dye 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 BY 
 
 JVIns. Alexander Pnoudfit. 
 
 Z2^ 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 Of the Reverend 
 
 Humphrey Prideaux, D. D. 
 
 Dean of Norwich. 
 
 WITH SEVERAL 
 
 TRACTS and LETTERS of his, 
 
 UPON 
 
 VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 
 
 Never before Publijhed. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. and P. Knap ton, mLu&gate- 
 Street. M dcc xlviii. 
 
T O T H E 
 
 READER. 
 
 r T 1 HE Author of the following 
 TraBs has been dead upward* 
 of twenty-feven years ; and thefa 
 are the only finijhed Pieces he left 
 behind him^ which had not been 
 printed in his life-time* 
 
 Whether he ever intended him- 
 felf that they Jhould be made pub- 
 lic^ is quite uncertain. The fa- 
 vourable Reception every thing he 
 printed in his life-time met with 
 from the Publicky will probably be 
 A 2 thought 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 thought a fujfcient Excufe, if it re- 
 quires any, for printing thcfe now ; 
 efpecially as they all tend to promote 
 that great deftgn, which he always 
 had i ?i vitWy the improvement of 
 uffui knowledge, and general in- 
 JiruEltvn of Mankind-, and fome of 
 them may Jl ill be applicable to thofe 
 pai ticular purpojes, for which they 
 wtre intended by the Author, 
 
 As to the Life, it is the life of 
 a Scholar and a Divine ; and has 
 little elfe to recommend it, but that 
 mofl Leaders are defirous of know- 
 ing J tmewhat of an Author ', whofe 
 Works they have read with any 
 improvement or fatisfaclion. 
 
 If upon the whole, this Col- 
 leElion //jail prove either ujeful 
 
 or 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 or entertaining to the Publick^ 
 I (hall think my endeavours very 
 well hejlowed) and amply re~ 
 warded. 
 
 June 1 7 , xhe EDITOR. 
 
 j 74 8. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 THE Life of Dr. Humphrey Pri- 
 deaux, Dean of Norwich, Au- 
 thor of the Connection of the Old and 
 New Teflament, &c . Page i 
 
 A Letter fent to Archbijhop Tennifon, on 
 bisfrjl promotion to the Archbijhopric of 
 Canterbury, by Dr. Humphrey Pri- 
 deaux, then one of the Prebendaries of 
 the Church of Norwich, January 25, 
 Anno Domini 1694-5, p. 151 
 
 An Account of the Englifh Settlements in 
 the Earl-Indies, together wifhfome Pro- 
 pofals for the Propagation of Cbrijiianity 
 in thofe parts of the world, p. 161 
 
 A Letter to the moft Reverend Father in 
 God, William, Lord Archbijhop ^Can- 
 terbury, p. 183 
 
 A Letter to the Right Honourable, Charles, 
 
 Lord Vifcount Townihend, Principal 
 
 $ Secretary 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Secretary of State to his Majejly King 
 
 George, , p. 188 
 
 Articles jor the Reformation of the two 
 
 UntVerfities^ • p. 199 
 
 A Letter from the Bifiop of Worcefter, to 
 
 the hi J rep of Norwich, p. 237 
 
 Dr. Prideaux'J An/wer, p. 246 
 
 A Letter to Francis Gwynn, Efq, p. 267 
 
 THE 
 
( I) ■ 
 
 THE 
 
 L I F E 
 
 O F 
 
 Dr. HUMPHREY PRIDEAUX, 
 
 Dean of Norwich^ Author of 
 the Connection of the Old 
 and New Teftament, &>c. 
 
 DR. Humphrey Prideaux was born 
 at Padjlow in the County of 
 Cornwall, on the third of May, 
 Anno Domini 1648, being the third fon 
 of Edmund Prideaux, Efq; by Br -idgett his 
 wife, who was the daughter of John 
 Moyle of Bake Efq; in the fame Coun- 
 ty. He was by both his parents defend- 
 ed from ancient and honourable families, 
 well known in that County. Tfte Doc- 
 tor being a younger brother, and dcfign- 
 B ed 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 cd by his parents for the Church, af- 
 foon as he was of fit age was fent abroad 
 to fchool, fir ft to Lejkard in Cornwall, 
 then to Bodmin in the fame County, and 
 from thence removed to Weftminjler 
 under the famous Dr. Bujby, where he 
 was foon chofen King's Scholar; and af- 
 ter having been in that College three 
 years, was from thence elected to Cbrijl- 
 Church in Oxford, and admitted into a 
 Student's place in the Year 1668, by 
 Dr. John Fell Dean of that College ; 
 and in Trinity Term, Anno Domini 
 1672, he commenced Batchelor of Arts. 
 
 Assoon as he had taken that De- 
 gree, he was employed by Dr. Fell, 
 who had at this time the management 
 of the Publick Printing Prefs in that 
 Univerfity, in an Edition of Lucius Flo- 
 ws, and directed to add Notes thereto, 
 which he did accordingly. Thefe Notes 
 contain only references to other Authors, 
 {hewing where other Antient Hiftorians 
 have treated more at large of matters, 
 which Floras has only related in Epi- 
 tome. 
 
 After 
 
(3) 
 
 After this, there was put into his 
 hands out of the Bodleian Library a 
 manufcript copy of Johannes Antioche- 
 nns Male-la, a Greek HiiTorian, in or- 
 der to have it fitted for the Prefs by 
 his care : but he, on perufing it, thought 
 it a very fabulous and trifling book, not 
 worth the printing ; and upon his giving 
 this judgment of it, the defign was quite 
 laid afide. This book however has been 
 fince publifhed, by the learned Dr. Ho- 
 dy, Profeflbr of Greek in the fame U- 
 niverlity. 
 
 About this time, the Doctor had 
 the misfortune to lofe his brother Ni- 
 cholas, for whom he had conceived a 
 particular affection, on account of his 
 promifing parts, and the great progrefs 
 he had made in literature. He died of 
 the fmall-pox, in the eighteenth year of 
 his age, at. Corpus Chrijli College t)xon, 
 where he had been a Scholar three 
 years; and lies buried in the cloyfler 
 near the chapel , with a mural monu- 
 B 2 meat 
 
(4) 
 
 ment created to his memory, which U 
 ft ill to be feen there. 
 
 It was about this time that the Lord 
 Henry Howard then Earl of Norwich, 
 and afterwards Duke of Norfolk, made a 
 prefent to the Univerfity of Oxford, of 
 thofe marbles, which are called the Arun- 
 del marbles, being the Collection of his 
 Grandfather Thomas Earl of Arundell : 
 and thefe being fet up in the court be- 
 fore the Theatre, as there were feveral 
 very curious and valuable Infcriptions 
 upon them, it was thought proper, that 
 they mould be published with a Com- 
 ment to explain them ; and Mr. Hum- 
 phrey Prideaux, at that time only Bat- 
 chelor of Arts, was appointed to this 
 work. Accordingly he undertook it, 
 and two years afterwards, in May, 
 1676. publillied his book, intitled 
 Marmora Oxonienfia in one Volume 
 in Folio, printed at the Univerfity Prefs, 
 and dedicated to the faid Earl of Nor- 
 wich. In this work he has given us 
 all the aforefaid infcriptions at large, 
 with a Comment after each, tending 
 
 to 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 co illuftrate and explain them, and has 
 added by way of Appendix, an account 
 of fome marbles collected* by Mr. Sel- 
 den> and Sertorius Vrfatuis Comment arius 
 de notis Romanorum. This book being 
 publilhed when he was but twenty- 
 fix years of Age, a year after he had 
 taken his Matter of Arts Degree, gained 
 him great reputation in the Univeriity, 
 and was well received in the world, es- 
 pecially amongft Foreigners, in Germa- 
 ny r , France, and Italy ; and the demand 
 for it amongft the Learned was fuch, 
 that it grew very fcarce within a few 
 years after it had been printed, and was 
 not to be had, but at an advanced price. 
 The learned Huetius in his Demonjira- 
 tio E,vangelica t Prop. 4. Cap. 2. Sect. 14. 
 fays of it, Plurima hujufmodi fuppeditat 
 Liber Infcriptionum Gruteri : at nihil in 
 hoc genert marmora Oxonienfia aquipa- 
 rate queat, quibus Injigniores Prifcorum 
 Grcecorum Epochte, Fcedus Smyrnceoram 
 & Magnentium, aliaque egregia vetujla- 
 tis Monumenta infiripta funt. This 
 Book has farTered much in paffing 
 through the Prefs and is full of Typo- 
 B 3 graphical 
 
(6) 
 
 graphical errors ; which was owing to 
 the negligence. of the Publick Corrector 
 of the Univerfity Prefs, who took no 
 fort of care in correcting it, but fuffer- 
 ed it to come out with all the Faults, as 
 ir came from thence. The Author for 
 thefe and other reafons (particularly as 
 he was called upon for a Sheet every 
 week, whether he was ready or no ) 
 never had any opinion or efteem for this 
 work, and fpeaks of it himfelf in his Pre- 
 face in the following manner : Acfic tan- 
 dem pop; exaftum Anni fpatium iifdem fern- 
 per gradibus, qui bus Typographic progreffiis 
 faciens, open' meo citius timeo quam felici- 
 us finem impofui, illudque jam trado, can- 
 dide Lector, in mafius tuas : fi in eo inve- 
 nias me aliquid reclius dicere, utere in 
 commodum tuum ; fi in nonnullh erra/Je, 
 ne incufes j JpecJes atatem meam .; 
 JpecJes difficiilimas fcribendi conditiones : 
 reputa quam pauci funt qui, in bis cir- 
 cumjiantiis pojiti pojfunt melius : iis igi- 
 tur condona quicquid in hoc opere cul- 
 pandum eji : a maturioribus ftudiis fi 
 Deus litam dederit & valetudinem fe- 
 
 rendis 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 rendis Laboribus idoneam, fpera me- 
 liora. 
 
 Mr. Prideaux having been ordered 
 at the firft publication of this Book, to 
 prefent one to the Lord Chancellor 
 Finch, this introduced him into his 
 Lordfhip's patronage, who foon after 
 fent to him, at Chrijl-Churchy Mr. 
 Charles Finchy one of his Lordfhip's fons, 
 to be his pupil. He was afterwards 
 elected Fellow of All Souls College, and 
 there commenced Doctor of Laws j but 
 died foon after, before he could make 
 any appearance in the world. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1679. the 
 Rectory of St Clement's in Oxford] which 
 is in the gift of the Great Seal, falling 
 void, Mr. Prideaux was by the Lord 
 Chancellor Finch prefented to it, and 
 instituted and inducted accordingly. 
 This Living he ferved conftantly for fe- 
 veral years. 
 
 The fame year Mr. Prideaux pub- 
 limed two Tracts out of Maimonides in 
 B 4 Hebrew, 
 
(8 ) 
 
 Hebrew, to which he added a La- 
 tin haijflation and Annotations. The 
 B-jok. beyrs the title of De jure 
 Pauperis C5? Peregrini apud Judceos. 
 This he did in confequence of his ha- 
 ving been appointed Dr. Bujby's He- 
 brew Lecturer in the College of Chrift- 
 Church j and his principal view in print- 
 ing this book was to introduce young 
 Students in the Hebrew language into 
 the knowledge of the Rabinical Dialect, 
 and to teach them to read it without 
 points. 
 
 In the latter end of the year 1680. 
 the Parliament meeting at Oxford, He 
 attended on the Lord Chancellor Finch 
 there as his Chaplain ; but this was of 
 fhort continuance j for the Parliament 
 was diflblved within ten days after its 
 firft meeting. The 12 th of May fol- 
 lowing his Patron the Lord Finch was 
 created Earl of Nottingham, on the de- 
 ceafe of Charles Howard, the laft Earl 
 of Nottingham of that Family, by whofe 
 death the title was now become extinct. 
 
 About 
 
(9) 
 
 About Midfummer following, Anno 
 Domini 1681. Dr. Herbert Aftley, Dean 
 of Norwich, dying, Dr. John Sharp for- 
 merly Chaplain to the faid Lord Chan- 
 cellor, Prebendary of Norwich, and Rec- 
 tor of St. Giles in the Fields, was pro- 
 moted to that Deanry j upon which his 
 Prebend in that Church, which was in the 
 Gift of the Great Seal, falling j void, the 
 Lord Chancellor wrote a very kind let- 
 ter to Mr. Prideaux at Oxford, to let 
 him know, that he gave it him ; and 
 accordingly on the 15th of Augujl af- 
 ter he was inftalled into it, and kept 
 his firft Relidence at that Church, in the 
 months of December and January fol- 
 lowing. The other Prebendaries of the 
 fame Church at Mr. Prideaux § fiift ad- 
 miffion into it were, Mr. Jofeph Love- 
 land, Dr. Hezekiah Burton, Dr. William 
 Hawkins, Dr. William Smyth, and Mr. 
 Nathanael Hodges: but Dr. Burton dy- 
 ing foon after, Mr. Richard Kidder af- 
 terwards Dean of Peterborough, and Bi- 
 fhop of Bath and Wells fucceeded him. 
 With him Mr. Prideaux contracted a 
 
 very 
 
( 1° ) 
 
 very particular Friendship, which con- 
 tinued to the time of Dr. Kidder 's death, 
 who was unfortunately killed by the fall 
 of the Roof of his Bedchamber, in the 
 great Storm, Anno Domini, 1703. 
 
 On the 15th of November 1682, Mr. 
 Prideaux was admitted to the Degree of 
 Batchelor in Divinity, and foon after 
 had the misfortune to lofe his Patron, 
 the Lord Chancellor Nottingham, who 
 died on the 18th of November following, 
 and was fucceeded by Sir Francis North, 
 Lord Chief- Juftice of the Court of Com- 
 mon-Pleas. 
 
 On the 17th of February, Anno Do* 
 mini, 1682-3. he was inftituted to th$ 
 Re&ory of Bladen cum Capelld de Wood* 
 Jlock, in the County of Oxford. Dr. 
 Thomas Marfhall, then Dean of Gloucefter, 
 and Rector of Lincoln College, was his 
 PredecefTor in this Living, who having 
 refigned it, Mr. Prideaux was prefented 
 thereto, by the Lord Keeper North, it 
 being in the gift of the Great Seal, 
 held it with his Student's place, at 
 
 Cbrtfi- 
 
( » ) 
 
 Chrift-Church, by virtue of his being Li- 
 brary Keeper of that College} for as 
 there is no Salary belonging to that Of- 
 fice, except forty Shillings per Annum 
 paid to a Deputy, the Student, who has 
 it, has the Privilege of holding one Li- 
 ving, without vacating his Student's place 
 by his Inflitution thereto. 
 
 On the 15 th of October Anno Domi- 
 ni, 1683. Mr. Prideaux loft his Father, 
 who died in the 78th year of his age. 
 He was defcended of a family, that had 
 flourifhed in many places both in Corn- 
 wall and Devonfiire, at Prideaux, Or- 
 charton, Addejlon, Thuborough, Soldon, 
 Netherton, Ford Abby, and Pad/low, as 
 appears from the Heralds books, Camb- 
 den, Leland's Itinerary, Fuller's Worthies, 
 Rifdons Survey of Devon, Carew's Survey 
 of Cornwall, and Prince's Worthies of 
 Devon ; who all make honourable men- 
 tion of this Family. He was a Gentle- 
 man of great worth, fobriety and difcre- 
 tion, and well learned in moft parts of 
 literature, that became a Gentleman to 
 know. He fludied firft at Sidney College 
 
 in 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 in Cambridge, where he was under the 
 care of Dr. Paul Michelthwayt, after- 
 wards Mad. of the Temple: From 
 thence removed to Exeter College in Ox- 
 ford at the invitation of Dr. John Pri- 
 draux, then Rector of that College; and 
 from thence he went to the Inns of Court, 
 in order to make himfelf acquainted with 
 the laws of the Realm ; and after this 
 travelled abroad, and fpent fome time in 
 foreign Countries. By thefe means he im- 
 proved his natural understanding, and ac- 
 quired thofe accomplifhments, which made 
 him honoured and relpected beyond mod 
 of his time in the County where he lived ; 
 to which he was very ufeful in the Com- 
 mijfion of the Peace and Lieutenancy. 
 From the Reftoration to the time of his 
 death, he had the chief management of 
 affairs in the County of Cornwall, which, 
 on account of his known wifdom and in- 
 tegrity, were moflly referred to him. 
 
 Mr. Prideaux now wholly gave him- 
 felf up to his fludies and attending the 
 duties of his function, going conflantly to 
 Bladen and Woodftock every Sunday from 
 
 Chrift 
 
( i3 ) 
 
 Chrlft-Church. And that there might be 
 no deficiency in the Minifterial Duties at 
 any time, he kept a Curate refident at 
 Woodftock, to attend them ; fo that both 
 Churches were conftantly ferved morning 
 and afternoon every Sunday, 
 
 And that they might always continue 
 to be fo ferved, Dr. Fell, who was then 
 Bifhop of Oxford, as well as Dean of 
 Chrift-Church, projected the building an 
 houfe for the Minifter at Woodjicck ; and 
 having accordingly purchafed a piece of 
 ground, on the left hand of the gate, go- 
 ing into the park from the town of Wood- 
 ftock, and formed the model for the 
 houfe ; committed the care of building 
 it to Mr. Prideaux, under whofe direc- 
 tion it was finifhed in the year 1685. 
 and afterwards fettled for the ufe of the 
 Minifter for ever, in cafe he fhall refide 
 thereon ; otherwife for the ufe of the 
 Poor of the town of Woodjiock. It is 
 built in the form of a crofs upon the park 
 wall over againft Chaucer 's houfe. The 
 purchafe of the ground, and the building 
 of the new houfe thereon, was wholiv 
 
( *+) 
 
 at the expcnce of the learned and piou9 
 Bifhop Fell, which cofl him above 600 /. 
 but the converting the old houfe, which 
 flood there before, into out-houfes and of- 
 fices, and fitting up the fame, was wholly 
 at the charge of Mr. Prideaux. 
 
 From the time that he was Mailer of 
 Arts, and a Tutor in the College, he was 
 always very zealous and diligent in reform- 
 ing fuch diforders and corruptions, as had 
 from time to time crept into it; and made 
 ufe of all opportunities in his power for 
 fupprefling them. This of courfe drew 
 on him the ill-will of many of his Fel- 
 low Collegians, as mufl always happen to 
 thofe, who endeavour at the Reformation 
 of Difcipline. But at the fame time he had 
 the friendfhip and efleem of the beft men, 
 and fuch whofe reputation was highefl in 
 the Univerfity ; particularly of Bifhop 
 Fel^ Dr. Pocock, the learned Hebrew and 
 Arabick Profeflbr, Dr. Marfiall, Dean of 
 Gloucejler, and Rector of Lincoln Col- 
 lege, Dr. Eernard y Savilian Profeflbr of 
 AJtronomy, Dr. Mills, the Editor of the 
 Greek Te/lament, Dr. Henry Godolpbin, 
 
 late 
 
( i5 ) 
 
 late Dean of St; Paul's, Mr. Guije of All 
 Souls College, and many other learned and 
 valuable men. 
 
 On the 6th of February, Anno Do- 
 mini 1684-5. died King Charles the lid, 
 and his brother James the lid] was pro- 
 claimed King the fame day. The fum- 
 mer following happened theinvafions of the 
 Earl of Argyle in Scotland, and the Duke 
 of Monmouth in England, which having 
 both mifcarried, and both the conductors 
 of them being cut off, King James now 
 looked upon himfelf as thoroughly fettled 
 on the throne -, and began to take open 
 meafures for fubje&ing thefe Realms to 
 Popiiri fuperftition. At the fame time, 
 Bifhop Fell declining very faft in his 
 health, Mr. Prideaux forefaw the confu- 
 lion, which afterwards followed in the col- 
 lege upon his deceafe, when the King 
 impofed a Popifh Dean to fucceed him j 
 and therefore determined to retire from it, 
 and fettle on his Cure, and on the 16th 
 of February, Anno Domini 1685-6, he 
 married Mrs. Bridgett Bokenham, only 
 daughter of Anthony Bokenham of Hel- 
 
 mingham 
 
( i6) 
 
 tningham, in the County of Suffolk Efq; 
 who was the fon of a younger brother of 
 Sir Henry B-Jienham of Thornham in the 
 County of Suffolk j and her mother was 
 the daughter ot Thomas Town/end of Hor- 
 fiead, in the County of Norfolk, Efq. 
 
 In the year 1686, at the Publick Aft, 
 Mr. Prideaux proceeded Doctor of D/- 
 vinity ; and having exchanged his Living 
 of Bladen cum Woodjlock, for the Rectory 
 of Saham in Norfolk, alToon as that Act 
 was over, left Oxford, and fettled upon his 
 Prebend at Norwich, 
 
 The laft thing he did at Oxford, was 
 to attend the funeral of his friend Bifhop 
 Fell, who died on the Saturday of that 
 A8 ; and was buried on the Tuefday fol- 
 lowing, in the Cathedral Church of Chrift- 
 Church, under the Dean's ftall in the La- 
 tin Chapel. AlToon as Dr. Prideaux 
 had feen him put into the ground, he im- 
 mediately left Oxford, and never after- 
 wards returned thither. This good Bi- 
 fhop was, for his piety, learning, and wif- 
 dom, efteemed one of the moft eminent 
 
 Prelates 
 
( '7) 
 
 Prelates of his time ; and the College, 
 which long enjoyed the Benefit of hk 
 wife and ufeful Government, is fo much 
 indebted to him on that account, as well 
 as for his Buildings and other Benefacti- 
 ons, that he may defervedly be efteemed 
 the fecond Founder. 
 
 Dr. Prideaux always looked on him, 
 as the Author of the Book called, The 
 Reajbni of the Decay of Chri/iian Piety ^ 
 which came out in the name of the Au- 
 thor of The Whole Duty of Man -, and his 
 reafons for it were, that in the fummer 
 1676, he made a vifit to Sir William 
 Morice at Werrington, in the County 
 of Devon ( who was his unkle, having 
 married a fifter of his father's ) when a- 
 mongft other Difcourfe that pafTed be- 
 tween them, Sir William told him, he 
 thought Bifhop Fell was the Author of 
 that book ; for that whilfl he attended at 
 Court, as Secretary of State, a little af- 
 ter the Reftoration, he heard the Bifhop 
 preach a Sermon in the King's Chapel, 
 with which he was f@ much pleafed, that 
 he defired to have a Copy of it, which 
 C was 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 was accordingly prefented to him ; and 
 that fome years after, on the publication of 
 the Book called the Decay of Chrijlian 
 Piety, he found the Sermon in the very 
 fame words in that Book ; and thence 
 concluded, that the perfon, who preached 
 the one, was the Author of the other. 
 Dr. Prideaux was afterwards further con- 
 firmed in this opinion ; for as he attended 
 the Prefs in the Theatre at Oxford, whilft 
 another of the Books afciibed to the fame 
 Author was printing there, he often found 
 whole lines, and fometimes two or three 
 together, blotted out, and interlineations 
 in their {lead, which he knew to be of 
 Bifhop Fell's hand- writing; and this was a 
 liberty, which it was unlikely any but the 
 Author fhould have taken. So that his 
 opinion upon the whole was, that the 
 Book, called 'The Whole Duty of Man, 
 was written by an Author itill unknown ; 
 but that all the other Books affigned to 
 the fame Author were written by Bifhop 
 Veil and Dr. Alleftry. And that where- 
 as the firft of them, that was printed, ci- 
 ther by defign or miftake of the Book- 
 feller, came forth under the name of the 
 
 Author 
 
( *9 ) 
 
 Author of The Whole Duty of Man, they 
 fuffered all the others to come out under the 
 fame difguife, the better to conceal what 
 they intended (hould be a Secret. And 
 as to what Bifhop Fell fays in a Preface 
 to a Folio Edition printed at Oxford, in 
 which all thefe Books are comprized to- 
 gether, where he mentions the Author 
 as lately dead, it was generally underftood 
 to be meant of Dr. Allcjlry, who was 
 then lately deceafed. 
 
 On Dr. Prideaux's fettling at Nor- 
 wich, the whole management of the af- 
 fairs of the Cathedral fell into his hands ; 
 and this burden remained upon him ever 
 after whilft he lived. On his firft under- 
 taking them, he found all matters there 
 in the utmoft diforder and confufion ; for 
 they had no Rentals, whereby to receive 
 their Rents, nor any Treafurer's Book s 
 whereby to pay the falaries of the Offi- 
 cers and other outgoings ; but the Audit 
 Book of the former year was the only 
 guide, which either the Receiver or Trea- 
 furer had for what was to be done in the 
 following year ; and that was very con- 
 C 2 fufed 
 
( 20) 
 
 fufed and defective. By thefe means the 
 Affairs of the Church being kept in an 
 intricate and dark ftate, the Seniors often 
 impofed on the Juniors. In order to re- 
 medy thefe inconveniencies, the Dodo 
 was at the pains to examine all the Ledger 
 Books, and out of them he made an ex- 
 act Rental in the order of the Alphabet, 
 which being every year writ over in a 
 Book, the Receivers have ever fince con- 
 tinued to receive the Rents thereby. At 
 the fame time he made a Book for the 
 Treafurer, in a due and orderly method ; 
 according to which the falaries and all 
 other payments and expences of the 
 Church have ever fince been made : and 
 by the help of thefe two Books, he re- 
 formed the Audit Book, fupplying what 
 was defective therein, and putting the 
 whole in a proper method ; and thefe his 
 regulations have ever fince been followed 
 in all their Books of Accompts ; by which 
 means every thing is made plain and eafy. 
 He examined alfo and forted all their 
 Charters and Evidences, and difpofed them 
 in drawers according to their proper order, 
 by which means they may eafily be referred 
 
 to 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 to ; whereas before this, they lay in a ve- 
 ry confuted and diforderly manner, on the 
 floor of a room, which was unpaved and 
 covered with dirt, and the windows bro- 
 ken ; all which he repaired. The Re- 
 gifter Books likewife and other Books, that 
 lay neglected and difperfed up and down, 
 he had bound up in order, to the number 
 of thirty volumes j fo that all the Evi- 
 dences and Muniments of the Church 
 were fettled and difpofed of in perfect or- 
 der and method. 
 
 The tomb of Herbert Lofinga t Bifhop 
 of Norwich and Founder of the Church, 
 having been demolifhed in the civil wars, 
 the Doctor caufed it to be repaired, and 
 put a new infcription on it of his own 
 compoling ; giving fome account of the 
 Founder, and of this and his other foun- 
 dations. It is placed before the high altar, 
 with the arms of the Bifhop at the upper 
 end, the Dean's on the lower, and the fix 
 Prebendaries on the fides. This was done 
 in the year 1682. 
 
 The firfl Audit the Doctor was at, he 
 
 found, that the Chapter were always at a 
 
 C 3 lofs 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 lofs on the Renewal of their Leafes both 
 as to the value of their Eftates, the fine 
 Lift fet, and other circumftances; and that 
 they were obliged to refer themfelves to 
 the memory of the Seniors for informa- 
 tion, which was very imperfect and un- 
 certain. To remedy this inconvenience 
 therefore, he contrived a book called the 
 Private Regifter, in which are entered 
 the time of gvery renewal, the name 
 of the tenant, the term demiicd, the 
 old rent, the provifion-rent, with the 
 times of payment, the refervations, cove- 
 nants and conditions of the leafe, the 
 date of the former leafe, the real value of 
 the eilate, what was taken for the fine, 
 and on what confideration it was either 
 raifed or abated, with all thole other cir- 
 cumftances and particulars relating to it 
 which might be of ufe to be known at 
 future renewals. This book begins from 
 the time of the Reftoration though it was 
 twenty years after, that he fet about 
 compofing it. As to the preceding time 
 the Do&or gathered up bis information 
 as well as he could from the Ledger and 
 
 Audit 
 
f 23 ) 
 
 Audit books of the Church, and from the 
 memories of the fenior members of the 
 Chapter ; but the reft he formed from his 
 own knowledge. This book he kept, 
 continually making the entries with his 
 own hand, till about two years before his 
 death • when he directed it to be done 
 by another. 
 
 About this time the Doctor was enga- 
 ged in a controverfy with the Papifls : 
 for King james y upon his coming to the 
 crown, having made open prcfeflicn of 
 their Religion, the)?' imagined, that fup- 
 ported by his authority, they mould carry 
 all before them, and bring the whole 
 Nation over to their perfuafion ; and 
 to this end, lent out EmifTaries into 
 all parts of the Kingdom. Now thofe, 
 who were fent into the country, they 
 would not truft with the whole contro- 
 verfy, for fear of overburthening their abi- 
 lities, but affigned a particular point to 
 each, which he was to infift upon, and 
 beyond which he was not to meddle. And 
 the point affigned to thofe, who came to 
 make conventions in Norfolk and Nor- 
 C 4 *wicfa % 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 wich, was the invalidity of the orders of 
 the Church of England, which they were 
 directed to make out by fuch arguments, 
 as their Superiors had furnimed them 
 with ; and from hence they were to in- 
 fer, that having no Priefthood we could 
 have no Sacraments ; and confequently 
 could be no Church, nor any Salvation be 
 had amongft us. The firft who appear- 
 ed there with this argument, was one 
 Webfler, who had formerly been Curate 
 of St. Margaret's in Kings Lynn, for the 
 Dean and Chapter of Norwich, who have 
 the anpropriation of that Church, and be- 
 ing: turned out from thence for his noto- 
 rious mifdemeanours, went to London, and 
 there kept a private fchool. But on King 
 James s coming to the Crown, feeing the 
 great encouragement, that Popery met 
 with, and imagining it would turn to his 
 advantage, he early embraced that inte- 
 reft, hoping to rife by it, and for a great- 
 er fhew of zeal came into Norfolk, as a 
 Mifiionary for Popery, with the argu- 
 ment abovementioned, and had the con- 
 fidence to fend a challenge to the Bifhop 
 of Norwich -, appointing a time when he 
 
 would 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 would come to him at his palace, and dif- 
 pute that point with him. On this the Bifh- 
 op defired Dr. Sharp and Dr. Prideaux to 
 be prefent at the time appointed, when 
 Webfter came, bringing with him one 
 Mr. Aclon, a Prieft, of the order of the 
 Jefuits, and who refided at Norwich, for 
 the fervice of thofe of the Roman Com- 
 munion in that city. When all were 
 feated, Webfter begun to read a paper, 
 which he called a Preface to the Difputa- 
 tion -, whereupon the Bifhop interrupting 
 him, called him to an account for his A- 
 poftacy, and reproved him for that, as 
 well as for the prefent infult, in the man- 
 ner he deferved j Upon this Webfter being 
 much offended, rofe up in great anger, 
 and departing abruptly broke off the con- 
 ference. Both Dr. Sharp and Dr. Pri- 
 deaux offered to anfwer his arguments, 
 if he would have propofed them ; but he 
 let them know, that he difdained to dif- 
 pute with any but the Bifhop himfelf ; and 
 fo the conference ended. Not long af- 
 ter Mr. Aclon having perverted a Brewer 
 in Norwich, this produced a difpute on 
 the fame point, between Mr. ASlon on 
 
 the 
 
( 26) 
 
 the one part, and Mr. Earbury and Mr* 
 Kipping, two Proteftant Divines, en the 
 other -j upon which a Gentleman of Nor- 
 wich who was prefent at the confe- 
 rence, pretending not to have received fa- 
 tisfa&ion from what was faid for the vali- 
 dity of our orders, addrefled himfelf in a 
 letter to Dr. Prideaux about it - 3 to which 
 he returned an an Aver the day afcer, Nov. 
 ii. 1687. Hence followed feveral letters 
 on both fides upon the fame fubject j and 
 the laft the Doctor wrote on this occafion 
 was a very long one, containing the whole 
 ftate of the controverfy. But by the time 
 he had finished it, underftanding, that the 
 Gentleman, to whom it was intended to 
 have been fent, was gone over to the Po- 
 pifh communion, and irrecoverably deter- 
 mined in it, the Doctor did not think it 
 worth his while to get a copy of it wrote 
 out for him, or concern himfelf any fur- 
 ther about him, and therefore threw afide 
 his papers in his ftudy, as no further ufe- 
 ful to the end they were originally in- 
 tended. In the beginning of April fol- 
 lowing, this Gentleman died, owning 
 himfelf a member of that communion, 
 
 upon 
 
(2 7 ) 
 
 upon which the Papifts were refolved to 
 bury him in the Cathedral Church, and 
 bring him thither in a folemn proceffion 
 by way of triumph : But the Doctor be- 
 ing then in his refidence at the Church, 
 was as fully determined to obftrud this de- 
 fign, and gave orders, that no grave there 
 fhould be made for him. This being 
 matter of great difappointment to them, 
 they held a meeting at the Goat-Tavern 
 in Norwich to confult about it, and from 
 thence fent a merTage to the Doctor to 
 expoftulate with him, and demand his 
 reafon for fuch his proceeding. In anfwer 
 to this, he wrote them a letter to the fol- 
 lowing purpofe, that Mr. N not dy- 
 ing within the Precincts of the Cathedral 
 Church, they were under no obligation to 
 bury him in it ; but he recommended ic 
 to his relations to bury him as the law 
 directed, in the Church or Churchyard of 
 the pariah, in which he died, againft which 
 there could be no exception : And this his 
 anfwer the Doctor chofe to fend in wri- 
 ting with his Name fubfcribed to it, that 
 it might not be in the power of the mef- 
 fenger by any addition or alteration of his 
 
 own 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 own to reprcfent it otherwife than he in- 
 tended it. On the delivery of this note, 
 a certain Knight, who lived near Norwich, 
 and had feveral times turned Papift and 
 Proteftant, forwards and backwards, as ei- 
 ther Religion was moft likely to be upper- 
 moft, fitting as Chairman of the confu- 
 tation, declared, that there was nothing 
 written in it, for which they could make 
 the Doctor fuffer, and therefore advifed 
 them to fend to him again in order to 
 provoke him to give another anfwer ; and 
 accordingly the brother of the deceafed, 
 who had alfo gone over to Popery, was 
 fent on this errand, who coming to the 
 Doctor's houfe demanded of him in an 
 imperious manner, why he would not let 
 his brother be buried in the Cathedral ? 
 to which the Doctor anfwered, that he 
 had fent his reafons in writing, which 
 lie fuppofed the other had feen. His re- 
 ply to this was, that he had feen the wri- 
 ting, but that the reafon there given was 
 not fufficient, and he would have another. 
 To this the Doctor faid, he had no other 
 for him ; and fo leaving him retired to his 
 
 ftudy j 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 ftudy j on which the other went off in 
 great wrath ; and the Confult not being 
 able to gain any advantage againft the 
 Doctor, followed his advice, and buried 
 the deceafed in the Church of the Parifh, 
 where he died. 
 
 At the fame time there was another 
 affair, which further exafperated thefe 
 men againft him ; for the Doctor obferv- 
 ing, that the Clergy of Norwich were 
 much intimidated, by the fevere meafures 
 the King took for the propagating of his 
 Religion, efpecially after what had hap- 
 pened to the Bifhop of London, and Dr. 
 Sharp Dean of Norwich ; and that they 
 wholly abftained from meddling with this 
 controverfy, at a time when there was moft 
 need to exert themfelves, refolved by his ex- 
 ample to encourage them no longer to be fi- 
 lent on fo impotrantan occafion, but fpeak 
 out in defence of the holy Religion they 
 piofeffed. Having therefore two turns 
 for preaching in the Cathedral, the firft on 
 Good-Friday, and the other the Sunday 
 feven-night following, he took for his 
 
 text, 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 text, the 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, and 
 28 th verfes of the ixth chapter of the 
 epiftle to the Hebrews : the words are as 
 follow : For Chrifl is not entered into the 
 holy places made with hands, which are 
 the figures of the true-, but into Heaven it- 
 Jelf now to appear in the prefence of God 
 for us. 
 
 Nor yet that he flmdd offer himfelf of- 
 ten, as the High-Priefi cntereth into the 
 holy place, every year with the blood of 
 others : 
 
 For then mufl he often have fuffered 
 
 fince the foundation of the world } but 
 
 now once, in the end of the world, hath he 
 
 appeared, to put away Jin by the ficrifice 
 
 of himfelf. 
 
 And as it is appointed for all men once 
 to die, but after this the judgment j 
 
 So Chrift was once offered to bear the 
 fins of many ; and unto them, that look for 
 him, pall he appear the fecond time with- 
 out Jin unto, falvation. 
 
 And from this text he formed both 
 his Sermons againft the Mafs-facrih^c of 
 
 the 
 
( 3* ) 
 
 the Church of Rome, endeavouring to 
 prove, what the 3 ill Article of our 
 Church fays of them (viz.) that the fa- 
 crifices of Maffes, in which it was com- 
 monly /aid, that the Priejl did offer 
 Chrijl for the quick and the dead to have 
 remijjion oj pain and guilt \ were blajphe- 
 mous fables and dangerous deceits. In the 
 laft of thefe two fermons he had thefe 
 words : And now I doubt not but that 
 there are fome, who will not be a little of- 
 fended with me, J or what I have faid both 
 in this, and my former difcourfe on this 
 text , but unto fuch I have thefe two 
 things to fay : 
 
 First, that we being Minifiers of fe- 
 
 fus Chrift, think ourfelves indijpenjably 
 
 obliged by the law of our Miffion, and the 
 
 vow we have entered into on our takiw 
 
 o 
 
 this holy office upon us, to declare God's 
 truths to all thofe, to whom we are fent, 
 and to warn them of thofe errors, which if 
 they fall into, will endanger their ever* 
 lafting falvation. And when any party 
 of men are Jo wireajonable, as to take it 
 
 ill 
 
I 32 ) 
 
 ill at our bands for our difch urging our duty 
 and our confciences herein, we fiali fay 
 unto them the fame, which the Apofile did 
 unto the fews in the like cafe, Whether it 
 be right in the fight of God to hearken to 
 you, more than unto God, judge ye. 
 
