it be lawful for fubjects, or a party i of them, when they think themfelves injured- or to ' be in a capacity, to refill or oppofe the fupreme ' power of a nation.' For the queltion is not, if when they think themfelves injured they may refill ? But when the injuries are real : neither is it every reality of injuries will juftify their refiftance, but when their deareft and nearell liberties are invaded, efpecially when fuch an invafion is made, as threatens inelucta- ble fubverfion of them. Next, we do not fay, That a party's efteeming themfelves in a capacity, or their being really in a capacity, doth make refiftance a duty ; except, all alike, they have a call as well as a capacity, which requires real neceflity, and a right to the action, and the things contended for to be real and legal rights, really aiid illegally encroached upon : their capacity gives them only a conveniency to go about the duty, that is, previoufly lawful upon a moral ground. No man needs to fay. Who (hall be judge ? the magiftrate or people? For, 1. All who have eyes in their head may judge whether the fun fbine or not : and all who have common fenfe may judge in this cafe. For when it comes to a neceflity of re- fiftance, it is to be fuppofed, that the grievances com- plained of, and fought to be redrefied by arms, are not hid, but manifelt ; it cannot be fo with any par- ty only pretending their fullering wrong. 2. There is no need of the formality of a judge, in things evi- dent to nature's eye, as graffant tyranny undermin- ing and overturning religion and liberty mud be. Nature A HIND LET LOOSE. 66*3 Nature, in the a&s of neceffitated refliftance, in fuch a cafe, is judge, party, accufer, witnefs, and all. Neither is it an aft of judgment, for people to defend their own: defence is no act of jurifdiction, but a 1 privilege of nature. Hence, thefe common fayings, all laws permit force to be repelled by force ; and the I law of nature allows felf defence : the defence of life is necefiary, and flows from the law of nature. 3. I Be judge who will, the tyrant cannot be judge in the I cafe : for, in thefe tyrannical ads, that force the peo- I pie to that refiftance, he cannot be acknowledged as i king, and therefore no judge : for it is fuppofed, the ; judge is abfent, when he is the party that does the i wrong. And he that does the wrong,' as fuch, is in- 1 ferior to the innocent. 4. Let God be judge, and all the world, taking cognizance of the evidence of their refpe&ive manifellos of the Mate of their caufe. 6. We condemn rifing to revenge private injuries ; whereby the land may be involved in blood, for fome petty wrongs done to fome perfons, great or fmall ; and abhor reven-gefuUfurping of themagiftrate'sjfword, to avenge ourfelves for perfonal injuries. As David's killing of Saul would have been, 1 Sam. xxiv. 10. 12. 13, 1 Sam.xxvi. 9, 10. To objeft which, in this cafe, were very impertinent : for it would havebeen an ad of offence in a remote defence : if Saul had been im- mediately affaulting him, it could not be denied to be lawful : and it would have been an act of private re- venge for a perfonal injury, and a finful preventing of God's promife of David's fucceffion, by a fcanda- lous aflaffination. But it is clear, then David was re- fifting him, and that is enough for us ; and he fup- pofes he might defcend into' battle, and perifli. 1 Sam. xxvi. 10. not excluding, but that he might pe- riffi in battle againfl: himfelf refilling him. We are commanded indeed not to refill evil, but whofoever fhall fmite us on the one cheek, to turn to him the other 664 A HIND LET LOOSE. other alfo, Matth. v. 39. and to recompence to no man evil for evil, Rom. xii. 17. But this doth not condemn felf defence, or refilling tyrants violently, endangering our lives, laws, religion, and liberties, but only refiftance by way of private revenge and re- taliation, and enjoin patience, when the clear call and difpenfation do inevitably call unto fuffering ; but not to give way to all violence and facrilege, to the fubverting of religion and righteoufnefs. Thefe texts do no more condemn private perfons retaliating the magiftrate, than magiftrates retaliating private per- fons, unlefs magiftrates be exempted from this pre- cept, and confequently be not among Chrift's fol- lowers : yea, they do no more forbid private perfons, to refift the unjuft violence of magiftrates, than to re- fill the unjuft violence of private perfons. That ob- jection from our Lord's reproving Peter, Matth. xxvi. 52. Put up thy fword,' for all they that take the fword, ffiall perifh by the fword, hath no weight here : for this condemns only making ufe of the fword, ei ther by way of private revenge, or ufurping the ufe of it without authority,. (and fo condemns all tyrants) which private fubjects do not want to defend them- felves, their religion and liberty ; or ufing it without neceffity, which was not in Peter's cafe, both becaufe Chrift was able to defend himfelf, and becaufe he was willing to deliver up himfelf. Pool's Synopf. Cri- tic, in Locum. Chrift could eafily have defended himfelf, bu he would not ; and therefore there was no neceffity for Peter's rafhnefs ; it condemns alfo a ram precipitating and preventing the call of God to acls of refiftance ; bnt otherwife it is plain, it was not Peter's fault to defend his mafter, but a neceffary duty. The reafon, our Lord gives for that inhibi- tion at that time, was twofold ; one expreffed Matth. xxvi. 52. For they that take the fword, &c. Which do not belong to Peter, as if Peter were hereby threatened ; but to thofe that were coming to take Chrift, they ufurped the fword of tyranical violence, and A HIND LET LOOSE. 66$ and therefore are threatened with deftru&ion, by the fword of the Romans >fo is that comminarion to be understood of antichrift, and the tyrants that ferve him, Rev. xiii 13. He that killeth with the fword muft be killed with the fword, which is a terrible word againtt perfecutors The reafon is. John xviii. 1 1. The cup which im F-ither hath given me, fhall I not drink ? Which clearly refels that objec- tion of Chrift't. non-refiftanee To which it is an- fwered, That fuffering was the end of his voluntary fufcepted humiliation, and his errand to the world, appointed by the Father, and undertaken bv himfelf ; which is not our practice : though it be true, that even in his fufTerings he left us an enfample that we fhould follow his fteps, 1 Pet. ii. 21. In many things, as he was a martyr, his fuffsrings were the pureft rule and example for us to follow, both for the mat- ter, and frame of fpirii, fubmiflioc, patience, constan- cy, meeknefs, &c. but not as he was our fponl'or, and after the fame manner, for then it were unlawful for us to flee, as well as to refift, becaufe he would not flee at that time. 7. As we are not for rifing in arms for trifles of our own things, or fmall injuries done to ourfelves, but in a cafe of neceffity for the prefervation of our lives, religion, laws, and liberties, when all that are dear to us, as men and as Chriftians, are in hazard : fo we are not for rifing up in arms, to force the ma- gistrates to be of our religion, but to defend our re- ligion againft his force. We do not think it the way that Chrift hath appointed, to propagate religion by arms : let perfecutors and limbs of antichrift t. — -2. If a woman may defend her chaftity againft the king, left her non-refiftance make her guilty, (oh, if all women had been of this mind, the country would not have been peftered fo with the king's baitards ; then may a nation, or any part of it, refill a tyrant's attempt upon the honour of their religion, enticing them to fornication with the mother of harlots, left their non- refiftance make them guilty ; but the former is here yielded : therefore,— -5. That fame Arnifacus, cap. 4. faith, * Of the former (to wit, he who is cal- f led a tyrant in title) it is determined by all without ' any difficulty, that he may be lawfully repulfed, or ' if by force he be gotten into the throne, he may ' warrantably be thence removed, becaufe he hath not ' any jot of power which is not illegitimate, and unto 6 which refinance is forbidden for the fear of God * and for confcience fake, and therefore he is no fur- ' ther to be looked at than as an enemy.' This is fo' pat and pertinent to the prefent poiTefior of the go- vernment, that no words can more particularly apply' it, 6. Grotius de jure belli, lib. 1. cap. 4. granteth, the law of not- refilling does not bind when the dan- ger is moll weighty and certain, * And we do not ' plead for it in any other cafe.' And further he fays, * The law of non refinance feemeth to have flowed ' from them, who firft combined together into fooie*u ' ty, and from whom fuch as did command did de- ' ' rive their power : now, if it had been afked of fuch, * ' whether they would choofe to die, rather than jn,, * any cafe to refill: the fuperior by arms ? I know not : 4 if they would have yielded thereto, unlefs with ' * this addition, if they could not be refitted but with t the greatefl perturbation of the commonwealth, and c detlruction of many innocents. And afterwards he c hath thefe words, neverthelefs I fcarce dare con- c demn every one or the lelTer part, which may only 1 be done at utmoft extremity, notwithflanding refpect * h to be had to the common good.' From which ' we A HIND LET LOOSE, fij\ we need make no inference, the concemon is fo large, that it anfwers our cafe. 7. The furveyor of Naphta' li, in the place above cited, ' Grants legal felf-defence 4 againft the fovereign, by way of plea in court, ' for fafety of a man's perfon or eftate, as alfo is « the cafe of moft habited, notour and complete tyran- 4 ny againft law, to the deftrudion of the body of a * people, and of all known legal liberties, and the be- * ing of religion according to law. And in cafe ' of hi3 not being in his natural and right wits.' Hence, ( 1 .) If it be lawful to refill the king by a plea in law, for an eftate, (yea the law will allow, by ac- tual force, if he come to take pcfieffion of it illegally : then it muft be lawful for their lives and eftatest li. berties and religion, to refill him by force, when*the legal refiftance is not admitted ; but the former is yielded here : therefore. The reafon of the con- nexion i*t the municipal law permits the one, and the law of nature and nations (which no municipal law can infringe) will warrant the other : he hath no more right to be both judge and party in this cafe, more than in the other i and he can no more act as' a fovereign in this cafe, than in the other. (2.) If it be lawful to refift habited, notour, and complete- ty- ranny againft law, to the deaftuftion of the body of a people, and of all known legal liberties, and the be- ing of religion, according to law : then we defire no more to conclude the duty of reading this tyranny exercifed this 27 years habitually, which the defla- tion of many hundred families, the bani foment of many hundreds to flavery, the rivers of blood, &c have made notour to all Scotland at lead, and the perveriion of all the fundamental laws, and all civil and religious liberties, yea the fubverfion of every remaining model of our religion, as reformed and co- venanted to be preferved, in doctrine, worfhip, dis- cipline and government, and deftgns to introduce po- pery and eftablifh arbitrary government, have made complete; but the former a here granted : therefore - 3. u 672 A HIND LET LOOSE. 3. If in the cafe of his being out of his wits, he mould run upon an innocent man to kill him, or attempt to cut his own throat, it were then lawful to refift him, yea, a fin not to do it; then when in a rage, or deliberately, he is feeking to deftroy many hundreds of the people of God, he mav be refitted ; but the former is clear : therefore . 4. King James the VI. in his remonftance for the right of kings, againft the oration of Cardinal Perron, hath thefe words, The public laws make it lawful, and free for any private perfon, to enterprize againft an ufur- per of the kingdom. Then {hall it not be duty, to enterprize againft a man, who by the laws of the land is not capable of a right to reign, who hath got into the throne by the means of murder, and can pretend no right but that of fucceffion, which I proved to be none, Head 2. However, we fee by thefe con- ceffions of adverfaries, that the abfolute fubjedion they talk of will not hold, nor the prerogative be fo uncontroulable in every cafe, as they would pretend, and that in many cafes, the fafety of the people hath the fupremacy above it; and that alfo in thefe cafes the people muft be judges, whether they may refill or not. 2. From the law of nature I may argue, r. IKGod, the fountain of all power, and author of all right, hath given unto man both the power and the right, of, and reafon to manage felf-defence, and hath no- ways interdicted it in his word to be put forth againft tyrants ; then it is duty to ufe it againft them upon ; occafion ; but the former is true : therefore, 2. If this power and right were reftrained in man a- gainft the unjuft violence of any, it would either be by policy, or grace, or fome exprefs prohibition in the word of God; but none of thefe can be faid ; therefore. Policy cannot deftroy nature, but is rather cumulative to it ; a man entering into a po- litic incorporation, does not lofe the privilege of na- ture : if Qne particular nature may defend itfelf againft deftroyin^ A HIND LET LOOSE. 673 deflroying violence out of fociety, then muft many of thefe natures combined in fociety have the fame eight) and fo much the more that their relative duties fuper- add an obligation of mutual aifiltance. Grace does not reftrain the right of finlefs nature, though it re- ftrains corruption : but felf-defence is no corruption : Grace makes a man more a man than he was. And nothing can be more difhonourable to the gofpel, than that by the law of nature it is lawful to refill tyrants, but we are bound by religion from withstand- ing their cruelty : the laws of God do not interfere one with another. 3. That law which alloweth com- parative re-offending, fo as to kill rather than be kil- led, teacheth refiftance : but fo the law of nature al- loweth, except we be guilty of murder in the culpa- ble omiflion of felf-defence. The reafon is, becaufe the love of feff is nearer and greater, as to temporal life, than the love of our neighbour : that being the mea- fure of this : therefore it obliges rather to kill than be killed, the exigence of neceffity fo requiring. 4. If nature put no difference between the violence of a tyrant than of another man : then it teaches to refill both alike : but Jt puiteth no difference, but rather aggravates that of a tyrant ; being the violence of a man, the injuftice of a member of the common. [wealth, and the cruelty of a tyrant. And it were j abfurd to fay, we might defend ourfelves from the Ifeffer violence, and not from the greater. 5. If par- ticular nature muft yield to the good of univerf' ! na- ture ; then' muft one man. though in greateft power, [be refilled, rather than the univerfal commonwealth fuffer hurt : but the former is true ; for that dictates, the neceffity of the diftracled father to be bound by his own fons, left all the family be hurt: Ergo the greateft of men or kings, when destructive to the commonwealth, muft be refilled ; for he is but one man, and fo but particular nature. 6. That which is irrational, and reflects upon Providence, as putting men in a worfe condition than brutes, is abfurd and 4 (^ contrary i 674 A HIND LET LOOSE* contrary to the law of nature : but to fay, that the brutes have power to defend themfelves by refilling whatannoys them, and deny this power to men, is irrational and reflects upon Providence, as putting men in a worfe condition than brutes : therefore it is abfurd, and contrary to the law of nature. 3. From the inftitution of government 1 may ar- gue thus : that power and government which is not of God may be refifted : the tyrants power and go- vernment, in overturning laws, fubverting religion, bringing in idolatry, opprefling fubje&s, is not of God : Ergo it may be refifted : the major is clear, becaufe that is only the reafon why he is not to be refifted, becaufe the ordinance of God is not to be refifted, Rom. xiii. 2. But they that refill a man de- flroying all the interefts of mankind, overturning laws, fubverting religion, &c. do not refift the ordi- nance of God. And if it were not f$, this would tend irremedilefsly to over thow all policies, and open a gap to all diforder, injuftice, and cruelty, and would give as great encouragement to tyrants to do what they lift, as thieves would be encouraged, if they knew nobody would refift them or bring them to pu- nifhment. 4. From the original conftitution of government by men, it may be argued thus : if people at the firft erection of government acted rationally, and did not put themfelves in a worfe cafe than before, wherein it was lawful to defend themfelves againft all injuries, but devolved their rights upon the fiduciary tutory of fuch, as mould remain Hill in the rank of men, that can do wrong, who had no power but by their gift, confent, and choice, with whom they aiTociated not to their detriment but for their advantage, and determined the form of their government, and time of its continuance, and in what cafes they might re- cur to their primeve liberty, and fettled a fucceflion to have courfe not jure hereditaria b\xt jure et vi fegis, for good ends j then they did not give away their birth-right A HIND LET LOOSE. 6j 5 birthright of felf- defence, and power of refiflance, which they had before to withftand the violence, in- juries, and opprefiions of the men they fet over them, when they pervert the form aud convert it to tyran- ny, but did retain a power and privilege to refill: and revolt from them, and repel their violence when they mould do violence to the conilitution, and pervert the ends thereof: but the former is true. Ergo— the minor is cleared, Head. 2. And the connexion is confirmed from this ; if the eftates of a kingdom give the power to a king, it is their own power in the fountain, and if they give it for their own good, they have power to judge when it is ufed againft themfelves, and for their evil ; and fo power to limit and refift the power that they gave. 5. From the way and manner of erecting gover- nors by compact, the neceflity whereof is proven Head 2. Many arguments might be deduced ; I fhall reduce them to this form : If people rauft propofe conditions unto princes, to be by them acquiefced in and fubmitted unto at their admiflion to the govern- ment, which thereupon becomes the fundamental laws of the government, and fecurities for the people's rights and liberties, giving a law claim to the people to purfue the prince, in cafe of failing in the main .and principal thing covenanted, as their own cove- nanted mandatarius who hath no jus or authority of his own, but what he hath from them, and no more power but what is contained in the conditions, upon which he undertaketh the government ; Then when either an ufurper will come under no fuch conditions, or a tyrant doth break all thefe conditions, which he once accepted, and fo become ftricto jure no prince, and the people be (Iricto jure liberated from lubjec- tion to him, they may and mull: defend themfelves and their fundamental rights and privileges, religion and laws, and refill the tyranny overturning them : but the former is true, Ergo The connexion is clear : and the minor is proved Head 2, And at 4 Qj2 length 6j6 A HIND LET LOOSE. length demonflrated and applied co the government of Charles the Second by Jus Populic cap. 6. See Arg. 4, 5. Head 2. 6. From the nature of magiftracy it may be argued thus, That power which is properly neither parental, nor marital, nor mafterly and defpotic, over the fub- je<5ls, perfons, and goods, but only fiduciary, and by way of trull, is more to be redded than that which is properly fo ; but that power which is properly fo, mat is parental power, and marital, and mafterly, may be refilled in many cafes ; Therefore, that power which is not fo properly, but only fiduciary is more to be refilled. That a king's power over his fubje&s, is neither parental, nor marital, &c. is proven Head 2. And the major needs no probation. The minor is clear by inftances, 1 . If children may, in cafe of neceflity, refill the fury of their father, feeking to de- flroy them ; then mull private fubjecls refill the rage and tyranny of princes, feeking to deftroy them, and what is deareft to them ; for there is no ltricler obli- gation moral between king and people, than between parents and children, nor fo ftrict ; and between ty- rants and people there is none at all ; but the former cannot be denied : Therefore, 2. If wives may lawfully defend themfelves againft the unjufl vio- lence of enraged hufbands ; then mull private fub- jecls have power to refill the furious affaults of enra- ged tyrants, for there is not fo great a- tye betwixt them and people, as between man and wife ; yea there is none at all ; but the former is true : Ergo, ' '3 If fervants may defend themfelves againft their mailers ; then mull private fubjecls defend themfelves againft a tyrant or his emifiaries j but the former is true : Ergo, 4. If the king's power be only fiduciary, and by way of pawn, which he hath got to keep ; then when that power is mani- feftly abufed, to the hurt of them that intrufled him with it, he ought to be refilled by all whom he un- . derteok A HIND LET LOOSE. 677 dertook to protect j but the former is true : There- fore the latter. 7. From the limited power of princes it may be thus argued : If princes be limited by laws and con- tracts, and may be refilled by pleas in law, and have no abfolute power to do and command what they will, but muft be limited both by the laws of God and man, and cannot make what laws they will in preju- dice of the people's rights, nor execute the laws made according to their pleafure, nor confer on o- thers a law lefs licence to opprefs whom they pleafe ; then when they turn tyrants, and arrogate a lawlefs abfolutenefs, and crofs the rules, and tranfgrefs the bounds prefcribed by God's laws, and man's laws, and make their own lufts a law, and execute the fame arbitrarily, they muft be refilled by force, when a legal refiftance cannot be had, in defence of reli- gion and liberty ; but all princes are limited, &c. Therefore, The minor is proved, Head 2. And the connexion may be thus confirmed in fhort : That power which is not the ordinance of God may be refilled ; but an abfolute illimited power, eroding the rules, and tranfgreffing the bounds prefcribed by God's law and man's, is not the ordinance of God ; Therefore it may be refilled. 8. Further from the rule of government, it may be argued feveral ways, 1. That power which is con- trary to law, evil and tyrannical, can ty none to fub- jection, but if it oblige to any thing, it ties to refif- tance; but the power of a king againft law, religion, and the interefts of the fubjects, is a power contrary to law, evil and tyrannical : Therefore, The major is plain, for wickednefs can ty no man, but to refill it ; that power which is contrary to law, evil and tyrannical is wickednefs. 2. That power, and thofe acts, which neither king can exercife, nor com- mand, nor others execute, nor any obey, muft cer- tainly be refilled : but fuch is the power and acts that opprefs the fubjects, and overturn religion and liber- 67S A HIND LET LOOSE. ty ; Therefore The minor is evident from fcriptures condemning opprefiion and violence, both in them that command, and in them that execute the fame, and alfo them that obey fuch wicked com- mands. The major is clear from reafon ; both be- caufe fuch power and fuch ads as cannot be com- manded, cannot be executed, cannot be obeyed law- fully, are finfuJ and wicked : and becaufe.it cannot be a" magiftratical power, for that may always be ex- ercifed and executed lawfully. And what a man cannot command, the refilling of that he cannot pu- nifh ; but acts of oppreffion againft law, religion, and liberty, a man cannot command; Ergo, the refilling of thefe he cannot punifh. 3. That government of adminiftration, which is not fubordinate to the law and will of God, who hath appointed it, muft be re- filled; but that government or adminiftration, which undermines or overturns religion and liberty, is not fubordinate to the law and will of God ; Therefore — — The major is clear ; for nothing but what is the ordinance of God, fubordinate to his law and will, is irrefiitible, Rom. xiii. 2. The aflumption is undeniable. 9. From the ends of government, which muft be acknowledged by ail to be the glory of God, and the good of mankind ; yea, all that have been either wife or honeft. have always held that the fafety of the peo- ple is the fupreme law. The argument may run thus, in fhort, 1. That doctrine which makes the Ho- ly One to crofs his own ends in giving governors, muft be abfurd and unchriftian as well as irrational j but fuch is the doctrine that makes all kings and ty- rants irreiiitible upon any pretence whatfoever : Ergo The minor I prove : That doctrine which makes God intending his own glory and the people's good, to give governors both as fathers to preferve, and as murderers to deftroy them, muft make the Holy One to crofs his own ends ; for thefe are con- tradictoiy j but the doctrine that makes all kings and tyrants A HIND LET LOOSE. 679 tyrants irrefiflible, &c. is fuch : for, by office, they are fathers to preferve, and, by office alfo, they mull be murderers, veiled with fuch a power from God, by the firft act, if they be irrefittible when they do fo ; feeing every power that is irrefiflible is the ordinance of God. Hence alfo when a bleffing turns a curfe, it is no more the ordinance of God, but to be refilled ; but when a king turns a tyrant, overturning religion and liberty, then a bleffing turns a curfe : Therefore 2. Means are to be refilled, when they are not ufeful for, but deftructive to the ends they were ap- pointed for j but governors overturning religion and liberty, are means not ufeful for, but deflru&ive to the ends for which they were appointed ; feeing then they are neither for the glory of God, nor the good of mankind : Therefore 3. If all powers and prerogatives of men are only means appointed for, and fhould vail unto the fupreme law of the people's fafety, and all laws be fubordinate to, and corrobo- rative of this law, and when crofs to it are in fo far null, and no laws, and all law formalities in compe- tition with it are to be laid afide, and all parliamen- tary privileges muft yield to this, and king and par- liament both confpiring have no power againft it ; and no fovereign power, by virtue of any refignation from the people can comprize any authority to act a- gainft it ; then it is duty to obey this fupreme law, in refilling all powers and prerogatives, all laws, and law formalities, and all confpiracies whatfoever againft: this fupreme law, the fafety of the people ; but the former is true, as was proven Head 2. Therefore— 4. That power which is obliged, and appoint- ed to command and rule juftly and religioufly, for the good of the people, and is only fet over them on thefe conditions, and for that end, cannot ty them to fubjeftion without refiftance, when the power is abu- fed to the deftruction of laws, religion and people ; but all power is fo obliged and appointed : therefore, whenfoever 68© A HIND LET LOOSE. whenfoever it is fo abufed, it cannot ty people to fub- jeflion, but rather oblige them to rejection of it. 10. From the obedience required to government, it may be argued thus. i. If we may See from ty- rants, then we may refift them ; but we may flee from tyrants : therefore we may refill them. The con- nexion' I prove, (1.) If all grounds of juftice will warrant the one as well as the other, then if the one be duty, fo is the other ; but the former is true ; for the fame juftice and equity that warrants declining a tyrant's unjuil violence by flight, will warrant refill- ance when flight will not do it ; the fame principle of felf- defence, that makes flight duty, when refift- ance is not poflible, will alfo make refiftance duty, when flight is not poflible ; the fame principle of charity to wives and children, that makes flight law- ful, when by refiftance they cannot avoid tyranny, will make refiftance duty, when by flight they can- not evite it ; the fame principle of confcience to keep religion free, that prompts to flight, when refiftance will not fave it, will alfo prompt to refift it, when flight is not practicable. (2.) If to flee from a juft power, when in juftice we are obnoxious to its fword. be to refift the ordinance of God, and fo fin : then to flee from an unjuft power, muft be alfo a refilling of the abufing of it, and fo duty ; for the one is refiftance as vvell as the other ; but the difference of the power refilled makes the one lawful, the other not. Again, if royal power may be refilled by interpofing feas and miles, why not alfo by interpofing walls and arms ? Both is refiftance, for againft a lawful magiftrate that would be refiftance. (3.) If a tyrant hath irrelijli- ble power to kill and deftroy the people, he hath alfo irrefiftible power to cite and fummon them before him ; and if it be unlawful to refift his murders, it muft be as unlawlul to refift his fummons. (4.) For a church or community of Chriftians, per- fected for religion, to flee with wives and children, flrong and weak, old and young, to efcape tyrannical violence, A HIND LET LOOSE. 68 I violence, and leave the land, were more unlawfu* than to relift ; for what is not poffible as a natura' means of prefervation is not a lawful mean ; but this were not a poifible mean : neither is it warranted in nature's law, or God's word, for a community or fo- ciety of Chriftians, that have God's right and man's law to the land, and the covenanted privileges there- of, to leave the country and caufe of Chrift, and all in the hands of a tyrant and papift, to fet up idolatry upon the ruins of reformation there. A private man may flee, but flight is not warranted of them as of a private fingle man. 2. If it be duty to difobey, it is duty to refill tyrants, in defence of religion and liber- ty ; but it is duty to difobey them : Therefore The connection only will be ftruck at, which is thus ftrengthened : If fubjeclion be no more preffed in fcripture than obedience, then if non-obedience be duty, non-fubjeclion muft be fo alfo, and confequent- ly refiftance ; but fubje&ion is no more preffed in fcripture than obedience ; for all commands of fub- jeclion to the higher powers, as God's minifters, un- der pain of damnation, do only refpeft lawful magi- ftrates, and in lawful things, and do include obedi- ence : and non obedience to the power fo qualified is a refilling of the ordinance of God, as well as non- objection. If chen obedience to magiftrates be duty, and non-obedience fin, and obedience to tyrants fin, and non-obedience duty ; then by parity of reafon, fubjection to magiftrates is duty, and non-fubjeclion is fin, and alfo fubjection to tyrants is fin, and non- fubjeclion duty. 1 1. From the refiftance allowed in all governments, it may be argued thus; if it be duty to defend our religion, lives and liberties, againft an invading army of cut-throat papifts, Turks or Tartars, without or a- gainft the magiftrates warrant ; then it muft be duty to defend the fame againft invading home-bred ty- rants, except we would fubfcribe ourfelves home- born flaves \ but the former is true j therefore -. 4 R The 682 A HIND LET LOOSE. The minor cannot be doubted, becaufe the magiftrate'i power cannot be privative and deftructive to defence of our religion, lives and liberties ; nor can it take away nature's birch-right to defend thefe, or make it fare the worfe, than if we had no magiftrates at all. Now, if we had no magiftrates at all, we might de- fend thefe againft invaders ; and whether we have magiftrates or not, we are under moral obligations of the law of God to endeavour the defence of thefe :• but this needs not be infilled on. The connexion of the proportion is clear ; if princes be more tyranni- cal in invading religion and liberties themfelves, than in fuffering others to do ir, or hindering them to be oppofed : and if their invaiion be more tyrannical, hurtful and dangerous, than the invafion of ftrangers, then if it be duty to refift ftrangers invading their in- terefts, it is more duty to refift home-bred tyrants in- vading the fame ; but the former is true : therefore the latter. Refilling in the one cafe is no more re- filling the ordinance of God than in the other. 12. From the motives of refiftance we may draw this argument, which might be branched out into fe- veral, but I (hall reduce it to this complex one : if when we are in a capacity, we cannot acquit ourfelves in the duties that we owe to our covenanted religion, and our covenanted brethren, and pofterity, and our- felves, nor abfolve and exoner ourfelves from the fin and judgment of tyrants, who overturn religion, op- prels our brethren, impofe flavery on ourfelves, and entail it upon pofterity, by a pailive fubjection, lub- mifiion to and not oppofing thefe mifchieis ; then re- fiftance is necefTary : but the former is true : there? fore. — --. The connexion is clear, for there cannot be a medium ; if we cannot difcharge thefe duties by fubjection, fubmiffion, and not oppofing, then we mull do them by non-fubjeclion, non fubmiffion, and cppofmg, fmce they muft be done fome way. The affumption h thus confirmed. 2. The duties we owe to religion, when it is corrupted, declined from, and A HIND LET LOOSE. 683 and overturned, are not only to reform our own hearts and ways, and keep ourfelves pure from the corruptions eftablifhed, and to rebuke and witnefs a- gainrt the compilers with the fame, and fo by work, doing and fuffering, keep and contend for the word of our teftimony ; but further, when, by the confti- tution of the kingdom, religion is become a funda mental law, and confequently the magiftrate, over- turning it, is violating and everting the main grounds and ends of the government, and turning graffant and ingrained tyrant, efpecially when it is not onlv fo authorifed and confirmed by law, but corroborated by folemn vows and covenants made and fworn unto God by all ranks of people, to maintain and defend this religion with their lives and fortunes,- and relift all contrary errors and corruptions according to their vocation : and the utmoft of that power that God puts in their hands all the days of their lives ; as alfo mutually to defend and affift one another, (as in the national covenant.) And fincereiy, really, and conftantly endeavour — — the prefervation of the re- formed religion in doctrine, worfhip, difcipline and government, the extirpation of popery, prelacy, &c. i and to aflift and defend all thole that enter into the fame bond in the maintaining thereof, (as in the folemn league;) then to defend and maintain that religion, and themfelves profefling it ; when it is fought to be razed ; this muft be an intereft as neceffary to be defended, as that of our bodies which is far inferior, and as necflary a duty, as to defend our nation and civil liberties from perpetual flavery, and as preferable thereunto, as ChrihVs intereft is to man's, and as the end of ail felf- prefervation is to the means of it, the prefervation of religion being the end of all felf prefervation ; but this duty cannot be difcharged without refiftance, in a mere paffive fub- jection and fubmiffion : otherwife the fame might be difcharged in our univerfal fubmiffion1to Turks com- jjng to deftroy our religion. Certainly this paffive 3 R 2 way 684 A HIND LET LOOSE. way, cannot anfwer the duty of pleading for truth, Ifa. lix. 4. feeking the truth, Jer. v. 1. being valiant for it, Jer. ix. 3. making up the hedge, {landing in the gap, &c. Ezek. xxii. 30. which yet are neceffa- ry incumbent duties according to our capacity ; therefore we cannot anfwer the duties we owe to re- ligion in a mere paffive way. 2. The duty we owe to our covenanted brethren, is to affift and defend them, and relieve them when oppreffed, as we are bound by our covenants, and antecendently by the royal law of Chrift, the foundation of all righteouf- nefs among men toward each other, Matth. vii. 12. ' All things whatfoever ye would that men fhould 6 do to you, do ye even fo to them.' We would have them helping us when we are oppreffed, fo fhould we do to them when it is in the power of our hands to do it, and not forbear to deliver them for fear the Lord require their blood at our hand, Prov. xxiv. 1 1, 12. But this cannot be done by mere fub- jeclion without refiftance. 3. There is no way to free ourfelves of the fin and judgment of tyrants, by mere paffive fubjection : we find in the fcriptures, people have been fo involved and punifhed for the iiru of tyrants ; as the people of Judahfor Manaffeh, 1 Kings xxi. 11. &c. jer. xv. 4. whofe fins if they had not been committed, the judgment for them had been prevented, and if the people had hindered them they had not fmarted ; but being jointly included wit their rulers in the fame bond ot fidelity to God, •and made accountable as joint principals with their kings for that debt, by their mutual as well as feveral engagements to walk in his ways, they were liable to be punifhed for their rebellion and apoftacy, becaufe thev did not hinder it. Hence fomewhat muft be done to free ourfelves of their fin, and to efcape their judgments : but this can be nothing elle but oppoh- tion to them by refiftance ; or elfe if we make any j other oppofition, it will make us more a prey to their fury. A HIND LET LOOSE. 