mm M'> m if ■ 'MM: LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY PRINCETON, N. J. Presented by Esta-Ve of "Rev. Ckeongc. U-Sfriifh TEXT-BOOK V?l^Sy*/K OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. BY J. C. I. GIESELER, DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY, AND PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN GOTTINGEN. TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION By FRANCIS CUNNINGHAM. IN THREE VOLUMES, VOLUME III. PHILADELPHIA: CAREY, LEA, AND BLANCHARD. 1836. Entered according to act of Congress in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, By Carey, Lea, and Blanchard, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania CAMBRIDGE PRESS: METCAI, F, TORRY, AND BALLOU. CONTENTS. FOURTH DIVISION. FROM THE REMOVAL OF THE PAPAL RESIDENCE TO AVIGNON, TO THE COUNCIL OF PISA. A. D. 1305 — 1409. CHAPTER FIRST. HISTORY OF PAPACY. I. Political History of the Popes during their Resi- dence in Avignon, to the Schism. 1305 — 1378. Page. ^ 95. Clement V. (1305 to 1314) ... 2 § 96. John XXII. (1316 to 1334) . . . .10 § 97. Benedict XII., Clement VI., (1334 to 1352) . 27 § 98. Innocent VI., Urban V., Gregory XI. (1352 to 1378) 39 II. Ecclesiastical History of the Popes during their Residence at Avignon. § 99. Completion of the code of papal law . . 44 ^ 100. Ecclesiastical usurpations of the Popes during their resi- dence in Avignon . . . . .45 III. History of the Papal Schism. § 101. Origin and progress of the schism . . .58 <^ 102. Of the oppressions in the church ... 61 "^ 103. Attempts to reconcile the schism . . .66 § 104. Effects of the schism on the state of public sentiment in ecclesiastical matters . . . .71 iv CONTENTS. CHAPTER SECOND. HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL CHURCHES. § 105. Their relation to the state . . . .75 § 106. Internal relations of the national churches . 80 <5> 107. Moral condition of the clergy . . . .81 CHAPTER THIRD. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. § 108. Condition of the older orders . . . .85 § 109. Influence of the Mendicant orders . . 87 § 110. Internal history of the Franciscans . . .91 ^ 111. New orders ..... 97 § 112. Of the freer spiritual associations . . .98 CHAPTER FOURTH. HISTORY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES. § 113. Third period of the scholastic theology . .104 § 114. Mystic theology . . . . . 109 ^ 115. History of the other theological sciences . . 110 CHAPTER FIFTH. HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES. § 116. Festivals in honor of the Virgin Mary . .115 CHAPTER SIXTH. HISTORY OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE. <§ 117. Of indulgences and punishments . . . 119 <§, 118. Episcopal inquisitorial synods . . . 126 CHAPTER SEVENTH. HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL PARTIES. <^ 119. History of the older parties .... 127 CONTENTS V § 120. Flagellants ..... 131 I 121. Dancers . . . . . .134 CHAPTER EIGHTH. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM. § 122. In Bohemia ..... 135 § 123. John Wicliffe ..... 141 CHAPTER NINTH. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. § 124. Christianity . . . . . .150 § 125. Persecution and conversion of the Jews . . 151 APPENDIX I. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. § 126. Attempted union with the Latin church . 152 "^ 127. Controversy with Barlaam . . . 155 APPENDIX II. HISTORY OF THE OTHER ORIENTAL CHURCHES. § 128. Oriental churches ..... 157 FIFTH DIVISION. FROM THE COUNCIL OF PISA TO THE REFORMATION. A. D. 1409— 1517. CHAPTER FIRST. HISTORY OF PAPACY. § 129. Council of Pisa, Alexander V., John XXIII. (1409 to 1415) 161 '^130. Council of Constance, Martin V. (1414 to 1431) 167 vi CONTENTS. § 131. Council of Basil, Eugene IV. (1431 to 1447) . 184 § 132, Nicolas V., Calixtus III., Pius II., Paul II. (1447 to 1471) 206 § 133. Sixtus IV., Innocent VIIL, Alexander VI. (1471 to 1503) 229 § 134. Pius III., Julius II., Leo X. (1503 to 1521) . 244 § 135. General view of the state of Papacy . . 256 CHAPTER SECOND. HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY IN THE NATIONAL CHURCHES. § 136. Relation to the state .... 274 § 137. Internal relations of the dioceces . . 276 § 138. Moral condition of the clergy . . ^ . 277 CHAPTER THIRD. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. § 139. Attempts to reform the older orders . . . 286 § 140. Influence of the Mendicants . . . 294 § 141. Of the freer spiritual societies . . . 300 § 142. New orders ..... 306 CHAPTER FOURTH. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. § 143. History of scholastic philosophy . . . 307 § 144. History of worship . . . . 311 ^ 145. State of religion amongst the people at large . 318 § 146. Of ecclesiastical punishments and indulgences . 322 § 147. Inquisition ...... 334 CHAPTER FIFTH. OPPONENTS OF THE CHURCH OF ROME. § 148. Older fanatical sects .... 340 § 149. Attempts at reform . . . , 341 CONTENTS, vii § 150. History of the Hussites to the confirmation of the com- pacts in Iglau (A. D. 1436) . . . .355 § 151. History of the Hussites to the end of this Period 367 § 152. Individual attempts at reform . . . 375 § 1 53. Effects of the revival of letters . . . 393 CHAPTER SIXTH. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. § 154. Christianity . . . . . .410 APPENDIX. ATTEMPTS TO UNITE THE GREEK CHURCH WITH THE LATIN. § 155. Greek and Latin Churches . . . .411 Index ........ 415 FOURTH DIVISION. FROM THE REMOVAL OF THE PAPAL RESIDENCE TO AVIG NON, TILL THE COUNCIL OF PISA. A. D. 1305 — 1409. CHIEF SOURCES. Albertinus Mussatus, Poet Laureat and Statesman at Padua (*f A. D. 1330. Historia Augusta s. de gestis Henrici VII. libb. XVI. De gestis Italicorum post mortem Henrici VII. libb. VIII. to A. D. 1317. Ludovicus Cavarus, im- perfect, all contained in Muratori Rerum Ital. Scriptt. T. X. and in GrEEvii et Bunnanni Thes. Italia;, T. VI. P. II.). — Giovanni Villani, Statesman in Florence, Historic Florentine, libb. XII. to A. D. 1.348, in Muratori, T. XIII. continued in XI. libb. by his brother Matteo Villani, to A. D. 1363, and from lib. XI. c. 6] , by his son i^/Z(>;70 Villani, io 1364, see Muratori, T. XIV. — Joannes de Winterthur or Vitoduranus, a Franciscan (Chronicon from Inno- cent III. to A. D. 1348, in Eccardi corp. Scriptorum med. a;vi, T. I. ; better in the Thesaurus historice Helvetica, Tiguri. 1735. fol. p. 1 seq.). — Jif. Albertus Argentinensis (Chronicon from 1273 - 1378, in Urstisii German. Historicorum, T. II. p. 95 seq.). — Jacob Zwinger v. Konigshoven, a priest of Strasburg ("f 1420. Elsassische Chronik, in German, to 1386 (1415) with re- marks by Joh. Schilter. Strasburg. 1698. 4to. Comp. the Diss. Jac. Twinge- rum Regiovillanum solemni eruditorum examini subjicit S. F. Hollander. Argent. 1789). — Gobelinus Persona, Decan in Bielefeld (Cosmodromium to A. D. 1418, divided into six aetates, from aet. vi. c. 69, or from A. D. 1347 par- ticularly valuable, in H. Meibomii Rerum Germanicarum, T. I. p. 53 seq.). CHAPTER FIRST HISTORY OF PAPACY. Sources : The old lives of the Popes : Vitas Paparum Aveniosium ed. St. Balu- zius, Tomi II. Paris. 1693. 4to. The lives of all the Popes of this period scat- tered in Muratori Scriptt. Rer. Ital. T. III. P. I. and II. Also: Theodorici de JViem (literarum Apostolicarum Abbreviatoris) vitae Pontiff. Rom. (from A. D. 1288 - 1418) additis Imperatorum gestis (in Eccardi Corpus hist, medii sevi, T. I. p. 1461 seq.). VOL. III. 1 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. I. POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE POPES DURLNG THEIR RESIDENCE IN AVIGNON, TO THE SCHISM A. D. 1378. <§> 95. CLEMENT V. (June 5, 1305- April 20, 1314). Clement V. remained in France, and taking up his residence in Avignon (A. D. 1309), brought the political power of the popes into an ambiguous position, exceedingly detrimental to its true dignity. For, whilst towards other powers they were more assuming than ever, insisting, with a presumption increased by their security, on their right of universal monarchy, in France not only was this principle rejected, but in all their acts the popes were so dependent on the influence of the court that they dared resist it only by stealth. Clement 1 was forced formally to retract the presumptuous asser- tions of his predecessor, Boniface VIII., in his contest with France (A. D. 1306),'- and even to institute an inquiry into the conduct of > Giov. f^illani hist. Fiorent. VIII. c. 80 (in Muratori XIII. p. 418), makes king Philip impo.-;e on Clement, at his accession to the papal chair, the following conditions : Le sei spetiali gratie, ch'io voglio da te, sono queste. La prima, che tu mi riconcilii perfettanienta colla Chiesa, e facciami (jerdonare il misfatto, ch'io commissi per la presura di Papa Jjonifatio. La seconJa di ricommunicare me, e miei seguaci. La tcrza, che mi concedi tvitte le dccima per 5 anni del mio Keame, per ajuto alle spese fatte alia guerra di Fiandra. La quarta, che tu mi prometti di disfare e anullare la memoria di Papa Bonifatio. La qiiinta, che tu renda I'honore del Cardinalato a Messier Jacopo, e. Messer Piero della Colonna (see § 59, note 15) e rimetteralli in stato, e facci con lore insieme certi miei amici Cardinali. La scsta gratia e proinessa mi riserbo a luogo e a tempo, ch'e secreta e gi-ande. He states that Clement promised all this, per sacramento in sul Corpus Domini. ' Clementin. lib. 111. Tit. 17: Quoniam ex constitutione Bonifacii P. VIII. pra;decessoris nostri, qua; incipit Clericis laicos, et ex declaratione, seu declaratio- nibus (see Div. III. § 59, notes 6 and 9) ex ilia postmodum subsequutis nonnulla .scandala, magna pericula, et incommoda gravia sunt sequuta, et ampliora sequi, nisi celei-i remedio succurratur, praesumitur verisimiliter in futurum ; nos de con- silio fratrum nostrorum constitutionein, et declaralionein, seu declarationes prcedic- tas, et quidquid ex eis sequutum est vel ob eas, penitus revocamus, et eas haberi volumus pro infectis, volentes et firmiter sfatuentes, illud contra quoscumque lai- cos, exigontes seu extorquentcs ab ecclesiis ecclesiasticisque personis tallias seu coUectas, — inviolabiliter observari, quod super his a praedccessoribus nostris in Lateranensi, et genci-ali conciliis (see § 63, notes 11 and 12) — salubriter est pro- visum. Extravagant. Commun. lib. V. Tit. 7, c. 2 : Meruit carissimi filii nostri Philippi, regis Fj-ancorum illustris, sincerae adfectionis ad nos et ecclesiam Roma- nam iutegritas, et progenitorum suorum pra;clara merita meruerunt, meruit insuper regnicolarum puritas ac devotionis sinceritas, ut tarn regem quam regnum favore benevolo prosequamur. Hinc est, quod nos regi ct regno per detinitionem et declarationem bonse menioriEe Bonifacii P. VIII. praedecessoris nostri, qua? incipit Unain sanctam (see § 59, note 26), nullum volumus vel intendimus prajudicium generari. Ncc quod per illam rex, regnum, et i-egnicolaj pr;t]ibati amplius eccle- sia5 sint subjccti Romans', quam antea existebant ; sed omnia intelligantur in eodem esse statu, quo erant ante d6finitionem prajfatain, tam quantum ad ecclesiam, quam etiam ad jcgem, regnum et regnicolas superius nominates. According to the contemporary Bernardus Gtildo (Quarta vita Clementis V. in Baluzii Vitse PP. Aven. I. p. 64) both Bulls are dated February 11, 1306. The Bull Unam sanctam was not, however, made void ; on (he contrary, it was just at this time that Johan- nes Monachus wrote his Gloss upon if, in which he defends all its assertions, and Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. /. Political History. § 95. 3 that pontiff, that must deeply have wounded tl>e papal pride, ^ After this, Piiiiip the Fair began the persecution of the Temphirs, with an utter disregard of all ecclesiastical laws (October 13, 1307) ; whilst Clement not only forgave the trespass, but joined in the persecution.^ comments upon them. See also Alvarus Pelagius de planctu eccl. 1, c. 60, below, § 96, note 15. 3 Comp. § 59, note 37. Accordino; to Villani VIII. c. 91, Philip was very urgent with the Pope at their meeting in Poitiers, 1307, to fulfil his promise, ch'elli condannasse la memoria di Papa Bonifatio, e fvicesse ardere le sue ossa e corpo ; the Pope could only extricate himself from the difficulty by promising to call a general coinicil in Vienna for the purpose. In 1309 he was forced, however, to institute a formal investigation on the subject, at which Nogaret and Du Plessis appeared as accusers (Raynald, 1309, no. 4). ^ Comp. P. Du Puy hist, de la condemnation des Templiers. Paris. 1650. 4to., with many additions. Bruxelles. 1751. 4lo. Raynouard monumcns histor- relatifs k la condamnation des chevaliers du temple et a I'abolilion de leur ordre. Paris. 1813. 8vo. Wilcke Gescb. des Tempelberroordens, Bd. 1 (Leipz. 1826), S. 234 tr. — In the year 1306 the Grand-master, James de Molay, came from Cyprus to France by invitation of the Pope, to consult concerning a new crusade (Rayn- ald, ann. 1306, no. 12) : but notwithstanding the honors with which he was received in Paris (Raynouard, p. 17), Phibp had no doubt already secretly resolved on the downfall of the Order. Comp. Clementis Ep. ad Philippum dd. 24 Aug. 1306 (in Baluzii Vitoe PP. Aven. T. II. p. 75) : Sane a memoria tua non credimus exci- disse, quod Lugdini et Pictavis de facto Templariorum zelo fidei devotionis accen- sus nobis tam per te quam per tuos pluries locutus fuisti,et per Priorem monasterii novi de Pictavo aliqua intimari curasti. Et licet ad credendum quae tunc diceban- tur, cum quasi incredibilia et impossibilia viderentur, nostrum animum vix potue- rimus applicare ; quia tamen plura incredibilia et inaudita extunc audivimus de praedictis, cogimur hajsitare. — Quia vero magister militiae Templi ac multi prs- ceptores — a nobis, nedum semel, sed pluries cum magna instantia petierunt quod nos super illis eis false impositis, ut dicebant, vellemus inquirere veritatem ; nos — diligentis inquisitionis indaginem infra paucos dies — propter hoc instanli die Vene- ris civitatem Pictaviensem intraturi proponimus inchoare, etc. The result of this investigation was doubtless favorable to the Templars : Philip then proceeded to more arbritrary measures. Bernardiis Guido in vita Clementis (in Baluz. 1, p. 65) : In festo sancti Eduardi confessoris, III. Idus Octobris, feria sexta (13 October, 1307) fuerunt capti primo Templarii ubique in regno Franciae ex ordinatione Regis et consilii inopinate sane, mirantibus cunctis audientibus antiquam Templi militiam ab Ecclesia Romana nimis privilegiatam una die subito captivari, causamque ignorantibus captionis tam repentina;, exceptis paucis secretariis et juratis. Qua; causa tandem detecta fuit et publice in fama, profana, videlicet professio eorundem cum abnegatione Christi et exspuitione super crucem in opprobrium crucifixi. — Demum sedes Romana, cui prius factum, incredibile videbatur, et captionem prcudictam agre ferehat, effecta est certior, etc. On the following day (Oct. 14) Philip assembled the doctors of the Sorbonne, to make them justify his conduct, who pronounced (Baluz. vitne PP. Aven. I. p. 591), principem saicularein non posse cognoscere de hajresi, nisi cum Episcopus ei causas istiusmodi commitlit judicandas, /josse tamen eiim in casu necessitatis, ubi imminet periculum, prehendere accusatos cum propo^ito reddendi Ecclesise ; which plainly shows that Philip bad acted arbitrarily. Still nothing is said of this in Clement's letter of November 22, 1307, in which he calls on king Edward of England to follow Philip's example (Rymeri foedera et acta publ. inter Reges Angliae et alios Principes ed. Clarke et Holbrooke, vol. II. P. I. p. 16) : Sane dudum, circa promotionis nostras principium ad apicem Apostolicae dignitatis, ad nostrum quadam levi suggestione pervenit auditum, — quod Templarii sub religio- nis pallio militantes exterius, in apostasiaj perfidia intus vixerunt hactenus in detes- tabili ha?retica pravitate. Caterum — suggestioni prrrdicta' noluimus aures credu- las exhibere. Verum postea auribus carissimi in Christo filii nostri Philippi regis Franciae illustris insonuit, quod singuli fratres dicti Oi-dinis in sui professione, cum ordinem ipsum ingrediuntur, expressis verbis abnegant Dominum Jesum Christum, nee non idolum adorant in suis capitulis, et alia nefanda committunt, quse ob rubo- 4 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305—1409. And when the ambitious king proceeded further, on the death of Albrecht I. (A. D. 1308), to solicit the imperial crown for his brother rem exprimendi subficemus ad prKsens. Propter quod idem Rex ad requisitionem Inquisitoiis haerelicas pravitatis, in Regno suo gencraliter a sede Apostolica depu- tati, — Magistrum Majoiem et alias singulares personas died ordinis, quas tunc erant in regno suo, una die cum magna excogitata diligentia capi fecit, Ecclesiae judicio prKsentandas. — Deinde prfcfatus Magister dicti" Ordinis spontanee confes- sus est palam, prssentihus inajorihus Personis ecclesiasticis Parisiis, corruptionem erroris abnegationis Christi in fratrum professionibus — introductam. Quainplurimi etiam fratres dicti Ordinis — dicta scelera sunt confess!, etc. In France the inves- tigation began October 19, 1307, under tbe royal confessor and inquisitor, William of Paris ; the prisoners were forced by the most cruel tortures to confess (M it n - ter in Henkes Neuem Magazin f. Religionsphilosophie, &c. Bd. .5, S. 354 tf. — Raynouard, p. 31 seq.). Finally, quia inveniebantur circa regales examinatores extorsiones indebitEE ( Ptolemceus Lucensis in vita ClementisV. in Baluz. 1. p. 30) Clement appointed in the Bull Faciens misericordiam dd. 12 Aug. 1308 (Mansi XXV. p. 424, cf. p. 369 Ei/mer- Clarke, vol. II. P. I. p. .55. M o 1 d e n - hawers Prozess gegen den Orden der Tenipelherren, S. 2 fi"), ecclesiastical tribunals of investigation for each kingdom. In this Bull he says that, not only had it been confessed in his presence by seventy-two templars, but that the Grand- master and five Preceptors had acknowledged liefore three cardinals deputed tor the investigation in Chinon, inter cetera Chrisii abnegationem, et spuitionem super crucem, cum in ordine Templi recepti fuerunt ; et quidam ex eis, se sub eadem forma, scilicet cum abnegalione Chiisti et spuitione super crucem, fratres multos^ recepisse. The Bull was accompanied by one hundred and twenty-seven articles of inquisition (see Moldenbawer, S. 73), which form the fullest list of the accusa- tions against the Templars : 1. Videlicet quod quilibet in receptione sua et quan- doque post — abnegabat Christum — et quandoque Deum, et quandoque b. Virgi- nem, et quandoque omnes Sanctos et Sanctas Dei, inductus seu monitus per illos qui eum recipiebant. — 5. Item, quod dicebant et dogmatizabant recejjtores illis, quos recipiebant, Christum non esse verum Deum. — 6. Ipsum fuisse falsum pro- phetam. — 7. Item quod faciebant illos quos recipiebant spuere super crucem, — licet interdum qui recipiebantur spuerent juxta. — 14. Item quod adorabant quen- dam catum sibi in ipsa congregatione apparentem quandoque. — 16. Item quod non credebant sacramentum altaris. 20. Item quod Sacerdotes Ordinis verba, per quas consecratur corpus Chiisti, non dicebant in canonc Missre. 23. Item quod haec receptores eorum sibi injungebant. 24. Item quod credebant, et sic diceba- tur eis, quod niagnus Magister a peccatis poterat eos absolvere. 25. Item, quod Visitator. 26. Item quod Pi-Eceptores. 30. Item quod in receptione fratrum dicti Ordinis vel circa interdum recipiens et receptus aliquando se deosculabantur in ore, in umbilico, seu in ventre nudo, et in ano seu spina dorsi. 36, Item quod recepti- ones ipsas clandestine faciebant. 38. Item quod propter hoc contra dictum Ordi- nem vehemens suspicio a longis temporibus laboravit. 40. Item quod fratribus, quos recipiebant, dicebant, quod ad invicem poterant unus cum alio commisceri carnaliter. 46. Item quod ipsi per singulas provincias habebant idola, videlicet capitii, quorum aliqua habebant tres facies, et alia unam, et aliqua cranium huma- num habebant. 47 Item quod ilia idola vel illud idolura adorabant, et specialiter in corum magnis capituhs et congrcgationibus. 53. Item quod dicebant, quod illud caput poterat cos salvare. 54. Item quod divites facere. 55. Item quod omnes divitias Ordinis dabat eis. 56. Item quod facit arbores floiere. 57. Item quod teiram germinare. 5S. Item quod aliquod caput idolorum pra?dictorum cin- gebant sen tangebant chordulis, quibus se ipsos cingebant citra camisiam seu carnem. 65. Item quod qui nolebant prsdicta in sui receptione fixcere vel post, interticiebantur, vel carceri mancipabantur. 97. Item (juod eleemosyna> in dicto Ordine non Ijebani ut debebant, nee hospitalitas servabatur. 99. Item quod jura- mentum praestabatur ab eis, augmentum et qu;estum dicti Ordinis, quibuscumque modis posscnt, per fas et nefas procurare. 101. Item quod clam consueverunt tenere sua capitula. The ])apal tribunal appointed for France conducted the inves- tigation in Paris from tbe 7th of August, 1309, to the 26th of May, 1311, with great decorum (the important Acts of this tribunal, which Raynouard, p. 55 seq., gives in extracts, are translated in full in Moldenhawers Piozess gegen den Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. /. Political History. § 95. 5 Charles of Valois, the Pope ventured to oppose him only by an un- worthy cunning.-^ And though at the council at Vienne (October 16, 1311 - May 6, 1312) he was delivered from the disgrace of con- demning Boniface,*^ he was forced, on the other hand, to sacrifice the Orden der Tempelherrn. HambuPEf. 1792. 8vo.). At the reading of the papal Bull to the Grand-master, when the passage was read in which mention is made of his confession before the cardinals, " he twice crossed himself, and showed other marks of his great astonishment at this assertion of what he had himself confessed, as well as at other things in the Pope's letters ; he broke out, ' if the Pope's com- missioners were people to be defied, I should have something else to say. Would God, that it was with us as amongst the Turks and Saracens, who reward such plotters of mischief by cutting off their heads ! ' " (Protokoll b. Moldenhawer, S. 31.) Philip interfered even with this investigation, for fifty-four knights having offered themselves for the defence of the Order before the papal commissioners, he had them condemned by the provincial council in Sens, and burned in Paris, May 12, 1.310 (Moldenhawer, S. 236 ff. Raynouard, p. 98 seq.). ' Whilst he pretended to recommend Charles to the electors (see Olenschla- gers erlauterte Staatsgeschichte des rom. Kaiserthums in der ersten Halfte des 14ten Jahrh. Frankf. a. M. 175.5. 4to. Urkundenbuch, S. 12 ff.), he secretly urged on the choice of Henry, count of Luxemburg (Villani, lib. VIII. c. 101). s See the Bull of April 27, 1311 (in Raynald ad h. a. no. 26 seq.). After rela- ting the process of accusation and defence thus far, the Bull proceeds : Nos — apud eundem Regem — salutaribus monitis — institimus, — ut rejectis anfractibus denuntiafionum et objectionum hujusmodi — ipsius negotii prosecutionem nostra; at Ecclesia; ordinationi relinqueret, — ita quod nos et eadem Ecclesia — ex officii nostri debito ad ipsius negotii cognitionem, — et totalem decisionem procedere — ac finem congruum eidem imponere deberemus. — Competent! super his inquisiti- one pi'a?habita comperimus, quod, etsi etiam — denuntiatores — ad denuntiationes, — ac dictum Regem ad requisitionem praedictani — faciendas objectorum Veritas, de quibus certi non suraus, forsitan non movisset ; ipsos tamen ad hoc pra;concepta malignitas, aut mala causa non impulit, sed bonus, sincerus et Justus zelus induxit; unde — denuntiatores — ct dictum Regem — extra omnem calumniam fuisse et esse, ac bono, sincero etjusto zelo, ex fervore catholicse fidei processisse, — pro- nuntiamus — et tenore prajsentium declaramus. Quibus pronuntiationibus — fac- tis — cum in negotio memorato vellemus ulterius — procedere, — illi qui defensioni — dicti Bonifacii se — offerebant, negotiura hujusmodi in officii nostri mera et libera potestate sponte ac libere dimiserunt ; ac demum praefatus Rex, — tanquam benedictionis et gratia; filius, progenitorum suorum, qui se semper ipsius Ecclesiae heneplacitis coaptarunt, vestigia clara sequens, pro se ac universis regnicolis regni sui — nostris in hac parte requisitionibus de abundantia regalis clementire per effectum operis acquievit. ]\Iotum et zelura dicti Regis in hac parte ex fervore fidei — prodeuntem non immerito approbantes, et sonoris laudum efferentes prfeco- niis, ac volentes prsefato Regi et suis adversus futura pericula sic plene, prospicere, quod inclytfe domus et regni Franciae fama Celebris — nullis obloquentium morsi- hus — in posterum pateat ; — omnes sententias latas ab homine vel a jure, consti- tutiones, declarationes non inclusas in sexto libro Decretalium, in quantum praeju- dicant, vel possent pra^judicare honori, statui, juribus et libertatibus dictorum Regis et regni, regnicolis assertoribus, denuntiatoribus, delatoribus, — relaxamus, revo- camus, irritamus, annuJlamus, cassamus. Et si qua calumnia, macula, sive nota ex prsmissis denuntiationibus, — aut quibuscunque contumeliis, blasphemiis eidem Bonifacio — illatis — prasfato Regi, posteritati sus, — et denuntiatoribus, nee non et adjutoribus — ex captione, insultu et aggressione praedictis — impingi, imponi, vel imputari possent in posterum quoquo modo ; hujusmodi cahimnias, notas, maculas — totaliter abolemus et tollimus. — Thus it was to be foreseen that the council would acquit Boniface of the charges against him ( VilJani IX. c. 22. Raynald ann. 1312, no. 15). On the other hand, all the passages were effaced from the Registrum Bonifacii which could be offensive to Philip (Raynouard monumens hist, relatifs a. la condemn, des Chevaliers du Temple, p. 190 ; a cata- logue of them in Raynald, ann. 1311, no. 32 seq.). 6 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. Templars to the ambition of the king^ without any sufficient proof of their guilt.^ 7 Bernardus Guido in vita Clemenlis {Baluz. I. p. 58) relates that the suppres- sion of the Order was pronounced by the Pope March 22, 1312, in private consis- torio, and the sentence made pviblic at the second sitting of the council of April 3, prsesente Rege Francia; Philippo cum tribus tiliis suis, cui negotiuin erat cordi (Compare Contin. Cliron. Guil. de Nangis in d'Achery Spicil. T. HI. p. 65). The bull containing it Ad providam (in Mansi XXV. p. 389. Rymer- Clarke, Vol. II. P. I. p. 167) is dated 2 May, 1312. It provides: Dudum siquidem ordincui domus militia; tempH Hierosolymitani propter magistrum et fratres — variis — infandis — obsccenitatibus, pravitatibus, maculis et labe respersos, — ejusque ordinis statum, habitum atque nomcn, — non per modum diffinitivcK, sententicB, cum earn super hoc secundum inquisitiones et processus super his habitos non possemus ferre de jure (namely, as is explained in the Contin. Guil. de Nangis, 1. c. cum Ordo ut Ordo non esset adhuc convictus ; the crimes in individual cases were considered to have been proved), sed per viam provisionis, seu ordinationis aposlolicEe, irrefragabili et pe.-petuo valitura sustulimus sanctione. As to the estates of the Order it was pro- vided ut Ordini hospitahs S. Joannis Hierosolymitani — in perpetuum unirentur : • — exceptis bonis — Ordinis — consistentibus in regnis — Castellae, Aragoniae, Por- tugallia; et Majoricarum regum iUustrium (in Arragon these estates were bestowed on the order of Montesa, founded 1307 ; in Portugal on the order of Christ, founded 1309. The Order of St. John, notwithstanding great outlay, never came into possession of all these estates, see Raynouard, p. 197. Wilcke, Bd. 2. S. 63). — It is remarkable that after the bull of suppression, the Cone. Tarraconense (10 Aug. 1312) after an investigation, acquitted the Templars of that region, and provided for their support (Mansi XXV. p. 516). It is to be lamented that the ed. of the Acts of this council promised by Petrus de Marcar, never appeared. — The Grand-master, James of Molay, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, but having recalled his confession, he was burned at the stake, 19 March, 1314, toge- ther with another of the heads of the Order (Cont. Chron. de Nangis, d'Achery, III. p. 67. Villani VIII. c. 92. Raynouard, p. 205 seq.). » It was thought even by his contemporaries, that the order was unjustly put down by Philip from avaricious motives, see Villani VIII., c. 92. Jo. Boccacius (^ 1375) de casibus virorum illustrium (see Bulai hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 110). In particular Albericus de Resale, Jurist, about 1350, in his Dictionarium juris ed. Venet. 1601, s. v. Templo : Templarii erant magnus ordo in Ecclesia, et erant milites strenui b. Maria;. Et destructus fuit ipso tempore dementis Paps ad procurationem Regis Francia;. Et, sicut audivi ab uno qui fuit examinator causEe et teslium, destructus fuit contra justitiam. Et mihi retulit, quod ipse Clemens protulit hoc : Et si non per viam justitia; possit destrui, destruatur tamen per viam expedienlia;, ne scandalizetur carus iilius noster Rex Francis. Thus too the historians Antoninus Floientinus (f 1459, in Raynald. ann. 1307, no. 12) and Joannes Trithemlus (-f 1517) maintain the injustice of the condemnation of the order. On the other hand, the French writers of the 14th and 15th centuries, and since the 15th century almost all historians for a long time have taken for granted the guilt of the order. Later writers acknowledge the irregularity of the proceedings; but are divided in their opinions of the guilt of the order. Nicolai (Versuchilber die Beschuldigungen, welche dem Tempelherrnorden gemacht worden. Berlin 1782) supposed the idolatry of which the Templars were accused, to have been a secret gnosticism, to which the knights were introduced in three degrees, and explains the supposed idol BafTometus as /S^ip^ Xfirovi, a gnostic sym- bol (this BafTometus is mentioned in the Acts of the commission in Carcassone, see Dupuy, p. 216. Raynouard, p. 291 : Gauzerand de Montpezat — dit que le chef, qui le recevait, lui montra une idole doree, ayant la forme d'homme avec de la barbe : ce chef lui declara, qu'elle etait faite in figuram BafTometi. — Raymond Rubei depose, que ceUii qui le recevait lui montra un bois oii etait peinte iigura BafTometi, et illam adoravit osculundo sibi pedes, dicens yalla vcrbum Saraceni- cum. BafTomet is the Provencal for Mahomet, see Wilcke, Bd. 1. S. 366, as bao- mairia is the mosque, see above, § 56, note 23. At a trial in Florence a witness testifies, Raynouard, p. 295, that the brethren animated each other to the Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. I. Political History. § 95. 7 For all these humiliations the Pope seemed resolved to indemnify himself by his conduct toward other nations. Having quarrelled wor-hip of the head by saying : istud caput vester Deus est, et vaster Mahumet). V. Hammer (Mysterium Baphometis revelatum in d. Fundgruben des Orients, Bd. 6. St. 1. Wien 1818) attempted to show from remains which he supposed to have come from the Templars, that they were Ophites, and their idolatry the worship of the powers of nature, especially that of generation. W il c ke Gesch. des Tem- pelherrnorden'5, Bd. 1. S. 342 ff. supposes their secret doctrine to have been a Mohammedan gnosticism. Defenders of the Order: Herder hist flber Nicolai's Buch &c. (im deutchen Mercur 1782 Marz &c. with additions in H e rde rs Werken zur Philos. und Gesch. Cai-lsruher Augs. Th. 13. S. 266), M n t e r Uber die hauptfllchlichsten, gegen dem Tempeloiden erhobenen Beschul- digungen (in Henke's Neuem Magazin f. Religionsphilosophie, Cregese u. Kirchengesch. Bd. 5. S. 351), Raynouard monumens historiques relatifs a. la con- demnation des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris. 1813. and his later essays in answer to Hammer in the Journal des Savans Mars et Avril, 1819, Biblioth. universelle, T. X. p. 327 ; XI. p. 3. especially the Note in Michaud hist, des croisades, ed. 4. T. 5. p. 572. The question would be easily settled by the confessions of the Tem- plars themselves, if they could be depended upon. Out of France there were but few confessions made by the knights, and these under the torture, see Munter in Henkes N. Magazin, Bd. 5. S. 365. Raynouard,^. 123, 259. Wilcke, Bd. 1. S. 325. The results of the investigation instituted by Philip in France deserved little credit on account of the fearful means employed to extort confessions • the prisoners, as w^as afterwards testified before the papal commission in France, had even agreed with each other what they should confess in order to save themselves from the torture (Moldenhawer, S. 33). But even those examined before this papal commission were not left to themselves. They were warned by the crea- tures of the king in writing to adhere to their confession as they wished to escape the stake (Moldenhawer, S. 62. Raynouard, p. 74). This was still more forci- bly impressed on them on the 12th of May, 1310, by the burning of 54 Templars. On the following day a knight appeared before the connuission, maintaining the innocence of the order, but professing himself ready after yesterday's events to confess to any charge whatever, yea, even if it should" be demanded of him to con- fess that he had nuu-dered thq Lord himself. He besought the commission to con- ceal all this iiom the king that he might not be burned to death (Moldenhawer, S. 238. In like manner the 37 witness, see Moldenhawer, S. 297 f. Raynouard, p. 142). This account seems very probable, as well as the information'given by the papal commission to the provincial synod of Sens (Moldenh. S. 236. Ray- nouard, p. 99), quia dictus propositus et multi alii asserebant, quod fratres dicti ordinis, qui obierant, in extremo vitaj sua asseruerunt in periculum animarum suarum, se et dictum ordinem falso delates fuisse de criminibus eis impositis. On the other hand the testimony against the order is not to be overlooked. Thus that of the 40th witness Gerhard de Cans, according to which such irregularities as the Templars were accused of, had sometimes taken place at the initiation of the brethren (Moldenhawer, p. 304), and namely, at his own (Ibid. p. 315). It seems therefore that there was some guilt ; not so much, however, in the order, as in individuals ; though no doubt raucli exaggeiated by attributing to the Templars all the current heresies of the time. How little ground there is for the notion of gnostic mysteries and degrees amongst them is well shown by Herder, 1. c. That such here-ies should have been introduced by the clerical brethren of the order, as is suggested by AVilcke, Bd. 1. S. 344, is hardly reconcilable with the strict subordination to the other brethren, in which they always were held. Some lio-ht may, perhaps, be thrown on the subject by the follovi/ing considerations. The''ill success of the crusades was often ascribed to the magic arts of the Saracens. Even Roger Bacon says, Opus majus ed. Jebb. p. 253 : Et ideo Tarlari procedunt in omnibus per viam astronomic, et in prasvisione futurorum et in operibus sapien- tiae. Cujus signum est evidens, quod cum sit gens habens parvos et debiles homines, — jam totam latitudinem mundi prostraverunt. — Similiter Saraceni mul- tum utuntur astronomia, et sciunt sapientes inter eos facere ha;c opera. — Et nisi ecclesia occurrat per sancta consilia ad impediendum et destruendum opera hujus- 8 Tliird Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. with Venice concerning the possession of Ferrara (A. D. 1308),^ hi poured out upon the devoted republic the most terrible maledictions, joining spiritual excommunication to temporal ban in a manner hith- erto unprecedented (1309).^'^ The Venetians found no resource but in submission (A. D. 1313). ^i Nor was his conduct less presumptu- ous towards king Henry VIII. of Germany.^- This spirited young prince having undertaken an expedition to Rome (1310), attempted to revive the old imperial rights in Italy, and proceeded to treat Rob- modi, aggravabitur intolerabiliter flagellis Christianorum. — Si igitur Christiaa' scirent hajc opera auctoritate papali facienda ad impedienda mala Christianorum, satis esset laudabile, et non solum propter mala rupellenda, sed ad proinotionem quorumcunque utiliuin (see more on the prevalent belief in magic in this age in Meiners hist. Vergleichung der Sitten &c. des Mittelalters mit denen unsers Jahrh. Bd. 3. S. 182 ff.). These notions would of course assume a still ruder form with the illiterate knights. We see how enraged the Templars were at the ill success of all their efforts in Palestine, in the Sirvente of the Troubadour le Che- valier du Temple, above, § 56, note 23. Christ seemed to sleep, the great magician Mohammed alone to have rule ; and from him therefore must success be sought. The secret sciences of the Saracens, the rough knights were incompetent to ac- quire ; but they found particular charms and Talismans, to give success in battle, secure liches, honor, power, &c., the use of which was easily learned : the crime was readily excused by its advancing the interest of the order, which they always set above that of the church (see Div. III. § 72). Now in as far as these charms depend on the power of evil spirits, it is natural enough to suppose that the knights might have thought it necessary to abjure their Lord whilst they made use of them, thinking that there would afterwards be time enough to reconcile themselves to the church and save their souls. Similar, perhaps, was the origin of the heresies of which the Hospitallers are accused as early as Gregory IX. (see § 72, note 12). 9 cf. Raynald. ann 1308, no 14 fT. Le Bret Staatsgesch. der Republik Vene- dig, Bd. l.'S. 672 ff. ^° Raynaldus, ann. 1309, no. 6, is unwilling to give the judiciarium edictum die coenae Doni. consignatum in full, and only extracts parts of it : Ni parerent, sacro- rum usu et commercio publico Venetorum omnem ditionem privavit: inussit in- famise notam magistratibus, legum et judiciorum beneficio privatos pronuntiavit, viros ecclesiasticos abire ditione Veneta jussit, exceptis iis, qui baptismalia infanti- bus, et morituris confessionis sacra conferrent. Demum si in coeptis perstarent, praefixo ad veniam poscendain tempore, ducem insignibus ducalibus exuendum, et omnes Venetorum fortunas tisco addicendas, Regumque in eos imploranda arma pronuntiavit, donee Ferrariam ecclesias restituissent. Moreover (ibid. no. 7) Venetos in servitutem addictos, occupantibus bona direptioni sive in Italia sive in Graecia exposita, and calls on all princes and bishops to take possession of all Vene- tians who may be in their dominions as slaves. " Raynald. ann. 1313, no. 31 seq. Le Bret, Bd. 1. S. 707 ff'. '^ In the year 1309 Henry had sent ambassadors to the Pope with the com- mission (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 10), devotionem et lilialem reverentiam, quam erga vos et sacrosanctam Romanam ecclesiam — gerimus, exponendi, — nee non — pracstandi in animam — nostram debit^e vobis et s. Romance ecclesice fidelitatis, et cujuslibet alterius generis juramentum, et specialiter ad pelendum a vobis unc- tionem, consecrationem et coronam imperii de sacratissimis manibus vestris nobis impendendum, etc. The beginning of the oath taken by them in Henry's name reminds us strikingly (Raynald. 1. c. no. 12) of the usual vague oath (compare Div. II. § 23, note 11): Nos — vobis sanctissimo Patri — vice et nomine — nostri Regis, et in animam ipsius promittimus, et juramus, — quod nunquam vitam aut membra, neque ipsum honorem quern habetis, sua voluntate, aut suo consensu, aut suo consilio, aut sua cxhortatione perdetis ; et in Roma nullum placitum aut ordi- nationem faciet de omnibus, quas ad vos pertinent aut Romanes, sine vestro con- silio et consensu, etc. Chap. L Papacy till A. D. 1378. /. Political History. § 95. 9 ert, king of Naples, who had from the first manifested a hostile spirit towards him, as a vassal. ^"^ But the Pope, not content with claiming the seignory of Sicily, pretended lo make peace between the two, as if they were both his vassals. i"* Nothing but the death of Henry, i^ who was suddenly taken away by poison (August 24, 1313), i^ now prevented a final struggle between the papal and the imperial power. This event left Clement at liberty to proclaim the supremacy of the former, ^^ without fear of immediate contradiction. " Olenschlageis Staatsgeschichte des Rom. Kaiserthums in der ersten Halfte des 14ten Jahrh. S. 59 ff". •* Clement wrote to Henry and Robert (Raynald. ann. 1312, no. 44), quod cum ipsi Reges, ejusdem ecclesise specialissinii filii, sibi juramento fidelitatis et alias multipliciter essent adstricti ipsius ecclesia; debeant esse promptissinii defen- sores. Henry on this declared publicly, se non fore cuiquam ad juramentum fide- litatis adstrictum. ** When the papal legate Nicolaus Ep. Botronrinensis, who had till then accom- panied the emperor, took occasion at parting to warn him (cf. Ejusd. Henrici iter itahcum in Baluzii PP. Aven. T. II. p. 1228; and in Muratori, T. IX. p. 933), quod caveret sumnie de occasione quacumque, per quam Ecclesia Romana haberet causam ipsum offendendi directe vel indirecte, the emperor answ^ered ridendo et quasi me confortans : Sitis consolatus. Nos aadiviinus consilium nostrorum Cleri- corum juratorum, utrum defendendo nos Deum otfendamus, et utrum teneamur facere justitiam et deliuquentes punire : ex quo Deum non offendimus prsdicta faciendo, sed magis otfenderemus ipsum contrarium facientes. On being informed by the legate, that in case of his advance on Naples Papa excommunicatum vos denuntiabit, et postea procedet ad vestram depositionem, sicut factum fuit de Frederico, qui fuit ditior, nobilior, et potentior, et minores rebelles habuit, et plures amicos, tamen finaliter Ecclesia ipsum destruxit : he answered : Si Deus pro nobis, nee Dominus Papa, nee Ecclesia destruet nos, ex quo Deum non offendi- raus. He was not excommunicated till 6 Aug. 1313 (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 22), a few days before his death. '8 Administered, according to common report, by the Dominican Bernardus at the communion. The Gesta Balduini, Lib. II. c. 17 (in Justi Ruberi Scriptt. Germ. Francof. ad Moen. 1726. fol. p. 831), the author of which was not only a contemporary, but may be supposed to have been accurately informed on the sub- ject by Baldwin, the emperor's brother, say : Henricus ad vesaniam Roberti Sicilia; Regis perdomandam versus Neapolim — iter capiendo, et veniens Boncon- vent — a quodam Ordinis Pra;dicatorum religioso Diminici corporis Christi sacra- mentum devote recipiebat, cujus sodalis ejusdem professionis ablutionem sumendam in calicem fundebat, quern ipse Imperator fidelissime sumebat, et statim postea totius corporis molestiam sentiebat. Postea sui prudentissimi intelligentes Medici ipsum nulla infirmitate alia, quam intoxicationis materia graviter laborare, sibi indicarunt, devotissime supplicarunt, quod banc intoxicationis materiam sineret eos per inferendum sibi vomitum radicitus revocare. Quibus fertur rcspondisse : malo migrando ad Dominum diem claudere extremum, quam generare scandalum in sacrum Dominicum et detrimentum Christianorum. A number of testimonies on the subject have been collected by Martin Dieffenbach de vero mortis genere, ex quo i?enriftis VII. Imp. obiit. Francof. 1685. 4to. The Dominicans have endea- voured to save themselves from the disgrace of such a crime, by the certificate on the subject which they obtained from Henry's son, John, king of Bohemia, 1346 (in Baluzii miscellan. Lib. I. p. 102). They are defended at large in Mar- tene et Durand Ampliss. Collectio, T. VI. p. 376 seq. '^ He began by repealing the ban which Henry had pronounced on Robert, in the bull Pastoralis ( Clementin. Lib. II. Tit. II. c. 2) not only on the ground that the king as noster et Ecclesia Romans — notorie subditus homoque ligius et vasallus was not subject to the emperor, but also tam ex superioritate, quam ad Imperium non est dubium nos habere, quam ex potestate, in qua, vacante Imperio, VOL. III. 2 10 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. <^ 96. JOHN XXII. (August 7, 1316- December 4, 1334). After a long, interrupted, and stormy election, John XXII.^ was chosen to the papal see, and, notwithstanding his promise, remained also in Avignon.- Like his predecessors, dependent on France and presumptuous towards all other powers, the contest between Lewis of Bavaria and Frederick of Austria for the imperial crown,-' soon Impeiatori succedimus, et nihilominus ex illius plenitudine potestatis, quam Chris- tus — nobis — in persona b. Petri concessit. These two bold assertions were soon maintained more at large in two special bulls. The first, Clementin. Lib. II. Tit. 9: Komani Principes — Romano Pontifici, a quo approbationem persons, ad Im- perialis celsitudinis apicem assumendse, nee non unclionem, consecrationem, et Imperii coronam accipiunt, sua subniittere capita non rcpularunt indignum, seque illi, et eidcm EcclesiK, qua a Gra=cis Imperium transtulit in Germanos, et a qua ad certos eoruin Principes jus et potestas eligendi Regem, in Imperatorem post- modum promovendum, pervenit (this view had been maintained since Innocent III., see § 54, note 12), adstringere vinculo juramenti. Henry having denied that this juramentum was a jur. fidelitatis : nos, — ne quis in Romanum assumptus Principem, vel in posterum assumendus, an jurauicnta hujusmodi — fidelitatis existant, in dubitationem deducere audeat, vel super his contrarium adstruere veritati : auctoritate Apostolica de fi-atrum nostroruin consilio declaramus, ilia juramenta praedicta fidelitatis existere. The other dd. II. Id. Mart. 1314 (in Bay- nald. ad h. a. no. 2) ad Robertum Regem Sicil. Nos, ad quos Romani vacantia Imperii Regnum pertinere dignoscitur, attendentes, quam avide Italic partes, pra;sertim quas ad Imperium ipsum pertinent, rectorem exigant, — Te de fratrum nostrorum consilio in partibus ipsis — vicarium in temporalibus usque ad Sedis Apostolicae beneplacitum constituimus generalem, etc. ' Compare the contemporary Joannes C'anonicus s. Victoris in vita Joannis XXII. ( Bahizii PP. Aven. I. p. 113) : Cardinales apud Caipentras, ut de pastore providerent Ecclesiae, convenerunt. Sed effusa est contentio super principes, nee poterant concordare. Italici talem eligere intendebant, qui ad Romanam sedem curiam revocaret. Quod Cardinales Gascones facere forniidabant : quia cum sui de Gasconia Italicis multas injuiias irrogassent, cerli erant, quod si in manibus Romanorum inciderent, ajquipoUentiam sustinerent. Fuerunt ergo diu in tali dis- cordia, licet inclusi multa incommoda sustinerent, quia cibaria eorum subtraheban- tur, et domus eorum desuper dissipate. Tandem haec Gascones non ferentcs ignem in palatio posuerunt, per quern combusta est pars maxima civitatis. Et sic dispersi Cardinales. According to the Epist. encyclica of the ItaHan Cardinals (in Baluz. II. p. 28fi) many of their people were killed, and they themselves only saved their lives by flight. The election was at length resumed at Lyons through the mediation of the French. 2 Quinta vita Jo. XXII (Baluz. I. p. 178): in sua electione — juravit se nun- quam ascensurum equum vel mulum, nisi iiet Roniam. Quod et servavit, quia navigio ivit usque ad Avinionem et pedes ascendit palatium, de quo postea nisi intrando Ecclesiam majorem, qua; contigua pnlafio est, non exivit. 3 Concerning the controversy that now ensued between Lewis and the papal power, see Jo. Georg Herwart ab Hohcnburg (a Bavarian Counsellor), Ludovicus IV. Imp. defensus, Bzovius injuriarum postulatus. Monachii. III. Partes. 1618-19. 4to. C'hr. Gtwold defensio Ludov. IV. Imp. ratione electionis contra Bzovium. Ingolst. 1618. 4to. J oh. U an. v. O I e n s c h 1 a ge r's eriiluterte Staatsgesch. des Rom. Kayserthums in der ersten Halite des 14ten Jahrh. samt einem Urkunden- buche. Frankf. a. M. 17.55. 4to. S. 86 ff. H. Zschokke's baierische Geschich- ten, Bd. 2. (Aarau 181.5) S. 108 ff. Conr. Mannert Kaiser Ludwig IV. a prize essay, Landshut, 1812. Jos. Schlett Biographie von Kaiser Ludwig dem Baier. Sulzbach, 1822. Chap. 11. Papacy till \^7S. I. Political History. %9Q. 11 afforded him an opportunity of asserting the newly devised supremacy of the Pope over the empire. As long as the contest lasted he did not interfere, content with the self-assumed regency, which he admin- istered plainly to the interest of the French.^ But Lewis having taken his opponent prisoner at the battle of Muhldorf, September 28, 1322,5 John reproached him for having assumed the rights of king of Rome before he had received the papal confirmation.^ Lewis defend- < See the bull of 31 March, 1317 (in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 27. and in d. Ex- travag. Jo. XXII. Tit. 5.) In nostram — deductum est— notitiam, quod, licet de jure tit liquidum, et ab olimfuerit inconcusse sermtum, quod vacante Iinperio,— cum in illo ad ssculaiem judicera nequeat haberi recursus, ad Summum Pontiti- ceiri, cui in persona b. Petri terreni .simul et calestis Imperii jura Deus ipse com- misit, Imperii prffidicti jurisdictio, regimen et dispositio devolvantur, et ea, tempore durante ipsius vacationis Imperii per se vel alium seu alios exercuisse noscitur in Imperio memorato; nonnulli tamen in Italia; partibus — vicariatus seu alterius cujuscumque nomen officii, quod Imperatore vivente ex ipsius commissione gere- bant, — post decessum ipsius absque nostra— licentia retinere sibi — prssumpse- runt. — Quia igitur error, cui non resistitur, approbari videtur; — nos yolentes nostris et ecclesisR sponss nostra; juribus et honoribus in hac parte prospicere,— nee non periculis animarum hujusmodi retinentium — nomina — salubriler occur- rere cupientes; prssentium auctoritate monemus sub excommunicalionis poena omnes et singulos, — quatenus de csetero a denominatione hujusmodi, — necnon usu, potestate et exercitio supradictis prorsus abstineant. — Alioquin in omnes et singulos — excommunicalionis in singulares personas, et in terras et loca ipsorum — fnterdicti sententias — publice promulgamus, etc. Concerning the dispute with Matthew Visconte, the imperial Vicar in Milan, who resigned this title, it is true, but as captain retained the same power, see Villani IX. c. 85 seq. Robert, king of Sicily, being unable to cope with him, Philip of Valois was appointed assistant Vicar (Raynald. 1320, no. 10), and Matthew declared a heretic, cum illi ecclesiae auctoritas sacrorumque religio ludibrio esset (ib. no. 13). During these disturb- ances the great Dante Alighieri (f 1321) in his Monarchia (ed. in Schardn de jurisdict. imperiali variorum auctorum scripta Basil. 1566. fol.), defended the im- perial rio-hts against the encroachments of the Pope (see Bartolus note 9, below). — The jTttempts of the Pope to assume the same office in Germany, noticed by Olenschlager, S. 102. * Compare Zschokke, 1. c. S. 148. 6 Bull of 8th Oct. 1323 (Processus primus contra Lud.) in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 30; more complete in Henvart, P. I. p. 194; and in Martene et Bur and ihes. nov. anecdot. T. II. p. 644: Ludovicus a nobis, ad quem sua electionis — ac per- sona; ipsius examinatio, approbatio, ac admissio, repulsio quoque et reprobatio no- scitur pertinere, electione pra;dicta nequaquam admissa, nee ejus approbata persona, — Romanorum Regni nomen sibi et titulum Regium usurpavit ; quamvis piius- quam alterutrius eorura per sedem Apostolicam fuisset approbata vel reprobata persona, neutri electoruin ipsorum assumere licuit nomen et titulum prffilibatum: cum nee interim Romanorum Reges existant, sed in Reges electi. — Idem etiam Ludovicus — ad administrationem jurium Regni et Imperii pra'dictorum, in gravem Dei offensam et contemptum, ac manifestam injuriam Romanae Ecclesiae matris sua;, ad quam ejusdem vacationis tempore Imperii regimen, sicut et inpraesentia- rum'vacat, pertinere dignoscitur, necnon et plurimorum scandalum et rei turbatio- nem ac lEesionem publicae,ac suoe anima- detrimentum prosilire, seque illi immiscere irreverenter ac indebite pra;sumpsit hactenus et pra;sumit. — Ejusdem insuper EcclesiEe Romana; hostibus, sicut Galeacio de Vicecomitibus (Galeazzo Viscount, the son and successor of Matthew) et ejus fratribus, quamvis sint de criinine hffiresis— condemnati, — se exhibere fautorem et defensorem — non est Veritas nee veretur. Nos itaque — prasfatum Ludovicum — prasentium tenore monemus, eidem sub virtute sanctEe obedientiae, ac excommunicationis poena, quam ipsum, nisi cum effectu hujusmodi monitioni nostra- paruerit, incurrere volumus ipso facto, auctoritate Apostolica nihilominus injungentes, ut infra trium mensium spatium, 4 12 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. ed himself on the ground that he derived his dignity from the choice of the electors,''' upon which the exasperated Pope excommunicated him forthwith (March 21, 1324).8 data prffisentium computandum, — ab administratione, faiitoria et defensjoiie prse- dictis prorsus abstineat ac desistat ; — quodque gesta per eum post prEesuniptum ab eo tituluin memoratuiii circa pra^missa, quatenus processere de facto (cum de jure non teneant, velut ab ipso, cui jus f'aciendi non coinpetebat nee competit), attentata, curet infra pra;dictum terminura, quantum patietur possibilitas, realiter revocare. Then follows a command to all the subjects of the empire sub poenis excommuni- cationis in personas, et interdicti in terras eorum, necnon privationis privilegiorum quorumcunque Apostolicorum et Imperialium, ac feudorum, quae ab Ecclesia vel Imperio obtinent, to render to Lewis neither obedience nor support. Finally : Ut autem hujusmodi processus noster ad ipsius Ludovici — notitiam deducatur, chartas sive membranas processum continentes eundem in Ecclesia Avenionensi appendi vel affii^i ostiis seu superliminaribus ejusdem Ecclesias faciemus, quae processum ipsum suo quasi sonoro pra^conio et patulo indicio publicabunt ; ut idem Ludovicus et alii, quos processus ipse contingit, nullam possint exciisationem praetendere, quod ad eos non pervenerit : — cum non sit verisimile, quoad ipsos remanere incog- nitum, — quod tam patenter omnibus publicatur. This new mode of publication i3 worthy of remark. ' Lewis' protest, taken before a notary and witnesses in Niirnberg, 16 Dec. 1323 (in Herwart I. p. 248; inOlenschlagers Urkundenb. S. 84), — Nos circumcincti stola justitia;, et amicti pallio veritatis, in hac parte facti et juris conscii, clare respondemus, — quod hactenus a tempore, cujus non est memoria, circa electos Romanorum Reges et Principes sic est de jure et consuetudine observatum, — quod Romanus Rex eo solum, quod electus est a Principibus Electoribus — omnibus vel majori numero eorundem, et coionatus corona Regia in solitis locis et consuctis, Rex est, — acjura Regni libere administrat. — Nee concedimus, ita simpliciter, ut proponitur, ad Sedem Apostolicam examinationem, adraissionem et approbationem electionis et personae nostra, [aut] repulsionem et reprobationem pertinere, sicut asserit. Sed si, quod non crediums, pertineret, hoc unum denium sibi locum liendi- care forte posset, si per querelam, vel per viam supplicationis, appellationis vel provocationis, vel alio modo ad ipsam Sedem fuisset devolutum ipsum negotium vel deductum ; quae locum non obtinent in prasenti : vel si forte, petitis per nos infulis Imperialibus vel denominatione nostra, ex causis legitimis jure scriptis, quas ad nos locum non credinms habuisse, personam nostram contigisset exigente justitia refutari. Denoniinatio quippe personae vel electionis admissio hahitas subsequenter nobis non jus, nomen vel titulum tribuissent, qu£e jam ex ipsa electione sortiti sumus, sed ea potius detexissent, approbassent et latius comniendassent. — Quod vero adjunxit, nos Galeazio de Vicecomitibus et ejus frati-ibus de hrtresi condem- natis — defensionem exhibuisse, penitus nihil scimus. Nam si dicti Galeazius et fratres sui sunt de hreresi condemnati, nobis non innotuit. — Imo quern favorem aut defensionem eis — exhibuimus, et quomodo sint vel fuerint rebelles Ecclesia?, non videmus ; aperte conjicimus, et pereffectum operis cognoscimus, nonnullos rebelles nominari Ecclesias, qui per fidem devotionis suae molientibus contra statum et jura Imperii renituntur. — Sed nos astringimus et offerimus — legitime probaturos, quod ipse est dissimulator, defensor et fautor ha^reticoe pravitalis ejus, quae totam s. Ecclesiam inficit et conturbat, et a confessione retrahit poenitentes. — Nam cum ad ipsius summi Pontificis audientiam gravibus et frequentibus Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum — querinioniis sit deductum — conti-a — Fratres Minores — , quod ipsi sint secretae confessionis proditores, et peteretur ab eo, ut hoc — emendaret ; ipse tanquam tergiversando, dissimulando et celando morbum hujusmodi — curare non curavit, dictis fratribus in hac parte s. Romanas Ecclesiae et fidci catholicae inimicis constituens se fautorem. Ceterum — ipse contra divinfe dispositionis ordi- nationem, per quam in tirmaniento Ecclesiae militantis duo magna luminaria Deus fecit, Pontificalem videlicet auctoritatem et Imperatoriam Majcstatem, illud ut prseesset diei, spiritualia disponendo, alterum ut prasesset nocti, temporalia judican- do, manifeste nititur luminaris alterius, potestatis scilicet radios sacularis suffocare : unde in confusionem et errorem sancta reponetur Ecclesia, causabuntur hifireses, jno-erentur lite«. s\isritabuntur scandala, et Ecclesia Romana. rarons pra?posito e/tap. //. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 96. 13 Thus, then, the contest was once more renewed between the papal and the imperial power, the insatiable popes not being content till they had robbed the empire of the last ray of its glory, and sacrificed another of the best of the emperors to their ambition. Public opinion, however, hitherto the strongest ally of the popes, was now against them, especially at the outset. The jurists were naturally bound to the eraperor,^ and even the canonists were hardly able to keep up advocafo, resistere non potent insurgentibus ex adverso. Nos igitur, — senliens, nos et jura Imperii et nostra, sanctam professionem catholicam, sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam ex pra^dictis processibus — graviter et enonuiter— aggravatos esse ; — a processibus dicti Pontiticis manifeste iniquis — sanctam Sedem Apostolicam — appellamus. — Cum vero propter pramissos articulos — opus sit convocatione con- cilii generalis, instanter et cum onini devotione ipsum, quam primum commode poteri't, ad locum comuiunem et aptum petimus congregari. » The Processus secundus, dated 9 Jan. 1324 (in Martene et Durand thes. anecd. T. II. p. 647), contains only a confirmation of the first, adding two months to the grace. Processus tertius, 21 March, 1.324 (in Martene, 1. c. p. 652. Olen- schlager, 1. c. S. 96) : Nos adhuc volentes cum eodem clecto uti potius mansuetu- dine quam rigore — per infi-a scriptum modum duximus ordinandum, videlicet quod ad publicationem sententia2 excommunicationis, — in qua idem electus propter suam in prcedictis inobedientiam et contemtum incidisse dignoscitur, procedentes, ab aliarum pcenarum publicatione, in quas similiter incidit, supersedeamus ad prae- sens. Then Louis is charged to obey within three months sub poena privationis omnis juris, si quod sibi ex sua electione — quoquomodo competit : ac insuper infra dictum terminum per se vel procuratorem — compareat coram nobis, super dictis excessibus — definitivam sententiam et beneplacitum, quantum otficium nostrum patitur, auditurus, ac alias facturus et recepturus quod justitia suadebit. Against those who should adhere to him, the threats of the first process are repeated. Et licet contra civitates, communitates, imiversitates, et singulares personas alias, quas in praedictis vel circa ea forsitan deliquerint, — ad debitam impositionera pcenarum propter hoc fuisset merito procedendum, tamen de apostolicaj sedis gratia adhuc providimus expectandum. All who from this time forward continued to obey or assist Louis, should be under the Interdict, from which they could be released only by the Pope. » The notion of the universal monarchy of the emperor (see § 54, note 3) was now carried so far that Henry VII. in a law passed in Pisa, 1312 (Extravagantes, quas nonnulli XI Collationem appellant Tit. I. appended to the Cod. Justin.) thus expresses himself: divinaprscepta, quibus jubetur, quod omnis anima Romanorum Principi sit subjecta. The great jurist Bariolus de Saxoferrato (in Bologna f 1356) in his Comm. super secund. Partem ff. novi (in Dig. Lib. XLIX. Tit. 15 de captiv. et de postlim. 1. 24) proves in full this right of the emperor, and closes thus : si quis diceret, dominum Imperatorem non esse dominum et monarcham totius orbis, esset haereticus : quia diceret contra determinationem ecclesiffi (compare § 59, note 31) et contra textum s. Evangelii, dum dicit : Exivit edictum a CcBsare Augusta, ut describeretur universus orbis, ut habes Luc. II. vel. III. cap. et ita etiam recognovit Christus Imperatorem ut Dominum. See, however, ad Dig. Lib. XLVIII. Tit. 17 de requir. reis 1. 1. § 2. Pra;sides : Dantes — in uno libro, quern fecit, qui vocatur nionarchia — disputavit tres quaestiones, quarum una fuit, an imperium dependeat ab ecclesia, et tenuit, quod non: sed post mortem suam quasi propter hoc fuit damnatus de hseresi : Nam ecclesia tenet, quod imperium depen- deat ab ecclesia pulcherrimis rationibus, quas omitto, tenendo istud, quod imperium dependeat ab ecclesia. The following passage on the question whether Henry VII. had the rigftt to summon Robert to his presence, and on the bull, Pastoralis (§ 95, note 17) is characteristic : Cynus (Bartolus' teacher, f 1341) disputavit istam quaistionem Senis, et dicit, quod ista citatio potest fieri. — Sed ad illam decretalem dicit ipse : non potest dari responsum in pace, sed pertranseat cum aliis errori- bus Canonistarum. Ita dicit ipse. Ego consuevi tenere illam decretalem, tarn- quam cxistens in terris ecclesia?, dicens eam esse veram de jure. Nam, etc. 14 Third Period. Div. III. A. D. 1305 — 1409. with the rapid progress of the papal pretensions. i*^ The popular feel- ing ^^ of the justice of Lewis' cause was confirmed by the conviction Thus the papal jurist makes the universal monarchy of the emperor to depend upon the Pope, after the example of Boniface VIII, (see § 59, note 31). — Worthy of notice is Albericus de Rosate (of Bergamo, "f 1354). In his Lectura super Cod. ad Cod. Lib. I. T. 1. 1. 1. no. 7, we find some very sensible objections to the asserted universal monarchy of the emperor, concluding ad 1. 7 §. Gloriosissimo, no. 6: Quidquid ergo dicatur, credo potestates esse distinctas, ut unus pra'sit in spirituali- bus sc. Papa, alter in temporalibus. His discussion of the subject fullest ad Cod. Lib. VII. Tit. 39. De quadricnnii prKscriplione, 1. 3. Bene a Zenone. Here some remarkable reminiscenses from former times, e. g. omnes clerici et ecclesis anti- quitus suberant Impcratori. — eodem modo posset dici de electione Paps, nam olini eligebatur per Imperatorem. — Et ista forte privilegia perdidit imperium de facto potius quam de jure, propter longam vacationem ejusdem et potentiam et pruden- tiam summorum pontilicum et aliorum prresidentium Romanas Ecclesia;. Finally: Nunc illam duram et subtilem quaestionem aggredior, utrum Imperator ex sola electione concordi vel a majori parte facta dicatur verus Imperator, et omnimodam administrationem et potestatem habeat circa privilegia concedenda et omnia alia, an vero indigeat confirmatione, unctione, examinatione, coronatione Papae. After having given in full the grounds for and against, he continues: Quid ergo in tanta jurium Doctorum et glossarum varietate tenebimus ? Dominus Oldradus (de Ponte, Advo- catus Consistorialis, and much appealed to by Johannes XXII. "f 1320) sequebatur opinionem, quod aduiinistrare non posset. — In eadem opinione fuit Ostiensis (Hen- ricus Card. Ostiensis, Canonist about 1260) and other writers on the Canons. Con- trariam opinionem tenuit Jacobus de Arena (in the beginning of 14th centurjj, prof, juris in Padua), qui banc quffistionem publice disputavit, et cujus disputatio- nem inseruit hie Cynus (jurist in Bologna and Perugia, *f 1341), qui eandem opinionem clare hie sequitur. Eandem opinionem sequitur Guilelmus Na«o, — qui dicit quod eligendo contirmatur, sicut Dominus Papa, — quia sacerdotium et imperium parum disci-epant. — Et tenet, quod privilegia per eum concessa valeant etiam si cassaretur ejus electio. Hanc etiam opinionem sequitur Innocentius (IV. who wrote Comm. in Decretales Pontificum) d. c. Venerabilem (Deer. Greg. I. 6, 34) in glossa art. quod sicut potest, ubi hjec verba ponit : Ci-edimus tamen, quod, si Imperator coronam in loco debito recipere non possit, nihiloniinus auctoritate ministrandi ab archiepiscopo Coloniensi posset recipere, vel sua auctoiitate, quam habet ex electione. Haec ibi. Et hanc opinionem veriorem puto per jura et rationes ad hoc adductas, et maxime auctoiitate dicti Domini Innocentii et aliorum hoc tenentiuin. Alias sequeretur maxima absurditas, quod cum Imperium et Imperatores fuerint ante Papam, — et multi etiam tempore Papse fuerunt non con- firmati nee coronati ab eo, immo eligebant Papam, ut praedictum est, videretur, quod gesta per eos non valuissent, et sic leges civiles et multa subverterentur. Hanc etiam opinionem sequitur quidam magister Joannes Parisiensis (see § 59, note 35) et Dantes de Florentia (above, note 4). — De hoc fuit magna concertatio tempore Joannis XXII. et successoiis sui Benedicfi XII. inter cos et Dominum Ludovicum de Bavaria, electum in Impei-atorem. Et me existente tunc in Ro- mana curia, audivi magnos prcelatos et etiam laicos utrosque jurisperitos in hanc opinionem inclinare tamquam veriorem. — Praesidentes Romans ecclesiae eorum astuta et sagaci prudentia secundum temporum varietatem sua variaverunt statuta, modo Imperium sublimando modo paulatim deprimendo de tempore in tempus : sed considerato initio cujuslibet puto potestates fnisse distinctas, et si quaelibet fuisset contenta suis limitibus, et una alteram coadjuvasset, sicut facere tenentur, puto, quod pax esset in universo orbe. '" Hermannus Januensis, about 1348, in the continuation of Martini Minoritse Flores temp, (in Eccardi corpus hist, medii asvi, T. I. p. 1638) : Papa anno 1323 Ludovicum exconnnunicavit, etc. Isti processus a quibusdam stricte servabantur; a multis vero quasi invalidi nihil curabantur, quia Bononiae et Parisius, ut dicitur, examinati a Doctoribus Theologiae et utriusque juris judicabanturpenitus nil valere. of. Mbericus a Rosate, note 9. '* How entirely this was in Lewis' favor is shown by its taking the form of revelations. Thus the infant Jesus appeared to Margaretha Ebner, a nun in a Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. I. Political History. ^ 96. 15 that the Pope was acting in this, as in other cases, under French influence ; and still more by the imputation of heresy cast upon him by the Minorites, who had sought refuge from his persecutions under the protection of Lewis. i- The writers on the imperial side, the court-physician Martilius of Padua (t after 1842), and John of Jar- dun (t after 1338) ^^ only made the public more distrustful of their convent near Dillingen, saying : " I will never forsake him, for his love to me." See Jo. Heumanni opuscula, p. 340. '^ Namely, on account of his decision given A. D. 1323, hcereticum esse, perti- naciter affirmare, Christum ejusque Aposlolos in speciali non habuisse aliqua, nee in coramuni etiam. See below, in the history of the Franciscans. '^ According to Albert. Mussatus in Lud. Bav. (Alurat. X. p. 773) Lewis' advisers, quorum consiliis potissimum fruebatur, were Marsilius de Raymundinis, civis Paduanus plebejus, philosophic gnarus et ore disertus (supposed usually to have died 1328, but mentioned in Ludov. ep. ad Bened. XII. iu Raynald, ann. 1336, no. 36, as still living, neither is there any reason to doubt that the work de jurisdict. imp. in causis matrim., which appeared in 1342, see below, § 98, note 18, is by him), et Ubertinus de Casali Januensis Monachus, vir similiter astutus et ingeniosus (see § 70, note 13). Besides these two there were also Johannes de Janduno (incorrectly de Gandavo, or of Ghent, see Oudin. comm. de Scriptt. eccl. ant. T. III. p. 883) and Ulrich Hangenor (Mag. Uliicus de Augusta) private secretaries to the emperor. In this period was written the work, the joint product of John and Marsilius : Defensor pacis (in Goldast. Monarcliia, T. II. p. 154) ; the work of Marsilius de translatione Imperii tract, (ibid. p. 147) and of John tract, de potestate Ecclesiastica (Ms. bibl. Colbert, see Oudin. 1. c. p. 884). The Defen- sor pacis, in 3 Dictiones s. Partes, treats in the first part of the origin and the aim of the state ; in the second, of the relation between the temporal and ecclesiastical favor ; and in the third gives 41 Conclusiones from what precedes, cf. Concl. 1 : Solam divinam s. canonicam scripturani, et ad ipsam per necessitatem sequentem quamcumque ipsius interpretationem, ex communi concilio fidelium factam, veram esse et ad Kternam heatitudinem consequendam necesse credere, si alicui debite proponatur. II. Legis divina; dubias definire sententias — solum generale conci- lium fidelium — debere, nullumque aliud partiale collegium aut personam singu- larem, cujuscunque conditionis existat, jam dictse determinationis auctoritatem habere. III. Ad observanda prsecepta divinai legis poena vel supplicio temporali — nemo EvangeUca scriptura compelli prcecipitur. IV. Sohus nova; legis divinae praecepta, vel ad ipsa per necessitatem sequentia, et quas secundum rectam ratio- nem fieri aut omitti convenit, propter asternam salutem necesse servari, antiquae vero legis nequaquam omnia. V. In divinis novse legis prasceptis aut prohibitis neminem mortalem dispensare posse ; permissa vero prohibere, obligando ad cul- pam aut pcenam pro statu prajsentis sKculi vel venturi, solum posse generate concilium, aut fidelem legislatorem humanum. VI. Legislatorem humanum solam civium universitatem esse, aut valentiorem illius partem. VII. Decretales vel Decreta Romanorum aut aliorura quorumlibet pontificum, communiter aut divisim, absque concessione legislatoris humani constituta, nenunem obligare poena vel supplicio temporali. VIII. in humanis legibus solum legislatorem vel illius aucto- ritate alterum dispensare posse. X. Cujuslibet principatus aut alterius officii per electionem instituendi, prscipue vim coactivam habentis, electionem a solius legis- latoris exspressa voluntate pendere. XV. Super omnem singularem personam mortalem, cujuscunque conditionis existat, atque collegium laicorum ac clericorum, auctoritate legislatoris solummodo principem jurisdictionem tarn realera quam per- sonalem coactivam habere. XVI. Excomiiiunicare quenquam, aut divinorum officia interdicere absque fidelis legislatoris auctoritate nuUi Episcopo vel sacerdoti aut ipsorum collegio licere. XVII. Oranes Episcopos aequalis auctoritatis esse immediate per Christum, neque secundum legem divinam convinci posse in spiri- tualibus aut temporalibus praeesse invicem vel subesse. XVIII. Auctoritate divina, legislatoris humani fidelis interveniente consensu seu concessione, sic aJios Episcopos communiter aut divisim excommunicare posse Romanum Episcopum, et in ipsum auctoritatem aliam exercere, quemadmodum e converse. XIX. Conju- 16 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. cause by the boldness of the assertions with which their works were filled. On the other hand, they have the merit, of having furnished gia — divina lege, nova prssertim, prohibita per mortalem nemiuem dispensari posse ; humana vei-o lege prohibita ad solius legislatoris vel per ipsum principantis auctoritatein pertinere. XXI. Ad Ecclesiasticos oi'dines proinovendos, ipsorumque sufficientiam judicare judicio coactivo, ad solum legislatorem fidelem spectare, ac sine ipsius auctoritate quenquam proinovere ad hoc cuiquam sacerdoti vel Episcopo non licere. XXll. Numerum Ecclesiarum sive temploruin, ac in ipsis ministrare debentium sacerdotum, diaconorum, et reliquorum officialium ad solum principan- tem secundum leges fidelium pertinet mensurare. XXVII. Ecclesiasticis tempo- ralibus, expleta sacerdotum et aliorum Evangelii ministrorum, et liis quae ad cultum divinum pertinent ac impotentum pauperum necessitate, licite ac secun- dum legem divinam pro communibus seu publicis utilitatibus aut defensionibus uti posse legislatorem humanum totaliter et in parte. XXXIII. Generale concilium aut paiti.ile sacerdotum et Episcoporum ac reliquorum fidelium per coactivam potestatem congregare, ad fidelem legislatorem aut ejus auctoritate principanteni in communitatibus fidelium tantummodo pertinere, nee in aliter congregato deter- minata vim aut robur habere. According to Concl. XXXII. the i-ight of estab- lishing and breaking up Metropolitanships, was reserved to the general councils ; also, according to Concl. XXXV., that of canonizing saints ; also, Ccncl. XXXVI. : Episcopis aut Presbyteris aliisque templorum ministris si uxores intei-dicere conve- nit, reliqua quoque circa Eccle^iasticum ritum per generale solum fidelium conci- lium id statui et ordinari ; et illud solum collegium, aut personam in hoc cum prEedictis dispensare posse, cui data fuerit ejus auctoritas per concilium supra dictum. Concl. XXXVII. A judicio coactivo, Episcopo vel sacerdoti concesso, semper ad legislatorem contendentem liceat appellare, vel ad ejus auctoritate prin- cipantem. Concl. XL. Legislatorem fidelem, aut ejus auctoritate principantem in subjecta sibi provincia compellere posse tam Episcopos quam reliquos evangelicos ministros, quibus de sufficientia victus et tegumenti pi'ovisum est, ad divina ofRcia celebranda et sacramenta ecclesiastica ministranda. Important for the history of the hierarchy, P. II. c. 15, p. 239 : Hajc nomina Presbyter et Episcopus in pri- mitiva ecclesia fuerunt synonyma, quamvis a diversis pi'oprietatibus eidem imposita fuerint. Nam Preshyter ab a;tate nomen impositum est, quasi senior ; Episcopus vero a dignitate seu cura super alios, quasi superintendens. Proofs drawn from Jerome. Phil. i. 1, etc. See vol. I. § 29, note 1. — Post hoec autem Apostolorum tempora numero sacerdotum notabiliter aucto ad scandalum et schisma evitandum elegerunt sacei-dotes unum ex ipsis, qui alios dirigeret et ordinaret, quantum ad ecclesiasticum officium et servitium exercendum et oblata distribuendum, ac reli- qua disponendum convenientiori mode, ne istud quolibet pro libito faciente oecono- mia et servitium templorum turbaretur propter afFectionum diversitates. Hie siquidem electus — ex posteriorum consuetudine retinuit sibi soli nomen Episcopi, quasi superintendentis. — Verum jam dicta electio seu institutio per hominem — nihil amplioris meriti essentialis seu sacerdotalis auctoritatis — tribuit, sed solum ordinationis oeconomicas in domo Dei seu templo potestatem quandam, alioa sacer- dotes — ordinandi et regulandi, quoniodo Priori datur potestas in monachos. — Et ideo secundum veritatem et intentionem Hieronymi non aliud est Episcopus quam archipresbytcr. Cap. 16 shows, Apostolorum neminem ad alios habuisse praeemi- nentiam from Luc. xxii. 19 ; Jo. xx. 21, 22 ; Gal. ii. 6-9. Nullam ergo potesta- tem, eoque minus coactivam jurisdictionem habuit Petrus a Deo immediate super apostolos reliquos, neque instituendi eos in officio sacerdotali, neque segregandi eo? seu mittendi ad officium prsedicationis, nisi quod hoc sane concedi potest, ipsum fuisse priorem aliis aetale vel officio fortasse secundum tempus, aut Apostolorum electione, qui eum propterea reverebantur merito, quamvis banc electionem ex scriptura nemo convincere possit. Signum autem, verum esse quod diximus, est, quoniam h. Petrum nullam sibi assumpsisse singularitcr auctoritatem supra reliquos apostolos invenimiis ex scriptura, sed magis cum ipsis fequalitatem servasse. In proof of which he appeals to Act. XV. — Sicut Petrus Antiochiae legitur electus in Episcopuin per fidelium inultitudinem, aliorum Apostolorum confirmatione non indigent, sic et Apo^tolorum rcliqui prxfucrunt in aliis provinciis absque Petri scientia, institutione, vel consecratione aliqtia ; fuerant enim per Christum conse- crati sufficienter. Propter quod similiter opinandum, horum Apostolorum succes- Chap. I. Papacy till 137S. /. Political History. § 96. 17 the theologians of their own and the succeeding ages with fruitful materials of thought. The cause of the emperor w°as in fact more sores non indiguisse aliqua confirmatione successorum Petri ; quinimo multi suc- cessores alioruin Apostoloruin fuenint elccti et instituti Episcopi rite, ipsorumque provincias sancte rexerunt absque alia institutioiie vel continnatione de ipsis facta per successores Petri. Et extitit hoc sic legitime observatum usque quasi ad teinpora Constantnii Imp. — Quod si tamen b. Petrus a quibusdam sanctorutii prin- ceps Apostoloruui sciibatur, dictum est large ac improprie siimendo vocabulura pnncipis. — Cujus rei exemplum conveniens sumi potest ex principantibus ssculi, qui nee prassunt sibi invicem aliqua potestate, ut Comites ejusdem regni ; — cum tamen quandoque inter alios unus aut plures ceteris honoratiores habeantur. — Quod SI tamen Apostoli b. Petrum tanquam sibi Episcopum elegissent ; — non tamen ex hoc sequeretur, quod ipsius successores in Romana sede vel alia, si alibi fuit Episcopus, banc prioritatem habeant super aliorum successores, nisi a reliquo- rum successoribus eligerentur ad hoc ; majoris enim virtutis fuerunt aliqui succes- soi'es ahorum quibusdam successoribus Petri. — Rursum cur niagis conveniret hoc successoribus ejus in sede Romana, quam in Antiochena vel Hlerosolymitana vel aha, si Episcopus in pluribus extitissct ? Amphus quilibet Episcopus quantum ad intrinsecam dignitatem — indifferenter successor est cujuslibet Apostoli, et ejusdem meriti sive pertectionis quantum ad dignitatem prajdictam sive characterem, quo- niam omnes hunc habent eundem ab uno etficiente — Christo, non ab eo qui manus imposuit. — Amplius propter manuum impositionem Romanus Episcopus non est aut dici debet singulariter b. Petri successor, quoniam Romanum Episcopum esse convenit, cui non imposuit manus b. Petrus, nee mediate nee immediate ; nee rursum propter sedem sive loci determinationem, primum quidem, quia nullus Apostoloiuni lege divina dcterminatus fuit omnino ad populum aliquem vel locum, nam Alatthaii ultimo dictum est omnibus: Euntes ergo docete omnes gentes : amphus quoniam b. Petrus prius legitur Antiochire fuisse quam Roms, etc. — Jam dictis autem audiri desuetis mirabilius est, quia desuetum amplius et inopinabile lortassis videbitur, si non falsum : quod ex certo scripture testimonio convinci potest, Romauos Episcopos magis esse successores, quantum ad provinciam et gentem, Apostoh Pauli quam Petri. — Cum per scripturam constet evidenter, Paulum Homas fuisse biennio, et ibidem omnes suscepisse gentiles converti volen- tes, — constat ipsum fuisse Romanum Episcopum specialiter. — De beato vero Petro — dico per scripturam sacram convinci non posse, ipsum Romanum Episco- pum, et quod amphus est, ipsum unquam Roma; fuisse. Sed per scripturam sacram indubitanter tenendum, b. Paulum fuisse Romanum Episcopum, et si quis alter cum ipso Roma- fuerit, tamen Paulum singulariter et principaliter — fuisse Kom. Episcopum, b. vero Petrum Antiochis, ut apparet ad Gal. II. : Roms vero non contradico, sed verisimiliter teneo, ipsum in hoc non praevenisse Paulum, sed potius e converso. — Cap. IS, p. 251. Unde Romanus Episcopus et Ecclesia — super cateros sibi quendam primatum assumpsit. — Nemo Episcoporum per omne tempus illud (to Constantine) in alios Episcopos coactivam jurisdictionera exercuit. Quamvis tamen aliarum provinciarum Episcopi plures, in quibus dubitabant, tam de scriptura sacra, quam de ritu ecclesiastico, non audentes se publico conoregare, consuluerunt Episcopum et Eccle.siam iidelium existentem Romaj, nropte"^- niaio- rem ibidem forte fidelium multitudinem et magis peritiorem, eo quod studia scien- tiarum omnium tunc multum Roma vigebant.— Unde etiam provinciarum aliarum tideles, sufficientia personarum carentes, ad ipsoi-um ecclesias gubernandas ab episcopo et Ecclesia Romana tidelium postulabant personas sibi ad episcopatum pra^ficiendas, eo quod Ecclesia tidelium Roms personis talibus, ut jam diximus, amphus abundabat. Episcopi vero et Ecclesia Romanorum sic requisiti — charita- tiye atque fraterne subveniebant in his ; — ordinationes, quas super ecclesiasticum ritum sibi tecerant, aliis communicando provinces, et quandoque etiam in aliis provincus contentionem aut schisma fidelium inter se audientes charitative monen- do. Hsc autem aharum provinciarum ecclesia grate suscipiebant. — Hoc etiam modo vel consiuiih quasi suscepit a Gricis Romanus populus gratuite non coacte leges quasdam vocatas decern tabularum. Ex jam dicta vero quasi consuetudina- riaprioritate, aliarum Ecclesiarum consensu spontaneo, Romanorum Episcopi — auctoritatem quandam decreta — constituendi super universalem Ecclesiam — sumpserunt usque ad tempora Constanfini. Constantinus vero — primus fuit Im- VOL. III. 3 18 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. advanced, it may be, by those who attempted to answer them on the side of the Pope, the Augustinian monk Aucrii^tinus Triumphus of Ancona (f A. D, 1328), i^ and the Franciscan Alvarus Pelagius perator, qui Mem ChrUli, ministcrio b. Sylvestri tunc Papie Roniani patenter adeptus est, et — Eccle'sia; Roinanae ac ipsius Episcopo tribui-ise videtur aiictorita- tes et potentates super alios Episcopos et Ecclesias oinncs. — Cap. 22, p. 268 : Post tempora veto Constantini I. et prajcipue iniperiali sede vacante banc sibi deberi prioiitatein quandoque lege divina, quandoque vero concessione piincipuni suis epistolis expresserunt Rom. Episcopi quidam. Hanc etiam extendcntes auctorita- tem in omnes Episcopos et ecclesias, populos ct singulares personas, ad sententiam excomnuuiicationis et interdicti divinoiuin officiorum — in siipradictos fideles feren- dum. Sic etiani suis epistolis expresserunt, sil)i convenire temporalium omnium ecclesiasticorum dispensationem. Quibus eliani moderniores excessihus non con- tent! suis expresserunt Epistolis give Decretis, auctoritatem sive jurisdictionem coactivam supremam super omnes mundi principatus — sibi lege divina deberi; — propter quod etiam ad suani auctoritatem pertinere dicunt, omnia mundi regna et principatus conferre ac auf'ei-re licite posse regibus — ipsorum niandata transgredi- entibus, quamvis impia sint secundum veiitatem et illicita scepe. Hoc autem inter caeteros Romanos Episcopos — octavus Boniiacius in tantuni expressit et asseruit, ut banc Romanis Episcopis deberi potestatem decreverit ab omnibus credendum et confitendum esse de necessitate salulis a^ternte (see above, § 59, note 26). Cujus sententiam assecuti stmt successores ejus Clemens V. et — Joannes, — quamvis hoc solum explicite videanttir dicere de solo imperio Romanorum. Quod quia id asserunt innisi titulo supradicto, plcnitudinis videlicet sibi datce potestatis a Christo, indubium est, potestatem lianc sive auctoritatem, si qua talis ex boc sibi conveniat, onniia mundi regnu et principatus ex sequo respiceie. Cap. 26, p. 281, of the origin of the papal assumptions over tlie emperors : Voli'.erunt Romanorum princi- pum quidam citra tempora Constantini electionem de se lactam amicabiliter signare Romanis Pontiiicibus, ut — per Pontificum intercessionpin ampliorem benedictio- nem et gratiam ad suuin gubernandum imperium olitinerent : eodeinque aut consi- mili quasi modo — Romanorum quidam Imperatores diadema regium imponi sibi fecerunt per Romanos Pontifices ; quam siquidem impositionem Pontitici Romano plus auctorilatis tribuere super Rom. Piincipem, quam Remensi archiepiscopo super regem Francorum, quis dicet ? Non enim conferunt hujusmodi solemnitates auctoritatem, sed habitam vel collatam significant. Ex bac quidcm igitur reve- rentia sic sponte per Romanos principes exhibita, quaerentes sa^pius qua sua non sunt, Episcopi Romani induxeiunt consuetudinem et abusum verius, propter prin- cipum simplicitatem, non modo dicam ignaviam, laudationem electae persons ac benedictionem, quam super illam mittebant, vocaliter aut in scriptis vocare confir- mationem electionis prasdicta-. Nee attendentibus ohm Romanis Piincipibus, quae sub bac appellationis figura pi-asjudicialis latebat intentio, sic ipsam successive subinduxerunt latentei-, nunc vero patentei', Romani Pontilices, ut nullus quan- tumcunque convenienter electus in Romanorum Regem Rex vocari debeat, neque Regis Romanorum auctoritatem liabeat aut exerccat, nibi per Ronianum Episco- pum fuerit approbatus. Non csset boc aliud quam Romanuni solvere principatum, et principis creationeni peipetuo probibcre. Quid ergo aliud sibi tribuit axictorita- tis principum electio, (|uam nominationem, ex quo ipsorum deterniinatio ab unius solius alterius voluntate dependet .' Tantam nempe septem tonsores aut lippi pos- sent Romano Regi auctoritatem ti-ibuere. '■• Summa de potestatc ecclesiastica ad Joh. P. XXII. (ed. Aug. Vind. 1473. Romffi. 1582; the one before me is Colon. 1475. fol.) divided into III. Partes and 112 Qusstiones. Qu. 1, art. 1 : Sola potestas Papas est immediate a Deo. Habet omnem potestatem sajcularem judicare et deponere, si non bona e.t. Et si inveni- atur, quandoque aliquos impei-atores dedisse aliqua temporalia summis Pontificibus, sicut Constantinus dedit Sylvestro : hoc non est intelligendum, quod suum est, sed restituerunt, quod injuste et tyrannice ablatum est (cf. Qu. 4.3, art. 3). Omnis potestas Imperatorum et Regum est subdelegata respectu potestatis Papa. Qu. 18, art. 1 : Major est jurisdictio Papie quam c\ijuslibet angeli. Papae totius mundi jtirisdictio et cura conuui-^sa e-^t, — quod super cffihim et terrarn jurisdictionem accepit. Qu. 22, art. 3 : Magis tenentur laici subditi obedire Papas, quam Impe- ratori vel Regi. Tota machina raundialis non est nisi unus principatus : — princeps Cliap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political Historij, § 96. 19 autem tolius principatus mundi est ipse ChrUtu.