m Worci riirri. History and Ls gl^-. 1 "Tm^ m :X.-VW«^.««..,^,*V «.«y^«^,^ \i ev, w. H c ;/\. '■ \ '■■:.. ■». f ^ h ■^ -A 1 * BX 4805 ;c4 ^ " Cavanagh, William Henry, b 1858. The word protestant in literature, history, and ' JUL 21 1955 THE WORD^*^|MtCAL 8^ PROTESTANT IN Literature, History and Legislation AND ITS INTRODUCTION INTO THE AMERICAN CHURCH BY THE REV. WILLIAM HENRY CAVANAGH PHILADELPHIA GEORGE W. JACOBS k CO. 105 South 15TH Street 1899 Copyright, 1899, By GEORGE W. JACOBS & C(X PREFACE. The object of the following pages is to trace the evolution and development of an idea, or set of ideas, which have been generally denominated by the title Protestant, and which, in the light of present knowl- edge, must be regarded as one of the curiosities of history. We have felt obliged, in Chapter II. especially, to touch upon a multitude of facts, which are to be viewed as perspective only to the great drama of Reformation, in order to show that ecclesi- astics of the Middle Ages were not wholly void of conscience, and not nearly so ignorant or degraded as we have been ordinarily taught to regard them. The Church and Protestantism have nothing in com- mon, which we have tried to maintain by authorities throughout, and where inaccuracies or inconsistencies exist, according to our judgment, we have not hesi- tated to point them out. Protestantism rejects the idea that our Divine Lord founded a visible church, in order to support the basic theory of immediate contact, which sees no necessity for Ministry or Sacra- ments, other than that which the circumstances demand. We have endeavored to show that the PREFACE. animating principle of the Anglican reformation was " ancient custom," and where Protestantism has put forth claims to originality and uniqueness, it will be found, by diligent inquiry, that exact parallels exist in long since forgotten theories put forth in the early centuries. My authorities are given either in the context or in foot-notes throughout the book. I desire to acknowledge my obligations to the author of an article in the Church Quarterly Review of January, 1879; ^^ J^^^^g^ Homersham Cox's essay, *' Is the Church of England Protestant?", to Rev. F. C. Ewer's '' Catholicity and Protestantism," and the Church Historical Society's publications. Germantown, Philadelphia, March, 1899. INTRODUCTION The word Protestant, since the year 1529, has been a thing to conjure with. It was first used as a term of contempt, but as time went on it lost its original pungency, and Dissenters gradually adopted it to express resentment to the Church of Rome. It never found its way, however, into any doctrine of the Church of England, and its introduction into the American Church, can only be accounted for (which will hereafter appear) on the probable theory of promoting unity in a divided Christendom. The proposal then to strike out the title " Protestant Episcopal," which is the official designation of the Church, has created no little controversy between promoters and obstructionists to the well-being of the Church. That the Church has tenaciously clung to Episcopacy through all the periods of her troubled history no one can doubt, but that Protestant is part of her ancient heritage, we are persuaded, after examination, all will emphatically resent. The pres- ent inquiry will be an attempt to show what Protes- tant means, and to trace it briefly through the various phases of Continental and Anglican history, to prove that the Church and Protestantism have never had iii iv INTRODUCTION. anything in common, and therefore the introduction of the term into the Church, in 1780, must have been suggested by personal or political motives. We have heard it advocated that Protestant means re- formed, and that the Church of England, from which we derived our ministry, is Protestant, according to the order and discipline of the primitive Church. If Protestantism had the support of antiquity, it would have been a veritable triumph long ago, but the theory which takes its stand upon the infallibility of private judgment is doomed to failure, because it has no warrant in Scripture canon, which says: "Thus saith the Lord." Protestantism, in its essence, is democratic, which maintains that the ultimate source of authority is vested in the people, every man being a law unto himself, to preach the Word, and adminis- ter the Sacraments, which insinuatingly undermines the priesthood of Christ, and which eventually means the total destruction of Christianity. The word Protestant has been associated with anarchy, and various forms of error, from the beginning, and, in later years, it has been claimed as the peculiar heritage of the propagandists of free thought. The word, in a purely literary sense, is negative, and as a title to a corporate body, professing veneration for Catholic principles and Apostolic practice, stands for an idea that it cannot possibly represent. Back of the whole question lies the historic argu- INTRODUCTION. ment, and it is worse than useless to attempt to obliterate, or even try to silence, the history of the past, by discrediting and discouraging all argument in favor of historical continuity ; as the love of study and research are gradually awakening the thinking masses to a fuller realization of the fact, that a church without antecedents is a church without authority, and hence it follows that the society which can trace its lineage back to the origin of all ministry, can pre- eminently claim to speak with Divine authority as the sme qua non of orthodox Christianity. The name Protestant was introduced into the American Church, which was formerly the ** Church of England in the Colonies," in 1780, without any discussion or legisla- tion whatever, and now for the sake of truth, it would seem most reasonable to fall back upon the title " The Church ** of the <:ountry, for which we have both Scripture, and historic precedent. The present title is not only cumbersome, but misleading, and we have no just cause, as honest defenders of Divine truth, to label our doctrines with the brand of error. If some of our quotations which are immedi- ately to follow seem to be superfluous, it is because we wish to be fair in presenting the whole case, in order to show that Protestant, in name and thing, has never had more than a tacit acceptance, and that the protesters at Spires never thought of basing their insubordinate action on any precedent whatever. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE WORD PROTESTANT — IN LITERATURE. PAGK The introduction and analysis of the term, from which Protes- tant takes its name, showing the scriptural, classic, mediaeval and modem uses of the word Protest i CHAPTER II. THE WORD PROTESTANT — LIGHT IN DARKNESS. A brief statement of the intellectual and religious state of Europe previous to the Reformation 1 1 CHAPTER III. THE WORD PROTESTANT — THE GERMAN REVOLT. The Continental revolt from Romanism, with some account of the incidents leading to the introduction of the term Protes- tant, and its appropriation by dissenters in general to ex- press their aversion to the Mediaeval Church 26 CHAPTER IV. THE WORD PROTESTANT — REJECTED IN ENGLAND. The independent character of the AngHcan Reformation, and the efforts of her legislators to restore the Church to her primitive catholicity. — The persistent effort of foreign Pro- testants to influence the advisers of Edward VI. and its immediate and lasting effects in causing division and dis- cord. — The jealous care of the Church to guard the spiritual succession, and the sacraments. — The introduction of the Protestant idea after 1689 59 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. THE WORD PROTESTANT — ADOPTED IN AMERICA. The introduction of the title " Protestant " into the American Church by the Rev. James Jones Wilmer, and its inappro- priateness and inexactness to define that branch of the ancient, historic Church, which had openly declared her op- position to the principles of Continental Protestantism 129 THE WORD PROTESTANT. CHAPTER I. IN LITERATURE. The Hebrew word n^y, protest, is an active verb, the hiphil of which is causative in relationship, and to the Semitic mind bore the declarative signification. I. It means, to take as a witness, to call any one to witness, to invoke, Deut. iv. 26 and xxx. 19. n. To testify, to bear witness, Absol. Amos iii. 13 ; against any one, i Kings xxi. 10; for any one, i. e. in his favor. Job xxix. 1 1 ; hence (a) to obtest, i. e. to afifirm solemnly, to afifirm, calling God to wit- ness. Gen. xliii. 3. The man did solemnly affirm unto us, Deut. viii. 9 ; {5) to admonish solemnly, fol- lowed by an Ace. Lam. ii. 13 ; Ps. 1. 7 ; Jer. vi. 10; especially to chastise, to chide, Neh. xiii. 15 ; (c) sol- emnly to enjoin ; hence used of any law given by God, 2 Kings, xvii. 15; his precepts which he had given them, Neh. ix. 34.^ I Samuel viii. 9. Howbeit yet protest solemnly unto them, and shew them, etc. 1 Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar and Lexicon. I THE WORD PROTESTANT. I Kings ii. 42. Protested unto thee, saying, etc. Jer. xi. 7. For I earnestly protested unto your fathers . . . rising early and protesting. Zech. iii. 3. And the Angel of the Lord protested unto Joshua. The use of the word viy, to protest, in the New Testament occurs in i Cor. xv. 31 and is translated into the corresponding Latin propter. The particle v^ was common to the Attic Greek and is as old as Pindar, 521-441 B.C., Herodotus, 448-408 B.C., or the Tragedians. It was commonly employed in affirmations and oaths, and joined to an accusative of the persons (for the most part a Divinity) or the thing affirmed or sworn by. St. Paul was familiar with Greek literature, and his use of the word in this instance was diplomatic, to say the least. The Corinthians seemed to have interpreted his refer- ences to the Resurrection by the prevailing Platon- ism, which limited all happiness to a merely tem- porary existence, and St. Paul wrote that he protested or swore by their rejoicing over their conversion, which he equally experienced, but his glorying went deeper, and contemplated an eternity, to which he could attest by his daily dying, suffering, and sacri- fice. The Latin translators of the New Testament ren- dered vri into propter, a contraction of propiter, which itself comes from prope, meaning near, hard by, at IN LITERATURE. hand. The translators gave the figurative meaning to the word, in which sense it was classical and com- mon as the following examples will show. In stating a cause. I., on account of, by reason of, from, for, because of. Cicero's (43 B. C.) Paradoxa 5, I, parere legibus propter metum, or Caesar's (44 B. C.) Bellum Gallicum ; propter frigora frumenta in agris matura non erant. Laberius (60 B. C.) ap. Non. 53, 26, propter viam fit sacrificium quod est proficiscendi gratia, to sacrifice on account of a journey. Palladius (210 A. D.), propter injuriam, to avoid injury. II. By means of, through, (a) referring to persons in whom lies the cause of a thing; Cic- ero's oratio pro Milone, propter quos vivit ; through whom he lives, to whom he owes life, {b) referring to things by means of which anything takes place, Varro (26 B. C.) De Re Rustica 3, 2, 11, quid enim refert, utrum propter ores, an propter aves frustus capias? Virgilius(i7 B. C.)^. 12, 177, quam propter tantos potui perferre labores. Nri is also used in the Septuagint, Gen. xlii. 15, 16 (by the life of Pharaoh), which is rendered by per in the Latin Vulgate. Granting for the sake of argu- ment that the word '' protest " on the lips of Hebrew Prophets, or the Apostle St. Paul, is to be inter- preted in an affirmative sense, it would have no bearing upon the modern philology of the word, as Hebrew and Greek v/ere comparatively unknown to 4 THE WORD PROTESTANT. theologians, much less the laity of Germany, when the negative substantive came into existence. The word Protestor is post Augustan (430 A. D.), and as used by the ecclesiastical historian Cassiodorus (562 A. D.) 5, 42, and others, is derived from Pro, no, and testor ; to declare publicly, to bear witness, testify, protest. {a) With simple accusative, Macrobius (395 A. D.), Saturnalia 1-17 fin. Floris species florem rerum protestantur. {b) With relative clause, Fronto (160 A. D.), de Nep. quae mihi conscius sum protestabor. {c) With Abl. Appuleius (163 A. D.) Metamor- phoses, 10, Mulier magno fidem praesidis protestata clamore. {d) With objective clause, Ulpianus(230 A.D.), Dig. 11,7, I4quippe protestantur, pietatis gratia idse faceer. The following definitions are quoted literally from Du Cange's Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis.^ Protesta, Itaiis est contestata denunciatio, Gall. Protestation. StatutaVercell. lib. 4. fol. 7. " Item quod si aliquis servitor fecerit aliquam falsam Protestam, vel aliquod aliud falsum commiserit in suo officio ser- vitorie exercendo, suspendatur per linguam cum uno hamo ferreo in publica concione." Vide Protestatio. Protestantes dicti primum Lutherani, cum ann. 1 Paris, 1734. IN LITERATURE. 5 1529. in comitiis Spirensibus adversus novum decre- tum, in Religionis negotio, ab iis exhibita ^st Pro- testatio ; quod nomen et Calvini discipulis subinde inditum est. Vide Sleidani Comment, lib. 6. et Hofmanni Lexicon. Protestari, contestato denunciare, testificari, Protester. Litterae Bonifacii VIII. pp. in Chr. Angl. Th. Otterbourne, p. 92. *' Palam Protestatus est, quod pro regno ipso tibi fidelitatem praestareseu facere aliquatenus non debeat, etc." Charta ann. 1304. in Maceriis Insulae Barbarae, tom. i. p. 194. '' Protes- tantestamen et dicentes se dictum hommagium facere et recognitionem juxta formam et conventionem con- tentam in Charta facta manu Raimundi Meliani Notarii, in qua Protestati fuerunt fore salvum jus curiae et ipsorum." PrOTESTARI, nude pro Attestari. Bulla Caeles- tini iii. pp. ann. 1191. inter Instrum. tom. 6. Gall. Christ, novae Edit. Col. 49. '' Quod episcoporum muta- tiones, utilitatis, vel necessitatis, causa, possint aucto- ritate apostolica licite fieri, tam canonum statuta, quam antiqua sanctorum patrum exempla mani- festius Protestantur." Protestatio, ut supra Protesta. Statutum Comitis Provinciae de officio tabellionum ann. 1254. Ex. Cod. MS. D. Brunet, fol. 60. '' De Protestatione qualibet et qualibet exceptione ponenda in Cartula- rio," I. den. detur. Laur. Byzyn. de Bello Hussit. THE WORD PROTESTANT. apud Ludewig. torn. 6. Reliq. MSS. p. 127. " Primum in Praga intimationibus et Protestationibus publicis factis, " etc. Chron. Angl. Th. Otterbourne, p. 185. facta prius Protestatione, quod ad hoc concedendum Regi non tenebantur ex stricto jure, sed affectione solummodo sui Regis. Protestum, vox negotiatorum, Gall. Protet, Con- testata denunciatio. Statuta Genuens. lib. 4. cap. 14, p. 115. " Qui voluerit cambia, seu tractas sibi factas solvere supra Protestun^, ad hoc ut retineat obligatum eum, qui traxit, seu qui mandavit pecu- nias, seu cambium solvi, teneatur in illis locis, in quibus solutiones cambiorurr habent sua tempora praefixa, facere declarationem in actis notarii coram testibus infra horas viginti quatuor, post praesenta- tionem litterarum cambii, sicuti acceptat talem trac- tam supra Protestum." In the year 1749, Jo. Matt. Gesner, published his Novus Linguae Latinae Thesaurus at Leipzig, from which I quote the following : — Protestor, ari. Palam testari. Imp. Justin, Instit. pr. " Bellicos sudores nostros tam Africa, quam aliae innumerae provinciae iterum ditioni Romanae nostroque additae imperio protestantur." Conf. 7. fin. de Institor. Act. Quinctil. Decl. 4 extr. : Praedico, protestor, non ego parricidium faciam. Du Cange as a lexicographer, is regarded by all scholars as the best authority for Mediaeval Latin, IN LITERATURE, and it will be noted that in every case he cites, Protes- tari has the negative signification, implying a formal declaration against some act or course of action. This disquisition upon the classical and ecclesiastical uses of the word Protest, would not be complete without some reference to the modern use of the word. I have placed the word, used as a verb, and as a noun, in opposing columns to show the meaning it conveyed to the various authors. The Verb Protest.