685 II. Secondly, This truth is confirmed from the common practice of the people of God, even under perfecution. Whence I fhall draw an argument from examples, which, to condemn, were impious, and, : to deny, were moft impudent. And, for form's fake, it may run thus • What the people of God, under I both teftaments, have frequently done, in time of per. 1 fecution, for defending, vindicating, or recovering ; their religion and liberties, may and ought to be done i again in the like circumftances, when thefe are in the ! like hazard ; but, under both teftaments, the people : of God frequently in times of perfecution hav^ de- I fended, vindicated, or recovered their religion and I liberties by defenfive arms, refilling the fovereign I powers that fought to deftroy them : therefore this i may and ought to be done again, when thefe religious, : civil and natural privileges, are in the like hazard to ! be deftroyed by the violent encroachments of the fo- fvereign powers. The proportion cannot be denied, : except by them that do profefs themfelves enemies to : the people of God, and condemn their moft frequently ; reiterated practices moft folemnly and fignally owned of II God, to the confufion of their enemies, to the convicton : oftheworldthat the caufe for which they contended was of God, and to the encouragement of all the patrons of ! fuch a caufe, to hope, that when it is at the loweft it fhall ■ have a revival and glorious iffue. It is true, fometimes [they did not refift, when either they were not in a capacity, or did not fee a call to fuch an action, but Vere not extraordinarily fpirited of the Lord for paf- Jfve teftimonies under a fufFering difpenfation : but it I is as true, that many times they did refift, when the Lord capacitated, called, and fpirited them for active teftimonies. And therefore, if their fufFering under thefe circumftances may be imitated, by a people fo ftated ; then alfo their actions under thefe I other circumftances may be imitated, by a people in the like cafe. And by an impartial fcruliny it will be found 685 A HIND LET LOOSE. found, that the examples of their endeavoured rend, ance will be little inferior, if not fuperior in number or importance, to the examples or their fubmiftivg fufferings in all ages ; which will appear in the pro. bation of the aflumption, by adduction of many in. ftances, which I fhall only curforily glean out of that plentiful harveit that hiftories afford. i. I need only to glance at that known and famous hiftory of the Maccabees, of undoubted verity, though not of cannonical authority. In which according to Icripture predictions, we have a notable account of heroic enterprifes, achievements, and exploits dot formed by them that knew their God, and tendered his glory, and their religion and country's liberties* above the common catechreltie notions of uncontroul-. able irrefiftible royalty, and abfoiute implicit loyal- ty, that have abufed the world in all ages. We have there an account of the noble and fuccefsful reiiftance of a party of a few godly and zealous patriots, with- out the concurrence of civil authority, or countenance of the ephori or nobles of the kingdom, againft: a king univerfally acknowledged and fubjected unto, that came in peaceably, and obtained the kingdom by flatteries, with whom the greatelt part and thofe of the greateft note took part, and did wickedly againft the covenant and nation's intereft, and were corrupt- ed by flatteries : yec a few prieits, with the concur- rence of fome common countrymen, did go to arms againft him and them ; and the Lord did wonderful- ly aflift them for a confiderabie time ; as was foretold by Daniel xi. This fell out under the perfecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, and was happily begun by Mat- thias a godly pried, and his five fons, who, being commanded under fevere certifications to worfhip ac* cording to the then law, and the king's wicked luft? did valiantly refill that abomination, and went to de- fenfive arms : which, while living, he patronized, and? when a dying, did encourage his fons to it by a no. table a Hind let loose. 6$^ table oration, fhewing what cafe his country was in4 and what a duty and dignity.it was to redeem and deliver it. This was vigoroufly profecuted by Juda3 Maccabeus, exprefly for the quarrel of religion and liberty, againft that mighty tyrant and all his emif. faries. 2. To come to the hiiiory of the gofpel difpenfa- tion : It is true in that time of the primitive perfecu- tions under heathen emperors, this privilege of felf- defence was not fo much improved or contended for by Chriftians, who ftudied more to play the martyrs, than to play the men, becaufe in thefe circumftances the Lord was pleafed to fpirit for and call them unto, and accept of their hands paftive teftimonies ; while they were incorporate under a civil relation with the heathens, in fubjecb'on to governors who did not by open tyranny, overturn their civil liberties, only did endeavour to eradicate religion, which, at that time* ■had never become their right by law ; while they were fcattered and out of capacity, and never cculd come to a feparate formed community by joint-con- currence and correfpondence, to undertake a declar- ed refinance; while religion was only a propagating through the nations, and the Lord providentially did preclude the lead appearance that might be of propa- gating it by any formed force, being the gofpel of peace, defigned to lave, and not to deftroy : yet even then, inftances are not wanting of Chriftians refitting their enemies, and of rescuing their minifters, &c. As they are found on record. 1. How fome inhabit* ing IVhreota, with force refcued Dionyfius, of Alex- andria, out of the hands of fuch as were carrviner ••11 J mm away, about the year 255. 2. How about the year 3 10, the Arminians waged war againft Maximus, who was come againft them with an army becaufe of their religion, 3. How about the year 342, the ci- tizens of Athanafius their minifter, againft Gregorius the intruded curate and Syrianus the emperor's cap- tain, who came with great force to put him in. 4. Hqw 688 A HIND LET LOOSE. How about the year 356, the people of Conftantinople did in like maimer Hand to the defence of Paulus, a- gainft Conftantius the emperor, and killed his cap- tain Hermogenes ; and afterwards, in great multitudes, they oppofed the intrufion of the heretic Macedoni- us. 5. How, when a wicked edi£t was fent forth to pull down the churches of fuch as were for the claufe of one fubftance, the chriltians that maintained that tef- timony refilled the bands of foldiers, that were pro- cured at the emperor's command by Macedonius, to force the Mantinians to embrace the Arian herefy j but the Chriltians at Mantinium, kindled with an earnelt zeal towards Chriftian religion, went againft the foldiers with chearful minds and valiant courage, and made a great flaughter of them. 6. How, about the year 387, the people of Cefarea did defend Bafil their minifter. 7. How, for fear of the people, the lieutenant of the emperor Valens durft not execute thofe 80 priefts who had come to fupplicate the em- peror, and were commanded to be killed by him. How the inhabitant's of mount Nitria efpoufed Cyril's quarrel, and ailaulted the lieutenant, and forced his guards to flee. 9. How, about the year 404, when the emperor had baniihed Chryfoitom, the people flocked together, fo that the emperor was neceliitated to call him back again from his ex- ile. 10. How the people refilted alfo the tranf. portation of Ambrofe, by the command of Va- lentinian the emperor; and chufed rather to lofe their lives, than to fuffer their pallor to be ta- ken away by the foldiers. 1 1. How the Chriltians, opprefled by Baratanes king of Periia, did flee to the) Romans xto feek their help. And Theodofius, the empeYor, is much praifed for the war which he com- menced againft Chofroes king of Perfia, upon this in-! ducement, that the king fought to ruin and extirpate thofe Chriltians in his dominions, that would not re- nounce the gofpeJ. 3. But when religion was once embraced in embo- died A HIND LET LOOSE. 689 died corporations, and eftablifhed by law, and be- came a people's common interefl and liberty, in a capacity to defend it with their lives and other liber- tiesj and when it was propagated through the na- tions ; then the Lord did call for other more active teftimonies, in the prefervation and defence ot it : of which we have many instances in hillories. About the year 894, the Bohemian Chriftians refilled Draho- mica their queen, who thought to have deit.ro.yed them, and reintroduced paganifm. About the year 1420, they maintained a long defenfive war againft the government, and the pope's legates, under the management of their brave captain Zizcaj which was further profecuted after him by the remaining Thaborites. And again in this century, in the year 16 1 8, they maintained a defenfive war againft the emperor Ferdinand II. electing and erecting a new king in oppofition to him, Frederick Palatine of the Rhine, in which caufe many received a crown of martyrdom : and this was alfo efpoufed by king James VI. who fent to aid his fon in law againft the emperor. 4. If we look to the hiftories of the Waldenfes, thefe conftant oppofers of antichrift, we will find ma- ny instances of their refiftance. About the year 1194, very early, while Waldo (from whom they had their name) was alive, they began to defend themfelves by arms, after the bloody edict of Al- phonfus king of Arragon ; an edict fo like to many of ours emitted this day, as it would feem our ene- mies have taken the copy of it : fo it were very feem- 4y for the people grieved with fuch edicts to imitate the copy of the Waldenfes their practice, in oppofi- tion to them. In the year 1488, they refift by arms Albert de Capitaneis, fent by pope Innocent VIII. in Pragola and Frafianiere, and throughout Piedmont ; where, for the moil part, the offspring of the old Waldenfes had their refidence, where, very evident* ly, through many fucceflions of ages, they (hewej 4 S themfelvgs 6go A HIND LET LOOSE* themfelves to be the true fucceflbrs of their worthy progenitors, valiant for the truth. That's a famous inftance of their refiftance, in oppofing vigoroufly the Lord of trinity, in that fame Piedmont, at which time they fo folemnly afked their minifters, Whether it were not lawful to defend themfelves againft his violence ? Who anfwered affirmatively. And accord- ingly they did it with wonderful fuccefs at that time, and many times thereafter. Efpecially it is notour in the memory of this prefent age, how in the year 1655, a vigorous defenfive war was profecuted a- gainft the duke of Savoy, by theif captains Ginavel, Jahier, &c. which was efpoufed by many proteftant princes. And no further gone than the very lad year, it is known how they refitted the arms of that tyger, and the French that helped him, and that their fimplicity in trufting popifh promifes was their ruin. 5. If we look over the hiftories of the Albigenfes, we find many inftances of their defenfive refilling their opprefling fuperiors. About the year 1 200, they defended themfelves at Beziers and Carcafibn, againft the pope's legate and his crofted foldiers, un- der the conduct firft of the earl of Beziers, and then of the earl of Foix, and earl of Remand of Thou- loufe, and were helped by the Engiiih, who then poi- fefled Guienne bordering upon Thouloufe ; which re- fiftance continued feveral years. Afterwards in the year 1226, they maintained a refiftance againft the king of France. 6. In Spain, we find the people of Arragon con- tefting with Alphonfus III. and affociating themfelves together againft him. And they tell Pedro III. their king, that if he would not contain himfelf within the limits of the laws, they would purfue him by arms, about the year 1283. As alfo other Spaniards, who; rofe in arms feveral times againft Pedro the firft king of Caftile. 7. It was this which brought the Cantons of Hel- vetia A HIND LET LOOSE. 0*9* retia into this ftate of freedom, wherein they have continued many years: for, about the year 1260, they levied war againft their oppreffing nobles. And in the year 1308, they joined in covenant to defend themfelves againft the houfe of Auftria ; and in the year 13 15, they renewed it at Brunna, in which,, at length, the reft of the Cantons joined, and formed themfelves into a commonwealth. 8. If we take a glance of the Germans, we will find, at the very commencement of the reformation, as foon as they got the name of proteftants, they re- fitted the emperor'Charles V. The duke of Saxon, the land grave of Hefle, and the city of Magedburgh, with advice of lawyers, concluded. ' That the laws * of the empire permitted refiftance of the emperor in ' fome cafes, that the times were then fo dangerous, I that the very force of confcience did leave them to 6 arms, and to make a league to defend themfelves * though Cefar or any in his name mould make war * againft them for fince he attempteth to root I out religion, and fubvert our liberties, he giveth us ' caufe enough to refift him with a good confcience : ' The matter (landing as it doth, we may (fay they) c refift* as may be mewed both by facred and .profane hiftories. — And fo they undertook and ftated the war upon the account of religion and liberty. 9. If we but caft an eye over to the Hollanders, we will find how much they ftand obliged to this practice of defenfive arms ; having thereby recovered both reli- gion and liberty, and eftablifhed themfelves into a flou- nfliing ftate. We find even in the time of D. de Al- va's perfecution, they began to defend Haerlem and Valenciennes in Hainault, and went on till under the conduct of William of Naffau prince of Orange, they declared the king of Spain to have fallen from the government of thofe countries : and fo effectually fliook off the yoke of Spanifh tyranny. 10. If we go to the French Hugonets, we will find many inftances among them, and many brave heroes 4 S 2 raifed 692 A HIND LET LOOSE. raifed up, to maintain the principle, and profecute the practice thereof, of older and later date. The hiftory of the civil wars of France is ftored with their trophies ; and the memories of Conde and Coligni will ever be fragrant. There were many refinances there, both before and fince the Parifian mafiacre. It is fad, that the prefent proteftants there are fo far degenerate from the fpirit of their anceftors. j 1. The many practices of the Hungarians, refift- ing the encroachments of the houfe of Auftria, prove the fame And when Matthias denied the free exer- cife of religion unto the proteftants of Auftria, they to<;k up arms in their own defence, and fent a proief- tation unto the ftates of Hungary, requiring their af« fiftance, conform to their league. And now this pre- fent war there founded upon this plea. 12. The Polonians have oftentimes levied war a- gainft their kings : and we are furnifhed by Clark in his MartyroL with a late inftance of their refiftance againft the fovereign powers, at Lefna in Poland, in the yew 1655. 13. The Danes and Swedes have not been want- ing, for their parts, in taking conrfe with their Chrif- tierns, kings of that name, whom they refilled and puniflied. And generally, wherever the reformation war received, we find this principle efpoufed, and the practice of it profecuted. Nay, there hath been no nation in the world, but it will be found, they have either refifted or killed tyrants. 14. The moft defer ving and celebrated monarchs in the world have efpoufed the quarrel of opprefied fubje&s. Not only fuch as Tamerlane, whole obfer- vable faying is noted, when he advanced againft J3a- jazet, 1 go (fays he) to chaftife his tyranny and to de- liver the airlifted people. And Philip and Lewis of France, who affifted the barons of England againft king John. And Charles the great, who upon this ground undertook a war againft the Lombards in I- taly. But even Conftantine the great, hath it record- ed A HIND LET LOOSE. 593 ed for his honour, that he employed his power and force againft Licinius, upon no other motive but be- caufe he banifhed, tortured, and deftroyed thofe Chriftians in his dominions, that would not abandon their religion. And queen Elifabeth is commended for affifting the Dutch to maintain their religion by force, when they could not enjoy it by favour. And king James the VI. gave public aid to the proteftants in Germany and Bohemia againft the emperor. A- gaini't whom alfo Guftavus Adolphus marched, that he might deliver the opprefied cities from the bon- dage that Ferdinand had brought them into. Yea, king Charles I. this man's father, pretended at lead to help the proteftants in France at Ree and Ro- chel : and though he himfelf was avowedly refilled by the parliaments of both kingdoms, yet he was for- ced to declare, in his acts of oblivion and pacification, The Scots late taking up arms againft him, in defence of their religion, laws and privileges, to be no trea- fon nor rebellion. -SeeA.pol. Rela.t. Sect. 1 1. pag, 149. And though the late Charles II. condemned all the rifings of the people of Scotland for defence of religion and liberty, and their lives and privileges, which his own tyranny forced them into j yet he jus- tified the prefent revolt of heathens and Mahometan fubjects from the young king of Bantam in Java Major in the Eaft Indies, who, when he got the govern- ment in his hands by his father's refignation, killed his fubjecls, and caufed them to be killed without a- ny caufe, which was the reafon of their revolt from him, and defending the father againft the fon : this defenfive war of thefe fubje£ls was juftified by the faid Charles, in his fending ammunition, &c. for re- lief. Thefe, and many more inftances that might be adduced, are fufficient evidences of the righteoufnefs and reafon of fuch refiftances, when the greateft of princes have undertaken the patrociny of them. III. From fcripture proofs. I fhall but briefly ga- ther fome of the many that might be prcffed, which, being 694 A HIND LET LOOSE. being put together, to me feem impregnable. I fhalJ reduce them to thefe Heads, 1. I (hall adduce fome practices of the Lord's people, frequently reiterated, never condemned, always approven, confirming this point. 2. Some fevere reprehenfions for their omif- fion of this duty, in the feafon thereof. 3. Some promifes both of fpiriting for the duty, and of coun- tenancing it, when undertaken. 4. Some precepts commanding fuch achievements. 5. Some prayers fupplicating for them. All which put together will make a ftrong argument. Firft, For practices of this kind, there is nothing more common in fcripture hiftory. 1 . 1 fhall begin at the firft war that is recorded i* the world : wherein fome lofs fell to the godly at iirft, but afterwards by the virtue and valour of their bre- thren they were vindicated, and the victory recover- ed with honour. Lot, and his family living in So- dom, was taken prifoner, by Chedarlaomer and his confederates, Gen. xiv. 1 2. but Abraham hearing of it, armed his trained his fervants, and purfued them to Dan, and refcued him, ver. 14, — 19. thereby juf- tifying that rebellion of the cities of the plain, by tak- ing part and vindicating the rebels. Hence, he that may refcue fubjects from the violence of any tyranni- zing domination by arms, may alfo rife with thefe fubjecls to oppofe that violence ; but here is an ex- ample of that in Abraham : — therefore, 2. After the Lord's people were poffeffed of Ca- naan, and forgetting the Lord, did enter into affinity with thefe interdicted nations, fome of them were left to prove Ifraei, that the generations of the chil- dren of, Ifraei might know to teach them war, Judg. iii. 1, 2. And when they did evii in the fight of the Lord, he fold them into the hand of Cufhan Rifha- ' thaim, king of Mesopotamia, whom they ferved and were fubject to eight years, verf. 8. but when they cried unto the Lord, their rebellion, making off that yoke, was fuccefsful under the conduct of Othniel, verf. A HIND LET LOOSE. 695 verf. 10. And after a relapfe unto the like defection, they became fubject to Eglon king of Moab, whom they ferved eighteen years, verf. 14. but. attempting (. the fame remedy by arms, under the conduct of E- hud, they recovered their liberty. And after his death, falling into that fin again, which procured the like mifery, they became fubject to Jabin king of Canaan, who twenty years mightily opprefied them, Judg. iv. 1 3. but by the Lord's commandment, under the conduct of Deborah and Barak, they rebelled and prevailed. Whence, if the Lord's people ferving a fovereign domineering power, may make off the yoke , of their fubjection : then it is duty to defend them- felves and refift them, for there is no other way of making it off; but thefe examples prove the former : ; therefore, Obj. If any cavil that thefe were not ; their own kings, to whom they owed allegiance, but only invading conquerors, whom they might refift. I anfwer, (i.) Yet they were the fovereign powers for the time ; and therefore, if royalifts and loyalifts grounds hold good, they ought upon no pretence whatfoever to have been refilled : and though pofli- bly they might not be by compact their own kings, yet by conqueft they were, as much as that would make them, and by their own confent, when they I paid them king's due, viz. tribute. (2.) No more I are they our kings, who either intrude themfelves in- rcto an arbitrary domination over us, (without any terms of a compact upon a pretence of hereditary fuccefiion) or being our covenanted kings overturn all the conditions of their compact, and degenerate into tyrants : to fuch we owe no allegiance, more than Ifrael did to thefe dominators. (3.) I retort that old Colewort twice boiled, who ihould be judge, whether they were their own lawful kings or not ? For they acted as kings, and thought theinfelves their abfolute lords, and gave themfelves out to be fuch ; and yet we find an approved rebellion againft them, Mr. Gee3 in his MaguhaU's Origins), chap* 8, Seel. 4. Pag. O96 A HIND LET LOOSE. Fag. 268. improves thefe inftances to the fame pur* pole ; and adds, * Neither (as far as my obfervatiori ' goes) can any immediate or extraordinary com. ' mand or word for what they fo did be pretended to, 4 or pleaded from the text, for many of them, or for 4 any, fave Barak or Gideon.' 3. Yet Gideon's example, though he had an ex- traordinary call, cannot be pretended as unimitable on the matter ; for that was ordinary, though the call and manner was extraordinary. He, with the concurrence of a very few men, did break the yoke of fubjection to Midian, Judg. vi. and vii. chap, and having called his brethren out of all mount Ephraim, into a conjunction with him in the purfuit of his vic- tory; when he demanded fupply of the princes of Succoth, and of the men of Penuel, and they denied it, he ferved them as enemies. Whence, if a fmali party may with God's approbation deliver themfelves, and the whole of their community, from the bondage of their opprefling dominators whom rhey had ferv- ed feveral years, and may puniih their princes that do not come out to their help, in a concurrence with them, and encouragement of them in that attempt ; then muft it be duty to defend themfelves againft their opprefibrs that rule over them, and all ought to concur in it ; or elfe there would not be juftice in punifhing them that were defective in this work ; but we fee the former from this example : therefore, Obj. If it be faid, Gideon, and the reft of the extraordinary raifed judges, were magistrates, there- fore they might defend and deliver their country, which a private people that are only fubjecls may not do. I anfwer, (1.) They were fubje& to thefe tyrants that opprelfed them who were then the fovereign powers of that time, and yet they fhook ofF their yoke by defenfive arms. (2.) They were not then magiftrates when they firft appeared for their coun- . iry's defence and deliverance, neither in that did they ad as fuch> but only as captains of rebels, in the e- fleem A HIND LET LOOSE. 6$J fleem of them that had power over them. It is clear, Gideon was not ruler, till that authority was conferred upon him after the deliverance. See Judg. 'viii. 22, &c. yet he did all this before. When his baftard Abimerech ufurped the govern- ment, and was made king by the men of Shechein, at length God fending an evil fpirit between him and his accomplices that fet him up, not only was he refill- ed by the treacherous Schechemites, (which was their brand and bane in the righteous judgment of God, for their aiding him at firit and killing his brt thren, Judg. ix. 23, 24, &c. but alfo he was oppofed by ci- thers of the men of Ifrael, as at Thebez, where he was flain by a woman, verf. 50. at the end. Whence, if an ufurping tyrant, acknowledged as king by the generality, may be difowned by th,e godly, and threa- tened with God's vengeance to confume both him and his accomplices that comply with him ; and if he may be oppoied and refifted, not only by thofe that fet him up, but alfo by others that were in fubjection to him, and at length be killed by them, without re- fentment of the relt of the nation ; then muft it be duty for a people, who had 10 hand in the erection of fuch a dominator, to defend themfelves 3gainft his force ; but the former is true by this example : there- fore . 5- When Ifrael fell under the tyranny of Aramon, opprefling them eighteen years, they did, by refilling thefe fupreme powers, make off their yoke, under the conduct of Jephthah. And being challenged fharp* ly by the men of Ephraim, who it feems claimed the prerogative of making war, and therefore came to re- venge and reduce Jephthah and his company to or- der, calling herein belike a copy to our regular loy- alists, who are very tenacious of this plea of the E- phraimites, that, at lead, without the nobles of the kingdom, no war is to be made; yet we find Jeph- thah did not much regard it, but ftoutly defended himfelf, and flew of them 42.000 men, by their Shib- 4T boleth, 6o8 A HIND LET LOOSE. -/ boleth, Judg. xii. If people then, when queftioned for defending themfelves, by them that claim a fupe- riority over them, and mould deliver them, may de* fend themfelves both witnoutthem and againft them \ then it is a people's duty and privilege : but the for- mer is true by this example. 6. They were then made fubject to the Philiftines 46 years, whom the men of Judah acknowledged for their rulers: yet Samfon, that rackle handed faint, never ceafed from pelting them upon all occafions : and when challenged for it by the mert of Judah, faying, ' Knoweft thou not that the Philiftines are ru- * lers over us ? What is that, that thou haft done ?' Samfon objects nothing againft their being rulers ; but notwithstanding profecutes his purpofe of vindi- cating himfelf in defence oi' his country, as they did unto me, fays he, fo have 1 done unto them, Judg. xv. ii. Hence, If faints may avenge themfelves up- on them whom the country calls rulers, and when enabled by God, may do to them a« they did to them ; then mult it be a duty for them fc defend themfelves againft them ; but the antecedent is true by this example. 7. When Saul, in the purftii: of the Philiftines, had charged the people with a foolifh oath (like un- to many of the enfnaring oaths that monarchs ufe to impofe upon people) not to eat any food until the evening, Jonathan his foil tafted but a little honey, and lo he muft die ; which Saul confirmed with ano- ther peremptory oath, God do fo to him, and more alfo, ii he Ihould not die. Whereupon the people, as refolute on the other hand to fave him, refitted the rage of that ruler, and fwore as peremptorily, that not one hair of his head ihould fall to the ground. So the people refcued Jonathan that he died not, 1 Sam. xiv. 44, 45, Hence, If people may covenant by oath to refill the commands, and refcue a man from i tyrant's cruelty, then it is duty to defend them- felves againft him : the antecedent is true here. A HIND LET LOOSE. 699 8. .Afterwards, when the manner of the king, pre- faged by Samuel, was verified in Saul's degeneration into many abufes of government, this privilege of refiftance was not wholly mancipated,but maintained by David's defenfive appearance with his little army, he tookGoliah's fword, not for ornament, or only to fright Saul, but to defend himfelf with it, and was captain firft to four hundred men, 1 Sam. xxii. %. had a mind to keep out Keilah againfl him with fix hundred men, i Sam. xxiii. 13. and afterwards a great hofl came to him to Ziklag, while he kept him- felf clofe becauie of Saul the fon of Kifh, 1 Chron. -xii. f. throughout, where they left Saul, and came and helped David againfl him. This is proved at .length by Lex Rex. quell. 32. p. 340. 9. The city Abel, whether Sheba the traitor had 'fled, did well to refill Joab the king's general, coin- ing to deftroy a whole city for a traitor's fake, and not offering peace to it (according to the law, Deut. xx. 10.) and defended themfelves by gates and walls, vithftanding he had a commiflion from the k;<;g, 1 ,m. xx. and after the capitulating, they are never challenged for rebellion. . o The ten tribes revolted from the houfe of I> vid, when Rehoboam claimed an abfolute power, and would not acquiefce to the people's juft conditions, •■ 1 Kings xii. 2 Chron.x. which is before juluned, Head 2. Hence, if it be lawful for a part of '' 3 peo- ple to (hake off the king, refufe fubjeaion ro him, and fet up a new one, when he but refolyes to play the tyrant ; then it mull be duty to refill his violence, when he is tyrannizing ; but the antecedent is clear from this example. This is vindicated at more length •by Jus pop. ch. 3. p. 52. Li. The example of Eliiha the prophet is coniider- able, 2 Kings vi. y2. " Ehfha fat in his houfe, (and " the elders fat with him) and the king fent a man « before him; but ere the meffenger came to him, tc he faid to the elders, See how this fon of a rnur- 4 T 1 « derer 700 A HIND LET LOOSE. " derer hath fent to take away mine head ; look " when the meffenger cometh, (hut the door, and " hold him faft at the door : is not the found of his " mailer's feet behind him ?" Here was violent re- fiflance refolved both againfl the man and the maf- ter, though the king of the land for the time. And this calling him the fon of a murderer, and refilling him, is no more extraordinary (though it was an ex- traordinary man's act) than it is for a plaintiff to libel a true crime againfl a wicked perfon, and for an op- prefled man to clofe the door upon a murderer, Lex Rex, quefl. 32. p. 346. Hence, if a king or his meffenger coming to ufe unjuft violence againfl an innocent fubject, be no more to be regarded than a murderer's emiflary, but may be refifled by that in- nocent fubjecl: ; then mufl a community of fuch in- nocent fubjecls defend themfelves againfl a tyrant or his emiffaries, coming againfl them on fuch a wick- ed errand ; the antecedent is here clear. 12. The city Libnah revolted from under Jeho- ram's tyranny, 2 Chron. xxi. 10. p. Martyr, on the place faith, They revolted, becaufe he endeavoured to compel them to idolatry. This is juflified above, Head 2. Hence, if it be lawful for a part of the peo- ple to revolt from a tyrannical prince, making defec- tion from the true religion ; then it is duty to defend themfelves againfl his force : the antecedent is here plain. 13. When Athaliah ufurped the monarchy, Jehoi. adathe prieft'flrengthened himfelf, and made a cove- nant with the captains, &c. to put her down, and fet up Joafh, 2 Kings xi. 2 Chron. xxiii. and when fhe came and cried, treafon, treafon, they regarded it not, but commanded to kill her and all that help her. Whence, if thofe that are not kings may lawfully kill an ufurprefs, and all her helpers, then may a people refill them ; but Jehoiada, though no magi- llrate, did it. j 4. The reprefling and punifhing Amaziah the foil A HINT) JLET LOOSE. JO* Ton of Joafh is an undeniable inftance, vindicated b^ Mr. Knox. See above, per. 3. p. 54. After the time that he turned away from the following the Lord, the people made a conspiracy againft him in Jerufaiem, and he fled to Lachifh, but they lent and flew him there, 2 Kings xiv. 19. 2 Chron. xxv. 27. Hence, a fortiori, if peuple may confpire and concur in execut- ing judgment upon their king turning idolater and tyrant, then much more mull they detend themfelves againtl his violence. 15. The fame power, of people's refitting princes, was exemplified in Uzziah or Azariah. when he would needs be fupreme in things facred as well as civil, 2 Kings xv. 2 Chron. xxvi. ' Fourfcore priefh. that were valiant men, withftood him, and -thruft him out of the temple, they troubled him, faith Wablus, they expelled him, faith Ar. Mont. vid. Pool's Synopfis. in Loc. See this vindicated by Mr. Knox. Per. 3. pag. 48, 49. above. Hence, if private fubjects may, by force, refiit and hinder the king from tranfgrefling the law, then muft they refill him when forcing them to tranfgrefs the law of God. 16. After the return from the Babylonifh captivi- ty, when the Jews were fetting about the work of building the temple, which they would do by them- felves, and not admit of any afTociation with malig- nants (upon their finifter mifinformation, and fyco- phantic accufation, that they were building the re- bellious and bad city, and would refufe to pay the king toll, tribute, and cuftom) they were ftraitly difcharged by Artaxerxes -to proceed in their work, and the inhibition was execute by force and power, Ezra iv. But by the encouragement of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, countermanding the king's decree, they would not be hindered, the eye of their God being upon them, though Tatnai the governor of thofe parts, Shetharboznai, and their companions, would have boafted them from it, with the ufual ar- guments of malignants, who hath commanded you to do J02 A HIND LET LOOSE. do fo and fo? Ezra v. 3. 5. And yet this was before the decree of Darius was obtained in their fa- vours, Ezra vi. Hence, if people may profecute a duty without and againft a king's command, and be- fore an allowance by law can be obtained ; then may a people refill their commands and force ufed to exef. cute them : but here the antecedent is manifeft. 17. When Nehemiah came to Jerufalem, and in- vited the Jews to build up the walls of the city, they ftrengthened their hands for that good work againft very much oppofition : and when challenged by San- balfat the Horonite, Tobiah the fervant, the Ammo- nite, and Gefham the Arabian. Great king's-men all of them, who defpifed and boafted them, What is this that ye do ? Will ye rebel againft the king ? Say thev. He would no,1 plead authority, though, in the general, he had the king's warrant for it ; yet he would not give them any other fatisfa&ion, than to intimate, whether they had that or not, having, the call of God to the work, they would go on in the duty, and God would profper them again if thMr op- pofition, Neh. ii- 19, 20. and accordingly, notwith- standing of all feoffs, and plots, and confpiracies, to hinder "the building, yet they went on, and were en- couraged to remember the Lord, and fight for their brethren, &c. and to build with weapons in their hands, Neh. iv. and brought it to an end, notwith- standing of all their practices to fright them from it, chap. vi. Hence, If neither challenges of rebellion, nor practices of malignant enemies who pretend au- thority, nor any difcouragements whatfoever, mould deter people from a duty which they have a call' and capacity from God to profecute, and if they may pro- move it againft all oppofition by defenlive arms ; then, when a people are opprefled and treated as rebels, for a neceffary duty, they may and muft defend them- felves, and maintain their duty, notwithstanding of all pretences of authority againft them. 18. I (hall add one inftance more, which is vindi- cated A HIND LET LOOSE. 703 Cated by jus Populi, from the hillory of Efther. Be- caufe Mordecai refufed to do homage to a hangman, (Haman I mould fay) a cruel edict was procured from Ahafuerus to deflroy all the Jews, written and fealed with the king's ring, according to the laws of the Medes and Perfians, becoming a law irrevocable and irreverfible, Efther iii. 12, 13. Yet the Lord's pro- vidence, always propitious to his people, brought it about fo, that Haman being hanged, and Mordecai advanced, the Jews were called and capacitated, as well as neceffitated, to refill that armed authority that decreed to maffacre them, and that by the king's own allowance, Efther ix. When his former decree drew near to be put in execution, in the day that the ene- mies of the Jews hoped to have power over them, it was turned to the contrary, that no man could with- ftand them. Here they had the allowance of autho- rity to refill authority : and this was not a gift of a new right by that grant, which they had not before ; only it was corroborative of the irradical right to de- fend themfelves, which is not the donative of princes, and which they had power to exercife and ufe without this, though may be not the fame capacity ; for the king's warrant could not make it lawful in point of confcience ; if it had not been fo before. Hence, if people may have the allowance of well advifed autho- riry, to refill the decree and force of unlawful autho- rity ; then may a people maintain right authority, in defending themfelves againlt the injuries of pretended authority ; but by this inllance we fee, the Jews had lAhafuerus's allowance to refill the decree and force of his own ill advifed authority, though irreverfible. And hence, we fee, that diftinction, in this point, is not groundlefs, between refilling the authority of fupreme powers, and the abufes of the fame. I 2dly, We have in the fcripture both tacit and ex- . prefs reproofs, for lying by from this duty in the fea- jbn thereof, 1. In Jacob's fwan fong or prophetical teflament, wherein 704 A HIND LET LOOSE. wherein he foretels what fhould be the fate and future condition of each of the tribes, and what mould be remarked in their carriage influencing their after lot in their generations, for which they fhould be com- mended or difcommended, approved or reproved ; coming to Iffachar, he prophetically exprobates his furure afs like ftupidity, that indulging himfelf in his lazy eafe, and lukewarm fecurity, he fhould be man- eipate himfelf and his interefts into a fervile fubjection unto his oprprefTors impofitions, even when he fhould be in a capacity to make them off, and free himfelf by refiitance, Gen. xlix. 14, 15. " Iffachar is a " ftrong afs couching down between two bur- " dens." This is fet down by the Holy Ghoft, as the brand and bane., not of the perfon of iffachar, Ja- cob's fon, but of the tribe, to be inured upon thtm, ^hen they fhould be in fuch a condition by their own fillinefs : Hence I argue, If the Holy Ghoft expro- brate a people for their ftupid fubjection to prevailing tyranny, when they do not improve their ability, ca- pacity, and right to maintain and defend their liber- ties and privileges, from all unjuft invafion ; but the former is true here : therefore alio the later. 2. In Deborah's fong after their victorious refift- ance, the people are feverely upbraided for not con- curring in that expedition, Jud. v. 16, 17, 23. and Meroz is particularly curfed for not coming to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord againft the mighty. This is recorded as a refting reproof, againft all that will with-draw their helping hand from the Lord's people, when neceftitate to appear in defenfive arms for the prefer vai ion of their lives and liberties. On the other hand, Z^bulon and Naphthali are com- mended for jeoparding their lives in the high places of the fields, and are approved in that practice of righting againft the king of Canaan, that then ruled over them, ver. 18, 19. Hence, If people be re- proved and curfed for ftaying at home co look to their own interests, when others jeopard their lives for their A HIND LET LOOSE. 705 their countries defence and freedom from tyrrany and oppreffion ; then this implies it is a duty to concur in fo venturing j but here, Reuben, Dan, Afher, and Meroz. are reproved and curfed for flaying at home, when Zebulon and Naphthali jeoparded their lives, &c. Ergo* 3dly, We have in the fcriptures man)' promifes of the Lord's approving and countenancing the duty of defenlive arms, even againft their opprefling ru- lers. 1. In that forecited teftament of the patriarch Ja- cob, in that part of it which concerns God, he pro- prieties that tribe fhall have a tot in the world anfwer- ing his name, and be engaged in many conflicts with opprelling dominators, who at firft mould prevail o- ver him, but at length God mould fo blefs his endea- vours, to free himfelf from their oppreflions, that he mould overcome. There is an excellent elegancy in the original, anfwering to the etymology of the name of Gad, which fignifies a troop, reading thus in the Hebrew, Gad, a troop (hall overtroop him, but he fhall overtroop them at the laft, Gen. xlix. 19. And Mofes homologating the fame teftimony, in his blelTing the tribes before his death, mows, that he fhould make a very forcible and fuccefsful refiftance, and fhould execute the juftice of the Lord over his opprefTors, Deut. xxxiii. 20, 21, Wherein is impli- ed a promife of refiftance to be made againft oppref- fing conquerors, who mould acquire the fupreme rule over them for a time : and the fuccefs of that refift- ance for overcoming, neceffarily fuppofes refiftance. Hence, where there is a promife of fuccefs at laft to a people's conflicts againft prevailing tyranny, there is implied an approbation of the duty, and alfo a pro- mife of its performance wrapped up in that promife ; but here is a promife, &c. Ergo 2. In that threatning againft tyrants, fhewing how they fhall be thruft away and burnt up with fire, there is couched a promife, and alfo an implied precept of refitting them, 2 Sam. xxiii. 