-:, cujus Papa vicarius existit juxta illud Dan. VII. Si aliud iiiandat Papa, et aliiid Iiiiperator, obediendum est Papas et non Imperatori. Qu. 23, art. 1 : Pa^ani jure sunt sub Papa; obedientia. Vica- rias Christi est Papa, unde nullus potest se siihtrahere ab ejus obedientia de jure, sicut nullus potest de jure se subtr.ihere ab obedientia Dei. Qu. 35, art. 1 : Papa per se ipsuni Inipcratorem potest eli^ere. Iinperator est minister Paps eo ipso quod est minister Dei. Est autem principaliter agentis, eligere ministros et instru- menta ad suuin finem. Unde puto, quod Papa, qui universos fideles in prassenti ecclesia ad pacem habet ordinare, et ad supernaturalem finem consequendum dirigere et destinare, justa et rationabili causa existente per se ipsum possit Impe- ratorem eligere : ut propter eligentiuin ncgligentiam et discordiam, aut propter electi bonitatem et cotidecentiam, vel propter populi Christiani pacis providentiam, sen propter coiircenduiu hEereticorum, paganoi'um et schismaticorum potentiani et audaciam. Posse enim Pap« fulcitum debet esse veritate, justitia et sequitate ; non enim potest adversus veritatem scd pro veritate, ut dicit Apostolus II. ad Cor. ult. Art. 3. Sicut a sede Apostolica potestas eligendi Iniperatoreni Electoribus est concessa, ita a pr*dicta sede potest eis aui'erri. Art. 6. Papa potest Imperato- rem i'acere per haereditariam successionem sicut per electionem. Qu. 37, art. 3. Auctoritate Papoe Imperium a Romanis est ad Gra-cos translatum. Constantinus hujusniodi translationem fecit auctoritate sunimi Pontiiicis, qui tanquam vicarius Dei tilii ccelestis Imperatoris jurisdictionem habet universalem super omnia regna et imperia. Propter imperium ad Greecos post teinpus Constantini translatum, ecclesia ibi potestate et dignitate niultum vigebat. Et ideo quatuor concilia fue- runt ibi celebrata, quibus Iinperatores sue se subjecerunt, quatenus per summura Pontificem approbarentur. Art. 4 Auctoritate Papaj Imperium est translatum a Grajcis ad Germanos. Art. 5. Auctoritate Papa; Imperium potest a Germanis tran-iferri ad alios. Qu. 23, c. 4. Displket auctoritate Augustini dicitur, quod Ecclesia per incrementa temporum semper mnjori potestate utitur. Si ergo Eccle- sia quandoque fecit hujusinodi translationem, multo fortius nunc potest facere. Conditio Imperatoris a tempore Constantini multipticiter variata est. Nam tempore dicti Constantini Imp. eligebantur. Qui modus scrvatus est usque ad tempora Michaelis Imp. et Caroli M. Postea institutio Imperii processit per successionem ad tertiam generationem puta usque ad tertium Ottonem, qui fuit nepos prinii et filius filii. De istis enim non invenitur facta electio, sed sola provisio per sum- mum Pontificem. Gregorius V. convocatis Principibus Almaniae oi'dinavit electores Imperatoris officiales ipsius impeiialis curi*. Qualitercunque tamen institutio Imperii sit variata: nulli tamen dubium esse debet, quin summus Pontifex — Imperatorem possit eligere, quemcunque et undecunqiie sibi placet in auxilium et defensionem Ecclesia;. Qu. 3S, art. 1 : Per Papam Imperator electus debet confirmari. Ad ilium pertinet immediate Imperatoris confirmatio, ad quem pertinet Imperii immediafa jurisdiclio. Postquam enim Constantinus cessit Imperio occidentali nulla sibi reservatione facta — plenum jus totius Im- perii est acquisitum summis Pontificibus, non solum supcrioris dominationis, verum etiam immediata; administi'atiouis, ut ex ipsis tota dependeat imperialis jurisdictio, quantum ad electionem et quantum ad confirmationem ; ita ut ex tunc nullus de jure poterit se intromittere de regimine occidentalis Imperii absque expressa auctoritate et mandato sedis Apostolicae, nisi usurpative et tyrannice, sicut fecit Julianus Apostata et multi alii. Art. 4. Papfe Imperator electus debet tidem jurare. Imperator assumitur in defensorem et protectorem Ecclesiae, potissime in partibus Italise et in occidentalibus regionibus, in qui- bus Ecclesia non solum temporalium habet universalem jurisdictionem, sicut in toto orbe noscitur habere, verum etiam habet mediante ministro, quem eleo-it, immediatam administrationem. Talis ergo minister in tribus tenetur Ecclesiae fidelitatem servare ; primo in ipsius Ecclesi;e exaltatione, ut per rebelles et infi- deles Ecclesia non depri.Tiatur, sed potius illis expugnatis juxta posse suum supra candelabrum ponatur ; secundo in Ecclesise pastoris et rectoris defensione ; — tei tie in temporalium per Constantinum concessorum Ecclesiae conservatione, ut in tali- bus non prastendat aliquam immediatam jurisdictionem, sed solum immediatam administrationem. Et ista tria ponuntur in juraniento fidelifatis, quod ipse Impe- rator summo Pontifici prsestare tenetur. Qu. 39, art. 1. Imperator per solam elec- tionem non potest administrare, nisi beneficium confirmationis recipiat. Qu, 40, art. 1. Papa potest Imperatorem deponere. Art. 4. Imperatoris subditos ajiira- mento fidelitatis absolvere. Qu. 41, art. 1. Ad Papam spectat Imperatoris electio- 20 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. (t after 1340), ^'^ who, exasperated at the boldness of the imperial nem examinare. Qu. 44, art. 1. Absque Papae auctoritate Imperator non potest leges condere. Oinnis justa lex (quae secundum Augustinuin si justa non est, non est lex) dependet a lege divina. lllo ergo jure lex iiuperialis dependet ab auctori- tate Papas, quo jure dependet a lege divina, cujus ipse Papa est vicaiius et mini- ster, potissinie cum secundum Dionysium lex divinitatis hoc habeat, ut ejus influ- entia non transeat ad inleriora nisi per media. Medius autem inter Deum et populum Christianum est ipse Papa, unde nulla lex Populo Christiano est danda, nisi ipsius Papa; auctoritate ; sicut nee aliqua lex fuit data populo Israelitico nisi mediante Moyse. Art. 4. Papa potest sua auctoritate leges Imperiales corrigere. Qu. 45, art. 2. Papa; subjiciuntur onuies Reges, quantum ad temporalium recog- nitionem. Dicentes, Papam, Vicarium Christi, in toto orbe dominium habere solum super spiritualia, non autem super tempoi'alia, similes sunt consiliariis Regis Syriae, qui dixerunt III. Reg. 20: Dii montiuin sunt dii eorum, etc. Sic hodie mali consiliarii adulatione pestifera seducunt Reges et Principes terrre, dicentes: dii montium, puta spiritualium donorum, sunt sumini Pontifices, sed non sunt dii convallium, quia temporalium bonorum nullum habent dominium ; ideo in cam- pestribus et in potentia bonorum temporalium pugnemus contra eos et obtinebimus. Sed quid dicit eis divina sententia, audiamus ; quia dixerunt, inquit, Syri, deus montium est dominus, non deus vallium, dabo oninem multitudinem banc in manu vestra, et scietis, quia ego sum Dominus. Qu. 46, art. 2. Papa potest omnes Reges cum subest causa deponere. Art. 3. Papa potest in quolibet regno regem institu- ere. — Sicut Deus est factor omnium regnorum et provisor, sic Papa vice Dei est omnium regnorum provisor. Unde cum causa rationalibilis subest, in quolibet regno potest Regem instituere, sive sit causa ipsius Regis nequitia, ut dictum est supra de Rege Francorum, sive ipsius populi fraudulcnta malitia, ut si in Regis mortem conspirarent, vel eum ejicerent, — vel quocunque alio modo causa justa et rationabilis subest, ad Papara spectaret, illi regno de Rege providere. Qu. 61, art. 3. Papa non potest aliquos eximere a se ipso in temporalibus. Apostolus II. ad Tim. 2 dicit : Deus fidelis est, et seipsum 7iegare non potest. Negaret autem seipsum, si eximeret aliquos a suo dominio temporali vel spiritual!, quia tunc negaret, se esse dominum omnium tam temporalium quam spiritualium. Cum igitur Papa verus vicarius Dei sit, si aliquos eximeret a seipso in jurisdictione tem- poralium vel spiritualium, negaret, quod non esset verus Dei vicarius, et talis negatio in errorem Manichaeorum ipsum induceret, ponentium, ab alio principio spiritualia et ab alio temporalia esse producta. Unde non est dubium, quod si pro tali veritate testiticanda Papa pateretur, verus Christi martyr esset censendus. To the objection : consuetudo servanda est, et longo tempore approbata pro lege tenenda est, ut jurisconsultus dicit. Sed ab antiqua consuetudine fuit observatum in ecclesia Gallicana, quod Prtelati Franciae non recognoscunt temporalia a Papa sed a Rege, et ipse similiter Rex a nuUo temporalia recognoscit, he replies: con- suetudo veritati et rationi contraria, quanto diuturnior tanto perniciosior et pericu- losior, nee consuetudo sed abusio dicenda est. Non enim dixit Christus, ut dicit Gregorius : Ego sum consuetudo, sed : ego sum Veritas. Si vero potentia regalis vel imperialis allegatur, videatur, ut dicit Aug. quod factum sit de Nabuchodono- sor, quomodo a regno depositus est et inter bestias connumeratus est, donee recog- nosceret, Deum coeli esse dominum universorum. Qu. 73, art. 3. Papa alicui potest concedere decimas Laicorum. Jus naturale propria facit communia in necessitate, jus vero divinum ex caritate, et jus civile ex reipublicae utilitate. Planum est autem, quod Papa est omnis juris interpres et ordinator, tamquam architector in tota ecclesiastica hierarchia vice Christi, unde quolibet jure potest, cum subest causa rationabilis, decimas laicorum non solum subditorum, verum etiam Regum, Principum et Dominorum recipere et concedere pro ecclesice utili- tate, ac eos, si noluerint dare, compellere. '5 His work de planctu ecclesiae, libb. II. (ed. Ulma;. 1474. Venet. 1560. fol.) written in Avignon 1330, and revised by the author A. D. 1340, then bishop of Silves in Portugal, agrees in its principles entirely with that just cited, cf lib. I. c. 13 : Quod jurisdictionem habet universalem in loto mundo Papa ncdum in spiri- tualibus, sed temporalibus, licet executionem gladii temporalis et jurisdictionem per filium suum legitimum Imperatorem, quum fuerit, tanquam per advocatum et defensorem ecclesiap, et per alios reges et mundi principes, et in patrimonio s. Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 96. 21 controversialists, carried out the newly-invented papal law in its utmost absurdity. Under these circumstances, neither the papal excommunication, to which Lewis at once opposed an appeal to a general council, ^'^ nor the interdict under which all who remained faithful to the emperor were laid,i'' produced the desired effects. ^^ The wrath of the Pope Petri et in regno Siciliae, quod est regnum Ecclesioe et patrimonium, — et in aliis terris Ecclesiae eain per suos rectores debeat exercere. Quuin aninia; corporibus sunt pretiosiores, et spiritualia temporalibus digniora ; — cui ergo coinmissae sunt animaj et spiritualia, nuilto potius res sunt et corpora conimittenda. Teniporalia accessoria sunt ad spirituni, Matth. 16 : heec omnia soil, tempoialia adjicientur vobis : sed accessoria naturam habent principale sequendi. On these principles he defends the papal assumption against the emperor Lewis, here mentioned only as Bavarus schismaticus. Then, cap. 3.3 : Quod Papa non tenctur se purgare de aliqua infamia, a quibuscunque exorta, bonis vel malis, si non vult. Cap. 34 : Quod in hac vita, etiamsi injuriam vel injustitiam tacit Papa alicui, non habet judieem super se, nee tenetur eligere judices vel arbitros. Cap. 36 : Quod antea fuit ecclesia, quam Imperium. Finally he inserts, cap 60, the Bull Unam sanc- tam : Ad compleuientum autem papalis potestalis plenaris, et gladii utriusque pertinentis ad eum, licet diversimode, pono Extravagantem Domini Papae Bonifacii VIII. quse istam determinat quajstionem cujus talis tenor est, etc. Cap. 68 is against the new Schismatics, in particular against the hasresiarcha novellus Marsi- lius Padovanus. 18 Dated Sachsenhausen in Apr. or May, 1324 (ed. Baluz. Vitffi PP. Aven. T. II. p. 478) : Nos Ludovicus Dei gratia Romanorum Rex semper Augustus propo- nimus contra Johannem, qui se dicit Papam XXII, quod iniinicus sit pacis, et intendit ad discordias et scandala suscitanda. — Nam publice dicere dicitur, quod quando inter Reges mundi et Principes est discordia, tunc Papa est verus Papa, et timetur. — Maxiine autem dicere dicitur, quod discordia Alamannias — salus est et pax Romani Pontiticis et Ecclesia?. Unde cum multiplicarentur in Alamania, occasione diversarum electionum, caedes, — et sanguinis effusiones, proh dolor, innocentium; nunquam unam litteram vel qualemcunque nuntium misit ad obvian- dum praedictis periculis atque malis, cum tamen multos haberet in partibus Ala- mannia; exactores et coUectores pecuniarum pro ipso, quibus hoc committere sine aliquo suo onere potuisset, si voluisset, vel sibi de hoc cura aliqua fuisset, ostendens se per hoc facere contra doctrinam et vitam et exemplum Christi, cujus vicarium se mentitur et dicit. Alter justifying the course pursued by the emperors, and showing the unfounded assumptions and unjust conduct of the Pope, he proceeds to give a detailed and vehement refutation of the Pope's assertion, Christum et Apostolos habuisse bona temporalia in communi eo modo, quo alia collegia habent, quod dictum est notorie h»i-eticum, et profanum et contra evangelii sacrum tex- tum, evidently from the pen of some persecuted Minorite. In conclusion : ad generale Concilium, quod instanter et cum instantia repetita in loco tufo nobis et nostris convocari petimus, et ad verum legitimum futurum summum Pontiticem, et ad sanctam niatrem Ecclesiani et ApostoJicam Sedem, et ad alium vel ad alios, ad quern vel ad quos fuerit appellandum, provocamus et appellamus. " Processus quartus of 11th Jul. 1324, in Martene et Durand thes. Anecd. T. II. p. 660: (Ludovicuni) rcputamus et declaramus merito contumacem, — omni jure, si quod sibi ex electione sua competere seu competiisse poterat, a Domino privatum denuntiamus, — de benignitate sedis Apostolica; — supersedentes ad pra- sens a pcenis aliis, quibus excessus prsdicti ipsum reddiderunt obnoxium. Per- sonas ecclesiasticas, — quae contra — mandata nostra Ludovico prafato tamquam Regi — paruerunt vel adha?serunt quomodolibet, — declaramus poenas suspensionis ab officio, ac excouununicationis sententias — incurris.fe. Civitates autem, com- munitates, — ac »ingulares personas illarum, qua; in prasdictis — deliquerunt, — declaramus, civitates — interdicti, singulares vero personas excommunicalionis sententiis subjacere. Lewis is then forbidden sub pcenis excommunicalionis ac privationis feudorum, quse ab Ecclesia Romana vel ahis seu Imperio obtinet, ne deinceps se Regem Romanorum vel electum intitulet, and the 1st Oct. fixed as the term within which he must without fail appear before the Pope. 22 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 140a was still more inflamed by the reconciliation of Lewis with Frederick (March, 1325)/''^ and the refusal of the latter, notwithstanding the repeated suggestions of the Po[)e,-*' to break his word. The pretended successor of St. Peter now gratified his revenge by the desol.ition of the Mark of Bradenburg, with which Lewis had very lately invested his son,^i the heathen Lithuanians being called into this Christian work.2-i '* And so much the less inasmuch as the Pope evidently aimed at transferring the imperial ciown (o Chailes IV. of France, cf. Albert. Jlrgentin. Chron. p. 123: Convenerant autem Francus et Lupoldus (brother of the iinpiisoned Frederick) in Bare, ubi multa, et prai'serfim contra Ludovicum tractaveriint, Papa eis annuente, Convenerunt et priiiciptjs ecclesiastici, nuncii Papx et Franci, ac Lupoldus in Rens propc ConBuentiam, ac — diu tractaverunt de Franco in Iiiiperatorem promovendo. Sed per fratrem Berchloldum de Bucheck, Cominendatoreiu domus Teutonicorum in Confluentia, fratrem douiini Matthis Moguntinensis Airhicpiscopi, principaliter extitit impeditum: de quo eum seci-etariis Papue Joan. Decanus Moguntinensis detulit, quod ipsuin post mortem ]\Iatthiai Moguntini ab ipsius fratris Berchtoldi provisione retraxit. '^ The treaty see in Geivold, p. 89 ; and in O 1 e n s c h 1 a g e r Urkundenbuch, S. 129. Frederick resigned his claim to the empire and bound himself to help Lewis against the Pope. 20 The Pope wrote to Frederick dd. 4th May, 1.325 (in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 2) : Sane quia niultorum habet opinio, quod in relaxatione hujusmodi ad multa Deo infesta, tibique inexpedientia et Rei periculosa publicae Te promissionibus, — jura- mentis ac pcenis — duxeris astringendum : nos super hoc de salubri providere remedio cupientes — ea ex otficio nostro cassa et irrita, et nulla esse penitus decla- ramus; — Til)ique nihilominus in virtute sanctce obedientis ac sub excommunica- tionis posna — districtius inhibentes, ne ad ejusdem Ludovici Rebellis etexcommu- nicati quoquo niodo redire rarcerem, aut sibi — ohei'ire praesuiuas. He also invested Frederick anew with the rights of the papal candidate for the empire (Raynald. 1. c. no. b) : though all the time he secretly continued his efforts to secure the imperial crown for Charles IV. king of France. To him he writes dd. 30th Jul. 1325 (1. c. no. 6) : res sic sunt di-positae, ut regium po^sit ad prius desi- derium a(hmplei-i. — Tepiditas Regia inultum ncgotio obfuit, quia et nos reddit et reddidit tepidos et niorosos. — Excutiat circ\imspectio Regia qusso hunc torporem, et operetur, dum ad hoc intendat, dum dies est. '' Lewis' act of investiture (see Ludewig Reliqu. Mss. T. IL p. 262 seq. ; T. X. p. 642 seq.) was declared void by the Pope, and the Brundenburgers com- manded under penalty of excommunication and interdict, to refer obedience to their new prince (see Raynald. ann. 1325, no. 8). '* Jo. Vitoduranus in Thesaur. hist. Helv. p. 32 : De Johanne Papa exsecra- bile factum fidelibus in perpetuum displicibile prapcedentibus subnecto. Quotiens ego hoc recogito et in mente revolvo, Here niihi pofius, quam aliquid dicerc, fore censeo : nam timor et ti-emor et rigor me quodanimodo conculiunt et tenebrce con- tegunt. Nam in quibusdam Chrisiianitatis, ut fertur, extremitatibus, Teutonicis cruciferis diffuse dominantibus, Paganorum truculentam rabiem eos contingentium coercentibus, et refra^nantibus, ne per suas invasiones et incursiones pestiferas fideliurn terris, quantum gliscunt, nocere possint, Dominus Papa in mandatis dis- trictissinie dedit, quatenus ipsos per tcrrani suam libei-um transitum habere sine- rent, ut in vindictam et injuriam Imporatoris ad terrani filii sui demoliendam, vocatam Brandeburg, accessum habere posi^ent. (^ui jus-ioni Papali contraire pertimescentes, inviti cum ejulatu, ut ita dicam, amarissimo Paganis ti-ansituni pro suo libitu indulserunt. (Quidam ajunt, Papain haec demandasse Regi Graagogiae, et quia sibi in hoc paruit, Regem eum fecit, qui ante Dux unus Polonise fuit). Qui venientes ad terram pra?nominatam immanissima sc lera audilu horribilia commise- runt. Armati enim in mullitudine incredibili ex insperato ad terram memoratam supervenerunt bestiali mente, indomito ac agresti more ipsam vastantes, nee in hoc eis suffecit, quin etiam mulieres certatim temerarent coitu nefario, ipsis quoque Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 96. 23 In the mean time Lewis had so far confirmed his authority in Ger- many, that he could think of attacking the Pope in his most vulnera- ble point, namely, in Italy (A. D. 13'27). In vain did John resort to the dreadful fifth process. ->' The accusations of the Minorites ren- dered powerless his spiritual weapons, Lewis passed victorious through the north of Italy,-'' and whilst the Pope was preaching a crusade against him-'' was crowned at Rome (January 17, 1328), and having deposed John,-'' appointed a Franciscan, Nicholas V., to succeed him.27 mamillas absciderunt, Ecclesias diruerunt, Altaria destruxerunt, corpus Christi in scriniis super aiis reconditum sustulerunt, et sibi lanceas suas infixeiunt, blasphe- mando dicentes : Ecce J)eus Chiistianoruin in nullo se delendere valcns. ^ Processus quinlus of 3 Apr. 1-327, in Martene thes. T. If. p. 671 : — declara- mus ipsum Ludovicum privatum feudis omnibus, quse a Romana Ecclesia, vel Ecclesiis aliis, seu ab linperio oblinebat, et specialiter Ducatu Bavaris, — expo- nendis vel concedendis calholicis, si, prout, et quando, ac quibus, vel de quibus sedes apostolica duxerit ordinanduin, principalis Domini jure salvo: — Vasallos quoque ipsius a juramento fidelilatis — expressius nuntiantcs eos absolutos. Et quia exconununicatus pro fautoiia hsreticorum exconununicalionis sententiam sustinuit per bienniiun et ultra animo indurato, idcirco declaramus praetatum Ludo- vicum fore manifestum hnereticorum fautorem, ipsumque poenas omnes a canonibus inflictas talibus incurrisse (see above, § €6, note 16; compare below, § 97, note 28). — At tlie same time dd. 9 Apr. 1327 (1. c. p. 692) various followers of Lewis, especially Marsilius and Johannes de Janduno, were exconununicated by name. They were afterwards more at length condemned as heretics on the 23 Oct. 1328 (1. c. p. 704). ^ cf. Villani X. c. 15 seq. Albert. Jfussati Ludov. Bavarus in J\Iuratori X. p. 770 seq. ^^ dd. 21 Jan. 1328, in Marteite thes. IL p. 716 seq. Omnibus vere pcEnitenli- bus et confessis, qui dictum Ludovicum ejusque complices — expugnabunt, et super hoc per annum — laborabunl, Ecclesia sequendo vexillum, tarn clericis quam laicis, — illam concedimus vcniam peccatorum, quae con:edi — proficiscenti- bus in terrse sanctse subsidium consuevit, et in retributione justoi-um salutis Kternae pollicemur augmentum. Eos autem, qui non per annum integrum, sed per ipsius anni partem in hujusinodi Dei servitio laborabunt, juxta qualitatem laboris et devotionis affectum participes esse volumus indulgentia; supradictie. "^ Apr. 18, 1328. see Villani X. c. 68. Ludovici IV. Imp. processus contra Jo. XXII. in Baluzii vitae PP. Aven. II. p. 512: Ludovicus Dei gratia Romano- rum Imp. et semper Augustus ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Gloriosus Deus in sublimi — sacerdolium et imperium independenter principians ct conservans, ut hoc qiiidem divina exerceat, illud autem ut humanls praesideat, — nos Ludovicum IV Romanorum Imperatorem — in principem super hereditatem suam inunxit, ut de manibus inimicorum suum populum liberemus. Eapropter ex imperialis celsi- tudinis debito excessus enormes Jacobi de Caturco, qui nunc se Papam Johannem XXIl licet mendaciter asserere non veretur, dissimulatione diuturniori nuUatenus sufferre valentes — celeri cursu in Italiam venimus ad sedem nostram praecipuara, Romam videlicet, properantes. Then the crimes of the Pope are enumerated, viz. Simony, the excitement of revolt, (Ex quiljus profecto evidenter agnoscimus, sacrum Imperium — per hunc inysticum Antichristum, qui se Papam nominat, si quod absit effi-enis ejus rabies ultra procedeiet, irreparabiliter exterminari), the laying waste of Brandenburg by heathen, and most of all the assumption of the supreme temporal power, contrary to the teaching of Christ (cui etiam Decretista asserunt, dicentes, Papam non habere utramque jurisdicfioneni), and his absence from Rome. Quapropter cum hie prasvaricator nefarius divinae dispositionis ordinem sacerdotio et imperio praestitum publice impugnaverit, statu .'^ui vicariatus abutens enormiter, dum gladio sanguinis uti praecepit pro gladio spiritus, quod est verbum Dei ; hinc est, quod zelo justilias atque reipublicas, — auctoritate nobis in hoc casu CEelitus ordinata contra quoslibet fidei et veritatis sanctse matris Ecclesiae turbatores, — 24 Third Period. Div. VI. A. D. 1305 — 1409. But Italy proved the ruin of Lewis as it had been of so many other emperors. The insufficiency of his own resources, and the fickleness of the Italians, compelled him to withdraw again into Germany (A. D. 1329),-*' and the papal party gained so decidedly the advantage, that the forsaken Pope of the emperor was soon delivered up to his rival (A. D. 1330).-^ The emperor was followed to Germany by new maledictions,-^^ which now made a deeper impression than before,"^^ on account of the recent events.-'- propter quod etiam secundum Apostolum non sine causa gladium portamus, — pra'decessorum nostroruin, videlicet Ottonis priiiii, qui cum clero et populo Romano Johannem XII deposuit de papatu, et cum clero et populo de alio pastore urbi et orbi providit, et aliorum quamplurium Imperatorum vestigiis inha;rere volentes, ipsum Jacobum in hajresi deprehensum, cum ex f'acti evidentia, quia hxresim publico praidicat, pcrfectionem altissiniK paupertatis in Christo penitus denegando, ex quo sequeietur, Cbristuni non fuisse perfectissimum viatorem, qua ex confes- sione propria, ut liquet ex iniquis et tenierariis vocatis processibus ab ipso contra sacrum Imperium in nostra persona factis, — eo quod indigne gerit et gessit vica- riatus officium, — a Christo privatum esse — denuntiamus, nostrasque imperialis auctorilatis sententia episcopatu Romano et universalis Ecclesise Dei sen Papatu tenore prajsentium privamus, et ali eodem deponimus in his scriptis, sententia lata de communi consilio — cleri et populi Romani, nostrorumque Piincipum et Eccle- siae Praslatorum, turn Alamannorum quam Italicorum. — Unde et sspedictum Jacobum omnis ecclesiastici ordinis prajrogativa nudatum — subjiciraus saecularis nostrorum ministrorum arbitrio potestatis, — ubicumque deprehensus fuerit, velut ha;reticum animadversione debita puniendum. In a second Sententia dated the same day (1. c. p. 522) John is condemned as a hajreticus notorius et manifestus et excommunicatus. ''' May 12, 1328. Villani X. c. 71 seq. ^ Villani X. c. 96 seq. In Pisa he was joined as late as 1328 by a number of strict Minorites, who had fled from Avignon, and amongst them the most distin- guished of the order, Michael de Cesena, General of the order, William Occam and Bonagratia de Bergamo, who always afterwards continued with Lewis, Con- tin. Chron. Guil. de Nangis in (VAchery spicil. T. III. p. 88. Wadding. Aunales Minorum ann. 1328, no. 17). ^ Villani X. c. 162. Bernardus Giiido in secunda vita Joannis XXII. ap. Baluz. Vitffi PP. Aven. I. p. 143. ^ Processus sextus of 20 Apr. 1329 (in Martene thes. II. p. 771), which con- denms Lewis as a heretic, quod damnatam haeresim, — quod Christo et Apostolis in rebus, quas habuerant, nullum jus competierat, sed tantummodo in eis habuerant usum facti, asserere pra?sumserat temere et publice, and because, asserens errorem, — quod Imperatori licebat Papam deponcre, contra nos depositionis de facto prae- sumsit sententiam promulgare. On the 25th June he commanded a crusade against Lewis to be again proclaimed in Italy (1. c. p. 777). On the 27th Jan. 1330, he renewed the prohibition to render obedience to Lewis (1. c. p. 787). ■" Especially by the creation of a new Pope who had so soon been forced to abjure his errors before John, see Jo. Viloduranus in the Thes. hist. Helv. p. 28. Though no ways inclined to the Pope, he condemns the new choice, and supposes that Lewis and the Romans had perhaps wished to revive the old right granted by Hadrian to Charlemagne eligeudi summum Pontificem et sedem Apostolicam ordi- nandi ; sed non super petram, sed potius super arenam — aedificasscnt. Quia — succe.ssores Cai-oli memorati praefato juri longe ante istius renuntiaverunt terapora. ^^ Jo. Vitoduranus, 1. c. p. 29 : Ex tunc plures civitates — abstinuerunt se a divinis, et interim Clerus graviter fuit angariatus et compulsus ad divina resu- menda, et plures annucrunt, non verentes latam sententiam, nee ultionem divi- nam. MuUi etiam erant inobedientes, et oh hoc de locis suis expulsi, et sic tandem facta fuit lamentabilis difTormitas Ecclesiarum: qua;dam enim inmiunem se existi- mans ab interdict! censura in laudes divinas celebrando imperterrite ac secure Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 96. 25 Wearied by this untiring persecution, Lewis next resorted to new overtures of peace. But the Pope, now so completely in the power of Philip VI., king of France, from A. D. 1328, that he was forced to comply with his most extravagant demands,-^-^ rejected scornfully the humble advances of Lewis, made first through the friends of the em- peror (A. D. 1330),-^'* and then by the emperor himself (1331 and laxavit ora ; qua?dam vero e confrario interdict! poena se plexam reputans organa Domino canentia suspendit. Et ilia; niutuo se sinistra judicabant, et quod iiiira- bilius est, tacentes in divino cultu habito clausis januis mutuo sibi non communica- bant, sed frequenter se excludebant, cantantes etiam se alterutrum vitaverunt. — Haec autem diversitas lainentabilis causabatur non solum propter diversitatem con- scientiarum, — sed etiam ex eo, quod Jurisperili in iis requisiti diversimode canones juris ecclesiastici interpretabantur. See also Jacob v. Konigshoven Elsass. Chronicke, S. 128. ■^•^ Philip secured the majority in the college of cardinals by constantly forcing on the Pope new cardinals from France. On the 25th May, 1331, John writes him: Circumspectionem regiam volumus non latere, quod jam XX Cardinales, de quibus XVII de regno Francis originem traxisse noscuntur, existant : but never- theless he soon after had to make another French cardinal, the bishop of Autun, at the king's recommendation ( Raynald. ann. 1331, no. 33,34). — In particular the French kings made the crusades a pretext for demanding money fi-om the church. Thus Charles IV. demanded 6 Mill, libraruin Turonensium of John (Raynald. ann. 1323, no. 10): but received for answer: summam pra-dictam — dividere inter omnes — ditRcile nimis nobis. — Philip VI. again offered to under- take a crusade, 1331, but demanded of the Pope ( Villani X. c. 196) tutto il tesoro della Chiesa, e le Decime di tutta Christianita per sei anni, pagando in tre anni, e in suo Reame le investiture e promutazione d'ogni beneiizio Ecclesiastico; e ado- mandava titolo del Reamed' Arli e di Vienna per lo tigliuolo, e d'ltalia volea la sig- noria per Messer Carlotto suo fratello. In reply he was to be sure reminded that the kings of France had for 40 years taken tithes from the French church under this same pretext, and used these sums for other wars, but at the same time the Pope took every precaution to prevent his being displeased : he appointed him, 26tli Jul. 1333, rector et Capitaneus totius exercitus Christiani, qui transfretabit, and devoted per universas mundi partes decimam ecclesiasticorura redituum sexennalem — in utilitatem dicti passagii (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 3. cf. Ughelli Italia sacra, T. III. p. 537). In the Vita octava Bened. XII. (Baluz. PP. Aven. I. p. 241) it is said plainly of this pretext, afterwards urged again : quod taineii effectum non habuit, cum etiam propter delusiones prccteritas minime fiendum communiter credere- tur. To this period is probably to be traced also the papa! ordinance, by which Italy is separated from the German empire (ap. Baluz. Vita; PP. Aven. I. p. 704) : provinciam Italice ab eodem iiripeiio et regno Alamanias totaliter eximentes, ipsam a subjectione communitatum et jurisdictionum eorundem regni et imperii separamus, — decernentes, ut nullo unquam tempore conjungantur ; — ex eo pras- cipue, quod earundem provinciarum longa dil^usaque protensio sic — impedit, ut unius regnantis viri — gubernationis officium non sufficiat. — Ac declarantes, reg- num praedictum Alamaniae a regno Francise claris distingui terminis, — per nos — paterno amore provide distinguendis. The contemporary Albericiis de Rosate Diet. Juris s. v. Italia and Papa mentions this ordinance with the remark : an potuerit illud statuere Deus novit: so that Baluzens' doubts of authenticity are without ground. •'■• Namely, John, king of Bohemia, and Baldwin, archbishop of Triers, and afterwards Otho, duke of Austria. See the two answers of the Pope, of 31 Jul. (Raynald. ann. 1330, no. 29 seq. ; more complete in Martene thes. II. p. 800 seq.) and 21 Sept. (Raynald. 1. c. no. 34 seq.). The conditions proposed were (Raynald. 1. c. no. 35. Martene, 1. c. p. 801) : Primo quod (Bavarus) cum effectu deponet suum haereticum antipapam. Secundo quod penitus recedct ab appellatione. Tertio quod omnia, quae fecit seu attentavit contra sanctam personam domini nostri Papas ecclesiamque Romanam, revocabit cum effectu. Quarto quod recognoscet, se excessisse et sententias excommunicationis ipsum ligasse. Quinto VOL, HI. 4 26 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. 1332) ;^^ till the persecuted prince seems to have been for a short time resolved, as his only resource, to abdicate the throne.^s A new heresy, of which the Pope was now accused,"^" once more revived the quod gratiae nostri Papas se offeret ad inisericordiam. — Hcec omnia sic intelligun- tur, quod Bavarus in honore et suo statu renianeat, scil. in regno et imperio. The Pope's answer: Nescilis quid petifis ! — Impossibile cniiu est ipsum renianere in honore iniperiali et regio sine novi juris acquisilione, cujn honoreni ct dignitatem non habeat. — Offerimus, si ad gremium ecclesias redire voluerit idem Bavarus, sicut debet, ipsum bcnigne recipere nos paratos, eique tantam et talem itnpartiri gratiam, quod tu et principes supradicti poterilis merito coutentari. '* The emperor's petition, and the instructions for the ambassadors, dated Oct. 1331, in Gewold, p. 118 seq. O le ns c h 1 a g e r s- Urkundenbuch, S. 180 ff. Lewis declares his i-cadiness to submit to any conditions consistent with his honor and the right of the empire. — Concerning the second imperial embassy, A. D. 1332, see the contempoi'ary Heinrici Mon. in Rebdortf annales (cd. Chr. Gewold. Ingolst. 1618. 4to. ; and in Freher-Struve, T. I) ad h. a., especially Joh. XXII. Ep. ad Reg. Fianciag ( Raynald. ann. 1333, no. 28) : Ut qua; nobiscum egerunt Bavari nuntii, celsitudo regia non ignoret, ecce quod quia mandatum sufficiens non habebant, oblataque per ipsos erant insutficientia ad ea, quas idem commiserat Bavarus comperta, et qua; petebant per nos sibi fieri^ erant omnino obvia rationi, tractatum cum eis habere renuinius, etc. ^® Heinrirus de Rebdorff ad ann. 1334. Quinta vita Joh. XXII. Baluz. T. I. p. 176. Raynald. ann. 1334, no. 20 seq. ^' He had preached publicly on the 1st Advent, 1331 (Cont. Guil. de Nangis in d'^chery Spicileg. T. III. p. 95), quod animae decendentium in gratia non videant Deum per essentiam, nee sint perfecte beatae, nisi post resumptionem corporis, an opinion which, it is true, agrees with the oldest fathers (see Vol. I. § 52, note 33. Miinschers Dogmengeschichte, Bd. 2. S. 405; Bd. 4. S. 413), but which had been forsaken since the 5th century (M ii n s c h e r, Bd. 4. S. 414), and together with others, condemned by the university of Paris, A. D. 1240 (d'Argentri col- lectio judiciorum de novis eiroribus, T. I. p. 186). The greater part of the Court submitted to the opinion of the Pope ; only an English Dominican, Thomas Walleis, attacked it on the 27th Dec. in Avignon ( Gidlelmus Thorn Chron. de gestis Abbatum s. Augustini Cantuar. in Scriptt. X hist. Anglicanae. London, 1652. d'Jlrgentri, 1. c. p. 316), but was put in prison. The Pope now wished to establish his doctrine in Paris by means of two Mendicant monks, A. D. 1332, (Cont. Guil. de JSTangis, 1. c. p. 96), but here it met with much opposition : the king referred it to the decision of the university, by which it was decided on the 2 Jan. 1333 (d'Jlrgentre, 1. c. p. 316 seq.), quod a tempore mortis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, per quam pretium redemptionis human! generis extitit persolutum, omnes anima; ss. Palruin, quas idem salvator noster ad inferos descendens eduxit de limbo, caeteroi'umque lidelium aniuiK, qua; de corporibus exierant, nihil haben- tes purgabile, vcl quae jam in Purgatoiio sunt purgatic, ad visionem nudam et claram, beatiiicam, intuitivam et immediatam divinae essentia" et benedictissimae trinitatis, — quam Apo-^tolus 1 Cor. 13 nominat visionem facie ad faciem, erunt assumpta;, ipsaque Deitate beata perfecte fruuntur; et jam quod crediderunt vi- dentes, quod speravei-unt lenentes, non in spe sed in re sunt beatae. Quamquam dicta visio, quam nunc habent, resumptis corporibus minime evacuabitur, alia suc- cedente, sed ipsamet in eis, cum sit earum vita feterna, perpetuo remanebit: taking for granted, in order to leave the Pope a chance to clear himself, that he had pro- mulgated the contrary opinion only recitando, not determinando, assercndo seu etiam opinando. This decision the king sent to the Pope (Cont. Chron. GiiiL de JVangis, p. 97), mandans sibi a latere, quatenus scntentiam Magistrorum de Parisius, qui melius sciunt, quid debet teneri et credi in fide, quam Juristce et alii Clerici, qui parum aut nihil sciunt de theologia, approbaret, et quod susti- nentes contrarium corrigeret. ' According to Petrus de Jllliaro declaration in Con- cil. Eccl. Gall. ann. 1406, the king even caused it to be conveyed to the Pope, qu'il se revoquast, ou qu'il le feroit ardre ( Bultpi hist. univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 238). The answer of the Pope, of Nov. 18, 1.333, shows plainly enough the relation in Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 96. 27 drooping courage of his opponents, but death saved him from the general council which the emperor had nearly arranged.^^ ^ 97. BENEDICT XII. (December 20, 1334 - April 25, 1342), clement vi. (May 7, 1342 - December 6, 1352). The desecrated chair of St. Peter was next ascended by the good Benendict XII., who, though well disposed to throw off the disgrace- ful yoke of French influence,' found it already too firmly fixed, whilst which he stood to the king (in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 46) : He understood that the king had caused it to be decided by certain Magistros in theologia, ut, quod animse sanctai ante suorum resumptionem corporuni videbant clare divinam essentiam, pra^dicarcnt, and it was even said, quod illos, qui hoc facere renuebant, capitula- veras satis dure. Ab aliis veio audivimus, quibus fidem prorsus adhibemus, quod prfficeptum tale seu inductio ab ore regio non processit ; sed ut princeps zelator vehtatis — aliquibus, qui forsan dicebant seu fingebant, se propter metum aliquem non audere talia praedicare, dixisti, quod metu cujusquam personas non sinerent veritatem — pra;dicare. Hoc profecto dicere decebat et decet regiam majestatem. Cum autem banc quaestionem b. Augustinus interdum in scriptis suis reputaverit valde dubiain, et circa earn variasse dicatur, et nedum ipse, sed et multi doctores alii circa istam materiam varient ; propter hoc, ut Veritas possit melius aperiri, nos interdum in nostris sermonibus mentionem habuimus, non proferendo verbum de nostro capite, sed dicta scriptura; sacr;E et sanctorum: — multique — coram nobis — pro et contra de ista materia sunt locuti. — Et quia, fill dilectissime, forsan tibi dicitur, quod nos non sumus in theologia magister, audi quid unus sapiens dicat : Non quis, inquit, sed quid dicat, intendit. He offers the king his collection of passages on this subject from the fathers and the S. S. Piofecto, amantissime fili, si, quse circa istam materiam aliqui scripserint et dixerint, sciret tua magnifi- centia, merito miraretur : It was said of the king, that he had declared for the opposite opinion, multisque comminati sunt religiosis et sa^cularibus sub umbra tui culminis, si partem illam, quod animas separata^ divinam essentiam non videant [defenderent], — quod illos capi facerent per inquisitores hsreticae pravitalis. But the Pope did not believe this : quia scimus, quod in his vel aliis ut elucidetur Veritas intendes, rogamus benevolentiam regiam, ut — magistris in theologia Parisiis legentibus facias nuntiari, quod — quilibet dicere et disputare et prsdicare valeat, quod sibi juxta doctrinam evangelicam — disputandum videbitur et etiam prasdi- candum, donee aliud ordinatum per sedem fuerit Apostolicam : — sic enim ad veri- tatem qua'Stionis praedicts poterit promptius perveniri. The obstinate old man resisted to the last : for his retractation, supposed to have been issued by him on the day before his death, .3 Dec. 1834, but which was first published by his suc- cessor, 17 March, 133-5 (Raynald. ann. 1334, no. 35 seq.), did not satisfy even his contemporaries. Cent. Chron. Guil. de A^ayigis, 1. c. Joannes Papa — errorem de beatitudine anima;, quam ipse diu tenuerat, — insufficienter tamen, ut aliqui dicunt, morions revocavit. Hence Benedict XII. 29 Jan. 1336, had to issue a full decision on the subject (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 3). — Comp, Bulaus hist. univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 235 seq. D'Argentrt collectio judiciorum de novis errori- bus, T. I. p. 314 seq, ^^ The indignation of the Italian cardinals at the complete subjection of the Pope to French influence disposed them to listen to overtures from the emperor and the Minorites, by whom he was surrounded ; and their leader, cardinal Neapoleo, had almost concluded a treaty with Lewis, when the Pope died, see Raynald. ann. 1334, no. 31. ' Alhertus Argent, (who was in Avignon in 1338, as ambassador of the bishop of Strasburg, cf. chron. p. 129) p. 125: Benedictus XII. — sic ut a Joanne Papa 28 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. all his councils were ruled by Philip through the preponderance of the French cardinals. In this way he found himself foiled in his purpose of returning to Italy,- as well as in his attempts to bring about a reconciliation with Lewis.-^ For, having commenced negoti- ations with the emperor, and Lewis showing himself ready to make concessions, Philip constantly found means to prevent any actual union."* At length Lewis resolved to meet this secret enemy in the discrepabat in statura (ille enim fiiit pallidus, statura et voce pusillus, iste in corpore maximus, facie sanguineus, et voce sonorus), ita et in nioribus discrepa- bant. Ille ad magniticanduin et ditandum consanguineos, ad regnanduni nobilibus, et exaudiendis eorum pelitionibus, ad vestiendum annuatim plus quam LXX comites et milites intendebat : iste de talibus non curavit. Dixit enim : absit, quod rex Franciffi, si per consanguineos super me ditaretur [dominaretur ?], me sicut prsdecessorem meuin ad sua quajvis vota coartaret. — Fuit — tbeologorum sum- mus, sed nullus in jure, quern inter oinnes a longissimis temporibus justissimum aestiniabant. — Huic Benedicto in pi-incipio creationis suas Philippus rex Franciae mittens legatos, a\idacter, quasi nihil sibi denegare auderet, petiit inaudita : inter alia scilicet, ut iilium suuin primogenitum — faceret regem ViennJe, quod se faceret vicariuni Italia;, quod sibi per totam Christianitateni daret decimani decima- rum per decennium, ut sibi daret totum ecclesiae thesaurum in subsidium terras sanctae. Not only did Benedict reject all these demands, but John XXII. having granted the king the tithes of his kingdom, for the prosecution of a crusade, (Prima vita Bened. XIl. in Baluz. I. p. 200) quia dictum passagium non habuit effectum, dictus Benedictus Papa concessionem decimarum hujusmodi revocavit. — Nam idem Philippus voluit plus intendere ad dictum guerram (against the king of England) prosequendam, quam ad dictum pa:>sagium faciendum. ^ Raynald. ann. 1335, n. 3 seq. ^ See Jac. v. Konigshoven, S. 129. * Alhertus Argent, p. 126. The first imperial embassy (April, 1335) inquired, qualiter et sub qua forma redire deberet, et sub quibus articulis absolutionem et gratiam petere, and returned from the emperor cum illis articulis et mandatis suflS- cientissimis. They were received by the Pope with the friendly assurance (2 Oct.), se et fratres suos de hoc, quod nobilis ramus ecclesiae, Aleniannia, qui se in persona domini Ludovici leedi per ecclesiam aestimans, jam ab arbore ecclesiae sepai-ari coeperat, eidcm ai-bori cum tam magno honore sedis redintegraretur, plu- rimum gratulari : multum commendans Alemanniam et dominum Ludovicum, quern nobiliorem mundi dicebat : conquerens regi Italiam per tyrannos, ac regnum Arraeniae capi a Paganis, — ac terram sanctam propter Imperatoris carentiam occu- pari : unde merito dixit absolutionem eidem impertiii se debere, qua; et dari cras- tino sperabatur. Verum pra^dictus rex Francia;, et rex Sicilis — omnes quasi Cardinales a proposito averterant prajconcepto. Venerant enim ad impediendum factum ad curiam duo archiepiscopi, duo episcopi et duo comites ex parte regis Francias, et totidem ex pai'te regis Roberti, pioponentes erroneum esse, tantum hcEresiarcham preeponere dominis eorum ecclesis fidelissiniis ; Papamque cavere debere, ne fautor ha;reticorum diceretur. (During the disturbances Philip had got possession of certain cities of the emperor's, which, in case of a reconciliation, he would have been obliged to restore. Raynald, ann. 1335, no. 7. Jo. Vitodura- nus, below, see iiote 14). Papa vero dicente : quid volunt do}ni7ii vestri, quod non sit Imperiuni ? illis vero proterve dicentibus : Pater, non impi7}gatis hoc dominis nostris vel nobis, quod non dicimus ; quia contra imperium non loqui- mur, sed contra persojiam Ludovici damnatum : cumque diccrent, Ludovicum multa contra ecclesiam fecisse. Papa dixit : immo nos fecimus contra eum : ipse enim cum baculo venisset ad pedes prmdecessoris nostri, si voluisset, sed ipse noluit eum recipere : et quicquid ille fecit, quasi provocatus fecit. Quantum- cumque autem Papa assereret, se meliora pacta ab ipso Ludovico ])ro prsedictis regibus, eorum regnis et posteris extracturum, quam si eum in turri tenerent, penitus nil profecit. Rex Francia etiam in terra sua undique bona et reditus Cardinalium interdixit et occupavit. Scripserant etiam illis diebus ad Curiam Joannes rex Bohemias et Heinricus dux Bavaria?, gener ejus, quod de auxilio Chap. I. Papacy till 1378: I. Poliiical History. §97. 29 field, and to this end entered into an alliance against Philip with Edward of England (July, 1337).^ By this step he at once enlisted in his favor the national feeling.'' The embassy sent to Avignon by the convention of bishops, assembled at Speyer by Lewis' faithful adherent, Henry of Virneburg, archbishop of Mentz," having only served to show more plainly the utter inability of the Pope to act for himself,*^' the Diet assembled at Frankfort, and declared the various Hungarias et Cracoviae regum et alioruni alium vellent constituere regem Roma- noruin potenter. Et sic Cardinales Papam pi-o tunc ab absolutione principis retrax- erunt, dicentes, cum sui in partibus suis vellent eum destituere, inconsultum esse Sedi, si piopter inipotentem et inopem tot Principes offensaret. Sic dato alio ter- mino deliberationis nuncii Principis infecto negotio sunt reversi. (See the letter which Benedict gave them to the emperor, in Raynald, ann. 1336, no. 29). — When he heard afterwards of Lewis' success, the good Benedict was rejoiced, gloriabatur — dicens ad Cardinales: isli dicunt eum esse destitutum, sed quis adhuc ingressus est locum suum ? He himself introduced new negotiations : misit autem Papa solenneni legatum ad Ludovicum, Episcopum Magalonensem, qui mores et motinu Principis erga ecclesiam indagaret. On this Lewis sent another embassy to Avignon in October, 1336, with the fullest commission to make all required confessions and promises which the court of Rome might demand (see Raynald, ann. 1336, no. 31 seq.) namely, ad deponendum — nomine nostro et pro nobis titulum imperialera Roms per nos receptum, — ad promitten- dum, — quod super onmibus pra^dictis excessibus — iaciemus confessionem plenam, propria in persona petemus humiliter veniam, ac oflferemus et suscipiemus emen- dam. Item ad supplicandum vice et nomine nostro — pro absolutione, et pro nostra assumptione et in integrum restitutione ad famam, honorem et statum, et interdie- torum in Alemannia; partibus remotione, et singularium personarum absolutione. Item ad proraittendum — vice et nomine nostro, — quod nomine satisfactionis, poenae et emenda; ac poenitentise per nos commissorum effectualiter assumemus passagium ultramarinum, prout vestras Sanctitati videbitur expedire, et quod ibi manebimus, quantum vestra Sanctitas duxerit ordinandum. Item ad promitten- dum, — nos ecclesias et monasteria sediticaturos, prout vestra Sanctitas ordinabit. Item quod suscipiemus et perticiemus poenitentias alias quascumque atque poenas, quas vestra Sanctitas pro dictis excessibus nobis duxerit injungendas. At the same time, to provide against hindrance from this quarter, Lewis concluded a treaty with Philip (see the documents in Leibnitii Cod. jur. gentium, p. 148 .«eq.). Nevertheless, however, ./?/&. Ar^tnt. p. 127 : Quantumcunque Benedictus Papa ad absolutionem Principis niteretur, in pradictis lamen Francias et Apuli® resibus, et quasi omnibus CardinaHbus, seductis per eos, assensum habere nequivit. Unde tandem legatis Principis sa?pe ad Curiam venientibus, quibus et legati regis Fran- ciae pUires in Curia verecundias (insults) inferebant, in tantum quod nullum pote- rant habere finem respondit, asserens sibi hoc non a homine sed a s. Spiritu inspi- ratum. ^ The documents in Rymer. * This was seen when, after a long dispute between Baldwin, archbishop of Tiers, and Henry of Virneburg, for the archbishopric of Mentz, the former, throu"-h the mediation of the emperor, A. D. 1337, had given up his chair (Albert. Aro-ent. p. 127) : capitulum vero, — adhasrentes Imperatori, prsdictum Henricum archie- piscopum, ligantem se primo Principi, retentis in manibus Capituli sex castris et abjuratis per eum ne variare posset, — concorditer receperunt, qui et postea fer- venter Ludovico adhassit. ' Their letter to the Pope of March 27, 1338, in Schaten Annall. Paderborn. p. 287, and inOlenschlager Urkundenbuch, S. 186. " The archbishop of Mentz being under sentence of excommunication, the ambassadors received only verbal answers from the Pope, which were afterwards comnuinicated to the archbishop of Cologne (Raynald, ann. 1338, no. 3), namely, that the absolution of Lewis was hindered only by the sudden departure of his ambassadors, impatientes adhibendse in tanto negotio debitas gravitatis, that the 30 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. decrees of the Pope against the emperor void and without effect.^ From hence the electors repaired to Rense (July 15, 1338), and there solemnly declared that the king of Rome received his power and dignity wholly from the choice of the electors, i^ which declara- tion was soon after made tlie law of the realm. ^^ The defenders of the imperial cause now ventured to resume their pens, especially William Occam and Leopold of Bebenburg.i- Public opinion was emperor must send a new embassy, but especially, quod ilia, per quse prfecipue reconciliatio sua poterat impediii, erat assuniptio f;uei'rE — contra Kegem FranciK, — quod nos — eundem Regem diniitfei-e non possemus, — cum Reges Franciae nunquam diniiserint ecclesiam. On the other hand, it is related by Albertus Argent, p. 127 : Cum Papa Benedictus nuncios recepisset benigne, in aurem nunciis quasi flens conquerebatur, quod ad Principem esset inclinatus, et quod rex FraneiK sibi scripserit certis litteiis, si Bavarum sine ejus voluntate absolveret, pejora sibi fierent, quam Papae Bonifacio a suis prx'decessoribus essent facta. ' Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 49 : Qui disculicntes causas et moliva singula tarn Papae quam Imperatoris, diligenterque exaininantes, et acumine intellectus luce clarius omnia speculantes et perscrutanies pei- se, principaliter vero per Imperatoris Legi- stas et Canonistas valentissimos, principalissime autem per fratrem Bonamgratiam, almarium seu scrinium totius juris, consequenterque per cunctos Pra;latos, caste- rumque Clerum ibidem congregatum, repererunt, Imperatorem cuncta, quas debuit, sufiicienter pei-egisse, et sibi aditum et accessum omnis gratis et justitis interclu- sum, et obstructum, et indiscrete temereque penilus denegatum. Sententia erga matura et unanimi Principes etiam jurejurando praestito determinaverunt, omnes processus, a Domino Papa contra Dominum Imperatorem latos, indebitos, et prorsus nullius fore roboris vel mouienti, sed eos irrifos et inanes, et ab a^quitatis lance penitus alienos. Adstruxeruntque eodem jurejurando sententia difiinitiva, per totam terram Imperii — divinum cultum, diu indebite — interdictum et suspensum, legitime liciteque omni scrupulo conscientice depo.si(o debere resumi. Decreve- runt nihilominus, totum Clerum ubilibet in regno seu imperio Imperatoris consti- tutum, qui adhuc non resumpsisset divina, compellendum ad resumendum cultum divinum diu intermissum, et si renueret, et contumaciter parere despiceret, tan- quam hostis Reipublica; esset acriter puniendus. ''^ The first Diet (see Gewold, p. 146. Olenschlagers Urkundenbuch, S. 188). The electors gave the Pope notice of their proceedings (see their letter in Herwart, p. 744. Olenschlager Urkundenbuch, S. 190), and at the same time that they had resolved in opposition to the sententias et processus, quos Joan- nes P. XXII. de facto contra Deum et justitiam et juris ordineni fulminavit : quod vacante Romano Imperio is, qui eligitur concorditer, vel a majori parte Piincipum Electorum, pro Rege Romanorum ab omnibus est habendus. Et quod nee nomi- natione, approbatione, confirmatione, consensu, vel auctoritale Sedis Apostolicaj super administratione bonorum et jurium Imperii indiget, sive titulo Regis assu- mendo, quodque jura et bona Imperii administrare et gubernare poterit, et de jure et consuetudiiie, nulla Sedis Apostolicaj super hoc licentia habita vel obtenta. For the history of this Diet, see especially Pfeffingeri Vitriarius illustratus, T. I. p. 667 seq. '' On the 8th of August, 1338, the emperor passed two laws. In the first Licet jura utriusqiie (in Leibnitii Cod. jur. gent. P. I. p. 148. Pfeffinger, 1. c. p. 668. Olenschlagers Urkundenbuch, S. 189), he confirms the declarations of the electors; in the second (in Freheri Scriptt. Rcr. Germ. T. I. p. 655. Olenschlager, S. 193), a long treatise from the pen of Bouagratia, he declares the papal senten- tias null and void, and forbids their observance. These imperial ordinances were confirmed at the Diet in Frankfort, in March, 1339 ( Goldast constitt. Imper. T. III. p. 411). *" Especially Guil. Occam compend. errorum Joannis P. XXII. (in Goldasti Monarchia, T. II. p. 957 seq.) and Lupoldi de Behenburg (afterwards bishop of Bamberg, 'f 1363) tract, de juribus Regni et Imperii ad Balduinum Archiep. Trevir. (in Schardii syntagma tractatuum de jurisdictione imperiali. Basil. 1566, and Argent. 1609. fob). Chap. I. Papacy till 137S. /. Political History. § 97. 31 now entirely in Lewis' favor, and those of the clergy who wished to observe the interdict were no longer able to retain their places.^^ But all these advantages were lost through the inconsistency of Lewis.i4 He first allowed himself to be seduced by the arts of the French king into desertion of his allies, and sued once more for the papal forgiveness (A. D. 1341 ).ij When he found himself again '3 Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 49: Exiit ergo edictum a Cffisare Augusto Ludovico, ut universa pars orbis sibi subjecta vel subjicienda sub obtentu gratia; sua divinum cultuin resunieret incunctanter ; quod sui officiales, presides, advocati sibi seriosius cominendatum ad terras suas in litteris Iniperatoris secum deportantes, fideli exe- cutioni luandarunt, prajcipientes singulis civitatibiis et aliis locis advocatia; sua; vel jurisdictioni subjectis per iiiinas et terrores, jussionein regis urgenlem per omnia observari. Quod cum clerus aliquarum civitatum una cum civibus effectui manci- pare aliquot dierum spatio niinime curasset vel sprevisset, tandem cives habito consilio super hoc, ad corredeimtes vel recognoscentes durum fore contra slimulum calcitrare, valenter jubebant per civitates proclamari : quicunque clericus tarn religiosus quam sa?cularis divinum cultum apertis januis, pulsatis campanis habere vel resumere contemneret, extra civilatem in perpetuum vel ad tempus fieret, vel si quis animo fugiendi divina civitatem exiret, usque post decennium se sciret irremediabiliter exterminatum ab ilhi civitate, oppido, villa, coenobio vel loco quo- cunque; relinqucntes tamen et indulgentes clericis octo dierum, vel citra manendi vel recedendi, deliberandi spatium. Mulli igifur diversorum ordinum clerici et panel sa;culares, aliis cantantibus, de locis suis discedebant, hinc inde vagantes, et in locis aliorum dominorum ad divina resumenda non coactis se recipiebant, et' ibi nomen psallentium in tantum maculaverunt, ut more stercoris vel luti foelidi abji- cerentur, et ipsorum comniunio, familiaritas, conversatio, missa, orafio, pra^dicatio absolutio et qusque clavium auctorilas execrabilis haberetur. E contrario rema- nentes, et Domino prajcinentes, tacentes et recedentes, tanquam vecordes, erro- neos, pertinaces, fatuos et rebelles occulte et manifeste persequebantur, et eos coram hominibus vitandos et detestandos tanquam perversores et dilaniatore's latere nihilominus tanquam venenatos et contagiosos, et adinstar canis rabidi fuo-iendos afiirmarunt. Utraque pars alteram dei-ipientem, vel una alteram scismaticam rumpentem et scindentem tunicam Christi integram et inconsutilem judicabant' Multi vero de numero exeuntium dacti post medium annum poenitentia locum suum_ ardenfi desiderio repetebant, sed indultum eis non erat, quia fere tota univer- sitas juramenta in eorum exitu in contrarium emiseriint, videlicet ut nullus eorum facultatem vel possibilitatem regrediendi haberet ante tinem termini eis super hoc pra-fixi : unde factum est, ut invifi cum amaritudine maxima mentis extra remane- rent, qui voluntarie ac improvide exicrunt. — Muta diu labia in vocem cantus et iKtitiK cultus divini sunt resoluta, et organa per multa annorum curricula suspensa relaxata sunt in melodiae ac psalmodix harmoniam. '* How little assistance he rendered the English, see in Olenschlao-er S 300 Jo. Vitoduranus ad ann. 1339 et 1340, p. 55 : si Impeiator promissun? suum ex- hibitum Regi Angha; servasset, — contra Regem Francis praliafurus procedendo et regnum ejus intrando, procul dubio, ut verisimile est, regnum Francia? cum Rege suo pemtus debellasset, et civitates imperiales imperio recuperasset et con sequenter Papam Benedictum XII. tunc Ecclesia; pr^sidentem benev'olum et propitium ad Perficiendum omne voluntatis sua; desiderium invenisset. Nam Rex Francis — Papam sibi subactum, quam diu in Avenione demoratur, cohibet et refrenat, ne Imperatori aliqualiter condescendat, ne bona Imperii surrepta et sibi usurpata (see note 4) eum amiltere contingat. Cum autem Ludwicus ut suora dixi, remissus et negligens, pavidusque existat ad prsliandum contra suum adver- sarium, — bonum taliter suum et imperii consequenter neglexit : maluit enim in Alemania sibi valde subdita confessor esse, quam in Francia, ut timuit martyr fieri. Fortunatus enim valde erat, et multa bona sine pralii certamine' adeotua erat, etc. *^ '* Alb. Argentin. p. 128: Post hcee misit Francus nuncium et literas Impera- trici, filiae sororis sue, quam dominam Alemannis scripsit, ut inter ipsum et Prin- 32 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. deceived, he seemed determined to cut off all hopes of reconciliation by an encroachment on the acknowledged rights of the Pope. In order to bring Tyrol into his own family, he dissolved the marriage of Margaret Manltasch by his own authority, i'^ and bestowed her on his son Lewis, Margrave of Brandenburg (February, 1342), giving him- self the necessary dispensation on account of their too near consan- guinity. '^ Notwithstanding all the learning ^^ with which this step was de- fended, such an interference in the rights of the church lost for Lewis the confidence of the people,'^ whilst it drew upon hitn the envy and jealousy of the princes by the increase of his family influence.-*' Thus new weapons were put into the hands of the ambitious Clement VI.,-1 an ancient enemy of Lewis,^^ who had now succeeded the cipeni concordiain, si posset, ordinaret, et sibi nuntium, de quo Princeps confideret, de Concordia atlentanda deslinaret. Et missis hinc inde pluries nunciis et litteiis inter Principem et Francuni, interposilis juranientis et confcctis litteris liga perpetua est firmata, in qua ipse Francus Principem cum sede apostolica reformare juravit. Et sic Princeps per Fi-ancum et in tota Francia post ha'c et Parisiis scriptus est et nominatus Imperator. — Missis swpius nunciis Imperatoris una cum iegatis et Uteris Franci ad Papam pro reformatione Pi-incipis, Papa Benedictus nunquam Ludovicum principem ad Arbitrium Franci nunc ha;reticum, nunc christianissi- mum haberi debere, respondit. Et protracto variis occasionibus negotio Francus, ut credebatur, quod noluisset, simulavit se velle ; Benedictus vero, quod voluisset, simulavit se nolle. '" See the document in Goldasti Monarchia, T. II. p. 1383. Freheri Scriptt. Rer. Germ. T. I. p. 620. " The document in Goldast. 1. c. p. 1385; in Freher, 1. c. p. 621. e. g. Papa Romanus super impediniento atfinitatis sanguinis per dispensationem tollendo — ad suam auctoritateni asserit pertinere : ac in falibus matrimoniis pluries dispensave- runt de facto prsteriti quidam Pontifices Romanorum. Quod si talis gradus affini- tatis sanguinis matrinionium legitimum impediret legis divinae seu Christianaj praecepto, non posset aliquis hominum, quinimo neque angelus de coelo, dictum impedinientum per dispensationem aliquo raodo amovere. — Ex quibus quidem manifeste apparet, ac fateri cogitur Romanus Episcopus, — quod si gradus affinitatis sanguinis, quamquam licitum matriinonium, impediat fieri, lioc tantum factum esse prsecepto sive statuto legis humanas, de cujus siquidem legis praceptis sive statutis dispensare solummodo pertinet ad auctoritatem Imperatoris seu Principis Roma- norum. "* Guil. Occam tract, de jurisdictione Imperatoris in causis matrimonialibus in Goldasti Monarchia, T. I. p. 21 ; and Marsilli Patavlni tract, de jurisdict. Imp. in causis matrimon. Ibid. T. II. p. 1383. "* Alb. Argent, p. 129 : Sicque Ludovicus princeps filium Joannis regis Bohe- mia uxore et dominio spoliavit, inconsuetum et horribile facinus uttentando. Filium namque ad hoc maleficii genus induxit invitum, quod videlicet uxoi-em sui consanguinei in tertio gradu, non separatam ab ullo judice ecclesiae, ipsamque suam consanguineam non uxorem, sed mcecham traduxit. — O idolorum servitus avaritia, qua? tantos principes confudisti, ex quibus iterum inter Bohemos et Principem et filios suos non immerito livor edax et odia suscitantur. Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 58 : tota terra illud matriinonium muUifariam multisque modis diris vocibus inculpavit. 20 Olenschlager, S. 318 ff. 2' Matteo ViUani III. c. 43 (Muratori Scriptt. Rer. Ital. T. XIV. p. 186): Cestui fu natio di Francia, e Arcivescovo di Ruem (Rouen), c grande amico e protettore del Re Filippo di Francia, e per lui, innanzi al Papato, e poi che fu Papa, assai cose fece. — Huomo in di convenevole scienzia, molto cavalleresco, poco religioso. Delle femmine, essendo Arcivescovo, non si guardo, ma trapasso il modo de' seculari giovani Baroni : e nel Papato non se ne seppe contenere, ne Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. I. Political Historrj. § 97. 33 good Benedict (May 7, 1342). The first attempt to renew negotia- tions with him ended in another bull of excommunication, April 12, 1343.-'^ The effect of this was so apparent in Germany, that Lewis resolved to comply with all the requisitions of the Pope ; but his offer to this effect was answered by new requisitions.-^ That these demands were inconsistent with the imperial rights was readily conceded,--^ but the willingness with which his subjects had once espoused the cause of their emperor had now given place to a general disaffection towards a prince whose personal character seemed to be the cause of all their occultare : ma alle sue camere andavano le grandi Dame, come i Prelati, e f'ra I'altre una Contessa di Torenna fu taiito in suo piacere, che per lei f'aceva i;i-an parte delle grazie sue. Albertus Argentin. p. 133 : Hie ab antecessoiis sui mori- bus multuin distans, mulicrum, honorum et potentia; cupidus — ipse Francus Franco ferventer adhaesit. ^^ Albert. Argent, p. 133 : Qui cum adhue esset Rotomagensis, Parisiis in prJEsentia Franci et Bohemi publicum sermonem faciens, ipsos contra Principem, quem nominavit Baurum, animavit, interpretans nomen baurus i. e. nesciens tergere barbam, quia tantam dixit esse feditatem oris sui, quod ipsam abjicere non valeret. Instead of Baurus should be read Bavarus which he derived from bava, French bave, slaver, as bavara is a bib. ^ Raynald. ann. 1343, no. 43 seq. ^ Albert. Argent, p. 133 : Missisque iterum per Principem Uteris et nunciis ad Curiam et ad Francum ad sciscitanduin causam impedimenti reformationi^, cum ipse paratus esset oiimia facere, qua; sibi injungercntur a Papa : datoque response per Francum, quod diceretur per Papauj, quod non peteret eo modo gratiam, quo deberet ; nunciisque (prout in mandatis habebant) dicentibus, quod daretur eis forma procuratorii Papa; placens, secundum quam, qualiscunque esset, se petituros dicebant : conceptum est procuratorium turpissimum et rigidissimum (the same is related by Gewold, p. 181. Olenschlagers Urkundenbuch, S. 226), quod non credebant Ludovicum sigillaturum, etiamsi captus fuisset. Dabatur enim in eo potestas Humberto Delphino, avunculo Principis, item Augustensis et Babenber- gensis ecclesiarum prspositis, item M. Ulrico cancellario suo, in solidum confitendi omnes errores et hsereses; item resignandi Imperium, nee resumendi, nisi hoc fieret de gratia Papae, et se ac filios suos, ac bona ac statum suum in manus et voluntatem Papse ponendi, et multa insolita faciendi. Verum Princeps mandatum hujusmodi non solum sigillavit (see the document of IS Sept. 1343, in Gewold, p. 173. Olenschlager, S. 234), sed etiam coram tabellione, misso per Papam, se servaturum nee revocaturum juravit. De quo Papa ipse et Collegium mirabantur, dicentes inti-a se : iste homo diffidentia est j)erplexus. Illisque quatuor procura- toribus juxta formam mandati jurantibus, ac pro articulis injunctionis et pcEnitcntise denuo instantibus, nee sine articulis abire volentibus, tandem Papa de consilio Collegii articulos, quos Piincipem facere voluit, qui non tangebant personam ejus, sed statum Imperii, assignavit. Amongst these articles (see Geivold, p. 19,5. Olenschlager, S. 241) we find: Concedit suis Procuratoribus potestatem pronun- ciandi, confitendi, nulla et falsa — omnia dicta et gesta sub Imperatorio aut Regio titulo ; — item ejusmodi facta et negotia omnia, et unumquodlibet horum, tanquam injnste facta et gesta, revocandi, annullandi, — item promittendi sua vice, et nomine ejus et pro se, quod nihil f\iciet, ordinabit, aut mandahit sub Imperatorio titulo aut Regali, aut quivis alius illius vice, absque speciali concessione Sedis Romanae ; — item promittendi sua vice, — quod non veniet, nee intrabit in terras Italias, nee quidquam in illis mandahit nee ordinabit — sine speciali concessione sedis Romanse ; — item dicendi ac promittendi, quod si in pra^scriptis articulis — aliquid esset dubium aut incertum, — quod tunc V. S. et successorum vestrorum jnterpretationem admittet, et sicut V. S. intellexeiit, et pronuntiabit quomodo intelligi debeat, huic inviolabiliter et cum effectu stabit. ^ Albert. Argent, p. 134 : illos articulos in perniciem et destructionem Imperii esse conceptos. VOL. III. 5 34 Third P triad. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. troubles.^G The Pope could tluis reckon, in a degree, on the support of Lewis' own subjects, and he soon tried the experiment. The emperor having proposed an expedition into Italy in conjunction with Lewis of Hungary, to assist that prince in revenging the death of his brother Andrew, king of Naples, who had been murdered by his queen, the Pope took the guilty Joanna under his protection, -''' and hurled the thunders of excommunication at tlie unfortunate emperor (April 13, 1346), calling on the electors for a new choice,-^ and *« Immediately after the Diet of Frankfort the electors assembled for further consultation at Rense (Albert. Argent. 1. c.) : where all voices were raised against Lewis. Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 75 : Alii famant, quod Piincipes magnain displicen- tiain propter nimiaiu sui (Ludovici) huiniliationem erga Papam conceperunt, quia culniini Kegalis luiperialist]i)e celsitudinis derogaret: et idco expresse sibi in facieni rostiterunt non a^wentiendo sed contradicendo aperte sua; excessiva; ac inde- bitffi erga Papam hunuliationi. Fertur quoque, quod iideiii Principes asgre ferentes, et amaro animo sustinentes remis.-ionem et negligentiam IiTiperatoris, tanquam causam destructionis Imperii, ab eo seriosc postulabaut, ut lilium Regis Boemiae [Caroluin Marchgravium Moraviffi] sibi subrogaret in Regem Alemania?. Quem i-ecusaus, iilium Alarchgravium Brandenburgensem pro Rege praisentavit : quem ipsi similiter abjicieutes ab eo indigiianter discesserunt. Regnuin tantum peiiit et debilitatum est sub te Bavaro, dixerunt ad invicem, quare summopere pra;caven- dum est, ne deinceps ad Bavaros transferatur. Tamen, antequain ab invicem divellerentur, quemadmodum fama communis me insti-uxit, decreverunt concorditer cum Imperalore, quod ultra a Papa gratiam qusrere non attemptaret, quam totiens irrationabiliter sibi senserat deuegatam. ^^ Joanna was generally considered guilty of the murder, or at least of having been accessary to it. Compare the contemporary Doniinicus de Gravina de rebus in Apulia gestis (in Muratorii Scriptt. Rer. It. T. XI I). Jo. Villani, Lib. XII. c. 50. Heinr. de Rebdorff ad arm. 1345. — Albert Argent, p. 130, says even : De quo crimine non solum uxor et princeps Taranti, sed et Papa et aliqui Cardina- lium teuebantur suspecli ; and .Martinus Minorita (in Eccard corpus hist, medii aevi, T. I. p. 1635) : Hoc ilagitium multi a;muli Papae et IV Cardinabilus suis impin- gunt; Papa vei-o in die sanctK CoenEe publice in Consistorio se de hoc crimine ex- purgavit, etc. This suspicion seems, however, to have grown out of the course pursued by the Po])e. In the investigation which he instituted, Joanna interfered vehemently in behalf of some of the accused, so that the Pope himself complains prajtermissum aliquorum sontium supplicium ( Raynald. ann. 1346, no. 51) : he had promised the king of Hungary to institute a strict inquiry into Joanna's con- duct ; but the legate who was sent for the pui])ose was sent back by her (no. 58) without any punishment following on the part of Clement. On the other hand, he threatened the king of Hungary with excommunication, if he should conmience hostilities against Naples (no. 56). ^ Act of excommunication of the loth of Apr. in Raynald ann. 1346, no. 3 seq. Sane considerantes altentius, quod pra;decessor noster in processibus suis Ludovi- cum declaravit schismaticum et ha-rcticum manifestum, — declarans eundem in omnes pcenas inflictas schismaticis et ha^reticis per sacros canones et catholicorum principum leges incidisse (§ 96, note 23) : — aliquas ex poenis ipsius tenore prae- sentium ad cautelam duximus expi'imendas. Siquidem secundum condcmnatio- nem — praedecessoiis ejusdem prajfatus Ludovicus infamis existit, nee ad publica officia, vel ad eligendos aliquos ad ea, aut ad testimonium perhibendum, vel ad ha;reditatem seu successionem alicujus est aduuttendus, ncc testament! habet libe- ram fuctionem ; nullusque i])si supei- quocuncpie negotio, sed ipse aliis est respon- dere cogendus: nullae causa; ad ipsius sunt audicntiam deferend:E : sententis quoque per eum latae nullaiii obiinent firmitatem : nuUus advocatus in causis ejus patrocinium pra'stai-e, nullusque notarius pro factis sive causis ipsius publica debet conhcere instrumenta. Onmis andicntia est ipsi in quocumque ncgolio deneganda, omnisque proclamationis et appellatiouis beneficium ei est specialiter interdictum : universa ejus bona sunt [)eipetuo confiscata, ejusque filii et nepotes ad nullum Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 137S. /. Political History. § 97. 35 recommending to them the son of the king of Bohemia, under the name of Charles IV."-^ In order to secure for him the majority of sunt unquam beneficium ecclesiasticiini, nullumque piiblicum officiuni adinittendi. Cunclis lidelibus cum dicto Ludovico, nisi pro ipsius conversione et animarum salute, est couimunio interdicta; ipseque moricns carere debet ecclesiastica sepul- tura. Omnes ssculares polestates ipsum Lndovicum de teriis eorum juiisdictioni subjectis pro viiibus exterminare jubentur. Tben follows tbe feailul curse : divinam suppliciter imploramus poteiitiaiii, ut Ludovici praefati confutet insaniam, depriinat et elidat superbiam, et eum dexterae suee virtute prosteniat, ipsumque in manibus ininiicorum suoiuin et eum persequentium concludat, et tradat corruen- tem ante ipsos. Veniat ei laqueus quein ignorat, et cadat in ipsum. Sit maledic- tus ingrediens, sit maledictus egredien's. Peicutiat eum Uominus amentia, et ca»citate, ac mentis furore. CkIuui super eum fulgura mittat. Omnipotentis Dei ira et beatorum Petri et Pauli, quorum ecclesiam prassumpsit et prffisuniit sno posse confundere, in hoc et futuro sa-culo exardescat in ipsum. Orbis terrarum pugnet contra eum : aperiatur terra, et ipsum absorbeat vivum. In generations una deleatur nomen ejus, et dispereat de terra memoria ejus. Cuncta elenienta sint ei conlraiia. Habitatio ejus fiat deserta, et omnia Sanctorum quiescentium merita ilium confundant, et in hac vita super eum apertam vindictam ostendant, filiique ipsius cjiciantur de habitationibus sui*, et videntibus ejusoculis in manibus hostium eos perdeniium concludantur. Porro quia Romanum Imperium — jam per longa tempora dignoscitur vacavisse ; — nos hoc ulterius tolerare nolentes, — omnes et singulos principes ecclesiasticos et sasculares, ad quos Regem in Impera- torem postmodum promovendum juspertinet eligendi, priesentium tenure apostolica auctoritate monemus, districtius injungenfes eisdein, quatenus sine morae dispendio pro electione Regis in Imperatorem postmodum pjomovendi de persona idonea facienda conveniant, et ad electionem ipsam piocedere non postponant. Alioquin sedes ipsa, a qua jus et potestas electionis pranlictce ad principes pervenit eos- dem, super hoc de opportuno remedio providebit. A particulai- call on the elec- tors dd. 28 Apr. 1346, ibid. no. 9 seq. In this de declares Lewis, Margi'ave of Brandenburg, incapable of taking part in the election : but to the other electors he says : illi ex vobis, qui propter favorem — Ludovici essent forsitan praedictis excommunicationum sententiis innodali, dummodo ab illis desistant, — ne dictum negotium (electionis) impediri valeat propter hoc, absolventur juxta formam Ec- clesise consuetam. 23 During a residence of two years in Paris Charles had been in habits of intimacy with Clement, at that time Abbas Fiscanensis and counsellor of the king: he relates himself in the Commentarius de vita sua in Freheri Rerum Boh. Scriptt. Hanov. 1602. fol. p. 89 : me multum caritative ac paterne confovebat de sacra scriptura me sa?pius informando. Afterwards on a visit to Avignon he resided with Clement, who, in the mean time Imd become cardinal and arch- bishop of Rouen (Ibid. p. 103) : dixitque una hora mecum existens in domo sua : tu eris adhuc rex Romanorum. Cui respondi : tu eris ante Papa. Quod utrumque secutum est, prout infra describetur. See the conditions to which Charles had to agree in Avignon on the 22d of April, in Raynald. ann. 1346, no. 19 seq. e. g. promitto et juro, quod omnes processus factos, — et quscunque alia — gesta per Ludovicura de Bavaria, per Ecclesiam de ha;resi et schismate justo judicio condemnatum — nulla esse ac cassa et irrita pronuntiabo et declarabo, ilia etiam, quatenus processerunt de facto, annullando et penitus revocando. He then secures to the church all its possessions, also regna Sicilis, Sardinia; et Corsica;, quae de directo dominio, jure et feudo ejusdem Romanae Ecclesias esse noscuntur : — nee aliquod dominium, jurisdictionem, superioritatem, servitutem, potestariam, capitaneatum, vel aliud officium, quocunque nomine censeatur, accipiam vel ven- dicabo — in praedicds Roma, regnis, provinciis, ducatibus, comitatibus — ct terri- toriis supradiclis. — Promitto ul supra, quod ante diem, mihi pro coronatione imperiali praefigendam, non ingrediar uibem Romanam, quodque — ipsa die, qua coronam hujusmodi recepero — dictam urbem — exibo cum tota — gente mca, et — extra totam terram Romana; Ecclesias me recto gressu transferam versus teiras imperio subjectas, nunquam postmodum ad urbem, regna prffidicta SiciliiE, Sar- diniae, Corsica;, — vel alias terras Roman* Ecclesia>, nisi de speciali licentia Sedis 36 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. the electors, he removed Henry of Virneburg from the archbish- opric of Mentz (April 7), and bestowed it on Gerlach, count of Nassau.30 With the other electors every art was put in requisition to secure them.^i and so successfully that Charles was really chosen, having received five electoral votes at Reuse, on the 11th of July.^=^ This disgraceful proceeding only confirmed the rest of the electors in their adherence to Lewis,-'^ who had so decidedly the advantage that the priest's emperor ^^ had to take refuge in France.^^ And even after the death of this noble emperor (October 11, 1347),^'^ Charles was by no means at once successful. The papal absolution which he brought with him for the German nation to Apostolicfe accessurus. — Item si per Henricum Imp. avum meum, vel per jam dictum Ludovicum, seu per quemcunqiie aliuin — fueiint aliqua ad jurisdictionem pertiiientia attentata in Roma, rcgnis, etc. pioinitto et jiiio, quod ilia omnia decer- nam et pronuntiabo nulla : quodque si aliqua? fidelitates, homagia — donationes — seu concessiones qualescunque a praedictis domino Henrico et Ludovico — factae fueiint vel recepta; pro Roii'ia, regnis, etc. ilia omnia nulla fore pronuntiabo, et quatenus processei-unt de facto, totaliter revocabo. — Pionutto etiam bona tide, quod intrusos in ecclesiis infia — imperium consistentibus, ?i — super hoc per vos doininum nostrum Papam — fuei-o requisitus, expellam ac pro posse faciam expelli de illis: et provisos per sedem Apostolicam juvabo et faciam juvari, ut ad eccle- sias, quibus de eis per sedem Apostolicam provisum est vel fuit, in futurum realiter admiltantur. ^° Documents in Raynald. ann. 1346, no. 12 seq. ^' Jllh. Argent, p. 135: pro quo facto prasdicti Coloniensis et dux Saxoniae magna pccunia sunt coi'rupti. cf. Schaten Ann. Paderborn. p. 310. That this is not a calumny, as is maintained by Raynald. ann. 1346, no. 31, is now clear irom two documents of John of Bohemia, in Jun. 1346. In one he promises the elec- tor of Cologne tor his vote various grants from the emperor, namely, 100,000 marks of silver, and as a pledge therefor the city and free county of Dortniund, and the bailiwick of Essen, see Bodmann codex epist. Rodolti I. Lips. 1806. 8. p. 339: in the second he promises to pay 40,000 reals (Ibid. p. 383). — The electors received also absolution from the Pope. Baynald. ann. 1346, no. 31. As to that, liovvever, Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 78, relates as early as A. D. 1345: Tunc temporis religiosi et saeculares Clerici, qui divinum cultum in locis Imperia- libus vel aliis intei-dicto suppositis resumpserant, absolutionem ab hoc a Romana Curia impetrarunt, aliis Clcricis in eisdem locis libere et absque pavore in celebra- tione persistentibus. Hujusmodi autem absolutio pro uno tloreno facillime obtine- batur. O quam lamentabilis et execrabilis scissura et difibrmitas Ecclesiae illis in temporibus facta est ! Hoc verbum Evangelii : gratis accepistis, gratis date, iriitum visum est. ■*^ The summons to the Diet was issued by the new Elector from Mentz on the 20th of May, see the document in Bodmann, p. 382. Concerning the election itself, see Alb. Argent, p. 135. 33 Alb. Argent, p. 139. —Jac. v. Konigshoven, S. 180. ■''■' Jo. Villani XII. c. 59 : per dispetto della detta elezione per li piu si chiama lo'mperadore de' preti. 3= Jo. Vitoditraniis, p. 80 : pcrtcrritiis a ccepto itinere et opere resiliens, ad Regem Franciae protinus refugiebat. 38 It is remarkable that several of the later Popes, e. g. Eugenius IV., Inno- cent VIII., Alexander VI., also the council of Basle, speaks of him as Divas memorias Ludov. Rom. Imperatorem, see Heru-art praef p. VIII. He is most abused by Bzuvivs Ann. Eccl. T. I. P. I. p. 412 seq., who was answered by Herwart and Gewold, and compelled by Duke Maximilian of Bavaria to retract (see Bayle Diet. art. Bzovius). But Baynald, and even Muratori Annali d'ltalie, T. Vin. mark the years 1314-1346 as vacante Imperio. Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. /. Political History. § 97. 37 secure their favor, only awakened their contempt.^" They wanted no emperor who was to be the minion of the popes, but one who would teach them to keep within their proper limits.-*^ The Bavarian •'^ Albert. Argent, p. 142 : Venit autem Rex Basileam in vigilia Thomae, anno Doin. 1348, ubi interdictum Papale diu servatiim fuit, nee Basilienses eum recipere intenderant, nisi divina rehaberent. Et ecce in sero venit Marquardus de Ran- decke praepositus Babenbergensis de Curia Avinionensi, ferens commissionem factam Babenbergensi Episcopo, et absolutionibiis et relaxationibus impendendis. — Suinma autein commissionis Babenbergensi Episcopo factaj talis erat : Cum multi, qui senfentias, processus et i)anas Joannis Papce, inflictas adharentibus quon- dam Ludovico de Bavaria Jiceretico et de hceresi damnato, [inc'ur7-eru7it], redire cupiant ad ecclesicB unitatem: commiltimus tibi, ut, qui confessi fuerint errores suos confessatos et non confessatos, et pcenas, quas inciderunt explicite vel im- plicite, et juraverint, deinceps fidem catholicam habere, et fideles fore sedi ApostoliccB, et nuUi deinceps hceretico vel schismatico favere, et credere, quod non spectat ad Imperatorem, Papani deponere, et alium creare, sed hoc hceresim esse damnatam : et quod nullum pro Imperatore habebunt, nisi per sedem Apostoli- cam probatum, nee relictte (widow) et liberis ipsius Ludovici favebunt , nisi cum ecclesia reformentur, et Carolo Romanorum regi per sedem approbato parebunt ; ab hujusmodi sententiis et panis absolvas, ect. (cf. Raynald. ann. 1349, no. 15). Visa autera foi'nia hujusmodi dura omnibus displicente, aliqui consuluerunt, eam non acceptandam esse per Regem, sed occultandam, et pro alia forma Papce scri- bendum. Sed quia timer erat, Basilienses non juraturos Regi, nisi reformarentur divina, rescriptum oportuit exhiberi. Cum autem cives nee errores vellent I'ateri, nee secundum Ibrmam jurare ; clerus autem quasi poenitens quod cessavit, etsi non tam occasionem quajreret celebrandi, animo nunquam mandata similia receptandi : ecce comparuei-unt Magisti'i et Consules Basilienses coram Rege, et prtedictis Episcopis; — coram quibus Chunradus de Berenvels magister civitatis, nomine universitatis vulgariter coram tabellione proposuit in ha;c vei-ba : Doraine Bamber- gensis, sciatis, quod nee fateri nee credere volumus, quod quondam dominus noster Ludovicus Rom. Imp. unquam fuerit hajreticus. Quemcunque etiam nobis dede- rint Principes Electores, vel major pars ex eis, pro Romanorum rege vel Impera- tore, ilium pro tali habebimus, etiamsi nunquam Papam requireret ; nee quicquam aliud faciemus, quod sit contra jura Imperii quovis modo. Sed si habetis potestatem a domino Papa, quod vultis nobis remittere omnia peccata nostra, placet. Et con- vertens se ad populum, dixit: Datis mihi et Chunrado Monacho potestatem petendi, ut absolvamini a peccatis vestris ? Qui dicebant : placet nobis. Nee aliud pro- curatorium habuerunt. Qui duo milites seorsum coram Secretario Papse, Joanne de Pistorio prasente, juraverunt secundum mandati fbrmam, sicque relaxatis pro- cessibus divina publice sunt reassumpta, civesque regi solitum prsestiterunt jura- mentum. — Civitates autem, prjesertim Argentina, exaspei-atse fuerunt propter formam hujusmodi. — AVhen Charles came to Worms, where the Interdict had not been observed, the clergy accepted the offered absolution, and then wanted to refuse to conduct public worship : however, factus est tumultus, clausisque portis omnibus populus ad hospitium Regis, ad quod Bambergensis confugerat, armatus accessit, ipseque Bambergensis mandante Rege territo omnem clerum et populum Wormatiensem sine omni conditione et juramento absolvit. — Post hsec Rex ivit Moguntiam, ubi sub pacto ne introduccret Gerlacum provisum Papae, vel aliquas legi literas permitteret, honorifice est receptus. ^® This is seen in the expectation, now more lively than ever, of the return of Frederick II. to life (see § 87, note 26), as described by Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 85, ad ann. 1348, with which he closes, therefore from personal observation : In his temporibus apud homines diversi generis, immo cuncti generis multos valde asser- tissime vulgabatur, Imperatorem Fridericum secundum hujus nominis ad refor- mandum statum omnino depravatum Ecclesis venturum in robore maximo poten- tatus. Adjiciunt quoque homines pradicta senfientes, quod necesse sit eum venire, si in mille partes secatus esset, immo si in pulverem per combustionem redactus foret, eo quod divinitus sit decretum ita debere fieri, quod immutari impossibile est. Secundum igitur istam assertionem cum resuscitatus ad Imperii sui culmen reversus fuerit, puellae vel foeminae pauperi in matrimonio junget virum divitem, et 38 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. party set up a rival candidate, Guntlier of Schwarzburg,^^ Charles was forced to make every kind of concession for the sake of peace,'"' and submitted even to be chosen and crowiied anew (July, 1349).''i In the mean time Joanna of Naples sold the county of Avignon to Clement (A. D. 1345), in order to get money for the war against the king of Hungary. "^^ Both parties at length consented to submit to the decision of the Pope. He decided in favor of Joanna, and she once more ascended the blood-stained throne (A. D. 1351 ).'