 But fecondly, as God and our confci- 
 ences oblige us to the difcharge of this duty, 
 fo do we take it, that we have full licenfe 
 from the King's tnoft excellent Majejly to 
 authorize us Jo to do -, and that not only 
 by his laws, which are the mofi authen- 
 tick exprejjions of his will, but alfe by his 
 late Declaration, wherein, out of his abun- 
 dant clemency he hath given full liberty 
 to all men in this Realm to own a?id pro- 
 fefs each their own Religion, accordi?ig as 
 their confciences fiall direct. — And jeeing 
 by virtue of this liberty fo many now a 
 days do take it upon them to oppofe the 
 Doctrines of our Church, and fet up their 
 own errors againft them ; who can with 
 any reafon deny us the benefit of this fame 
 liberty to defend our/elves ; for fine e Jo ma- 
 ny make ufe of the privilege of this liber- 
 
 9 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 ty now granted to them, not only to preach 
 up their erroneous Doffirines againjl us, 
 but alfo to hunt after the fouls of men from 
 houje to houfe, Jeekihg whom they can de- 
 vour i without permitting thoje, whom they 
 think they can have any advantage over, 
 either to live in quiet or die in quiet, in 
 our communion ; if we only, amidfl this li- 
 berty, were to fit fill with our hands upon 
 our mouths, and flently behold thofe to be 
 daily torn from us, for whofe fouls we are 
 to anfwer, if they perifi through our neg- 
 ledl, our cafe would of all men be the 
 hardefl. It can never enter into my 
 thoughts, that Jo juft a Prince, as our pre- 
 fent Majejly is owned to be, ever defigned 
 to put any fuch thing upon us. This Decla- 
 ration is general to all his People, which 
 is demonftration to me, that he intended 
 the benefit of it for all, that is, as well to 
 thofe, who had the laws on their fide, as to 
 thoje, who have not. And therefore by vir- 
 tue of that Declaration, as well as the im- 
 pulfe of my own confcience, I have thus 
 taken it upon me to difcharge my duty in 
 this particular, and think nothing can be 
 more unreafonable y than that thoje, who 
 D have 
 
( 3+) 
 
 have no right at all but by this Declara- 
 tion, Jljould take any exceptions at it. But 
 be that as it will, fmce God hath called me 
 to this minifry, I am not afiamed of nei- 
 ther will I be afraid, to preach the Gof- 
 pel of J ejus Chrijl, 
 
 These two Sermons having angred 
 the Papifts, Mr. Afion the Jefuit, who was 
 chief Mafs Prieft of a Popifli conventicle, 
 then fet up in Norwich, at a place for- 
 merly made ufe of as a grainery, fent two 
 of his perverted difciples to the Do&or, to 
 demand an account of the faid fermons ; 
 to which he anfwered, that he knew no 
 obligations he had to be accountable to 
 the men of the grainery for what he 
 had preached in the Cathedral : if they 
 had a mind to know what he delivered 
 there, they might come and hear him, 
 and that was all the anfwer he would 
 give them. This expreflion, the men of 
 the grainery, gave great offence, and pro- 
 duced a very angry letter from Mr. Aclon> 
 in which, anaongft other expreflions of 
 his refentment, he told the Doctor, that it 
 was expected the Kijig^ ere long, would, be 
 
 at 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 at Norwich, when he -hoped to fee him 
 upon his k?iees in their Oratory ; and muft 
 he then be called one of the men of the 
 grainery too? This was fuch foolifh fluff, 
 that the Doctor thought it proper, from 
 thence, to defpife the man, and take no 
 more notice of him. 
 
 All thefe particulars of the Doctor's 
 behaviour having made him very obnox- 
 ious to the Popifh patty, as they had no- 
 thing elie to object to him, they chal- 
 lenged him for not anfwering a letter 
 written by Mr. Aflon, which the Doctor 
 fuppofed could be none but the laft he 
 received from Mr. N. for he knew, that 
 all the controverfial letters fent to him in. 
 his name, were written by Mr. Ac~lon % 
 Upon this, he gathered together the papers 
 he had formerly written in that contro- 
 verfy ; and in order to let thofe, who had 
 called upon him for an anfwer, know that 
 he was prepared to give it, fent them to 
 the prefs, from whence they were pub- 
 lifhcd in the enfuing fummer, under the 
 title of, The Validity of the Orders of the 
 Church of England, made out againfl the 
 D 2 Objections 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 Objections of the Papifts, in fever al let- 
 ters to a Gentleman of Norwich, that de- 
 fired fatisf action therein* 
 
 After Dr. Prideaux had preached 
 in the Cathedral the two fermons above- 
 mentioned, moll of the other Minifterfr 
 in Norwich taking courage from his ex- 
 ample, preached in ; heir refpeclive Church- 
 es againfl: the errors and impiety of Pope- 
 ry. This was an oppofition, thofe of that 
 Sect could not bear with any patience, 
 in a caufe, which now they reckoned as 
 their own ; and looking upon all as ex- 
 cited by the Doctor's example, refolved 
 to be revenged on him, for this and the 
 other matters, in which he had offended 
 them : And to this end, applied to a Po~ 
 pirn Gentleman of confiderable figure in 
 Norfolk, and who had an intereft in King 
 jfames's Court, to go thither, and com- 
 plain of him to the King. But this had 
 no effect ; for as they had a defign there, 
 to flrikc at the whole body of the Proteft- 
 ant Clergy, it was no longer worth their 
 while, to concern themfelves with a par- 
 ticular perfon apart. 
 
 And 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 And this defign was laid in the follow- 
 ing manner : The King had about a year 
 before publifhed his Declaration of indul- 
 gence and general toleration to all the dif- 
 ferent feels of Chriftians in his domini- 
 ons, that all might worfhip God in their 
 own way, and tHereby had let the Pa- 
 pifts into the publick exercife of their fu- 
 perftition in all parts of the Kingdom. 
 Now that he might farther and more ef- 
 fectually advance their intereil, he took a 
 refolution, and accordingly, by his own 
 authority, ordered, that this Declaration 
 fhould be read by the Minifters in all the 
 Churches in this realm, during the time 
 of the celebration of divine fervice, with 
 an intention of ejecting all fuch, as mould 
 refufe to comply with him herein, from 
 their refpective Churches, and fupplying 
 the vacancies with Priefls of the Church 
 of Rome, This order bore date the 4th 
 of May, 1688. and enjoy ned the laid De- 
 claration to be read at the ufual time of 
 divine fervice, on the 20th and 27th of 
 the fame month, in all Churches and 
 Chappels within the cities of London and 
 D 3 Weftminfiery 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 Weftmitifter^nd. ten miles round about ; and 
 upon the 3d and 10th of June following, 
 in all other Churches and Chappels through- 
 out the Kingdom ; and the Bilhops were 
 thereby commanded to fend and diflribute 
 the faid Declaration through their feveral 
 and refpeclive diocefes, to be read accord- 
 ingly. For which purpofe, bundles of the 
 faid declaration were fent from the King's 
 Printing-Houfe to every Bifliop in the 
 Kingdom, according to the number of 
 Churches and Chapels in their refpecYive 
 Diocefe?. What followed upon this, how 
 the Bimops petitioned the King, were im- 
 prifoned for the caufe, and brought to 
 their trial, are all particulars fo well known, 
 that they need not be here mentioned. 
 
 Two or three of the Bifhops, whofe 
 inclinations were in all things to comply 
 with the King's meafures, and had been 
 promoted by him for that end, fcanda- 
 loufly obeyed his order, and fent out this 
 Declaration to the Clergy of their Diocefes, 
 to be read by them in their Churches on 
 the days appointed j but all the reft refu- 
 
 fcd, 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 fed, and thereby fcreened their Clergy from 
 the blow, that was aimed at them. 
 
 However that they might not be fur- 
 prized by having this Declaration and or- 
 der obtruded upon them from fuch other 
 hands, as were then bufily employed in 
 promoting the Popifh caufe, a letter was 
 drawn up by the Earl of Hallifax, direct- 
 ed to all the Clergy of England, perfua- 
 ding them not to read the declaration. 
 And this carried with it fuch ftrength of 
 reafon, as convinced every one, who intend- 
 ed to adhere to the Proteftant Religion, 
 rather to incur the King's difpleafure, than 
 obey his orders in this matter. This let- 
 ter was privately printed and carefully dif- 
 perfed in all parts of the Kingdom, before 
 any copies of it were given out in Lon- 
 don ; fo that it had every where its effect, 
 and the Court was prevented from any 
 opportunity of oppofing it. 
 
 Dr. William Loyd y then Bifliop of Nor- 
 wich, was not wanting on this occafion to 
 exert himfelf to the utmoft for the Prote- 
 ctant caufe. Archbimop Bancroft, who 
 D 4 had 
 
(40 ) 
 
 had great confidence in his wifdom antj 
 integrity, fent for him as, foon as the order 
 came our, to confult together with the 
 other Bifhops then in London, what was 
 propereft for them to do in this critical 
 juncture ; and that his letter might not be 
 flopped at the Pod-Office, where all fuf- 
 pected letters were every night opened, 
 lent his fervant on the Norwich road, with 
 orders to give it in at the firft country 
 Poft- Office he mould meet with, to be 
 fent forwards with the Norwich bag. But 
 it happened by the neglect of the Poft- 
 maftcr, to whom it was delivered, that it 
 did not reach Norwich, till a Poll: after it 
 was intended ; fo that before the Bimop 
 could get to London, the petition of the 
 feven Biffiops was prefcnted, and the pe- 
 tition rs fent to the Tower. However they 
 hid this advantage thereby, that his Lord- 
 fhip being at liberty had the opportunity 
 of ferving them as their Sollicitor, and 
 conveying to them thofe advices of the 
 Nobility, Lawyers and other Friends, by 
 which they governed their conduct thro* 
 the whole courfe of this affair ; and this 
 his affiduity was fo much taken notice 
 
 of, 
 
{ 4i ) 
 
 of, that he was more than once threat- 
 ned to be fent to keep company with thofe, 
 whofe caufe he fo diligently follicited. 
 
 The letter of my Lord Halifax above-"- 
 mentioned being juft printed off on his 
 arrival at London, he got two thoufand of 
 them for his diocefe, and fent them down 
 to Dr. Prideaux, to be difperfed amongft 
 the Clergy. And this was executed fo 
 fuccefsfully, that before the third of June, 
 on which the Declaration was to be read, 
 every Clergyman in the diocefe was fur- 
 nifhed with one of thefe letters againft 
 it, which had fo good an effetT, that out 
 of one thoufand two hundred parifhes in 
 the diocefe of Norwich, there were not 
 above four or five, in which ic was read, and 
 in thofe the Minifters were obliged to read 
 it out of the Gazette. 
 
 DK.PrideauXf'm the distribution of thefe 
 letters, undertook a dangerous task : They 
 were conveyed down to him in the ftage 
 coach, in a box, under the care of an old 
 Gentleman in the neighbourhood, whofe 
 neice the Doctor bad married -, and aflbon 
 
 as 
 
(42) 
 
 as the old Gentleman was come home to 
 his houfe, the Doctor immediately went 
 thither to enquire for the box, where he 
 found the old Gentleman's fervant open- 
 ing the box, to give one of them to a 
 lewd Phyfician of Norwich, who had got- 
 ten into his acquaintance. This coming 
 of the Doctor's was very fortunate, and 
 and prevented the whole defign from be- 
 ing betrayed ; for had the box been open- 
 ed, and but one of the letters been delive- 
 ed out, it would have made the affair too 
 hazardous for a prudent man to have 
 meddled any further with it. The Phy- 
 fician above-mentioned was a fpy for the 
 Papifts, and in all refpe&s a profligate 
 abandoned man ; and the Doctor not 
 knowing, how far the fecret might have 
 been communicated to him by the old 
 Gentleman, was under fome difficulty 
 how to proceed any farther ; for having 
 already highly provoked the Popifh Party, 
 fhould he diftribute thefe letters, and they 
 difcover, that it was his doing, he might 
 be very certain, they would do their utmoft 
 to ruin him. However his zeal for the 
 Ptoteftant Religion foon got the better of 
 
 thefe 
 
(43) 
 
 thefe apprehenfions : determining there- 
 fore not to decline any danger, where the 
 intereft of that caufe was concerned, he 
 undertook this affair, and had the good 
 fortune to carry it through without being 
 difcovered. And this was chiefly owing 
 to a contrivance, he made ufe of in the 
 management of it, which was as follows. 
 Having made up about a dozen packets 
 with feveral of thefe letters inclofed in 
 each of them, he fuperfcribed them in 
 feigned hands, to as many Minifters in 
 the City of Norwich ; and fent a perfon, 
 whom he knew he could truft, to Tar- 
 mouthy with directions to difperfe them 
 in feveral Wherries, which came up eve- 
 ry night from thence to Norwich : and this 
 being faithfully executed, the letters were 
 delivered the next morning as directed. 
 Now as they were fent from Yarmouth, it 
 was generally believed, that they came 
 from Holland , and the Doctor, by this 
 device, efcapcd all fufpicion of having 
 any hand in the affair. As to the reft, 
 he fent them by the Carriers, who go 
 from Norwich every week, into all parts 
 of the country, fo that they were difper- 
 
 fed 
 
(4+) 
 
 fed over the Diocefe, without it's being 
 known, from whofe hand they came, till 
 all the danger was over. 
 
 At this time there was one of the Pre- 
 bendaries of Norwich flrongly inclined to 
 Popery, and prepared to give into all 
 King James's meafures in favour of it, 
 efpecially in publishing the above-menti- 
 oned Declaration in the Parifh Church in 
 the Country, of which he was Minifter. 
 But the two days, on which it was ordered 
 to be read, being the third and tenth of 
 June ; and that month and July hap- 
 pening to be the two months in which 
 the laid Prebendary was to keep his Re- 
 fidence at the Cathedral, he fent to Dr. 
 Prideaux, defiring him to excufe his com- 
 ing for the two firft weeks in June, and 
 that he would refide for him thofe two 
 weeks. But Dr. Prideaux being apprized 
 of the reafons, for which he was defirous 
 of being excufed his Refidence thofe two 
 weeks, fent him back word, that he would 
 by no means comply with his requeft ; 
 that the * third of June, being Whitjunday, 
 and the tenth of the fame month Trinity- 
 Sunday, 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 Sunday, that year, the fervice of both thofe 
 folemn days would fail, unlefs he came to 
 attend it ; and that the confequence of fuch 
 failure would be the forfeiture of the Re- 
 venue of his Prebend for the whole year$ 
 and as Dr. Prideaux was Treafurer of the 
 Church, he further afiured him, that he 
 would certainly exact it and not pay him 
 one penny. This mefTage immediately 
 brought the Prebendary to Norwich ; for 
 the confideration of lofing his money foon 
 got the better of his zeal for Popery : but 
 afterwards he complained with a good deal 
 of regret to thofe of the fame perfuailon, 
 that he was not allowed the opportunity 
 of fhewing, how ready he was to comply 
 with the King in this particular. This 
 fame man, when the new oaths came out, 
 was as forward to fwear allegiance to King 
 William and Queen Mary, as any one of 
 his order. 
 
 After this, followed the trial of the 
 Bimops, in which the Popifh Party were 
 worfted. This however did not difcourage 
 them from purfuing their defigns again ft 
 the Parochial Clergy. Therefore out came 
 
 an 
 
(46 ) 
 
 an order, to all Chancellors, CommifTa- 
 ries, and Archdeacons, to make return of 
 the names of fuch of the Parochial Cler- 
 gy, within their feveral jurifdictions, as 
 did not read the abovementioned declara- 
 tion in their refpeclive Churches, on the 
 day appointed. This, in the beginning of 
 Augujl, brought mofr. of the Chancellors, 
 CommhTai k's, and Archdeacons in Eng- 
 land ', to London, to confult together, 
 what anfwer they mould make to this 
 command : but while this was debating, 
 the news came of great preparations ma- 
 king in Holland, for an invafion upon 
 England ; and this put a flop to all fur- 
 ther proceedings. 
 
 In the beginning of November follow- 
 ing, the Prince of Orange landed at Tor- 
 bay in DevonJJjire, and foon after King 
 James abdicated the Government, and 
 withdrew himfelf beyond fea ; upon 
 which the States of this Kingdom ha- 
 ving met together in Parliament, to con- 
 fult for the good of the Nation, after 
 many folemn debates and mature delibe- 
 ration, it wasrcfolved, that our Deliverer, 
 
 the 
 
(47) 
 
 the Prince of Orange, with his Conforc, 
 mould be proclaimed King and Queen of 
 thefe Realms, which was done accord- 
 ingly. Thus were we happily freed from 
 the fear of arbitrary power, and the gall- 
 ing chains of Popifh fuperftition j whilft 
 he who had been the Tyrant of his coun- 
 try, fled from his People to their enemies, 
 amongft whom he fpent the remainder of 
 his life, the dupe of French Politicks, the 
 tool of defignin-g Priefts, odious to his 
 People, and juftly contemned by ail 
 mankind. 
 
 Every thing being left in great con- 
 fufion on the King's flight, the Mob rofe 
 in many places, and created great difor- 
 ders all over the Nation. At firft, they 
 began with rifling the houfes of Papifts, 
 and fuch as were reckoned to be popilh- 
 ly affected ; till at laft, any body was ac- 
 counted fo, in whofe houfe plunder was 
 to be had j and thefe diforders raged no 
 where more than at Norwich. The Mob 
 there, having plundered feveral houfes in 
 the city, at laft made an appointment to 
 do the fame, by fome houfes, within the 
 
 Precinct 
 
(48 ) 
 
 Precinct of the Cathedral, which they hacf 
 marked out for that purpofe. But Dr. 
 Prideaux having timely notice of their 
 defign, ordered the gates of the Clofe to 
 be fhut up ; and the inhabitants arming 
 themfelves for their defence, repulfed the 
 rabble, who attacked them, to the num- 
 ber of five hundred men, and made them 
 defift from their enterprize : upon which 
 fomebody crying out, to the Bull, they all 
 went to the Bull, which was a tavern 
 kept by a Papift in the city, and having 
 plundered and gutted this houfe, finimed 
 their expedition. The next night every 
 body following the Doctor's example, arm- 
 ed themfelves, and flood upon their de- 
 fence all over the city, and this foon put 
 an end to thefe diforders. 
 
 About this time, Dr. Battely having 
 refigned his Archdeaconry of Suffolk, on- 
 being promoted to that of Canterbury ; 
 Dr. Prideaux was or. the 2 1 ft of Decem- 
 ber 1688. collated to it, by Dr. William' 
 Lloyd, then Bifhop of Norwich, 
 
 On 
 
(49) 
 
 On the 13th of February 1688-9. tn6 
 Prince and Princtfs of Orange, were pro- 
 claimed King and Queen of England: up- 
 on which it was thought proper, that in- 
 ftead of the former oaths of Allegiance 
 and Supremacy, two new oaths mould be 
 framed, which were enjoined to be taken 
 by all perfons, who were in any office or 
 place, Civil, Military, or Ecclefiaftical in 
 the Kingdom. By the fir ft of thefe, Al- 
 legiance was fworn to the new King and 
 Queen j by the fecond, the Papal and all 
 other foreign Jurisdictions are renounced ; 
 and by the ftamte, which enjoins the ta^ 
 king thefe oaths, it'is Enacted, not only 
 that all fuch, as fiiall fr< >m that time be pre- 
 ferred to any Ecclefiaftical Dignity or Be- 
 nefice, but that all others, then in actu- 
 al pofTeffion of any fuch, fhould take the 
 faid oaths before the firft of Auguft fol- 
 lowing, on the penalty of fufpenfion for 
 fix months following j and thai at the end 
 of the faid fix months, it they ftill perfifl> 
 ed not to take the £>id oaths, they were 
 ipfo faffo to be deprived, This created 
 great trouble and diiturbance to the 
 E Church j 
 
(50) 
 
 Church ; for Archbifhop Bancroft and fix 
 others of the Bifhops, refuting to take 
 them, as thinking them inconfiftent with 
 the oaths they had taken to King James, 
 fell under the penalty of the law, were 
 firft fufpended, and afterwards deprived j 
 and feveral others of the Clergy following 
 their example, were in like manner outed 
 of their Benefices: and thefe being for 
 the moft part men of confcience and 
 integrity, the Church fuffered a great lofs,, 
 in being deprived of their fervice.. Ma- 
 ny of them indeed afterwards indulged 
 themfelves in fuch an humour of peeviih- 
 nefs, difcontent, and uncharitable aver- 
 fion, to all others, who were not of the 
 lame opinion with themfelves, as was by 
 no means ccnuflent with a true Chriftian 
 temper : and this was the occafion of a 
 ichiim, that is not yet quite ended. Dr. 
 PrideauXy though he was of a different 
 opinion from thefe men himfelf, and 
 thoughr, that the new oaths might very 
 fafely be taken, and took them accord- 
 ingly, and a&ed up to them faithfully, all 
 the reft of his life j yet looking upon 
 thofe, who refufed them, as honeit men„ 
 
 who 
 
( 5'J 
 
 who facrificed their interefts to their con- 
 fciences, always treated them with kind- 
 nefs and refpect. 
 
 In the May following. Anno Domini 
 1689, He made his firft vifitation of his 
 Archdeaconry of Suffolk ; and the new 
 oaths and the lawfulnefs of them being 
 then the general fubject of debate, efpeci- 
 ally among the Clergy, his chief bufinefs 
 in this vifitation was, to give the bell ia- 
 tisfaction he could to thofe who, had any 
 doubts about them 5 in which he had fuch 
 fuccefs, that though there were not above 
 three hundred parifhes in that Archdea- 
 conry, there were no more than three Mi- 
 nifters in all that jurifdi&ion, who flood 
 outj and refufed to take them. 
 
 On the firft of Augufi this year, all, 
 who refufed the faid oaths, being fufpend- 
 ed, and that fufpenfion followed with de- 
 privation of fuch, as perfifted in their re- 
 fufal, on the frft of February Following 5 
 the Diocefe of Norwich loft their worthy 
 Bifhop, I>. William Lloyd \ who not be- 
 ing fatisfyed of the lawfulnefs of the 
 E 2 faid 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 faid oaths, perfifted in the refufal of them, 
 and chufing rather to facrifke his intereft, 
 than violate his conference, was by vir- 
 tue of the Statute abovementioned, depri- 
 ved of his Bifhoprick. 
 
 The winter following, Anno Domini 
 1689. a Convocation being called, and 
 authorized to act by a Royal CommhTion, 
 Dr. Prideaux attended it as Archdeacon 
 of Suffolk. The bufinefs, which they 
 were called to, was, To treaty conjult, 
 and agree, of and upon, fitch points, mat- 
 ters, and things, as jhould be propofed to 
 them, concerning alterations and amend- 
 ments of the Liturgy, and Canons and Or' 
 di nances, and Conjlitutions, for the Refor- 
 mation of Ecchfiajlical Courts, for the 
 removal of fcandalous Minifers, jor the 
 reformation of manners, either in Mini- 
 fers or People, and for the examination 
 of fitch perfons, as dejerve to be admitted 
 into Holy Orders ; and all ether points, 
 caufes, and matters, as ftould be thought 
 necejfary and expedient for advancing the 
 honour and fervice of Almighty God, the 
 good of the Church, and the government 
 thereof. 
 
 Thus 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 Thus was the intention of their meet- 
 ing expreffed in the Commiffion ; and in 
 order to prepare matter?, which were to 
 be laid before them, on all thefe heads, 
 another Commiflion was granted to thir- 
 ty, perfons conlifting of Bimops, Deans, 
 and other eminent Divines of the Church, 
 to meet, confult, form, and agree upon, 
 all particulars to this purpofe j who having 
 met accordingly, agreed on fuch alterati- 
 ons and amendments in the Liturgy, as 
 were thought proper. And thefe were 
 what were firft to have been propofed to 
 the Convocation, to be by them fettled 
 and agreed on ; but the majority of the 
 Lower Houfe having met together, with 
 refolutions fully fixed againft all alterations 
 whatfoever, obfiructed all further proceed- 
 ings, and made the whole defign mif* 
 carry. 
 
 Those, who were for the alterations, 
 defigned Dr. c Til!otfon then Dean of St. 
 Paul's, for Prolocutor of the Lower Houfc; 
 and the Court were defirous he mould be 
 the perfon^ hoping, that one of his mo- 
 E 3 deration 
 
(54) 
 
 deration and vvifdom in the chair would be 
 able to influence that Houfe, to concur in 
 promoting thole end;-:, for which the Con-» 
 vocation was called. But all this was de- 
 feated bv fettin^ up Dr. J one Dean of 
 Gloucejler, and Regius Profeffor of Divi- 
 nirv in Oxford, to be his Competitor, 
 who carried it againft Dr. Tillotfon by a 
 great Majority. And this man, aflbon as 
 he got into the chair, oppofing every 
 thing, that was propoied or intended by 
 the Royal Commiffion, was the principal 
 occafion, that nothing fucceeded. 
 
 The p r o]eci of placing him there was 
 fir ft laid, and afterwards carried on, by 
 the inuigues of two noble Lords, who, 
 on account of their near relation to the 
 Queen, expected, when the Government 
 w; .-, at the Revolution, fettled on King 
 William and Queen Mary, that they 
 fhould have held iome of the higher em- 
 ploy mencs under it : but in this both be- 
 ing difappointed, grew difcontented, and, 
 out oi reientmenr, endeavoured all they 
 could, to perplex and embarafs the Go- 
 vernment, in which they could obtain no 
 
 mare, 
 
(55 ) 
 
 {hare, and amongft other fchemes for 
 that purpofe, fet themfelves to baffle 
 whatever was intended by this Convoca- 
 tion. For afibon as the Convccaiion was 
 called, and thofe, who had wifhed well to 
 it, had exprefTed their defire of having 
 Dr. Tillotfon for Prolocutor of the Low- 
 er Houfe, thefe two Noblemen determin- 
 ed to fet up a competitor againft him ; 
 and having pitched on the Dean of Glon- 
 Jier, went to Oxford on purpofe to work 
 him to their Defigns. There they found 
 him, as much out cf humour as them- 
 felves, on account of a l;ks difappoint- 
 ment, and very ready to join with them 
 in all they propofed. The reafon of his 
 difcontent was, it feems, that when the 
 Prince of Orange was at Hungerford in 
 his march towards London, the Doctor 
 with three others was fent from the Uni- 
 verfity of Oxford, to make him an of- 
 fer of their plate, which though the 
 Prince handfomely refufed, the Doctor 
 thought he had merited whatever he 
 mould think proper to ask, and accord- 
 ingly asked the Bifhoprick of Exeter, 
 which was void by the removal of Bimop 
 E 4 Lamplugh 
 
(56) 
 
 Lamplwh to the Archl-'fhoprick of 
 Tork j and not fucccding according to his 
 defire (for it had before been promifed to 
 Dr. Trelawney Bifhop of BriJIcI) this fo 
 fai difajufted him, that he was ever after 
 a profefled enemy to King William and 
 his Government, of which his conduct in 
 this affair was a very ftro.ng in (lance. 
 
 On the opening of the Convocation, 
 which was held in Kiug Henrx the fe- 
 venth's Cnapel, the Earl of Nottingham 
 having brought thither the King's Com- 
 miffion for their acting, and with it, a 
 gracious meffage from his Majefty con- 
 cerning the fame, the firft thing, that 
 came under their confideration, was to 
 return an addrefs of thanks to his Majefty 
 for both j and to this purpofe, a form was 
 drawn up in the Upper Houfe, and fent 
 down to the Lower, for their approbati- 
 on. This form being rejected here, a 
 Propofal was offered, that ihey mould ad- 
 drefs feparately in a form of their own. 
 This too upon being canvafled was laid 
 alide, as improper and unprecedented. At 
 laft therefore the Lower Houfe let them- 
 
 felves 
 
( 57) 
 
 felves to mend the Form, that had been 
 fent the.n ; and after many debates and 
 conferences had about this affair, which 
 lafted for feveral days together, a Form 
 was agreed on by all parties ; and the ad- 
 drefs prefented to his Majefty at White- 
 ball, the twelfth of December, By this 
 time it was clearly feen, that much the 
 greater part of the Lower Houfe was de- 
 termined againfl making any alterations or 
 amendments in the Liturgy, which was 
 the matter next to be propofed to them : 
 they were therefore on the 13 th adjourn- 
 ed to the 24th of January following; 
 and fo ended this Convocation, after ha- 
 ving fate about ten days, without advan- 
 cing one ftep in the bufinefs, for which 
 they were called. 
 
 Th e laft thing attempted in the low- 
 er Houfe was to fix their cenfure on 
 fuch Books, as had been publifhed at their 
 firft meeting, concerning affairs, that were 
 to come before them in the Convocation ; 
 for fome of thofe, whofe opinions were a- 
 gainft making any alterations at all, ha- 
 ving publifhed in two or three Pamphlets 
 
 what 
 
(5« ) 
 
 what they had to fay on this fubject j in 
 anfwer to thefe came out fcveral of the 
 other fide, one of which was written by 
 Dr. Prideaux, and bears the title of, A 
 Letter to a Friend relating to the prefent 
 Convocation at Wejiminfier ; which met 
 with fo g> r "at approbation, that feveral 
 thoufands of it were fold off, within a 
 fortnight after its firft publication. This ex- 
 afperated the other party a good deal, who 
 having difcovered, that Dr. Pride aux was 
 the Author, though there was no name 
 to it, would willingly have fallen upon 
 him with their cenfures. On the other 
 fide it was objected, that they ought to 
 begin with cenfuring thofe Pamphlets, 
 which were firft published ; and this was 
 fo notorioufly juft and reafonable a pro- 
 pofal, that it could not be contradicted. 
 In order to evade it therefore, they 
 were contented to drop the whole af- 
 fair ; and let their adverfary, as they 
 reckoned him, efcape unpunished, ra- 
 ther than expofe their friends to the 
 fame cenfure. 
 
 Dr. 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 Dr. Prideaux y who had great expecta- 
 tions from this Convocation, hoping, that 
 many things would have been done for 
 the advantage of the Church, efpecially 
 in improving and amending the Liturgy, 
 was much grieved at their ill fuccefs. For 
 it is the opinion of many, that there are 
 fome defeats in our prefent Liturgy, fuch 
 as that there are whole offices wanting in 
 it, as for the receiving of Penitents, the 
 preparing the condemned for their deaths, 
 the confecration of Churches, &c. And 
 that fome of thofe Offices, which are efta- 
 blifhed, do not in all particulars anfwer 
 the occafions, for which they were ap- 
 pointed, as may be inftanced in the office 
 of the vifitation of the fick ; in which it 
 is objected, that there are fome particulars, 
 which cannot always with propriety be 
 faid. In the office for the burial of the 
 dead, we exprefs our hopes of the falva- 
 tion of all that are buried, though they 
 may be Atheifts and Deifts, and fuch as 
 have declared themfelves fo to the laft. 
 In the Litany, we pray for the itrength- 
 jiing of the King in the true worfhip of 
 
 Godi 
 
( 6o) 
 
 God ; whereas it may happen, that the 
 King is openly and declaredly in a falfe 
 worfhip, as was the cafe of King 'Jama 
 the fecond. In the prayer for the Parlia- 
 ment, the King, who reigneth over us, 
 whoever he be, is ftiled our moil religi- 
 ous King; whereas it may happen that 
 we may hive a King who hath no religi- 
 on at all, as, fome fay, was the caie of 
 King Charles the fecond. And befides 
 thefe, there are many other particulars in 
 different parts of the fervice, that are ob- 
 jected agai lit, efpecially by thofe that 
 dilTent from us, which Dr. Prideaux was 
 of opinion might be much eafier correct- 
 ed than defended. And were all thofe 
 places in our Liturgy, which are with any 
 juftice excepted againft, corrected and 
 amended, and what is wanting therein 
 fupplyed, as many hoped would have 
 been done by this Convocation ; it is hardly 
 to be doubted, but that all our Offices might 
 have been rendered fo compleat, perfect, 
 and unexceptionable, that not only manv of 
 the DiiTenters amongfl: us, but alfo foreign 
 Churches of the Proteftant Communion, 
 might have been perfuaded to introduce 
 
 them 
 
( 6i ) 
 
 them into their publick religious affem- 
 blies, and unite in the fame form of wor- 
 ship, as well as in the fame faith with us. 
 
 There was alfo provided a iamily- 
 book, to be authorized by this Convoca- 
 tion : it contained directions for family- 
 devotions, with feveral forms of prayer 
 for worfhip every morning and evening, 
 fuited to the different circumftances of 
 the families, in which they were to be 
 ufed. There was room to hope, that this 
 book might have been of great ufe to- 
 wards the reftoring of family - devotion 
 again amongft us, and thereby make Re- 
 ligion flouriih over the land. For families 
 may be coniidered as leffer Churches, of 
 which the the National one is the aggre- 
 gate ; and the introducing of Religion in- 
 to the parts feems the moil: effectual 
 way of making it flourifh in the whole, 
 And till the breaking out of the Civil 
 war, in the year 1641, which proved de- 
 flructive to all order in Religion, as well 
 as every thing elfe, family devotion was 
 kept up all over the Nation, and the De- 
 ity worfhipped by prayer. every morning 
 
 and 
 
( 62 ) 
 
 and evening ; the Matter of the family 
 (where there was no Minifter) always 
 officiating herein. Such as were able of- 
 ten compoied forms of their own ; others 
 for the mod part ufed thofe, which are in 
 in the Practice of Piety, a book then 
 in much repute. Thus it continued till 
 thofe unhappy wars, when the Purita- 
 nical party prevailing, carried this du- 
 ty to an extravagant excefs, and by their 
 long extempore prayers, which were 
 fluffed with abfurd cant, and downright 
 nonfenfe, brought family devotion it- 
 felf into difrepute with many, who juft- 
 ly difliked fuch a naufeous and unfuita- 
 ble a manner of addrefling the Deity, but 
 inftead of avoiding and reforming the a- 
 bufe, went into the contrary extream, 
 and omitted all prayer whatfoever with 
 their families. And this happened efpeci- 
 ally after the Reftoration of King Charles 
 the fecond ; for Epifcopacy and the 
 Church being then again reftored, many, 
 to pay their court to what was uppermoft, 
 and fhew their averfion to the fectaries, 
 who had hitherto reigned, carried the 
 matter too far, and branded many things 
 with the imputation of phanaticifm, en- 
 
(63 ) 
 
 ly becaufe thofe people had ufed them in 
 a phanatical manner. Of this kind was 
 family prayer, which many, in compli- 
 ance with the prevailing vogue, from 
 this time omitted. And there was another 
 caufe, which derived its original from the 
 fame times, and helped to produce the 
 fame ill effect j that during the reign of 
 thefe Sectaries, and the prevalence of Pu- 
 ritanifm throughout the Nation, the Book 
 of Common-Prayer being extravagantly 
 run down, on the change of times, and 
 the Reftoration of the Church,, it was as 
 extravagantly cryed up by thofe of the 
 High-Church Party, as if no other form 
 of prayer was to be ufed in families, any 
 more than in the Churches i and this no- 
 tion growing more and more fafhionable, 
 the confequence of it was, that whereas 
 thefe prayers are many of them proper only 
 to be read by men in orders, many fami- 
 Eesof the Gentry and Nobility, where there 
 were no Chaplains, began to difufe them * 
 and nothing being fubftkuted in their 
 room, this was in a great many fami- 
 lies the occafion of totally negle&incr 
 this duty. Dr. Prideaux and many 
 
 othcis 
 
(64 ) 
 
 others being fenfible, that the decay of 
 family devotion amongft us was chiefly 
 owing to thefe two caufes, and that from 
 hence proceeded a want of true Chriftiart 
 piety all over the land, were very earnefl 
 for the publication of this book, hoping 
 that it might in a great meafure conduce 
 to the removal of both thefe caufes of 
 the evil, and reftore Religion in private 
 families ; without which it can never be 
 expected to flourifti in the Nation. Some 
 years after the breaking up of this Con- 
 vocation, as he was walking with Arch- 
 bifhop Tenifen in his garden at Lambeth, 
 he prefled the Archbiihop very much to 
 publifh this book : but the Archbifhop, 
 though he was fenfible of the great occa- 
 fion there was for it, and the fervice it 
 might do Religion, thought it had beft 
 be done with the concurrence of the Con- 
 vocation, which would make it be recei- 
 ved with greater authority, and faid, that 
 there were then fome thoughts of fpeedi- 
 ly calling one. This the Doctor earneft- 
 ly advifed him againft, telling him, that 
 till the Clergy, which conftituted the 
 Lower Houie, mould be of fuch a temper, 
 
 that 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 that he might allure himfelf of a Majo- 
 rity to concur with him, (which his Grace 
 well knew he could not at that time) the 
 calling of a Convocation, to meet and act, 
 would be a dangerous thing, and contri- 
 bute only to foment the divifions of the 
 Nation j which proved to be the cafe, 
 when the experiment was afterwards 
 made. The Doctor further told the 
 Archbimop, that he thought the book 
 would not want its effect, if it was pub- 
 lished by his authority only ; though he 
 he was of opinion with his Grace, that it 
 would be befl done with the concurrence 
 of the Convocation, could that be fafely 
 obtained, which he thought it could not, 
 on account of the great divifions amongft 
 the Clergy, and the fpirit of oppofition, 
 which then appeared in too many of them, 
 againft their Superiors. This book hath 
 fince had the misfortune to be lot . for 
 being put into the hands of Dr. Williams, 
 BifTiop of Chicbefter, it was fome how 
 miflaid, and, after his death, could never 
 be retrieved. It is mod: likely, that being 
 carelefsly put amongft fuch papers, as 
 the good Bifhop at the time of his death 
 F had 
 
(66) 
 
 had ordered to be burnt, it was deftroy- 
 ed with them. However, it is not to be 
 doubted, but there are ftill many amongft 
 the Clergy, who can make another, which 
 fhould as fully anfwer the end, for which 
 this was intended. 
 
 At the time when this Convocation 
 was firil called, Dr. Stillingfleet, on the 
 death of Dr. Thomas, Bifhop of Worcefier, 
 being from the Deanry of St. Paul's, pro- 
 moted to that See, Dr. Tillotfon was tranf- 
 lated from the Deanry of Canterbury to 
 that of St. Paul's, and Dr. Sharp from the 
 Deanry of Norwich to that of Canterbury, 
 Upon this Dr. Henry Fairfax, one of the 
 Fellows of Magdalen College in Oxford, 
 was made Dean of Norwich, and on the 
 laft of November, in the year 1689, in- 
 ftalled into that Church. He had fignal- 
 ly fuffered in the caufe of that College, of 
 which he was Fellow; for when they 
 were all cited to appear before King 
 James's High-Commiflion Court, for not 
 obeying the King's mandate, in chufing 
 Mr. Farmer for their Prefident, and in 
 obedience to the faid citation had appear- 
 
(«7 ) 
 
 ed, and put in a modeft anfwer, giving 
 their reafons, why they could not comply 
 therewith. Dr. Fairfax being prefent 
 amongft the reft, addrefled himfelf to the 
 Court, and declared his diftent from that 
 anfwer j upon which they encouraged 
 him to declare the caufe of his fo doing, 
 expecting it would be on the King's fide : 
 but he took out a paper, in which was 
 contained a Proteftation againft the lega- 
 lity of their Commiffion, drawn out in 
 full form, and read it aloud in the face of 
 the Court. This provoked them fo much, 
 that after a great deal of foul language gi- 
 ven him by Lord Chancellor Jefferies, 
 who fat as Prelident of the Court, he was 
 forthwith fentenced to be expelled the 
 College ; and accordingly continued fo 
 till the Revolution. He was defcended of 
 a noble family, being the fon of a younger 
 brother of Ferdiftando, Lord Fairfax^ 
 who was the father of the famous Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax^ General of the Parli- 
 ament army. 
 