6. " The fons of Beli- 4 U al JcG A HIND LET LOOSE. 46 al mall be all of them as thorns thruft away r-« " with hands fenced with iron," &c. which clearly implies refiftance, and more than that, rejection and repreffion. Hence, If it be threatned as a curfe a- gainft rulers of Belial, and promifed as a bleffing, that they mall be fo roughly handled ; then this im- plies a duty to refift them, who cat not be otherways taken ; but here this is threatned, &c. 3, When the Lord mail have mercy on Jacob, and chufe Ifrael, it is promifed, Ifa. xiv. 2,3. " That " they fhal! take them captives, whofe captives they were. And they mail rule over their opprefibrs." This neceflarily implies and infers a promife of refif- tance againfr. thefe oppreffing rulers, in the time of their domineering, as well as revenge after their yoke mould be broken ; and fomething of men's actions, •as well as God's judgment in breaking that yoke ; for they could not take them captives, nor rule over them, except firft they had refitted them whofe cap- tives they were:, there is refilling of the fupreme power, fubje&ion whereunto was the bondage where- in they wore made to ferve. Hence, It it be promif- ed, that a captivated and fubjugated people mall break the yoke, and free themielves of the bondage of them that had them in fubjection ; then it is pro- mifed in that cafe, they mud relift the fupreme pow- ers ; for fuch were they whofe captives they were: the antecedent is here expreffed. 4. There are promifes that the Lord's people, when ihofe that rule over them are incenfed againft the holy covenant, and when many of their brethren that fhould concur with them mall be frighted from their duty by fear, or corrupted with flattery, mall be made ftrong to exploits, though in fuch enterpri- ses they may want fuccefs for fome time, " and fall " by the fword and flame, and by captivity, and " fpoil many days," Dan. xi. 30, 34. Which is very near parallel to the cafe of the covenanted people of Scotland, the?r appearing in defenfive ex* ploiti A HIND LET LOOSE. J®J ploits againft their covenant-breaking rulers thefe ma- ny years bygone. This was very eminently fulfilled in the hiitory of the Maccabees, before rehearfed. Hence, If it be promifed, that a people fhall be ft rong to do exploits, in refilling the arms of their rulers, oppofing their covenant, and overturning their reli- gion and liberties ; then it muft be approven that fuch refinance is lawful, even though it want fuccefs ; but this is here promifed. To the fame purpofe it is pro- mifed, that after the Lord's people have been long kept as prifoners under the bondage of opprefling ru- lers, they ihall by a vigorous refinance, be faved from their tyranny, Zech. ix. 13, 17. "When the Lord fhall bend Judah for him, and raife up Zi- on's fons againft the fons of Greece." So it was in their refinances and victories againft the fucceffors of Alexander, who had the rule over them for a time. And fo it may be again, when the Lord mail fo bend his people for him. Hence, If the Lord promifes to fit and fpirit his people for action againft their oppref- fing rulers, and fo crown their atchievements, when fo fitted and fpirited, with glorious fuccefs ; then it is their duty, and alfo their honour to refill them ; but here that is plainly promifed. 5. There are promifes of the Lord's making ufe of his people, and ftrengthening them to break in pieces the power of his and their enemies, and his defend- ing, and maintaining them againft all their power and projects, when they think mod to prevail over them. As is promifed in the threatned cataftrophe of the Babylonian ufurpation, Jer. li. 20, — > — 24. — " Thou art (fays he to Ifrael, of whom he fpeaks as the rod of his inheritance in the preceding verfe) my battle ax and weapons of war, and with thee will I break in pieces," &c. Whenfoever this hath been, or fhall be accompfhlied, (as it may relate to the ven- geance to be execute upon the New Teftament Baby- Ion) it clearly implies their breaking in pieces powers that were fupreme over them. Hence, If the Lord 4 U 2 will 708 A HIND LET LOOSE. will make ufe of his people's vindictive arms againft -Babylon ruling over them, then he will juftify their detenfive arms againft Babylon oppreffing them. Here it is promifed, &c. So Micah iv. 1 1. to the end. Many nations (hall be gathered to defile and look, upon Zion, and then the Lord fhall give an al- lowance and commiffion to his people to arife and threfli, &c. What time the accomplifhment of this is referred to, is not my concern to enquire : it feems Co look to the New Teftament times, wherein the Lord's people fhall be firft in great ftraits, and then enlarged j but to reftrict it to the fpiritual conqueft over the nations by the miniftry of the word, (though I will not deny but that may be included) feems too great a ftraitning of the fcope, and not fo appofite to the expreffions, which certainly feem to import fome forcible action of men, and more than the peaceable propagation of the gofpel. It is ufually referred to the latter days of that difpenfation, when both the Jewifh and Gentile Zion fhall be totally and finally delivered from Babylon, or antichriftian tyranny ; before, or about which period, the enemies of Chrift and of his people fhall attempt their utmoft power to deftroy the church, groaning under their bondage ; but when they are ail well muftered in a general ren* dezvous, the Lord's people fhall have a gallant game at the chace. But whenfoever the time be of fulfill- ing the promife, it enfures to the people of God the fuccefs of their defenfive arms againft them that pre- tended a domination over them. And it looks to a time, when they fhould have no rulers of their own, but them under whofe fubjection they had been long groaning, and now brought to a very low pafs ; yet here they fhould not only refift, but threfh them. Hence, If in the latter days the people of God are to be honoured, and acted forth with fuch a fpirit and capacity to threfh and beat down thefe powers under which they have been long groaning ; then, when the Lord puts them in fuch capacity to attempt it, they fhould A HIND LET LOOSE. 709 fhould be ambitious of fuch an honour ; but here it is promifed, &c. The fame may be inferred from the prophet's vi- fion, Zech. i. 19, 20. He fees four carpenters refitt- ing the four horns ; the horns fcattered Judah, fo that no man did lift up his head ; but the carpenters came to fray them, to caft out the horns of the Gen- tiles, which lifted up their horn over the land of Ju- dah. Thefe horns had the fupreme power over Ju- dah for a time, while they were in no capacity to re- fill rhem ; but as foon as the Lord furnifhes them with capacity and inftruments impowered to refift them, they do it effectually. The carpenters are cer- tainly the Lord's people themfelves ; for here they are oppofite to the Gentiles, which all were except the Lord's people. Hence, if the Lord promifes, when reconciled to his people, to furnifh them with inftruments to fray and fcatter the power of tyrants, who have long borne down their head ; then when they are fo furnifhed, they may refift them : but the Lord here promifes that, &c. This is more plainly promifed alfo, Zech. x. 5. &c. "Then they fhall be as mighty men which fhall tread down their ene- mies, And the pride of AfTyria fhall be brought down" Hence, if the Lord, when he fhall have mercy on his people, will blefs their refiftance fo, as to bring down the pride and fceptre of them that had the power over them ; then, in hope of fuch a blef- fing, they may attempt fuch a duty, when the call is clear. Fourthly, We have alfo precepts, from whence we may confequentially conclude the approven duty of defenfive arms againft opprefling rulers. 1. The children of Ifrael are commanded to vex the Midianites, and fmite them, for faith the Lord, they vex you with their wiles, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. And to avenge themfelves, Numb. xxx. 2. Which did not only oblige the people, when they had Mofes for their magiftrate to lead them forth ; but in the days j lO A HIND LET LOOSE. days of Gideon, when they were under their rule whom they were to avenge themfelves upon. Hence, if people muft vex their enemies, and avenge them- felves of them, by war offenfive, when enfnared by their craftinefs ; much more may they refill them by a war defenfive, when invaded by their cruelty. 2. There is a command to punifh every city or party making apoflacy unto idolatry, Deut. xiii. i2, 1 5. Upon this moral ground was Ifrael's war againft Benjamin, Judg. xx. And their bringing Amaziah unto condign punifhment ; which is vindicated by Mr. Knox, See above Per. 3. pag. 52, 53. Hence, if people are to bring to condign punimment idola- trous apoftates feeking to entice them ; then much more ought they to refift fuch tyrants feeking to en- force them to fuch apoftacy. 3. There is a precept, not only to defend, but al- fo to refcue and deliver our brethren when in hazard, Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. We mult not forbear to deliver them, when drawn to death : which will at leaft in- fer the duty of aflifting them when forced to defend themfelves ; for, if it be a duty to refcue them from any prevailing power that would take their lives un- juftly, much more is it duty to defend them and our. felves both againft their murdering violence ; but it is duty to refcue them, &c. 4. All that would learn to do well, are command- ed, Ifa. i. 17. to relieve the opprelTed ; which is not fpoken to magiftrates only, many of whom were the oppreflors, the princes were rebellious, and compa- nions of thieves, ver. 23. So alfo, Ifa. lviii. 6. It is required of a people that would be accepted of God in their humiliations ; to let the opprelTed go free, and to break every yoke. Hence, if it be duty1 to relieve the opprelTed by breaking the yoke of them! that opprefs them; then it is duty to defend them and ourfelves, both againft them that would opprefs us more ; but the former is here commanded : There- fore, &c. e. There A HIND LET LOOSE. Jit 5. There is a command for a fpoiled oppreffed people, when the Lord is reconciled to them, and fympathizes with them, to deliver themfelves from their rulers fervitude, Zech. ii. 7. ' Deliver thyfelf 0 Zion, which dwelled with the daughter of Baby- lon.' Which comprehends all the ordinary active means of people's delivering themfelves, from oppref- iing powers that rule over them : and confequently defensive refinance ; for it cannot only be reftricled jto flight included (ver. 6.) the promife annexed (ver. 9.) imparts more, when they that fpoiled them mall be a fpoil to their fervants : whereby it is infinuated, 'they were fo to deliver themfelves, as not only to free themielves from their fervitude, but to bring their matters under fubjection. Hence, if the Lord's people, being fubject to tyrants ruling over them for the time, may deliver themfelves from their oppref- fing mailers, then may they refill them, and defend themfelves : The antecedent is exprefs here in the command. 6. There is a command given by Chrift to his dif- ciples, to provide themfelves with defenlive weapons, neceffary for their defence againft them that would purfue after their lives ; as well as with other things neceflary for their fuflenance, Luke xxii. 36. 1 Now he that hath a purfe let him take it, and like- wife his fcrip, and he that hath no fword, let him fell his garment and buy one.' Before, when he had ^snt them out upon an extraordinary commiiTion, as it were to ferve their apprenticefhip in the work of ,the gofpel, he did not allow them fuch felicitous care to provide themfelves, becaufe he would give them a proof of his fufficiency to fuftain and protect them, with- out the ordinary means of their own diligence. But now when he was about to withdraw his bodily prefence from them, and would warn them of the difcourage- ments they were to expect in the profecutions of their more continued work, which they had a commiffion for not to be retracted, he would not have them to expect pirovilion 7 12 A HIND LET LOOSE. provificn and protection by a courfe of miracles, but to provide themfelves with means for their fuftenance, and alfo for their defence againft the violence of men: which chiefly was to be expected from their rulers, who would perfecute them under the notion of tranf- grefTors of the laws of their kingdoms and countries. He was not indeed to make much ufe of them, at that time, for himfelf ; who was then to finifh the work of redemption by fufFering : only, that what was written might be accomplifhed in him, he would make fo much ufe of them, as voluntarily to be in- volved under the cenfure and reproach of rebellion, being taken among men in arms, that he might be reckoned among tranfgreflbrs, ver. 37. Therefore^ when they told him, they had two fwords, he faid, ' It is enough/ ver, 38. I need not ftand upon that impertinency of a conceit, that thefe were fpiritual fwords ; which deferve no confutation, being fitter to be put among quakers delirious diftra&ions, thanr to be numbered among the notions of men of under- ftanding : for then the purfe and tht (crip muft be fpiri- tual too ; and thefe fpiritual things mull be bought by felling of garments ; and yet they would be fuch fpiritual tools, as would a {harp edge for cutting off of carnal ears, and fuch as would be both vilible and fenfible ; and two of them would be enough. They were then ordinary material fwords, which the Lord commands his followers to provide themfelves with for their defence as men, in cafes of neceility, and,' when they fhould be in a capacity to improve them againft their murdering perlecutors, againft whom he gives his royal grant of refiftance ; that the world may know his fubjects, though they have more privi- leges fpiritual, yet they have no lefs human privileges than other men : albeit, at that period of his deter- mined fufFering, he would not allow the prefent ufe of them. Hence, if the Lord's people fhould provide, themfelves with arms of defence, though they fhould be reputed tranfgreflbrs for fo doing j then, may they ufe A HIND LET LOOSE. 713 life thefe armis of defence againft them that perfecute them under that notion ; but the antecedent is clear: Therefore, &c. Fifthly, We may infer the fame truth from fome of the prayers of the faints, wherein they glory in the confident expectation of the Lord's ftrengthening them, and favouring and approving their helpers, and in the experience of the Lord aflifting them, while in the mean time conftitute in a formed appea* ranee of refinance. I mail only hint thefe. 1. In that prayer, Pfal. xliv 5. They glory, in hope, that through the Lord they will pulh down their enemies, &c. yet now they were under the power of tyrannizing dominators which they were re- filling : for, ver. 9. they complain they were pur to ihame, becaufe the Lord went not forth with their ar- mies, arid they which hated them fpoiled them, — — — And for his fake were killed all day long : hence, they plead, That the Lord would awake, and not forget their affliction and oppreflion. Whereby •it is evident they were under the yoke of tyrannizing powers, and refilling according to their might. Which, by whomfoever, or upon what occafion foe-? ver the Pfalm was compiled, fhews, that no want of fuccefs in refitting tyrants, can mar the faints faith in pleading for the Lord's ailiftance and approbation of the duty. Hence, they that, in faith, may pray for, and boaft of their treading down their tyrannizing powers that rife up againft them, may alfo, in faith, attempt the refilling of them in their own defence ; but here the Lord's people did the former. 2. We find David under Saul's perfecution, while he had a party of 600 men to defend himfelf againft Jiis rage, in the pfalms which he compofed upon that occafion, not only complaining of oppreffors, but en- 1 couraging himfelf in the faith that God would be with them that affifted him, in his eflay of defending himfelf, and imprecating deftruftion to Saul and his 4 X accomplices j 714 A HIN© LET LOOSE. accomplices ; that the Lord would cut them off in his truth, and let him fee hi? defire upon them, Pfal. liv. 4, 5. laft verfe. And Pfal. lvii. 4. And Pfal. lvii. throughout. And Pfal. cxl. 7, 9. He imprecates a- gainfl the head of them that compaffed him about, and confequently againfl Saul. Whence 1 argue, 1. If the Lord's people, conflicting with, and encompaf- fed with oppr effing rulers as fo many lions and dogs, may pray and praife for the help of thofe that aflifl them, in their endeavours of felf pre fervation from them ; then may they make ufe of their help for their defence, for which they pray and praife ; but here we fee the Lord's people did the former : Therefore they may do the latter. 2. If we may pray againfl: kings, and for prefervation from them ; then may we defend ourfelves againfl them, and endeavour the means of that prefervation for which we pray. The connexion is before cleared ; yet here I add:' That which will give a difpenfation from our duty of praying for them, will alfo difpenfe from the duty of being paf- fively fubje£t to their will ; and confequently will al- low defending ourfelves from their violence ; but here we fee tyranny and treachery, and defigned mif- chief will give a difpenfation from our duty of pray- ing for them, though that be duty as indifpenfible as fubjeclion. Again, if any thing demur us from re- fining of princes, it muft be refpec~t to their majefty, and the character of the Lord's anointing upon them ; but we fee, no refpect to that will demur a believer from praying in faith againft them : therefore no fuch re- fped will hinder, but that he may defend himfelf a- gainll his violence. And indeed, if we confider it right, if the impreflion of any majefty God hath put upon princes, fhould bind up our hands from any re- • fiftance, it will reft rain from prayer refiftance : for, if that impreflion have any force at any time, it muft be when a man is moft folemnly flated before God, . and fpeaking to God as a Chriftian, rather than when he is acling as a man with a man like himfelf: and as A HIND LET LOOSE. 715 as prayer refinance is the more formidable and forci- ble refiftance than any other (as this Saul and many other kings, have found by their woful experier ce) fo it is more reftricled than other refiftance j for we may defend ourfelves again!! many whom we mud not pray againft, to wit, our private enemies, for whom we are commanded to pray : yet nobody will deny but we may refill their violence : and likewife, we are commanded to pray for kings, when inverted with God's authority ; but when their degeneration Ioofes us from that obligation to pray for them, and allows us to pray againft them w;>en they turn ene- mies to God (as we fee in the prayers of the pfalmift) then alfo we may more warrantably refill them by de- fenfive arms. 3. Among the hallelujahs, in the end of pfalms, there is one calculated for the prevailing time of the church, when the Lord (hall take pleafure in his pec- pie. In that time of rhe faints, being joyful in glory, when they may glory in ihe reft and fecurity the Lord will vouchfafe upon them, they are prophetical- ly and very patheucally excited to praife prayer ways, Pfal. cxlix. 6. to the end. " Let the high praifes of God be in their mouth, and a two edged fword in their hand, ro bind their kings with chains. — to execute upon them the judgment written; 1 this honour have all the faints, hallelujah," This 1 was their praife and honour, when they were brought iin to execute vengeance upon the kings and nobles of i Canaan. This alfo, in David's time, was the ambi- tion, and alfo the attainment of the faints, in their triumphant victories over many of their opprefTors round about them. But it looks to a further and more famous execution of vengeance upon the ty- rants of the earth, when they mail have long kept under the church of God, and at length the Lord ifhali give his people a capacity to break their yoke : 'which, whenever it fhall be, mall be their honour. Hence, if it is the honour of the faints, when the 4X2 Lord yi6 A HIND LET LOOSE. Lord puts them in capacity, to execute vengeance upon their enemies, though they be kings that op- prefs them ; then it may be their ambition to feek it, at leaft they may refill them. Thus from feveral fcripture practices, reproofs, promifes, precepts, and prayers, this truth may be proven. From which fci iptures, though other precious truths are more na- tively deduced, yet this truth by unftrained and un- ccnitrained confequence may be alfo clearly inferred. HEAD VI. %he Sufferings offome, upon the account of extraordinary executing of "Judgment upon notorious Incendiaries, and murdering pubiic Enemies by private Perfons in the eircumftances wherein they were Hated vindicated. SURELY (faith Solomon) oppreffion maketh a wife man mad, as on the other hand, a gift de- flroyeth the heart. Which, whensoever there is a concurrence and verification of both together, makes it very incident, and noways to be admired, that ei- ther fome actions of the epprefled be cenfurable ; or, that there be found many to cenfure them, either out of ignorance or prejudice, ar a far off glance, whiten a nearer or narrower infpe&ion of eircumftances, through a profpect of charity, would not fo readi- ly condemn. When the oppreffion of tyrants comes to fuch a height and pinch of extremity, that it not only threatens a community with defolation, but in- duces a neceifity of unavoidable diffolutipn, and redu- ceb a people to fuch a paroxifm of defperarion and con- firmation (in refpeel of human deliberation bringing them to their wits end) that either they mufl fuccuaih $s flaves, and mancipate confciences, perfons, liber- ties, A HIND LET LOOSE. yij ties, properties, and all they are or have, to the luft of raging tyrants, and their revenging emiffaries, ; or furrender themfelves, and their pofterky, and, which is dearer, the intereft of religion, to be deftroytd : then it is no wonder, that they be fometimes neceili- tated in fuch an extremity, to apply extreme remedies to extremity of evils, and forced to fall upon fuch expedients to prevent their utter extermination, as at other times common order, and ordinary juftice would make extravagant. Yea it is no marvel, though they fall into feveral real extravagancies, which are not to be juftified nor extenuated ; but ra- ther it is to be acknowledged, as a miracle of the Lord's mercy, that in fuch a cafe they are retrained from more fcandalous exceffes of that nature. Yet even then, fuch as live at eafe, free of oppreflion who are blinded with prejudice at the oppreffed, and bribed with the indulgence and lenity of the oppref- fors towards themfelves, will look upon thefe actions as tranfports of madnefs, and effects of extravagant zeal, while they weigh them only in the fcales of or- dinary juftice, and do not ponderate them in the bal- lance of neceflitated virtue ; nor perpend the circum- ftances which made thofe extraordinary adts of judg- ment, which materially are lawful at all times to be ex- ecuted by fome, to be then neceffary ac"ts of juftice to be inflicted by them in fuch a cafe. But if either the oppreffors themfelves, or fuch who are blinded and bribed with their gifts, and killed with their kindnefs, , not only into an omiffion of concurring, but into a condemning of fuch extraordinary attempts of taking off thofe deftroyers ; or, if onlookers at a diftance, would ferioufly confider, and ingenioufly declare their opinion, in a particular application of the cafe to themfelves, what they would do in fuch circumftances : I doubt not, but as charity fhould oblige them to be fparing of their cenfure, in a cafe whereof they have no experience ; fo juftice, in refolving this point for t.hemfelves, would conftrain them to juftify fuch ex- traordinary yiS A HIND LET J.OQSE. traordinary neceflitated practices for felf- prefer vation, in preventing punifhing, by deftroying their deftroy- ers, and move them rather to admire their patience, who have fuffered fo much and fo long thofe beads of prey to devour them, than to cenfure their precipi- tancies, in being conftrained to endeavour to deliver themfelves at lad from, and put an end to their cruel- ty who did mod annoy them. ' Yea, (as Naphtali ' fays very well) it were impoflible that rational men, * after the feeling of fo fore grievances, and the teach- ' ing of fo many and fad experiences, mould dill ( couch under the burden, and fubmit themfelves to ' the yoke of fuch vile apoitate upftarts and bloody * villains, and not rather acquit themfelves like men, * by pulling offthefe vizards, under which they mafk c their villanies and clack their violence; and pluck- * ing them out of that fancluary of loyalty, and refuge * of authority, which they do noi more pretend than 1 profane by all their horrid rebellions againd God, * and cruel murders executed upon the Lord's peo- 1 pie, to the effect that in the righteous and deferved ' punifhment of thefe wicked men, both the fin of the * land might be filled, and the fierce anger of the c Lord averted,' Naph. firft edit. pag. 134. Never- thelefs fuch lawful, and, (as out would think) lauda- ble attempts, for cutting off fuch monders of nature, beads of prey, burdens to the earth, as well as ene- mies to the commonwealth, are not only condemned as murders and horrid affaflinanons, but criminally and capitally puniflied as fuch. And upon this ac- count, the fufferings of fuch, as have left a convic- tion upon the confeiences of all that knew them, of their honedy, integrity, foundnefs in the principles, and ferioufnefs of the practice of religion, have been feveral lingular, and fignally fevere, and owned of the Lord, to the admiration of all fpectators ; fome being cruelly tortured and executed to the death, for efTay- . ing fuch execution of judgment, as Mr. Mitchel ; o- thers for accumplifhing it, as Mr. Hackdon of Ra- thillet, A HIND LET LOOSE. Jig thlllet, and others, who avowed their acceffion to the cutting off that arch traitor Sharp, prelate of St. An- drews ; and others, for not condemning that and the like acts of juftice, though they were as innocent of the facts as the child unborn. The foregoing hiftorical reprefentation of the mat- ters of fact, doth clear the circumftances of the ac- tions : which if ever any of that nature performed by private men without public authority, could be j uni- fied, will at leaft demur the condemning of them. For, the men, or rather monfters, thus removed, had not only been perjured spoliates from, and conjured enemies againft God, in a confpiracy with the devil, to deflroy the reformation, and the remnant that pro. felled it, affronted blafphemers, perfidious betrayers of the country, and enemies to the commonwealth, malignant incendiaries, and habitual murderers of ma- ny of the Lord's people, who, for many notorious crimes, had forfeited their lives to juftice ; but were infolently proiecuting their murdering defigns, in- • forming the council, and infligating them againfl in- nocent people to deftroy them utterly, procuring from them bloody orders to fpare none, but cut off all who might fall into their hands, and vigoroufly and vigi- lantly with all violence purfuing their murdering mandates, both in their own perfons, and by villains, whom thev hounded out as intelligencers to get, and to give notice where any of thole people might be de- tected, whom they avowed, and avowed a defign to deflroy, when in the heat and height of their rage they were cut off. The actors were noways fubject to them, nor any other way related, than declared and independent enemies are to one another, having denounced all relation to them and their matters, as magistrates and their fuperiors j and were in no terms of peace with them, but maintaining an hoftile oppo- fition and carrying, without ceffation, arms to refill them ; and when they got that advantage over them, that thefe enemies were feeking againft them, they declared 720 A HIND LET LOOSE. declared folemnly to them, and died, declaring it to the world, that they were not moved out of private revenge for perfonal injuries they had done againft themfelves ; but being touched with the zeal of God, love to their country, refpecl: to juftice trampled upon by tyrants, and for faving themfelves, refcuing their brethren, and preventing their murdering them, becaufe there were none that would or could execute juftice upon them legally : therefore they were forced to put forth their hands againft them as enemies, with whofe prefervation their own could not confift. Their circumftances were fuch, that they were redacted to the greateft of extremities, pre- cluding all other human poffibility of preferving them- felves and their brethren from the deftruction intend- ed, and declaredly refolved, and reftleily fought and profecuted, by thefe murderers, being perfecuted to the death by them, daily chafed, hunted, way-laid, turned out of their own habitations, intercommuned, discharged and denied all harbour in any houfe, un- der the hazard of the fame pains that themfelves were liable to, which was death by the prefent law and fo forced to hide in caves and dens j out of which they durft not come forth, if it were but to feek bread for themfelves, without iminent danger of their lives ; the country railing the hue and cry after them, when- foever they were feen, whereby many were killed as foon as they were apprehended : hence they could nei- ther efcape in the land, nor by flight out of the land, paffages by fea and land being ftopt, and none fuffer- ed to go anv where, without ftridt examination what O J * they were, which was impoflible for them to elude : and many other Specialities of mifery and danger were ingredients in their circumftances, that no words can reprefent to them that are altogether ftrangers to them. Wherefore, in fuch a ft rait and pinch of per- plexity, when they could not other wife efcape the fu- ry of thefe firebrands, nor demur and deter the reft of them from an uncontrouled purfuit after the lives of A HIND LET LOOSE. 72 I of innocents, nor otherwife avert the wrath of God againft the land for the impunity of fuch vermine ; and feeing there was no accefs to addrefs themfelves to magiftrates, who by office are obliged to bring fuch villains to condign punifhment ; and none were found in public authority, but fuch as patronized and authorized them ; whom in confcience they could not acknowledge, and in prudence durft not make appli- cation to them for fear of their lives j what could they do ? what was left them to deliberate, but to fall u- pon this extraordinary courfe, wherein if they have {tumbled into fome extravagancies, as to the manner, who can think it ftrange, confidering the ca'e ? But as that is not the debate ; fo as for fuch ads of ven- geance as are peccant in the matter, and were not circumftantiate, as above rehearfed, being difowned in their public declarations, and the actors excluded from their communion, for whom I plead ; it were iniquous to impute the fcandal of them to that fuffer- ing people. It is only the fo circumftantiate, necefli- tated, extraordinary execution of judgment, upon notorioufly grofs and grallant incendiaries, tyrants, and terrible murdering enemies, where there is no living for them, that i vindicate. And though the handling of this tender and quick fcented fubjecl: may feem odious to fome, and my difcourfe upon it is pregnant with an oblique defign to obviate fuch un- merited furmifes, 1 mull fay, it is only the wiping off of fuch reproaches as reflect on religion ; the vindica- tion of preterite extraordinary practices of this na- ture ; the inveftigation of prefent duty with refpect to future emergencies ; and the retraining all extrava- gancies incident on this Head, that I intend. How- ever this may be exploded by this generation, as o- dious and uncouth doctrine ; yet, in former periods of this church, it hath been maintained with courage, . and afTerted with confidence. How the ancient Scots, even after they received the Chriftian faiih, ferved their tyrants and opprefibrs, how in the beginning of 4 Y the ^22 A HIND LET LOOSE. the" reformation, the killing of the cardinal, and of David Rizio, were and are generally to this day juf- tified, and what was the judgment and pleading of our reformers for praclifing this principle againft ido- laters, &c. needs not be here repeated ? Mr. Knox's judgment in particular is before declared, and will be further difcovered, if we confider how he refented his flacknefs, in putting people to execute judgment in thefe v/ords, infert in fecond part of the cloud of witnefies, p. 60. ' For God (laid he) had not only 6 given me knowledge, and a tongue to make known * the impiety of the idol, but ha>! given me credit £ with many, who would have put in execution God's 'judgments, if I would only have confented thereto: ' but fo careful was I of the common tranquility, and c loath was 1 to offend fome, that in fecret confer- 4 er.ce with zealous men, I travelled rather to flacken * that fervency God had kindled in them, than to 1 animate and encourage them to put their hands to € God's work ; wherein I acknowledge myfelf to ' have done molt wickedly, and from the bottom £ of my heart I do afk God pardon, that I did not c what in me lay to have fuppreifed that idol from the 4 beginning.' But the preceeding hiftorical reprefen- tation doth abundantly demonflrate this is no novel- ty, to afTert, that when the ruin of the country, fup- preffion of religion, deftruclion of the remnant pro- feffing and fullering for it, and the wrath of God is threatened in, and for the impunity of idolaters and murderers, that by the law of God and man fhould die the death ; and fuppofing always fuch as are in public office not only decline their duty, but encou- rage thofe deftroyers, yea authorize them themfelves, we may not only maintain defenfive refiftance accord- ing to our capacity, but endeavour alfo vindictive and punitive force in executing judgment upon them in cafes of neceffity, as before circumftantiate. And I am the more confident to afTert it, that what I lay cannot be condemned, till firft what our reformers have A HIND LET LOOSE. 723 have proven be confuted. However, to endeavour to make it fomewhat clear, I mall premit fome afiertions, to clear the (late of che queftion ; and then give fome reafons for it, when clearly Aated. Firft. It will be needful for clearing our way, to fhew what length we may warrantably go in this mat- ter of executing judgment, in our private capacity, in extraordinary cafes of neceffity, by felting down fome propofitions negative and pofitive, iigmfying what we difown, and what we own in this point. I. What we difown, may appear in thefe afier- tions, 1. No neceffity nor circumftance fuppofible what- foever, can juftify the murder of the righteous or in- nocent, or vindicate the unlawful taking away of their lives directly, or indire&ly, immediately, or mediate- ly, which in thought as well as deed we muff, abhor, as a horrid breach of the fixth command. The guilt whereof may be incurred feveral ways ; as by knhng them immediately, as Cain did his brother Abel; or commanded them to be killed, as Saul commanded Doeg to kill the Lord's priefts ; or contriving tr.eir murder, as David did Uriah's, and Jezabel Naboth's ; or counfelling thereunto, as the people advifed the princes to the murder of Jeremiah, and all that cried crucify Jefus were murderers of Chrift ; or by pro- curing it, as Haman was guilty of the intended mur- der of the Jews ; or concurrring therein, as J^ab was guilty of Uriah's death as well as David, and Judas of Chriit's by betraying him j or by the patrociny thereof, defending and lparing the murderers when called, by office, to puniih them, as David was guilty in not punifhing Joab, Ahab in patronizing the mur- der of Naboth ; or by confenting thereunto, as Saul confented to the death of Stephen j or by knowing and permitting, and conniving at it, as is condemned, Prov. xx;v. 11, 12. Whether this be done under co- lour of law, as Pilate murdered our Lord, Herod kil- led James ; or without all colour, by abfolute power, 4 Y 2 Herod 724 A HIND LET LOOSE. Herod the Afcalonite murdered the infants ; or whe- ther it be done by purpofe, as Joab murdered Abner and Amafa ; or without previous purpofe yet with knowledge of the aftion in the perpetrating of it, as men may do in paffion, when provoked befide their pur- pofe, or in a tumult, without intending it beforehand ; yet that is murder ; Barrabas committed murder in the infurre&iom For, as for cafuaf killing, contrary to intention, without knowledge, that's no breach of the command. And, whatever may be faid of neceffitat- ed delivering up the innocent, purfued by a potent ie- nemy, to deliver the city from his fury ; or of prefer- ring our own life to our innocent neighbour, in a cafe when both cannot be preferved, and by preferving the one lawfully, the other happens to lofe his life ; I do not meddle with thefe cafes. But fmce this is taken for granted by cafuifts, I infer, If it be lawful that an innocent man die in cafe of necefiity, thafo- thers may be preierved ; then much more is it law- ful, that the npcent, who are guilty of murdering the righteous all thefe ways above fpecified, and aclually proiecuting their murdering defigns by thefe methods, mould rather be made to die, than the righteous be deftroyed. But of this fort of murder, taking away the life of the righteous, none hath the impudence to accufe that reproached people. 2. though a man kill an innocent unwittingly and willingly, befides his knowledge and againft his will ; yet he may be guilty of finful homicide,'if he was o- bliged to know that he was in hazard of it, and ne- glected to confider, left a man might be killed by what he vivS doing: as if a man fhould moot at random, when he doth not know but fome may be killed there- by : or if one were hewing with an ax, which he ei- ther knew or might have known to be loofe, and the head not well fattened to the helve, did not advertife thofe about him of H ; if by flying off it happened to kill any perfon, he were not innocent, but if he knew not without any inadvertency, then he were guiltlefs, Deut. xix. 5. See Durham on 6. Com. So if a man A HIND LET LOOSE.' 72$ man built a houfe without battlements, he mould bring blood upon his houfe, if any man fell from thence, Deut. xxii. 8. But of this the queilion is not. 3. Though a petfon be not altogether innocent, nor to be reckoned among the righteous ; but fup- pofe him wicked and profane, and engaged in an evii courfe, difhonourable to God, prejudicial to the church and kingdom, and very injurious to us ; yet it may be murder to kill him, if he be not guilty of crimes that deferve death by the law of God : for the life of man is not fubjecled to the arbitrement of any, but his who is the author of life and death ; it is ne- ceffary to all to obey the law, Thou (halt not- kill, without exception, but fuch killing as is approven by the author of the law, as faith Ames. De Confcientia, cap. 31. quell. 