* French Protester Spanish and Pg. protestar. Italian Protestare. Latin pro- testari, protestare, declare in public, bear witnesss. I. Transitive.— I. To make a solemn declaration or affirma- tion of ; bear witness or tes- timony to ; assert ; asseverate ; declare ; as, to protest one's innocence — Verily, he [Dr. Barnes] pro- tested openly at St. Mary's Spital. Coverdale Remains," p. 341. To think upon her woes I do protest that I have wept. Shak., T. G. of V. iv., 4, 149. Their own guilty carriage pro- tests they doe f eare. Milton, Ch.-Govt. i. 5. The Noun Protest. Middle English, protest. Old French, protest. French, protet, m. Dutch, German, I Fr. proteste, fern. Swedish, > protest. Danish, J Spanish, protesta. Portuguese and Italian, pro- testo. Middle Latin, protestum ; a pro- test (mostly in the commer- cial sense) ; from the verb. I. The act of protesting, or that which is protested ; an af- firmation ; asseveration ; pro- testation ; now restricted for the most part to a solemn or formal declaration against some act or course of action, by which a person declares (and some- times has his declaration re- > The Century Dictionary. 8 THE WORD PROTESTANT. The Verb Protest.— C^«/. "I protest, Charles," cried my wife, etc. Goldsmith, Vicar, v. 2. To call as a witness in alarm- ing or denying, or to prove an affirmation ; appeal to (Rare). Fiercely opposed My journey strange, with clam- orous uproar. Protesting fate supreme. Milton, P. L. X. 480. 3. To declare publicly ; pub- lish ; make known. Do me right, or I will protest your cowardice, etc. Shak., Much Ado, v. i, 49. Thou wouldst not willingly live a protested coward. Beau & Fl., Little Fr. Lawyer, i. i. 4. To promise solemnly ; vow. On Diana's altar to protest for aye austerity, etc. Shak., M. N. D. i. i, 89. 5. To declare formally to be insufficiently provided for by deposit or payment ; said of a note or bill of ex- change, and also, figuratively, of personal credit, statements, etc. Turn country bankrupt In mine own town upon the market day Thb Noun Protest.— C<>«^. corded) that he refuses, or only conditionally yields, his concent to some act to which he might otherwise be assumed to have yielded an unconditional as- sent ; as, to submit under pro- test ; a protest against the action of a committee. Swear me, Kate, like a lady as thou art, a good mouth-filling oath, and leave " in sooth," and such protest of pepper-ginger- bread, to velvet guards. Shak., I Hen. IV., iii. i, 260. He [Spenser] is a standing protest against the tyranny of Commonplace. Lowell, Among my Books, 2d Ser., p. 199. He took away the reproach of silent consent that would other- wise have lain against the indig- nant minority,by uttering, in the hour and place wherein these outrages were done, the stern protest. Emerson, Theo. Parker. Two protests of peers against the proceedings of the ministers were expunged from the records of the House of Lords. Lecky,Eng. in XVIII. Cent. i. 2. In Law : {a) In a popular sense, all the steps taken to fiy IN LITERATURE. The Verb Protest.— Ct7«^. And be protested for my butter and eggs, etc. B. Jonson, New Inn. i. i. The bill lies for payment . . . and if not taken up this after- noon will be protested. Colman, The Spleen. (Davies). "I said— I did nothing,' cried Lady Cecilia ... An ap- pealing look to heaven was however protested, etc. Miss Edgeworth, Helen vi. (Davies). The moral market had the usual chills Of Virtue suffering from pro- tested bills.— O. W. Holmes, The Banker's Dinner. Synonyms. Assert : Supports one's cause ag- gressively, as assert yourself ; but it seems to expect doubt or contradiction of what one says. Affirm : Strengthens a state- ment, but the affirmation is wholly dependent upon the utterer's veracity. Declare : Makes emphatic against contradiction. Aver : Is positive and peremp- tory. Asseverate : Is positive and solemn. Protest differs from the words Thh Noun Protest. — Cont. the liability of a drawer or in- dorser of commercial paper when the paper is dishonored. (6j Technically, the solemn dec- laration on the part of the holder of a bill or note against any loss to be sustained by him by rea- son of the non-acceptance or non-payment, as the case may be, of the bill or note in question and the calling of a notary to witness that due steps have been taken to prevent such loss fc) The document authenticating this act. (rf) A written declara- tion, usually by the master of a ship, attested by a justice of the peace or a consul, stating the circumstances under which any injury has happened to the ship Q\ cargo, or other circumstances calculated to affect the liability of the owners, officers, crew, etc. Acceptance supra protest, isac- ceptance by some third person, after protest for non-acceptance by the drawee, with the view of saving the honor of the drawer or of some particular indorser. Acceptor supra protest, a per- son, not a party to a bill of ex- change, vi^hich has been pro- tested, who accepts it for the honor of the drawer or of an in- dorser, thereby agreeing to pay it, if the drawee does not. lo THE WORD PROTESTANT, The Verb Protest.— C<>«/. compared under assert (aver, asseverate), in being more sol- emn and earnest, and in imply- ing more of previous contradic- tion or expectation of contra- diction, like them, it is used to make the statement seem cer- tainly true. II. Intransitive. — i. To bear tes- timony; affirm with solem- nity ; make a solemn decla- ration of a fact or an opin- ion ; asseverate. Gen. xliii. 3. The lady doth protest too much methinks. Shak., Hamlet, iii. 2, 240. The Verb Protest.— 0«A 2. To make a solemn or formal declaration in condemnation of an act or measure proposed or accomplished ; often with against. I Saml. viii. 9. When they say the bishops did protest, it was only dissenting and that in case of the Pope. Selden, Table Talk, p. 68. Warham, as an old lawyer, pro- tested in a formal document against all legislation which might be enacted against Eccl. or Papal power. Stubbs, Med. & Mod. Hist. P- 279- It is most evident from the context, that every reference to the word "protest," however obscure to the uninitiated and indifferent in weighing definitions, literally conveys to the judicious mind, the negative qualification, which involves the idea of denial. CHAPTER 11. LIGHT IN DARKNESS. The history of Protestantism belongs to the six- teenth century, and in order to have some intelligent idea of the religious conflict, it will be necessary for us to review very briefly the conditions which brought about such varied and unexpected results. The ages that have usually been styled dark, to the utter neglect of history, omit to mention the obligations to which the world in general is under to the monas- tery. From the days of Anthony, that part of the visible church, for the most part enclosed within stone walls, preserved to us the rudiments of our modern learning, and especially the Sacred Scriptures, which are now, and have been since printing made them known, the glory of our in- heritance, the foundation of our ideals of civiliza- tion. The Dark Ages produced as great theologians, as great statesmen, as great lawyers, as great poets and as great painters, as any other period since. Without our modern processes of multiplying books, education was necessarily circumscribed ; the multitude remained in ignorance, and therefore super- stitious. With the same human nature to contend II 12 THE WORD PROTESTANT. with, the only mystery is — why Christianity had not utterly perished ? Surely as we read the record of those dreary ages, the existing church must even then have had something of the Divine about it, to have survived it all. The monasteries of the Middle Ages were the magazines of literature, and the repos- itories of science. We are indebted to the monks for making known to the world, the lives and writ- ings of Alexander, Caesar, Homer, Virgil, Cicero, Tacitus, Plato, and Demosthenes. We are indebted to them for the inception and development of art, for their unwearied industry in preserving to us the records of contemporary events, the writings of the Ancient Fathers, and above all the Sacred Scriptures by transcription, with their valuable commentaries ; the schools they founded over Western Europe, and the millions of idle and distressed they ministered to, speak volumes for their liberal and habitual charity. In the sixth century the monks numbered about 3,000, and as time went on, they grew in in- fluence and power, and dispersed themselves over the whole -of northwestern Europe. The golden- mouthed Chrysostom persuaded them that they were the " Elect," and hence the *' vow of poverty " soon became the talisman of sanctity. As men inheriting traditions of the ancient Coenobites and Anchorites, voluntarily choosing the life of celibacy, and withdrawal from all episcopal oversight, it is LIGHT IN DARKNESS, 1 3 quite easy to understand the steps which led to dis- ruption and decay. The beginning of the thirteenth century witnessed the introduction of a new frater- nity founded upon sterner principles than was ever exacted before, the chief of which was abject pov- erty. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the Francis- cans, who was known as the prince of beggars, would not even allow his companions the possession of a book. Francis palmed off the deception of the Sacred Stigmata upon the Church, and Pope Ben- edict XII. ordered a commemorative festival in honor of the event, and four years after his death, which occurred in 1226, he was canonized by Gregory IX. Long before the Reformation the Roman calendar was filled with suspicious saints, and the Breviary was crowded full of legends as monstrous as they are ridic- ulous to modern ears. The Franciscan order became very popular, and like the Dominicans, a rival organ- ization of the same period, was permitted by the Popes to sell indulgences for their support. Inno- cent III. thought they were admirably calculated to meet the peculiar exigencies of the Church, and they grew to such colossal proportions that they soon dominated Popes and Councils. They were a distinct caste, and in many ways antagonistic to the Church. The universities of Paris and Oxford at one time combined in their efforts to suppress them. Many of the monks aspired to sainthood ; they starved H THE WORD PROTESTANT. themselves, suffered all kinds of hardships, flagella- tions, shut themselves up in cells, in the enthusiastic expectation of divine light, or the prospect of at- taining eminent rank amongst the heroes of the Church. Their whole system, like much that is in modern sectarianism, was a perverted moral regime, as they allowed fanaticism to usurp supreme sway over the human mind. They taught that every indulgence was criminal, that every gratification of the senses, however innocent, was injurious to the soul, that the ties of human affection weaned the heart from God, that the duties of social life must be abandoned by those who had any regard for their salvation, and, just in proportion as one inflicted privations and heaped torments upon himself, he pleased his Creator. Beggary was their boast, and they became a set of peripatetic ecclesiastics, who imagined themselves illuminated with an aureole of sanctity. Princes bestowed privileges upon them, and gave them large benefactions, which soon led to decay of discipline. At length schism entered the order, the chief wing of which still submitted to the Pope, the other, deciding against his authority, were known as anti-Franciscans, who soon became sub- divided into Fratricelli or Minorites, the Tertiaries or Beghards, and the Spirituals. Contemporary with the Franciscan Order was another order of teaching and preaching friars founded by Dominic de Guzman, LIGHT IN DARKNESS. 1 5 who laid themselves out to convert heretics. Antip- athies and jealousies existed between monks, friars, and clergy throughout the Middle Ages, but they were a unit in acknowledging the Bishop of Rome to be the spiritual head of Christendom. As the Caesarean succession waned, the Petrine succession gradually and naturally took its place, and to estab- lish the claim with some formal show of legality the " decretals " were invented to bolster up the inherent supremacy of spiritual power which first made the Pope suzerain of all Church property throughout the world, and as a precedent was eventually applied to all temporal affairs, which first reached its height in the time of Innocent III. (i 198-12 16). The univer- sities of Paris and Oxford were great intellectual centers during the Middle Ages. The Sorbonne of Paris was the center around which the Church of France revolved, and previous to the Reformation was the theological oracle of Europe. In 1491 the Sorbonne and Parlement united in defying an excommunication, and eleven years after- wards the resolution was repeated. In the sixteenth century, however, the Gallicanism of France became Erastian. It was the Authority of Paris, and not the Scriptures, that Luther first pitted against Rome. The Pope's militia, the friars, under the canon of obedience, were everywhere carrying out his will. They intruded into parishes, and persuaded the peo- l6 THE WORD PROTESTANT. pie that they were better guides in the discharge of their duty than the parochial clergy, hence disorder and immorality increased. John Wiclif denounced the friars as the pest of society, and the enemies to truth. The spirit of inquiry and research had long taken hold of the minds of men within and without the Church. Dante had more than one object in writing his immortal poem. The council assembled at Constance, in 1414, v/here such men as Peter d'Ailly, Cardinal Zarabella, Robert Hallam and John Gerson represented the Church, were of one mind as to the great need of moral regeneration, and civil and ecclesiastical reform, but their efforts were over- ruled in much the same way as the reforming minor- ity was forestalled, in the following century, at the Council of Trent. It is not too much to say, that the religious thought of Europe was in a state of fermentation at the beginning of the sixteenth cent- ury. The repelling of the Turk served for a time to reunite the Christian brotherhood, that seemed to be fast disintegrating ; and if the Church had then been inspired with the serpentine wisdom which was her heritage, she would at once have abandoned a position founded upon the imaginary dreams of emperors and princes of an imposing universal dominion, to make Christians by coercion, and offi- cered by a head claiming infallibility alone, which the new era of research, and the making and unmak- LIGHT IN DARKNESS. 