 Dr. Prideaux on his return from the 
 
 Convocation, finding the Cathedral Church 
 
 F 2 fullv 
 
(68 ) 
 
 fully fettled under the new Dean, who, as 
 he had no other avocation, conftantly re- 
 fided there -, and the Popifli controverfy 
 being brought to an end by the Revoluti- 
 on, he quitted Norwich, and retired to his 
 Parfonage of Saham in the County of 
 Norfolk, which he ferved conftantly eve- 
 ry Sunday, morning and afternoon, during 
 the four years that he lived there, except- 
 ing only, while he was keeping his two 
 months refidence at Norwich, or vifiting 
 his Archdeaconry of Suffolk, which he 
 did conftantly twice every year, till difa- 
 bled to bear the journey, by the unhap- 
 py diforder, that afterwards came upon 
 him. For the firft three years after the 
 Revolution, he took upon himfelf the of- 
 fice of preaching at every place where he 
 held his vifitation, which was a caution 
 then very neceftary, for preventing fuch of 
 the Clergy, as were not fatisfied of the 
 juftice of the Revolution, from launching 
 out on topicks, that might give offence 
 to the Government, when it (hould come 
 to their turn to preach. In all the fer- 
 mons he preached on this occafion, he, 
 with great earneftnefs, preffed upon the 
 
 Clergy 
 
( 6 9 ) 
 
 Clergy the faithful difcharge of the du- 
 ties of their function ; that fo they might 
 to the utmoft of their power, both by the 
 good examples of their lives, and the 
 foundnefs of their Doctrines, promote 
 the honour of God, and the falvation of 
 fouls amongft the people, to whom they 
 were fent ; and being well informed, that 
 in many families of the Clergy, Prayers 
 were wholly omitted, and God not at all 
 called upon, either morning or evening ; 
 in one of his vifitations, he made it the 
 fubject: of his fermons in all the feveral 
 divifions of his Archdeaconry, to urge 
 them to the performance of this duty. 
 When the Jews pray thrice every day, 
 and the Mahometans five times, he 
 thought it a fhame to Chriflians, efpe- 
 cially the Clergy, not to do it at leaft 
 twice every day j prayer being one of the 
 prime duties, which by the nature of their 
 office the Clergy are defigned to j and the 
 Kubrick of the Commojz-Prayer (to the ob- 
 servance of which they have all fubfcribed) 
 obligeth every one of them, as well Dea- 
 cons as Priefts, to be conflant and faithful 
 F 3 herein : 
 
( 7°) 
 
 herein : for the words of the Rubrick in 
 the beginning of the Common-Prayer Book, 
 under the title, concerning the Jervice of 
 the Church, are as follow ; That all 
 Trie/Is and Deacons are to fay daily, the 
 morning and evening prayer, either pri- 
 vately, or openly, not being let by ficknefs, 
 or fome other urgent caufe. It is true, the 
 words immediately following this claufe 
 in the Rubrick direct thefe morning and 
 evening prayers to be faid openly by the 
 Miniller, in the Church or Chapel, where 
 they minifter: but this being impractica- 
 ble in Country parifhes, by reafon of the 
 difficulty of getting the people together, 
 from their feveral diftant habitations ; the 
 next thing, that is practicable, is to be faid 
 in its ftead, and that is family prayer j for 
 this is open prayer, as well as the other, 
 in the fenfe of the Rubrick, which is ma- 
 nifeit, in that it is there oppofed to private 
 prayer. Both therefore are included in 
 the obligation of this rule j fo that where 
 the former cannot be performed, the other 
 at leaft muft. But however this be, as 
 it is the duty of every man, that is maf- 
 
 ter 
 
( 71) 
 
 ter of a family, to take care, that God be 
 daily worfhipped in it, more efpecially it 
 is fo, if he be of the Clergy, who are all 
 confecrated, and fet apart for the work of 
 prayer, as well as that of preaching the 
 word ; and therefore ought by their ex- 
 ample, as well as by their inftruclion and 
 exhortation, to excite all men thereto; 
 and confequently, are of all men moft 
 unpardonable, if themfelves neglect this 
 duty. The Doctor carried this matter fo 
 far, as to tell them, that prayer was fo 
 much the duty of the Clergy, that every one 
 of the order mould not only be diligent and 
 conflant in daily offering of it up unto 
 God, every morning and evening with his 
 whole family ; but that in whatever o- 
 ther family, he mould at any time happen 
 to lodge, he ought to offer his prayers to 
 the family, if they mould not be other- 
 wife provided for that duty, and exhort 
 them to join with him in them; and 
 fhould they refufe to hearken to him there- 
 in, let him look on that houfe, as unfit 
 for a Clergyman to make his abode in, 
 and avoid it accordingly. 
 
 F 4 The 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 The Biihoprick of Norwich being va- 
 cant, on Bifhop Lloyd's deprivation, Di\ 
 Compton, Bifhop of London, and Dr. Lloyd \ 
 Bifhop of St. Afaph, were appointed by 
 Commiffion to govern the Diocefe, till a 
 SucceiTor mould be nominated ; and they 
 confulted and advifed with Dr. Prideaux, 
 in moft things, which they did by virtue 
 of this delegacy, who ferved them on all 
 occafions much to their fatisfa&ion. 
 
 The caufe of Bifhop Lloyd's depriva- 
 tion was his not taking the oaths to 
 King William and Queen Mary, as has 
 been mentioned above ; for on his firft 
 refufal, Auguft the ifr, Anno Domini, 
 1689, he was with feveral others of the 
 Clergy, who were of the fame fentiments 
 with him as to this matter, fufpended 
 from his office, and on his perfifting in 
 the fame refufal, was on the firft of Feb- 
 ruary following, deprived and wholly 
 outed of his Bifhoprick, according to the 
 tenor of an Act of Parliament, in that 
 behalf made ; and thereby the Diocefe 
 was deprived of a very able and worthy 
 
 Paftor ; 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 Paftor j for he was an excellent Preacher, 
 a man of great integrity and piety, 
 thoroughly underftood all the parts and 
 duties of his function, and had a mind 
 fully bent to put them all in execution, 
 for the honour of God, and the good of 
 his Church on all occafions. He was firft 
 Bifhop of handaff, from thence tranfla- 
 ted to Peterborough, and from thence by 
 another tranflation promoted to the See 
 of Norwich. After his deprivation, he 
 lived very retired, in fome of the villages 
 near London -, firft at Hogfdon, next at 
 Wandfworth, and afterwards at Hammer- 
 fmith ; where he died on the firft of 
 January, Anno Domini, 1709, being full 
 twenty years after he had been deprived 
 of his Bifhoprick. 
 
 Whilst Dr. Prideaux lived at Sa- 
 ham, he contracted a friendship with fe- 
 veral of the neighbouring gentry j parti- 
 cularly with Sir John Holland, and Sir 
 Edward Atkins. The former of thefe 
 was a gentleman, who retained a remark- 
 able vigour in a very advanced age, be- 
 ing paft ninety, when the Doctor firft 
 
 became 
 
(7+) 
 
 became acquainted with him ; and after- 
 wards lived to be, within one of an hun- 
 dred. He was a perfon of great under- 
 ftanding and wifdom, and had made a ve- 
 ry confiderable figure in the long Parlia- 
 ment, where he was always for moderate 
 meafures, and fided with thofe, who were 
 for compofing matters with the King ; 
 till at laft, finding, that all attempts of 
 this kind were conftantly defeated by 
 the violence of parties, fometimes on the 
 fide of the Parliament, fometimes by the 
 King, and that there were no hopes of 
 bringing matters to an accommodation, 
 he began to defpair, of being any longer 
 ferviceable to his King or his Country ; 
 and therefore retired into Holland, where 
 he lived moll part of his time, till the re- 
 turn of King Charles the fecond, when 
 he was appointed one of the Commiffio- 
 ners fent by the Parliament to bring him 
 home. As to Sir Edward Atkins, he lived 
 much nearer the Doctor, and converfed 
 with him more frequently. He was a 
 man of great piety, probity, and good- 
 nefs, and had in the reign of King James 
 
 the 
 
(75 ) 
 
 the fecond, been Lord Chief Baron of 
 the Exchequer, and acquitted himfelf in 
 that port, with great juftice and integrity, 
 efpecially towards the Clergy, whom he 
 would never naffer to be oppreffed, and 
 of whofe rights he was remarkably care- 
 ful, whilft he prefided in that Court. 
 On the Acceffion of King William, and 
 Queen Mary, having refufed to take the 
 oaths, this excluded him from all place, 
 under the Government in that reign, on 
 which he retired to Pickenham in Nor- 
 folk, and there lived quietly, greatly re- 
 fpecled and efteemed by all his neigh- 
 bours, to whom he was very ufeful, in re- 
 conciling their differences. For being a 
 man of great reputation and integrity, 
 whenever any controverfy arofe amongft 
 them, they ufually referred it to his arbi- 
 tration j which he always decided with 
 juftice and equity, and generally to the 
 fatisfa&ion of both parties. This was his 
 chief employment and delight in this re- 
 tirement, fcarce a week palling, in which 
 he had not feveral of thefe caufes brought 
 before him; for as his fame fpread all 
 over the country, people came from con- 
 
 fiderable 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 fiderable diftances, to lay their caufes be- 
 fore him. As to the oaths, though he al- 
 ways refufed to take them himfelf, he 
 condemned no one elfe who did. His 
 ufual faying was, when he was difcourfed 
 with about this matter, that the Devil was 
 bufy with men on their Death-beds j and 
 therefore he would keep his mind free, 
 that when he mould come to die, he 
 might have no doubts or fears on this ac- 
 count, to difturb his confeience. About 
 a year after Dr. Prideaux left Saham* 
 Sir Edward alfo left Pickenham, and re- 
 moved with his family to London, where 
 he not long after died of the Stone. 
 
 In the beginning of the year, 1689, 
 it being thought proper to fill up the va- 
 cant diocefes, Dr. Tillotfon, Dean of St. 
 Paul's, was declared Archbimop of Can- 
 terbury , Dr. Beveridge, Bifhop of Bath 
 and Wells, Dr. Fowler, Bifhop of Gloce- 
 Jler, Dr. Cumberland, Bifhop of Peterbo- 
 rough, Dr. Moor, Bifhop of Norwich, 
 Dr. Patrick was tranflated from Chi- 
 chejler to Ely, and Dr. Grove, made Bi- 
 fhop of Cbichejler in his place, and Dr. 
 
 lronfide 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 Ironfide, Bifhop of Brijlol, was tran dated 
 to Hereford, and Dr. Hall was nomina- 
 ted to the Bifhoprick of Brijlol in his 
 Head. But Dr. Beveridge having refufed 
 to take the Bifhoprick of Bath and Wells, 
 on account of his friendmip with Bifhop 
 Ken, v/ho had been deprived of the fame, 
 for not taking the oaths, Dr. Richard 
 Kidder Dean of Peterborough, and one of 
 the Prebendaries of Norwich, a particular 
 friend of Dr. Prideaux's, was appointed 
 Bifhop of that Diocefe in his ftead. 
 About the fame time, Dr. Lamplugb, 
 Archbifhop of York dying, Dr. Sharp 
 Dean of Canterbury was appointed to fuc- 
 ceed him. And all thefe being fettled in 
 their feveral Bifhopricks, before the next 
 feflion of Parliament, took their feats 
 there, and fupplied the Bench of Bifliops, 
 which, till then, had been very thin, ever 
 fince the Revolution. 
 
 While the filling of thefe Sees 
 was under deliberation, the Bifliops of 
 London and St. Ajaph both earneflly re- 
 commended Dr. Prideaux for the Bim- 
 oprick of Norwich, without his know- 
 ledge 
 
( 78 ) 
 
 ledge or defire. For had their recommen- 
 dation taken place, and the Doctor there- 
 on been named to that Bifhoprick, he 
 mufl have followed Dr. Beveridges ex- 
 ample, and refufed it on the fame ac- 
 count as Dr. Beveridge did ; that was, be- 
 caufe of his great friendfhip with Bifhop 
 Lloyd. For one of the laft things, that 
 good Bifhop did in his diocefe, was ma- 
 king Dr. Prideaux Archdeacon of Suf- 
 folk j and mould the Doctor, after this, 
 have accepted of his Bifhoprick, it would 
 have founded ill with many, and carried 
 fomewhat like the appearance of ingrati- 
 tude towards his benefactor; not but 
 that the Doctor well knew there would 
 have been no juftice in fuch a cenfure ; 
 for if Bifhop Lloyd could not with a fafe 
 confcience bring himfelf to take thefe 
 oaths, which the Law of the land pre- 
 ferred, as a necefTary qualification for 
 holding his Bifhoprick, he certainly did 
 right in quitting that, rather than offer- 
 ing any violence to his confcience, in this 
 matter : but there is no reafon why the 
 Church of that Diocefe mould remain 
 without a paftor, or another, who did not 
 
 labour 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 labour under the fame fcruples with Bi- 
 {hop Lloyd, mould decline the accep- 
 tance of that office, for which the other 
 was by law difqualified, and that without 
 any injury or injuftice to him. However, 
 Dr. Prideaux conlidered, that it was ne- 
 ceffary, efpecially for one in that ftation, 
 to avoid all appearance of evil. And that 
 a Bimop muft have the good efteem of 
 his People, in order to make his Miniftry 
 efficacious amongft them ; that this efteem 
 was as much diminilhed by actions mifta- 
 kenly reputed evil, as by thofe, which are 
 truly foi and in fhort, that a Bifhop 
 mould be, as Cafar would have his wife 
 not only clear of all guilt, but free from 
 the imputation of it like wife. 
 
 In the firft Seffion of Parliament, af- 
 ter the new Bifhops had taken their feats 
 there, two bills were brought into the 
 Houfe of Lords relating to the Church, 
 in both of which Dr. Prideaux happen- 
 ed to be concerned. The firft was to 
 take away Pluralities of Benefices with 
 Cure of Souls, the other to prevent clan- 
 defline marriages : that which was for 
 
 taking 
 
( 8o ) 
 
 taking away Pluralities of Benefices with 
 Cure of Souls, was chiefly pufhed on by 
 Dr. Burnet Bifliop of Salijbury ; and be- 
 fore any thing on this fubject was offered 
 to the Parliament, that zealous and 
 learned Bilhop communicated the defign 
 with a draught of it to Dr. Prideaux, 
 and asked his advice upon it. The Doc- 
 tor in his letter, which he wrote to the 
 Bifliop in anfwer to this, made three ob- 
 jections againft it. Firft, that it was too 
 long j for that the privilege the Lords 
 have of qualifying their Chaplains for 
 Pluralities, being what they will be very 
 unwilling to have taken away or leffened, 
 it is to be expected, that the Bill will meet 
 with great oppofition in the Upper Houfe^ 
 and every word of it will be there fcann- 
 ed and canvaffed, in order to throw it 
 out ; and therefore the more words there 
 are in it, the larger fcope will be given 
 for objections. Secondly, it takes away 
 all Pluralities without exception ; whereas 
 there are a great number of parifhes in 
 England (o meanly provided with main- 
 tenance for their Minifters, that unlefs 
 they be allowed to be ferved by fome of 
 
 the 
 
( 8i ) 
 
 the neighbouring Clergy, they will be 
 wholly defertedj and therefore it is ne- 
 ceflkryj that for fuch cafes at leaft, ex- 
 ception be made, and Pluralities allowed 
 of. Thirdly, it feemed to out thofe of 
 their Pluralities, who had by legal difpen- 
 fations been fettled in them before the 
 date of the bill ; which would be thought 
 a great hardihip on the prefent poflefTors, 
 who have purchafed thofe difpenfations, 
 and make the bill to pafs the Parliament 
 with greater difficulty. His advice there- 
 fore was, that the bill, without any retro* 
 fpect to what was thus pa (Ted, (hou)d on- 
 ly provide, that all Pluralities for the fu- 
 ture mould be restrained within the li- 
 mits of five miles diftance, meafuring 
 it by the common road from one Church 
 to another j and that all this be exprefted 
 in as mort a bill as poflible : And fuch a 
 bill the Doctor drew up, at his Lordfhip's 
 fequeft, and fent him, with a mort trea- 
 tife concerning his reafons for the fame. 
 This bill was by his Lordmip offered to 
 the Archbiihop, who, at a meeting of the 
 Bifhops at Lambeth, having laid it before 
 them, with feveral other draughts prepared 
 G for 
 
( 82 ) 
 
 for the fame purpofe. Dr. Prideaux's 
 bill was unanimoufly approved of, and 
 chofen by them, before all the other 
 draughts ; and it was then agreed, that 
 this mould be the bill, which mould be 
 offered to the Parliament. But the Lords, 
 as Dr. Prideaux had apprehended, were 
 fo fond of their privilege of qualifying 
 Chaplains for Pluralities, that they would 
 hearken to nothing, which mould diminish 
 or reftrain it 3. and therefore would not al- 
 low the bill, fo much as to be once read 
 in their houfe. Dr. Prideaux however 
 in hopes, that the good of the Church 
 might at fometime prevail fo far, as to 
 have this confidered again with better fuc- 
 cefs, and that this Bill and Treatife 
 might then prove of fome ufe, for regu- 
 lating this matter, caufed them both to 
 be printed in the year 17 10, and pub- 
 limed at the end of his Book, concern- 
 ing the original and right of tythes. 
 
 A s to the other Bill againft clandeftine 
 marriages, it was brought into the Houfe 
 of Lords by one of the Peers : and the 
 purport of it was, to make it felony in 
 
 the 
 
( »3 ) 
 
 the Minifter, who mould folemnize or of- 
 ficiate at fuch marriage. Upon this a 
 long debate arifing, Dr. Kidder, then Bi- 
 fhop of Bath and Wells, wrote to Dr. Pri- 
 deaux to defire his opinion about it ; The 
 Doctor, on the receipt of his Lordmip's 
 letter, which came to him on monday, 
 wrote an anfwer, and fent it, by the next 
 poft, the Wednefday following. It con- 
 tained about three meets of paper, in 
 which he (hews, that the original law for 
 preventing Clandeftine marriages ordains, 
 that the banns of matrimony mall be three 
 times publifhed in the Church or Chapel, 
 to which each party belongs, before any 
 marriage mall be folemnized between 
 them. Secondly, that this law is not to 
 be difpenfed with, or any licenfe granted 
 thereon to marry, without the faid publi- 
 cation of banns, but to perfons of good 
 ftate and quality. Thirdly, that all fuch 
 difpenfations and licenfes be granted only 
 by the Ecclefiaftical Judge, who hath 
 power to examine upon oath, whether 
 the faid marriage may be legally celebra- 
 ted or not. Fourthly, that the Judge, on 
 his examining into the cafe, muft have 
 
 G2 it 
 
(84) 
 
 it vouched to him, by the oath of orife 
 of the parties at leaft, that there is no let, 
 impediment, or precontract, confangui- 
 nity, affinity, or any other caufe whatfo- 
 ever, nor any fuit commenced in any Ec- 
 clefiaftical Court, to barr or hinder the 
 proceedings of the faid matrimony ; and 
 he muft further have it attefted by the 
 oaths of two other witnelTes, whereof 
 one is to be known to the Judge, that 
 the party to be married (if under age) 
 have the confent of parents or guardians, 
 in cafe the parents are dead : And when 
 he is fatisfied of all this, and hath alfo ta- 
 ken fecurity for the fame, he may then, 
 and not before, decree for the difpenfa- 
 tion, and grant licenfe accordingly, for 
 the celebration of the marriage, without 
 publication of banns ; provided he direct 
 it to be done in the church or chapel, to 
 which both or one of the parties belong, 
 and not elfe where. And fifthly, the 
 Doctor further (hewed in the faid let- 
 ter, that in cafe all thefe rules and pre- 
 cautions were duly executed and obferved, 
 it is fcarce poflible, any clandeftine mar- 
 riage (hould ever happen. But (hould 
 
 they 
 
(«5) 
 
 they be all obferved, not one third part 
 of the licenfes now made fale of would 
 be granted out, which would very confi- 
 derably diminifh the income, which 
 Chancellors, CommuTaries, and their Re- 
 gisters make of their places ; and there- 
 fore, they have, by a general confpira- 
 cy, all England over, fet them afide for 
 the fake of promoting their own unjuft 
 lucre. For now, inftead of obferving the 
 rules, and taking the precautions, and fe- 
 curities above mentioned, in granting 
 matrimonial licenfes ; Chancellors and 
 CommhTaries feal them up in heaps, leav- 
 ing blanks to be filled up, for any that 
 will pay for them ; and thus fend them 
 to market all over their jurifdiction, to 
 be put off, as it happens, to any who want 
 them, without any other examination 
 than of the purfe of the purchafer, whe- 
 ther he hath money enough to pay the 
 fees. Thus it comes to pafs, that abun- 
 dance of ruinous matches are conflantly 
 contracted under the authority of thefe 
 illegal licenfes j and the fcandal of all falls 
 upon the Church. In the fame letter, 
 the Doctor takes efpecial notice of ano- 
 G 3 ther 
 
 • 
 
( 86 ) 
 
 ther particular, which is, that whereat 
 the Canons of 1603. do more than once 
 enjoin, that all mariages mall be celebrated 
 in the church or chapel, to which one or 
 both of the parties belong, leafl the mi- 
 nifter might be furprized into the cele- 
 brating of an illegal or unfitting marriage, 
 by his not knowing the parties j they 
 take upon themfelves the liberty of act- 
 ing contrary to this rule at their pleafure ; 
 and without any regard to the Canons, 
 which prefcribe it, direct their licenfes to 
 be executed in any church or chapel 
 within their refpeclive jurifdictions, which 
 the parties or either of them (hall defire ; 
 and this hath given an opportunity to 
 the bringing about moft of the flolen 
 marriages, that are complained of, which, 
 had this rule been duly obferved, would in 
 all likelihood have been prevented : for all 
 perfons being ufually well known in the 
 paiifhes where they live, efpecially to the 
 Minifter, the fraud of fuch a marriage 
 cannot but be feen and difcovered, when 
 it comes to him to be executed ; and in 
 confequence, if he be not a very bad man, 
 hindered and prevented by him. On the 
 
 other 
 
( «7 ) 
 
 other hand, places, where the parties are 
 leaft known, are the propereft for acts of 
 fraud and illegality 5 and fuch they will 
 never want, as long as Chancellors and 
 CommifTaries take the liberty of granting 
 the licenfes above mentioned ; and there- 
 by encourage and help forward the ini- 
 quity, which they are in duty bound to 
 prevent. 
 
 Dr. Prideaux's advice therefore to the Bi- 
 fhop of Bath and Wells was, that he mould 
 endeavour to prevail with his Grace the 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury, and the reft 
 of the Bifhops, to put the laws in exe- 
 cution, which are already made againfl: 
 clandeftine marriages ; for better laws 
 cannot be contrived to reform this abufe, 
 than thofe, which are already to be found 
 in our Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions for this 
 purpofe : and were thefe laws duly ob- 
 ferved, and vigoroufly profecuted againfl 
 all that violated them, there would be no 
 need of making Ads of Parliament, or 
 eftablifhing fanguinary laws againfl: the 
 Clergy for preventing this iniquity. 
 
 G 4 As 
 
(88) 
 
 A s to the bill itfelf, Dr. Prideaux in 
 his letter declared, that mould it pafs into 
 an Act, it would be, in his opinion, the 
 greatefl haidfhip, that ever was put upon 
 the Clergy in any Chriftian flate ; for it 
 would be a continual fnare of ruin and 
 destruction to them, fince it would fub- 
 ject them to be tried for their lives, every 
 marriage they folemnized. That it would 
 not be a fufficient falvo, to fay the licenfe 
 would be their fecurity -, for who would 
 care to have the fafety of his life depend 
 on a flip of paper, which the rats might 
 cat up, or an hundred other accidents 
 happen to deftroy ; and then the Minifter 
 mult fuffer death for want of it ? And 
 further, for his part, the Doctor declared 
 to the Bifhop, that after the pafling of 
 this bill, whatever mould be the confe- 
 quence, he would never marry any more 
 perfons ; and was of opinion, that all 
 other miniftcrs, who had any regard for 
 their own fafety, would take the fame 
 refolution j and then the bill, inftead of 
 preventing clandestine marriages, would 
 
 operate 
 
( 8 9 ) 
 
 operate fo far, as to put a flop to all 
 marriages whatfoever. Thefe confidera- 
 tions, when offered to the Houfe in the 
 debate, were thought to carry fuch weight 
 with them, that thofe, who brought in 
 the bill, were content to drop it, and prefix- 
 ed it no further. The Bifhop of Bath 
 and Wells, on his perufal of this letter, 
 forthwith fent it to the prefs, without Dr. 
 Prideaux*s knowledge or confent ; and 
 the next week after, to the Doctor's great 
 furprize, it came down to him in print. 
 This he would have had great reafon to 
 be offended at, had not the Bifhop fpared 
 him fo far, as not to put his name to it. 
 
 In the fame year 169 1, towards the 
 end of the long vacation, died Dr. Ed- 
 ward Pocock, the eminent Hebrew Pro- 
 feflbr at Oxford, in the eighty-eighth year 
 of his age. On his death, Dr. Prtdeaux 
 was offered to fucceed him in his Profef- 
 for's place, but declined it for feveral rea- 
 fons, which at that time made it incon- 
 venient to him to accept it, but after, 
 wards it proved much to his detriment, 
 that he did not. 
 
 About 
 
( 9° ) 
 
 A i o u T Whitfunday Anno Domini 1692, 
 Bifhop Moor firfl came into his diocefe, 
 and Dr. Prideaux then attended him as 
 one of his Archdeacons for the examin- 
 ing of Candidates, who offered themfelves 
 to be ordained, which afforded him mat- 
 ter of great concern j for he ufed fre- 
 quently to lament the excelTive ignorance 
 he had met with, in fuch as offered 
 themfelves for holy orders, at their exami- 
 nations ; that men, who were themfelves 
 unacquainted with the common doctrines 
 of Chnftianity, neceffary to the falvati- 
 on of their own fouls, mould take upon 
 them the facred office of conducting 
 others to falvation : And this he attributed 
 in a great meafure to the neglect of fa- 
 mily devotion ; for while Religion re- 
 mained in families, and God was daily 
 worfhipped, children were early bred up 
 by their parents, and inflructed in the 
 knowledge of him ; and the principles of 
 Chriftianity, thus firfl infUUed into them, 
 continued to grow up with them into 
 further knowledge, as themfelves grew to 
 be further capable of it. And whilft 
 
 young 
 
(9i ) 
 
 young men were thus educated, when 
 any of them were fent to the Univerfity, 
 there to be fitted by their ftudies, for the 
 Miniftry of Religion, they carried fome 
 knowledge of it thither with them, and 
 thereby became the fooner and more ef- 
 fectually qualified, to become teachers of 
 it. But fince family devotion and family 
 instruction, through the caufes already 
 mentioned, have been neglected, and this 
 neglect, through the corruption of the 
 times, has grown fo faft, as now in a great 
 meafure to have overfpread the land, 
 young men frequently come to the Uni- 
 verfity without any knowledge or tincture 
 of Religion at all $ and having little op- 
 portunity of improving themfelves there- 
 in, whilft Undergraduates, becaufe the 
 courfe of their ftudies inclines them to 
 Philofophy and other kinds of learning; 
 they are ufually admitted to their firft de- 
 gree of Batchellors of Arts, with the 
 fame ignorance as to all facred learning, 
 as when firft admitted into the Univerfi- 
 tjes ; and many of them aflbon as they 
 have taken that degree, offering them- 
 felves for orders, are too often admitted 
 
 to 
 
(92 ) 
 
 to be teachers in the Church, when they 
 are only fit to be Catechumens therein. 
 Thefe Confiderations made the Doctor of- 
 ten lament the lofs of Dr. Busbfs bene- 
 faction, who offered to found two Cate- 
 chiftical lectures, one in each Univerfity, 
 with an endowment of ioo /. per Annum, 
 each, for inftructing the Undergraduates 
 in the Rudiments of the Chriftian Reli- 
 gion j provided all the faid Undergraduates 
 ihould be obliged to attend thofe lectures, 
 and none of them be admitted to the de- 
 gree of Batchelors of Arts, 'till after ha- 
 ving been examined by the Catechift, as 
 to their knowledge in the Doftrines and 
 Precepts of the Chriftian Religion, and by 
 him approved of. But this condition be- 
 ing rejected by both Univerfities, the be- 
 nefaction was rejected therewith j and 
 the Church hath ever fince fuffered for 
 the want of it. He ufed likewife to 
 complain of another abufe, which he fre- 
 quently met with at ordinations ; that is, 
 falfe teftimonials j for how defective fo- 
 ever any of the Candidates may be in 
 their learning, and how faulty and Ican- 
 dalous foever in their manners, they ne- 
 ver 
 
(93) 
 
 ver want ample testimonials, with the 
 full number of neighbouring Minifters 
 hands thereto, vouching the contrary. 
 By this means Bifhops are often fo decei- 
 ved, as to admit into orders fuch, as are 
 notorioufly unworthy of them. This the 
 Doclor thought was a fcandalous abufe in 
 thofe Minifters, who mifguided and impo- 
 fed on Bifhops by fuch falfe teftimonials ; 
 for the remedying of which it would be 
 proper, that any Minifter, who fhould 
 thus endeavour by unjuftifiable means to 
 procure orders for an undeferving perfon, 
 fhould himielf be fufpended from his 
 own, till he was made feniible of his er- 
 ror; and ever after ftand unqualified 
 for giving any more teftimony in the like 
 cafes. 
 
 After the Act of Toleration had 
 patted the Royal Aflent, the firft of King 
 William and Queen Mary, many people 
 foolifhly imagined, that, they had there- 
 by full liberty given them, either to go 
 to Church or ftay away, and idly difpofe 
 of themfelves elfe where, as they fhould 
 
 think 
 
(94) 
 
 think fit; and acordingly, the Publick 
 Affemblies for Divine worfhip on the 
 Lord's day were much deferted, and ale- 
 houfes much more reforted to than the 
 Churches. Dr. Prideaux, in order to put 
 a flop to this growing evil, drew up a cir- 
 cular letter, directed to the Minifters of 
 his Archdeaconry, in which, after he had 
 informed them, that, the faid Act gave 
 no Toleration to abfent from Church, 
 but only to fuch, who, dilTenting from 
 the Eftablifhed Religion, worfhipped God 
 elfewhere, with one of the dilTenting feels 
 mentioned in the faid Act, and that all, 
 who abfented themfelves from Church, 
 and did not thus worfhip God elfewhere, 
 were under the fame penalties of law 
 as before, and ought to be punifhed ac- 
 cordingly, he defired them to fend for 
 their Church-Wardens, and having fully 
 inftructed them in this matter, exhort 
 them to do their duty herein, and pre- 
 fent, at all vifitations for the future, all 
 fuch prophane and irreligious abfenters 
 from Church, in the fame manner as for- 
 merly ufed to be done before this Act 
 
 was 
 
( 9S j 
 
 was made. This circular letter he fent to 
 London, and having there gotten as ma- 
 ny copies of it to be printed, as there 
 were parifhes in his Archdeaconry; on 
 his next vifitation, which was Michael- 
 mas, Anno Domini 1692, difperfed them 
 amongft the Minifters of the faid parifli- 
 es, giving each of them one. It was 
 afterwards published at the end of 
 his Directions to Churchwardens, and 
 underwent feveral editions. This letter, 
 he found, had, in fome meafure, its in- 
 tended effect, though it could not wholly 
 cure this evil. 
 
 O n Michaelmas 1694. he thought 
 proper to leave Saham, and return again 
 with his family to Norwich, after he had 
 refided there about four years. His rea- 
 fons for leaving this place were, that 
 the country thereabouts fubjecting people to 
 agues, his family were hardly ever free from 
 that diftemper, all the time he lived there. 
 He was himfelf fick of it a confiderable 
 time j and two of his children were fo long 
 ill, and contracted fo bad a ftate of health 
 from it, as afterwards coft them both 
 
 their 
 
(96) 
 
 their lives. Befides, being obliged to leave 
 moft of his books at Norwich, as not ha- 
 ving room for them in his houfe at Sa- 
 bam t this hindered him from carrying 
 on his ftudies according to his inclinati- 
 ons ; and in thefe he was further inter- 
 rupted, whilft he tarried there, by the 
 avocations he frequently met with in 
 country bufinefs, which made him weary 
 of the place j and on all thefe confidera- 
 tions, he determined to leave it. On his 
 quitting Saham, he gave it up altogether, 
 without referving to himfelf any of the 
 profits, as he might have done, by put- 
 ting a Curate on the parifh ; and revi- 
 ving, that as far as in him lay, the bene- 
 fice and the office mould go together, he 
 refigned both into the hands of the Bi- 
 fhop, and wrote to the Warden and Fel- 
 lows of New-College in Oxford, who were 
 patrons of the living, to prefent another ; 
 which they did accordingly. 
 
 On the Doctor's return to Norwich, 
 the whole bufinefs of the Cathedral fell 
 again into his hands, and he was obliged 
 to undertake the burden of it, to prevent 
 
 all 
 
(97 ) 
 
 all from running to confufiom The Dean 
 refided moftly at London, and hardly ever 
 came to Norwich till towards the latter 
 end of his time ; and Dr. Prideaux, after 
 he had left Saham, being conftantly 
 there, this gave him a full opportunity to 
 make himfelf mafler of the affairs of 
 that Church ; which he continued to 
 take care off till the time of his death. 
 
 On the 12th of February, Anno Do- 
 mini 1696, he was inftituted into the 
 Vicarage of Trowfe, on the prefentation 
 of the Dean and Chapter of Norwich. 
 It is a little village, within a mile of 
 Norwich, and a very fmall benefice, be- 
 ing hardly worth to him more than forty 
 pounds per annum. However, having no 
 Cure, fince he had refigned Saham, he 
 took this fmall vicarage, rather for the 
 fake of exercifing the duties of his func- 
 tion in that parifh, than out of any re- 
 gard to the fmall profits arifing, there- 
 from ; for though his Prebendiliip of. 
 Norwich, and Archdeaconry of Suffolk, 
 which were all the preferments he had at 
 this time, fell very much fhort of a fuf- 
 H ficiency 
 
(98) 
 
 fkiency to fupport him, yet, as he had 
 private fortunes of his own, he needed 
 not fo imall an acceflion for his mainte- 
 nance. Having taken upon himfelf this 
 Cure, he diligently attended it, ferving it 
 himfelf every Sunday for feveral years to- 
 gether, till he was difabled by the calami- 
 tous diftemper of the ftone, from going 
 any more into the pulpit, and then re- 
 figncd it ; as will be hereafter mentioned, 
 it being his refolution, not to keep any 
 cure, which he could not ferve himfelf. 
 
 In Eajler term 1697, he publifhed 
 his life of Mahomet, which was fo well 
 received in the world, that three editions 
 of them were fold off" the firft. year. He 
 had long defigned to write a Hiftory of 
 the Saracen Empire, from the begin- 
 ning of it, till it fell into pieces, by 
 the Governors of Provinces letting up 
 each for themfelves, Anno Domini, 936. 
 which was three hundred and fourteen 
 years from its firft rife under Mahomet. 
 By this partition, all the power and gran- 
 deur of it had an end 5 though its name, 
 
 with 
 
(99) 
 
 with a fmall territory round Eagdat^ con- 
 tinued under the fucceeding Caliphs fome 
 ages after. This Hiflory, as it was to 
 have given an account of the rife and 
 progrefs of this Empire, and of the Ma- 
 hometan Religion with it; fo was itlikewife 
 to have comprehended the decay and fall 
 of the Grecian Empire in the Eaft, and 
 the Christian Religion, which funk with it 
 in thofe parts ; for the power of the 
 one empire being built on the decay and 
 ruins of the other, their Hiftories are ne* 
 cerTarily connected and interwoven with 
 each other. The Doctor begun his Hi- 
 ftory from the death of Mauritius the 
 Greek Emperor, which happened Anno 
 "Domini^ 602, and had gone fome way 
 in it, before he went to Saham ; but not 
 being able to go on with it there, for 
 want of his books, which he had left 
 behind him at Norwich, as was menti- 
 oned before , the work flood flill fome 
 time. However on his return to Nor- 
 wich, he refumed it again, with an in- 
 tention of perfecting it ; bat whilft he 
 was thus engaged in it, fome reafons oc- 
 curred to him, which made him defift 
 H 2 from 
 
( ioo ) 
 
 from profecuting it any further. He 
 came to a refolution therefore to publifh 
 only that part of it, which contained the 
 life of Mahomet, and drop all the reft. 
 What the reafons were, that induced him 
 to alter his defign, being fully fhown in 
 his Preface to that book, there is no need 
 of repeating them here. 
 
 The Doctor found in his Archidia- 
 conal vifitations, that the Church-wardens 
 of his Archdeaconry of Suffolk, as in all 
 other Archdeaconries, inflead of prefent- 
 ing what was amifs, as they are bound 
 by their oaths, at thofe vifitations, ufu- 
 ally gave in their preferments, as if all 
 was right ; and that for thofe parishes, 
 where the contrary was moft notorious. 
 This afforded him, as it muft every ho- 
 neft and confiderate man, matter of me- 
 lancholy reflection, that three or four 
 hundred men fhould thus deliberately 
 perjure themfelves twice a year. In or- 
 der therefore to put a flop to this evil, as 
 far as it was in his power, he wrote his 
 Directions to Chuchwardens, inftructing 
 them in all the branches of their duty, 
 
 which 
 
( I°l ) 
 
 which they had fworn to obferve, and ex- 
 horting and directing them faithfully and 
 carefully to difcharge their offices. This 
 Tract, as it was written for the ufe of his 
 Archdeaconry, he immediately difperfed 
 through all the parifh.es of it, affoon as 
 it came from the Prefs. The firft edition 
 bore date, December the 20th, 1707 ; and 
 fince that, feveral other editions have 
 been publifhed : the third, which bore 
 date in September 17 12, is the com- 
 pleateft ; for this the Doctor published, 
 after having revifed the two former edi- 
 tions, and made many confiderable addi- 
 tions and enlargements. This therefore, 
 as it came from the Author's laft hand, 
 and thofe editions, which have fince been 
 publifhed from it, I mould chufe to re- 
 commend to fuch, as have occafion for 
 the book. 
 
 In December Anno Domini 170 1. a 
 Convocation being met at London, for 
 tranfacting the affairs of the Church, Dr. 
 Prideaux went thither, and took his feat 
 amongft them as Archdeacon of Suf- 
 folk, On his arrival, he found them di- 
 H % vided 
 
( 1°2 ) 
 
 vided into the High-Church and Low- 
 Church parties. The nrft thing, that came 
 under their confideration, was the choice 
 of a Prolocutor. The High-Church Par- 
 ty fet up Dr. Woodward, Dean of SaliJ- 
 bury ; and the ethers propefed Dr. Be- 
 veridge, Archdeacon of Colchefier. The 
 former carried the election by a great 
 majority, and took the chair accordingly, 
 in which he conducted himfelf with 
 candour and abilities much beyond what 
 was expected from him. And now a 
 debate arofe, concerning the privileges 
 of the Lower Houfe, where a majority of 
 the Members claimed to be on the fame 
 footing, as to the Upper Houfe, that the 
 Commons in Parliament are, in regard to 
 the Houfe of Lords j that is, to adjourn 
 by their own authority, apart from the 
 Upper Houfe, when, and to fuch time, 
 as they mould think fit. This the Up- 
 per Houfe, that is, the Bifhcps, would 
 not admit of, but infifted, that the antient 
 ufage, which had been all along conti- 
 nued, was, that the Prefident adjourned 
 both Houles together, and to the fame 
 time ; and that this was fignified by a 
 
 fchedule 
 
( io 3 ) 
 
 fchedule fent down to the Lower Houfe ; 
 and that this practice they would abide 
 by, and allow of no other : and fo far 
 Dr. Prideaux concurred with them, as 
 thinking them in the right. But as to 
 their requiring, that the Lower Houfe 
 mould break up, as foon as the fchedule 
 came down to them, and appoint no 
 Committees to fit and act, on the inter- 
 mediate days; he was clearly of opinion, 
 that in both thefe particulars, they were 
 wholly in the wrong ; for as the Bifhops 
 ufually break very early, to attend the 
 fervice of the Houfe of Lords in Parlia- 
 ment, and then fend down the fchedule 
 of adjournment to the Lower Houfe, if 
 on the receipt of this fchedule, the Low- 
 er Houfe muft immediately break up al- 
 fo, what time could they have to dis- 
 patch the bufinefs before them ? It 
 feems natural from the reafon of the 
 thing, that the day of Seflions be allotted 
 for the bufinefs of it; and if (dj what 
 leifure can there be, unlefs on interme- 
 diate days, for any Committee to fit and 
 do the bufinefs referred to them ? Two 
 months of this meeting, were taken up in 
 H 4 arguing 
 
( 104 ) 
 
 arguing and debating thefe matters, which 
 were conteftcd with a great deal of heat 
 on both fides, as well without doors 
 (where there was abundance of pamph- 
 lets printed about them) as within the 
 Houfe. At length the Lower Houfe ap- 
 pointed a Committee to confider of fome 
 method, for accomodating and ending 
 this difpute, that fo they might be able to 
 proceed in the other bufinefs, for which 
 they were called. Dr. Prideaux was one 
 of this Committee, who fate fome time ; 
 but before any report could be made, the 
 Prolocutor fell ill and died : Upon which, 
 there arofe a new debate about appoint- 
 ing his fuccefTor ; but this did not laft 
 long} for within a few days after, on 
 the eighth of March 170 1, King Wil- 
 liam died, which put an end to the 
 Convocation. 
 