2. Hence, this people fo much re- proached with extravagant actions, do abundantly clear themfelves of that imputation of being of the mind to kill all that differ from them, which was the impudent' forgery of the father of lies, in their infor. matory vindication, Head 3. ' We pofitively dif- I own (fay they) as horrid murder, the killing of any * becaufe of a different perfuafion or opinion from us, * albeit fome have invidioufly cad this odious calum- ' ny upon us.' And it is as clear, they that took the oath of abjuration fwore a lie, when they abjured the apologetical declaration, in fo far as it is afferted it was lawful to kill all employed in the king's fervice, when it afferted no fuch thing, as is mewed above Head 3. To think fo much, let be to declare it, far more to praclife fuch a thing againfl all that ferved the king, or any merely, becaufe they ferved him, or becaufe they are in a wicked courfe, or becaufe they have oppreffed us, were abominable : for thefe things limply do not make men guilty of death, to be pu- nilhed capitally by men according to the law of God. But when they are dated in fuch oppofition to us, and ferve the tyrant's murdering mandates by all thofe ways 726 A HIND LET LOOSE. ways above fpecified ; then we may by the law of God and nature and nations, deftroy, flay, and caufe to perifh, and avenge ourfelves on them that would affault us, and are feeking our deftru&ion : as it was lawful for the Jews to do with Haman's emhTaries, Efth. viii. n. 13. and ix. 1, 2. 5. This charge then cannot reach the cafe. 4- Though murderers, and fuch as are guilty of death by the law of God, mud be punifhed by death ; for, eut. xiii. 6. Yet no right or law, upon any caufe or occafion whatfoever, is given to inferiors, as children, &c. to puniih their fathers. See Pool. Sy- nop. Critic, in locum. However it be, this cannot condemn the taking off of notorious murderers, by the hand of fuch as were no way fubjee'r. ncr related to them ; but as enemies, who, in extreme neceflity, executed righteous judgment upon them, without prejudice of the true, neceffary, and chief good of the church and commonwealth, or of any particular perfon's juft right and fecurity, as Naphtali qualifies it, pag. 12, 23. firfl edition. 7. Though the matter of the action were juft, and the murderer fuch a perfon as we might punifh with- out any breach of relative obligations, or duties ; yet the manner may aggravate it to fome degree of mur- der ; if it be done fecretly, when it may be execute publicly, or fuddenly and precipi'antly, when it may be done deliberately, without rufhing upon fuch an action, or hurrying the murderer to eternity ; as this alfo might have had fome weight with David not to 4 Z murder J$0 A HIND LET LOOSE. murder Saul fecretly and fuddenly in the cave, of when he was fleeping ; fo Ifhbofheth, and joafh, and Anion were murdered ; or if it be done fubtilly, when it may be performed in more plain and fair dealing \ or treacheroufly, under colour of friendfhip ; or cru- elly without regard to humanity ; and efpecially when the actors are at peace with the perfon, whofe blood they med, as Joab ihed the blood of war in peace, i Kings ii. 5. in killing Abner and Amafa fo craftily and cruelly ; and Abfalom made his fervants affaffi- nate Amnon, 1 Sam. xiii. 28, 29. But this cannot be chaiged upon them who executed righteous judg- ment, as publicly, deliberately, and calmly, as the ex- traordinary exigence of prtfling neceifity, in extremi- ty of danger, could allow, upon notorious murderers, with whom they were in open and avowed terms ot hoftility. 8. Though the manner alfo be inculpable ; yet if the principle and motive of killing, even thofe that deferve to die, be out of malice, hatred, rage, or re- venge, for private or perfonal injuries, it is murderc For the affection and intention doth make one and the fame action of taking away the life, homicide or iio homicide: Lex Rex faith, Oueft. 31. Pag. 338. If a man out of hatred deliberately take away another man's life, he is in fo far a murderer, but if that fame man had taken away the other's life, by the flying off of his ax head, he neither hating him before, nor in- tending to hurt him, he is no murderer by God's ex- prefs law, allowing cities of refuge for the one, and not for the other, Deut. iv. 42. Deut. xix. 4, &c. private revenge is indignity to God, whofe it is to take vengeance, Deut. xxxii. 35. Rom. xii. 19. " Dearly beloved avenge not yourfelves, for ven- " geance is the Lord's." For which caufe Jacob curfes Simeon and Levi their murder of the Sheche- mites : for in their anger they flew a man, Gen. xlix. 6, 7. So David would not put forth his hand againft Saul) for his own private and perfonal quarrel. So Joab A HIND LET LOOSE. 73 1 Joab killed Abner, and Abfalom Amnon. But this doth not make the execution of judgment, out of zeal for God, refpect to righteoufnefs, love to the na- tions intereft, and care to preferve the perfecuted peo- ple of God from imminent deftruction, upon public enemies, incendiaries, that are trampling upon all thefe precious interefts, and threatening the utter ruin of them, and in a particular manner their deiiruction who thus prevent them. 9. Though the motive or caufe were upon a pub- lic account, yet it may be murder to have a wrong end in it ; as either to intend fimply the deftruction of the perfon on whom they .execute judgment, as the end to which all their action is directed, or to make their own advantage or honour the end of the action. Thus David would not kill Saul, becaufe it might have been thought he did it to obtain the kingdom, of which he was rightful fuccefior : and defervedly he punifhed the Amalekite, that brought news of his killing Saul ; and Baanah and Rechab, for their kil- ling lfhbofheth, thinking thereby to advance them- feives at David's court. So alfo Joab murdered A- mafa to fecure himfelf in the general's place. And Jehu,, though upon the matter he executed righteous judgment, his end was only himfelf, it is condemned as murder. But when the execution of righteous judgment is both formally intended by the actors, and natively and really doth conduce to the glory of God, the prefervation of the remnant threatened to be de* •ftroyed by thefe murderers, the fuppreffing of impie- ty, doing of juftice, turning away wrath and remov- ing of prefent, and preventing of future judgments, then it may be duty, Napthtali, pag. 23. firft edition. 10. Though the end alfo were not culpable; yet it may be murder to kill criminals by tranfgrefling the fphere of our vocation, and ufurping upon the magiftrate's fword : for he, by office, is a revenger, to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, Rom. xiii. 4, none mud make ufe of the fword of vindictive juf- 4 Z 2 tice. 73^ A HIN» LET !,OOSB# tic (p, but he to whom the Lord giveth it ; therefore they that came to take Chrift are condemned and threatened for this, Matth. xxvi. 52, " All they that *'- take the fword, fhall periih with the fword." The God of order hath afligned to every man his Ration and calling, within the bounds whereof he (hould keep, without tranfgrefling by defect or excefs, let every man abide in the fame calling wherein he was called, 1 Cor. vii. 20. and ftudy to be quiet, and do his own bufinefs, 1 ThefT. iv. 11. Therefore Da- vid would not kill Saul, becaufe he would have done it befide his calling. And therefore the killing of Joafh and Amon was murder, becaufe the affaflins did tranfgrefs their vocation. Bat when notorious incen- diaries do not only tranfgrefs their vocation, but the limits of human iociety, and turn open enemies to God and man, defiroying the innocent, making ha- voc of the Lord's heritage, and vaunting of their vil- lanies, and blading of their wickednefs, and thereby bringing wrath upon the land if tuch effrontries of in- folence ihould pals unpuniihed, and when there is no magiftrate to do that w< rk of juftice, but all in that place are art and part with them, patrons and defen- ders of thetn ; yea, no magift rate that can be acknow- ledged as a miniiler of God to be applied unto ; in that cafe, it is not a tranfgreilion of our vocation, nor an ufurpatjon upon the magiftrates, where there is none, to endeavour to avert wrath, by executing righteous judgment. Ornerwife, if for fear, or ful- picion of the accidental hazard of private men's u- furping the office, or doing of the duty of public per- fons, every virtuous action which may be abufed, fhaii be utterly neglected, impiety ihall quickly gain univerfai empire, to the extermination of all good- nefs, Naphtali, pag. 24. firft edition. To cleat this, it muff be confidered, that a man's calling is two- fold ; hij, particular cabling, whereunto in the ordina- ry courfe of things he is regularly confined : and his general cailiitg, not circumlcribed by particular rules,. which A HIND LET LOOSE. 733 which from the common obligation of the end for which all callings are inftitute, in the clear exigence of an extraordinary emergent, according to the ge- neral rules of righteoufnefs, bind 10 an agreeable practice ; therefore circumftances may fometimes fo diverfify aftions, that what in the ordinary and undif- turbed Hate of things would be accounted an exccfs of our particular calling, and an ufurpation, in an ex- traordinary occurrence may become a neceifary duty of our general calling. 1 1. Though it were no ufurpation beyond our cal- ling ; yet it may be murder, to kill any without the call of God in a cafe of neceffity, either in the imme- diate defence oi life, or though it be in the remote when the hazard is unavoidable. Every thing mull: have God's call in its feafon to make it duty, fo alfd the time of killing, Ecclef. hi. 3. For want of this pavid would not kill Saul. Lex Rex faith excellent- ly to this, quell:. 31. pag. 329, 330. ' David might f have killed Saul when he was fleeping, and when he ' cut off the lap of his garment, but it was unlawful ' for him to kill the Lord's anointed, as it is unlaw- ' ful to kill a man becaufe he is the image of God, * Gen. ix. 6. except in cafe of neceffity, David * having Saul in his hand, was in a remote poftureof I defence, the unjuft invafion then was not actual, nor * unavoidable, nor a neceffajy mean in human pru- * dence for felf prefervation ; for king Saul was not ' in an actual purfuit of the whole princes, elders, ' community of Ifrael : Saul did but feek the life of ' one man David, and that not for religion, or a na- ' tional pretended offence, and therefore he could not, f in conscience, put hands on the Lord's anointed : ' but if Saul had actually invaded David for his life, 4 David might, in that cafe, make ufe of Goliah's [ fword, (for he took not that weapon as a cypher to * boaft Saul) and rather kill than be killed.' Thus he. By a call here, we do not mean an exprefs or immediate call from God, fuch as the prophets might have 734 A HIND LET LOOSk. have to their extraordinary executions of judgments, as Samuel and Elijah had to kill Agag and Baal's prophets ; but either the allowance of man, then there is no queftion about it ; or if that cannot be had, as in the cafe circumltantiate it cannot, then the provi- dential and moral call of extreme neceflity, for pre- servation of our lives, and preventing the murder of our brethren, may warrant an extraordinary execut- ing of righteous judgment upon the murderers. Men may have a call to' a necelfary duty, neither every way mediate nor immediate, as the call of running to- gether to quench a fire in a city, when magiftrates through wickednefs or negligence, will not, or do not, call people forth unto that work; they have not man's call, nor an immediate call from heaven, yet they have a lawful call from God ; lb they do not in- trude upon the magiftrates office, nor want they a call to this execution of judgment, who did material- ly that work for that exigent which magiftrates, by office, were bound to do, being called thereto by God, by nature, and the call ot inevitable neceflity, which knoweth no human law, and to which fome divine pofitive laws will cede. Jus populi. chap. 20. pag. 423. 1 2. Though this be a principle of reafon and na- tural juilice, when all the fore mentioned circumtlan- ces are clear, that it is lawful for private perfons to execute righteous judgment, upon notorious incendi- aries, and murdering public enemies, in cafes of ne- ceffity ; yet it might be a finfui breach of the fixth command, to draw extraordinary examples of it to an ordinary practice in killing all who might be found criminal, and would deferve death by the law, as all that have ferved under a banner of tyranny and vio- lence, difplayed againd God and* his people, to the ruin of the reformation, wafting of the country, op- preffion of many honeft families, and deftruttion of' many innocent people, are and would be found guil- ty of murder j as the chief captain would have truly • alledged A HIND LET LOOSE. 735 alledged Paul to have been a murderer, if he had been the Egyptian which made an uproar, and led cut four thoufand men that were murderers, Acts xxi. 58. As for the vulgar and ordinary fort of thofe ver- mine of varlets, it is of no advantage for opprefied people to foul their fingers upon them, when their ilaughter would not put a flop to, but rather increafe the deftruction of the people of God ; and were un- lawful to prevent and anticipate the due and legal ex- ecution of juftice, where there is any profpect or ex- pectation of its running in its right channel. But for the chief and principal ring leaders, and common public and habitual incendiaries, and mafters of the trade of murdering the Lord's people, when there is no other way of being rid of their rage, and preferv- ing ourfelves, and preventing the deftruction of our brethren, we may in that cafe of neceflity make pub- lic examples of them, in an extraordinary procedure againit them, that may be melt anfvverable to the rules of the ordinary procedure of juftice, and in im- itation of the heroic actions recorded and juftified in the word of God, in the like extraordinary cafes ; which are imitable, when the matter of their actions is ordinary, that is, neither preternatural nor fuper- natural though the occafion was lingular, juft and ns- cefiary, both by divine precept, and as a mean to good and neceffary ends, and when there is no other to do the work, nor any profpect of accefs to juftice in its ordinary and orderly courfe, nor poffibility of fufpend- ing it till that can be obtained. We need not then any other call than a fpirit of holy zeal for God, and for our own and our brethrens prefervation, in that pinch of extremity. We do not hold thefe extraor- dinary actions for regular and ordinal y precedents, for all times and perfons univerfaily : which if people mould fancy, and heed more the glory and fame of the action, than the found and folid rule of the fcrip- tures, they may be tempted and carried to fearful ex- travagancies. But they may be warrants for private perfons yjO A HIND LET LOOSE. perfons in their doing of thefe things, in an extrem neceflity, to which at other times they are not called. And when the Lord, with whom is the refidue of the fpirit. doth breathe upon his people, more or fewer, to the exciting of more than ordinary zeal, for the execution of juftice upon fuch adverfaries, we fhould rather afcribe glory and praife to him, whofe hand is not ihortened, but many times choofeth the weak and foolim things of the world to confound the mighty and the wife, than condemn his inftruments for doing fuch things, Naph. pag. 24, 25. prior edit. All thefe cafes, which are all I can think ©n at prefent, comprehending all that may any way infer the guilt of murder, I have collected ; to the end I may conclude this one argument, and leave it to be confidered: If this extraordinary executing of judg- ment, upon notorious incendiaries and murdering pub- lic enemies, by private perfons, in the cir omittances above declared, cannot be reduced to any cafe that can infer the guilt of murder ; then it cannot be con- demned, but juftified • but this extraordinary execut- ing of judgment, &c. cannot be reduced to any cafe that can infer the guilt of murder, (as will appear by the induction of all of them :) therefore, this extra- ordinary executing of judgment, &c. cannot be con- demned, but juftified. II. In the next place, What we own may be done warrantably, in taking away the life of men without breach of the fixth command, will appear by thefe propofitions and afiertions, which will bring the mat- ter to the prefent circumstantiate cafe i. It is certain, though the command be indefin- itely exprcffed, it doth not prohibit all killing, but only that which is condemned in other explicatory commands. Our Lord Jelus, repeating this command, explains it by expreffing it thus, Matth. xix. .8. " Thou (halt not murder." And it any be- lawful, it is granted by all, that is, which is unavoid- able by the invincible neceflity of providence, when A HIND LET LOOSE. 737 a man following his duty doth that which befiaV and contrary his intention, and without any previous ne- gleet or oversight in him, proveth the hurt and ieath of another, in which cafe he was allowed to flee to the city of refuge by the law of God. Whence if tLat phyfical neceflity did juftify that kind of killing, fhaJl not a moral neceflity every way inivincibly unavoMa- ble (except we fuffer ourfelves and our brethren to be deftroyed by beads of prey) vindicate this kind, in an extraordinary extremity, when the murderers are protected under the fconce of pretended authori- ty ? In which cafe the law of God would allow deli- berate murderers mould be purfued by the avenger of blood, and not to have liberty to flee to thefe fub- terfuges and pretexts of authority, (mere tyranny,) but to be taken from the horns of fuch altars, and be put to death, as Mr. Mitchel fays in vindicating his own action, in a letter dated Feb. 1674. 1. It is lawful to take the life of known and con- victed murderers by public juftice ; yea, it is indif- penfibly necelfary by the law of God, and no mercy nor pardon of the magiftrate may interpofe to fpare them ; for, ' Whofo killeth any perfon, the murder- ' er mall be put to death by the mouth of wifnefTes. 1 Ye (hall take -no faiisfaction for the life of a c murderer : but he mail furely be put to death,' he was not to be admitted to the benefit of any re- fuge : and the reafon is, ' Blood defiles the land, and * the land cannot be cleanfed of the blood that is ftied * therein, but by the blood of him that flied it,' Numb. xxxv. 30, 31, 32, 33. Hence, \t it be fo ne- ceflary to cleanfe the land, then when the magiftrate is not only negligent in his duty, but turns a patron ,and protector of fuch murderers, and employs them as his emiffaries to murder and deftroy, it cannot be expected he fhould cleanfe the land, for then he fhould free it of the burden of himfelf, and begin with himfelf : therefore then, there muft be more in- cumbent upon private perfons, touched with the zeal pf God, than at another time. And as Mr. Knox, 5 A in 738 A HIND LET LOOSE. in his conference with queen Mary, fays, * They that f in the fear of God execute judgment, where God * hath commanded, offend not God, though kings c do it not ;' and adduces the examples of Samuel killing Agag, Elias killing the prophets of Baal, and of Phineas killing Zimri and Cozbi. 3. It is lawful for private perfons to kill their un- juft affauhers, in defending themfelves againft their violence, and ihat both in the immediate defence of our life againft an immediate affault, in the in- ftant of the r.flault, and alfo in a remote defence of ourfelves, when that is as necefTary as the firft ; and there is no other way of efcaping the deftruction in- tended by murcerers, either by flight or refiftance ; then it is lawful to preferve ourfelves by taking advan- tages to cut them off. 4. It is lawful in a juft war to kill the enemy ; yea in the defenfive war of private fubjects, or a part oF the commonwealth, againft their opprefling tyrants, as is proven, head 5. Where feveral of the arguments ufed to evince that truth will confirm this ; as namely, thofe arguments taken from the people's power in re- formation, and thofe taken from the hazard of partak- ing of others fin and judgment : for, if all the magi- ftrates, fupreme and fubordinate, turn principal pa- trons and patterns of all abominations, and perfecu- tors and deftroyers of the people for not complying with them, then the people are not only under an ob- ligation to r-'-fift them; but feeing otherwise they would be liable to their fin, in fuffering them thus to trample on religion, and the intercfts of God as well as their own, in order to turn away the wrath of God, it is incumbent upon them to vindicate religion, and reform the land from thefe corruptions, in an endeavour to bring thofe malignant enemies of God, and deftroyers of the people, to condign pu- nifhment, ." that the heads of the people be hanged . up before the Lord againft the fun, the fierce anger 4 of the Lord may be turned away from the land," Numb. xxv. 4. In this cafe, as Buchanan fays of a tyrant, I A HIND LET LOOSE. 739 tyrant, L>e jure regni, £ A lawful war being once un- ' dertaken with fuch an enemy as a tyrant is, every ' one out of the whole multitude of mankind may af- ' fault, with all the calamities of war, a tyrant, who 6 is a public enemy, with whom all good men have a * perpetual warfare.' And though the war be not al- ways actually profecute in a hoftile manner, yet, as long as peace is not concluded and the war ceafed, they chat have the juft fide of the quarrel may take advantages, in removing and taking off", (not every fmgle foldier of the contrary fide, for that would con- tribute nothing to their prevailing in the end) but the principal inftruments and promoters of the war, by whofe fall the offending fide would fuffer great lofs, and the defending would be great gainers. So Jael killing Sifera, Jabin's captain- general, is greatly com- mended. Now this was the cafe of the fufferers up- on this head, as Mr. Mitchel, one of them repreients it in his forecited letter, ' I being (fay? he) a foldier, c not having laid down my arms, but ftili upon my * own defence, having no other end or quarrel at any ' man Oefides the profecution of the ends of the * Covenant, particularly the overthrow of prelate? and ' prelacy ; and I being a declared enemy to him (that ' is Sharp) on that account, and he to me in like ' manner, 1 never found myfelf obliged — to fer a cen- ' tinel at his door for his fafety ; but as he was always ' to take his advantage, as it appeareth, fo I of him to * take any opportunity offered : moreover, we being * in no terms of capitulation, but on the contrary, I, 'by his inftigation, being excluded from all grace * and favour,* thought it my duty to purfue him at all ' occafions.' 5. It is lawful to kill enemies in the refcue of our brethren, when they are keeping them in bondage, and referving them for a facnfice to the fury of ty- rants, or leading them forth to the flaughter, or in the time of acting their murdering violence upon them : then, to break prifons, beat up garrifons, fur- 5 A 2 prife 740 A HIND LET LOOSE. prife the murderers, and kill them in the refcue of our innocent brethren, is very lawful, according to that command, Prov. xxiv. it, 12. and the practice of Mofes, who feeing one of his brethren fuffering wrong, he defended him, and avenged him that was oppreffed, and flew the Egyptian, Adls vii. 24. For that is a certain truth, which Grotius faith in locum, ' the law of nature gives a right to an innocent, and to the defender of an innocent perfon, againffc the guilty offender.' Hence, It cannot but be lawful al- fo, in a cafe of necetfity, when both ourfelves and our brethren are purfued inceffantly by deftroying mur- derers, to avenge ourfelves on them, and flay them, when there is no other way to be rid of their vio- lence. 6. It is lawful to prevent the murder of ourfelves or our brethren, when no other way is left, by killing the murderers beiore they accomplifh their wicked defign, if they be habitually profecuting it, and have many times accomplifhed it before. This followeth upon the other ; and upon this account it had been duty foT Gedaliah to have fuffered Johanan to flay Ifhmael, and fo prevent the governor's murder, if it had been certainly known that Ifhmael was fent by the king of Amnion to alfaflinate him, Jer, xl. 14, 15. for nothing is there objected againft the lawful- nefs of ;he thing, but only it was alledged that he fpoke falfely. Alftedius afferts this, Caf. de homicid. reg. 6. p. 33 1. It 1?; lawful to prevent him that would aflfault us, aid by preventing to kill him before his invafion, if it be io neceifary, to prevent him, that our life cannot be orherwife defended but by preventing, j And hence he juftifies that faying, ' It is lawful to kill him that lieth in wait to murder.' ibid. This is all the lengtn that the reproached fufferers, whom I am vindicating., ^o, in afferting this principle, as may be fe&fl in their Iuformatory Vindication, Head 3. pag. . 544. where they lay, ' We maintain it as both righ- V teous and rational, in defence of our lives, liberties, ' and A HIND LET LOOSE. 741 ' and religion, after an orderly and Chriftian manner, f to endeavour, by all means lawful and poffible, to c defend ourfelves, refcue our brethren, and prevent * their murder, in a martial oppodtion againit wicked 8 perfecutors, who are feeking to deftroy them and us, * and imbrue their hands in our blood, according to ' the true import of the Apologetical Declaration.' Which is very rational; efpecially confidering. 7. Thefe murderers, who are thus to be prevented, are fuch whom the law of God commands to be put to death, and no where allows to be fpared, being public enemies to God and good men, open blaf- phemers, avowed idolaters, affronted adulterers, no- torious murderers, habitual tyrants, fuppi effing reli- gion, oppreffing the innocent, and profeffing a trade of deilroying the Lord's people. ourely, if God hath expreily in his laws provided, that blalphemers, ido- laters, murderers, &c. mould not be fuffered to live, he never intended men daily guilty, yea, making pro- feffion of thefe crimes, mould be allowed impunity, either by virtue of their office, or becaufe there fs none in office to execute judgment upon them; but in a cafe of extreme neceffity, thefe laws will not on- ly allow, but oblige people, daily murdered by them, for their own prefervation, for vindication of religion, for purging the land of fuch wickednefs, for turning away the wrath of God, to prevent their profecuting their murdering defigns any further, and put a ftop to their perfecution, by putting an end to their wick- ed lives : feeing, as Buchanan fays, De Jure Regni, it is exprefly commanded, * to cut. off wickednefs and 5 wicked men, without any exception of rank or de- ' gree ; and yet in no place of facred fcripture 'are tyrants more fpared than private perfons/ Much lefs their bloody emiffaries. Now, feeing all thefe cafes of killing I have collec- ted, are juftifiable in fcripture, and none of the fuffer. ers upon this head, whom I am vindicating, have ex- ceeded in principle or practice the amount of thefe t affertions 74-2 A HIND LET LOOSE. affertions, what is faid already may have fome weight to demur a cenforious condemnation of them. But as the true nonconforming well obferves, in anfwer to Dial. 7. p. 391. Seeing the Confederation refulting from the concurrence of all circumflances, whereupon the right dignofcing of fuch deeds, when actually ex- iftent, doth moflly depend, doth more contribute to the clearing and paffing a judgment on a cafe of this nature, when the whole contexture is expofed to cer- tain examination, than to fet down general rules di- rective of fuch practices (which yet will all juftify this in queftion) therefore to clear the cafe further, all may be refolved into this ftate of the queflioa. ' Whether or not private perfons, inceffantly pur- * fued unto death, and threa ened with ineluctable de- ' ftrucYion by tyrants and their emiiiaries, may, to * fave themfelves from their violence, in cafe of ex- * treme neceffity, put forth their hand to execute ' judgment upon the chief and principal ringleaders, * inftruments and promoters of all thefe destructive * mifchiefs and miferies, who are open and avowed e- 4 nemies to God, apoftates, blafphemers, idolaters, * tyrants, traitors, notorious incendiaries, atrocious < murderers, and known and convict to be public e- * nemies, profecuting their murdering defigns notour- 1 ly and habitually, and therefore guilty of death by ' all laws of God and man ; and in fuch an extraor- * dinary cafe, put them to death, who have by law ' forfeited their lives to juftice, when there is no ac- ' cefs to public juftice, no profpect of obtaining it in c an orderly way, nor any probability of efcaping * their intended deftruction, either by flight or relif- * tance, if they be pad longer unpunished ; and fo * deliver themfelves from their murdering tyranny, f while they are under no acknowledged fubjection to 1 them, nor at peace with them, but maintaining a * defenfive refinance againft them ; and in this extra- ■ 'ordinary execution of juftice, being not chargeable c with ignorance of matters of fact fo manifeit, nor ' miftakes A HIND LET LOOSE. 743 ( miftakes of circumftances fo palpable, nor with ma- ' lice, rage or revenge againit their perfons for private * and particular injuries, nor with enthufiaflic impulfes ' pretended as their rule, nor with deceit or treache- I ry in the manner, nor with any breach of relation ' or obligation, nor ufurpation upon or prejudice to ' any lawful right whatfoever in the matter, nor with * any felfifh or finiftrous ends in the defign ; but for- * ced to perform this work of judgment, when there * is none other to do it, out of zeal for the glory of 4 God, care of the country's good, love to their bre- * thren, fenfe of their own danger, and refpect to juf- ' tice ; to the end, that by the removal of thefe wick- l ed deftroyers, their war againft the prevailing fac- ' tion of their malignant enemies may be more fuc- * cefsfully maintained, their religion, lives, laws, and * liberties more fecurely defended, their brethren ref- it cued, their murder prevented, impiety fupprefled, * the land cleanfed from blood, and the wrath of God I averted.' That this is the true (late of the queftion, the preceeding affertions, all comprehended here, do make it evident. To which 1 anfwer in the affirma- tive, and mail come to give my reafons. Secondly, Then I fhall offer fome reafons for this, firft for fome grounds and hypothefes of reafon : then more exprefly from fcripture-proofs. I. There may be fome arguments offered from the dictates of natural reafon, which I (hall but only glance at. i. ♦ premit the confideration of the praclxe of all nations, even fuch from whom patterns have been taken for government, and who have had the moft polite and pureft policy, and have been the fevereft animadverters upon all extravagants and tranfgrefTors of their vocation : yet even among them, for private perfons to deftroy and rid the commonwealth of fuch burdens, and vile vermin fo pernicious to it, wa3 thought a virtue meriting rather commendation, than a thing to be condemned. I (hall not here inftance the 744 A HIND LLT LOOSE. the laudable practices recorded in fcripture ; thele may be feen in their own place. Neither do I fpeak of ruder nations, among whom this is a relict of rea- fon, not of rudenefs, as the Oriental Indians have a cuitom, whenever any perfon runs a muck, that is, in a revengeful fury, takes fuch a quantity of opium, as diffracts them into fuch a rage of mad animoiity, that tney fear not to aflault (which is the common opera- tion of that portion there) and go through destroying whom they can find in their way : then every man arms againit him : and is ambitious of the honour of firft killing him, which is very rational ; for other- wife no man could be fate ; and it feems to be as ra- tional, to take the fame courfe with our mad malig- nant mucks who are drunk with hellifh fury, and are running in a rage to deftroy the people of God whom they can meet with. But all the nations, where the beft policy was eftablifhed, have been of his mind. In Greece public rewards were enacted to be given, and honours appointed for feveral cities, to thole that mould kill tyrants, from the mightieft ot them to the meaneft ; with whom they thought there was no bond of humanity to be kept. Hence, Thebe is ufu- ally commended for killing her hufband, Timoleon for killing his brother, becaufe they were pernicious and deflructive to the commonwealth : which, though it feem not juftifiable, becaufe of the breach of rela- tion of natural fubjection, yet it mews what fenti- ments the moll politic nations have had of this prac- tice. As alio among the Romans, Caflius^ is com- mended for killing his fon, and Fulvius for lulling his own fon going to Cataline, and Brutus for killing his kinfmen, having underitood they had confpired to in- troduce tvranny again. Servilius Ahala is commend- ed for killing even in the court Sep. Melius, turning his back and refuting to compear in judgment, and for this was never judged guilty of bloodmed, but. thought nobilitate by the (laughter of a tyrant, and all pofterity did affirm the fame. Cicero, fpeaking of r the A HIND LET LOOSE. 745 the flaughter of Cefar, ftiles it a famous and divine fa<5t, and put to imitation. Sulpitius Afper, being afked, why he had combined with others againft Ne- ro, and thought to have killed him ? made this bold reply, * that he knew not any other way to put a flop ' to his villanies, and redeem the world from the in- * fedlion of his example, and the evils which they ' groaned under by reafon of his crimes.' On the contrary, Domitius Corbulo is reprehended by all, for negle&ing the fafety of mankind, in not putting an end to Nero's cruelty, when he might very eafily have done it : and not only was he by the Romans reprehended, but by Tyridates the Perfian king, be- ing not all afraid left it mould afterward befal an ex- ample unto himfelf. When the ministers of Caius Caligula, a mod cru- el tyrant, were, with the like cruelty, tumultuating for the (laughter of their mafter, requiring them that killed him to be punifhed, Valerius Afiaticus the fe- nator cried out aloud, ' I with I had killed him,' and thereby both compofed their clamour, and ftopt their rage. ' For there is fo great force in an honeft deed, ' (faith Buchanan de jure Regni, relating this paf- * iage) that the very lighten1 fhew thereof, being pre- ' fented to the minds of men, the mod furious aflauhs i are allayed, and fury will languiih, and madnefs it- * felf mult acknowledge the fovereignty of reafon.' The fenate of Rome did often approve the fact, tho' done without their order oftentimes by private hands : as upon the flaughter of Commodus, inftead of re- venging it, they decreed that his carcafe fliould be expofed and torn in pieces. Sometimes they ordered before hand to have it done ; as when they condem- ned Didimus Julianus, they lent a- tribune to flay him in the palace : nay, they have gone fo far, as infome cafes to appoint reward for fuch as fliould kill thofe tyrants that trampled upon their laws, and murdered virtuous and innocent people ; as that fentence of the fenate againft the two Maximini doth witnefs, Who- c B foever 746 A HIND LET LOOSE. foever killeth them deferves a reward. Buchanan as above, rehearfing many inftances of this nature, gives reafons of their approveablenefs ; and thefe 1 find here and there fcattered, in his book, de jure Regni, 1. They that make a prey of the commonwealth, are hot joined to. us by any civil bond or tie of humanity, but mould be accounted the moil capital enemies of God and of all men. 2. They are not to be count- ed as wiihin human fociety, but tranigreffors of the limits thereof; which whofo will not enter into, and contain himfelf within, fhould be taken and treated as wolves, or other kinds of noifome beafts, which whofoever fpares, he preferves them to his own de- struction, and of others ; and whofoever killeth, doth not only good to himfelf, but to all others ; and there- fore doth merit rather reward than to be condemned for it. For if any man, diverted of humanity, fhould degenerate into fuch cruelty, as he would not meet with other men but for their deftruclion (as the mon- gers I am fpeaking of, could meet with none of the party here treated on, but to this effect) he is not to be called a man, no more than fatyrs, apes or bears. 3. It is exprefsly commanded to cur off wickednefs and wicked men, without any exception of rank or degree ; and, if kings would abandon the counfels of wicked men, and meafure their greatnefs rather by duties of virtue, than by the impunity of evil deeds, they would not be grieved for the punifhment of ty- rants, nor think that royal majefly is lelTened by their- deftruclion, but rather be glad that it is purged from fuch a (lain of wickednefs. 4, What is here to be reprehended ? is it the caule. of their punifhment ? That is palpable. Is it the law which adjudges them to punimment? All laws weredellred as neceffary for reprefling tyrants ; whofoever- doth condemn this, mull likewife condemn all the laws of nations. Is it the perfon executing the laws ? Where will any other be found to do it in fuch circumftances ? 5. A lawful war being once undertaken with an enemy, for- a juft caufe, A HIND LET LOOSE. 747 caufe, it is lawful not only for the whole people to kill that enemy, but for every one of them : every one therefore may kill a tyrant, who is a public ene- -my, with whom all good men have a perpetual war- fare; meaning, if he be habiiually tyrannical, and deftru&ive to the people, fo that there is no living for good people for him ; otherwife, though a man by force or fraud acquire fovereignty, no iuch vio- lence is to be done to him, providing he nfea mode- rate way in his government, fuch as Vefpafi an among the Romans. Hiero in Syracufe. 