17 ing of Popes during the later years of the fifteenth century showed clearly to the world to be, not only a hopeless impossibility, but a senseless usurpation. Just before the Reformation there was, with few ex- ceptions, an almost complete abandonment in equity in ecclesiastical judgments. Error had smothered the genuine dogmas of the Church. Learning in sacred literature was practically a dead letter. The high class layman had long been jealous of ecclesi- astics. Moral discipline had lapsed, and the immo- rality of the clergy was pronounced in many places, although it is the greatest libel to accuse them of ignorance as to what piety was. The downfall of the clergy can easily be traced to the study of Phi- losophy and Metaphysics, which in its earlier stages was wholly subservient to Theology, but eventually it prevailed, and settled the dogma of Transubstanti- ation upon the Church in 121 5. Nothing short of bigotry or wickedness would fasten the charge of ignorance upon the clergy of the Middle Ages, and although it has only an indirect bearing upon my subject, I will deviate somewhat in order to have a broader conception of the assertion. In England the sixth canon of Cloveshou in 747 enacts : " that the Bishops shall ordain no man, either as clerk or monk, to the holy degree of priesthood without public inquiry as to his previous life, and his present purity of morals and knowledge of the faith. For l8 THE WORD PROTESTANT. how can he preach to others the whole faith, minis- ter the word of knowledge, and appoint to sinners the measure of penance, unless he first, with studious care, according to the measure of his capacity, takes pains to learn, so that according to the Apostle, he may be able to exhort according to sound doc- trine." Charlemagne in his capitulary addressed to the ecclesiastical authorities in 789 A. D., says : " We beseech your piety, that the ministers of God's altar may adorn their ministry by good morals — whether as canons, by the observance of their order, or, as monks, by the performance of their vow — we entreat that they may maintain a good and laudable life and conversation, as our Lord in the Gospel commands. Let your light so shine before men," etc. Again in the Capitula data Presbyteris, in the year 804, he says : ^' I would admonish you, my brethren and sons, to give attention to these few capitula which follow : — L That a priest of God should be learned in the Holy Scripture, and rightly believe and teach to others the faith of the Trinity, and be able properly to fill his office. n. That he should have the whole psalter by heart. in. That he should know by heart the creed and the office for baptism. LIGHT IN DARKNESS, 19 IV. That he should be learned in the canons and well know his penitential. V. That he should know the chants and the cal- endar. Raban Maurus, in his book " De Institutione Clericorum," 819, says: "That the canons and de- crees of Pope Zosimus have decided, that a clerk proceeding to Holy Orders shall continue five years among the readers, or exorcists ; and after that, shall be an acolyte or subdeacon, four years. That he shall not be admitted to Deacon's orders before he is twenty-five years of age, and that if, during five years, he ministers irreproachably, he may be pro- moted to Priest's orders ; but on no account before he is thirty years of age, even though he should be pequliarly qualified, for our Lord Himself did not begin to preach until He had attained that age." ^ The constitutions of Reculfus, Bishop of Soissons, 889 A. D., to his clergy, said : — " Know, therefore, that this is addressed to you, ' Be ye clean, ye that bear the vessels of the Lord,' which you must not suppose to refer only to the cleansing of the chalice and paten, wherein the body and blood of Christ is consecrated, but also to preach cleanliness and men- tal purity," etc. If we were called upon to compare libraries of the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, we must admit that the latter excels in quantity, but if » Lib. i-c. xiii. Ap. Bib. Pat. torn. x. 572. 20 THE WORD PROTESTANT, quality was under examination, we are quite sure that for high thinking and solid worth the Middle Age library would eclipse the ordinary modern col- lection. If one would take the pains to look into the life and work of St. Ninian, St. Mungo, St. Bene- dict, St. Columba, St. Aidan, St. Chad, The Vener- able Bede, St. Cuthbert, St. Meinrad, the Monk of the Alps, St. Dunstan, Abelard of Cluny, the monas- teries of Croyland, St. Denis, Bee, or Vallambrosa, not to say anything of the great schoolmen of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, such as Alexander Hales, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Roger Bacon, ^gidius de Columna, John Duns Scotus, Durand, W. Occham, Walter Burley, and Raymond LuUy, he would at once suspect that ignorance on the part of monk or priest throughout the Middle Ages was the exception. I have before me a list of Thomas Cranmer's Books, Archbishop of Canterbury ( 1 489- 1556) and of Bilibald Pirkheimer of Nuremberg (1470- 1530). Cranmer's library contains 42 MSS., contain- ing 93 separate works, and 369 printed volumes, containing 355 works. The greater part of this library is made up of biblical, theological, and liturgical works. Pirkheimer's library was collected about 1490, and the partial list of 1 1 1 volumes is chiefly made up of classics, canon law, and the Fathers.^ Before the end of the Middle Ages England had 95 ' Diet, of Book Collectors, 1892. LIGHT IN DARKNESS. 21 colleges and schools ; 259 were established before 1546, and 132 of these foundations of learning are still in existence. Christ Church, Canterbury, had 3,000 volumes in its library at the beginning of the fourteenth century. The catalogue made of the Glastonbury library in 1247 shows that the monks had then 400 volumes. The Middle Age list of Peterborough books printed by Gunton comprises some 1,700 works in 268 volumes. As to literature, Italy can boast of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Politiano, Pulci, Boiardo, Ariosto, Alamanni, Tasso, Trissino, Rucellai, Sanazzaro, Berni, Machiavelli, Are- tino and Giovanni, Lorenzo, and Cosmo de' Medici. Cosmo de' Medici, the great collector of Greek, Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Arabic MSS., laid the foun- dation of two libraries in Florence. Pope Nicholas v., the founder of the Vatican library, invited the Greek scholars Chrysoloras, Bessario, Gaza, and Argyropulos to Rome to help revive the love of study in the Italian court, and very soon the whole of Italy thrilled with the spirit of inquiry and re- search. The literary characters of England are legion. Amongst those not already named might be mentioned Beauclerc, Simon de Montfort, Ed- ward I., Grosseteste, Theobald, Langton, Vacarius, Gervase, Hugh of Lincoln, Theodore, Giraldus Cam- brensis, Wilfrid, John of Salisbury, Thomas Becket, Jocelin, Peter of Blois, Robert Pullus, Roger of 22 THE WORD PROTESTANT. Hovenden, Alcuin, Glanville, Walter Map, Linacre, Langfranc, Anselm, Grocyn, Hearne, Dugdale, Cax- ton, Erasmus, Colet, and More. It is to the Dark Ages that students of art, architecture, and painting turn for light. When we consider that painters must be students of history, and the preponderance of subjects being sacred characters, it would surely be absurd to affirm that religion was either dead or dying in the Middle Ages. Italy was especially for- tunate with great artists, a few of which are, Cima- bue and Buffalmacco (1302), Brunelleschi and Donato (1400), Aretino (1408), Raphael (1450), Giovanni Angelico the Friar (1455), Ghiberti (1455), Francia (1470), Uccelo (1472), Grosso (1488), Michael Angelo (1495), Leonardo da Vinci (1497), Pinturicchio (1513), Monsignori (15 19), Torrigiano (1522), Andrea del Sarto (1529), Correggio (1534). As Spain was the greatest power in Europe at the end of the middle ages, it necessarily deserves some notice. Spanish literature received its impetus from Italy. Begin- ning with the thirteenth century, we have the poem of the Cid, the old ballads, the old historical poems, the old chronicles, and the old theater which forms the main elements of a distinctively national poetry. While there is little chronicled in these poems other than the deeds of chivalry and romance, there is something about them that is striking and original. Germany is less fortunate in this respect, her early LIGHT IN DARKNESS. 23 ballads being wholly given over to romance until the end of the thirteenth century. The earliest MSS. dating from the fourteenth century contains the poems of 140 minnesingers or wandering min- strels, made up of pictures of the knightly life of the times. Reinmar of Zweter, Walter of the Vogelweid, the greatest lyric poet before Goethe, Tannhauser, the Nebelungenlied, Wolfdietrich and Gudrun, Henry of Valdecke, Godfrey of Strassburg, and Wolfram of Eschenbach in his Holy Grail, are the classics until the beginning of the fourteenth cen- tury, about which time the monks, friars, inquisitors, and legates superseded the spirit of German ro- mance by asceticism, which entirely changed the current of men's thoughts. In making this state- ment I am not unmindful of the spasmodic attempts that had been made by Gaulish monks and mission- aries to carry the Gospel to their ancestors upon the Rhine. Lupus visited the Rhine in the fifth century, St. Boniface, the apostle of Germany, in the eighth, and Ansgar and Bruno did much for sections of Germany after it became a distinct nation. It is commonly understood, and in fact writers who call themselves historians, constantly repeat that the Bible was not known in the Middle Ages. This is an old fiction first published by D'Aubigne, wherein he gives an account of Luther's finding the Bible at Erfurt in 1503. He goes on to state that after the 24 THE WORD PROTESTANT. young student had been at the university two years, he was looking over the books in the library one day, when he came across a volume that arrests his atten- tion. He has seen nothing like it to this moment. He reads the title. It is a Bible ; a rare book, un- known in those days ; he is overcome with wonder at finding more in the volume than those fragments of the Gospels and Epistles made familiar to him in his breviary. Elsewhere this author has told us in his history that Luther's father rose from humble circumstances to be a man of means, and frequently invited clergy and schoolmasters to his table. What- ever the influence, he tells us that the boy's mind having taken a grave and attentive cast, the father determined to send him to school, where he was undoubtedly taught the Catechism, Commandments, Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Canticles. He was sent to the Latin school of Mansfield, next to Magdeburg, then to Isenach, and finally to the University of Erfurt, where he found the Bible. Luther became an Augustinian friar in 1505 and was ordained to the priesthood the following year. In 1508 he was ap- pointed lecturer of philosophy at the newly-founded school of Wittenberg. In 1509 he took his B. D., and in 15 12 began to preach the Word of God, from which time he bent his energies to overthrow scho- lasticism, by attacking the theory of penances and superabundant merits. In this he was simply follow- LIGHT IN DARKNESS. 25 ing in the steps of many schoolmen before him. He still continued to have the deepest reverence for the Church and her institutions as the depository of Divine authority. It is indeed very strange that Luther, a professed philosopher, familiar with the writings of Occham, Scot, Bonaventura, and Thomas Aquinas, should not have heard of the Bible. There had been a printing-press set up in the town of Erfurt before Luther was born. In 1497 Le Long gives an account of editions of the whole Bible printed at Strassburg, Cologne, Venice, Paris, and Nuremberg. The Bible had been printed at Naples, Florence, Placenza, and Venice where eleven com- plete editions had been finished alone. Maitland in his history of the Dark Ages says : " It would be within the bounds of truth to assert, that the press had issued fifty different editions of the whole Latin Bible, to say nothing of Psalters and New Testa- ments, (twenty alone belonging to Germany), before Luther was born. A printing press had also been set up at Rome, and the printers had the assurance to memorialize his holiness the Pope, praying that he would help them off with a few copies. CHAPTER III. THE GERMAN REVOLT. To return once more to our argument of cause and effect, we must remember that mysticism was the rival of scholasticism throughout the stormy period of the Middle Ages. The love of the marvelpus came from the East through Dionysius who had embraced the tenets of Theosophy. It was Johannes Scotus Erigena who first applied cold and exact logic to religion in the ninth century and the monks and clerks who were discomforted because they failed in analyzing or expressing the mysteries of Divine truth, turned to the extreme of contemplation which they believed would lead to perfect holiness and spiritual knowledge. There were many efforts made through- out the Middle Ages to reconcile these contending elements of the heart and brain. The principles of mysticism foster the self-deifying tendency, which ultimately discovers the soul to be of one substance with God. Mysticism degrades reason and destroys morality. It found its way into Germany in the fourteenth century and through the cloistral labors of her more industrious students developed a highly 26 THE GERMAN REVOLT. organized religious theosophy. The only parallel to mediaeval mysticism is to be found in modern Methodism and other sects who advocate a sensible instantaneous conversion. Mysticism reveals the in- nate desire for apprehending God, but as this faculty is a gift, it therein fails to propagate and perpetuate itself. It has no genealogy. Mysticism taught that religion was intensely personal and individual, bring- ing the soul face to face with God, without any inter- mediary, which accords with the subjective principle of Protestantism. Such were Tauler and Thomas a Kempis, who were thoughtful, conscientious men, peering through the darkness for the light, striving to realize the truth. They had caught the spirit of the Renaissance and boldly preached reformation of life and manners. Previous to reformation there was a larger amount of truth with the mystics than any other party in the Church, but for lack of earthly wisdom which enables men to maintain an even balance, they degenerated and split off into sects, many of which held pantheistic and millennarian theories. Such were the Cathari, the Brethren of the Free Spirit, the Dancers, the Quietists, the Erastians, Socinians, and Bethlehemites who tried to realize under ascetic conditions some fixed standard of social purity. In their mistaken zeal, these sects and heretics left the Church, because of her alleged slowness in keeping pace with the Renaissance spirit 28 THE WORD PROTESTANT, of independent inquiry, that was sweeping over Italy and the West. The Waldenses or poor men of the valleys, started an independent movement, upon the principle of selfishness, in trying to realize a social ideal adapted to the wants and ambitions of the local peasantry. They seceded from all restraints of authority, trans- lated the Scriptures into their native patois, and, like the Albigenses, their contemporaries, simply believed in a priesthood of all believers. They appealed to the Third Lateran Council, 1179 A. ^-> ^^^ liberty to expound the Scriptures. The concession could not be granted to such artless, unlettered rustics. John Wiclif, of England, embraced their socialistic theories, and attacked the Church on much the same lines. In the fourteenth century the classical learning of the East was making rapid strides in Italy, and its spirit was fast taking hold of the Church's thought and action. Lorenzo Valla (1440), the humanist, was the first critic to point out the weaknesses of the Latin Vulgate. For this he was censured, and the Roman Church moved to suppress individual criticism, lest the destructive influence should penetrate the mass, who were then unqualified to judge in matters of such deep concern. To Rudolph Agricola belongs the credit of planting the Greek and Hebrew learning in German soil, and the beginning of the fifteenth century witnessed the introduction of university life, THE GERMAN REVOLT. 