^-^ e conver?o ; moniales et sorores in sseculo degentes maritabit, monachos uxorabit ; pupillis, orphanis, viduis omnibus et singulis spoliatis res ablatas restituet, cunc- tisque faciet justiliai complemcntum. Clericos persequetur adeo atiociter, quod coronas et fonsuras suas stercore bovino, si aliud teguiiientum non habuerint, obducent, ne appareant tonsorati : religiosos, qui denunciando processus Papales contra euni, pra'cipue fratres minores, ipsum de Iniperio repulciant, de terra fugabit. Post resuniptuni Impei-ium justius et gloriosius gubernatum quam ante, cum exercitu copioso transfi-etabit, et in nionte Oliveti, vel apud arborem aridam (Matth. xxi. 19) Imperium resignabit. '9 Alb. Argent, p. 145-152. '"' Amongst others (Jo. Vitodur. p. 48) relaxatio interdict!, dispensaliones, absolutiones ab excommunicationihus, suspensionibus, irregulaiitatibus contractis et ab aliis censuris ecclesiaslicis. Hfec beneficia adniinistrabant hominibus Pralati plures in diversis partibus terras Teutoniae, quibus Papa ea commisit. Has autem gratias tantum impertiebantur hominibus Regi jurafis a Prfelatis. Even the Mar- grave Lewis of Brandenburg was gained at last, Heinr. de Mebdorff sni ann. 1349 : comitatum Tirolis et oninem terram quam tenuit in Alpibus concessit, et apud dominum Papam obtinere promi^it dispensafionem super matrimonio cum tilia Ducis Carinthiae — per ipsuin deCacto contracto ; — ac multos alios casus apud sedem Apostolicam et alios terminare promisit. This last promise, however, was not so easily performed : it was not till 1359 that Lewis received absolution, and then only on confession (Rnynald. ad h. a. no. 7 seq.). ■i' Olenschlagers Staatsgeschichte, S. 411. ••2 The licentious Joanna, without waiting for the papal dispensation, had married her near relative, Lewis of Tarentum, on the 20th of Aug. 1347 (see Jo. Villani XII. c. 98, in Muratori XIII. p. 976. Matth. Palmerius de vita Nicol. Accia- joli. Ibid. p. 1207), and having been driven from Naples by the king of Hungary, came nosv to Avignon to ask for aid. She still resisted every attempt to investigate the murder of hei- husband (Raijnald. ann. 1348, no. 11); but the sale above- . mentioned was thought sufficient to justify the Pope in bestowing the dispensation for her marriage: Tertia vita Clementis VI ( Baluz. Vita?, PP. Aven. T. I. p. 292) : Regina autem cum filio Principis 'I'arentini matrimonium propria auctoritate contraxit, qui se secundo gradu consanguinitatis attingebant. Tandem ad Koma- nam curiam venientes pro dispensatione obtinenda, obtinuerunt. Ipso vero multum gravati super expensis, non inveniebant consilium de quo possent ad locum pro- prium [redire]. Quod dictus Pontifex circumspcctus et providus velut Argus advertens, tanquam ille quem zelus domus Domini comedebat, opportunis exquisi- tis tractatibus et cautis interniediis viis, civitatem Avenionensem — omni mode juris meliori quo potuit emit a Regina pradicta pro pretio invicem concordato. Et sic Regina et ejus socius per venditionem hujusmodi pecunia redundantes simul in regnum redierunt. Matth. Palmerius, p. 1208 : jura Doiiiinatus, qus Regina in civitatem populumque Avenionensem habebat, Romano Pontifici vendidit, et ab eodem tunc primum Pontifice Ludovicus tilulos Regies accepit. The price was 80,000 gold guilders, the document, dated 9th Jun. 1348, in JBzovii Ann. Eccl. ad h. a. no. 10. Leibnitii Cod. jur. gent. P. I. p. 200. « Matth. Villani II. c. 24, 41, 65. Raynald. ann. 1350. no. 27; 1351, no. 32; 1352, no. 1. Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 98. 39 ^ 98. INNOCENT VI. (December 18, 1352 - September 12, 1362), urban v. (October 28, 1362 - December ID, 1370), Gregory xi. (December 30, 1370 - March 27, 1378). Though the long-continued contest between the popes and Lewis of Bavaria had spread abroad much sound knowledge concernino- the church and its concerns, ^ there was still a great want of concert, and, for the most part, of firmness amongst its opponents ; whilst, as yet, there was no common centre of union, nor any feeling of security and strength. Hence we find that even during the contest the better convictions of the understanding were not unfrequently sacrificed to political considerations, and its issue, apparently so entirely favorable to the popes, seemed to warn the princes anew that the time for the final struggle had not yet arrived. On the other hand, the popes began to feel that the chief prop of their power, public opinion, was undermined. And we see the influence of this feeling on their con- duct. They no longer treated royal sinners, as, for example, Peter the Cruel, king of Castile,^ with the same implacability they had * Especially in France. It was there the universal opinion, since the time of Philip the Fair, that the church had no power over the prince, which was shown in full 1370, by Raoul de PrcBlles, Conseiller et Mai.stre de Requestes at the com- mand of Charles V., in the Tract, de potestate pontiticali et imperiali seu re2;ia (in Goldasti Monarchia, T. I. p. 39). Still more to the purpose is the Somnium Vii-idarii de jurisdictione regia et sacerdotali, dedicated to Charles V. by a contem- porary, (a Latin translation in Goldasti Monarchia I. p. 58 ; the French original in the Tiaitez des Droits et libertez de Teglise Gallicane, T. II. p. 1), in which the usurpations of the Pope and the clergy are attacked by a soldier, and defended by a priest. The views of the former, who even goes so far as to maintain the original equality of all bishops, and the gradual growth of the papal power, ac- cording to Marsilius Patavinus (see above, § 96, note 13), are plainly those of the author, and are supported by altogether the strongest arguments. It is true that at the end, the Souuiians leave all to the judgment of the Roman church: illud credo, teneo et firmiter profiteer, quod ipsa sacrosancta eccl. Romana credit, tenet atque profitetur : necnon et illud teneo et credo verum, quod ipsa duxit statuendum in Extravagant! quas incipit Unam sanctam : but the mention of the bull Unam sanctam to a king of France, seems almost like irony. ^ Who, it is true, offended against the laws of God more even than the interest of the Pope. This monster, whose whole reign was a series of crimes, set aside his wife Blanca very shortly after their union, tor the sake of a mistress.' Maria de Padilla (13.53), but soon after was divorced from this last also, by two of his bishops, and married again (Raynald. 1354, no. 21). This brought upon him an act of excommunication (Ibid. 1355, no 29) : and this being followed by serious troubles amongst his subjects, Peter again took Blanca to his bed, but only to put her away again immediately (Ibid. no. 31). The tyrant now heaped murder upon murder. — The Pope contented himself with remonstrances as far as concerned Blanca (Raynald. 1356, no. 38), but grew more in earnest when Peter proceeded to confiscate the estates of some of his cardinals (Ibid. 1356, no. 40). He directed his efforts chietiy, however, to delivering his vassal, Peter of Arragon, from the CastiUan yoke. A truce was effected by the interference of a legate! This having been broken by Peter, he came under the ban (Ibid- 1357) : but the Pope nevertheless continued his efforts to induce him to make peace with Arragon by means of a new legate (Ibid. 1359). Peter listened to his propositions 40 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. shown towards Lewis, but were ready to be satisfied with the mere appearance of expiation. In Italy, where the religious respect for the popes had long been declin- ing, they seemed now to have none but a political consideration. Most of the cities of the papal territory having renounced their allegiance, the warlike Cardinal Giles Alborno was sent thither (A. D. 1353) to reduce them.-^ Charles IV., who was at that time on his expedi- tion to Rome, might easily have embraced such an opportunity of reviving the imperial rights in Italy ; but, true to his promise, he was content with the empty splendor of two crowns, without attempting to assume the power which those crowns should have given him."* The warlike prelate could, therefore, prosecute his undertaking unhinder- ed. But in the attempt to complete his undertaking by regaining Bologna from the powerful Bernabo Visconti, the tyrant of Milan (A. D. 1360), 5 he roused an adversary who was unrestrained by fear of church or pope.*' Urban V. did indeed hurl against him the thunders of excommunication, accompanied by the darkest accusations, and preached against him a crusade (A. D. 1363),^ but he soon after only to gain time to make head against the Moors. The Pope's request that he would receive again his tiist wife, he answered by causing her to be poisoned (Ibid. 1361, no. 6). The peace with Arragon he soon broke, and massacred the inhabitants of Calatajuba for refusing to surrender to hiin immediately. The excommunication which ensued was soon forgotten (Ibid. 1362, no. 18) ; and Ur- ban IV. loaded him with praises for otTering his assistance against the robber-bands by which Avignon was threatened (Ibid. 1365, no. 7) ; although all the attempts of the popes to bring about a peace between him and Arragon {Ibid. 1364, no. 18) still continued unavailing. 3 Concerning which, see especially Matteo Villani, from lib. III. c. 84. * The disappointment of the Italians seen in Petrarchm Epistt. 3-5 (in Goldast Monarchia II. p. 1350 seq,). Ep. III. : Ergo tu Ctesar, quod avus tuus innu- merique alii tanto sanguine qua-sierunt tantisque laboribns, sine labore adeptus complanatam apertamque Italiam, patens limen urbis Roma;, sceptrum facile imperturbatum ac paciticum Imperium, incruenta diademata, — hasc linquis, et — ad barbarica rursum regna revolveris .' Non audeo clare tibi dicere, quod mens resque exigunt, ne te verbo contristem, qui me ct mundum facto contristas tuo. — O si in ipsis Alpium jugis avus tibi nunc paterque tiant obvii, quid dicturos putas .'' — Profecisti eximie, ingens Caesar, hoc tuo per tot annos dilato in Italiam adventu, et festinato abitu refers demum istud ferreum, illud aureum diadema, simul ac sterile nomen Imperii. Ep. IV. : vereor, ne — jam Pontifex Romanus Principem Romas esse vetuerit, quod et fama loquitur, et fuga Caesaris indicio est, qui non cupidius Italiam petit, quam reliquit. ^ In A. D. 1352 Clement VI. had been forced to give up Bologna to John Vis- conti, archbishop of Milan, and his family for twelve years (Raynald, ann. 1352, no. 7 seq.). The legate got it again from Bernabo before the expiration of this term by craft (Matteo Villani IX. 74 seq. Raynald, ann. 1360, no. 6 seq.). ^ See Jacob v. Konigshoven, S. 203. '' See the Bull of November 30, 1362, in which Bernabo is summoned befoi-e the Pope, filled with the bitterest accusations (Raynald, ad h. a. no. 12), e. g. Robertum Archiepiscopum Mediolanensem, pro eo quod quendam monachum — noluerat — ad ordinem promovere, ad suam prajsentiam accedere compulerat, omnique revcrentia Dei ct officii pontificalis, abjecta eidem Archiepiscopo sernio- nibus contumeliosis, multis ibidem pi-a;sentibus, dixerat : Gennflecte ribalde ; et cum sic genutlexus existeret, adjecerat : jyesci.s, jruUrone, quod ego sum Papa et Imperator ac dominus in omnibus terris meis, et quod nee Imperator, immo nee Deus posset in terris meis facere, nisi quod vellem ? — ipsumque Archiepv- Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 98. 41 found it expedient to make peace with the reckless Italian on equal terms (A. D. 1364)^3 At length Urban conceived the hope of bnng- ing the affairs of Italy into order by his presence in Rome and repaired thither AD. 1367. But the French cardinals, for the most part remained at Avignon,9 whither Urban himself ver} soon saw fit Ittrckfo th ''''V\ ■'■''' '^^T''^^^ ^^-^b^ V-«"^' to new attacks on the papal dominions. Gregory XI. put to the ban both legato de ahqu.bus - rcspondere, aut dare consilium, auxilium vel favo,;™ auod Apos ohcas et legatorum Apostolics sedis ac inquisitorum hire cT prav taiil Christifidelibus evitandum. cf. AMTeoViLnixTc 4? %1 Tu^'^r °"'"'''"' sade appeared in July (RaynaldX c no % '' ^"" ^"' " '='■"- sessions in Bologna, Modena, and Romandida • buMht P ,! /'^^ "P ^'' P"'*' 500,000 guilders as compensation ' ^ ^°P^ ^""^ to promise him ^ Only five cardinals accompanied him rSecnnHa Vif, tt„k i- • ^ , R»..,'L». ,,,.1 c.e4o:;^rrSe:pT:^« -ezrre=;:s '" As he himself tells the Romans riJounaW nrn no ^Q^ solum utilibus pro universali Ecclesi V sp/^h; ^*^'*^' '?°- ^^)' ^^ certis causis non «i^, 1. c.) states distinctlv that ?hl ' T "'"S'^^fibus ; but Petrarch ^iJayn- ^ ; distinctly that the cause was the urgency of the French cardinals 42 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. him and his brother Galeazzo (A. D. 1372), ^^ but, unfortunately, his long contest with the house of Arragon in Sicily, ending just at this time in his acknowledging Frederick III. as king of Trinacria,^^ gave his opponents fresh proof that the terrors of the church were not irresistible even in Italy. The discontented and oppressed cities of the papal territory soon renewed their declaration of independence, and formed an alliance with the Florentines and Visconti.^-^ Whilst Charles IV. was humbly acknowledging the newly-usurped rights of the popes over the imperial power,!'' Gregory was shut out from his undisputed rights in Italy, ip spite of all the terrors of excommunica- tion ^^ and his own personal return to Rome (A. D. 1377). ^^ At '* Raynald, ann. 1372, no. 1 seq. 1* Boniface VIII. had bestowed the island on Frederick II. only for his life-time (see § 59, note 30) ; but P'rederick had nevertheless caused his son Peter to be crowned as his successor (Raynald, ann. 1321, no. 40). Frederick II. was put under ban and interdict on account of his connexion with Lewis of Bavaria (1. c. 1329, no. 88) ; and this continued under Peter II. (1337-42), Lewis (to 1355), and Frederick III., on account of their having no right to the crown; though without producing the desired etfect. Joanna of Naples now made peace with Frederick (Raynald, ann. 1372, no. 5), and the Pope, with some conditions, con- firmed it (ibid. no. 7 seq.).. Frederick was to hold the island with the title of king of Trinacria, from Joanna as a fief, and from the Pope as the superior et directus dominus, and take the oath of allegiance to both. '^ Prima vita Gregor. XI. in Baluz. I. p. 434 : Lodem tempore communitas Florentina contra dictum Gregorium Papam et Romanam Ecclesiam insurrexit, doloseque et malitiose operata est, quod fere omnes civitates et loca alia, quae ad dictam Ecclesiam in Italia pertinebant, ei se confoederaverunt et colligaverunt, in unumque convenerunt, ut amodo excusso a se quocunque alio superiori vel domino, in sua liberiate viverent et permanerent ; factoque vexillo, in quo solum magnis litteris crat descripta Lihertas, ordinaverunt magnam gentem armigeram, quae cum vexillo hujusniodi dictse ligse adha;rere volentes confoveret, resistentes vero vi et potentia ad eam sectandam comprimeret et arctaret. '* He begged permission from the Pope, on the 6th of March, 1376, to have his son Wenzel chosen king of Rome, cum ad hujusmodi electionis celebrationem nobis viventibus procedi non valeat sine vestris beneplacito, assensu et gratia ac favore ; and Gregory answered on the 3d of May : ut electio pra°dicta modo prne- misso hac vice dumtaxat valeat celebi'ari, nostrum beneplacitum asscnsum ac favorem et gratiam auctoritate apostolica tenorc praisentium impertimur. See Raynnhl, 1376, no. 13. Leibnitii Cod. jur. gent. Mantlsscs, P. II. p. 260 seq. ** The Bull against the Florentines of March 31 (in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 1 seq.) gives fresh example of what liberties the Italians allowed themselves to take with church and Pope. e. g. Inquisitorum haeretica; pravitatis othcium in ipsius libera executione impedientes, statuerunt, quod non possit in eorum civitate — et districtu contra hareticos nisi eerto modo procedi ; nee dicti inquisitoris familiares, nisi ad certum numerum et habita licentia eorundem officialium temporalium arma deferre valeant ordinarunt ; quodque priores artium et vexillifer dictce civitatis in principio eorum officii de observandis iniquis eorum legibus contra dictum inquisito- rem el ejusofficium editis, teneantur prasstare corporale juramentum. Ipsius quoque inquisitoris carcerem, in quo ha'retici ponebantur, concitato tumultu populi totali- ter destruxerunt, et inquisitorem qui tunc erat expulerunt : et quamplurima alia statuta et oidinationes in pra-jmlicium inquisilionis hujusmodi haretica; pravitatis et hareticorum favorem, ac in ecclesia; libertatis pra-judicium ediderunt, et ea de facto servare non vei-entur ; ac etiam ordinarunt, quod auctoiitate literarum Apo- stolicK scdis possessionem alicujus beneficii occlesiastici — nullus recipcre audeat, nisi prius litera; ips:e prioribus et vexillifero dicta? civitatis praesontentur, et licen- tiam obtineant al) eisdom ; et quod quando clericus accusatur coiam judice tempo- rah, vel ab eo aliquid civiliter pelitur, et ailegat, privilegium clericale, quod ex Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 98. 43 length he was forced, in spite of his boasted plenitude of power, to enter into negotiations witii his opponentSj^" by which, though inter- rupted by his death, peace was soon after restored. hoc sit extra custodiam dictae civitatis, ita quod quilioet possit eum impune ofFen- dere et occidere ; oninesque allegantes hujusniodi privilegium clericale in quodam libro seu chartulario describuntur, ut pateat omnibus libera licentia ofTendendi eos et etiam Decidendi. Et insuper duduni pi-ioies et vexillifer dicta? civitatis Floren- tinas, qui tunc erant, ac populus et coinniune supradicti, spiritu furoris accensi, quendam Nicolaum monachum in sacerdotio constitutum quibusdam sceleratis viris, cum nullus officialis justitis partitum earundem de hoc se intromittere vellet, torquendum dederunt, qui monaclium ipsum, in suas religionis et ordinis clericalis vituperium, ad ostendendum eum fore sacerdotem de novo radi fecerunt, et eum in quodam curru posuerunt, et cum tenaculis (liooks) igneis ipsius carnes evellentes, eas canibus projecerunt ; et sic eum per civitatem Florentinam praedictam transe- undo, etiam prope ecclesiam cathedralem ad majus ordinis clericalis vituperium, usque ad locum ubi fures suspenduntur, deduxerunt : ipsumque coram populo claniantem, quod a sibi inipositis innocens erat penitus et immunis, vivum sepeliri fecerunt atque mori. Then of the incitement of revolt in the papal dominions. Et a clero civitatis et dioecesis Florentinae et aliarum terrarum, quas tenent, diversas pecuniarum summas importabiles, etiam omni hunianitate proi'sus abjecta, extorse- runt ; ac octo viros sceleratos, — quos publice octo sanctos appellant, ad rapien- dum bona ecclesiastica deputarunt, qui ccclesias, monasteria, et alia pia loca, eorumque personas bonis suis spoliant, et hujusniodi bona mobilia et immobilia vendunt et distrahunt pro libito voluntatis. Et insuper dilectum filium Lucam de Florentia ordinis fratrum Humiliatorum professorem, sacras theologia? magistrum, ad revelandum et declarandum quemdam hominem, qui eidem peccata sua, et inter ca;tera quaedam furta per eum commissa confessus fuerat, sigillum confessionis frangere coegerunt : ac deinde prsfatum hominem, cujus peccata fuerant revelata, suspendi et mori fecei-unt. Ad ha^c priores artium et vexillifer, — ac populus et commune civitatis Florentina" venerabilem fratrem nostrum Lucam Episc. Nar- niensem, Apost. Sedis nuntium, quem specialiter ad partes dicti patrimonii detesti- nabamus, — injuriosis, violentis et sacrilegis ausibus capere, et captum aliquandiu crudelissimo carcere detinere miserabiliter prjesumpserunt, etc. Besides excom- munication and interdict, the following punishments were pronounced upon the Florentines : Et ne ipsorum temeritas transiret pra;sumptoribus in exemplum bona — quorumcumque Florentinorum, ubicumque consistentium, immobilia — confis- cavimus : et personas ipsorum omnium et singulorum, absque tamen morte seu membri mutilatione, exponimus fidelibus ut capientium fiant servi, et bona eorum mobilia quibuscunique fidelibus occupanda. Then follow the other pun- ishments usual with heretics, infamy, outlawry, forfeiture of the right on the part of their posterity to hold offices of honor. Of the effects of this Bull, see Prima vita Greg. XI. in Bnluz. PP. Aven. I. p. 435: Quorum occasione multi tam in Avinione quam aliis pai-tibus coUocati cum damnis ct detrimentis innumeris ad propria redire sunt compulsi. (According to Thomas Walsingham de rebus Angl. the Florentine merchants in England were made slaves and their estates confiscated.) Ex quibus eorum communitas ad coi' miniine reversa est, immo fortius in sua malitia extitit indurata, continue pejora prioribus contra dictara Eccle- siam procurando et machinando, libellos etiam diffamatorios, falsa tamen et erronea continentes, contra statum ipsius Ecclesia; ct personam dicti Papae ubique trans- mittendo. 1® Which had been implored long before by St. Birgitta (>f 1373), (Revelatio- num, lib. IV. c. 139-143) : Now, however (Prima vita Greg. XI. 1. c. p. 437) : fuit per litteras et nuntios speciales insinuatum dicto Gregorio Papas, quod, si ipse personaliter veniret ad Partes Italiae, confestim prajdicta omnia recuperaret, et alia quaecunquae praemissa ad statum debitum reducerentur. Hence the success of the similar sepresentations of St. Catharine of Siena, whose attempts at mediation had before been frustrated by the obstinacy of the Florentines (Vita S. CathariniE by her confessor, Raimundus Capuanus, P. III. c. S, in Act. SS. April. T. III. p. 956 seq.). See Raynald, ann. 1376, no. 10. '^ The first attempt was made in Florence, through the mediation of St. Catha- rine, at the peril of her life. See vita s. Cathar. 1. c. p. 957. She declared, how- 44 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. II. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE POPES DURING THEIR RESIDENCE AT AVIGNON. -§. 99. COMPLETION OF THE CODE OF PAPAL LAW. [ Compare § 60. ] From the canons of the council of Vienna and his other decretals, Clement V. caused tiie V Libri Clementinarum (Clementines), the last authentic collection of the kind, to be compiled (A. D. 1318). ^ The later decretals have been only here alid there preserved (Extravagan- tes)."2 The usual selection of them placed together in the common editions of the corpus juris canon, (namely, the XX. Extravagantes of John XXII. in 14 Titles,-^ and the LXXIV. Extravagantes Com- munes in 5 books),'^ is no older than the edition of John Chapuis. Paris. 1500. ever, p. 958, se non posse a territorio illo recedere quousque pax esset prteconizata inter patrem et filios, sicque dixit se habere a Domino in mandatis. The Pope's party at length triumphed, and soon after the accession of Urban VI. a reconcilia- tion took place. Peace had already been made with Galeazzo Visconti, and soon afterwards with Bernabo. 1 Sexta Vita Clementis V. (in Sahtz. PP. Aven. I. p. 110) : Anno 1313, 12 Kal. April. — dictus Papa — in consistorio publico suas constitutiones decretales, quas in Concilio Viennensi oidinaverat, publicari fecit, quse hodie Clementinae vocantur : sed postea inlirmitate pra?ventus ad studia generalia per eum transmissae non fuerunt, donee per suum successorem execulioni demandatse fuerunt. Clement sent them to the university of Orleans, which he had himself founded (see Boeh- mer de Clementinis, § IX.) ; but that he did not send them to the other principal universities is certainly very remarkable, since he lived a year after their publica- tion, and other reasons are given for it besides the one just quoted. See Aventi- nus Ann. Bojoruni, lib. VII. p. 462 : quod multa, quae simplicitati Christians, libertati religionis imponerent (comp. § 95, note 17), ibi continerentur (Clemens), publicare supersederat, atque animam agens aboleri jusserat. Hcec a IVilhebno Occomensi accept. It was not till 1317 that they were sent by John XXII. to the university of Bologna, as the fountain-bead of the canon law ; see the Bull prefixed to the Clementines. They soon received a gloss and commentary (see Lang Gesch u. Institutionen des Kirchenrechts, Th. 1, S. 264) : the glossa ordi- naria is by Johannes Andreae (see § 60, note 11). cf. G. L. Boehmer diatr. de Clementinis in his Observatt. juris canon. Gcett. 1791. no. 1, * See J. W. Bickell Ober die Entstehung u. d. heut. Gebrauch der beyden Extravagantensammlungen des Corp. juris can. Marburg. 1825. •' Only a selection from the Decretals of this Pope, which, however, received a gloss as early as 1325 from the hand of Zenzelinus de Cassanis, in Toulouse. See Bickell, S. 7 ff. * In the editions before Chapuis, there are but few of the Extravagantes in various quantities and different arrangement. See Bickell, S. 14 fi'. Chapuis brought all the more usual ones together (communes i. e. tritae), Bickell, S. 34. The oldest amongst them is by Urban IV. 1262, the latest by Sixtus IV. 1483, the most by John XXII. All of them have not a gloss. The most distinguished commentators of this period are : Joannes Monachus, afterwards cardinal, Guilel- mus de Monte Landuno, abbot in Poitiers, and Zenzelinus de Cassanis, canonist in Toulouse. Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. //. Ecclesiastical History. § 100. 45 ^ 100. ECCLESIASTICAL USURPATIONS OF THE POPES DURING THEIR RESI- DENCE IN AVIGNON. The idea of the papal power, which had grown up in the preceding period (see § 61), was not, indeed, susceptible of further exaggera- tion, but it was now carried out in its most revolting absurdity ^ by ' e. g. Augustini Triumphi Summa, Qu. 6. Art. 1 : Utrum a Papa possit appel- lari ad Deum ? — Solus Papa dicitur esse vicarius Dei, quia solum quod ligatur vel solvitur per eum, liabetur solutura et ligatum per ipsum Deum. Sententia igitur Papas et sententia Dei una sententia est, sicut una sententia est Papa? et adiutoris ejus. Cum igitur appellalio semper fiat a minori judice ad superiorem, sicut nullus est major seipso, ita nulla appellatio tenet, facta a Papa ad Deum, quia unum Con- sistorium est ipsius Papce et ipsius Dei, cujus Consistorii claviger et osliarius est ipse Papa. Nullus ergo potest appellare a Papa ad Deum, sicut nullus potest intrare ad consistorium Dei nisi mediante Papa, qui est aeternEe vitae consistorii claviger et ostiarius, et sicut nullus potest appellare ad seipsum, quia una sententia est et una curia Dei et Papas. Qu. 19. Art. 1 : Utrurn solus Papa sit sponsus Ecclesiae .' — Papa, qui ohtinet vicem Christi in tota ecclesia, universalis ecclesias sponsus dicitur. Episcopus vero dicitur sponsus suas dioecesis, presbyter autem suae paro- chiae. Nee tamen propter hoc seq\iitur, quod sint plures sponsi unius ecclesiae : quia sacerdos sicut minister cooperatur Episcopo tamquam principali, et simul omnes Episcopi cooperantur Papas, et Papa Christo. Unde Christus, Papa, Episco- pus et sacerdos non dicuntur nisi unus sponsus Ecclesiae. Art. 4 : Papa succedit Christo in officio et universali jurisdictione, quia Petrus in persona omnium sum- morum Pontilicum recepit universalem jurisdictionem a Christo. — Quantum ad officium et universalem jurisdictionem Papa est Episcopus universalis ecclesiEe, sed quantum ad personalem administrationem singulariter est Episcopus urbis Eomas. Art. 5 : Utrum Papa possit immediate in qualibet dioecesi et parochia, quod potest Episcopus vel sacerdos .' — Papa tenet locum Petri in ecclesia, Epis- copi vero locum Aposlolorum, Presbyteri vero locum LXXII discipulorum. Ab- surdum autem videtur, quod Petrus non potuisset solvere et ligare sine auc- toritate Apostolorum vel discipulorum, etiam in provinciis et parochiis eis de- putatis, cum singulariter Petro fuit dictum : dabo tibi claves, et ipsi non nisi per usum claviura potestatera ligandi et solvendi haberent. Eodem modo ab- surdum est dicere, quod Papa non possit solvere et ligare in dioecesi cujus- libet Episcopi et parochia cujuslibet Presbyteri, vel absolulionem et ligationem committere quibus placet. Potest etiam in provinciis et parochiis eis deputatis omnia facere perseijtsum, vel per commissionem, qua ipsi Episcopi vel Pi'esbyteri facere possunt, et adhuc amplius. — Qu. 20. Art. 3 : Utrum solus Papa habeat potestatem clavium ? — Singulariter solus Petrus dicitur habere claves per imme- diatam commissionem, per immediatam derivationem, per universalem administra- tionem. Per immediatam quidem commissionem, quia soli Petro, cujus successor Papa existit, claves sunt commissi. — Per immediatam vero derivationem, quia potestas clavium ab eo tanquam a capite in omnes Pr*latos ecclesis derivari debet. — Per universalem autem administrationem, quia solus ipse in tota ecclesia uni- versaliter Christi Vicarius existit. — Qu. 64. Art. 2: sicut Apostoli missi sunt ad praedicandum non nisi piassujiposita auctoritate Petri: — sic Episcopi admittuntur et assumuntur in partem sollicitudinis non nisi prassupposita auctoritate Pap*, qui sicut dat eis auctoiitatem exequendi officium receptum super tanta vel tali materia, si bene utantur, ita culpa exigente, si commisso officio abutuntur, potest eos dicta executione privare. — Qu. 65. Art. 5 : non minoris auctoritatis est Papa in tota ecclesia, quam quilibet Episcopus iu sua dioecesi, immo majoris, cum in piopiia dicecesi Episcopus jurisdictionem non exerceat nisi auctoritate Papae. Sed quilibet Episcopus in propria dioecesi potest et debet relii;iosos et alios idoneos viros ad sanctas pradicationis officium assumere, qui vice ipsorum plebes Christi eis com- inissas asdificent verbo et exemplo, absque omni requisitione presbyterorum, in 46 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. the mendicant orders,- whose often contested privileges had no other foundation. Nor did their contemptible flattery blush to ascribe to the popes little less than divine honors.-^ The opposing voices, which quorum parochiis praedicant. — Ergo similiter Papa potest et debet in tota ecclesia aliquos religiosos et idoneos viros ad sancta; prsEdicatioiiis otficium ordinare, — qui in qualihet dicecesi et in qualibet parochia — absque omni requisilione Episcopo- ruiii et Presbyterorum possunt piajdicare, ct alia spiritualia per sedem apostolicam eis commissa administrare. — Jilvari Pelagii de plaiictu ecclesiae, Lib. I. c. 6 : Papa super omnia, etiani generalia, concilia est, et ab ipso ipsa recipiunt jurisdic- tionem et auctoritateni, et licentiam congi'egandi se. c.l4: Oninis creatura per eum valet judicari, et ipse a nulla in terris, eiiam universali coiicilio. c. 17 : Plus potest Papa solus in iis, qu.-e non sunt contra capitulos fidei, et adjacentia eis, et sacramenta, quam lota ecclesia catliolica, et concilia seorsum. c. 29 : unum est consistorium et tribunal Chiisti et Pap* in teriis. c. 58: Sciendum est, quod potentia sunimi l-'ontificis et Chiisti vicarii plena dicitur. Prime quia ab hac potentia nuUus ad ecclesiam militantem qualitercunque pertinens excipitur. — Secundo quia omnis potestas ad gubernatiouein lideliuiti a Deo ordinata et homiai- bus data, sive spiritualis, sive temporalis, in hac potestate comprehenditur. — Tertio quia omnis potestas in Ecclesia ab hac potestate derivatur, et ad earn ordi- natur, — quia ipsa principium est et finis cujuslibet potestatis, et ideo quaelibet potestas humana ei jure subditur. Quaito quia a nulla potestate humana excedi- tur, vel superatur. — Quinto quia a nulla alia potestate puri hominis limitatur, aut ordinatur, aut judicatur: sod ipsa alias limitat, ordinal, et judical. — Sexto quia ordine polestalum, aut legibus ab ipso positis non coarctalur : potest enim agere et mediantibus aliis poteslatibus, et non mcdianlibus, quando viderit expedire, quia ordinarius omnium esl. — Potest eliam agere ct secundum leges quas ponit, et prajter illas, ubi opportunum esse judicaveril. — Merito ergo in summo Ponlifice pleniludo dicitur exislere potestatis: unde et propter hoc dicilur potestas ejus esse sine numero, pondere et niensura. — Est enim sine numero, quantum ad eos, qui ejus potestali subdunlur, qui quoad noslram notiliam sunt innumerabiles. — Est aulem sine pondere, quantum ad locum : pondus enim est inclinalio I'ei ad locum propiium el delerminatum : ha'c aulem potestas non determinalur ad unum locum, vel ad unam ecclesiam, sed ad omnes prorsus ecclesias in quibuslibel locis positis extenditur. Est sine mensura, quantum ad actum el modum agendi, quia quo- dammodo immensa esl in agendo el in modo agendi. Unde sicut homini Christo datus esl spirilus non ad mensuram, Jo. iii. 34, ceteris aulem dalur secundum aliquam mensuram dotiationis Christi, Eph. iv. 7; Rom. xii : sic vicario Chrisli Pontifici sunmio data est potestas non ad mensuram, sed in quadam immensilale ; aliis aulem datur potestas secundum mensuram aliquam participationis hujus im- mensas potestatis. Et quum sit ipsa potestas vicarii Christi sine numero, pondere el mensura, imponil lamen el determinal aliis poteslatibus pondus, numerura et mensuram. ^ Compare Ihe Augustine monk, Augustini Triuwphi Summa de potest eccl. see § 96, note 14, the Franciscan Jilvari Pelagii de planctu ecclesi*, Libb. II. Ibid, note 15, the Dominican Petri Paludani (about 1330, Patriarch of Jerusalem, fl342) Iracl. de causa inunediata Ecclesiaslica; potestatis, ed. Paris. 1506, and the ranciscan Rogeri C'onnovii (or Conway, in Oxford) defensio religionis Men- dicanlium, soon after 1357 (in Goldasti Monarchia, T. II. p. 1410 seq.). ^ .Mugustini Triumphi, Qu. IX. Art. 1. Ulrum Papaj debealur honor, qui debelur Christo secundum quod Deus .' Videtur : — quia honor debetur potestali, Bed una esl potestas Christi secundum quod Deus el Papa- r quod probatur, quia potestas Christi secundum quod Deus esl peccala dimitlere juxla illud Marc ii. quis potest peccata dimittere nisi solus Deus? istud aulem convenit Papa3, quia quodcumque ligal vel solvit super terram, esl ligalum vel solutum in cailis. — Porro latria esl servitus soli Deo debita : — sed omnis servitus debetur Papas, ergo honor qui debelur Deo debelur sibi. — In contrarium est, quod honor, qui debetur creatori, sine peccato idololati-is non debetur pura; creatura'. — K. Dicendum, — quod honor potest exhiberi Deo dupliciler. Primo ralione communis potestatis, cum qua convenit cum creaturis convenientia cujusdam analogicoe univocationis. Convenit ergo creatori el creaturae potestas et dominalio, et multa alia, ul bonilas. Chap. I. Papacy till VS78. 11. Ecclesiastical History. <^ 100. 47 were heard on the side of Lewis of Bavaria (from the Minorites), made no general impression, and died entirely away on Lewis' death, when the victory was so decidedly with tlie papal power. In France, it is true, under Philip the Fair, sounder views were very generally prevalent amongst the clergy ,-* but as the French kings had no incli- nation to oppose the extension of the papal power as long as it was wholly subservient to themselves, no opposition was made from this quarter. In these new ecclesiastical usurpations we trace the most revolting union of narrow selfishness and low rapacity with the most undis- guised neglect of the wants of the church. The papal court at Avignon was distinguished by a recklessness and luxury hitherto unexampled,^ whilst the rich revenues from the papal territories in scientia et justitia, quas attiibuuntur Deo, tainen conveniunt creaturEe, Deo quidem essentialiter, creaturae vero participative et ministeiialiter vel instrunientaliter : et ratione istorum quidam honor, et qiiEedam seivitus inipenditur Deo, quK sine peccato potest exliiberi creaturae, ut thuriticatio et fjenuflexio et alia servitus, quae graeco nomine dulia appellatur. Qua-darn vero servitus Deo impenditur ratione ejus singularis niajestatis, — ratione cujus singulare genus servitii sibi exhibetur, quod latria appellatur. — Sacrificium est ille singularis honor et ilia singularis servitus, qua sic debetur Christo secundum quod Deus, non debetur Papte, nee alicui purae creaturae. — Ad primum er^o est dicendum : — in Christo secundum quod Deus invenitur dominatio, qua; est summa potestas, et ideo servitus summa sibi debetur, quas latria appellatur : in Papa autem non invenitur nisi participative et ministerialiter, etc. — Art. 3 : It is shown that the same honor is due to the Pope as to the saints, (honor Paps exhibetur ratione potestatis et auctoritatis : verum quia potestas talis est ordinata potissime, quia est a Deo sibi tributa, et quse a Deo sunt, ordinata sunt, sic dicit Apost. ad Rum. xiii : ideo includit talis potestas vita; sanctitatem et doctrine veritatem. — Propter quod licet honor sit sibi exhibendus ratione potestatis, non est sibi subtrahendus honor, qui debetur Sanctis ratione sanctitatis et doctrinse veritatis.) and Art. 4 : As to the angels, (exhibebatur honor angelis per patres veteris Testamenti, quia in eis repra;sentabatur Deus per subjectam creaturam de acre vel undecunque visibiliter ab eis assumptam : sed longe melius Deus repra;sentatur per Papam, et quantum ad naturae conforinitatem, quia Dei filius nunquam angelos apprehendit, sed semen Abraha- in unitatem per- sona;, et quantum ad officii potestatem, quia nulli angelorum concessit claves ligandi et solvendi in ccelo ct in terra, sicut concessit PeFro et successoribus ejus). — Zenzelinus, A. D. 1.325, in his gloss to Extravag. Jo. XXII. Tit. XIV. c. 4 in fine says: Credere autem Dominuni Deuin nostrum Papam, conditorem dictaj decretalis, sic non potuisse statuere, prout statuit, hsreticum censeretur. So also in the Lyons editions of 1584 and 1606, and in the Paris editions of 1585, 1601 and 1612 : in the later editions the De.um is left out. * See § 63, note 22. Compare § 98, note 1. This is especially seen in the con- troversies of the university of Paris with the Mendicant Orders, see below & 109 note 3. ' :* » * Francesco Petrarca (f 1374), vpho was for a long time at the papal court in Avignon, gives a shocking desciiption of the prevailing corruption. Epistolarum sine titulo, Lib. Ep. 10, he calls Avignon the third Babylon, and the fifth Laby- rinth : quam juste autem, qui noscere cupit, hue properet. Non hie career hor- rendus, non tenebrosas domus error, non fatalis urna humani generis fata permis- cens, denique non imperiosus Minos, non Minotaurus vorax, non damnata; Veneris monimenta defuerint : sed remedia, sed amor, sed charitas, sed promissorum fides sed arnica consilia, sed fila perplexum iter tacita ope signantia, sed Ariadna, sed' Da'dalus. Una salutis spes in auro est, aiiro placatur rex ferus, auro immane mon- strum vincitur, auro salutare lorum texitur, auro durum limen ostenditur, auro vectes et saxa franguntur, auro tristis janitor mollitur, auro caelum panditur, quid multa ? auro Christus venditur. Compare Epist. 14 and 15, especially Epist. 18. 48 I'hird Period. Div. III. A. D. 1305 — 1409. Italy had either ceased entirely, or were at best very uncertain. Other sources of su[)[)ly must, therefore, be sought. The search was soon successful, but the most insatiable avarice was now awakened, and a course of oppression followed altogether intolerable. The ill- gotten gains were either hoarded in Avignon, or converted to political uses, or squandered in licentiousness and debauch. Of all these abuses the most pernicious was the extended Reserva- ■ tion of ecclesiastical offices, by means of which even bishoprics came to be bestowed on laymen (as commendams), and were thus held by the most unworthy characters. This began as early as Clement V., who exercised the right of Reservation over a great number of churches (which, in France, he was forced to bestow according to the royal will),^ g^-ve away many benefices in commendam,' and Omne boaum ibi perditur, sed primum omnium libertas, mox ex ordine quies, gaudium, spes, fides, charitas, animae jacturae ingentes. Sed in regno avaritiK nihil damno adscribituc, modo pecimia salva sit. Futura; tibi vita? spes inanis quredam fabula, et quas de inf'eri? nan-antur fabiilosa omnia, et resurrectio carnis et mundi iinis et Christus ad judicium venturus inter naenias habentur. Veritas ibi dementia est, abstinentia vero rusticitas, pudicitia probrum ingens : denique pec- candi licentia magnanimitas et libertas eximia, et quo pollutior eo clarior vita, quo plus scelerum eo plus gloriae, bonum nomen coeno vilius, atque ultima mercium fama est. — Taceo haereditatem Simonis, et illam haei-esis speciem, non ultimam, spiritus sancli dona mercantium. Taceo mali illius avaritiam matrem, quae idolorura servitus ab Apostolo dicta est. Taceo utriusque pestis artifices, et concursantes Pontificum thalamis proxenetas. Taceo crudelitatem humanitatis immemorem, et sui ipsius oblitam insolentiam, atque illos vanis tiatibus tensos utres. Taceo denique ilia prodigia, — quorum moesta nimis et severa narratio : ad ridicula simul atque odiosa festino. Quis eniin oro non irascatur et rideat illos senes pueros coma Can- dida, togis amplissimis, adeoque lascivientibus animis, ut nihil illuc falsius videatur, quam quod ait Maro : Frigidus in Venerem senior 7 Tam calidi, tamque prae- cipites in Venerem senes sunt, tanta eos setatis et status et virium cepit oblivio, sic in libidines inardescunt, sic in omne ruunt dedecus, quasi omnis eoi-um gloria non in cruce Christi sit, sed in comessationibus, et ebrietatibus, et, quas has sequuntur in cubilibus, impudicitiis : sic fugientem manu retrahunt inventam, atque hoc unum senectutis ultimae lucrum putant, ea facere, quae juvenes non auderent. — Mitto stupra, raptus, incestus, adulteria, qui jam pontificalis lascivia; ludi sunt: mitto raptarum viros, ne mutire audeant, non tantum avitis laribus, sed finibus patriis exturbatos, qua;que contumeliarum gravissima est, et violatas conjuges et externo semine gravidas rursus accipere, et post partum reddere ad alternam satietatem abutentium coactos. Qua; omnia non unus ego, sed vulgus novit, etsi taceat, quamvis ne id ipsum taceat jam major est indignatio quam metus, etc. — of. JYicolaus de Clamengis de i-uina ecclesiae (written 1414), c. 42, in v. d. Hardt Concil. Constant. T. 1. P. III. p. 45: Ex illo plane suam cladem imminere prs- nosse debuit (Ecclesia), ex quo propter suas fornicationes odibiles Romuli urbe relicta Avinionem confugit. Ubi quanto liberius, tanto apertius et impudentius vias sua* Simoniae et prostitutiones exposuit, peregrinosque et perversos mores, calamitatum inductores, in nostram Galliam invexit, rectisque usque ad ilia tem- pera moribus frugalibus disciplina instante, nunc vero luxu prodigioso usque adeo golutam, ut merito ambigere possis, utrum res ipsa audita mirabilior sit, an visa miserabilior. 6 Thus Clement writes to Philip, A. D. 1306 (Baluz. PP. Aven. II. p. 65) : De Ecclesiis vero, de quibus nobis tua sercnitas scripsit, scire te volumus, quod nos earum provisiones hac vice nobis duximus reservandas. Quibus Ecclesiis de personis Deo, nobis ac tibi gratis et Ecclesiis ipsis utilibus curabimus — providere : and Philip thanks him, p. 87, for the promotio per ubcrem gratiam cleinentiae vestras facta do dileclis et fidelibus clericis nostris. The Pope at length was tired of being thus the mere instrument of the king, and when Philip, A. D. 1309, re- Chap. L Papacy till 1378. II Relations to the Church. § 100. 49 drew upon himself the imputation of Simony.^ But this was nothing quested of him to bestow the archbishopric of Sens upon the bishop of Cambray, he wrote him, p. 145 : considerantes attenliiis, quod super translatione hujusmodi per alium moilum non poteranuis decenter sati.sfacerc votis tuis, provisioneni ipsius Ecclesiaj Senoiiensii, quamvis reservationes hujusmodi nieiiti nostra displiceant, prout nos(i, hac vice dispo.Mtioni nostra; — duximus reservandam : —tuam celsitu- diuem exhortantes, ut nos super siinilibus reservationibus faciendis, qua nostrae voluntati redduntur contrarise, saltem absque magna causa non infestes. ' On the 20th of Feb. 1307, Clement issued a Constitution (Extrav. Comm. Lib. III. tit. 2. c. 2. Raynald. 1307, no. 28), in which he says, that in the beginning- of his administration he had bestowed many benefices at the instance of those high in temporal and ecclesiastical dignity : ad eorum importunas et multiplicatas pre- cum instantias nonnullis clericis — patriarchates, archiepiscopales et episcopates Ecclesias ac monasteria — sub commenda; vel custodia-, sen cur*, vel guardia;, aut adrainistrationis titulo — duximus — committenda. Super iis autem, an tales videli- cet et tantas gratias pei' nos tieri decuisset, variorum et arduorum negotiorum mul- tiplicitate distracti usque ad tempus, quo infirmitate satis periculosa nos iis diebus Deus visitavit omnipotens, nequivimus plenarie cogitare. Verum in debilitate ipsius aegritudinis constituti, et a negotiorum utcumque discussione semoti, ad ha;c sub diligenti e.xamine direximus aciem nostrse mentis, demumque prospeximus eviden- ter, quod Ecclesiarum et monasteriorum eorundem cura negligitur, bona et jura dissipantur ipsorum, ac subjectis eis personis et populis spiritualiter plurimum et temporaliter derogatur. — Volentes opportunum et debitum in hac parte remedium adhibere, omnes et singulas commissiones hujusmodi per nos — factas quibuscum- que cujusvis ordinis, dignitatis, aut status, si etiam s. Romana; Ecclesia; Cardinali- bus^factaj noscantur, auctoritate Apostolica — cassaraus et annullamus. How far this Constitution was acted upon, may be seen at the council of Vienna, 1311. Gull. Durandus complains in his work written at that time, de niodo celebrandi generalis concilii, P. II. Tit. 21 : domini Cardinales in grave animorum ipsorum periculum et universalis Ecclesia; dispendium multa m'illia florenorum — sibi et niultis pestifera adinventione super Ecclesias etiam Parochiales et Curatas f\iciunt cunuilari, et Ecclesias etiam cathedrales et ultramarinas sub diversis coloribus com- mendari, et certas sibi solvi ab illis, qui eorum promoventur auxilio, pensiones, qua; nunquam in Romana Ecclesia moriuntur, sed ab uno Cardinali in alium vel in ejus vel Domini Papa; propinquum vel nepotem detinentur. Ex quibus sequi- tur, cum sibi vendicent universa, infelix quod Clericus, qui de pra;dictis beneticiis sustentari et eis personaliter deservire debuerat, mendicat in plateis. — Ex hac peste etiam noviter introductum est contra jura, quod Prioratus Conventuales, et alia beneticia ecclesiastica, consueta regi per Monachos et alios Regulares, domini Cardinales — sibi et suis faciunt assignari, quamquam non efliciantur Monachi. — Ex quibus in dicfis Prioratibus et beneticiis Regularium periit in totum regularis obscrvantias disciplina, cum non sit inter eos, qui corrigat, etc. Similar complaints from a bishop at this council (Raynald. 1311, no. 59) : Quia multi vita et moribus detestabiles de diversis mundi partibus ad sedem Apostolicam concurrentes beneticia cum ctn-a, vel sine cura quotidie impetrare noscuntur, — et a PrEelatis veneranter instituti vel admissi ita delestabilem vel deformem vitam ducunt, quod ob hoc ecclesia; destruuntur; — Praelati non possunt hodie bonis personis de bene- ticiis — obstante numerosa multitudine clericorum impetrantium providere. — Heu miltuntur ad Ecclesias vel persona; inutiles, peregrins lingua;, barbara nationis; vel si sunt bonae personre et utiles, nunquam in eisdem resident Ecclesiis, sed in Romana curia, aut Regis aut Principum curiis commorantes per privilegia fructus beneficiorum percipiunt, qui eisdem Ecclesiis de nihilo serviunt. — -Cum tam secundum jura divina quam humana singula ecclesiastici juris ofhcia sint sino-illa- tim singulis committenda personis; — hoJie — una persona, aliquando nunus idonea, quatuor vel quinque in diversis ecclesiis obtinet beneticia, — quinimmo decem vel duodecim — et aliquando plures, sicut vidi. Heu aliquando una per- sona tot obtinet dignitates, personatus vel officia, quod ex eis posset quinquaginta vel sexaginta exercitatis et literatis personis sufiicientissime provider!. — Quid autem de pueris, qui omni discretione carentes — tot obtinent dignitates et bene- ficia, referam, nescio, etc. * Jo. Villani IX. c. 58: questi fu huomo molto cupido di moneta e simoniaco, VOL. III. 7 50 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305—1409. compared to the shameless conduct of his successor, John XXII, Without considering it necessary to make known his will any t'urtlier than by a verbal announcement to his own chancery,^ he extended, in various ways, the right of bestowing the benefices of those who died at Rome (vacantes in curia), i" and claimed the right of dispos- ing of the more profitable places in the cathedrals and colleges, ^i as well as of all the churches in the north of Italy. ^^ Occasional re- cbe ogni beneficio per nioncta in sua corte si vendea, e fu lusurioso, che palese si dicea che tenea per aniica la Contessa di Palagoigo, bellissima donna. — E lascio i suoi nipoti e suo lignaggio con grandissinio e innuuierabile tesoro. ^ In like manner he published his Processus by placing them on the church door at Avignon. See above, § 96, note 6. — Bahiz. PP. Aven. I. p. 722, gives us the following remarkable document: Anno Dom. MCCCXVI. 17 Kal. Oct. Lugduni sanctissimus Pater et Dominus Johannes P. XXII. pontificatus sui anno primo reservavit su£e et sedis Apostolica; collationi omnia beneficia ecclesiastica, quffi fuerunt et quocunque nomine censeantur, ubicunque ea vacare contigerit per acceptationem alterius beneficii pra'textu gratis ab eodem Domino Papa factae vel facienda; acceptati ; niihique Gaucelmo Vicecancellario suo piiEccpit in pra^sentia niagistri Petri Fabri, quod ha>c ad inenioriam redigerem in scripturam. This is the first trace of the famous Regula; cancellaria?. Compare Gesch. d. rom Kanz- leyregeln, in Le Brets Magazin f. Staaten- u. Kirchengesch. Th. 2. S. 605 ff. Th. 3. S. 1 ff. 10 By the Decretal Ex debito (Extravagg. Comm. Lib. T. Tit. III. c. 4) A. D. 1316, which was only an extension of the Regulse cancellariae just mentioned. Hujusmodi autem sedes, monasteria, ecclesias, et alia pra?fata benelicia ecclesiastica per mor- tem vel depositionem ac piivationem eoi-um, qui ea o'llinerent, per electionuni cassationem, — quorumlibet provisionem, translationem — vacare apud sedem intel- ligimus pralibatam. Episcopales insuper vel alias dignitates — fratrum nostrorum s. Rom. eccl. Cardinalium apud dictam sedem per eoruni obilum vacare consemus, sive inibi, sive alibi, ubicumque ipsos migrare contigerit dc hac luce. Et hoc idem in dignitatibus et beneficiis quibuslibet — officialium nostrorum, videlicet vicecancel- larii, ejusdem ecclesia; canierarii, notariorum, auditoris contradictarum, correctorum, scriptorum litterarum, ac poenitentiariorum nostrorum, nee non abbreviatoi-um curia; Romans locum sibi volumus vindicare. According to these principles he got into his power by the Decretal Execrabilis (Extravagg. Comm. III. Tit. 2. c. 4), the nomination to places innumerable. In this Decretal, after much com- plaint of the avarice of those who held several benefices at once, (cardinalibus taraen s. Rom. eccl. — ac regum filiis — exceptis) he commands them to choose one cum cura, and one sine cura, and give up the rest. Qua' onmia et singula bene- ficia vacatura — vel dimissa nostra et sedis apostolics di^positioni — I'eservamus. " Jo. Villani XI. c. 20 (Papa Giovanni) infino I'anno 1319 puose le riservazioni di tutti i benefici collegiati di Christianita, e tutti gli volea dare egli, dicendo il facea per levare le simonie. E di questo trasse e raguno infinito tesoro. Et oltre a cio, per la detla reservatione quasi mai non confcimo eleltione di niuno Prelato, ma promovea uno Vescovo in uno Arcivescovado, e al Yescovado del Vescovo pro- raosso promovea \\n minore Vescovo, e allora avenia bene sovente, che d'una vacazione d'una Vescovado grande, o Arcivescovado, o Patriarcato faceva sei o piii permutazioni ; e simile d'altri benefici : onde molte e grandi piovisioni di moneta tornavano alia camera del Papa. »2 Bull of the 30th of Jul. 1322, in Raynald. 1322, no 4, complete in Ughelli Italia sacra, T. III. p. 18.5: Statu i'^clesiarum, nccnon — monasteriorum — tain in terris Italia' Ecclesia? Roinnnae immediate subjcctis, quam in patriarchatu Aquile- jensi, nee non Mediolancn-^i, Ravennatc, Januensi et Pisana pi-ovincii^ con^isten- tium, quas et qua; — inali'.ia tcn^.poris in coruin provisionibus variis noscitur discri- minibus subjecissc (see § QQ, note 4), nostra; mentis obtulibus occurrente; ac propterea similibus in posterum obviare periculis, donee — sublata procella tenipo- ris impacati, eisdem ecclesiis — plena in eligendo securitas ministretur, solicitis aflfectibus cupientes ; provisiones omnium patriarchalium, archicpiscopalium, epis- Chop. I. Papacy till 1378. //. Relations to the Church. § 100. 51 monstrances passed unheeded, '^ and how he disposed of all these places is best proved by the immense treasure he left behind him.^^ His successor, the conscientious Benedict XII., recalled the commen- dams granted by John,'^ but confirmed the Reservations of his pre- decessor. i** These he used himself, it is true, only to fill the various places in the church more worthily, ^^ but by such confirmation he copalium, et aliaruin quaruuilibet ecclesiarum coUegiatarum, nee non abbaliarum, monasteriorum, prioratuuru et alioriim quorumcunque pioruni locoi-um sKciilaiiiun et regularium — consistentiuui in patriarchatu et provinciis supradictis, — vacan- tium, — dispositioni et ordinationi nostraj et sedis Apostolicae — usque ad ejusdem sedis beneplacitum — reservamus. '•* Thus the kings of Castile and Portugal complain to the Pope ( Raynald. ann. 1330, no. 44), that, whilst formerly their clergy had i-endered them important assistance in the wars against the Moors, nunc istis (indigenis) exclusis pariter et contemptis alienigens, qui nee zelo tidei, r^ec devotione aliqua ad prcemissa invi- tantur, sed de imbursanda pecunia, quam de ipsis heneficiis percipere possunt, ad alias transferendi partes, continuam gerunt solicitudinem, eisdem ecclesiis, mona- steriis, personatibus, dignitatibus sunt praelati. Quare supplicant iidem Reges humiliter et instanter, quatenus prcemissis alienigenis ad alia beneficia in aliis partibus translatis de pra?latiis, personatibus, etc. per eos detenlis indigenis regno- rum pra;dictorum dignetur eadem sanctitas pi-ovidere. In Germany there was a more vigorous resistance : Heinricus de Rebdorff ad ann. 1333 : In Alemania magnum schisma est in clero et populo, ex provisionibus sedis Apostolicae ad Episcopales et solemnes praslaturas et alia beneficia, quas idem Ludwicus in odium sedis ApostolicEe fortiter impedivit. '•* According to Jo. Villani XI. c. 20, who gives the same on the authority of his brother, a merchant in Avignon, who had it from the papal treasurers, it amounted to 18 millions of gold guilders* in coin, and 7 millions in jewels. Be- sides this his court also had grown rich, cf. Quinta vita Benedicti XII. ( Baluzi PP. Aven. 1. p. 232) : temporibus retroactis, quando per Papam gratiae seu suppli- cationes gratiarum signabantur, ipsae supplicationes prassentahantur per Camerarios Domini Papse aut per alios de ipsorum mandato, unde frequenter quaestus illicitos ab eis fieri contingebat. '•^ Secunda vita Bened. XII. (Baluz. I. p. 214): Prslatos omnes ad eorum Ecclesias redire coegit, volens eorum ambiiiosis pravitatibus obviare ; et commen- das Ecclesiarum, pra-terquam Dominis Cardinalibus factas (compare the bull Exe- crabilis, note 10), expectationes omnes secundum fbrmam juris canonici revocavit, et fugavit realiter simoniam. '® In A. D. 133.5, he confirmed the Constitution Ex debito (see note 10) by the bull Ad regimen (Extravagg. Comm. III. II. 13). '^ Prima vita Benedicti XH. (Baluz. I. p. 209): Quantum in ipso fuit, dedit operam efficacem, ut in beneficiis, dignitafibus, et prslaturis suo tempore vacanti- bus ponerentur et prajficerentur bonK et honestK persons, — ac sufficientes in litteratura, ac maturas in moribus, essentque a^tatis provecta?, juxta — qualitatem beneficiorum, — ad quae — essent assumcndas. — Et in hoc multotiens se decipi formida\it. Et ob hoc, antequara provideret de talibus sua; dispositioni reservatis, inquirebat sumina cum diligentia de meritis et sutficientia illorum, qui ad hoc sibi nominabantur. Et cum eos non reperiebat juxta gustum suum bene idoneos et sufficientes, potius volebat, quod vacarent et remanei-ent in manibus suis, quara si aliter provideret. Propfer quod suo tempore multa beneficia, dignitates, et prfplaturae quamplures diutius in vacatione perinanserunt. Dicebat enim, quod melius et securius erat, quod vacarent, quain si haberent malos vel minus idoneos prajsidentes. Ipse enim de suis consanguineis vel propinquis exaltandis vel pro- movendis nullatenus curavit. How the corrupt court looked on these proceedings see in Octava Vita, p. 240 : Huic Domino Benedicto maxime insitum cordi fuit clericos et religiosorum ordinum professores et status reformare, et, ut dicatur * The gold guilder was about equal to a ducat. See Convers. Lexicon. — Tr. 52 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305—1409. left the way open for the abuses of his successor, the profuse Clement Yl.^^ Treacling in tlie steps of John XXII., this pontiff disposed at will of the benefices of every country, i'' and bestowed so many as commendams on those around him, that bitter complaints were heard from more than one quarter, and Edward III. of England even resorted to more serious means of resistance.^" Innocent VI.^^ and verius, infirmare. Paucos enim vel nullos bonos credebat, et omnes a via manda- torum Domini et consilioruin semita declinasse dicebat. — Hie Dominus Benedictus Papa avarus, durus et teiiax, in conferendis gratlis remissus, tardus et negligens in providendo statuin Ecclesiarinn supra modum I'uit ; et in excusatione duiitiae suae paucos ad ha-c dignos vel sutficientes dicebat. Omnes Dominos Cardinales fore deceptores sui credebat. Raro supplicationes ipsorum reciperc volebat, ipsosque non modicum suspectos habebat. Oidines mendicantium supra modum per facti evidentiam exosos liabebat. Paucos vel nullos de ipsis ordinibus ad pradationes promovebat. Dissensiones eorum libenter audiebat, et subdilis contra J'ra;latos favere videbatur mirabiliter. At his death the following vei-ses were written on him (Septima vita; p. 240) : Iste fuit Nero, laicis mors, vipera clero, Devius a vero, cuppa (cask) repleta mero. i» Prima vita Clementis VI. (Baluz. I. p. 264): Habuit banc humanitatera — ac liberalitatem generaliter ad omnes ad ipsum recurrentes, — quod nunquam vel raro aliquem a se emiseritsine consolatione reali aut verbali, sa-pius tanien ad rem, quam ad verba intendens. — Suos fratres, nepotes, — conipatriotas et servitores valde dilexit. Plurimos — in aids et magnis prxlaturis et dignitatibus sublimavit, multos vero in inferioribus beneliciis feie ubique terrarum existentibus collocavit. Et quamquam inter eos fuerint niulti idonei et sutficientes, quia tamen quandoque ipsos praitulit ceteris magis aut a;que sufiicientibus, alios vero sic passim et indis- tincte et quasi ubique collocavit, fortassis aliquid ultra debitum caro et sanguis sibi revelasse censentur, etc. Quinta vita, p. .311 : Ipse sumptuossimum tenuit statum et multum pomposum ac sjecularem, ut audivi et pro parte cognovi. >3 Tertia vita {Baluz. I. p. 284) : volens pauperibus clericis universis de eo quod gratis acccperat gratis dare, bullam gratiae suae clementer aperuit, ut infra duorum mensium spatium (anno 1342) de suse clementiae plenitudine gratiam pro gratia cuncti reciperent. — Eadem a-state pontiticatus sui prima, cunctis Ecclesiis catbedralibus, coUegiatis et aliis, quas praedecessor ejus immediatus, zelo forsitan justitiae, rectoribus viduatas dimiserat, — Episcopos et rectores restituit, — quam- vis lucide nosceret, quod proventus non modicos apostolicae camera; dcfalcabat. Benedicta sit igitur, si qua fuerit in Benedicto P. XII. pr^fato, juslitia, quae habenti contulit, et abstulit non habenti, quodque tam largo tam libero donatori tantam donandorum copiam conservavit. — labia mca laudabunt te, in Clemcnte VI. clementiam, qus per ejus praedecessorem rigorose retenta, misericordis liquore condita dispergens omni petenti se tribuit gratiosum, etc. — Quinta vita, p. 310 : Qui cum eodem anno (1342) circa Pentecosten faceret gratias generates, in Avi- nione tanta convenit multitudo clericorum volentium in gratia pauperum impetrare, quod numerus clericorum pauperum tunc in examinationibus diocesium per uai- versum orbem fuit computatus ad centum millia clericorum, prout ego personaliter ibidem tunc existens veridicorum relatione intellexi. Hie Papa cum in principio sui pontiticatus faceret reservalioncs abbntiarum et prffilaturarum, electiones con- ventuum el capitulorum irritas habens; et super hoc sibi fuerit intiniatum, quod hujusmodi reservationes a suis prajdecessoribus minime fuerint fact*, ipse fertur respondisse : Prcedecessores nostri nesciverunt ease Papa. These reservations appear to have been made on the strength of the Regulas cancellaria;. How widely they extended over the French bishoprics is seen from the documents in de Marc.a de concord. Sac. ot Imp. Lil). VI. c. 3. § 14, where the Pope condemns the Suffi-agans of the archl^ishop of Narbonne, who refused to take the accustomed oath to their metropolitan, because they had been appointed by the Pope. ^ ThomeB Walsingham (about 1440) bistor. Angliae, in Anglica, Hibernica a veteribus srripta ex Bihl. Gull. Camdcni. Francof. 1602. fol. p. 161 : Eodem anno Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. //. Relations to the Church. § 100. 53 (1343) Papa Clemens iterum fecit in Anglia provisiones duobus Cardinalibus de beneficiis proximo vacaiitibus prater Episcopatus ct Abbatias ad extentarii duarum niilUum niarcarum. Quod rex et tota regni nobilitas pati noluit, sed procuratores dictorum Cardinalium sub poena carceris Angliam exire coC=git. The Pope com- plains bitterly of this, and explains to the king the motives which had actuated him in these appointments, in a letter of August 28 (p. 162) : Uudum post creati- onem novorum — Cardinalium, provida et mat\ira deliheratione proevia per nos facta, honoribus Dei et Ecclesia; sua; sancts, ac utilitati reipublica; convenire, quod Cardinales ipsi, qui super expediendis negotiis ad alveum Apostolica; sedis undique confluentibus nobiscura labores et onera partiuntur, et haberent congrue unde suis valeret necessitatibus secundum status sui decentiam provideri ; demuni excogitatis viis et modis licitis, quibus absque minori ecclesiarum — gravamina hujus provisio sequi posset, de beneficiis ecclesiasticis tunc in diversis regnis — vacantibus et in antea vacaturis usque ad certam summam pro singulis eorundem novorum Cardinalium — prsefatis Cardinalibus, distinctis eis prout expedire vidimus provinciis, gratias fecimus speciales. Certum est autem, quod non solum in regno et terris tuis, imnio quasi in omnibus regnis, — ubi Catholica; fidei viget cultus, aliis novis Cardinalibus consimilem gratiam fecimus, in quibus rebellionem aliquam — nullatenus audivimus usquequaque. To this Edward answered on the 26th of September in a letter, plena fructu, cui pro tunc Papa aut Cardinales respondere rationabiliter nesciebant ( Walsinghain, p. 161. Raynald, ann. 1343, no. 90). He speaks first of the services rendered by his ancestors to the church, and then complains of the existing corruptions, dum per impositiones et provisiones sedis apostolica;, quae solito gravius invalescunt, ipsius peculium — manus occupant indignorum, et prffisertim exterorum, et ejus dignitates et beneticia conferuntur pinguia personis alienigenis, plerumque nobis suspeclis, qui non resident in dictis beneficiis, et vullus conunissorum eis pecorum non agnoscunt, linguam non intelli- gunt, sed animarum cuia neglecta, velut mercenarii, solummodo teniporalia lucra quffirunt, et sic diminuitur Chiisti cultus, animarum cura negligitur, — clerici dicti regni, viri magnse literature, et conversationis honeslje, qui curam et regimen possent sibi salubriter peragere, — studium deserunt propter proniotionis congruas spem ablatam. Jus patronatus, quod nos et tideles nostri in talibus obtinemus beneficiis, enervatur, — regni thesaurus ad extraneos, ne dicamus nostros malevo- los asportatur : — quae singula — fuerunt nuper coram nobis in parliamento nostio — palam exposita, unanimi — pefilione subjuncta, ut pra;dictis dispendiis — celeri- ter occurramus. Nos autem — ad vos successorem Aposlolorum principis, qui ad pascendum, non ad tondendum oves doniinicas — mandatum a Christo suscepit, ista deferimus votivis affeclibus supplicantes, quatenus — veUtis ut pater filiis thesaurizans alleviare dictarum impositionum et provisionum ac onerum, jam per sedem apostolicam invalesceniium gravitatem, permittentes ulterius, ut patroni patronatus sui solatium non amittant, ecclesiseque cathedrales et alife dicti regni liberas electiones et earum effectum habeant, quas quidem ecclesias dicti progeni- tores nostri dudum singulis vacationibus earundem personis idoneis jure suo regio libere conferebant, et postmodum ad rogatum — dictae sedis sub certis modis et conditionibus concesserunt, quod electiones fierent in dictis ecclesiis per capitula earundem. Sed — dicta sedes per reservationes et provisiones suas dictis capitulis electiones adimit supradictas, et nobis jus et prwrogalivam, qua; — nobis compe- tunt in hac parte, propter quod juxta legem dicti regni nostri, ex quo lex in con- cessione posita non observatur, concessio revolvitur, et rei status revertitur in pri- maevum super prtemissis, etc. Clement after this ventured still to appoint his Nuntio in England to the see of Norwich, and Edward for this time allowed it, but not only renewed his request to the Pope, but made provision by law for such cases in future : Clemcntis Epi';t. ad Eduardum in Raynald, ann. 1344, no. 55 seq. Ad nostram — audientiam — pertulit rumor, — quod in regno fuo edicta et brevia in derogationem et enervationem praedicta; libertalis ecclesiasticae, primatus ejus- dem Romanas ecclesioe ac auctoritatis et potestatis ipsius sedis Apostolicse, ad diver- sas partes missa fuerunt : ut de captione et incarceratione multarum personarum ecclesiasticarum sacrilega, et impedimentis literarum et gratiarum apostolicarum ibidem appositis taceatur ad pra;sens. Immo ad tanta: ferocitatis in regno eodem audaciam dicitur fuisse deventum, quod vix aliquis audet ibidem literas apostolicas praesentare. When, therefore, a vacancy in the Abbey s. Augustini in Canterbury was filled up by the Pope, without any regard to a choice which had already been 54 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. Urban V.^- imitated, indeed, the more worthy conduct of Benedict, but were unable to remedy all the ill-eftects of former abuses.^^ gut Gregory XI. returned to the old course. ^^ Thus in the use of the newly-assumed right the evil far outweighed the good. Besides all this the churches were burdened with new taxes. From the prelates consecration fees were demanded,'^'^ and from the inferior made, the king ordered the monks, under severe penalties, ne ipsum Prsefectum, quantum in vobis est, administrationem seu dispositionem aliquain de terris, — bonis seu catallis praidictis absque licentia nostra — spcciali aliqualiter habere per- mittatis, see Guil. Thorn (a monk in the convent about 1380) Chron. de gestis Abb. s. August. Cantuar. c. 38. The court of Rome was still more deeply offended when Edward, during his wars with France, took possession of the in- comes, which the cardinals and other absent ecclesiastics drew from his kingdom, Raynald, ann. 1345, no. 12 ; 1352, no. 17 ; which exauiple was soon followed by his opponent Pbilip, Buyn. 1346, no. 39; 1347, no. 24. Edward was already threatened with excommunication ( Rayn. 1352, no. 17), when Clement died. — Alphonso of Caslile also attempted to resist these usurpations of the Pope, but was more easily appeased, Raynald, ann. 1344, no. 54; 1348, no. 14. 2' Tertia vita Innoc. VI. (in Bahiz. I. p. 357) : Hie fuit vir Justus et durus in concedendo beneficia et jura ecclesiastica. Subito post suam coronationeni multas reservafiones factas per Clementem suum prsedecessorem suspendit, et constituit Praelatos et alios beneficiatos in curia tunc morantes unumquemque ad suum bene- ticium personaliter applicare et ibi residentiam facere sub poena excommunicatio- nis : quod et factum est. Hie diminuit expensas et familiares suos et etiam omnium Cardinalium. He himself gives as tlie ground of discontinuing the commendams (see Raynald, ann. 1354, no. 31), quod occasione commendarum, — sicut experi- entia docuit, ut plurimum divinus cultus minuitur, animarum — cura negligilur, hospitalitas consueta et debita non servatur, minis a?dificia patent, etc. ^^ Prima vila Urb. ( Baluz. I. p. 394) : Simoniacos execratus est. Ementes enim et vendentes beneficia sive spiiituales gratias — puniri mullimode ordinavit, immo et eorum quamplui-imos, curiam exire coegit. Beneficiorum multiplicatio- nem, praesertiin incompatibilium, iu eandein personam concurrentium invitissime tolei-avit, immo multos ex illis qui plurima obtinebant privavit, relictis eis tantum- modo iUis, quK suis statui et sutficienlia congrue convenire judicavit. Super quo etiam constitutionem edidit, quK incipit HorribiUs ; in qua quod suo tempore licere sibi non passus est suis successoribus indicavit, etc. ^' Even Urban V. had to bestow the archbishopric of Cologne on Cuno, arch- bishop of Triers A. D. 1368, for some years, in commendam. At the same time the old Reservations were still continued. ^ Prima vita Gregorii XI. (Balnz. I. p. 441) : Ipse multum dilexit suos, — ac eoruni con^ilio et instigatione ac favore multa fecit, prasertim in promotionibus nonnullorum, quibus sufficientiores in moribus et scientia forsitan reperiri potuis- sent. ^ From an early time, taxes for consecration had been sometimes customary, and sometimes condemned as Simonj'. See de Marca de Cone. Sac. et Imp. lib. VI. c. 10 ; in Alexander IV's time, about 1260, they had been partially introduc- ed, being paid to the Pope and cardinals under the name of Annatce (because they were proportioned to the yearly income), and this had become a subject of complaint ( Ostiensis comm. in Deer. Greg. I. Tit. 32, c. 15) ; under Clement V., however, they were exacted for every appointment, whether consecrated at the papal court or not. See Chiil. Durandus de modo generalis concilii celebrandi, P. II. Tit. 20: Cum ilia decreta, in quibus agitur do simonia, in novo et veteri testamento, in Conciliis, a ss. Patribus et Romanis Pontificibus danmata, non ser- ventur, et maxime in curia Romana, in qua etiam coetus Dominorum Cardinalium vult habere una cum Domino Papa certam portionem a Praelatis, qui promoventur ibidem : videi-etur super hoc maxime providendum. cf. Joannes Andrea: (above, § 60, note 11) comm. in Deer. Greg. I. Tit. 32, c. 15 : Pluries clamavi in tantum, quod de hoc fuit sermo in Concilio Viennensi, quod optarem, quod curia reciperet Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. //. Relations to the Church. § 100. 55 clergy the popes not un frequently reserved to themselves the fruits of the first year (fructus primi anni).^^ Most oppressive of all, however, were the exactions which the popes were incessantly making, either for themselves or for the temporal princes, under pretext of a cru- sade.^^ vicesimam redituum clericorum totius orbis ad sustentationem Papae et Cardinali- um, et nihil exigi posset pro servitiis prEelatorum, quos promovet, exceptis laxatis salariis laborantium, puta sciiptorum et siinilium : et tunc provideret legafis et nuntiis, quos mittit, de pifedicta quota ; abstineret autem ab exactione fructuum primi anni, exactionibus deciiuaruni et similibus, quse nunc pullulant. ^^ At an earlier period, the bishops of various countries had succeeded in estab- lishing, with respect to the benefices, to which they had the right of appointing, a jus deportuum, altogether answering to the jus regalis (see above, § 63, note 6) ; in order, however, to make sure of their share, they had changed these vacantiae into fructus primi anni, so that even in case of another change, the patron might still have the proceeds of the first year. This jus deportuum Clement V. now usurped to himself, first of all in England : MatthcBi Westmonasteriensis (about 1377) flores histor. ad ann. 1306 (ed. Francof. 1601. fol. p. 454) : Ipse vero Papa videns insatiabilem quorundam Episcoporum Anglis avaritiam, importune postu- lantium primas vacantes ecclesias per annum in suis dioecesibus sibi concedi, advertensque, quia quod postulat inferior, potest et superior, appropriavit sibi ipsi per biennium omnes proventus de piimo vacantibus ecclesiis in Anglia, videlicet de primo anno primos fructus, tam de episcopatibus, abbatiis, prioratibus, praeben- dis, rectoriis et vicariis, quam de ca-teris minutis beneficiis. This income from England was drawn still by John XXII. A. D. 1317 (Raynald, ann. 1317, no. 49) : but soon after he extended this right to the whole church, reserving to him- self (see the bull Cum nonnulla? A. D. 1319, Extravagg. comni. III. 11. 11, an explanation of earlier bulls, no longer extant), pro ecclesias Kom. necessitatibus fructus, reditus et proventus primi anni beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, etiam [leg. et jam] vacantium, et qus in diversis orbis partibus usque ad triennium vacare contingeret, with exception only of the Archiepiscopales et episcopales ecclesi£e,i ac regulares Abbatiae. In the Declaratio Nationis Gallica; in Cone. Const. (1417) de Annatis non solvendis, cap. 2 (in v. d. Hardt Concil. Const. T. I. P. XIII. p. 764), it is remarked that this is the first reservation of the kind. Deinde postmo- dum nonnulli Romani Pontifices, ipsius (Joannis XXII.) successores, etiam certis temporibus similes fecerunt Reservationes, certis causis expressis. Quas Clerus, Principes et populus aliquo tempore tolerarunt. Sed postmodum nimium gravati ex iis, in aliquibus regnis et provinciis, recusaverunt solvere. Prout fuit factum in Anglia et quibusdam aliis locis. That these reservations differed from the An- natae is shown in Boehmeri observatt. sel. ad de Marca, lib. VI. c. 10, p. 153 seq. The origin of these last, see below, § 102, note 3. *' Continuatio Chron. Guil. de Nangis ad ann. 1326 (in d'Achery Spicil. T. III. p. 86) : Papa depauperatum se videns, misit nunlios speciales per universas pro- vincias Regni Francia; ad petendum Ecclesiarum — subsidium pro guerra sua in Italia prosequenda. Quod Rex Franciae, asserens hoc in Regno Francis inconsue- tum, prohibuit : sed domino Papa sibi super his rescribente, postmodum Rex con- siderans Do ut des, faciliter concessit ; unde et pro duobus succedentibus annis Papa Regi biennalem decimam super Ecclesiam concessit ; et ita dum miseram Ecclesiain unus tondet, alter excoriat. How often and how long contributions were levied by the French kings on this pretext, see above, § 96, note 33 ; § 97, note 1. Thomassini vetus et nova Eccl. discipl. P. III. Lib. I. c. 43, § 10; they were almost constantly granted to the Spanish kings to carry on their wars with the Moors. See Thomassini, 1. c. c. 44, § 3; not unfrequently also to the kings of England, thus A. D. 1306 for two years ( Matth Westmonaster. p. 454), \Z\1 for one year (Raynald, ad h. a. no. 49), 1333 for four years (Thomas Walsing- ham, p. 131), etc. Of which the Minoiite Johannes de Rupescissa, 1349, says "in his Prophetia (in Edw. Brown Appendix ad Fascic. Rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum. Lond. 1690. fol. p. 495) : propter impositionem deciniarum et visita- tionum, orationes quJE deberent fieri per clerum — convertuntur in maledictiones et lamentationes, et maxima contra illos, qui talia imposuerunt, quia tanta est pau- 56 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1805 — 1409. Thus every kind of oppression, which in earlier times had been resisted to the utmost vviien attempted by tiie secular powers, was now practised in tlie church by the popes themselves. But most revolting of all was the base flattery of those who attempted, by a miserable pertas in clero, quod onera non possunt supportare. Et quia prsetextu guci-rarum pi-Eedictaruiu sunt iinpoiita, utinaiii reducerentur ad mentem verba, qua? ego audivi a domino Uenedicto (XII.) sanctaj meniori;e super t'actis guenaruni, quod nun- quain tuit intentionis faciendi guerras, etiani pi-o patrimonio Ecclesia?, nisi cum arniis spiritualibns : et dicebat etiam quod guerra?, quae t'uerunt facta- per Ecclesi- am, vol iierent in futuruni, sortientur ti-isteni effectuni ; et quod plus contidebat orationibus et lachryniis, quam inipositionibus decimaruni et visitalionuni, et ideo nunquam voluit talia concedere, sed cunctos ab onnii gravaniine conservabat ; tanien dicta ct facta sua et plurium alioruni Deuin timcntiuni reputantur phan- tastica, et conversa sunt in cantica et niusicum carmen. Under Gregory XI. A. D. 1372, the chapters and convents of Mentz united to resist a contribution of this kind which he had ordered. See the Unio in Gudeni codex diplomaticus, T. III. p. 507 : having proved, quahter sanctissimus in Christo Pater et Doniinus noster, Dom. Gregorins, digna Dei providentia Papa modernus, deciniam omnium ecclesiasticorum fi'uctuuin, redituum etproventuum prcesentis aimi, per Provinciam Maguntinam et nonnullas alias Provincias Alemaniae duxerit imponenduin ; they first enumerate the misfortunes which make such a measure impossible, amongst which usualis monetas debilitas, qua; lit plurimum ex transportatione florenorum harum partium ad Romanam Curiam et aliunde facta conuTuinitcr accidisse refer- tur. This had already gone so far, quod non est reperire personam ecclesiasticara civitatis et diocesis Maguntina;, quas de reditibus ecclesiasticis, deductis omnibus debitis, juxta sui beneticii et status exigcntiam valeat sustentari. — Ex ante gestis tamen verisimiliter pi-a;sumimus, — quod idem S. D. N. Papa, quorundam, a quo- rum dextris stat diabolus, prteferentium cupiditatem propriam juri, — sinistris informationibus fallacique ingenio circumventus excusationes nostras — non admit- tet, quin immo ad solutionem — dicta; deciniEE nos artare et compellere curabit. — Ex quibus et propter exactiones Papales perplurimas in his terris Clei-ici ad niag- nam paupertatem redacti, servis immo Judais comparati, detestabiliter despiciun- tur, et a Laicis — quasi licite capiuntur, — ipsorumque bona diripiuntur et ignibus devastantur, ipsaque sancta sedes et nomen Apostolicum — adeo vilipensa diffaman- tur, quod proinde tides catholica magna vaciliat in parte, Laicis videntibus Clerico3 — per sedem Apostolicam et ejus diversarum impositionum modos, videlicet ser- vitiorum comniunium, decimarum papalium et iinperialiuin, procurationum, Primanim, Annatum, subnentionum nuntiorwn Ajiostolicorum, ecclesiastica- rum reservationum, ac specialiter decedentium Proilatorum continuis extorsio- nibus aliligi. Et exinde diversa et gravissima animaruni pericula et schismata — jam insurgunt, — laicis ipsis clamantibus, et des])eclive contra Romanam Ecclesiam invehentibus, quod sedes ipsa — ad partes exteras nunquam his temporibus mittit prfedicatores vel vitiorum correctores, sed quotidie mittit bene pompizantes, — pecuniai-am pertissimos exactoi-es. Et propter haec et alia, — paucissimi jam in terris istis inveniuntur, nisi solo nomine Christiani. They therefore unite, ne quoque nobis, miserabilitcr sicut prasmittitur atflictis, intolerabilis afflictio superad- datur, nosque per artationem et compulsionem solutionis hujusmodi Decimarum et aliarum Collectarum, (juocunquc nomine censeantur, iniposterum ut verisimiliter prassumitur imponendarum, paulatim et successive ad extremae exinanitionis dis- pendium deducamur, they agree to share all cost and danger, sic etiam, quod talis, quicunque hujusmodi rei occasions qualitercunque gravatus seu damni- ficatus, a nobis et a Clero non vitetur, ncc in suis Ecclesia aut Monasterio — ab aliquibus actibus excludatnr, sed quod suis prasbendis ac beneficiis — pacifice gau- deat et fruatur, ac si gravatus nuUo modo fuisset. Item nullus dictam Decimam in parte vel in toto solvat, seu se soluturum promittat, aut super ea componat — absque Nostrum scitu — ct assensu. Et si aliqui forsan tenui conscientia tenti, trepidantes ubi trepidandum non est, etiam hujusmodi Decimam solverint, vel super ea se composuerint ; — praeter perjurii pcenam quam ipso fiicto incurrunt, a perceptione omnium fructuum — beneficiorum suorum — suspensi maneant, et sint infames, nee ad aliquam dignitatem, beneticium seu officium aliquod — per electi- onem se alterius dispositionis modum uUatenus admittantur. Cliap. I. Papacij till 1378. //. Ecclesiastical Histonj. § 100. 57 casuistry, to defend these manifest abuses of the popes,2S not except- ing even their Simony.-^ 2s e. 2;. Augustinus Triumphus, Qu. 68, Art. 1 : Ufrum Papa po3sit dispensare in phiralitate beneficioruni ? — In collatione beneficiorum aliquid est de jure divino et naturali, ct aliquid est de jure po^itivo. De jure nanique naturali et divino est, ut beneficium detur propter administralioneui olficii. — De jure vero positivo est paucitas vel pluralitas beneficioruni; non cnini possunt talia cadere sub una regula, quia considerata quandoquc ecclesia; necessitate vel persons dignitate plura bene- ficia conferenda sunt uni quam alteri. Cum igitur Papa non solum possit ilia, qua; sunt juris positivi, veruni etiam supra ipsum jus potest dispensare (Deer. Greg. III. 8, 4. See above, § 61, note 8) : ideo dicenduni est, quod sicut de jure positivo conununi, cujus Papa est conditor, facia est talis restrictio, ut nulli liceat plura beneficia habere, scd quicumque recipit aliquid beneficium curam habens animarum annexam, si prius tale beneficium habebat, est eo ipso jure privatus ; sic Papa, qui est supra jus, potest talem rcstrictionem relaxare, etc. Qu. 72, art. 2 : Utrum Papa peccet providendo compatriots et doinestico magis, quam extraneo ? Videtur, — quia bona communia sunt communiter dispensanda. Porro in provisione spiritualis beneficii causa spiritualis debet considerari, sed patria vel i'amiliaritas est causa carnalis, non spiritualis. Porro scandalum multorum Papa debet niaxinie vitare ; sed multi scandalizantur, cum compatriotis et fainiliaribus Papffi vel Pr*lati providetur magis quam aliis. — In contrarium est Apostolus 1 Tim. 5 : Qui suorum et maxime domesticorum cui-am non habet, fidem negavit, etestinfideli deterior. — i?. dicendum, quod in provisione ecclesiastici beneficii vel potest attend! beneficium quod coiiiijrtur, vel intentio conferentis, vel locus, in quo confertur. Si vero consideretur beneficium, quod confertur, cum sit spiritu- ale, non debet dari nisi pro olficio. Quanto ergo quis est sulficientior et dignior in officii administratione, tanto citius meretur beneficii provisionem. Si vero consideretur intentio providentis, aut providet compatriotae et doniesdco ex aHqua causa debita magis quam extraneo, utputa propter ejus majorem paupertatem, vel propter receptum honestum obsequium, puto quod non peccat. Si vero faciat hoc ex causa illicita et indebita, ut precise propter patrise affectionem, vel consan- guinitatem, vel propter cumulandas ejus divitias, peccato non caret provisio. 2* Alvarus Pelagius de planctu eccl. lib. II. c. 14 : Quasrendum est, an Papa possit committere simoniam. Et tenet Thomas, quod sic. — Quamvis enim res ecclesia; sint ejus, ut principalis dispensatoris, non tanien sunt ejus ut domini et possessoris. Against this : Papa legibus loquentibus de simonia et canonibus solutus est. Credo, quod si Papa in iis, qua; sunt prohibita quia simoniaca, ut vendere sacramenta, quorum venditio in veteri testamento etiam prohibetur, — pactum vel conditionem vel couventionem apponeret, committeret simoniam. — Secus in iis, qua; sunt simoniaca, quia ab ecclesia prohibita, ut vendere beneficia, sepulturas et similia, — quod tunc, etsi peccet malum exemplum dando, — si tamen ex certa scienlia hoc faciat, nolens subjici juri positivo, quo solutus est, non com- mitteret simoniam, licet ut dixi ilia pactio et conventio etiam in iis de se grave peccatum sit. Sic sentio. — Augustinus Triumphus, Qu. 5, art. 3 : Certum est, summum Pontificem canonicam simoniam a jure positivo prohibitam non posse committere, quia ipse est supra jus, et eum jura positiva non ligant. — Potest tamen forte simoniam committere prohibitam a lege natui-a-, ut quod pro re tempo- rali intenderet spiritualem tribuere. — Certum est similiter, quod summus Pontifex pro bono publico ab Episcopis et aliis Praelatis ecclesiarum accipere potest summam pecunis, prout secundum Deum et rationem videtur sibi expedire, quod alii infe- riores Prslati facere sine peccato non possunt. 58 Third Period. Div. VI. A. D. 1305 — 1409. in. HISTORY OF THE PAPAL SCHISM. Original documents in iVAchery Spicileg. T. I. p. 763 scq. Mariene et JDurand thesaur. novus Anecdotoruin, T. II. p. 1073 seq. Eorundem Veterum Scrip- torum ampliss. collect. T. Vil. p. 425 .seq. Theodorici de JSlem (writer to the Roman Popes from 1378 - 1410, then appointed bishop of Verdun, and linally of Cambray, f 1417), libb. III. de Schismate, and a continuation with (he title Nemus Unionis, published together. Basil. 1566. fol. Argentor. 1608 and 1629. 8vo. Works : Pierre du Puy histoire du Schisme (in his Traitez concernant I'hist. de France, k Paris. 1700. 12mo. a Bruxelles. 1713. 8vo.). Louis Maimbourg hist, du grand Schisme d'Occident. a Paris. 1678. 4to. Jaq. Lenfant hist, du Concile de Pise (T. II. Amsterd. 1724. 4to.), liv. I. et II. The Prafatio to Martene et Durand ampliss. coll. T. VII. Roman Popes: Urban VI. (April 8, 1378 -October 15, 1389), Boniface IX. (November 2, 1389 -October 1, 1404), Innocent VII. (October 17, 1404 - No- vember 7, 1406), Gregory XII. (December 2, 1406). French Popes: Clement VII. (September 20, 1378 - September 16, 1394), Benedict XIII. (September 28, 1394). <§> 101. ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE SCHISM. Urban VI., the successor of Gregory XI. (t April 8, 1378),i of- fended the cardinals to such a degree by his severity,'^ that the great- est part of them withdrew to Anagni, declared his election unlawful, as having been compelled by the disturbances of the Roraans,^ and According to the French accounts (see Prima vita Gregorii XI. in Baluzii PP. Aven. 1. p. 442, and Secunda vita ejusd. ibid. p. 456) the choice of an Italian was brought about by the popular commotions, which is likely enough (see Balu- zii notK. ibid. p. 999 seq.) : but according to the Italian accounts (Tlieod. a JViem I. c. 2. Raynnld, ann. 137S, no. 2 seq. ; 1379, no. 3 seq.) the choice was free, and there was only a transient tumult, occasioned by a misunderstanding, which took place after the election : coiap. Lenfant hist du Concile de Pise I. p. 7 seq. ^ Also, it is true, by upbraiding them with the prevailing abuses. Thus Theod. a A'iem I. 4 : incepit increpare Episcopos, — dicendo quod omnes essent perjuri, quia Ecclesias suas desererent in eadem Curia residendo. He then preached a sermon, cap. 5 : in quo etiam mores — Cardinalium et Pra'latorum incepit redar- guere, quod ipsi sgre tulcrunt. — Veniens etiam illo tempore quidam Collector iructuum Camerae Apostolical dc quadam provincia ad pra?sentiam dicti Urbani, ei quandam pecunia; summulam ratione sui Collectanes officii ofTerebat : cui respon- dens ait: pecunia tua tecutn sit in perditionem, ac illam recipere non curavit. Similia iiiulta insolita et abusiva de die in diem faciens, per qua; pene omnium Cardinalium et Prslatoruni contra se magis iracundiam concitavit. — Cap. 7 : eum delirum communiter ip^i Cardinales judicabant. — Sed paulo post suscitata nimis pericuiosa discordia inlei- ipsum et dictos Caidinales, praedictum schisnia, magis propterea ex rancore mutuo partium, quam allegata impressione in electione dicti Urbani — habuit ortum. ^ Their proclamation ad universes Chrislitideles ed. Anagnis 9 Aug. 1378, in Secunda Vita Gregorii XI. in Baluz. I. p. 465 seq. cf. Bulmi hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 468 seq. Chap. I. Papacy. III. Schism. § 101. Origin and progress of. 59 on the 20th of September, 1378, chose Clement VII. in his stead at Fondi. Joanna, queen of Naples, declared at once in favor of the new choice,"* though the prevailing sentiment in Italy was in favor of Urban.