6. Treafon cannot be committed againft one who de;ean- eft are to be confidered as mean or poor, but as mur- derers. But I need not iniift on this, being fufficiently proved, Head 2. Arg. 9. and throughout that Head, Dioving that tyrants can have no authority , and, it they have -no authority, then authority (which 'hey have not) cannot exempt them from puniibment. The connexion of the major proportion may be thus urged : when this judgment cannot be executed oy public authority, -either it muft be done by private au-, thority, in cafe of extreme neceffity, or not at aih for- there is no medium, but either to do it by public au- thority, or private: if not at all, then the land mult remain (till defiled with blood, and cannot be cleanf- ed, Numb. xxxv. 33. Then the fierce anger of the Lord cannot be averted, Numb, xxxv. 4. for without this executing of judgment, he will not turn it away, "fer. v. 1. Then mult murderers be encouraged, by their impunity, to make havoc of all according to their lult, befides that poor handful who cannot efcape their prey, a$ their cafe is circumftautiate. Rcfides, this is point black contrary to thefe general com- mands, which fay peremptorily, the murderer (hall be put to death ; but this fuppofed cate, when public authority will not or cannot put them to death, fays, they (hall not be put to death. In this cafe then I de- mand, whether their impunity is neceifary, becaufe they mud not be put to death ? or becaufe they cannot be put to death ? To fay the latter, were an untruth j for private perfons can do it, when they get accefs, which Is poflible : if the former, then it is clearly contradic- tory to the commands, which fay, they muft be put to death, excepting no cafe, but when they cannot be put to death. If it be faid, they mull not be put to death, becaufe the law obliges only public authority to exe-- cute judgment : to this I reply, 1. I truft to make the contrarv appear from feripture by and by. 2. If the j law A HIND LET LOOSE, 7Si law obliges none but thofe in public authority to exe- cute judgment, then when there is no judgment exe- cute, it muft be the fin of none but thofe in public authority ; and if it be only their fin,*how comes o- thers to be threatened and puniflied for this, that judgment is not executed ? If they muft only ilani by, and be fpeclators of their omitfions unconcerned, what mail they do to evite this wrath ? (hall they ex* hort them,^ or witnefs againfr. them ? But that more than all this is required, is proved before leveral times, where this argument, of people's being puniflied for the fin of their rulers- hath been touched, 3. Then when there is no authority, it muft be no fin at ail that judgment is not executed, becaufe it is the- fm of i none ; ir cannot be fin, except it be the fin of fome. 4. What if thofe in public authority be the murde- rers? Who (hall put them to death? By what autho- rity fhall judgment be execute upon them ? Whether i public or private ? public it cannot be ; for there is- no formal public authority above the fupreme, who are fuppofed the party, to be punifhed ; if it be the i radical authority of the people, which is the thing we plead, for, then ir is but private, as that of one party againft. the- other: the people are the party, grieved, and fo cannot be judges: at belt then, this will be extrajudicial executing of judgment. And if the people may do-it upon the greateft of tyrants, then a part of them who are in gftiftbA hazard may fave themfelves from thofe of leifer note, by putting them to death : for if all the people have right to pu. nifli univerfal tyrants, becaufe they are deftroyers of all ; then a part hath right to punifli particular ty- rants, becaufe they aredeftroyers of them, when they, cannot have accefs to public 'authority, nor the con- currence of the whole body. 4. Let thefe murderers and incendiaries be confi- dered, either as a part of the community with them whom they murder and deftroy, or not ; if they be a part, and do belong to. the fame community (which is ... - -2 A HIND LET LOOSE. iViibt granted in this cafe, vet let it be given) then when the fafety of the whole, or better part, cannot confift with the {paring ox preferving of a [ingle man, efpecially fuch an one as prejudges all, and dettroys that better part; he is rather to be cut oft, than the whole or the better part be endangered : for the cut- fine off of a contagious member that deftroys the rett of the body, is well warranted by nature, becaufe the fafety of the whole is to be preferred to the lately or a part, efpecially a deftruaive part : but now, who fhall cue it off? fmce it mnft be cut oft, othcrwile a greater part of the body will be prefently confined, and the whole endangered. It is fure the phyhcian s duty ; but what if he will not, or cannot, or there be no phyfician? then any that can may and muff ; yea, one member may, in that cafe, cut off another, So, when either the magiftrate will not, or dare not, or does not, or there is none to do this neceflary work of iuftice, for the prefervaiion of the community ; any member of it may rather prevent the destruction or the whole, or a greater part, by dettroy.ng the mur- derino- and deftruclive member, than luffer nimielr and others to be unavoidably deftroyed by his being fpare ' If they be not within, or belonging to that fodiety 'hen they may be dealt with, and carried to- wards as public enemies and itrangers and aHadvam ta-es may be taken of them in cafes of necemty, as men would do, if invaded by Turks or Tartars. r I et it be confidered, what men might have done in fuch a cafe before government was erected, if there had been fome public and notour murderers m previn? upon fome fort of men. Certainly then private perfons 'as all are in thai cafe) might kill them to prevent future deftruction. Hence, if this was law- ful'before government was eftabliftied, it cannot be unlawful when people cannot have the benefit : or the government, when the government that is mftead or riving redrefs to the grieved and oppreffed, does al- k»w and impower them to deftroy them : other wife A HIND LET LOOSE. 753 people might be better without government than with it ; for then they might prevent their murderers by- cutting them off". But fo it is that this was lawful before government was eftablifhed : for let it be ad- verted, that the fcripture feems to infmuate fuch a cafe before the flood. Cain, after he murdered his brother, feared that even man that found him mould flay him, Gen. iv. 14. If he had reafon to fear this, as certainly he had, if the Lord had nor removed that, by prorogueing the execution of vengeance upon him, for his greater punifhment, and the world's more tail- ing inftruction, and by fetting a mark upon him, and inhibiting, under a fevere threarning, any to touch him; then every man that Ihould have killed him was the magiftrate, (which were ridiculous) or every man was every, and any private perfon univerfally, which might have killed him, if this inhibition had not pad upon it. Ainfworrh upon the place faith, ' That a- ' mong the ancient Romans, every one might kill ' without a challenge, any man that was curfed for ' fome public crime.' And cites Dionyf. Halicarnaf. 1. 2. And fo Cain fpoke this from a dictate of na- ture and a guilty confcience. 6. At the erection of government, though the peo- ple refign%the formal power of life and death, and pu- nifning criminals, over to the governor conftitute by them ; yet, as they retain- the radical power and right virtually, fo when either the magistrates neglect their duty of vindicating the innocent, and punifhing their deftroyers, or impower murderers to prey upon them; in that cafe, they may refume the exercife of it, to ceftroy their deftroyers, when there is no other way of preventing or efcaping their deftructions ; becaufe extreme remedies ought to be applied to extreme dif- eafes. In an extraordinary exigent, when Ahab and Jezebel did undo the church of God, Elias, with the people's help, killed all Baal's priefts, againft and witnout the king's will; in this cafe, it is evident the people refumed their power, as Lex Rex faith, quell; 5 c 9« P* 754 A HIND LET LOOSE. 9r. p. 63. There mufl be a court of neceflity, no lefs than a court of juftice, when it is in this extremi- ty, as if they had no ruler, as that fame learned au- thor faith, queft. 24. pag. 213. If then the people may refiime that power in cafes of neceflity, which they refigned to the magiftrate ; then a part may re- fume it, when a part only is in that neceflity, and all may claim an intereft in the refumption, that had an intereft in the refignattan. 7. Efpecially upon the difiblution of a government when people are under a neceflity to revolt from it, and fo are reduced to their primitive liberty, they may then refume all that power they had before the refignation, and exert it in extraordinary exigents of neceflity. If then a people that have no magiftrates at ail may take order with their deftroy ers then muft they have the fame power under a lawful revolt. As the ten tribes, if they had not exceeded in feverity a- gainlt Adoram, Rehcboam's collector, had juft caufe to take order with that ufurper's emiflary, if he came to opprefs them ; but if he had come to murder them, then certainly it was duty to put him to death, and could not be cenfured at all, as it is not in the hiftory, / icings xii. 18. But fo it is that the people purfued by thefe murderers, fome of which in their extreme exigencies they put to death ; have for thefe fevpral years maintained a declared revolt from the prefent government, and have denied all fubjection to it upon the grounds vindicated, Head 2. And there they muft be confide! ed as reduced to their primeve liber. ty, and their purfuers as their public enemies, to whom they are no otherwife related than if they were Turks, whom none will deny it lawful to kill, if they invade the land to deftroy the inhabitants. 8. Hence, feeing they are no other than public e- nemies, unjuftly invading, purfuing, and feeking them to deftroy them : what arguments will prove the law- . fulnefs of refiftance, and the neceflity of felf defence, in the immediate defence of life, as well as remote, will A HIND IET LOOSE. 755 will alfo prove the" lawfulnefs of taking all advantages , upon them : for if it be lawful to kill an enemy in his immediate affault, to prevent his killing of them, when there is no other W2y of preferving themfeives from his fury ; then it muft be lawful alfo in his remote but (i\\\ inceffant purfuit, to prevent his murdering them by killing him, when there is no other way to efcape in a cafe of extreme neceflity. But that this was the cafe of that poor people, witnefies can bed prove it ; and I dare appeal to two forts of them that know it belt, that is, all the purfuers, and all the purfued. 9. This is founded, and follows upon the 4th arti- cle of the Solemn League and covenant : where we are bound with all faithfulnefs to endeavour the dif- covery, of all fuch as have been, or mail be incendi- aries, malignants or evil inftruments,— — -that they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign punifhment. Now, as this obliges to the orderly and ordinary way of profecuting them when there is accefs to public judicatories : fo when there is none either this article obliges to no endeavour at all ; (which cannot be, for it is moral duty to endeavour the punifhment of fuch) or elfe it mud oblige to this ex- traordinary action and execution of judgment, if to any at all. Efpecially confidering, how, in the fenfe of the fhort comings of this duty, it is renewed in the folemn acknowledgement of fins, and engagement to duties, that we (hall be lb ;far from conniving at ma- lignity, injuftice, &c. that we mall- take a more -effectual courfe, than heretofore, in our refpective places and callings, for puniming and fupprefhng thefe evils.— —-^-Certainly we were called to one way of pro- fecuting this obligation then, when it was fir ft engag- ed into, and to another now, when our capacity and circumftances are fo materially and formally altered : if the effectual courfe then was by public authority; then new when that is wanting, there muft be fome obligation to take fome effectual courfe ftill, that 5 C 2 may 75& A HIND LET LOOSE. may fuit our places and callings, which will certainly comprehend this extraordinary way of fuppreiling thofe evils, by preventing their growth in curbing the inftruments, and executing judgment upon them, in a cafe of extreme neceffity, which will fuit with all places, and all callings. II. From the fcriptures, theie arguments are of- fered, Firft, Some approven examples, and imitable in the like circumstances, will clear and confirm the lawfulnefs of this extraordinary work of judgment ex- ecuted by private perfons, upon notorious incendiar- ies, firebrands, and murderers, guilty of death by the law of God, i. Mofes fpied an Egyptian fmiting an Hebrew, one of his brethren ; and he looked this way, and that' way, and when he faw that there was no man, be flew the Egyptian, and hid him in the fand, Exod. ii. ,;, 12. Here is an uncondemned example: whereof the actor who was the relater did not con- demn himfelf, though he condemns himfelf for faults that feem lefs odious ; yea, in effect, he is rather con- demned by Stephen the Martyr, Acts vii. And though it be extraordinary, in that it was done by private au- thority, not by a judge, as it was objected to him the fecond day : yet it was not unimilable ; becaufe that action, though heroical, whereof the ground was or- dinary, the rule moral, the circumftances commonly incident, the management directed by human pru- dence, cannot be unimitable ; but fuch was this ac- tion, though heroical. The ground was ordinary, fpying his brother in hazard, whofe murder he would have prevented. The rule was moral, being accord- ing to that moral precept in refcuing our brother in hazard, Prov. xxiv. 1 1, 12. The circumftances were incident in a cafe of extreme neceflity, which he ma- naged very prudently, looking this way, and that , way, and hiding him ia the fand. Therefore it may be imitated in the like cafe. It figniries nothing to fay A HIND LET LOOSE. 757 fay that he was moved by the Spirit of God thereto : for unto every righteous performance the motion of the Spirit oi God is requifite. This impulfe that Mo- {es had and others atter-mentioned, was nothing but a greater meafure of that ailxiting grace, which the extraordinarinefs of the cafe, and the difficulties therein occurring did call for ; but the interveening of fuch motions, do not alter the rule, fo a,s to make the action unimitable. Impulfes are not the rule of duty, either under an ordinary or extraordinary exi- gence; but when they are fubfequent and fubfervient both to the rule of duty, and to a man's call in his pre- fent circumllances, they clearly determine to the fpe- cies of an heroic enterprife ; in fo much that it is not only the particular deed that we are to heed for our imitation, but we are to emulate the grace and prin- ciple of zeal which produced it, and is thereby fo confpicuoufly relucent for our upllirring to acts in like manner, as God may give opportunity, as is ob- ferved by the true non- conforming Dial. 7. pag. 392. &c. 2. When Ifrael joined himfelf unto Baal-Peor, the Lord faid unto. Moles, 'Take all the heads of the ' people, and hang them up before the Lord againft ' the fun, that the fierce anger of the Lord may be £ turned away from Ifrael/ And Mofes faid unto the judges, ' Slay every one his men that were jcined un- 4 to Ball-Peon' And when Zimri brought the Midia- nitifh Cozbi in the fight of Mofes, and in the fight of all the congregation, who were weeping before the door of the tabernacle ; and when Phineas faw it, he rofe up, and took the javelin in his hand, and he went after the men of Ifrael into the tent, and thruft both of them through,-! So the plague was Hayed. 1 And the Lord fpake unto Mofes, faying, ' Phi- t neas hath turned away my wrath from the children * of Ifrael, while he was zealous for my fake among • them, 1 give unto him my covenant of peace, i *_, — becaufe he was zealous for his God, and made 4 an 75$ A HIND LET LO0S5. c an atonement for the children of Ifrae";.' Numb, xxv. 3 13. This action is here much commend- ed, and recorded to his commendation, Pfal. cvi. 30. 31. Then flood up Phinehas, and executed judg- ment, and fo the plague was frayed ; and that wfllf counted to him for righreouinefs, unto all genera- tions ; that is, Into juijatfe of the deed before men, who other wife rnlglit have put a bad construc- tion upon it, as rafn, out of feafon, committed again it a magiifrate by a private perfon, too cruel by cutting them off from repentance; but God elteemed it as extraordinary juil. PooI'l- Synopf. Critic, in Locum % It is certain, taJs action was fome way extraordinary; becaufe Phinehas was not a magiftrate, nor one of the judges whom Mofes commanded to flay every one his men, ver. 5. O'.herwife, if this had been only an ordinary execution of the judgment by the authori- ty of Mofes, Phinehas' action would not have been taken fo much notice of, nor fo fjgnally rewarded ; but here it is noted as a lingular act of zeal, which it could not have been, if it was only an ordinary execu- tion of the magiltrate's command : yet, though t h 13 a&ion was fignally heroical, proceeding from a prin- ciple of pure zeal for God, and prompted by a power- ful motion of the Spirit of God to that extraordinary execution of judgment : it is notwithstanding imitable in the like circumihnces. For, the matter is ordinary, being neither preternatural, nor fupernatural, butjuft and necefTary. The end was ordinary, to turn away the wrath of God, which all were obliged to endea- vour. The principle was ordinary, (though at the time he had an extraordinary meafure of ii) being zealous for the Lord, as all were obliged to be. The rule was ordinary, to wit, the command of flaying every man that was joined to Baal Peor, ver. 5. only this was extraordinary, that the zeal of God called him to his heroical action, though he was not a ma- . gi'drate, in this extraordinary exigent, to avert the wrath-of God 5 which was neither by Mofes's com- mand, A HIND LET LOOSE; 759. mand, nor by the judges obedience, turned away only by Phinehas* act of another nature, and hia zeal appearing therein, and prompting him thereto, the Lord was appeafed, and the plague flayed. la which fervour of zeal, tranfporting him to the omif- fion of the ordinary folemnities of judgment, the Spirit of the Lord places the righteoufnefs and praife of the action. Yet the fame call and motion of zeal might have impovvered others to do the like : the text fpeaks of no other call he had, but that of zeal, ver. n, 1 2, 13. yea, another was obliged to do the fame, upon the ground of that moral command, Deut. xiii. 6. ■ 9. having the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commaudeth the idolater to die the death ; and therefore to be imitate oi all that prefer the true honour and glory of God to the affection of fleih and wicked princes, as Mr. Knox affirmeth in his conference with Leth.ingtoun, rehearfed before, per. 3. Further, let it be enquired, What makes it uni- mitabie ? Certainly it was not fo, becaufe he had the motion and direction of God's Spirit ; for men have that to all duties. It was no., becaufe he was raifed and flirred up of God to do it ; for God may raife up fpirits to imitable actions. It was not, becaufe he had an extraordinary call, ior men have an extraordinary call, to imitable ?ctions, as the apoilles had to preach. We grant thefe actions are extraordinary and unimit- able j which, firft, do deviate from the rule of com- mon virtue, and tranfeend all rules of common rea- fon and divine word ;. but this was not fuch, but an he- roic aCt of zeal and fortitude : Next thefe actions, which are contrary to a moral ordinary command are unimiuble, as the Israelites robbing the Egyptians, borrowing, and not paying again, Abraham's offer- ing his fon llaac j but this was not fuch : next thofe actions, which are done upon fome fpecial mandate of God, and are not within the compafs of ordinary obedience to the ordinary rule, are unimitable ; but this is not fuch : as alfo miraculous action*, an4 fuch, as j6to A HIND LET LOOSE. as are done by the extraordinary infpiration of the Spirit of God, as Elias's killing the captains with^thei1* fifties by fire from heaven ; but npne can reckon this among theie. See Jus Populi at length difcuiling this point, and pleading for the fuitablenefs of this action, cap. 20. If therefore the Lord did not only raife up this Phinehas to that particular a6t of juftice, but al- fo warrant and accept him therein, and rewrrd him therefore, upon the account or his zeal, when there was a godly and zealous magiftrate, able, and whom we cannot without breach ©f charity prefume, but al- fo willing to execute juftice ; how much more may it be pleaded, that fhe Lord, who is the fame yefterday, to day and forever, will not only pour out of that fame fpirit upon others ; but alfo when he gives it, both allow them, though they be but private perfons, and alfo call them, being other wife in a phyucal and pro- bable capacity to do thefe things in an extremely necef- fitous, and otherwife irrecoverable itate of the church, to which in a ;nore intire condition he doth not call them ? And particularly, when there is not only the like or worfe provocations, the like neceilltv of exe- cution of juftice and of reformation, for the fuming away of wrath, and removing of judgments, that was in Phinehas's cafe, but alfo, when the fupreme civil magiftrate, che nobles of the kingdom, and other in- ferior rulers, are not only unwilling to do their duty, but fo far corrupted and perverted, that they are be- come the authors and patronizers of tfiefe abominati- ons, Naph. prior Edit. p. iy 3. When the children of Ifrael ferved Eglon the king of Mbab. and they cried unto the Lord, he raif- ed them up a deliverer, Ehud the fon of Gera, who made a dagger., and brought a prefent unto Eglon, and put forth his left hand, and took fhe dagger from his right thigh, and thruft it into his belly, Judg. iii. 2t. That this action was approven will not be' doubted, fince the Lord raifed hira up as a deliverer, who by this heroical action commenced it ; ond fince it A HIND LET LOOSE. 761 it was a meffage from God, and that it was extraor- dinary, were ridiculous to deny : for fure this was not the judicial action of a magiftrate, neither was E- hud a magiftrate at this time, but only the meffenger of the people fent with a prefent. Yet it is imitable in the like cafe, as from hence many grave authors concluded the lawfulnefs of killing a tyrant without a title. 4. When the Lord difcomfitted the hoft of Jabin, and Sifera his captain fled into the houfe of Heber the Kenite, Jael Heber's wife took a nail of the tent, and went foftly unto him, and fmote the nail into his temples, Judg, iv. 21. of which the prophetefs Debo- rah fays, chap, v. 24. " BlefTed above women fhall " Jael the wife of Heber the Kenite be above women " in the tent." Yet not only was Jael no magiftrate, but in fubjeclion to and at peace with Jabin, though me killed his captain. But there was no injuftice here, when he was declared a public enemy, the war was juft, he was an oppreflbr of the people of God, it became Jael, as a member of the commonwealth, to betray and cut off the common enemy. Therefore Jael had finned, if fhe had not killed him. Martyr and others cited in Pool. Synopf. Critic, upon the place, albeit that author himfelf, in his Englim anno- tations, does cut the knot, inftead of loofmg it, in de- nying Deborah's fong to be divinely infpired in its firft compofure, but only recorded as a hiftory by di- vine infpiration, as other hiftorical paffages not ap- proven, only becaufe this heroic fad of Jael is there recommended, which is too bold an attempt upon this -part of the holy canon of the fcripture : whence we fee what inconveniences they are driven to, that deny this principle of natural juftice, the lawfulnefs of cut- ting off public enemies, to procure the deliverance of the Lord's people. Hence, If it be lawful for private perfons, under fubjechon to, and at peace with the pub- t lie enemies of the Lord's people to take all advantages to break their yoke, and deliver the opprefTed from '5 D their jfit A HIND LET LOOSE. their bondage, by killing their oppreffors ; it mull be much more lawful for fuch as acknowledge no^ fuch fubjettion or agreement, to attempt the fame in ex- treme neceflity ; but the former is true : therefore the latter. 5. When Samfon married the Timnite, and o- bliged himfelf by compaft, to give them thirty meets and thirty change of garments, upon their folving his riddle, the Spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he went down to Afkelon, and flew thirty men of them, and took their fpoil, Judg. xiv. 19. And afterwards, when he loft his wife by the cruel ry and treachery of thofe Philiftines, he faid unto them, ' Though you < have done this, yet will I be avenged of you, and * after that I will ceafe. And he fmote them hip and t thigh with a great daughter,' chap. xv. 7, 8. And when the jews, who acknowledged the Philiftines for rulers, came to Eram to expoftulate with him, all the fatisfa&ion he gave them was to avouch, that as they had done unto him, fo he had done unto them, and to kill a thoufand more of them, ver. t 1 . &c. Thefe were extraordinary heroic fa&s, not only becaufe they flowed from an extraordinary power wherevyith he was endued, and from an extraordinary motion and call ; but becaufe of his avenging his own private in- juries for the public good, in a way both of fortitude and prudence, without a declared war, provoking the enemies againft himfelf, and diverting from the peo- ole, and converting againft himfelf, all their fury, in which alfo he aded as a type of Chrift ; and alio be- caufe he a&ednot as a magistrate at this time, for by whom was he called or counted a magiftrate ? not by the Philiftines, nor by the men of Judah, for they tell him that the Philiftines were their lords, and they bound him and delivered him up to them : yet in his private capacity, in that extraordinary 'exigence, he avenged himfelf and his country againft his public enemies, by a clandestine war, which is imitable in the like cafe, when a prevailing faction of murdering enemies domineer over and deftroy the people of God, and A HIND LET LOOSE. 763 id there is no other way to be delivered from them ; for his ground was moral, becaufe they were public e- nemies, to whom he might do as they did to him. Hence, if faints fometimes, in cafes of necefllty, may do unto their public enemies, as they have done unto them, in profecuting a war not declared againft them ; then much more may they do fo in cafes of neceflity, to deliver themfelves from their murdering violence, when a war is declared j but here is an example of the former : ergo 6. When thefe fame Philiftines again invaded and over-ran the land in the time of Saul, Jonathan his fon, and his armour bearer, fell upon the garrifon of thefe uncireuracifed, and killed them, i Sam. xiv. 6. 13. Th's was an heroic action, without public au- thority ; for he told not his father, ver. 1. And fw- gular indeed, in refpecf. of the effect, and were a tempting of the Lord, for fo few to aifault fuch a multitude, as it were to imitate Samfon in his exploits j but in this refpecl, thefe aciions are unimitable in confideration of prudence, not of confidence, or as to the lawfulnefs of the thing : their ground was moral, to cut off public enemies. Hence, If it be lawful to fall upon a garrifon of public enemies, oppreffing the eountry, then it mull be lawful to fall upon one or two, that are the ring leaders of public enemies, and main promoters of their deftru&ion, that are as perni- cious, and have no more right or power, than the Philiftines ; but fuch U the cafe of thofe about whom the queftion is. 7. When David dwelt in the country of the Phi- liftines, he and his men went up and invaded the Ge- fhurites, and the Gezrites, and the Amalekites j and David fmote the land, and left neither man nor wo- man alive, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, 9. This was without pu- blic authority, having none from Saul, none from A- chifli, in whofe country he dwelt, and none of his own, being no magiftrate. We deny not the divine motion, but plead, that it is imitable from its moral 5 D 2 ground, 764 A HIND LET LOOSE. ground, which was that command to cut off the A- malekites, Exod. xvii. and the Amorites, whofe re- lifts thefe nations were ; the fame ground that Saul the magiftrate had to deftroy them. Whence it is lawful fometimes for others than magistrates to do that which is incumbent to magiftrates, when they neglect their duty. All I plead for from it is, If it be lawful for private perfons, upon the call of God, to cut off their public enemies, when they are obliged by the command of God to deftroy them, though they be living quietly and peaceably in the country ; then may it be lawful, in cafes of neceffity, for private perfons to cut off their public enemies, whom they are obliged, by the covenant of God, to bring to con- dign punifhment, and to extirpate them, (as the co- venant obliges in reference to malignant incendiariet) when they are ravening like lions for their prey. 8. In the days of Ahab and Jezebel's tyranny, whereby the idolatrous prophets of Baal were not pu- nifhed according to the law, Elijah faid unto the people, ' Take the prophets of Baal, let none of them efcape ; * and they took them to the brook Kifhon, and flew * them there,' 1 Kings xviii. 40. How Mr. Knox im- proved this paffage we heard before, in the hiftorical reprefentation, Per, 3. and Jus pop. vindicates it, that in fome cafes private perfons may execute judgment on malefactors, after the example of Elias here. Which fact, Peter Martyr, in locum, defendeth thus ; (' I fay it was done by the law of God"; for, Deut. * xviii. 20. God decerned that the falfe prophet fc mould die j and chap. xvii. the fame is faid of pri- * yate men and women, who would worlhip idols ; * but, chap. xiii. not only is death threatened againft ' a feducing prophet, but a command is added, That 6 no man mould fpare his brethren. — 3dly, It is com- 4 manded, that the whole city, when it becometh i- ' dolatrous, ihould be cut off by fire and fword :' And, Lev. xxiv. 14. 16. it is ftatute, that the blaf- phemer fhould not live ; « to which we may add the ' law A HIND LET LOOSE. ?6$ * law or equity of taliation : for thefe prophets of * Baal caufed Jezebel and Ahab kill the fervants of ' the Lord.' See Jus pop. cap. 20. pag. 425, Upon this alfo Mr. Mitchel defends his fact, as above, * Alfo Elijah, by virtue of that precept, Deut. xiii. f gave commandment to the people to deftroy Baal's c priefts, contrary to the command of the feducing c magiftrate, who was not only remifs and negligent * in executing juftice, but became a protector and t defender of the feducers ; then and in that cafe, I * fuppofe the Chriftians duty not to be very dark.' 9. This idolatrous and tyrannical houfe was after- wards condignly punimed by Jehu, 2 Kings ix. x. chap, who deftroyed all the idolaters, who were be- fore encouraged and prote&ed by that court, chap. x. 25. This extraordinary facl: was not juflified by his magiftratical authority ; for that was as extraordinary as the facl: itfelf, and conferred as a mean to accom- plifh the facl:. He had no authority by the people's fuffrages, nor was he acknowledged as fuch by the court or body of the people, only the Lord gave it extraordinarily. But it is not the imitation of his af- fumption of authority that is here pleaded for, but the imitation of his facl: in extraordinary cafes, when not only tyrants and idolaters pafs unpunifhed, but their infolency in murdering the innocent is intolera- ble. Mr. Knox vindicates this at length, as before, and (hews, that it had the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commands the idolater to die the death ; and that though we muft not indeed follow extraordinary examples, if the example repugn to the law, but where it agrees with and is the execution of the law, an example uncondemned (lands for a com- mand ; for God is conftant, and will not condemn in ages fubfequent what he hath approved in his fer- vants before. See the Teftimony of Period 3. above, and Jus pop. cap. 20. pag. 418. 10. When Athaliah, the mother of Ahaziah, had tyrannized fix years, at length Jehoiada, witji others, made 766 A HIND LET LOOSE. made a confpiracy againft her, to depofe her, and make Joafh king ; which when it was difcovered, (he cried treafon, treafon, as indeed it would have been fo, if (he had been the lawful magistrate ; for it was an attempt of fubjecb againft her that had the poffef- fion of the fovereign power. But Jehoiada command- ed the captains to heave her forth without the ranges, and him. that folioweth her kilt with the fword ; and they laid hinds on her, and ihe was flain, 2 Kings xi. 14, — 16. That this is imitable hi the punifhment of tyrants, is cleared above. If therefore it be law- ful for fubje&s to kill uiurping tyrants, and fuch a* follow them to help them, under whom aeverthelefs people might have a life ; then it mult be lawful for private perfons to put forth their hand againft their cut- throat emiffaries, in a cafe of necefTuy, when there is no living for them. 11. When Amaziah turned idelafer and tyrant, after the time that he turned away from the Lord, they made a confpiracy againft him in Jerufalem, and he fled to Lachifh; but they fent to Lachifh after him and Ilew him there, Chron. xxv. 27. This fact is before vindicated by Mr. Knox, Period 3. after- ward Head 2. and Head 5. 12. When Either made fuit to reverfe Haman's letters, the king granted the jews in every city, not only to gather themfelves together, and to ftand for their lives, but alfo to deftroy, to flay, and to caufe to perifh, all the power of the people and province that would afiauit them, both little ones and women,-*-— * and to avenge themfelves on their enemies. And ac- cordingly in the day that their enemies hoped to have power over them, the Jews gathered themfelves to lay hand on fuch as fought their hurt, and fmote all their enemies with the ftroke of the fword, Efth. viii. 1 1, 43, chap, ix, i-~ 5, &c. They had indeed that law of nature fortified by the king's acceiTary authority, as Valentinian, by his edicl, granted the like liberty, to refift any unjuft invader to depopulate the lands of his A HIND LET LOOSE. j()J his fubje&s, that he might be forthwith liable to a de- ferved punifhment, and fufFer that death which he threatned.' And the like of Ar£adius is extant, in the Juftinian Cod. Tit. How it may be lawful for every man to vindicate himfelf and the public, with- out the concurrence of a judge. But that doth not exclude the lawfulnefs of fuch refinances in cafe of neceffity, without public authority ; fo here, it was not the king's commandment that made the Jews a- venging themfelves lawful, if it had not been lawful before and without it ; it gave them only liberty to improve that privilege, which they had from God and nature. Surely their power of refitting did not de- pend on the king's commandment, as is proven, Head $. Ergo, neither their power of avenging them- felves, to prevent their murder by their enemies, which they could and were obliged to do, if there had been no fuch authority : Ergo, it was not only fufpended upon the king's authority. And as for Haman's fons and adherents, being Agagites, they were obliged, by a prior command, to avenge them- felves on them, on ail occafion?, by that command to deiiroy Amalek: therefore it nuift be lawful, even without public authority, in fome cafes of neceffity, to prevent the murder of public enemies, by laying hands on them that feek the hurt of all the people of God. Secondly, There are fome precepts from which the fame may be concluded. i. There is a command, and the ftrft penal ftatute a gain ft murderers, we read, Gen. ix. 6. ' Whofo ihedderh man's blood, by man fhall his blood be fhed." Here the command is given in general to punim capitally all murderers ; but there may be fome that no magistrate can puniih, who are not here exempted, to wit, they that are in fuprerae authority, and turn murderers, as was faid above. Again, the command is given in general to man involving all the community (where the murderer is) in guilt, if his blood 768 A HIND LET 1,00SE. blood be not flied ; as we find in the fcripture, all the people were threatned and puniilied becaufe judg- ment was not executed j and when it was executed even by thefe who were no magiftrates, the wrath of God was turned away, whereof there are many exam- ples above. Further, if the command to fned the blood of murderers be given before the inftitution of magiftracy, then, in cafe of neceffity, to flop the courfe of murderers, it may be obeyed, when there is no magiftrate to execute it : but here it is given be- fore the firft inftitution of magiftracy, when now there was no government in the world, but family government, as Grotius on the place faith, « When ' this law was given, public judgment was not yet * conftitute, therefore the natural right and law of 6 tahation is here held forth, which when mankind ' was increafed and divided into feveral nations, • was juftly permitted only to judges, fome cafes ' excepted, in which that primeve right did re- 4 main ' And if in any, then in this cafe in quef- tion. Hence, Lex Rex anfwereth the p. prelate, effaying to prove, that a magiftracy is eitablifhed in the text denies that Ba Adam, by man, mult fignify a magiftrate, for then there was but family govern- ment, and cites Calvin, of the fame mind, that the magiftrate is not fpoken of here. Though this com- mand afterwards was given to the magiftrate, Numb. xxxv. 30. yet in a cafe of neceffity, we muft recur to the original command. 2. This fame command of punilhing murdering e- nemies, is even, after the inftitution of magiftrates, in feveral cafes not aftricted to them, but permitted to the people, yea enjoined to them. As, (1.) Not on- ly magiftraies, but the people ^.re commanded to a- ve'nge themftlves oil their public enemies, as the Ifra- eliies, after their being enfhared in the matter of Pe- or, are commanded to vex the Midianites, and fmite the a, becaufe they beguiled them, and brought a pLgue- upon them, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. and Numb. xxxi. A HIND LET LOOSE. 769 xxxi. .2. to avenge themfelves on them, and for this end to arm themfelves, and go againft them, and a- venge the Lord of Midian : which they executed with the (laughter of all the males. So likewife are they commanded to deftroy Amalek. It .is true thefe commands are given primarily and principally to ma- giftrates, as there to Mofes, and afterwards to Saul : yet afterwards we find others than magiftrates, upon this moral ground, having the call, of God, did exe- cute judgment upon them, as Gideon and David, be- fore they were magiftrates, did avenge themfelves and the Lord upon them, as is before cleared. It is alfo true, that there was fome holy feverity then to be ex- tended againfl particular nations as fuch, peculiar to that difpenfation, which is not pleaded as imitable ; but the ground was moral, and the right of a peo- ple's faving themfelves by the deftruttion of their e- nemies ; when there is no other way for it, is natu- ral. . And this is all we plead for here. If people may vex their enemies, and avenge themfelves againil them, even without public authority, when enlnared by their craftinefs ; much more may they put a (lop to their infolency, by cutting off their principle and rnoft pernicious inftruments, in cafe of necefiity, when invaded by their cruelty ; but here a people is commanded to vex their enemies, and avenge them- felves on them, and accordingly Gideon and David did fo, without public authoricy, and that upon a ground which is moral and natural: Ergo (2.) The execution of the punifhment of murderers is committed to the people: ' The revenger of blood, himfelf (hall flay the murderer, when he meeteth him, he (hall (lay him,' Numb. xxxv. 19, 2 1. So that if he met him before he got into any city of refuge, he might lawfully flay him, and if he did flee to any, he was to be rendered up to the avengers hands, Deut. xix. 12. that the guilt of innocent blood may be put away from Ifrael, ver. 23. This revenger of blood was not the magiftrate : for he was the party purfuing, Numb. 5 E xxxv. J jo a Kind let loose. xxxv. 24. Between whom and the murderer the congregation was to judge : he was only the next in blood or kindred. In the original he is called Goel, ■ the redeemer, or he to whom the right of redemp- tion belongs, and very properly fo called, both be- caufe he feeks redemption and compensation for the blood of his brother, and becaufe he redeems the land from blood guiltinefs, in which otherwife it would be involved. I do not plead that this is always to be i- mitated, as neither it was always pra&ifed in Ifrael ; but if a private man, in a hot purfuit of his brother's murderer, might be his avenger, before he could be brought to judgment, then much more may this pow- er be aflumed, in a cafe of neceflity, when there is no judgment to be expected by law, and when not only our brethren have been murdered by them that pro- fefs a trade of it, but others alfo and ourfelves are daily in hazard of it, which may be prevented in cut- ting them oft". I do not fee what is here merely judi- cial, fo as to be rejected as judaical : for fure murder- ers mud be flain now as well as then, and there is the fame hazard of their efcaping now as then : murder involves the land in guilt, now as well as then, and in this cafe of neceflity efpecially, that law that gives a man right to preferve himfelf, gives him alfo right to be his own avenger, if he cannot otherwife defend himfelf. (3.) Not only the execution, the decision of matters of life and death, is committed to them ; as in the cafe of blafphemy and curfing, < All that heard were to lay their hands upon his head, and all the congregation was to {tone him/ Lev. xxiv. 14, 16. ' The manflaver was to ftand before the congrega- tion in judgment. Then the congregation fhall judge/ between the flayer and avenger of blood/ Numb. xxxv. 12, 24. The people claimed the power of We and death, in feeking to execute judgment upon thofe that had fpoken treafon againft: Saul, Bring the men (fay they) that we may put them to death, 1 . Sam. x'u 12. Efpecially in the cafe of puriiftiing tyrants, as A HIND LET LOOSE. 