29 established principally on the Parisian model. The principal centers were Prague, Vienna, Erfurt, Heidel- berg, Cologne, Leipzig, and Rostock, founded the first quarter of the fifteenth century. The course of instruction given at these centers was, after the manner of the old way of thinking, confined chiefly to dialectics. The schools that were established about the middle, and towards the close of the century, such as Schlettstadt, Munster, Amsterdam, Kempen, Alkmer, and Deventer ; the Universi- ties of Griefswalde (1456); Frieberg (1458); Basle, (1460) ; Ingolstadt and Trier (1472) ; Tubingen and Mainz (1477); Wittenberg, (1502), and Frank- fort-on-the-Oder (1506), were the only centers that can in any sense be called the foundation-stones of Germany's intellectual structure. The new learn- ing had not been adopted by any of those institu- tions on principle. It was scrutinized by the curious, and pondered over by individual theologians, who used it in their sermons as a leaven to move seared consciences that had long been dead to the privileges and responsibilities of the primitive Church. Agri- cola, whom we have already mentioned, was the pupil of Thomas a Kempis, the grave, religious humanist of his day. Reuchlin, at whose feet Melanchthon sat, was born in 1455. He was consid- ered the greatest man that Germany ever produced ; and Erasmus, his peer, was always considered *'the 30 THE WORD PROTESTANT, other eye of Germany." The study of the Greek developed new lines of thought, and deepened men's respect more and more for the faith of the Church. The new learning simply added strength to Erasmus' conviction (as was previously maintained by a Kem- pis), that theology still remained the ** Queen of Sciences." Erasmus always believed in the dissolv- ing power of learning, and felt that the much-needed reform could only come as the horizon of knowledge widened ; but, like his co-laborers, Colet and More, believed the Church to be indefectible, and still possessing power to redeem herself, within and with- out. Erasmus, hoping that the revival of letters might end in something good, began at once upon his New Testament Commentary, which first appeared in 1505. This was the fountain from which Luther quaffed. When Erasmus had finished his Paraphrase, he began a translation of the Fathers, which furnished the weapons of controversy for our reformers, or, rather, restorers of the Church of England; but, happily, scholarship and discovery have long since enlarged our respect for those depositories of sacred and secular learning. During the first four years of Luther's appointment at the High School at Witten- berg, he conscientiously fulfilled his duties as a lecturer on Philosophy, and during the succeeding years he loses sympathy with the schoolmen, and begins to use his influence in the class-room and THE GERMAN REVOLT. 3 1 pulpit to change the current of men's thoughts, although he still maintained the deepest respect and veneration for the Church of his fathers. Luther's suspicions regarding the antiquity of the Papacy, was by this time an established conviction, that the *' Privilege of Peter" was a modern innovation, and when the Apostolic delegate offered his absolution briefs for sale in the Market Square of Wittenberg, after the fashion of earlier Crusading methods, his ire was aroused to challenge the legitimacy of the agent's action in raising money through flattery and deceit from the poor of his congregation. The more he looked into the system, the more he was con- vinced that it was dishonest to rob the poor for the aggrandizement of a bishop, who could, with some degree of truth, be called the fisherman's successor. But it was certain that Leo X. had notoriously reversed the axiom that the '* Chiefest Apostle " had communicated to the poor of the temple gate. From this measure of self-protection initiated by Luther sprung up the hydra that finally ended in a general revolt against constituted authority. Luther repeat- edly protested against the abuses of the questors, which eventually led to his famous protest of October, 1 5 17, against the sale of indulgences. This was viewed at Rome as sufficient cause for excommunica- tion, and the Bull was issued, which Luther burnt December loth. On the 8th day of May, 1521, 32 THE WORD PROTESTANT. Luther stood alone, in the Diet of Worms, a declared outlaw, under the ban of the Empire, and soon after retired to the Wartburg, where he began his hostile work. He was fully alive to the situation, and in the heat of passion he had already indited an address to the nobility which seethes with inflammatory invec- tive and intolerance to the last degree. This argument to the pocket was the manifesto of the Reformation in Germany, and the newly-invented printing-press made it popular far beyond the bounds of personal influ- ence. It was the spirit of this war-cry that encour- aged the princes at Spires, who had dreams and visions of revenue, when they made their famous protest against the action of the loyal Church party who favored declaring the Diet of Worms conclusive. Luther's Babylonish Captivity had already appeared (October, 1520), and the Curia determined to show no mercy to the self-professed heretic. This work reached England in April of the following year, and by the 25th of August, Henry VHL, who was some- thing of a theologian, had issued his rejoinder, for which the Pope felt so deeply indebted that he con- ferred upon him the title, " Fidei Defensor." From the Castle of the Wartburg letters were soon speed- ing to every quarter of Germany. The whole coun- try was visibly agitated, Wittenberg being on the verge of revolt. Luther was a busy man — one day helping to quell a riot, the next trying to appease THE GERMAN REVOLT. 33 the angry controversialists of Switzerland and Ger- many, and the conscious responsibility for the Peas- ants' war, which justified itself upon rehgious grounds, was cause to him for great anxiety. With it all, he steadily continued to make his new translation of the New Testament and Pentateuch into German. He held the Bible above all else, and to be the work of the Divine Spirit, but he did not hold this spirit cap- tive to the letter. He did not hesitate to express his dislike for the Epistle of St. James, and the Revelation of St. John. He did not regard the Apocalypse as the work of an apostle. In his preface to the book, he says : " Some have concocted many ridiculous things out of their own heads." He claimed that there was no prophet in the Old or New Testament who deals so entirely in visions. I there- fore put this book on a par with the " Apocalypse of Ezra," and I certainly cannot detect any trace of its having been inspired by the Holy Ghost. ^ Melanchthon's digest of the doctrines of faith, as presented in the Scriptures appeared in 1 521. Dis- integration was fast going on within the Church. Disputations were frequent and tended to everything but peace. In 1524 the Landgrave Philip authorized the preaching of the Gospel throughout his ter- ritories, which was accomplished by ignorant fanatics who preached anarchy as the solvent for all present and J Hagenbach's Hist. Reformation, I., p. 160. 34 THE WORD PROTESTANT. future ills, and Lambert, a French reformer, appeared in Hesse in 1526. He held views similar to Luther's at first, but they gradually widened, until the Consti- tution and discipline of the Church was made to rest upon the broadest democratic platform. He con- tended that every individual church should have the right to choose its own pastor, to whom Episcopal authority should belong, there being no authority above that of pastors. He asserted that there was a double calling — the first being internal to the state of a Christian, and the second was external to the office and ministry of the Church, the latter being valueless without the former. Luther rested his cause upon the pure word of God being preached, but the Mass was to be continued in Latin, and due fasting en- joined upon the people, until occasion and circum- stances demand something different. On the twentieth Sunday after Trinity, 1525, the Lord's Supper was for the first time celebrated at Wittenberg in the German language. Shortly after this event, Luther brought out his German Mass (Missa Est), and in addressing his readers says : — *' Above all things, I most affectionately, and for God's sake, beseech all who see or desire to deserve this, our order of Divine Service, on no account to make it a compulsory law, or to ensnare or captivate the conscience of any thereby, but to use it agree- ably to Christian liberty and their good pleasure as THE GERMAN REVOLT, 35 where, when, and as long as circumstances favor and demand it.^ Luther desired to retain the Mass for the love of the language of antiquity, as he says : " I am most deeply interested in your youth ; and if the Greek and Hebrew tongues were as familiar to us as the Latin, and possessed as great store of fine music and song as that does, were I able to bring it about, Mass should be celebrated, and there should be sing- ing and reading in our churches on alternate Sundays in all four languages, German, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew." A second form of service he proposed was the German Mass, " for the sake of simple laymen," and finally a third form of Divine Service was set forth to represent the true type of Evangelical order, for those who desire to be Christians in earnest, ready to profess the Gospel with hand and mouth. In this it was recommended that they should assemble frequently for prayer, to read, baptize, receive the Sacrament and practise Christian works. In this way he says : — Christians could be recognized, reproved, reformed, rejected or excommunicated in accordance with Christ's rule (St. Matt, xviii. 15 sqq.). Here we have the root idea of *' Ecclesiola in Ecclesia." Luther frequently has misgivings as to the outcome of it all as " he says," the Germans are a savage, rude, tempestuous people, but he consoles himself * Luther's Werke, Edit, by Walch, vol. x. 36 THE WORD PROTESTANT. by thinking they are not lightly to be led into anything new, unless there be most urgent occa- sion. In 1528 the visitation of the Saxon churches took place, and in the preface to the Smaller Catechism, then being introduced, he takes occasion to explain that, " many pastors are utterly unfit and incompetent to teach. And yet they are all called Christians, they are baptized and attend upon the holy Sacra- ments, they know neither ' Our Father,' nor * the creed,' nor the ' ten commandments,' but live like cattle and irrational swine. Yet now that the Gospel has come, they have learned excellently well to make a masterly abuse of Christian liberty." ^ In 1529 the Larger Catechism had been distributed amongst the more competent. In this work he re- garded preaching as the greatest and most essential thing. He recommended the Gospels to be explained at week-day services, but on Sundays, he says, '' we sanction the retention of the chasuble, crucifix, altar, and candles," which are used to this day through- out Protestant Germany. He laid great stress upon the continuance of the custom of elevating the bread and wine at the celebration of the Lord's Supper, and he also retained the Sanctus, but ordered it sung in German, which he set to music himself. In 1520 the loi grievances against the Pope were considered. > Hagenbach, ii. 9-18. THE GERMAN REVOLT. 37 Great changes were taking place in the domain of politics, as the battle of Pavia almost brought the bal- ance of power to the feet of Charles V., and he more than ever felt emboldened to root out the Lutheran heresy. The German Estates were reproved for not executing the provisions of the Edict of Worms, and appointed a convention of the Diet of Augsburg, January, 1526. This meeting adjourned, without ef- fecting any special results, to meet again at Speier in the following May. The Diet was not opened until the 25th of June, when a letter from his Im- perial Majesty Charles V. demanded the execution of the Edict of Worms. Mutterings were heard on every side, that the common people were already too well instructed to surrender themselves any longer with simple faith to the leading of others. Various conciliatory measures were proposed, as the cup to the laity, priestly marriages, diminution of fasts, etc., but no decision was reached. On the 27th of August an abstract of the proceedings were published which granted a temporary measure of toleration, which allowed the princes of the various provinces to man- age their own ecclesiastical affairs. From this funda- mental idea the principle of parity took root. Philip of Hesse took matters into his own hands, and availed himself of the assistance of the exiled Lambert. Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., had just come into possession of the throne of Hun- 38 THE WORD PROTESTANT. gary and Bohemia and at once published a severe edict against every departure from the Roman faith, which together with a " terrible secret " invented by one Otto von Pack, who offered to reveal the certain plot, entered into at Breslau for the surrender of Luther and all heretical preachers, to Philip of Hesse for 4,000 florins cash. These unfortunate measures only served to widen the breach that v/as fast sepa- rating clergy and laity. Even after Pack's invention was exposed and he was banished the country, Luther still had suspicions that there was some truth in the story. The whole of Germany was now clamoring for a council, and the Emperor called for a new Diet at Speier, which finally assembled the 15th of March, 1529. Frederick represented the absent emperor, and the Roman party, who had a distinct majority, resolved to annul the deliverance of the former Diet of 1526, whereupon the Elector of Sax- ony, the Elector of Brandenburg, the two Dukes of Luxemburg, Philip the landgrave of Hesse, the Prince of Anhalt and the deputies of fourteen cities of the Empire drew up a written protestation in the ** Retscher Palace " against the alleged arbitrary decree, and their followers were ever after called " Protestants." It will be quite obvious from the foregoing that neither Scripture nor classics entered into the formal protest, which was purely local in char- acter, and negative in action, just as we would pro- THE GERMAN REVOLT. 