^ Clement betook himself, therefore, to Avignon, where he remained under the protection, and entirely under the influence of France.'^ By the interference of the French^ he was immediately acknowledured in Scotland, Savoy, and Lorrain, and afterwards in Castile (aTD. 1381),« Arragon (13S7),9 and Navarre (I390).io — Germany, England, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and Prussia, on the other hand, declared for Urban. ^^ ■• She was at first much pleased with the choice of Urban, as being a Neapoli- tan (Theod. a J\''iem I. 6), but was afterwards alienated by his arrogance and refusal to comply with her wishes (Theod. a J\'"iem 1. 8. Raynald, ann. 1378, no. 46). 5 The two St. Catharines were in his favor. St. C. of Siena, who is said to have foretold the schism three years before (Raymund Capuan. in vita s. Cathar. P. II. c. 10, i. d. Act. SS. Apr. T. lU.), expressed the greatest abhorrence of the revolted cardinals (Ep. 31 : induti humana carne dsmones antipapam daemonis gerentem vices elegerunt), and to her death (f 1380) was a zealous partizan of Urban's. St. C. ot"^ Sweden, a daughter of St. Birgitta, was called as an eye- witness of Urban's election (protocol in Raynald, 1379, no. 20), and declared it to have been regular and not controlled by the populace : interrogata qua; luit ergo causa istius schisinatis, i-espondit et dixit, quod credit, quod ligor justitias domioi nostri, qui Cardinalibus non erat blandus in eorum petitionibus, et corrigere eos optabat. — The most celebrated jurists of the time declared also for the regularity of the election, namely, Joannes de Lignano, papal vicar in Bologna (see Raynald, 1378, no. 31 seq., and'in App. ad T. XVII. p. 510. Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. IV. p. 482), Baldus, then Prof, in Perugia ( Rayn. 1378, no. 36 seq., and in App. ad T. XVII. p. 497), Jacobus de Sena, Doctor Bonon. (in Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 485 seq.). The strongest argument against the revolted cardinals was, that for several months they had acknowledged Urban as Pope. ^ Charles V. declared at once for Clement, on political grounds. The university of Paris did not decide till after long consultation, on the 22d of May, 1379 ( Btdcsi hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 566) : the Natio Anglicana privilegiata mansit Parisius de gratia D. Regis sub obedientia alia, namely under Urban (Bula-iis V. p. 65). The chief work in defence of Clement was that of Cardinal Petrus de Barreria, in answer to Jo. de IJgnano. See BidcBus IV. p. 529. Of the Pope's depen- dence on the French court, see below, § 102, note 1. "> Prima vita dementis VII. in Baluz. I. p. 495 : Rex Francorum, ut per agni- tionem veritatis et justitiae dicti Clementis — schisma sedari posset et extingui, quamplures ambaxiatores fere ad omnes Principes et regiones universas sspius destinavit. — Sed heu tanta fuit fere ubique obstinatio, quod — quorumcunque missorum per dictum Clementem aditio impedita fuit. See the instructions given to a French ambassador, in Bulceus IV. p. 520 seq. cf. Richardi Ullerstoni (professor of theology in Oxford) Petitiones quoad reformat. Eccl. (A. D. 1408, in V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. XXVI. p. 1170) : Occasio schismatis et fonien- tum erat discordia inter regna. Quod profecto exinde paluit, quod regna inter se prius divisa partibus a se invicem divisis et inter se de Papatu contendentibus se parifbrniiter conjunxerunt. * Raynald, 13S1, no. 29. Baluzii vita?. PP. Aven. I. p. 1281 seq. Lenfant hist, du cone, de Pise I. p. 34. ' Peter IV. offered his allegiance to Urban, but on such terms that it was refus- ed (Raynald, 1383, no. 5). Hence no pope was declared in Arragon till John I., immediately after his accession, declared for Clement (Rayn. 1387, no. 10). '" Raynald, 1390, no. 20. '* The decision of after times on the question is as follows : The two historians of the fifteenth century, Antoninus, archbishop of Florence (in Pagi breviar. 60 Tliird Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. The contest between the two popes was carried on with temporal as well as spiritual weapons. Urban deprived Joanna of the crown of Naples, and bestowed it upon Charles, duke of Durazzo. On the other hand, Joanna, with the aid of Clement, adopted the Regent of France, Lewis, duke of Anjou, and made him her successor (A. D. 1380). Charles, however, had already overrun the whole kingdom, taken Joanna prisoner (1381), and put her to death, before Lewis, whom the Pope had invested with various high-sounding titles, '^ appeared with his army (1382). The former still maintained his advantage, and the death of Lewis (1384) would have decided the contest as far as the possession of Naples was concerned, but for the disputes which now arose between Charles and Urban. ^-^ These were carried to such a pass during a visit of the obstinate pontiff to Na- ples, that he excommunicated Charles, and was shut up by him in the castle of Nocera (1385). He escaped thence to Genoa (September, 133.5), but was not yet brought to his senses. By the cruel execution of five cardinals, he embittered the hatred with which he was regard- ed ; whilst, by refusing to invest Charles' son, Ladislaus, with the kingdom of Naples, he had nearly brought that kingdom once more into subjection to France. The capital was already taken by the generals of the young Lewis of Anjou (1387), and the whole king- dom would have fallen into his hands, but for the death of Urban, and the vigorous aid rendered to Ladislaus by his successor, Boniface IX. (1390).!^ In order to secure the papal territory against the attacks of Lewis, Boniface bestowed many of the cities and castles on powerful nobles as fiefs. i^ This aroused once more the desire of independence at Rome, the effect of which was to exclude the Pope from that city for a long time.i*^ Still he gained his great object. Lewis was forced to abandon Italy altogether,'^ and Naples remained subject to the Roman Pope. gest. Pontiff. Rom. T. II. P. II. p. 145), and Werner Rolewinck (fasc. temponim Act. VI. in Pistorii Scriptt. Ear. Germ. T. II. p. 567), leave the question unde- cided. Since that time the opinions out of France, where the French popes have always been considered the true ones, have been mostly in favor of the Italians. In the later lists, therefore, the French popes are not reckoned, and thus we have another Clement VII. 1523, and Benedict XIII. 1724. >^ He appointed him king of a new kingdom, Adria. See Leihnitii Cod. juris gentium, P. I. p. 239 (onsnes — singulas terras, quas ad prassens nos etEcclesia Ro- mana in Italia extra regnum Sicilia; habemus et habere debenius, per quoscunque et quacunque auctoiitate possideantur sen detineantur ad praesens, exceptis dun- laxat urbe Romana cum ejus districtu et provinciis Patrimonii sancti Petri in Tuscia, Campania et maritima ac Sabina, in unum Regnum erigimus, ipsas pro- vincias — dignitate regia decoramus, ac Regnum Adria- ordinamus, statuimus et decernimus perpi'tuo nuncupari). Also gencralis Capitaneus , ut nedum nomine proprio, sed etiam Ecclesia; et suo (Papai) ad negotia procederet supradicta (Prima vita Clementis VU. in Baluz. I. p. 504). '•^ Of which and what follows, see Theodor. de .IViem I, c. 28 seq. '" Raynald, ann. 1390, no. 10 seq. '* Raynald, ann. 1390, no. 18. '6 Raynald, ann. 1.393, no. 5, 1395, no. 17. *' Raynald, ann. 1400, no. 11. Chap. I. Papacy. III. Schism, ^^i 102. Oppression in the Church. 61 «§> 102. OF THE OPPRESSIONS IN THE CHURCH. By diminishing the resources of the popes, while it increased their expenses, the schism aggravated the evils which had already been almost intolerable. The French Pope, Clement VII., was indeed compelled to consult the wishes of the court on which he was wholly dependent, in the disposition of various benefices, ^ but otherwise the church was given ' JVicolaus de Clamengis, Prof, aitium in Paris, de ruina Ecclesise (in the older editions entitled de corrupto Eccl. statu (written 1.394), c. 18 in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. 1. P. III. p. 19: Sed me prajteriie non decet, — quantam et quam abominabilem fornicationem Papa et hi sui fratres cum sa>culi principibus inierint. Namque ut sua dominia, imo verius ut suam tyiannidem, omnibus nee injuria supra modum invisam, inconcussa stabilitate confirjnare possent, sicque tuto quod- cunque libitum esset peragere : temporalium principatuum, ad quorum se imitalio- nem componcre atque conformare in animum induxerant, captare amicitias, favo- resque conquirere, quacunque possent industria, studuerunt : nunc multa benefi- ciorum his, pro quibus exegissent, largitione, nunc xeniis et donis, nunc promissis uberrimis, soepe assentationibus et gnathonicae doctrinte versutiis, I'raudulentiis. Itaque ne longum faciam, adeo se et Ecclesiam universalem eorum arbitrio subje- cerunt atque dediderunt, ut vix aliquam parvulara prEebendam, nisi eorum man- dato vel consensu, in provinciis eorum tribuere ausi essent. Si Episcopus aliquis obierat, si Decanus vel Praepositus, vel alia quslibet persona Ecclesiastica ; quis, in demortui locum surrogari appetens, non prius ad Regem quam ad Papam ibat ? imo vero quis ita insanus, ut absque regiis literis ad Papam postulaturus accederet ? Mirabile dicturus sum, et quanquam vix credibile, verum tamen. Si quis Papas necessarius, propinquus, familiaris, aut quilibet alio titulo dilectissimus pro sua apud eum proniotione institisset, regales ante omnia ab ipsomet Pontifice jubebatur literas qusrere. — Quam vero importune, quam imperiose, quam manu, ut ita dicam, ensifera, terreni ipsi domini per suos sollicitati, Papam per suas quotidianas literas urgebant, nequaquam credibile foret, nisi res usu assiduo promulgata certi- tudinem faceret. Plus enim praceptoriis et comminatoriis scriptis res agebatur, quam commendatoriis vel precatoriis. Quibus si detrectassent Pontifices obtem- perare, et alteri, quam pro quo petebatur, contulissent, certum erat ilium non recipi. — Cap. 42, p. 46 : Quid Clemente nostro, dum ad vixit, miserabilius ? Qui ita se servum servorum Gallicis principibus addiceret, ut vix minas et contumelias, quae illi quolidie ab aulicis inferebantur, deceret in vilissimum mancipium dici. Cedebat ille furori, cedebat tempori, cedebat flagitantium importunitati, fingebat, dissimulabat, largiter promittebat, diem ex die ducebat, his beneficia dabat, ilhs verba : omnibus, quos aut ars assentatoria aut ludicra in curiis accepfos fecerat, summopere placere studebat, eosque beneficiis promereri, quo talium patiocinio dominorum gratiam et favorem assequeretur. His itaque et juvenibus nitidis et elegantibus, quorum maxime consortio gaudebat, singulos fere vacantes Episcopa- tus caeterasque prascipuas dignitates impendebat. Denique ut Principum benevo- lentiam facilius assequeretur, assecutam foveret, fotamque conservaret, conserva- tam ampliticaret, plurima ultro donaria atque xenia illis dabat ; quascunque super clero exactiones petere voluissent, annuebat, ultro s;«pius etiam ingerebat. Sic omnem clerum secularium magistratuum dispositioni ita subjiciebat, ut Papa magis quilibet eorum, quam ipse putaretur. Also Prima Vita Clem. VII. (in Baluz. I. p. 5.37) : Multis etiam sccularibus tam Principibus quam aliis fuit adniodum familiaris et gratus, eorumque contemplatione et amore plures episcopavit et alias promovit, eis aliquando sufficientiores et idoneiores — poslponendo, quandoque, ut eorum benevolentiam et favorem sibi et EcclesiaD acquireret, quandoque ut ipso- rum odium et indignationem evitaret, etc. Tlieodor. a jYiem de schism. II. c. 4 : Clemens multum favebat magnatibus sive nobilibus : unde petentibus ipsis terras, castra et dominia Ecclesiarura cathedralium et monasteriorum pro modico annuo eensu ab ipsis solvendo in feudum sine difficultate concessit, etg. 62 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. over to his extortions as long as the comphiints were not too loud.^ Tithes, Vacances, and Annates^ became now standing sources of revenue. Besides these, Clement claimed also the effects (spolia) of deceased prelates.^ His successor, Benedict Xlll., went beyond him, if possible, in this system of extortion.-' * Chronique saint Denys, A. D. 1381, in the Preuves des libertez de I'eglise Gallicane, Chap. XXII. no. 6. Cleinent avoit bien trente-six Cardinanx, lesquels mens de grands avarices soustindrent d'avoir a peine tous les bons benefices de ce Royaume par divers moyens, et envoyerent leurs scrviteurs parmi le Royaiime enquerans de la valeur des Prelatures, Prieurez et autres benefices : et usoit Clement de reservation, donnoit graces expectalives aux Cardinaux et anteferri. Et fut la chose en ce poinct, que nul hoiiime de bien tant de I'Univei-site que autres ne pouvoicnt avoir benetices. Exactions se iaisoient tant de vuqiians que de dixiesines, et d'arreraiges des choses qu'on disoit esti-e dedans la Chanibre Aposlolique, et poursuivoit-on les heritiers des gens d'Eglise, et disoit-on, que tous lew bieiis devoient estre au Pape : et sei-oit cho-e trop longue k reciter les maux qui se faisoient, et les inconveniens qui en venoient: et tout souflfroit le Due d'Anjou Regent, aussi disoit-on qu'il en avoit son bufin : et estoit grande pilie de voir ies Escojiers a Paris et Regens, lesquels s'en alloient comme gens esgai-ez et abandonnez. Some restraint was imposed by the royal edict of the 6th of Oct. 1.385, contra exactiones Curias Romans et Cardinalium. ]bid. no. 8. 2 Of the origin of the Annates, see Nationis Gallicae in Cone. Const. (1417) declaratio de Annatis non solvendis, cap. 2 (in v. d. Hardt Concil. Const. T. I. P. XIII. p. 764, see above, § 100, note 25) : De vacantibus veio et fructibus primi anni majnrum Pralaturarxiyn, Abbatialium videlicet, Episcopalium et supra, nullum aliud initiiim i'uisse invenitur', quam voluntaria et gratuita oblatio quoi-un- dani, qui in discordia electi ad Abbalialeni vel Cathedralem ecclesiam, duni prose- querentur in Curia per appella'.ionem ad eam factam, per eum, qui obtinebat finalem victoriam, et promovebatur sive eligebatur. Et talis oblatio et gratuita datiojuxta vulgare Italicum dicta fuit sei-vilium, et secundum Alemanos propina dicitur. Et dicta fuerunt servitia comniunia, quia communiter inter eos divideban- tur, eo quod singulos, quibus dare volcbat, non coiivocal)at. Et singulis dare fuisset nitnium onero-ium his, qui tunc agebiuit in publico Consistorio. Sed post- modum deductum est in Consistorium secretuin, quod tamen fuerat simoniacum. — Et successivo tempore volentes gratuite dare et voluntarie conferre summam cer- tam vel aliquid, co quod tunc nulla certa taxa esset in Camera : quoad aliqua ad tertiam partem valoris Episcopatus, Monasterii, aliqua vero ad mediam, in aliquibus etiam taxa dictum valorem excedit, prout in libris Cancellari^ scripts sunt, et ultra pro minuti? servitii*;, compulsi sunt dare, ot offerre ad solvendum se et mona- sterium, sive etiam obligare per suarum literarum retentionem. Et novissime additum est, et compelhintur per eandcm retentionem se obligare ad id, quod reperiretur esse debilum in libiis eorum Camera?, sive dominorum Cardinalium, per oblationem vel obligationcm alicujus pra>decessoris Monasterii vel ecclesiEe, ad quam assumitur vel transfertur. — Cap. 3 : Non pctuntur, neque exiguntur ha annatcB per Cameram Apostolicam et doniinos Cardinales ex eo quod vacant, sed quia conferunt, seu quia coliationi et promotioni, qua> fit per Papain, assentiunt. Et hoc est clare secundum canones Simoniacum. The forma obligafionis, which the newly appointed prelates had to bind themselves to, see cap. 4. p. 786 seq. ; compare an anonymous work of A. D. 1418, in Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 914: Circa modum exactionis istarum vacantiarum est advertendum, quod ante tempora schismatis nulla solutio, aut obligatio exigebatur, sed habita possessione Collectores Apostolici levabant in multis et prolixis terminis taxam : ita quod taxa vix tribus, decern vel duodecim annis erat levata, et communiter remittebatur pars, et aliquando totum propter paupertates vel alias considerafiones. — Post vero tem- pus schismatis ante traditionem bullarum solvebatur una magna pars, — et de reliqua parte recipiobantur obligationes formarum in durissima et cum tot censuris gravissiniis, quod pauci fuerunt, qui non inciderunt in illas. * Compare the edict mentioned in note 2, of Oct. 6, 1385: nunc ctim Episcopura in Regno nostro ah hac luce migrare contingit, Collectores et Subcollectorea summi Chap. I. III. ScJiism. § 102. Oppression in the Church. 63 During the life of Urban VI. the Roman popes were favorably dis- Pontificis — bona mobilia et immobilia ex decessu talium Episcoporum relicta — capiunt. — Et non solum bona praedicta Epi.-coporum capiunt, sed etiam Monaste- rioruin, postquain Abbates viam univeiss carnis sunt insrressi, licet dicti Abbates non habeant, nee habere possint propriuui. Of the oppressions under Clement generally, see Alcol. de Clamengis de ruina eccl. c. 8. in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. III. p. 11: Adjecerunt autcm summi Pontiiices pcrsonis Ecclesia- rum et Ecclesiis ipi^is — vectigalia alia ad illam suam cameram, iino polius charib- dini, fulciendam. Statuerunt namque, utquoiies aliquem virum Ecclesiasticuni — ex isla luce migrare conlingeret, aut suuiu cum altero quovis qualecunque bene- ficium penuutare, toties onines proventus primi anni secuturi, certam ubique ad summam suo arbitratu taxatos, sua meniorata camera accipcret. — Quid Pia-lato- rum spolia, quid creberrimus decimas, omnibus Ecclesiasticis indictas, quid anga- rias alias commemorein ? Quid concessas prhicipibvs super clero universo a Papa et Pontificibus exactiones, cum seculari in illos solvendi coiircitione ? Quid retentas /)/-ocwra<(o«es, et sine ulla visitatione ab ipsis Episcopis et Archidiaconis ubique subtractas.' — Quid infinita alia quotidiana onera tributorum, ab infortuna- tissimis Ecclesiarum ministiis exacta, quEe longum esset exequi particulatim, referam ? — Cap. 9 : Ad haec autem omnia exigenda — suos per onines provincias collectores instituerunt, illos videlicet, quos scirent in exlorquendo argento — acriores, et qui nulli omnino parcerent, nullum eximeient, sed vel ex silice aurum elicerent. Quibus et aucloritatem anniierunt, quoscunque, etiam praelatos, ana- themate feriendi, — nisi intra pra;finitos dies de postulata pecunia satisfacere curas- sent. Thus these Collectores su?pensiones a divinis, interdictiones and anathemata became very common. Quis nescit, tot ahbatibus, totque aliis pralatis, cum deces- sissent camera prse inopia obnoxii, negata funeralia, negata excquiarum solemnia, negatam humationem, nisi forte in agris aut hortulis aut prophanis aliis sedibus clauculo tumulali sint. Cap. 10. Of the venalia judicia of the Court. Cap. 14. Of the avarice of the cai-dinals, who often drew the income of 400-500 benefices. Cap. 15. Cernentes igitur inopes alii et calami'.osi Ecclesiastici, nihil se posse consequi, — ad hos ip?os (Cardinales) se conferunt, et aut cum siinoniaca pravitate beneficia ab iis mercantur, aut pensione annua, quod aque Simoniacum est, ab illis redimunt, etc. ^ This is seen from the Appella'io interpo^ita per Univer?it. Paiisiensem a Dom. Benedicto dd. 6 Jan. 1406 in Martene et Dvrand thcsaur. anecdot. T. II. p. 1295 seq. and the royale Ordonnance dd. IS Febr. 1406, in the Preuves des Lib. de I'egl. Gall. Chap. XXII. no. 9. in this Appellatio we read, p. 1302: Quantum hoc illud gravamen est, o piissime Jesu, quo (Benedictus XIII) sibi beneticii cujus- cumque vacantis unius annifructuumperceptionem usurpavit .' Et vere omnium unius anni fructuum in non taxatis et excmtis, per a;quiva!entiam in taxatis, altera parte penes se reservata, altera capellano deputata, sic totum convellendum et secum rapiendum decrevit, ut plerumque beneficio atque beneficiato nihil pcnitus remaneat. Quantum etiam illud gravamen, et quam religioni ac moribus nostris contrarium, quo visitandi procurationes praelafis et archidiaconis ad mores refor- mandos deputatas — sibi duxerit appropiiandas. — Nee minus est onus dechnarum, quibus est uti solitus. Nuper unam imposuit, propter quam alma mater Univer- sitas a sermonibus et lectionibus decern septimanis cessare coacta est. Ab hac pauperes hujus regni sacerdotes ita fuerunt oppressi, ut et excommunicationem et ab officio suspensionem multo tempore passi sint. — Illud eliam novum et pene Inauditum mibi gravamen videtur, quod ecclesiastico viro mortuo et adhuc efflante animam — spolia ipsius ac universa temporalia, quae siiccessori vel ecclesiEe debent attribui, per suos ministros tarn impie rapiantur, quo tanta crudelitas sequuta est, ut inhumatus evulso monumento atque corrupto corpore suis spoliis effossus priva- retur. — Non contentus vir iste fructibus unius anni, quem beneficii vacantem appellant, multo tempore beneficia pinguia vacare perniittit, et eo decursu saspe duorum vel trium annorum et amplius spiritualium fructus vel temporalium rapi atque comportari suis jubet aptissimis satellilibus. — .Sed adhuc istius cupiditatis insatiabilis ardor non quiescit, petit fructus quos appellat ?nale perceptos : — petit vacantes a quadraginta annis, pro quibus solvendis ecclesi«e pluriraae radicitus everterentur. Talium enim summa uiille millia transcendit. An etiam omitten- 64 Tliird Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. tinguished in this respect from the French.*^ But Urban's successor, Boniface IX., imitated all the extortions of his rivals, whilst in Si- mony, which was openly practised, and even defended by him and his court,''^ he went far beyond them.*^ dum putatis, quod temporibus fructuuin a suis injuste captorum pensiones ecclesia- ruiii atqiie debita nullo niodo persolvunt, quo fit ut pro talibus oneribus anni fructus sequoiitis non sufficiant. Exquisivit vir iste moilos alios astutiores congerendae pecunifE, monetam mutavit, qua sspe pro quatuor millibus quiiique coUiguntur. — Monetam aureaiii regni recipere nolunt iidem niinistii, nisi supra proprium valorem certam summam recipiant. — Litteras, absolutiones, quittancias pretio taxant intolerabili. Excommunicant sa'pe, ut absohitione pauperes spolient. Re- laxant dumtaxat quartam unius anni pro quatuor francis. — Omilto qujestus pecunia- rum insolitos sub officio pietatis et indulgentiarum colore, quibus fallaciter lunu- meras pecunias a simplicibus exigunt, ut eos, sicut dicunt, ad statum reducant innocentia;. Concerning the protits of the Annales, see Nationis Gall, in Cone. Const. Declaratio de Annatis non solvendis, c. 4, in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. XIII. p. 780. According to this document they yielded 200,000 francs yearly in Fi'ance alone. 6 See above, § 101, note 2. Still Urban did not i-cstore the freedom of election, and also took Annates. Thus Thorn. Wahingham hist. Angl. ad ann. 1382 (Anglica, Hibernica a Veteribus scripta ex bibl. Camdeni. Francof. 1602, p. 289), relates that Urban refused to confirm the choice of a certain abbot of Bury, and appointed another in his place ; and that he was obliged at last by the king to admit the first election, yet he did not confirm the electionein de ipso factam, sed per provisionem concessit Abbatiam, ita duntaxat, ut solveret Romana; curiee dupli- cis vacationis censum. In A. D. 1.389, Richard II. forbad the archbishop of Can- terbury to collect the new contribution levied by the Pope on the clergy, see Thorn. Rymcr fcedera, conventiones, etc. inter Reges Anglias et alios, old ed. T. III. P. IV. p. 47 seq. ' Theodor. a JViem de schism. II. c. 7: Ipse (Bonifacius) reperit plures bonos et leo-ales Cardinales, — qui simonias vitium detestabantur omnino, quorum prse timore, quoad vivebant, quasi per septcm annos non audebat simoniam publice ex- ercere, attamen per aliquos mediatores secrete — exercebat, intercedentibus pactis clandestinis de promotionibus per ipsum faciendis. — Cardinalibus autem pio niajori parte successive defunclis, quos ipse simoniam odio habere cognovit, exhilaratus est nimium, quia tunc libcras habebat habenas simoniam pro libito etiam publice exercendi. (According to Raynald. ann. 1392, no 1, he had, however, in this very year passed a deci'ee, ut I'edigendorum ex omnibus sacerdotis, quae conferrentur a sede Apostolica, vectigaVnim, qum prima labente anno ohvenirent, dimidia pars in fiscum Pontificis inferretur). Sed demum circa decimum annum sui regiminis, ut cautius ageret in hac parte, palliaretque simoniam, quam exercuit, quodam necessitatis coXore primos fructus unius anni omnium ecdcsiarum cathedralium et Abhatiarum vacantium sure camera; reservavit, ita quod quicunque ex tunc in Archiepiscopum vel Episcopum aut Abbatem per eum promoveri voluit, ante omnia cogebatur solvere primos fructus ecclesia; vel monasterii, cui praefici voluit, etiamsi nunquam possessionem ejusdem consequi posset. De quo ipse Bonifacius penitus non curabat, imo s*pedicebat: ufinam non adipiscatur possessionem eccle- sice vel monasterii hujusmodi, ut iterum de alio rursus pecunias extorqueret. Dicti autem primi fiiictus per ipsum aestimati fuerunt ad triplum illius, quod in Uteris camerce Jlpostolica pro communi servitio solvendo taxata fiierunt. Et quia non omnes promovendi venientes ad Curiam sufficicntibus pecuniis cum sacco parati erant, usura in Curia — tantum invaluit, quod fcenus amplius non reputabatur peccatum. — Ut nihil ipse Pontifex omitteret, multas uniones ecdcsiarum parochia- lium et aliorum beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum simonia intercedcnte fecit. Cap. 8 : Hie Bonifacius suique secretarii et cubicularii in principio sui Pontificatus unius anni spatio vol plus, primam, qua; erat V Id. Nov., plus offercntibus vendiderunt tam inverecunde ac frequenter, quod passim devenit in derisioncm etiam populorura ilia vendilio, et ibidem Bonifacius sub pacto qua;cunque heneficia ecclesiastica ubicunque locorum vacantium, sivc rcservata essent sive non, disposifioni Aposto- Cluip. I. III. Schism. § 102. Oppression in the Church. . 65 Thus at the end of this period both divisions of the church groaned under a heavy yoke. licfe sub dato obitus eorum, qui ea vivi po=isidebant, vendidit, et ha>c mercimonia publica multis aiinis duraverunt in curia Boniiacii. Invenisses ctiam tunc plerosque cursores per Loiiibardiam et alias partes Italia; discurrere, perscrutantes, nuin in- tii-marcntur aliqui pinguia ecclesiaslica benelicia obtinentes, et si aiiquos invene- runt Kijrotantes, tunc cui-rebantad Roiuanaiii Curiam, et mortem talium intimabant illis, qui super hoc ipsos prctio conduxcrunt. 8ed Pontifex ipse, utpote iniprobus mercator, quandoque eliam sub eodem dale unuin et idem sacerdoliuni plnribus vendens, veluti novum pioclamabat pro secundo, tertio, vel quarto : concurrenlibus simul in dato super uno et eodem beneficio sic vacante, — novas gratias posteriores in dato vendidit cum clausula Antejerri, per multos annos et tarn diu, donee nuUi vel pauci illarum gratiarum deinceps invenirentur emtores. Quod videntes ipsi proxenet:^, ad inauditam prius practicam lucri captandi causa se improbe converte- runt. Ca]). 9 : Finxerunt enim alias novas gratias exspectativas, quae omnes gratias illas in Dato pra.'cedenti, qua; vocahantur cum clausula Anteferri, proster- nebant, sed ilia; fuerunt nimis cara;, quia illae cum simplici clausula Anteferri pro XXV florenis vel circa, sed alia; gratis cum antelationis pra5i-ogativa pro L ducatis communiter vendebantur. Simul quod ultima; gratia; per multos assidue ambitiosos emerentur, praifati mercalores seu institores, >it plus lucrarentur, novas cautelas invenerunt. Fecit enim dictus Pontifex perquam multas regulas cancellaria; et alias ordinationes, per quas videbatur se hujusmodi gratiarum expectativarum a se tum passim venditarum effrenatam multitudinem restringcie velle. Quod cum multi dictarum gratiarum sentirent emtores, novo paclo intercedente pecuuiario qua^stu impetrarunt ab ipso, quod sub illis declarationibus non comprehenderentur gratice ipsis facta;. Beneticia etiam dispositioni dicti Pontificis generaliter reservata, et ilia potissime, qua; vacabant in Curia pra;tata, plus offerenli vendebant sub con- ditione, quod cmpiores illorum etiain primos fructus eorundem beneticiorum in prompta pecunia ad utilitatem camera; ApostolicEe ante oumia solverent, quo facto tunc primum signabantur supplicationes pro ipsis emptoribus, in quibus dicta beneticia petebantur, et etiam postquam signatae fuerunt, si alter venissct forte, qui plus obtulisset, jam signatae supplicationes hujusmodi sa;pe de registiis supplicatio- num dicti Bonifacii cancellabantur, et superveniens praeferebatur pra;cedenti in dato : dicebat enim ipse Bonifacius, quod illi, qui minus obtulerunt, cum decipere voluissent. — Cap. ](): Pra;terea dispensationes, qus petebantur ab ipso antistite pro quibuscunque, dummodo correspondeiet pecunia, quam ejus rei causa petebat, indifferenter docto et illi carius, et indocto et huic remissius, pacto etiam interce- dente, vendere non negavit. Omnia etiam beneficia in ecclesiis urbis vacantia vendidit, et si non potuit habere pecunias, res alias in coinmutationem recepit, ut porcos, sues, equos, granum et frumentum, etc. — Hie eliam Argus antistes libros, vestes, utensilia et pecunias suorum Curialiiun et Pra;Iatorum adhuc quandoque ipsis agonizantibus per quosdam oiFiciales sus Curia; ad hoc deputatos pro se recolligi fecit ad instar corvi in praedam hiantis. Cap. 11. — postremo ad profundum iniquitatis descendens, nullam penitus supplicationem — signare voluit, nisi pro singulis supplicationibus — siugulos florenos auri— recepisset. Cap. 12: Prasterea idem Bonifacius circa septimum Pontificatus sui annum — ccrtam ordinationem seu regulam sua; Cancellaiia; edidit, continentem in effectu, quod quicunque Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, necnon Abbates per eum promoti infra annum a tempore promotionis — computandum literas ipsius Bonifacii super eisdem promotionihus usque ad Thesaurariam expeditas non haberent, caderent a jure sibi acquisito ex promotionihus ipsis, ac ecclesis et monasteria ex eo per annum vacarent: dicta;que litera;, licet solvissent per eum promoti aliquando pro majori parte expensas et onera, quae de novo promotis incumbunt, non dabantur de ipsa Thesauraria, nisi totaliter persolvissent. — Et licet Innocentius VII — dictam ordinationem tanquam injustissimam et nequissimam in pi-incipio sui Pontificatus refutasset, postremo tamen ad importunam instantiam aliquorum lucri causa earn circa aiiquos pi-slalos renovavit in principio secundi anni sui Pontificatus, propter quod Dcus subito punivit eum, ut crcdilur, etc. — Under Boniface multi religiosi, et prassertim mendicantium ordinum fratres, quod possent ecclesiastica benelicia regere, et extra eorum ordines et loca religiosa morari, ac alia similia multa impetrarunt, nee potuit adeo quid injustum aut absurdum postulari, quod non concederetur interce- VOL. III. 9 66 Third Period Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. «^ 103. ATTEMPTS TO RECONCILE THE SCHISM. These aggravated evils combined with religious scruples to urge on the efforts lor a reconciliation. The university of Parish, in particular, labored with unwearied industry to this end.^ After waiting long in dente sinioniaco pacto et soluta pecunia. Compare the work Matthm de Cracovia (from 1405 bishop of Worms, *f 1409) written in the time of Boniface IX. de squaloribus Rom. Curias (best ed. in Walchii Monim. medii aevi fasc. 1) e. g. c. 11. p. 48 : Nee solum hoc modo destruuritur ecclesias et monasteria : sed etiam per hoc, quod dantur Cardinahbus vel muheribus in commendas, vel assignantur et committuntur piioratus. GobeUni Persona; Cosmodromii JEt. VI. c. 84, in H. Meibomii Kei-. Germ. T. I. p. 316. s See above, § 100, note 28. Theod. a jYietn. II. c. 9: Curiales pro majori parte atfirmabant talia licite fieri, cum Papa in talibus, ut dicebant, peccare non posset. Cap. 32 : Yivente eodem (Bonifacio) quidam integri magistri in sacra theologia et ahi in scientiis illurninati, dolentcs ita communiter et aperte simoniam committi in Curia, et quod sic fieri posset, multis Juristis et aliis pertinaciter asse- rentibus; in contrarium arguendo, et conclusiones in quateruas et codices redi- gendo determinarunt, hcet sub magno timore, quod Papa vendendo ecclesiastica beneficia ex pacto intercedente siinoniacus esset, quia non Ibret constitutus, ut ilia venderet, sed ut dignis gratuito dispensaret. Of the>e works, in which the prin- ciple is attacked, that the Pope could not be guilty of ^•imony,the most conspicuous are Matth. de Cracovia de squaloribus Rom. Curia liber (see note 7) cap. 11 seq. and the Speculum aurcum (written 1404. According to the ill-founded supposi- tion of Goldast, in his Monarchia, T. II. p. 1527 seq. the author is commonly called Paulus Anglicus, but according to Theodoriis Engelhvshis {'f 1434) in Leibnitii Scriptt. Brvinsv. vol. II. p. 1139, it was Albertus Engelstat (s. Engel- schalc) Doctor s. theol. Pragensis : on the other hand, in a Codex of the Speculi in the library at Bonn, he is called Petrus Averu'nus : the best edition in TValcliii Monim. medii aevi, vol. 11. fasc. I. p. 67 seq.), see Pars II. et III. p. 136. cf. P. II. cap. 1 : Video tot et tantos scribentes in jure canonico, et summistas simonis vitium in romana curia excusare. Their grounds : Bernardus (de Botono) in o-lossa ord. (to Deer. Greg. I. 29, 12) ponit banc communissimam dislinctionem simoniae dicens : quod quwdam sunt simoniaca, quia prohibita, scil. constitutione ecclesis : qua;dam prohibita, quia simoniaca dc sui natura, quae scil. sunt novo et veteri testamento prohibita, ut emere vel vendere sacramenta. — Hanc dislinctio- nem recipiunt communiter doctores, scribentes injure canonico et summistae — . Simoniaca, quia prohibita, dicuntur, quas solum sunt spiritualia ex constitutione ecclesias, qu;e antea non faerunt, sicut tiluli beneliciorum ecclesiasticorum : et dicunt, talia jure positivo introducta, quia tempore Apostolorum non fuerunt deca- natus, archipresbyteratus, canonicatus, etc. Sic similiter dicunt, ea vendere vel emere est simonia ideo, (piia constitutione ecclesis emptio vel venditio talium est prohibita. — Et idco dicunt, — quod excusat auctoritas Papoe, qui habet in talibus dispensare. — Quis enim dubitat, titulos ecclesia-^ticos jure positivo inductos ? Nam solus Papa facit dignitates, instituit pra'lalos. — Unde sola voluntas, tacita vel ' expressa, tollitjus. — Et ideo dixit Goffr. et alii, quod simonia non habet locum in curia Romana. These principles are vehemently opposed in the dialogue by Paul, till Peter, P. III. c. 1. p. 189, is made to admit : Jam clare video, quod excusato- ribus simoniae est sublata excusatio, et fundamentum, quo videbantur innixi, radi- citus extirpatum. lino, ut mihi videtur, ha*rcsis est, asserei-e, quod Papa licite possit pro spirituali tifulo rccipere pecuniam : et multo magis, hoc lacere in cfTectu. Propter quod videtur niihi, Paule, quod tota Romana Curia est in via damnationis, per ea, qua; supriius demonstrasti. Omnis enim curtisanus ipso facto sui officii videtur particeps simoniae. ' The university had, to be sure, sufTered particularly during the schism, sec § 102, note 2. The first steps were, therefore, taken in resistance to oppression, Bulcei Chap. I. Papacy. HI. Schism. § 103. 67 vain for some compromise between the two Popes,-' the university at leno-th received permission from the court to give an opinion on the subject (A. D. 1394). ^ Benedict XIII. showed even less disposition than his predecessors had done (notwithstanding the promise given at his election) to take any effectual step towards a reconciliation,'' and hist. Univ. T. IV. p. .582 seq. — In the same year, however, appeared Hcnrici de Lan^enstein, or de Hassia (Vice-chancellor of the university of Paris, from A. D. 1384^ professor of theology in Vienna) Consilium pacis de unione ac reformatione eccle'si* in concilio univeVsali quarenda (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. II. p. 10 seq. ; and in Jo. Gersonii 0pp. ed. du Pin, T. II. p. 809 .seq.) ; and the professor of theoloo-y, Petrus de Alliaco, also recommended a general council to the duke ot Anjou, a's the best means of reconciling the schism, and assured him that such was the opinion of the university (Jo. Launoji hist. Regii Navarra; Gymnasii, Paris. P. III. lib. 1. c. 4). 2 According to Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 618, Clement, in a letter written as eaHy as A. D. 1387, to all princes and prelates, declared himself ready, se Concilii generalis auctoritati et detinitioni libenter submissurum imo cessurum, si sic Ecclesis videretur expedire. The Roman Pope, Urban, however, in answer to the German princes, who attempted to prevail on him ( Theod. a A'lein I. 66), ut unionem faceret cum Clemente, persisted in maintaining, quod ipse esset verus Papa, nee expediret illud in dubium vertere. His successor, Boniface IX, offered duke Stephen of Bavaria, to appoint his rival, if he would yield his pretensions to the papal crown, to be cardinal in partibus ultramontanis, quas Gallias et Hispanias appellant, etc. — and Apostolicas sedis legatus et pro Ecclesia Romana in tempora- libus generalis Vicarius for life. 3 This opinion, dated 6 Jun. 1394, is in Bulmus IV. p. 687 seq. ; in d'.^chery Spicil. I. p. 776. The university proposes tres vias ad pacem in P^cclesia obtinen- dam, namely, cessionis, which it recommends, compromissionis and Concilii gene- ralis', aut secundum formam juris ex Prelatis tantummodo celebrandi, aut quia plures eorum satis, proh pudor ! hodie illiterati sunt, pluresque ad alterutram partem inordinate affecti, mixtis una cum Prelatis ad aeiiualem eorum numerum Mao-istris et Doctoribus thcologia; ac Juris de studiis solemnibus utriusque partiiim antiquitus approbatis. — Si alter dissidentium aut utcrque vias tres expositas inire obstinatius refugerit, — eura velut schismaticum perlinacem, et — hsreticum — judicandum, etc. At the same time they wrote to Clement VII ( BuIceus IV. p. 699), admonishing him to aid in putting an end to the schism, and complaining of his legate, Petrus de Luna (afterwards Benedict XIII): nobis ea quas audivistis erga pra;fatum Principem pro Ecclesias salute agentibus — supervenit inimicus homo, qui — hunc totum laborem nostrum — extinguere et cassare, licet frustra, molitus est. Et primo quidem tentavit audientiam nostram in Re^ia pra^sentia impedire. — Deinde — super hac materia perpetuum silentium imperari nisus est, sed certe dignam — repulsam retulit, qui a Rege Christianissimo — tam execrabile scelus poposasset. — Nequam qui hoc cogitavit, nequior qui tam iniquo cogitatui consensit, nequissimus qui hoc ipsum abominandum facinus explere voluit. — Beatitudinem vestram talium vindicem esse decernatis, quam et nos in ultionem hujuscemodi malorum appellamus, imploramus atque exspectamus. Nam de modis et remediis, per quos suum damnabile propositum obtinere conatus est, quid attinet scribere .' noti pene omnibus ; — satis certe scimus eos, — scient proh pudor exterffi Nationes, scient, inquam, ulinam non ad Vestra sinceritatis dedecus, utbiain non ad vestrcB canscc detrimentum. — Ea propter. Pater beatissime, per fidem integerrimam, — per amorem amplissimum et sanctissimum, quem ad spon- sam Ecclesiam habere debetis, — vos hortamur, — ut ad banc sanctissimam con- cordiam, qua; in manu vestra sita est, non ultra jam prorogando intendatis. Satis jam satis hue usque cessatum est, satis tepuimus, satis quievimus, satis exspecta- vimus, etc. In a Ms. there is a note to this letter (1. c. p. 701), that the Pope, when he read it, remarked : literal istes malm sunt et venenosm : from that time he continued to be dissatistied, and soon after died. •» The wish of the king and the minority to defer the election (Bideeus IV. p. 710; d'Achery I. p. 770) was disappointed. Still the cardinals had previously 68 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 140'J. returned an evasive answer to the urgent proposition of the French national synod (lol)5).^ The university, iiowever, was not to be discouraged/' and persevered till it at length brought about an agree- ment between the king of France and the emperor Wenceslaus, to force both Popes to resign (A. D. 1398).' The latter was too weak to perform his part of the contract, but France renounced its alle- giance to Benedict at another national synod A. D. 1398,^ and the bound themselves by oath ( B ulceus IV. p. 730), that whoever should be chosen Pope, omnes vias utiles et accomiiiodas ad unitatem Ecclesiae — sine machinatione seu excusatione vel dilatione quacumque sei-vabit et procurabit — usque ad cessio- nem etiam inclusive per ipsuni de Papatu lacicndam, si Dominis Cai-dinalibus — hoc pro bono Ecclesia; et unitatis pra^dicta; videatur expedire. ■'' See the account of this council by a Monachus s. Dionysii, in iVAchery I. p. 773; the Acta in Martene ampl. coll. T. VII. p. 437 and 458, both in Mansi XXVI. p. 773. The via cessionis was considered the best, and the kinp; sent the Duke de Beriy, Burgundy and Orleans to Benedict, to recommend it to him, (see the instructions given them in Mansi, 1. c. p. 787). Benedict proposed, instead (see Responsio in iVJlchery I. p. 789), a personal meeting with his lival, and a compromise, the futility of which was to be foreseen. Compare the Narratio of the university ( B ulceus IV. p. 800, agreeing with the more detailed account of d'Achery I. 791, and the statement in the royal edict of 1398, ibid. p. 858) : DD. Duces cum omni humilitate — D. Benedictnm monuerunt, ut dictam viani vellet recipere, sibi reducentes ad memoriam jui-amentum per eum prxstitum : — ad qua; respondit glossando juramentum. — DD. Cardinales collegialiter omnes dempto uno asseruerunt ad dictum D. Bencdictum, — qualiter prsdicta; via; adhajserant, tan- quam meliori et breviori pro sedatione Schismatis, — quare (inaliter humillime sibi supplicai-unt, quatenus ad ipsam viam condcscendere vellet. Et ipse — negavit verbis comminatoriis, ipsos Cardinales — requirendo, ut cum ipso in sua via starent. — DD. Principes videntes et percipientes has responsiones, DD. Cardinalibus supplicaverunt, ut super deliberatione et conclusione per eos ad dictam viam ces- sionis facta et habita scedulam suis — sigillis munitam vellent dare. — Hanc sup- plicationem — audicns D. Benedictus, inhibuit sub pcenis excommunicationis, inobedientiae et infidelitatis, ne hujusmodi scedulam conlicerent. The Pope's letter, containing this prohibition, see in Bulccus IV. p. 731 (where it is erroneously referred to the schedula conclavis note 4) and d'Achery I. p. 794. " As Benedict de praedictis indignatus sine causa contra ipsam Universitatem et nonnulla ejus Supposita, processus aliquos et sententias, seu beneticiorum priva- tiones facere disposuit et facere praecepit et ad hoc faciendum aliquos commisit : the university appealed 1396 (see Eulceus IV. p. 799 seq.) a prcedicto Kenedicto prastensisque Commissis et Committendis, — nee non ab omnibus et singulis grava- minibus — illatis et alias inferendis ad proximum futurum unicum, verum, ortho- doxum et universalem Papam, etc. To this appeal, dd. 30 May, 1396, which he asserted (1. c. p. 820) to have been made sub occasione nonrmllorum pci- nos eis, ut falso dicebat (Procurator Univ.), comminatorum et in posterum Ibrsan inferendo- rum gravaminum, quin potius ut sub pallio hujusmodi conceptarum malitiarum suum intentum valerent prosequi, Benedict answered, non licuisse seu licere a Rom. Pontijice ajtpellure, seu etiam provocare : et nihilominus provocationem seu appellationem a jure prohihitam et danuiatam esse, ac nullam, nuUiusque efficacia; existere, etc. The university answered this letter with much effect in a second appeal (1. c. p. 821). ^ Theod. a J\''iem II. c. 33. Anonymus in Martene ampliss. coll. VII. p. 431. Eberhard Windcck (about 1434) Gesch. Kayser Siegmunds in Mencken Scriptt. Rer. Germ. T. I. p. 1077. » The Acta in Bulccus IV. p. 829. Mansi XXVI. p. 839 seq. The royal edict of 27 Jul. in BulcBUs IV. p. 853; and in the Preuves des libertez de I'egl. Gall, chap. XX. no. 1 : — ab obedientia totali ijisius Benedicti et ejus adversarii, cujus mentionem non facimus, cum nusquam .sibi obediverimus — nos, Ecclesia, Clerus, Chap. I. Papacy. III. Schism. § 103. 69 example was soon followed by Castile,'^ the Pope being kept as a prisoner at Avignon. ^'^ Nor was it till several years after that France was won back to the cause of Benedict, through the influence of the duke of Orleans, and then only nnder an express promise that he would comply with the wishes of the court (A. D. 1403). ^^ But this promise it was soon evident that he had little intention of fuIfiUing.i'^ Still, as the Italian cardinals had extorted a similar promise from their Pope, Innocent VII. (1404), at his election, i^ it became neces- sary, for appearance' sake, to open negotiations. The failure of these excited general dissatisfaction, and France had already threat- et populus Regni ac Delphinatus — recedimus, nuntiamusque auctoritate praesen- tium recessisse. Volentes inter ctetera, quod abinde inantea ipsi Benedicto — de emoluinentis Ecclesiasticis — solvere aut respondere nemo prffisuniat. Quod etiara occurrentibus vacationuni casibus assumantur ad Prslaluras, dignitates, et alia beneficia electiva per electionem ; cajteiis etiam beneficiis provideatur per colla- tionem eorum, ad quos hujusmodi electio et collatio spectant: — distiictius inhi- bentes universis et singulis subditis nostris, — ne pra-fato Benedicto, ejusque sequa- cibus — obedire quoniodolibet — praesumant, etc. The 18 cardinals of Benedict thereupon wished a totali obedientia ipsius recedere and betook themselves to Villa- nova (d'Achery I. p. 799). 9 The edict of Henry III. of 12 Dec. 1398, in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 25. '0 See Acta vett. in Baluzii Vita;, PP. Aven. II. p. 1122. " The negotiations began as early as 1402. The dukes of Berry and Burgundy, as also the university of Paris, were against the restoration of Benedict, and the duke of Orleans, with the university of Toulouse, in favor of it. A long letter on the subject was addressed to the king by the latter (Bulcsus, V. p. 4), and answered by the university of Paris (ibid. p. 25 and 30), as also in a large work of M. Guil. Ronncensis Praepositus (ib. p. 53). (An unprinted answer by Simon Cramand, patriarch of Alexandria, who had presided at both the previous national councils, is in the library of the university of Bonner). Finally, the Orleans party succeeded in bringing about the restoration at a new council, Bulaus, V. 63. Preuves des lib. de I'egl. Gall. ch. XX. no. 7. The promises referred to in the text were given to the assembly by the duke of Orleans (11. cc.) : Monseigneur le Due d'Orleans se fait fort d'avoir Bulles de nostre S. Pere, de I'acceplation de la voye de cession en trois cas, sqavoir Jldversario cedente, decedente, vel ejecto. Item que nuUe discussion ne sera jamais faite de la soubstraction en Concile general, ne autre part, et toutes injures, qui ont este faites ou dictes a cause d'icelle, et empeschemens donnez d'une part et d'autre soient annullez et par- donnez, et mondit seigneur d'Orleans se fait fort d'avoir Bulles, conime dessus. Item le Roy ne I'eglise de France n'entendent point q>ie aucune chose soit innovee es collations et promotions faites par les Ordinaires pendant la substraction. — Item le Pape celebrera un Concile general de son obeyssance dedans un an, selon forme de droit, le plustot que faire se pourra, ou quel sera traitte et appointc de la pour- suite de I'union dessusdite et des Reformations et libertez de I'Eo-lise, et des subsides et charges quelsconques, qui sont par la Cour de Rome sur I'eglise de France Et le Pape mettra a execution ce qui sera appointe et ordonne audit Concile. 12 He began immediately to oppose the appointments that had been made during the interval, and demanded the usual papal fees for the past 40 years. See the royal edict of 19 Dec. 1403, in BuIcbus, V. p. 67. 1^ Theod. a JViem, 11. c. 34: ante electionem ipse Innocentius — ac ipsum eligentes praedicti Cardinales sponte jurarunt et voveiunt, quod quicunque ipsorum eligeretur in Papam ad hoc, quod dicta unio ticret, ejus Papatui pure et sponte cedere deberet, dum tamen dictus Petrus de Luna (Benedictus XIII) etiam sue Papatui sponte cedere vellet. This Compromissum of the cardinals, see in Mar- tene thes. II. p. 1274 seq. 70 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. ened once more to renounce its obedience (at the national council, January, 1407) ; ^* vviieii at length the two Popes arranged a personal meeting at Savona, in September, 1307. ^^ Benedict was true to his appointment, but Gregory XII. went only as far as Lucca, and there opened new negotiations as to the place of meeting.^'' This breach of promise offended the Roman cardinals to such a degree, that they forsook hini,!^ and renounced their allegiance to his cause, i*^ whilst the French did the same with regard to Benedict. ^^ Benedict escaped " Acta in Bulmus, V. p. 137: Martene thes. II. p. 1307. Mansi XXVI. p. 1017. '* Capitula accordata in Massilia die XXI Apr. inter D. Benedictum ex una parte, et duos Episcopos, etc. legates D. Gregorii, etc : in Martene thes. II. 1314. '^ Theod. a jXiem, III. c. 14, 17-19. Ejusd. nemoiis unionis Tract. III. Leonardi Jlretini (tlien at Gregory's court) reruni suo tempore in Italia gestarum coniin. (in Muratori scriptt. Rer. Ital. XIX. p. 926): Voluntas ilia Pontiticis (Gregoi'ii) recta nequaquam satis habere firmitatis repei-ta est ad Pontiticatum deponenduni : cujus rei culpani multi in propinquos ejus referebant ; ah his enim forniidines inanes, et adumbrata pericula quotidie tingi, ac instillari ejus auribus prcedicabant, quibus ille detei'ritus nee Saonani accedere voluit, altero Pontifice illic constituto tempore se exhibente et absentiarn ejus incusante ; et in ceteris, quffi iacienda erant, difBcilem se pi-aebuit et niorosuni. Roma tamcn profectus est Senas, ibique longiore mora protracta, quum ab universis accusaretur, Lucam se tandem contulit, data rurs\is inani spe quasi cum adversario Pontihce coiturus. Erat in alleio Pontifice non melior sane mens, sed occultabat callidius malam voluntatein, et quia noster fugiebat, ipse obviam ire videbatur. Itaque Saona pro- fectus est in Veneris Portum, atque inde, quo proprior esset, Spediam venerat. Sed quum de congressu eorum per internuntios ageretur, noster tamquam terrestre animal ad lilus accedere, ille tamquaui aquaticum a mari discedere recusabat. The Acta of the negotiations between the two Popes in Theod. de Mem Nemoris Unionis Tract. VI. c. 2 seq. Martene thes. II. p. 1366. Ejusd. ampl. coll. VII. p. 759. " The immediate occasion was the order of Gregory : Prscipimus omnibus — cardinalibus — sub poena privationis cardinalatus et omnium beneficiorum, — ne a die quarta videlicet jVIaji in antea, aliquis eorum exeat de Luca sine speciali et expressa licenlia nostra; — ne ulterius congregentur in aliquo loco sine expresso niandato nostro ; — ne aliquis eorum pai-ticipet cum oratoribus Petri de Luna, neque cum oratoril)us Gallicis sive per se sive per inlcrpositam personam. The cardinals in Pisa first appealed against this order on the 30tli of May (Martene thes. II. p. 1394). ^'^ Encouraged to the step by a letter of the king of France, of 22 May (Bulmus, V. p. 162), and the university of Paris, of 29 May (1. c. p. 163). Their proclama- tion ad universos Christi Jideles from Leghorn, July 11, in d'Jlchery spicil. I. p. 807 : eundem Gregorium velut hsreticum et nutritorem schisniatis antiquati dereliquimus sibi, cum juxta canonicas sanctiones peccatuin sit ei obedientiam prasstare, die XI mensis Maji proximo pra;teriti omnem quantum in nobis fuit obedientiam juxta juris exigentiam abstraximus, ac recessimus ab eodem, dispositi ut oportuit et oportet ex adverse consurgere, et murum nos opponere pro domo Israel. Then an exhortation to all the churches to refuse obedience to Gregory. '" A royal edict of 12 Jan. 1408 (more Gallicano 1407. BidcEUS, V. p. 147 and 172) declares: judicamus, — nullum ad pra^sens patere validius in tarn desperate malo remediiun, (juam quod neutri contendentium, ac sibi forte successuris, prae- stetur deinceps obedicntia a populo Christiano: deficiente siquidem fomite ignis iste infernalis donante Doe collabetur. Quapropter — nos et Ecclesia regni nostri et Delphinatus Vienncnsis — decrevimus talem amplecti neutralitatem in festo Ascen- sionis proxime venture, nisi interea nobis publica pax advenerit, et pra»dicta tiat unie. Benedict now issued the bull of exrommunication, which had been pre- pared as long ago as the 19th of May, 1407, for the national council which was then assembled (I. c. p. 143) in omnes et singulos, qui Ecclesia; unionem — impe- Chap. I. Papacy. III. Schism. § 104. Effects. 71 imprisonment by flying to Perpignan, but the cardinals on both sides assembled at Leghorn, and appointed a general council at Pisa, in March, 1409, for the final adjustment of the schism.-^ <§> 104. EFFECTS OF THE SCHISM ON THE STATE OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT IN ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS. The schiam, with its attendant evils, drew the general attention to the state of the church, whilst the impotence of the popes gave full scope to remark ; and the consequence was the universal prevalence of such sentiments on the subject as had hitherto been uttered only in the heat of controversy, and of course not without some appear- ance of passion and partiality. These sentiments now took such deep hold even of the truest adherents of the church, that they never after could be entirely eradicated. The papal authority, hitherto considered the highest in the church, being now in dispute between two claim- ants, and all hope of a comprouiise apparently cut off, it became necessary to seek for some still higher authority in the almost forgot- ten ecclesiastical laws. This was of course the part of the learned ; and thus Science assumed the office of arbitrator, and her represen- tatives, the universities, especially the university of Paris, attained an influence feared even by the popes. ^ 'i he comparison of the present with the past led also to many other convictions hardly less unfavora- ble to the papal power. There were indeed but few, who went so far as actually to wish that power abolished as the source of all evil in dierint, aut turbaverint, et a nobis — appellare prassumpserint, ?eu a nostra — obedientia recesserint, etc. This, together with another letter of a conciliatory character (1. c. p. 152) was, with due formalities, destroyed {Monachus S. Dio- nysii h. BulcBiis, V. p. 170. Preuves des lib. de I'eol. Gall. chap. XX. no. 15), and the king declared himself neutral. (Edict of 25 May, 1408, 1. c. p. 165). A new national council (11 Aug.) enacted the Advisamenta super modo regiini- nis Ecd. GallicancB durante neutraUtate (in the Preuves, 1. c. no. 16. BuJaus, 1. c. p. 175). -" The summons of Benedict's cardinals of 14 Jul. in d'Achery I. p. Sll; of Gregory's, ibid. p. 814. ' cf. Prima Appellatio Universitatis a Benedicto XIII. A. D. 1396 ( Bui ecus IV. p. 806) : Nee est credendum, Jesum Christum sponsam suam omni adjutorio spoli- atam relinquere velle ; sed pie dicendum, adjiitorem et propugnatorem suscitasse, suscitasse inquam Daniclem erudituni in sapientia adversus series. Susannam Ec- clesiam, pudicara Christi sponsam, quse unius cubiculi purilatem casto pudore custodivit et custodit, adulterare molientes, contra Jasonem et Menelaum prstac- tos, de Pontificatu dissidentes, Mathatian Mathateosque (leg. Maccabaosque) legis Dei zelatores ferventissimos, Unwcrsitatem Parisiensem, matrem omnium scientiarum, fontem sapientiae totius inexhaustum, lumen Ecclesia; verum quod nunquam appropinquat occasui, nunquam pertulit eclipsim, speculum fidei ter- sum et politum, convexum non concaviim, non angulosum, niillis offuscatura nebulis, nullis contagiis maculatum ; Serenissimum Hegeni Francorum, solem Justitiae, illustres Duces ccpterosque Princlpes Jomus Francim, Stellas lixas in luce orthodoxae religionis clarissimo resplendentes fulgore. 72 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. the church.2 But, on the other hand, its most faithful friends could not but see that the power of the popes was overgrown, and their pretensions beyond bounds exaggerated.-^ They saw in tiie temporal ambition of the popes the source of all mischief, as also of the schism,^ and sighed for the times when the emperors summoned 2 Epist. Univ. Paris ad Clementem VII. A. D. 1394 (Bulccus IV. p. 700) : Jam eo ventiim est, et in tantain perniciem en-orenique res processit, ut plerumque passim et publice non vereantur dicere, nihil omnino ciirandvm quot Papce sint, et non soliimniodo duo aiit tres, scd decern aut duodecini, iino et singulis regnis singulos pra>liei posse, nulla sibi invicem potestatis aut jurisdictionis auctoritate pra-latos. It was maintained by Jo. de Guignecurtius ol' Paris, that the church could do without the pope altogether ( Enguerrand de Monstrelet I. c. 30, 43, 52, cited in the Catalogi testiuia veritatis Auctarium, Cattopoli. 1667. p. 100. ^ Comp. Jo Gersonii Considerationes de Pace, in a sermon delivered before Benedict XIII. on new year's day, 1404, in Tarascon, Consid. I. (0pp. ed. Dil Pin, T. II. p. 69) : Quis non videat, quam impium est, pra-sertini apud eos, qui se Ecclesiasticos dici volunt, si peritos in Evangelica lege vel non consultare vel abji- cerc, vel majori sacrilegio, liabere probro cognoscantur ; hinc errores, hinc prae- sumptuosffi assertiones, hinc perplexitatcs inexplicabiles, hinc obslinatae defensiones adinventionum humanarum in perniciem Ecclesis et pacis salutiferas, finis sui, surgunt : ut, quod non licet disputare de potentia Papa;, quod non potest sihi dici, cur ita facis .' cum tamen sit peccabilis ; quod non potest in aliquo casu Ecclesia sine eo convocari vel aggregari ; quod hie est fidei articuliis, Benedictus est Papa (exempli gratia) ; quod non potest in aliquo casu ad Concilium Papa vocari ; quod absque eo non stat salus, cum tamen salus Ecclesia; in sokun Deum oi'dine- tur absolute et essentialiter, et in hominem Christum de ordinata lege, sed acciden- taliter ordinatur in Papam mortalem ; alioquin, dum vacat Sedes per mortem Papas vel naturalem vel civilem, utputa si sit han-eticus depositus, quis hominum salvus esset .' Alii Papam praedicant impeccabilem, ahi omnipotentem, alii sine uUa exceptione credimt extra salutis statum quemlibel sua; parti non obedientem. — Quod quanta temeritate dicatur, ipsi viderint assertores. ^ Conip. the jurist Jo. Petri de Ferrariis Practica (written 1409-1413), Forma responsionis rei conventi (edit. Lugdun. ann. 1502. fol. 39) : Quomodo et quot modis isti clerici illaqueant laicos, et suam jurisdictionem ampliant ! Sed heu miseri Imperatores et principes saeculares, qui ha;c et alia sustinetis, et vos servos Ecclesise facitis, et mundum per eos infinitis modis usurpare videtis, nee de remedio cogitatis, quia prudentis et scienlia; non intenditis, etc. — fol. A^ verso : casus, in quibus non cunit pra;scriptio, — Nonus est, dum est schisma in ec- clesia Dei, sicut moderno tempore, quo sunt duo Papa% qui jam durarunt XXX annos et ultra ; et perseverabit, nee unquam quiescet ecclesia, nee Italia, donee ipsa Ecclesia possideat civitates vel castra, et donatio eidem facta per Constanti- num fueiit per aliquem probum et potentem Imperatorem penitus revocata, cum non bene conveniat psalterium cum cithara, nee datum sit a Christo, nee a b. Petro, quod possidere debeant talia. Sed quod est Ca;saris, reddatur Caesari, et quod est Dei, Deo. — Forma in actione confessoria pro servitutibus fol. 113 verso: — Vides, quod ipse Papa, qui deberet tanquam verus vicarius vestigia sequi Jesu Christi, possidere et manu armata nititur detinere jurisdictionem in terris, civita- tibus et villis et locis, qufe sunt naturaliter, et a mundi creatione et Christi ordina- tione. Imperii Romani. — Immo ipse Papa in ipso Imperatore nititur superioritatem habere, quod ridiculum est dicere, atque abominabile audire. Nam naturaliter a principio mundi omnes Clerici, nedum Laici, erant sub potestate et jurisdictione Imperii : sed ipsorum Imperatorum dulcedine et benignitate fuerunt clerici dimissi sub potestate Papae, et beneficium hoc tanquam ingrati sciunt male cognoscere, ut notat P. Iinioc. in c. II. de maj. et obed. Bene ergo et sancte faceret ipse Papa, si totam coijioralem jurisdictionem in manibus Imperatoris remitteret, nee aliter unquam respublica, et maxime Itaha, quiescet : nee ulterins de Papatu tale schis- ma, quale fuit et est XXXVI annos pr;eteritos, ullo tempore amplius accideret ; et ex hoc status universus clericorum magis redderetur Deo ac populo devotus, et ipse Papa cum Cardinalibus viveret quietius ac Deo devotius, et populo magis acceptius et gratius. Chap. I. Papacy. III. Schism. § 104. Efecis. 73 Synods by their own authority to compose schisms as soon as they appeared.^ Equally general was the indignation at the ecclesiastical abuses of the popes, and the wish to remedy them by putting bounds to the papal authority.*^ No question was more frequently discussed * Theodoriciis a JViem de schisraate III. c. 7 : FaUie et adulatoiie loquunturilli, qui dicuiit, quod Papa seu ecclesia duos habet gladios, scil. spiritualeiii et tenipora- leni. — Etenini si uterque gladius apud Papain existei-et, supervacue vel ficte Im- perator, vel Rex Romanoruni illud nomen haberet. Sed isti adulatores seu assen- tatores per talia scripta et dicta inducunt maximum errorein in tota Christianitate, et suscitant quodam modo perpetuam ffimilationeiii seu discordiam inter Pa])am et Imperatorem. Conculcatur enim per hoc imperialis auctoritas, et ejus potestas sub dubio collocatur in fotius reipublicas detiiiiientum, ut videmus. Patet enim ex Decreto, quod, cum schi-sma viget in Romana sede, quod propter auctoritatis excellentiam et in temporalibus potentiam Iiuperalor, vel Rex Romanus pra^latos ecclesiasticos potest convocare, ut illud omnino tollatur. Quod credo intelligi debere de illis, qui re et nomine Imperatores vel Reges exi^tunt Romani, non autem de illis, qui desides, seu solo nomine Imperatores seu Reges Romani sunt, sicuti fuerunt Imperatores et Reges Romani, quos nostro tempore habuimus et habemus. Illi enim non merentur Imperatores vel Reges Romani nominari, qui sunt pusillanimes et effasminati. By way of comparison he relates how Theodo- rick, king of the Ostrogoths, conducted in a case of a disputed papal election : quod autem imperialis potestas sit prascipue super malum et incoriigibilem Pontificem Romanum, per quem scandalizatur Ecclesia, he proves, c. 9, by the history of Otho's interference against John XII. : tunc erat adeo excellcns Augustus, quod nemo contra ejus voluntatem aliquem Papain, prseserlim malignum, abjectum, vel schis- maticum ausus fuisset publice confovore. Cap. 10. Quid igitur inducit aliud hsec pompa tantorum temporalium dominiorum, de quibus nunc gloriatur ecclesia Ro- mana, quam negligentiam in spiritualibus, et erectioiiem tyrannorum in eisdem dominiis, et divisiones seu schisma in eadem ecclesia, et alia mala plurima, [sjcm(] satis est notum. Cap. 11 : Quis tunc disputasset cum eodem niagno Augusto Ottone de ipsius judicio super contendentes super Papatu, seu perverso unico Papa, scil. quod nisi a Deo possent judicari ? Utinam talis Imperator surgeret temporibus noslris, qui nunc cassaret scripturarum multiplicitatem in hoc laby- rintho, quse adeo creverunt, — quod vix eos centum cameli poitarent. Nee credo illud obstare, quod Canonists dicunt, quod Papa, nisi a tide sit devius, dejici non possit, et quod nemo judicat primam sedem. — Quae licet ita teneantur, tamen in putativo et contendente de Papatu in schismate vaiiantur nee subsistunt, nee etiara intelliguntur rationabiliter in uno et indubitato Papa malefico, et ecclesiam scanda- lizante, quia ille revera proprie dici non potest Christi vicarius, — sed bestia niagis proprie appellatur, etc. ^ This Benedict XIII., 1403, had to promise the French church, see above, § 103, note 11. Matihceus de Craco»m de squaloribus Rom. Curia; (see § 102, note 7), cap. III. : Considerandum, quo jure, rationc, vel modo sedes apostolica sibi usurpaverit promotionem et provisionem Episcopatuum, Abbatiarum, et alia- rurn dignitatuni, collationem quoque omnium beneficiorum, quse sunt de jure patro- natus spiritualium personarum. Et videtur quod non de jure, sed contra jus et cum injuria capitulorum, — quibus competebat clectio, — nee non cum injuria Episcoporum, etc. — Forte dicitur, quod sedes Apostolica fecit hoc ob culpam, et in pcenam Prajlatorum et capitulorum, quia hi eligebant et illi providebant minima bene. Sed si ilia ratio valeret, tunc etiam deberet auferri et dimitti ab ecclesia Romana: quia jam providet ita male, sicut prius est factum. — Insuper hoc non est de jure introductum, sed per cautelain et astutiam. Quia, ut fertur in principio electionis ac coronationis sua; Apostolici dirigebant piimarias preces dioecesanis pro familiaribus suis. Talis enim ordo et Romana; curia; fuit consuetudo, quod primo monitoriEB, secundo pra;ceptoriae, ultimo executori;e litterae concedebantur (see § 62, note 10). — Item non erat veiisimile, quod nullus Praelatorum bonus et diligcns fuerit in providendo, et ideo non debuit omnibus aul'erri. — Amplius hsc non est poena medicinalis, qure non sanat, sed mortificat. Nee enim per hoc pro- visum est, ne male provideant, sed ne quicquain in hoc boni vel mali faciant, sicut si Deus homini peccanti libertatem voluntatis auferret, ne ultra peccaret. Am- VOL. III. 10 74 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. during the schism than the (for the pope so dangerous) one of the relation of the papal authority to that of an oecumenical council ; a question at length decided in favor of the latter." The result of the plius quando Prselati conferebant beneficia, melius impediri vel levocaii potuit mala provisio, et puniii male providens, quam jam. Tunc enim Papa tauquam superioi- potuit irrilare piox i^ioucm, piivare iiislilutos, et instituerc meliores. Hoc autem per int'eriores contiM superioreia fici-i non potest tam bene vel congrue. The Pope had not the necessary local knowledge of things to make wise appointments. Evil consequences of the papal Reservations. Cap. IV. : Posito autem, sed prop- ter rationes prsmissas non concesso, quod Papa de jure — potuerit oiuniuin bene- ficiorum et dignitatum sibi collationem attrahere, quid boni vel ulilitatis iniportat ista mirabilis multitudo i de caetero tollatur et extirpctur simonia ab Ecclesia Dei, rapacitas et tyrannia, in brevi erit tanta perse- cutio clericorum, et tarn terribilis, qualis non fuit ab initio. — Quare hoc.' Quia jam supradicti viri Ecdesiastici continuo palam et publice concipiunt lasciviam, pariunt ignoauniam, nutriunt avaritiam, colligunt superbiam, divisiones et guerras ipsi generant, in cautelis et deceptionibns ambulant, — in tantwn quod jam totus fere clerus diabolo est subjectus. — Jo. Gerson de simonia, cap. 4 (Ibid. T. I. P. IV. p. 10) : Sicut et alia vilia regnare videmus passim apud homines, et multo plus apud clericos. — Recessit enim a clero omnis lex, omnis Veritas, omnis vere- cundia, ita ut hsc audeant, quae etiani latrones et similes horrent, etc. * Comp.- Die Einfiihrung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bey den chrisd. Geist- lichen u. ihre Fol^en, von D. J. A. Theiner u. A. Theiner (Altenbura, 1828, 2. Bde. 8.) Bd. 2. Abth. 2. S. 591 ff. Also Sermo Mag. Gerardi Magni ( -f 1384) de focariis, first published by Th. A. Clarisse in Archief voor kerkelijke Geschiedenis, inzonderheid van Nederland, verzameld door Kist en Roijards Deel 1. Leyden, 1829. p. 364 seq. « Cone. Palentinum, ann. 1322, c. 7 (Mansi XXV. p. 703) : Quia nonnuUi laicorum clericos compellunt, in sacris prtecipue ordiiiibus constitutos, ut aliquas mulieres concubinas recipiant, et cum eis in contubernio publice vivant contra decorem ordinis clericalis: — nos — excommunicationis sententias ipso facto decer- nimus subjacere quemlibet, — necnon universitatem seu communitatem quamlibet sententiffi interdicti, qus personam quamvis ecclesiasticam duxerit compellendam ad recipiendum in concubinam mulierem quamcunque. JVicol. de Clamengis de prsesulibus simoniaci-;, in 0pp. ed. J. M. Lydius. Lugd. Bat. 1613. 4. p. 165: Taceo de fornicalionibus et adulteriis, a quibus qui alieni sunt, probro casteris ac ludibrio esse solent, spadonesque aut sodomitie appellantur. Denique laici usque adeo persuasum habent, nuUos caelibes esse, ut in plerisque parochiis non aliter velint presbyterum tolerare, nisi concubinam habeat, quo vel sic suis sit consultum uxoribus, quoe ne sic quidem usquequaque sunt extra periculum. Thus JEnea 84 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. happened that in many countries such connexions were openly suffer- ed amongst those whose holiness was supposed to be sulhed by wed- lock.''' The pecuniary mulcts imposed by many of the synods for such excesses,^ were soon converted by the rapacity of the bishops into a regular tax.''^ Every attempt of the secular authorities to inter- Sylvii (about 1440) Europa s. Cosmographiaj lib. secundus c. 35 (in Freheri Scriptt. Germ. T. II) of the Frieslandei's : Phrisones sacerdotes, ne aliena cubilia polluant, sine conjuge non facile adniittunt. Vix cuim continere hominem posse, et super naturani arbitrantur. ^ Alvarus Pelagiiis de planctu ecclesise, Lib. II. c. 27 : utinam nunquam con- tinentiain promisissent, maxiiiie Hispani et Rcgnicola.', in quibus provinciis in pauco inajori numero sunt filii laicorum, quam Clericorum. — Ssepe cum parochia- nis mulicribus, quas ad confessionem adniittunt, scelestissime fornicantur. — Multi Presbyteri et alii constituti in sacris, maxime in Hispania, in Austria (Asturia?) et GalJicia et alibi, et publice, et aliquoties per publicum instrumentum promittunt et jurant quibusdam, maxime nobilibus nmlieiibus, nunquam eas dimittere ; et dant eis arras be bonis ecclesis, et possessiones ecclesia; : publice eas ducunt cum consanguineis et amicis et solenni convivio, ac si essent uxoi-es legitima;. — Theod. a JYiem Nemoris Unionis Tract. VI. c. 35 : In eisdem etiani partibus Hibernian et Norwegias juxta consuetudines patriae licet Episcopis et Presbyteris tenere publice concubinas, et eisdem visitantibus bis in anno subditos sibi presbyteros, ac Eccle- siasticorum Parochialiumque Rectores, suam dilectam duceie secum ad demos et hospitia eorundem subditorum presbyterorum. — Et si forte aliquis ipsorum visita- torum casu vel fortuna non habeat fbcariam, ut praevaricator paternarum traditio- num, Episcopo visitanti proinde procurationes duplices ministrabit. Ac etiam presbyterorum amasijE seu uxores in eisdem partibus, statu et gradu, in ecclesiis ac in mensis, eundo, sedendo et stando cajteris donunabus, etiam militaribus, prae- ponuntur. Et pane idem modus, scilicet quoad luxuriam, circa presbyteros Gasco- niEB, Hispania3 ac Portugaliae, necnon contiguarum regionum versus Africam in omnibus observatur. (Jnde quodammodo plures naturales ex foedo complexu nati, quam filii legitinii in omnibus illis partibus in Ecclesiasticis titulis concedendis prasferuntur, et plures legitimis apertissime promoventur. Even the synods con- tented themselves with prohibiting concubinarii publici, see Theinei-, 1. c. The Clerici conjugati of whom we find many in this period (e. g. § 105, notes 6 and 9) are clerici minorum oidinum, who, though not able to hold benefices (see § 65, note 3), still, on condilion of assuming the clerical dress and the tonsure, were allowed to enjoy all the privileges of the clergy, see TJiomassini vetus et nova Ecclesiae discipl. P. I. lib. II. c. 66. * Thus the Cone. Posoniense (in Presburg), ann. 1309, c. 5, orders that the concu- binarii publici should pay quai-tam partem redituum beneficiorum suorum as mulct, adding : confidimus enim, quod spirituali poena, excommunicationis videlicet, quae quamvis sine comparatione periculosior, minus tamen peccatis exigentibus formi- datur, in temporalem mutata vindictam, subditorum mutal)untur et mores. Such pecuniary penalties were imposed especially by the Italian councils. Thus by the Cone. Pergam. ann. loll, rubr. 6, for a prelate 10, for any other 5 librse Papienses. Bavenn. ann. 1317, rubr. 4. Benevent. ann. 1331, c. 55. Conslitt. Eccl. Ferrar. ann. 1332, c. 31 (24 librae), etc. 3 There were complaints before of bribery in this respect, see above, § 65, note 6. So also Cone. Moguntin. ann. 1310 (Mansi XXV. p. 313) : Cohabitationis vitium — quorundam negligentia pra;latorum, immo quod detestalnlius est, aliquo- rum malitia, qui quaestum aestimant pietatem, sentitur iterum puUulare. — Si qui — ob quaestum tui-pem hujusmodi ad se delatum in subditis suis favere vel dissi- mulare praesumpserint (the archdeacons and deacons are here meant) illi per suos praelatos ab honojibus dejiciantur. — The taxes aftei'wards customary had grown out of these pecuniary mulcts, as was in many other things the case (see § S2, note 1). JVic. de Clamengis de ruina eccl. c. 22: Jam illud, obsecro, quale est, quod plerisque in dioecesibus rectores parochiarum ex certo et conducto cum suis prtelatis pretio passim et publice concubinas tenent ? — Thenbaldi publ. Conquestio in Cone. Const, (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. XIX. p. 909: Ipsi (sacer- Chap. III. Munacliism. § 108. Older Orders. 85 fere for the remedy of these abuses, was repelled by the church as an invasion of its riffhts.^^ CHAPTER TPIIRD. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. «§> 108. CONDITION OF THE OLDER ORDERS. The same causes, by which the degeneracy of the secular clergy is accounted for, led also to the entire neglect of discipline amongst the older monastic orders, already deeply infected with the love of luxury and the desire of independence.^ We find amongst them at dotes) — non solum tabernas, sed etiam lupanaria intrare, puellas maritatas atque moniales corrumpere, concubinas in domibus publice tenere, et cum eis procreare, atque alias supeiinducere, statinique post celebrare noa abhorrent. Episcopi autem quoniam eodem vitio laborant, talia corripere non praesumunt. lino aliquid anniiatim ab eis recijiiunt, et omiies in tali niiseria stare permittunt. Under these circumstances the want of chastity in the priesthood was considered at most a slight crime. Hence Gerson de visitatione Pra^latorum (Opp. ed. du Pin, H. p. 564) : denuncietur recipientibus sacros Ordines, quod faciunt votum castitatis so- lemne, ne patent se liberos ad fornicandum, sicut fatui quidam putant. '" Even the emperor Charles IV., notwithstanding his deep reverence for the clergy, felt himself compelled to interfere in this matter : see, however, Inno- centii P. IV Ep. ad Carolum (in Raynald. ann. 1359, no. 11) : Habet fide digna insinuatio facta nobis, quod tua seienitas, attendens quosdam clericos et ecclesias- ticas personas — effrenata quadam vivendi licentia contra ecclesiastics religionis decentiam, et clericalis habitus honestatem seculaiibus sese actibus immiscentes, ad coercendos illorum ei-rores et transgressiones temerarias refrenandas imperialis solicitudinis operam adhibere fervore devotionis intendit, jamque super his non- nullis prajlatis — certas literas destinavit, comininationes sequestrationis ecclesias- ticorum proventuum faciendfe per saeculares principes continentes, ne clerici ipsi, qui tanquam Dei ministri esse debent ceteris modestias et gravitatis exemplar, in suam et aliorum perniciem incorrecti ulterius per vitiorum lubricum gradiantur. Siquidem,charissime fili,zelnm tuum,quem habes ad domum Domini multipliciter comraendamus, etc. — verum cum tu defensor egregius et zelator praecipuus ecclesiastics libertatis existas, decet excellentiam tuain accurata diligentia provi- dere, ne per id, quod ortum ex puritate devotionis accepit, debitos transeundo terminos, nostro et Apostolica.' sedis honori, ac prsfatse libertati ecclesiastics possit in aliquo derogari. Ideoque magnitudinem tuam rogamus et hortamur attente, quatenus ab hujusmodi comminationibus sequestrationis ecclesiasticorum proventuum faciends, quod absit, per sa;culares principes, de castero abstinens, et si quid per comminationes ipsas attentatum forsan extiterit, quod non credimus, cum id proculdubio foret illicitum, — in statum pristinum reformare procurans, prajlatos — debita charitate sollicites et inducas, ut contra eosdem transgressores sui officii debitum exequantur, etc. ' The progress of corruption was much hastened, in particular, by the system of eommendams, see Gerson de modis uniendi ac reform. Ecclesiam in Cone. (Opp. 86 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. this time few traces of studious employments,'- but, on the other hand, the most extravagant excesses,^ especially during the schism;"* to which also the nuns gave themselves up in a manner utterly scanda- lous.^ ed. du Pin II. p. 174): Jam Monasteria Ordinum quorumcunque — danfiir in Commendas dictis Cardinalihus, qui vix habent in quolibet deciinain partem Mona- chorum ibidem olim existentium, aut paiicos aut nullos omnino. Unde videbis, aliquos nepotes aut con.sanguineos laicos Cardinalium in ipsa Romana Curia otiose vacare, et nisi luxuiiis et deliciis inhaerere : — et pauperes reiigiosi, de quorum fructibus talis ponqia fit, — giandi semper rerum penuria laborant. ' Not a single distinguished man in the learning of the time appeared amongst these Orders. What sort of care was taken of the convent libraries may be seen from the account given of that of Monte Cassino, one of the most celebrated, see Benvenuti ImoUnsis comm. in Dantis paradisum, cant. XXII. v. 74 (written 1386, in Muratori Antiquitt. Ital. medii a'vi, T. 1. p. 129G) : Vcnerabilis prascep- tor mens Boccacius de Certaldo (the celebrated novelist, -f 1.375) dicebat, quod dum esset in Apulia, — accessit ad nobile monasterium Montis Casini. — Et avidus videndi librarian!, quam audivcrat ibi esse nobilissimam, petivit ab uno Monacho humiliter, — quod deberet ex gratia sibi aperire bibliothecam. At ille rigide respondit, ostcndens sibi altam scalam : ascende, quia aperta est. Ille, Istus asccndens, invenit locum lanti thesauri sine ostio vel clavi : ingressusque vidit herbam natam per fenestras, et libios omnes cum bancis coopeitos pulvere alto. lit mirabundus cospit aperire et volvere nunc istum librum, nunc ilium, invenit- que ibi nuilta et varia volumina aniiquorum et peregrinorum librorum. Ex quo- rum aliquibus erant detracti aliqui Quiuteini, ex aJiis recisi margines chartarum, et sic multipliciter defbrmati. Tandem miseratus, labores et studia tot inclytorum ingeniorum devenisse ad manus perditissimorum hominum, dolens et illacrymans recessit. Et occurrens in claustro petivit a Monacho obvio, quare liliri illi pre- tiosissimi essent ita turpiter detruncati. Qui respondit, quod aliqui Monachi volentes lucrari duos ve! quinque solidos, radebant unuin Quaternnm, et faciebant psalteriolos, quos vendebant pueris, et ita de marginibus laciebant brevia (these were magical scrolls to keep off sickness, etc.), quae vendebant mulieribus. Nunc ergo, o vir studiose, frange tibi caput pro faciendo libros. ^ Clement V. at the council of Vienna ( Clementin. Lib. III. Tit. 10. c. 1) had to forbid the nigris nionachis various offences in dress and the chase : the arch- bishop Ernst of Prague in Syn. Pragensi ann. 135.5. c. 38, exccssum in vestibus, cibis et potibus, equitaturis et lectisterniis, — seu taxilloruin, alearum, et scacho- rum ludis, ac chorearum lasciviis, and further the accumulation of property, etc. ■• JVic. de Clamengis de ruina Eccl. c. 32 (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. III. p. 33) : De monachis autem et monasteriis late patet ad loquendum materia, nisi jam me dudum ta;deret in tot tantarumque abominationum enumeralione demorari. — Quid autem conimendabile de ipsis dicere possumus, qui — quanto niagis inter csteros Ecclesiae filios ex votis suaj religionis perfecti esse debebant, quanto magis abstracti a cura sajcularium — in sola cajlestium contemplatione suspensi, et quanto inagis continentes, niagis obedientes, minus vagabundi, et a claustroi'um septis rarius egredientes in publicum : tanto ab his omnibus rebus licet eos videre magis alienos, magis videlicet tenaces, magis avaros, magis saeculari rei — immixtos, magis insuper lubricos, indisciplinatos, dissolutos, inquietos, magis per loca publica et inhonesta (si modo frena laxantur) discursantes : ita ut nihil illis Jeque odiosuin sit, quemadmodum cella et claustruni, lectio et oratio, regula et religio. Quocirca monachi quidem sunt e.xteriori habitu, sed vita, scd operibus, sed interna; con- scientia; spurcitia a perfectione, quam habitus ille dcmonstrat, longissime disjunct!. Fallit autem illos nimium sua opinio. Nam quanto sua professione rejecta terrenis magis adipiscendis inhiant, tanto pauciora habent, tantoque dotes et reditus ipsorum magis semper in nihilum fluunt. Ecce onmium coenobiorum uberrimos olim fructus ita hodie attenuatos cernimus, ut unde centum homines vivere solebant, vix decern nunc aegeri'ime vivant. * JVtc. de Clamengis, 1. c. c. 36 : De monialibus autem plura dicere. etsi plura, quae dici possent, suppetebant, verecundia prohibet; ne non de coetu virginum Chap. III. 3Ionachism. ^ 109. Maidicont Orders. 87 «^ 109. INFLUENCE OF THE MENDICANT ORDERS. The mendicant orders retained at least a greater appearance of decency (as was indeed necessary if they wished to retain their influ- ence), and the studies which then conferred most lienor, those of scho- lastic philosophy and theology, were nowhere more zealously pursued than amongst them.^ In this way they extended their influence more Deo dicatarum, sed rnagis de lupanaiibiis, da dolis et procacia meretricum, de stupris et incestuosis operibus pudendum seriiionem prolixe trahamus. Nam quid, obsecro, aliud sunt lioc (euipoie [)uellaruiii nionasteria, nisi quadam, non dico Dei sanctuaiia, sed Veneris execranda proslibula, sed lascivoruni et iinpudi- coruiii juvenuni ad libidines explendas leceptacula ; ut idem liodie sit puellam velare, quod ad puhliea scortandum expotiere. Compare the letter of Gregory XII. A. D. 1408, to an abbot in FriesLind on the condition of the Benedictine convents in that region (in Theod. de jXiem Nenius Unionis Tract. VI. c. 34): nuper ad nostrum pervenit auditum, quod in partibus Frisia; XXII. nionasteria Ordinis s. Benedicti, Bremensis^ Monasteriensis et Tiajectensis dioeceseos consis- tunt, in quibus olim — tantummodo moniales dicti ordinis degebant, sed successu temporis conligit, quod in eisdem etiani mares ejusdem professionis in magno numero qualitercunque cum monialibus — degercnt, prout degunt ad prKsens. — In quibus [monasteriis] pene oinnis religio et ohscrvantia dicli ordini.-, ac Dei timor abscessit, libido et corruptio carnis inter ipsos mares et moniales, necnon alia multa mala, excessus et vitia, qua; pudor est effari, per singula succreverunt. — Fornicantur etiam qnam plures hujusinodi monialium cum eisdem suis pra'latis, rnonachis et conversis, et in iisdem monasteriis plures parturiunt filios et filias. — Filios autem in monachos, et tilias taliter conceptas quandoque in moniales dicto- rum monasterioruni recipi faciunt et procurant : et quod miserandum est, nonnullae ex hujusmodi monialibus niaternce pietatis oblifa:, ac mala malis accumulando, aliquos foetus eorum mortificant, et infantes in luccm editos trucidant. — Insuper quasi singula moniales hujusmodi singulis rnonachis et conversis — ad instar an- cillarum seu uxorum — sternunt lectos, lavant etiam eis capita et pannos, — necnon decoquunt ipsis cibaria delicata, ac die noctuque cum ipsis rnonachis et conversis in commessationibus et ebrietatibus creberrime conversantur, etc. Theobaldi sermoin Cone. Const, (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. XIX. p. 909) : Loca sanc- timonialium — quasi publica loca, plus quani theatra ad onines vanitates, etiam a magnis, non sine raaximo scandalo frequentantur. Et si qui forte alti status propter verecundiam temporalem intrare non audeant, sua munuscula, fercula et literas eis mittunt, easque cum maximo scandalo ad se invitant. Quae autem ex his sequuntur, turpe est dicere, sed multo turpius est facere. » JSTicol. de Clamengis de ruina Eccl. c. 33 (v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. III. p. 33) : Venio nunc ad Mendicantes, qui ex professione arctissimce paupertatis veros se Christi discipulos verosque imitatores esse jactant atque gloriantur : — qui eruditi prsterea in divinis Uteris, quibus pene soli hodie insudant, pabulum verbi Dei, quo populi reficiantur, assidua pradicatione ministrant, viam eis salutis a-ter- nae, quam nemo alius docet, aperiunt; — denique soli ipsi, ut asserunt, cajterorum omnium Ecclesia; ministrorum segniter dormitantium officia peragunt, ministeria exercent, eorum deHcta, ignorantias et negligentia>! supplent. Cap. 34 : Sed libet ab eis quajrere : si hunc gradum suprema; perfectionis — attigerunt, quid est, quod suis eam verbis ita magnificant, quod insolenter adeo inde se jactant, quod universis propterea inani gloriatione se pra;ferunt, imo quod alios omnes sui status comparatione ab omni perfectione evacuant .' Decebat enim, ut alieno ore, et non proprio suo, ilia ajtherea et angelica in tcrris perfectio laudaretur, si modo solidam laudem, non vanarn, suspectara et odiosam cupiebant —Cap. 35 : Videtur autem haec parabola (of the pharisees and publicans) contra hos quajstuarios verbi Dei 88 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. and more, at the universities^ as well as amongst the people. The stead- fast resistance, of the university of Paris especially, to the assumed pri- vileges of these orders was ineffectual,^ and they not unfrequently went adulatores congruentissime inducta. Quia sicut Synagoga sues Pharisseos habuit, adversus quos in Evangelic acerrime Ciiristus semper invehit, ita niniirum hi novi et subintroducti Apostoli Ecclesiae Pliarissei censendi sunt, quibus omnia a Christo de PharisiEis dicta, et forte alia plurima, nescio an deteriora, convcniunt. — Refer- ring to the words of Christ : Attendite a falsis proplietis, qui veniunt ad vos in vestimentis oviiim, intrinsecus auteni sunt lupi rapaces, he asks: Annon lupi rapaces sunt, ovicularuni vellere amicti, qui vita; austeritatem, castitateni, humili- tatem, sanctam simplicitatein exteriori specie simulant, intus vero exquisitissimis deliciis et variarum copia voluplatum ulti-a omnem mundanorum luxuriam exube- rant ? Annon lupi rapaces sunt, sub ovili imagine latitantes, qui more sacerdotum Belis in suis penetralibus oblata devorant, mere se ac lautis epulis cum non suis uxoribus, licet sa-pe cum suis parvulis, avide satiantes, cunctaque libidinibus, qua- rum torrentur ardore, polluentes ? Annon lupi rapaces sunt, ibris ovem mentien- tes, qui ea, qua; facienda dictant, non faciunt, et cum aliis prjedicaverint, sua pra;dicatione reprobi efhciuntur ? etc. — Satis eorum perfidiam, quantum ad nos- tram pertinet brevitatem, detegere videmur. De qua, si queiri juvat ampliora a"-noscere, Cyrillum videat, et illic mira de eis inveniet, ad fidelium instructionem lono-e antequam orirentur Spiritu Sancto revelante pra;dicta. Quamquam nee aliqui alii scriptores etiam dcfuerunt, qui de his subdolis illusoribus raulta valde utilia et prasclara post eorum introitum ad Ecclesias pra-monitionem et prcemunitio- nem prodiderunt. '^ Of the twenty-nine Doctors of theology, assembled at Vincennes by Philip of Valois, A. D. 1332 (see above, § 96, note 37), thirteen were mendicant monks. Frequent disputes occurred between them and the universities, both of Paris and Oxford (Antony Wood hxsi. et antiquitt. Univers. Oxon. p. 150-196). The universities complained particularly that they enticed young men to join them, and hence that many parents were deterred fiom sending their sons to the university. See Richardi Archiep. Armachani defensorium curatorum in Brown app. ad fasc. rerum fugiend. et expetend. p. 473. 