771 as they did with Amaziah. Certainly this is not fo judicial or judaical, as that in no cafe it may be imi- tated ; for that can never be abrogated altogether, which in many cafes is abfoluteiy necelTary ; but that the people, without public authority, mould take the power of life and death, and of putting a (lop to the infolency of deltroyers, by putting them to death, is in many cafes abfolutely neceffary ; for without this they cannot preferve themfelves againft gradant ty- rants, nor the fury of public enemies or firebrands within themfelves, in cafe they have no public autho- rity, or none but fuch as are on their deltroyers fide, (4.) Not only the power of purging the land, by di- vine precept, is incumbent on the people, that it may not ly under blood guiltinefs ; ,but alfo the power of .reforming the courts of kings, by taking courfe with their wicked abetters and evil inftruments, is commit- ted to him, with a promife that if this be done, it fhall tend to the eftablimment of their throne ; which is not only a fuppofition in cafe it be done, but a fup- pofed precept to do it, with an infinuation of the ne- ceffity and expediency of it, that it is as fuitable as the taking away of the drofs from filver, in order to the production of a veffel, Prov. xxv. 4, 5. c Take away the wicked from before the king, and his throne fhall be eftablifbed in righteoufnefs ;' which is not only there given to kings, for then it would be jn the fecond perfon fpoken to them, but to the. peo- ple to do it before them, as the people did with Baal's prophets from before Ahab. And our proge- nitors many times have done with wicked counfellors, as may be feen in the foregoing reprefentation, and more fully in the hiftory of the Douglaffes, and in Knox's and Calderwood's hiftories. Hence, if it be duty to reform the court, and to take away a king's wicked fycophants, counfellors, agents, and inftiga- tors to tyranny ; then it mull be lawful, in fome cafes of neceflity, to reftrain their infolency, and reprefs their tyranny, in executing judgment upon fuch of them as 5E2 are 772 A HIND LET LOOSE. are moft infupportable, who are made drunk with the blood of innocents ; but the former is true : there- fore (5.) For the omifiion of the executing of this judgment on oppreflbrs and murderers, involving the whole land in blood guiltinefs, which cannot be ex- piated but by the blood of them that are fo criminal ; not only magiftrates, but the whole people have been plagued. As for Saul's murdering the Gibeonites, the whole land was plagued, until the man that con- fumed them, and devifed againft them fo deftroy them, feven of his fons were delivered unto them, to be hanged up before the Lord, 2 Sam. xxi. 5, 6. So al- fo for the fins of Manafleh. The reafon was, becaufe if the magiftrate would not execute judgment, the people mould have done it : for not only to the king, but alfo to his fervants, and to the people that entered in by the gates, the command is, excute ye judgment, and deliver the fpoiled out of the hand of the oppref- for, Jer. xxii. 2, 3 though it be true, this is to be done by every one in their ftation, juilice and order being preferved, and according to the meafure of their office, and it chiefly belongs to judges and magiftrates : yet this is no wrong to juftice, nor breach of order, nor finful tranfgreflion of people's vocation, not only to hinder the fhedding of innocent blood, to prevent God's executing of what he there threatens, but alfo to execute judgment on the fhedders, to prevent their progrefs in murdering villany, when inferior as well as fuperior magiftrates are oppreffing and tyrannizing : therefore this feeking, and doing, and executing judg- ment, is fo often required of the people, in fuch a cafe, when princes are rebellious and companions of thieves, and in the city where judgment ufed to be, now murderers bear fvvay, lia. i. 17. 21. the Lord is difpleafed where there is none, Ifa. lix. 15, 16. Jer. v. 1. See this vindicated in Lex Rex, queft. 34. p. 367. and in Jus popul. cap. 10. p. 237. 3. That command concludes the fame againft ido- laters, apoftates, and enticers thereunto, Dent. xiii. 6, A HIND LET LOOSE. 773 6. &c. ' If thy brother or thy friend, which is as thine own foul, entice thee fecretly, faying, let us go and ferve other gods thou (halt not fpare nor con- ceal him, but thou fhalt furely kill him becaufe he fought to thruft thee away from the Lord thy God And all Ifrael fhall hear, and fear, and do no more any fuch wickednefs.' And ver. 13. Sec. 4 If * thou fhall hear fay in one of thy cities faying, Certain men the children of Belial, are gone out and have withdrawn the inhabitants of their city, fay- ing, let us go to ferve other gods- Then fhalt thou enquire and behold if it be truth, and the thing certain thou fhalt furely finite the inhabitants of that city with the edge of the fword, deftroying it ut- terly.' This caufe of the open enticers to idola- try was not brought to the judges, as common ido- laters, and fuch who were enticed to ferve other gods, and worfhip them, were to be brought to the gates, and to be ftoned firit. by the hands of witneiTes, and. afterwards by all the people, Deut. xvii. 3, 5, 7. But this is another law; of which the Jewifh antiquaries, and particularly Grotius out of Philo and the Rabb. upon the place, faith, jj Whereas in other crimes the ' guilty ufed to be kept after the fentence a night and ' a day, that if he could fay any more for himfelf he * might, thefe were excepted from this benefit ; and ' not only fo, but it was permitted to any to execute ' judgment upon them (viz. Enticers to idolatry) ' without waiting for a judge. The like was ufed a- * gainfl facrilegious robbers of the temple, and priefls * who facrificed when they were polluted, and thofe * who curfed God by the name of an idol, and thofe * who lay with an idolatrefs : chiefly thofe who deni- ' ed the divine authority of the law : and this behov- ' ed to be before the people, at leaft ten, which in * Hebrew they called Hheda. Neither is this to be * admitted in fo grievous a crime, when even the * man-flayer without the place of refuge might have c been 774 A HIND LET LOOSE. * been killed by the kinfman of the defunct.* And upon Numb. xv. 30. the punifhment of prefumptu- ous blafphemers, he fays, ' But here thefe are to be 6 underftood thus, that the guilty (hall not be brought ■* to the judges, but be killed by them that depre- * hended them in the crime, as Phinehas did to Zim- c ri ;' and proves it out of Maimonides, Pool. Synop. Critic, on the place. And it mult be fo ; for in this cafe no mention is made either of judges, or witnefr fes, or further judgment about it, than that he that was tempted by the enticer fhould fall upon him, and let the people know it, that they might lay hands on him alfo ; Qtherwife evil men might pretend fuch a thing when it was not true. But in cafe of a cky's apoilafy, and hearkning to enticers, the thing was only to be folicitouf]y enquir- ed into, and then though it was chiefly incumbent upon the magistrate to punifh it, yet it was not aftrict- ed to him, but that the people might do it without him. As upon this moral ground, w$s Ifrael's war Dated againft Benjamin, Judg. >;x. 1 3. When there was no king nor judge, and alfo when there were kings that turned idolaters and tyrants, they ferved them fo, as here is commanded : witnefs Amaziah, as is fhevved above. Hence not only Mofes, upon the people's defection into idolatry in the wildernefs, commanded all on the Lord's fide, every man to put his fword by his fide. — , and flay every man his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbour, whereby three thoufand fell at that time by the fword of the Levjtes, Exod. xxxii. 27, 28. But alfo Joaih, Gideon's father, upon the fame moral ground, though he was no magiftrate, could fay to the Abiezrites, will ye plead for Baal •. —he that will plead for him, let him be put to deatji while it is yet morning. — Judg. VV 3 ' • .Moreover, (as Mr. Mitchel adduces the example ve- ry pertinently, we fee that the people of Ifracl de. Uioyed idolat/y, not only in Judah wherein the king concurre-: A HIND LET LOOSE. JJ$ concurred, but in Ephraim, and in Manaffeh, where the king himfelf was an idolater ; and albeit, they were but private perfons, without public authority : for what all the people was bound to do by the law of God, every one was bound to do it to the uttermoft of his power and capacity. Mr. Mitchel offers this place to vindicate his fact of (hooting at the prelate, Deut. xiii. 9. ' Wherein, (fays he) it is manifeft, ' That the idolater or enticer to worfhip a falfe god, '■ is to be put to death by the hand of thofe whom he ' feeks to turn away from the Lord : which precept I i humbly take to be moral, and not merely judicial, 4 and that it is not at all ceremonial or ievitical. And * as every moral precept is univerfal, as to the extent * of place, fo alfo as to the extent of time, and per- * foiis.' The chief thing objected here is, that this is a judicial precept, peculiarly fuited to the old difpen- fation ; which to plead for as a rule uftder the New Teftament, would favour of Jewifh rigidity inconfift- ent with a gofpel Spirit. Anf. How Mr. Knox refels this, and clears that the command here is given to all the people, needs not be here repeated ; but it were fufficient to read it in the foregoing reprefentation, Perir d 3. Pag. 24. As it is alfo cited by Jus Pop. pag. 212. &c. But thtfe general truths may be ad- ded, concerning the judicial laws, 1. None can fay, that none of the judicial laws, concerning political conftitutions, is to be obferved in the New Tefta- ment : for then many fpecial rules of natural and ne- ceiTary equity would be rejected, which arecontained in the judicial laws of God : yea, all the laws of equi- ty in the world would be fo caft : for none can be in- flanced, which may not be reduced to fome of the ju- dicial laws : and if any of them are to be obferved, certainly thefe penal itatutes,. fo necelfary for the pre- fervation of policies, mud be binding. 2. If we take not our meamres from the judicial laws of God, we ihall have no laws for punifhment of any malefactors by death, of divine right, in the New Teftament. And Jl6 A HIND LLT LOOSE. And fo all capital punifhments muft be only hilnia.fl eonftitutions ; and confequently they mud be all mur- ders : for to take away the life of man, except for fuch caufes as the Lord of our life (to whofe arbitri- ment it is only fubject) hath not approven, is murder, as Dr. Ames faith, De homicidio Confcienc. Lib. 5. Clap. 31. Queft. 2. For in the New Teftament, though i*n the general, the power of punifhing is given to the rnagiltrate, yet it is no where determined, neither what, nor how crimes are to be punifhed. .If there- fore penal laws muft be taken from the Old Tef- tament ; the fubject of executing them, as well as the object, mult be thence deduced ; that is, what is there aftricted to the magiftrate mull be fo lull, and what is permitted to the people muft remain in like manner their privilege ; fince it is certain, the New- Teftament liberty is not more reftricted as to penal laws ihan the old. 3. Thofe judicial laws, which had either fomewhat typical, or pedagogical, or peculiar to the then judaical ftate, are indeed not binding to us under that formality ; though even thefe doctrinally are very ufeful, in fo far as in their general nature, or equity of proportion, they exhibit to us fome do- cuments of duty ; but thofe penal judgments, which fri the matter of them are appended to the moral law, and ate, in effect, but accurate determinations and ac- commodations of the law of nature, which may fuit our urcumftances as well as the Jews, do oblige us as well as them. And fuch are thefe penal ftatutes I adduce ; r, that blafpbemy, murder, and idolatry, are hei- us crimes, and that they are to be punifhed, the ! ; v of nature dictates : and how, and by whom, in fcVeVal cafes, they are to be punifhed, the law judici- al determines. Concerning the moral equity even of the ftrictei't of them, Amefius de Confcien. Lib. 5. Mofaical appendix of precepts, doth very learnedly iLrt their binding force: 4. Thofe judicial laws, which are but pofitive in their form, yet if their fpe- eiil, internal, and proper reafon and ground be mo- ral A HIND LET LOOSE. 777 ral, which pertains to all nations, which is neceffary and ufeful to mankind, which is rooted in, and may be fortified by human reafon, and as to the fubftance of them approven by the more intelligent heathens ; thofe are moral, and oblige all Chriftians as well as Jews : and fuch are thefe laws of punifhing idolaters, &c. founded upon moral grounds, pertaining to all nations, neceflary and ufeful to mankind, rooted in, and fortified by human reafon ; to wit, that the wrath of God may be averted, and that all may hear and fear, and do no more fo wickedly ; efpecially if this reafon be fuperadded, when the cafe is fuch, that in- nocent and honeft people cannot be preferved, if fuch wicked perfons be not taken order with. 5. Thofe judicial laws, which being given by ihe Lord's imme- diate authority, though not fo folemnly as the moral decalogue, are neither as to their end, dead, nor as to their ufe, deadly, nor as to their nature, indifferent, nor in any peculiar refpect reftringible only to the Jews, but the tranfgreflions whereof both by omiflion and commiffionare ftill fins, and were never abolifhed neither formally nor confequentially in the New Tef- tament, muft be moral ; but fuch, as thefe penal laws I am fpeaking of, they cannot be reputed among the ceremonial laws, dead as to their end, and deadly as to their ufe, or indifferent in their nature : for fure, to punifli the innocent upon the account of thefe crimes, were ftill fin, now as well as under the Old Teftament ; and not punifli the guilty, were likewife fm now as well as then. If then the matter be mo- ral and not abolifhed, the execution of it by private perfons, in fome cafes when there is no accefs to pu- blic authority, muft be lawful alfo. Or if it be in- different, that which is in its own nature indifferent, cannot be in a cafe of extreme neceflity unlawful, when otherwife the deftruction of ourfelves and bre- thren is in all human consideration inevitable. . That whiqh God hath once commanded, and never ex- 5 F Pre% JjS A HIND LET LOOSE. prefly forbidden, cannot be unlawful, in extraordina- ry cafes, but fuch are thefe precepts we fpeak of; therefore they cannot be in every cafe unlawful. Con- cerning this cafe of the obligation of judicial laws, Amef. de Confcienc. Lib. 5. Cap. 1. Queft. 9. 6. Thofe laws which are predicted to be obferved and executed in the New Teftament, cannot be judicial or judaical, reftricted to the old : but fuch is this. In the day, that a fountain fhall be opened for the houfe of David for fin, and for uncleannefs ; which clearly points at gofpel times j it is faid, <; The Lord will *' caufe the prophets and the unclean fpirits to pafs ** out of rhe Jsnd : and it fhall ccme to pafs, that wn from your excellency, which h always the de» fign of your wicked enemies, in all their fevtral fhapes 5\d {hews, both of force and fraud, craft and cruel, iy. Beware of their fnares, and of their tender mer. cies, for they are cruel ; and when they fpeak fair, believe them not, for there are feven abominations in their hearts. " Say ye not a confederacy, to all them to whom this people fhall fay a confederacy, neither iear ye their fear, nor be afraid ; fanctify the Lord of-, ho lis himfelf, and let him be your fear, and let him fee your dread, and he (hall be for a fan&uary, but for A HIND LET LOOSE. for a ftone of (tumbling and a rock of offence, to both the houfes of Il'rael, for a gin and for a fnare to the inhabitants of jerufalem. Wait upon the Lord who hideth his face from the houfe of Jacob, and look for him among his children," though now you be reputed for figns and wonders in Ifrael, from the Lord of hofts which dwelleth in mount Zion. " Who knows, but therefore will the Lord wait, that he may be gracious unto you, and therefore will he be exalt* ed, that he may have mercy upon you, for the Lord is a God of judgment, blefled are all they that wait for him." To whom be all the glory, Amen. Having come to a conclufion of the fix heads pro- pofed to be treated of, I judged it conducing, by way of a poftfcript, to fubjoin a feventh, in vindication of thefe confcientious and truly tender fuff rers, who, in the dread and awe of the holy, foverti n, and fupreme law-giver, who commandeth his fubjects and follow- ers, to abftain from all appearance of evil, did in o- bedience to him and his royal law, choofe rather to fuller the rage, robberies, and violence of cruel and bloody enemies, together with cenfures, reproaches, obloquie?, and contempt of apoftatifmg profeflbrs, than to give any aid or encouragement to the avowed and declared enemies of Chrift, that might contribute to the promoving their facrilegious, tyrannical, and hellifli projects and practices, calculate and profecute againft the gofpel and kingdom of Chrift, the cove- nanted reformed religion of the church, the rights, laws, and liberties of the people, and to the introdu- cing of antichriftian idolatry, tyranny and llavery,by paving any of their wicked and wickedly impofed ex- actions, raifed for furthering their hellifh defigns, of which none that pays them can be innocent. 5 G HEAD ?86 A HIND LET LOOSE. HEAD VII. The Sufferings of many, for refufing to pay the wicked Exactions cf the Ccfs, Locality, Fines, &c, vindicated. IT will poflibly feem impertinent, or at leaft prepof- terous at fuch a time, when the preflure of thefe burdens is not more pinching to the generality of pro- feiling people, and in fuch a retrograde order, as af- ter the difcuflion of the foregoing heads to fubjoin a- ny difquifition of thefe queftions, which are now out of date and doors with many. But confidering that the impoiitions of thefe burdens are flill prefling to fome, and the difficulties of doubts and difputes about them ftill puzling,theftnand fcandal of complying with them ftill lying upon the land, not confeffed nor for- faken, the leaven of fuch doctrine as daubs and de- fends the like compliance ftill entertained, the fuffer- ings of the faithful, for refufing them, ftill contemn- ed and condemned, and the fears and expectations of more fnares of that nature, after this fair weather is over, ftill increafing ; if I may be fo happy as to e« fcape impertinencies in the manner of managing this difquifition, 1 fear not the cenfure of the impertinen- cy or needlefsnefs of this efTay. As to the order of it, it was intended to have been put in its proper place among the negative heads of fufferings ; but knowing of how little worth or weight any thing that I can fay is with the prejudged, and having a pa- per writ by two famous witnefles of Chrilt againft the ' defections of their day, Mr. M'Ward and Mr. Brown, more fully and largely detecting the iniquity of the eefs (from which the wickednefs of other exa&ions A HIND LET LOOSE. 787 alfo may be clearly deduced) though at fuch diftance at the writing o{ he foregoing heads, that it could not be had in readings to *ake its due place, and time would not allow the fufpending other things until this mould come to hand ; I thought it needful, rather than to omit it altogether, to inrert it here. However, tho* neither the form of it, being by way of letter, nor the method adapted to the defign of a moving diflwafion, nor the len^n and prolixly thereof, will fuffer it to be here tranicnbed as it is ; yet to difcover what were their fen;iments of thefe things and what was the doctrine preached and homologated by the mod faith- ful both mini'ters and profefjprs of Scotland, eight or nine years fmce, how clolely continued in by the contendings of this reproached remnant dill perfe- cuted for thefe things, and how clearly abandoned and reriled from, by their complying brethren now at eafe, I (hall give a fhort tranfumpt and compend of their reafonings, in a method fubfervient to my fcope, and with additions neceilary for applying their arguments againft the other exactions here adduced in this head, and bringing them alfo under the dint of them, though not touched by them exprefsly. I muft put altogether, becauie it would dilate the trea- tife, already excrefced, into a bignefs, far beyond the boundaries I defigned for it, to handle them diftinct- ly ; and their affinity, both as to their fountain, na- ture, and ends, is fuch, that what will condemn one of them will condemn all. What and how many and manifold have been the exorbitant exactions, as the fruits and foments of this cruel tyranny, that the godly in our land have been groaning under thefe twrenty feven years, and upon what occafions they have been, at diverfe times, and in diverfe manners and meafures impofed, I need not here relate, the firft part of the treatife doth reprefent it. The— firft of thefe tyrannical exactions, were the fines for not hearing the curates, and other parts of nonconformi- ty j which, together with paying the curates tfipends, 5 G 2 werg 788 A HIND LET LOOSE. were too univerfally at firft complied with ; but after- wards upon more mature consideration, and after clearer discoveries of the impofers projects and prac* tices, they were fcrupled and refufed by the more ten- der. Aid their fuff. rings, upon the account of that recufancy, have been very great and grievous, to the utter impoverifhment and depopulation of many fami- lies, befides the perfonal fufferings of many in long imprifonments, which fome choofe rather to fuftain with patience, than pay the leaft of thofe exactions. Yea, fome when ordered to be legally liberate, and fet forth out of prifon, chooied rather to be detain- ed (till in bondage, than to pay the jaylor's fees, their keepers demanded of them. Many other wicked im- politions have been prefled and profecuted with great rigour and rage, as militia money, and locality, for furnifhing foldiers, lifted under a banner difplayed a- gainft religion and liberty, with neceffary provifion, in and for their wicked fervice ; which of late years have been contended againfl: by the fufferings of ma- ny, and daily growing a trial to more. But the moft impudently infolent of all thefe impofitions, and that which plainly paraphrafes, openly expreffes and ex- plains all the reft, calculate for the fame ends, was by that wicked act of convention, enacted in the 1678, declaring very plainly its ends, to levy and maintain forces for fupprefling meetings, and to ihew unani- mous affection for maintaining the king's fupremacy eitablifhed by law. Or as they reprefent it in their act, for continuation of it, Act 3» Pari. 3. Char. If. Auguft: 20, 1681. * Seeing the convention of eftates ' held at Edinburgh in the month of July, 1678, up- * on weighty considerations therein fpecified, and par- 4 ticularly the great danger the kingdom was under, 1 by feditious and rebellious conventicles, and the ne- * ceffify which then appeared, to ii.creafe the forces, i for fecuring the government, and fuppreffing thefe ■- rebellious commotions, which were fomented by fe- ditious principles and practices, did therefore hum- ' blv A HIND LET LOOSE. 789 ' bly and dutifully offer a chearful and unanimous ' fupply of 800,000 pound Scots, in the fpace of ' five years, And the eftates of parliament ' now conveened, having taken to coniideration, how * the dangers from the forefsid caufes do much en- ' creafe, in fo tar as fuch as 2re feditioufly and rebel- * liouily inclined, do (till propagate their pernicious * principles, and go on from one degree of rebellion to ' another, till now at lad the horrid villanies of mur- ' der, afldifmation. and avowed rebellion, are owned, 4 not only as things lawful, but as obligations from their * religion, — do therefore, in a due fenfe of their duty to * God. to their lacred fovereign, and the preservation ' of themfelves, and their posterity, of new make an * humble, unanimous, chearful, and hearty offer, for * themfelves, and in name of, and as representing this * his majefty's ancient kingdom, of a continuation of * the forefaid fupply, granted by the convention or. e- ' dates ; and that for the fpace of five years, or ten ' terms fuccelTive, beginning the firft terms payment * at Martinmafs, 1684, which yet is to be continued ' until Martinmafs, 1 688-' Here is a fample of their wicked demands, (hewing the nature, quality, and tendency of all of them; wherein we may note, 1. That they continue it upon the fame coniiderations, upon which it was firlt granted. 2. That thefe were, and yet remain to be, the danger of the meet, ings of the Lord's people for golpel-ordinances, by them forced into the fields, which they call rebellious conventicles; and the neceffity of fecuring their ufur- pation upon the prerogatives of Chrift, liberties of his church and privileges of mankind, (which they cali their government) and fupprefling the teitimo- nies for the interefl of Chritt (called by them rebel- lious commotions.) 3. That their motive of continu- ing it, was their confiderations of fome weak remain- ders of former zeal for God, in profecuting the tefli- mony for the interefts of Chrifl, and principles of the covenanted reformation, (which they call propagating pernicious 7

as if he had reiufed, they wouldhave taken a- way A HIND LET LOOSE. 803 way all he had, &c. For this plea, in its full ftrength, is to do evil, that fome good may come of it, (no true good) which brings damnation, Rom. iii. 8. or to choofe fin rather than affliction. 3. What if Manafleh, or other idolatrous princes, that facrificed to devils, and made children pafs through the fire to Molech, had enacted a cefs, or un- der fevere impositions of fines had commanded all to concur to a folemn facrifice of that nature, charging every man againft a certain day, to bring in his pro- portion, in order to celebrate the facrifice with all its ffatute folemnities ; or fhould have taken a child from every father, and then made a law, that each of thefe fhould contribute fuch a fum, for furnifhing with all nectffaries, and maintaining thefe murderers, whom they had conduced to fhed the blood of their innocent children, or facrifice them to Molech : could it be expected that any of the godly would have paid fuch exactions, and then have wiped his mouth with the notion of a moral force ? This comes home e- nough to our cafe; for no facrifice they can offer to the devil, can be more real or fo acceptable, as what they declare they intend to do ; toeing fo direct, not only in oppofition to the coming of the kingdom of Chrift, but the deletion of his precious interelts, and extirpation of his faithful remnant, and the giving Satan fuch an abfolute dominion in the nation, as that they who have made the decree, and all who put it in execution, practically declare thereby they have emancipate themfelves to his flavery, and fold themfelves to work wickednefs in the fight of the Lord : fo likewife, that all the reft of the nation, may with themfelves become his vaffals, and in evidence of their oppofition to Chrifi, and in recognition of Satan's fovereignty, and their fubjection, they are apT pointed to pay thefe back-meals. 4. Let it be fuppofed, that after Nebuchadnezzar Ijad made the decree, for all to fall down and wor- ihip his image, and the three children were appre- hended for refilling it, he had made another, that all 5 I 2 the 304 A HIND LET LOOSE* the Jews efpecially mould contribute, every one a faggot, or money to buy it, to heat the furnace, or a rope to lead them to it ; can any man fuppofe, that Daniel, or the reft of the faithful, would have paid it ? Even fo. let it be fuppofed, that any one of thefe faith- ful ambaffadors of Chrift, or all thefe zealous work- ers together with God, who have laboured among the people in the preached gofpel, fhould fall into the hands of thefe hunters, and then they mould make a law, and appoint every man in the nation to fend but one thread, to make a tow, to hang that mi- nister, or to hang the whole company of Chrift's am- bafTadors, and a farthing to pay the executioner : can any man, without horror, think of complying fo far as to contribute what is commanded ? Or would not a gracious man, frighted into an abhorrence at the atrocioufnefs of the wickednefs, or fired into a flame of zeal for God, fay without demur, as not daunted with fear of what flefli could do unto him, I will ra- ther venture my all to keep them alive, or be hanged with them, than by doing what is demanded, be brought forth and claiTed in the curfed and cruel company of thofe who mail be dragged before the tribunal of Chrift, with their fingers dyed and drop- jng with the blood of thofe who are peculiarly dear to him ? I know it will be faid, that in all thefe cafes it would be a clear cafe of confeiTion. Well, that's all I would have granted : for that which doth over- balance to a teftimony, in all the cafes mentioned, is fo far from being wanting in the cafes now under confideration, that they have all to enforce the duty, that all of them put together do include ; as will be clear to any who confider, i. The precioufnefs of the things and intereils to be deftroyed. 2. The concur- rence called for from every one, that this defperate defign may be accomplifhed. 3. The great, mani- fold and indifpenfible obligations all are under, not only to abftain from the required concurrence, but to preferve alfo and maintain thefe things in oppofttion to A HIND LET LOOSE. 80S to all whom Satan fets on work to ferve him in this expedition againft: the Son of God, and to do it, or endeavour it with the lofs of life, and all 'things dear- ett to men, to the end, that thefe things which are Satan's eye fore, as only obftrudive of his kingdom, may be preferved among the poor remnant, and pro- pagate in their power and purity to the pofteiity. Happy he, who ihall be found fo doing now, when the dragon and his angels are drawn into the fields, and have proclaimed the war, and publimed to the world the caufes thereof; fo that now this general having laid afide all his old difguifes, doth in his true fhape march upon the head of his black legions, who wear his badge and colours, and fight under his ban- ner and (landard. III. In the laft place, with all poflible brevity, I ihall cffer feme reafons againft compliance with thefe exactions in cumulo. 1. To pay thefe impofitions, upon fuch declared accounts, for fuch declared caufes, and for fuch de- clared ends, would condemn the contending;5; and fufferings of many eminently godly, efpecially in our day, who have refufed them. Of thefe queftions and fufferings thereupon, among the godly in form- er times, we cannot inflrucl: much for fuch infolent impofitions, as to all the dimenfions of their heinouf- nefs, were never heard before. But we want not ex- amples of the faints refuting to give their money and other fuch things to wicked men, either to comply with their wicked demands, obey their wicked laws, encourage their wicked courfes, or further their wicked defigns. In fcrpture we find Paul would not give Felix money that he might be loofed, though he fent for him often for that end, Acts xxiv. a6. Mr. Durham in his expofition of the revelation, chap. vi. ver. 9. Lecl. 6. gives an account, ' That * when in the perfecution of Dioclefian, the perfecu- * tors fought but the bibles, poor coats, money, or * cups (wherewith they ferved) to be given them, as ' fomc 8o6 A HIND LET LOOSE. . * fome evidence of their ceding : but they refufed to * accept deliverance upon thefe terms ; yea, when the * foldiers, partly wearying to be fo bloody, partly de- * ilrous of feeming victory over Chridians, did pror- * fefs themfelves content to take any old paper or * clout in place of the bible, they refufed to give any * Ecvola, or call-away clout ; yea, when foldiers * would violently pluck, fuch things from them againft 4 their wills, they would follow them, profefiing their < adherence unto the truth, and that they had not a- * ny way willingly delivered thefe things, as is to be * feen in Baromus, An, 30 ■>,, p. 748. it is reported of * one Marcus Arechunus, who was put to torment un- * der Julian, becaufe he would not build the idol tem- * pie which he had formerly demolifhed, when they * were content to accept fome part of the expences * from. him, and to fpare his life, he refufed to give * obolum, or one half penny, Sozom. lib. 5. 9. Cent. * Mag. Cent. 4, p. 797 and 833. By which and ma- * ny other inftances we may fee, how refolutely the •primitive faints held fait their teitimonies: from * which efpecially they were called martyrs or witnef- * fes ; and by which often, not only many weak ones * were flrengthened, but aifo many perfecutors con- * vinced, and made to cry out, Certainly great is the 6 God of the Christians ; while as they faw, that no * allurements on the one fide, nor terrors on the o- fc ther, could make them loofe their grips, but (till * truth and Chrifl were borne witnefs unto, and well s fpoken of by them. It will not be unnecefTary here * to confider fome of Mr. Durham's obfervations on * the fourth leclure ; for clearing whereof he adduced c thefe matters of fact., fuch. as Obf. 7. That the * giving of a teitimony by outward confeiiion of the « truth, when called for, is necefiary and commenda- 1 b«e, as well as foundnefs of faith ; yea, it is often* * times the outward teftifying of the truth before * men,, more than the faith of it before God, that i bringeth on {uttering :. and there was nothing more 4 abhorred A tiiND LET LOOSE. 8of •abhorred in the primitive Christians than difTem* biing of a teftimony, to evite iuffering, as appear* eth in Auguftine's writings concerning a lie, and a- gain ft a lie, and the writings of others to that pur* pofe. Obf. 8. That every truth of the word may be a ground cf fufTering warrantably :- for the leaft thing that hath a truth in it, as well as the more concerning fundamental truths, is the word of God, and fo cannot be difpenfed with by his peo* pie. Obf. 9. Every truth in tke word hath an outward tefiimony joined to it, and fometimes may be called for upon very great hazards. Obf. io» When it is called for, this tefiimony or confeffion to any truth before men, is no lefs neceffary, and ought as peremptorily to be held and ftuck to as the former 5 therefore it is called (Rom. x.) ConferTion unto falvation, and called for by a per* emptory certification, Matth. x. 32, 33. Obf. 11. That thefe who are found in the faith of the word, will be alio exceeding tenacious of their teftimony > in fcripture, and in primitive time?, we will find the faints flicking at, and hazarding themfelves on things which appear of very fnia!l moment, yet were to them of great concernment, becaufe of the tefti* mony, which was involved in thern^ which they would not let go. Such was Mordecai. Either iii. o Daniel vi. his not (hutting of his windows. Yea further, in his lately printed fermoiis on Matttn xvi. 24. Serm. 7. p. 155. the fame author faith; there is not in fome refpect a more and a lefs in the matter of duty, and in the matter of truth, or in re* fpedt of fufTering. And a little after, Sect. 5. he fays, we would not limit fufferings forChrift to tilings fimply lawful 'cr unlawful j for it may be fometimes for things indifferent in their own nature, which yet being fo and fo circumftantiated to us, may draw on fuffering ; a. thing may be indifferent and lawful to fome, which to others, flated under * fuch and fuch circumstances may be counted a re* « ceding 8o8 A HIND LET LOOSE. * ceding from fome part of a jufl teftimony ; even « though the matter be not fuch in itfeif, and in its * own nature, yet it may be fo circumftantiate to tome * perfons, as it m^y be liable to that conduction, if 6 they fhail recede from or forbear it ; as in the ex- ' ample of Daniel, who fuffered for opening his win- « dows, which was a thing indifferent in itfeif, and ' not eilenlial to his worfhipping of God ; but — he * finds himfelf bound in confcience, and that on very *■ juft ground, to do as he was wont to do before, and 4 that on the tiiifnifeft hazard of his life, left his mali- * cious enemies mould have it to fay, that he receded * from his duty, and that he thought more fhame c now, or was more afraid now, than before, to wor- ' fiiip the true God.' How worthy Mr. Knox argueth for with- holding emoluments from the iaife bifhops and clergy, may h->. ieiri before, Part i. Per. 3. The general alTembly, in their declaration, da'ed July ult. 1648. concerning the then unlawful engage- ment in a war again it England, plainly and pofrively dehorteih all members of the kirk of Scotland from contributing any ainjbance thereunto, expreffed as followelh, ' That they do not concur in, nor any way 4 alii it this prefent engagement, as they would not i partake in other men's fins, and fo receive of their \ plagues ; but that by the grace and affiftance of ' Chrift, they Hedfattly refolve to fuffer the rod of the ' wicked, and the utmofl which wicked men's malice * can afflict them with, rather than to put forth their £ hands to iniquity.' In which declaration may be feen at large that candour, faithfulnefs and freedom which becometh the ministers of the gofpel, and dig- nify of watchmen, in their feafonable warning and diiTuading all from affi.'ling any way to that unlawful engagement, perceiving the fin and fnare thereof, fo obvioufly tending to the involving the land in guilt, and expofing to wrath ; yea, and that notwitbfland- ing of the fair and plaufible pretexts of the engagers and A HIND LET LOOSE. 