39 test against an unjust act or repudiate an illegal claim. It was not so much the word itself as it was the action of the lay princes that influenced all future thought and method upon the continent. Protests were not uncommon. They had been known to churchmen throughout all the ages. The basic prin- ciple underlying the action of our primitive bishops in drawing up the Nicene definition of the faith, was intended to rebuke the errors of Arianism. The Athanasian creed likewise is an ancient protest against the Archheretics Arius, Sabellius, Nestorius, and Apollinaris who had endeavored in every way to stifle or contract the truth. The Gallican Church had protested frequently against the invasion of her liberties by the See of Rome. The cardinals them- selves had solemnly protested against abuses of the Curia in 1 297. In turning to England we can reason- ably cite the Magna Charta as a declaration of the Church and Nation against oppression and selfishness. The State protested at Merton in 1236 against the intrusion of the Papal government at will and pleas- ure, and again in 1297 Parliament began in earnest to protest in the form of statutes against Papal law- lessness. Archbishop Chicheley protested against the decisions of Pope Martin V., Archbishop Cranmer standing at Christ Church gate, Oxford, 1536, uttered his memorable protest against the autocracy of the Pope to a general council, and Henry VIII., the most 40 THE WORD PROTESTANT. Catholic prince in Christendom, protested against the Council of Mantua or Vicenza in 1538. Still, there was no thought in the mind of any churchman, ex- pressed or implied, to create schism in the body of Christ. After 1529 Luther is no longer the leader of the Protestant Reformation in Germany. His temporizing methods were anomalous, and he gra- ciously yielded of necessity to the impulses that his voice and pen had set in motion. Luther had already assumed power to place pastors over congregations, and these Gospel preachers were everywhere forced into churches without any ordination, by the Elector of Saxony and Philip of Hesse, and when Charles V. demanded at the Diet of Augsburg, 1530, that they should be silenced, the Princes answered " that they could not with a good conscience comply with the request of His Majesty." The principle of their defense was *' that in matters of conscience, they, the minority, could submit themselves to no major- ity, but only the word of God." Luther's German Testament had been in circulation since 1522, and there was in consequence much expounding that went by the name of preaching that was nothing less than pure anarchy. The judicious Hooker in the opening words of his Ecclesiastical polity has de- clared a principle of universal application when he says, " He that goeth about to persuade a multi- tude that they are not so well governed as they THE GERMAN REVOLT. 4I ought to be, shall never want attentive and favorable hearers." By 1540 the breach in Germany was complete beyond recovery, and the minority is multiplied into a vast majority, with pastors and superintendents established in every province. The See of Naum- burg fell, vacant by the death of Bishop Philip, and the canons of the cathedral chapter regularly elected Julius von Pflug, but the Elector of Saxony would not recognize the choice, and, by virtue of his sovereign power, possessed himself of episcopal pre- rogatives and constituted " Nicholas Amsdorf," the superintendent of Magdeburg, administrator of spir- itual affairs, with the title of bishop. The installa- tion of Amsdorf took place on the 20th of January, 1 542. Luther was named to perform the ordination, in which he was assisted by the pastors of Naum- burg, Altenburg and Weissenfels. The ordination was very simple, and the canons were required to make oath that they would render obedience to the bishop in accordance with the Word of God and command of Christ. Such of the nobles as resisted had their estates confiscated, and one was cast into prison.^ Before proceeding, we must notice another Prot- estant named Zwingli, who said that he began to preach the Gospel in the year 15 16, and, by way of * Hagenbach Hist. Refn., vol. ii., p. 245. 4^ THE WORD PROTESTANT, pre-eminence, he asks : '' Who called me Lutheran then ? . . . I was ignorant of Luther's name for two years after I had made the Bible my sole treasury. . . . No man can esteem Luther more highly than I, nevertheless I testify before God and all mankind that I never in all my days wrote a syllable to him, nor he to me ; nor have I caused any other to write for me." Luther and Zwingli had much in common, although they were by no means agreed as to faith and practise in religion. One quotation will serve to make my meaning clear as to Luther's opinion of Zwinglianism : '' Blessed is the man that hath not stood in the council of the Sacramentarians, and hath not walked in the ways of the Zwinglians, nor sat in the seat of them at Zurich." Luther and Zwingli held like views on the theory of justifi- cation by faith alone, but differed widely on other things. Conclusions as to their divergent views can easily be arrived at by consulting their controversial writings and fixed standards of belief. In 1525, when the Eucharistic controversy began, Luther considered the Word and Sacraments the foundation pillars of the Church, and at this time had no desire to cut himself off from the universal Church. Infant baptism had already been attacked by the fanatics of Zwickau, who called it superstition and a " farce." The Supper of the Lord was next, the fiercest quarter of attack being at Zurich. Luther and THE GERMAN REVOLT. 43 Zwingli both repudiated the transubstantiation oi the bread in the sense in Vvhich this was taught by the Roman Catholic Church. The battle waged long and furiously around the words *' Hoc est corpus meum." Luther would not go to the extreme of making it a miracle, but he did assume a substantial (real) pres- ence of the Lord's body in the bread after consecra- tion, and it was a presence he could not understand, but which all must believe. This view he subse- quently expressed in the familiar term of consubstan- tiation, '' that the Body of the Lord was contained in, with, and under the bread, and that every one, even an unbelieving person, partook of this Body really and substantially." He held the same opinions in regard to the wine of the cup, and in support of his view appealed to the omnipotence of God. He cen- tered his weight of argument upon the copula " est " from the words of institution, and in this particular erred by giving disproportionate emphasis and at- taching the burden of proof to it. Zwingli attacked this position, and held that the word '' is " could not have this literal meaning, and brought the Scriptures, which he knew to be full of pictorial expressions, rhetorical figures, similes, and metaphors, to his aid. When Christ says, '' I am the vine," he does not mean that he is such in the natural sense of the word ; and when he called Peter a rock, he did not mean that the Apostle, consisting of flesh and bone, 44 THE WORD PROTESTANT. was a mere stone. He contended that the word " is," is employed many times in the Scriptures, and has the sense of signifies, as in the parable of the sower, "■ the seed signifies the Word of God." The fact remains that the Lord's Supper is designed to lead us from the visible to the invisible, and we may be assured that it was not without some design that Christ accompanied the giving of the bread to His disciples with the words, *' Take, eat : this is my body," and Zwingli had no right to change the words "this is" into an absolute "this signifies." Luther and Zwingli were agreed in holding to the absolute supremacy of Scripture irrespective of Church author- ity. Luther held a tentative doctrine of the real presence, but Zwingli absolutely denied any presence whatever. As a recent writer and historian (Prof. Collins, King's Coll., London) has stated that the term Protestant properly belongs to those who pro- fess the Augustan Confession, which was drawn up in June, 1530. It may not be amiss to quote from the Confession, and the Apology for the Confession of Augsburg, both written by Luther and Melanchthon, which succinctly express the Lutheran teaching on the Eucharist as it is held and professed to this day. Confession of Augsburg, Apology for the Confession 1530. 1531- " Falso accusantur ecclesiae " Initio hoc iterum praefan- nostrae, quod Missam aboleant, dum est, nos non abolere Mis- THE GERMAN REVOLT, 45 retinetur enim Missa apud nos, et summa reverentia celebratur, servantur et usitatae ceremoniae fere omnes . . . Itaque non videntur apud adversaries Mis- sae majore religione fieri quam apud nos." " Our churches are falsely ac- cused of abolishing the Mass, for the Mass is retained amongst us, and is celebrated with the greatest reverence, and nearly all the usual ceremonies are re- tained . . , therefore Masses do not appear to be performed with greater religious cere- mony by our adversaries than by us." sam, sed religiose retinere ac^ defendere. Fiunt enim apud nos Missae singulis Dominicis et aliis festis . . . et servantur usitatae ceremoniae publicae, ordo lection um, orationum, ves- titus, etalia similia." " In the first place this must be premised again, that we do not abolish the Mass, but scrupu- lously retain and defend it. For, the Masses are performed by us on the several Sundays and other, festivals, and the usual public ceremonies are retained such as the order of the lessons, prayers, the vestments, and other similar things." In our endeavors to identify all that is Protestant with Lutheranism let us bear in mind that the Con- fession of Augsburg retained the Mass, just as it is professed in Sweden to-day, where they retain Episcopacy on principle, the Mass-shirt or chasuble for their vestments, the Mass for their worship, and consubstantiation for their doctrine. As a matter of fact neither Zwingli nor the French ever sub- scribed the Confession of Augsburg, and from 1536 onwards a Zwinglo-Calvinist party existed, holding empirical views (though never called Protestants) un- til 1549 when the " Consensus Tigurinus " of Zurich fused them into a consistent equality to oppose 4.6 THE WORD PROTESTANT. Lutheranism, which they hated with a determined and enduring disHke. It is to Zwinglianism that Protestant sectarianism owes most, and if the Church of England had per- ished in Edward's or Mary's reign, it was to Zurich that the churchmen of that period would have looked. If a man is to be judged by what he has written, we should say that Luther was a strange compound of good and evil. When he says, '' Thou seest how rich is the Christian ; even if he will, he cannot de- stroy his salvation by any sins, how grievous soever, unless he refuse to believe." '' Be thou a sinner and sin boldly, but still more boldly believe and rejoice in Christ. From Him sin shall not separate us ; no, though a thousand times in every day we should commit fornication or murder." *' If in faith an adultery were committed it were no sin. The Gospel does not bid us do anything, or bid us leave anything undone ; it exacts nothing of us ; quite the con- trary. In place of saying, ' Do this. Do that,' it simply requires us to spread out our lap and accept, saying, ' Hold ! See what God has done for you, and given His own Son to be incarnate for you ; ac- cept the gift, believe, and you are saved.' In every- thing else he leaves you perfect liberty to do exactly what you like, without any peril to your conscience; even — for He is quite indifferent to it — you may THE GERMAN REVOLT. 47 abandon your wife, or desert your husband, or not keep an engagement you have contracted, for what concern is it to God whether you do these things or not ? " To one suffering with remorse on account of his sins he wrote, " Drink, play, laugh, and do some sin even as an act of defiance and contempt to the Devil. Therefore if the devil says to you, ' Don't drink so,* do you reply to him, ' aye, I will drink all the more copiously in the name of Christ.' Thus do just contrary to that which Satan (i. e. con- science) prompts. One can drive these Satanic thoughts away by introducing other thoughts, such as that of a pretty girl, avarice, drunkenness, or by giving way to violent passion ; such is my ad- vice. ^ It would be quite unfair to Luther, however, to omit giving him credit for one great truth which he ennobled, viz. : " The gifts of God are without money and without price." Luther reduced the Sacraments to two, '' Baptismus et Panis," although he retained the name of Sacrament to absolution. He argued, however, that if faith includes mystic incorporation with Christ, there is no room for Sacraments. He reasoned that Sacraments without faith are empty forms, while with faith they are simply recollections, spurs to effort, and opportunities of devotion. He attached no special sacramental efficacy to the water 1 See Baring Gould, " Luther and Justification." 48 THE WORD PROTESTANT. of baptism in his later years, as he considered any and all water baptism, and any bread and wine spiritual as well as material aliment to the faithful. Luther's "■ Glaube " meant justification by belief, as much as justification by faith, and hence the in- tellect was made supreme with no saving clause against liberty and license, which in every way in- vited the Antinomian heresy. The authority of Scripture was Luther's animating principle, and this he set up against the authority of the Church, and utterly ignored the fact that it was the heads of the Church in the second century, that forged the weapon he was now using against her. Luther was a singularly gifted man, and his powerful genius influ- enced the Reformation everywhere, but the trials of his declining years showed that he was wanting in mental equipoise. He was intensely self-conscious and egotistical, he says : '' I am God's hammer," " I am Luther." He insisted upon liberty of thought and speech in matters of religion, and placed con- science above bishop, priest, and law. Luther had drunk deeply of Augustine's melancholy, and Tau- ler's mysticism, and was supremely jealous -of all that came or seemed to come between the soul and God. He overstrained the doctrine of justification by faith into Solfidianism. He made a sort of half- hearted apology for works, but when he finds an apostle disagreeing with him, decides to throw out THE GERMAN REVOLT. 49 the writings of St. James ''■ as an epistle of straw." ^ It is no more than just to state that th^ merit of " Works " had been so intimately connected with all that was religious in the past, such as beads, rosaries, the fifteen O's, St. Agathe's letters, purgatory, sta- tions, jubilees, relics, bells, fastings, and pardons, had been so abused so as to be followed as a principle of faith, there was a disposition on the part of the in- structed, to resort to extremes, and when individuals abandoned Popery, like the pagan abandonment of idols in the first century, they turned the grace of God into lasciviousness. Erasmus openly charged the early reformers with lack of moral principle which accounted to some extent for the rapid victo- ries of the cause. It is an open secret that, Carlstadt supposing the Mosaic law to be valid on the subject of matrimony, advised a man to marry two wives,^ and as late as 1539, Luther, Melanchton and Bucer connived at the secret cohabitation of Philip of Hesse with a mistress whom he called his wife while his true wife was still living.