3 Clement V. A. D. 1311, in the Decretal Diidum (Clementin. III. T. 7, c. 2) confirmed the decretal of Boniface Vlll. Super cathcdram (Extravagg. Coram. III. Tit. 6, c. 2), by which the privileges of the mendicant orders were secured to them against the attacks of the regular clergy. In A. D. 1321, John XXII. in the Bull Vas electionis (Extravag. Comm. Lib. V. Tit. III. c. 2), condemned the three propositions of the Doctor of the Sorbonne, Joannes de Poliaco : quod con- fessi fratribus, habentibus licentiam generalem audiendi confessiones, tenentur eadem peccata, qua; confessi fuerant, iterum confiteii pioprio sacerdoti : secundo, quod stante Omnis utriusque sexus edicto in Concilio generali (see above, § 81, note 5) Romanus Ponlifex non potest facere, quod Parochiani non teneautur omnia peccata sua scniel in anno proprio Sacerdoti coniiteri, — immo nee Deus posset hoc facere, quia — implicat contradictionem : tertio, quod Papa non potest dare potesta- tem generalem audiendi confessiouem, immo nee Deus, quin confessus habenti licentiam teneatur eadem contiteri proprio Sacerdoti. These propositions had been maintained in the Quodlibetis of John de Poliaco (Ms. in Paris, see d'jlrgentrS coll. judiciorum I. p. 302), from which some extracts are made by Jo. de Turre- cremata (about 1430) in his Summa de Ecclesia, lib. II. c. 59. The principles from whici) they spring were those which the French theologians had maintained since the time of Philip the Fair, in opposition to the papal system (comp. above, § 62, note 22) : Status et potestas et jurisdictio LXXII. discipulorum continuatur in sacerdotibus Curatis, sicut status et potestas et jurisdictio Apostolorum in Epi- gcopis. Sed status Discipulorum a Christo institutus est, et ipsi ab co instiluti et missi, potestatem immediate ab ipso accipientes, non ab aliquo Apostolorum. — Ergo et status Curatorum et ipsi sunt immediate a Christo instituti, et ab ipso im- mediate potestatem habent. — Quare enim potestas collata Petro est continuata in Romano Poniiiice ; et potestas collata aliis Apostolis non est continuata in aliis Episcopis, et potestas collata Discipulis non est continuata in Curatis, non potest dari ratio. Et idee Curati sunt veri ordinarii, habentes jurisdictionem ordinariam. Chap. III. Monacliism. § 109. Influence of Mendicant Orders. 89 non jure huraano sibi datam, sed a Christo immediate in prima institutione Eccle- sis ; — et etiam non sunt vicarii Episcoporum, sed Jesu Christi, — inferiores tamen et minores Episcopis : nee ab ipsis possunt destitni, nisi ex rationabili causa, sicut nee Episcopi a Papa. — Item Episcopi liabent iufciiorem potestatem a Deo imme- diate, sub Papa, sed non a Papa. — Ex quo patet, quod nee Papa Prselatis potest potestatem dataiii a Christo eis aut'erre, et aliis non Pi-Eelatis dare, nee statum Ecelesia; a Christo institutum destrucre et mutaie. — A remarkable effoi-t against the mendicants is mentioned by Continuator Chronici Guil. de Nangis in d'Achery Spicileg. T. III. p. 112: Anno Doin. 1351 insurrexerunt Domni Cardinales et Prselati alii multi cum magna multitudinc Curatorum contra Religiosos Mcndiean- tes in Curia Roniana, volentcs et pelcntcs a Domino Papa Clemente VI. eorum annullationem, et quod dehcerent in se : Episcopi allegantes fortiter in Consisloiio, quod ipsi Mendicantes non crant ab Ecclesia vocati et electi, et quod eis non incumbebat tidelibus prasdicare, neque confessiones audire, sed neque sepulturas recipere alienas : unde requirebant dicti Praelati cum Curatis, quod ipsi Mendi- cantes cassarentur, vel quod saltern cessarent a prsmissis, aut ad minus quod non solum quarta portio de sepulturis alienis daretur, sed totum emoluinentum ipsis Curatis ex integro redderetur, quia nimis erant ditati ipsi Mendicantes de talibus sepulturis. But the Pope interfered at once in their behalf: objecit etiam Domnus Papa ipsis Praelatis et Curatis, de quo si ipsi Mendicantes tacerent, de quo ipsi populo pr^dicarent .' quia si de humilitate prsdicaveritis, vos, inquit Donmus Papa, estis super omnes status mundi magni, superbi et elati et pomposi : — si de paupertate, vos estis magis tenaces et cupidi, unde non vobis sutficiunt omnes praebenda; ac beneficia mundi: si — de castilate, de hoc, inquit nos tace- mus, quia Deus scit, qualiter quilibet agit, et qualiter quamphirimi in deliciis nutriunt corpus suum, etc. — Richard, archbishop of Armagh (of him, see Baluzii not. ad Vit. PP. Aven. p. 950), having been complained of to the Pope on account of certain injurious allegations against the mendicants, defended himself before Innocent VI. A. D. 1-357, in a set speech, which is still extant. Defensoi-ium cu- ratorum (in Gohlasti Monarehia, T. II. p. 1392, and Brown append, ad fascic. rerum expet. et fug. p. 466) : IV. Quod Dominus noster Jesus Christus docuit, non debere hominem spontanee mendicare ; V. quod nullus potest prudenter et sancte spontaneam mendicitatem super se assumere perpetuo observandam ; VIII. quod pro confessione parochianorum — eligibilior est parochialis Ecclesia, quam fratrum oratorium sive ipsorum Ecclesia; IX. quod ad confessionem parochiano- rum — eligibilior est persona ordinarii quam fratris persona. Richard remained a long time in Avignon and (Prima vita Innocent VI. in Baluzii vit. PP. Aven. p. 338) duravit quKstio hujusmodi per aliquod tempus. Sed tamen indecisa remansit propter obitum suum (Richard's), qui sapervenit; de quo dicti fratres potius de Gaudeamus quam de Requiem cantaverunt. Comp. d'Argentrc collectio judicio- rum de novis erroribus, T. I. p. 378. He was answered by the Franciscan and professor of theology in Oxford, Rogerus Chonoe, or Connovius de confessionibus per Regulares audiendis in Goldast. 1. c. p. 1410. — On the 2d of January, 1409 (more Gallicano 1408), the Franciscan, Joannes de Gorello, was compelled by the Sorbonne to revoke the following propositions which he had maintained ( Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris, T. V. p. 189; d'Jlrgentri collectio judiciorum, T. I. P. II. p. 178) : I. quod sacramentum posnitentia; nihil agit in habente gratiam virtute sacra- menti ; II. quod debite confessus non possit obligari, ut iterum confiteatur eadem peccata ; III. Curatis non competit, ut tales sunt, prasdicare, confessare, extremam unctionem dare, sepulturas dare, decimam recipere. Fundatur in hoc, quod Curati non sint de institutione Christi et Ecclesije primarias, sed per Dionysium Papam fuerunt ordinati. Item quia stat Curatos esse, qui non sunt sacerdotes ; IV. fratribus competit principalius, vel essentialius, praedicare et confessiones audire, quam Curatis. Fundatur, quia fratribus competit ex regula, etc. Instead of these he had to adopt the following : I. DD. Curati sunt in Ecclesia minores Praelati et Hierarchse ex prima institutione Christi, quibus competit ex statu jus praedicandi, jus confessiones audiendi, jus sacrainenta ecclesiastica secundum exi- gentiam sui status Pai'ochianorum ministrandi, jus sepulturas dandi, jus insuper decinias et alia jura parochialia recipiendi ; II. Item, quod jus praedicandi et con- fessandi competit Praelatis et Curatis principaliter et essentialiter ; et Mendicanti- bus per accidens ex privilegio ; quoniam sunt introducti, vel admissi ex concessi- one et beneplacito DD. Praelatorum ; III. Item quel eadem peccata possunt licite VOL. III. 12 90 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. even beyond these assumed privileges with impunity.'* The old jealousy between the Franciscans and Dominicans was still kept alive by doc- trinal differences,'^ but any absolute collision between these two great et meritorie pluries confiteri in multis casibus, et quod virtute s. Sacramenti pote- nt eis prodesse quaelibet talis reiterata confessio, etc. In revenge for this, the Minorites prevailed on Alexander V. to issue a bull, October 12, 1409 (in Bulmus, i. c. p. 196), contirining anew the privileges of the mendicants, and condemning the following propositions, which, no doubt, were maintained by the university of Paris: I. Confessus fratri admisso in forma Dudum (Clement 111.7,2) tenetur eadem peccata — itcrum Curato confiteri. II. Conclusiones Joannis de Poliaco damnata; per Joannem XXII. sunt satis verae. III. Statutum Joannis XXII. edituin, Vas electionis, est irritum et inane, quia cum illud fecit, erat hsreticus. IV. Stante statuto, Otnnis utriiisque sexus, ncc Dens, nee Papa — potest facere, quin confessus fratri mendicanti admisso iterum teneatur confiteri suo Curato. V. Confessio fratiibus admissis facta est dubitabilis. Quapropter omnes tenentur dimittere incertum, et sic solum confiteri suis sacerdotibus curam animarum ha- bentibus sub poena peccati mortalis. VI. Quamvis fiatres admissi habeant aucto- ritatem absolvendi et audiendi confessiones, tamen populus subjectus non habet potestatem accedendi ad Mendicantes admissos sine licentia proprii sacerdotis , et Fratres petentes privilegia pro confessionilms audiendis et sepulturis habendis sunt in peccato niortali et excommunicati ; et Romani Pontifices talia privilegia conce- dentes Mendicantibus, aut eisdem confirmantes, sunt in peccato mortali et excom- municati. VII. Fratres non sunt aut fuerunt Pastores, sed fures, latrones et lupi. VIII. Sacerdos Curatus dans licentiam Mendicantibus audiendi confessiones magis dispensat cum statuto Oninis utriusque sexus, quiun Papa Fratiibus dans licen- tiam juxta formam Decretalis Dudum. The university was highly incensed at this bull : Gerson delivered a discourse against it (0pp. ed. Du Pin, T. II. p. 431 seq.) : the Soi-bonne pronounced it intolerabilis et totius status Ecclesiastic! turba- tiva (Bulceus, 1. c. p. 201), etc., and John XXIII. had to repeal it in 1410 (Bu- leeus, p. 204). * Thus at the council of Vienne, the following complaints were brought by one of the bishops, de excessibus exemptorum, referring, no doubt, especially to the mendicants ( Raynald, ann. 1312, no. 24) : ipsi — publico excommunicatos a suis ordinariis ad sacramenta et sacramentalia admittunt in suis ecclesiis et capellis. — In eisdem etiam dispensationes clandestinas et benedictiones, quamquam inter per- sonas fixcommunicatas aut consanguinitate vel affinitate conjunctas, seu alias matrimoniali vinculo confoederatas celebrare non verentes. — Et dum a talibus excessibus — ab ordinariis arguuntur, de sua exemptione confisi reddunt pro verbis humilibus verba tumida et superba, etc. Reformatorii Cone. Constantiensls decre- tales, lib. III. Tit. X. c. 12 (v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. XII. p. 715) : Multorum querela Curatorum ad hoc sacrum Concilium deducta, qualiter fratres ordinum mendicantium limites Apostolici privilcgii — multipliciter excedant : sic quod superiores dictorum fratrum non eo modo, sicut deberent, sed in scriptis, imo inter- dum nomine non expresso, Ordinariis locorum suos terniinarios, ut plurimum idio- tas, et interdum minus quam presbyteri curati scientes, pra;senlant ; prasentati soli absque socio per parochias velut vagi transcuriunt, absolutiones suas, ultra curatorum efficaciores, tanquam Apostolica auctoritate concessas, predicant SEepius ; quod in casibus eis non coinmissis absolvunt, ()ecuniaria etiam pactione pra;cedente aut interveniente ; decedentibus et testari volentibus secretius ingerunt, sibi et non Curatis legari et apud suos conventus sepeliri : quibus omnibus secretius inge- stis et practicatis canonicam ipsis curatis non exhibent portionem, etc. * See above, § 7-5. Especially concerning the immaculate conception of the Virgin, and concerning evangelical poverty. So too they vied with each other in extolling their respective founders. After the example of the Franciscans (see above, § 70, note 3; comp. § 110, note 16) the Dominicans also began now to compare their Dominic to the Saviour himself, cf Vita s. Catharinie Senensis (of the third order of St. Dominic, 'f 1380), written by the general of the order, Rai- mundus Cajiuanus, P. II. c. 7 (Acta SS. Aprilis; T. III. p. 904) : he relates that Catharine saw in a vision, suinmum et aeternum Patrem, de ore suo (ut videbatur) coEBternuin sibi Filium producentem. — Quod dum attenderet, ex alia parte vidit Chap. III. Monachism. % 110. Inter. Hist, of the Franciscans. 91 orders was avoided by their choosing separate spheres of activity. The Dominicans having ahnost the entire control of the Inquisition, and the spiritual care of the higher classes, gradually lost the charac- ter of a mendicant order.^ The Franciscans, on the other hand, aimed rather at an influence over the great mass of the people, and left no means untried (not excepting holy frauds) ' to inspire them with a deep reverence for the order, and extort from them their wealth. <^ 110. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE FRANCISCANS. The abolition of the order of Coelestine-Eremites by Boniface VIII. (see Vol. II. § 70, note 15), had only the effect of renewing and widening the breach between the Spirituales and the fratres de communitate. The former were not to be prevailed upon, by all the beatissimum Patriarcham Dominicum ex ejusdem Patris produci pectore, luce ac splendoribus circumdatum : audivitque ex eodem ore prolatara vocem, qua verba infrascripta formabat : Es;o, dulcissima filia, istos duos filios genui, unum naturali- ter generando, alium amabiliter et dulciter adoptando. — Sicut hie (ilius a me natu- raliter et aeternaliter genitus, assumpta natura humana, in omnibus fuit perfectis- sime obediens mihi usque ad mortem ; sic filius adoptivus meus Dominicus, omnia qua; operatus est ab infantia sua usque ad terminum vitae sua; fuerunt regulata secundum obedientiam prajceptorum meorum, nee unquam semel fuit transgressus quodcunque prasceptum meum. — Et sicut filius naturalis hie, tamquam verbum aeternum oris mei, locutus est palam mundo ; — sic filius meus adoptivus Domini- cus veritatem verborum meorum prsedicavit palam mundo. — Sicut filius meus naturalis misit discipulos suos, — sic iste adoptivus misit fi-atres suos, etc. ^ Comp. the Dominican Petri Paludani, in Paris (about 1330), tract, quod fratres Pradicatores possunt habere possessiones et reditus. ■^ Especially by the carrying to a greater extent the absolution granted at Porti- uncula (see § 69, note 8). The Cardinal Bonifacius de Vitaliniis (or rather de Amanatis, see Baluzii PP. Aven. I. p. 1340) relates in his Comment in Clemen- tinas A. D. 1388, that the Franciscans maintained, that on every 1st of August as many souls could be released from purgatory as any one would go in and out of the church. See /. B. Thiers traite des superstitions, qui regardent les sacre- mens (Paris. 1701. 4 voll. 12mo.), vol. III. p. 2b9. — Hermanni Corneri (Domi- nican in Labeck) Chron. ad ann. 1359 (in Eccardi Corp. hist, medii a;vi, T. II. p. 1101) : the Franciscan Arnoldus de Villa Preodii Vercellensis Dioecesis maintain- ed, quod nullus possit damnari, deferens habitum Ordinis s. Francisci, asseruitque constanter, b. Franciscum omni anno semel descendere de ccelo ad purgaforium, et eripere inde animas omnium illorum, qui illo anno defuncti, in habitu Oidinis sui extiterunt sepulti, et ad purgatorium fuerant missi. (This Franciscan was Arnaldus Montanerius Villae Podii Ceritani Dioec. Urgellensis. See Eymerici Directorium Inquisitorum, P. II. Qu. 11 in fine. Also Wadding ann. Minorum, ann. 1371, no. 28, sees nothing impossible in this yearly descent of St. Francis to purgatory.) Hujus autem erroris assertores nedum sed et publici pronuntiatores ac prsdicatores plures in Ordine prfedicto impra'sentiarum existunt, qui ausu temerario talia figmenta et mendacia non verentur populo intimare. Imo tempo- ribus meis, me prcBsente, in provinciali Synodo in urbe Hammeburgensi celebrata anno Dom. 1406 — Dominus Joannes Episcopus Lubicensis — hunc errorem in publico consistorio ipsi? fratribus Minoribus ibidem prresentibus objecit, — tanquam per dictos fratres publico pr^dicatum in urbe Lubicensi. 92 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. efforts of the popes, to reunite themselves with the order,^ and pre- ferred to be excluded from the church as heretics rather than yield ; as was seen in the year 1317, when John XXII. summoned a party of them before the In(]uisition in Narbonne and Beziers.- Those who had been thus rejected (fratricelli) now joined themselves to the motley company of the Beghards,^ with whom they shared their wild ' See a disputation or conference held before Clement V. (in Wadding, ann. 1310, no. 1 seq.). After this, A. D. 1312, Clement gave a new decision concern- ing the rules in the constitution, Exivi de Paradiso (Clementin. Lib. V. Tit. 11, c. 1), in which he concedes something to both parties, in order to bring about a union. ^ How they got possession of the convents in Narbonne and Beziers, see in Wadding, ann. 1314, no. 8; the proceedings of John XXII. against them, ibid, ann. 1317, no. 11 seq. ^ Of the former connexion of the Beghards with the Franciscans, see § 71, notes 9 and 11. Also John XXII. bull Sancta Romana of December 30, 1317 (in Extravagg. Jo. XXII. Tit. VII.) : Nonnulli profana; multitudinis viri, qui vulgari- ter Fratricelli, seu fratres de pauptrc vita, Bizochi sive Beguini, vel aliis nominibus nuncupnntur in partibus Italia?, necnon in insula Siciliensi, comitatu provinciffi, Narbonensi et Tolosana civitatibus — habitum novae religionis adsume- re, congregationes et conventiculas facere, et siiperiorcs sibi ipsis eligere, quos ministros, seu custodes, vel gardianos, ant nominibus aliis appellant, plurimos ad eorum sectam recipere, — publice mendicare, quasi eorura secta foret una de reli- gionibus per sedem apostolicam approbatis, temeritate damnabili praesumserunt, et proBsumunt etiani incessauter. Et ut ipsorum error Veritas, et impietas religio reputetur ; plurimi eorum regulam seu ordinem fratrum Rlinorum, quern s. Fian- ciscus instituit, se profiteri ad lilterain conservare confingunt, quanquam in obedi- entia generalis, vel provincialium ministrorum ipsius ordinis non morentur, praten- dentes se a sanctas memoriae Cojlestino P. V. — hujus status — privilegium habu- isse. Quod tamen, etsi ostenderent, non valeret; cum bonas memoriae Bonifacius P. VIII. — omnia ab ipso Ca?lestino — concessa — viribus penitus vacuavei-it. — Nonnulli etiam ex ipsis asserentes, se esse de tertio ordine b. Fi'ancisci, Pceniten- tium vocato, praedictum statum et ritum eorum sub velamine talis nominis sata- gunt palliare : cum tamen in regula ipsius tertii ordinis talis vivendi ritus nullate- nus sit concessus. — Ipsorum quam plurimi — a veritate catholics fidei deviantes, ecclesiastica sacramenta despiciunt ac crrores alios student multipliciter seminare. Then a strict prohibition of this way of life under penalty of excommunication. — In the bull Gloriosam Ecclesiain of January 23, 1318 (in the Biillario Rom. and in Raynahl, ann. 1318, no. 45), the bishops are called upon to take prisoners the Pseudo-Minorites who had fled to Sicily, and there formed a peculiar party, distinguishing themselves by quosdam habitus cum parvis caputiis curtos, stiictos, inusitatos et squalidos, and deliver them up to the order for punishment. Also a short account is given of the controversies that have taken place, and of the dif- ferent heresies. Namely: I. Primus error — diias fingit Ecclesias, unam carna- lem, divitiis pressam, etfluentem deliciis, sceleribus maculatam, cui Roraanum Prsesuleni, aliosque inferiores Piselatos dominari asserunt : aliam spiritualem, Irugalitate mundatii, virtute decoram, paupertate succinctam, in qua ipsi soli eorumque complices continentur, cui etiam ipsi spiritualis vitae merito, si qua fides est mendaciis, principantur. II. Secundus error — venerabiles Ecclesiaj sacei'do- tes — sic jurisdictionis clamitat auctoritate desertos, ut nee sententias ferre, nee sacramenta conlicere, nee subjectum populum instruere valeant ; — quia apud ipsos solos, ut ipsi somniant, sicut spiritualis vitae sanctitas, sic auctoritas perseve- rat. III. In nullum eventum asserunt fore juraudum, dogmatizantes, mortalis criminis contagione poUui et poena teneri, quos contigeiit jui'amenti religione constringi. IV. Sacerdotes rite — ordinalos, quibuslibet tamen criminibus presses, non posse conlicere vel conferre ecclesiastica saci-amenta. V. Evangelium Christi in se soils hoc in tempore — esse completum, quod hactenus, ut ipsi somniant, obtectum fuerat, immo prorsus extinctum. — Multa sunt alia, quae isti prfesumptiosi homines contra conjugii venerabile sacramentum garrire dicuntur, multaque de Chap. III. Monachism. <^ 110. Inter. Hist, of the Franciscans. 93 fanaticism;^ and great numbers of both fell victims to the Inquisi- tion.^ Amongst the great mass of the Franciscans (fratres de communi- tate) the renunciation of all property, even as a community, had become a mere name by the construction put upon the rule by the popes. But on this name the order laid such stress, that in the year 1321 they fell into a violent controversy with the Dominicans on the question, whether Christ and the Apostles possessed any thing what- ever even in common.*^ John XXII., wearied of the continual con- troversies on this subject, decided in favor of the Dominicans, not- withstanding the earnest representations of their opponents,''' and cursu temporum et fine sECuli somniant, multaque de Antichristi adventu, quem jamjani instaie asserunt, flebili vanitate divulgant, etc. Comp. Culpaj Beguinoruni in the Liber Sententiaruni Inquisitionis Tolosans ab anno 1307 - 1323, p. 29S seq., appended to Ph. a Limhorch hist. Inquisitionis. These Beguines held in high respect the Postilla Fr. Petri OHvi (see § 70, note 12), which they had in the language of the country. The church of Rome, therefore, was to them Babylon meretrix magna, John XXII. mysticus antichristus, pra^parator vice majoiis anti- christi (p. 304), regula s. Francisci ununi et idem cum evangelio Christi (p. 302), namely, vita Christi, quam in hoc mundo servavit et servandum Apostolis suis tradidit (p. 303). S. Franciscus seu ordo ejus debebat ecclesiam renovare, of course only the Spirituales. A Beguine who was tried 1321 (p. 298), credidit informatus per scripturam dicti fratris P. Johannis (Olivi), quod infra- XIV annos computandos a prKsenti tempore Antichristus major complevisset cursum suum, etc. * Alvarus Pelagius de Planctu Eccl. Lib. II. c. 51, de erroi-ibus Begardorum says of the tertius error Begardorum de spiritu libertafis (see above, § 87, note 28): Tempore meo in provincia b. Francisci multi s^culares et fratres minores pro ista carnali spiritu libertatis per inquisitores hsreticas pravitatis incarcerati fue- runt. — tales valde spirituales videbantur in lucis angelum transformati. This is a sufficient answer to Wadding's (ann. Minorum, ann. 1317, no. 24 seq.) attempts to deny the origin of the Fratricelli from the Franciscans. ^ Such victims were looked on by their party as martyrs. Thus Mosheim men- tions (Institutt. hist. eccl. p. 583, note 25) a Martyrologium Spirilualium et Fratri- cellorum, in which one hundred and thirteen martyrs are enumerated from 1318 to the time of Innocent VI. ^ See the account given by the contemporary Alcolaiis Minorita in Baluz. PP. Aven. T. I. p. 598: Anno Dom. MCCCXXI — quidam Beguinus seu Bizotus fuit captus in civitate Narbona pro facto haeresis per Ai'chiepiscopum Narbonen- sem et fratrem Johannem de Belna, Ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum Inquisitorem hsereticK pravitatis. Qui Beguinus inter alia asserebat, quod Christus et Apostoli viam perfectionis sequentes nihil habuerunt jure proprietatis et dominii in speciali, nee etiam in comniuni. Qui Inquisitor volens judicare dictum Beguinum convo- cavit ad consilium omnes Priores, Gardianos et Lectores religiosorum et quamplu- res alios sapieutes, inter quos affuit frater Berengarius Taloni Lector in conventu fratrum Minorum de Narbona. Et inter caetera praefatus Inquisitor fecit legi pree- fatum articulum de paupertate Christi et Apostolorum ejus, pro quo volebat Beo-ar- dum hujusmodi tanquam hrereticum judicare. Prslibatus frater Berengarius Lec- tor super dicto articulo requisitus respondit, quod hoc dicere non erat hasreticum, sed dogma sanum, caiholicum et fidele, maxime cum hoc esset per Ecclesiam in decretali Exiit qui seminat (Nicolai IV. see above, § 70, note 10) diffinitum. Quo facto, ac si asseruisset hsresim dictus Lector, praefatus Inquisitor eidem pra»- cepit, ut dictum suum statim in prKsentia omnium revocaret. Qui Lector revocare noluit quoquo modo, sed — ad sedeni apostolicam solemniter appellavit, et cum appellatione sua venit apud Avinionem. ' See the two Declarationes of the General Chapter of the Franciscans, held in Perusium in June and July, 1322, in Wadding, ad h. a. no. 51 seq. 94 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. declared the Franciscan doctrine to be heresy,^ renouncing in the name of the church of Rome all claim to the possessions of that order (1322).^ The more zealous Franciscans, with the general of the order, Michael de Cesena, at their head, took refuge with Lewis of Bavaria, 1*^ and opposed the heretic Pope as long as they lived. i^ The ** As Nicolas IV. in his bull Exiit had forbidden all further comment on the same under penalty of excommunication, John XXII. began with allowing this, in order that the subject might be investigated anew, in the bull Quia nonnun- quam (Extravagg. Jo. XXII. Tit. XIV. c. 2) : then in the bull Cum inter nou- nullos of November 12, 1322 (ibid. c. 4), he decides : in posterum pertinaciter adfirmare, quod Redemtori nostro ejusque apostolis iis, quK ipsos habuisse scriptura sacra testatur, nequaquam jus ipsis utendi competierit, nee ilia vendendi sen donandi jus babuerint, aut ex ipsis alia adquirendi, qua; tamen ipsos de pramissis fecissc scriptura sacra testatur, seu ipsos potuisse facere supponit expresse : cum talis adsertio ipsorum usum et gesta evidenter includat in prsmissis non justa, quod utique de usu, gestis seu factis Redemtoris nostri, Dei Filii, sentire nefas est, sacra; scripturae contrarium, et doctrinae catholicae inimicum : adsertionem ipsam pertinacem de fratrum nostroruni consilio deinceps erroneam fore censendam merito ac ha;reticam declaramus. ^ By the bull Ad conditorem canonum of 8 Dec. 1322 (Jbid. c. 3). He shows in this the fallacy of the right of property hitherto asserted by the church of Rome : Constat, quod post ordinationem prffdictam (JJxiit, JVicolai IV.) non fuerint in adquirendis ac conservandis bonis in judiciis et extra minus solliciti, quam ante illam fuerant fratres ipsi. — Adhuc nee utique profuit dictis fratribus ordinatio supra dicta, quantum ad hoc, quod propter carentiain talis proprii se pauperiores dicere valeant, quam si res ipsas cuju iilo, quo carere se dicunt, dominio obtinerent. Licet etiam prasdecessor noster pradictus dominium earum rerum, qua; ipsis fra- tribus offei-ji seu conferri, aut alias obvenire contigeret, — in se Romanamque ecclesiam recipienduui duxerit ; — attento tamen ipsorum frati-um utendi modo et ejus effectu, — non ipse usus Iratrum dici debet, sed potius Romanae ecclesias dominium esse simplex. Quis enim simplicem usuarium dicere polerit, cui rem usuariam licet peruuitare, vendere ac donare .' Procul dubio ha;c naturce repug- nare noscuntur, nee ad usuarium pertinere, quae tamen de rebus mobilibus ante dictis faciunt fratres ipsi. Quod autcm dominium Romana; ecclesi* reservatum simplex censeri debeat, ex hoc patet, quod ex illo nullum eidem ecclesiae temporale obvenit — commodum, etc. Further: Quod autem quoad res, quae usu consu- muntiir, non sint censendi usuarii frati-es ipsi, ex sequentibus liquet satis. Dicere siquidem, quod in talihus rebus usus juris vel facti separatus a proprietate rei seu dominio possit constitui, repugnat juri, et obviat rafioni. Hence nolentes in poste- rum sub prajtextu — talis dominii temporalis verbalis, nudi ac aenigmatici tanta bona, quanta dicti fratres faciunt, infici, — sancimus, quod in bonis, qua; in poste- rum conferentur, — fiatribus seu ordini supra dictis (exceptis ccclesiis, oratoriis, officinis et habitationibus, ac vasis, libris et vestimentis divinis officiis dedicatis — ) nullum jus seu dominium aliquod — Romana; ecclesia" adquiratur, sed quoad hoc habeantur prorsus ordinationes hujusmodi pro non factis. Et — districtius inhibe- mus, ne deinceps pi-o recipiendis, petendis, extorquendis, defendendis seu adminis- trandis bonis — quisquam nominetur — nomine s. Romanae ecclesia; procurator, etc. An appeal was made against this bull on the 14th of Jan. 1323, by Fr. Bonagra- tia, belbre the papal commissary, on which he was thrown into prison (Wadding, ann. 1323, no. I). '0 See above, § 96, note 28. !• Compare Michalis C'cesenatis tract, contra errores Jo XXII (in Goldasti Monarchia II. p. 1236), Ejusd. litterae ad omnes fratres ordinis minorum A. D. 1333 (ibid. p. 1338 seq.) and ad Regem Rom. et Principes Alemania; (ib. p. 1344). — Guil. Ockami compendium errorum Papa; (ibid. p. 957), Ejusd. opus nonaginta dierum contra errores Jo. XXII (ibid. p. 993). On the other hand the Domini- cans defended the decision of the Pope, especially Petrus Paludanus in Paris (1330, Patriarch of Jerusalem, "f 1342), tract, de paupertate Christi et Apostolo- rum contra Michselem dc Caasena (Ms. in bibl. Colbert.). Other works on the Chap. III. Monachism. § 110. Inter. Hist, of the Franciscans. 95 majority, however, submitted, and chose a new general, nominated by the Pope (A. D. 1329). i-^ The ordinances of John XXII. could not fail to produce a still greater laxity in observing the rules of Francis, ^^ and the reconciliation of the Spirituales with the order thus became less possible than ever. Throucrhout tlie 14th century, therefore, they were continually renew- ing tiieir attempts to unite themselves in small remote settlements in various parts of Italy, for the strict observance of the rules they held so dear. At first these associations were not seldom broken up. Afterwards, however, they were protected by some of the generals of the order,!* till they became so considerable, that they were for- subject see in Raynald, ann. 1323, no. 38 seq. As early as 1324, John XXII. himself defended his Constitutiones in a new bull Quia quorundam (Extravap;g. Jo. XXII. Tit. XIV. c. 5) and excommunicated his opponents. Petrus Rogerius (a Benedictine, and professor of theology, in Paris, afterwards Pope Clement VJ.), relates in his Lectura on this bull {«.eeBaluzu not. ad Antonii Augustini de emen- datione Gratiani dialog, lib. I. dial. 17), that a Parisian theologue, no doubt a Do- minican, went so far as to maintain : adserere Christum et Apostolos nihil habuisse est magis ha^reticum, quam adserere Deum non esse incarnatum. Namely : illud est magis hajreticum, quod est contra majorem evidentiam fidei. — Sed adserere, quod Christus et Apostoli nihil habuerunt in proprio vel communi est contra majorem evidentiam tidei. llli enini, qui erant tempore Chrisli et Apostolorum, clare videbant, quod Christus et Apostoli habebant aliqua vel in proprio, vel in communi ; non tamen ita clare videbant, quod Deus esset incarnatus, quia non videbant clare Christum esse nisi purum honunem. Ergo, etc. ^2 At a general chapter in Paris, Wadding, ann. 1329. The Franciscans now went back to their old fiction, that the real ownership of the property bestowed on them remained with the donor (see above, § 70, note 5), see Alvarus Pelagius de Planciu Eccl. lib. II. c. 55 : fi-atres minores possunt habere usum quemlibet separatum a proprietate, cujus proprietas Romanae ecclesiae erat olim, et nunc dantium, propter Extravagantem, quam fecit Papa Joannes XXII contra fratres minores, quK incipit Ad Conditorem. ^^ See the confession of the Franciscan Alvarus Pelagius II. c. 66, that the brethren often de pecunia, quae pro eis deponitur, emunt et faciunt superflua. — Item non pro necessitatibus ingruentibus — faciunt pecuniam deponi, sed pro futuris necessitatibus et non necessitatibus. — Item vadunt aliqui per terras et villas, — eleemosynas pecuniarias procurando et petendo, et importunitates frequenter in- gerendo, famulum retro ducendo, et denariis pixides et loculos implendo. — Item ponunt aliqui cippos et areas in eorum ecclesias, ut ibi saeculares ponant pecunias. — Item tangunt pecunias vel cum cera vel cum ligno vel cum palea. Portant etiam quidani eorum pecunias sulas in habitibus et tunicis. Quidam etiam eorum faciunt sibi pecuniam poni in capitiis, etc. >■* Thus Philip of Majorca was denied by John XXII. (Wadding, ann. 1328, no. 28), and afterwards by Benedict XII. (ibid. ann. 1340, no. 23), on his applying for permission to found a company of strict Franciscans, and the latter said to Robert of Sicily, who interceded in behalf of the applicant, quod idem Philippus sectas Beguinorum — promotor, defensor, rector et conservator extitit, — et his nequaquam contentus tam contra Joannem P. XXII — quam sedem praedictam multa enormia et hferetica — publice asseruit, et etiam praedicavit interdum. — A small society of the sort was formed by Johannes de J^alilnis, near Biuliano, A. D. 1334, with the permission of the general of the Order {Wadding, ann. 1334, no. 24) : but as it spread further, the envy of the Order was awakened, and the new society was accused of heresy (spiritum libertatis inter eos doniinari — eos receptasse aliquos hEereticos) and dispersed by order of the Pope {Wadding, 1355, no. 1 seq.). — Those which were permanently established were the congre- gation of the Clarenes, formed by Angelas de Cingulo, from the remnant of the Coelestines, A. D. 1302, in the Mark of Ancona {Wadding, ad h. a. no. 8) ; and 96 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. mally sanctioned by the council of Constance under the name of fratres regularis observantioe, as distinguished from the fratres con- ventuales.!-* In proportion as the Franciscans relaxed from the strictness of the supposed evangelical mode of life, which their founder had estab- lished, it seemed as if they hoped to appease the saint by the increased extravagance of their praises, and the impious comparisons they instituted between him and Christ.^'"' The prophecies of John de Rupescissa show that they were still looking for the approaching renovation of the church through the instrumentality of their order. ^^ thatof Prttt/wfms, Paolucci of Foliani, a pupil of John de Vallibus, who estahlishecl himself in the ruined hermitage of Briiliano by permission of the general of the Order {Wadding, ann. 1368, no. 10), and so much increased his society [Wad- di7ig, ann. 1380, no. 29 ; 1384, no. 4; 1385, no. 4 ; 13S8, no. 1 ; 1390, no. 1), that he was considered the founder of the more strict rule. >3 Sessione XIX. d. 23 Sept. 1415. v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. IV. p. 515. '^ Compare Div. II. § 70, note 3. This was the date of the appearance of the famous Liber conformitatum by the Franciscan Bartholomoii Mbicii or Earth, de Pisis, written 1385, and offered to the general chapter held at Assisi 1399, and received with much applause (the only complete edition, Mediolani, 1510, fol.). An extract by Erasmus Alberus, with a preface by Luther: Der BarfQsser Monche Eulenspiegel u. Alcoran, 1531, also 1573 and 1614. 12mo., still fuller in the translations : I'Alcoran des Cordeliers and Alcoranus Franciscanorum, which have been often published. This work consists of three books, showing 40 points of agreement between St. Francis and Christ, which are pointed out in the superscription, e. g. Lib. I. 1. Jesus prophetis cognitus, Franciscus declaratur (alleged prophecies of St. Francis tam ante ortum, quam in ortu et post ortum declarato et agnito). 2. Jesus emissus cailitus, Franciscus deslinatur. 3. Jesus Iffite progenitus, Fiancisco vir latatur (prophets and angels rejoiced at the birth of St. Francis, as at the birth of Christ). — 6. Jesus abjectus cernitur, Franciscus separatur. e. g. Nam apostoli etsi navem et alia reliquerunt, non tamen vestimen- tum, quod in dorso habebant : beatus vero Franciscus non solum omnium terreno- rum facultati abrenunciavit, sed et pannos et femoralia rejecit, nudum corpore et mente se offerens brachiis crucitixi, quod de nullo alio sancto mundum abrenun- ciante alicubi legitur, et sic in hoc b. Franciscus singularis ab omnibus reperitur. Thus one of the Order saw in a vision the courts of heaven, and therein numerous seats, inter quas vidit unam eminentiorem aliis et pra; omnibus gloriosius fulgentem, et ornatam ouuii lapide pretioso, et admirans ejus pulchritudinem coepit cogitare, cujus esset, et statiin vocem audivitdicentem sibi : haec sedes fuit Luciferi, et loco ejus sedebit humilis Franciscus. — Lib. If. Conf. 13. Jesus signis miriticus, Franciscus divulgatur. In St. Francis too the prophecy was fulfilled : omnia sub- jecisti sub pedibus ejus et constituisti eum super omnia opera manuum tuarum, as well as quod cantatur in evangelic sui festi : omnia mihi tradita sunt a patre meo. Lib. III. Conf. 37: Jesus transcendens angelos, Franciscus sublimatur, closing thus : sic b. Franciscus super angelos, archangelos, thronos, dominationes, virtutes, potestates, principatus et cherubin est elevatus, et in ordine seraphico in sede Lucifeii locatus et sublimatus, quo concluditur, quod omnes inferiores ordines, tam quoad angelicos spiritus quam humanos, b. Franciscus sublimatus in ordine supremo excessit gratia et meritis. It is true that this work, under the strange title of BartholomcBUs Conformi, was included in the Index librorum prohibit, in 1564 : but still the P^ranciscan Henr. Sedulius in his Apologeticus adv. Alcoranum Franciscanorum pro libro conformitatum, Antverp. 1607. 4to., says in the Prolego- menis : Pudere nos libri conformitatum, tam hoc est falsum, quam, quod scribit Lutherus, verum, nos pro hac abominatione necdum poenitentiam agere, hanc non recantare. Compare (B a u m g a r t e n s) Nachrichten von einer hallischen Biblio- thek, Bd. 1. S. 286-359. '' He was thrown into prison by Clement VI., A. D. 1349, in Avignon, as a false prophet and heretic {Brown Append, ad Fasciculum rerum expetendarum et Chap. III. Monachism. §111. Neic Orders. 97 ^ 111. NEW ORDERS. In this period also there sprung up new orders, though new only in the form, not the spirit, and hence worn out as speedily as the old had been. The Olivetans were a fraternity of the Benedictines founded by John Tolomeus on the Mount of Olives, near Siena (Congregatio s. Maria) niontis Oliveti, confirmed by John XXII. A. D. 1319).^ The order of the Jcsuates was established in Siena itself by John Colombino (Jesuati, confirmed by Urban V. A. D. 1367), and was a mendicant order, composed entirely of laymen, who adopted the rule of St. Augustine. ^ In Spain and Italy there were several orders of Jcroinites.^ The order of St. Birgitta fus;iend. p. 494. Contin. Clironici Gitil. de JVangis ad ann. 1356, in d'Achery Spicil. T. III. p. 114), but was afterwards released, and continued to be regarded by his order as innocent of the charges brought against him {Wadding, ann. 1357, no. 15). In the year 1356, he announced in his Liber inscriptus Vade mecuni in tribuiatione (Broivn, 1. c. p. 496) in 20 intentionihus the near appearance of Anti- christ, the renovation of the church, etc. Characteristic of the work is the follow- ing : Intentio secunda est, universum clerum ac dominos supremos, — et universse EcclesicB Papas et Cardinales, etc. cum subditis clericis eisdem reducere ad modum Vivendi sanctissimum Christi et Apostolorum sanctorum : quoniam impossibile foret Ecclesis aliter recuperarc praefatum sajculum perditum et execratum, quo- niam impossibile foret iniideliiun populorum, Judxorum, Tartarorum, Saracenorum et Turcarum ad Christi religionem repugnantem carnem et sanguinem reducere, nisi per viros spiritualissimos, legem spiritualissimam Christi non tarn verbo quam opere prsedicantes : si enim Praelati Ecclesis incederent ad praedicandam pauper- tatem Christi cum 200 vel 300 equis, sicut nonnulli ex eis hodie incedunt; — talibus utique prsdicatoribus dicerent intideles illud Evangelii : Vade r.cp.ce, me- dere et cura ieipsum. Quare omnino necesse est ad reparationem mundi, modum Vivendi Chiisti et Apostolorum suorum inchoai-i a summis et omnibus Pra;latis Ecclesia; generaliter. — Et ad hunc modum vivendi reducenlur cum flagellis duris- simis, videlicet infra annum Doni. 1370. — Intentio septima est intelligere modum denudandi Ecclesiam universam ab onmibus temporalibus rebus. Indignabitur siquidem mundus ante annum Dom. 1365 contra fastum divitiarum, temporalem gloriam mundanae superbia; clericorum, et tyrannic! ac laici populi subito et in- sperate consui-gent et auferent ab eis dominia temporalia, — et ipsos relinquent in puris et nudis Evangelicis declaratis, et insuper multis tribulationibus et derisioni- bus eos atficient, nee ipsis quibuscunque excommunicationibus aut bellicosis insul- tibus poterint obviare, etc. — Intentio decima est super apparitione duorum admi- randorum prophetarum induendorum factis, qui Apoc. c. 10, resistent bestia; ascendenti de mari : quoniam antequam perveniat mundus ad annum Dom. 1365, mittet Deus miraculose duos pauperrimos Cordelarios (cordeUers), abjectos fratres minores, qui ad lileram sunt, de quibus dicit Dominus Jesus Christus, ./3poc. 11: Dabo duobus testibus meis, et prophetabunt dies MCCLX, etc. — unus autem horum duorum erit Papa Romanus, generalis Christi vicarius, et alter, ejus socius, Romanaj Ecclesis cardinalis. — Hi igitur duo pauperculi sacratissimi minores abjecti, Cordelarii abjecti, sunt mystice Elias et Enoch, etc. ' Raynald. ann. 1320, no. 50. ' Of the history of St. Joannes Columbinus, and the origin of the Order, see Acta SS. ad d. 31 Jul. (Jul. T. VII. p. 333). ^ Namely, in Spain the Eremits s. Hieronymi, founded by Peter Ferdinand Pecha, chamberlain of Peter the Cruel, king of Castile, about A. D. 1370, and confirmed, A. D. 1373, who followed the Regula Augustini. The third general of VOL. III. 13 9S Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. (Brigitta) was founded by a female of that name in the convent of Wadstena about the year 1363, and confirmed by Urban V. in 1370. It united monks and nuns in the same convent, according to peculiar rules.'' «^ 112. OF THE FREER SPIRITUAL ASSOCIATIONS. See J. L. Mosheiinde Beghardiset Beguinabiis comm. ed. G. H. Martini, Leips. 1790. 8vo. Neither the indiscriminate denunciation of the Beghards and Beguins by Clement V. for their heresy, ^ nor the violent persecu- tions to which they were continually exposed, nor even the mistrust with which all unmonastic spiritual associations were regarded by the Inquisition, could check the tendency to such associations (a sign not to be mistaken of the decline of monachism), especially in Germany and the Netherlands. As early as the pontificate of John XXII. such of them as held the orthodox doctrines were taken under the protection of the Pope.^ In the Netherlands and in Germany great the Order, Lupus Olivetus, established a separate congregation amongst them, by permission of Martin V., A. D. 1424, fo which he gave a system of rules taken from the works of Jerome, (see in Luccb HoJstenii Codex Regularum nionast. ed. ^1/. Brockie, T. III. p. 43) : in Spain this congregation was united again with the Order, A. D. 1595, but in Italy it continued to exist separately under the name Congr. Monachorum Eremitarum s. Hieronymi de observantia s. de Lombardia, see HoUtenius- Brockie, T. IV. p. 1. — In Italy Peter Gambacorti or Petrus de Pisis, from 1377, founded the pauperes EremitEe Petri de Pisis or Eremitae s. Hieronymi. Also the Congregatio Fesulana founded by Charles de Monte2:ranelli (f 1417). See Helyot hist, des ordres monastiques, T. III. p. 423seq. ;'^T. IV. p. 18 seq. ♦ Concerning the life of St. Birgitta, see Acta SS. ad d. 23 Jul. Jo. Vastovii vitis Aquilonia, s. vitae Sanctorum in Scandinavia Colon. 1623. Ibl. ed. cum notis Erici Benzel Upsal. 1708. 4to. — Her Revelationes have been often published, e. g. Romae et Colon, 1628. Monachii, 1680, fol. — the rules of her order, as con- firmed by Urban VI. 1379, in Holstenius- Brockie , T. III. p. 100 seq. According to cap. 10, each convent was to contain 60 sisters, and 13 priests to wait on them, juxta numerum XIII Apostolorum, quorum Paulus terlius decimus non minimum laborem sustinuit, 4 deacons and 8 lay biothers, so that tantus omnium personarum erit numerus, quantus erat XIII Apostolorum et LXXII discipulorum. The males a Monasterio Sororum omnino sint separati, unam habentes pro se curiam, in qua habitabunt, etc. Cap. 12: Abbatissa eligatur a Conventu, legitime vero electa ab Episcopo confirmetur, quae ob reverentiam beatissimse Virginis, cui hie Ordo dedicata est. Caput et Domina esse debet, quia ipsa Virgo, cujus Abbatissa gerit vicem in terris, ascendente Christo in caslos, Caput et Regina extitit Aposto- lorum et Discipulorum Christi. ' Compare the two Constitutions published at the council of Vienna, A. D. 1311, Clementin. Lib. III. Tit. 11. c. 1; and Lib. V. Tit. 3. c. 3. In the first: statum earundem (Beguinarum) perpetuo duximus prohibendum, et a Dei ecclesia penitus abolendum. cf Mosheiin de Beghardis, p. 244 seq. 2 Extrav. comm. Lib. III. Tit. IX. A. D. 1318 (not 1325, see Mosheim, 1. c. p. 627) : quia in multis mundi partibus piurimse sunt mulieres, qua* similiter vuigo Chap. III. Monachism. ^ 112. Beghards and Lollards. 99 progress was made by the society of the Alexiani, or fratres Cellitcs, called Lollards by the people, who had associated themselves in Antwerp, soon after the year 1300, for the care of the sick and the dead.3 Lollard soon became synonymous with Beghard, and equiva- lent to heretic."^ Li spite of all opposition they spread themselves more and more, till Gregory XL at length decreed that they too should be left unmolested, as long as they were free from heresy.^ Beghinffi vocatae, segregatae, quandoque in parentum, ant suis, interdum vero aliis — doniibus insiniul habitantes, vitas ducunt honcstas, ecclesias devote frequentant, — nee se vel alium — pra;iiiis«is opinionibus erroiibiisque involvunt: — nos Beghi- nas hujusmodi non culpabiles — sub prohibitione ct abolitione (Clementis V) prae- missis — voliumis non includi, loconini ordinaiiis nihiloniinus injungentes, ut eas sub prwtextu hujusmodi nullatenus niolestai'ipermittant. — Caeterum statuni Beghi- naruiu hujusmodi, quas esse permittimus, — nullatenus ex pra;missis intendimus approbare. Compare the bull addressed to the bishop of Strasburg, A. D. 1318, in Mosheim, 1. c. p. 630. In another addressed to the Italian bishop, A. D. 1326, Ibid. p. 638, he interferes in behalf of the mulieres, Beguinas vulgariter uuncu- patas, seu de pcenitentia b. Dominici, in Lombardise et Tusciae partibus. 3 Lollhard from lollen, lullen, i. e. to sing softly. Annales Holland, et Ultra- ject. in J?. Matthcei Analect. vet. svi, T. I. p. 431 : Die Lollardtjes die broehten de dooden by een, of. MatthcBi, 1. c. T. \\. p. 345, 643. Jo. Bapt. Gramaye Antwcrpia, Lib. II. c. 6. p. 16. Ejusd. Lovanium in his Antiquitt. Belgicis, Lovan. 1708. fol. p. 18. Mosheim institt. hist. Eccl. p. 589, note y. Ejusd. comm. de Beghardis, p. 583 seq. * See Jo. Hocsemii (a Canonicus in Liege about 1348) gesta Pontiff. Leodiens. lib. 1. c. 31 (in Chapeavilli gestorum Pontiff. Leod. scriptores, T. II. p. 350) : Eodem anno (1309) quidam hypoci-it* gyrovagi, qui Lollardi sive Deum laudantes vocabantur, per Hannoniam et Brabantiam quasdam mulieres nobiles deceperunt. * Two bulls of the 7 Apr. 1374, and 2 Dec. 1377, addressed to the German and Netherland bishops, in Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 396 and 401. In the second: Ad audientiam nostram pervenit, quod in vestris civitatibus et dioscesibus sint nonnuUi pauperes utriusque sexus, qui humiliter et honeste in tidei puritate et honestis vestibus aut habitibus in paupertate et castitate vivunt, et ecclesias devote frequentant. Et quod, licet hujusmodi pauperes nobis et Romanse ecclesis et eorum Pradatis et Curatis reverenler obediant, nullis erroribus se involvendo, — tamen nonnuUi — Inquisitores hsieticae pravitatis — hujusmodi pauperes occasions vestium indebite et injuste perturbant, ipsorum vestes simplices et honestas decur- tari, transformari — faciendo, necnon occasione hujusmodi vestium sacramenta ecclesiastica inhibendo, et alia gravamina inferendo. — Quocirca fraternitati vestrae per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus quilibet vestrum in dloecesi sua pau- peres ipsius occasione — vestium nullatenus molestet, nee ab aliis molestai-i — permittatis. For the same purpose Boniface IX. issued a b§> 113. THIRD PERIOD OF THE SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY. [ See § 73 and 74. ] Bossuet's History of the World. Contin. Schrockhs Kirchengesch. Th. 34. — Comp. Tiedemanns Gesch. d. Philosophie, Bd. 5, S. 12-5. Tennemanns Gesch. d. Philosophie, Bd. 8, zweite Halfte, p. 803, 840 (Tennemann's Hist, of Philosophy, trans). Lend. 1832. 8vo.). The third period of the Scholastic philosophy begins with two distiiirruished men, who boldly threw off all fetters, and struck out a new path for themselves. These were the Dominican Durand of St. Pourcain (de Sancto Porciano, from A. D. 1313 teacher of the- ology in Paris, then Magister S. Palatii, from 1326 Bishop of Meaux, "f 1333, Doctor resolutissimus),i and the Franciscan William Occam > His chief work is his Opus super sententias Lombardi (ed. Paris. 1508. Venet. 1571. fbl.). How little regard he paid to mere names may be seen fiom Lib. I. Dist. in. P. II, Qu. 6: Quod dicitur de intentione Aristotelis, dicendum, quod quicqnid ipse intcnderit, de quo non est tantuni curandum, sicutde veritate, tamen, etc. He leaned decidedly to Nominalism, see Tenneman, Bd. 8, zweyte Hillfte. S. 805. — Though first a zealous Thomist, he afterwai'ds differed from Thomas in many particulars, comp. Durandi de s. Porciano temerarise opiniones, qufe in scholis communiter improbanlur in (VArgentri collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus, T. I. p. 330. Namely, in his views of the sacraments. Thus Lib. IV. Dist. I. Qu. 4: Utrum in sacramentis novcB legis sit aliqua virtus inharens causativa gratics, etc. ? — Alia opinio est antiqua et sine calumnia, et magis, ut mihi videtur, conso- nat dictis Sanctorum, scil. quod in sacramentis non est aliqua virtus causativa gratise ; — sed sunt causa, sine qua non confertur gratia; quia ex divina pactione vel ordinatione sic fit, quod recipiens sacramentum recipit gratiam, nisi ponat oblcem ; recipit gratiam non a Sacramento, sed a Deo. Lib. IV. Dist. 4, Qu. 1 : Utrum character sit aliquid in animal — Character non est aliqua natura abso- luta, sed est sola relatio lationis, per quam ex institutione vel pactione divina depu- tatur aliquis ad sacras actiones. Quod declaratur sic : Sicut nummus sortitur ratio- nem pretii, et merellus rationem signi ex humana institutione, sic res naturales sortiuntur rationem Sacramenti, et homo rationem Ministri ex divina institutione, etc. — Cum scriptum sit Eccl. 24 Qui elucidant me, vitam aternam habebunt ; ad ea quae sunt fidei, cum sint satis obscura de se, non est conveniens adducere vias obscuras, et quae plus habent obscuritatis et dilficultatis, quam principale pro- positum. Comp. on the foregoing subjects the doctrine of Thomas in § 77, note 17. — Lib. IV. Dist. 11, Qu. 1, on the transubstantiation : salvo meliori judicio potest ffistimai-i, quod si in isto sacramento fiat conversio substantia panis in corpus Christi, quod ipsa fit per hoc quod corrupta foi'ma panis, materia ejus sit sub forma corporis Christi subito et virtute divina, sicut materia alimenti fit sub forma nutriti virtute naturae. — Prffidictus autem modus conversionis substantiae panis in corpus Christi constat, quod est possibilis : alius autem modus, qui communius tenetur, est inintelligibilis ; nee unus istorum est magis per ecclesiam approbatus vel reproba- Chap. IV. Theological Sciences. §113. Scholastic Theology. 105 (teacher of theology at Paris, from A. D. 1322 Provincial of his order ill England, from 1328 with Lewis of Bavaria, "f 1347, Doctor singu- laris et invincibilis ; Venerabilis inceptor).- The latter in particular, as undaunted in attacking the prejudices of the philosophers as the usurpations of the popes,-^ brought about a great epoch in the history of Scholastic philosophy by reviving the already forgotten doctrines of the Nominalists.'* His followers, Occamists, soon laid themselves tus, quam alius. Nee omnes difficultates fidei diOicultatibus superaddere, quin potiusjuxta documentum scripturas conandum est obscuritates elucidare. Lib. IV. Dist. 26, Qu. 3: An inatrimonium sit sacramentuml — Tenendum est absolute, quod matrimonium est sacramentum, cum hoc determinet Ecclesia Extra de hmret. ad abolendam (Deer. Gi-eg. V. 7,9). — Sunt alia duo circa matrimonium, circa quae sine periculo hreresis licitum est contraria opinari : quorum unum est theolo- gicum, videlicet utrum in matrimonio conferatur gratia ex opere operate, sicut in aliis sacramcntis novas legis ; secundum est logicum, videlicet utrum matrimoniuna habeat plenam univocationein cum aliis sacramcntis. Quantum ad primum aliter opinantur Jurista?, et aliter Theologi : Jurista; enim, qui noverunt textum decreto- rum et decretalium, — et aliqui eorum fuerunt de collegio Cardinalium s. Romanas Ecclesiae, tenent quod in sacramento matrimonii non confertur gratia, — Quorum opinio an sit vera an falsa, — non determino quoad pi-aesens : sed solum hoc accipio tanquam verum, quod cum prajdicti doctores noverint jura canonica, et eorum scripta et dicta habeantur a Papa et Cardinalibus, — quorum est specialiter scire, quid Ecclesia Roinana pradicat et obsei-vat, nee scripta eorum, quoad prsdictura articulum de mati'imonio reprobentur tanquam erronea ; — quod sentire, quod per sacramentum matrimonii non conferatur gratia, non est contra determinationem ecclesiae, nee contra id, quod Romana Ecclesia praedicat et observat. — Huie etiam opinion! consentit Magister sententiarum. — Modern! autem theologi quasi commu- niter tenent, quod per sacramentum mati-imonii confertur gratia (comp. above, § 77, note 17). To the second question, utrum matrimonium habeat perfectam univo- cationem cum aliis sacramentis, he answers, that according to the piior et conmiu- nior definitio sacramenti, quod sacramentum est sacrae rei signum marriage is certainly a sacrament : est enim signum sacra; rei, id est conjunctionis Christi et ecclesia; ; with the difference, it is true, that in aliis sacramentis res sacra, cujus sunt signum, non solum est signiticata, sed et contenta ; in matrimonio autem res sacra, cujus est signum, est solum significata, non contenta. But when the sacra- ment is defined as aliquod signum corporale vel sensibile extrinsecus homini appo- sltum ad efiectum sanctificationis spiritualis ; quantum ad hoc matrimonium non videtur habei-e perfectam univocationem cum sacramentis novce legis. — The result : matrimonium non est sacramentum stricte et proprie dictum, sicut alia sacramenta novae legis, but they sacrae rei signum, and thei'efore largo modo sacra- mentum. ^ The most important of his theological works is the Quaestiones super IV. libros Sententiarum, ed. Lugduni. 1495. fol., to which edition his Centilogium theologicum theologiam speculativam sub centum conclusionibus complectens is appended. Occam has likewise left various philosophical works, see above, § 97, notes 12 and 18. *. See what he says with reference to his teacher. Duns Scotus, in the Prologus ad lib. I. Sentent. Qu. I. Having cited him in support of an assertion, he adds : Et si dicatur, quod alibi ponat oppositum, parum me movet : quia ego non allego eum tanquam auctorem, nee dico prsedictam opinionem, quia ipse eam ponit, sed quod reputo veram : et ideo si alibi dixit oppositum, non euro. ^ See especially in Sent. lib. I. Dist. 2, Qu. 4-8. Especially Qu. 4. Of the notion of the Realists, quod quodlibet universale univocum est quredam res extrin- secus exti-a animam realiter in quolibet et singulariter, distincta realiter a singulari, et a quolibet alio universal!, ita quod homo universalis est una vera res extra ani- mam existens realiter in quolibet homine, et distinguitur realiter a quolibet homine, he says here : Ista opinio est simplieiter falsa et absurda. Nulla una res, numero non variata nee multiplicata, est in pluribus suppositis vel singularibus : — sed talis VOL. III. 14 106 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. open to censure by their paradoxical assertions,'' and hence at Paris Nominalism was strictly forbidden.*' Still its adherents imperceptibly got the advantage, and at the end of the 14th century were the pre- vailing party. In other places, however, their doctrines were still violently opposed,^ and at Prague they were actually driven from the city in the year 1408.^ The third period of the Scholastic theology is characterized by the violence of the disputes between the different parties, especially between the Nominalists and the Realists. This controversy had the effect of drawing attention almost exclusively to the philosophical definitions of theology, in which the Nominalists found a safe field for the gratification of the love of paradox, which had grown out of their desire to imitate the originality of their leader. Thus this age is distinguished by unfruitful quibbles on abstract points,^ whilst the res si poneretur, esset una numero, ergo non esset in pluribus singularibus, nee de essentia iliorum. — Qu. 8 : Universale non est aliquid, I'eale habens esse subjecti- vum, nee in aiiima nee extra animani. Sed tainen habet esse objectivum in aninia, et est qnoduani fictuni habens esse tale in esse objectivo, quale habet res extra in esse subjective. Et hoc per istum niodurn, quod intellectus videns aliquam rem extra animani, tingit consimilem rem in mente, ita quod, si haberet virtuteni productivam, talem rem in esse subjectivo, numero distinclam a priori produceret extra. — Universale est exemplar et indifTerenter respiciens onuiia singularia extra : — et ita isto modo univei-sale non est per generationem sed per abstractionem, quas non est nisi fictio qunedam. Comp. Tiedemann, Bd. 5, S. 168. Tennemann, Bd. 8, S. 846. ^ Comp. Errorcs Joannis de Mercuria Ord. Cist, which were condemned A. D. 1.347, in BulcBi hist. Univ. Paris, T. IV. p. 298. D'Jirgentri collect, judiciorum, T. I. p. 342 ; and Errores Nicolai de Ultricuria, condemned A. D. 1348, in Bulanis 1. c. p. 308, and d'Argentri, 1. c. p. 355. The last maintained, amongst other things, the remarkable propositions : Quod de rebus per apparentia naturalia quasi nulla certitude potest haberi. Ilia tamen modica potest haberi in modico tempore vel bi'evi, si homines convertant intellectum suum ad res, et non ad intellectum dictorum Aristotelis et sni Coramentatorum. — Mii'atur, quod aliqui student in Aristotele et Conimentatore usque ad decrepitam senectutem, et propter eorum sermones logicos deserunt res morales et curam boni communis ; in tantum quod cum exsurrexit amicus veritatis, et fecit sonare tubam suam, ut dormientes a somno excitaret, contristati sunt valde, et quasi armati ad capitale praslium contra eum ii'ruerunt. " In Paris, Occam's pupil, John Buridan (in 1327 rector of the university), suc- ceeded him as the zealous advocate of Nominalism, see Tennemann, 1. c. S. 914. In reference to him, though without mentioning any name, the Facultas Artium A. D. 1339, forbad the doctrinam Guilielmi dicti Ockaiu, with the threat against any one who should continue to teach it : ipsum a lectura per annum privamus (see Bulcpus IV. p. 257. D'Jlrgentri, I. p. .337). A new prohibition appeared A. D. 1340 (in Bulaus IV. p. 265. D'Argentri I. p. 338) against the new doc- trine, e. g. : quod nulli Magistri — audeant aliquam propositionem famosam illius auctoris, cujus librum legent, dicere simpliciter esse falsa m, vel esse falsam de virtute sermonis, si crediderint, quod auctor posuerit, aut ponendo illam hahuerit verum intellectum ; sed vel concedant earn, vel sensum verum dividant a sensu falso, quia pari ratione propositiones Biblia; absoluto sermone e.ssent negandae, quod est periculosum. '' Thus in Oxford, see A. fVood hist, et antiqu. Univ. Oxon. p. 169. * In this case the enmity between the sects was increased by national hatred. The victorious Bohemians were Realists, the vanquished Germans Nominalists. See .S^nea Sylvii hist. Bohemica, c. 35. " Jn. Gersnnii Epist. altera de reform. Theologite (0pp. ed. du Pin I. p. 122) : In facultate Theologiae videtur esse necessaria reformatio super sequentibus inter Chap. IV. Theological Sciences. § 113. Scholastic Theulugi/. 107 more practical parts of theology were so little objects of attention, that even the doctrine of Predestination taught by Thomas Bradwar- dine (A. D. 1325 teacher of theology in Oxford, 1348 Archbishop of Canterbury, t 1349, Doctor profundus), i" which at any other time cfetera. Primo, ne tractentur ita conimuniter doctrinas iautiles sine iructu et solklitate, quoiiiain per eas doctiina; ad salutcm necessaria; et utiles deseruntur. Nesciunt necessaiia, quia supervacua didicerunt, inquit Seneca. Secundo per eas studcntes seducuntur, qui scilicet putant illos principaliter esse Theologos, qui talibus se dant, spreta Biblia et aliis Doctoribus. Tertio per eas termini a ss. Pa- tribus usitati transmutantur. — Quarto per eas Theologi ab aliis Facultatibus irri- dentur. Nam ideo appellantur phantastici, et dicuntur nihil scire de solida veritate et moralibus et Biblia. Quinto per eas viae errorum multiplices aperiuntur. — Sexto per eas Ecclesia et tides neque intus neque foris aedificantur. — Tales nunc currunt propositiones ex talibus doctiinis : Iniinitae sunt durationes in diyinis, secundum prius et postering, quamvis a-ternaj. Et ita de mensura. Spiritus Sanctus libere, contradictorie, contingenter producitur ex parte principii quo. In divinis est absolute potentialitas ad non esse Spiritus Sancti. Pioducere Filium in divinis, ut sic, nihil est, etc. — Item monendi videntur Magistri nostri, — quod materia; secundi, tertii et quarti Sentenliarum magis tractarentur (quia vix legitur nisi primus, occuparnlo tempus in pramissis doctrinis) et similiter Biblia. Et pro honore Dei attendatur diligenter, quanta est neccssitas pro instructione po- pulorum, et pro resolutione materiarum moralium temporibus nostris. Et tunc credendum est, quod in tanta angustia temporis, et inter tot animarum pericula non raultum placebit ludere, ne dicam phantasiari circa ea qus prorsus super- vacua sunt. 1" De Causa Dei adv. Pelagium, libb. III. ed. H. SaviVms. Lond. 1618. fol- The preface contains a complaint against the theologians of his time : Ecce enim, — sicut olim contra unicum Dei Prophetam octingenti et quinqiiaginta Propheta; Baal; — ita et hodie in hac causa, quot, Doniine, hodie cum Pelagic pro libero arbitrio contra gratuitam gratiam tuam pugnant, et contra Paulum pugilem gratia; spiritualem ? Quot etiam hodie gi-atiam tuam fastidiunt, solumque liberum arbitri- um ad salutem sufficere stomachantur .' aut si gratia utanlur vel perfunctorie, necessariam eam simulant, ipsamque se jacfant libcri sui arbitrii viribus prome- reri, ut sic saltem nequaquam gratuita sed vendita videatur ? — Non enim ve- rentur astruere, suam voluntateni in actione communi prai^^ire ut dominam, tuam subsequi ut ancillam. — Totus pine mundus post Pelagium abiit in errorem. Exurge igitur Domine, judica causam tuam. Bradwardine goes so far beyond Augustine, that he maintains, lib. III. c. 2: Deus quodammodo necessitat quam- libet voluntatem creatam ad quemlibet liberum actum suum, ad quamlibet etiam liberam cessationem et vacationem ab actu, et hoc necessitate naturaliter pra- cedente. — Videlicet universaliter omnis eftectus a quocunque agente rationali vel irrationali et libero producitur hoc modo, quod posito suo agente cum omni- bus suis dispositionibus sutficienlibus naturaliter praeviis quibus ilium producit, necessario et indefectibiliter sequitur ipsum produci, et producitur ex necessi- tate naturaliier prajcedente. — Curollarium : Unde consequitur evidentei-, quod aliqualis necessitas antecedens et libertas ac meritum non repugnant, et quod nulla causa inferior, sed tantum superior, scil. Dei voluntas, est necessitas ante- cedens, et quod omnia quK sunt, fiunt et eveniunt, sunt, fiunt et eveniunt de aliqua necessitate ipsa naturaliter pra;cedente. cf. (VArgentrd collect, judiciorum de novis erroribus, T. I. p. 323. Of some of Bradwardine's followers and oppo- nents, ibid. p. 328. Albert, bishop of Halberstadt, appears to have been one of the former, on which account Gregory XI. ordered an inquisition to be made con- cerning him (Raynald, ann. 1372, no. 33). According to the Pope's letter his doctrine was, quod omnia in hoc mundo ex necessitate eveniunt, et quod fata cuilibet homini vitns ac mortis necessitatem imponunt, et quod non est habendum consilium, nee deliberandum de aliquo, cum omnes actus hominum, etiam a libero arbitrio procedentes, noscantur ex necessitate coelestis influenlia; provenire. This doctrine is stated to have had the consequence already, nonnulli etiam nobiles et alii de partibus illis, — per haec putantes tolli mcrita et demerita, incipiunt omittere invocationem divini auxilii et sanctorum, nonnullaque aUa opera pieta- tis, etc. 108 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. would have set all in a flame, was but little noticed. At the end of this century, some of the most distinguished men, John Charlier de Gerson (from A. D. 1381 teacher at Paris, 1395 Chancellor of the University, f 1429 in Lyons, Doctor Christianissimus),^^ and Nicolas de Clamenge (Artist, 1393 Rector in Paris, the private secretary of Benedict XIII., lived in retirement from the year 1408, and died before 1440), ^^ were themselves aware how unfruitful the theological controversies of the time must be for the church, and already pro- posed a reform. ^3 » His life in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. IV. p. 26. He has left a mul- titude of small writings and discourses of a theological, moral, and ascetic charac- ter, amongst which are many occasional writings ; best collection by Lud. Ellies du Pin. Antwerp (Amsterdam). 1706. .5 voll. fol. 12 His life in v. d. Hardt, 1. c. T. I. P. II. p. 71. His writings refer chiefly to the faults, and the reformation of the morals, and the ecclesiastical discipline of the time ; ed. Jo. Mart. Lydhis. Lugd. Bat. 1613. 4to. Several of them were pub- lished at a later date by Herm. v. d. Hardt. in the Cone. Const, and others. '^ Jo. Gerson Epistt. duas de reform, theol. coiiip. note 9, above. JVicol. de Clamengis lib. de studio theologiae in d'Jlchery Spicil. T. I. p. 473. e. g. p. 476 : Mirer Theologos nostri temporis paginas divinorum Testamentorum ita negiigenter legere, et nescio quarum satis sterilium subtilitatum indagine sua ingenia conte- rere, utque verbis utar Apostolicis, languere circa qiiasiiones et pugnas verbo- rum (1 Tim. vi. 4), quod Sophistarum est, non Theologorum. — Solebant antiqui Patres et Theologi, quorum per Ecclesiam sunt approbata scripta, nihil dicere vel astruere, nisi quod Scripturarum teslimonio posset confirmari : unde et Hierony- njus ait : Quod de scrinturis sacris non habet auctoritatem, eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur. Rectissime plane illi quidem, quoniam in his, qua; divina sunt, nihil debemus temere definire, nisi ex ca;lestibus possit oraculis appro- bari : quK divinitus enuntiata de his, qua; scitu de Deo sunt necessaria aut ad salutem oportuna, si diligenter investigarentur, nos sufficienter instruuut. — Nunc autem plerosque videmus scholasticos sacrarum inconcussa testimonia literarum tarn tenuis a;stimare momenti, ut ratiocinationem ab auctoritate ductam velut incrtem et minime acutam sibilo ac subsannatione irrideant, quasi sint majoris ponderis, qua; phantasia humana; imaginationis adinvenit, quam quae divinitas coelitus aperuit, cum, teste Apostolo, oinnis scriptura divinitus inspirata utilis sit ad docendum, ad argitendum, etc. (1 Tim. iii. 16) : ad qu^ ilia sunt parum utilia, in quibus hodie plurimi exercentur, qua» licet intellectum utcumque acu- ant, nullo tamen igne succendunt affectum, nuUo motu excitant, nullo alimento pascunt, sed frigidum, torpentem, aridum relinquunt. Inde est, quod ad praedi- candum tardi adeo et ignavi sunt, quia scientiam ad hoc utilem minime didice- runt, supervacuisque occupati utilia et necessaria omiserunt. Ilia est vera scien- tia, qua; Thcologum decet, quamque omnis debet Theologus expetei-e, qua; non modo intellectum instruat, sed infundat simul atque imbuat affectum. — Non ergo theologico det eo fine operam studio, ut theologiam sciat, hoc enim qua^dam curi- ositas est ; non ut vulgi favorem aut plausum populi sibi per hoc acquirat, quia ventus inanis est ; — non ut ad honores et dignitates perinde promoveatur, quia ambitio est ; — sed ea mente ac proposito theologia; aggrediatur studium, ut de talento doctrinse sibi divinitus commisso, fideliter Deo serviendo, secura ad salu- jtem a'ternara quoscuraque poterit perducat ac lucrifaciat, etc. Chap. IV. Theological Sciences. §114. Mystic Theology. 109 <^ 114. MYSTIC THEOLOGY. Gotfr. Arnoldi historia et descriptio theol. mysticK. Francof. 1702. 8vo. Scholastic theology having thus ceased to have any connexion with religious feeling, it was natural enough, on the other hand, that that forin of religion which appealed wholly to the feelings, Mysticism, should likewise be cultivated to the exclusion of every thing else. Amongst the Mystics of the time we may notice the Dominican John Tauler^ of Slrasburg (Theologus sublimis et illuminatus, t A. D. 1361),! distinguished as a widely influential preacher.- Another preacher, scarcely less distinguished, was Henry Suso of Ulm (t 1305).=' But more famous than either amongst the Mystics of all ages is John Ruysbroech, prior of the regular canons in Gruenthal in Brabant (Doctor ecstaticus, t A. D. 1381),"* of all the Mystics the most dreamy and enthusiastic.^ John Gerson, on the other hand, 1 He has left numerous short works of an ascetic character, amongst which the most remarkable is the Nachfolge des arnien Lebens Christi. His sermons have been very often translated into various German dialects, and published in the latest form, Frankf. A. M. 1826. 3 Th. Bvo. See the account of Tauler's life and writings prefixed to this edition. The Historic des ehrw. Doctors Joh. Taulers, professedly by himself, which is pretixed to his sermons, is only an account of his conversion. Comp. Bayle Diet. s. v. Tauler. Obeilini diss, de J. Tauleri dictione vernacula et mystica, Argentor. 1786. 4to. Of Tauler's mysticism, see de W e tte christi. Sittenlehre, Th. 2, zweyte Halfte, S. 220 ff. 2 Many of his hearers were so affected by his preaching that they fell down senseless, see the Historic des ehrw. D. Taulers, cap. 10, 11. ^ Henrici Suso7iis 0pp. e suevico idiomete latine translata per Laur. Surium Colon. 1555. 8vo. The Vita Susonis, ibid. p. 4.35, is an account of his conversion, written by a pious lady, and edited by himself, cf. Quetif et Echard Scriptt. Ord. Prasdicat. T. I. p. 653 seq. ■» Jo. Busbrochii 0pp. e Brabantias germanico idiomate reddita latine per Laur. Surium, Colon. 1552. fol. The life of Ruysbrock prefixed (p. 1 seq.), was writ- ten by a Canonicus regularis, soon after his death, some verbal alterations only having been made by Surius. * Comp. his visions : for instance, what he said to his visiter, Gerhard Groot (Vita Rusbr. c. 8) : Magister Gerarde, certum ae firmum habeto, nullum me unquam verbum scriptis meis inseruisse, nisi ex instinctu Spiritus Sancti, et in singulari quadam ac dulcissima prassentia supersanctissima Trinilatis. QuEe verba fratres quidam, etiamnum superstites, ferunt se ex ore sancti viri, testamenti loco extremis vita? ejus temporibus accepisse. Comp. Jo. Gersonii Epist. ad fr. Bar- tholom. Carthusiensem super tertia parte libri Jo. Ruysbroech de ornatu spirituali- um nuptiarum (0pp. ed. du Pin I. p. 59) : His general view of the work : com- peri multa ibidem tradi salubria et alta documenta. But tertia pars ejusdem libri prorsus repudianda rescindendaque est, because it is there taught, quod anima perfecte contemplans Deurn non solum videt eum per claritatem, quae est divina essentia, sed est ipsamet claritas divina. Imaginatur enim, — quod anima tunc desinit esse in ilia existentia quam prius habuit in proprio genere, et convertitur seu transformatur et absorbetur in esse divinum, etc. (The words, p. 62 : Erat autem de secta Begardorum, which must be referred to Ruysbroeck, ought un- doubtedly to read, Erant autem de s. B. namely they, quorum aliquos ipse Auctor juste reprehendit, etc.) Gei-son was answered by the canonicus Jo. de Schoenha- 110 Third Period. Dlv. IV. A. D. 130", — 1409. felt both the excellencies and the dangers of mysticism, and taught both by precept and example, how it might be united with religious speculation in such a manner, that each should supply the defects of the other ; enforcing always the precept, that mysticism must be guided by knowledge.^ Towards the end of the 14th century a prac- tical and beneficial mysticism was introduced by the Brethren of Common Life'' and by their means exercised a wide influence amongst the inhabitants of the German provinces. ^ 115. HISTORV OF THE OTHER THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES. Casuistry continued to be a subject of zealous study. To the old xiia, in defence of Kuysbroeck (ibid. p. 63), to which Gerson, however, soon replied (1. c. p. 78). Of Ruysbroeck's doctrine, see de Wette Sittenlehre, Th. 2, zweyte Halfte, S. 237 ff. * Gei-son's writins^s are found in 0pp. ed. du Pin, T. III. He gives a theory of mystic theology in his Considerationes de niyst. theol. ibid. p. 361. Of its relation fo speculative theology, see Consid. I : Aliqua est fheologia mystica ultra earn, quffi vol symbolicn vel propria noniinatur. Ita eniin separate tractavit de ea sub propiio titulo b. Dionysius a conscio divinorum secretorum Paulo doctus. Cum eniin scripsisset de theologia symbolica, quas utitur corporeis similitudinibus trans- latis ad Deum, ut quod est leo, lux, agnus, lapis et similia ; — cum prseterea tra- didisset theologiam propriam, per quam ex affectibus repertis in creaturis, prae- sertim perfectioribus, ad extra, consurgimus ad affirmanduni aliqua de Deo, ut quod est ens et vita, a quo omnibus derivatum est esse et vivere : tandem addidit modum inveniendi Deuiii perfectioren) csteris quo per abnegationem et per exces- sus mentales tanquain in divina callgine videatur Deus, hoc est in occulto et in abitione ]\I. Jo. Parvi, et ita datum est sibi intelligi, et sub illo colore fuit condemnata ipso Rege praesente : unde gavisus est et omnes Adversaiii, quod" communiter dicebant ignorantes, quod propositio Parvi fuerat condemnata. — Sed Deo laus. Post recessum dicti Regis Ambaxiatores (Ducis Burgundia;) sunt secu- riores quam antea, et liberius tractaverunt materiam et processum cum bono con- silio. — Speramus hie omnes habere bonum exitum et honorabilem in materia, quia totum Concilium vellet processum terminari ad bonam pacem et concordiam Ducis. — Et si non habeatur finis per concordiam, non ita cito habebitur per processum^ quia adhuc sumus in principio, ut potestis considerare : quia restat adhuc piobare Chap. IV. Theological Sciences. § 115. Casuistry and Ethics. 113 of Paris unauthorized.^ Soon after this there appeared a work of John of Falckenburgjio proclaiming extermination, by vviiatever means, to the Poles and their king Jagello. Though disapproved by the majority of the council (A. D. 1417), ^ the Pope, swayed by his fears of the Teutonic order, and the duke of Burgundy, would not allow it to be formally condemned. Neither did he decide concern- ing the work of Jean Petit. Thus the Mendicant monks were left at liberty to defend their seditious principles as they chose.i- intentionein circa libellum exhibiUim, et examinare dictas propositiones hinc inde, qu£e non fient ila cilo et sine magno disciirsu. " Judicium Deputatoruni Concilii dd. 15 Jan. 1416, in Gersonii 0pp. T. V. p. 500 seq. '" This same person had before defended Jean Petit against Gerson and d'Ailly : see tres tractatus in Gersonii 0pp. T. V. p. 101.3 seq. " Jo. Dlugossi (Canon, in Cracow about 1465) hist. Pofonica. ed. Francof. 1711, fol. lib. XI. p. 376: The archbishop of Gnesen brought the work with him to Constance, and accused the author before tlie council. Synodus sacia — prse- dictuiii libellum, ut falsum et erroneum, Joannem vero Falkemberg ejus auctorem, ut hffireticum, per definitivam sententiani damnavit, et perpetuis deputavit carceri- bus. Et in condeninationis pra-fats signum singuli Cardinales singiilatini et onines nationcs sententiam prajdiclam manibus propriis subsci-ipserunt. The book was condemned (v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. IV. p. 1555), per judices in causa fidei a s. Concilio deputato-;, and it was decided by the college of cardinals, and in general council, quod idem hbellus, tanquam hasreses et alia mulla et quasi intinita mala et errores continens, in sessione publica per sacrosanctum concilium — publice dam- naretur, sen publice damnatus nunciaretur. But even this solemn condemnation could not be maintained by Martin V., made Pope in Nov. 1417, Dlugossus, p. 3S6: Martinus P. V. prece incertum est an importunitate Cruciferorum de Prussia circumventus, sententiam damnationis Jo. Falkemberg — infirmare et moderari contendit, — quamvis, existens Cardinalis, se ei manu piopria subscripserit. Of the contents of Falkenberg's book, we have nothing but what is preserved in the sentence of condemnation, written by a committee of the council, and in the name of the council, on the 4th of Jan. 1417 (see Dlugossus, p. 3S~). Its title was : Satyra contra hsreses et caetera nefanda Polonorum et eorum Regis Jagyel tideliter conscripta, and it was addressed universis Kegibus et Principibus, csterisque PrEElatis sive Ecclesiasticis sive sEEcularibus, et gencraliter omnibus, qui Christiani nominis meruerunt insigniri titulo. Propositions extracted : quod Rex Polonorum, cum sit malus praesidens, est idoliim, et omnes Poloni sunt idololati-as, et serviunt idolo suo Jagyel. Item dicit, quod Poloni, et eorum Rex sunt odibiles, hsretici, et impudici canes, reversi ad vomitum sax infidelitatis. Et ergo securissime omnes, non solum Principes ssculi, verum etiam inferiores, qui ad Polonorum et eorum Regis exterminationem se accinxerint ex charitate, vitam merentur aeter- nam. Item dicit, quod indubie Polonos et eorum Regem propter periculum, quod ab eis timetur Ecclesiae futurum ; etiam antequam dissidinm faciant, ceteris pari- bus, magis meritorium estoccidere quam paganos. Item dicit, quod omni submoto dubio, belli certamine, quo pro defensione Christianoi-um suscepto Principes saculi Polonos et eorum Regem occidunt, regna merentur coelestia. — Item dicit, quod ex Principibus sasculi, qui sunt idonei et ratione et potestate Polonos et eorum Regem Jagyel reprimere, et permittunt eura in Chiistianos debacchari, supplicia merentur gehenna?, etc. '^ They sought especially to prove by various .sophisms, that the IX assertiones, note 6, were wholly distinct from the condemned Quilibet tyrannus,see the numer- ous controversial writings in Gersonii 0pp. T. V. e. g. Hesponsio Episc. Atreba- tensis, ibid. p. 475: credo et atfirmo, quod nulla dictarum novem assertionum est tidei judicio reprobanda, nee aliqua illarum est condenmanda ex condemnatione illius propositionis Quilibet tyrannus : cum nuUo modo sequatur ex aliqua illarum povem assertionum, sed non ex omnibus simul, nee continent doctrinaliter illam VOL. III. 15 114 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305— 1409. The theologians of this period employed themselves in the study of the Scriptures even less than those of the preceding centuries had done. The appointment of teachers of the oriental languages, by Clement V. (13il),i^ was wholly for the purpose of educating mis- sionaries, and had no influence upon the study of the Scriptures. The biblical commentaries of the time are for the most part of little value. Almost the only one worth mentioning is that of the Fran- ciscan Nicolaus de Lyra (teacher of theology at Paris, "f 1340, Postillator),^'' whose knowledge of the Hebrew enabled him to do something for the grammatical interpretation of the Old Testament. vel virtualiter, nee in siniili radice fiindantiir, quod patet. Non enim sequitur : Licitum est unicuique subdito, — occidere vel occidi fucere queinlihet tyrannuin, qui ]>er cupiditaicm, fraudein, sortUegiuin, etc. JSrgo quilibet tijrannus, etc. Turn quia ibi arguitur a parte in modo, ad suuin totuni in modo, cum distiibutione : — turn quia ad mentem Assertionuin a parte subjocti, unicuique subdito capi- tur pro vassallo immediate Regi subdito; et in ilia Quilibet tyrannus capitur pro quocunque, etiam subdito tyranno, sive subjecto, etc. He draws the conclusion, tinally, quod banc doctrinam asserentes opiTiabiliter, citra determinationem sacri Concilii Generalis, et s. Sedis Apostolics, non sunt hseretici ; — quod asserere — dictas Propositioiies esse probabiles, aut forsan veras, non est ei-roneum, etc. ^^ Brought about through the influence of Raymundus Lullus, who was deeply interested in the conversion of the Mahometans. Clementin. Lib. V. Tit. I. c. 1 : scholas in subscriptarum linguarum gcneribus, ubicunque Romanam curiam resi- dere contigerit, necnon in Parisiensi et Oxon. Bonon. et Salamantino studiis provi- dimus erigendas, statuentes, ut in quolibet locorum ipsorum teneantur viri catholici, sufficientem habentes Hebraica;, Arabics et Chaldrcs linguarum notitiam, duo videlicet uniuscujusque lingua; pei-iti, qui scholas regant inibi, et libros de Unguis ipsis in latinum lideliter transferentes, alios linguas ipsas sollicite doceant, — ut instructi et edocti sufficicnter in Unguis hujusmodi, fructum speratum possint Deo auctore producere, fidem propagaturi salubriter in ipsos populos infideles. " Of him Wolfii Biblioth. Hebr. I. p. 912; III. p. 838. Mich. H. Reinhard Pentas conatuuni sacrorum Lips. 1709. 8vo. p. 147. His chief work, Postilloe perpetuae in Biblia, was first ed. Roma;, 1471. .5 veil. fol. best ed. cura Fr. Fexiar- dentii, Jo. Dadrei et Jac. de Cuilly, Lugd. 1590 ; also in the Bibliis glossatis. It is preceded by an essay de libris Biblia; canonicis et non canonicis. Quia sunt multi, qui ex eo quod non niultam operam dant sacra; scriptura;, existimant omnes libros, qui in biblia continentui-, pari venei-atione esse reverendos atque adorandos, nescicntes distinguere inter libros canonicos et non canonicos, quos Hebrtei inter apocrypha computant, unde sa'pe coram doctis ridiculi videntur : et perturbantur scandalizanturque, cum audiunt, aliquem non pari cum casteris omnibus venera- tione persequi aliquid, quod in liiblia legatur: idcirco id distinximus, et distinctc numcravimus, primo libros canonicos, et postea non canonicos, inter quos tanlum distat, quantum inter certum et dubium. Nam canonici sunt confecti spiritu sancto dictante : non canonici aiitem sive apocryphi nescitur, quo tempore qui- busve auctoribus sint editi, etc. He then enumerates the canonical and apocry- phal books of the Old Testament, according to Jerome, and adopts the views taken by him and Rufinus of their relation to each other. Piologus I de commenda- tione sacrfe scripturce in generali. e. g. of the double sense : Llabet famen iste liber hoc speciale, quod una littei-a continet plures sensus. Cujus ratio est, quia principalis hujus libri auctor est ipse Deus, in cujus polestate est non solum uti vocibus ad aliquid significandum, — sed etiam rebus significatis per voces utitur ad significandum alias res. The fourfold sense is described in the following verse : Littera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, .Muralis quid agas, quo tendas anagogia. Prologus II de intentione auctoris et modo procedendi : Omnes expositiones mysti- CEB prssupponunt sensum littei'alem tanquani fundamentmn : pro|)ter quod sicut SEdificium declinans a fundamcnto disponitiu- ad ruinam, sic expositio niystica dis- Chap. V. Rites and Ceremonies % 116. In Iiomr of the Virgin. 115 CHAPTER FIFTH. HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES. <^ 116. Two new festivals were now established in lior.or of the Virgin Mary, that of the Presentation (festum Presentationis, on the 21st Nov., instituted by Gregory XI. A. D. 1372),i and that of the Visi- tation (festum Visitationis, on the 2d of July, instituted by Urban VI. A. D. 1389).