 On the tenth of May following, An- 
 710 Domini 1702, died Dr. Henry Fair- 
 fax ', Dean of Norwich, in the 68 th year 
 of his age, after having held that Deanry 
 upwards of eleven years ; and Doctor 
 Prideaux being appointed to fuccccd him, 
 
 was 
 
( io 5 ) 
 
 was inftalled into his Deanry, the eighth 
 of June following. 
 
 As soon as he was fettled herein, 
 he fet himfelf to work, in reforming fuch 
 diforders and abufes, as were crept into 
 the Cathedral, which he had no other 
 means of doing, than by purging it of 
 feveral obnoxious and fcandalous perfons, 
 who were the occafion of thofe diforders, 
 and filling up the vacancies, with the 
 beft men he could get. This he did 3 
 and by admoniming the reft, at length 
 brought the whole choir into perfect good 
 order ; and fo it continued for feveral 
 years to the time of his death. 
 
 The third of December •, Anno Domi- 
 ni 1702. being appointed a Publick 
 Thankfgiving Day, on account of our 
 fuccefs in the expedition againft Vigo, in 
 Spain, Dean Prideaux preached the 
 Thankfgiving Sermon, at the Cathedral 
 Church of Norwich, and, by defire of 
 the Mayor, and Aldermen of the city, 
 had it printed. This was the only fer- 
 mon he ever published ; and had he fol- 
 lowed 
 
( io6 ) 
 
 lowed his own inclinations, it would 
 have been one of the laft of all he had 
 preached from that pulpit, which he had 
 chofen for that purpofe j for, according 
 to the general turn of fuch fermons, it 
 contained little more than an harangue on 
 the occaiion of the day. However, after 
 it had been once published, the Bookfel- 
 lers thought proper to reprint it, at the 
 end of his Eccleiiaftical tracts printed at 
 London, Anno Domini 171 6. 
 
 In Eafter term following, Anno Domi- 
 ni 1703, he published a tract in vindica- 
 tion of the prefent eftablifhed law, which 
 gives the fucceflbr in any Ecclefiaftical 
 benefice or promotion all the profits from 
 the day of the avoidance. The occafion 
 of his writing this tract, was as follows : 
 As the law now ftands, if a beneficed 
 Clergyman dies a little before harveft, his 
 fucceflbr (hall go away with all the pro- 
 fits ; and by this means, often leaves the 
 family of his PredecefTor in great poverty 
 and diftrefs for the want of them. This 
 was by many thought a very hard cafe, 
 
 and 
 
( I0 7 ) 
 
 and feveral of the Clergy clamoured hard 
 for a new law to remedy it ; which in- 
 duced fome of the Bimops to think of 
 bringing a bill into Parliament for this 
 purpofe ; and the Bifhop of Salijbury, 
 Dr. Burnet, being particularly eealous in 
 this matter, undertook to draw the bill. 
 Dr. Prideaux hearing of this, fet himfelf 
 to examine into the cafe ; and after ha- 
 ving confidered it, wrote this tract about 
 it j in which, as his fentiments happen- 
 ed to concur with thofe of the Arch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury, the Archbifliop re- 
 commended it to the reft of the Bifhops, 
 who, on perufing it, were fo far convin- 
 ced, that all in general confented to drop 
 it, and there have never lince been any 
 thoughts of reviving it. This piece was 
 likewife reprinted with his Eccleftaftical 
 tracts. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1705. 
 the Dean had a very fignal deliverance 
 from great danger. Dr. Hayley, late 
 Dean of Chichejler, being then in the 
 neighbourhood of Norwicb, Dean Pn- 
 deaux went over to make him a vifit ; 
 
 and 
 
( io8 ) 
 
 and while he was there, the fervants of 
 the houfe ( without the knowledge or 
 privity of their matter ) made his coach- 
 man fo drunk, that, on his return, he fell 
 off the coach -box j and upon his fall- 
 ing, the horfes immediately took fright, 
 and ran away with him, near three miles 
 full fpeed, till at length they were acci- 
 dentally flopped by a poor labouring 
 man returning from his work. : And 
 happily the Dean received no harm. This 
 was a deliverance, which he was ever af- 
 ter very thankful to God for, whilft he 
 lived. And there were two circumftan- 
 ces, which feemed providentially to con- 
 cur in faving him : The firft was, that 
 on his return, inflead of driving the 
 direct road, through which he went, 
 he ordered his coachman to turn 
 to the right hand into another road, 
 which lead to a further part of the 
 city, where fome bufinefs called him. 
 Now this road being fmooth and plain, 
 there was lefs danger from an accident of 
 this fort ; whereas had he gone the other 
 road, which was the neareft way to his 
 own home, there was a fteep precipice 
 
 in 
 
( log ) 
 
 in it, over which the horfes would in 
 all probability have fallen, and beat the 
 coach in pieces, and deftroyed him. The 
 fecond was, that a little while before 
 this happened, being in company with 
 fome of his friends, the cafe of Bifhop 
 Grove, who loft his life by an accident of 
 the like kind, was talked of j and it was 
 then made apparent to him, that the fafeft 
 way in fuch a cafe would be to fit ftill, 
 and wait the event of an overthrow, or 
 the flopping of the horfes, by fome other 
 means. And had he not been thus fore- 
 warned, he had certainly endeavoured to 
 have leaped out of the coach, which, in 
 all probability, muft have been fatal to 
 him ; for whilft the horfes were running 
 full fpeed, it was hardly poflible for him 
 to have been fo quick in getting our, 
 but the hinder wheel would have caught 
 him in the attempt, and over-run him 
 to his deftrudtion. And this was the ru- 
 in of Bifhop Grove , who, whilll the hor- 
 fes were running away with him, endea- 
 voured to leap out; but the hinder wheel 
 of the coach overtook him, ran over 
 him, and broke his leg, of which he 
 
 died, 
 
( »o ) 
 
 died. Both thefe circumftances the 
 Dean ever after looked on, as inftances of 
 God's mercy, providentially operating to 
 his deliverance, and, as long as he lived, 
 was thankful for them. 
 
 The maintenance of the parochial 
 Clergy of Norwich, depending moflly 
 upon voluntary contributions, gathered 
 from door to door in every parifh, in the 
 year 1706. it was endeavoured to bring it 
 to a certainty, by Acl of Parliament j 
 and in order to this, a petition from the 
 city being necefTary, the Mayor, Alder- 
 men, and Common-Council, were folli- 
 cited to make this petition. While this 
 was in agitation, for the furthering the 
 fuccefs of fo good a defign, Dr. Pri- 
 deaux publifhed an award made by King 
 Charles the firft, and palled under his 
 Broad Seal for the fettling of two millings 
 in the pound, out of the rents of all 
 grounds, buildings, and edifices, within 
 the faid city of Norwich, for the faid pa- 
 rochial Clergy, to which he annexed a 
 difcourfe in vindication of the legality, 
 
 juftice, 
 
( "' ) 
 
 juftice, and reafonablenefs of that award ; 
 and in this treated particularly of the na- 
 ture and legality of perfonal tythes, and the 
 manner of paying them in the city of 
 London : and though this treatife did not, 
 at that time, anfwer the end, for which it 
 was intended, and produce the defired ef- 
 fect j yet, as he was in hopes it 
 might fome time or other be of ufe for 
 that purpofe, he had it reprinted again 
 amongft his Ecclefiaftical traces, Anno Do- 
 mini 17 16. 
 
 In the year 1707. the Bifhoprick of 
 Ely falling void by the death of Bifhop 
 Patrick, Doctor Moor, Bifhop of Nor- 
 wich, was tranflated thither ; and Dr. 
 Charles Trimnell, one of the Prebendaries 
 of Norwich, was promoted to the See of 
 Norwich. From the tranflation of Bifhop 
 Moor to the naming his Succeffor, near 
 half a year intervened j and during this 
 time, the Dean had many letters fent 
 him by his friends, advifing and encoura- 
 ging him to make intereft for the Bifhop- 
 rick : but this he could by no means be 
 perfuaded to do, nor did he think it con- 
 
 • fiftent 
 
( "2 ) 
 
 iiftent with his intereft to accept of it, in 
 cafe it had been offered him j for he was 
 then near fixty years of age ; and as the 
 revenues of his Deanry and Archdeacon- 
 ry would better fuport him in his prefent 
 ntuation, than thofe of the Bifhoprick in 
 the ntuation of a Bifhop, he thought it 
 better to continue as he was ; efpecially 
 as the coming into that Bifhoprick in nrft 
 fruits, fees, providing a fuitable equipage, 
 furniihing his houfe, and other incidental 
 expences,could not coft him lefs than 2000A 
 all of which he mufl fave again, out of the 
 Bifhoprick, or his family fuffer by his 
 promotion. There have been frequent 
 inftances of Bimops, who dying too foon 
 after their promotion have left their fami- 
 lies in fuch poverty, as to want charity 
 for their neceflary fubfiflence. This was 
 
 the cafe of Bifhop W k, and this was 
 
 the cafe of Bifhop G ve 3 and would 
 
 have been the cafe of Archbifliop T — tf, 
 had not his widow been affifted after 
 his death, by a penfion from the Crown, 
 and what (lie got of the Bookfellers for 
 his Pofthumous Sermons. Dr. Prideaux 
 
 indeed 
 
( "3 ) 
 
 indeed was in no danger of leaving his 
 family in fuch diftrefs, as he had a tem- 
 poral eftate fufficient to provide for them 
 whenever he mould happen to die ; but 
 then as he had got nothing by the Church, 
 he had no reafon to hazard his private 
 fortunes ( which were his own, and his 
 wife's inheritance) in the fervice of it. It 
 is a hard cafe, it mud be owned, on the 
 Clergy, that when they are called to Bifli- 
 opricks, they mould be fo eaten out with 
 the payments of firft fruits and fee?, be- 
 fore they can receive any benefit from 
 their preferment : And it were much to 
 be wifhed, that when the Parliament dif- 
 charged all fmall livings not exceeding a 
 50/. per Annum, of all tenths and firit 
 fruits, they had alfo difcharged all poor 
 Bifhopricks of the fame payments, that 
 is, all not exceeding a 1000/. per An- 
 num, confidering their attendance at Par- 
 liament, and other expences in their way 
 of living, that are necefTarily annexed to 
 their office. And it would be much eaii- 
 er, if inftead of the mock elections of 
 Bifhops by Conge d" Wre, and the operofe 
 
 I way 
 
( **4 ) 
 
 way of fuing out fo many inftruments, 
 and going through fo many offices, and 
 there paying fo many fees for them, in 
 order to their full fettlements in their pre- 
 ferments, Bifliops were made here in the 
 fame manner, as they are in Ireland, by 
 the King's Letters Patents , in which cafe, 
 there would be nothing further neceflary, 
 than thofe Letters Patents, prefenting 
 them to the benefice, as in the cafe of 
 all other Ecclefiaftical benefices, in the 
 King's gift, and his Mandate to the Arch- 
 bimop, to confecrate, inftitute, and in- 
 ftall them. By thefe means, a great deal 
 of trouble, and expence would be faved, 
 and Deans and Chapters delivered from 
 the great danger of a Praemunire, which 
 they are liable to in all fuch elections, if 
 they do not within twenty days, return 
 elected the perfon, whom the King, in his 
 letters miflive, nominates to them. Thefe 
 alterations would make fuch promotions 
 much more deferable, than they now are, 
 to many, who well deferve them. But 
 that, which made the Dean mod averie 
 to purfoing any meafures for obtaining 
 
 the 
 
( '• "5 ) 
 
 the Bifhoprick, and weighed mofl with 
 him, was, that he was very eafy in his 
 Deanry, which he could not promife 
 himfelf he mould be in a Bifhoprick. 
 In the former, his long experience had 
 made him perfect mafter of all the bu- 
 finefs of the Cathedral Church, which he 
 comprehended in its full extent ; but 
 had reafon to fear, he fhould not be able 
 to do the fame in the latter, efpecially 
 fince now- attending the Court, and Par- 
 liament, and affairs of State, are made fo 
 much the bufinefs of a Bimop, which he 
 knew himfelf to be wholly unacquainted 
 with. Inftead therefore of making any 
 Intereft for himfelf on this occaiion, he 
 engaged all that he had for Dr. Trimnell y 
 as he had lived a long while in friendship 
 with him, and knew him to be a perfon 
 of great worth and goodnefs, and every 
 way deferving the preferment he then 
 aimed at j which the Diocefe of A r or- 
 wich afterwards fully experienced to their 
 great fatisfaction. 
 
 In the year 1709, he published his 
 
 Tracjt of the Original Right of Tytfies. His 
 
 I 2 defign 
 
( "6 ) 
 
 defign at firft, was, to give the Hiftory of 
 Appropriations ; that is, to (hew by what 
 means they begun, how they were alie- 
 nated into Lay-hands, at the Reformation, 
 the Right the Church ftill hath to them, 
 for ferving the cure, repairing the chan- 
 cell, and bearing all other Ecclefiaftical 
 burdens, the right, which the law hath 
 now given Appropriators in them, and 
 what are ufurpations made thereupon. 
 This was his main defign ; and the treat- 
 ing of the Original Right of Tythes was 
 intended no otherwife than as a Preface to 
 this work. But when he came to write 
 it, finding it fwell to a bulk, beyond 
 what he had ex peeled, he thought it beft, 
 to publifh this feparately, and referve the 
 reft for a fecond work, having already 
 made collections for that purpofe. Whilft 
 he was engaged in this undertaking, the 
 unhappy diftemper of the ftone firft feiz- 
 ed him, which put a flop to all further 
 proceedings : for in order to compleat the 
 work, and make it fully anfwer the end 
 intended, it was neceflary for him to con- 
 fult the Cotton library, the Tower of Lon- 
 
 don> 
 
( "7) 
 
 don> and other places, where antient Re- 
 cords are kept, which he could not do, 
 but by taking a journey to thofe places ; 
 and being utterly difabled from bearing 
 any fuch journey by his diftemper, he 
 was obliged to lay afide the whole defign. 
 
 At the end of this Treatife on Tythes, 
 he published the Bill, which he had 
 drawn for remedying the inconveniencies 
 the Church fufFers, from the holding plu- 
 ralities of benefices, with Cure of Souls : 
 His reafons for this, as well as the occa- 
 fion of his writing this tratt, have been 
 mentioned above. 
 
 In the year 17 10. being difabled by 
 the ftone, from going any more into the 
 pulpit, he refigned his vicarage of Trowfe; 
 and the Chapter, who had the patro- 
 nage of it, gave it to one of their Minor 
 Canons. 
 
 When this diftemper firft came upon 
 him in the fpring of the former year, he 
 apprehended it was the ftone in the kid- 
 ney, from whence, with much pain, it 
 1 3 pafTed 
 
( "3 ) 
 
 paffed into the bladder j and when there, 
 as he imagined, adhered to the fide of it ; 
 for upon his taking a fhort journey into 
 the country, it was broke off by the ilia- 
 king of the coach, which occafioned his 
 voiding a great quantity of blood ; and 
 from that time, he lived in conftant pain, 
 till he was cut for it, two years after. 
 His reafons for delaying this fo long were 
 that being now pad iixty, he was appre- 
 henfive, it would be impoiTible for him 
 to go through the operation, without cer- 
 tain death to him ; and under fuch cir- 
 cumftances to put himfelf into the fur- 
 geon's hands, would be little better than 
 feU-murder j and rather than be guilty of 
 this, he was determined to fubmit to the 
 will of God, and patiently endure his ca- 
 lamity, however grievous and tormenting 
 to him. This he did for two years to- 
 gether, feffeopij a T l that time extreme 
 torment with great patience. At taft, the 
 diforder grew upon him fo much, that 
 there Was little probability of his living 
 a. month longer without fome relief, and 
 cutting being the only means, which gave 
 
 hirrs 
 
( "9) 
 
 him any profpect of this, he was convin- 
 ced, that in this cafe, he might venture 
 to run the hazard of it. He fent there- 
 fore for Mr. Salter, a famous Lithoto- 
 mift then in London, to perform the o- 
 peration ; which he did with great dex- 
 terity, drawing out the ftone, which was 
 nearly of the fhape and fize of a fheep's 
 kidney, in lefs than three minutes time. 
 After the operation, Mr. Salter flayed 
 with him about a week j and in this 
 time, the wound healed fo fafr, and every 
 thing looked fo well, as to promife a cer- 
 tain cure in a month or fix weeks time. 
 Upon this Mr. Salter returned to London ; 
 leaving him in the hands of a young fur- 
 geon, who had been bred up under him- 
 ielf, then at Norwich, to finifh the cure, 
 and allured the Dean, he would be as 
 fafe in his hands, as in his own. But 
 .every thing fell out juft the contrary ; 
 for after he had been under the .care of 
 this furgeon a whole year, he feemed to 
 be much further from a cure, than when 
 he had firfl undertaken him ; and during 
 all this time the Dean bad fufTered as 
 1 4 much 
 
( 120 ) 
 
 much pain and torment from him, as he 
 had before from the ftonc itfelf. Whilfl 
 he was in this condition, Lord Som?ners y 
 hearing of his cafe was pleafed to exprefs, 
 himfelf, that he thought Dr. Prideaux 
 2. perfon of greater value than to be fo 
 loft ; and fent a meflage to Mr. Salter, re-* 
 primanding him for having taken fo little 
 care of him. This produced a letter 
 from Mr. Salter to the Dean, in which, 
 he earneftly advifed and defired him, to 
 come to London to him ; and accordingly 
 the Dean, finding no affiftance to be had 
 where he was, refolved on this journey j 
 and for the conveniency of his travelling, 
 connived to take out all the feats of a 
 large ftage-coach, in which he laid his 
 quilt and other bed cloaths, and lying 
 thereon at his full length, was carried to 
 London, with as much eafe and fafety, 
 as if he had been in a litter. When Mr. 
 Salter came to him, and examined into 
 his cafe, he found the urinary paflage 
 ripped up and deftroyed, and every thing 
 fo miferably mangled and wounded, that 
 he expreiled bo little wonder to find him 
 
 alive 
 
( 121 ) 
 
 alive after ufage, which he thought would 
 have killed any body elfe. Nothing now 
 remained but to cure thefe wounds, which 
 be did in about two months time, when 
 the Dean returned to Norwich again ; but 
 was ever after this, obliged to void his 
 urine through an orifice, left in the place 
 where the ftone had been extracted, which 
 was a great inconvenience to him, all 
 his life after. 
 
 On his return to Norwich, he again 
 applied himfelf to his ftudies, which had 
 been greatly interrupted by his unhappy 
 diftemper. The firft thing he undertook 
 after this, was to review his Directions to 
 Churchwardens, upon the bookfeller's ilg- 
 nifying to him, that he intended to print 
 a third edition of that tract ; and having 
 made large additions to it, a third edition 
 was printed and publifhed in Michaelmas 
 term, 171 2. 
 
 Having finifhed this work, he went 
 on with his Connection of the Hiftory of 
 the Old and New Teftament, which he 
 
 had 
 
( 122 ) 
 
 had begun immediately upon his dropping 
 the defign of writing the Hiftory of Ap- 
 propriations j but being interrupted by his 
 diforder growing upon him, was obliged 
 to lay it quite alide, till God mould give 
 him better health to enable him to pro- 
 ceed in it j and having now, by hie mer- 
 cy, in fome meafure obtained this, he 
 purfued his intention, and nnifhed the 
 firft part in the year 171 5, which was 
 publiihed in Michaelmas term following, 
 •^he fecond part came out two years af- 
 ter in Hillary term, 17 17- 18. This 
 work, at the end of the year 1720. had 
 undergone eight editions in London, be- 
 fides two or three printed at Dublin *. Lit- 
 tle need be faid of a book, which is fo ge- 
 nerally well known, and has been read by 
 mod perfons of all ages, who delight in 
 reading at all, as affording abundant mat- 
 ter for the inftruction as well as entertain* 
 ment of all forts of perfons. In a work 
 of this kind, which is fo extenfive in its 
 own nature, and collected from fuch va- 
 riety of Authors of different nations, ages, 
 
 * It has Hkewife been translated into the Frentb and 
 Italian languages. 
 
 and 
 
( i2 3 ) 
 
 and languages, who fo often contradict 
 one another, where they fpeak of the 
 fame fads and perfons, and fometimes 
 themfelves, it is not to be wondered at, 
 if there are fome millakes ; but much 
 more fo, that fo few of thefe have hither- 
 to been obferved by the learned. The fol- 
 lowing letters, which were written in an- 
 fwer to fome obfervations of this kind, 
 fent him by his learned and ingenious 
 friend and kinfman, Walter Moyle, Efq; 
 will fufficiently teftify, with what can- 
 dour he treated fuch as differed from his 
 opinions, and how ready he was to re-ex* 
 amine and correct any thing, that Was 
 thought amifs. 
 
 • 
 ■* Dr. Prideaux's Firft Letter 
 
 to Mr. Moyle. 
 
 * Dear Coufin, 
 
 1 Thank you for your kind letter, 
 and the pains you have taken about 
 my book. I mould have been glad of 
 
 * Vide Moy/Ss Works, printed at London, 1726. Vol. IF. 
 
 fo 
 
 a 
 
( 124 ) 
 
 " fo learned a friend near me, to whom 
 " I might have communicated this Hi- 
 <c ftory before it was printed. But now 
 11 three editions being publifhed of it, 
 <c your obfervations come too late to be 
 " of any ufe for the correcting of any 
 tl thing, that is miftaken. However, I 
 <£ mould be glad to have all that you 
 «' have obferved ; and if I live to fee a 
 91 fourth edition, I fhall be fure to exa- 
 *' mine all that you fhall fuggefl to be 
 ° amifs -, and as I fhall fee caufe for it, 
 " make corrections accordingly. 
 
 "As to your firfl obfervation, con- 
 " cerning the Eaft-India trade, I per- 
 c< ceive, my good Coufin has not ob- 
 tc ferved, that all that I fay of it, is of 
 " the trade by fea, and not of the trade 
 " by land, I thought no Reader would 
 " have underflood it otherwife ; but 
 " fince you have, I fhall in the fecond 
 " part, where I fhall have occafion to 
 " fpeak of this matter again, put in fuch 
 " words, as fhall prevent all mifunder- 
 «' ftanding of this matter. 
 
 « As 
 
( I2 5 ) 
 
 " As to what you write of Zoroafires % 
 " I am of nothing more fure in Antient 
 " Hiftory, than that he was never King 
 ci of Baflria, or any other than a jug- 
 tc ling impoftor j and that the time of 
 " his flouriming was in the time of Da- 
 " rius Hyjlafpes : and all the Greeks, 
 " that fay any thing to the purpofe, agree 
 " in this time. For his being King of 
 <; BacJria y and his making war with 
 * c Ninus, there is no authority but that 
 " of Jujtins, and thofe, who have 
 " wrote from him. All the Greeks fpeak 
 " otherwife of him, and fome give him 
 " a very fabulous antiquity. But fince 
 " you defire only to have it proved to 
 «* you, that he was not antienter than 
 " the time of Darius Hyftafpes, I will 
 " fend you no further, than to the place 
 cc in the proem to Diogenes Laertius, 
 " which I have quoted : there the fuc- 
 " ceflbrs of Zoroaftres being named, Of- 
 <c tanes is reckoned the firft of them, 
 ,c and he came into Greece with Xerxes. 
 <l Suidas calls him lit people j but there 
 
 M were 
 
( 126) 
 
 " were no Pcrfomedians before Cyrus uni- 
 * e ted Media and Perfia together. Sui- 
 <c das, I confefs, is no old Author, but 
 " his collection is made out of thofe, 
 Cl that were fo ; and many of thofe he 
 " ufed are now loft. That he is made 
 " cotemporary with Pythagoras, is ano- 
 <c ther reaion for the fame thing. That 
 " paffage, which you refer to in Arno- 
 " bins, if it proves any thing, it proves 
 c< him to be cotemporary with Cyrus. 
 " And Apuleius's placing him in the 
 " time of Cambyfes fufficiently mows, 
 <c there was then an opinion, that he li- 
 " ved about that time : and putting all 
 <c this together, I think it is not to be 
 " doubted, but that when others call Za- 
 " bratus, Zaratus, Zaras y Zaroes, Na- 
 " zaratus, &c. is the fame with Zoro- 
 11 a fires, the character of the perfon, as 
 " well as the fimilitude of the names, 
 ** proving this opinion. Perchance Por- 
 " pbyrius might think Zabratus and Zo- 
 ct roafires to be two different perfons ; 
 u but this doth not prove them fo, Por- 
 " pbyry liviog many hundreds of years 
 
 " after. 
 
( "7 ) 
 
 if after. All that I aim to prove by thefe 
 V teftimonies is, that the beft evidence 
 i* we have from among the Greeks 
 5? and Latins for the time of Zoro- 
 i c aftres placeth him about the time, 
 « { where I have put him. But as to the 
 <{ exact chronology of all his adions 
 " (which is not to be found in this or 
 <c any other matter among the antient 
 {C Greeks) I acknowledge, I follow the 
 i( eaftern writers, whofe books are all full 
 <c of him, and that not from oral traditi- 
 <c on, as you fuppofe, but antient Au- 
 " thors. The Arabs indeed had no learn- 
 " ing till after the time of Mahomet j but 
 " the Ferfians had ; and from very an- 
 " tient times. And therefore I believe no 
 <{ Arab Author as to this matter, any 
 <l further than he writes from the Perji- 
 " ans ; and if the Ferfians have writings 
 " of this matter of above two thoufand 
 ic years {landing, why mould not they be 
 <c believed as well as Herodotus or Tbucv- 
 
 y 
 
 " dides ? Zoroajlres's own books are flill 
 " extant among the Magian's in Perfia, 
 " and India j and from them are all the 
 
 " accounts, 
 
( 128 ) 
 
 11 accounts, that in the Eajl are given of 
 " him. And his books being of the fame 
 " facred regard among them as the Alco- 
 " ran is among the Mahomet ans, it is not 
 « hard to conceive they mould be prefer- 
 " ved with the fame care. As to Tcxei- 
 << ta 9 it is not a tranflation, but a fhort 
 " abftract of Emir Condas Perfian Hifto- 
 " ry ; that Hiftory is ten times as big. 
 " And though that Author mould fay 
 " nothing of Zoroa/Ires, or Zerdufht, as 
 " they call him, this would not prove 
 " there was no fuch perfon, any more 
 " than if the contested paifage in Jofe- 
 " phus was given up concerning our Sa- 
 " viour, it would prove, that there was 
 " no fuch perfon as Jefus Cbrift, becaufe 
 " then there would be no mention of him 
 " in that Hiftory. If there be no menti- 
 « c on of Zerdujht in Emir Conda y good 
 " reafon may be given for it. Emir Con- 
 " da was a Perfian Mahometan^ and with 
 " them nothing can be in greater con- 
 " tempt than the Magiafis are in Per/ia % 
 cc and that might be caufe enough for 
 
 '* him 
 
( 12 9 ) 
 
 cc him to take notice, either of them or 
 * £ their prophet. 
 
 " I beg your pardon, I have not 
 <c time to go over all your papers : o- 
 <c thers, as well as you, call for the fe- 
 " cond part of my Hiftory ; and being 
 " now in the laft fcene of my life, and 
 " almoft at the end of that, I have little 
 " time to fpare from this work ; which 
 <c for the gratifying of you and others, I 
 " would gladly finifh before I die ; but if 
 " I live to finilh it, and another edition 
 <c mould be publifhed of the fir ft part, I 
 " will then thoroughly examine all rhat 
 " you {hall offer, but think my opinion, 
 <c as to the time of Zoroajlres^ to be too 
 " well founded ever to be altered by me. 
 
 Norwich, 
 Otff. 14/^, 1716. 
 
 I am, £rV. 
 
 3S 
 
 cond 
 
( '3° ) 
 Second Letter. 
 
 " Dear Con fin, 
 
 " T have received more of your papers : 
 " X To anfwer fully all that you object, 
 <l would require a volume, which I have 
 " not time or ftrength to do, being almoft 
 <c worn out by infirmity, caufed by the 
 " calamity I have fuffered, and my ad- 
 u vanced age, as being now juft upon 
 " the feventieth year of my life. This 
 <c hath fo far broken me, as to confine me 
 c< wholly to my houfe, and mofl an end 
 " to my chamber. Only fince you prefs 
 " particularly about the 'Av«£*<ns, my an- 
 " fvver is, that Xenopbon was not the Au- 
 ic thor of that book, but c Themiftoge?ies of 
 <l Syracufe. This Xenopbon himfelf fays, 
 <* in the beginning of the third book of 
 f< his Hellenics. If you pleafe to con- 
 «« fult UJhers Annals, fub Anno, J. P. 
 a 4313. you will find this there more ful- 
 <l ly made out. I have indeed quoted 
 " that book under the name of Xeno- 
 
 " pbon, 
 
( *3* ) 
 
 " phon, becaufe of the common opinion, 
 tc which every where attributes it to him> 
 " but I think the truth is otherwife. I 
 " perceive you hang much upon the mat- 
 " ter of Zoroajires-y but all that you ol- 
 " ject is built upon miftakes : If you do 
 ** not place him where I have, where 
 " elfe will you place him ? Will you put 
 <c him with Plutarch five thoufand years 
 tc before the war of Troy ; or with others 
 " fix thoufand years before the time of 
 " Plato ? Others indeed reduce the thoti- 
 #c fands to hundreds j but all is fable, for 
 " the antients much affected a fabulous 
 <c antiquity for all they relate. They, who 
 <f put things latefr, are generally neareft 
 " the truth. It is eafy in all fuch mat- 
 " ters to make objections for pulling down ; 
 il but then you ought to build up better in 
 '• their flead. I write with a paralytica^ 
 " hand, which makes writing difficult to 
 <e me j for which I alfo need your pardon, 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Norwich, 
 Jan. 30, 1 7 16. 
 
 K 2 Third 
 
( *3 2 ) 
 
 Third Letter. 
 
 " Dear Coufin, 
 
 « rnp HOUGH my hand be almoft 
 " pad writing, as you will fuf- 
 
 <c ficientiy fee by this letter, yet I cannot 
 u omit thanking you for the kindnefs of 
 <c your laft. I hope e'er this you have 
 c< received my book. I am fure it will 
 " no where find a more obferving and 
 " judicious Reader than yourfelf. I had 
 " fufficient experience of this in your 
 ct learned remarks on the former part. 
 11 They have inftructed me for the ma- 
 il king fome alterations againft another 
 " edition ; but however I cannot recede 
 * e from placing the Zoroaftres, who was 
 tl Zerduflit of the Petjjans, and the Au- 
 " thor of the book, Zundavejloiv (which 
 " is the Bible of the Magians) in that 
 " very age, where my book has placed 
 " him. To fay other wife would be to 
 if contradict all the antient Hiftories of 
 
 M the 
 
( 1 33 ) 
 
 " the Per/ians, and the general tradition 
 " of all the Eaft. What you objed out 
 " of Xantbus Lydius, who lived in that 
 " very age, in which I place Zoroaftres, 
 ** looks like an unanfwerable argument, 
 " it being by no means likely, that this 
 " Author fhould aflert Zoroa fires to have 
 tl lived fix hundred years before the ex- 
 <l pedition of Xerxes, if he was his con- 
 " temporary. One anfwer hereto is, the 
 <l Hiftory, that in the time of Diogenes 
 *■ Laertius went under the name of Xan- 
 " thus Lydius, was none of his, but writ- 
 <c ten by Dionyfius Scytobrachion, who 
 cc lived a little before the time of 'Tally 
 " and Julius Cafar. This Athenceus tells 
 <{ us Lib. XII. and quotes for it Artemon 
 " Cafjandreus, who wrote a treatife on 
 <c purpofe to make a diftinclion of the 
 " genuine Authors from the fpurious, 
 < c which were then extant. But 1 am ra- 
 « ther apt to think with Pliny ( Lib. 
 " XXX. c. I.) that there were two Zoro- 
 *« a/lres, the elder of which was the 
 " founder of the Magian feci, and the 
 " other the reformer ; and that this latter 
 K 3 " was 
 
( 134) 
 
 cc was the Zerdufit of the Per/Jans, and 
 <c lived in the time where I have placed 
 tc him. Pliny, in the chapter laft quoted, 
 " tells us of a Zoroaftres, who lived but 
 u a little before (paulo ante banc are 
 <c his words ) that Oftanes, who came 
 " with Xerxes into Greece. Plato, in the 
 e{ tenth book of his Politicks, fpoke of a 
 <c Z or o aft res, who was Her as Armenia s 
 <c a Pamphylimi. This fame was the .rfr- 
 <c menias Pamphilus, who, Amobius tells 
 " us, was familiarly acquainted with Cy- 
 £< r&j. (See Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 436. 
 C£ £<//>. &*«& Amob. Lib. I. p. 31.) I 
 " acknowledge the pafTage in Amobius is 
 " very dark j but if it fignifies any thing, 
 " it muft fignify thus much, that there 
 " was a Zoroaftres, who lived in the 
 " time of Cyras. I may add hereto, 
 tc that the antiquity, which moft of the 
 c< antients among the Greeks and Latins 
 " attribute to Zoroaftres, is notoriouily fa- 
 £< bulous, as that of five thoufand years 
 " before the wars of "Troy, and another of 
 " fix thoufand years before the times of 
 * f Plato, £fr. In moll pretences to an- 
 
 " tiquity, 
 
f 135 ) 
 
 tc tiqaity, it may go for a general rule, 
 Ci that they, who lay the late ft, fay the 
 " trueft. As to your other objection 
 " againft Alexanders having been at 
 " Jerufalem, the place you refer to in 
 <( Pliny y manifeftly makes againft you ; 
 *' for the words there plainly prove, that 
 '* Alexander was then at yencho, when 
 <c that incifion was made in the balfam 
 cc trees, which he makes mention of; o- 
 c< therwife thefe words, Alexandro Magno 
 11 res tbi gerente, would be very imper- 
 " tinently inferted ; and if he were at Je- 
 <c richo, he could not go from thence to 
 " Gaza, without taking 'Jenijalem in his 
 " way. The words in Pliny to me 
 <£ plainly imply that Alexander was at 
 *' yericho, when that incifion was made, 
 " and that it was made at that time for 
 " his fake, to gather fome of the balfam. 
 " That an extraordinary providence has 
 " always attended that People for their 
 " prefervation is manifcft. That they 
 " are now in being, is a fufRcient proof 
 '• hereof. 
 
 ' £ I am, &c. 
 
 Norwich, 
 July 10, 1718. 
 
 K 4 . Fourth 
 
cc 
 
 ( 136 ) 
 
 Fourth Letter. 
 
 ct Dear Coufm, 
 
 I Do moft heartily thank you for 
 your kind letter, efpecially for the 
 " obfervations, which you have fent me 
 {C of my miftakes in the laft part of my 
 " Hiftory. I muff confefs that about 
 {£ Oclaviuss pofterity is a very great 
 ce one. It is a downright blunder of my 
 t£ old head.; and I am glad {0 accurate 
 " and learned a Reader has not obferved 
 ££ more of them. This makes me hope 
 " that no more fuch have eicaped me. I 
 " have mended this and all the others 
 c< you have taken notice of; only I can- 
 " not make Socrates a Sodomite. The 
 " place in Juvenal, which you mention, 
 " reflects on him for his affection to Al- 
 c< cibiades, as if that were a fodomitical 
 " amour. 1 am paft labouring any fur- 
 " ther, being now pad the feventieth 
 " year of my age ; if I outlive the enfu- 
 
 " in g 
 
( *37 ) 
 
 ct ing winter, it is more than I expect, or 
 " indeed defirej for I have now upon 
 " me thofe decays both of body and mind, 
 " as make me fully fenfible, Gravis efi 
 " £? durafenefius. Every body cannot live 
 " fo long as my aunt M. M. though per- 
 " chance I might have lived much longer, 
 " and in full vigour, had not my great 
 " calamity come athwart me : confider- 
 " ing that, it is much, that I have lafted 
 " fo long. I blefs God for all his mer- 
 " cies hitherto. I am, 
 
 " Dear Coufin, &?» 
 
 Norwich, 
 Septemb. 6, 171 8. 
 
 The learned and ingenious Mr. War- 
 burton has likewife differed from Dr. Pri- 
 deaux as to the age of Zoroajlres, in his 
 Demonjlration of the Divine Legation of 
 Mofes. 
 
 On the firfl of Augufi 1714. Queen 
 Anne died, and King George the firfl: luc- 
 
 ceeded 
 
( i3») 
 
 ceeded to the throne of thefe Realms. 
 Upon this a new Parliament was called 
 in the enfuing fpring; when a certain 
 gentleman of great note and influence in 
 the Houfe of Commons came to Nor- 
 wich upon occafion of the Election, and 
 Dr. Prideaux going to wait on him, took 
 this opportunity of putting into his hands 
 the following paper. 
 
 There arc lands in England, to the 
 value of fever al thoufands of Pounds per 
 Annum, which are held in trujl for the 
 maintaining of Mafs Priejls in England, 
 and Popijh feminaries and monajleries be- 
 yond fea, whereby a fit of men are bred 
 up, fupported and maintained, on purpofe, 
 to be continual enemies to our Church and 
 State, and who accordingly make it their 
 conjlant bufmefs, by all the means they are 
 able, to difturb the peace, aud work the 
 ruin of both. And thefe men under the 
 helps and encouragement, which they have 
 received from the rents of thefe lands, have 
 been fo mifchievoufy bufy in carrying on 
 plots and pernicious defigns againjl the 
 
 publick 
 
( r 39 ) 
 
 publick peace of this realm, and have had 
 that fuccefs therein, that they have truly 
 been the authors of all the difturbances, 
 that have happened amongfl us for thefe 
 hundred and fifty years lajl pajl ; and 
 thereby have brought us more than once to 
 the very brink of ruin. And it cannot 
 well be hoped, that this realm will ever 
 firmly enjoy peace and quiet, as long as 
 fuch a bufy and mifchievous fet of men are 
 bred up and maintained out of our own re- 
 venues, to be continually labouring and lay- 
 ing plots for tbe difiurbance of it : For 
 they are all of them like Hannibal, Jurati 
 ad aras, never to ceafe being our enemies 
 till they have undone us. 
 