^ Luther looked upon the Bible as simply a record of so many facts, and was held in the strictest sense to be the test of Scholastic Theology, the Papacy, * " The Epistle of James is contentious, swelling, dry, strawy, and unworthy of an Apostolic Spirit." (Praef. in Epist. Jac in Ed. Jen.) 2 Hardwick Ref. 370. Cf. Bossuet, variations. 3 (Ranke, Ref. ii. 204.) 5o THE WORD PROTESTANT. and General Councils. The greatness of Luther for the most part lay in the destructive element of his work, in establishing a principle of free interpreta- tion, which if left to the vagaries of every individual who thinks he has a mission, it falls under the cate- gory of any other book, and opens up a wide field for the very wildest absurdities. When Calvin was the dictator of the Genevan Republic he wrote that the written oracles of God were not of private in- terpretation, a judgment wholly inconsistent with ^Protestant methods of reform. The Protestants of Germany, by force of reaction, denied the existence of a Church, and a Divinely-appointed ministiy. It is presumed that Luther never made any effort to distinguish between the rights and privileges which constitute the sacerdotal character of Christians generally, and the authority transmitted from our Lord to one special order of the Church, who offi- ciate in His name, for the edification of the whole body of Christians. He held the democratic idea of the natural priesthood of all believers, and in apply- ing his " justification by faith " theory, there was no need of priest, visible church, or sacrificial rite. He saw no distinction between clergy and laity except one of office, as one baptism, one faith, one Gospel, make all alike Christians. '* Religion," he said, " is a matter simply between the believer and Christ. Christianity is personal, a spiritual power within the THE GERMAN REVOLT. soul holding relations with God alone. When the promise of the Gospel is once understood and ac- cepted, what more is necessary ? " Luther formulated the principle that, " whoever is qualified to adminis- ter the Sacraments, becomes so in virtue of the con- gregation's choice, and when he is deprived of ofifice becomes as other men." To the official Luther ap- pointed over the vacated parishes, and organized assemblies, he gave the title Pastor, as being more consistent with the character of their work. Luther and Zwingli having renounced the priesthood, they had no authority to confer orders upon any, and Me- lanchthon and Calvin were simply laymen. If Christ had a visible church upon earth in the sixteenth century of which any section of Continental Europe could be called a part, it is certain that these early reforming Protestants knew they were departing from it, and furthermore it is absurd to arraign the clergy with a sweeping immorality as justification for the breach, and by inference or silence, convey- ing the impression that the laity were sound, loyal, and virtuous. It was the monks and clergy above all others who ennobled the arts of painting, liter- erature, and sculpture in the ages preceding the Ref- ormation. In Denmark Episcopacy was violently suppressed as early as 1536, the king and council having already (1530) reached the conclusion that the words '' bishop," and ** presbyter " are interchange- 52 THE WORD PROTESTANT. able in Holy Scripture. The qualification for pastors throughout the Saxon Communion, it was ruled, " that any citizen of irreproachable life and com- petent learning might be selected without regard to his profession or employment." Priest, however, is an ofificial character, always on the Catholic side of historical Christianity and it may be well to note that primitive Christians, believed in the Church as a visible organized society, the home of Divine grace, the repository of spiritual truth, the organ of Divine authority, and Priest has ever been associated with this visible society, the guardian of her inherent rights, the steward of her mysteries, whereby God is pleased to keep the soul of the believer in vital con- tact with Himself. If Sacraments were a divinely ap- pointed means by which grace is imparted to the soul, it may well accord with God's purpose to en- trust its administration to a priest, who claims suc- cession from the apostles, through the channel of the historic Episcopate. Priests and Sacraments must, of necessity, stand or fall together. Luther was the child of destiny, a man of un- daunted courage, resoluteness, and daring, but we are persuaded from all he witnessed around him, ere his voice was hushed in death, he would gladly have re- called many erratic judgments which had hastily unbarred a destructive criticism, and irrevocably ob- scured to countless multitudes the vision and hope THE GERMAN REVOLT, 53 of immortality. When we ask ourselves what par- ticular blessing Luther bequeathed to his country- men, we are reminded of Anthony's speech over the remains of Caesar : '^ The evil that men do lives after them; the good is oft interred with their bones;" and so it came to pass, even before Luther had van- ished from the scene of action, Protestantism had fallen into pitiable anarchy. In less than one year after the final rupture the Protestants were hope- lessly divided, one section following the rationalist Carlstadt, the other still standing by their chieftain, Luther. In Luther's lifetime sects began to multi- ply, and justified their action on the principle of individual interpretation. He had been a cognizant witness of the Peasant War, which justified itself upon religious grounds, and before he passed away in 1546 he beheld the gathering clouds that ended in the Schmalkeldic War. Amongst the Zwickau prophets was one Storch, a weaver, who had a confi- dential communication from the Angel Gabriel ; and another weaver named Thomas ; and Stiibner, a student, had forsaken their labors for the easier method of supernatural illumination. To these was added Thomas Miinzer, the real founder of the party, who asks, " Why such a slavish reverence for what the Bible says ? What is a mere book ? Have we not voices, impulses, aye, revelations from the Holy Spirit dictating all we should do ? " 54 THE WORD PROTESTANT. In 1534 the Anabaptists (the legitimate ancestors of our modern Baptists) took possession of Munster, and pillaged churches, desecrated altars, established a community of goods, proclaimed polygamy, and committed fearful acts of debauchery and crime. Besides the above-mentioned, there were the follow- ers of John of Leyden, Antinomians, Libertines, Socialists, Schwenckfeldians, and Pantheistic Mys- tics, each in their turn discovering something new. Every imaginable form of free thought justified it- self on Luther's ultimate premises, and very soon moral revolt followed which questioned and discred- ited all reform. Every new sect, of course, was a source of weakness to Protestantism, and when the Roman Church discovered their hopelessness to win them back, they encouraged dissent, which eventu- ally added strength to her cause, as it corroborated her previous verdict, that it was merely a revolt in the interest of private judgment. Protestantism legitimately belongs to Germany, with a possible extension to Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, but in strictness excludes all other countries and communi- ties. From the year 1529 the Protestants of Ger- many have been known by the name of " Lutherans," and the Zwinglians and Calvinists, who originally had nothing in common with them, were called ** Reformed." But notice this latter title undergoes another change when Calixtus (i 586-1656) fused THE GERMAN REVOLT. S5 Calvinists and Lutherans into a new Syncretist com- munion, which they set up as the State Church of Prussia, and assumed to themselves the official title " Evangelical," and the word Protestant is now claimed as by heredity the peculiar and distinct heri- tage of the propagandists of free thought in Ger- many. When the Luther monument was unveiled at Worms on June 25, 1868, all those of the speakers who explicitly described themselves as * Protestants " seized the opportunity to assail the fundamental doctrines of Christianity itself. A little later. Professor Bluntschli, of Heidelberg, presi- dent of the ** Protestanten-Verein," speaking as an unwelcome guest at the Old Catholic Congress in Cologne on St. Matthew's day, September 21, 1872, asserted that no agreement in dogma or worship is possible for mankind, not even amongst Protestants themselves, but only in moral and ethical life ; and that " every attempt to formulate the truth is merely relative, and cannot be absolute ; " explaining, in making these statements, he was expressing the ma- tured opinions of all German Protestants. Luther's heritage to the world is what is represented at Tubingen to-day, one of whose disciples named Baur said at Bonn not many years ago that he had discovered " the bondage to a book was as bad as bondage to a church." Erasmus in his lifetime received the credit of lay- 56 THE WORD PROTESTANT. ing the ^gg that Luther hatched, but he met the remark, by saying, "■ The truth is I laid a hen's ^g See Archives of the State of Maryland, Annapolis. II 1 62 THE WORD PROTESTANT. vestry was expected to be invited, and to send dele- gates to the June meeting in 1784, thus sanctioning and providing for the laity as in every case before. When the convention had assembled at Baltimore, June 22, 1784, their first business was to take into consideration the proceedings of the clerical mem- bers at their meeting in August, 1783, when the lay delegates desired leave to retire and consult upon the same ; and on their return, reported by Mr. Joseph Coudon that they had read and dis- cussed the same, paragraph by paragraph, and unani- mously approved thereof. Before the close of this convention, a committee was appointed, consisting of Rev. Dr. Smith, Rev. William West, Rev. John Andrews, Mr. Joseph Coudon, A. M., Hon. Richard Ridgley, and Dr. Thomas Cradock, to digest and publish the proceedings of this convention, and such parts of former conventions as may be judged neces- sary to lay before the public, etc. They began their report by saying, " The proceedings of the clergy and laity of this Church at sundry conferences, meet- ings, or conventions, both jointly and severally, during the three years last past." Dr. Smith was a man of varied accomplishments, but he failed of being consecrated, owing possibly to Tory opposi- tion or other minor indiscretions. The Rev. Dr. Seabury was elected to the episco- pate of Connecticut the latter part of March, 1783, ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 163 and, after long delay, he was consecrated by the non- juring bishops of Scotland, November 14, 1784. It was at this juncture that the Connecticut clergy took action in regard to a pamphlet issued by Dr. White in Philadelphia towards the close of the year 1782, and instructed Abraham Jarvis, their secretary, to corhmunicate with Dr. White in relation to his proposed ordaining board. This letter was dated Woodbury, March 25, 1783, and is in part as fol- lows : — '' Reverend Sir, — We, the clergy of Connecticut, met at Woodbury, in voluntary convention, beg leave to acquaint you that a small pamphlet, printed in Philadelphia, has been transmitted to us, of which you are said to be the author. This pamphlet pro- poses a new form of government in the Episcopal Church, and points at the method of erecting it. As the thirteen states have now arisen to independ- ent sovereignty, we agree with you, sir, that the chain which connected this with the Mother Church is broken ; and the American Church is now left to stand in its own strength, and that some change in its regulations must in due time take place. But we think it premature and of dangerous consequence to enter upon so capital a business till we have resi- dent bishops (if they can be obtained) to assist in the performance of it, and to form a new union in the American Church, under proper superiors, since 1 64 THE WORD PROTESTANT. its union is now broken with such superiors in the Brit- ish Church. Dr. White seemingly argued from the sec- tarian premises that the bishop derived his office and existence from the king's authority. The Connecticut clergymen argue that he (White) could not have proposed to set up a ministry, without waiting for the succession, had you believed Episcopal superior- ity to be an ordinance of Christ, with the exclusive authority of ordination and government, and that it has ever been so esteemed in the purest ages of the Church. . . . You plead necessity, however, and argue that the best writers in the Church admit of Presbyterian ordination, where Episcopal cannot be had. . . . We think the Episcopal superiority to be an ordinance of Christ, and we think that the uni- form practise of the whole American Church, for near a century, sending their candidates near 3,000 miles for holy orders is more than a presumptive proof that the Church here are, and ever have been, of this opinion," etc.* Dr. White, in his pamphlet, ** The Case of the Episcopal Churches Considered," argued with per- spicuity, but his reasons were principally drawn from the Presbyterian armory. When he states " that English Protestants, during the persecution of Queen Mary, fled to Germany and Geneva," we un- hesitatingly assert that most every one of them went * Appendix to Bishop White's Memoirs, p, 282. ADOPTED IN AMERICA. i6s to Zurich and Frankfort. He affirms that the return, ing exiles who had received sectarian ordination were admitted to hold benefices in England, as in the case of Whittingham, already referred to. He cites the Law " 13th Elizabeth 12," which Non-Conform- ists had endeavored to wrest from its original context on the merest technicality in favor of non-Episcopal ordination, etc.-^ There is another instance of how little the good Dr. White knew of ecclesiastical events outside his own country, as on page 20 of his Memoirs he states, " No sooner was it known in America that Great Britain had acknowledged her independence, than a few young gentlemen to the southward . . . applied to the then Bishop of London, Dr. Lowth, for orders." Dr. Lowth was Bishop of London, accord- ing to^ Bishop Stubb's *' Registrum Sacrum Angli- canum" (2d ed. 1897), from 1766 to 1777. Drs. McConnell and McMaster, following in the footsteps of Bishop White, are clearly in error when they quote Dr. Lowth as Bishop of London in 1784. As Bishop White, in his Memoirs (p. 86, 2d ed.) claimed to be the '* proposer of the measure of intro- ducing lay members into the first ecclesiastical as- sembly in any of the States," the principle of which he first advocated in a pamphlet already referred to, it will be in order to examine step by step, to * The Case, etc., is printed in full in Bishop Perry's N. D., p. 421. 