809 snd joiners therein, who pretended and profefTed their undertaking to be for the furthering reformation, efta- blifhing and fecuring the covenanted religion from the plottings and endeavours of the popifh, prelaric, and malignant enemies thereof, and profecuting the ends of the covenants ; pretences which no doubt our fi- lent and time-ferving minifters (if they had any fuch now to plead) would ftrenuoufly improve, in vindica- tion of their prudent filence, fmful and mameful compliances. Alas, how fad and lamentable is the condition of the church and nation now ! that even when the cafe is fo far altered, that not only all fuch pretences are laid afide, reformation deferted and dif- dained, the eftablifhed religion razed and ruined, the covenant broken and burned, and the owning the ob- ligation thereof declared treafon, but alfo an abfolute power pleaded and exercifed, to the fufpending, (lop- ping and difabling all penal laws againft popery and prelacy, a gap opened by an antichriftian toleration to the letting in all the herefies, idolatries and blaf- phemies of the mother of harlots, and the land open- ly defiled therewith, unjuft and wicked taxations ar- bitrarily impofed and levied, for the mod dreadful, facrilegious and hellifh ends that ever was publifhed to the world, far exceeding in wickednefs thefe tefti- fied againft by the affembly 1648, or any formerly. While the watchmen have fo far abandoned their du- ty of fetting the trumpet to their mouth, and giving due warning of the fin and danger of thofe dreadful and judgment procuring courfes, that they are caught in the fnare, and found complimenting and encoura- ging the principal inftruments of all thefe evils, by their fcandalous flattering addreffes. How faithful and tender fome have been even in our day, their fufferings and loffes in a meafuie above others makes manifeft, amongft whom the worthy laird of Kerfland is not to be forgotten, whofe eltate, heritable and moveable, was declared forfeited arid ftized, for his appearing in arms to join with that 5 K faithful 8l€> A HIND LET LOOSE. faithful party, who by horrid opprefiion, were forced to betake themfelves to defenfive reiiilance in the year 1666 ; who, confidering the equity of the caufe he appeared for, the indifpenfibleneis of the obligations binding him to that duty, and how much a good con- fcience is to be preferred to an eftate, durft not part with the fvveet comforts of the one for the uncertain profits of the other : and as he was earned with God by frequent and fervent prayer, for light and ftedfaft- nefs in the matters of his fufTering and teftimony, fo it pleafed the Lord fo to determine his heart therein, as that all the endeavours and perfuafions ufed both by friends and foes, to move him to a compofition with the enemies for his eftate, proved unfuccefsful ; yea, it is well known how that feverals, both of his near relations and others, who ufed the moft forcible and perfuaiive arguments, as the confederation of the ancient and honourable family he was defcended from ; the miferable cafe that he, his lady and chil- dren mould be in, without his eft ate ; the counfel and judgment of grave and godly minifters ; the free- dom and practice of other learned and knowing men ; together alfo with the imputation of vain fcrupulofity, iimple and unwarrantable nicety and precifenefs, &c. that yet even fome of thofe who dealt moft with him, were, by his defences and reafonings, convinced of the equity of his caufe, and brought to commend his upright refolution, and to applaud his tendernefs and faithfulnefs ; and in particular his own father, who pleaded much that he would only confent, that he, with others of his friends, might cotnpone in favours of his family, and that he himfelf mould be no ways concerned in it further than to afTent that the thing be done ; but could not prevail, who afterwards blef- fed God that he did not; declaring, that he had much more fatisfaclion and comfort in his fon's ho- nefty and ftedfaftnefs, than many fuch eftates could ever nave afforded him. I fhall here mention fome confederations which pre- prevailed A HIND LET LOOSB. 8l I vailed with hiin to decline all cornpofition directly or indirectly with the enemies in that matter, (i.) That he could never attain to freedom to ufe any fuch manifeft diliimulation, as deliberately to affent to any thing that might import his acknowledging that to be a fin and fault, (yea fuch a fin and fault as re- bellion) which he was convinced in his confeience to be unqueftionable duty both before God and man, nor thereby diffembling to infinuate his undoubted right to his eftate, to be in the perfon, or at the dif- pofing of any other. (2.) Considering that there can be no new right procured upon a cornpofition, and granted to any, but fuch as fhall carry in the narra- tive thereof that he had forfeited that eftate by rebel- lion, with a long preamble, condemning the caufe of God, and dutiful endeavours of his people for refor- mation, and in defence of religion and liberty, all as {edition, rebellion and treafon ; whereupon he refolv- ed rather to part with his eftate, than be any way in- ftrumental and occafional to the indignifying that ho- ly and honourable caufe, with fuch dildainful, re- proachful and blafpemous epithets. And albeit fuch tendernefs in principle and practice of this worthy gentleman, and of many others of the faithful fuffer* ers in our day, be cenfured and condemned by the lukewarm and worldly-wife profeffors in this age,- as an unprecedented novelty, or precrfe and unwarranta- ble notion ; yet we find it the fame with the faithful fufferers in former ages, and exactly agreeing with the doctrine and principles of the molt orthodox and famous divines ; for the reverend and learned Calvin having the fame cafe of confeience propofed to him by the godly, perfecuted in his age, to which his folid and faithful anfwer is extant in his 375 epiftle, Arti- cle 3. thus propofed and anfwered : * Whether the ' confiscation of goods can be fought back again from * a prince, in the name and behalf of thefe who are * forfeited for religion ?' To which he anfwers, * That ' it is certain it cannot be done without fin ; for the 5 K 2 * &ew 8 12 A HIND LET LOOSE. new right, or the De Novodamus (as we call it) grant- e ed by the prince, doth really contain open blafphe- ' mies againft the glory of God; becaufe therein ' mention is made of errors, crimes, and divine leie • majefty, whereof the condemned are found guilty ; ' which new right mufl, in law, be exhibited by him e who intendeth to ufe the fame; and that as a cer- e tain kind of approbation, no ways to be tolerated. * Wherefore, I fee not that it is lawful for a godly 1 man, rightly inftrucled in the gofpel, to involve ' himfelf into fuch fictions.' 2. From the fountain and conveyance whence they proceed, the iniquity of thefe payments might be con- cluded ; which is nothing elfe than the arbitrary power domineering over us, and opprelnng and over- prefling the kingdoms with intolerable exactions ; which to pay is all the confent and concurrence re- quired of us to entail fiavery on thepofterity. I mean, to pay it out of fubmiflion only to the moral force of its impofition, which is all the juftification required of that abfolute tyranny impofing it. For "we have the teftimony of a king for it, (King James* fpeech to the parliament, in 1609.) That a king degenerateth in- to a tyrant, whea he leaveth to rule by law, much more when he begins to fet up an arbitrary pow- er, impofe unlawful taxes, &c. It can be denied by none, that know either religion or liberty, and are not enemies to both, that thefe impofitions under con- fideration, upon fuch accounts, for fuch ends, are as unlawful taxes, and as illegally and arbitrarily impof- ed, as ever could demonftrate the moft defpotieal ab- folutenefs, paramount to all law, or precedent, but that of Benhadad, of a very tyrannicalllrain. Thus faith Benhadad, " thy filver and thy gold is mine — " vet I will fend my fervants, and they fhafl ^fea-rch r ieft into earned. 1 cannot here fhift the tranfcribiitg fome of the very words of thai, author, whofe reafonLie* 1 am but gleaning cm this- fupj< rt. • Oh Britain ! O Scotland ! bent httS, * and bold in back-Hiding, the wrath of God and thy 6 wo feem? to be upon" the wing. And alas! I am * afraid, tKaf oy this crowning and crimfen wicked- 'i nefs, the Lord God Almighty is making a way to ' his anger, and preparing the naftlW far a facrifice, 4 to expiate in the right of the world our perjury, de- ,; feclion and heaven daring provocations. Alas ! I 1 am afraid, that the fword of the Lord, which fhall tc avenge the quarrel of his covenant, is near to be 4 drawn, — that the contributers, as well as the ft a ted c party of contrivers, decreers and cruel executioners ' of thefe decrees, may fall under the blow of the fur- ' bilked fword of the Lord God : and that the land ' of fuch abominations may be fwept of its inhabitants * with the befom of destruction, and ioaked with the i blood of thofe, who inftead of contending for ' v-hriil, have by this payment affociate with his flat- '- ed, his declared, and implacable enemies, whofe 4 rage A HIND LET LOOSE. Q{y \ rage is come up before him, and will bring him € down to take revenge. Alas ! my fears, my fears t are multiplied upon me, that the war (hall not only at - laft land in Britain : but that he hath been all this t while training up a militia abroad, breeding them t m blood, and teaching them how to deftroy, againft t the time he gave them order to march, and put the t flaming fword in their hand, to be bathed in the 4 blood of backaiding Britain! Oh, if our turning t unto him, that he might turn away from the fierce- % nefs of his anger, might prevent this woful day ! ( But tince, inftead of any turning unto him, we fur- t pafs the deeds of the heathen, and outdo in wick- t ednefs all that went before us, and proceed, wh;» a t petulancy reaching heaven, from evil to worfe ; I t am afraid, that all the blood fhed fince the fword t was drawn in the nations about, all the lacked ci- t ties, all the burnt crops and villages, all the waited t countries, all the flain of the Lord by fea or land, t all the pillagings, rapes, murders, outrages, (which ( rage nlelr could hardly outdo,) all the horrid and 4 inhuman cruelties, that hath been committed dur- ( ing this bloody war (wherein the fea hath been dy- ( ed, and the land as it were drowned with the blood t or the flain) all the truculent and treacherous mur- t tiers of that monfter Alva in the low countries, all t the incredible cruelties of the Guifes, and the blood. ( ihed in ,the maffacres of France, all the tortures . thar the people of the Lord have been put to in the | vallies of Piedmont, by that little fierce tyger the ( Duke of Savoy, all the favage and barbarous butche- ries of the Irifli maffacre : mail be kfr gotten, or • ieem things not to be mentioned in one day, when what mall be done in Britain comes to be remem- bered. O Britain, O Britain : of all nations under the cope of heaven, moii ripe for the fickle of ven- ' geance! mail this throne of iniquity, which hath ' framed io many mifchiefs into laws, and all that are * accomplices in this wicked confpiracy, who now ar« 5 L « gathering 0 M tSl8 A HIND JL2T LOOSE. l. gathering themfelves ggainfl the fouls of the righrc f ous, and condemning the innocent blood, be able 4 to fave its fubjech, when he comes to make inqui- ' fition for that blood ? Or (hall the fubjects, calling ; in all from 60 to 1 6, be able to fupport the throne r J Alas I in vain (hall they offer to draw up, and draw : the fvvord and defend, when the Lord God of Hods 6 draws his i'word, to accomplifh upon them the ven- * geance written, and wrapt up in! thcfe wurds. He £ mall biing upon them their own iniquity, and (hall 4 cut them off in their own wickednefs, yea the Lord " our God ihall cut them off. And, if it come to this, * then in that day, efcape who will, profelling gentle. \ men and others, who, in this, have complied with jRfjUie nuTervfliaU not efcape : then mall they be paid ^jfof this payment. The ftorm of his difpleafure, .H/^A though they get their fouls for a prey, j£ £0 much the more as he will not fuffer them to pe- | rifh eternally) mail be obferved to tall particularly * upon their houfes, interefh and eflates. Who can i think upon the wickednefs of Britain, with its juil aggravations, and imagine the righteous Lord f will not proportion his judgments to the hcinoai- * nefs of our guilt, and his revenge to the rage, ,y* whereby he and his Chrift hath been, and is oppcl- 4 ed, and takeother meafures ?' 4. From the nature of this payment, it is notour they are finful compliances and tranfaclions with Chrift's declared enemies, and do partake of unitive confederacies with them ; which are demonfi rated to be finful, Head 3. Arg. 1. in gen. pag. Certainly fuch bargains cannot be difcretive, exacted and com- plied with by perfons no ways incorporate together, being only overcome by mere force : fince they are not only demanded and granted acknowledgments of that power that impofes them, as legally lording over them, but obediential fubraiflions to thefe wicked laws that enact them ; which is a formal juftifying of thefe laws : for laws cannot be obeyed, except they be juf- tified, A HIND LET LOOSE, 819 tlficd, feeing laws unjufl and unjuftifiable cannot be obeyed. Therefore, Teeing the payment of the cefs, locality, fines, {tipends, fees, &c. is an obediential compliance with the laws that enjoin them, that obe- dience can no more be juilified, than the laws enact- ing fuch payments ; which none can jurtiry but he that is an enemy to thofe things for opponng which they are enacled. If then compliances with the wick- ed impoilrions arid exactions of arbitrary dominators, enemies to the work and people^of God, be in icrip- ture condemned, then fuch payments cannot be j>iiii- fied : but fuch compliances are condemned, and can- not be apptoven. This was Iffachar's brand, that be- ing a (Irong afs, he couched between burdens, and bowed his moulders to bear and become a fervant to tribute, Gen. x}ix, 14. This was Afa's folly, that he fo far complied with Benhadad, as to give money to take his help, 1 Kings xv. 18. Condemned by the prophet Hanani, 2 Chron. xvi. 7, &c. much more if he had given it to help him. It is one of the irtftan- ces of the evil that Menahem did in the fight of the Lord, 2 Kings xv. i 8, 20, that when Pul the king of Aifyria came againft the land, he gave him a thouland talents of iilver, that his hand might be with him, which he enacted of Ifrael ; this was certainly evil in the fight of the Lord ; for if the confederacy was evil, then this price to procure it was evil alfo : and if Menahenvs exaction was evil, then Ifrael's compliance was evil alfo ; Tor thus Ephraim was op- p re-fled and broken in judgment, becaiile he willing- ly walked after the commandment, Hof. v. » i. It was alio a part and proof of Ahaz's confederacy with Tiglath Pileler King of AfTyria, that he fent morrey to him, 2 Kings xvi. 8. Which to all the fearers of the Lord is condemned and difcharged, Tfa. viii. 13, 14. Which, if it was evil, then alfo Hezekiah's compli- ance with Sennacherib, giving him money, and offer- ing to bear that which was put upon him, 2 Kings zviii. 14, 15. .was evil.: and alfo Jehoiakim's taxing 5 L 2 toe 820 A.HIND LET HOOSi: the land, to give the money according to the com- mandment of Pharaoh, 2 Kings xxiii. 35 was fmful to the exacter, and likewife to the compters. Thefe were all fmful compliances and confederacies with the wicked, making their peace wirh them to whom thev paid them ; therefore all peace making payments, by way of unitive agreement with the wicked mull he fmful. And accordingly in the time of Montrofe, the general affembly made an act for cenfuring the compliers with the public enemies of this church and kingdom, June 17. 1646. Self. 14. See part 1. Per 5. 5 Where thefe exactions are extorted only as bad- ges of bondage, without confent unto the law impos- ing them, it is a cafe more fuitable for lamentation than cenfure, that fhe that was princefs among the provinces fhould become tributary, Lam. i. 1. But when they are acknowledgments of the lawgivers, and an exact obedience to the law, and voluntary a- greement and bargain with them, ftrengthening them to the profecution of their mifchiefs, they cannot be free of the impofer's fin. It was the fin of the men of Shechem, and a proof of their heart's inclination to follow Abimelech, that they gave him threefcore and ten pieces of iiiver, enabling him to kill three- fcore and ten penons, and to. hire vain and light per- fons to follow him* which they paid as an' acknow- ledgment of his ufurped power, judg. ix. 3,- 5. for which afterwards fire came out of the houfe of Abimelech and devoured them. Certainly a volunta- ry confent unto a miichief is a partaking with the fin of it, a confent unto, theft is a partaking with it, Pfal. 1. 18. But if there beany confent unto a mifch'ef, it mud be when the perfon agrees it be done againll himfelf, and voluntarily fubjecte himfeif to the force of the law impofing it, and not only does not oppofe or witnefs againlt the doing of it againft others, but yields to its reaching himfelf, and gives what is de- manded A HIND LET LOOSE. 82f minded to ilrengthen the robbers to exercife robbery over all. As the payer of the cefs, fines and fees, &c. give$ all rhe oonfent required of him to thefe mifchiefs framed into law, not only to rob himfelf, but the church and nation of its deareft treafure, rhe gofpel, for the punifhment of owning which, and as means to remove it, thefe payments are exacted. But the plea ot the payers is, That they are conltrained to it, and they do ir againft their will. Anf. t. He who fays he underftands this, that the payer of thefe exac- tions can purge himfelf of the guilt of them, is like to buy an after-wit at a dear rate. Can it be thought bv any man of knowledge and confcience, that fo re* mote a force makes the deed involuntary, whereby the payer is purged from the guilt of acceflion to the impofcrs deeds, whom hereby, in this very impoiition, he owns as his reprefentatives ! 2. The payment cannot be involuntary ; for the law enjoining it, be- ing the public and declared will of the nation, re- quires no other voluntarinefs but obedience, and judgeth no other thing involuntarinefs but dilubedi- ence. So that the law being fatisfied, it abfotves the fatisfier from all tranfgreffion, and looks upon all who yield obedience as equally willing, and equally out of the reach of its appended penalry, in cafe of difobedi- ence. Neither are we to pleafe ourfelves with other fancies and fii&itious:*unwiliingnefs, when real obedi- ence is yielded, whereby the law is fatisfied, and the lawmaker capacitated thereby to acl: all his intended mifchiefs. For to be unwilling to pan with money in the cafe, as it is no virtue in irfelf, fo I fuppofe there are few who will be folicitous tp purge themfelves of this. And to be unwilling from lome ftrugglings of light and confcience, is fuch nir '.ilhngi cfs as aggra- vates the guilt of the giver, and makes it more hei- nous in the fight of God, and ha.eiul in the eyes of all tender men \ the law enjoiumg fuch payments, takes no notice of fuch reluctances, oniy requiretfy obedience ; Sit A HIND LET LOOSE. obedience; and when thar is yielded, the law is fatis- fied, as to the voluntarinefs of the action, and muft conftrue the agent a willing walker after the com- mand, and a voluntary compiler with the public will of the nation. 3. it mult be limply, really, and truly a voluntary deed, when there is deliberation and election. The law requiring thefe payments be- ing promulgate, every man mint be fuppofed to put the queftion to himielf, What mail I do in the cafe? Shall I obey and be free? or difobey and forf&fif Here is election and choice upon mature deliberation ; and fo the der.f* becomes voluntary. This will be confirmed, if we confider the law of God. Dent. xxii. 25. concerning rapes. Where, to make the unro- iuntarinefs of the betrothed virgin, me mull not only be fuppofed to ftruggle and refill the attempt made upon her chaftity and honour by the villain ; but fhe muft cry for afliftance in that refiitance, without which me was held in law willingly to confent to the commuting of that witkednefs. And moreover, if we confider the law, ver. i 3. it will be manifeft, in order to her efcaping of death, that when violated, and the villain hath -committed this villany, (he is to carry as Tamar (when defiled of that beaft, though of the blood royal) did, 2 Sam. xiii. 19. that is, to complain and cry, and crave juftice againft him, and be wanting in nothing, that may bring him to con- dign punifhment. This doth aptly correfpond to our cafe. Scotland is the betrothed- virgin: we were e- fpoufed to Jefus Chrift, and joined to him, by a mar- riage covenant, never to be forgotten ; but, the rul- ers, and with them the body of the land have treach- erouily broken it ; yet there is a remnant thar adhere to him as head and hufband, becaufe of which, thefe called ruhrs incenfed againlt him, wjll violently com- mit a rape upon them, and have them proftitute their bodies, their fortunes, yea their fouls and confeiences to their lufls, and thus they will needs ravim the queen in the king's prefence, And fo, while with difplayed A HIND LET LOQSE. £23 difptayed banner they will drive our covenanted huf- band out of the nation, and deftroy all who will own him as fvich, they call for our afiiftance. and compli- ance, to enable them to accomplifh this wicked nefs. Now either mult we make all the refiftance that is in our power ; or the law judgeth us willingly to con- fent, and becaufe of that we fall into the hands of the righteous Judge, and have neither the evidence of our refilling, nor crying, nor purfuing the wicked for this violent rape, to produce and p'ead upon, why fentence mould not pafs, and the law's juft leverity be executed upon us. What? alas! do they declare they will (tone our hufband ? (Ah ! for which of his good deeds is this done) and fhall they make a law, whereby we fhall be obliged to furnim them with {tones to do it ? And mall they be obeyed i Is this our flruggling? Is this our crying? Is this our en- deavour that the wicked may be brought to con- dign punifhment ? Oh! let us meditate terror, left we be brought forth as willing confenters ; for what- ever vengeance the jealous aiufjuft God fhall execute upon them, who have committed' the rape, fhall e- uually, in its crufhing and everlaflingly confounding weight, fall upon them who do not by their refufing, and their refilling make their unwillingaefs manifest ; which in the prefent cafe is their ftruggling, their crying, and calling God and man to witnefs, they are not confenters, but continue conilant and loyal in their love to their betrothed hufband. 6. A formal confent to.thewiekednefs of thefe im- pofitions were the lefs matter, if the payment of thern were not alfo a concurrence to afiift them, and a ftrengthening their hands in it. But this is iq mani- feft, that the paying of the cefs, locality, fines, fees, &c. is a concurrence with, and contributing towards the promoving the wicked defigns for which they are impofed, that he ir.uft have a confeience of brafs, and in a great meafure feared who will run upon fuch a formal engagement againft the Lord and his anointed King 824 A HIND LET LOOSE. King in Zion. If it w^s Aaron's fin which made the people naked, and which brought fo great a fin upon them, to take, arid the people's fin and Ihanie to give, that contribution of golden ear-rings for making a calf, Exod. xxii. 3. &c. And if it was Gideon's fin to take and Ifrael's to give, that contribution of the ear-rings of their prey, to make an ephod, Judg. viii. 25. Then, as it is our oppreflbrs fin to take, fo it mud be our fin and fhame to give, their demanded exaction to help them in erecting fucli idols of jea- ioufy, as they have fet up, and are commanding all to bow to, to provoke the Lord to jealouiy, efpecial* ly when they afYrontedly require fuch contributions to be paid, both as punifhtnents for not afiiiHng, and as means (9 affiil in their eftablimmenf. Shouid we thus help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord? 2 Chron. xix. 2. Alas! inftead of arguing, it were more fit to fall a weeping, when it is come to be a queltion amongft us, whether, inftead pi coming to the help of the Lord againir. the mighty, we ihall really help the mighty againlt the Lord, and that while they call for our afliitance formally upon this declared account. As the very inscription of their afts, does carry it in their front, requiring a fupply to his majefty, &c. If this be not a calling in a lot a- mong them, who can tell what it is ? Sure it is a preparing a table for that troop, and a furniihing a drink offering unto that number, Ifa lxv. 31. See- ing it is a fupplying them with neceuaries, to folem- niae their idolatrous fellivities, who forfake the Lord, and not only forget but lay wade his holy mountain, for which all that have any occafion to it, are threat- ened to be numbered to the fword. If any thing be a ftrengthening the hands of evil doers, Jer. xxiii. 14. certainly this is. For as they cannot accornpliih their curfed ends without thefe exactions, fo the payment of them is all the prefent, perfonal and public concur- rence in waging this war with heaven, that is requir- ed of the nation, to wit, fuch a fum to rurnifh them with A HIND LET LOOSE. 8 2j with all necefTaries, and maintain the executioners of their hell- hatched and heaven-daring decrees and or- ders : and the law requiring no more but contribut- ing what is appointed, looks equally upon the givers, as followers of the command, and active concurrers in complying with its end, and carrying on and pro- moving its defign, and lb afluils them from all the flatute feverities, in cafe of deficiency. 7. If it were only a concurrence in their wicked- nefs to pay thole their exacted fupplies, it were more eafily comported with : but 1 fear it fhall be found a hire and reward for their wicked fervice. At firlt they were only enacted and exacted, as helps to capa- citate this popifh, prelatical and malignant faction, to profecute the war they had undertaken and declared againft Chrift : but now, having thereby been ena- bled to carry it through this length, that they have almoft got all vifible appearances for Chrift, in own- ing his go (pel, and propagating his teftimony, quite fupprelTed by means of thefe impoiifions, and having got the fields cleared of thofe that formerly oppofed their courfe and career, and all obftacles removed that might Hand in the way of the reception they have prepared i'o:- their miftrefs the Baby.Ionith lady, the mother of harlots ; they now demand thefe pay- ments, as their wages and hire for their labour 5 which to pay now, is more than a jutlifying, feeing it. is a rewarding them for their work. And to pay thefe pimps, and to purchafe their peace thereby, is worfe than to bring the hire of a whore into the houfe of the Lord, (Deut. xxiii. 18.) fince it is a hir- ing them to bring the whore into the houfe of the Lord. O how hath Scotland played the harlot with many lovers ! is this the zeal we mould have had tp out covenanted hufband, and the honour of his houfe, that we have not only fullered his enemies to come in and take poffeffion of it, but conferred to their invafion ; and not only conf.nted, but invited thenvfo come in 5 and ftof/only invited them, but profti- 5 M tute 826 A HIND LET LOOSE. tute our eftates and confciences alfo to their arbitrary lufts ; and not only played the harlot with them, but hired them alfo when they had done ! and for this the Lord may fay to Scotland, as he faid to his people of old, ' They give gifts to all whores, but thou giveft ' thy gifts to all thy lovers, and hireft them, that they c may come unto thee on ever" fide, for thy whore- 6 dom. And the contrary is in thee from other wo- ' men in thy whoredoms in that thou giveft a re- 4 ward, and no reward is given unto thee; therefore ' thou art contrary,' Ezek xvi. 33, 34. There If rael is taxed for hiring the AfTyrians : but let it be coniidered and enquired into in the hiftory, how this was. What evidence can be given of this in their tranfaclions with them ? Was it only that they were enticed, or did entice them into a communion with their idolatry, It is true, Ahaz may be an inftance of that, in his fending the pattern of the altar he faw at Damafcus, 2 King9 xvi. io. And it cannot be de- nied, but in feveral refpe&s they did partake with the Affyrians in their idolatry, which was their adultery. But what could be theii hire they gave them for it, if it was not their taxations they paid, and money they fent unto them ? as Ahaz did, verfe 8. and Hezekiah alfo, though a good man, 2 Kings xviii. 14, 15. which can no more be juftified, than Afa's paying to Benhadad. It was then their confederacies, and the hire of them the Lord calls the hire they gave unto their lovers. With this alfo Ephraim is charged, that he hired lovers, Hof. viii. 9, 10. of this we have inftances, in Menahem's giving to Pul a thoufand ta- talents of filver, and exacting it of the people, 2 Kings xv. 19, 20, And in Homea's becoming fer- vant to Shalmanefar king of AfTyria, and giving him prefents, 2 Kings xvii. 3. If then hiring wicked men in confederacies to help the Lord's people, be a hir- ing of lovers fo much condemned in fcripture, what muft a hiring of them to hurt them, and rewarding them after they have done, and when they formally feek A HiND LET LOOSE. 827 feek it for fuch work, be ? but a giving the reward, they feek to flay the innocent (Deut. xxvii. 25.) and a voluntary yielding that which they take, (Ezek. xxii. 12.) which if it be fin in the takers, cannot be juftified in the givers, but will render both obnoxious to the indignation of a provoked God, in the day when he mall begin to contend for the wrongs he hath got, both by the work and the wages. Now let all the acts for the cefs and continuation thereof, and other acts and edicts for fines and forfeitures, be con- fidered in their juft import, according to the true meaning of the enacters, and the caufes for which they exact them, and will have them complied with; it will be found they were both declared, intended and improved, and accordingly approved by the com- pliers, not only as helps, but as hires for our oppref- fors and deftroyers, and for fuch as have been, and are more destructive and explicitly declared enemies to Chrifi's interetts and people in Scotland, than ever the Affyrians were to the church in the old teltament. The cefs was not only a help, but a hire to the tyrant and his accomplices, for fupprefling meetings for gof- pel-ordinances ; efpecially the continuation of it, from time to time, was humbly, unanimoufly, chearfully and heartily offered, for themfelves, and in name of, and as reprefenring this kingdom, as a hire for the doing of it, and an encouragement, to fupprefs what remained of thefe conventicles. The localuy was in- tended as a help to the foldiers in their quartering^ upon this account ; but afterwards, being exprefly difcharged to be furnimed, without payment accord- ing to the current rates of the country, Act 3. par. 3. K. Charles II. Aug. 20, i 681. The contribution of it for nought muft be interpreted for a reward of their fervice, fines are appointed, not only for a pu- nifhment of contraveeners of their wicked laws, but for a hire to their molt violent executors. Stipends for a hire to their hireling curates. And fees, a? a hire to jailors, to keep the Lord's people in bondage. 5 M 2 By 828 A HIND LET LOOSE. By which hires thefe detlroyers have been rewarded, by them whom they have deilroyed, and for which the righteous Lord will reward both. 8. Let it be confidered, how far thefe fubmiffions are fhort of, and how clearly thefe compliances are inconfiitent with, that duty which lies upon us with reference to them. Our obligation to God and our brethren doth indifpenfibly bind ns to a contrary car- riage. If it bind us in our (tation and capacity to an relive renitency, it doth much more bind us up from fuch compliances. Neither is it imaginable, how mo- ral force can ever juilify our doing that deed, we are obliged, by all imaginable bonds, yea, if in any pro bable capacity, by the utmoft of real force, to coun- teract. Can we give them that which they require, and by which they are enabled to murder our bre- thren, when we are fo indifpenfibly obliged to refcue our brethren, Prov. xxiv. 11, 11. to relieve the op- ptelfed, Ifi- i. 27, to loofe the bonds of wickednefs, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the opprefled go free, and to break every yoke, lfa. lviii. 6. What do we owe to thefe enemies, but feeing they have con- flitute themfelves by thefe acts implacable enemies to Chrift, his people and interell in habite^ not only plainly and importunely to pray that he would over- turn them, but to oppofe their courfe, to the utter- mo ft of cur power, and to concur to wreft that power out of their hands ? And fince they will needs make the whole nation a curfe, they are fo far from being to be complied with, that for thefe exaclings and ex- actions they are to be looked upon, and carried unto, not only as thefe who have foldi themfelves fo work wickednef^, but endeavour alfo to engage with them- felves all in the fame guilt, and expofe them to the fame curfe." And therefore, that the anger of the Lord may be turned away from his people, every one in his ftation is obliged to endeavour to bring thefe Achans to condign punifhment. 0. As it mull be taken for granted, that thefe wick- •■>■ ■ ■ *> ' , ed A HIND LET LOOSE. 829 ed oppreflions by law are perjury avouched in the fighr of God ; yea in a peculiar manner, our cove- nanted fubjection unto him is turned into an open war again 11 him ; fo we cannot but believe, that for this height of wickr.dnefs, the curie of God (to which in the covenant the nation in cafe of breach, is liable by their own confent) and the Mediator's malediction fhall follow, purfue, overtake, and fall upon the head of thefe, who have made the decrees, and upon all who concur in the execution, and carry on this courfe : Oh ! it is impoftible to keep them company, and not fall with them into the hands of the living God. Well then, feeing every one for whom thefe exactions are required, is under an anterior obliga* tion to God and the brethren, to preferve thefe pre- cious interefts, which the impofers have been long ef- faying to root out and ruin, and his people whom they have been deftroying, with the lofs of all he hath, life not accepjed. . (For I fuppofe none, who acknowledged his foul is ftill under the bond of the covenant) and it is likely to coft him his foul who de- nies if) but he will own this to be duty ; nay, none who hath any fenfe of religion ; but abftracting from the fubjective obligation of a fworn covenant, he will own an objedive obligation from the law of the great fuperior, that doth immediately bind the confeience to witnefs againlt this courfe, and to lay down, if it fhould come to that, his life for his brethren.) Then for a man to give his goods to deftroy thefe things and perfons, which he is obliged to defend and pre- ferve with the lofs of all, is fo clear a making himfelf a tranfgreffor, in paying his proportion, and being at the expence of deftroying what he built, and build- ing what he deftroyed, that it feems inexplicable how he can dream to be innocent; efpecially when more lies upon it than the fouls of the compilers are worth even the intereit of Chrift in the land. And to clofe this, I would put home the queftion, and pofe the confeience of any that took that covenant, if in that day S30 A HIND LET LOOSE. day the queftion had been afked at him, whether he would have judged the paying of a cefs for the ends narrated, to fupprefs a teflimony for that covenanted reformation, the paying of fines and fees, (for owning it) to the overturners, breakers and burners of it, to be a plain perjury and palpable counteracting of the ends thereof? And let him fpeak his foul, and it is beyond debate with me, he will not dare to fay he took it in a fenfe which can fubfifl with thefe com- pliances. Nay, I doubt not, if to any morally ferious it had been then faid, You will pay money, &c. for deftroying this covenant and its ends, and deleting the remnant that {hall be found to adhere to it he would have given Hazael's anfwer. It concerns eve ry man, that would be free of the curfe of it, to con- fider how he is brought ro make enquiry after vows ; or to dream cf confniencies be:wixt the performing thcfe engagements, and the plainefl concurring in a ing thereor. 10. If then thefe impofitions be fo wicked, and for fuch wicked ends and caufes ; then, in order to my being free of this heinous guilt, there is a neceflity of my giving a teflimony, and fuch an one, which when brought to the touchftone, will get God's approba- tion, and be my acquittance from a concurrence. Now, it is not imaginable that my teflimony can be the exact obedience to the law, againfl the wicked- nefs whereof it is witnefied ; but on the contrary, it muft be at leafl a plain and pofitive refufing to yield obedience to that law, when I am in no other cafe to counteract thefe commands ; for I muft either obey and be guilty, or refufe and be innocent. 1 mail not here plunge into the labyrinth of thefe debates and difficulties, wherewith this matter of teflimonies hath been perplexed, and moftly by thofe who have had no great mind to the thing. 1 mall only propound thefe few queries, (i.) Whether any thing lefs than a teflimony can free me of this guilt, whereby the na- tion involved in it is made a curfe? (2.) Whether we A HIND LET LOOSE. 83 I we believe that the teftimony of every one fhall be called for, in the day when God fhall feek out this wickednefs ? (3.) Whether, if ever it be neceflary, it be not then when Chrift is openly oppofed, and e- very one is called either to concur or to teftity ? (4.) Whether a teftimony againft a wicked law mult not be notour ? for my teftimony muft make it evident that the law is not obeyed by me, elfe it is no tefti- mony. (5.) Whether it be not neceflary alfo, that it be with that plainnefs and boldnefs, as it may keep fome proportion with the prodigioufnefs of that wic- kednefs teftified againft ? (6.) Whether to the mak- ing it a teftimony indeed, it is not only required, that an oppofition be made at firft, but that this be fo per- fifted in, as by no fubfequent deed it be weakened ? (7.) Whether we do not take it for granted, that ac- cording as a man hath teftified, the fentence of the righteous Judge fhall pafs ! For he who hath not pur- ged himfelf thereby from the guilt of this confpiracy, fhall be led forth and puhifhed with thefe workers of iniquity. . It is a faying which would fink in the foul of every one who would be faved, efpecially in fuch a day, Whofoever therefore mail confefs me before men, him will I confefs alfo before my Father which is in heaven ; but whofoever fhall deny me before men, him will I alfo deny, &c. Oh that men would now judge of things and courfes, as in that hour they defire to be judged ! and then there would be little aimculty what to determine in mat cale. 1 1. From what is faid ic appears, that there is no other way of teftifying againft it, or fhunning the fin of this wickednefs, impofing and enjoining tiicfe com- pliances, but by refufmg them ; which us it is clear duty, fo it hath many advantages to countervail all the fuppofed lofs that can be fuftained thereby. It is a {hameful fubterfuge to fay, I ftrengthen them more JDy doing thus, which will make them take all, and fo put themfelves in better cafe to do the mifchief de- creed. For as it is then my fuffering, not my fin, f6 it 8$2 A HIND LET L003H. it is fimply falfe that I do hereby ftrengthen their hands : for hereby I do more certainly weaken their hands, and wound their caufe, by my counteracting, testifying and fuffering. For, i. I do really, to the uttermott of the fphere of my activity, counteract their defign ; and hence, befules my own upmaking peace of confeience, (which is my hundredfold in this life) I glorify God in the day of vifitation, behaving as the fubject and foldier of the prince Michael ; and though I lofe my life in the conflict:, yet the victory over the dragon, and his lieutenant and truftees, and their iictors, is thereby gained, and they are foiled, while I fight and overcome, by my not loving my life in the prefent cafe unto the death. 