 And therefore for the remedying this 
 evil, it is propofed, that all the lands thus 
 held in trujl, for the ufe and benefit of 
 fuch feminaries, monafleries, or Mafs 
 Priefts, or of any depending on them, be 
 taken from them, and fold towards pay- 
 ing the publick debts of the Nation, and 
 that in order to make a difcovery of the 
 (aid lands, it be enabled by Parliament- 
 
 that 
 
v *4-0 ) 
 
 that it fiall be felony without benefit of 
 Clergy, in all, that now arc, or have at 
 any time paft been parties or privies to 
 the faid truft, knowing the Jame, or have 
 been any ways concerned in the advifng, 
 making or conveying of them. And that 
 power be given to call all perjons upon 
 their oaths, who Jl:all be thought any way 
 able, to give any information concerning the 
 faid trufls, and to exami?ie them upon all 
 fitch interrogatories, as may lead to the 
 dijcovery cj them. A?id whereas befides 
 lands, there are alfo Mortgages, Rents, 
 Charges, Stocks, Bonds, and Shares of 
 Funds, Impropriated Tythes, and other 
 interejls held in truft, for the fame ufes, 
 that thcfe be all Jeized alfo for the fame 
 ufe of the publick, and the like fnethod be 
 ordained for the dijcovery of them. 
 
 All theft trufts, if fully difcovered, 
 will amount to above the value of a mil- 
 lion of money, which may be of great help 
 to the publick, in our prcjent exigencies. 
 
 This propofal had fo good an effect, 
 that in the enfuing Parliament it was en- 
 acted, 
 
(i4i ) 
 
 acted, that all fuch eftates, as are thus 
 holden in trufl for the ufes above-menti- 
 oned, be forfeited to the publick ; and 
 accordingly feveral of them were feized 
 as forfeited, and applied to the publick 
 ufes of the Nation, by the Commiffioners 
 appointed for that purpofe. 
 
 In Hi llary term, Anno Domini 17 17, 
 he published the fecond part of the Con- 
 neBion of the Hiflory of the Old and New 
 Teftament) and dedicated this part, as 
 he had done the former, to the Earl 
 of Nottingham^ in acknowledgement of 
 the favours he had received from that 
 Nobleman. 
 
 This Hiftory was the laft work he fi- 
 nifhed for the publick j for he being now 
 pafl his feventieth year, he found infirmi- 
 ties grow very faft upon him j and thefe 
 were haftened on by what he had fuffer- 
 ed in being cut for the ftone, and the ill 
 management he had afterwards fallen un- 
 der. About this time, he was feized with 
 a paralytical making in his left hand, 
 
 which 
 
( *42 ) 
 
 which fix yeas after feized his right alfo, 
 and at length weakened it to that degree, 
 that he could no longer hold a pen to 
 write with 5 ' and as thefe weakneffes of 
 body crept on him, they much impaired 
 and weakened the vigour of his mind, 
 fo that he could no longer carry on his 
 ftudies with his ufual ftrength and aflidu- 
 ity, which made him think it time to 
 give over, as one fuperannuated for any 
 further Undertaking : And therefore tho' 
 he had other works in defign, and for 
 fome of them had materials in a great 
 meafure in readinefs for the compofure, 
 he thought it propereft to drop them all, 
 as not expecting he fhould live long 
 enough to finim whatever he mould be- 
 gin j and that if he did finifh any thing 
 under thefe decays and infirmities, it 
 would be liable to great errors ; and he 
 did not think it proper either to hazard 
 his own character, or affront the publick 
 fo far, as to offer any thing of this kind. 
 And therefore for the remaining part or 
 his life, he was reiblved to fend nothing 
 more to the prefs, but confined himielf 
 
 folely 
 
( 143 ) 
 
 folely to the duties of the ftation, to 
 which he was called ; and faithfully to dis- 
 charge thefe, and bear the burden of his 
 infirmities, was work enough for him du- 
 ring the latter part of his life. 
 
 For fome time after the publication of 
 his Connexion of the Hijiory of the Old 
 and New < Teftame?it> feldom a week pafs- 
 ed without his receiving letters with re- 
 marks and obfervations upon it, from the 
 Learned, in different parts of the King- 
 dom, fome raifing difficulties, others de- 
 firing information as to the explaining 
 fome difficult paflages in it. To all thefe 
 he conftantly returned anfwers, and gave 
 the beft fatisfaction he could, till by his 
 age and other infirmities, he became in- 
 capable of bending his mind to any mat- 
 ter of difficulty. 
 
 Of all thefe, who made objections or 
 remarks, there was no one, who did it 
 with more learning or ftrength of argu- 
 ment, than his worthy kinfman Walter 
 Moyk, Efqj of Bake> in the County of 
 
 Cornwall 
 
( 144 ) 
 
 Comwnly who has been mentioned above. 
 This Gentleman fur his great learning, 
 judgment and wit, mixed with uncom- 
 mon humanity and fweetnefs of tem- 
 per, was juflly efteemed by every one, 
 who had the happinefs of being ac- 
 quainted with him. In the younger part 
 of his life, he had ferved in Parliament 
 feveral years during the reign of King 
 William, where he made a confiderable fi- 
 gure by his great knowledge and learning, 
 much beyond what could be expected at 
 his years. Afterwards he retired into the 
 country, and lived at his feat in Cornwall 
 upwards of twenty years before he died, 
 where he collected together a well cho- 
 fen library of bocks, and amongft thefe, 
 fpent the remainder of his life. He was 
 one of thofe perfons, who, unhappily for 
 the Learned World, had no opinion of his 
 own writings ; and therefore, not long be- 
 fore he dyed, deilroyed moft of his ii- 
 nifhed performances. He died on the 
 9tfc of June, Anno Domini 172 1, in the 
 forty-ninth year of his age. 
 
 From 
 
( »45 ) 
 
 FroM the year 1686, to the time of* 
 liis death, Dr.Prideaux conftantly refided 
 at the Cathedral, of which he was a mem- 
 ber, excepting only the four years, that 
 he lived at Sabam. How he employed 
 himfelf there, appears fufficiently from 
 what has been laid above. During all 
 the time, that he was Dean, he never 
 had the leaft difference with the Chapter, 
 or any of the Members of it, which other 
 Deans, his predeceiTors, were hardly ever 
 free from. This was owing to the pru- 
 dence and integrity of his conducl to- 
 wards them ; for he always treated the 
 Prebendaries with all the refpecl, that was 
 due to them, and was as careful of their 
 lights, as of his own ; and never took 
 upon him to determine any thing of the 
 common right and intereft of the Church, 
 without the common confent and advice 
 of the Chapter. In all his tranfactions 
 with them he never hid or concealed any 
 thing from, but conftantly laid all their 
 affairs openly and fairly before them, as 
 having no views or by-ends of his own to 
 ferve : And this was a method of proceed* 
 L ing 
 
( 146) 
 
 ing, which that Church had not always 
 been ufed to, and (o far gained him their 
 confidence and efteem, that they trufted 
 all their affairs in his hands, without any 
 referve, as having never found themfelves 
 deceived by his management. His re- 
 ading conftantly at the Cathedral gave 
 him an opportunity of looking after the 
 fabrick of the church, and feeing that it 
 was kept in good repair j and this he took 
 care of as well before, as after he wa9 
 Dean ; for, while he was Prebendary, he 
 was generally Treafurer ; and to repair the 
 Church was one main part of his office* 
 His method was, according to the direc- 
 tion of the Local Statutes, to order the 
 Church every Lady-Day to be carefully 
 reviewed by able workmen, and, if any 
 decays were found, he took care to have 
 them repaired by the Michaelmas follow- 
 ing, unlefs they were fo great, as to ex- 
 ceed what the revenues of the Church 
 could bear j and then, what could not be 
 done in one year, was done in two. And, 
 had he not been thus careful one year par- 
 ticularly, and put the fpire, which is a 
 beautiful edifice, in thorough good repair, 
 4 it 
 
( H7 ) 
 
 it would, in all probability, have been 
 blown down by a great ftorm, which 
 happened very foon after he had caufed 
 it to be repaired* and muft> in falling, have 
 erufhed and ruined a great part of the 
 Church* 
 
 I n the feventy-fourth year of his age, 
 finding himfelf fo much weakened by 
 his infirmities growing upon him, that he 
 could no longer ufe his books as formerly, 
 and being defirous, that his Collection of 
 Oriental Books mould not be difperfed, 
 but kept all together in ibme Publick Li- 
 brary, he permitted his fon, who had 
 been educated at that College, to make a 
 prefent of them to the Society of Clare- 
 Hall in Cambridge : And accordingly they 
 were fent thither, and placed in the Col- 
 lege Library, to the number of three hun* 
 dred volumes, and upwards. 
 
 About a year before his death he was 
 taken with an illnefs, which lb far re- 
 duced him, as to confine him wholly to 
 his chamber j and at laft his infirmities 
 increafed to fuch a degree, as rendered 
 L 2 him 
 
( *4*J 
 
 him incapable of helping himfelf in the 
 common offices of life. All this was the 
 effect of the ill conduct he fell under after 
 his being cut for the ftone ; for the long 
 confinement he then underwent, and the 
 lofs of blood he fuftained, weakened him 
 fo much in his limbs, that he was never 
 free from paralytical making, and rheu- 
 matiek pains j fo that he gave himfelf up 
 to the thoughts of death, expecting it with 
 that chearfulnefs and refignation, which 
 naturally flow fiom the reflection on a 
 life weil fpent. He expired on Sunday 
 evening, the firft of November, Anno 
 "Domini 1724, in the feventy-feventh year 
 of his age, after an illnefs of about ten 
 day?, and was buried, according to his 
 own direction, in the Cathedral of Nor- 
 vDtcbi on the IVcdnefday following. 
 
 Thus much has been faid of his life 
 and conveifation in general : As the reader 
 may poffibly be defirous of a more par- 
 ticular in fight into his character and man- 
 ner of life, the following account is taken 
 Jiom the report of thofe, who knew him 
 
 beft> 
 
f *49 ) 
 
 beft, and converfed with him moll inti- 
 mately. 
 
 Dr. Prideaux was naturally of a very 
 ftrong, robuft conflitution, which enabled 
 him to puriue his ftudies with great afli- 
 duity j and notwithftanding his clofc ap- 
 plication, and fedentary manner of life, 
 enjoyed great vigour both of body and 
 mind for many years together, till he was 
 feized with the unhappy diftemper of the 
 flone. His parts were very good, rather 
 folid than lively : His judgment excellent. 
 As a Writer he is clear, flrong, and intel- 
 ligent, without any pomp of laguage, or 
 oftentation of eloquence. His conven- 
 tion was a good deal of the fame kind, 
 learned and inftructive, with a concifends 
 of exprefiion on many occasions, which 
 to thofe, who were not well acquainted 
 with him, had fometimes the appearance 
 of rufticity. In his manner of life he was 
 very regular and temperate, being feldom 
 out of his bed after ten at night, and 
 generally rofe to his ftudies before five in 
 the morning. His manners were fincere 
 and candid. He generally fpoke his mind 
 L 3 with 
 
t»5<0 
 
 with freedom and boldnefs, and was not 
 eafily diverted from purfuing what he 
 thought right. In his friendships he was 
 conftant and invariable -, to his family was 
 an affectionate hufband, a tender and care- 
 ful father, and greatly efteemed by his 
 friends and relations, as he was very fer- 
 viceable to them on all occafions. As a 
 Clergyman, he was ftrict and punctual in 
 the performance of all ths duties of his 
 function himfelf, and carefully exacted the 
 fame from the inferior Clergy and Canons 
 of his Church. In party matters, fo far 
 as he was concerned, always (hewed him- 
 felf firmly attached to the intereft of the 
 Proteftant Caufe, and Principles of the 
 Revolution ; but without joining in with 
 the violence of Parties, or promoting thofe 
 factions and divifions, which prevailed both 
 in the Church and State, during the greater 
 part of his life. His integrity and mo- 
 deration, which mould have recommended 
 him to fome of the higher ftations in the 
 Church, were manifedly the occafion of 
 his being neglected ; for bufy Party Zea- 
 Jots, and men more converfant in the arts 
 of a Court, were eafily preferred over 
 
 him , 
 
( 15* ) 
 
 him, whofe higheft, and only ambition 
 was, carefully to perform what was in- 
 cumbent on him in every ftation in life, 
 and to acquit himfelf of his duty to his 
 God, his friends, and his country. 
 
 A Letter fent to Archbi/hop Tennifon, on 
 his firji promotion to the Archbifiopric 
 of Canterbury, by Dr. Humphry Pri- 
 deaux, then one of the Prebendaries of 
 the Church of Norwich, January 23, 
 Anno Domini 1694-5. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 ' *%T OtfR Grace being now eftablifh- 
 
 <c JL ed in the Archbidiopic, as I do 
 
 « c exceedingly rejoice myfelf in the allured 
 
 " profpect, which I have of the great 
 
 " benefit, which this Church will receive 
 
 " from the wifdom and piety of your con- 
 
 " duel: in your prefidency over it ; fo I 
 
 •■ humbly beg leave to offer to your con- 
 
 <c fideration a matter, which I think of 
 
 11 great moment to the intereft of the 
 
 " Holy Religion, which we profefs, and 
 
 *' exceedingly worthy of your Grace's 
 L 4 « piety 
 
( '52 ) 
 
 " piety to concern yourfelf in it. The 
 <e inclofed Paper propofeth the whole 
 u matter, and informs you of a million 
 * c of fouls within your Grace's Province, 
 u as belonging to the Diocefs of London, 
 u which none of your predeceflbrs ever 
 " extended their paftoral care unto, and 
 u which I think cannot, without a great 
 <f reproach and fhame to our whole 
 <c Church and Nation, be any longer neg- 
 " lecled ; and I fear, fince God hath by 
 c< his providence put them under our go- 
 " vernment, he will require of us an ac- 
 u count of their fouls, if we make no 
 " ufe of fo fair and advantageous an op- 
 '< portunny of adminiftiing to them the 
 <{ means, whereby they may be faved ; 
 ft efpecially fince they are not of the fa- 
 <c vage and wild nations, fuch as we have 
 " to do with in the Wejhrn Plantations 
 u (whofe barbarity fo ftrongly indifpofeth 
 <c them for Chriftianity, as in a manner 
 << to make all attempts for their conver- 
 *' fion to it impracticable, till they (hall 
 '* be better civilized) but, by the bed ac- 
 " counts we have of thofe countries, they 
 M are a civilized, peine, and ingenious 
 
 " people 
 
(*53 ) 
 
 u people, who have all mechanical arts in 
 fI a great height among them, and are 
 «' very capable of all manner of inflruc- 
 " tion, and are very docile to receive it ; 
 u and many of them in their morals even 
 u exceed the beft of the Chriftians, that 
 live among them, and confequently re- 
 m commend themfelves unto us as deferv- 
 <c ing of a better religion than that, which 
 ■? they do profefs. I confefs, the proper 
 (( time to have made this propofal was, 
 M when the new Eaft-India Charter was 
 <c granted. For then the Company might 
 '* have been obliged, by having it made 
 " a condition of their eflablifhment, to 
 u maintain a School and a Church for the 
 benefit of the Indian inhabitants in each 
 ct of thofe towns, which belong to them 
 c< in thofe parts. But your Grace was 
 < c not then Archbifhop, who, by your can- 
 u dour in kindly accepting from me pro- 
 " pofals of a like nature formerly, have 
 <{ encouraged me to hope from you as 
 t( favourable an acceptance of what I now 
 <£ offer, which I had not confidence 
 *' enough to prefume on from your pre- 
 «' deceffor j v/ho am no more than an 
 4 " inferior 
 
(*54) 
 
 " inferior Prefbyter of your Province. 
 " But, although that opportunity be flip— 
 u ped, yet there is another at prefent in 
 " hand, which is if, that haftens to your 
 « c Grace this prefent propofal. The Cha- 
 <c ra&er of the Company directs them to 
 (t make by-laws, which they have but 
 <{ the laft week agreed on, and are now 
 <c making them ready to be confirmed by 
 <c the Broad-Seal. I humbly offer it to 
 «' your Grace's confideration, whether this 
 " may not be a fitting opportunity to in- 
 " terpofe with his Majefty, that they may 
 " be obliged to take in, among their by- 
 c< laws, this alfo of doing fomething to- 
 ft wards that good work, which 1 now 
 <c propofe. The Eaft-Indies are full of 
 <{ miflions from thole of the Popifh Com- 
 <c munion, who flick not to expofe them- 
 *« felves to all manner of hazards and 
 * c dangers to enlarge the Kingdom of our 
 " Saviour, by endeavouring to convert 
 <( thofe Infidels to the Chriftian Faith. 
 " And the Dutch have not been wholly 
 " wanting of doing their part, in thofe 
 * l places, where they have eftablifhed their 
 « { power : cnly the EngliJJ: have never 
 
 " yet 
 
f 155 ) 
 
 H yet done any thing this way. All that 
 u hath been offered at hath been by Mr. 
 " Boyle : For, being about twenty years 
 ct fince defired to take on him the trouble 
 u of one of the Eaft-India Committee, 
 " becaufe they thought his directions 
 H might be very ufeful unto them in that 
 " part of their trade, which relates to 
 H drugs imported hither from the Indies, 
 li he foon took notice of this great defect 
 " of the Company, in being fo intent 
 <{ upon their lucre, as to have no concern 
 <c at all to imploy the great advantage, 
 <c which they had efpecialiy over their 
 w own fubjecls, to promote the honour 
 H and worfhip of God, by the converlion 
 " of thofe poor Infidels in thofe places 
 " where, by his blefling, they had fo 
 " much advanced their worldly intereft, 
 " by the prodigious increafe, which that 
 " trade had brought them for feveral years 
 " pad. With which this pious and learn- 
 " ed Gentleman being very fenfibly touch- 
 " ed, after having made feveral applica- 
 " tions to the Company in vain, at laft 
 " attempted fomething upon his own 
 " purfe, and in the year 1677, wrote to 
 
 " Bifhop 
 
(156) 
 
 " Bifhop Fell about it, propofing to have 
 " the Malayan Gofpels reprinted at Ox- 
 u ford from the Dutch copy for this pur- 
 u pofe. The good Bifhop hereon fent 
 *' for Dr. Marfiall and myfelf, to advile 
 M about the matter with us ; and this pro- 
 • c duced the little treatife from that worthy 
 *' and good man, Dr. Mar/ball, which I 
 <c herewith fend to your Grace. I con- 
 *' fefs I had four objections againft the 
 " thing, as then propofed, which I can- 
 «* not yet anfwer. i. The Gofpels, then 
 11 propofed to be printed, being after the 
 tf Dutch copy, they were in the Dutch 
 (l character, and not in thcMalayan, which 
 *' is the fame with the Arabic ; and there- 
 " fore I thought it could not be fo ufeful 
 " to the natives, who underftand their 
 * ( own language beft in their own oharac- 
 41 ter. 2. The Malayan words being in 
 " that verfion fpelled after the Dutch pro- 
 *' nunciation of the letters, they would 
 " not fo well fuit with thofe, who are to 
 " be inftructed by the Englijh. 3. That 
 " verfion was made from the Dutch tranf- 
 et lation, which (may we judge of it from 
 fi the comment published by the author 
 
 " of 
 
( '57 ) 
 
 u of that tranflation, and CmceEngli/hedby 
 * c Mr. Haake) is by no means a good one, 
 ,( However, a verfion from hence I thought 
 " colud not be fo proper for an Englijh 
 " Plantation. 4. That the Malayan lan- 
 " guage is moftly ufed in Malacca, the 
 4< Moluccas, Java, and the other iflands 
 " of the Indies, where is the main of the 
 " Dutch trade. But the Englifi eftablifh- 
 " ment is moftly in the continent, near 
 " the territories of the Great Mogul, where 
 " the people fpeak another language. In- 
 * l deed, in all the coaft-towns, that lan- 
 '* guage is fpoken among traders, as the 
 ft Lingua Franca is in the Mediterranean. 
 "But the language of the country, ufed 
 " by the people, is wholly different from 
 " it ; and therefore the Malayan Gofpels, 
 ct although they may fully ferve the Dutch 
 " defign, will not anfwer ours, becaufe 
 " our fettlements and factories are where 
 '* the Malayan is not the vulgar, as it is 
 " in all the places belonging to the Dutch, 
 " which I have mentioned. However, I 
 " remember the book was printed, though 
 " not at the Oxford Theatre ; and Dr. 
 " MarfljaU's fmall treatife, which I fend 
 
 ** here- 
 
( 158 ) 
 
 " herewith, was printed with it, by way 
 " of preface to the book. But, what 
 • c good fuccefs this attempt had, I cannot 
 " fay, having never after heard any thing 
 •' more of it. The worthy and honour- 
 " able Gentleman, now with God, at 
 " whofe charge the thing was done, hav- 
 * c ing lived and died in your Grace's 
 " parifh, while you were Minifter of St. 
 <c Martin's in the Fields, perchance you 
 " might from himfelf have received a 
 " full account of this matter much more 
 " perfectly than I am able to give it, who 
 M have lived all my time at a diftance 
 " from London, and therefore wanted the 
 lc opportunity of fo well acquainting my- 
 " felf with affairs fo remote from me. 
 " However, the impreffion, which the firfl 
 «* propofal made on me, hath ftuck in 
 " my mind ever fince ; and the prints, 
 11 which the Eaft-India Company have 
 CI publifhed to defend themfelves againft 
 <l the late attacks made upon them, firft 
 <c by the Interlopers, and fince in Parlia- 
 w ment, having informed me of the vafl 
 w numbers of thofe poor Infidels, who live 
 M under their government in India, with- 
 
 " out 
 
( »59 ) 
 
 ** out receiving any benefit to their fouls 
 11 from them, this hath further moved me 
 " to be concerned for them, and for the 
 ,f great neglect, which we are guilty of, 
 c< as to the interefl of Jefus Chrift, in 
 " omitting fo fair an opportunity of bring- 
 *' ing them to him. And this is it, which 
 ',' hath conflrained me to put thefe papers 
 " into your Grace's hands ; and I humbly 
 " beg I may not be thought troublefome 
 " in (o doing* It is the interefl of our 
 * c Great Mafler, to whom your Grace and 
 14 I are equally fervants. But you have 
 " the greater power, and the larger ta- 
 " lents, whereby to promote it. The 
 " mod that I can do, is to offer the mat- 
 " ter to be confidered : your Grace is 
 ** only able to bring it to any effect. I 
 te confefs we have work enough at home, 
 iC God Almighty help us \ but this is no 
 €< fufficient reafon, when an opportunity 
 <{ is offered to ferve him elfewhere, for 
 <e us to neglect it. If the Company can- 
 <£ not be brought to do fomething in the 
 * c bufinefs, it would be a work worthy of 
 ** your Grace to promote it, by the con- 
 M tributions of v/ell-difpofed Chriflians a- 
 
 mong 
 
( 160 ) 
 
 " mong us ; and it would be a matter of 
 " great reputation to our Church, if we 
 *' alone, who are of the Clergy, mould 
 * s undertake it. And, whenever it mail 
 41 be thus undertaken, though I ferve the 
 " Church moftly upon my own eftate, 
 " yet my purfe mall be opened as wide 
 •' towards it as any man's. 1 will readily 
 " fubfcribe an hundred pounds, at the 
 ct firft offer ; neither mall I flop here, if 
 11 the work goes on j and, if others will 
 " give proportionably, I doubt not but that 
 cc a great deal might be done herein. But 
 " I have, I fear, too much tranfgreffed 
 " upon your Grace's patience, in com- 
 " municating my thoughts to you of 
 w this matter. I humbly beg your par- 
 « don j and am, 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Norwich, Jan. 20, four mojl obedient 
 1694-5. j 
 
 Humble Servant, 
 
 Humphry Prideaux, 
 
( i6r) 
 
 An Account of the Englifh Settlements in 
 the Eaft-Jndies, together with feme Pro- 
 pofals for the Propagation of Chriftianity 
 in thofe parts of the world. 
 
 TH E Eaft- India Company are pofe 
 fefled of, in lridia\ I. The fort St. 
 George and the city of Madras, adjoining 
 thereto, in the bay of Bengcla, in which 
 are an hundred thoufand families.. 2. The 
 city and ifland of Bombay in the bay of 
 Cambaya, in which are fifty thoufand fa- 
 milies. 3. The fort «S/. David on the 
 coaft of Coromondel, which being faid to 
 be as populous as Bombay, we may reckon 
 it to contain alfo fifty thoufand families : 
 and this laft, being a place exceedingly well 
 fituated both for health and trade, as be- 
 ing accommodated with a navigable river 
 and a very good caftle for the defence of 
 the inhabitants, is daily a growing, and 
 like in a fhort time to become as popu- 
 lous as Madras : So that in thefe three 
 places only, befides the forts, which the 
 M Company 
 
( 16a ) 
 
 Company have in the iflands for the fecu- 
 rity of their pepper trade, are two hundred 
 thoufand families, which we may well 
 compute at a million of fouls, allowing five 
 to a family ; and all thefe are fubject to 
 fuch laws, both for life and goods, as the 
 Company, by virtue of their charter, mall 
 think fit to impofe upon them. All which 
 (excepting what relates to fort St. David, 
 which is a place lately bought by the 
 Company) is acknowledged in their own 
 papers, which at feveral times they have 
 published in their defence, firft againft 
 the Interlopers, and afterwards when ques- 
 tioned in Parliament. 
 
 These million of fouls under the 
 uibjection of the Eajl-India Company 
 are either Jews, Mahometans, Portuguefe 
 Chriftians, or Gentiles ; but the main bulk 
 of them are Gentiles j fo our Merchants 
 call the Heathen Indians. Only in the 
 iiland of Bombay there are alfo fome few 
 Perfees, who, being of the remains of 
 the old feet of the Magians, worfhip the 
 fire. 
 
 4 
 
 The 
 
( i 6 3 ) 1 
 
 The Mahometans have in thefe placed 
 their mofquesj the Jews their fynagogues, 
 the Gentiles their Pagodes or temples for 
 heathen worfhip, and the Portuguefe their 
 Friafs-houfesj where they corrupt Chriftia- 
 nity to a degree worfe than Heathenifm. 
 But there is not fo much as a Chapel in 
 any of them for the true Religion of Jefas 
 Chrifti except at Fort St. George only, 
 where lately a Church hath been built, 
 for the ufe of the Englifi factory, by the 
 piety and care of Mr. Mafiers^ then Pre- 
 iidentj without any help or countenance 
 from the Company in order thereto : In 
 other places the room they eat in contains 
 their congregation. Nor is there any the 
 lead care taken to propagate the Gofpel 
 among the natives, although it be their 
 fecular intereft, as well as their fpiritua), 
 to make as many of their fubjects as they 
 can of their own religion, that fo they 
 may be the firmer and more faithfully 
 united to them : But, on the contrary^ 
 they are fo carelefs and impiouily uncon- 
 cerned in this matter, that they permit" 
 the Popifh Priefts to come into the fam-H 
 M 2 lies 
 
( i6+) 
 
 lies of the EngliJJj fettled there, and per- 
 vert their fervants and flaves to their idola- 
 trous fuperftkion, which is there practifed 
 in the grofleft manner in the world. 
 
 The GentileSy who make the main 
 bulk of the inhabitants of thofe three 
 places above-mentioned, are an ingenious, 
 civilized people, who know letters, and 
 are well {killed in many arts, as their 
 manufactures imported hither abundantly 
 demonftrate ; and, for the moft part, are 
 of good morals, which their religion, the 
 moft refined piece of Heathenifm ever yet 
 in the world, moft ftrongly obligeth them 
 unto ; and therefore they are thus far the 
 better prepared to hearken to what reafons 
 may be offered to them for Chriftianity, 
 and the eafier difpofed to embrace it. 
 
 The Dutch Eaji-India Company do 
 maintain in the Indies thirty or forty Mi- 
 ni fters for the converfion of thefe poor 
 Infidels, who are under their dominion, 
 and are at the annual expence of ten thou- 
 fand pounds for this purpofe, and have 
 hereby converted many hundred thoufands 
 4 of 
 
(i65 ) 
 
 of them to the true Chriftian Faith : And, 
 for the further propagating of it, have 
 lately ; erected a College or Univerfity in 
 the ifland of Ceylon, in which one place 
 only (which is not the tenth part of their 
 dominions in the Indies) they have have 
 above eighty thoufand converted Indians 
 upon the roll, for whofe ufe they print 
 Bibles, Catechifms, and many other books, 
 in the Malayan and other Indian lan- 
 guages, which they anually diftribute a- 
 mong them for their better inftruction in' 
 the Chriftian Religion. 
 
 The Dutch Eajl-India Company do 
 further take care, that all places, where 
 they have any factories, and all mips, 
 which they fend to India, be provided 
 with able Minifters well encouraged to 
 preach the Gofpel, and adminifter the 
 Sacraments in the faid factories and mips. 
 But the Englift Eajl-India Company are 
 fo negligent herein, that, although they 
 have in the ifland of St. Helena a fort 
 and town, in which are feveral hundreds 
 of inhabitants, all Englijh, they allow 
 them no Minifter, and confequently, there 
 M 3 being 
 
(i66) 
 
 being no preaching of the Word, no ad- 
 miniftration of the Sacraments, nor any 
 public Worfhip among them, for want 
 hereof, thofe poor people are degenerated 
 to that degree of barbarity, as to be reck- 
 oned the vileft and moft wicked of any 
 our (hipping meet with in their whole 
 voyage to the Indies. The Englifi Com- 
 pany do, indeed, maintain Chaplains for 
 their factories at Surat, Angola, Bombay^ 
 and Fort St. George, and Fort St. David j 
 but allow them fo ill, and treat them fo 
 badly, that they are able to do them but 
 little fervice under thefe difcouragernents. 
 And, as to their mips, although they carry, 
 inoft an end, great numbers of men, and 
 are fometimes eight or ten months on the 
 voyage, as well going as returning ; yet, 
 all that time, they are, for the moil parr, 
 without prayers, preaching, or facraments ; 
 feldom ever having any Chaplain on board, 
 unlefs accidentally fuch as are going to, 
 or returning from their factories in the 
 Jndies< 
 
 I T is evident, that the Englijh Eafi- 
 Jndia Company have of late, in a ihort 
 
 time, 
 
. ( i6 7 ) 
 
 time, from great wealth and power, fallen 
 almoft to nothing, while the Dutch Bafi- 
 India Company grow and thrive, and are 
 now arrived to that power, as even to 
 equal, in riches, ftrength, and extent of 
 dominion, the greateft Potentates in thofe 
 parts, fcarce excepting the Great Mogul 
 himfelf. 
 
 I f we will examine into the caufe, 
 why the bleffing of God is fo largely 
 given to the one, while denied in fo great 
 a degree to the other, none appears more 
 obvious than the care, which the Dutch 
 take to promote the honour of God, by 
 converting the Infidel Indians to him, 
 wherever they fettle, and the total neglect 
 of the Englifh to do any thing herein. 
 And therefore, for the removal of the 
 curfe, which is now fo apparently upon 
 the Engltfi Eafi-India Company in all 
 their concern?, a more effectual courfe 
 cannot be recommended unto them, than 
 that they endeavour to procure the bleffing 
 of God upon them by the fame methods 
 of piety, which the Dutch do ; in order 
 whereto I offer thefe following propofals. 
 M 4 i. That 
 
( '68 ) 
 
 1. That at Madras, Bombay, and Fort 
 St, David, there be in each of them a 
 a School and a Church erected, where the 
 inhabitants may be inflructed in the Chri- 
 flian Religion, in their own language. 
 
 2. That, in order hereto, men of 
 piety and prudence may be found out and 
 encouraged to undertake the million, where 
 they will undergo no fuch dangers and 
 perfections, as the nrft planters of the 
 Gofpel did, becaufe in thofe places they 
 will be under the protection of the Englijh 
 Government. 
 
 3. That a Seminary may be erected 
 in England to breed up perfons to fupply 
 this miffion for the future ; and that they 
 be therein inflructed, not only in all parts 
 of good learning to enable them to with- 
 ftand the oppofitions of the Popifh Priefts 
 (who fwarni in the Indies, and will be fure 
 to obftruct this work all they can) but alfa 
 in the Indian, Malabar^ and San/tret 
 languages. The former two are the 
 modern languages of Indojlan, the nrft 
 
 fpoken 
 
(i6 9 ) 
 
 fpoken through all the Empire of the 
 Mogul, and the latter in the peninfula of 
 Malabar ; and therefore are neceiTary for 
 thofe, who {hall be fent to preach the Gof- 
 pel to thofe people. The Sanfcret is the 
 old language of the antient Indians, and 
 is ftill retained among the Bramim or In- 
 dian Priefts, as the Latin is among us, and 
 is the learned language among them, in 
 which all the books of their religion, phi- 
 lofophy, and other learning, are written j 
 and therefore, in order to confute their 
 religion, it being neceflary to underftand 
 their books, this language is very requifite 
 for thofe, who (hall be fent on this under- 
 taking. 
 
 4. That the choice of thofe, who mall 
 be bred up in this Seminary, be made up 
 of poor boys out of the hofpitals of Lon- 
 don, or elfewhere, fuch whofe fortunes 
 can give them no temptations, when edu- 
 cated for this employment, to refufe to 
 undertake it ; and that care be taken only 
 to elect fuch for this purpofe, whofe tem- 
 per, parts, and inclinations, may promife 
 them to be moft capable of being fitted 
 
 for 
 
( r 7° ) 
 
 for it : or elfe I would propofc, much 
 rather, 
 
 5. That, after this matter hath re- 
 ceived fome fettlements and progrefs, the 
 perfons to be bred up here for this em- 
 ployment be brought from India ; which 
 will have thefe two conveniences, firft, 
 that the language of the country, from 
 whence they come, will not be to learn ; 
 and fecondly, that, when they are bred 
 up, there will be no fuch danger of their 
 mifcarrying, when they come thither again 
 into their native country, as the Englifo are 
 liable unto on their going hence into fo hot 
 a climate, 
 
 6. That the perfons to be brought 
 from India for this purpofe be chofen out 
 of the children of the Malabar Chriftians, 
 who are an ancient church in thofe parts, 
 provided they be of fuch, as are not in- 
 fected with the corruptions of Popery, 
 which the Portuguefe of Goa have much 
 laboured to introduce among them. 
 
 7. That> 
 
( X 7 J ) 
 
 7. That, when Chriflianity mall have 
 made fuch a progrefs in thofe parts, as to 
 encourage the fettling of a Bifhop at Mad- 
 ras, or any other place of the Englijb 
 fettlements in thofe parts, the faid Semi- 
 nary to be removed thither, and the care 
 of it committed to the charge and govern- 
 ment of the faid Bifhop j that fo, Minif- 
 ters being there bred up upon the fpot, 
 the charge, fatigue, and danger of a long 
 voyage from thence hither for their edu- 
 cation, and afterwards back again thither, 
 for their entering on their miniftry in that 
 country, may be prevented and avoided. 
 
 8. That fuch, as have been in the 
 country, and by their long converfe there 
 are well acquainted with the circumftances 
 of the places and the temper and humour 
 of the inabitants, be advifed with about 
 what methods may be moft proper to be 
 followed by the firft undertakers, for the 
 founding of a Chriftian Church of the 
 nations in each of the places above-men- 
 tioned, and how they may beft learn the 
 languages they are to addrefs them in, 
 
 con- 
 
1*7*) 
 
 concerning which I reckon great caution 
 and good meafures ought to be taken ; for 
 the greateft difficulty will lie in the begin- 
 ning. If once, by God's bleffing on fuch 
 a pious undertaking, a Chriftian Church 
 be founded in each of thofe places, and 
 Minifters fettled there to preach in the 
 language of the country, the matter will 
 afterwards go of itfelf, and the counte- 
 nance of the Government will be fuf- 
 ficient to give growth and increafe there- 
 to, provided the conduct of the Minifters 
 be fuch, as to manage the undertaking by 
 no fuch methods, as may exafperate the 
 inhabitants, or give the leaft dilcontent to 
 them : Becaufe, if this mould be done by 
 interpofing compulsion, or any other un- 
 grateful and difguifing means, in the car- 
 rying on of the work, as it will create an 
 averfion to the perfons of thofe that prac- 
 tife them, fo alfo will it to whatfoever 
 they (hall afterwards propofe to them ; and 
 thereby the whole defign mifcarry through 
 the fault of them that manage it. 
 
 9. That an extract be procured out 
 of Holland of all the orders, directions, and 
 
 rcgula- 
 
( >73 ) 
 
 regulations, which the Dutch Eaft-lndid. 
 Company have made concerning this mat- 
 ter, which will be very ufeful to the di- 
 recting of us the more fuccefsfully to lay 
 and carry on the like defign. And, fince 
 what the Dutch Eaft-India Company hath 
 done in this matter proceeds all from laws 
 and injunctions impofed on them by the 
 States, that a copy of the laws be alfo 
 procured ; and, when the matter hath been 
 thoroughly confidered, and the whole of 
 it well digefted, a like law be procured 
 here by Act of Parliament to force our 
 Eaft- India Company to do the fame thing. 
 
 10. That fome wife and good men 
 be made choice of in London for the di- 
 recting and carrying on of the whole de- 
 fign j and that all good Chriftians would 
 pray for the good fuccefs of it. 
 
 There are two great difficulties, which 
 this undertaking is like to meet with. 
 
 I. I n all thofe places above-mentioned 
 the Romijh Priefls have free accefs, and 
 many of their votaries of the Fortuguefe 
 
 nation 
 
( *74 ) 
 
 nation are inhabiting in them, and thefe-* 
 fore will be fure to do the utmoft they are 
 able to obftrucl all attempts, which we 
 {hall make, of propagating Chriftianity in 
 thofe parts, upon the principles of the 
 Reformation j and the garrilon - foldiers, 
 which the Company entertain, being moft 
 of them Portuguefe, Spaniards, or IriJJj, 
 who are the moft bigotted people to Po- 
 pery of all that adhere to that Commu- 
 nion, they will be fure to be affifting to 
 their Priefts in oppofing all attempts, which 
 we fhall make in thofe parts, for the ad- 
 vancing of Chriftianity, upon the princU 
 pies of the Proteftant Religion, which 
 they fo much abhor. That, which makes 
 the Company receive thefe into their pay, 
 rather than fend EngUJh from hence, is 
 to fave charges > for they ferve them much 
 cheaper, and, the Portuguefe and Spa- 
 niards being to be had upon the place, 
 the entertaining of them faves the ex- 
 pence of carrying foldiers from hence, 
 which is a great matter in (o long a 
 voyage. But, notwithftanding this, the 
 Dutch, who are more intent than any 
 people in the world upon their gain, have 
 
 found 
 
( 175 ) 
 
 found this fo incovenienr, that they cn^ 
 tertain none in their garrifons in thofe 
 parts, but thofe of their own nation and 
 religion ; and, although at home they al- 
 low the largeft toleration, that was ever 
 granted in a Chriftian State, yet they will 
 not endure any thing of it in the Indies, 
 but under the fevereft penalties exclude all 
 Papifts from fettling, and all Popifh Priefts 
 from having the leaft admittance, in any 
 of their towns and territories in all that 
 part of the world j which is one of the 
 principal caufes, next God's bleffing, which 
 hath made their endeavours for the con- 
 verting of the natives to Chriftianity, fo 
 fuccefsful as I have related. 
 