1 66 THE WORD PROTESTANT. show how the separate fragments were gathered into a collective body. The first thought that was given to the subject in Pennsylvania was merely in con- versation between Dr. White and Dr. Magaw on the 13th of November, 1783, which resulted in the pre- liminary meeting of the clergy and vestries of Christ, St. Peter's, and St. Paul's Churches, on the 31st of March, 1784. The clergy present at this meeting were the Rev. Dr. White, the Rev. Dr. Magaw, and the Rev. Robert Blackwell. There were two laymen from each parish invited, as follows : Matthew Clark- son, William Pollard, Christ Church ; Dr. Clarkson, John Chalnor, St. Peter's ; Lambert Wilmer, Esq., Plunket Fleeson, Esq., St. Paul's. Matthew Clark- son and Dr. Clarkson were not present, as they had been detained by sickness. The supreme question before this body of three clergymen and four laymen was the urgent necessity of speedily adopting meas- ures for the forming of a plan of ecclesiastical gov- ernment for the Episcopal Church, if possible, with the concurrence of the Episcopalians of the United States in general, and to this end it was resolved to send a circular-letter to the wardens and vestrymen of the respective Episcopal congregations in the State, which was entrusted to the Rev. Dr. White, ch^airman, who issued the letter, inviting one or more of each vestry throughout the state to meet in Christ Church on Monday, the 24th day of May, 1784. ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 167 Two months previous to the preliminary meeting, held in Philadelphia, the Rev. Abraham Beach, of New Brunswick, New Jersey, wrote the following letter to the Rev. Dr. White under date of January 26, 1784: — *' Reverend Sir : — I always expected that, as soon as the return of peace should put it in their power, the members of the Episcopal Church in this country would interest themselves in its behalf — would en- deavor to introduce order and uniformity into it and provide for a succession in the ministry. The silence on this subject which hath universally prevailed, and still prevails, is a matter of real concern to me, as it seems to portend an utter extinction of that church which I so highly venerate. As I flatter myself your sentiments correspond with my own, I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of writing you on the subject. Every person I have conversed with is fully sensible that something should be done, and the sooner the better. For my own part, I think the first step that should be taken, in the present unset- tled state of the Church, is to get a meeting of as many of the clergy as can be conveniently col- lected. Such a meeting appears to be peculiarly necessary in order to look into the condition of the widow's fund, which may at present be an object worth attending to, but will unavoidably dwindle to nothing if much longer neglected. Would it not, 1 68 THE WORD PROTESTANT, therefore, be proper to advertise a meeting of the corporation in the spring at Brunswick, or any other place that may be thought more convenient, and en- deavor to get together as many as possible of the clergy, who are not members, at the same time and place. A sincere regard to the interests of the Church induces me to make these proposals, wishing to be favored with your sentiments upon this sub- ject. If anything should occur to you as necessary to be done in order to put us upon an equal footing with other denominations of Christians, and cement us together in the bonds of love, I should be happy in an opportunity of assisting in it." Dr. White replied to the above communication on the 7th of February, and the Rev. Abraham Beach immediately communicated Dr. White's concurrence in the movement to the Rev. Mr. Provost and the Rev. Mr. Moore, of New York. In this letter of Rev. Mr. Beach's, under date of March 22, 1784, he says to Dr. White : " In a letter I received from Mr. Blackwell, some time ago, he proposed Tuesday, nth May, as a proper time for the meeting, and acquiesced with my proposal of Brunswick for the place. . . . Some of the lay members may perhaps scarcely think it worth their while to take so much trouble without a prospect of immediate profit to themselves. I cannot but flatter myself, however, that there are some still ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 169 who would wish to promote the interests of religion in general to save the Church of which we are mem- bers from utter decay, and consequently to promote the real happiness and prosperity of the country. Persons of this character will not, surely, withhold their assistance at this very critical juncture," etc., etc. The Rev. Mr. Beach wrote again to the Rev. Dr. White, April 13, 1784: " I have just received a letter from Mr. Provost signifying his concurrence of our meeting at Bruns- wick on Tuesday, May nth. I wish you would be so good as to advertise it in one of your newspapers, with an invitation to all clergymen of the Episcopal Church, and perhaps you may think it proper to in- vite respectable characters of the laity, as matters of general concern to the Church may probably be dis- cussed. ... I am much obliged to you for the pamphlet (the Case of the Episcopal Churches, etc.) you were so kind to send me. I had the pleasure of reading it on its first publication, and am happy to agree with you in every particular excepting the necessity of receding from ancient usages. If this necessity existed in time of war, I cannot think that it does at present," etc. The meeting proposed by the Rev. Mr. Beach took place at New Brunswick, May 11, 1784, was composed of ten clergymen and six laymen from the States of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. 70 THE WORD PROTESTANT. The chief object of this meeting was the revival of the corporation for the relief of the widows and orphans of the clergy. A committee was also ap- pointed to secure the cooperation of the whole Church (especially Connecticut) in measures looking to the formation and consolidation of the whole Church. This committee was instructed to secure the interest of the clergy and laity of the scattered churches in a general meeting proposed to be held in New York, October 5, 1784. Bishop White, in his Memoirs, makes no allusion, in the account of this New Brunswick gathering, to the plan and pur- pose of union so ardently desired by the Rev. Mr. Beach. In pursuance with the previous invitation the clergy and laity of Pennsylvania assembled at Christ Church May 24, 1784. There were four clergy men, viz., Dr. White of Christ Church, Rev. Wm. Blackwell of St. Peter's, the Rev. Wm. Magaw of St. Paul's, and the Rev. Jos. Hutchins of St. James, Lancaster. There were twenty-one laymen present, eight of whom represented the above named parishes and the balance represented ten churches which were nothing more than missions, as they were entirely supported by the S. P. G. Dr. White was chosen chairman, and Mr. William Pollard of Christ Church, clerk. This was not the first formal con- ference where the laity had been accorded the rights ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 171 and privileges of membership, but it was probably the first meeting that had taken formal action on parish representation, as a committee consisting of four clergy and five laymen " resolved, that each church shall have one vote, whether represented by one or more persons ; or whether two or more united congregations be represented by one man, or set of men." The result of the deliberations of the clergy and laity, from the sundry congregations of the Episcopal Church in the State of Pennsylvania, set forth a series of fundamental rules or principles, which were founded upon the Maryland " declaration of religi- ous rights," but is more concisely expressed under the following heads : I. That the Episcopal Church in these states is and ought to be independent of all foreign author- ity, ecclesiastical or civil. II. That it hath and ought to have, in common with all other religious societies, full and exclusive powers to regulate the concerns of its own com- munion. III. That the doctrines of the Gospel be main- tained as now professed by the Church of England ; and uniformity of worship be continued, as near as may be, to the Liturgy of the said Church. IV. That the succession of the ministry be agree- ably to the usage which requireth the three orders 172 THE WORD PROTESTANT. of bishops, priests, and deacons ; that the rights and powers of the same respectively be ascertained, and that they be exercised according to reasonable laws, to be duly made. V. That to make canons or laws, there be no other authority than that of a representative body of the clergy and laity conjointly. VI. That no powers be delegated to a general ecclesiastical government except such as cannot conveniently be exercised by the clergy and vestries in their respective congregations. (Signed) WILLIAM White, Chairman, The clergy of Maryland met again at Chester, Ocl;ober, 1784, and adopted certain constitutions, in many respects similar to those afterwards adopted by the general convention. The clergy of Massachusetts and Rhode Island met at Boston and adopted substantially the same principles that the Philadelphia convention had adopted the previous May, 1784. It was stated at this Boston meeting to be the unanimous opinion of the clergy assembled ** that it is beginning at the wrong end to attempt to organize our church before we have obtained a head." ^ At the New Brunswick meeting of May 11, 1784, it was unanimously agreed to before parting to 1 Bishop Leighton Coleman Hist, of Am. Ch., p. 143. ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 173 procure as general a meeting as might be, of clergy and laity of the different states, in the city of New York, on the 6th of October, 1784. The clergy and laity of New York were to notify the brethren eastward, and those of Philadelphia were to do the same southward. According to invitation, the gen- tlemen of the various states named below assembled in the city of New York, October 5th, 1784. There were present six clergymen and three laymen from New York ; one clergyman and three laymen from New Jersey; three clergymen and four laymen from Pennsylvania ; two clergymen and one layman from Delaware ; one clergyman from Maryland ; one clergyman frdm Connecticut ; one clergyman from Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; one clergyman from Virginia " by permission." The chief business of this convention was to ** unite in a general ecclesiastical constitution, on the following fundamental principles : " I. That there shall be a general convention of the Episcopal Church in the United States of America. II. That the Episcopal Church in each State send deputies to the convention, consisting of clergy and laity. III. That associated congregations in two or more states may send deputies jointly. IV. That the said Church shall maintain the doctrines of the Gospel as now held by the Church 174 THE WORD PROTESTANT. of England, and shall adhere to the Liturgy of the said Church, as far as shall be consistent with the American Revolution and the constitutions of the respective states. V. That in every state where there shall be a bishop duly consecrated and settled, he shall be considered as a member of the convention ex officio- VI. That the clergy and laity assembled in con- vention shall deliberate in one body, but shall vote separately; and the concurrence of both shall be necessary to give validity to every measure. VII. That the first meeting of the convention shall be at Philadelphia, the Tuesday before the feast of St. Michael next, etc. Signed by order of the convention, William Smith, D.D., President, The following committee was appointed to draw up a constitution for the Church, and report the fol- lowing September, 1785 : — The Rev. Dr. Smith, Maryland; Mr. John De Hart, New Jersey ; Rev. Mr. Parker, Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; Mr. Robert Clay, Delaware ; Rev. Dr. White, and Mr. Clarkson, of Pennsylvania ; Rev. Mr. Provost, and Mr. Duane, of New York. Subsequent to the New York meeting the clergy and laity of the Church in Pennsylvania met at the house of Dr. White on the 7th of February, 1785, ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 75 when it was resolved to send to every clergyman and congregation in the state an account of the New York meeting, and recommended that clergy and deputies assemble in Philadelphia, May 23, 1785, to form an " Act of Association " in the State of Pennsylvania. This document begins as follows : — " Whereas, by the late Revolution, the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America is become independent, etc. ... It is therefore, hereby determined, and declared by the clergy who do now, or who hereafter shall sign this act, and by the congregations who do now, or who hereafter shall consent to this act, either by its being ratified by their respective vestries, or by its being signed by their deputies duly authorized, that the said clergy and congregations shall be called and known by the name of " The Protestant Episcopal Church,** in the State of Pennsylvania. This document was signed by five clergymen and eleven laymen on the 24th day of May, in Philadel- phia, I7&5.^ Dr. White sent this Act of Association to the vari- ous clergy throughout the states. The Rt. Rev. Bishop Seabury arrived at his home in Connecticut some time in July, 1785, and very soon after invited his clergy and the brethren of the 1 Bishop Perry's Notes and Documents, pp. 40-43. 176 THE WORD PROTESTANT. Southern States to meet with him in Middletown, Conn., August 3, 1785. The reply of the Phila- delphia clergy was an invitation to those of Connec- ticut to come to the approaching general convention in September. Dr. White's pamphlet was seemingly unknown to Seabury until his return, and having read it he undertook to refute Dr. White's presby- terian polity in a series of letters. On the 19th of August he wrote: "The two points about which I am most concerned are, your circumscribing the Episcopal power within such narrow bounds, depriving the bishop of all government in the Church except as a presbyter, and your subjecting him and yourselves to be tried before a convention of pres- byters and laymen. If these two points are adhered to ... it will either fall into parties and dissolve, or sink into real Presbyterianism." On the 15th of August the Bishop had written Dr. Smith, of Chester, Md., who was seemingly very much exercised about the Church's property, as one paragraph reads : I can see no good ground of apprehension concerning the titles of estates or emoluments belonging to the Church in your state. Your Church is still the Church of England, subsisting under a different civil government. We have in America the Church of Holland, of Scotland, of Sweden, of Moravia, and why not of England ? Our being of the Church of England no more implies dependence on, or subjec- ADOPTED IN AMERICA. lyy tion to England, than being of the Church of Holland implies subjection to Holland. In case it should appear that Bishop Seabury was alone in his con- tention with Dr. White, we quote one paragraph from the Rev. Dr. Chandler, of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, September 20, 1785, in which he re- produces a sentence from Hooker, viz. : — "A Bishop is a Minister of God, unto whom, with perma- nent continuance, is committed a power of chiefly government over presbyters as well as laymen, a power to be by way of jurisdiction, a Pastor even to pastors themselves." Chandler quotes " Sage " and other authors against " Baxter " and finally entreats Dr. White not to give his consent to rob Episcopacy of its essential rights.^ The meeting of the first general convention was anticipated with much interest throughout the whole country, and was composed of sixteen clergy and twenty-six laymen from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, as follows : — New York, one clergyman, one layman ; New Jersey, two clergymen, one layman; Pennsylvania, five clergymen, thirteen laymen ; Delaware, one clergyman, six laymen; Maryland, five clergymen, two laymen ; Virginia, one clergyman, one layman ; South Carolina, one clergyman, two laymen. » Bishop Perry's Notes and Documents, pp. 69-87. 