- The doctrine of the immaculate conception of the Virgin was vehemently contested by the Dominicans, who to the revelations made to St. Birgitta in its favor » opposed those made to crepans a sensu litterali reputanda est indecens et inepta, vel saltern minus decens, cffitei-is paribus, et minus apta. Et ideo volentibus profieere in studio sacra? scrip- ture necessarium est incipere ab intellectu sensus litteralis : maxime cum ex solo sensu litterali et non ex mysticis possit argumentnm fieri ad probationem vei declarationem alicujus dubii, secundum quod dicit Augustinus in Epist. contra Vincent. Donatistam. Ulteiius considerandum, quod sensus litteralis — videtur multum obfuscatus diebus modernis, partim scriptorum vitio, qui propter similitu- dinem litterarum in multis locis aliter scripsernnt, quam habeat ventas textus, partim imperitia aliquorum correctorum, qui in pluribus locis fecerunt puncta ubi non debent fieri, et versus inceperunt vel terminaverunt ubi non dcbent incipi ct termiiiari, et per hoc sententia littera; variatur, — partim ex modo translationis nostra;, quse in multis locis aliter habet quam libri hebraici : — et tamen secundum Hieronymum — pro veritate litters habenda in scriptura veteris teslamenli recur- renduni est ad codices Hebra'oruni. — Sciendum eliam, quod sensus litteralis est multum obumbratus propter modum exponendi communiier traditum ab alus, qui licet multa bona dixerint, tamen parum tetigerunt litteralem sensum, et sensus mysticos in tantum mulliplicaverunt, quod sensus litteralis inter tot expositiones mysticas interceptus, partim suffocatur. Item textum in tot particulas diviserunt, et tot concordantias ad suura propositum induxerunt, quod intelleclum et memo- riam in parte confundunt, ab intellectu litteralis sensus animum distrahentes. Ha;c io-itur et similia vitare proponens cum Dei adjutorio intendo circa litteralem sensum insistere, et paucas valde et breves expositiones mysticas aliquando interponere, licet laro. Similiter intendo non solum dicta doctorum catholicorum, sed etiam hebraicorum, maxime Rabbi Snlomonis (Jarchi oder Raschi, see above, § 76, note 9), qui inter doctores hcbrffios locutus est rationabilius, ad declarationem sensus litteralis inducere. — Postremo quia non sum ita peiitus in lingua hebraica vel latina, quin in multis possim deficere ; ideo protestor, quod nihil intendo dicere assertive seu determinative, nisi quantum ad ea, qua? manifeste determinata sunt per sacram scripturam vel ecclesia; auctoritatem ; cffitera vero omnia acclpiantur tanauani scholastice et per modum exercitii dicta : propter quod omnia dicta et dicenda suppono correctioni sancts matris Ecclesia;, ac cujuslibet sapientis, pium lectorem et charitativum flagitans correctorem. ' J. A. Schmidii Prolusiones Mariana; X (cum praef. /. L. Moshemii Hchiist. 1733. 4to.) p. 100 seq. A u g u s t i s Denkwilrdigkeiten, Bd. 3. S. 107. - Schmid. 1. c. p. 111. Augusti, 1. c. S. 88. 3 Of St. Biro-itta, see above, § 111, note 4. Bircr'dtce Revelationum Lib. V. in fine, God reve'als with regard to the Virgin : De radice Adae processit, et de pec- cato'ribus nata est, licet sine pcccato concepta, ut filius mens de ea sine peccato nasceretur; Lib. VI. c. 49, the Virgin: Veritas est, quod ego conccpta^fui sine peccato original!, et non in peccato; and Cap. 55: Scito quod conceplio mea noa 116 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305—1409. their own Catharine of Siena'' against it. Still the festival of the immaculate conception was more and more widely adopted,'^ and with it the doctrine. The exasperated Dominicans having begun to op- pose this doctrine with increased fury in Paris A. D. 1384,** both the populace and the university rose against them. The latter condemned the rejection of the doctrine of the immaculate conception as one of the heresies of the Dominican John of Montesono A. D. 1387.^ He appealed to the Pope,^ but the university prevailed here also (Jan. omnibus nota fuit. — Placuit Deo, quod amici sui pie dubitarent de conceptione mea, et quilibet ostenderet zelum suum, donee Veritas claresceret in tempore praeordinato. ■• Of whom see above, § 101, note 5. In the Orationes XXII ab ipsa in raptu et extasi ad Deum prolatai, et a sibi assistenfibus tamiliaribus excepts latinitatique donata; we read Orat. XVI (the passage is wanting in the ed. ot her works. Colon. 1553, but is cited as early as Antoninus Summa;, P. I. T. 8. c. 2) : Datum est nobis veibuni a'ternum per manum Maria;, et de substantia Maris induit naturam absque peccati oi'iginalis macula, et hoc, quia non hominis, sed Spiritus Sancti inspiratione facta est ilia conceptio. Quod quidem non i'uit sic in Maria, quia non processit ex massa Adse operatione Spiritus Sancti, sed hominis: et quia tota ilia massa erat putrida, non poterat nisi in putridam naturam anima ilia infundi, nee poterat purgari, nisi per gratiam Spiritus Sancti, cujus quidem gratis non est sub- jectum susceptibile corpus, sed spiritus rationalis aut intellectualis, et idco non poterat Maria a macula ilia purgari, nisi postquam anima infusa est corpori, quod quidem sic factum est propter reverentiam thesauri divini, qui in illo vase dcbebat reponi. Nam sicut fornax consuniit guttam aquae in niodico tempore, sic facit Spiritus Sanctus de macula peccati originalis : nam post conceptionem ejus statim fuit ab illo peccato mundata, et gratia magna data. Tu scis, Domine, quia ista est Veritas. See concerning these prophecies of both the saints Wadding legatio Philippi III et IV ad Paulum P. V et Gregorium XV de detinienda controv. im- maculatae concept, b. Virg. Mariae. Lovan. 1624. fol. p. 342 seq. 5 At the Cone. Londin. ami. 1328. c. 2 (Mansi XXV. p. 829), it was decreed by the archbishop of Canterbury, that the festum conceptionis b. Virginis should in future be solemnly observed through the whole kingdom. In A. D. 1343, it was introduced by Baldwin, bishop of Paderborn, into his diocese (Schaten An- nales Paderborn, L. XIII. p. 303). At the university of Paris, it was resolved on behalf of the French nation, A. D. 1380, quod a modo celebraretur festum con- ceptionis gloriosaj V. M. eodem modo, quo et alia festa solent celebrari (Bulceus hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p. 964). 6 Bulceus, T. IV. p. 599. ' On the whole controversy, see Bxdceus IV. p. 618 seq., especially d'Argentr6 collectio judiciorum, T. I. P. II. p. 61 seq. The ofiensive propositions, with the censures of the theological faculty, see in Bulceus, p. 620; d'Argentri, p. 62: Propositio X : Non omnes praeter Christum contraxisse ab Adam peccatum origi- nale est expresse contra fidem. Censure : Revocanda est tanquam falsa, scan- dalosa et piarum aurium offensiva, et prcesumptuose asserta, non obstante, probabilitate qucBstionis, utrum b. Virgo fuerit in peccato originali concepta. Prop. XI : B. Virginem Mariam et Dei genitricem non contraxisse peccatum originale, est expresse contra fidem, Prop. XII: Tantum est contra sacram Scripturam, unum hominem esse exemptum a peccato originali prater Christum, sicut si dccem homines de facto ponerentur e.xempti. Prop. XIII: Magis est expresse contra sacram Scripturam, b. Virginem non esse conceptam in peccato originali, quam asserere ipsam fuisse simul beatam et viatricem ab instanti sua^ conceptionis vel sanctificationis. These propositions were condemned in a mass as revocandce tanquam falscB, scandaloscp., prcBsuinptuose asserta, et piarum aurium offensivce. ** He complained, as appears from the work of his opponent, Petrus d'Alliaco (d'Argentri^,, p. 82), 1. quia aliqus condusionum suarum trahuntur ex doctrina s. Chap. V. Rites and Ceremonies. § 110. In honor of the Virgin. 117 1389), and after compelling many of the Dominicans to take back their offensive declarations against the hated doctrine,^ made the assent to the decision of the university on this point the indispensable condition of admittance to any academical honor. ^"^ Though this decision only went as far as to disapprove the rejection of the doc- trine, it had yet all the effect of a positive declaration in its favor, ^^ Thoina? ; 2. quod Dominus Episcopus (Parisiensis), apponens falcem in messeni summi Pontificis, dictas conclusioncs pronuntiavit et decrevit falsas, ha;reticas et erroneas : et causaiu subdit ibidem, quia ista, qua? tangunt fidem, sunt de majoribus Ecclesia; causis, et qua; ad solum suinmum Pontificem pro examinatione et deci- sione defeiri debent. The university sent four deputies to the Pope, of whom Peter d'AUiaco was the most distinguished : see his serinones et propositiones in Consistorio in cVJlrgentri, p. Cfi. In answer to the first complaint of the Domini- cans, the university had already declared in a letter ad universos Christifideles dd. 14 Febr. 1388 ((VArgentri, p. 65), quatenus s. Thoma; doctrinam in dicta nostra condemnatione nequaquam reprobamus. The condemnation referred solely to the est expresse contra fidem, compare P. d'AUiaco, 1. c. p. 107 : licet (s. Thomas) dicat, quod fuit concepta in originali, tamen nee ibi, nee alibi dicit, quod oppositum dicere sit expresse — contra fidem. — Licitum est in hac materia probabiliter loqui, et istam partem tenere, vel etiam circa utrumque dubitare, ut supponitur : sed non licet sic probabiliter loqui vel dubitare de aliquo, quod est expresse contra tidem, etc. In answer to the second complaint, d'AUiaco maintains the propositions (1. c. p. 76) : Ad s. Sedem Apostolicam pertinet auctoritate judicial! suprema circa ea quae sunt tidei judicialiter detinire. Ad Episcopos Catholicos pertinet atictoritate inferiori et subordinata circa ea qus sunt fidei judicialiter detinire. Ad Doctores theologos pertinet determinatione doctrinali et scholastica circa ea qua; sunt fidei doctrinaliter detinire. ' Compare the documents in BuJceus IV. p. 633, 638 seq. ; and in d'Argentr6, 1. c. p. 132 seq. From the expressions which they now had to take back, it may be seen how far the Dominicans had been carried in the heat of controversy. Thus Fr. Richard (d'Argentri, p. 136) : EUe fut souillee, touillee et brouillee au ventre de sa mere. — Nemplus que vous ne pouriiez bouter vostre main en ung grand plain pot de gresse sans la souiller, nemplus ne fut la Vierge Marie engen- dree sans souilleure, — Fr. Adam de Soissons, in a sermon ( B ulceus IV. p. 639) : Se la Vierge Marie fust trespassee devant la mort et passion de son glorieux tils, — elle fust descendue en Enter, pourcequ'elle avoit este conceuc en peche originel. He acknowledged that he added to this, que je affermois sous la damnation de mon ame, et que en icelle foy je voudrois vivre et mourir. Fr. Joannes Ade (ibid. 641), quod festum Conceptionis b. et gioriosfe Virginis Maiire non crat solemnizan- dum nee colendum, et qui coleret dictum festum, male faceret plus quam bene. — Item pra;dicando ad populum increpavi illos, qui in laudem Virginis Maria^ tene- bant, earn non fuisse in Originali peccato conceptam, improperando eis et dicendo : En volis-vous faire line Deesse? etc. ^^ See Gersonius pro reconciliatione Dominicanorum, ann. 1403 (Bulceus V. p. 83) : conclusum erat, ut omnis gradus et honoris in Universitate expers fieret, quisquis non juraret tenere condemnationem super erroribus pra>dictis ab Univer- sitate prius, delude ab Episcopo Paris, factam. Distulerunt hoc agere Bacalaurii e fratribus pra-dictis tunc excipiendi, causantes a Superioribus suis licentiam ad hujusmodi prajstationem juramenti necdum petiisse vel habuisse. Ex hac origine neque gradus, neque cathedram, neque sermones posterius adepti sunt. The restoration of the Dominicans to the university did not take place till 1403, see the Instrumentum in d'Argentri, 1. c. p. 148. " Jo. Gersonii Sermo de conceptione b. Maria; Virginis, in A. D. 1401 (0pp. ed. du Pin, Vol. III. p. 1330) : Est quod Spiritus sanctus interdum revelat Eccle- siae vel Doctoribus posterioribus aliquas virtutes, vel expositiones s. Scriptura;, quas non revelavit eorum prtedecessoribus. — Ideo Moyses scivit plus quam Abraham, Propheta; quam Moyses, Apostoli quam Prophets : et Doctores addiderunt multas veritates ultra Apostolos. Quapropter dicere possumus, banc veritatem, b. Mariam 118 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. and the authority of the university secured the success of the doc- trine. This period was as rich as the foregoing one in new saints,'^ relics,i3 and other holy things,''^ as well as in new festivals.i^ The masses, which constituted almost the whole of public worship, were multiplied by the avarice of the priests in the most outrageous man- nonfuisse concept am in peccato originali, de illis esse veritatibus, quae noviter sunt revelatrfi vel declarata;, tarn per miracula quae leguntur, quam per niajorein partem Ecclesia sancta;, quae hoc modo tenet. Fuit tempns aliquod, in quo non tenebatur generaliter, Mariam virgineni esse in Paradiso in corpore et anima (see above, § 18, note 10), sicut modo tenetur; et similiter post institutionem festi nativitatis s. Joannis nativitas Domini nostras ordinata fuit per revelationem unius solius femin*, et multa similia. Nota de opinione s. Augustini de igne Purgalorii, qualiter tenetur opposita (See Vol. I. § 119, note 14). Such a doctrine of new revelations had not then become objectionable. Thus Guil. Occam tract, de sacram. Altaris (appended to his Quodlibctis) says, that the doctrine of transub- stantiation was not indeed in the Scriptures, but it was believed that it had been revealed to holy fathers. »2 Schrockh, Th. 33. S. 417. " Of tl>e numerous, and some of them strange enough, relics, collected in Prague by the emperor Charles IV., see Hageks bohm. Chronik, S. 577, 593, 868 ff. P e 1 z e 1 s Kaiser Karl der Vierte, Th. 1. S. 277. '* Of the holy blood in Wilsnack, to which numerous pilgrimages were made from A. D. 1383, see S. Buchholzens Gesch. der Kurmark Brandenburg, Th. 2. S. 593 tr. " Besides the two festivals of the Virgin, see above, notes 1 and 2, the Festum s. Ti-initatis, which had long been occasionally observed, but now was fixed by John XXII, for the Sunday aVter Whitsuntide, Bahtz. PP. Aven. I. p. 177, of. Not. p. 793, Festum s, Lanccaj et Clavorum, changed at the request of Charles IV. by Innocent VI. 1354, for Gei-many and Bohemia, to the Friday after Quasimodo- geniti, cf J. H. a Scclen miscellanea, P. I. p. 339 seq. See the bull, ibid. p. 394 seq. Compare the list of festivals on which it was unlawful to work, by Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, in Cone. Magfeldense, ann. 1362 (Mansi XXVI. p. 417) : In primis sacrum diem Dominicum ab liora diei sabbati vespertina inchoan- dum, non ante horam ipsam prceveniendum, ne Judaic* professionis participes videamur, quod in festis, quas suas habent vigilias, ohservetur: Item festa Natalis Domini; SS. Stephani, Joannis, Innocentium, Thomae martyi-is ; Circumcisionis, Epiphanias Domini, Purificationis b. Maiiae, s. Matthias Apostoli, Annunciationis s. Maris, s. Parasceues, Paschap cum tribus diebus sequentihus, s. Marci Evange- lists, Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, Inventionis s. Crucis, Ascensionis Domini, Pentecostes cum tribus diebus sequentibus. Corporis Christi, Nativitatis s. Joannis Baptists, Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, Translationis s. Thomas, s. Marias Magda- lenas, s. Jacobi, Assumptionis s.jMariae, b. Bartholomsi, s. Laurentii, Nativitatis s. Maris, Exaltationis s. Crucis, s. Matthsi Apostoli, s. Michslis, s. Lues Evange- lists, Apostolorum Simonis et Juds, Omnium Sanctorum, s. Andres Apostoli, s. Nicolai, Conceptionis b. Maris, s. Thorns Apostoli, Dedicationum ecclesiarum parochialium et Sanctorum, in quorum honore ecclesis parochiales dedicantur : aliaque festa qus in singulis diets provincis dicecesibus per locorum ordinarios ex certa scienfia peculiariter indicuntur. And even in this catalogue, some days formerly oliserved had been left out, the archbishop himself conceding : quod ad devotionis parabatur compendium, in dissolutionis erigitur cumulum, dum in ipsis festivitatibas colilur tabcrna potius quam ecclesia, comessationes abundant et ebrietates ul)erius quam lacryms et orationes, lasciviis insistitur et contumeliis magis quam otio conteraplationis : — tamquam solemnitates ipss ad profanationis et perversitatis exercitium gratis fuei-int instituts : qus quanto magis protendun- lur in numero, tanio abundantius cultores abusionuin hujusmodi in suis excessibus insolescunt. Chap. VI. Church Discipline. §117. Year of Jicbihe. 119 ner.is It was already evident enough to the reflecting that biunds must be set to this mere ceremonial worship in which all true piety was merged. i*" CHAPTER SIXTH. HISTORY OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE. ^ 117. OF INDULGENCES AND PUNISHMENTS. The theory of Indulgences, as perfected by Thomas Aquinas, was not only adopted by the theologians of this period, ^ but from the time of Clement VI. by whom it was first openly proclaimed (in the bull for a year of Jubilee),'-^ may be considered as the received opinion of '^ Alvarus Pelagius de planctu Eccl. lib. II. c. 5 : Nostra autem ecclesia plena et supcrplena est altaribus, missis et saciiliciis, sed cum hoc plena in sacriAcan- tibus homicidiis, sacrilegiis, et immunditiis, et simoniis, et aliis sceleiibus, excom- municationibus, et irregularitatibus usque ad fiummum. — Tot enim hodie dicuntur niissse quasi quEestuaria?, vel consuctudinaria;, vel ad complacentiam, vel ad sceleia cooperienda, vel propi'iam justificationem, quod apud populum vel clerum sacro- sanctuin corpus Domini jam vilescit. — Unde et almus Franciscus voluit, quod in quocunque loco fratres contenli essent una mis.?a, prssciens, fratres se velle jus- tificare per missas, et ad quastum eas reducere, sicut videmus hodie fieri : unde et dicebat, quod una missa ccelum et terram implebat. Cap. 27 : Et jam consue- tudine vel potius corruptela — inolevit, quod missa taxata tiibus vel quatuor denariis vel uno solido venditur et emitur a populo ceeco et prcsbyteiiis simoni- acis sceleratis. *^ Petri de Alliaco de Reformationc in Cone. Constant, c. 3 (in Gersonii 0pp. ed. du Phi, T. II. p. 911) : Quia Prrelatis de diVino cultu specialis cura esse debet, circa hujusmodi reformationeni, quaj necessaria est, providendum esset, ut in divino servitio non tam onerosa prolixitas, quam devota et Integra brevitas servaretur; ut in ecclesiis non tam magna imaginum et picturaruni varietas multi- plicaretur ; ut non tot nova testa solennizarentur ; ut non tot nova; Ecclesise aedi ■ ficarentur ; ut non tot novi Sancti canonizarentur ; ut, pra?terquam diebus Do- niinicis, et in majoribus festis ab Ecclesia institutis, liceret operari post auditum Officium : cum quia in festis sape magis multiplioantur peccata in tabernis, in choreis, et aliis lasciviis, quas docet otiositas ; turn quia dies operabiles vix suffi- ciunt pauperibus ad vitae necessaria procuranda. cf. JS/'icolmis de Clamengis de novis celebritatibus non instituendis in Opp. ed. Lydii, p. 143 seq. As lono- ago as Henricus de Hassia, he had recommended (Gerson de probatione Spirituum in Opp. I. p. 40), comprimendam esse tot hominum canonizationem. 1 See the passages from their works collected in Ens. Amort de origine, pro- gressu, valore ac fructu indulgcntiarum (Aug. Vindel. 1735. fol.), P. II. p. 80. To the list may be added Jlugustinus Triumphus Summa de potest, eccles. Qu. 29 - 32. ^ See the bull Unigenitiis of January 27, 1343, in Extravagg. Comm. lib. V. Tit. 9, 0.2, and in Raynald, ann. 1349, no. 11 : (Dcus Filius) non corruptibilibus auro et argento, sed sui ipsius, agni incontaminati et immaculati, pretioso sanguine nos redemit, quern in ara crucis pro nobis innocens immolatus, non guttam sangui- nis modicam, quas tamen propter unionem ad Verbum pro redemptione totius 120 Tliird Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. the church. The opportunities of getting absolution for sins were constantly multiplied. Smaller indulgences were daily to be had,^ nor was there any dearth of crusades as a means of obtaining gen- eral absolution.'* The new invention of the year of Jubilee, in par- ticular, was used to great effect. Clement VI., at the prayer of the Romans (A. D. 1343), reduced the term of its recurrence to fifty years,^ so that it was celebrated in the year 1350.** Urban VI. (A. D. humani generis suffecisset, seel copiose velut quoddain prolluvium noscitur effu- disse, ita vit a planta pedis usque ad verticem nulla sanitas inveniretur in ipso. Quantum ergo exinde, ut nee supervacua, inanis aut superflua tanta; effusionis miseratio redderetur, thesaurum militanti Ecclesias acquisivit, volens suis thesauri- zare tiliis pius pater, ut sic sit intinitus thesaurus hominibus, quo qui usi sunt, Dei aniicitice participes sunt etfecti ! Quem quidera thesaurum non in sudario repositura, non in ag)0 absconditum, sed per b. Petrum coeli elavigerum, ejusque successores, suos in terris vicarios, commisit iidelibus salubriter dispensandum, et propriis (leg. pro piis) et rationabilibus causis nunc pro totali, nunc pro partial! remissione poence temporalis pro peccatis debitfe tarn generaliter quam specialiter, prout cum Deo expedire cognoscerent, vere pocnitentibus et confessis misericordi- tei- applic.mdum. Ad cujus quidem thesauri cuiEulum beatae Dei Genitricis et omnium Elcctorum a primo justo usque ad ultimum merita adminiculum pra-stare no^cuntur, de cujus consumptione seu diminutione non est aliquatenus formidan- dum, tam propter intinita Christi, ut pra-dictum est, nieiita, quam pro eo, quod quanto plures ex ejus applicatione trahuntur ad justiliam, tanto magis accrescit ipsorum cumulus meritorum. •* The inliabitants of Xanten, in the territory of Cleves, having appointed a bell to be i-ung in the evening as a summons to the worship of the Virgin by repeating the salutation of the angels; John XXII. A. D. 1318, granted an absolution of ten days to whomsoever should repeat it three times (Raynald, ann. 1318, no. .58. cf. ann. 1327, no. .54). The Cone. Avenionense, ann. 1326, cap. 2, gave to those who should accompany the sacrament to sick persons by day, twenty days, by niglit, thirty days absolution ; cap. 3, to those who should pray for the Pope and the church, ten days; cap. 4, to those who bowed themselves at the name of Jesus, ten days. This is repeated in Cone. Avenion, ann. 1337, c. 2 ; Vaurense, ann. 1368, c. 124 ; Narbon. ann. 1374, c. 19. * e. g. above, § 96, note 2.5 ; § 98, note 7. '" See an account of the solemn embassy of the Romans in the Tertia Vita de- mentis VI. in Baluz. PP. Aven. I. p. 286. The request was granted in the bull Unigenitus (see above, note 2) : Nos autem attendentes, quod annus quinquagesi- mus in lege Mosaica — jubileus remissionis et gaudii — censebatur, quodque ipse quinquagenarius numerus in testamentis, veteri quidem ex legis donatione, in novo ex visibili s. Spiritus in discipulos missione — singulariter honoratur, quodque huic numero plura et grandia divinarum adaptantur mysteiia scripturarum ; et clamo- rem peculiaris populi nostri, Romani videlicet, hoc humiliter supplicantis, ac nos ad instar Moysi et Aaron per pioprios et solemnes nuntios ad hoc specialiter desti- natos orantis pro toto Christiano populo et dicentis : Domine aperi eis thesaurum tuum fontem uqucB vivce, desiderantes benignius exaudire ; — volentesque quam- plurimos hujusmodi indulgentia; tore participes, cum pauci multorum respectu propter vita hominum brevitatem valeant ad annum centesimum pervenire : de fratrum nostrorum consilio prai^dictam concessionem ejusdem indulgentias ex supra- scriptis et aliis justis causis ad annum quinquagesimum ducimus reducendam. He then ordains for the year of Jubilee, ut universi Christitideles, qui vere poeni- tentes et confessi — Petri et Pauli Apostolorum basilicas et Lateranensem eccle- siam — visitaverint, plenissimam onuiium peccatorum suorum veniam consequan- tur, ita videlicet, ut quicunque voluerit indulgentiam hujusmodi assequi, ad minus triginta, si Romani : si vero peregrini aut Ibrenses modo simili XV. diebus ad pra;dictas Basilicas et Ecclesias accedere teneantur. Adjicientes, ut ii etiam, qui — post iter arrei)tum impediti legitime, quo minus ad urbem illo anno valeant pervenire, aut in via, vel dierum pra^taxafo numero non completo in dicta urbe decesserint, vere pccnitentes et confessi, eandem indulgcntiam consequantur. Chap. VI. Church DiscipUiie. §117. Year of Jubilee. 121 1389) changed it to three and thirty years." Boniface IX. availed himself of this to celebrate it in the year 1390; but not content with this, he caused llie Jubilee-indulgence to be olTered for sale through- out the three following years in different countries, and drove a most scandalous traiiic in indulgences of various kinds. ^ Besides the gross ^ Of the concourse to Rome, see Matteo Villani I. c. 56 (Muratori Scriptt. Rer. Ital. XIV. p. 56), Heinr a Eebdorff, ad ann. 1350. Prima Vita dementis VI. in Baluz. 1. p. 256. Conip. Limpurgische Chronik (by a contemporary) Wetzlar. 1720. 8vo. S. 16. 7 The bull, dated April 8, 1389, in Eus. Amort de indulgentiis P. I. p. 84 : Nos considcrantes, quod stas hominum amplius solito in dies labitur pauciores, et desiderantcs, quam plurimos participes fieri indulgcntiae memoratae, cum plurimi ad annum quinquagesimum propter hominum vitas brevitatem non perveniant, — ac intendentes, quod anno tricesimo tertio Sal\ atoris Domini no.-tri Jesu Christi ipse Salvator noster pro nobis aiterno Patri Adre debitum solvit, — et quod mysterio hujusmodi XXXIII annorum — plura etiam alia et grandia divinarum scriptura- rum mysteria adaplari possunt, — et aliis justis causis ad annum tricesimum tertiuiu reducimus, etc. The true moUve, however, was the wish to conciliate the tumul- tuous Romans. See S/wndaiii annall. eccl. ann. 1389, no. 3. ^ Theod. a JViem de schism. I. c. 68 : Innnmerabiles peregrini toto illo anno (1390) — ad urbem venerunt, unde et maxima oftertoria Ecclesiis et Basilicis urbis per visitatores data fuerunt, ex quibus aliquse reparationes ipsarum Ecclesiarum facts fuerunt, sed residuum et major pars ad manus Bonifacii et quorundam aliorum devenit. Ipse etiam Bonifacius hujusmodi ofl'ertoiiis non contentus, licet ad maxi- mas summas ascenderent (erat enim insatiabilis vorago, et in avaritia nullus el similis), ad diversa regna misit quaestuarios vendendo dictam indulgentiam offeren- tibus tantiim, quantum essent expensuri in via, si propterea ivissent ad urbem : et hujusmodi exactores sen quKsluarii etiam maximas summas pecuniarum a simpli- cibus seu barbaris subtiliter extorserunt, ita quod aliquando in uno regno, seu in una provincia hujusmodi venditionibus ultra centum millia florenorum reportarunt, quia omnia peccata etiam sine posnitentia ipsis coniitentibus relaxarunt, super quibuslibet iri-egulai-itatibus dispensarunt interventu pecunias, dicentes, se omnem potestatem habere super hoc, quam Chi'istus Petro ligandi et solvendi contulisset in terris. Et per hoc ipsi quasstuarii impinguati, dilatati, ingrossati, et cum multis pulchris equis et decenti familia redeuntes ad urbem, ipsam de recollectis per eos taliter rationem Pontifici fecerunt, sed aliquos eorum, quos comperit infideliter egisse, carceribus intrudebat : nonnulli eorum mala morte perierunt, aliqui vero sibi ipsis mortem consciverunt, quidain furore populi in petias (en pieces) secti fuerunt, etc. — Magnum Chronicon Belgicum (in Rerum German. Scriptt. ed. Pistorius-Struve, T. III. p. 363) : Postquani annus Jubilffius — transiit, Dominus Bonifacius unum annum sub anni Jubila;i urbis Roma; indulgentiarum forma Colo- niensi civitati concessit; ita ut venientes Coloniam, vel ibidem habitantes, illo anno durante visitantes certas Ecclesias ad hoc directas cum oblationibus suis possent consequi indulgentias, quas visitantibus urbem Romanam in anno Jubilffio concessae erant, videlicet plenissimam remissionem omnium peccatorum. Quo anno elapso similis annus concessus est ab eodem Domino Bonifacio sub eadem forma civitati Magdenburgensi. Et ad utramque harum civitatum missus est collector Papae, qui certam partem recepit oblatorum. Deinde indulgentias similes concessit visitantibus alias nonnullas civitates Germaniae ad certos menses. Unde in Misnia et Praga ex hujusmodi concessione concursus magnus populorum fuit. Deinde idem concessit multis locis Almanniaj, ut visitantes certas istorum locorum Ecclesias consequerentur indulgentias similes, qua; erant quondam concessas tali vel tali loco, seu tali vel tali Ecclesiae, quas in ipso privilegio concessionis expri- mebatur (see the bull following). — Et in omnibus prtvilegiis concessionum praedictarum ponebatur c\di\i3u\d. porrigentibus manus adjutrices, ita ut hujusmodi indulgentias, nisi qui ipsis locis vel ecclesiis manum porrigeret adjutricem, nemo consequi posse videretur. Unde quidam concessiones hujusmodi magis non magni faciebant, ut quas pro lucro magis, quam ex zelo, turn institutas a Papa suspica- bantur. The part taken by the Pope's Camerarius, Balthasar Cossa, afterwards VOL. III. 16 122 Third Period. Div.lV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. John XXIII., in this traffic, see in Theod. de JViem de vita Joh. XXIII. (in Meibomii Rer. Germ. T. 1. p. 7, and v. d. Hurdt Cone. Const. T. II. p. 340 seq.) : Nee istis lucris contcntus, sed ainplius ditari satagens, quosdam eloquentes et audaces apostatas de Spoleto in vicini.s partibus oiiundos, quos Italici Exiretanos appellant, et nuncios dicti Bonifacii ad pia'dicandas in Alniania, Dacia (Denmark), Suecia, et Norvegia, et adjacentibus provinciis indulgentias et peccatorum remissi- ones de oinni peccato largi:-simas fieri procuravit. Qui me stepe audiente publice praedicarnnt, quod etiam .s. Petrus, si viveret, niajorem reniissione peccaminuin potestateni non hahcret, quam ipsi ab eodcm Bonifacio reccpcrunt ad salutem ani- maruni illorum, quibus illi eandem remissioneni communicarent, et quod omnia, quae ipsis darentur ratione indulgentiarum Inijusmodi, in succursuni Inipcratoris Constantinopolitani, qui et sui subditi Christian! per Turcos tunc essent oppress! gravissime, mitterentur. Qui quideni quaestores cum magna copia ad Germaniam pervenientes, et primo in Suevia in dia;cesi Constantiensi notabiliora hospitia in locis et oppidis insignibus pro se receperunt, et banderium Romance ecclesiie cum clavibus s. Petri depictum die immediate sequenti post jucundum illic eoruni adventum extra fenestras extenderunt : intrantes autem cum magno apparatu illic majorem ecclesiam aut principalem, major eorum in ipsa ecclesia in altioi-i loco prope altai-e sedile cum tapetis pulcris per suos ministros ad id deputatos sibi fecit apparari cum panno nobili de serico etiam superius extenso. — Solennem benedic- tionem ille major nuntius populo dedit, et per aliquos Episcopos titulares illud mel sequentis sernionis ibidem in publico fieri fecit, intimando simplicibus ibidem tunc congregatis, ut eos levius decipere necnon pecunias reportare possent, indulgentias et remissiones peccaminum antedictas : et semper in eisdem sermonibus publice dicebatur, quod ipse major nuncius super omni irregularitate ac peccato posset dispensare, ac ipsa peccata remittere, ac etiam parentum animas eorundem offer- entium ipsis de purgatorio liberare, et ultra hoc quicciuid posset Papa de plenitu- dine potestatis, id idem ipsi possent, et etiam aliquid amplius, si expediret. Et si aliquis eis in hoc forsan contradixit, ilium haereticuni aut schismaticum, necnon Apostolics sedi rebellem nominabant, et modis omnibus persequebantur, et quod infra paucos dies in pra;fata curia coram prffidicto Bonifacio, pro meritis digna reccpturus personaliter compareret, ignominiose citarunt, et per hoc Praelatos eccle- siasticos et alios terruerunt, quod istis — se opponere non audebant. — Sicque ultra centum millia florenoium auri ipsi nuncii infra biennium per illos modos in eisdem partibus collcgerunt. The principalis nuntius, Antonius de Roma, went then to Bologna to account to Ballhasar, who in the mean time had become cardinal and legate in that city ; Balthasar put him in prison and took the money from him, cum quo sperabat se enipturum aliquam pinguem cathedralem ecclesiam vel abba- tiam a Bonifacio saepedicto. Videns autem se hujusmodi spe fraudatum, tanquam desperans in carceribus ipsis mortem sibi conscivit, se ipsum quadam chorda, qua cingebatur, quadam nocte jugulando. Finally, when a sufficient sum had been collected, Boniface, to redeem the honor of the papa! see, took back all the absolution which had thus been granted, as unlawful (just as he had before done with the Expectatives, Theod. a JViem II. c. 9, see above, § 102, note 7). See the bull of December 22, 1402, in Statuta Synodalia a Wenceslao Episc. Wratis- lav. ann. 1410, publicala ed. a /. Chr. Friedrich. Hannoverse. 1827. p. 11 : Inten- ta salutis opeiiljus sedis apostolica; circumspecta benignitas — interdum aliqua per importunam petentium inslantiam, qua>dam autem per sin-reptionis malitiam vel fraudem vel quemvis modum itlicitum impetrata statuit vel indulget, demum vero in ejus notitiam his deductis ac utilitate publica suadente ea reformat in melius. Such were the grounds of the following decree : Item revocamus et annullamus omnes et singulas indulgentias, in quibus continetur a pcena et a culpa vel plena indidi^entia omnium peccatorum siiorum, et alias, qua; concessa; sunt sub formis indulgentiai-um ecclesiarum urbis, anni jubilai, vel s. Scpulchri dominici, s. Mi- chaelis de monte Gargano, s. Jacobi in Compostella, et s. Marci de Venetiis, s. Marias de Angelis, alias in Portiuncula, s. Maria; de Collomadio, et omnes alias, quffi factae sunt ad instar indulgentiarum quibusvis aliis ecclesiis concessarum, et volumus, quod nullius sint roboris vel niomenti, etiamsi in litteris apostolicis, super dictis indulgentiis confcctis, contineretur talis clausula, videlicet: et si contigerit revocari per iios indulgentias in genere vel in specie, quod indulgenticB ipsa per easdem litteras concessa: non intelligantur revocata. Chap. VI. Church Discipline. §117. Year of Jubilee. 123 rapacity displayed in this traffic,^ constant impositions were practised. Thus tlie decree for a year of Jubilee, in i;J5U, seems to have been forged by the inhabitants of Rome in the name of Clement V.^** * Thus when Cardinal Albornoz preached a crusade in Italy A. D. 1356 (comp. above, § 98, note 3), .Mntteo Villani VI. c. 14 : E incontanente I'avarizia de' Cherici coinincio a (are Futicio suo, e allargarono colla pi-edicazione la'iidulgenza oltre alia coinmessione del Papa. E coininciarono a non rihutarc danajo ila ogni maniera di gente, compensando i peccati e voti d'ogni ragione con danari assai, e pochi, come gli poteano attrane. E per non mancare alia loro avarizia, soinmove- ano nelle Cilta, e ne' Castelli, e nelle Ville ogni femminella, ogni povero, che non havea danari, a dare pannilini, e lani, e masserizie, grani, e biade. Niuna cosa rifutavano, ingannando la gente, con allargare colle parole quello, che non portava la loro connnessione. E cosi davano la Croce, e spogliavano le Ville, e le Castella piu che non poteano fare le Citta. Conip. Balthasar Cossa's traffic, note 8, above. '" This is the bull Ad memoriam, which we have from two contemporaries, Peter of Herentals, prior of the convent of Fleury (Quinta vita dementis VI. in Baluz. Vitae PP. Aven. I. p. 312), and Albericus de J^osate (Dictionarium juris s. V. Jubiloius annus). The most striking passages are : Item concedimus, quod, si vers confessus in via morte prajveniatur, ab omnibus peccatis suis sit immunis et penitus absolutus, et nihilominus mandamus Angelis paradisi, quod animam illius a purgatorio penitus absolutam ad paradisi gloriam introducant. — Cum autem fideles prsdicti ita devote praidicta compleverint, ostendetur eis ex mandato nostro suda- rium Domini noslri Jesu Christi, quo viso ab omnibus peccatis suis sint absoluti et indulgentias habeant ab eisdem. Nosque ex parte D. N. Jesu Christi, cujus sumus in terra Vicarii, reducimus eos ad statum, qtio erant die illo, quo baptismum receperunt, de gratia special!. In reference to this Jo. TVessel ("f 1489) says in Epist. ad Jll. Jac. Hoeck (Farrago rerum theologicarum. Vitcmb. 1522. 4to. fol. XXXIX. b. and in Goldasti Monarchia, T. I. p. 581) : Neque parum horrori mihi est verbum tuum illud, quo mones, quod magis quam pio ratione niihi esse debet auctoritas Papa^. Numquid Parisiensi Faculfati theologicae non dico ratione majus fuit, imrno numquid fuit pro ratione dementis Papae auctoritas, quando temeritatem illius angelis pra?cipientem reprehendei-unt et correxerunt .' quando cruce signatis ad eorum vota ti-es vel quatuor animas ex purgatorio quas vellent elargiebatur .' item quando indulgentias a poena et culpa publicabat .' Horuni tamen errorum hodie plumbata:' bulla; reperiuntur. Since the bull was printed by Joh. Hoornbek Examen Bullae Papalis, qua Innocentius X. abrogare nititur pacem Germanic. Ultraj. 1653. 4to. p. 273 seq., much use has been made of it by the opponents of papacy. Still it is undoubtedly spurious, see Baluzii Vit. PP. Aven. I. p. 915 seq. Pagi Breviar, gest. Pontiif. Rom. ed. Luc. T. II. P. II. p. 86. Chais lettres hist, et dogm. sur les Jubiles, T. I. p. 164 seq. For. 1. Albericus, who himself went to Rome to secure the dispensation offered, introduces this bull with the remark : Circa praedictam indulgentiam alias formas habui, quas an fue- rint apostolicEe ignoro, tamen sunt pulchrs et ideo eas hie describo ; and adds afterwards : Hkc forma, sicut puto, non fuit bullata, nee confirmata, nee servaba- tur tempore dicta indulgentiK, ad quam fui cum uxore et tribus filiis. 2. An- toninus Florentinus Summa?, P. III. Tit. 10, c. 3, § 6 : sciendum quod in copia cujusdam bulla;, quse dicitur esse dementis, niulta narrantur, quae non videntur esse de stylo Curiae, cum sint levia et exorbifantia satis. Unde licet adscribantur Clementi, non videtur verisimile illius vel alterius summi Pontiticis fuisse, sed fictitie inventa. 3. Nothing is known of any such resistance of the Sorbonne, as is mentioned by John Wessel above. 4. Baluze observes correctly : Insulsa est compositio, fatua, demens, aliena a stylo curia?, such as is hardly to be expected from a learned man like Clement VI. It is impossible that he should have allowed, as in this bull is done, all priests to leave their churches for a year, all monks to force their abbots to give them permission to travel and the means ; which betrays rather the interest of the Romans, who were never satisfied with pilgrims. 5. Ttie bull orders : Volumus insuper et ordinamus, quod omnes Romipets patrise Romanse, Campaniae, Tusciae, Apulegis, Calabrias, Principatus terrre Lombardias et Italiae usque ad Pedemontem in prajfata civitate per unum mensem sequentem resident!- 124 Third Period. Div. IV, A. D. 1305 — 1409. The widest field, however, for such impostures was opened by the measure above-mentioned, of Boniface IX., of exposing the Jubilee- indulgence for sale every where. ^^ In making their indulgences dependent upon the fulfilment of cer- tain arbitrary external conditions, whilst they granted to some and refused to others what was alike the right of ali,i- the popes conducted themselves rather as the uncontrolled disposers than as the stewards of the heavenly grace. They also laid themselves open to the same reproach by granting privileges to certain communities, or to indi- viduals of a community, to which all had an equal claim. ^^ This was especially seen in the case of the kings of France, on whom the devoted Clement VI. heaped privileges of this sort, some of them highly exceptionable in a moral point of view.'"* am faciant, etc. in opposition to the true bull of Jubilee (see note 5), according to which only the inhabitants of Rome were thus called upon to have absolution. In this we detect the marks of Roman avarice. " Bonifacii Ep. ad Episc. Ferrariensem (in Raynald, ann. 1390, no. 2) : Ad audientiam nostrum — fidedignorum quamplurium relatio perduxit, quod qiiidam religiosi diversorum, etiam mendicantium, ordinum, et nonnulli clerici soeculares etiam in dignitatibus constituti, asserentes, se a nobis — missos, — non veras et prjetensas facultates hujusmodi mendacitei' simulant, cum etiam pro qualibet parva pecuniarum summula non posnitentes — ab atrocibus delictis — absolvant, male ablata certa et incerta, nulla satisfactione previa (quod omnibus sa;culis absurdissi- mum est) remittant ; castitatis, abslinentias, peregrinationis ultramarinas — et alia quaevis vota levi compensatione commutent ; de ha'resi vel schismate — condemna- to?, absque eo quod in debita tbrma abjurent, — non tantura absolvant, sed in inte- grum restituant ; — et indulgentiam, quam felicis recordationis Uibanus P. VI. — Christifidelibus certas basilicas et ecclesias dictas urbis instanti anno visitantibus concessit, — quihusvis elargiri pro nihilo ducant ; — ut quasi hominibus perpetuam felicitatem in hoc sajculo polliceii conentur, et ceternam gloriam in futuro ; et quasstum, quem exinde percipiunt, nomine cameras apostolicae se percipere asse- rant, et nulJam de illo nihilominus rationem velle reddere videantur. They were to be compelled ad reddendum computum de receptis, and imprisoned. '^ The theologians of the time discussed the question very seriously, why the Pope, since he had the power, did not release all souls from purgatory : e. g. SummcB Jlstesancs (see § 115, note 1), Lib. V. Tit. 40: Si Papa potest animas in purgatorio sic absolvere, saltem per modum suflragii, quare ergo non absolvit omnes solo verbo, cum taiibus sit maxime compatiendum .-' Resp. Si Deus per se ipsum sic miseretur, ut semper velit timer! justitiam, multo fortius similiter Dei Minister facere debet : unde dispensatio bonorum Ecclesis discrete et cum moderamine est facienda, et nisi ita fiat, Deus non acceptat. '•' Thus Boniface IX., 1395, allowed as a privilege to the city of Wolfhagen, that an interdict imposed on its inhabitants for the offences of certain individuals, should cease as soon as the excommunicated persons had left the city. See Kopps Nachr. v. d. geistlichen und Civilgerichtcn in d. Hessen-Casselischen Landen, Th. 1, Beylageii S. 61. '■* What these were (almost all passed April 20, 1351) see in d'Achery Spicileg. T. III. p. 723 seq. Especially objectionable is the Privilegium, p. 724: Vobis et successoribus vestris Regibus et Reginis Francise — in perpetuum indulgemus, ut confessor religiosus, vel sfecularis, quem vestrum et eorum quilibet duxeiit eli- gendum, vota per vos forsitan jam eniissa, ac per vos et successores vestros in posterum emittenda, ultramarino, ac bb. Petri et Pauli Apostolorum, ac castitatis et continentiBB votis duntaxat exceptis ; necnon juramenta per vos pra;stita, et per vos et eos praestanda in posterum, quae vos et illi servare commode non possetis, vobis et eis commutare valeat in alia opera pietatis. Further : Quod Rex et Regina in locis interdictis possunt facere celebrare ; quod Confessor absolvere eos Chap. VI. Church Discipline. § 117. Year of Jubilee. 125 Whilst the hierarchy were thus prodigal of their indulgences, they were no less so of their punishments,'-^ so that these too lost nnuch of their power. ^^ The most solemn excommunications were those which the popes pronounced on the Thursday before Easter. ^^ potest in casibus sedi Apost. reservatis ; quod Confessor Regi cum exercitu potest dare licentiam vescendi carnibus ; quod confessor Regeni et Reginam dispensare potest de jcjuniis , quod Rex ingiedi potest Monasteriuin inclusarum ; quod Rex possit facere celebrare super Altare portatile in sua et genliuiii exercitus sui prtesentia ; quod Pra^latus celebrans coram Rege sen Regina confcrre potest unum anniun et XL dies indulgentia; ; quod Confessor Regis et Regina; eis semel in mortis articulo, et quotiescunque pro Regni defensione imminet periculum, plenam remissionem psccatorum indulgere possit ; quod orantihus pro Rege et Regina centum dies de injunclis poenilentiis qualibet die relaxantur; quod Rex et Regina eligere possunt Confessorem, qui eos absolvant, si excoinniunicationis sententiani incurrerint propter manuum injectionem in Clericos ; quod nemo potest in terram Regis et Reginai interdicli sententiani promulgare absque auctoritate Apostolica; quod non teneantur ad restitutionem bonoruni, nisi his qui ad notitiam eorum venerint, sed eleemosynae cedant loco restitutionis ; quod Confessor Religi- osus Regis et Reginte, cui est esus carnium secundum statuta sui Ordinis interdic- tus, licite potest in eorum cornitiva vesci carnibus; quod Clerici Regis et Reginae possunt a quocumque Episcopo Ordines suscipere, etc. '* See above, § 102, note 4 ; § 105, note 6. Thus Alvarxis Pelagius de planctu Eccl. II. c. 20, reckons amongst the usual accusalions brought against the bishops, Trigesimum quintum, quod pro minimis culpis paratos eliam corrigi excommuni- cant ; quum tamen nemo excommunicari debeat, nisi pro magnis peccatis, et quando aliter corrigi non potest. ^^ Comp, § 105, note 9. Mvarus Pelagius I. c. 69, discusses the question : Quum ecclesia tantam nunc habeat potestatem temporalem, cur Pr.tlatorum sen- tentis aut nullo modo aut male a subditis pro majori parte servantur, parvipendun- tur et despectui habentur ? Petri de Jllliaco Canones reformandi Eccles. in Cone. Const, (written 1416) in V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. VIII. p. 417: De secundo gravamine supra tacto, scil. de multiplicatione cxcommunicationum, et ex consequenti irregularitatum, quas Rom. Ecclesia in suis constitutionibus puenalibus, et niaxime in quibusdam novis decretalibus iniposuit, et saepe per suos collectores in raultorum scandalum fulminavit (see § 102, note 4), et ad cujus exemplum alii prselati leviter et pro levibus causis — pauperes exconmiunicatione crudeliter per- cutiunt, necesse est providere. — Nam gladius ecclesia;, scil. excommuiiicatio, qui in primiliva ecclesia, venei-anda raritate, erat formidabilis, jam propter abusum contrarium contemptibilis effectus est. Jo. Vitoduranus in the Thesaur. hist. Helv. p. 70: Mos interdicti poena nocuit maledictas Plus cfeteris longe censuris Catliolicorum, Quam tulit in plebem Papa nimis temer Extinguit cultum Domini, fidei quoque lumen; Devotos animos indurans reddit ineptos, Suscitat ac hsereses improbitate sua. " Thus Paschal II. pronounced a solemn decree of excommunication on Henry IV. in coena domini 1102 (see § 49, note 7), Gregory IX. 1227, on Frederick II. {Ibid. § 55, note 7). The feria quinta was, namely, according to the consuetude Romanae Ecclesia;, the day of the readmission of penitents ( Guil. Durandi Rationale divin. otfic. Lib. VI. c. 7.3) : excommunication on that day was therefore the more fearful. Towards the end of the 13th century, it had already become customary for the Popes to repeat on this day every year certain important acts of excommunication. Thus according to the testimony of the Cone. Herbipol. ann. 1287. c. 40. against the imponentes et exigentes nova passagia (see § 63, note 19). There are two processus in coena Domini extant of Boniface VIII., one of A. D. 1299, against those, qui ad Saracenos arma, victualia aliaque deterrent ( Bullar. Rom. T. III. P. II. p. 92) ; the other of A. D. 1303, against those, qui Isderent ad sedem Apostolicam venientes (ibid. p. 96). These Processus were united, and 126 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. § 118. EPISCOPAL INQUISITORIAL SYNODS. [See § 82, note 1.] From the time that these Synods had adopted the punishment by fines almost exclusively, they seemed to have become only a new source of revenue to the prelates. ^ The most suspicious testimony was admitted without scruple, and the innocent were often glad to buy themselves free from false accusations.^ The efforts of the laity yearly repeated, lor the most part in the same form, but sometimes also with slight moditications. A similar compound Processus by Gregory XI. of A. D. 1370, is said to be in the Vatican (L e Bret Gesch. d. Bulle In Coena Domini, Th. 2. S. 156): the oldest yet published, however, is that of Gregory XII. A. D. 1411 (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 1) : Excomuuinicanius et anathematizamus ex parte Dei Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, auctoritate quoque bb. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli et nostra omncs hiereticos, Gazaios, Patai-enos, Pauperes de Lugduno, Ai- naldistas, Speronistas et Passaginos, et omnes alios haereticos, quocunique nomine censeantur, et omnes fautores, receptatores, et defensores eorum. Item excom- municamus et anathematizamus omnes piratas, cursarios, et latrunculos marinos, et omnes fautores, receptatores et defensores eorum. Item excommunicamus et anathematizamus omnes illos, qui equos, arma, ferrum, lignamina, vel alia prohi- bita deferunt Saracenis, quibus Christianos impugnant. Item excotnmunicamus et anathematizamus omnes illos, qui ad sedem Apostolicam venientes vel rece- dentes ab ea, necnon illos, qui jurisdiclionem ordinariam vel delegatam aliquam non habentes in eadein curia morantes temeritate pi-opria capiunt, spoliant, percu- tiunt, mutilant, et delinere pra-sumunt, et qui talia fieri faciunt seu mandant, etc. This Processus annunlis, after various changes made by the different Popes since Pius V. (1.566) has received the name of the bull In cosna Domini. Of its origin, see especially Prosperi Card. Lambertini (Benedicti XIV) de feslis, P. I. c. 196: Le Brets Pragmat. Geschichte der Bulle In coena Domini (Frankf. and Leipz. 1769-70. 4. Bde. 4to. l-2terBd. N. A. 1772) gives no information whatever as to its origin. ' Petri de Alliaco Canones reformandi Eccles. in Cone. Const, (written 1416) in V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. VIII. p. 421 : Item providendum erit, ut Prselati in suis synodis, et eorum otficiales in suis curiis non ad repletionem bursarum intendant, sed ad correctionem vitiorum, emendalionem morum, et a^dificalionem animarum. Et ut exactiones pro sigillis et Uteris moderentur, et poenae pecu- niaiiffi vel tollantur vel temperentur, aut in totum vel partem ad pios usus notorie applicentur. ^ JVic. de Clamengis de ruina Ecclesias, c. 21 (v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. III. p. 23) : Dici non potest, quanta mala ubique faciant illi scelerati explora- tores, quos Promotores appellant. Simplices et pauperculos agrestes, vitam satis innocuam in suis tuguriis agentes, et fraudis urbanae nescios in jus saepe pro nihilo vocant. Causas et crimina contra eos sedulo confingunt, vexant, torrent, minan- tur, sicque eos per talia secum componere et pacisci cogunt. Quod si facere re- nuerint, crebris cos citationibus, quotidieque repetitis supra modum infestant. Quod si semel qualibet occasione pra»pediti comparere desierint, censura illico anathematis ut rebelles et contumaces fcriuntur. Si vero ad diem venire, quoties vocati erunt, perseveraverint, eorum audientias apud judicum tribunalia impedient, morasque et subterfugia dilationum et interlocutionum captabunt, qua? perfacile in foris ecclesiasticis oblinentur, quo vel sic longo t*dio longaque sui temporis jactura fatigati super futuram vexationem atque impensam pecunias pactione redimere cc^antur. Ita fit pro levi vel nullo delicto, vel pro exiguo debito iniinitarum cumulus expensarum. The same complaints are found in the Gravaminibus of the Chap. VII. Heretics. § 119. Older Parties. 127 became therefore more and more general to shake off the jurisdic- tion of these courts.^ CHAPTER SEVENTH. HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL PARTIES. <§. 119. HISTORY OF THE OLDER PARTIES. The labors of the Inquisition seem to have been very successful in sweeping the Albigenses from the south of France, ^ and scattering them in the countries lying East; especially in Bosnia, where we now find them in great numbers.- The Waldenses, on the other French Barons, A. D. 1.329 (see § 105, note 6), e. g. Giav. VIII : Item (officiales) faciunt citari plures laicos ex officio suo super aliquibus, qute sibi imponunt, niale- ficiis responsui'os. — Et quando citati liujusmodi — negabant maleticia, — dicti officiales ipsos detinent captos, — licet in casibus eis iinpositis pertineat recredentia (ricriance), et licet caplio et detentio ad eosdem officiales mininie pertineat, sed ad judices saculares. IX. Item in casibus supra dicfis licet — iidem laici reperi- antur puri et innocentes, nihilominus dicti officiales nolunt eos expei'ire, donee pro scripturis processuum seu inquesta (enquHe) praedictorum satisfactionem fecerint de magna pecuniae quantitate : licet de jure in tali casu eis expensas i-estituere tenerentur. XXXVII. Item cum quis excommunicatus est in aliquo loco, dicti officiales dant citationes personales super participibus, et faciunt citari totam patriam ad unam vel duas Icucas (lieues) circumquaque, vel tales, qui noverunt excom- municatum bene XL, LX vel centum pei'sonae purgaturaj se super participatione prEedictorum. Ex quo sequitur, quod piobi homines antiqui et senes redimunt se quilibet de XII denariis vel de duobus solidis pro vitandis expensis et laboribus. XXXVIII. Item dicti officiales imponunt pluribus personis famse laudabilis et honestae vitae, quod sunt usurarii, et oportet eos cum ipsis officialibus concordare pro evitanda eorum infamia et labore. XXXIX. Item dicti officiales faciunt citari aliquem bonum hominem conjugatum, et imponunt ei, quod adulteratus est cum aliqua : et similiter mulierem aliquam conjugatam, imponendo sibi, quod adulterata est, in perpetuam infamiam ipsorum conjugum, et cuin hoc extorsionem pecunia- rum recipiunt ab eisdem, etc. ' Compare § 84, note 4. In A. D. 1357, the city of Marburg also we find free from clerical jurisdiction. K op p s Nachricht von den Geistl. u. Civilgerichten in Hessen, Th. 1. S. 183. ' In the Liber sententiarum Inquisitionis Tolosans ab anno Chr. 1307 ad annum 1323, appended to Ph. a Limborch hist. Inquisitionis, there are still many Sententice contra Albigenses. Compare Hist, generale de Languedoc, T. IV. p. 183 seq. ^ Petri Ranzani (>f 1492) Epit. Rerum Hungaricarum Index XIX (in Schwandtneri Scriptores Rerum Hungar. T. I. p. 377) says of Lewis I. king of Hungary : Expugnavit Bosnenses et Bulgaros, qui ab ipso desciverant (A. D. 1359). — Navavit et operam, ut Patareni, Bosnensis natio, abjecta execrabili ilia Manichceorum hasresi, cui perdiu inhaeserant, ad fidei veritatem unitatemque redirent. Verum pei-fidi homines haud multo post, ab eorum ha?resiarchis per- suasi, ad pristinos redierunt errores. cf. Joh. de Thwrocz Chron. Hungarorum, written 1473, P. III. c. 47 ( Schwandtner I. p. 195) and Raynald. ann. 1366, no. 11. 128 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. hand, resisted successfully all the persecutions to which they were subjected, and were not to be driven from the valleys of Piedmont, whither they had retreated. ^ All the other heretical parties were designated by the common name of Beghards. Amongst these the Fratricelli and the brethren and sisters of the free spirit form the two great divisions, though the various combinations and modifications of opinions give the parlies different aspects in different countries. In the south of France, Italy, and Sicily the Fratricelli were pre- dominant."* The German Beghards, on the other hand, called indis- criminately Lollards,^ were brethren of the free spirit,*^ and not only 3 See the letter of John XXII to the Inquisitor at Marseilles, A. D. 1332, in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 31 : in vallibus Lucerna? et Pei-usiae, — Philippi dc Sabau- dia — teniporali dominio siibjectis, ita creverunt et multiplicati sunt hsretici, pras- cipue de sccta Waldensium, quod fi-equunter congregationes per modum capituli facere inibi pi'aesumpscrunt, in quibus aliquaiido quingenti AValdenses I'uerunt in simul congregati ; quodque duduni — dicti Waldenses conti'a ipsum Albertum Inquisitoiem inanu insurrexerunt ai-mata, et quod quadam die quondam Guilelmum rectorem pai-ochialis EcclesiEe de Engravia Taurineusis dioecesis, celebrata Missa per euin jn platea dictaj villas nequiter occiderunt, etc. In 1403 St. Vincentius Ferrerius undertook the conversion of these vallies (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 24). Of their being found in the south of Fiance till A. D. 1323, see Liber sententiarum Inquis. Tolos. appended to Limborch. — In A. D. 1335, Benedict XII. attempted to exterminate them from Dauphiny (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 63) : though as late as 1373 they were slill found there in great numbers (see Gregorii P. XI. Ep. ad Carol, v., in Raynald. 1373. no. 20), and in 1375 they were violently persecuted in the same province (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 26). * See § 110, note 3. Thus the Beguines in the Liber Sententiarum Inquis. Tolos. see Limborch, p. 3S1, were all Beguini, qui se dicunt esse de tertio ordine s. Francisci. * See above, § 112, note 3. ^ They were found chiefly at Cologne, where an edict was issued against them in 1306, by the archbishop, Henry of Virncburg ( .Mosheim de Beghardis et Be- guinabus, p. 210). In A. D. 1322, Waltherus, Fratiicellorum princeps et haere- siai-cha pessimus was burnt at the stake (Jo. Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. T. II. p. 155), and the persecution wasi-enewed in 1325 (see the contemporary Willelmi Egmondani Chron. in Ant. Matthmi veteris aevi Analecta, T. II. p. 643 : Eodem anno Begardorum nequitia, quifi diversis mundi climatibus hactenus latere cernitur, apud Coloniam propalatur. Isti enim eorum ibidem stultitiam prsdicantes, et matronas varias ad ipsorum ludibria conlrahentes sub terra quoddam mirabile habitaculum fecerant, quod P arady sum xocsihAni. — Ad quern locum, ut sa-pius etiam in nocte Parasceues convenire decreverant, ubi cujusdara potentis uxorem cum ceteris invitabant. The husband followed, cujusdam Lollardi habitu indutus. One of the company, nititur surgere, in Jesu su*que matris Maria, ut ajebat, prae- sentia erroris materiam propalare. Duo enim — ibidem aderant, qui se Mariam et ejus tilium asserebant. Dictus itaque nudus prfedicans, et omnes more innocen- tum ad nuditateni exhortans, vario errore tam prima quam media nititur detegere, et conclusionem tenebris, extinctione candelarum videlicet, deturpare, which was the signal for the most scandalous scenes. The concealed witness informed against them. Capiuntur igitur — hujus secta; singuli, quorum corpus aut ignis voragine aut Rheni flumine suflbcatur). Shortly after this the Provincial of the Domini- cans, Jlkardus or Eccardus, in Cologne, was discovered and condemned as a Beghard, and the sentence confirmed by John XXII, A. D. 1329 (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 70. Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 281). Still the decrees against them had to be renewed by archbishop Walram, 1335 (Mosheim, p. 294), and his successor, William, 1357, quia hujusmodi hominum perniciosa de novo incipit in nostra civi- tate et dioecesi invalescere multitudo (Mosheim, p. 330). — In Strasburg a decree was issued against them by the bishop, A. D. 1317 (^Mosheim, p. 255) : and as late Chap. VII. Heretics. § 119. Bcghards. 129 renounced their allegiance to the church, but all regard to the com- mon rules of morality. ■'^ They disseminated their doctrines by means as 1366 many of them were burned at the stake in that city (Moshehn, p. 332) : — In Constance three Bcghards were burned in A. D. 1.'539 {Vitoduranus, ^. 76), in Speyer, 1356, a ha?resiarcha ex eorum secta, Berthold, who had been before distinguished for his activity in the cause in Franconia {Jo. Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. T. II. p. 23!). — At about tliis time they began to spread in the north of Germany. In Magileburg, 1336, quiedam Beghina; dc his, qua; se de alto spiritu appelhint were discovered by archbishop Otho (Chron. Magdeb. in Meihomii Scriptt. Rer. Germ. T. II. p. 340) : afterwards it is related to the praise of the inquisitor, Walter Kerling, that by his activity, A. D. 1367, this sect in Magdeburg et in Erfordia et partibus convicinis est abolita et deleta (Chron. Mag- deb. completed in /. G. Menckenii Scriptt. Rer. Germ. T. III. p. 370. cf. Moshehn, p. 338). — In Liibeclc, A. D. 1402, Wilhelmus quidam, albis vestibus indutus, et pro Apostolo se gerens was discovered per varia impudicitias signa et verba diversis personis expressa, et turpia exercitia cum pluiibus habita. Propter quod a bonis et honestis muliei-ibus accusabatur apud Inquisitorem han-eticEe pravi- tatis (Herm. Ccerneri Chron. in Eccardi Corp. Scriptt. medii a;vi. T. II. p. 1185). "< See § 87, note 20. Compare also the bull of John XXII., A. D. 1329, {Ray- nald. ad h. a. no. 70), condemning the 26 pi-opositions of the Dominican Eccard (see note 6). The verbal agreement of many of these with the i'ragments given by Mosheim from a German work of the sect Do noveni j'upibus seems to prove that Eccard was the author of this last. See further the pioposi- tions of the Beghards condemned by John XXII. in the bull In agro Do- niinico 1330, in Ccerneri Chron. in Eccardi Corp. Scriptt. medii svi, T. II. p. 1035, in Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 284 : I. Quod in anima nostra est a Deo increatum et increabile, puta intellectus humanus. II. Item quod Deus neque bonus est neque malus, sed nee optimus : et tam male dictum est, Deum esse bonum, sicut dicere, album esse nigrum. III. Item quod in omni malo tam poena? quam culpa; manifestatur et relucet squaliter gloria Dei. IV. Item quod vitupe- rans quenquam, ipso peccato vituperii laudat Deum, et quanto plus vituperat et gravius peccat, tanto amplius laudat Deum. V. Item quod petens a Deo hoc vel hoc, malum petit et male, quia petit negationem boni, et negalionem Dei, et orat sibi Deum negari. VI. Item quod in illis hominibus honoratur Deus, qui non intendunt res, nee honores, nee utilitatem, nee devotionem internam, nee sanctita- tem, nee premium aut regnum coelorum, sed omnibus his renuntiaverant. VII. Item quod homo debeat bene deliberare, utrum ipse velit a Deo aliquid recipere, quia ubi esset homo a Deo recipiens, ibi esset sub Deo, vel infra eum, sicut unus famulus vel servus, et Deus aliquid esset in dando. Sed sic non debemus esse in vita aeterna, sed debemus ei conregnare. VIII. Item quod nos transformamur totaliter in Deum, et convertiniur in eum simili modo, sicut in Sacramento panis convertitur in corpus Christi. IX. Item quod quilibet talis dicere potest: quic- quid dedit pater unigenito filio suo in divinis, hoc totum dedit et mihi et sibi. X. Item quod quicquid dicit s. Scriptura de Christo, hoc totum verificatur etiam de quolibet homine justo et bono. XI. Item quod quicquid est proprium divinfe naturae, hoc totum proprium est homini justo et bono, et propter hoc homo iste operator, quod Deus operator, et creavit una cum Deo coelum et terram, et est genitor verbi asterni, et Deus sine tali homine nihil facere potest. XII. Item quod bonus homo debet conformare voluntatem suam voluntati Dei in omnibus, ut ipse velit Deo conformiter, quod ipse vult. Et quia Deus vult, me aliquo modo pec- casse, ideonollem ego, quod peccata non commisissem, et base vera est poenitentia. XIII. Item quod si homo commisisset mille peccata mortalia, si homo esset ad talia di*positus, non deberet se velle ea non conimisissc. XIV. Item quod Deus non prcecepit propi-ie actum exteriorem, nee actus exterior est bonus, aut divinus, nee operatur in ipsum propi-ie Deus. XV. Item quod bonus homo est unigenitus Dei filius, quem Pater aeternaliter genuit. XVI. Item quod omnes creatura; sunt unum pure nihil. They held the highest distinction of man to be, to live as a part of the Universal, i. e. of God. In those who were conscious of this oneness with God, every inclination and impulse was divine, and every law which hindered its gratification, a hindrance to the perfect union with God. They supposed that VOL. HI. 17 130 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. of wandering preachers,^ and writings in the German language,^ and by their heresies called once more into action the long dormant power of the Inquisition in Germany."^ To these Beghards belonged perhaps the Adamites, who appeared in Austria in the year 1312,^^ before the fall man had this consciousness of unity with God in its greatest perfec- tion ; and this state they wanted to restore. Hence the custom of assembling naked, the name Paradise for their places of assembling, and the promiscuous intercourse (see note 6) instead of wedlock, which, as an especial connexion with an individual, they considered a hindrance to the oneness with the Universal. ** Conradus de Monte PueUarum, Canon, in Ratisbonne in the 14th century, says of the Beghards, in a fragment published by Gretser (appended to Rainerius contra Waldenses, liigolst. 1613. 4to., also in the Biblioih. Patrum Lugd. T. XXV. p. 310) : Sunt enim hujusmodi viri rusticani, et pleriquo mochanici, corpore ro- busti, et literarum omnino inexperti ac penitus idiota;, aut si literas aliqualiter norunt, tenuissimum taincn est, quod sciunt. Hi opera manualia suoi-um post- ponentes artiticionun, cucullali gyro\agando provincias ])er diversas incedunt, et latebras quajrunt occultas, pra!cipue hosi)itiis Beginarum inhiantes, co quod simile suo simili coinplaudat. Quihus pro nocturno leceptaculo in prima congressione malitia; sufe, coloratis verbis, insanas et ut plurimum infectivas seminant doctrinas. At ills illorum in crastino promotrices, scu ut verius dicam copulatrices, ostiatim per domos cursitant mulierum, intimando sub arcani sigillo, assei-entes, angelum verbi divini adesse occullum, quoadusque conventicula eisdem hypocritis placita congregentur. Quibus secretissime convenientibus in unum, labia sua; malitiaj resolvunt, de attributis in divinis atque de proprietatibus divinae bonitatis disseren- do. Et sic paulatim descendendo affirmant, qualiter ex pietate divina homo ad Dei imaginein creatus existat, et tantum meieri valeat pei- exercitium bonorum ope- rum, ut Christo, Domino nostro, in humana anima sua aque perfectus quis efficia- tur. Talium etenim unum de Suevia natum ego in llatispona rcperi, qui jam prEedictum et articulos alios in Clementinis prohibitos sub titulo de Haereticis Ad nostrum ( Clementin. Lib. V. Tit. 3. c. 3) diligenter affirmabat, etc. These strolling preachers seem to be the Apostoli who are so frequently mentioned in connexion with the Beghards. 8 Such as those of Eccard, see note 8. So too, Walter, who was burned in Cologne, see Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. T. II. p. 155: Lohareus {Lolhardus] autem ille Waltherus, natione Hollandinus, Latini sermonis parvam habebat noti- tiam, et quia Romano non potuit, scrnione sibi Teuthonico plures sui erroris libellos conscrip^it, quos deccptis per se occultissiine communicuvit. Of Gerhardl Beg- hardi tract, de spiiiiuali exercitatione reparalionis la])sus, see Mosheim de Beg- hardis, p. 376. Compare the edict of the emperor Charles IV. in A. D. 1369 (in Mosheim, p. 369) : Attcndentes, — quod in pariibus Alemanniae propter sermones, tractatus et alios libros in vulgari scriptos, inter personas laicas vcl pene laicas disperses, quos libi-os ut plurimum vel viciosos, erroneos ac lepra hasresis infectos laici legentes — a veritate auditum avertunt. — Quapropter districte praecipiendo mandamus universis, — quatenus in recipiendis, exigendis hujusmodi libris vulgari scriplis, — prcesertim cum Laicis utriusque scxus secuiuhmi canonicas sanctioues etiam libris viilgaribus quibuscunque de sacra scriptura uti noii, liceat (see § 86, note 26), — assistatis Inquisitoribus, etc. '** About A. D. 1367, Uiban V. appointed 2 Dominicans to be Inquisitors for Germany (Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 335), one of whom, Wallher Kerling, soon made himself formidable to the Beghards. In 1369 the Inquisitors were vigorously supported by Charles IV (Mosheim, p. 34.3). Gregory XI. increased the number of Inquisitors to lour, A. D. 1372 (Mosheim, p. 380); Boniface IX., 1399, ap- pointed six for the north of Germany alone (Mosheim, p. 384). " See Anonymi Auctoris brevis narratio de nefanda hseresi Adamitica in variis Austriae locis sajculo XIV grassante in Fezii Scriptt. Rerum Austriac. T. II. p. 533. In A. D. 1312, there were numerous heretics detected in Krems, St. Hip- polyt and Vienna, and many of them burned. Their offences : Primus casus est, quod comparabant Missas Lucifero, credentes et dicentes, quod ipse adhuc cum Chap. VII. Heretics. § 120. Flagellants. 131 and the Luciferians in Angermuende, A. D. 138C;i~ but certainly the Turlupiiies, who were exterminated from the Isle of France, A. D. 1372.1^ ^ 120. FLAGELLANTS. [Jac. Soileav] Historia Flagellantium, de recto et perverso flagrorum usu apud Christianos. Paris. 1700. 12mo. Ch. Schcettgen de secta flagellantium com- mentatio. Lips. 1711. 8vo. — Dr. E. G. Forstemann die christl. Geiszler- gesellschaften. Halle, 1828. 8vo. Notwithstanding the easy terms on which the forgiveness of sins was now granted by the church, the practice of flagellation still con- tinued in high repute amongst the devout. Among the common people also, In times of great calamity and distress, this means of Michcele confligeret, et de eo triumpharet, et quod tunc Lucifer, Angelique sui apostata; cum credentibus, h. e. cum liEereticis, aeterna gaudia possideant. Secun- dus casus est : Sanctus autem Michael cum suis Angelis in beatitudine jam exis- tentibus, suisque credcntibus, aeterno deputetur incendio puniendus. Item dicunt se habere XVI Apostolos, annis singulis— climata raundi perlustrantes, ex quibus annuatim Paradisum introOant, aucforitatem ligandi et solvendi ab Helia et Enoch recipiant, quam suis possent communicare credentibus. They denied that Mary was a virgin, rejected the sacraments and the worship of the church, and re- proached the clergy. Quintam feriam noctem insomnem, diemque Parasceues in luxuria et voluptate, ac dissolutione repletioneque ventris in esu carnium — tran- sigebant (because this was the great fast of the church). Further, of their hypocritical observance of Catholic customs, secret marks of recognition, &,c. One of them, who was burned to death by St. Hippolyt, confessed: fateor hodie, si tides nostra per XV annos in suo robore perstitisset, cogitaveraraus earn publico prsEdicare, ac manu valida defensare. It is further remarked: raro est apud eos homo cujuscunque sexus, qui textum Novi Testamenti non sciat cordetenus in vulo-ari. In a persecution which took place afterwards, they resisted, see Cata- logus Abbatum Glunicensium in Fez. 1. c. p. 330 : anno 1338, in civitati Laurea- censi et Styrensi, aliisque vicinis locis suborta est inquisitio hsreticorum, et ab istis econtra persecutio Catholicorum, prajsertim Cleri et Religiosorum. An ac- count of these Austrian heretics is given also by Jo. Vitoduranus, p. 44 and 45 ad ann. 1336, and their meetings in hypogeis sive aliis quibusque locis subterra- neis described. It is to be observed, however, that the name haeresis Adamitica is found applied to these heretics only in the title of this anonymous work, which is plainly of a later date. The name was perhaps taken, therefore, from the Adam- ites, who appeared in Bohemia in the 15th century. It is uncertain, from the imperfect account we have of these heretics, whether they belonged to the brethren of the free spirit, or to the Cathari, who are found in these regions as early as the 13th century (see Epist. Yvonis, § 87, note 15). 12 Chronicon Magdeb. apud Meibom. II. p. 340. 1^ Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 413 seq. ThusGregorii XI. Ep. ad Carolum V. in Raynald. ann. 1373, no. 19: secta Begardorum, qui alias Turlupini dicuntur. Jo. Gersonii Sermo de s. Ludovico (0pp. et du Pin, T. III. p. 1435) : Begardi et Turilupini de nulla re naturaliter data erubescendum esse dicebant. Id. de ex- aminat. doctrinarum, P. II. Cons. 6. A. D. 1423 (T. I. p. 19): sicut nulla est vehementior quam luxuriosa libido, sic ad errandum falsumque docendum nulla perniciosior. Patuit in sectis Turelupinorum, quarum sequaces non desunt usque hodie, quando et ubi latere putaverint .serpunt ubilibet. 132 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. appeasing the divine wrath was resorted to,i as more efficacious than those commonly used in the church. In the year 1348 a phigue, which came from Asia into Europe, and spread its desolation far and wide,- led to the formation of various societies of Flagellants, first established in the north of Germany in the spring of 1349, and soon extending themselves throughout tlie land, as well as in the neigh- bouring countries.'^ They conducted their exercises according to fixed rules, having no connexion with the clergy, and being solely under the direction of their own masters (Magistri) ; '^ nor did they make any secret of their conviction that the means of salvation recommended by the church were far inferior in efficacy to their flagellations.^ Clement VI. prohibited their public processions, al- ready very common,'^ but this only led them to practise their penance the more zealously in private. The disgust against the church, ' Of the pilgrimages of the Flagellants in Italy, in the years 1334 and 1350, see Forstemann, S. 54. ^ Called in Germany the great death, in the north the black death, see Kurt Sprengels Beitrage zur Gesch. der Medicin, Bd. 1. St. 1. S. 36 ff. ^ Of these, Cruciferi, Flagellatores, Flagellantes, see Heinr. a Rebdorff anmles ad ann. 1849 ; Matthice JVeoburg. Continuation by Albertiis Argent, in Ursti- tius II. p. 147; Limpurgische Chronik, S. 10; Henricus de Hervordia in B r u n s Beitrilgen aus alten Handschriften, St. 3. S. 294 ; Jac.v. Konigsho- vens Elsassische Chronik, S. 297. — Compare Forstemann, S. 64 ff. ■* See Jac. v. Konigshoven, S. 298 (in Forstemann, S. 258) : Heinr. a Rebdorff ad ann. 1349 : Isti flagellatores cum multas superstitiones attentare pra'sumerent, nimirum invicem se absolvere a peccatis, prajdicantes apocrypha et similia, propter quod Laici sunt Clero graviter indignati. * See the song of the Flagellants, fragments of which are given in the Limpurg Chronicle, but which are given more complete in a Low-German dialect, by Dr. H. F. Massmann (Erlauterungen zum Wessobrunner Gebet, Berlin, 1824. S. 39. Compare Forstemann, S. 267). ^ In the bull of the 20th of Oct. 1349, directed to the German archbishops, in Jo. Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. II. p. 209 ; and in Raynald. ann. 1349, no. 20 : Sane molesta nobis — relatio — nostrum — turbavit auditum, quod in partibus regni Germanise et ei convicinis quanlam sub prajlcxtu devotionis et agendse poenitenfiae vana religio et superstitiosa adinventio — surrexerit, per quam profana multitudo simplicium hominum, qui se Flagellatores appellant, decepta vei-bis tictis et men- dacibus malignorum, asserentium Salvatorem nostrum Jerosolymis Patriarchae Jerosolymitano apparuisse (cum tamen a longis citra tempoiibus nullus ibidem prassentialiter fuerit Patriarcha), et sibi aliqua dixisse, qu« colorem non habentia nee saporem, in quibusdam scripture sacl•a^ obviare noscuntur, in illam cordis vesaniam et animEe damnationis praecipitiuni est deducta ; — quod se per societates et conventicula — dividens diversas circuivit patrias, ca;terorum vitam et statum contemnendo se justificant, et claves ecclesia' vilipendunt, ac in contemptum dis- ciplinae ecclesiasticae crucem Domini ante se, et habitum certum, nigrum videlicet, ante et retro ipsius viviticas crucis appensum habentem signaculum, sine superioris licentia deferentes ; sub nomine pcEnitentiae vitam geiunt insolitam ; congrega- tiones, conventicula et coadunationes, qua» a jure sunt prohibits, faciunt, et ad alios actus prosiliunt, a vita et moribus observantiaque fidelium Christianorum penitus alienos ; ordinationes etiam et statuta, quibus utuntur, imo vcrius abutun- tur, propria temeritatc fecerunt, erroris suspicione non vacua et judicio rationis carentia. After the prohibition follows the limitation : Per pra;dicta tamen nequa- quam intendiinus prohibere, quin Chrislifideles impositam sibi panitentiam, vel etiam non impositam, dummodo lecta intentione et pura devolione ad illam pera- gendam procedant, in suis hospitiis, vel alias, absque superstitiosis congregationi- bus, societatibus et conventiculis supradictis possint facere. Chap- VII. Heretics. § 120. Flagellants. 133 which persecuted a work so well pleasing .n the sight of God merely from Hterested motives, led them now to associate themselves to- gether more closely, and thus, with th^ help of the Beghards, there Lung up the heretic 5..^ of the Flagellants someUmes compre- hende^d under the more general name of Beghards ^ This sect con- tinned in Germany (found especially in Thuringia) till the Reforma- tion, and was always much dreaded by the church.« 7 First trace of them in the letter of Gregory XI. to an Inquisitor in Germany, b irst tiace oi inem u. l sicut accepimus, pest s illorum h.Treticorum Ala,„i,nra» P"'*" -jt "te vear 1392 >1>6 papal Inquisitor in Worzburg; dis- ;ivL?L;i;£;rf^e\p,,p;icio,^^^^^^ tJ^^:z:. ^i;rr,ii "i,^;:;;' ^n"";;; iSL. a,i,ui ve„ p«nr,enaa. egerunt super erroribus suis, reliqui iugam nuerunt. 8 The first full account of their doctrines, in the investigation which took place 8 Ihe tirst luu acco""^ Dominican Henry Schoneleld compelled some at Sangerhausen, 1414 whei e the iJomi y ^^^^^ ^^.^ of them to retract, and burned 91 at the stake, oecuieiicuai rp t t, , „ i9fi\ 01 mem lu itna , 13 Cin v d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. 1. p. l.ib) hist.Conc.Const. P.IlI.Di^t 13 n^^^^^^ Sangerhausen (inBuders niitzl. men*, fl"J^* ^"^ i g flagellando crucifratres transiverunt, Deus ?™ iloman^m ero.'..rE ,!scLpos, c.^terosque pr^latos et sacerdotes ne dem- I'apam Konianum .'^^ n.-a-Pssent Ucentiarit, et omm aucloritate ligandi et ceps ^';P-^^.^;\^^X^'^J'^^:^^'^em simpliciter privarit. Ill Quod, S:;rh;xpi£ ne Siatorum de templo propter sacerdotum malitiam Christus renufhaviJ et abiecit s^cerdotium Judaicum: ita in transitu crucifra rum propter Z^ZSi'CZ quod S Sacramento altaris esset ve..citer Chri^tus Deus diu esset devoratus, etian^e.et mons .ngens e. jnagnu. ^^^'^S:::^1m ^r^XXx'r^SS S^eSsmSril^jol-es exiJtl : quia Christum pro u no dena^i^ venS XXII. Qui sacerdoti confitetur, non plus munditi^ acqumt auam quTsui utos^ se allidit. XXIII. Quod omnia peccata quantumcunque quam qui sui lui corporis flagellatio spontanea. XXIX. Quod post fnTh^a^S^nen e ?1 flSlatonim nullus^n.ore Roman. Ecclesia, septem sacra- inchoationem seci ipsorum perceptione mortaliter non peccaret. Sxif Tod aCc" ;,rdiu r'egnarit e^ regnet, et quotidie immineat dies • ^ " Onnl Flias et Enoch jam in mundo apparuennt, et dm sint mortui ^XXXV S Sch. stus quidiu jam regnarit, sint Pra^lati, Presbyteri. Qui ^ An?iobisTi int et dicantur, quod sectam tlagellatorum infestent et perse- omnes AntJ^h^isti^^int et d^eamu , q ^^^_,.^ ^.^^^ Begardus qui '^Tyt' Vm a^nos pipter h^ eiin in Erfordia combustus est. XXX VII. Quod ^rr£^5r inlStr^^'^hS-sed Conlldas Smet, tlagel.atorum 134 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. This warning example, combined with tlie natural mistrust of the hierarchy towards all spiritual excitement, not originating in themselves, decided the fate of the later Flagellants. In the year 1391) a society of this character, the White Brethren (Bianchi),* descended from the Alps into Italy, and were every where enthusiastically welcomed both by the clergy and the populace. But no sooner had they reached the papal territory than their leader was put to death, and the whole array dispersed.^ After this processions of Flagellants were led through Italy, Spain, and the south of France by the Dominican Vincentius Ferrentius, who may perhaps have been the secret insti- gator of the White Brethren. lo But such processions having been condemned at the council of Constance,' i he also discontinued them. <^ 121. DANCERS. See Forstemann (as cited § 120). p. 224 seq. Whilst the sects hitherto mentioned were supposed by their con- temporaries of the orthodox church to serve the spirit of evil volunta- rily, the Dancers, who appeared on the Rhine and in the Netherlands in the year 1374, were thought to be possessed by him against their haeresiarcha. XLIII. Quod, quamvis omnia juramenta, qualitercunque fiant, sint peccata mortalia, eligibilius tainen sit, ilagellalores coram Inquisitoribus jiirare, et muha committere peijuiia, quam se et sectam prodere : quod possint juramenta et perjuria postniodum cum tlagello expiare. XLIV. Quod post hanc vitam non sit aliquod animarum puniatorium. Quare defunctos non juvent suffragia vivorum. XLVI. Quod crucem Christi et imagines gloiiosas virginis aliorumque sanctorum nullus debeat adoiare, quia in ipsorum adoratione committatur idololatria. L. Quod existentes in pra>dicta nova tlagellatorum secta sacerdotes venerentur, et Ecclesise sacrainenta percipiant, eorundem niandatis obtemperent, et oblationes et jura sol- yant in jejuniis quatuor temporum, et aliis fidelibus conformentur, et sanctorum imagines et fcsta colant, solum propter hoc, ne ab hominibus notentur; et post- modum de hoc pcEnilentes flagello se percutiant. * So called from their dress of white linen. See Mosheiin, cent. 15. — Tr. ' See the account of contemporaries in Forstemann, S. 104. Of the execution of their leader, Platina de vitis Pontificum in vita Bonifacii IX : Sunt qui scribant hujus fraudem quKslione detectam fuisse, hominemque in tanto facinore deprehen- sum meritas poenas luisse, igne scilicet, quo exustum ferunt. Sunt etiam qui dicant, nil fraudis in homine deprehensum fuisse, sed id fictum a Pontitice, abo- lendo runiori, quo hominem per invidiam captum et necatum atfirmabant. Utrum vcrius sit, Deus novit. '» See Acta SS. ad d. 5 April. T. I. p. 475 seq. Forstemann, S. 142 ff. " Jo. Gersonii Epist. ad Mag. Vincentium contra tlagellantes (0pp. ed. du Pin II. p. 6.58) : Crcde mihi, Doctor emerite, multi multa loquuntur super praedi- cationibus fiii-;, et maxime super ilia Secta se verberantium, qualem constat praete- ritis temporibus fuisse pluries et in vaiiis locis reprobatam, quatn nee approbas, ut testantur noti tui, scd nee etficaciter reprobas. Epist. Petri Card. Cameracensis ad eundem (ibid. p. 659) Jo. Gersonii tract, contra sectam flagellantium se (ibid, p. 660). Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 122. In Bohemia. 135 will, and were therefore exorcised.' In the year 1418 the same phe- nomenon appeared in Strasburg, on which occasion the holy St. Vitus was resorted to for aid.^ CHAPTER EIGHTH. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM. *§, 122. IN BOHEMIA. In proportion as the papal power became more irresistible and fearful, the heretical parties assumed more and more the character of fanaticism, and, despairing of any reformation within the church, sought to lay the foundations of their religioi;s faith without it. But the power of the popes being thus diminished, a more rational spirit of reform was developed in the church itself, which, acknowledging the church as the true foundation of Christian faith, sought only to purify it from the abuses that had crept in. In these attempts at reform there was, however, an essential differ- ence. For the most part they aimed only at external reformation ; seeking, namely, to set bounds to the papal power, and to restore the discipline and virtue of the clergy, without going deeper into the sources of the evil. The Mystics were nearer the truth in avoiding the over estimation of externals, and endeavouring to revive inward religion. But, on the other hand, they were too exclusively engaged in the pursuit of their peculiar object, and their religion was of too transcendental and dreamy a character to allow them accurately to examine, and rightly to understand the general state of the church. The true Reformers were distinguished by this: — that they looked for the evil not in single abuses, but in the pervading spirit ; and this spirit it was their aim to renovate. Amongst these " testes veritatis," ^ Radulphi de Rivo, Decani Tongrensis (^ 1403) gesta Pontiff. Leodiensium, c. 9 (in Chapeaville Gesta Pontiff. Leodiens. T. III. p. 19) : Anno 1374, mense Julio — admirabilis hominum secta ex superioiibus Gennaniaj partibiis primo Aqiiisgranuni, inde Trajectuin, et tandem circa mensem Septembrem Leodium advenit. Horum tale erat institutiim. Utriusque sexus homines a daemonibus possessi seminudi sertis capita cingebant, choreas non in phiteis tantum, sed et in Ecclesiis et domibus absque ullo pudore ducebant, nomina Daemonum hactenus inaudita in carminibus suis usurpabant : choreis fiuilis eos Dffimones gravissimis pectoris doloribus cruciabant, ita ut nisi nexibus quibusdam umbilicatim Ibrtiter stringerentur, magnis fuiiosisque ululatibus se niori proclamarent. — Causam hu- jusmodi sectre Diabolicae non aham viri prudentes assignabant, quam fidei et prae- ceptorum Dei, qua per id tempus regnabat, crassam ignorantiam. Non deerant tamen e vulgo, qui in sacerdotes concubinarios culpam rejicerent, quod per eos minus recte pueri baptisarentur, etc. See Limpurgische Chronik, § 122. * See Schilters Aumerkung zu Jac. von Konigshoven Chronik. S. 1087. 136 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. many no doubt have been since reckoned by Protestants, who did not deserve such honor, i and of others we have only passing and imperfect notices ; ~ still the 14th century can boast of many whose right to be so reckoned is beyond dispute. The foremost of these are three of the Bohemian clergy, who, fired with pious indignation at the mechanical worship and the dead hypocrisy which prevailed, directed their undaunted attacks against the Mendicant monks, to whose influence they chiefly ascribed this corruption. The first was Conrad Stiekna (Conradus ab Austria), a preacher at Prague (f A. D. 1369). ^ He was followed by John Milicz,^ who voluntarily resigned the ofiice of archdeacon of Prague, and took that of sacristan, and by his preaching produced the most extraordinary ' e. g. Joh. Munsinger, rector of the school in Ulm (mentioned by Flacius catal. testium veritati'3, no. 315, and elsewhere), on account of his opposition to the worship of the sacrament. The propositions for which Munsinger was de- clared a heretic by the Dominicans in Ulm, A. D. 1385, were the following (Schelhorn amcenitates liteiarife, T. VIII. p. 511, 1. c. T. XI. p. 222) : Corpus Christi non est Deus. Nulla creatura est adoranda adoratione qua Deus debet adorari, adoratione scil. latria : hyperdulia debelui- creaturae excellenti, sicut est caro Christi, b. Virj2;o, etc. Further: Hostia consecrata non est Deus; Deus est sub hostia conseci-ata, corpus ejus, sanguis et anima. Namely, per hostiam intel- ligo accidentia quai sunt in pane, rotunditatem videlicet, saporem et gravitatcm. He denied the propriety of calling the hostia the corpus Christi, quia accidentia visa non sunt corpus Christi, licet intus sit corpus Christi. Therefore it was better to say, hie esse coi-pus Christi sub specie panis. Munsinger only oljjected, there- fore, to considering the visible head to be Christ himself; but by no means denied that Christ should be prayed to, sub specie panis : hence his propositions were approved by both the universities. ^ Thus of the layman Franz Hager, in WOrzburg, A. D. 1342 (not Conrad Hager, as the name is given by Flacius catal. test, verit. no. 305), we know only that he was forced to retract the assertion that the saying of masses for the dead had neither any merit nor use ; and of the priest, Hermann Kilchner, who was supposed to be a Beghard, that he asserted shortly after, that the popes and bishops were no greater on account of their office than other pi-iests. See Gropp collect, noviss. Scriptoium Wirceburg. T. IV. (Wirceb. 