 The fecond difficulty is, the Englijh 
 Gentiles^ among whom our beft harveft 
 is to be expected in this attempt, are much 
 more exact in their morals, than either the 
 Portuguefe or the Engltjh Chriftians that 
 live among them;, and on this account 
 they have a very bad opinion of Chriftia- 
 nity, for the fake of thofe who profefs it ; 
 For, the great end of all religion being to 
 make men more holy, jufl, and righteous, 
 
 it 
 
( i 7 6 ) 
 
 it is a very obvious and common prac- 
 tice among mod men, to judge of a reli- 
 gion by the lives of its votaries ; and there- 
 fore it will be a very difficult tafk to make 
 it believed in thofe parts, that Chriftianity 
 is the bed religion, as long as the vices of 
 our Factors and our Communion are daily, 
 in the eyes of the Indiam> an undeniable 
 objection, in matter of fact, that it doth 
 not make the heft men. The chief reafon, 
 which made the primitive Chriflians ^o 
 mightily grow upon the world, and at 
 length draw in the whole Roman Empire 
 to them, was, that they were (what our 
 holy religion totally tends to make us) 
 above all men elfe, the mod exact in 
 their morals, which gave them that re- 
 putation, as to make all men at laft de- 
 iirous to come in unto them. And it is 
 in vain to expect the fame effect, where 
 there is not the fame caufe to help to 
 bring it to pafs. For, to confider the re- 
 ligion abftracted from the profeflbrs, and 
 the principles apart from the practices of 
 thofe that hold them, and examine them 
 truly as they are in themfelves, and not 
 only as they appear in the lives of men, 
 
 is 
 
( *77 ) 
 
 is an opcrofe matter, which few will be 
 induced to attend to. The moft part of 
 men, without entering into fuch a fcru- 
 tiny, are always apt to attribute to the 
 religion, what they fee in its profeffors ; 
 and therefore there can be but little hope, 
 that the Indian Gentiles will ever be in- 
 duced to think ours the better religion, 
 as long as the wickednefs and vices of 
 Chriftians, who live among them, give 
 them daily fo undeniable an evidence, that 
 theirs breeds the better men. Poffibly we 
 may draw over to us, by the advantage of 
 having the Government on our fide, fome 
 profligate wretches, who will be ready 
 to turn to any party, where they can 
 find an intereft better than they had be- 
 fore. But, till Chriftianity gets a better 
 reputation in thofe parts from the con- 
 ventions of its profeffors, and the lives 
 of the people there become better than 
 the lives of the Indians, it will be very 
 difficult, under fo great a difadvantage 
 to make any of them true and fincere 
 Profelytes unto our Holy Chriflian Re- 
 ligion. 
 
 N For 
 
( i78) 
 
 For the removal of thefe great diffi- 
 culties, that they may not be obflructive 
 to the undertaking, that is here propofed, 
 I offer, 
 
 I. That the Ehglifh Eaji-India Com- 
 pany thus far follow the example of the 
 'Dutch, as to put none into their garrifons, 
 but fuch as are of our own nation and 
 religion. As to the other part of their 
 practice, the excluding all Papifts from 
 fettling, and all Romijh Priefts from 
 coming among them, although it be to 
 be heartily wifhed, yet cannot be pro- 
 pofed in our circumftances. For, the 
 Englifi Eajl-hidia Company having re- 
 ceived Fort St. George and the ifland of 
 Bombay from the Portuguefe under articles 
 and capitulations; and part of thofe ar- 
 ticles and capitulations being to protect 
 thofe of their nation, who live in thofe 
 places in the free exercife of their reli- 
 gion j I will not offer any thing, that may 
 tend to the breach of that faith, which 
 hath been given to maintain them. But 
 there is no fuch obligation upon us, as to 
 
 Foa 
 
( *79 ) 
 
 Port St. David, which was fold to the 
 Company by Ram Rajah, an Indian King, 
 and is like to prove the moll considerable 
 place we have in all the Indies. And as 
 to the other two places, although there 
 the Company are bound to protect the 
 Popifli inhabitants in them, there is no 
 reafon they mould make them their gar- 
 rifon-foldiers* If any thing of what I 
 propofe in this paper mould in good 
 earned be attempted (as, I hope, fome 
 time or other, there will) it will be necef* 
 fary firft to take the fword out of the 
 hands of thofe men, left, otherwife, at 
 the inftigation of their Frieds* they mould 
 be prompted to draw it againft fuch as 
 fball engage in this undertaking. 
 
 As to the fecond difficulty, the only 
 thing, that can be faid to it, is, that care 
 be taken to reform our Factories in the 
 Indies, and influence all others, that go 
 thither, to a belter converfation ; to which 
 end I offer thefe following propofals* 
 
 i. That all mips, which mall be fent 
 
 to the Indies, and all factories, forts, and 
 
 N a gar- 
 
( 'So) 
 
 garrifons, belonging to the Company in 
 any of the Eajl-Indies y be provided with 
 Chaplains j and that chapels be built in 
 each of the faid factories, forts, and gar- 
 rifons, for them to officiate in. 
 
 2. That care be taken, that only fuch 
 be fent, for the future, to our factories in 
 India to be Chaplains to them, as are 
 men of that worth, ability, and pious 
 behaviour, as may give them, in their 
 Miniftry, an afcendant of authority over 
 thofe, who are under their charge, that fo 
 they may be able to exhort, reprove, and 
 admonifti with that good effect, as (hall 
 be neceflary to make them live worthy of 
 their holy profeffion, amidft thofe Infidels, 
 among whom they refide. 
 
 3. That, for the better encouraging 
 of thofe Minifters, who ferve as Chap- 
 lains in the faid factories, their falaries, 
 which at prefent are only fifty pounds 
 per annum certain, and fifty pounds per 
 annum ad libitum, be all fettled at one 
 hundred pounds per annum certain, with- 
 out any part of them being left ad libitum ; 
 
 that 
 
( i8i ) 
 
 that fo they may not at any time be in 
 danger of lofing their falaries for doing 
 their duties. 
 
 4. That, for the better encourage- 
 ment of fuch Chaplains, as fhall ferve in 
 the faid factories, and the giving of them 
 the greater authority for their work in the 
 Miniftry, they have place afllgned them 
 at the common table of the factory, be- 
 fore the Priefts or Minifters of any other 
 Communion. For at Madras or Fort St. 
 George (for the latter is only a fortrefs in 
 the former) the Englift Eajl-India Com- 
 pany do there maintain a Popifh Prieft for 
 their Popifli fubjects and fervants, and a 
 Dutch Minifter for their Dutch fubjects 
 and fervants, who do both take place at 
 the faid common table, before the Englifi 
 Minifter j which is a great difparagement 
 upon the Englijh Church, of which he is 
 a Minifter, as well as upon him 5 and by 
 making him look little in the eyes of the 
 factory, renders his Miniftry of the lefs 
 effect among them ; and therefore it ought 
 to be remedied, by placing the Englifi 
 Minifter firft, the Dutch Minifter next, 
 N 3 and 
 
( i8 2 ) 
 
 and the Popifa Prieft after both ; whereas, 
 at prefent, the Popifh Prieft Tits firft, the 
 £)utch Minifler next, and the Englifh 
 JVIinifter at the diftance of many places 
 below both, 
 
 5. That, as foon as Churches (hall be 
 there fettled in all the places aforefaid, 
 and the Seminary above-mentioned be 
 tranflated into the Indies^ 2. Bifhop be fent 
 thither to govern the faid Churches and 
 Seminary, and there to breed up and or- 
 dain upon the fpot Mini iters for the fervice 
 of the laid Churches, that fo there may 
 not be a neceffity of having them always 
 from England. For, the Eajl - Indies 
 bein;? at fo great a diftance from hence, 
 when vacancies fhall happen, the faid 
 Churches will be too long without Mini- 
 fler?, if none can be had to fupply them, 
 but fuch as (hall be fent for from England. 
 And beiides, the voyage being hazardous, 
 as well as long, and to places at a great 
 diftance, ana in a very different climate, 
 few will engage in it, but fuch as are of 
 defperate fortunes, or whofe worth is not 
 fuch as to put them in hopes of getting 
 
 any 
 
any preferment at home ; and thefe, for 
 the moft part, do more hurt than good, 
 in the places where they are fent ; which 
 is fufficiently experienced in the Weft- 
 Indies, as well as in the Eaft, and it can 
 be no other ways remedied, than by fet- 
 tling Bimops and Seminaries in thofe coun- 
 tries, where Minifters may be bred and 
 ordained upon the fpot, without making 
 it any longer necefTary to fend for them 
 from England. 
 
 j^,^. H. Prideaux. 
 
 To the mojl Reverend Father in God, Wil- 
 liam, Lord Archbifhop of Canterbury. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 WHAT is above written in thefe 
 papers having been fent to your 
 predeceffor, above three and twenty years 
 fince, many alterations have fince that 
 time happened, which may have made 
 fome particulars not fuitable with the 
 prefent circumftances of our affairs ; for 
 N 4 which 
 
which it is humbly prayed that allow- 
 ances may be made. 
 
 The narrative, as to the number of 
 inhabitants dwelling in our fettlements in 
 the Eajl- Indies, is all taken out of the 
 books, which were then publifhed by 
 Sir Jofiah Child, in vindication of the 
 Eajt-India Company againft the Inter- 
 lopers, and other adverfaries, who were 
 for laying that trade open to all adven- 
 turers. To mew againft them the necei- 
 fity of carrying on that trade by a Com- 
 pany, they thought it requifite to iet 
 forth the common charges they were at 
 in maintaining forts and garrifons for the 
 fupport of that trade in thofe parts ; and, 
 to make thefe appear the greater, the ex- 
 tent of thofe places is magnified in the 
 faid books (as I have fince found by 
 enquiry) beyond the truth. Sir Jojiah 
 Child faith, in one of thofe books, that 
 in Madras alone there are an hundred 
 thoufand houfes : It is well, if there be as 
 many in all our fettlements in the Eajl- 
 Indies ; and about that number I am 
 4 well 
 
( ««5 ) 
 
 well aflured there are in them. I have 
 been told, that Mr. Pitt, who was Go- 
 vernor of Madras, hath faid, in the Houfe 
 of Commons, that there were three hun- 
 dred thoufand fouls in that place, and in 
 its precinct, within the Company's go-» 
 vernment: and, if fo, it is not to be 
 doubted but that there are two hundred 
 thoufand fouls more in all the reft ; and, 
 according to this reckoning, there mult 
 then be five hundred thoufand in all 
 thofe fettlements, taking them all to- 
 gether; and thefe are too many to be 
 wholly neglected. Mr. Pitt hath lately 
 published a map of Madras, according to 
 an exact furvey taken by his order, when 
 he was Governor of that place; and in 
 it I find fix Heathen Temples, and but 
 one Proteftant Church for the ufe of the 
 factory only, within the fort, and none 
 for the ufe of the inhabitants. 
 
 It is a great advantage to any reli- 
 gion to have the Government on its fide. 
 Under the influence and encouragement 
 of this, any religion may be propagated 
 
 and 
 
( 1 86 ) 
 
 and made to grow, if taught and in- 
 culcated : and therefore, fin.ce we have 
 the government of the placts above- 
 mentioned, there wants nothing but the 
 due teaching of our Holy Chriftian Re- 
 ligion, to make it grow in them. 
 
 Sufficient hath appeared by ex- 
 perience to convince us, that it is not 
 pofTib'e to carry on the work of the 
 Miniflry, either in the Eajl or the Wcfi- 
 IndieSy with any good fuccefs, unlefs 
 there be Bifhops and Seminaries fettled 
 in them, that fo Miniflers may be bred 
 and ordained upon the fpot. For it is 
 not with us, as with the Rcmanifts ; for 
 they have a great number of Monafte- 
 ries, out of which they may lend whom 
 they pleafe on fuch miili ns j and Su- 
 periors have there authority to fend them 
 to what place they (hall judge proper ; 
 and all fuch are bound by their vows to 
 obey them herein. And hereby it comes 
 to pafs, that none are fent on fuch mif- 
 fions, but thofe, who are judged, both 
 for their abilities and morals, bed able 
 4 to 
 
(i8 7 ) 
 
 to recommend the religion they are to 
 preach. But it is quite the contrary 
 with us, for we cannot fend thofe, 
 whom we judge moft fit, but muft be 
 content to fend whom we can get : and, 
 few being to be gotten for this work, 
 but fuch whofe defects make them unfit 
 for it j hence it happens, that it hath 
 hitherto profpered fo ill in their hands. 
 
 Perchance your Grace may, as 
 matters fettle better at home, have an 
 opportunity of looking as far abroad as 
 thofe papers propofe. In the interim, if 
 you will be pleafed to let them lie by 
 you, and, when that opportunity offers, 
 to perufe and confider them, it is all that 
 I now humbly offer unto you, 
 
 As to the ftate of the affairs both of 
 the Eaft- India Company at home, and 
 their fettlements abroad, .hey will be bell 
 learned from thofe, who are of their 
 Committee in London^ and fuch as have 
 laft returned from fej ving them in thofe 
 fettlements in the Eaji - Indies, from 
 
 whom 
 
( i88 ) 
 
 Whom your Grace cannot want having 
 full information, whenever it fhall be 
 required. I am, 
 
 Norwich, May*o, ^fy L or J f 
 
 Tour Grace's moft dutiful 
 Humble Jervant, 
 
 H. Prideaux. 
 
 To the Right Honourable, Charles, Lord 
 Vifcount Townfhend, Principal Secre- 
 tary of State to his Majefly King 
 George. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 IN obedience to your Lordfhip's com- 
 mands, I have drawn up, in die fol- 
 lowing Articles, what occurs to me as 
 moft proper to be done for the Reform- 
 ing of the two Univerfuies of this land, 
 fo as to make thefe noble Schools of 
 
 learn- 
 
( i»9) 
 
 learning beft anfwer the end* for which 
 they are appointed. I have offered all I 
 could think of ; not that I expect all 3 
 that I have offered, fhould be put in exe- 
 cution ; but only that, as the more is 
 laid before your Lordfhip, the larget 
 field you may have for election. Nei- 
 ther do I think, that I have fuggefted 
 all that is neceffary : others may add as 
 many things more, altogether as fit to 
 be confidered for the accomplifhing of 
 what is propofed. Having Kved feven- 
 teen years in Oxford^ I am well ac- 
 quainted with that Univerfity. I can- 
 not fay the fame for Cambridge, hav- 
 ing all my notices of that learned body 
 only by enquiry and hear-fay j and there- 
 fore it is convenient, that others be con- 
 fulted, who have as full a knowledge 
 of that Univerfity as I have of the other, 
 that fo all things may be ordered, as 
 will beft fuit the confutations and ufages 
 of both thefe bodies, and beft conduce 
 to the reforming of whatfoever may be 
 amifs or .defective in each of them. 
 
 Nothing 
 
( i9° ) 
 
 Nothing certainly can be of greater 
 importance to the Nation, or better de- 
 ferve the care of the Public, than the 
 well ordering and regulating thofe places 
 of public education. Here our Nobi- 
 lity and Gentry, here our Divines, here 
 our Phylicians, and here our Lawyers, 
 the Civilians, all of them ; and the other, 
 that is, thofe of the Common Law, for 
 the mod part, receive their education $ 
 and, as far as they profit thereby, doth 
 the Nation receive the benefit thereof 
 from each, in thofe flations and duties, 
 which they are afterwards called unto. 
 But, if thefe fountains grow corrupt, and, 
 inftead of virtue, religion, and learning, 
 vice, impiety, and ignorance gain the 
 prevalency in them j then nothing but 
 dirty and filthy ftreams will flow from 
 thence, all over the land, and every part 
 of it will be tainted and polluted with 
 the corruptions thereof. 
 
 Most foreign Univerfities have their 
 Curators and Supervifors, who take care, 
 
 from 
 
( l 9* ) 
 
 jfrom time to time, that all things be Co 
 ordered in them, as may render them 
 beft ufeful for the end, for which they 
 are inflituted j that, fo becoming nur- 
 feries of virtue and learning, all profef- 
 fions of men, following literature, may 
 be bred up in them in fuch a manner 
 as may bell: enable them to ferve their 
 generation. And for this purpofe, with 
 us, all the particular Colleges in both our 
 Universities have their respective Vifitors, 
 who, from time to time, watch over 
 them with their inspection, regulate their 
 diforders, and remedy all emerging abufes 
 in them. But there is no fuch vifitatorial 
 power over the whole body aggregate 
 in either of the faid Univerfities. For- 
 merly the Bifhops, in whofe Diocefes, 
 and the Archbifhop of Canterbury^ in 
 whofe Province they flood, vifited thofe 
 learned bodies, and regulated all difor- 
 ders ariling in them : but this power 
 hath long fince been extinguiihed by 
 Papal exemptions. The laft, that ufed 
 it, was Archbifhop Arundell t who, in 
 the time of King Richard the Second, 
 
 made 
 
( »92 ) 
 
 made his Metaphorical Vifitation extend 
 to both the Univerfities. But, fince that 
 time, neither the Bifhops of the Dio- 
 ceffes, nor the Archbifhop of the Pro- 
 vince, have any more meddled in this 
 matter, by their ordinary jurifdiclion : 
 For, what Cardinal Pool did herein, was 
 by an extraordinary power, as Legate, 
 appointed by the Pope, for the reducing 
 of this land again to the Roman yoke. 
 But, although now the Papal authority 
 be extinguished in this land, and thereby 
 the vifitatorial power over thefe two 
 bodies is either reverted to thofe, who 
 had it before, or elfe is, with other 
 branches of the Papal jurifdi&ion, vefted 
 in the Crown by the Statutes of the 
 Realm ; yet neither the one, nor the 
 other, have ever fince meddled with it. 
 In the time of King William^ a propofal 
 was made of viliting both the Univerfities 
 by a Royal Vifitation ; and the Lord 
 Chancellor, Sommers, was for it ; but, the 
 Lord Chief Juftice Holt giving his opinion 
 to the contrary, the King anfwered, That, 
 if they could not agree it to be a clear 
 
 cafe, 
 
( l 93 ) 
 
 cafe> he would not meddle with it ; and 
 fo this matter dropped. And therefore, 
 to put the thing beyond doubt, an Act 
 of Parliament now feems neceffary ; and 
 indeed, without that authority, many of 
 the Articles I now offer cannot be put 
 in execution. And I cannot but fup- 
 pofe, that, whenever this matter (hall be 
 brought before the two Houfes, it will 
 be readily concurred with. For what 
 Lord or Gentleman is there in this Realm, 
 who would not, when he fends a fon to 
 either of thefe Univerfities, be defirous 
 to receive him back again from thence 
 uncorrupted in his morals, and improved 
 in his knowledge ? And, if fo, all of 
 them furery will be glad to concur with 
 fuch propofals, as fhall be judged necef- 
 fary for the effecting of it. We often 
 hear of the complaints of fuch, who have 
 been difappointed by the mifcarriages of 
 their fons, and other relations, when fent 
 to our Univerfuies ; and what can be 
 more reafonable, than that all thofe fhould 
 put to their helping hand, to prevent all 
 fuch mifcarriages for the future ? Cer- 
 O tainly, 
 
( '94 ) 
 
 tainly, nothing can be of greater benefit 
 to the Nobility and Gentry of this 
 Realm, than to have thofe places of edu- 
 cation fo formed and fecured, that they 
 may with fafety fend their fons thither, 
 for their being brought up in virtue 
 and learning, and receive them fafely 
 back again, improved in both. And the 
 only way for the accompliming of this, 
 is, from time to time, to ordain fuch 
 Regulations of order and difcipline in 
 them, as emerging corruptions, from 
 .time to time, mall make necefTary for 
 this purpofe ; and to eftablifh fuch a 
 vifitatorial authority, as fliall be fufficient 
 to provide, that they be duly executed. 
 
 For in all Governments and Socie- 
 ties, corruptions do, with time, emerge, 
 and give reafon for new Inftitutions to 
 correct and remove them. The corrupt 
 nature of man is every where prone to 
 lead hereto ; but never more than in 
 thofe focieties, which are made up moft- 
 ly of the younger fort. For their heat 
 of blood, and want of difcretion, ufually 
 hurry them into greater diforders, than 
 
 others 
 
( J 95 ) 
 
 others are commonly guilty of; and 
 therefore there is no where more need 
 of good regulations and exact order of 
 difcipline to correct and reprefs them, 
 than among fuch ; nor any where a greater 
 neceffity of ordaining new laws, from 
 time to time, to meet with and reform 
 fuch corruptions and diforders, as mall, 
 from time to time, emerge among them. 
 Were all things with us in the fame 
 ftate, as when the prefent order and dif- 
 cipline of our Univerfities was firfl form- 
 ed, it might ftill be fufficient for its 
 end. Then the difcipline of families 
 was kept up, fchools were in good or- 
 der, and all young men came fober to 
 the Univerfities ; and in thofe times their 
 Statutes, well executed, might be fully 
 effectual to keep them fo. But, now the 
 difcipline of families is neglected and 
 broken, and fchools grown loofe ; young 
 men are often corrupted, before they come 
 to the Univerfities, and bring vice and 
 debauchery thither with them, and, by 
 their ill example, corrupt ail others, 
 whom they converfe with : and there- 
 O 2 fore, 
 
( '9^ ) 
 
 fore, in this cafe, for the well regulating 
 of thofe places of public education, we 
 need a difcipline, that (hall be ftrong 
 enough, not only to keep thofe fober, 
 who (hall come fober to them, but alfo 
 to reform fuch, who mall be vitiated and 
 corrupted before therr admittance into 
 them. Befides, the great riches of the 
 Nation have produced fuch an excefs 
 of luxury among us, in the prefent age, 
 as hath, like a deluge, overflowed the 
 whole land, and broken in upon, and 
 over-run all places and all orders of 
 men among us, and much altered, for 
 the worfe, the whole genius of the Na- 
 tion : And how much the difcipline of 
 our Univerfities fuffers hereby, cannot 
 but be thoroughly difcerned. The great 
 augmentations of expences in them fuf- 
 ficiently fhew it. About forty years 
 iince, forty pounds per annum for a 
 Commoner (or Pcnfwncr y as the term is 
 ; in Cambridge ) and eighty pounds per 
 annum for a Fellow Commoner, was 
 looked on as a fufficient maintenance j 
 and, when I was a Tutor in Oxford^ 
 2 I never 
 
( ^97 ) 
 
 I never defired more for fuch of my 
 Pupils, as were of either of thefe orders, 
 and always found it amply to fuffice for 
 both. But now, fcarce fixty pounds per 
 annum for the former, and one hundred 
 and twenty pounds per annum for the 
 latter, will ferve for a compleat mainte- 
 nance. And in proportion hereto, are in- 
 creafed the expences of all the other or- 
 ders and members of thefe two bodies. 
 
 And the reformation of the fhidies, 
 and the inforcing of application and di- 
 ligence in them, is as much wanting in 
 both thefe Schools of learning, as the 
 reformation of manners in them. It is 
 a thing of melancholy reflexion to con- 
 fider, what ignorance we often find in 
 thofe, who come to be examined for 
 Orders. Unlefs the Univerfities, for the 
 future, breed us better men for the Mi- 
 niftry, it is, humanly fpeaking, utterly 
 impomble, that the Church of Chrift, 
 which is, by God's mercy, now eftablifh- 
 ed among us, can be well fupported 
 againft thofe many Adverfaries, which are, 
 O 3 at 
 
(i 9 8 ) 
 
 at this time, on every fide, rifing up 
 againft it, and are, with the utmoft craft 
 and diligence, whetting all the inftru- 
 ments of hell for its fubverfion. Atheifts^ 
 Drifts, Socinians, Artans, Pre/by terians, 
 Independents, Anabaptijh, and other Ad- 
 verfaries and Sectaries, furround us on 
 every fide, and are fet, as in battle array, 
 againft us : and, if we do not come 
 armed and provided with equal know- 
 ledge and learning to the conflict, how 
 fhall we be able to fupport our Caufe 
 againft them ? The beft caufe may ftif- 
 fer, when committed to weak hands for 
 its defence j and therefore care is in an 
 efpecial manner to be taken, that thofe, 
 whole profeffion it is to defend and 
 propagate our Holy Chriftian Religion, 
 which is the beft of all caufes, be en- 
 dowed with all fuch abilities of know- 
 ledge and learning, as may render them 
 acceptable to the work j and the well 
 forming and ordering of the two Univer- 
 fities, where they are bred up for it, is 
 the readieft way to make them fo. 
 
 All 
 
( *99 ) 
 
 All thefe reafons, befides feveral 
 others, call for a fpeedy reformation in 
 both our Univerfities ; towards the effect- 
 ing whereof, thefe following Articles are 
 humbly offered to your Lordmip's con- 
 fideration by, 
 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 November s6, 
 
 Tour moft obedient 
 
 
 Humble Servant, 
 
 
 H. Prideaux. 
 
 Articles for the Reformation of the two 
 U?ii t verfities. 
 
 I. ry^H AT the times of Public Prayers, 
 JL in every College and Hall, be at 
 fix of the clock in the morning (except- 
 ing on Sundays and Holy-Days) and at 
 nine at night j at which, all the Members 
 of every the faid Colleges and Halls fhall 
 be bound to be prefent. 
 
 O 4 II. That,, 
 
( 20O ) 
 
 II. That, at half an hour after eight 
 at night, the great bell at Chrifl Church 
 in Oxford \ and the biggeft "n St. MaryH 
 Church in Cambridge^ (hall begin to toll, 
 and continue tolling till nine ; that all the 
 members of the faid Univerfuies, that 
 (hall be abroad, may have due notice to 
 repair to their refpective Colleges or Halls, 
 and be prefent, at the time of Prayers, in 
 them. 
 
 III. That, every night, before Prayers 
 be ended, the gates of every College or 
 Hall be locked up; and, as foon as the 
 faid Prayers are ended, the keys of the 
 faid gates be delivered to the Matter or 
 Governor of the faid College, or his De- 
 puty, in his abfence, and there remain till 
 Prayers be ended the next morning. 
 
 IV. That, in cafe, by any accident, 
 or otherwife, any member of a College or 
 Hall, {hall happen to be locked out, and 
 knock at the gates for admittance, the 
 Porter of the faid College or Hall, at 
 what time of the night foever, mail attend 
 
 upon 
 
( 201 ) 
 upon the Matter or Governor of the faid 
 College or Hall, or his Deputy, in his 
 abfence, for the keys, and let him in, 
 provided that every fuch perfon, fo let in, 
 after the gates are fhut, give an account 
 to the Government of the faid College or 
 Hall, the next morning, of the caufe of 
 his being fo late out j and, if it be not 
 fuch an one, as may be allowed for a jufl: 
 excufe, he be punifhed for the fame, in 
 fuch manner, as the faid Government fhall 
 think moil proper. 
 
 V. That whatfoever member of the 
 faid Univerfity fhall, at night, lie out of 
 his College or Hall, in any houfe in Ox- 
 ford or Cambridge, whether private, or 
 public, unlefs he can give a juft caufe for 
 the fame, {hall, for the firft fault, be pub- 
 lickly admonifhed for the fame ; and, for 
 the fecond, lofe a year from his next De- 
 gree ; and, for the third fault, (hall be ex- 
 pelled the faid College : And, whofoever 
 (hall be abfent from the Evening and next 
 Morning Prayers, in any College or Hall, 
 mall be fuppofed to have been out of the 
 
 faid 
 
( 202 ) 
 
 faid College or Hall all that night, till he 
 {hall prove the contrary. 
 
 VI. That, where there are common- 
 fire-rooms, or combination-rooms, in any 
 College or Hall, they be all fhut up at 
 ten at night, and none be permitted to 
 fray or continue in the faid rooms-, after 
 that time ; but that the Porter of every 
 the faid College or Hall, (mil then logic 
 up the faid room, and carry the keys to 
 the Governor of the faid College or Hall, 
 or his Deputv, in his abfence ; with whom 
 they {hall remain till the next morning. 
 
 VII. That, in cafe any member of a 
 College or Hall, {hall be {hut and locked 
 up, in the -n winner as is above directed, 
 by any clandeftine way get out of, or 
 come into the faid College, either by 
 climbing oyer the wall, or by a private 
 key to any one of the gates, ,or otherwife, 
 the faid perfon {hall, immediately on his 
 being convicted of the fame, be imme- 
 diately expelled the faid College or Hall, 
 and never mdre -be capable of being re- 
 
 ftored to the fame. 
 
 VIII. Where- 
 
( 2 °3 ) 
 
 VIII. Whereas Stourbridge Fair is 
 of great inconvenience to the Univerfity 
 of Cambridge, and becomes the occafion, 
 ufually, of great diforders in the faid 
 Univerfity, during the many days of its 
 continuance, and tends, often, to the cor- 
 rupting of many of the younger fcholars ; 
 that the faid Fair be abfolutely abolimed, 
 or elfe removed to fome other place, that 
 (hall be, at leaft, ten miles diftant from 
 the faid Univerfity. 
 
 IX. Whereas the obferving of Fail- 
 ing Nights in the faid Univerfities is found 
 to be of ill confequences, in leading the 
 youth abroad that night, when they have 
 no fupper at home, for the feeking of 
 their fuppers elfewhere, which is ufually 
 attended with excefs and diforder, and of- 
 ten becomes the inlet to debauchery and 
 lewdnefs ; That all the faid Fafting Nights 
 be abolifhed in both the faid Univerfities ; 
 and that, on every night in the year, there 
 be a fupper in every College and Hall, 
 and on thofe Fafting Nights, as well as 
 others, without any diftin&ion whatfoever, 
 
 either 
 
( 204 ) 
 
 either as to the quantity or fort of victuals 
 then to be provided ; leaving it to the de- 
 votion of every particular perfon to chufe 
 for himfelf fuch times for fafting, and 
 other religious exercifes, as he (hall think 
 beft, for the good of his own foul. 
 
 X. That no member of either of the 
 faid Univerfities, of what degree, ftate, or 
 condition foever, fhall at any time refort 
 to any tavern or alehoufe within the 
 bounds of the faid Univerfities j and that, 
 in cafe any fuch mail be found fitting or 
 drinking, or fhall be proved, at any time, 
 to have been fo fitting or drinking, in any 
 fuch alehoufe or tavern, every fuch perfon 
 (hall, for the firft offence, be publicly ad- 
 monifhed for this fauit ; and, for the 
 fecond offence, fhall, befides a fecond ad- 
 monition, be made publicly declaim in 
 the Univerfity, and lofe one year from 
 the next degree ; and, for the third of- 
 fence, fhall be publicly expelled out of the 
 faid Univerfity : And, wherever any fcho- 
 lar or member of either the faid Univer- 
 fities, fhall be found fitting or drinking in 
 any fuch alehoufe or tavern, or fhall any 
 
 other- 
 
( 2o 5 ) 
 
 otherwife be proved to have been fitting 
 or drinking in the fame, within the 
 bounds of either of the faid Univerfities, 
 the Matter or Keeper of the faid alehoufe 
 or tavern, fhall, for the firft offence, in 
 permitting the fame, be fined to the faid 
 Univerfity the fum of five pounds, and, 
 for the fecond offence, the fum of ten 
 pounds; and, for the third offence, the 
 fum of twenty pounds ; and for ever dis- 
 abled any more to keep a tavern or ale- 
 houfe, within the limits of either of the 
 faid Univerfities. 
 
 XI. And, whereas feveral lewd women 
 do refort to the faid Univerfities, for the 
 corrupting of the youth that arc thither 
 fent for their education, that, for the pre- 
 venting hereof, care be taken, that what- 
 foever woman fhall come to Oxford, or 
 Cambridge^ either to be a fervant, or a 
 fojoumer there, fhall, within three days 
 after her arrival, produce teftimonials of 
 her good behaviour, and, on the approach 
 of the fame, fhall take out a licenfe for 
 her continuing in the faid town : And, 
 that no houfe-keeper, either in Oxford, or 
 
 Cambridge^ 
 
( 206 ) 
 
 Cambridge^ (hall, without fuch licenfe, 
 entertain any fuch woman in his or her 
 houfe, beyond the fpace of three days, 
 under the penalty of rive pounds, to be 
 paid to the faid Univerfity, toties quoties* 
 And, if any woman, coming to either 
 of the faid Univerfities, (hall continue 
 there, after three days, without fuch li- 
 cenfe, as aforefaid, or, after the obtaining 
 fuch licenfe, (hall be convicted of immo- 
 deft behaviour with any fcholar, or other 
 perfon, (he (hall then, as a whore, be 
 carted out of the town, and be no more 
 permitted to live in the fame: And, if any 
 fingle woman, who is an inhabitant of 
 either of the faid towns of Oxford or 
 Cambridge, (hall be convicted of whore- 
 dom, committed with any fcholar, or 
 other perfon, (lie (hall be forthwith ex- 
 pelled out of the Univerfity, and, as a 
 whore, be carted out of the fame. And, 
 if any woman, who hath been once cart- 
 ed out of either of the faid Univerfities, 
 {hall, at any time after, return thither 
 again, unlefs (lie be pad the fiftieth year 
 of her age, (lie (hall then, being dripped 
 down to the middle, be whipped out of 
 
 the 
 
( 207 ) 
 
 the town, through the moil public ftreet 
 of the fame : And every year fix perfons 
 of the graver and foberer fort of thofe in- 
 habitants of Oxford^ or Cambridge, who 
 are privileged members of the faid Univer- 
 fities, mall be appointed by the Vice- 
 Chancellor, and the Heads of Colleges 
 in each of the faid Univerfities, for the 
 examining of fuch teftimonies, and the 
 granting of fuch licenfes, as aforefaid, 
 and that each of them, fingly, be im- 
 powered fo to do. 
 
 XII. Whereas feveral, as well of the 
 Nobility, as Gentry, when fent to the faid 
 Univerfities, have been there infnared into 
 difadvantageous and difhonourable mar- 
 riages, to the ruin of themfelves and fa- 
 milies ; for the preventing hereof, and the 
 fecuring of the youth, thither fent, from 
 fuch a mifchief, it would be necefiary to 
 have it enacted by Parliament, That, if 
 any fcholar, fent to either of the faid 
 Univerfities, while he continues a mem- 
 ber thereof, and under the age of one 
 and twenty, (hall, without the confent of 
 his Parents or Guardians, be clandeftinely 
 
 married 
 
( 208 ) 
 
 married to any woman whatfoever, then 
 the woman, fo clandeftinely married, and 
 the Minifter who mall folemnize the mar- 
 riage, they knowing the faid fcholar to be 
 a member of either of the faid Univer- 
 fities, and all others, who {hall be accef- 
 fary to the fame, wilfully and knowingly, 
 in manner, as aforefaid, (hall incur the 
 guilt of Felony, without benefit of Clergy, 
 and accordingly fufFer for the fame. 
 
 XIII. And, whereas all the Colleges in 
 the faid Univerfities are, in their inftitu- 
 tion, feminaries to breed up thofe, who 
 (hall be there admitted, for the fervice of 
 the Public, and yet feveral, who have 
 gotten to be elected into Fellowfhips or 
 Students places, in the fame, not regard- 
 ing the ends of this inftitution, do live 
 upon the faid Fellowfhips, or Students 
 places, a dronifh and flothful life, pafling 
 away their time idly and unprofitably, 
 without endeavouring to qualify them- 
 fclves for any public fervice, either in 
 Church or State : That, for the prevent- 
 ing hereof, it be ordered, for the future, 
 that no perfon, in either of the faid Uni- 
 verfities, 
 
( 2o 9 ) 
 
 verfities, fliall hold any Fellowship or Stu- 
 dent's place in any College therein, for 
 any longer term, than till he (hall be full 
 twenty years ftanding, from the time of 
 his firft matriculation, into either of the 
 faid Univerfities ; but that, at the faid 
 twenty years end, every fuch Fellow, or 
 Student, fhall, of courfe, become fuper- 
 anuated, and be removed out of his Fel- 
 lowfhip, or Student's place, except he be 
 a Public Profefibr, or Lecturer, or Upper 
 or Under Library-keeper, or Keeper of 
 the Archives, or Regifter of the Convoca- 
 tion, or Judge of the Vice- Chancellor's 
 Court, in either of the faid Univerfities, 
 or be a Minifler of one of the Churches 
 within the towns of Oxford, or Cambridge, 
 or the Suburbs of the fame j and doth, 
 conftantly, in his own proper perfon, and 
 not by another, ferve the fame. 
 
 XIV. That, for the maintenance and 
 fupport of fuch fuperariuated Fellows or 
 Students, who, in twenty years time, 
 {hall not have qualified themfelves for any 
 public fervice, there fhall be an Hofpital 
 built, in each of the faid Univerfities ; 
 P towards 
 
( 2I °') 
 
 towards the building of which, all the 
 Colleges, in each of them, mail, in pro- 
 portion to their revenues, contribute, till 
 it be fully finifhed -, which mall be called 
 Drone Hall, where all the faid fuper- 
 anuated Fellows or Students (hall be ad- 
 mitted j and to every one of them twenty 
 pounds per annum mall be allowed for 
 their maintenance and fupport, by the 
 College, where they have been Fellows or 
 Students, it being fitting, that this burthen 
 mould be laid upon them, as a juft mulct 
 for their having bred up the faid fuper- 
 anuated perfon to be good for nothing. 
 
 XV. And, whereas in feveral Colleges 
 the Fellows are hindered by their Statutes, 
 from going abroad to recommend them- 
 felves to employments, the faid Statutes 
 binding them down to ftrict refidence ; 
 that it be ordered, that, after ten years- 
 ftanding in either of the faid Univerfities, 
 from the time of matriculation, every 
 Fellow of a College be allowed to be ab- 
 fent from his College, for the ferving of 
 any Bifhop, or Nobleman, as a Chaplain, 
 or for the taking upon him any other em- 
 ployment, 
 
( 211 ) 
 
 ployment fuitable to the faculty or pro- 
 feflion, which he (hall be of, provided he 
 firft give an account to the Government 
 of the College he is of, what the employ- 
 ment is, which he intends to undertake, 
 and have their approbation for the fame ; 
 and that all Statutes, which are in any 
 College, contrary thereto, be revoked and 
 made null and void. 
 
 XVI. That, as foon as any Fellow 
 or Student of a College, by what nomina- 
 tion foever called, mail have obtained 
 inflitution, collation, or inftallation to 
 any Ecclefiaftical benefice or preferment, 
 which fhall be, fecundum verum valorem, 
 above eighty pounds per annum, his year 
 of grace fhall commence, and, immedi- 
 ately, on the expiration of the faid year, 
 his Fellowfhip, or Student's place fhall 
 become void, and he fhall quit and leave 
 the fame. 
 
 XVII. If any Scholar, Fellow, or Stu- 
 dent of any College fhall be chofen Beadle, 
 of either of the faid Univerfities, he fhall 
 Hot hold his Scholarfhip, Fellowfhip, or 
 
 P 2 Student's 
 
( 2I 2 ) 
 
 Student's place in the fa id College, any 
 longer than till the next quarter-day after 
 his faid election, but {hall then void and 
 quit the fame, and be utterly put out 
 of it. 
 
 XVIII. And, whereas in feveral Col- 
 leges corrupt practices have taken place, 
 fo that the Fellow, who quits his Fellow- 
 ship, takes money of him that fucceeds 
 him, and pre-elections give handle to this 
 corruption : That it be ordained, that no 
 fuch pre-elections fliall be henceforth made 
 in any College of either of the faid Uni- 
 verfities, but that always the Fellowships, 
 Scholarships, and Students places, (hall be 
 voided, before the election of any new 
 Fellows, Scholars, or Students, (hall be 
 made to fucceed in the fame. 
 