2. I do by my example encourage my brethren to ftand faft, and withftand in this evil day. 3. I hereby tranfmit to pofterity a p- rtern for imitation, and io propagate an oppofiiion to his courfe to fucceeding generations. 4. I hereby (fo to fpjak) engage God to arife and ap- pear to plead his own caufe and his people's : for when we, out of lov<* to him and zeal for his interests, take our lives in our hands, or expofe our fubflance as a prey in witneffirtg tor him, then he if engaged to own us,- and to plead his caufe, taking the quarrel then to be again ft himfelf. Hence it is that when he puts on the garments of vengeance for cloathing, and goes forth to meet them, who, in their rifings up a- gainft his people, run upon the bofles of his 'buckler, his arm is faid to bring falvation to himfelf, lfa. lixc 16, 17. and lfa. Ixiiii 5. This keeps a man in cafe to pray againit fuch a party ; whereas a compliance with them, in the leafi degree, will wound a man's faith and weaken his confidence, fo that he cannot wreflle with God to prevail : For that wherein his ftrength lay, a good confeience, being finned away, in vain doth he effay, when he hath cut his own hair, to -(hake himfelf as at Other times. Alas! if by keep- ing a due diftance from his enemie?, we were in cafe to play the Samfons or Jacobs on our knees, this e- nemy, A HIND LET LOOSE. 83 j nemy, who think it their {lability to (land upon the ruins of Chrift's intereft, {hould not (land long upon their feet. He who would have his prayer heard, Thy kingdom come, mould make his practice, in a conformity thereto, fpeak this plain language, If I pe- riih, I perifli, but comply I will not : for it is not ne- ceffary that I live, or have an eftate, but it is necefTa- ry I mould witnefs a good confeflion againft the wrongs done to Chrift. 6. This keeps a man in cafe, either to aft for God with advantage, if an op- portunity be put in his haad, or to fuffer, as under his fupportings, and the minings of his face, where- by, even while dying, he becomes an ornament to his profeffion, gives a dafh to the enemy, and fo becomes more than a conqueror. 12. Let us confider the matter of fcandal in the prefent cafe, and remember whofe words thefe are, " Wo to the world becaufe of offences, and wo to him by whom offences come :" and it will appear, the payer of thefe exactions becomes highly guilty be- fore God. i . In (tumbling and hardening this party of enemies : for though there was never a party be- fore them in the nation (and I much doubt if ever a party can come after them to outdo them) who had fo many evidences of plagues poured upon their hearts, that he may pour forth his wrath, and caufe his fury to reft upon them; and that in his fpotlefs juftice, he will rain fnares upon them, that thereafter he may rain fire, and brimftone, and horrible tempeft, as the portion of their cup, when he (hall come to plead his own caufe: yet we would beware left we do any thing that may embolden them, or make them blefs themfelves in this their flared oppofition to Chrift's. And becaufe we know not but fome of the elect may, for a time, be carried down with the cur- rent of this impetuous oppofition to him, and may concur actively for a feafon in promo ving this courfe, we ought, even upon this fuppofition, fo to witnefs, and fo to keep a diftance from all apparent or inter- 5 N pretative 834 A HIND LET LOOSE. pretative compliance with what they contrive and car. ry on, as they may, by beholding our ftedfaftnefs, be provoked to confider their own courfe ; that confi- dering at laft how their feet go down to death, and . their fteps take hold on hell, they may haften their efcape from the company of his enemies, left they be confumed with the fire of his indignation, if found congregate with the men of thefe God-provoking practices. 1. By paying what is required, I {tumble alfo and offend my weak brethren, while by my ex- ample they are encouraged to rufh into the fame compliance. O ! let every man, whofe practice may be pleaded as a pattern, remember that word, and who fpoke it, " It were better that a milftone were " hanged about his neck, and he caft into the midft jUu* ?XXiv' 9' ^nd the SpirIt of the Lor^ came uPon Othniel, and he judged Ifrael, and went out to war, Judg. in. 9, 10. And the Spirit of the Lord came mightily upon Sampfcn," Judg.' xiv. 6. And all Ifrael from Dan to Beerfheba knew that Samuel was efta- bhlhed, 1 Sam. iii. 20. And the fpirit of the Lord will come up- on thee, and thou malt be turned into another man. And it was fo, that having turned his back, God gave him another heart. And the^ fpirit of God came upon him, and he propheiied amongft them, 1 Sam. x. 6, 9, 10. Aud the fpirit of the Lord came upon David from that day forward ; but the fpirit of the Lord departed from Saul, Sec. 1 Sam- xvi. 13, 14. And a fpirit of judgment to him that fitteth in judgment, Ifa. xxviii. 5, 6. CHAP. VII. OJlhe Rulers duty (in general j in the dif charge of bis Trujl, wherein government principally confifls. To encourage the good and virtuous. For rulers are not a terror to the good works, but to the evil : wilt thou not be afraid of the power > do that which is good, and thou (halt have praife of the fame, Rom. xiii. 3. He thatloveth purenefs of heart, for the grace of his lips, the king (hall be his friend. Prov. xxii. 11. Righteous hps are the delight of kings, and they love him that fpeaketh right, Prov. xvi. 1 5. Or unto governors, as unto them that are fent by him for the punifhment of evil-doeis, and the praife of them that do well, 1 Pet. ii. 14. 2. To fupprefs and punim the evil-doer. I put on righteoufnefs, and it cloathed me; my judgment was a robe and diadem, Job 6 MAGISTRACY UNV AILED. xxix. 14. And if there cornea controverfy betwixt them, and they come to judgment, then malt thou juftify the righteous, and con- demn the wicked, Deut. xxv. 1. But jf thou doft that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the fword in vain : for he is a mi- nifter of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, Rom. xiii. 4. A wile king fcattereth the wicked, and bringeth the wheel over him, Prov. xx. 26. A king fitting in the throne of judgment, fcattering away all evil with his eyes, Prov. xx. 8. And I brake the jaws of the wicked, and pluckt the ipoil out of his teeth,. Job xxix. 1 7. Keep ye far from a falfe matter, and the innocent and righteous flay thou not, for I will not juftify the wicked, Exod. xxiii. 7. He that jnftifieth the wicked, and he that cendemneth thejufl, are both an abomination to the Lord, Prov. xvii- 15. Thefe things alfo belong to the wife : it is not good to haverefpect to perfons in judgment. He that faith to the wicked, thou art righ- teous, him fhall the people curfe, nations fhall abhor him ; but un- to them that rebuke him, fhall be delight, and a good bkffing fhall come upon them, Prov. xxiv. 23, 24, 25. CHAP. VIII. Of the Ruler'' s duty in particular, as to the manner of the difcharge of his Trufly viz. 1. COURAGEOUSLY in the fear of God. Thus (halt thou do in the fear of the Lord, faithfully and with a perfect heart. Deal courageoufly, and the Lord fhall be with you, 2 Chron. xix. 1 1 . Ye fhall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is God's, Deut- i. 1 7. 2. Juftly and lighteoufly. Wherefore let the fear of the Lord be upon you, take heed and do it : for there is no iniquity with the; Lord, nor refpeel of perfons, nor taking of gifts, 2 Chron. xix- 7. Judges and officers (halt thou make in all thy gates, and they fhall judge the people with juft judgment, Deut. xvi. 18. That which is altogether juft flialt thou do, vcrfe 20. Hear the caufes between your brethren, and judge righteoufly between every man and his bro- ther, and the ttranger that is with him, Deut. i- 16- You fhall do no unrighteoufnefs in judgment, in mete, yard, weight or meafure. juft balances, weights and meafures, a juft epha and bin fhalt thou have, Lev. xix. 35, 36. I put on righteouhieis, and it cloathed me : my judgment was a robe and a diadem, job xxix. 14. Not pervert judgment, Deut. xxiv. 17. nor wreft it, Exod. xxiii. 5. Deut. xvi. 19, 20. 3. Impartially. Thou flialt do no unrighteoufuefs in judgment, nor refpect the perfon of the poor, nor honour the periun of the mighty ; but in righteoufnefs fnalt thou judge thy acighbour, Lev. xix. 15. You fhall not refpedt perfons in judgment, but you fhall hear the fmall as well as the great, you fhall net be afraid of the face cf man ; for the judgment is God's, Deut. i. 17. God ac^ cepteth not the perfons of princes, nor regardeth the rich, Job xxxiv. 19. 4. Mercifully. Mercy and truth preferves the king, and his throne is upheld by mercy, Prov. xx. 28. And therefore David faid, he would fing of mercy and judgment, Pfal. ci. 1. Defend the poor and the fatherlefs, do juftice te the afBifted and needy ? MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. Pfal. lxxxii. 3. The king's ftrength doth love judgment, thoudoft -eftablifh equity, thou executed judgment and righteoufnefs in Ja- cob, Pfal. xcix. 4. Forbear not to deliver them tha£ are drawn un- to death, and thofe that are ready to be flain, Prov. xxiv. 1 1. He judgeth the caufe of the poor and needy, then it was well with him ; was not this to me ? faith the Lord, Jcr. xxii. 16. I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherlefs, and him that had no helper. The blefling of him that was ready to perifh came upon me* and I eaufed the widow's heart to fing for joy. I was eyes to the blind and feet was I to the lame, I was a father to the poor, and the paufe which I knew not, I fearched out, Job xxix. 12, 13, 1 e, 16. 5. Equitably. All tilings whatfoever that you would that men mould do unto you, do the fame unto them ; for this is the law and the prophets, Mattk. vii- 12. Our law judges no man before it hear him, and know what lie doth, John vii. 51. For all manner of trefpafs, whether it be for ox or for ais, for fheep, for raiment, or for any manner of loft thing, which another challengeth to be his, the caufe of both parties fhall come before the judges, &c. If a man deliver unto his neighbour an ox or an afs, Sec. and it die, and be hurt or driven away, no man feeing it, then (hall an oath of the Lord be between both parties, Exod. xxii. 9, 10, 1 I- The caufe -which I knew not, I fearched out, Job xxix. 16. 6. Truly. One witnefs fhall not rife up againft a man for any iniquity, or for any fin that he finneth ; at the mouth of two wit- nefTes, or at the mouth of three witnefTes, fhall every word be efta- blifhed, Deut xix. 15. At the mouth of two or three witnefTes fhall he that is worthy of death be put to death, buc at the mouth of one witnefs he fhall not be put to death ; the hands of the witnefTes fhall be iiril upon him to put him to death, Deut. xvii. 6. 7. Warrantably according to law, not arbitrarily. Accordisg to the fentejvee of the law, and according to the judgment they fhall tell thee, malt thou do. Thou fhalt not turn aiide from the com- mandment to the right hand or to the left, Deut. xvii. 1 1, 20. 8. Uncorruptly, with-holding the hands from bribes. And thou ■fhalt take no gift, for a gift blindeth the eyes, and perverteth the words of the righteous, Exod. xxiii. 8. Thou fhalt not refpeel perfons, nor take a gift, Tor it blindeth the eyes, Deut. xvi. 19. The king by judgment eftablifheth the land, but he that receiveth gifts overthrowet.il it, Prov- xxix. 4. Her rulers with fhame do love, Give ye,. Plof. iv. 18. Thy princes are rebellious, and companions of thieves ; every one loveth gifts, and followeth after rewards ; therefore thus faith the Lord, the Lord of hofts, the Mighty One of Ifrael, Ah i I will eafe me of my adverfaries, and avenge me of mine enemies, Tfa. i. 23. Wo unto them whojuftify the wicked for reward, and take away th# righteoufnefs of the righ- teous from him, Ifa. v. 23- Fire mail confume the tabernacle of bribery, Job xv. 34. And Samuel's two fons walked not in his ways, but turned afide after lucre, and took bribes, and perverted judgment, 1 Sam. viii. 3. They afflict, the juft, they take a bribe, and turn afide the poor in the gate, from tbeir right, Amos v. 12. He that defpifeth the gain of oppremon and fhaketh his hands from the holding of bribes, he fhall dwell oc high, Ifa. xxxiii. i). B z 8 MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. 9. Humbly. And he fhall read in the law all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, &c. That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, Deut- xvii. 19, 20. Shalt thou reign becaufe thou clofeft thyfelf in cedar ! did not thy father eat and drink, and do juftice and judgment, and then it was well with him? Jer. xxii. 15. But he fhall not multiply horfes, nor mules unto himfelf, Deut. xvii. 16, 17. And I will punifii the princes and king's children, and all that are eloathed with ftrange apparel, Zeph. i. 8. And the king faid, is not this great Babylon that I have built for the houfe of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my majefty ? Whilft the word was in his mouth, the voice came from heaven againft him, and he was. driven from man, and did eat grafs as the oxen, Dan. iv. 30, 31. Now I, Nebuchadnezzar, praife and extol the King ©f heaven, all whofe works are truth, and thofe that walk in pride he is able to abafe, verfe 37. But when his heart was lifted up, and his mind hardened in pride, he was depofed from his kingly throne, and they took his glory from him : And thou his fon haft not humbled thy heart, though thou knoweft all this, Dan. v. 20, 22. And Herod was arrayed in royal apparel, and fitting upon his throne made an oration ; and the people gave a fhout, faying, it is the voice of a god, and not of a man, and immediately the angel of the Lord imote him, becauf^ he gave not God the glory, and he was eaten of worms, and gave up the ghoft, A&s xii. 21, 22, 23. 10. To ftand far off from violence and opprtrffion. Wo to them that devife iniquity, and work evil upon their beds ; when the morning is come, they praclife it, becaufe it is in the power of their hands : and they covet fields, and take them by violence ; and houfes, and take them away ; fo they opprefu a man and his houfe, a man and his heritage, Mic. ii. 1, 2- Thus faith the Lord, exe- cute judgment, (hew mercy and compaffion every man to his bro- ther ; opprefs not the widow nor the fatherlefs, the ftranger, nor the poor, Zech. vii. 9, ic. I have not taken one afs from them, neither have I hurt one of them, Numb. xvi. 15. Behold here I am, witnefs againft me this day before the Lord : whofe ox or afs have I taken ? or whom have I defrauded ? whom have I oppreffed, or of whofe hand have I received any bribe to blind my eyes ? I will reftore it, 1 Sam. xii. 3. And they faid, thou haft not de- frauded us, nor taken ought of any man's hand, verfe 4. Rob not the poor becaufe he is poor, neither opprefs the afflicted in the gate, Prov. xxii. 22. Hear this word ye kine of Balkan, which opprefs the poor, and crttfti the needy : the Lord hath fvvorn by his holi- rt-fs, that he will take you away with hooks, and your pofterity with fifti hooks, Amos iv. 1, 2. The prince that wanteth under- flanding is a great opprelTor, &c. but he that hateth covetoufn'efs fhall prolong his days, Prov. xxviii. 16. The Lord by the pro- phet Samuel fet the oppreflkm of the kings of the nations, as an argument to deter them from that government, 1 Sam. viii. I will be a fwift witnefs againft them that opprefs the hireling widow and fathedefi^ and turn afide the ftranger from his right, Mai. iii. 5. They are God's fervants for good, not hurt, Rom. xiii. 4 1 1 . To attend diligently and couftantly upon his truft. And let them judge the people at all feafons, Exod. xviii. 22. He that ruleth MAGISTRACY UNVAILED, 9 v-kli diligence, Rom. xii. 8. For this caufe pay we tribute alfo, for they are God'* minifters, attending continually upon this very thing, chap. xiii. 6. CHAP. IX. Of ti>? people* duty to their Magijlrates in the Rules following. 1. TO yield fubje&ion and obedience to them, with reverence and fear. Let every foul be fubjeel to the higher power*, for there is no power but of God : the powers that be are ordained of God, Rom. xiii. I. He is the minifter of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil ; wherefore you mull needs be fob- jett, not only for wrath but confeience fake, verfe 4. Put them in mind to be fubject to principalities and powers, to obey magiftrate^, to be ready to every good work, Titus iii. r. Submit yourfelves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's fake, &c. For fo is the will of God, that with well-doing we put to filence the ignorance of ungodly men. Fear God, honour the king, 1 Pet. ii. 13, 14, is* 17. 2. To pay them tribute. For this caufe pay you tribute alfo, for they are God's minifters, attending continually upon this very thing, Rom. xiii. 6 Render therefore to all their dues ; tribute to whom tribute ; cuftom to whom cuftom ; fear to whom fear ; honour to whom honour, Rom. xiii. 7. 3. To pray and give thanks for them. I exhort therefore, that firft of all, fupplications, prayers, interceflions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men, for kings and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in godlinefs and honefty ; for this is good and acceptable in the fight of God our Saviour, 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2, 3. 4. Not to curfe, revile, or fpeak evil of the ruler. Thou (halt not fpeak evil of the ruler of the people, A&s xxiii. 5. Thou (halt not revile the gods, nor fpeak evil of the ruler of the people, Exod. xxii. 28. Curfe not the king, no not in thine heart, and curfe not the rich in thy bed-chamber ; for a bird of the air mail carry the voice, and that which hath wings. (hall tell the matter, Eccl. ii 20. Likewife alfo thefe filthy dreamers defile the flefh, defpife dominion, and fpeak evil of dignities, Jude 8- But chiefly them that walk af- ter the fiefh, in the lulls of uncleannefs, and defpife government, prefumptuous are they, felf-willed, they are not afraid to fpeak evil of dignities : Whereas angels which are great in power, bring not. railing accufations againft them before the Lord, 2 Pet. ii 10, 11. Thou knoweft all the wickednefs thy heart is privy toj that them didlt to David my father ; therefore the Lord (hall return thy wic- kednefs upon thy own head, 1 Kings ii. 44. Miiiam for her un- feemly carriage to Mofes, was ftruck Lprous, and thruft out pf the camp feven days, Numb. xii. xv. verfe 20. to the end. 5. Not to be ftubborn, difobedient, or prefumptuous towards them. According to the fentence of the law, which they (hall teach thee ; and according to the judgment they (hall tell thee, thou (halt do ; thou (halt not decline to the right hand nor to the left : and the man that will do prefumptuoufly, that will not hearken to the judge, even that man (hall die ; and thou (halt put away the evil from you : And all the people (hall hear, and fear, and do no more prefumptuoufly, Deut. xvii. n, 12, 13. And whofoever will not i© MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. do the law of God, let judgment be fpeedily executed upon him, whether to death, baniihment, or confifcation, Ezra vii. 26. But the foul that doth prefumptuoufly (whether he be born in the land, or a ft ranger) the fame rcproaclieth the Lord, and that foul mall be cut oft irom among the people, Numb. xv. 30 . 6. Not feditious or rebellious againft them. Whofoever there- fore refifteth the power, refifteth the ordinance of God ; and they that reiift, ihall receive to themfelves damnation, Rom. xiii. 2- Ko- rah and Ins company rofe up againft Mofes, &c. and gathered them- felves together againft him, &c. and faid, " You take too much upon you," Sec. Numb. xvi. 1, 2, 3. And it came to pafs as he had made an end of fpeaking, that the ground clave afunder that was under them, and the earth opened her mouth and fwallowed them up, and their houfes, and all that pertained unto them, went down alive unto the pit, &c. verfe 31,' 32, 33. Which are pro- pofed as an example of vengeance, Jude 1 1. CHAP. X. Of the great bhjfing righteous Rulers are to a people ; hehl ovt in the characters and refemblances following. 1 . FROM the comfort and Meffing that attends them, compared to the morning light, and fruitful fliowers of rain. He that ruleth over men, mult be juft, ruling in the fear of the Lord : And he (hall be as the light of the morning without clouds ; as the tender grafs {bringing out or the earth by cleat- fhining after the rain, 2 Sam. xxki. 2, 3, 4. And they waited forme as the rain ; and they o- pened their mouth wide as for the latter rain, Job xxix. 23. He lhall judge the poor of the people, and fave the children of the needy, and fu'bdue the oppreflbr : He lhall come down like the rain upon the mown grafs, and as the fhowers that water the earth, Pfal lxxii. 4. verfe 6. 2. From their representing God in his attributes, called gods. Is it not written in your law, I faid you are gods ? If he called them g&Ls unto whom the word of the Lord came, and the Scrip- ture cannot be broken, &e. John x. 34, 3^. Thou (halt not re- vile the gods, nor fpeak evil of the ruler of thy people, Exod. xxii. 28- ^. From their paternal love and regard to the people called fa- thers. And kings ihall be thy nuriing fathers, and queens thy nurfing mothers, Ifa. xlix. 23. Until I Deborah arofe, I arofe a mother in Ifrael, Judges v- 7. Therefore Chrift Jefus hi his king- ly government, called " The eveilafting Father,'' Ifa. ix- 6- And he hath made me a father to Pharaoh, and a ruler throughout all the land, Gen. x'iv. 8. 4. From their paftoral care of leading, fording, and protecting his people, called fhepherds. He chefe i)a\ id his fefvant, and took him from the fheep-folds from following the eves great with young ; he brought him to feed Jacob his people, and Ifrael life inheritance : fo he fed them according to -the integrity of his heart, and guided them by the fkilfuhiefs of his hands, Pfal. Ixxviii. 70, 71,72. Spake I a word to any of the of the judges of Ifrael, whom I commanded to feed my people ? 1 Chron. -xvii. 6. Chrift's kingly rule therefore jkcld forth under this term, he fliafl feed his flock like a fliepherd, MAGISTRACY UNVAILED, n lie fhall, gather the lambs with his arms, and carry them in his ho* fom, and (hall gently lead thofe that are with young, Ifa* xl. 1 1 . And I will fet up one fhepherd over them, and he fhall feed them, and be their fhepherd** I the Lord will be their God, and my fer- vant David a prince amongft them, Ezek* xjciv. 23, 24. And Da- vid my fervant fhall be king over them, and they all Ihall have one fhepherd, xxxvii. 24. 5. From their natural care to prevent and allay diftempers that may arife to annoy their peace, called phylician9. Then fhall a man take hold of his brother, faying, thou haft cloathing, be thou our ruler ; in that day he fhall fwear, faying, I will not be a healer, make me not a ruler over the people, Ifa. hi. 6, 7. 6. From their protection and fhelter, that by their wife conduct they extend to tlie people called fhields. The princes of the people are gathered together, &c. For the fhields of the earth belong un- to God, Pfal. xlvii. 9. So Hof. iv. 18. And when the Lord raifed them up judges, then the Lord was with the judge, and de- livered them out of the hand of their enemies all the days of the judge, Judg. ii. 18, Therefore JoiiaJi, that good king, is faid to be the breath of their noftrils, Lam. iv. 20. And of David, but now thou art worth ten thoufand of us ; therefore now is it better that thou fuccour us out of the city, 2 Sam. xviii. 3. And that man ihall be a hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tenrpcft, Ila. xxxii. 6. CHAP. XI. Of the promifed lltjjlng that is to attend the latter days in a righteous rule and ruler, i. IN reftoring the law to its primitive luftre and glory. The Lord is well pleafed for his righteoufnefs fake, he will magnify the law, and make it honourable : Who among you will give ear to this ? who will hearken, and hear for the time to come ? Ifa. xlii. 2i, 23. And many nations fhall come, and fay, come, and let us go up to the mount of the Lord, and to the houfe of the God of Jacob, and he will teach u» of his ways, and we will walk in his paths ; for the law fhall go forth of Zion, and the word of the Lord from Jerufalem, Mic. iv. 2- Remember the law of Mofes, Mai. iv- 4- 2. In reftoring judges as at firft ; as in the bell times, whether of Mofes, or of David and Solomon. And I will reftore thy judges as at firft, and thy counfellors as at the beginning : Afterward thou ihalt be called the city of jightedufhefs, the faithful city, Ifa. i. 26. I will alfo make thy officers peace, and thine exactors righteoufnefs, Ifa. Ix. 1 7. And their nobles ihall be of themielves, and their go- vernors fhall proceed from the midft of them, Jer. xxx. 21. And my princes fhall no move ppprefs my people, Ezek xlv. 8. And no oppreffor fhall pafs through them any more, Zech. ix. 8. But before we proceed to the next head, take here a paffage out of one Ferarius, a commentator upon Ifa. i. 26. which providence hath brought to my hand, not unfeafonable for thy perufal. Ifa. i. 26. *' And I will reftore thy jndges as at the firft, and thy counfellors as at the beginning," &c. Upon thefe words Ferarius a commentator, lately fet out by public authority, hath this cbfervation " What is this, faith he, i2 MAGISTRACY UNV AILED. at the firft, and at the' beginning ? That is anciently, of old » meaning fueh as Mofes, Jofhua, Samuel, and the like ; for thofc were properly called judges, and under them the common-wealth was much better governed, than under kings, except David, and the beginning of Solomon : For thofe words of the people were difpleafing unto the Lord, when they faid, give us a king : We mini therfore note, that anciently thofe were called judges, who had not regal power, fo as by their own authority, to raife taxes, to levy foldiers, to prefs fervants, and the like, which they can do who have fupreme and abfolute dominion : But judges then, were only the affertors and defenders of the public liberty ; for when the peo- ple were opprefled by their enemies, God prefently railed up fome man who mould fet them free, and recover their liberty for them. To this we may add, that their power was not tranfmitted to tneir pofterity, like that of kings, but out of what family and tribe he' pleafed, God chafe one to be a judge : And therefore when the people did demand a king of Samuel, and would be contented with judges no longer, God anfwered him, they have not rejefted thee, but they have rejected me, that I fhould not reign over them : In- timating that in the time of the judges, God himfelf reigned ; not as the kings of this world do ufe to do, who moved by pride and ambition, as if they were Lords, do rule their fubjeefs after their own will, and by miiitary forces, and a pompous train of attendants, do over-awe their kindoms : whereas God himfelf did govern his peo- ple by thefe judges ; who being filled with the Holy Spirit, abode in the r own houfes and built no cities, nor caftles, nor ftately pa- laces for themfelves, nor defired the empty glory and va n fplendour of a court ; and therefore Abimelech, who that he might have fu- preme dominion, did hire foldiers, and keep a guard, and fet him- felf forth with an unwonted kind of magnificence, he is in Scrip- ture ftiled a king, Judg. ix. But Gideon did clean otherwife, who when the' people offered him, that he fhould be their king, and his fon after him, anfwered, I will not rule over you, nor fhall my fon: The Lord ihall rule over you. Therefore it is obfervable, that the Lord here doth not fay, he will reftore their princes, and their lords, but, their judges and counfellors, who fhould govern the common-wealth with greater mercy and mildr.efs. " Again, it is obfervable, when judges and counfellors are thus re- ftored, then it is faid, the city fhall be called the faithful city, the citV of righteoulnefs. It is good magiftrates that make a city good ; for fuch is the nature of human frailty, that, without the infpeftion of another, it cannot be contained in its duty : And thofe who thus can reftrain and govern a people, are only given by God, who when he is angry with a people, gives children to be their princes, and babes to rule over them, childifh, effeminate, and fooliiii men, who being unfkilled in the arts of government, fuffer their people to deflroy each other by luxury, and opprefhon" Ifa. iii. 4, 5. Thus far Ferarius, among the critical writers upon Ifaiah : Which may be left to the reader without a comment ; for if the meer force and evidence of truth could make a Jefuite and a Spaniard fpeak thus much, it is evident that gofpel times> for which that prophecy was calculated, do require another kind of MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. 13 magiftracy, than as yet the world hath been happy with : for the fulfilling of which promife, it is the faints duty daily to pray, 3 18. | l Sam. viii, 34 MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. bramble to engage in it ; that neither the olive, fig-tree, nor vine, that had any virtue, fweetnefs, or favour, would meddle with it, under hazard of lofing all ; thereby fhewing that it was fit only for the word of men, and unmeet for any good man to intermeddle with. And therefore Gideon refufed it, when it was offered him, Judg. viii. 22, 23, Whereas God's ordinance requires the belt of men, viz. men of truth, fearing God, and hat- ing covetoufnefs, &c. who are under promifes to be bettered by them, and to receive virtue and fpirit from them. And of this fort were all the four monarchs, not only from Nimrod the firft, to Ne- buchadnezzar the lafl of Babel's monarchs * (who raifed up, pulled down, killed and kept alive whom they would), but all the reft of them, whofe ambitious, tyrannous, and cruel natures, are therefore held forth by thofe apt refemblances of fierce, cruel, ravenous, un- clean beads, as lions, bears, leopards, dragons, yea devils themfelves. Thirdly, Becaufe when God's people, notvvithftanding thefe cau- tions given, would imitate the nations in their heathenifh confuta- tions, they were faid to reject God and his fovereignty, 1 Sam. viii. in rejecting that wholefome conftitution that he had appointed for their good ; but furely, had that heathenifh conftitution been of God, it would not be a rejecting of God to embrace it \ none of God's ordinances do ufe to clafh and interfere with each other. 4thly, Becaufe, when given them by his hand of providence, it i 3 declared to be done in wrath and judgment ; and as a fruit of their great fin and rebellion (which none of God's ordinances were ) as was teftified by that great thundering and lightening, as a token of his great difpleafure and their great tranfgrefiion, which they al- fo in their confeffion declared, 1 Sam. xii. 17, 18, 19. 5thly, Becaufe it is that which is influenced by the devil, and hath flood in enmity and opposition to the Lord in his ways, wor- fhip, ordinances and people all along, that have improved their ut- moit interefi to invent and eftablifh ways of wickednefs and idolatry, to the cruel Slaughtering of all that refufed to bow to their curfed idols ; who killed the prophets, the Lord Chrift himfelf, and mur- dered his faints and followers ever fince, and will be found warring and fighting againft him, till they are fubdued and utterly vanquifh- ed by him, who muft break down and dafh in pieces the image-go- vernment, overcome the beaft and his ten horns : Bnt furely God and Chrift will never deftroy their own ordinance, ftanding in enmi- ty againft them. Object. 1 ft. But it is faid to be of God, and to proceed from him, according to thefe fcriptures cited in the firft argument. Anf. It is granted to be faid to be given of God, but, ii' duly examined, it will be found no other than his providential difpofe ; and fo was he faid to give to the devil power over Job, chap. i. 12. The evil fpirits had power and commiffion over Ahab's prophets, 1 Kings xxii. 22. and the robbers have power to the fpoiling of o- others, into whofe houfes God brings abundantly, Job xii. 6. Who gave Jacob for a fpoil, and Ifrael to the robbers ? Ifa xlii. 24. Who is faid to give to the devil the kingdoms of men, Luke iv. 6. and to the beaft power over the faints, and over all kingdoms, tongues * Dan. v. 19. MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. 23 and nations, Rev. xiii. 5, 7. he having put into the hearts of the kings of the earth to fulfil his will, and to agree to give their king- doms unto the beait, until the words of God fhall be fulfilled, Rev. xvii. 17. which giving mult relate to the giving of his hand and providence, not to the giving of his word and precept; Ohjeft. 2. But fome were faid to be anointed by God, as Ha- zael and Cyrtis. Anf. As for Hazael's anointing, whether that ceremony pail up- on him is not manifeft ; but the end of fuch a fetting him apart, is declared, (not to make him God's magiftvate, but his rod) viz. to be appointed a particular fcoiirge and plague to Ifrael, being de- signed to dog's work, to rip up women with child, dafh their chil- dren, flay their young men, fire their ftrjng holds, Sec. 2 Kings viii. 11, 12. with 1 Kings xix. 16. And as for Cyrus, who is called God's anointed, it appears he was therefore fo called, from the fervice he was defigned for, viz. to be a deliverer and reftorer of his people from their captivity, and to help forward the rebuilding of the temple, Ifa. xlv. 1 , the term anointed ufually Signifying in fcriptiire, an ordering, fan&ifying, and fetting apart to fome work or bufinefs, Pfal. cv. 15. Jefus Chrift was God's anointed, 2 Cor. i. 2 1 . and fo are the faints and believers called his anointed ones. Object. 3. But the faints are exhorted to obey, and to be fubje<5t to fuch as the fcriptures mentioned do require. Anf. Wherefoever voluntary and confeientious fubje£tion is re- quired, it is to the right ordinance of magiftracy. It is true, the faints as well as the nations, were, for a feafon, to be given up into the hands of fuch powers, by the fore -appointment of God, who were to fubdue, overcome and rule over them, as did the Egyp- tian*, Philiitines and Babylonians of old, over his people for their iniquity ; and that, during this flavery and bondage, there was to be a patient fubjection to the overpowering force, relating both to bodies and goods, thereby killing the rod, owning the itroke, not murmuring, kicking or repining againft God's providence ; which fubje&ion under all thofe cruel tyrants and tafkrnafters, cannot ra- tionally be conceived to be voluntary or out of confeience, but con- itrained, as being for their fin under the lion's paw, and the power of the prevailing robber, groaning under the opprefilon, and waiting for the day of deliverance, expecting the righteous rulers, that are to be (according to promife) a blefling to the creation, when the oppreflbr fhall ceafe, and the evil beafts be put out of the land ; when, initead of fubje&ion to, and obeying fuch, there (hall be a (baking off the yoke, yea, a binding their kings in chains, and their nobles in fetters of iron, Pfal. cxlix 6, 7, 8. Object. 4 But faints enjoyed places under them, as Jofeph, Either, Nehemiah, Daniel, &c. Anf. Thefe were extraordinary perfons, raifed up by an extraor- dinary fpirit, for extraordinary ends in extraordinary times ; which are no precedents to us, without the like extraordinary call, and fo no proof to the alTertion ; for examples prove not otherwife than they are brought to fome known rule : For by the examples of A- braham, Jacob, David, &hd many of the patriarchs of old, you might D z 24 MAGISTRACY UNVAILED. live in polygamy, enjoy concubines, put away wives 'for ordinary jnatters, &c. And it is t© be obferved, that in the inftances given> thefe perfons in their great places, i. Kept the law of their God. 2. Served the work of their generation, for which they were raifed up, acting for the faints. 3. LVfiled not themfelves with the hea- thcniih cuftoms. 4. Acted againft no good. 5.. Engaged to n» evil Object. 5. But the faints prayed for them, honoured them, ac- cordjng to the Scripture inftances»* • &$[. As for provinor for them, that was no othenvife than for all other men ; and limited alfo by the apo'ftle in urging that duty, as to the ends thereof, \iz'. That the faints might live a quiet and peaceable life ; and that they -might be converted, and come to the knowledge of the truth, that they might -be faved, 1 Tit. ii. 1, 2, .3. which no more proves them to be God's ordinance, than the pray- ing for all other enemies and perfecutors. And as for the titles of honour given to them, that no more or- dains them than the contrary, viz. diflionourable and ignoble titles (whereof there are divers inftances to be given, terming them dogs, ioxes, lions, ferpents, devils, &c. ) degrades them. Object. .6, But the faints addrefs to them for juftice. Anf As for addrefling to them for juftice, or any command fo to do, we find not, but the contrary ; the faints being exprefsly re- quired not to carry their controverfies unto them to decide V and the reafon given, becaufe they were wicked and unjuft, 1 Cor. vi. 1, 2, 3. nnd as for- Paul's appeal to Cefar, thefe particulars are to be ob- ferved in it : As, I. He was brought before the feat of judicature, he did not voluntarily come to them, Acts xxiii. 23 2. He being threatened to be murdered by his countrymen, who lay in wait by the way for him, Acts- xxiii. 14. chap. xxv. 3 he claims the be- nefit of the heathen's own law lor his prelervation, not for his'ad- verfaries accuiation, Acts xxviii. 19. chap, xxv 11. As though one fhould appeal to a thief, to fare one's iclf from the murder. 3. His appeal to Ct te /He a mere paffive fubjcclion, as under a burden and crofs, but a free, filling, voluntary, aud aftual fubjection, for conscience fake, which only moral duties ordered by. God's word can require. Thirdly, From the prohibition and penalty annext to the refin- ance, viz. Shall receive to themfelves damnaticjjj. An ordinance of providence maybe refifted, that is, endeavoured to be prevented and altered, and no damnation incurred £ yea, fuch a refiftancc, many tunes is the fulfilling of a man's duty ; therefore mu# it be an ordi- nation of precept. Fourthly, That cannot be the fenfe of the term, ordained of God, which may be faid of hum that refilleth the power, when he refifteth, and in refpeft of his^^yjpg ; and that cannot be the fenfe a* that attribute, the ojrdinarSa of God, which may be fpoken nf the refiiter's a6t, in his refinance,, of the power. But to be in the place of power by providence, may be faid of the refifter of the power, then when he fo refifteth ; therefore that cannot be the fenfe of that term, " ordained of God :" Was not Abfalom and Athaliah in the place of power by eventual providence ? and was not the one and the other a refifltcr of the true power* and that by treachery and violence ? Fifthly, Becaufe this cannot agree to every power intended by the text, becaufe the providence of God doth often fo order it7 that the magiflra^e is not only diftivrbed, but outed ; as in the former in- ilances, who can deny but that David and Joafh were the powers meant in the text, which may befal any other lawful ruler : where- fore if it eannot relate universally to every power, that it is ordered of God in an aftual rule, we mud take the text to mean fome other ordinance. THE END. c/ * ■ ■ ^■K.