1750. fol.) p. 108 ; Ludewig Gesch. vom Bisth Wurzburg (Frankf. 1713. fol.), S. 626. ' Of whom, see especially Bohuslai Balbini epitome historica rerum Bohemi- carum Prag. 1677. fol. Lib. IV. p. 406. His contemporary, the Canonicus at Prague, Benessius de Weitmil, says of him, according to the account of Balbin, ex Ms., inter maximos atatis suas Concionatores habitum, zelo divino accensum usu- rarios potissimum et injustos possessores, item luxum vestium et Simoniacam pra- vitatem exagitasse ; ob cam causam a Religiosis quibusdam gravia passum, aquo animo tulisse omnia, eo quod esset vir perfectae charitatis. At a later date, Andreas de Broda, a theologian of Prague, in an Epist. ad Jo. Hussum (in Jo. Cochlaei hist. Hussitarum, Mogunt. 1549. tbl. lib. I. p. 42) : Si non esset causa alia, prae- terquam lia;c, quod pritdicatis contra Clericos, nullus vos, ut a;stimo, exconmiuni- caret. Nam et antiquis temporibus Militius, Conradus Styckna et alii quam plurimi contra Clei-icos pra5dicaverunt, nullus tamen propter hoc excommunicatio- nis fuit sententiae subditus. Balbinus had seen also a large work of Conrad's in Ms. entitled Accusationes Mendicantium, in quo et accusat Mendicantes Reli- giosos, ct eorum responsiones ad sua objecta iterate refellit. — qui ejus qua;dam opera legerunt, putant, eum nimium licenter de sacris personis loqui, atque etiam in Episcopos et Cierum acerbas invectivas coinponere. * His life, by a pupil, in Balbini Miscellaneis historicis regni Bohemias Decadis I. Lib. IV. Tit. 34, p. 43 (Prag. 1682. fol.). cf. Balbini Epitome, p. 407, and Audacti Voigt Acta literaria Bohemiee et Moraviae, vol. I. (Prag. 1775. 8vo.) p. 216. Chap. VIII. Reformers. % 122. In Bohemia. 137 effects. At the same time he excited the clergy, and in particular the monks, against him to such a degree that he was accused at Rome as a heretic.-^ He repaired thither himself, and was acquitted, but died soon after (A. D. 1374).'^ Mattiiias von Janow (Magister Pari- siensis, 'f A. D. 1394) ''' went even farther in the energy with which '" Vita in Balbini Miscell. 1. c. p. 45 : Quainvis in principio suae praedicationis paucum populum habere videretur, et licet etiam ab aliquibus propter incon- gruentiain vulgaris sernionis derideretur, he still persevered : et sic per ejus assiduam prEedicationem et austeritatem correctionum primo aperiebantur aures surdorum, — et post ccepit populus affluere et admirabantur turbs laudantes nomen Domini, etc. In A. D. 1367 he went the first time to Rome to preach there, but was put in prison ; and the mendicants in Prague announced already in their ser- mons : Charissirni ecce jam Militius cremabitur (Vita, p. 51). Having returned in safety, his zeal and eloquence had such an effect, ut etiam publico meretrices de prostibulis per ejus prsdicationem ad poenitentiam converterentur ; and he changed for them the prostibulum Benatky ( Venetias) nuncupatum into a con- seivatorium conversarum (Vita, p. 55). At length, however, he fell a victim to the hatred and envy which his success excited. Vita, p. 58: Malignus spiritus — Pi-ajlatos, Plebanos, Rcligiosos ad furorem in eum suscitavit, ita ut pradicationem sibi sa^pius prohibcrent, et hoereticum eum appellarent. p. 59 : ei verbis multis ac probrosis conviciabantur, inter cetera vero dicebant : a principio pra?dicationis tu£e nunquain pace fruimur, sed semper disturbia multa patimur. — Quem sa;pius et Beghardum, et Hypocritam, et Sodomitam appellabant. — Postremo vero in tantum fuerunt in furorem concitati, quod et 12 articulos falsos et mendaces construxerunt, et eos ad Curiam Romanam — miserunt. The Pope commanded the archbishop of Prague to investigate the mattei- (Raynald, ann. 1374, no. 10) : and applied to Charles IV. for the necessary assistance (ibid. no. 11). In a letter to the last, we read : Plurium fidedignorum relatibus nuper ad nostrum pervenit auditum, quod quidam Mileczius presbyter, olim canonicus Pragensis, sub specie sanctitatis, spiritu elationis et temeritatis assumpto, et prEedicationis officio (quod sibi non com- petit) usurpato, multos errores non solum temerarios et iniquos, sed etiam haereti- cos et schismaticos, utique nimium scandalosos et periculosos, fidelibus, prresertim simplicibus, dicere, publice pradicare in tuo regno Boemis et aliis terris tuis prte- sumpsit hactenus et prassumit ; nonnullas personas utriusque sexus ad ejus sectam, quam damnabiliter inchoavit, ac in errores detestabiles et reproliandos actus — inducendo, prout in quibusdam articulis scriplis in schedula inclusa prassentibus continetur. These Articuli are no longer extant. ® That he was fully acquitted before his death is evident from a diploma of the strictly Catholic Charles IV. (Balbini Epist. p. 408), in which he is called bona? raemoris honorabilis Milicius, quondam devotus noster dilectus. ' His works, in Ms., are thus enumerated in Balbini Bohemia docta ed. ab Raph. Ungar. P. II. (Prag. 1778. Svo.) p. 178 : De frequent! communione ; Hy- pocrisi ; Unitate Ecclesia? ; Antichristo et praeceptis Domini ; De abominatione in Ecclesia Dei ; Regulffi veteris et novi testament!. Cochlaeas hist. Hussit. lib. VI. p. 227, cites a passage from a work entitled Parisiensis liber vitiorum. — Now Theobald (Hussitenkrieg, Th. 1, cap. 2) says that Matthias' work de Antichristo has, by mistake, got among Huss' writings, and is printed in his 0pp. Hence Schrockh, Th. 34, S. 372, supposes the Liber de Antichristo et membrorum ejus anatomia in Historia et monumenta Jo. Hus atque Hieron. Pragensis. Norimb. 1715. T. I. p. 423, to be a work of Matthias; but, probably, as will presently be seen, without sufficient cause. — In the collection of Huss' writings the work De sacerdotum et monachorum abhorrenda abominatione desolationis in Ecclesia Chri- sti. T. I. p. 473, does probably (though it has never been suggested) belong to Matthias; for /o. de Przibram, A. D. 1430, in his Professio, appended to Cochlaei hist. Hussit. p. 528, cites a passage from Mag. Parisiensis lib. de abominatione, c. S3, which is found word for word in that work of Huss, c. 82. Matthias must have written it in 1392 ; for, according to p. 513, the work de novissimorum tem- porum periculis (see above, § 69, note 5) had been written 136 years. Now in the lib. de abominatione the author several times cites his Tract, de Antichristo, VOL. III. 18 138 Tliird Period. Die. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. he denounced the religious abuses of the time, insisting on inward religion, and inveighing bitterly against the mere external worship of the age, the worldliness of the clergy, and the hypocrisy of the monks." and from these citations it is evident that this is not the Lih. de Antichr. et mem- broriim ejus anat., but that piobably we have a part of it in the fragment De mysterio iniquitatis Antichiisti (Hist, et nionum. Jo. Hus. T. I. p. 603 seq.) — Comp. p. 512, 557, with 610; p. 515 witli 611 ; p. 586 with 612. (The second fragment also, De revelationo Christi et Antichrisli, p. 615 seq., may, perhaps, belong to Matthias ; comp. the citation p. 476 with p. 621.) This is confirmed also by the citation in i<'/acu catal. test, verit. no. 316. Flacius had the lib. de Antichristo of John Mililius as well as that of Matthias. * Matthice lib. de Sacei-dotum et Monachorum abhorrenda abominatione desola- tionis in Ecclesia Christi in Hist, et monum. Jo. Hus. T. I. p. 473 seq. Cap. 1 : Notanter dicit hie Propheta (Ho'*. v. 1), Sacerdotes esse laqueum factos speculati- oni, i. e. custodia; populi Dei. Et ista est horrenda abominatio in templo, quod popukts, a quibus debcret cnstodiri, ne labatur in idololatriam vel peccatum, illi facti sunt ei laqueus ad capiendum : et per quos deberet educi de laqueis, ab illis involvitur ad laqueos. Non enim tantum propter nostram indignam conversatio- nem et contagiosam nos, o sacerdotes, facti sunuis laqueus custodiaj Christianorum, sed quod est majus, — dum loquimur in ambone, prasertim ea de causa, quod communiter accidit, puta quod quidani sacerdotes sua opinata affirmant, — idem alii quidam ex adverse positi negant. — Cap. 3: Ilia nocenlissima abominatio in Dei Ecclesia, puta controversia inter Sacerdotes, et maxime tunc et manifeste tinvaluit], quando Religiosi falsi sunt multiplicati per Ecclesiam et invaluerunt. — Jbicunque nondum manent Religiosi, vel non visitant ibidem communiter, ibi stant bene Sacerdotes concorditer ad invicem, et plebs est sine distractione et dis- sensione. — Cap. 21 : Vcc, va^ illis, qui faciunt mullas promissiones in populis, et excogitant atque adinveniunt multas justiticationes peccatoribus ! — Veluti est promissio multarum indulgentiarum in festis suis vel locis, ut habeant per hoc nomen, et pra; aliis accursum et applausum populoruni : pi-omissio literarum ab omni poena et culpa, prouussio communionis fraternitatum, et omnium orationum vel Missarum, vel aliorum bonorum, qua; jjer confratres exercentur, etc. — quae nee ipsi certi sunt, si acceptabilia sunt Deo, imo plus odibilia Deo. — Cap. 30 : Veruntamen, salvo judicio meliori, ego puto coiam Domino dulcissimo Jesu cruci- fixo, tunc ilia omnia habuisse suum initium, quando Douiinus Apostolicus contraxit ad se omnia beneticia et officia Ecclesia;, pro sua voluntate dispensando, et incepit dispensatioue beneficiorum totius Ecclesia; occupari, atque distributione bonorum temporalium se ipium aggravare, et conferre multa privilegia, et exemptiones ab obedientia infmitis personis, puta ut essent sibi soli subjecti, et a suis inniiediatis Pra'latis exempti, — habentes potestatem super terrenes (leg. alienos) subditos confessiones audiendi, et auctorilatem pra;dicandi qua; volunt, et per consequens impediendi Dominos Curates, et Ordinem sanctissimum conturbandi, alios Ordines excogitando. — (Satan) abduxit Christianos — a prima;va ipsoi-um dignitate et sanc- titate — ad quandam mirabilem simulationem, et Deo nimis abominabilem conver- sationem, compositam ex vKils et speciebus sanctitatis, religionis et virtutum, faci- etenus solum apparenlium splendidre et laudabiles apud homines, sed nequaquam apud Deum. Ita, dico, abduxit spiritualiter et successive a virtutibus pulcherri- mis et dulcissimi*, et a rigore ipsarum ad quandam vanitatem vitae, et tepiditatem abominabilem solum consuetudinum et rituum Ecclesiae Romanae, similiter in facie bene apparentium, sed in veritate Dei mortuorum, et desolatorum a Spiritu Jesu crucifix! : ita ut omnia fere Christianorum jam decora et honesta, sint solum quasi pulchra imago exterius picta sine spiritu et vita, sint quoque justitia homi- num propria, mnns remofa a justitia Dei. — Seduxit, inquam, tali mode — populum Christianum, ut omnia turpia et omnia vitia, qiue in primitivo populo tantum erant horribilia et abusiva, — sint usitata, — excusata. — Et non solum hoc, sed etiam viceversa, qui alienant so sirenue ab cxercilio talium et a contubernio propter Domini Jesu timorem et amorein, niox a vulgo Chrisfiano hujus mundi convician- ♦ur et oonfundiintur, et nola pcssima singularitatum vel ha-resum criminantur: propter quod tales homines devoti, qui similia vulgo profano non agunt, Bechardi Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 122. In Bohemia. 139 vel Turlpinii, aut aliis nominibus blaephcniis comniuni'.er jam nominantur. — Cap. 37 : Dei Ecclesia nequit ad pristiiiam suaiu dignitatem reduci, vel reformari, nisi prius omnia fiant nova. — Credo, — quod jam tunc surget novus populus, secun- dum novum hominem formatus, qui secundum Ueum creatus est: ex quo novi clerici et sacerdotes provenient et assumentur, qui omnes odient avaritiam et glori- am hujus vita?, ad convcrsationem coelcstem festinando. — Veruntaraen Dominus piissimus Jesus Christus hoc opus, puta innovationis Ecclesia; sua;, jam in nostris tempoiibus, i. e. a 50 vel 70 annis, coepit valde accelerare, exercens sua judicia maniCesta in Christianis per orbem universum. — Cap. 60 : Ad hoc comparandum (quod fieret Eestimatio communis, — quod bene Deo servitur fruendo pace et deli- ciis hujus vita;), Diabolus omnem religiositatem in Ecclesia multiplicat in conven- tibus et personis, et per consequens onmem sanctitatem et faciem pietatis et giatia; in verbis et habitu exteriori, sod omnia solum ad extra et secundum faciem corpo- ralem, et sine spiritu Jesu ciucitixi. MuUiplicavit insuper — omnem decorem et honestatem in Ecclesiasticis, vel saltern ilia omnia accepit sibi in adminiculum seducendi Christianos ad amorem hujus sa;culi. — Inde etiam idem Satan — multi- plicavit promissiones infinitas, et magnas in Dei Ecclesia peccatoribus et amatori- bus talibus hujus sajculi justiticationes multas invcntitias humanas, aut ipsas con- vertit ad suam fortiorem deceptionem, ut Christiani in illis sibi blandirentur, et constituerent suam spem salutis, non habentes ad Jesum crucifixum tidelem chari- tatem et ad proximos, et habentes vitam totaliter carnalem. — Item ob id permisit vel procuravit fieri — scientias adinventiiias et recentes, qua; a-qualiter vel niagis quam scientia Dei — sunt autenticas, tremendfe, et maximfe auctoritatis. — Multi- plicata sunt ad haec mandata et ceriinonia; hominura infinita;, et ut tantum esseut tremenda et tanta; auctoritatis, quemadmodum Dei summi pr^cepta, praedicantur et docentur, et cum magna districtione imperantur. — Multiplicata sunt quoque multa incerta corporalia, simplicitcr nullam virtutem in se ipsis habentia, nullam efficaciain salutis, nullam sanctitatem Spiritus Jesu, nullam auctoritatem ex Deo vel Scripturis, qua? quia sunt in se recentia et nova, et splendida coram hominibus, et quasi stupenda, et celeberrime pra;dicantur, commendantur et famantur, vulgus ea accipit nimis ardue, colit et adorat strenue, treniit coram ipsis, et virtutem quandam niagnam et suffiagia ponit, quod in talibus corporalibus — et per talia sit Deus colendus et inquirendus. — Cap. 82 : Hypocritae, et maxime sacerdotes amici hujus siKculi, habent illud de more, quod sanctos Dei, qui sunt in ca;Hs, multum nimis solemnisant et extollunt : sanctos vere Christianos secum adhuc in hac vita pauperes et humiles contemnunt et persequuntur. — Sanctorum in caelis ossa et reliquias sumptuose procurant auro, et serico contegunt, sed pauperes sanctos degentes cum eis in hac vita admittunt fame et siti cruciari, et nudos pati gelu et frigora. — Et hoc commune est apud ipsos, illustres viros et sanctos mortuos lau- dare et glorificare supra modum, sanctos vero illustres et conviventes vituperare, et ipsorum facta virtuosa detractione obnubilare. — Sanctos tamen jam in coelis singulariter hypocrita; sacerdotes ssculares libenter pro eo diligunt et solemnisant, quia in nomine ipsorum multa et magna bona a populis Christianis sortiuntur, habentes pingues prabendas, et altaria, multa otfertoria, multa festa, niultas distri- butiones pro nomine et in nomine Sanctorum jam in coelis. Nam simili causa allecti et animabus in purgatorio faciunt multa obsequia, et valde proniovent ad populum facienda. — Cap. "83 : The Mulier ebria de sanguine Sanctorum (Apoc. xvii. 6) he explains de muliitudine hypocritarum, qui secundum communem consu- etudinem nunc Ecclesiae vocantur Rcligiosi. — Nulli etenim magis proprie come- dunt peccata populorum, sicut ipsi, et bibunt et inebriantur. — In isto tamen valde talium ebrietas sanguinis ostenditur evidenter, pufa quod in tantum placet ipsis peccata populorum comedere et potare, quod otiosam vitam et quietam continuan- tes, accipiant multas oblationes et donaria magna tradita pro peccatis, quod non audent hominibus peccatoribus annunciare peccata ipsorum vel aggravare, quinimo magis peccatis blandiuntur et excusant. — Non enim facile audebunt hominibus displicere hi qui — de gratia sola expectant sibi aliquid projiciendum a plebeis ahenis. — Et ex eadem necessitate compelluntur violare veritafem Jesu crucifixi et virtutem apud populum blanditiis etiam solum pro pugillo hordei et fragmine panis. Hoc autem non facile contingit ordinario Sacerdofi, qui de certa Ecclesia potest habere et suam vitam i. e. victum et amictum. — Et super hoc amplius vigilare eos oportet omni speciei religionis et pietatis, utpote templis eorum de magno sumptu et adornatissimis omni supellectile pulcherrima et delectabili in 140 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. These men have with right been considered as the precursors of Huss;9 but the notion that their efforts had any reference to the revival of the ancient Greek-Sclavonian form of worship, supposed to have been still kept up, and especially the restoration of the cup in the communion-service, is only an unfounded conjecture of later Hussite writers.io Matthias von Janow, alone, made perhaps an attempt to bring about this last object. ii aspectu populorum, ita iit omnia sint munda coram hominibus ordinata, quatenus perinde extrahcndi a plebibus alienis magis donaria et multam eleemosynam, multam haberent occasionem et nimium coloiatam. — Insuper — habent communi- ter necesse raultiplicate loqui de orationibus, cantare ornate in suis pulchris templis, multiplicaie missas, etc. — Hence their multaj festivitatcs gloriosas sanctorum rum Dei in coelis, — muUa; sanctorum reliquiae, — pulcherrima; picturae et statuas, quae faciunt insignia portenta et miracula magna. — Et tunc deinceps nequaquam est omittendum, quia talia omnia et cum multo additamento exquisite in populis divulgentur, — proclamentur, ut sciant Christiani, ubi vel qua suam salutem debe- ant providere. Enimvero indulgentis magnte et magna proniissa omnibus accur- rentibus, et gratia? vix ab hominibus credibiles, alias ita autenticaj, et a Dominis Apostolicis ita roboratae per testes et per bullas, quod non est plus homini de ipsis nullo modo dubitare. Nam etsi contradiceret, vel non crederet, indignationem Dei omnipotentis incurreret. Et forte plaga manifesta puniretur, sicut jam multi, inquiunt, pro simili incredulitate sunt puniti. — Et ista talia sunt multa nimis et magna per univcrsam Dei Ecclesiam, qua; omnia non redolent nisi applausum populorum, et sine virtute promissionis pietatis eorum, qui queestum reputant pie- tatem, etc. ^ In particular by the Hussites and Protestants, amongst whom, however, this very view has led to many wholly unfounded traditions. One of these is that the archbishop Zbyniek (Sbynko) of Prague, 1410, caused the writings of John Milicz and Matthias of Janow, to be burned together with those of Wicliflfe. The only authorities for this opinion are : Hageks (f 1553) bohm. Chronik, S. 659: " It is said by some that many other writings besides those of Wicliffe were burned ; " and Procopii Liipacii (f 1587) Calendarium hist, ad d. 16 Jul. Feruntur tum et plurimi libri esse concremati Joannis Mililii, Mag. Matthise cognomine Parisiensis, etc. In the decree of condemnation, however, which is extant in Huss' Appeal (Hussii 0pp. I. p. 113), and in this Appeal itself no mention is made of any but WiclifTe's writings, so that the tradition to the contrary, which is one hundred and fifty years later, has little probability. See Balbini Bohemia docta, P. II. p. 178. — Job. Milicz is mentioned as a heretic by the annalists, Raynaldus, Spondanus, and Bzovius, ad ann. 1374. On the other hand, most of the Catholic Bohemian writers since Balbinus, have defended all three of the above mentioned men as orthodox. i** Paulus Stransky de repubJica Bojema, 1633, c. VI. § 5 (also in Goldasti comm. de regni Bohem. juribus ed. Schminckii, Francof. ad M. 1719. fol. T. II. p. 511), is the first who maintained this view, though without mentioning the cup in particular. He was followed by Jo. Amos Comenius (historia persecutionum Ecclesiffi Bohemicae. 1648. p. 19 seq., and historia Fratrum Bohemorum. 1600. ed. Buddei, p. 6), who mentions that those three men advocated the restoration of the cup. He has been followed by all the later writers, especially by Augusfin Zitte in his uncritical and legendary Lebensbeschreibungen der drey ausgezeichnetsten Vorlaufer des berilhmten M. Johannes Hus. Prag. 1786 (in d. Kurzen Lebens- beschreibungen berOhrater Manner Bohmens, Bd. 1), to which Schrockh also, Th. 34, S. 566, gives too much weight. The grounds for rejecting the hypothesis are, 1. That in the older authoi-ities there is no trace of a Greek-Sclavonic ritual in the time of Charles IV., and the persecution thereof; so far from it, that this emperor built the convent Emmaus in Prague, 1347, for the introduction of the Latin-Sclavonic ritual. See Dobner in den Abhandl. der Bohmischen Gesellsch. der Wispensch. auf 1785, S. 174 f. 1786, S. 433 ; and 2. That in the numerous works called forth by the introduction of the cup by James de Misa, there is (with Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 123. John Wicliffe. 141 ^ 123. JOHN WICLIFFE. Henrici de Knyghton (Canon at Leicester, a contemporary of Wicliffe) de even- tibus Angliae usque ad ann. 1395 (in Rog. Twisdeni Scriptt. X. hist. Angl. Lond. 1652. fo\.).— Thomce Walsingham (a Benedictine in St. Alban about 1440) Hist. Anglica major (in Camdeni Scriptt. Rer. Angl. Lond. 1574. Fran- cof. 1602. fol.). The chief works are : The History of the Life and Sufferings of John Wicliffe, by John Lewis. London. 1720. 8vo. ; and the Life and Opinions of John de Wyc- liffe, byi?o6. Vaughan. London. 1829. 2 voll. Svo. — For a general view, see also Wilh. Gilpin's Lives of the Reformers. 2 vols. Svo. Lond. 1809. But in England there now appeared a reformer, who, favored on the one hand by the indignation of the people at the ill-treatment they had experienced from the popes, and on the other by the mis- trust of the government of a power, which they knew to be entirely under French influence, instituted an examination as fearless as it was impartial, not only into the customs, but the doctrines of the church. John Wicliffe, Fellow of Merton College in Oxford, and distin- guished for his learning and acuteness,i first came forward in the controversies of the university with the Mendicant orders, A. D. 1360,- proclaiming fearlessly the corruption of these orders.^ In the year 13G6, Edward III. having freed himself with the help of his the exception of that mentioned in note 11) no reference whatever to any former attempts of the kind. " V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. HL Prolegg. p. 20, relates, as extracted from the transaction of the Bohemians at the council of Basil A. U. 1433, the following, which must have been taken from a Ms., as it is found in no printed Acts of the council : Johannes de Polemar, cum Rockizana in Basileensi Concilio de commu- nione calicis contendens, in responsione sua agnoscit quidem, Praga; apud S. Nicolaum Magistrum Matthiam pro concione populo nova de sacramento quoque ccense pradicasse, ast palinodiam in Synodo Piagensi anno 1389 cecinisse, ait. In quibus tamen articulis, ut Polemarus eos refert, communionis calicis chira mentio haud facta. Unde in dubio relinquit Polemarus, an Matthias calicem populo dede- rit, an secus. Hoc interim certum esse ait, eum prohibitum fuisse. Sive, inquit, ipse inceperit hanc novitatem prcudicare, sive sub utraque specie communicare, tamen sxia doctrina sive prac.tica non hahuit progressum. The Hussite Wen- ceslaus Pisecenus writes, about 1520, of Matthias Parisiensis (Balbini Bohemia docta, T. H. p. 178) : multos eruditissimos consciipsit libros, in quibus de commu- nione' utriusque speciei pluribus egit : comp. however, 1. c. p. 179. 1 His declared opponent, Heinr. de Knyghton de eventibus Anglis, lib. V. p. 2644, speaks of him as Jo. Wykliff Doctor in Theologia eminentissimus in diebus illis. In Philosophia nulli reputabatur secundus, in scholasticis disciplinis incom- parabilis. His numerous works are given, Lewis, p. 143 seq. 2 See § 109, notes 2 and 3, above. ^ He wrote Of the Poverty of Christ ; .^gainst Able Beggary ; and Of Idle- ness in Beggary. He maintained : sith open Begging is thus sharply damned in holy Writ, it is a'foule Error to meyntene it, but that it is more error to seie that Christ was such a Beggar. See Lewis, p. 7. 142 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409, parliament from the disgraceful tribute exacted from him by the Pope, Wicliffe defended this step with his characteristic boldness.' He thus secured the favor of the court, and was made professor of the- ology at Oxford, A. D. 1372. The government being now earnestly bent on the more complete emancipation of the English church from the papal yoke, Wiclitfe was one of the commissioners to treat with the legates of the Pope at Bruegge in the year 1376.^ Under such circumstances he had enjoyed ample opportunity of becoming ac- quainted both with the corruptions of papacy ,f' and the evil effects of monachism,''' and having boldly declared his convictions on these subjects, he was accused before the Pope in the year 1376 of 19 heresies. Gregory XL ordered an inquiry to be made into the matter,^ but Wicliffe was protected from harm by the favor of the nobility, especially of the regent, the duke of Lancaster.^ * Lewis, p. 17 seq. A further defence against a monk who had maintained, quod sit falsum ct pseudoevangelicum, qviod domini teraporales possunt in aliquo casu legitime auferre ab Ecclesiasticis bona sua. See in Lewis, p. 363 seq. ^ Lewis, p. 30. ^ He called the Pope Antichrist, the proud worldly Priest of Rome, and the most cursed of Clippers and Purse-kervers. Letvis, p. 34. '' In 1382 he collected all the charges against the monks scattered through his works, in fifty heresies and errors. See Lewis, p. 20 seq. ** The papal letters of A. D. 1377 to the university of Oxford, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of London, also to the king of England, in Walsing- ham, p. 201 seq. The accompanying Schedula with the nineteen heretical propo- sitions, ibid, p. 204, see in Lewis, p. 266 : e. g. I. Totum genus hominum con- currentium citra Christum non habet potestatem simpliciter ordinandi, ut Petrus et omne genus suum doniinetur politice imperpetuum super mundum. VI. Si Deus est, Domini temporalcs possunt legitime ac mcritorie auferre bona foi-tunoe ab Ecclesia delinquente. Vll. Numquid Ecclesia est in tali statu vel non, non est meum discutere, sed dominorum teinpoialium examiuare, et posito casu confiden- ter agere, et in poena damnationis aeternae ejus temporalia auferre. VIII. Scimus, quod non est possibile, quod Vicarius Christi pure ex Bullis suis, vel ex illis cum voluntate et consensu suo et sui Collegii quenquam habilitet vel inhabilitet. IX. Non est possibile hominem excommunicari, nisi prius et piincipaliter excommuni- caretur a seipso. XIII. Discipuli Christi non habent potestatem coacte exigere temporalia per censuras. XVI. Hoc debet catholice credi, quilibet sacerdos lite ordinatus habet potestatem sufficienter sacramenta qua^libet conferendi, et per consequens quemlibet contritum a peccato quolibet absolvendi. XIX. Ecclesias- ticus inio et Romanus Pontifex potest legitime a subditis et laicis corripi et etiam accusari. ^ Lewis, p. 50 seq. At the second trial in Lambeth, at which, as Walsingham, p. 205, complains, non dico cives tantum Londonienses, sed viles ipsius civitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam, et verba facere pro eodem, et istud negotium inipedire, Wicliffe gave in a Dedaratio concerning these propositions (p. 206), in which he to be sure artfully avoids some of the points, e. g. ad I. Patet non esse in hominum potestate impedire adventum Christi ad finale judicium. — ad VI. Si Deus est, ipse est omnipotens. Et si sic, ipse potest pra^cipere dominis temporiilibus, sic auferre: — sed absit ex illo credere, quod intentionis mea? sit, saculares dominos licite posse auferre, quandocunque et quo- modocunque voluerint vel nuda auctoritate sua, sed omnino auctoritate ecclesiie in casibus et forma limitatis a jure. Others, however, he defends, e. g. ad VIII. Patet ex fide catholica, cum oportet dominupi [/n] omni operatione vicaria tenere primatum. Ideo sicut in omni habilitatione subjecti prius exigitur gratia et digni- tas habilitati, sic in omni inhabilitatione prius exigitur dignitas ex demerito inhabi- litati, et per consequens non pure ex ministerio vicarii Christi fit talis habilitatio vel inhabilitatio. Chap. Vin. Reformers. § 123. John Wicliffe. 143 The great papal schism (A. D. 1378) gave Wicliffe new occasion and more opportunity to examine into the corruptions of the church and propose reforms. Hitherto he had only touched on questions of discipline, but now he ventured farther. In the year 1380 he began to translate the bible into English, and this undertaking being soon denounced as heresy, he defended the right of the people to read the Scriptures for themselves.!" In the year 1381, having attacked the doctrine of transubstantiation, many of those who had hitherto fa- vored him began to vvaver,ii but Wicliffe had now too many friends '" Henr. de Knyghton, p. 2614 : Hie Majjister Jo. Wyclif Evangelium, quod Christus contulit Clericis et Ecclesise Doctoribus, ut ipsi Laicis et infirmioribus personis secundum tempoiis exigeiitiani et pcrsonaruni indigentiam cuin mentis eoruin esurie dulciter ministraient, transtulit de Latino in Anglicani linguani, non angelicani, unde per ipsum fit vulgare et inagis apertum laicis et mulieiibus leo-ere scientibus, quam solet esse Clericis admoduni literatis et bene intelligentibus : et sic Evangelica margaiita spargitur, et a poicis conculeatur, etc. The" passages in which Wicliffe defends his translation, see in Wharton auctarium historite dogma- ticas /. Usserii de scripturis et sacris vernaculis. Londin. 1689. 4to. p. 432 seq. in Lewis, p. 67 seq. e. g. The clerks say, it is Heresy to spcake of the holy Scripture in English, and so they would condempne the Holy Gost that gave it in Tongues to the Apostles of Christ, to speake the Word of God in all Languages that were ordayned of God under Heaven, as it is written. " He came forvvaid with sixteen conclusiones, which he offered to defend pub- licly ; of which the fust was : Hostia consecrata quam videmus in altari, nee est Christus, nee aliqua sui pars, sed efficax ejus signuni (Wood hist, et antiquitt. Univers. Oxon. lib. L p. 188). The chancellor of the University condemned this doctrine at once (see the Definitio in Lewis, p. 268) : but Wicliffe appealed to the king. Et post appellationem advenit nobilis Doniinus, Dux Lancastrian, prohi- bens Magistro praedicto Johanui, quod de caetero non loqueretur de ista materia. Sed nee ipse conteniperans suo ordinario CancelJario, nee tam strenuo Domino incepit Confessionem quandani facere, in qua continebatur omnis error pristinus sed sccretius sub vclamine vario vei'boruin, in qua dixit suum conceptum, et visus est suam sententiam probare. Sed velut hasreticus pertinax refutavit omnes Doc- tores de secundo Millenario in materia de sacramento Altaris, et dixit, omnes illos errasse praeter ]?erengarium, — et ipsum et suos complices ; dixit palam Sathanam .solutum ct potestateni habere in Magistro Sententiarum et in onmibus qui fidem CathoUcani praedicaverunt (see Leiois, p. 271). The Confessio in Lewis, p. 272: Sa-pe confessus sum et adhuc confiteor, quod idem corpus Christi in numero quod fuit assumptuni de Virgine, quod passum est in cruce, — est vere et realiter panis sacramentalis : — cujus probatio est, quia Christus, qui mentiri non potest, sic asserit. Non tamen audeo dicere, quod corpus Christi sit essentialiter, substantia- Hter, corporaliter vel identice ille panis. — Credimus enim, quod tiiplex est modus essendi corpus Christi in hostia consecrata, scil. virtualis, spirltualis et sacramen- talis. Virtualis, quo benefacit per totum suum dominum [leg. dominium] secun- dum bona natura; vel gratia. Modus autem essendi spiritualis est, quo corpus Christi est in Eucharistia et Sanctis per gratiam. Et tertius est modus essendi sacramentalis, quo corpus Christi singulariter [est] in hostia consecrata. Sed praj- ter istos tres modos essendi sunt alii ties modi realiores et veriores quos corpus Christi appropriate habet in coelo, scil. modus essendi substantialiter, corporaliter et dimensionaliter. Et grosse concipientes non intelligunt ahum modum essendi nal- urahs substantias prater illos. lUi autem sunt valde indispositi ad concipiendum arcana Eucharistias, et subtilitatem scripturce. These advocates of transubstantia- tion were designated as a secta cultorum accidentium, cultores signorum, and con- futed by various passages from the church- fathers. The close : Vie generation! adulters, quae plus credit testimonio Innocentii vel Raymundi, quam sensui Evan- geUi capto a testibus supradictis. Idem enim esset scandalizare illos in isto et imponere eis haresim ex perversione sensus scripture, praecipue et iterum de 'ore perverse Apostatas accumulantis super Ecclesiam Romanani mendacia, quibus 144 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. amongst the learned, especially at Oxford, to be entirely put down. The archbishop of Canterbury, at a council held in London May and June, 13S2), condemned a number of his assertions as heresy. ^ ^The king began once more to support the hierarchy.!^ But though Wic- fingit, quod Ecclesia posterior priori coutraria correxit fidem, quod sacramentum istud sit accidens sine subjecto, et non verus panis et vinuiu, ut dicit Evangelium cum Decreto. Nam teste Augustino tale accidens sine subjecto non potest sacer- do8 conficere. Et tanien tantum magnificant saccrdotes Baal mendaciter, indubie juxta scholam patris sui, consecrationem hujus accidentis, quod reputant missas alias indignas audiri, vel dissentientes suis mendaciis inhabiles alicubi graduari : sed credo, quod finaliter Veritas vincet eos. *^ See Mansi XXVI. p. 695. Namely, as Conclusiones hasreticas : I. Quod substantia panis matcrialis et vini maneant post consecrationem in sacramento altaris. II. Item quod accidentia non maneant sine subjecto post consecrationem in eodem sacramento. III. Item quod Christus non sit in saci-amento altaris iden- tice, vere et realiter in propria prajsentia corporali. IV. Item quod si Episcopus vel sacerdos existat in peccato mortali, non ordinat, conficit, nee baptizat. V. Item quod si homo fuerit debite contritus, omnis confessio exterior est sil)i superflua vel inutilis. VI. Item pertinaciter asserere, non esse lundatum in Evangelio, quod Christus Missam ordinavcrit. VII. Item quod Deus debet obedire Diabolo. VIII. Item quod si Papa sit pra;stigiator et malus homo, ac per consequens membrum Diaboli, non habct potestatem supra fideles Christi ab aliquo sibi datam, nisi forte a Caesare. IX. Item quod post Urbanum sextum non est aliquis recipiendus in Papam, sed vivendum est more Gi-scorum sub legibus propriis. X. Item asse- rere, quod est contra sacram scripturam, quod viri ecclesiastici habeant possessiones temporales. Then follow 14 Conclusiones erroneffi : I. Quod nullus Praelatus debet aliquem excommunicare, nisi prius ipsum sciat esse excomnuinicatum a Deo. III. Item quod Praelatus excommunicans clericum, qui appellavit ad regem et consilium regni, eo ipso traditor Dei est, regis et regni. IV. Item quod illi, qui dimittunt prffidicare seu audire verbum Dei vel evangelium pra;dicatum propter excommunicationem hominum sunt excommunicati, et in die judicii traditores Dei habebuntur. V. Item asserere, quod liceat alicui, etiam diacono vel presbytero, prasdicare verbum Dei absque auctoritate sedis Apostolicffi vel Episcopi catholici, seu alia de qua sufficienter constet. VI. Item asserere, quod nullus est dominus civilis, nullus est Episcopus, nullus est Pra'latus, dum est in peccato mortali. VII. Item quod domini temporales possint ad arbitrium eorum auferre bona temporalia ab ecclesiasticis habitualiter delinquentibus, vel quod populares possint ad eorum arbitrium dominos delinquentes corrigere. VIII. Item quod decims sunt purae eleemosyna;, et quod parocliiani possint propter peccata suorum curatorum eas rtetinere, et ad libitum aliis conferre. IX. Item quod speciales orationes applicatae uni persona; per Praelatos vel religiosos non plus prosunt eidem persons, quam orationes generales, ceteris paribus, eidem. X. Item quod eo ipso, quod aliquis ingreditur religionem privatam quamcunque, redditur ineptior et inhabilior ad observantiam mandatoruin Dei. XI. Item quod sancti instituentes religiones pri- vatas quascumque, tam possessionatarum, quam mendicantium, in sic instituendo peccaverunt. XII. Item quod religiosi viventes in religionibus privatis non sint de religione Christiana. Error perniciosus. XIII. Item quod fratres teneantur per laborem manuum, et non per mendicationem victum suum adquirei'e. Dam- natits ab Jllex. IV. XIV. Item quod conferens eleemosynam fratribus vel fi'atri praedicanti est excommunicatus et recipiens. Three of the most distinguished of WiclifTe's followers, Nicholas de Hereford, John Aston, and Philip Repingdon were summoned before the council ; their explanations of the above pi-opositions were not, however, satisfactory. Wiclitfe complains that various assertions were attributed to him at this council without foundation ; namely, Deus debet obedire Diabolo, see Leiois, p. 96. •' See the royal edict of 12 Jul. 1382, in Lewis, p. 282, by which permission was given the bishops ad omnes et singulos, qui dictas conclusiones sic damnatas praedicare seu manutenere vellent, — arrestandos, etc., and the university of Ox- ford ordered on 13 Jul. (ibid. p. 379), to excommunicate all qui quicquam praedic- Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 123. John Wicliffe. 145 liffe was forced to leave Oxford and retreat to his rectory of Lutter- worth, he continued to attack the abuses of the church with unabated zeal. Shortly before his death (t I3S4) he wrote the Trialogus, in which he deposited the results of all his observations in ecclesiastical and theological matters, a legacy, as it were, for posterity. ^"^ torum hsresium vel errorum — foveriat vel defenderint, vel qui magistros Jo. Wycclj'ff, Nicholaum Herfoi-do, Philippum Repyungdon, Jo. Astonn — in domos et hospitia ausi fuerint acceptare, vel cum eoruni aliquo communicare etc. '■• Jo. Wiclefi dialogorum Hbri IV. ed. (Basile(e) 1525. 4to. (compare Baum- gartens Nachr. von einer hall. Bibl. I?d. 5. S. ITS) ; ed. L. Ph. Wirth. Francof. et Lips. 1753. 4to. Wiclifte himself calls the work ti-ialogus, see the introduction: vidimus quod posset multis utilis quidam esse Trialogus, ubi ^rhno AJithia tanquam solidus theologus loqueretur; secundo infidelis, captiosus tanquam Pseudis objice- ret; et tertio subtihs theologus et maturus, tanquam Phrouesis decideret verita- tem. Contents: Lib. L de^Deo et ideis (in which the Platonic Realism is very decidedly maintained) Lib. IL de rebus creatis (teaching, c. 14, strict predestina- tion : Et sic videtur nuhi piobabile, quod Deus necessitat creaturas singulas activas ad quemlibet actum suum. Et sic sunt aliqui prsdestinati, hoc est post laborem ordinati ad gloriam : aliqui prajsciti, hoc est post vitam miseram ad poenam perpe- tuam ordinati. (cf. Thomas Br adwardinus, § 113, note 10) Lib. III. de virtuti- bus et vitiis (cf. cap. 31) : nulla alia scriptura capit auctoritatem vel valorem, nisi de quanto sua sentenfia a scriptura sacra sit derivata. — Et hinc Augustinus — sajpe prfecipit, quod nemo credat scriptis suis vel verbis, nisi de quanto se tunda- verint in scriptura, et in ipsa, ut saepe dicit, omnis Veritas implicite vel explicite continetur. lit indubie idem est judicium de scriptis aliorum sanctorum doctorum, et multo magis de scriptis Romans ecclesias, et doctorum novorum. — Et tunc scriptura sacra foret in rcverentia, et bulliB papales (sicut dehent) forent postpositas, et tam leges papales, quam doctorum novorum sentential, quae sunt post solutionem Sathan.-B promulgate, forent in suis limitibus venerat*). He appears as a reformer more especially in the Lib. IV., where, beginning with the sacraments, he goes on to reprove many of the abuses and errors of the church. First, de Eucharistia, c. 2 - 10, where he attacks the notion, quod hoc sacramentum sit accidens sine subjecto. Cap. 2 : Ipsa curia ante solutionem diaboli cum antiqua sententia pla- nius concordavit, ut patet Dist. II. c. Ego Berengarius (see above, § 29, note 10). Et sic de omnibus Sanctis Doctoribus, qui usque ad solutionem Satanjg istam mate- riam pertractarunt. A tempore autem solutionis Satana?, diniissa fide scripturffi, multaj haereses in ista materia, et specialiter inter fratres et discipulos eis similes, volitarunt. Cap. 4: Non dubium etiam laico idiotaj, quin sequitur : iste panis est corpus Christi, ergo iste, panis est, et per consequens manet panis, et sic simul est panis et coi-pus Christi. Exempla autem possunt grossa poni pro ista materia attestanda. Non enim oportet, sed veritati repugnat, quod homo, dum fit dominus vel pralatus Ecclesias, desinat esse eadem persona: sed maneat omnino eadem substantia quoddammodo exaltata. Sic oportet credere, quod iste panis virtute verborum sacramentalium fit consecratione sacerdotis primi veraciter corpus Christi: — natura panis non ex hinc destruitur, sed in digniorem substantiam exaltatur. Cap. 6 : Istam ergo reputo causam lapsus hominum in istam hasresim, quod discre- dunt Evangelio, et leges papales ac dicta apocrypha plus acceptant. Cap. 7 : Ideo si essent centum Papa?, et omnes fratres essent versi in Cardinales, non deberet concedi sententi* su£e in materia fidei, nisi de quanto se fundaverint in scriptura. — Cap. 14 De confirmatione, doubts de ejus fundatione ex fide scripturse. — Cap. 15: De sacramento ordinis : In piimitivaecclesia — sufFecerunt duoordines cleri- corum, scil. sacerdos atque diaconus. — Tunc enim adinventa non fuit distinctio Papae et Cardinalium, Patriarcharum et Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporura et Archi- diaconorum, Otficialium et Decanorum cum casteris officiariis, et privatis religioni- bus, quorum non est numerus neque ordo. De contentionibus autem circa ista, quod unumquodque istorum est ordo, et in eju.s acceptione gratia Dei ac character imprimitur, cum aliis difficultatibus quas nostri balbutiunt, videtur mihi esse tacen- dum, cum sic loquentes nee fundant quod asserunt, nee probant. Sed ex fide scripturae videtur mihi sufficere, esse Presbyteros atque Diaconos, servantes statum VOL. III. 19 146 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. The followers of WiclifFe, to whom the heretic name of Lollards was soon applied, were chiefly amongst the higher and more cultivated utque officium, quod eis Christum imposuit, quia certum videtur, quod superbia caesarea hos gradus et ordines adinvenit. — Dixit doininus ad Aaron; in terra eorum uihil possidebitis, — Jiliis autein Levi dedi omnes decimas Israel. — Si ergo pra;lati nostri — fundant se in secunda parte hujus dicti doininici ad avide capienduin decimas, — cur noii primain partem auctoritatis domini pro aniore Christi pauperis adeo amplectuutur ? Cap. 17: Habere civiliter, cum necessitat ad sollicitudinem circa temporalia et leges hominum observandas, debet omnino clericis interdici. Et quantum ad Sylvestruin et alios, est mihi probabile, quod in recipicndo taliter dotationem gi'aviter peccaveruiit. Cap. 18 : Temporales domini in isto gravitcr peccaverunt. Et hinc credo quod justo Dei judicio taliter in suis mundanis divitiis sunt punili. Ex hoc cnim orta sunt bella, contentio et paupertas multorum saecularium dominorum. — Unde narrant Chronicae, quod in dotatione Ecclesioe vox audita est in aOre angelica time tcmporis sic dicentis: hodie effusum est venenurn in ecrlesia sancta Dei. Unde a tempore Constantini, qui sic dotavit ecclesiam, decrevit itnperium Ronianum, et ipso dominium sasculare. — Nos autem dicinius illis [dominis teinporalibus], quod nedum possunt auferre temporalia ab ecclesia habiludinaliter delinquente, nee solum quod illis licet hoc facere, sed quod debent sub poena damnationis gehennse, cum debent de sua stultitia poenifere et .satisfacere pro peccato, quo Christi ecclesiam macularunt. Cap. 23: De pceniten- tia. Prima est solum in animo et insensibilis, quia contritus domino confitetur. Ilia autem licet sit parvipensa, est tamen virtute maxima, sine qua aliae nihil valent. Secunda vero est pcenitenlia aggregata ex ilia, et expressione vocali sin- gulariter facta Deo, et sic tam patres legis veteris, quam patres novi testamenti communiter sunt confessi. Sed tertia est poenitentia aggregata ex duabus priori- bus, et promulgatione secreta private facta presbytero. Et ad istam poenitentiain magis altendimus propter lucrum. Utrum autem isia poenitentia tertia sit de necessitate salutis, vel qua auctoiitate intioducta tiierat, est dissensio apud multos. — Sed non credat aliquis, quin sine tali confessione auriculari stat hominem vera conteri et salvari, cum Petrus injunxit generalem poenitentiam. Of the passage, Matth. xvi. 19: Quodamque ligaveris, etc. Non videtur hoc dictum in Petro ulleriorem sapere poleslafem, nisi quod omne, quod ligaverit vel solvent super terram confornjiter ad Christi judicium et ecclesia- triumphantis, erit solutum et in coelis. Cap. 25 : De extreina unctione. That there was no foundation for this sacrament in James v. 14: cum fidelis posset dicere satis probabiliter, quod ille sanctus Apostolus non specivocat infirmitatem finalem, sed consolalionem facien- dam a presbytero, dum aliquis infirmatur, et quia per viam naturse oleum abundans in illis partibus valet ad corporis sanitatem. Idco talem meminit unctionem, non quod illud oleum agat in animam, sed quod oratio effusa a sacerdote devoto medicat quemquam, ut Deus inlirmitati anima; suffragctur. Si enim ista corporalis unctio foret sacramcntum, ut modo fmgitiir, Christus et caiteri Apostoli ejus promulgatio- nem et executionem debitam non tacerent. — Et sic in sacramento baptismatis, in Sacramento confirmalionis et cunctis aliis Antichristus ritus infundabiies adinvenit, et ad onus ecclesias extra fidem sciiptura; supra tideles subditos cumulavit. Sacra- menta autem alia necessaria prstermisit, ut patet de septem operibus spiritualis misericordicT, qusp debent apud fideles, et specialiter presbyteros, esse sacramen- tum, etc. Cap. 26 : De speciebns ministrorum : Antichristus habet sub specie cleri procuratores duodecim contra ecclesiam Christi machinantes, cujusmodi com- muniter ponuntur Pap» et Cardinales, Patriarchs, Archipr.Tsules, Episcopi, Ar- chidiaconi, Officiales, Decani, Monachi et Canonici bifurcati, Pseudofratres intro- ducti jam ultimo, et Quffistores (all which were to be distinguished from the sacerdotcs Christi, recte ejus Evangelium prasdicantes. Et ista pars debet esse quasi anima corpori matris nostra^). Oiimi;s autem isti duodecim, et specialiter pra?lati Ca?sarii et frati-os infundabiliter introducli sunt manifeste discipuli Anti- chrisfi, quia liberlatem Christi tollunt, ac oneiant sanctam ecclesiam et impediunt, ne currat lex evangelii libere sicut olim. Cap. 27: Quod fratres comminiscant hceresim in ecclesia. Tres bla^phemias do multis ostendi populo de istis fratribus in vulgari. Prima est de quidditate sacramenti altaris (namely, quod ipsa conse- crata hostia sit accidens sine subjccto) ; secunda de mendicatione Christi, et tertia Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 123. Jolin Wicliffe. 147 classes.^'' The hierarchy continued to repeat their condemnation of de literis fraternitatum t'alsissiniis (in which they pretend, quod personce, quibus istasconcedunt, participabunt post moi'tein de suis ineiilis). This subject continued to c. 31. Cap. 32: De indulgentiis : Superbia eoruni, quia Deum oderunt, ascendit semper. Ideo licet fons ha^resis et peccati sit in ipso tenebraruni prin- cipio, tamen rivulus fratrum ab eo descendens nititur, ut dictum est, innaturahter se extollere supra fontem. Fateor, quod indulgentife Papales, si ita se habeant ut dicuntur, tunc sapiant manifestam blaspheiniam. Dicitur enim, quod Papa prae- tendit se habere potentiani ad salvandum sino;ulos viatores : — et nedum ad niiti- gandum posnas eorum, qui deliquerunt, ad suffragandum eis cum absolutionibus et indulgentiis, ne unquam veniant ad purgatorium, sed ad praacipiendum Sanctis angelis, ut anima separata a corpore, indilate ipsam deferant in requiem sempiter- nam. Et per fratres coloratur ista blasphemia per hoc, quod Christus est oiiini- potens. — Sed Papa est plenus vicarius ejus in terris, el ideo potest idem quicquid potest Christus humanitus. — Unde ad declarandum papalem potentiam pseudo- fiatres in secretis tidei sic procedunt. Supponunt eniin primo, quod in coelis sint intinita sanctorum supererogata merita, et specialiter meritum domini nostri Jesu Christi, quod sufficeret salvare mundos alios infinitos : et super ilium totum thesau- rum Christus Papam constituit ad secundum quod sibi libuerit dispensandum : ideo infinitum potest de illo distribuere, cum hoc remaneat infinitum. Contra istam rudem blasphemiam invexi alias primo sic. Nee papa nee dominus Jesus Christus potest dispensare cum aliquo, nee dare indulgentias, nisi ut aternaliter deltas justo consilio definivit. — Item quajro de illis supererogatis meritis sempi- ternis, in quo membro ecclesi* subjectantur ? Si in Christo et membris suis, mirabile videtur, quod Papa potest a subjectis propriis illasubtrahere propter muHa. Primo quia accidens non potest esse sine subjecto. Secundo quia nullus eorum ilia desiderat, pra^teriit illis bora merendi. Et tertio quia plane juxta suum meri- tum prsmiatur. Quomodo ergo Papa potest per rapinam talem imaginativam facere Deo et illis injuriam ? Item per deducens ad impossibile declaratur, quod si viator in tempore alicujus Papai damnabitur, ipse Papa erit reus damnationis propter hoc, quod omittit ipsum salvare, etc. — In tales infinitas blasphemias involvitur infa- tuata ecclesia, et specialiter per caudam illius draconis, hoc est sectas fratrum, quEe ad illusionem istam, et alias seductiones ecclesife Lucit'erinas deserviunt. Sed eia milites Christi, abjicite prudenter hsc atque fictitias principis tenebraruni, et in- duimini Jesum Christum, — et excutite ab ecclesia tales versutias Antichristi, etc. — Cap. 33 to 38 are against the Mendicants. With this work of Wicliffe's may be compared the account of his opinions given in Lewis, p. 125, and supported by citations from the original works. The most remarkable of his views are those concerning the abuse of the mass, the scientific music in the churches, consecra- tion with oil, salt, wax, etc., canonization, pilgrimages, ecclesiastical asylums, the celibacy of the clergy, etc. He defines heresy, p. 140, as Errour meynlened agenst holy writt, and that in life and conversation, as well as in opinion. He also condenms war and capital punishment. '5 See the list of Wicliffe's most considerable followers in Wood hist. Univ. Oxon. p. 186 ; and in Lewis, p. 175. — Henricus de Knyghton, Lib. V. p. 2660: Erant etiam milites, Dominus Thomas Latymer, Dom. Johannes Trussel, etc. — cum Ducibus et Comitibus, isti erant praacipue eis adhaerentes et in omnibus eis faventes. — Cumque aliquis Pseudo-Prwdicator ad partes alicujus istorum militum se diverteret prasdicationis causa, in continenti cum omni promptitudine populum patrias convocare, et ad certum locum vel Ecclesiam cum ingenti soUicitudine con- gregare satagebat, ad audiendum voces eorum, licet invitos, resistere tamen vel contradicere non audentes. Nam assistere solent juxta sic inepte pradicantes gladio et pelta stipati, ad eorum defensionem, ne quis contra eos aut eorum doctri- nam blasphemam aliquid tentare vel contradicere quandoque auderet. — Crevit populus credentium in ista doctrina, et quasi germinantes multiplicati sunt nimis, et impleverunt ubique orbem regni, — audacesque ad plenum facti sunt. — Sicque a vulgo Wyclif discipuli et Wycliviani sive LoUardi vocati sunt. — Secta ilia in maximo honore illis diebus habebatur et in tantum multiplicata fuit, quod vix duos videres in via, quin alter eorum discipulus Wyclefi fuerit. — Thomas TVal- singham in Hypodigniate JVeustria, p. 544 : Lollardi sequaces Johannis WicklifF 148 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. in tantam sunt evecti temeritatem, ut eoruni presbyteii more Pontificum novos crearent presbyteros, asserentes, querulibet saccrdotem tantam habere potestatem conferendi sacrainenta ecclesiastica, qtiantam Papa. — Audierunt et coonoverunt ha;c regni Pontiiices, sed abieriint alius in villain suara, alius ad negotiationem suam : solus Norvvicensis temporibiis malis ausus est esse bonus. Henricus de Knyghton, p. 2706, says of them : insuper novos errores antiquis immiscent, and then gives a catalogue of 25 heresies, amongst which, besides those of WiclifTe above enumerated, arc the following : Vll. quod non est supplicandum Sanctis orare pro viventibus, nee dicenda est Letania: atfirmant enim Deum omnia facere, ipsos nihil facere posse, quos Sanctos vocamus. Sed mullos corum pr;edicant esse in inferno, quorum festa celebrantur. XI. quod nullus intrabit regnum ccelorum, nisi omnibus renunciaveiit, ea dando paupciibus, solum Deum sequcndo, modo ipsorum. Xlil. quod omnia inter clericos debent esse communia. XVI. quod non licet aliquo modo jui-are. Compare the Conclusioncs, presented to Parliament by the Lollhards, A. D. 1394, in Lewis, p. 298: Prima Conclusio est, quod, quando Ecclesia Anglia? incepit delirare in temporalitate secundum novercam suam magnam Ecclesiam Romanam, et Ecclesiae fuerant auctorizata? per appro- priationcm diversis locis ; fides, spcs, charitas inceperunt fugere de Ecclesia nostra, quia supej'bia cum sua dolorosa gcnealogia mortalium peccatorum vendicabat hoc titulo veritatis. — Secunda Conclusio, quod nostrum usuale sacerdotium, quod incepit in Koma, fictum potestate Angelis altiori, non est istud sacerdotium, quod Christus ordinavit suis Apostolis. — III. quod lex contincntia; injuncta sacei'dotio, quas in pra^judicium mulierum prius fuit ordinata, inducit Sodomiam in totam sanctam Ecclesiam. — IV. quod fictum miraculum saci'amcnti panis inducit onuies homines — in idolatriam. — Sed vellet Deus, quod ipsi vellent credere, quod Doctor Evangelicus dicit in suo Trialogo, quod panis Altaris est accidentaliter corpus Christi. — V. quod Exorcismi et henedictiones factae super vinum, panem, aquam et oleum, sal, ceram, et incensum, lapides Altaris, et ecclesiae muros, super vestimentum, mitram, crucem et baculos peregrinorum sunt vera practica necromantiffi polius quam sacra theologis. — VI. quod Rex Episcopus in una persona, Prselatus et judex in temporalibus causis, Curatus et Officialis in mundiali officio facit quodlibet regnum extra bonum regimen. — VII. quod spirituales orationes pro animabus mortuorum factte in Ecclesia nostra, praeferentes unum per nomen antequam alium, est falsum fundamentum eleemosyna;. — VIII. quod peregrinationes, orationes, et oblationes factfe crucibus sive Rodys, et surdis imagi- nibus de ligno et lapide, sunt prope consanguinete ad idolatiiam : — imago usualis de trinitate est maxime abominabilis. — IX. quod auricularis confessio, qua? dicitur tarn necessaria ad salvationem hominis, cum ficta potestate absolutionis, exaltat superbiam Sacerdotum, et dat illis opportunitatem secretarum sermocinationum, quas nos nolumus dicere, quia Domini et Dominse attestantui-, quod pro timore confessorum suorum non audent dicere veritatem, et in tempore confessionis est opportunum tempus procationis, id est of Wowyng et aliarum secretarum conven- tionum ad peccata rnortalia. Ipsi dicunt, quod sunt commissarii Dei ad judicanduni de omni peccato, ad perdonandum et mundandum, quemcunque eis placuerit. Dicunt, quod habent claves cceli et inferni, et possunt excommunicare et benedi- cere, ligare et solvere ad voluntatem eorurn, in tantum quod pro tussello vel XII denariis volunt vendere benedictionem CceII per cartam et clausulam de warrantia (garantie) sigillata sigillo communi. — X. Quod homicidium per bellum vel prffitensam legem justitiae pro temporal! causa sine spirituali revelatione, est ex- presse contrarium Novo Testamento, quod quidem est lex gratia; et plena miseri- cordiarum. — XI. quod votum continentia; factum in nostra Ecclesia per mulieres, quas sunt fragiles et imperfectai in natura, est causa inductionis maximorum horri- bilium peccatorum possibilium humana; naturae : quia, licet interfectio puerorum antequam baptizentui-, et abortivorum, et destructio naturs per medicinam sint turpia peccata, adhuc commixtio cum seipsis vel irrationalibus bcstiis, vel ci'eatura non habente vitam, tali transcendit indignitate, ut puniantur poenis inferni. — XII. quod multitudo artium non necessarium usitalarum in nostro regno nutrit multum peccatum in Waste curiositate et inter Disguising. — videtur nobis quod aurifabri et armatores, et omnimodae artes non necessariw homini secundum Apostolum destruerentur pro incremento virtutis. Chap. VIII. Reformers. § 123. John Wicliffe. 149 his doctrines,i6 denouncing especially his translation of the bible^' but without effect. At length under the young Henry V. (A. D. 1413) at the instigation of the clergy, in particular of his father con- fessor, the Carmefite Thomas Waldensis,i» a bloody persecution was commenced, and the Wicliffites in England seemed soon to be entire- ly exterminated. I'J But the truth thus persecuted and trampled down soon rose again in its full vigor. The renewed condemnation of Wicliffe at *the council of Constance, with the sentence that his bones should be dug up and burned (A. D. 1428), '-^^ only served to show the impotence of earthly power in the struggle/-^!. 16 cf Wilkins Cone. Britannise, vol. III. p. 202 seq. Compare especially Cone. Londin. ann. 1396, p. 227 seq. (Mansi XXVI. p. 811 seq.), where again 18 pro- po4tion« ofWicliffe's were comlemned ; •ind Constitutiones Bom. TJiomcB Arundel Cantuar. Archiep. ann. 1408, in Wilkins, p. 314 (Mansi XXVI. p. 1031). " In A. D. 1401, Wicliffe's translation was attacked by the Franciscan, William Butler (see Jac. Usserii historia dogin. controversia; de seripturis et sacris verna- ciiHs, Lend. 1690. 4to. p. 163). — Constitutionum ThomcB Arundel, ann. 1408. Const. VII: Periculosa qiioque res est, testante b. Jeronymo, textum sacrae scri- pturffi de uno in aliudidioma transferre, eo quod in ipsis translationibus non de lacih idem in omnibus sensus retinetur, proutidem b. Jeronymus, etsi mspiritusfmsset, se in hoc s*pius fatetur crrasse. Statuimus igitur et ordinamus, ut nemo deniceps aliquem textum sacra; scripturae auctoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam vel aham transferal per viam lihri, libelli aut tractatus: nee legatur aliquis hujusmodi liber, libellus aut tractatus jam noviter tempore dicti Johannis Wy cliff, sive citra, com- positus, aut inposterum componendus, in parte vel in toto, publiee vel occulte, sub majoris excommunicationis poena, quousque per loci dioecesanum, seu si res exe- gerit per Concilium provinciale ipsa translatio I'uerit approbata. Qui contra tecerit, ut fautor hffiresis et erroris similiter puniatur. '** He too with many others, wrote a Doctrinale antiquitatum fidei Ecclesiae Cathol. (against the followers of Wicliffe and Huss), ed. Paris. 1532. Venet. 1571. lol. la The persecution began with the arrest of John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, who escaped from the tower, but was, at length, imprisoned again, and in A. D. 1416, huno- in chains, and burned. Comp. Walsingham hist. Anglia-, p. 382 seq. Eiusll. hypodigma Neustria;, p. 574 seq. Jo. Fox rerum in ecclesia gestarum, quce postremis'et periculosis his temporibus evenerunt (Basil. 1559. fol.), P. I. p. 97 seq. — Compare Tliomas Waldensis in prooemio ( Raynald. ann. 1414, no. 16) : Henricus V. Christo et mundo commendatissimus inter Reges, gaudebat in ipso regni sui primordio contra Wiclevistas ha-relicos erexisse vexillum, dum scilicet ad Christi natalem cum duce iniquitatis eorum Joanne Castriveteris (Oldcastle) contra inclytum Regem conspirare eoeperunt: nee mora longa processit, quin statutum publicum per omne regni concilium in publico emanavit ediclo, quod omnes WiclevistEC, sicut Dei proditores essent, sic proditores Regis et regni, pro- seripti bonis censerentur, duplici poenae dandi, incendio propter Deuni, suspendio propter Regem factumque est ita. Stat res jure perenni. Multi eorum deprehensi ignibus eonsumti sunt, contriti sunt: et sic malignantium habita opportunitate relicto regno decesserunt. Si qua alia gens (Bohemia) hujus fascinata criminibus colligere dignum ducat paleas, quas nos auctoritate sanctorum antistitum cum clero reoni et principali terrore discussimus, quis imputet Anglicis ? Mare nostrum ejiat mortuos nostros, et terra nostra dedit fructum eentuplum, quis criminabitur Angliam, quod populus circumventus dolo haeretico mortuos nostros eolit et vene- ratur ut Deus .' 20 The council of Constance at its eighth sitting, on the 4th of May, 1415, condemned 45 articles of Wicliffe's, sentenced his books to be burned, and re- .solved, corpus ejus et ossa, si ab ahis fidelium corporibus discerni possint, exhu- mari et procul ab eeclesiastica sepultura jactari secundum canonicas et legitimas sanct'iones (v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. IV. p. 150 seq.). A.s late as 1427, how- 150 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. CHAPTER NINTH. PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. ^ 124. In this period the last heathen nations of Europe were converted to Christianity in as fiir as depended on the mere performance of the rite of baptism. In Lithuania the Greek church had already made some converts, when the Grand Duke Jagello, in order to secure the hand of Hedwig, the heiress of the Polish crown, caused himself to be baptized into the Romish church (A. D. 1386), and called on his subjects to follow his example.i But although many were baptized,^ ever, Martin V. had to enjoin the execution of this command on the bishop of Lincoln again and again (see Raynald. ann. 1427, no. 14). *• The Lutheran theologians do injustice to Wicliffe. Luther condemns his doctrine concerning the last snpper, calling him the spitzigen Wicliffe (the subtle Wicliffe) (Bekcnntniss vom Abendmahl Chiisti in Walchs Ausg. Th. 20. S. 128S and 1294). Melancthon in Apologia August Confess, ad Art. XVI : Plane furebat Wiglefus, qui negabat licere saccrdotibus tenere propriura. And even in the Unschuldigen Nachrichten, A. D. 1712, S. 558, Wicliffe is denied a place amongst the true reformers. ' Jo. Blugossi (Canon, in Cracow, f 1480) hist. Polonis. Francof 1711. fol. Lib. X. p. 96 seq. According to p. 104, Jagello's brother Switrigal, and his cousin Witondt were baptized with him at Cracow : reliqui Lithuanice Duces, fratres Ducis Jagyellonis cum dudum ante Grscorum ritu baptisma sortiti fuerint, ad iterandum, vel ut signihcatiori verbo utar, ad supplendum baptisma non poterant induci. Compare Schlossers Gesch. von Litthauen, in der Allgem. Weltg-esch. Th. 50. S. 84 ff. b 6 2 Jo. DIugossus, 1. c. p. 109 seq. In A. D. 1387, Jagello, now Wladislaus II., repaired with a great retinue to Lithuania, and there commanded all the heathen relics to be destroyed. Confractis autem et exterminatis idolis, dum Deorum suorum falsitatem — oculis pervidissent, universa Lithuanorum gens et natio fidem Christianam suscipere — prona et obedienti devotione consensit. Per dies autem aHquot de articulis fidei, quos credere oportet, et oratione dominica, atque symbolo per sacerdotes Polonorum, magis tamen per Wladislai Regis, qui linguam gentis noverat et cui facilius assentiebat, [operam] edocta, sacri baptismatis unda renata est, largiente Wladislao Rege singulis ex popularium numero post susceptum baptisma de panno ex Polonia adducto novas vestes, tunicas, et indumenta. Qua quidem provida liberalitate et largilione effecit, ut rudis ilia natio et pannosa, lineis in eam diem contenta, fama hujusniodi liberalitatis vulgata pro consequendis laneis vestibus catervatim ad suscipiendum baptisma ex omni regione accurreret. Et quoniam labor inunensus erat, unumquemque credentium baptisare singillatim, concurrents ad baptisma populi Litbuanici utriusque sexus multitudo mandante Rege sequestrabatur in turmas et cuneos, et universis de qualibet turmarum bene- dicta aqua sufficienter conspersis, cuilibet etiam turmae et universis, qui in ea constiterant, nomen Christianum et usitatum abrogatis barbaricis, videlicet prirose turma Petrus, secunda; Paulus, etc. — imponebantur. Militaribus tamen et natu majoribus specialis impendebatur baptisma, etc. Tbe nature of this conversion will be better understood by the following facts : the Lithuanian prince had been baptized once in Prussia, in 1384, when he took refuge with the Order of the German Knights (see JahrbUcher J o h a n n e s L i n d e n b 1 a 1 1 s [a contemporary] Chap. IX. Conversions. § 125. Of the, Jews. 151 they remained in fact as completely heathen as before.^ Such was likewise the case amongst the Laplanders, whom Hemmuig, arch- bishop of Upsal, undertook to convert (A. D. iSao)."* The popes still continued to flatter themselves with false hopes of converting the Moguls to Christianity, though most of the nations comprehended under that name had now decidedly embraced Mo- hammedanism.5 The small Christian church in China was entirely destroyed by the expulsion of the Moguls from that country (A. D. 13C9).6 <^ 125. PERSECUTION AND CONVERSION OF THE JEWS. The Jews in the 14th century underwent various persecutions, the offspring partly of avarice, and partly of religious fanaticism.i One ed by Job. Voigt u. Schubert Koniffsbera:, 1823, S. 60) ; and ag;ain by Russian priests (see Lucas Davids [f 1583] Preuss. Chronik, ed. by Henning;, Bd. 7. S 174 Anm. S. 1S9, 225), before he received baptism in Cracow. — The Samogi- tse a Lithuanian tribe, invited the German Order to come in and baptize them, in 1401 (Lindenblatt, S. 130) : in 1413, king Wladislaus found this land still heathen, and once more converted it (Dlu?;ossus, lib. XL p. 342 seq.) : but in 1418, the Samogitse drove away their priests, burned their churches, and returned again to paganism (Lindenblatt, S. 334). 3 .BEneas Sylvivs de Statu Europae sub Frider. IIL c. 20. (in Freheri Rer. Germ. Scriptt. ed. Struve, T. IL p. 114) relates on the authority of a monk, Hieronymus Pragensis, that only a short time before the council of Basil, idolatry was still extensively prevalent in Lithuania. When the monk, supported by king Wladislaus and duke Witoudt, began to destroy their idols, and their temples, there were symptoms of reformation : motus ea re Witoldus, veritusque populorum tu- multum, Christo potius quam sihi deesse plebem voluit, revocatisque Uteris, quas Pra;sidibus provinciarum dederat, jubens parere Hieronymo, hominem ex provincia decedere jussit. As late as the 16th century idolatry was secretly practised in this country, see Lucas David, Bd. 7. S. 205. * Jo. Schefferi Lapponia Francof. 1673. 4to. p. 63 seq. Dal in Gesch. des Reichs Schweden, Th. 2. S. 169. » Compare above, § 90, note 4. Mosheim hist. Tartarorum ecclesiast. p. 90 seq. 6 Mosheim, 1. c. p. 119 seq. 1 Comp. Josts Gesch. der Israeliten seit der Zeit der Maccabaer, Th. 6. S. 341 ff., and Th. 7. The common pretences for persecuting them were the poison- ing of wells, the desecration of the hostia, and the murder of Christian children. How much imposition was practised in this, see in Benedicti XILEpist. ad Alber- tum Ducem Austria, in Raynnld. ann. 1338, no. 18 seq. A persecution of the Jews in the territory of Passbu having risen out of the finding of a bloody hostia before the house of a Jew, the duke took part with the Jews, and wrote the Pope, quod olim in ducatu Austria; in oppido Neirmiburch — quaedam hostia non conse- crata cruore madefacta per quendam clericum in ecclesia dicti oppidi posita fuit, qui postmodum — confessus fuit, se dicto cruore prsfatam hostiam madidasse ad prffisumptionem inducendam, quod a Juda;is contumeliose dehonestata taliter exti- tisset in opprobrium Salvatoris, qua; etiam cum a Chrislitidelibus per aliquod teraporis spatium tanquam verum corpus Christi adoraretur, demum vermibus tineisque scaturiens demolita extitit penitus et consumpta. Quam quidam clencus ejusdlem eccleslEe sic consumptara aspiciens suggestione diabolica persuasus, erro- 152 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. of the most bloody was that which began in Seville, A. D. 1390, and spread over a great part of Spain, proving fruitful in pretended con- versions.2 APPENDIX I. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. <^ 126. ATTEMPTED UNION WITH THE LATIN CHUUCH. Leo AUatius de Eccl. Occident, et Orient, perp. Consensione, lib. H. c. 16-18. In order to secure the aid of the Western nations against the Turks, the Greek emperors of the 14th century exerted themselves almost incessantly to bring about a reconciliation of the two estranged churches. But, excepting themselves and a small court-party, there was no one on either side disposed to make the least concession, and all their efforts were of course in vain. The first who began these negotiations was the emperor Andronicus III., Palseologus (reigned A. D. 1328-1341), in the year 1333, ^ and in consequence of them a Greek embassy appeared at Avignon (A. D. 1339), but without effect.- The most conspicuous man in the embassy, the abbot Bar- rem errori accumulans, aliam hostiam non consecratam, cruore per ipsum intinc- tam, loco prfedicfEe hosfiae sic consumpta? reponere niinime formidavit, sicut post- inodum per confessionem ejusdem cleiici talia perpetrantis extitit revelatum : eademque hostia in alteiius locum supposita — usque ad hodiernum diem (anquam verum corpus Dominicum a Christifidelihus hujusmodi fraudem ignorantibus veneratur, — ca,sus similis ob invidiam et odium Judaeorum in oppido Werchartstof coeperat exoi-iri, etc. A similar case is related also by Jo. Vitoduranus, in the Thesaurus hist. Helvet. p. 44 seq., adding that the priest who had practised tlie deception suo Uiocesano erat prassentatus, qui eum captum et vinctum detinuit per plures dies, sed quod arctae custodiae carceris ti-aditus fuerit, vel alias secundum exigentiam malitis sua; punitus sit, non audivi : quod ex intimis meis doleo prae- eordiis. — Quod autem Episcopus suus remissus et negligens fuit, — in eo, ut quidam ajunt, ratio hffic est, quia per pecuniam — plebani — corruptus fuit. 2 Jost, 1. c. Th. 7, S. 53 ff. ' See the letters of Pope John XXH. to the Greek emperors, the patriarch of Constantinople, etc. in Raynald, ann. 133.3, no. 17 seq. — Of the negotiations in Constantinople with two hishops sent thither by the Pope (1334), see JViceph. GregorcB Byzantina hist. lib. X, c. 8 (ed. Bonn. 1829. vol. I. p. .501), who him- self had an agency therein. ^ See the Protocol (in Raynald, ann. 1339, no. 19 seq., and from a Ms. in Mla- tiiis, 1. c. p. 788 seq.) and Benedicti XH. ep. ad Philippum regem Franciae, Ray- naJd, ann. 1339, no. 33. The Greek ambassadors made application, quod in gene- rali concilio — articulus de processione Spiritus Sancti per disputationes et concer- tationes ibidem concordaretur inter Latinos et Graecos : quodque ante omnia super recuperatione trium vel quatuor civitatum magnarum, quae per Turcos — detineri dicuntur, — praestaretur auxilium. Barlaam, who spoke in the name of the embas- A^Jp. I. Greek Church. § 126. Attempted Union. 153 sy, promised : qiijecumque a generali concilio determinata fuerint, oinnes orienta- les libenter ha?c recipient. — Si autem aliquis (licet, quia jam factum est de istis generale concilium in Lugduno, in quo fuerunt et Gr«ci (see above, § 92, note 12) : sciat, quod nemo poterit iiumiliare populuin Gra-cuni, ut recipiant illud con- cilium sine alio concilio. Quare .' quia illi Gra;ci, qui interfueruut isti concilio, non luerunt missi neque a quatuor pntriarchis, qui gubernant orientalem ecclesiam, neque a populo, scd a solo Imperatore, qui conatvis t'uit focere unionem vobiscuni ex vi, et non voluntarie. He petitioned, however, that the help might precede the council, in the first place, quod naturaliter omnes homines magis volunt subjugari benefacientibus eis, quam contra facientibus, in the second place be- cause" till the war with the Turks should be ended, the emperor could not assem- ble a council, neque enim dum guerra fit, poterit quatuor patriarchas et alios pon- tifices in unum conjugare, nee concilio poterit interesse. The Pope refused to hold a general council, on the ground that non esset decens, — sic clarum, determinatum et definitum articulum fidci — nunc per novas disputationes — in dubium revocare. Barlaam then made the remarkable proposition, quod saltern, si ad protitendum dictum articulum Gra^ci forsan induci non possent, reunione facta permitterentur ipsi Graeci quod super eodem articulo tenent credere, Lati- nique crederunt catholice Spiritum Sanctum a Patre et filio procedere : but responsum extitit, hoc esse nullatenus tolerandum, quia in ecclesia catholica, in qua una fides esse noscitur, quoad hoc duplicem fidem minus veraciter esset dare. The Pope, on the other hand, proposed that the Greek church should choose plenipotentiaries to send to the West, qui cum aliis viris sapientibus, — per sedem Apostohcam super hoc deputandis, non per modum disputationis vcl concertati- onis, sed instructionis, quoad Gracos ipsos, salutifere haberent matures et dili- gentes tractatus. Barlaam kept to his proposition ; that the Pope should send ambassadors to the four Gieck patriarchs and the emperor, with the following declaration : Viri fratres, quoniam vos et nos confitemur in divinis unam sub- stantiam et tres personas, etiam unum principium, et neque vos neque nos addu- cimus in divinis aut identitatem personarum, aut divisionem substantia; ; sufficiant ista nobis, ut habeamus unionem. De processione autem Spiritus Sancti non dividamur ab invicem ; sed sapieutes quidem vestri cum uostris disputent de ista quajstione si volunt : communiter vero non haberemus propter hoc divisionem, sed tenete vos quod vultis de isto, et nos similiter; et non damnenms propter hoc alterutrum, sed factum sit tantum. Vos quidem date ecclesiae Romanre ilium honorem, quem dabant et antiqui patriarchae in tempore unionis, quern determinaverunt etiam leges Imperatorum et canones sanctorum patrum, et plus non petimus a vobis : Nos autem parati sumus dare et firmare ecclesife orien- tali, et specialiter ecclesiag Constantinopolitanae et imperio Constantinopolitano omnia jura, quas sunt vel ab antiqua consuetudine, vel determinata aut a legibus Imperatorum aut a canonibus sanctorum patrum. To such a proposition he thought that most of the Gjeeks would accede. The final answer of the Pope was, quod ex eo justa petitio non videtur, quia si [Gra;ci] fortificati, ditati, exaltati et confirmati per sedem Apostolicam, Keges, Principcs et populos catholicos ante reunionem prsdictam postea terga et non faciem verterent Romanas ecclesiaB memoratas, sicut alias, dum credebantur reuniti, — fecisse noscuntur; proculdu- bio idem dominus summus Pontifex, ecclesia, et fideles remanerent delusi, et dici posset opprobrium non modicum, quod suos et fide juverant et fortificave- rant inimicos et hostes, et participassent scandalose cum eis. Sed si per ilium, qui omnem hominem venientem in hunc miindum illuminat, eorundem Gra;co- rum cordibus infusione gratias spiritualis illustratis per viam tactam per eundem dominum nostrum vel aliam accommodam et honestam ad obedientiam — Romanse ecclesiae redire curaverint cum effectu ; ipsos tunc effusis gaudiis, ac gratiis et favoribus largiflue dispensatis — ipse dominus noster et Apostolica sedes recipient, — non solum super his qua; petunt, sed super aliis eoruin opportunitatibus exhi- bituri tunc — auxilia, consilia et favores. Barlaam, on his part, showed that the expedient recommended by the Pope de mittendis pro parte Graecorum sapienti- bus, was next to impossible : quia Imperator non audet manifestare se, quod velit uniri vobiscum, quoniam si manifestasset se, multi ex principibus suis, etiam ex populo, timentes ne forte ipse vellet facere, sicut fecit ipsis Michael Pala;- ologus, quKrerent opportunitatem interficiendi ilium. Prsterea ecclesia Constan- voL. III. 20 154 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409. laam,3 influenced probably by the result of his controversy with Gregory Palamas (A. D. 1341), went over to the Latin church, and called on his former friends to do the same.'* But so far were they from listening to him, that not even the example of the emperor John V., Palajologus (reigned from 1341-1391), who in his need repeatedly swore allegiance to the Pope (A. D. 1355 seq.),^ could induce the tinopolitana non mitteret ad hoc negotium legates suos sine consilio et consensu patriarcharum Alexandrini, Antiocheni et Jerosolyniitani : quare opoitet eos in simul congregare, quod est difficile propter guerras : et praeter hoc incertum est, si vocati ad hoc voluisscnt venire : et dato, quod jam venissent, et oinnes unanimi- ter concordassent ad niittendum legatos super pra-dictis, ipsi non darent unquam plenum posse super hoc talibus legatis, nee promitterent illud quod factum fuisset per ipsos legatos ratum habere, nisi sub certis articulorum pactis, qua; pacta vos nullatenus admitteretis. He went away, however, promising nevertheless to do all he could to bring about such an arrangement ; but nothing was done. 3 Before his conversion to the Latin church, he had written several works against it. See AUatius, 1. c. p. 823 seq. Cave hist, literaria, vol. II. App. p. 37, especially Xoyoi ^i^i rris mu Yiava a,^x^''> ^®*^ ^*^- ''^ ^''- Salmasii libr. de pri- matu Papae App. p. 101. "* In five letters, see Allatius, 1. c. p. 839 seq. Four of these are in Canisii lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, T. IV. p. 369 seq. ^ He took an oath to a Nuntius of the Pope, 1355 (RaynaJd, ad h. a. no. 34) : In primis quod ero fidelis, obediens, reverens, et devotus beatissimo patri et domi- no, domino Innocentio sacrosanctse Romans ac universalis ecclesise — summo Pon- tifici, et ejus successoribus. — Item quod faciam toto posse meo, — quod omnes populi sub nostro imperio constituti — erunt fideles, obedientes, reverentes et devoti eisdem domino nostro et summo Pontifici, et ejus successoribus. Et quia diuturnitas temporis induravit et aggravavit animos populorum, et vix possent a consuetis retrahi, et per viam novam incedere, nisi cum modo sapientia; et mode- ratione prudentia; ; istum modum, qui sequitur, — ordinavi : He promised to send the Pope his son Manuel Pakiologus, the Pope on his part was to furnish him with fifteen transports (usceria), five gallies (galeas), five hundred horsemen, and one thousand infantry for six months, to carry on the war against the Turks, in quo tempore legatus domini nostri Papfe dabit beneficia et dignitates ecclesiasdcas per- sonis sufficientibus Gra?cis, qui ad unioneni et obedientiam ecclesias sponte redi- bunt, secundum quod sibi et nobis melius vidcbitur. Ubi vero infra sex menses — Grasci sponte ad obedientiam ecclesiaj noluerint redire, quod non credimus, prornitfimus ex nunc pro tunc, quod facieinus cum consilio et deliberatione legati domini nostri Papa;, quod omnino erunt obedientes. He promises the papal legate palatium magnum and pulchram et venerabilem ecclesiam. Item dabo filio meo primogenilo unum magistrum Latinum, qui docebit eum literas et Jinguam latinam de consilio et voluntate dicti legati. Item dabo hospitia tria magna, in quibus tenebuntur scholar literarum Latinarum, et ego dabo operam efficacem et favorem cum corde sincere, quod filii magnatum et potentum Graecorum ibunt addiscere literas Latinas. In casu ubi pradicta omnia et singula non observarem, — ex nunc pro tunc judico auctoritate imperiali me indignum imperio, et privo memet ipsum jure imperii, et transfero, do, cedo jus et potestatem imperii et imperandi in prffidictum filium meum ; — transfero jus patriae potestatis in — summum Pontifi- cem super dictum filium meum : — do, concedo et trado potestatem — summo Pon- tifici, quod possit acquirere — imperium nostrum pro dicto filio nostro tanquam pro vero et legitimo Imperatore, et dare eidem filio meo uxorem, bajulos (governor), tutores et curatores usque ad prsfinitum tempus a jure ; et possit de pradicto imperio ordinare et disponere tanquam de imperio sibi de jure debito, vice et nomine prsdicti filii nostri, etc. In case, however, that all the terms of the compact were fulfilled, the Pope was to furnish him with various auxiliaries, and in part pay them ; the emperor to be always principalis capitancus et signifer et vexillarius s. matris Ecclesiae cum mero et mixto imperio et plenaria potestate over the whole army. If the emperor should not fulfil all conditions pro eo quod potentia et non voluntas deficeret, and should appear in person before the Pope, App. L Greek Church. § 127. Barlaam. 155 Greek nation to such a step. The son and successor of this prince, Manuel II. (A. D. 1391-1425), was himself the author of works against the Latins.'^ The peculiar doctrines of the church of Rome were attacked by several other Greek writers in this century.' Still there were not wanting instances of those who, like Barlaam, went over to the Latins, and wrote against their own church.*^ "^ 127. CONTROVERSY WITH BARLAAM. Dionys. Petavii de theologg. dogniatibus. T. I. lib. I. c. 12, 13. The censure passed by Barlaam on the gross manner in which the monks on Mount Athos (ot i]avxuCQVjEQ), supposed themselves to attain to the visual perception of the divine light,' involved him in a con- this last was to furnish him with the means of reconquering his empire. When it came to the trial, however, the summons of the Pope to the knights of St. John to go to the help of the emperor (Raynald, 1. c. no. 38 seq.), proved as ineffectual as those to the emperor to come over with his people to the Latin church ( Rayn- ald, ann. 1365, no. 22 ; ann. 1366, no. 1). The emperor swore fealty to the Pope before Lewis of Hungary, to whom he came for help (Raynald, ann. 1366, no. 4), and finally, A. D. 1369, entered the Latin church by assenting to a Roman con- fession of faith presented to him in Rome (Raynald, 1369, no. 2, Greek in Alla- tius, p. 843 seq.) : still he received neither the promised aid, nor did the desired union of the churches take place. 6 Though he had long resided in the West, see note 5. of. Leo Allathis de perp. consens. p. 854. ■^ For instance, Barlaam (see note 3) ; the monk Maximus Planudes, about 1340 (De processione spirit, sancti contra Latinos, ed. in Petri Arcudii opusculis aureis theologicis, Roma;. 1630 and 1671. 4to. p. 614) ; the archbishop of Thessalonica, Nilus'Cabasilas, about 1340 (De causis divisionum in Ecclesia and De primatu Papa; in Salmasii de primatu Papa; App. p. 10. De processione Spir. S. adv. Latinos, Ms. in Vienna, Basel, and Venice, cf. AUatius diatr. de Nilis et eorum scriptis,'p. 49 seq. Cave hist. lit. vol. IL App. p. 39) ; the monk Gregorius Pala- mas, about 1350 (libb. IL ^To'iiiKrix.oi quod non ex Alio, sed ex solo patre procedat Spiritus Sanctus, ed. with several other similar works. Lond. 1624. 4to.) ; the monk Nilus Dampla, about 1400 (several works de processione Spir. s. also De Damaso Papa et fide antiquae Roma?, and De Synodis duabiis Photianis, of which only fragments have been published in Leo AUatius lib. de Synodo Photiana, p. 179, and De Eccl. Occid. et Orient, perp. cons. p. 622, 857, 859, 916, 1375, 1376). — cf. /. G. Walchii hist, controv. Grascorum Latinorumque de process. Spir. s. p. 97 seq. ^ For instance, Demetrius Cydonius, about 1357, who in Milan became a con- vert to the church of Rome (cf. Caye hist. lit. vol. II. App. p. 57, .59) ; the Domi- nican, Manuel Caleca, about 1360 (cf. Jac. Qiietif et Jac. Echard Scriptt. Ord. Prasdicatorum, T. I. p. 719), the Dominican, Simon Constantinopohtanus (1. c. p. 558). — cf. Walch. 1. c. p. 109 seq. 1 It is related by the emperor Joh. Cai^acuzenus, who took an active part against Barlaam in this controversy (Hist. lib. II. c. 39, ed. Bonn. vol. I. p. 543), that this last, who had always be:?n secretly attached to the Latins, T^o(pajv Ka'i ^iiav ITihi^otTai sv rri i^v^rii *«' (fai; o^co(n Toig tretifiariKcT; iipS^xXfiois urT^aTTov Ti^] auTov;. 'Eor/ /Av civ Toli aXXoif vroXXriv Ka.TiyivuiffKl\i o j3cf^Xaa/,c avoiav tou avipcg xai afiaBiav ' f/.-/lv, ccrariuvcti kolXuii kou •^luhofji.xtotii xai Maa'a-aXiavous xa] 'Of;i(paXo-^v^ou{, X. r. X. Uaihiaiii had found tliere a soi-t of contemplation practised similar to that for which the following directions liad been jgiven by the abbot Simeon (see Allatins de Eccl. Occid. et Orient, perp. cons, pi 829) : xx^'irxs Iv fna yuvia xara f/,ova.$ fr^oj-sla; ■riiir,iras o Xiya ffoi ' xXiicov t»iv B-u^uv, Koi 'i-rapov i; xu^aiai L't^a, xa) \xutov (puriivcv oXav xa) liaxpiciu; ifi'^rXfov. (A similar practice wa9 found anion example ol Jesus on Mount labor: tl i(rav lOiTv, 71 BavfiatrTcv, ii xa) yZv tovs ayiovs fiaififiiv ^cuf o^av ■ avuBiv iXXafiirofaitovi \x BioZ. This, however, furnished IJarlaaiu uilh new cause of rebuke. He exclaims : T?f aTOTiasl xaTvov yd^ (pivyovris ifi-xirrruxafityi tU •prZ^ ' ax-ovi oi^an xa) hoiri^ou h ytj toIv &a[iMp (fiai axriffTov xa) 'Ti elXXo rt Bio; xaB' V(t,as ovh\)i yd^ dxTiirrov oV/ f/.h Bio; s'l ovm fn-riri X'Tior/aa to (pui; ixiivo, (KjjtJ BtoZ ovffiec (Seov ydo «t/3s/« laoaxi •xu/voti], t'i Xoitov ri ovc) Xarpiviiv Bio7s, Ivi /u,iv tu tuvtuv enfidov^yu, ov xa) ke^aTov ttols ti; av cftoXoywm, ^ivripai it tZ xaB' iifid; o^ufi'ivu uxTiffTef TOVTU ^UTI* ^ Cantacuzenvs, lib. II. c. 40. JKlcephoras Gregoras, lib. XI. c. 10 (ed. Bonn. vol. I. p. 557). " See the detailed accounts of Cantacuzenus and Nicephorus Gregoras, who both took an active part in the contest, the former in favor of, the other against, Palamas. — The deci'^ion of tlie synod, A. D. 1350, in Mansi XX VI. p. 127 seq. answers the question proposed to it by the emperor only by passages from the church fathers, p. 1.50 : -pr^uTov si 'irTiv iw) BtoZ Seotjst?? ^idx^iin; ovj-la; xa) ivi^ytia; (namely, p. 174, rSj Btia; (puirixn; hioyiias, p. 1 •'7, '"iTi; (pvffti xa) vT'ofuu; v^oritri* Appendix II. Oriental Churches. § 128. 