 XIX. And, whereas in fome Colleges, 
 the income and revenues of the fame are 
 very unequally divided and distributed, the 
 Seniors taking too much, and allowing too 
 little to the Juniors j and, in others, great 
 confufions are made, by diftinguifhing 
 foundations : That, for the remedy here- 
 
 i of, 
 
( 2I 3 ) 
 
 of, it be provided, that all the Fellow- 
 ships, which are of difFejent foundations 
 in any College, mall be all brought to the 
 fame rule, privilege, and denomination, 
 and be all governed by the fame Statutes ; 
 and that, in all dividends and distributions, 
 of the revenues of the College, all Fel- 
 lows, of the fame degree, fhall have equal 
 dividends ; that is to fay, all Undergradu- 
 ates alike j all Batchelors of Arts alike ; 
 all Mafters of Art, Batchelors of Law, 
 and Batchelors of Phyfic alike ; all Doc- 
 tors of Law, Doctors of Phyfic, and 
 Batchelors of Divinity alike; and all Doc- 
 tors of Divinity alike ; and that, in the 
 faid distributions, or dividends, no order 
 fhall exceed that immediately below it, 
 above a fifth part of the lowed dividend : 
 As, for example, if the Under-Graduate's 
 Fellowfhip fhall be worth twenty -five 
 pounds per annum * the Batchelor of Arts 
 mall have thirty pounds ; the Mafters of 
 Arts, Batchelors of Law, and Batchelors 
 of Phyfic, thirty-five pounds per annum -, 
 the Batchelors of Divinity, Doctors of 
 Law, and Doctors of Phyfic, forty pounds 
 per annum, and the Doctors of Divinity, 
 P 3 forty- 
 
( 2I 4 ) 
 
 forty-five pounds per annum; and fo f in 
 like proportion, wherever the lowed: divi- 
 dend lhall be in any College, either higher 
 or lower, according as the revenues of the 
 fame can bear. 
 
 XX. That the number of Fellows 
 and Scholars be ftated in every College, in 
 proportion to their revenues, allowing to 
 no Fellow above fixty pounds per annum j 
 and that the faid number be filled every 
 year. 
 
 XXJ. That, in filling up the void 
 Fellowships, Students places, and Scholar- 
 ships, the elections be made without fa- 
 vour or affection, or on any other refpect 
 vvhatfoever, except that of merit only j 
 and that whofoever (hall give or take any 
 money, or other bribe, gift, or gratuity 
 vvhatfoever, on the account of any fuch 
 election, or mall as much as give or take 
 entertainment, either before or after any 
 fuch election, upon the account of the 
 value, mall thereon be both expelled the 
 Univerfity, with the utmoft infamy and 
 difgfaCC ; and, if any Elector mail as 
 
 much 
 
f 215 ) 
 
 much as afk any bribe, gifc, or gratuity, 
 or any Candidate mail make any offer of 
 the fame to any Elector, the perfon fo 
 afking, and the perfon fo offering any 
 fuch bribe, gift, or gratuity, {hall under- 
 go the fame punimment, though nothing 
 be paid or accepted of the fame, 
 
 XXII. Whereas, in feveral Colleges, 
 great inconveniencies happen by the claim 
 of Founders Kinfmen, to the great dis- 
 couragement and difappointment of better 
 deferving perfons; that all fuch claims, 
 for the future, be repreffed and annulled, 
 and none admitted, for the future, to fland 
 as Candidates for a Scholarship, or Fellow- 
 fhip, in either of the faidUniverfities, but 
 upon the claim of their merit only. 
 
 XXIII. And whereas, on the taking 
 of Degrees, and other occafions, treats 
 ufe to be made, which are not only of 
 great expence, but often caufe great dis- 
 orders : That no fuch treat be at any time 
 hereafter made, but in the College Hall ; 
 or in any other manner, or upon any 
 other occalion, than what fliall be allowed 
 
 P 4 of 
 
f 216 
 
 of by the Rules and good Orders of the 
 faid College, and regulated by the fame. 
 
 XXIV. And whereas it is ufual, at 
 prefent, in both the faid Univerfities, for 
 perfons to take their Degrees in the feve- 
 ral Faculties of the faid Univerfities, with- 
 out doing their Exercifes for the fame, on 
 their giving bonds for the performance of 
 them afterwards, which they ufually for- 
 feit ; and fo an indirect way is introduced 
 of buying the faid Degrees for money, to 
 the difcouragement of learning, and the 
 encouragement of duncery and idlenefs : 
 That, for the preventing hereof, it be or- 
 dered, for the future, that no perfon what- 
 foever fliall be admitted to any Degree in 
 either of the faid Univerfities, till he {hall 
 have performed all his ftatuteable Exercifes 
 for the fame, excepting only fuch perfons 
 of Quality, as fliall, upon folemn occa- 
 lions, be admitted to honorary Degrees in 
 the faid Univerfities. 
 
 XXV. That, when any member of 
 either of the faid Univerfities, fliall be 
 of fbnding for any Degree, either in Arts 
 
 or 
 
( 2I 7 ) 
 
 or any of the three Faculties, that is, of 
 Law, Phyfic, or Divinity, if he fhall 
 think fit not to take the faid Degree, yet 
 he fhall then, neverthelefs, perform all 
 the Exercifes, which are by the Statutes 
 of the Univerfity required for the taking 
 of it ; and every perfon, failing or neg- 
 lecting then to' perform the faid Exercifes, 
 fhall thereon have his name flruck out 
 of the Buttery-book of the College or 
 Hall, whereof he is a member, and no 
 longer enjoy any Fellowfhip, Scholarfhip, 
 Exhibition, or Student's place therein. 
 
 XXVI. Whereas, by the 21ft of King 
 Henry the Eighth, chap. 13 th, and by 
 the 28th of the fame King, chap. 12th, 
 Minifters beneficed, are, till the 40th 
 year of their age, allowed to be non- 
 refident from their cures to follow their 
 ftudies in the faid Univerfities, and feve- 
 ral, under this pretence, abfenting them- 
 felves from their cures, live idly, at the 
 faid Univerfities, not only to the mifpend- 
 ing of their time, but alfo to the cor- 
 rupting of others, by their ill examples : 
 That no perfon, after twelve years ftand- 
 
 ino r 
 
( ai8 ) 
 
 ing, from his matriculation, fhall, on any- 
 fuch pretence, be allowed to be abfent 
 from his cure, into which he hath infti- 
 tution or collation. 
 
 XXVII. Whereas feveral Colleges in 
 the laid Univerfuies are governed by Sta- 
 tutes, made in the time of Popery, where- 
 in are contained many particulars, that are 
 fuperftitious, and others, that are, at pre- 
 fent, inconiiftent with the Laws of the 
 Land, and fome, that are not, now, rea- 
 fonably practicable, or would be of no 
 benefit, if they were : That the faid Sta- 
 tutes be revifed and reformed, by Authori- 
 ty, keeping, as near as fliall be conveni- 
 ent, to the intentions of the nrft Founders, 
 and aboliihing all that is fuperfluous or 
 impertinent. 
 
 XXVIII. That, in every College, the 
 Sacrament of the Lord's Supper be ad- 
 miniftred, once every month, at leaft ; 
 and that, at every time the laid Sacrament 
 is fo adminiftred, there lhall be a Sermon 
 preached by one of the Members of the 
 faid College, taking their turns for this 
 
 I duty ; 
 
( 219 ) 
 
 duty ; of which notice {hall be given to 
 the perfon, whofe turn it is, fix weeks 
 before ; and that every Fellow, Scholar, 
 or Student of the College, {hall then be 
 prefent, and communicate. 
 
 XXIX. That the Vice-Chancellor of 
 each Univerfity, with all the Heads of 
 Colleges and Halls, and the Proctors of 
 the faid Univerfity, do meet on every 
 Monday, at one of the clock, in the after- 
 noon, to confult and advife together about 
 all fuch matters, as {hall concern the ho- 
 nour, intereft, and good government of 
 the faid Univerfity ; and that nothing be 
 propofed to the Convocation therein, till 
 firft approved of at the faid Meeting. 
 
 XXX. And, that thefe, as well as all 
 other, the wholefome Laws and Orders of 
 the faid Univerfities, in general, and thofe 
 of each College in particular, may be du- 
 ly and faithfully obferved and executed, 
 it be ordained ; by Act of Parliament, that,' 
 in the beginning of every new Parliament, 
 there {hall be named and appointed fix 
 perfons by the Houfe of Lords, and fix 
 
 by 
 
( 220 ) 
 
 by the Houfe of Commons, who, toge- 
 ther with fix other perfons, to be named 
 by the King and his SuccefTors, and with 
 the two Archbifliops, and the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, or Lord- Keeper, for the time be- 
 ing, fliall be conflituted and appointed, as 
 a {landing Committee, to be Curators of 
 the faid Univerfities j and, being fo com- 
 miflioned, under the Great-Seal, fliall have 
 authority, from time to time, in the name 
 of his Majefty and SuccefTors, to vifit the 
 faid Univerfities, and to reform and cor- 
 rect all excefles and defects j to receive all 
 complaints and appeals, and to do all that 
 belong to the Viiitatorial Power ; fo that 
 thofe places of public education may be 
 made, in the beft manner, to anfwer the 
 end of their inftitution : And that the 
 faid CommitTioners fliall meet at the funi- 
 mons of the Archbifhop of Canterbury ; 
 and that any (tycn of them, fo fummon- 
 ed, be a Quorum, and have power to act 
 as fuch. 
 
 XXXI. That, if there be any College 
 within either of the faid Univerfities, which 
 hath not Statutes already made and com- 
 
 pleated, 
 
( 221 ) 
 
 pleated, for the governing of the fame, 
 the faid Commimoners (hall frame a body 
 of Statutes for the faid College ; which* 
 being pafled under the Broad-Seal, mall 
 be the Statutes, by which the faid College 
 mall be governed, in all times after en- 
 fuing. 
 
 XXXII. That, whenfoever it (hall 
 be thought neceflary to vifit either of the 
 faid Univerfities, the faid Vifitation may 
 be executed by any three of the faid 
 Committee, delegated from the reft, io 
 far as to make enquiry into all exceiTes 
 and defects ; but no Order, Degree, or 
 Injunction mall be made thereon, but 
 by a Quorum of the whole Committee t 
 And that, in all fuch Vifitatorial Inqui- 
 fitions, two of every College (hall be 
 called by the faid Delegates, who (hall, 
 upon oath, make anfwer to all fuch ar- 
 ticles of inquiiition, as (hall then be pro- 
 pofed to them. 
 
 XXXIII. And, whereas Fellows of Col- 
 leges often fpend a great part of their 
 time, as well as of their revenues, in 
 
 quarrels 
 
( 222 ) 
 
 quarrels among themfelves, or with their 
 Head : That, for the preventing hereof, 
 as well as of the impertinent trouble, 
 which is frequently given Vifitors of Col- 
 leges, it be ordained, that in each of the 
 faid Univerlities there be a felecl Senate, 
 conflfting of the Doctors of the three Fa- 
 culties, and all Batchelors of Divinity, 
 refident in the faid Univerfities, who (hall 
 fummarily hear and determine all fuch 
 differences. And, in cafe any perfon 
 mall refufe to acquiefce in the faid deter- 
 mination, but mail appeal from it to the 
 Vifitor of the College, and fhall be call 
 in the faid appeal j that then he fhall pay 
 all the expences of the faid appeal, and, 
 over and above the faid expences, mail 
 alfo pay to the perfon or perfons, againfl 
 whom the faid appeal was made, the fum 
 of twenty pounds, to make him or them 
 amends for the vexation given him or 
 them, by the faid appeal : And that no 
 appeal mall be deferred to, by the faid 
 felecl: Senate, or accepted of, by any 
 Vifitor, till bond fhall be given by the 
 Appellant, or Appellants, with fufficicnt 
 furcties, for the payment of the faid ex- 
 pences, 
 
( 223 ) 
 
 pences, and fum of twenty pounds, in 
 cafe he or they fhall be call in the laid 
 appeal. 
 
 XXXI V. And, whereas in the difpo- 
 fal of the livings or ecclefiaflical bene- 
 fices, which fall in the gift of either of 
 the faid Univerfuies, the junior Matters 
 of Arts often give their votes rafhly and 
 partially, without that due confideration, 
 which they ought to have towards the 
 merits of the Candidates : That it be or- 
 dered, that all fuch livings and ecclefiafti- 
 cal benefices, as fhall henceforth fall in 
 the difpofal of either of the faid Univer- 
 lities, fhall be difpofed of by the faid 
 felect Senate ; and that all prefentations 
 to any fuch benefices or livings fhail 
 henceforth be fealed, at their nomina- 
 tion. 
 
 XXXV. That no Mailer, or Head of 
 any College or Hall, in either of the faid 
 Univerfuies, fhall, on any occafion what- 
 foever, be abfent from his College, or 
 Hall, above two months together, at any 
 one time, or above three months, at dif- 
 ferent 
 
( 224 ) 
 
 fcrent time?, in any one year, on the 
 penalty of voiding his place thereby. 
 
 XXXVI. That, the better to enable 
 the Matters and Heads of the faid Col- 
 leges or Halls to refide on their reipe&ive 
 Colleges or Halls, within the faid Univer- 
 fities, it be ordered, that, where the pro- 
 vifion for their maintenance in the faid 
 Colleges and Halls doth not amount to 
 the value of three of the bed; Fellow- 
 ships in the faid Colleges or Hall*, it be 
 made up to that value out of the revenues 
 of the faid Colleges or Halls, before any 
 dividend (hall be made among the Scholars 
 or Fellows of the fame. 
 
 XXXVII. And, whereas in foreign 
 countries, efpecially in France, fuch re- 
 gard is had to Graduates, that the bet- 
 ter fort of benefices are referved and ap- 
 propriated to them ; and it is, by the 
 Statute of the 13 th of Queen Elizabeth, 
 chap. 12, ordained, that no perfon fhall 
 be capable of inftitution to a living of 
 thirty pounds per annum, in the Queen's 
 books, unlefs he be a Batchelor of Divi- 
 
 vinity 
 
( 22 5 ) 
 
 vinity in one of the Univerfities of this 
 Realm, or a licenfed Preacher in the 
 fame : That, for the like encouragement 
 of fuch, as have by their learning attained 
 to Degrees in either of the faid Univerfi- 
 ties, that is, by fulfilling their ftatuteable- 
 time, and laudably performing their ex- 
 erciies for the faid Degrees, it be ordained, 
 that none be promoted to a Bifhopric or 
 Deanery, or to any other benefice what- 
 foever, that, fecundiim verum valorem, fhall 
 be worth three hundred pounds per annum, 
 except he hath regularly taken the Degree 
 of Doctor of Divinity in one of the faid 
 Univerfities ; and that no one be promoted 
 to an Archdeaconry, or to any Refiden- 
 tiary's place in any Cathedral or Collegiate 
 Church of this Realm, or to any benefice 
 whatfoever, that (hall, fecundum verum 
 valorem, be worth two hundred pounds 
 per annum, except he hath regularly taken 
 the Degree of Batchelor of Divinity, or 
 Doctor of Laws, in one of the faid Uni- 
 verfities ; and that no one (hall be pro- 
 moted to any Prebend, which is no Re- 
 fidentiary in any Cathedral, or Collegiate 
 Church, in this Realm, or any benefice 
 Q^ what- 
 
( 226 ) 
 
 whatfocver, that (hall, fecundum verum 
 •valorem, be worth one hundred pounds 
 per annum, except he hath regularly taken 
 the Degree of Matter of Arts, or Batch- 
 elor of Laws, in one of the laid Univer- 
 iities. And further, That no perfon what- 
 soever (hall be capable of being Judge of 
 the Admiralty, Dean of the Arches, or 
 of being Judge of the Prerogative Court, 
 or Vicar-general to either of the Arch- 
 bifhops, or Mailer of the Faculties, or 
 Chancellor to any Bifhop, except he hath 
 regularly taken the Degree of Doctor of 
 Laws if) one of the faid Univeriities ; and 
 that no perfon whatfoever fliall be ca- 
 pable of being CommilTary under any 
 Biihop or Archdeacon, or of being Regif- 
 ter to any Biihop or Archdeacon, except 
 he hath taken the Degree of Matter of 
 Arts, or Batchelor of Laws, in one of the 
 faid Univerfities j and that no one mall 
 be capable of taking the Degree of Batch- 
 elor of Laws, till he hath firft been ad- 
 mitted to the Degree of Batchelor of Arts, 
 and hath, after that, ttudied the Law 
 three years under the Profeflbr of Laws in 
 one of the laid Univeriities. 
 
 XXXVIIL 
 
( 22 7 ) 
 
 XXXVIII. Whereas the knowledge 
 of the original languages of the Holy 
 Scriptures is necefTary for all Divines, that> 
 in order to the inducing of all fuch as are 
 intended for this profeflion to ftudy thofe 
 languages, it be ordered, that no perfon* 
 after one year, from the date of thefe pre- 
 fents, fhall, in any Exercife of Divinity 
 to be performed in the Schools of either 
 the faid Univerfities, quote any text out 
 of the Old Teftament in any other lan- 
 guage than the Hebrew ; or any text out 
 of the New Teftament in any other Ian- 
 guage than the Greek* 
 
 XXXIX. And, whereas the good edu- 
 cation of the youth of the faid Univer- 
 fities doth, in a great meafure, depend 
 upon the care and difcretion of Tutors* 
 and their abilities, well to inftruct and 
 govern them, it be ordered, that no per- 
 fon fhall take upon him to be a Tutor, 
 in any College or Hall,' within either of 
 the faid Univerfities of Oxford and Cam* 
 bridge^ till he be allowed and appointed 
 to it by the Matter and Seniors, that have 
 
 Q, 2 thg 
 
( 223 ) 
 
 the government of the faid College or 
 Hall, and thereon be approved, admitted, 
 and licenfed to be a Tutor, by the Vice- 
 Chancellor of the Univerfity, in the man- 
 ner hereafter mentioned. 
 
 XL. That every Tutor mall conftant- 
 ly read to his Pupils, or, in his abfence, 
 depute another licenfed Tutor to do the 
 fame for him, till they (hall take the De- 
 gree of Batchelor of Arts, or mall be of 
 ftanding for ir, without making any va- 
 cation, unlefs for three weeks, at Chrijl- 
 ffiaSj and one week at each of the Fefti- 
 vals of Rafter and Wbitfunltide, and during 
 the time of the Act at Oxford, or the 
 Commencement at Cambridge. 
 
 XLI. That the faid Tutors take 
 efpecial care to form the morals and prin- 
 ciples of their Pupils, according to the 
 laws and doctrines of our Holy Chriftian 
 Religion, as taught in the Church of 
 England ; and, for their well "innruclion 
 herein, fhall conftantly, on all Sundays 
 and Holy-days, excepting the times of 
 vacation, above-mentioned, read and ex- 
 4 pound 
 
( 229 ) 
 
 pound unto them the Articles of the 
 Church of England, or fuch other books 
 or tracts of divine inftitution, as fhall be 
 judged befl for this purpofe. 
 
 XLII. That every perfon, to be ad- 
 mitted and licenfed to be a Tutor, in 
 either of the faid Univerfities, (hall be 
 fworn to the faithful obfervance of the 
 laft-mentioned Article, before the Vice- 
 Chancellor of the fame, and of all other 
 fuch Articles and Particulars, as mall be 
 thought fit to be added to it j and alfo 
 fhall, at the fame time, take all fuch 
 Oaths, and make all fuch Declarations 
 and Subfcriptions, as every perfon, to be 
 licenfed to keep a public Grammar-School, 
 is obliged to take and make, according to 
 the Laws of the Land, and the Conftitu- 
 tion of the Church of England ; and that 
 thereon, and not before, the faid Vice- 
 Chancellor fhall admit and licenfe him 
 to be a Tutor, and give him a certificate 
 hereof, under his hand and feal ; which 
 certificate fhall be regiftered in the Univer- 
 fity Regifter, and alfo in that of the Col- 
 lege, whereof he is a member. 
 
 Q^3 XLIII. 
 
( 2 3° ) 
 
 XLIII. That every Tutor, neglect- 
 ing to do the duties of a Tutor, to which 
 he hath been fworn, fhall be anfwerable 
 for ir, both to the Government of the 
 College or Hall, in which he is a Tutor, 
 and alfo to the Vice-Chancellor of the 
 Univerfity, and may be convened before 
 either of them for the fame ; and, on 
 conviction, fhall be admonilhed, for the 
 firfl: time, and, for the fecond, be removed 
 from being any more a Tutor j and here- 
 on his admiffion and licenfe to be a Tutor, 
 fhall become null and void, and never 
 more after that be again revived. 
 
 XLIV. That, whereas the ill ex- 
 ample of Governors and Teachers is of 
 very great influence for the corrupting of 
 thofe that are under their charge, it be 
 ordained, that, if any Tutor fhall make 
 his conduct, in any particular, of ill ex- 
 ample to his Pupils, this fhall be fuf- 
 ficient, without any admonition, forth- 
 with to remove him from being any more 
 a Tutor, 
 
 XLV. 
 
( 231 ) 
 
 XLV. That every Tutor, for the 
 better difcharging of his duty, fliall have 
 Proctorical authority over his Pupils, and 
 be impowered to enter into any houle, 
 within either of the faid Univerlities, to 
 fearch for them, when abfent from their 
 ftudies, and punifh the houfe, that mall 
 receive them, in the fame manner, as the 
 Proctors of either of the faid Univerfities 
 may do. 
 
 XLVI. That no perfon mail truft 
 any Under- Graduate, in either of the faid 
 Univerfities, without the confent and al- 
 lowance of his Tutor j and that, if any 
 one fliall do otherwife, he mail lofe all 
 right of recovering, by Law, what he 
 trufts him for. 
 
 XLVII. That every Matter of a Col- 
 lege or Hall, within either of the faid 
 Univerfities, fliall, once every quarter, 
 taking to him the affiftance of fuch of 
 the Seniors of the faid College or Hall, 
 as he mail think fit, make enquiry into 
 the proficiency of all the Under-Gra liuates 
 Q_4 under 
 
( 232 ) 
 
 under his charge, by examining of them 
 in thofe parts of learning, in which, ac- 
 ceding to their {landing, they have placed 
 their fludies ; and, on want of profici- 
 ency, fhall enquire, whether this has pro- 
 ceeded from the idlenefs of the Pupil, or 
 the neglect of the Tutor ; and fhall pro- 
 ceed thereon to correct the fault, where 
 he fhall find it lying, in fuch manner, as 
 he and his afliflance (hall find it deferves. 
 
 XL VIII. If any Under- Graduate (hall 
 be found, three times together, a non- 
 proficient, and this be judged to proceed 
 from his idlenefs, or elfe want of parts 
 fufficient to enable him to make pro- 
 ficiency, he be then difmiiTed from the 
 College, and alio of the Univerfity, as 
 one that is incapable of improving him- 
 felf in it. 
 
 XLIX. That, whereas great numbers 
 of Students of the faid Univefities do, 
 after the taking of their Degree of Batch- 
 elor of Arts, leave the faid Universities, 
 
 and taking Order?, enter upon cures ; that 
 all fuch may pe the better qualified for 
 
 the 
 
( 233 ) 
 
 the faid profeffion, it be ordered, that no 
 perfon mall be admitted to the Degree of 
 Batchelor of Arts, till he fhall have under- 
 gone an examination of his knowledge 
 of the Chriftian Religion, and be able to 
 give a good account thereof, as taught 
 and profeffed in the Church of 'England. 
 
 L. That, in order thereto, the faid 
 Univerfities mall take care, that an uniform 
 fyftem of Divinity be made by the Pro- 
 feflbr of Divinity in the faid Univerfities, 
 or fuch other, as they mail think fit to 
 appoint j in which all Under-Graduates 
 mall be inftructed by their Tutors, and 
 afterwards be examined, before they take 
 the faid Degree of Batchelor of Arts ; and 
 that, till fuch a Syftem of Divinity fhall 
 be compofed, the faid examination fhall 
 be made in the Church Catechifm, and 
 the Articles of the Church of England, 
 and no one be admitted to the faid De- 
 gree, till he can give a thorough account 
 of them, and prove all particulars from 
 Scripture. 
 
 LI. That 
 
, ( 234 ) 
 
 LI. That, in order to the faid exa- 
 mination, four Batchelors of Divinity, or 
 elfe four Divines, of Batchelor of Divi- 
 nity's Handing, refident in the faid Uni- 
 verfities, fhall, in each of them, be an- 
 nually chofen by the Vice- Chancellor and 
 Heads of Colleges and Halls, who fhall 
 examine, as aforefaid, all Under-Gradu- 
 ates, in order to the faid Degree. 
 
 LII. That the faid examinations fhall 
 be held publicly in the Univernty-Schools, 
 and in fuch of them, in each Univerfity, 
 as the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Col- 
 leges and Halls fhall think moft proper to 
 appoint for this purpcfe. 
 
 LIII. That the faid Examiners fhall 
 examine two at a time, altemu vicibus, 
 that is, two at one time, and the other 
 two at another, and fo on : That the Ex- 
 aminants appear before them, in clanes 
 of nx at a time ; and each clals fhall be 
 examined by the faid two Examiner?, for 
 the fpace of two hours, at the leaft, or 
 longer, if the faid Examiners mall think 
 4 fit; 
 
( 2 35 ) 
 
 fit; and that the appointing of the faid 
 examinations mall be in fuch order, me- 
 thod, and times, as the Vice-Chancellor 
 and Heads of Colleges and Halls, mall, in 
 each of the faid Univerfities think fit, by 
 a ftated rule, to agree and ordain ; and 
 fach only, as mall obtain a certificate of 
 approbation from the two Examiners that 
 examined them, mail be qualified for the 
 faid Degree. 
 
 LIV. That there may be a fuitable 
 reward to the faid Examiners for their 
 pains and trouble, it be ordered, that 3 
 whereas in the Univerfity of Oxford there 
 are four Lectures of no ufe, that is, of 
 Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, and Meta- 
 phyfics ; thefe four Lectures be abolifhed, 
 and the falaries, hitherto paid the Readers 
 of them, be fettled upon the four faid 
 Examiners ; and that the like method be 
 taken in the Univerfity of Cambridge, for 
 the fame purpofe. 
 
 LV. That no perfon be admitted into 
 Orders of the Church of England, but 
 iuch as have taken the Degree of Batch- 
 
 elor 
 
( 2 3 6 ) 
 
 elor of Arts in one of the faid Univerfities, 
 or other Degrees, fuperior to it, except 
 only fuch, as have fludied, in foreign 
 Univerfities, the like time, and have 
 made the like proficiency, as is required 
 in the faid Univerfities, for the taking of 
 the faid Degree of Batchelor of Arts. 
 
 LVI. That, whereas the refort of 
 Players or Actors of Interludes has prov- 
 ed of great prejudice to the faid Univer- 
 fities, in corrupting the youth fent thi- 
 ther for their education ; it be ordained, 
 that no fuch Players or Actors of Inter- 
 ludes be permitted to come within either 
 of the faid Univerfities, to act their Plays 
 in them, notwithstanding any grant or 
 licenfe whatfoever, which they may bring 
 with them for the fame. 
 
 LVII. That, whereas the Lawyer's 
 Gown, in the faid Univerfities, is often 
 made an Aj'ylum tor the idle and the ig- 
 norant, fuch as have not, by their pro- 
 ficiency in their itudies, qualified them- 
 felves for the Degree of Batchelor of Arts, 
 it be ordained, that no perfon, for the 
 
 future, 
 
( 237 ) 
 
 future, (hall be allowed, in either of the 
 faid Univeriities, to put on the Lawyer's 
 Gown, till he hath firfl taken the Degree 
 of Batchelor of Arts, or, till three years 
 after that, be admitted to take the Degree 
 of Batchelor of Law. 
 
 LVIIL That, as to the taking the 
 Degree in Phyfic, the Univerlity of Cam- 
 bridge follow the Rule and Ufage of the 
 Univerfity of Oxford, both for times, and 
 exercifesj fo that both acl, in this matter, 
 with an uniformity to each other. 
 
 A "Letter from the Bijhop of Worcefter, 
 to the Bifiop of Norwich. 
 
 DR. William Lloyd *, the mofl: wor- 
 thy and learned Lord Bifhop of 
 Worcejler, having, through the hands of 
 Dr. Trimftell, Bifhop of Norwich, com- 
 municated to Dr. Prideanx, Dean of 
 Norwich, his fcheme of the feventy Weeks 
 
 * See the General Di&ion. Vol. VII. &c. p. 1 32 — 
 141. Art. IF. Lloyd. — Dr. Prideanx's <\to Pam- 
 phlets, N°. 13. 
 
 of 
 
( 2 3 8 ) 
 
 of Daniel, and his folution of them ; Dr. 
 Prideaux, in a Letter writ thereon to 
 the Bifhop of Norwich, objected againft 
 it, that there were many things in the 
 book of Nehemiah, which the faid fcheme 
 of Daniel's Weeks is inconfiftent with j 
 which being communicated to the faid 
 Bifhop of Worcefier, his Lordfhip writ 
 thereon to the faid Bifhop of Norwich this 
 following Letter. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 Hartkbury, June 2 1, 1 7 1 c. 
 
 I n that part, which you gave me of 
 my moft learned friend, Dr. Prideaux s, 
 Letter to your Lordfhip, he fpeaks of 
 many things in the book of Nekemiah y 
 with which my account of Daniel's 
 Weeks is inconfiftent, in his opinion. 
 But he mentions not many things, only 
 two or three, in his Letter ; and thefe are 
 fuch, as, I conceive, I need not trouble 
 my head with ; for they iignify nothing 
 to my bufinefs, which is only to fhew, 
 that, from the going forth of the com- 
 mandment to build Jernfakm again, to 
 the death of Chrift, the cutting off the 
 
 Meffiab, 
 
( 239 ) 
 
 Meffiah, there mould be feven weeks* 
 and 62 weeks ; feven weeks, that is, 
 49 years, to the end of the vifion and 
 prophecy {Dan. ix. 24.) that is, till the 
 book of Malachi was written j and the 
 other 62 weeks, or 434 years, till the 
 anointing of the moft Holy (ib.) that is, 
 till Chrift's being anointed High - Prieft, 
 with the blood of his own facrifice, as he 
 was at the time of his death, when the 
 Meffias was cut off (v. 26.) upon which 
 the Jews came to be 17 V^, i« e. non ei 3 
 as it followetn. 
 
 The Jews, whom Daniel every where 
 in his prayer calls, thy people, God's peo- 
 ple, &c. here the Angel, fpeaking from 
 God, throws back upon Daniel, and calls 
 them, thy people, that is, Daniel's people 
 (v. 23, 24.) and in thefe words (v. 26.) 
 the Angel fhews how they would ceafe 
 to be God's people : It was upon the 
 Meffias's being cut off, which was done 
 even by themfelves ; and, after that, they 
 were therefore V? V*$, not his people. But 
 who were to be his people, after this ? 
 
 Even 
 
( 2 4° ) , 
 Even the Romans. They are here called 
 H20 T$} DX, i.e. Principis popidus fu- 
 turus. Even they, that were to burn the 
 City and Temple, t. e. the Romans. 
 
 I a m gone beyond what I needed to 
 have written on this occafion. My bufi- 
 nefs was only to (hew, from the going 
 forth of the commandment for the build- 
 ing of the City of Jerufalem, till the 
 cutting off the Meffias j and thereupon, 
 the yews being no more his people, was 
 to be feven weeks, and 62 weeks j in the 
 whole 69 weeks, or 483 years. 
 
 I d o here take it for granted, that 
 Daniel's years were juft 360 days in a 
 year, fuch as thofe King Crcefus reckoned 
 by, as it appears in Herodotus (I. 28. ) 
 Of this, 1 believe, Mr. Dean needs no 
 proof; but, if he pleafes, I will fend him 
 fo much, as, I am fure, will be fufficient. 
 
 Now, 483 times 360 days makes the 
 fum of 173880 days, which number of 
 days, beginning in the month of Nifan, 
 in the 20th of Artaxerxes Longimanus 
 
 (Nehem. 
 
( 24i ) 
 
 (Nehem. ii. I, 6.) that is, in the year 445, 
 before Chrift, about the end of April, 
 will certainly end about May, Anno Dom. 
 32. But that time was after the Pull- 
 over, for that year ; and therefore Chrift 
 could not die in that year, for he could 
 not die but at the time of the PafTover : 
 on that day, and at that hour, in which 
 the PafTover-Lamb was to be killed, then 
 was Chrift our PafTover to be facrificed 
 for us. But that muft have been Anno 
 Domini 33. Then that PafTover happen- 
 ed on Friday, April 3 ; then at three in 
 the afternoon Chrift muft die : it fhould 
 be neither later nor fooner. That Chrift 
 did die, at that very time, it may be eafily 
 proved, by demonftration ; and I have 
 fhewed it, where there is occafion : but, 
 at this time, I am only to give account, 
 how this, that hath been faid, can confift 
 with thofe things of Jaddus and of San- 
 ballat, in Mr. Dean's Letter. 
 
 First, of San&allaf -, Mr. Dean fee ms 
 
 to think, that he of that name, who 
 
 gave difturbance to the building of the 
 
 Wall (Nebem.il. 6.) was trie fame with 
 
 R * him, 
 
( H2 ) 
 
 him, that is fpoken of, Nehem. xiii. 28, 
 on the occafion of one of the fons of 
 Joiada, the High-Prieft, having married 
 his daughter : For that thefe are two San- 
 ballats, it is certain ; for the former San- 
 ballat, Nebem. ii. 10, was Governor of 
 one of the fmall provinces in or about 
 Pale/line, in the year 445, before Chrifl, 
 which was the time of that building of 
 the wall of yerufalem, Nehem. vi. 15. 
 It mufl have been another Sanballat, that 
 was father-in-law of Manajeb, whom all 
 take to have been him, that is fpoken of 
 in the laft chapter of Nebemiah j for this 
 Sanballat came to Alexander the Great, 
 firft at the fiege of Tyre, in the year 332, 
 before Chrift, which was 113 years after 
 the building of the wall ; and he died in 
 OBober following, that is, after the taking 
 of Gaza, and juft before Alexander's 
 coming to Jerufalem. Jofepb. Antiq* 
 xi. 8. 
 
 Soon after, viz. in the year 323, before 
 Chrift, May 23, was the death oi Alex- 
 ander the Great ; and, about the fame 
 time, died Jaddus, the High-Prieft-, as 
 
 JofepbHS 
 
( 243 ) 
 
 Jofephus tells us, at the very end of the 
 fame chapter xi. 8. 
 
 Of Jaddus, Jofephus tells us, that, 1 
 immediately after his death, his fon Onias 
 fjiicceeded him in the High-Priefthood. 
 This Onias muft then have been at leaft 
 thirty years old j he might have been a 
 great deal more $ and, if he was the High- 
 Prieft, of whom Hecataus wrote, that 
 eleven years after Alexanders death, he faw 
 him, being then fixty-fix years of age, as 
 Jofephus ( contra Apionem> Lib. I. Edit* 
 Crifpini> 1048.D.) tells us, from that Hif- 
 tory, by this reckoning Onias muft have 
 been born in the year 378, before Chrift $ 
 and then his father Jaddus> likely, was 
 born before the year 400, before Chrift ; it 
 may very well be, that he was born before 
 the year 404, before Chrift, which was 
 the laft year of Darius Nothus, This 
 King, as Primate Ufher (Annal. I.p«232.) 
 thinks, was Darius the Perjian^ to the 
 time of whofe reign, all the Levites were 
 reckoned, in the times of Eliajbib $ Joi- 
 ada> Jobanan, and Jaddua, as we read, 
 Ntihem. xii. 22, That moil learned Pri- 
 ll z mate 
 
( 244 ) 
 
 mate takes it for granted, that the Jad- 
 dua, here fpoken of, was not then High- 
 Prieft, at the time of the reckoning of 
 thefe Levites ; but, being then born, and 
 being Heir apparent of the High-Prieft- 
 hood, that holy Writer might name him 
 together with thofe of his Progenitors, that 
 were all living together. It is not faid 
 there, or any where elfe, in the book of 
 Nehemiah, that Jaddua was then High- 
 Priefl ; only it is faid, chap. xii. II. that 
 Jonathan begat Jaddua ; and, verfe 22, 
 that fuch things happened in their days. 
 But, in the next verfe, it is faid, that the 
 Levites were written in the books of the 
 Chronicles, even until the days of Johanan, 
 the /on of Eliafhib j which giveth caufe to 
 think, that Joiada was never High-Prieftj 
 but died before his father, Eliajhib. And, 
 one might be well confirmed in that opi- 
 nion, by what he reads in Nehem. xiii. 28. 
 that he, that married Sanballat's daughter, 
 was of the fons of Joiada, the Jon of Eli a- 
 fiib, the High-Prie/l. If Joiada himfelf 
 had lived to be High-Prieft, the Writer 
 would have faid, in fewer words, that he, 
 that married fo, was the fin of Joiada, the 
 
 High- 
 
( 245 ) 
 
 High-Priefl. I know nothing of moment 
 againft this, but a word or two, that we 
 read of Joiada's fucceeding his father, 
 in Jofephus, Antiq. xi. 7. But his word, 
 alone, will be of no great authority with 
 any one, that confiders, how little he 
 knew of the yews, in thofe times, or of 
 the Perfian Monarchy. 
 
 The beft of it is, that all that we 
 have, in the book of Nehemiah, concern- 
 ing thefe times, after the going forth of 
 the commandment to build yerujalem 
 again, is altogether foreign to the matter 
 now before us : it can neither help us, 
 nor hinder us, in the knowledge of thofe 
 feven weeks, and 62 weeks, that we read 
 of in the Angel's prophecy, 
 
 I desire Mr. Dean to take notice, 
 that I do not reckon the years of any 
 King's reign any otherwife, than as I find 
 them in Ptolomy's Caaon. 
 
 I desire your Lordfhip to thank 
 
 him for his kind remembrance of me, 
 
 R 3 and 
 
( 246 ) 
 
 and to let him know, that I do heartily 
 defire his prayers, as I do alio your Lord- 
 (hip's j for I truly am 
 
 Tour moft affeftionate 
 
 Brother and Servant) 
 
 $ . 
 
 W. Worcefter, 
 
 Dr. Prideaux's Anfwer. 
 
 DR. Prideaux, having received from 
 the Lord Bifhop of Norwich a 
 copy of this Letter, wrote unto the Lord 
 Bifhop of Worcefier this following Letter, 
 in anfwer thereto. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I Must acknowledge, it is a very 
 great favour, that your Lordfhip would 
 be pleafcd to give yourfelf fo much trou- 
 ble, as to draw up the paper, for my fatif- 
 faction, which you fent to the Lord of 
 
 Norwich 
 
( H7 ) 
 
 Norwich for me, and which his Lordfhip 
 has been pleafed to communicate unto me, 
 
 Therein, you fay, that the objections 
 I made againft your fcheme of Daniel's 
 Weeks, from the book of Nebemiab, were 
 nothing to youmbufinefs, which is only 
 to mew, that, from the going forth of the 
 commandment for the building of the 
 City of Jerufalem y till the cutting off of 
 the Meffias, was to be feven weeks, and 
 62. weeks, that is, in all 69 weeks, er 
 483 years; and that, computing thefe 
 years, from the 20th year of Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, when that commandment 
 went forth, they exactly end, according 
 to Ptolom/s Canon, at the time of our 
 Saviour's death. But I humbly conceive, 
 that, unlefs it be made out, that the be- 
 ginning of this computation muft be from 
 the 20th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus y 
 your hypothecs cannot ftand ; and there- 
 fore it muft be your Lordfhip's bufmefs, 
 in the firft place, to clear this matter. 
 