178 THE WORD PROTESTANT. When the committee reported on what has ever since been known as the "■ Proposed Book " (which was never ratified as the service book of the Ameri- can Church), it was entitled, '' Alterations in the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, According to the Use of the Church of England, Proposed and Recommended to the Prot- estant Episcopal Church in the United States of America." As Dr. Smith, Dr. White, and Dr. Wharton were responsible for the Alterations and Amendments to the Prayer Book, a voluminous cor- respondence was entered into concerning the same. On the 28th of October Dr. Smith wrote Dr. White concerning the word " Catholic *' in the words " Good Estate of the Catholic Church," which had been objected to in a Maryland convention. " Although considered intelligible enough to many, yet it is not approved of by many others, on account of the vul- gar application of it to one particular church." About the loth of February, 1786, Dr. White sends Dr. Smith the Common Prayer with some queries (Page 10, Prot. Ep. Churches) : '' Would it not be better in ye singular number — at least it should be so when we speak of ye acts of ye late convention, in order to harmonize with ye phraseology of ye con- stitution ? " Dr. Smith replied to this in March, 1786: ''Protestant Episcopal Churches should be ADOPTED IN AMERICA. 179 in the singular number; and yet if all our New England brethren should not join us, they may say we take too much on us to call seven or eight States the whole Protestant Episcopal Church of America. I do not remember the connection of the paragraph ; but if it be churches, in the plural, some such idea must have been in my head ; or it is a mistake of the pen. Make this and other like things consistent to your best judgment ; for I know you will not Aitken- ize (Aitken, a printer) anything, being too judicious to put a patch that would not consort with the gar- ment at large." The first time in which all the churches are spoken of as " One Body " was at the conference held at New York, October 6, 1784, when certain "funda- mental principles" were adopted as a basis for a con- stitution, and the second time was at Philadelphia, May 24, 1785, when the Pennsylvania delegates rati- fied these previous recommendations. The name " Protestant " was made familiar to Wilmer, Smith, and others by colloquial usage in Maryland particularly, where Roman Catholics were struggling for toleration and recognition. The terms Protestant and Catholic were used generally to ex- press the zenith and nadir of ecclesiastical polities. The title '' Roman Catholic " was ordinarily applied to that section of the church in Maryland that claimed the Italian headship before the "Bill of Rights" l8o THE WORD PROTESTANT. granted toleration, just as every deed, will, and con- tract have borne it ever since. There is a record of Protestants, *'The Servants of Cornwallis,'* assem- bling for mutual edification as early as 1638, A. D. In 1642 we find a small colony disturbed by an attempt to deprive certain Protestant Catholics of the use of their chapel, and to despoil them of the books of the same. Bozman thinks this term can only mean the members of the Church of England. Henry Moore, the Jesuit, writing to Rome in 1642, speaks of English churchmen as heretics. This was some eight or ten years after the first Roman Cath- olic emigrants arrived in the chartered colony. When the civil war broke out in England anti-Cath- olic measures were enacted by the Legislature of Maryland, but the restoration of 1660 brought them a more liberal policy. Alsop (J esuit), writing in i (^6, refers to certain heretics of Maryland by calling them " Protestant Episcopal," which was equivalent to *' Protestant Catholic," as used in the colony in 1642. Maryland had become the refuge of Jesuits, but the Roman Catholics of the State had always borne a threatening aspect to the minds of all Prot- estants, and it was a simple matter to raise a war-cry against them at any time. When William of Orange was about to invade England, the people of Mary- land feared that the State would be placed in antag- onism to the movement by Lord Baltimore, who was AD OPTED IN AMERICA. \ 8 1 a Romanist, on account of the existing enmity be- tween France and England. A society was there- fore formed in Maryland for " The Defense of the Protestant Religion and the Asserting of the Right of King William and Queen Mary to the Province of Maryland and all the English Dominions." Although Lord Baltimore had been made proprietary governor, he never resided in, or even visited, Maryland. In 1684 Lord Baltimore was ordered to place all offices in the hands of Protestants in Maryland. The adop- tion of the title " Protestant Episcopal " in the State of Pennsylvania was clearly an usurpation of the first principles of right, as the Moravians, who at that time occupied Nazareth and Bethlehem were known in law as "Protestant Episcopal" as an act of Parliament passed on the 12th day of May, in the twenty-first year of the reign of George IL, 1747, enacted . . . "And, whereas, the said con- gregations are an ancient Protestant Episcopal Church, which has been countenanced and relieved by the kings of England, your Majesty's prede- cessors. . . . Every person being a member of the said Protestant Episcopal Church, known by the name of Unites Fratrum, or United Brethren," etc., etc. ^ The Moravian Church, which had a center of worship at Salem, North Carolina, was generally known as a church having bishops, and were called » Phila. Hist. Soc, E. 6135. 1 82 TBE WORD PROTESTANT, by Johnson, of Stratford, and Caner, of Boston, Protestant Episcopalians, about 1764. The Rev. James Jones Wilmer, the proposer of our church's title, was brought up as a churchman, and ordained in 1773. His name disappears from church records in 1784, but it occurs a number of times in docu- ments and letters at present in possession of the State of Maryland. On the 17th day of March, 1777, ^^ applied to the General Assembly for per- mission to act as chaplain to the Annapolis first regiment of foot. On the 31st of July, 1778, he applied to the Hon. Council for a passport for him- self and family to Europe. The pass, " by the opportunity of a British flag of truce," is dated Elizabethtown, March 5, 1779. On the 26th of July, 1779, Wilmer accused William Sluber, of Ches- terton, of high treason. Sluber appeared at Annap- olis and cleared himself. On the 21st of May, 1781, he wrote to Governor Lee apologizing for his ignorance in the forms of court business, and finally assures him that he is not merely politically, but personally a friend of his Excellency's person and government. June 14, 1784, he instructs the dele- gates from St. George's and St. John's, Harford County, to use their endeavors to maintain the purity of the Episcopal Church, consistent with the har- mony of the state, as the Protestant Episcopal Church has an equal right with other denominations. ADOPTED IN AMERICA, 183 to retain her form and ceremonies.^ The next time we hear of James Jones VViimer he had become a Swedenborgian, and, according to his own record, preached the first sermon in the court-house of Baltimore, the first Sunday in April, 1792. Sweden- borg died in 1772, and Wilmer, having secured " memorable relations of Baron Swedenborg," was led to renounce his church, probably for reasons of united Christendom, as given in his notes appended to the sermon : ** On the clearest evidence of Scrip- ture, I am entirely satisfied of the authenticity of the heavenly doctrine of the New Jerusalem Church, and that they are of the last (highest) importance to every seeking soul that pants after a glorious immor- tality." It is singular that in the small society exist- ing in this place, there are members from almost every denomination. This shows how it meets the hearts of believers and is wisely calculated to establish a universal church." ^ Latitudinarian and Unitarian principles had been long nurtured in Maryland, as in other sections further north. Hoadley, Bishop of Bangor, who had denied the existence of any visible church, and had scoffed at the maintenance of ortho- dox tests, and the claims of church government, as early as 171 7, was the accepted authority in matters ecclesiastical. The Church of England that was * See Archives of the State deposited at present in Hist. Society, Baltimore, Md. • Sermon— Ridgway Branch Phila. Lib., Al. 54231-a 1 84 THE WORD PROTESTANT, first planted in these American colonies, was part of the true vine, as we profess in our creeds, the one Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, and, on their becoming free and independent of the British Crown, the church which had taken the most interest and active part in that separation, should have logically and legally preserved her rightful title, '* The Amer- ican Church." This can in no sense be called pre- sumption, but should be most carefully considered by those who talk most of unity. If possession is nine-tenths in law, certainly the Episcopal Church of these United States has the prior claim. The conti- nent of North America was discovered by Sir John Cabot, on the 24th of June, 1497 — St. John Baptist Day. On this discovery England based her claims to possession. From the 23d day of June, 1579, the Rev. Francis Fletcher, a priest of the Church of England, said morning and evening prayers, for six weeks, for the sailors and savages on the shore of Drake's Bay, California. In the year 1606, James I. of England created two charter companies, to whom he gave the sea-coast from the most eastern point of Maine to Wilmington, South Carolina, extending westward to the Pacific Ocean. On the 14th day of May, 1607, the Rev. Robert Hunt, who accompanied Sir Walter Raleigh to the New World, conducted the first service from the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, at Jamestown, Virginia, in the presence of AD OPTED IN AMERICA, 1 8 5 105 souls. It was here the first church was built, and a second followed it by command of Lord Dela- ware, in 1 610. The first Dutch settlements on the Hudson were in 1 61 4. The New England colony of Anabaptists and Independents, at Plymouth, was in 1620. The Swedes settled Western Pennsylvania, and Wilming- ton, Del., 1623-1633. The first Roman Catholic bishop consecration for the American Colonies, took place in the chapel of Lulworth Castle, by the Rt. Rev. Dr. Charles Wamsley, Bishop of Rama (titular bishop), Senior Vicar Apostolic in England, on Sunday, the 15th day of August, 1790. In the course of the ordination sermon, the preacher said that Andrew White, an EngHsh Jesuit, accompanied the first colonists to Maryland, in 1632, and in 1720 R. F. Grayton, and others, introduced Roman Catholicism into Pennsylvania. Dr. John Carroll was the first Father and Bishop in the new church in America, and we notice that he was consecrated by one bishop, which was contrary to primitive practise and canons of Nicaea.^ Somerset County, Maryland, the cradle of Ameri- can Presbyterianism, was first settled by the followers of Calvin, about 1670. A few, however, may have made their way into Virginia and Massachusetts in * Pamphlet, printed by J. P. Coghlan, London, 1790, in the Bishop Whittingham Library, Baltimore, Md. 1 86 THE WORD PROTESTANT, advance of this movement. The Quakers, under Penn, settled in Pennsylvania in 1682, and the first Moravian missionaries could not have started for the American Colonies before 1735 A. D. The history of the name " Protestant Episcopal " should be easily disposed of. The guiding hand in the composition of the " Proposed Book " was the Rev. Dr. Smith of Maryland, who was requested to read the service for the first time on Friday, October 7, 1785. Two days previous to this a committee of clerical and lay deputies, in the name of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America, drew up an address directed to the Archbishops and Bishops of the Church of Eng- land, requesting them to confer the Episcopal char- acter on such persons as they might recommend. The bishops in their reply use the designated title, and express their deepest solicitude and sincere af- fection for the American Church, "■ but," they said, '* we cannot but be extremely cautious, lest we should be the instruments of establishing an ecclesi- astical system, which will be called a branch of the Church of England, but afterwards may possibly ap- pear to have departed from it essentially, either in doctrine or in discipline." This reply was read to the convention held in Philadelphia on Tuesday, June 20, 1786. On the following Friday the de- bate on the constitution was renewed and continued. Sec. IX. Instead of the words ** to be the desire," ADOPTED IN AMERICA, 187 insert — to be the general desire. After the words *' Therefore the," delete the whole subsequent part of the section, and in place thereof insert as follows : Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies, as revised and proposed to the use of the Protestant Episcopal Church, at a convention of the said Church, in the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, may be used by this Church, in such of the states as have adopted, or may adopt, the same in their particular conventions, till further pro- vision is made in this case, by the first general con- vention which shall assemble with sufificient power to ratify a Book of Common Prayer for the Church in these States. The fourteen clergy and twelve lay- men assembled in Philadelphia June 20, 1786, who represented seven States, did not consider the pre- vious assembly of September, 1785, as a general convention, according to sec. ix. of the constitu- tion.^ The General Convention met at Wilmington, Delaware, October 10, 1786, at which there were present, clergy and laymen, from six of the states as follows ; New York, one clergyman, two laymen ; New Jersey, two clergymen, three laymen ; Penn- sylvania, three clergymen, three laymen ; Delaware, 'Journal of the June Convention, Phila. Hist. Soc, E. 339. I88 "^HE WORD PROTESTANT, two clergymen, two laymen ; South Carolina, three clergyman, one layman. The Rev. Dr. Smith of Maryland was present, but he was disfranchised on the ground of inconsistency with the fundamental articles, as a state could not be represented by a clerical deputy only. It was this convention at Wilmington that restored the Creeds in their integrity to the Book of Common Prayer, and the " Proposed Book " which had been submitted by the Rev. Dr. Smith, Dr. Wharton, and Dr. White was permanently laid aside, and we main- tain that the title which accompanied that work should have disappeared with it. The English Book of Common Prayer was again taken up in 1789, and was made the basis of all future revision. \\ S^i C a O H w - (n '-- . 2 6jO = .5 'o; , S 8 "^ -^ ^ ^ .S «o o o So o I- o; cfl U2 — -S ^ ^ s o tn V- 1) o ° > ^ - 5 s < a- ii r: j: o a ,, -u .- T^ t/2 IS -^ J5 o r x; o S^ -2 ffi t: ^ t/j x; E tn 5^"2 rt « ^ ffi « 4= III 't ^ s ^ 7 '^ >^ "o rt ^ rt 1 / i ^ r^ 6i[ ^ Q O o rt ^>. o '^ ^ X3 as IS - 1 ^ u 3 O > 11 o-o - -g: 5 ^ 11 'W^-. cr. O t* 3t3>- --5^^^ Date Due SR 22*54 ^. ^