 I T is faid indeed in Nehemiab, that 
 the commandment for the re- building of 
 R 4 1 
 
( 2 4 8 ) 
 
 the City of Jerufalem went out in the 
 20th year of Artaxerxes. But there were 
 two Artaxerxes, whom this might be at- 
 tributed to, Artaxerxes Longjmanus y and 
 Artaxerxes Mnemon ; and the text doth 
 not determine which of thefe two it was. 
 If it were Artaxerxes Mnemon, all that is 
 laid in Nehemiah of Jaddua, Sanballat, 
 and Darius Codomannus, will very well 
 confift therewith j for it is but to fuppofe, 
 that Nehemiah lived to the time of Darius 
 Codomannus, and then wrote his book 
 (as he might very well do, without ex- 
 ceeding the age of eighty years) and all 
 will be folved and made confiftent ; and 
 therefore Scaliger, Cahi/ius, He/vicus, and 
 feveral other Chronologers, come into thi6 
 opinion, 
 
 B u T, if it were Artaxerxes Longima- 
 nus } as your Lordfhip fays it was, in 
 whofe 20m year this commandment went 
 forth j then all the objections occur, which 
 I have mentioned j for, 
 
 I/?, I t feems evident to me, that the 
 text of Nehemiah xii. 22, where the Le- 
 
 vites 
 
( 2 49 ) 
 
 vites are fpoken of, that were in the days 
 Eliajhib) yoiada, yohanati, and Jad- 
 dua, cannot be underftood to mean any- 
 other days, than thofe wherein they were 
 High-Priefts. For the High-Pried a- 
 mong the Jews was the Head of the 
 Priefis and Levites ; and, after the cap- 
 tivity, when there was no King in Judah, 
 had the abfolute fupremacy in all affairs 
 relating to them 5 and therefore it was as 
 proper for them to reckon all fuch affairs 
 by times of their High- Priefis, as it is 
 now with us to reckon of all actions in 
 the State by the times of our Kings ; and 
 confequently, when any thing is faid to 
 have been in fuch an High-Priefl's time, 
 it is as improper to underftand it of any 
 other time, than that of his Priefthood, 
 as it would be, when any thing is faid to 
 have been in fuch a King's time, to un- 
 derftand it of any other time than that 
 of his Reign. For this reafon I cannot 
 come into this interpretation, which refers 
 what is faid here of the days of Jaddua as 
 far back as the days of his childhood ; for 
 it feems to be a very forced fenfe, which 
 the text cannot naturally bear. When 
 
 fuch 
 
( 250 ) 
 
 fuch a thing is faid to have been in the 
 time of Henry the Eighth, will any one 
 underftand it of the time before his 
 Reign ; or think it any other than an ab- 
 furdity, fo to conftrue it ? And, to me, it 
 looks altogether as bad, as to underftand 
 what is here faid of the Levites to have 
 been in the days of Jaddua> of any other 
 days, than thofe wherein he was High- 
 Prieft. And it i6 to be taken notice of, 
 that the text joins with the days of Jad- 
 Hua, the days of Eliajhib^ Jotada, and 
 jfohanan, who were High-Priefts before 
 him. For it is faid, in the days of Elia- 
 Jhib, jfoiada, jfohanan, and Jaddua> &c. 
 And here I would aik, whether the days 
 of EliaJ/iib, "Joiada^ and jfohanan, are to 
 be underftood of the days of their High- 
 Priefthood, or of the days of their life ? 
 No doubt, it will be faid of the days of 
 their High-Priefthood. And why then 
 muft not the days of Jaddua be under- 
 stood fo too ? I may add further, What 
 need is there, in this cafe, to name Jad~ 
 dua's days at all ? Becaufe, if they be un- 
 derftood of thofe, before he was High- 
 Prieft, they were coincident with the 
 
 days 
 
( 25i ) 
 
 days of Joiada and Johanan, which were 
 named before. And therefore, if we un- 
 derfland thofe days of Jaddua of any 
 other days, than thofe wherein he was 
 High-Prieft, they muft have been named 
 twice in the fame text, which would be 
 fuch a faulty repetition, as it muft not be 
 charged with. Nothing feems more plain 
 to me, than that the text fpeaks of the 
 days of thefe four men, as in fucceflion, 
 one after the other ; and therefore we 
 muft not run the days of the one into the 
 days of the other. Befides, the whole 
 defign of interpreting the days of Jaddua, 
 of the days before he was High-Prieft, 
 is to fupport a notion, that the book of 
 Nehemiah, of which this text is a part, 
 was wrote before, he was High-Prieft, and 
 fo far back as the time of his childhood. 
 Your Lordfhip placeth it in the laft year 
 of Darius Nothus. But then, to name 
 his days with the days of the other High- 
 Priefts, fo many years before he came to 
 be High - Prieft, and when it muft be, 
 on many refpe&s, uncertain, whether he 
 would ever be fo, or no, is what, I be- 
 lieve, all the writings of the world befide 
 
 cannot 
 
( 2 52 ) 
 
 cannot give us an inftance of. For thefc 
 reafons, I cannot but be of opinion, that 
 thefe days of Jaddua can be meant of 
 none other than the days of his High- 
 Priefthood ; and that therefore he was in 
 that office before this text was written : 
 And it alfo appears, to me, that the Darius 
 here mentioned, can be none other than 
 Darius Codomanus, in whofe Reign Jad- 
 dua was High-Prieft. For the text, bring- 
 ing down the reckoning through the fuc- 
 ceffion of feveral High-Priefts, terminates 
 the whole in the days of Jaddua y and 
 the reign of Darius, the Perfian, which 
 plainly makes them contemporaries ; and 
 therefore Darius, the Perfian, in that 
 text, could be none other than Darius 
 Codomanus, becaufe no other Darius but 
 he, was King of Perjia, while J add u a 
 was High-Prieft at Jerufalem. And, if 
 fo, it muft be in the Reign of this Darius, 
 at the fooneft, that this was written, and 
 confequently, Nehemiah, the writer of it, 
 muft then be living. And this brings 
 home the objection upon your Lordfhip's 
 hypothefis, becaufe, according to it, he 
 muft have then been, at lea ft, 140 years 
 1 old, 
 
( 253 ) 
 
 old, which is very improbable. For, if 
 it were in the 20th year of Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus that he came to Jerufalem, 
 with a commiffion to re-build that City, 
 and be Governor of it, we cannot fup- 
 pofe him then to have been lefs than thirty 
 years old -, for a lefTer age would be too 
 early for fuch a truft. After this, Artax- 
 erxes reigned 2 1 years ; after him, Darius 
 Not bus 19 years.; after him, Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon 46 years ; after him, Ochus 
 21 years; and then, to the firft year 
 of Darius Codomannus, were three years 
 more ; all which, put together, make 
 140 years. 
 
 2dly> The like objection will alfo lie 
 from the age of Sanballat y the Horonite ; 
 for, when Nehemiah came to execute his 
 commiffion for the re- building of Jeru- 
 falem, he found him a Governor in thofe 
 parts, under the King of Perfia (whether 
 it were of Samaria, or of fome other 
 petty Province, as your Lordffiip fays, is 
 not material to our prefent purpofe) and, 
 to qualify him for fuch a truft, he rauft 
 then have beeen, at leaft, 30 years old. 
 
 And 
 
( 2 54 ) 
 
 And therefore, if it were in the 20th year 
 of Artaxerxes Longimanus that Nehemiab 
 found him thus entrufted, fince he died 
 not (as Jojephus tells us) till the laft year 
 of Darius Codomannus y he muft then have 
 been, at his death, 143 years old, which 
 age, in him, is much more improbable 
 than the other in Nehemiab. An extra- 
 ordinary blefling on that good man might 
 be alledged for fuch an extraordinary age 
 in him, which cannot be faid of the other. 
 Each of thefe inftances, apart, look very 
 improbable, but, coming together, are 
 much more fo > and therefore muft be a 
 very ftrong argument againft that hypo- 
 thefis that infers them. I know fome, 
 to folve this difficulty, make two Sanbal- 
 lafs j the one named in Scripture, who i9 
 there faid to have married his daughter to 
 one of the fons of Joiada, which they 
 will have to be that J ejus, who was (lain 
 by his brother Johanan, in the Temple. 
 Jofeph. Antiq. xi. 7, and the other, the 
 Sanballat named by Jojepbus, xi. 7, 8, 
 who married his daughter to Manajjeh, 
 the brother of Jaddua y and built for him 
 the Temple at Mount Gerizim. But, 
 
 where 
 
( 255 ) 
 
 where the name is the fame* the cha- 
 racter of a Governor in the neighbourhood 
 of Judaa the fame* and the circumftance 
 of marrying a daughter to a fon of an 
 High-Prieft, the fame, it is hard to fup- 
 pofe two different perfons ; and fcarce any . 
 one, that thoroughly conliders it, can come 
 into this fuppolition. Your Lordfhip, in- 
 deed, mends it in one particular, in al- 
 lowing but one marriage of a daughter to 
 an High-PrieiVs fon ; for, if I take you* 
 right, you fuppofe the Sanballaty who 
 would have hindered Nehemiab in his 
 work, to have been a different perfon 
 from the Sanballaty who was father-in- 
 law to one of Joiada's fons, Nehem. xiii, 
 28. That the latter only was the Go- 
 vernor of Samaria , of whom Jojephus 
 fpeaks, Antiq. xi. 7, 8, and who died in 
 the lafl year of Darius Codomannus , and 
 that the other was not the Governor of 
 Samaria^ but of fome other petty Pro- 
 vince, in the neighbourhood. But, how- 
 ever, this will not folve the difficulty. 
 For, fuppofing the Sanballaty Nebem. xiii, 
 to be different from the Sanballaty Nehem. 
 ii. and vi. (which, I mufl fay, is hard to 
 4 fuppofe, 
 
( 2 5 6 ) 
 
 fuppofc, fince, in both places, he is called 
 Sanballat, the Horonite) yet this mar- 
 riage muft have been in the 12th year of 
 Nehemiab's Government, that is, accord- 
 ing to your Lordfliip's hypothecs, in the 
 3 2d year of Artaxerxes Longimamts ; for 
 in that year Nehemiah went into Perfia 
 to the King, and, on his return, found 
 this irregular marriage to have been made, 
 and therefore chaced away from the Tem- 
 ple the perfon guilty hereof. Suppofing 
 therefore, this fon of Joiada (whom Jo* 
 fepbus calls ManaJJ'eh, and faith he was his 
 grandfon) to have been 20 years old, at 
 the time of this marriage, that is, in the 
 32 year of Ataxerxes Longimamts, he 
 muft have been, at his father-in-law's 
 deatji, 121 years old, though this was but 
 the firft year of his Priefthood at mount 
 Gerizim j and, if we fuppofe the father- 
 in-law to be 22 years older than the fon- 
 in-law, there will be the fame age of San- 
 ballat, as is above objected, againft this 
 hypothefis. So that the making of the 
 Sanballat, Nchem. ii, and vi, and the 
 Sanballat, Nehem. xiii, to be two diftinct 
 perfons, leaves us juft where we were be- 
 fore j 
 
( 257 ) 
 
 fore i and the objection is not at all lef- 
 fened by it, but is rather made the ftronger, 
 by bringing in the improbable age of San- 
 ballafs fon-in-law to be a further addition 
 to it. 
 
 Thus far I have laid before youf 
 Lordfhip the objections, which, I con- 
 ceive, do lie againft your fixing the de- 
 cree granted Nehemiab for the re-building 
 of Jerujalem, to the 20 th year of Artax^ 
 erxes Longimanus j and, lince you build 
 your whole icheme on the fuppofition, 
 that this was that year, I think, it mud 
 be your bufinefs, in the firfl place, to 
 make this good, and to clear it againft 
 all objections, that k muft be the 20th 
 year of Artaxerxes hmigimanus only, and 
 not of any other Artaxerxes, that Nehe- 
 miab obtained this decree. Otherwife, 
 you beg your principle, and, by thus fail- 
 ing in your foundation, can make no- 
 thing fland, which you build upon it > 
 for you begin your computation of the 
 Seventy Weeks, from that year, for this 
 reafon wholly, becauie you fuppofe, that 
 in that year the decree was granted. But, 
 if that was not the year, in which this 
 S graue 
 
( 2 5 3 ) 
 
 grant was made, but it was the 20th year 
 of another Artaxerxcs, then you begin 
 the computation wrong j . and, if fo, you 
 muft end it wrong, and all muft be wrong, 
 that you do about it. And therefore, I 
 mull: confefs, I cannot but be amazed to 
 find your Lordfhip faying, that this is 
 none of your bufinefs, and that it is 
 foreign to the matter before you - y for it 
 feems, to me, to be the principle on 
 which all depends, and, without the fet- 
 tling of which, every thing elfe, which 
 you do will, be foreign, and nothing to 
 the purpofe. 
 
 However, I muft acknowledge, your 
 Lordfhip's fcheme is preferable to all others, 
 that have been offered, for the folution of 
 this difficult matter. Scaligers fcheme 
 hath not only the fame objections againft 
 it, from the age Zerubbabel and Jofiua 
 muft be of, on the fecond of Darius No- 
 thus (from whence he begins his compu- 
 tation of the Seventy Weeks) that yours 
 feems to have, from the age of Neh'emiah 
 and Sanballat^ but alfo feveral otheis. 
 For he doth not end the prophecy at the 
 cutting off the Mefiias, but at the de- 
 4 ltru&ion 
 
( *59 ) 
 
 ftruftion of 'Jerufdlem ; neither doth he 
 begin it from a decree or commandment 
 to re- build Jerujalem, but only from & 
 decree to finifli the re-building of the 
 Temple j and further, according to that 
 fcheme, there will be a very unequal and 
 unlikely diftribution of the fucceflion of 
 the High-Prieft ; for, from the ending of 
 the Babylonijh captivity, to the death of 
 Alexander, there were thefe fix High- 
 Priefts, fucceeding in a direct line, from 
 father to fon, Jefiua, Joiachinii Eliaflrib, 
 Joiada, Johanan, and Jaddua* And* if 
 it were in the 20th year of Artaxerxes 
 Mnemotiy as Scaliger faith, that Nehemiah 
 had the grant for the re-building of jeru- 
 falem, Eliafhib muft, at that time* have 
 been High-Prieft, for he is faid to have 
 boen by Nehemiah, at the doing of that 
 work 5 and, if we fuppofe him to have 
 been High-Prieftj from the beginning of 
 that Reign, that is s for twenty years be- 
 fore (for he was 10 for feveral years after, 
 as appears by the fame book of Nehemiah) 
 then, from the folution of the Babylonijh 
 captivity, to the firft of Artaxerxes Mne^ 
 mon, there would have been but two 
 High-Priefts, i. e. Jefiua, and Joiachim, 
 % 2 for 
 
( 260 ) 
 
 for the fpace of 132 years ; and then, 
 from thence, there mull; be four for the 
 remaining term of 8 1 years, to the death 
 of Alexander ; at which time, according 
 to Jofephus, died jfaddua alfo. There is, 
 I confefs, no difficulty in a fucceflion of 
 four in 8 1 years ; there are many inftances 
 of this every where : but that there mould 
 be but a fucceflion of two, for 132 years-, 
 in the High-PrielVs office, which required 
 the age of thirty, at the leaft, in the per- 
 fon to be admitted thereto, is not fo pro- 
 bable, becaufe, in this cafe, each mufl: 
 have been, at leaft, 96 years old, at his 
 death, and, probably, much more. For, 
 it is much more likely, that Jefiita was 
 above 30 years old, at the folution of the 
 Babylonijlj captivity ; but, if he were no 
 more, it is very unlikely, that, dying at 
 the age of 90, he (liould then have a fon 
 of no greater age than 30, to fucceed 
 him. I am the longer upon this, becaufe 
 it is a difficulty upon Scatiger's fcheme, 
 that I have not feen taken notice of by 
 any other, and makes much for your 
 Lordmip's fcheme ; for, according to that, 
 this difficulty is wholly removed, and the 
 iucceflion of the High-Priefts will fall 
 
 4 ver y 
 
( 261 ) 
 
 very equal, and free from all exception. 
 And, it is to be obferved, that the years 
 of their feveral High-Priefthoods, as fet 
 down in the Chronicon Alexandrmum } do 
 not only make a diftribution of the fuc- 
 ceflions, which is free from all fuch ex- 
 ception, but alfo do exactly agree with 
 Scripture, according to your Lordfliip's 
 fcheme ; but cannot be fo, according to 
 that of Scaliger. For that Chronicon 
 makes Eliaftib to die 29 years before 
 Scaliger's fcheme brings Nebemiab to 
 Jerufalem, but to have been nine years 
 in the Priefthood, at the time of his 
 coming thither, according to your Lord- 
 fhip's fcheme j and I look on the Chroni- 
 con Alexandrinum to have given us the 
 trueft account of the years cf each High- 
 Prieft, in that fucceffion cf them, which 
 I have mentioned, and to be the beft clew, 
 whereby we may be fafely led through 
 the dark hiftory, which we have of the 
 Jewifi State, in thofe times. 
 
 And therefore, your Lordfhip's fcheme 
 
 thus far looking fairer than any other, that 
 
 hath been offered, I could wifli you would 
 
 apply yourfelf to clear it of the difficulties 
 
 S 3 above- 
 
( 262 ) 
 
 above-mentioned ; for, were that done, 
 it would ftand for ever. And this pro- 
 phecy of the time of the coming of the 
 Meilias would appear to be fo thoroughly 
 fulfilled, in the coming of our Saviour, 
 and the argument for his being the perfon 
 promifed herein, would be made fo clear 
 and irrefragable, that it would be no 
 longer capable of any contradiction, either 
 from the Jews, or any other Adverfaries, 
 of our Holy Chriftian Religion. And 
 therefore 1 heartily wim your Lordfhip 
 would be pleafed fpeedily to publifh your 
 fcheme, and to take care to clear it from 
 the difficulties above-mentioned. If you 
 would be pleafed to give me leave to pro- 
 pofe, what I am thoroughly perfuaded is 
 the truth of the matter, and what I think 
 would fully falve the whole, I would offer 
 it as followeth : 
 
 1 ft. That thofe pafTages, which name 
 jfaddua, in the book of Nehemiah, were 
 all inferted, after the book was written, 
 by thofe, who received it into the Jewifi 
 Canon, mod: likely, about the time of 
 the High-Prieft Simon the Juft> when 
 {hat Canon was fully finifhed. The whole, 
 
 that 
 
( 263 ) 
 
 that hath been faid by others on this 
 head, your Lordmip well knows; and., I 
 doubt not, can fay a great deal mere 
 upon it, fully to clear the thing, and 
 make it thoroughly appear to be the 
 truth, as I am fully perfuaded it is ; and, 
 when this is cleared, all that is faid in 
 the firfl: objection will be cleared alfo. 
 
 2d. A s to the other difficulty, which 
 is about the age of Sanballat, it all arifing 
 from the inconfiftency, which is between 
 the Scripture account, and Jofepbus's ac- 
 count of the time, in which this man 
 lived, if you give up the profane writer 
 to the facred (as muft always be done, 
 where they cannot confift together) there 
 is an end of this matter. And that Jofe- 
 phus, in his bringing down the time of 
 Sanballat to the Reign of Alexander the 
 Great, was wholly out, is no hard mat- 
 ter to prove. For it is plain to me, he 
 follows herein the tradition of his coun- 
 trymen, the Jews ; whofe account, con- 
 cerning the Perfian Monarchy, is alto- 
 gether falfe and abfurd ; for they make 
 the whole continuance of it, from the 
 firfl: of Cyrus, to the firft of Alexander, 
 S 4 to 
 
( 264 ) 
 
 to be no more than 52 years : That the 
 Darius, in whom it ended, was theDarius, 
 whom we call Darius Hydafpes j that he 
 was the Ton of Ejiher, by Cambyfes, whom 
 they make to be the Ahafuerus of the 
 book of Eflher ; that this Darius was call- 
 ed alfo Artaxerxes (which they will have 
 to be the common name of the Perfian 
 Kings, as Pharaoh was of the Egyptian) 
 and that it was in the 20th year of his 
 Reign, that Nchemiah rebuilt Jerufakm ; 
 and that, fixteen years after, was the end 
 of that Empire, and the beginning of the 
 Macedonia?u And, although Jofephus, 
 who had looked into the Greek Hiftorians, 
 could not fwallow all this abfurd fluff; 
 yet it feems plain to me, he came into fo 
 much of it, as was the caufe of his error, 
 jn this matter of Sanballat. For, altho' 
 he doth not make Cambyfes to be the 
 Ahafuerus of EJiher, but carries down that 
 florv to the time of Artaxerxes Longima- 
 n::s, yet it is clear, to me, he makes the 
 Darius, that next fucceeds, to be the 
 Darius, whom Alexander conquered ; for 
 he is the laft he makes aay mention of, in 
 the fucceflion of the Perfian Kings. Af- 
 ter Artaxerxes Longimanus, he immedi* 
 
 ately 
 
( 26 S ) 
 
 ately names Darius, and, after him, none 
 other. And, according to this account, 
 the Sanballat of the 20th of Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus, and the Sanballat in the 
 time of the laft Darius, may, very con- 
 fidently, be made the fame man ; for 
 there will be, according to this reckoning, 
 very few years between them. The truth 
 of the matter, I take to have been thus : 
 The Sanballat, who would have hindered 
 the re-building of Jerufalem, was the 
 fame, who is faid, Nehem. xiii. 28, to 
 have been father-in-law to one of the fons 
 of Joiada, the High-Priefl ; that Manaf- 
 feh, who was the fon-in-law, was the 
 immediate fon of jfoiada, as the Scrip- 
 ture faith, and not the grandfon, as j^o- 
 fephus faith ; that this marriage was made, 
 while fifehemiab, in the 12th year of his 
 Government (which was the 3 2d of ^r- 
 taxerxes) was gone into Perfia, to the 
 King j and that, for this reafon, on his 
 return, he drove him away from offici- 
 ating any longer in the Temple ; whereon, 
 he, retiring to Samaria, about five or fix 
 years after, obtained leave, by Sanballat '3 
 intereft, at the Perjian Court, to build 
 the Temple on mount Gerizim-, which 
 
 the 
 
( 266 ) 
 
 the Jewi/h Chronology running into the 
 time of Alexander, Jbfephus, for that 
 reafon, fets it down as done in the time 
 of Alexander ; and this, I verily believe, 
 was the whole authority he had for it. 
 And, that he mould make fuch a miftake 
 in thofe times, is no wonder, fmce there 
 may be others obferved in him, of the 
 farrte times, altogether as grofs, of which 
 your Lbrdfhip takes notice in your paper. 
 
 I beg your Lordfhip's pardon, that 
 I have tranfgrelTed fo long upon your 
 patience, with this tedious paper; I hum- 
 bly offer it to yoiir confideration - 3 and 
 I am, 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Tour mofi dutiful 
 
 Humble Servant, 
 
 Humphrey Prideaux. 
 
 P. S. A N D, I beg leave, further to 
 obferve to your Lordfhip, that, whereas 
 jfo/epbus placeth the ceaiing of the fpirit 
 of Prophecy, in the laft year of that Ar- 
 
 taxerxeSj 
 
( 267 ) 
 
 taxerxes, from whom, according to youf 
 Lordfhip's fcheme, Ezra and Nehemiab 
 had their com million ; all the Jewijh 
 writers do fo too, telling us, that Ezra, 
 Haggai, Zachary, and Malachi, all de- 
 parted out of this life on that year j and 
 that the fpirit of Prophecy departed with 
 them. But they make that year to be 
 the laft of the Perjian Monarchy, and the* 
 very fame, in which Alexander came to 
 Jerufalem, and Sanballat obtained that 
 grant for a Temple on Mount Gerizim % 
 which yofephus tells us of. And there-, 
 fore it is plain, to me, that Jofephus, ivy 
 bringing down this matter of Sanballat a§ 
 low as the time of Alexander, followed 
 the falfe chronology of his countrymen, 
 the yews, and not that true computation, 
 which your Lordfhip reckons by. 
 
 To Francis Gwynn, Efq\ at Ford Abbey, 
 near Cruckern. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IH A V E received the Letter you ho- 
 noured me with j and you mould 
 fooner have received an Anfwer to it, had 
 I been in a condition to give it > for I am 
 
 fo 
 
( 268 } 
 
 fo broken by age and infirmity, that I 
 have few intervals of health to enable me 
 to do any thing. 
 
 I have, indeed, often faid, that there 
 is wanting a good Hiflory of the Eaft, 
 from the time of Mahomet; and that 
 there are fufficient materials to be had for 
 it, from the writings of the Arabs, of 
 which there is a great treafury at Oxford, 
 efpecially fince the addition of Dr. Po- 
 cccks MSS. But I could not fay much 
 of the Mamalucs, of whom I know no 
 author, that has written in particular ; nei- 
 ther did they deferve that any mould. 
 
 For they were a bafe fort of people, 
 a Colluvies of flaves, the fcum of all the 
 Eaft, who, having treacheroufly deftroyed 
 the -f- Jobidce, their Matters, reigned in 
 their Head ; and, bating that they finilh- 
 ed the expulfion of the Wefiern Chrif- 
 tians, out of the Eaft (where they bar- 
 baroufly deflroyed Tripoli ; and Antioch, 
 and feveral other Cities) they fcarce did 
 any thing worthy to be recorded in Hif- 
 
 f Sec Dr. Prideaux's Life of Mahomet , p. 164. 
 
 tory. 
 
( 269 ) 
 
 tory. The beginning of their Empire 
 was in the year of our Lord 1250, and 
 it ended in the year 15 17, which was 
 the eighth year of the Reign of our King 
 Henry the Eighth ; fo that their Empire, 
 in Egypt y lafted 267 years, during which 
 time, they had a fucceffion of above fifty 
 Reigns, in which the major part of their 
 Kings afcended the throne by the murder 
 or deposition of their Predeceffors. So 
 bafe and barbarous a people fcarce deferve 
 to be fpoken of, and fo quick a fucceflion 
 could not allow time enough for any of 
 them to do any great matters. They glc*- 
 ried in having been Haves, and therefore 
 called themfelves by a name, which ex- 
 preiTed as much j for Mamaluc, in Arabic^ 
 fignifies a flaw \ and, for the further ex- 
 preffion hereof, it was an ufage among 
 them to take the names of all the Mailers 
 they ferved, by way of addition to that, 
 which was properly their own.* 
 
 But what you miftook me to have 
 faid of the Mamalucs, is true of the Eafi 
 in general ; for there are many good Hif- 
 
 * See Margat, Hi,t. of Tamerlane, Lib. VIII. in 
 pritrcip. 
 
 tories 
 
( 2JO ) 
 
 tones of the affairs thereof, from the time 
 of Mahomet , in the Arabian and Perfian 
 languages. And the many revolutions, 
 that happened there, from the time afore- 
 faid, and the many confiderable events, 
 which were produced in the effecting of 
 them, afford fufiicient materials for a very 
 good Hillory of thofe parts, which we 
 here wholly want. For, from the time 
 of Mahomet, there were four large Em- 
 pires erected in the Ea/l, in fucceffion one 
 of another, whofe tranfactions deferve re-^ 
 cording, as well as thofe of the Greeks or 
 Romans. 
 
 The firft of thefe Empires was that 
 of the Saracens, which in eighty years, 
 extended itfelf as largely as that of the 
 Romans did in eight hundred 5 for it took 
 in India, Perfia, Armenia, Mefopotamia, 
 Syria, Palejli?ie, Arabia, Egypt, Spain, 
 and all the coaft of Africa , Weftward, 
 as far as the Atlantic Ocean. It began 
 in the year 622, and, after having lafled, 
 under the Califfs of Bagdat 314 years, it 
 expired all at once, in the year 936. 
 For, in that year, all the Governors of 
 
 Pro- 
 
( 27i ) 
 
 Provinces confpiring together, each de- 
 clared hirrtfelf Sovereign, in his refpe&ive 
 Government, and left the CalifF only Bag* 
 dat y with the narrow territories of that 
 City, for his fupport j where he and his 
 fucceflbrs continued, for feveral ages after, 
 as facred perfons, being, as it were, the 
 Popes of the Mahometan feci. 
 
 The Empire, of the Saracens , being 
 weakened by this divifion of its dominie 
 ons, and, having alfo fufTered many con- 
 vulfions from the mutual hoftilities, which 
 the fucceflbrs of them, that divided it, 
 made upon each other, the * Seljukian 
 Turks, from the northern parts of Tar- 
 tary, taking the advantage thereof, in the 
 year of our Lord 1037, made a terrible 
 invafion upon it. One part of them, 
 under the leading of Togrul-Beg (whom 
 the Wefiern Writers call Tafjgroknix) 
 feized on all that lies between the India 
 and the Euphrates \ and the other part 
 of them, paiTing further, under the com- 
 mand of Kojlumifoy feized the lefler A/ia* 
 
 * See Mr. Pstis de la Croix Hiji. Genghifcan, 
 Book II. chap. r.. 
 
 and 
 
( 27 2 ) 
 
 and there founded the Kingdom of Ico- 
 niurn, where his pofterity, for feveral de- 
 fcents, till Aladin, the laft of them, dy- 
 ing without iflue, Othman, from being 
 his Mercenary, became his Succeffor j and, 
 in the year 1300, feized his Kingdom, 
 and thereon founded the Turkifi Empire 
 that is now in being ; of which Knowles 
 hath given us a very good Hiftory. To- 
 grul-Beg y having fixed his Empire in Per- 
 Jia a.n&Ajfyria, and the neighbouring coun- 
 tries, he and his defcendents there reigned, 
 for feveral fucceflions, till they were fup- 
 preffed by J ingiz-Can, King of the an- 
 tient Moguls, who inhabited that part of 
 Tartary, which lies next to the wall of 
 China. 
 
 For this mighty Prince, having begun 
 his reign in the year of our Lord 1202, 
 founded the largeft Empire, that ever was 
 in the world, for it contained all China and 
 India, and extended Weftward, on the 
 fide of the North, through all Tartaria, 
 KuJJia, Poland, and Hungary, as far as the 
 Baltic, the Oder, and the Adriatic -, and, 
 on the fide of the South, as far as the 
 
 Euphrates, 
 
( *73 ) 
 
 Euphrates, and the Euxine fea ; which 
 was more than double the extent of that 
 of Alexander, or of that of the Romans, 
 And therefore, by reafon of the largenefs 
 of it, whenever a General Council was 
 called, two years were allowed for their 
 meeting, the remote diftance of fome 
 of the Provinces requiring that time for 
 their coming together. This Empire 
 continued in the pofterity of Jingiz- 
 Can, through twelve defcents, till the 
 death of Bahadur - Can, the laft of 
 them ; when it had the fame end with 
 that of the Saracens. For, on the death 
 of that Prince, which happened in the 
 year 1335, tne Governors of Provinces, 
 by a general confpiracy, uiurped in each 
 of them the Sovereignty to themfelves, 
 and thereby extinguished this Empire all 
 at once ; and, we may reafonably expect, 
 that the Empire of the Othmans will, 
 fome time or other, have the fame fate. 
 It hath been feveral times attempted by 
 fome of the Bamaws ; but it hath hitherto 
 failed of fuccefs, for want of the general 
 concurrence of the reft. One Mr. * Petti 
 de la Croix hath published, in French, the 
 
 * See Collier. Append Gengbiskan. 
 
 X Hiflory 
 
( 2 74 ) 
 
 Hiftory of Jinglz-€an, with an account 
 of his Empire, and the Succeffion of the 
 Kings of his race, that governed it after 
 him j in the compiling of which work, 
 he tells us, he employed ten years ; fo 
 that, it may be hoped, he jiaih gathered 
 together all the materials, that are proper 
 for the fame ; but whether he has done 
 fo, I cannot fay, having never feen the 
 book. 
 
 Thrty-three years after the extinc- 
 tion of this Empire of the Moguls , there 
 was raifed, out of its ruins, another Em- 
 pire of the Moguls, who, to diftinguifh 
 them from the other, are called the latter 
 Moguls. The Founder of this Empire 
 was the famous < Ta?nerlain i by the Wejlern 
 write: 5, who, beginning his reign in the 
 year 1368, continued in it thirty-fix years, 
 that is, till the year 1404, when he died; 
 during which time, he over-run all the 
 Eajiern part of the world with prodigious 
 iliccefs of victory j whereby he fubjugated 
 to him all Tartaria, China, India, Perjja^ 
 2nd all elfe, Wdtward, ab far as the 
 
 .'ago. At his death, he divided his' 
 
 Empire 
 
( 275 ) 
 
 Empire among his Tons j the poilerity of 
 him, that had India for his part of the 
 legacy, ft ill reign there, unlefs the many 
 revolutions and convullions of Govern- 
 ment, which have happened there fince 
 the death of Aurang Zeb, have, by this 
 time, extinguiihed it. Of this race of 
 the Mogul Kings in India, one Seignior 
 Monuchij a Venetian, who had been 
 Phyiician in the Court of Aurang Zeb, 
 for near forty years, hath written a very 
 good Hiftory : it is published in French 
 and Engli/h ; which is very well worth 
 the peruial. He was lately alive, at Sf t 
 'Thomas ^ a town of the Portugueje, within 
 (even miles of our Eftablifhment of Fort 
 St. George, in the Coaft of India. 
 
 The rife and fall of thefe four Em- 
 pires, and the feveral remarkable matters 
 and fads tranfacted in them, while they 
 flood, cannot but afford a very fitting and 
 plentiful fubject for an excellent Hiftory $ 
 and there are fufficient materials for it, in 
 the writings of the Eaft, were they care- 
 fully and judicioufly put together. As to 
 he Authors of this fort, which are in the 
 T 2 public 
 
( 2 7 6 ) 
 
 public library of Oxford, there is a full 
 account given of them in the large Cata- 
 logue of the MSS. of England, printed 
 at Oxford, about twenty-five years fince. 
 Among thefe, are the two famous Hifto- 
 rians of the Eaji, * Abul-Feda y and * 41 
 "Jannabius, which are now printing at 
 Oxford, in Arabic and Latin, by Mr. Gag- 
 nier y a French Gentleman, well fkilled in 
 this kind of learning. But, if my Lord 
 Pembroke (to whom my moft humble 
 duty) defires further to be informed of 
 what the Eaji can afford us of this na- 
 ture, I beg leave to recommend to hirr> 
 Mr. Herbe/ot's Eibliotheca Orientalis, a 
 book written in French, fome years fince j 
 wherein he gives account of all the Eaftern 
 Writers, that fell within his knowledge, 
 whether hiilorical, philofophical, or of 
 any other iubject. Since that, another 
 Biblictheca of the Eajiern Writers hath 
 been projected, at Rome, which pretends 
 to fupply the defects of Herbelot, and give 
 ur an additional account of many other 
 
 * See Dr. Prideaux'% Life of Mahcmet — his Ac- 
 count if Authors, 4to Edit. p. 153, 160 — Churchill's 
 Qnlltcl . of Voyages, Vol. I. Introdudt. lxxix. 
 
 Eajiern 
 
( 277 ) 
 
 Eafiern Writers, more than are to be 
 found in that Author. It is defigned to 
 be in Three Volumes, in Folio, of which, 
 the firft Volume, I hear, is already pub- 
 limed. 
 
 A s to Mr. Jones, whom my Lord 
 Pembroke makes mention of, I do not 
 know the Gentleman, neither have I ever 
 heard of him. To make him adequate 
 to it, requires a thorough fkill in the 
 Arabic language, which cannot, without 
 long and fedulous application, be attained 
 unto ; and it adds to the difficulty, that 
 moil of the books, to be made ufe of in 
 this matter, lie in Manufcript, which can- 
 not be eafily come at, or eafily read. For 
 I know but of three Arabic Hiftorians, 
 that are in print, * Elmacinus, * AkuU 
 Pharagins, and * Entychius j the fir ft, 
 published by Erpenius, and the other two, 
 by Dr. Pocock : but thefe are only jejune 
 epitomees, containing no more than the 
 
 * See the Life of Mahomet, ubi fupra, p. 153, 
 164., 165. Seld. Tom. II. p. 410. — Gen. Pref. xvi. 
 —Vol.1, p. 1069, 1702, 1703, 1884. — ibid. 1356, 
 J703, 1866. 
 
 bare 
 
( 2 7 8 ) 
 
 bare bones of the Oriental Hitiory i the 
 full fubftance of it, to make it a perfect 
 body, is to be fought from other books. 
 
 The greateft difficulty, in compiling 
 fuch an Hiftorv, will be the reconciling 
 the Arabic and Byzantine Writers, who 
 often give us accounts of matters, which 
 arc inconfiftent with each other : and the 
 fame is to be laid of the Latin Writers, 
 that treat of the Holy War, they often 
 giving narratives of it, quite different from 
 the Arabic ; for both fides frequently 
 chufe to gratify their hatred and bitter 
 averfion againft each other, by reafon of 
 their different religions, rather than give 
 us the naked truth of the facls they write 
 of. The Arabic Writers, it mull be con- 
 vened, are mote exadt in their chronology, 
 than the Byzantine, and, in fome other 
 particulars, feem to be more impartial, and 
 to come nearer to the truth, than the 
 o.her. 
 
 I n order to underftand the Oriental 
 Hiftory, and the Writers of it, from the 
 time of Mahomet ; , a new Oriental Geogra- 
 phy is necefTury ; for the names of the 
 
 countries 
 
( 279 ) 
 
 countries and cities in the Eaft, which the 
 Romans and Greeks called them by, are 
 now altogether unknown in the Eqft. 
 Abul-Feda is as famous for his Geography 
 as for his Hiftory : were that printed, with 
 a good veriion, it would anfwer the mat* 
 ter : this has been feveral times attempted, 
 but, hitherto, without fuccefs. 
 
 About one hundred and fifty years 
 after Mahomet , the Saracens, from the 
 Greek books (which, in their feveral in- 
 roads upon the Grecian Empire, they had 
 plundered out of the Grecian libraries) 
 having the learning of the Greeks amongft 
 them, and it having rlourifhed there for 
 four hundred years arter, the Arabic Wri- 
 ters are, from that time, as full of their 
 accounts of their famous Scholars, as they 
 are of their famous Warriors, and equally 
 record what is remarkable of both. If the 
 Hiftory of trie Eaft, here propofed to be 
 made, mould follow the fame method, 
 and equally give us an account of the 
 progreis of their Learning, as well as 
 of their Arms, it would render the work 
 the more acceptable to the learned world. 
 
 4 Thus 
 
( 280 ) 
 
 Thus far have I endeavoured to anfwer 
 your Letter, as well as my ihattered head 
 would give me leave to di&ate it. It will 
 very much pleafe me, it it prove to your 
 fatisfaclion ; for I am, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Norwich, Feb. 5, Your mofi faithful 
 
 Humble few ant i 
 H. Prideaux* 
 
 F I N I S. 
 
DATE DUE 
 
 *"*-*—- 
 
 ^m- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CAYLORO 
 
 
 
 PRINTED IN U S A 
 
>4 
 
 * 
 
sE 
 
 wKtBmm'mr.