157 APPENDIX II. HISTORY OF THE OTHER ORIENTAL CHURCHES. •^ 128. The kings of Armenia, always in need of the aid of the Western nations, were always anxious to maintain the connexion of the Armenian church with that of Rome.i Still, like the efforts of the Greek emperors, this was a mere political measure, and the disposi- tion to such union was confined to the court. All the efforts of the popes could not move the common people to give up their peculiar opinions.2 The aid received from the West being very inconsiderable, tKuvrij p(pu(nus, xa.) on olx cfecti fuerant cathedralibus Ecclesiis, aut Monasteriis virorum vacanti- bus in Praelatos, non arctabantur per sedem Apostolicam, ut in promtu plus solve- rent Camera; Apostolicae aut collegio Cardinalium pro communi servitio, quam medietatem taxa>, ad quam Ecclesias vel Monasteria ipsa in eadem Camera reperi- ebantur esse taxata. Et pro alia medietate solvenda promotis — dilatio dabatur. — Quas quidem taxas oportet promotos per ipsum Doni. Johannem integraliter sol- 166 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. bent all his powers to the struggle with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who maintained the cause of Gregory XII. After all his efforts had proved ineffectual, even a crusade against him which he had caused to be preached from A. D. 141 1,^^ the king was at length won over by negotiation, A. D. 1412, and Gregory Xll., betrayed and forsaken, had to seek refuge in Rimini with his friend Charles of Malatesta.i^ Not long after, however, Ladislaus quarrelled with his new friend, and advancing upon Rome, compelled John to fly into the North of Italy, and there throw himself into the arms of the emperor Sigismund. Under these circumstances, the emperor prevailed on him to summon the long desired General Council, which was at length to put an end to the confusion and dissensions of the church, at Constance, on the 1st of Nov. 1414.15. vere, — antequam lileras Apostolicas — tradantur ipsis promotis. — Ex quo contin- git, quod plures Ecclesiarum et dignitatum seu nionasteriorum, ad qute promoti sunt, possessionem nequeant apprehendere. Further, olim ante schisma — ratione inferiorura dignitatum et beneficiorum Ecclesiasticoi-um vacantium — non consue- verunt impetrantes medios fructus dignitatum et beneficiorum prafatorum eidem camera; solvere, priusquam ilia essent pacifice assecuti. Et tunc concordabant super illis cum collectoribus fi'uctuum diets camera; in diversis partibus debito- rum. — Nunc autem extorquentur dicti medii fructus ab impetrantibus ipsis in eadem curia, antequam eis liters Apostolicte confectce super talibus gratiis tradan- tur per officiales dictas camera;. — Et quod dcterius est, si forte centum concurre- rent pro uno beneficio vacante et reservato impetrando, daretur omnibus per Papam. Tamen si literas Apostolicas super ipsis impetrationibus suis vellent habere, quemlibet eorum incunctanter medietatcm fructuum dicti beneiicii pi-sefatfe camerae ante omnia solvere oporteret, licet nisi unus eorum illud assequi posset (coinp. Anonymus in Bulcsi hist. Univ. Paris, IV. p. 914). — Cap. 3, p. 260 : Cum igitur juxta praihabita pateat, quod apud Papam et ejus collegium Cardinali- um nulla vigeat charitas quoad alios Prajlatos et Christianos, sed perpetua et insa- tiabilis rapacitas potius ardeat in eisdem, ut qualitercunque dicebatur : dato, quod generale Concilium convocaretur et iieret, sicut dicis et consulis fieri debere, quails ex hoc ulilitas universalis Ecclesise resultaret .' Esto, etiam, quod omnes isti tres de papatu contendentes sponte cederent, aut ad cedendum compellerentur inviti, eisque novus Papa, sicut factum fuit in Pisis novissime, surrogaretiir : dicti Cardinales in statu eorum nihilominus remanentes dicerent, quod ad eos duntaxat spectaret electio summi Pontificis. Quod si obtinercnt, non est dubitanduni, quin unum ex se ipsis eligerent, sicut fecerunt in Pisis. Sicque nulla reformatio efii- cax et fructuosa ex cessione hujusmodi sequeretur, nisi vocalis, et unius personas mutatio tantum. Et hi quidem electus et electores juxta moies veteres eorum similiter perpetuum errorem in ipsa Ecclesia continuarent, quousque unus eorum in eodem statu in ipsa Ecclesia remaneret. Certum est enim, quod mystice sacer- dotes Bel cum eorum uxoribus et filiis omnes unanimiter in lacum leonum missi fuerint, ut per ipsos leones devorarentur. Quod si aliqui eorum supervixissent, extunc etiam cibos regies, eidem Bel singulis diebus appositos devorassent, prout ante deceptori facere consueverant. Et ne hoc deinceps fieret taliter, una sentea- tia super omnes justo Dei judicio lata subito perierunt. '^ Raynaldus, ann. 1411, no. 5 ; ann. 1412, no. 2. '4 Theodor. a JViem de vita Jo. XXIII. c. 22 and 24. H. Leo Gesch der italienischen Staaten. Th. 4to. (Hamburg. 1830.) S. 271 ff. '° Leonardus Aretinus in Muratori XIX. p. 928: Unicum remedium et Im- peratori et Pontifici videbatur generale Concilium advocari. Sed erant circa hoc ipsum constituenda permulta, ceu locus, tempus, modus. Missi sunt igitur his de causis ad Sigismundum Legati. Horuiii missio Legatorum ruinaj Pontiticis inilium fuit. Qua in re non videtur pra'tereundum mirabile quiddam, quod tunc accidit, ut omnia caelitus gubernari cognoscamus. Communicaverat mecum Pontifex arcane mentem ct cogitationem suam. In loco, inquit, Concilii rei summa est, Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Council of Constance. 167 ^ 130. COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE (5 Nov. 1414 to 22 April, 1418), martin v. (11 Nov. 1417, t 20 Feb. 1431). Magnum cecumenicuin Constantiense Concilium ex ingenti antiquissimorum, Msctorum mole diligentissime erutum op. H. v. d. Hardt. VI. Tomi. Francof. et Lips. 1700. Tom. VII. sistens indicem generalem. congessit G. Ch. Bohn- stedt. Berolini. 1742. fol. Theodorici Vrie (written also Vrige, Frig, Frie, and erroneously Uric or Urias, an Augustine monk in Osnabruck, see v. d. Hardt Prolegg. ad T. I. Cone. Const, p. 22 seq.) de consolatione EcclesicB libb. IV. written 1417, ed. by V. d. Hardt, with the title Historia Cone. Constantiensis {Cone. Const. T. I. p, 1 seq.) Histoire du Concile de Constance par Jaques Lenfant. Tomes II. k Amsterdam 1714. nouv. 6dit. 1727. 4to. Nouvelle Histoire du Concile de Constance, oii Ton fait voir, combien la France a contribu6 k I'exlinction du Schisme, par Bourgeois du Chastenet a Paris. 1718. 4to. (a continuation of v. d. Hardt and Lenfant). — Gasp. Royko's Geshichte der Kirchenversammlung zu Gostnitz. Prag. Th. 1. 2. 2te Aufl. 1796. Th. 3. 4to. 1784, 1785. Register 1796. gr. 8vo. The longing for peace in the church and a thorough reform had been only increased by the disappointment in the case of Alexander V. and the scornful disregard of John XXIII., whilst the principles and propositions so powerfully supported in the writings of John Gerson ^ were adopted by so many of those who assembled to the nee ego alicubi esse volo, ubi Imperator plus possit. Legatis igitur istis, qui a me mittuntur, mandata amplissima, potestatemque maximam ad honestatis speciem dabo, qucB palam ostentare possint, atque proferre ; secreto aufem man- datum restringam ad loca certa. Afterwards, however, he concluded to oive them only general instructions, ostendens quanti ponderis ilia res esset, cujus rei gratia niitterentur, and dismissed them with the injunction : vestrcB prudentice cuncta permitto. Vos, quid tnihi tutum, et quid formidandum, cogitetis. After the place had been agreed upon between the ambassadors and the emperor, Joan- nes incredibile quantum indoluit, se ipsum ac fortunam suam detestatus, quod tarn levitera cogitatione, propositoque, illo pristino restringendorum locorum descivisset. The bull, appointins the council, d. Laudae V. Id. Dec. 1413, see in Raynald ann 1413, no. 22. v. d. Hardt, T. VI. p. 9. j > ^ ' Especially in the work written 1410 (cf. cap. 21, cum ad prssens de facto vacet Imperium, et Imperii Electores diversis obediant). Opus de modis uniendi ac refonnandi Ecclesiam in Concilio universal! (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. I. P. V. p. 68 seq. and in 0pp. Gersonii ed. du Pin, T. II. P. II. p. 161 seq.), in which he attempts to meet the difficulties raised by Petrus deJllliacu de difficult'ate reform, in Cone. Univ. (see § 129, note 12). Worthy of remark is the distinction which he makes between the una, sancta catholica and the Aposfolica Ecclesia see V. d. Hardt, cap. 2, p. 70 : Catholica, universalis Ecclesia ex variis membris unum corpus constituenlibus — est conjuncta et nominata. Cujus corporis, uni- versahs Ecclesiae, caput Christus solus est. Ca;teri vero, ut Papa, Cardinales, et Prffilati, Clerici, Reges, et Principes, ac plebeji sunt membra infequaliter disposita. Nee istius EcclesicB Papa potest dici nee debet caput, sed solum vicarius Christi, ejus vicem gerens in terris, dum tamen clavis non erret. Et in hac Ecclesia, et in ejus fide omnis homo potest salvari, etiamsi in toto mundo aliquis Papa non posset reperiri. — Haec Ecclesia de lege currenti nunquara errare potuit, nunquam deli- 168 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. cere, nunquam schisma passa est, nunquain hKi-esi maculata est, nunquam falli aut fallere potuit, nunquam peccavit (accoi-ding to Gratian's decree, Cans. XXIV. Qu. 1, per totum). In ista etiam oiiines fideles, in quantum fideles sunt, unum sunt in Christo, in cujus fide non est distantia Judsi, Gra;ci, domini et servi. Alia vero vocatur Ecclesia Aposiolica particularis et privata, in catholica Ecclesia inclusa, ex Papa, Cardinalibus, Episcopis, Pra;latis et viris ecclesiasticis compagi- nata. Et solet dici Ecclesia Romana, cujus caput Papa creditur : caeteri vero Ecclesiastic!, tanquam membra inferioi-a et superiora, in ea includuntur. Et haec errare potest, et potuit Ailli et fallere, schisma et hteresin habere, eliam potest deficere. Et hJBC longe ininoris auctoritatis videtur esse universali Ecclesia : — et est quasi instrumentalis et operativa clavium universalis Ecclesia;, et executiva potestatis ligandi et solvendi ejusdem. Nee de recta conscientia majorera habet vel habei-e potest auctoritatem, et executionem potestatis, quam sibi ab universali Ecclesia conceditur. Cap. .5, p. 7.5 : Si propter salvationem unius regni, unius provincial, deponitur unus Rex, unus Princeps sa;cularis, qui per successionem perpetuam descendit : multo magis unus Papa, unus Praelatus est deponendus, qui ])er electionem Cardinalium fuit institutus, cujus pater et avus fbrsan ventres implore non sufficiebant fabis. Durum cnim est dicere, quod lilius unius Veneti piscatoris papatum debeat tencre cum detrimento totius reipublicre ecclesiasticae. — 8ed forte me voluisti capere in sermons per varia scripta, allegando, quod tarn sancta, tarn alta sit potestas Papi, ut a nullo mortalium judicari valeat nee deponi, ni-;i propter hajresin incorrigibilem : ad haec allegas Dist. XL. can. 6. Sed perpende, nji fi-ater, quanta fraude, quanta astutia temporibus antiquis fuerint facta et scripta quam plurima ad tenendain banc dignitatem Papatus. — Dico, quod tantam fraudem in administratione hujus Papatus fecerint aliqui antiqui, qui — multa jura sibi usurparunt, et pro se fccerunt, et de republica non curarunt. Et quis fecit illos libros, Sextum et Clementinas, arrogantiam, superbiam, juris Ordinariorum locorum usurpalionem, Imperatorum Romanorum injuriosam detrac- tionem, et eorum aliorumque potestatis periculosissimam suppressionem, et alia multa in spiritualis et sfeculaiis reipublicfe laesionem malitiose et pertinaci ambiti- one fabricata, in omnibus et per omnia concludentes. Et male : quia non minus terreno Principi in his, quffi ad jura pertinent imperii, quam spirituali in his, quK ad Deum spectant, debetur obedientia. — Igitur omnes inobedientes Romano Imperatori, et ejusdem imperio, quia ejus jura usurpant, in statu damnationis existunt. Nihilominus et Pap^ voluerunt observari illos sicut sancta Dei Evan- gelia. — Papa, ut Papa, est homo, et ut homo, sic est Papa, et ut Papa potest peccare, et ut homo potest errare. — Subjicitur ergo, ut alter Christianus, in omni- bus prsecepto et mandato Christi. — Cum ergo Chiisti prKceptum dicat : Si pecca- verit in te f rater tuus, corripe eiim inter te et ipsum solum: si te non audierit, adhibe duos testes, sin aiitem, die EcclesicB (Matth. xviii. 15) : cum ergo Papa sit meus frater et proximus in natura et in Christi fide ; — corripicndus est juxta processum prajcepti Christi. Non ergo illud decretum est tenendum, quod Papa a nemine sit judicandus. — p. 80 : Papatus non est sanctitas, nee facit hominem sanctum, licet volentem disponat ad sanctitatem, sicut faciunt csterae dignitates ecclesiasticas. — Et si dicatur: ilia sedes aut sanctum facit, aut sanctum invenit; intelligitur ita : deberet sanctum invenire. Ridiculum est enim dicere, quod unus homo mortalis dicat se potestatem habere in coelo et in terra ligandi et sol- vendi a peccatis, et quod ille sit filius perditionis, simoniacus, avarus, mendax, exactor, fornicator, superbus, pomposus, et pejor quam diabolus. — Cap. 9, p. 87 : Sed numquid tale Concilium, ubi Papa non pra^sidet, est supra Papam .' Certe sic. Superius in auctoritate, superius in dignitate, superius in officio. Tali enim Con- cilio ipse Papa in omnibus tenetur obedire, tale Concilium potest potestatem Papae limitare, quia tali Concilio, cum repra?sentet Ecclesiam universalem, claves ligandi et solvendi sunt concessaj. Tale Concilium jura papalia potest tollere, a tali Concilio nullus potest appellare, tale Concilium potest Papam eligere, privare et deponere, tale Concilium potest juia nova condere, et facta ac antiqua destruere, talis etiam Concilii constitutiones, statuta et regulae sunt immutabiles et indispen- sabiles per quamcunque personam inferiorem Concilio. Nee potest, nee potuit aliquando Papa dispensare contra canones sanctos in Conciliis generalibus, nisi Concilium spccialiter hoc illi commisorit ex magna causa. Nee facta Concilii potest Papa imnnitarc, imo nee intcrpretari, aut contra ea dispensare, cum sint sicut Evangelia Christi, quse nullam recipiunt dispensationem, et super quae Papa Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Council of Constance. 169 nullam habct jurisdictionem. — Cap. 10, p. 90: Concilium ergo generale, re- pra^sentans universaleni Ecclesiam, si affectat unionem integrani videre, si affectat schismata reprimcre, si vult Ecclesiain exaltai-e ; primo ante omnia ad instar sanctorum Patrum, qui nos pra;cesserunt, limitet ac terminet po- testatem coactivam et usurpatam papaleiu. (Here follows the passage cited above, § 106, note 3). p. 91 : Ideo sacrum universale Concilium reducat et reformet Ecclesiam univei-salem in jure antiquo. Et abusivam papalem in Decreto et Decretalibus, Sexto et Clementinis, nccnon Extravagantibus papalibus pra3tensam limitet potestatem. Christus enim nullam aliam potestatem Petro tri- buit, quam ligandi et solvendi, ligandi per pccnitentias, et solvendi culpas. Non enim illi contulit, ut beneficia tribueret, ut regna, castra et civitates haberet, ut Imperatores et Reges privaret. Quod si taliter potestatem Christus Petro contulis- set, utique ipse Petrus aut Paulus, quod nefas est dicere, valde peccassent, ant errassent in eo, quod Neronem Impeiatorem, quern sciverunt esse pessimum, et Christianorum immanissimum persecutorem, imperio non privarint. — Et quis un- quam legit, vel in veriiate audivit, quod antiquis temporibus Romanoriim Reges vel Imperatores consueverint ante Papam juramentum pra;stare, potissime ante- quam primus Otto Magni August! semper alter, juramentum reperitur in Decretis pra;stitisse .' quod indultum a quoquam Papm fuerit, ut reservationes cathedraliuni et aliarum Ecclesiarum ac Monasteriorum faceret .' ut propter pecunias homuies, Episcopos et Pra;latos excommunicaret, atque ab eorum dignitatibus destitueret, seu privaret, ac omni die festivo in valvis Curire .' ut primos fructus in Camera soleret aggregare, et excommunicatos emaciaret ac eos scandalizaret ? (cf. cap. 17, p. 110 : Tta ut jam non videatur Romana Curia esse, nisi quoddam forum pubh- cum, ad quod quo quis plura portaverit, plura mercimonia habehit.) — Reformetur etiam Ecclesia quoad Cardinales, qui tot commendas habent sine causa, destruentes tot Ecclesias et Monasteria. — Reformetur etiam Ecclesia in Pra>latis, in Monachis et Presbyteris. In Pralatis, ut electi ad Ecclesias vitae honestate, literarum suffi- cientia, et perfecta state excellentes per Ordinarios et Archicpiscopos contirmen- tur; in Monachis, ut vivant in observantia regulari : in Presbyteris, ut non prasfi- ciantur Ecclesiis, nisi virtutibus clari et literarum sufficientia fuerint imbuti, docti et instructi. — Rescindantur etiam abusive libertates et exemtiones, concessa; illis quatuor Ordinibus fratrum mendicantium, qiiibus nimium abutuntur. — Et liberen- tur ab ipsis omnino omnia monasteria Monialium, quia ipsi fratres, seu miilti ex eis in plerisque provinciis valde deturpant ipsas moniales eis subjectas. — Nimis etiam niultiplicantur hi fratres. Et quid opus est, ut in aliqua domo eorum fratrum, scilicet Colonic, — continue resideant LXX. eorum, aut plures, inter quos forsan non sunt quinque vel sex sufficientes ad proponendum verbum Dei populo. Et tot pro una tota provincia sufiicere possent. Cap. 12, p. 96 : Sed timeo, dato etiam, quod ista reformatio fiat in scriptis, etiam ccrtis juramcntis et firmamentis ac pactis adjectis, quod post per Papam et Cardinales, ac csteros ipsius Curia; Otficiales et Pi-*latos non observarentur, dicente Francisco Petrarcha in libro sine nomine : Crescentibus flagitiis hominum crevit veri odium, et regnum blanditiis atque mendacio datum est. Et quia difficile est, consueta relinquere. -— Cap. 16, p. 105 : Aut ergo congregetur Ecclesia ad hoc, ut sancita et actitata in concilio Pisano demande'ntur ulteriori et reali execution!, et il'.i duo (Greg. XII. et Bened. XIII.) privati de jure etiam priventur de facto. Aut ubi hoc remedium reperiri non polerit, quod est verisimile reperiri non posse propter adstrictas obedientias eis subditas, seu potentes obedientes ipsis, qui ab eis deviare nolunt : tunc, si illi duo privati et abjecti petant generale concilium, et promittant, se ibidem personahter velle comparere, et suojuri de facto, quod habent, libere et pure renunciare in casu, quo Dominus noster Papa Johannes etiam fuo juri renunciare velit : tunc in isto casu quid fiet, dicam sine pra;judicio, quod ipse Dominus noster. Papa, si ahas non potest consuli Ecclesia;, — non dico unum Papatum, sed plures, si essent possibiles, teneatur in casu isto libcnter et voluntarie renunciare, et Papatui suo cedere, ne respublica et tota Ecclesia propter unum hominem peccatorem sine virtutibus et exemplis bonis debeat perire. — Cap. 17, p. 107 : Tunc — universalis Ecclesia — reformabitur. Sed tunc caveat universaUs Ecclesia super omnia, ut nunquam sub quovis colore concedat Papa; potestatem dispcnsandi contra statuta generalis Concilii, aut ea interpretandi, seu immutandi propter varietates tempo- rum, et novos supervenientes casus; sod quod solum ilia debeant immutari per aliud Concilium generale, fiendum de tempore in tempus propter reformationem VOL. III. 22 170 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Council of Constance,- that John could not but see the danger that threatened him. He opened the council with the usual papal pomp (Nov. 5, 1414), but soon found himself deprived of the advantage of the majority secured by the number of Italian votes, which the popes had enjoyed at all former synods, by the decision to vote by nations.^ The strong wish, shared by all, to put an end to the Ecclesife. Luce enim claiius constat, quod pro majori parte facta et ordinata in quatuor generalibiis Conciliis principalibus, et aliis Conciliis per temporuin succes- siones statuta, cresccnte avaritia Pontificuin, Cardinalium, et Praelatorum, tarn per Papae reservationes, quain per iniquas Camera; Apostolicte constitutiones et Can- cellariffi regulas, et forimilas audientiii^ causaruin Rotas, et ambitiosas dispensalio- nes, absolutiones, indiilgeiilias, confessionalia, officium poenitentiariae sint fere immutata, annihilala, et quasi in derisum et obllvionein posita. — Cap. 24 : Subse- quenter auteni venio ad illas novellas constitutiones Alexandri et Johannis prasdic- torum, quibus cavefur, quod promotus ad aliquam Ecclesiam cathedi'alem, vel aliquod INIonasterlum, etc. et quod impetrans beneficium reservatum a Papa, etc. (see § 129, note 12.) Hiiic qua^stioni. Pater reverende, cum non sint de jure, sed de facto ha; pestiferae constitutiones, satisfacere nequeo ad pr^sens, cum sint super violentia manifesta, Sinionia publica, rapacitate lupina, et ovium Christi dispei-sione fabiicatae, quteque ad aliud non sunt, nisi ut eorum conditores furentur, mactent et perdant, ipsi videlicet Papae et Cardinales. Quocirca ut futurus Rex vel Impera- tor Romanus, Domino concedente, adhaereat dictis Angelo (Gregorio XII.), et Petro (Benedicto XIII.), et tali lupo rapaci, et tali raptori tyranno (Joanni XXIII.), qui non regnat in Ecclesia, nee principatur jiropter bonum commune, sed solum propter bonum privatum, et ejus principatus est manifesta tyrannis, quod sana conscientia compcllat, seu compelli faciat, aut audeat compellcre, non video. — Sic ergo concludo, quod superioi-ibus sit obediendum in Ileitis et honestis : non autem compelli debemus ad eorum obedientias, ubi opera eorum sunt notorie prava, et totam Ecclesiam scandalizantia ; ubi est patrimonii Christi manifesta dissipatio et injuriosa dispensatio ; ubi pastores sunt tonsores ; ubi non sunt agni, sed lupi ; ubi non sunt dispensatores niysteriorum Christi, sed dissipatores ; ubi non sunt sobrii, sed ebrii ; ubi non sunt Prailati, ponentes animas suas pro ovibus suis, sed Pilati, satisfacientes aliorum cupiditatibus et desideriis, et ubi non mittunt retia sua in capturam animarum, sed pecuniarum. Omnis enim eorum cura circa acquisitionem pecuniarum est. Et breviter, ubi non Christi, sed mores gerunt Anfichristi. Et ideo Christus dixit, talibus non obediendum. In novissimis enim temporibiis nnilti venient in nomine tneo, dicentes : ecce hie Christus, ecce illic Christus (Matth. xxiv. 23) : sicut niodo dicitur : ecce hie est veriis Papa, ecce iste alius est ^'el■us Papa. JS'^olite credere eis, ait Christus. Imo, si nos debemus subtrahere ab oiiini fratre andiulante inordinate, quanlo magis a superiori perverso et iniquo, ex cujus cxcn)plo tola corrumpitur respublica, et sancta mater Ecclesia deturpatur. ^ See the catalogue of Gebhard Dacher, taken by the order of the Elector of Saxony, who presided, in v. d. Hardt, T. V. P. II. p. 10 seq., and another in J u stingers Berner Chi-onik, S. 320 ff. Comp. Lenfant, T. II. p. 365 seq. Dacher's catalogue closes : Mulieres communes, quas reperi in domibus, et ultra et non minus, exceptis aliis, DCC. ^ See V. d. Hardt, T. II. p. 224 seq. The papal party wished quod in Concilio — soli Praelati majores, Episcopi ef Abbates habeant vocem in definiiiva sententia agendorum. This was opposed by the Card. Cameracensis (Petrus de Alliaco) in a Schedula, in which he i-eminds the council, quod a tempore nascentis Ecclesia; — varii fucrunt modi observati — in modo congregationis et deliberationis Concilio- rum gencialium. Nam, sicut patet in Aetibus Apostolorum, ciuandoque in Conci- liis congregabatur tota communifas Christianorum, quandoque Ei)iscopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi, quandoque soli Episcopi sine Abbatibus, quandoque cum Episcopis Ab- bates, quandoque Impeiator convocabat et congregabat Concilium. — Item scien- dum est, quod epiando in Conciliis generalibus soli Episcopi habcbant vocem defin- itivam, lioc fuit, quia habebant administrationem populi, et erant viri sancti et docti et electi prae ca;tcri3 in Ecclesia christiiina. Postea fuerunt additi Abbates Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Cuuucil of Constance. 171 schism, soon led to the resolution to annul the decrees of the Council of Pisa, on which the claims of John XXllI. were founded, and to induce all three popes to resign.'^ Fearing the result of an investiga- eadem de causa, et quia habebant adniinistrationein subjectorum. Et eadem ratione addi deberent Priores aut majores qiiarumcunque congregationuin plus quam Episcopi, vel Abbates inutiles, solum titulares. — Item eadem ratione, qua supra, non sunt excludcndi a voce detinitiva Sacra; Theologite Doctores, ac juris canonici et civilis. Quibus, et maxime Theologis, datur auctoritas pra;dicandi aut docendi ubique terrarum, qua; non est parva auctoritas in populo Christiano, sed multo major quam unius Episcopi vel Abbatis ignorantis, et solum titularis. Et quia antiquitus linec Doctorum auctoritas non erat introducta per modum Studiorura generalium, qux hodie auctoritate Ecclesia; observatur, de eis non fit mentio in antiquis juiibus communibus, sed in Concilio Pisano et Romano (of 1412) eorura auctoritas allegatur, et in detinitiva sententia se subscribunt. Quare eos in simili excludere praesens Concilium, quod est dicti Pisini continuativum, non solum esset absurdum, sed dicti Pisani Concilii quodammodo reprobativum. — Item quantum ad mateiiam terminandi prssens schisma et dandi pacem Ecclesis, velle excludei-e Rages, Principes aut Ambasiatores eorum — a voce seu determinatione etiam conclusiva, non viiietur justum, sequum, aut rationi consonum ; cum hujus- modi pacis conclusio ad eos et populos eis subjectos valde pertineat, et sine eorum consilio, auxilio et favore non possint ea, qua; in hoc Concilio concludentur, exe- cutioni mandari. To the same etTect the Schedula of Cardinalis S. Marci (Guil. Philasterius, Fillastre), p. 226 : Tu, quisquis es, qui prstendis primo, solos majo- res Pi-a;latos, ut his verbis utar, Episcopos et Abbates, habere vocem in gencrali Concilio : et ita excludis Doctores, Archidiaconos, Rectores parochialium Eccle- siarum, caeterosque dignitates habentes, quibus cura imniinet animarum, Ordines prajterea ecclesiasticos, Sacerdotes et Diacanos, die, ubi illos non admittendos legisti .■" Et si legeris Conciliorum antiquorum actiones, reperisti Sacerdotes et Diaconos admissos. — Si Canonista es, vide textum Canonis dicentem, quod Docto- rum Ordo quasi pr^cipuus est in fvcclesia Dei. Ilium ergo Ordinem, et quasi prascipuum Ordinem repellis, et admitlis indistincte Episcopos et Abbates, quorum pars major indocta. Et attende, quod Rex, vel Praelatus indoctus est asinus coronatus. Cum illis ergo Doctores admitte, ut illorum scientine defectum, qui tamen auctoritatem habent, istorum scientia et doctrina suppleant. Further : inter Episcopos et Presbyteros, quantum ad ordinationeni et meritum, Apostolus nuUam diflerentiam facit. Then arose the question, p. 230 : Quomodo decideren- tur agenda in Concilio, et fieret scrutinium votorum ? utrum per nationes in genere, quarum quatuor erant, nimirum Italiae, Gallia^, Germanic et Anglis, vel per capita singula .' Et licet clarum de jure videatur, quod perscrutanda sint vota per capita singula : quia tamen plures sunt Prcelati Italia; pauperes, quam fei-e de onmibus nationibus, pra;terea Dominus noster fecit in numero excessivo Prelates Cubicularios ultra quinquaginta ; dicitur pra;terea, quod niultos voluit sibi obligare juramentis et muneribus, alios minis terruisse, ut ita scrutando per capita nihil fieret, nisi quod vcllet Dominus noster ; in istis quEestionibus Concilium diu per- pendit. — Interim Nationes ulterioris Galliae, Germania; et Anglias, et ita postea ItaliEB, per se ipsas se congregaverunt et deciderunt de facto quKstionem. Cer- retanus says in Actis Cone. Const (v. d. Hardt IV. II. p. 40) : Die Jovis, septima Februarii, post nonnullas disceptationes decretum est, ut in Concilio per Nationes, et non per vota procederetur. * In the Congregation of December 7, 1414, it was proposed to the Italians who were devoted to the cause of John XXIII. (see Schedula in v. d. Hardt IV. I. p. 24), quod declararetur. Concilium Pisanum, omniaque et singula acta etgestain eo, indequc secuta, fuisse et esse rationabilia et canonica, et ab omnibus et per omnia admittendum fore, et sub poenis canonicis admitti debere, et executioni sub- jacere condemnata in co. Et pro eorum executione quod Papa teneatur et debeat expellcre Petrum de Luna, et persequi Ei'roriuni (Gregorium XII.) dejectos, eoriimque fautores et defensores. On the other hand, Fetrus de .Blliaeo, Card. Camerac nsis, sought to prevent the confirmation of the council of Pisa (Schedula in V. d. Hardt II. p. 194) : In prassenti Concilio non est revocandum in dubium, sed pro fundamento supponendum, quod Concilium Pisanum fuit legitinium, et 172 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. canonice celebratum, et ideo stabile et firmum. — Confirmatio Pisani Concilii, simpliciter et sine nova causa facta, non habet propi'ie auctoritateni mentes soli- dandi, sed magis irritandi, nee omnem scrupulo?itatem in causa dicti Pisani Conci- lii amovendi, seu errores circa ipsum extirpandi, sed magis novos eri'ores inducendi, et schismatis obstinationem conlirmandi, nisi prius convenientia reniedia adhibean- tur. In a second ScheJula he proposed (1. c. p. 196) : Quia ejeclio duorum con- tendentium de Papatu non est facilis vel verosiiiiilis obtineri via belli, tentandum erit, et diligenter tractandura, quod tiat pax per ipsorum reductioncm vel volunta- riam cessioneni. Still more distinctly in certain Conclusiones (1. c. p. 200) : Licet Concilium Pisanum probabiliter credatur reprtesentasse universalem Ecclesi- am, et vices ejus gessisse, qua; Spiritu Sancto regitur, et errare non poterit : tamen propter hoc non est necessario concludendum, quod a quocunque fideli sit firmiter credendum, quod illud Concilium errare non potuit, cum plura priora Concilia fuerint generalia reputata, quae errasse leguntur. Nam secundum quos- dam magnos Doctores generale Concilium potest errare non solum in facto, sed etiam injure, et quod magis est, in tide. Quia sola universalis Ecclesia hoc habet privilcgium, quod in fide errare non potest. In January, 1415, ambassadors arrived from Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. (y. d. Hardt IV. II. p. 33 seq.), and the former gave notice in the name of their master (v. d. Hardt II. p. 204) : Viam cessionis Papatus — ex nunc pura et sincera intentione offbrimus — juxta detcrminationem Concilii per Regiam Majestatem de omnibus obedientiis et natio- nibus in hoc schismate in civitate Constantiensi congi-egati, diclo Balthasare, qui a nonnullis Johannes XXIII. nuncupatur, non praesidente, nee interessente, cum effectu perficicndam, prasfatis Petio de Luna et Balthasar Cossa idem facientibus. Then in February the Cardinalis S. Marci (Gulielmus Philasterius, formerly Decan in Rheims) came forward with the proposal {v. d. Hardt II. p. 210) cessio- nis riendas ab omnibus, and in answer to the question, utrum ad illam teneatur Dominus Johannes .' replied : in casu, in quo est manifeste Summus Pontifex, quanto verior pastor Ecclesiae, tanto libentius, ferventius et citius debet pro pace et unione Ecclesiee aggredi viam cessionis et offerre. Patet conclusio ex dictis summi pastoris dicentis : bonus pastor aniinam suain ponit pro ovibiis suis (Jo. X. 12). — Si autern animam tenetur ponere, multo magis accidentia vitse, hono- rem, potestateui, doininatum. — Quia ex pra;missis tenetur ad hoc, igitur compelli potest, si recusat. — Nee dubitandum, quin generale Concilium sit judex compe- tens in hac parte. On the other hand, various Schedulo! were handed in by the papal party (1. c. p. 214 seq), in which it was shown, p. 216: Via cessionis, quae Domino nostro proponitur, — qouad Concilium Pisanum, est ii-rationabilis et injusta, quia est reprobativa et annullativa ipsius Concilii Pisani. To this it was answered by the Card. Cameracensis (p. 220): Licet Concilium (Pisanum) fuerit legitime et canonice convocatum, rite et canonice celebratum, et duo olim contendentes de Papatu juste et canonice condemnati, et electio Domini Alexandri V. fuerit canonice et lite facta, — prout hcec omnia tenet Obedientia Domini nostri Papae Johannis XXIII.: tamen duffi Obedientiae duorum contendentium probabiliter tenent contrai'ium. In qua opinionum diversa et adversa varietate non sunt minoi-cs difficultates juris et facti, quam ante Concilium Pisanum erant de justitia duorum contendentium. Ex quo scquitur sccunda conclusio, quod, sicut ante Concilium Pisanum ad evitandum difficultates juris et facti, ot piolixitatem, et dilationem pacis Ecclesiae, tunc acceptata fuit ab omnibus Christifidelibus et lau- data via cessionis amborum contendentium, sic et nunc trium contendentium de Papatu, similiter etiam majori ratione acceptanda est et laudanda. — Sexta conclu- sio : Licet regulariter Papa verus et canonicus, de ha?resi aut nullo notorio cri- mine Ecclesiam scandalizante non infamatus, nee suspectus, nequeat ab aliquo particulari collegio, seu persona singulari contra ea quae sunt sui juris compelli vel arctari : tamen ab universali Ecclesia, seu Concilio generali ipsam i-eprasentante, attenta prolixitate casus praesentis, pro pace Ecclesia; celerius pi-ocui'anda, juste posset ad cessionem compelli. Septima conclusio: Si in casu priEdicto Papa dictam viam pertinaciter recusaret, legitime posset tanquam schisnialicus et de fautoria schismatics pravitatis suspectus rationabiliter condemnari. The result of these negotiations was, p. 230 : Et finalitcr onmes declinarunt ad viam cessionis .secundum formam piima; schedule super hoc data; poi- Cardinalcm S. Marci. — Namely (v. d. Hardt IV. II. p. 41) : Die 15 mensis Febiuarii Germanica, Gallica et Anglica nationcs viam cessionis tanquam salubriorem ad nnionem Ecclesiae conficiendam elegerunt, utquc natio Italica eandem approbaret, impelrarunt. Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Council of Constance. 173 tion of his conduct which he s;i\v impending, John XXITI. was glad to give such a promise on the 2d March, 1415.^ Shortly after this (on the 21st of March) he fled to Schaf hausen ; ^ but the council, strengthened by the firmness of the emperor, who was present, and » Theodoricus de JViem de vita Jo. XXIII. lib. II. cap. 3 {v. d. Hardt II. p. 391): Quibussic stantibus (towards the middle of February, 1415) quidam,ut prae- sumitur, Italicus, multos articulos valde famosos, et omnia peccata niortalia, necnon intinita quodammodo abominabilia continentes contra eundem Balthasarem in eodem Concilio exhibuit in scriptis, tamen secrete, quod super illis contra eundem Balthasarem tieret inquisitio, et provideretur instanter per Concilium memoratum. Quibus quidem articulis per aliquot majores nationum Germanic, Anglia; et Po- lonis perlectis, ipsi nullatenus consentire volebant, quod dicti articuli publicaren- tur, aut contra ipsum Balthasarem inquisitio fieiet hujusmodi super illos. Et hoc propter honestatem. Et si contrarium fieret, ut asserebant, per hoc niacularetur sedes Apostolica, et confunderentur enormiter etiam omnes de obedientia dicti Balthasaris, et ponerentur in dubio promotiones et provisiones per ipsum facta;, et multa scandala exinde subsequi possent. Plerisque etiam aliis nobilibus viris assentientibus et consulentibus, quod ilia via inquisitionis tieret, qua; conipendiosa foret, et ipsi articuli, et contenta in eis, saltern pro majori parte essent notoiia seu mani'festa, et propterea modica vel nulla probatione indi^erent. Quibus etiam interim clanculo et proditorie ad notitiam dicti Balthararis deductis illico mente cousternatus est, et coepit valde tremere et timere, ac etiam quosdam sibi secretes Cardinales — consulere, — asserens, quod qusdam in ipsis articulis descripta tan- quam homo peccando commisisset, et aliqua non. Et proposuit tunc in mente sua, prout et ore propalavit, quod ipsemet dictum Concilium vellet personaliter acce- dere, et qute de contentis in eisdem articulis perpetrasset, coram ipso Concilio in publico fateri, ywmiarts se in hoc, quod Papa propter quodcutique delictum, ut dicebat, nini i^opter hcuresin, deponi non posset. — Cap. 4 : Concilium autem, seu majores deputati in eodem, ignorantes, quod ipse Balthasar pra;dictos articulos sciret, — accesserunt ad eum, rogantes unaniniiter, ut viam cessionis sui Papatus eligeret, ad hoc, quod alii contendentes de Papatu illam similiter acceptarent, quia alias non viderent modum aptum, quod prsefata unio fieret in universali Ecclesia pro hac vice. Ad hoc ipse la;to animo, observata tamen, ex industria, quadam o-ravitate, respondit, se facturum quod peterent, dum tamen ipsi alii duo conten- dentes idem facere vellent. Maluit enira illam viam per se, ut existimo, amplecti, quam pra;dicti articuli ad ejus dejectionem a Papatu admissi et probati fuissent. The first form of the promise given by John {v. d. Hardt II. p. 232), displeased the council, because he would not promise nisi aliis cedentibus, and propter verba irritativa, quia alii vocantur condemnati de ha;resi. At length, on the 1st of March, he adopted the following, and took the oath on the 2d of March, in the Sessio generalis II. (1. c. p. 240) : Ego Johannes Papa XXIII. propter quietum populi Christiani profiteer, spondeo et promitto, juro et voveo Deo et Ecclesia?, ac huic sacro Concilio, sponte et libere dare pacem Christi Ecclesiae per viam meai simpli- cis cessionis, et eam facere et adimplere cum effectu juxta deliberationem prresen- tis Concilii, si et quando Petrus de Luna, Benedictus XIII., Angelus Corario, Gregorius XII. in suis obedientiis nuncupati, Papatui, quem pra;tendunt, per se vel procuratores suos, legitime cedant : et etiam in quocunque casu cessionis vel decessus, aut alio, in quo per meam cessionem poteiit dari unio Ecclesise Dei per exstirpationem prEesentis schismatis. Wlien called upon to confirm this by the literas tesUmoniales, he at first refused (Theod. de J\lein,]. c.) ; on the 7th of March, however, he issued a Bull, in which the promise was word for word repeated (see in v. d. Hardt IV. II. p. 53). s Theod. de jXiem II. 7. The letters to the king of France, the duke of Or- leans, and the university of Pai-is, in which the Pope attempts to excuse his flight on the ground that he was not safe in Constance, nor free to act, the council being under the control of the emperor, &c. see in v. d. Hardt II. p. 253 seq. Similar letters were sent to the king of Poland, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, see Bourgeois du Chasfenet, Preuves, p. 318 ; to the duke of Orleans in J. G. Schelhorns Ergosslichkeiten aus der Kirchenhistorie u. Literatur, Bd. 1, S. 27 f. Letters of the council in their own justification in v. d. Hardt IV. p. 108, 174 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the bold and energetic words of Gerson," were not deterred by this from declaring its purposes and asserting its rights as regarded the papal power in a number of formal decrees.* The process was then to the king of France, ibid. p. 129; fuller in Schelhorn, 1. c. S. 22.5. In the first, p. Ill : Nos igitui', cum omnia diligentcr pensanius, et maturo judicio deliberamus, nil, aliud eundem (Papain) attentasse conspicimus, quam hujusmodi Concilii disso- lulioncm, utpote acl unionem Ecclesi^E intendentis. And thus, too, according to Theod. de j\'iem II. 8, the Pope's cardinals in Constance strove to spread the notion, quod Concilium dissolutum esset propter absentiam et recessum dicti Bal- thasaris. ' See Oratio publica de Concilii aucfoiitate on the 23d of Mai-ch in v. d. Hardt II. p. 265 seq. Gersonis 0pp. ed. du Pin, T. II. P. II. p. 201 seq. * Sess. generalis III. d. 26 Mart. Decreta pro Concilii integritate et auctoritate post fugam Paps, per Cardinalem Zabarcllam pra-lecta (in v. d. Hardt IV. p. 72) : Ad honorcm, laudein et gloriam sanctissimae Ti'initatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, pacemque in terris hominibus bonK voluntatis divinitus promissam in Dei Ecclesia consequendum, h»c sancta Synodus, sacrum generale Concilium Con- stantiense nuncupata, pro unione et reformatione dictaj Ecclesias in capite et in inembris tienda, in Spiiitu Sanclo hie debite congregata, decernit, declarat, diffinit, et ordinat, ut sequitur : Et prime, quod ipsa Synodus f'uit et est recte et rite con- vocata ad hunc locum civitatis Constantiensis, et similiter recte et lite initiata et celebrata. Item quod per recessum Domini nostri Pap:e de hoc loco Constantiensi, vel etiam per recessum aliorum Prajlatorum, seu aliorum quorumcunque, non est dissolutum hoc sacrum Concilium, sed remanet in sua integritate et auctoritate, etiamsi quaj ordinaliones factas essent in contrarium, vel tiei-ent in futurum. Item quod istud sacrum concilium non debet dissolvi, nee dissolvatur usque ad perfec- tam exstii-pationem pra;sentis schismatis, et quousque Ecclesia sit reformala in lide et in moiibus, in capite et in mombris. Item quod ipsuni sacrum Concilium non transferatur ad alium locum, nisi ex causa rationabili, et de consilio hujus sacri Concilii deliberanda et concludenda. Item quod Pradati et alii, qui debent inter- esse huic Concilio, non recedant ab hoc loco ante finitum Concilium, nisi ex causa rationabili, examinandi per dcputatos sou deputandos ab hoc sacro Concilio. Qua causa examinata et approbata possint rcccdei'e cum licentia ejus vel illorum, qui habebit vel habebunt auctoritatem. Et tunc recedens teneatur dimittere potesta- tem suam aliis remanentibus sub po^nis juris et aliis per hoc sacrum Concilium indicendis et contra eos exequendis. Still moie important resolutions were passed immediately after. The cai-dinals demanded that various omissions should be made, and though the council did not yield {v. d. Hardt IV. p. 81 seq.), the propo- sed omissions were formally announced by the Cardinalis Florentinus (Zabarella) in the Sess. gen. IV. on the 30th of March, see 1. c. p. 89. This excited a general feeling of displeasure (1. c. p. 92) against the cardinals ; see the furious invectives of Benedictus Gentianus, the ambassador of the university of Paris, in v. d. Hardt II. p. 279. By a unanimous resolution, the former decrees were contirmed without any change, Sess. gen. V. on the 6th of April, see v. d. Hardt II. p. 98 (what Zabarella wished to leave out is marked by Italics) : In nomine sancta; et indivi- duae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, Amen. Haec sancta Synodus Constantiensis, generale Concilium faciens, pro exstirpatione prassentis schismatis, et unione ac reformatione Ecclesia; Dei in capite et in membris fienda, ad laudem omnipotentis Dei in Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata, ad consequendum facilius, securius, uberius, et liberius unionem ac reformationem Ecclesise Dei, ordinat, diffinit, statuit, decernit et declarat, ut sequitur. Et prime declarat, quod ipsa in Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata, generale Concilium faciens, et Ecclesiam Ca- tholicam nulitantem reprffisentans, potestatem a Christo immediate habet, cui qui- libet, cujuscunque status, vel dignitatis, etiamsi papalis, existat, obedire tenetur in his, qu* pertinent ad tidem et exstirpationem dicti schismatis, ac generaletn refor- mationem Ecdesicp Dei in capite et in membris. Item declarat, quod qiiicun- que, cujuscunque conditionis, status, vel dignitatis, etiamsi papalis, existat, qui mandatis, statiitis seu ordinalionibus, out praceptis hujus sancta Synodi et cujuscunque alterius Concilii generalis legitime congregati, super prcemis- sis seu ad ea pertinentibus, factis vel faciendis obedire contumaciter contem- Chap. I. Papacy. <^ 130. Council of Constance. 175 introduced against John XXITI., which ended in a sentence of deposition on the 29th of May, 1415.9 Gregory XII. resigned volunta- serit, nisi resipuerit, condigncB pcenitenticB subjiciatur, et Jebite puniatur, etia:^ ad alia juris subsidia, si opus fuerit, recurrendo. Item diffinit et ordi- nat sancta Syiiodus, quod Dominus Johannes XXIIl. Ronianam Ciuiaiii et OtBcia publica, illius seu illorum Officiarios de hac civitate Constantiensi ad alimn locum non mutet aut transferat, seu personas dictorum officiarioruni ad sequendum eum directe vel indirecte cogat, sine deliberatione et consensu ipsius s. Synodi. — Item ordinal et ditfmit, quod onines et singula: translationes Pralatoruni, necnon phva- tiones eorundem aut alioruni beneficiatoruni, officialium, administratorum, quarum- cunque coinmendarum ac donationum revocationes, monitiones, censurae ecclesias- ticaj, processus, sentential, et quaecunque acta gesta, geienda, agenda aut fienda per praifatum Dominum Johannem Papam, aut suos officiarios vel commissaries in la;sionem dicti Concilii seu adha?rentium eidem, a tempoi'e inchoationis ejusdem Concilii — facta seu facienda, — auctoiitate hujus sacri Concilii ipso facto sint nulla, cassa, irrita et inania. — Item declarat, quod idem Johannes Papa XXIIL et omnes Prcelati, ac alii ad hoc sacrum Concilium vocati, et alii in eodem Concilio existentes, in plenaria libertate fuerunt et existunt, ut visum est dicto sacra Concilio, nee ad notitinm dictorum vocatorum seu dicti Concilii contrarium deduct um est. Et hoc testijicatur dictum sacrum Concilium coram Deo et hominibus. Of these resolutions the lirst Sess. V. has always been par- ticularly displeasing to the Italians, who have thus been led to dispute its authority, e. g. Card. Cajetonus de auctoritate Papse et Concilii, Bellar^ninus de Conciliis et Ecclesia, lib. II. c. 19, Jlndreas Vallius de suprema potest. Papa; P. IV. Qu. 7. The French, on the other hand, have defended it, see Richerii hist. Conciliorum, lib. II. c. 3, § 7. The French clergy having declared in the celebrated proposi- tions of A. D. 1682, nee probari a gallicana Ecclesia, qui eorum decretorum, quasi dubife sint auctoritatis ac minus approbata, robur infringant aut ad solum schismatis tempus Concilii dicta detorqueant ; there appeared the work Emanuel a Schelstraten Actu Constantiensis Concilii ad expositionem decretorum ejus sessio- num quartse et quintaj facientia, nunc primum ex Codd. Mss. in lucem eruta ac dissertatione illustrata. Antverp. 1683. 4to., in which not only the former eva- sions are repeated, but it is further maintained that the iirst resolution of the 4th Session was interpolated by the Council of Basil, by order of which the Acts of the Council of Constance were tirst collected ; and that it should be only : in his quae pertinent ad exstirpationem dicti schismatis : whilst the decrees of the 5th Session were passed without due consideration, and had not the consent of all. In answer to this Louis Maimbourg traite hist, de rctaMissement et des preroga- tives de I'eglise de Rome et de ses eveques. Paris. 168.5. 12mo. c. 23-25. Du Pin de antiqua eccl. disciplina. cap. VI. § 6. JS/atalis Alexander hist. eccl. Sa;c. XV. et XVI. Diss. 4. Since the more accurate accounts of the consultations of the council by v. d. Hardt, the assertions of Schelstraten are contradicted by the Acts themselves. 9 Sess. VI. on the 17th of April, 1415, the synod ordered a draft to be made of a Procuratorii super renunciatione Papatus for John XXIII. (v. d. Hardt IV. p. 114), according to which the Procuratores whom he should appoint under certain conditions to which he was to swear, should be empowered to renounce in his name with the stipulation; Et si quovismodo contingeret, hujusmodi procura- torium seu procuratores nos revocare, — impugnare, etc. ex nunc prout ex tunc ipsi Papatui cedimus et renunciamus ipso facto, et deinceps pro non Papa haberi volumus. The Pope refusing to assent to this, he was cited before the council Sess. gen. VII. on the 2d of May (1. c. p. 143), at the Sess. gen. X. I4th of May, suspended (1. c. p. 183), and after 70 Articuli had been proved against him (1. c' p. 196), several of which were not read for fear of offence (p. 237, 247, 253), deposed in the Sess. gen. XII. 29 May (1. c. p. 280), the synod declaring in its sentence, recessum per — Johannem Papam XXIII. ab hac civitate Constantiensi — clandestine — factum fuisse et esse illicifum, EcclesiK Dei et dicto Concilio notorie scandalosum, pacis et unionis ipsius Ecclesia; turbativum et impeditivum, schismatis inveterati nutritivum, a voto, promissione et juramento per ipsum Domi- num Johannem Papa Deo, et Ecclesia^, ac huic sacro Concilio pra;stitis deviativum ; ipsumque Dominum Johannem Papam Simoniacum notorium, bonorumque et 176 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. rily on the 4th of July.i" Benedict XIII. alone remained unmoved. Notwithstanding the desertion of Spain on the 6th of Jan. 1416, all attempts to induce him to abdicate peaceably proved unavailing; nor did he regard the sentence of deposition passed on the 26th of July, 1417 ; 11 but as his jurisdiction was limited to the small city of Pe- niscola in Valencia, this seemed of little importance. i~ Warned by the experience of the Council of Pisa, the emperor Sigismund with the Germans, at first supported by the English, de- manded next that the intended reformation ^'^ should be carried into jurium, ncdum Romans sed aliarum Ecclesiarum — dilapidatorem notorium, ma- liimque gpiritualium ct temporaliuin Eccie^ias adininistratoreni et dispensatorem fuisse et esse, suis detestabilibus inhonestisque vita et moribus Ecclesiain Dei et populum Christianum notorie scandalizantein ; — postque monitiones debitas et charitativas, iteratls et crebris vicibus cidem lactas, in praeinissis malis pertinaciter persevci'asse,scque ex hoc notorie incorrifijibilem reddidisse : ipsumque — tanquain indio;nuni, inutileiii, ct danmosum a Papatu — amovendum, privandiim et depo- nenduni fore. Et euin dicta sancta Synodus amovet, privat et deponit, universos et siiigulos Christicolas, cujuscunque status, dignitatis, vel conditionis existant, ab ejus obedientia, fidelitate et juramento absolutos declarando. — Eunique ad standum et morandum in aliquo loco bono et honesto sub custodia tuta Serenissimi Principis Domini Sigismundi, Romanorum et Hungariffi Regis, nomine dicti sacri Concilii generalis, quamdiu dicto sacro general! Concilio pro bono unionis Ecclesiae Dei videbitur, condemnandum fore, et eadem sententia condemnat. Alias vero posnas, quiE pro dictis ci-imintbus et excessibus inferri deberent juxta canonicas sanctiones, dictum Concilium arbitrio suo reservat declarandas et infligendas secundum quod rigor justitias vel niisericordiEe ratio suadebit. ^° Sess. gen. XIV. v. d. Hardt IV. p. 346 seq. The council appointed him cardinal legate of the mark of Ancona (1. c. p. 474). cf Theodorici de jXiem liber III. de fatis Constantiensibus reliquoium duorum Pontificum Gregorii XII. et Petri de Luna, aliisque negotiis in Concilio, remoto Balthasare, incidentibus in V. d. Hardt II. p. 409 seq. " Theod. de J\''iem, 1. c. The negotiations of emperor Sigismund with Bene- dict, in a visit to Spain, which he undertook for the purpose in Sept. 1415, see in V. d. Hardt II. p. 484 seq. The acts of the council on the subject are scattered in V. d. Hardt IV. The sentence of deposition, Sess. XXXVII. the 26 Jul. in V. d. Hardt IV. p. 1373, calls him perjurum, universalis Ecclesiae scandalizatoi'em, fautorem et nutritorem inveterati schismatis, — et ha-reticum a fide devium, et articuli fidei Unam sanctam caiholicam Ecclesiain violatorem pertinaceni, cum scandalo Ecclesiae Dei incorrigibilem, notorium et manifestum. According to Jo. JKlderus (a Dominican in Basel and Wien "f 1438) de visionibus ac revelatio- nibus (or formicarius) ed. v. d. Hardt Helmstadii, 1692. 8vo. lib. III. c. 1, it had been prophesied to Benedict by a certain abbot, quod plura passurus esset ab ad- versariis, quod obsideri debei'et, — sed tandem Romam iturus esset, et in unione Ecclesis ibidem, adepta pacifica possessione et sedato scliismate, quieturus. — In praedictam prophetiam fatue confidens remotus a Papatu obedire renuit, in muniti- unculam fugit, et tandem in exilio, pertinax in sua opinione, vitam nee Romae, nee in pace, sed in miseria finivit. 1^ Benedict XIII. 'f 1424. He left behind four cardinals, three of whom chose a Clement VIII. as his successor, and the fourth a Benedict XIV. The former was obliged to abdicate at the Council of Tortosa. *^ Of the necessity of which, see Petri de Alliaco canones reformandi Eccle- siam in Cone. Constantiensi, presented to the council I Nov. 1416 (in v. d. Hardt I. VIII. p. 409), in Pra^fat. Qua; Ecclesia; reformatio quam necessaria olim fuerit, et amplius modo sit, evidonter oslendit detlenda ipsius defbrmatio. De qua lamen- tabiliter conquerebatur h. Bernhardun st-rm. XXXIII. super Cant, (compare § 65, note 10). — Si ha;c a. b. Bernliardo dicta sunt, nunc multo magis dici possunt. Quia ex eo Ecclesia de malis ad pejora processit, et in omni tarn spiritual! quam Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Council of Constance. 177 effect before the choice of a Pope, This, however, was so earnestly opposed by the cardinals and the oilier nations, !■* that nothing more was done than to pass certain resolutions of reform,!'' and recommend sfBculari statu abjecto decore virtutum in variam cecidit luipitudinem vitiorurn. — Hoc aiitcrn Deus misericordissiimis, qui solus ex irialis bona novit clicere, ideo perniittere credendus est, ut eomm occasione Ecclesia sua in melius refonnetur. l^uod nisi celeriter fiat, audeo dicere, quod, licet magna sint quce vidonus, tnmen brevi incomparabiliter majora videbimus, et post ista tonitrua tarn horrenda, alia horribiliora in proximo audiemus. Eapropter sumniopcre vigilandiun est circa refonnafionem Ecclesia?. In order to provide for such a reforniation, Scss. XIII. on the loth of June, 1415 (v. d. Hardt IV. p. 335), a Reformatoriuui con- sisting of 4 cai'dinals and deputies from each nation was appointed, the protocols of which have been published in v. d. Hardt I. X. p. 583 seq. " V. d. Hardt IV. p. 1394 seq. " At the Sessio gen. XXX-IX. on the 9th of Oct. 1417, in v. d. Hardt IV. p. 1435: I. De Conciliis generalibus : Frequens generalium con iliorum celcbratio agri Dominici prajcipua cultura est, quas vepres, spinas et tribulos ha3resiuin, erro- rum et schismatum exstirpat, excessus corrigit, deformata reformat, et viam Domini ad frugcm uberriniJE fertilitatis adducit : iliorum vero neglectus praemissa disseini- nat atque fovet. — Propter hoc edicto perpetuo sancimus, — ut amodo concilia genei'alia celebrentur, ita quod primum a tine hujus Concilii in quinquennium immediate sequens, secundum vero a tine illius immediate sequentis Concilii in septennium, et deinceps de decennio in decennium perpetuo celebrentur in locis, quEe summus Pontifcx per mensem ante finem cujuslibet Concilii, approhante et consentiente Concilio, vel in ejus defectu ipsum Concilium deputare et assignare teneatur; ut sic per quandam continuationem semper aut Concilium vigeat, aut per termini pendentiam exspectetur. — II. Provisio adversus futura schismata prcecavenda : Si vero, quod absit, in futuruin schisma oriri contingeret, — ipso jure terminus Concilii tunc forte ultra annum pendens ad annum proximum breviatus. — Et quilibet ipsorum se pro Romano Pontifice gerentium infra mensem, a die qua scientiam habere potuit, alium vel alios assumsisse Papatus in«ignia, — teneatur sub intimatione maledictionis a?ternfe et amissione juris, si quod forte sibi qua>situm esset in Papatu, — Concilium ipsum ad terminum anni pra;dictum in loco prius deputato celebranduin indicere et publicare, et per suas literas competitoribus — et ceteris Prajlatis ac Principibus — intimare, necnon tennino pra-fixo — ,ad locum Concilii personaliter se transferre, nee inde discedere, donee per Concilium causa schismatis plenarie sit tinita. Hoc adjuncto quod nullus ipsorum contendcntium de Papatu in ipso Concilio ut Papa prfesideat: quinimo — sint ipsi omnes de Papatu contendentes, postquam dictum Concilium inceptum fuerit, auctoritate hujus sacrae synodi ipso jure ab omni administratione suspensi. — Quod si forte electionem Romani Pontificis per metum, qui caderet in constantem, seu impressionem de cetero fieri contingat, ipsam nullius decernimus eificaciae vel momenti, nee posse per sequen- tem consensum, etiam metu pra^dicto cessante, ratiticari vel approbari. Non tamen liceat Cardinalibus ad aliam electionem procedere, nisi ille, qui fuit electus, forte renunciet, vel decedat, donee per generate Concilium de electione ilia fuerit judi- catum. Et si procedant, nulla sit electio. — Sed — teneantur electores omnes — quam cito sine periculo personarum poterunt — se transferre ad locum tutum, et metum pra;dictum allegare coram Notariis publicis, et notabilibus personis ac mul- titudine populi in loco insigni. — Teneantur insuper — provocare sic electum ad Concilium. — III. De prof essionefacienda per Papam. IV. JVe prcelati trans- ferantur inviti. V. De spoliis et procurationibiis. Cum per Papam facta reser- vatio et exactio et perceptio procurationum Ordinariis et aliis inferioribus Praelatis debitarum rationc visitationis, necnon et spolioruin decedentium Prslatorum, alio- rumque clericorum, gravia Ecclesiis, Monasteriis, ct aliis bencficiis ecclesiasticisque personis atferant detrimenta : praesenti declai-amas edicto, i-ationi fore consentaneum, ac reipublicaj accommodum, tales per Papam reservationes ac — exactiones seu perceptiones de cetero nullo modo fieri seu attentari. Quinimo procurationes hu- jusmodi, et quorumcunquc Prcelatorum — in Curia Romana vel extra — deceden- tium spolia, seu bona eoi-um mortis tempore reperta, plane et libera pertineant illis, VOL. III. 23 178 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409—1517. the subject generally to the future Pope ; ^^ after which Otta de Colonna was chosen on the 11th of Nov. 1417, under the name of Mar- tin V. The resuk justified the fears of the Germans. The glory of the council paled before that of the new Pope, the first for a long time, who had been universally acknowledged, and the papal power overstepped at once the barriers which the aristocracy of tlie church supposed itself to have erected. The Regulae Cancellarige, which Martin V. issued shortly after his coronation, differed but little from those of former popes, against which there had been such murmurs. ^^ The propositions of reform which they contained were altogether unsatisfactory.'^ But the power of the council was already so far broken that the Pope was enabled to evade the most important — quibus alias, prefatis reservationibus, mandatis et exactionibus cessantibus com- peterent ac pcrlinere deberent. Prslatis etiain inferioribus et aliis hujusmodi spolioruin exactiones praeter et contra juris communis formam fieri interdicimus. '« Sessio gen. XL. on the 30th of Oct. 1417 {v. d. Hardt IV. p. 1452) : Sacro- sancta synodus Constantiensis statuit et decernit, quod futurus summus Pontifex per Dei gratiam de proximo assumendus, cum hoc sacro Concilio vel deputandis per singulas nationes debeat reformare Ecclesiam in capite et Curia Romana secun- dum eequitatem et bonum regimen Ecclesiae, antequam hoc sacrum ConciHum dissolvatur, super materiis articulorum, abas per nationes in Reformatoriis oblato- rum, qui sequuntur. 1. Primo de numero, qualitale et natione Doniinorum CardinaUum. 2. Item de reservationibus sedis Apostolicae. 3. Item de annatis, communibus servitiis, et minutis. 4. Item de collalionibus beneficiorum, et gratiis expectativis. 5. Item de causis in Romana Curia tractandis, vel non. 6. Item de appellationibus ad Romanam Curiam. 7. Item de officiis Cancellariae et Poenitentiaria'. 8. Item de exemptionibus et incorporalionibus tempore schismatis factis. 9. Item de commendis. 10. Item de confirmationibus electionum. 11. Item de fructibus medii temporis. 12. Item de non alienandis bonis Romanse Ecclesiae et aliarum Ecclesiarum. 13. Item propter quae, et quomodo Papa possit corrigi vel deponi. 14. Item de exstirpatione Simonia;. 15. Item de dispensa- tionibus. 16. Item de provisione Papas et CardinaUum. 17. Item de indulgentiis. 18. Item de decimis. Hoc adjecto, quod facta per nationes deputatione proedicta liceat aliis de Papae licentia libere ad propria remeare. '■^ Martini P. V. Regulae Cancellarife, die 12 Nov. 1417, a Johanne Ostiensi Cardinale conscriptae et d. 26 Febr. 1418, publicatte in v. d. Hardt I. XXI. p. 965 seq. '^ In the beginning of A. D. 1418, the German nation presented certain Avisa- menta Nationis Germanicas super articulis juxta decrelum Concilii reformandis, exhibenda Domino nostro sanctissimo {v. d. Hardt I. XXII. p. 999 seq.) : which were followed towards the end of January by the Responsio Horn. P. Martini super reformatione capitulorum, in Concilio per decretum statutorum, per modum Avisamenti data Nationibus (1. c. p. 1021 seq.), the provisions of which fell far short of the demands. With reference to Art. XIII. the proposal of the Germans was (1. c. 1008) : Super decimo tertio articulo videtur, quod summus Pontifex non solum de hsresi, sed etiam de simonia notoi-ia tam circa sacramenta, quam circa benelicia ecclesiastica, et quolibet alio notorio ci-imine gravi, Ecclesiam universalem notorie scandalizante, de quo canonice monitus incorrigibilis extiterit, per generale Concilium puniri valeat, ac deponi etiam de Papatu. Item videtur, quod sanctis- simus Dominus noster sacro approbante Concilio specialem constitutionem super hoc, quod pra;niittitur, ileclaratoriam debeat promulgare, et insuper declai-are, quod nedum circa sacramenta, sed etiam circa beneticia ecclesiastica conventionem seu pactionem pecuniariain per se vel alium faciendo crimen pravitatis Simoniacae non evadat (cf. § 100, note 29). The papal Responsio (1. c. p. 1032) : Artie. XIII. Propter qua; et quoaiodo Papa possit corrigi et deponi. Non videtur, prout nee visum fuit in pluribus nationibus, circa hoc aliquid novum statui vel decerni. Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Martin V. 179 points by means of Concordats with the separate nations ; ^^ and '^ Germanicae Nalionis et Martini V. Papas concordata published the 2 May, 1418 {v. d. Hardt I. p. 1055. E. M il nch's voUstandige Sammlung aller altern und neuern Koiikordale, Th. 1. S. 20 ff.) Cap. 1. De numero et qualitate Car- dinalium, et eorum creatione. Slatuimus, ut deinceps numerus Cardinalium S. Roiiianfe Ecclesia- adco sit nioderatus, quod noii sit gravis Ecclesiw. Qui de omni- bus partibus Christianilatis proportioualiter, quantum fieri poterit, assumantur, ut notitia causarum et negotiorum in Ecclesia emergentium facilius haberi possit, et ajqualitas regionum in honoribus ecclesiasticis observetur ; sic tamen, quod nume- rum XXIV. non excedant, nisi pro honore nationum, qufe Cardinalem non habent, unus vel duo pro semel de consilio et assensu Cardinalium assumendi viderentur. Sint autem viri in scientia, moribus el rerum experienlia excellentes, Doctores in theologia, aut in jure canonico vel civili, prseter admodum paucos, qui de stirpe regia vel ducali, aut magni Principis oriundi existant, in quibus competens litera- tui-a sufficiat: non fratres, aut nepotes ex I'ratre vel sorore, alicujus Cardinalis viventis: nee de uno Ordine Mendicantium ultra ununi : non corpore vitiati, nee alicujus criminis vel infamis nota respersi. Nee fiat eorum electio per aricularia vota solummodo, sed etiain cum consilio Cardinalium collegialiter, sicut in promo- tione Episcoporum fieri consuevit. Qui modus etiam observetur, quando aliquis ex Cardinalibus in Episcopum assumetur. Cap. 2. De provisione Ecdesiarum, Monasteriorum, etc. Sanctissimus Dominus noster Papa, Martinus V., super provisionibus Ecdesiarum, Monasteriorum et beneficiorum quoiumcunque utetur reservationibus juris scripti, et constitutionis Execrabilis et Ad i-egimen (see § 100, notes 10 and 16) modificatffi. According to this the Pope resei-ves to himself the appointment to all benefices vacant in curia, and so to all such as were filled by those belonging to the papal court, the occupants of which had been deposed or transfei'red by the Pope, and to which appointments had been made but negatived by him. So too, the Pope claimed the right of providing, when an election should be too long delayed. The majores dignitates in the chapters wei'e to be filled by the chapters themselves, the other places alternately by the Pope and those to whom the appointment otherwise belonged. The sixth part of the canons shall be graduates, and all pastors of churches of more than 2000 communicants. Cap. 3. jbe JInnatis. De Ecclesiis et Monasteiiis virorum duntaxat vacantibus et vacaturis solventur pro fructibus primi anni a die vacationis summs pecuniarum in libris Camerae Apostolic^ taxatas, quae conuiiunia servitia nuncupantur. Si qua; vero excessive taxats sunt, juste retaxentur. — Taxs autem praedictas pro njedia parte infra annum a die hal)itae possessionis pacifies totius vel majoris partis solven- tur, et pro media parte alia infra sequentem annum. Et si infra annum bis vel pluries vacaverit, semel tantum solvetur. — De ceteris autem dignitatibus — qui- buscunque, quse auctoritate sedis Apostolic^ conferentur, — solvatur annata seu medii fructus juxta taxam solitam tempore immissionis infra annum. Et debitum hujusmodi in successorem in beneficio non transeat. De beneficiis vero, quae valorem XXIV. florenorum de camera non excedunt, nihil solvatur. Cap. 4. De causis tractandis in Romana Curia necne. — Nulls causa" in Roraana Curia committantur, nisi quae de jure et natura causs in Romana Cuiia tractari debebunt. — Csterae committantur in partibus. Nisi forte pro causas et personarum quali- tate, in commissioue exprimenda, illas tractare in Curia expediret pro justitia con- sequenda, vel de partium consensu in curia tractenlur. Cap. 5. De commendis. Ordinat Dominus noster Papa, quod inposterum Monasteria aut magni Pi-ioratus conventuales habentes ultra decem religiosos, et officia claustralia, dignitates ma- jores post pontificales in cathedralibus, sive Ecclesis parochiales, nulli Prslato, etiam Cardinali, dentur in commendam. — Una etiam Ecclesia metropolitana uni Cardinali vel Patriarchre concedi poterit, provisionem aliam suflficientiorem non habenti. Cap. 6. DeSiinoniainforoconscienticeprovidetur. Every ecclesiastic must choose a suitable confessor, by whom he must be absolved within three months of simonia active vel passive commissa, and so relieved from the conse- quences which otherwise would come. Cap. 7. De non viiandis excommunicatis, antequam per judicemfuerint declarati et denunciati. Cap. 8. De dispensatio- nibus. Ordinat etiam Dominus noster, ad Ecclesias cathedrales, Monasteria, Prio- ratus conventuales, et parochiales Ecclesias super defectum aetatis ultra triennium nuUatenus dispensare : nisi forte in Ecclesiis cathedralibus ex ardua et evidenti 180 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. a few very insignificant general measures-*^ sufficed to secure from it an acivnowledgment of the fulfilment of his promise.^i Dur- ing these negotiations, however, the Pope had not only granted causa, de consilio Cardinaliura — videretur aliter dispensandum. Item Dominus noster in arduis et gravibus casibus sine consilio Cardinaliuni non inlendit dispen- sare. Cii|). 9. De provislone Papce et Cardinalium. Koniano Pontifici et s. Roiiiana; Ecclcsia; Cai-dinalibus pro illoi-uni sustentatione, rebus Koniana; Ecclesias stantibus ut sunt, non videtur aliter posse provideri, quam luicusque factum est, scilicet per beneficia et coiruiiunia servitia, qua; vacantia nuncupantur. The pro- visions of cap. 5. ai-e then repeated. Cardinalis de proventibus ccclesiasticis non habeat ultra valorem sex inilliuiu Hoi-enoruin. Cap. 10. De indulgentiis. Cavebit Doiiiiiuis noster Papa in futuruin iiiiniam induluentiarum efiusionem, ne vilescant. Et in pra'teritum concessas ab oliilii Gi-cgorii XI. ad instar altcrius indulgentiae revocat et annnllat. Cap. 11. De horum Concordalorum valore. Iten» sanctissi- nuis Dominus nostei- Papa et inclyta natio Germanorum consenserunt et protestati sunt, quod omnia et singula supradicta durare et tolerari debeant usque ad quin- quennium duntaxat a data prassentium numerandum — quodque per observantiam illorum nullum jus novum Romano Pontitici, aut alicui alteri Ecclesia; vel persons acquiratui- seu pra^jndicium generetur, sed lapse dicto quinquennio qua^libet Eccle- sia et persona pisdicta liberam facultatein habeat utendi quolibet jure suo. The Concordat with the French (see v. d. Hardt IV. p. 1566 seq.), (subject, however, to the approval of the king), was likewise published on the 2d of May, 1418, and for the most pai-t corresponds exactly with that of the Germans ; only that the Pope i-emitted in this case one half the Annates for the next five years : On the other hand : Circa articulum indulgentiarum habita deliberatione matura nihil intendiinus circa cas immutare seu ordinare. The Concordat with the English, concluded on the 12th of July, see in v. d. Hardt I. p. 1079 seq. 20 Scss. gen. XLIII. on the 21st of March, 1418, the following decrees were published {v. d. Hardt IV. p. 153.5) : 1. De Exemptionihus (beginning Atten- dentes). 2. De tinionibus et incorporationibus, by which all the exemptions, unions, and incorporations made since the death of Gregory XI. were, with a few exceptions, recalled. 3 De fructihus medii temporis. Item fructus et proventus Ecclesiarum, Monasteriorum et Beneficiorum, vacationis tempore obvenientes, juris et consuetudinis vel privilegii dispositioni relinquimus, illosque nobis vel Apostolic* Camei'EB prohibemus applicari. 4. De Simoniacis : — Ordinati simo- niace ab execulione suorurn Ordiaum sint eo ipso suspensi : — quaevis provisiones simoniaca^ — nulla' sint ipsojui-e : — dantes et recipientes eo ipso facto sententiam excommunicalionis incurrant. 5. De disjiensationibus. Repeal of the dispensa- tions which had been granted to those appointed to ecclesiastical olfices quibus certus Ordo dcbitus est. 6. De decimis et aliis oneribus. Prscipimus et manda- mus, jura, qua; prohibent inferioribiis a Papa decimas et alia onera Ecclesiis et personis ccclesiasticis imponi, districiius observari. Per nos autem nullatenus imponentur generaliter super totum Clenim, nisi ex magna et ardua causa et utilitate universalem Ecclesiam concernente, et de consilio, et consensu et sub- scriptione fratrum nostrorum S. R. E. Cardinalium, et Pra^latorum, quorum con- silium commode haberi ])0terit: nee specialiter in aliquo regno vel provincia incon- sultis Pr*latis illius regni vel provinciae et ipsis non conseutientibus, vel eorum iriajori parte, et eo casu ])er personas ecclesiaslicas et auctoi-itate aposfolica dun- taxat leventur. 7. De vita et honestate Clcricorum, against the transgressions of the clergy in costume. 2' The last papal decree in this same 43d session, was (1. c. p. 1540) ; Decerni- mus et declaramus sacro approbante Concilio, pei- dccreta, statuta et ordinata, tam lecta in praisenti sessione, quam concordata cum singulis nationibus ejusdem Con- cilii, — huic sacro Concilio super articulis contentis in decreto super fienda refor- matione, die sabbati XXX. mensis Oct. proximo pr;eteiiti promulgate (see note 16) fuissc et esse jam satisfactum. To tliis the cardinal, bishop of Oslia, rejjlied : De mandate nationum respondco, quod placent nationibus decreta recitata, et cuilibet nation! placet Concordia cum ipsa per Dominum nosti'um facta. Et per pra missa fatentur decreto etiam jam esse satisfactum, non intendentes propterea, quod con- cordata cum una natione in aliquo alleii nationi atferant prafjudicium. Chap. I. Hapaaj. § 130. Martin V. 181 to the emperor Sigismund a power of exacting tenths,"- notwith- standing the great complaint that had been made of this very kind of oppression, but had even ventured, in the face of an express resolution of the council, to forbid any appeal from the Pope to a general coun- cil ; such an appeal having been brought in by the Poles in the case of John de Falckenberg.^^ The character of the council being thus changed, its breaking up, which took place on the 22d of April, \\\S,^^ -^ The Liters gratiosse of the Pope to the emperor, dd. 7. Cal. Febr. 1418, in V. d. Hardt II. p. 589 seq. Duni prseclara devotionis et fidei Tuas Serenitatis merita, quibus erga Deuin et univei-salem Ecclesiam sanctam suam gloriosissime, prKsertitn circa unionem ejusdem Ecclesis — per muha jam tempora curis vigilibus et continuis — miiilice claruisti, — pensamus ; — inducimur non indigne, ut in revelationem onerum et expensarum, quae pro consecutione unionis hujusmodi, nonnuUa regna partesque terrarum orbis varias peragrando, Tua Serenitas subiit hactenus, nee subire desinit incessanter, Tua Celsitudo nostram et apostolicaj sedis gratiain sibi miriticam sentiat ac super alicujus subventorio auxilio liberalem. Hinc est, quod Nos — una cum ven. fratribus nostris S. R. E. Cardinalibus super his deUberatioiie pra?habita, ac de ipsorum consiho, nee non ven. fratrum nostrorum Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, et dilectorum fiUorum Electorum, Administrato- rum, necnon Abbatum et aliorum de natione Germanica percepto beneplacito voluntatis, ac etiam prsdecessoi'um nostrorum, Romanorum Pontiticum, — circa hoc vestigiis inhsrentes, Decimam integram unius anni omnium redituum et pro- ventuum ecclesiasticorum in provinciis — nationis Germanica;, totius pi-ovincias Treverensis, necnon Basileensis et Leodiensis civitatuni et dioecesium sub Romano Imperio consistentium, — Serenitati Tuae — assignamus. At the same time he appointed three bishops to collect these tenths (1. c. p. 592 seq.). This was com- plained of by seven German churches, through the Florentine jurist, Dominicus de Germiniano, who begins with proving it in the Repudium decimarum (1. c. p. 608), quia haec impositio decimae concessa est non consentientibus Praalatis nationis Almanis, vel saltem majori parte ipsorum, imo inconsultis procuratoribus Cleri dictarum septem Ecclesiarum in Concilio Constantiensi existentibus. Quod tamen fieri non potuit juxta constitutionem Domini nostri Papa; (see note 20. 6). — Item ad ejus levationem invocatur auxilium brachii saeculariis. Et sic contra dictam constitutionem, etc. He proposed nothing more, however, than a milder mode of collection. ^ Compare § 115, note 11. Jo. Gersonii tract, quomodo et an liceat in causis fidei a summo Pontifice appellare (0pp. II. II. p. 303 seq.) : Qu*ritur utrum hsc assertio sit catholica: — JVxdlifas est a supremo judice, videlicet ^postoUca Sede, seu Romano Pontifice, Jesu Christi Vicario in terris, appellare, aut illius judicium in causis fidei, qucB tanquam major es ad ipsum et Sedem Apostolicam deferendcB sunt, declinare? Arguitur, quod sic, auctoiitate sanctissimi Domini Martini Papae V. in sua Constitutione ad perpetuam rei memoriam facta, et pro- mulgata in Consislorio generali celebrato Constantiae 6. Idus Martii Pontificatus sui anno priuio (10 March, 1418), ubi reperitur ha;c assertio, sicut dicitur. In the Dialogus Apologeticus pro condemnatione propositionum Jo. Parvi (1. c. p. 390) Gerson designates this bull as destruens fundamentale penitus robur, nedum Pisani, sed Constantiensis Concilii, et eorum omnium, quae in eis, praesertim super elec- tione Summi Pontificis, et intrusorum ejectione, attentata factave sunt. ** Sess. XLIV. the 19th of April, 1418, the Pope issued the decree (v. d. Hardt IV. p. 1546) : Cupientes et etiam volentes decreto hujus sacri generalis Concilii satisfacere, inter alia disponenti, quod omnimode generalia Concilia celebrentur in loco, quern suinmus Pontifex per mensem ante finem hujus Concilii, approbante et consentiente Concilio, deputare et assignare teneatur (see note 15) ; pro loco dicti proxime futuri Concilii, celebrandi a fine praesenlis Concilii supradicti [in quinquennium], eodem consentiente et approbante Concilio civitatem Papiensem tenore praesentium deputainus. The bull of dismission, which followed 8ess. XLV. and omnibus et singulis, qui in hoc sacro Concilio et causa ipsius interfuerunt, absolutionem plenariam omnium peccatorum, semel in vita et in mortis articulo, see 1. c. p. 1559. The Pope had already approved of the decrees of the council 182 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. could not be much regretted ; little as it had answered the expecta- tions formed concprniiig it.-^ The only opposition to the power of the new Pope seemed now to be on the part of France, which nation had refused the Concordat offered to it at tiie Council of Constance ; -^ but it was not long (A. D, in the bull condemning; Wicliffe and Huss, Inter cunctas dd. 22 Febr. 1418, in the questions which he directed to be proposed to those accused of heresy (1. c. p. 1527) : Item utrum credat, teneat et asserat, quod quodlibet Concilium generale, et etiam Constanticnsp, universalem Ecclesiam repra,'sentet. Item utrum credet, quod illud, quod sacrum Concilium Constanliense, universalem Ecclesiam reprae- sentans, approbavit et approbat in favorem fidei et salutem animarum, quod hoc est ab universis Christifidelibus approbandum et tenenthim : et quod condemnavit et condemnat esse lidei vel bonis moribus contrarium, hoc ab eisdem esse tenendum pro condemnato. And at the last sitting he says in his answer to the Polish ambassadors: quod omnia et singula determinata et concliisa et decreta in materiis fidei per prssens saci-um Concilium Constantiense conciliariter, tenere et inviola- biliter observare volebat et nunquam contiavenire quoquomodo. ^^ See the remarkable passage concerning the Council of Constance with which Gobelinus Persona, decanus in Bielefeld (see before Div. IV), closes his Cosmodro- mium, in Meihomii Reium Germ. T. I. p. 345: Postquam dominus Martinus Papa prasdictus fuit coronatus, per nationes Concilii petebatur fieri reformatio Ecclesiam tarn in capite quam in membris, prout in Rcformatorio per ad hoc electos conceptum fuerat. Sed quia non omnes a;que ardcnter instabant, Cardinalibus etiam in hoc torpentibus, parum profecerunt. Unde natio Gallicana Regem (Sigis- mundum) adiit, petens ab eo, ut Papam ad Ecclesiam dignaretur informare. Qui respondit eis : dum nos, ut reformatio fieret, piiiisquam ad electionem siwimi Pontificis procederetitr, instabafitus, vos nolentes acquiescere. Papain, prhis- quarn fieret refoniiatio Ecclesice, habere voluistis. Et ecce Papain habetis, quern et nos habeinus : ilium pro expeditione hujusmodi reformationis adite, quoniam pro nunc nogtri non interest, prout intererat sede Romana vacante. Sunt tamen quai'dam reformata, quamvis respectu conceptorum panca, verbis quideni et scriptis, quaj pi-opter humanam mentis mutabilitatem, divinitatis ex- cusantem se sub umbra, hie inserere non pra'sumo. Ego quidem jam annis niultis statum pei-tractans Ecclesiaa, per quem modum ad universalis Ecclesiae reformatio- nem scandalis sublatis omnibus pei-veniri posset, curiosa mente revolvi. Quem quidem modum Dominus fortasse ostendet, cum in spiritu vehement! conteret naves Tharsis. -® The French had protested against the Annates in 1417, at the council, see Apostoli et responsio dati per ven. Nationem Gallicanam, etc., in the Preuves des Libcrtez de L'eglise Gallicane Chap. XXII. no. 13 (with a different title in v. d. Hardt I. XIII. p. 761). Although half the Annates were remitted (see note 19), the king published an order in April, 1418 ( Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. V. p. 328. Preuves des I'cgl. Gall. Chap. XXII. no. 16), quod Ecclesiis nostrorum Regni ac Delphinatus — secundum antiqua jura Conciliaque generalia de personis idoneis providebitur. — Et insuper quoad exactiones pecuniarum, quas ab aliquibus retro- actis tempoj-ilius Curia Romana seu Camera Apostolica sub prfetextu vacantium beneficiorum Regni et Delphinatus praedictorum, aut alias quovis modo seu colore prasinissorum sibi applicari voluit, penitus cessabunt. Intendimus tamen tanquam Christifideles surnmo Pontifici et Ecclesias Romans seque plusve ceteris in neces- sitatibus, sive et cum tempus exegerit, succurrere et rationabiliter subvenire ; and in May (he prohibition (11. cc), ne aliquis deinceps absque nostra licentia ausu temerario aurum vel argentum, jocalia (joyaux., jewels), aut alia quaevis pre- tiosa per literas, bulletas (certificates), obligationes aut alias quovis modo, occasione procurationum, aunatarum, vacantium, dispositionis antedictorum beneficiorum — extra Regiuim transferat. The duke of Burgundy prevailed on the king in 1419, to recall this order, but the recall was not accepted by the States General ( Bulceua V. p. 335), and in Febr. 1422 (1423) those orders were confirmed {Preuves, Chap. XXII. no. 17). Chap. I. Papacy. § 130. Martin V. 183 1425) before this nation too, under the young king Charles VII, be- gan to yiehl to the papal yoke,-^ and the Councils of Pavia and Siena, which were held in 1423 and 1424, according to a resolution passed at the Council of Constance, having proved wholly insignifi- cant, the Pope returned again to the old courses, with little or no regard to the occasional opposition made to his measures.-** Martin found it necessary, however, to restrain the cardinals, in order to maintain his own freedom,29 and this called forth again the old cora- '" See the royal edict of dd. 10 Febr. 1424 (1425) (Preuves, I. c. no. 19), ut omnia quascunque mandata in debita forma, et rescripta Apostolica a die exhibitio- nis praesentium fuei-unt eidem summo Pontifici concessa, biillsque et processus inde secuti locum cxecutionis habeant in Regno ac Delphinatu nostris, ac eisdem debite per cos ad quos spectat pareatur, — tam in beneliciorum collatione, quam jurisdictionis Apostolica; potestatis exercitio, modo et iorma, quibus felicis recorda- tionis Clementis VII. et Benedicti XIII. temporibus in Regno nostro eisdem sum- mis Pontiticibus, eorumque bullis, processibus, et Uteris parebatur atque obedie- batur, non obstantibus oi-dinationibus regiis, arrestis Parlamenti nostri — et aliis quibuscunque mandatis et usibus in conti-arium prasdictorum. — Rogantes tamen sancti Patiis nostri clementiam, quod — electiones, — et quaevis alia dispositiones facts in vim ordinationum et arrestorum prasdictorum usque in diem exhibitionis praesentium locum habeant, et — confirmcntur, defectus si qui sunt privata largi- tate supplendo. As the king, when dauphin, had sworn to observe the former laws (see preceding note), the Pope absolved him from that oath: see the Breve dd. Kal. Maji 1425, in Raynaldus ad h. a. no. 8. '^ Thus Martin reproaches Henricus Episc. Wintoniensis (Raynald, 1426, no. 19) bitterly, on account of an execrabile statutum, per quod ita Rex Anglias de Ecclesiarum provisione et administratione disponit, quasi vicarium suum Christus eum instituisset ; legem condit super Ecclesias, Beneficia, Clericos et ecclesiasti- cum statum ; ad se suamque laicalem curiam causas spirituales et ecclesiasticas jubet introduci. — Quasdam contra clericos adjecit poenas, quae ne quidem contra Judffios vel Saracenos per ullum de suis statutis pronuilgatae inveniuntur. Pos- sunt ad Anglia; regnum cujuslibet generis homines libei-e proficisci : soli accep- tantes beneficia auctoritate summi Pontificis, vicarii Jesu Christi, jubentur exulare, capi, carcerari ; omnibusque bonis exui ; executoresque literarum Apostolicarum, procuratores, notarii, et quicunque alii censuram sen pi-ocessum ab apostolica sede in regnum mittentes aut deferentes ultimo supplicio deputantur, projectique extra protectionem Regis ab omnibus captivandi. The bishop is reminded of the ex- ample illius gloriosissimi martyris b. Thomae, qui adversus similia decertans statuta holocaustum se Deo offerens pro libertate ecclesiastica occubuit, and called upon to exert himself to the utmost to effect the repeal of that law. Comp. the Pope's letter of admonition to the parliament (Raynald, 1427, no. 15), and to Henry, archbishop of Canterbury (1. c. no. 16), which last is called to account, quod audi- vimus te dixisse irreverenter et improbe, propter pecunias exhauriendas abolitio- nem illius statuti apostolicam sedem ipsam quajrere. Similar royal orders were issued in Poland, see Martini ep. ad Wladislaum Regem Poloniffi dd. Kal. Apr. ann. VIII. i. e. 1425, or XIII. (1429) (according to Raynald, ann. 1427, no. 17) : Refertur nobis quasi onmia in aliam dispositionem mutata esse ; in eodem regno conculcari jura Ecclesis, et ecclesiasticam opprimi libertatem ; non multum timeri censuras nostras, et hujus sedis auctoritatem ; electiones Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum, quorum tamen omnimoda dispositio ad nos spectat non esse libe- ras, sed fieri ad praesciiptum tuum ; bcneficiorum per nos collatorum provisiones contemni, tum in beneficiis generaliter reservatis, atque in ea re non pareri man- datis nostris. In another letter to the same dd. 7 Kal. Sept. ann. XIII. (Rayn- ald, ann. 1429, no. 13) the Pope complains of certain royal letters per quas tua Serenitas Praelatis et Canonicis Ecclesise Gneznensis mandat sub gravi poena, ne aliquem extraneum in dicta Ecclesia recipiant ad possessionem alicujus beneficii, cum inter Prslatos Regui ita statutum sit et conclusum. '* Though we find amongst the directions to the cai-dinals (Raynaldus, ann. 1424, no. 4) : Pro Ordinum religionum quorumcunque aut personarum particula- 184 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. plaints of extortion and oppression, as well as of corruption ; 3*^ till only the Romans, who, after a long interval, now shared once more the plunder of the papal court, were with the new order of things contented. 31 From councils it seemed vain to look for farther help,^^ and the Pope had therefore no hesitation in summoning a new (Ecu- menical council, which, according to the decrees of the Council of Siena,33 vvas to be held in 1431 at Basil.^^ § 131. COUNCIL OF BASIL (1431 to 1443), EUGENE IV. (3 March, 1431, t 23 Feb. 1447). The Acts of the Council are most complete in Mansi Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio T. XXIX. p. 1. — T. XXXI. p. 290.* Augustini Patricii, Canonicus at Siena, Sutn?7ia Conciliorum Basileensis, Flo- rentini, Lateranensis, Lnusanensis, etc. A. D. 1480, taken from two Mss. of John of Segovia in the library at Basil (in Harduin. IX. p. 1081 seq., and in Hartzheim Condi. Germ. V. p. 774 seq.). Whilst the long suppressed dissatisfaction of the cardinals at the rium protectione nihil pecuniae percipiant, etiam a sponte offerentibus. NuUas supplicationes ipsi Sanctissiino prajsentent, nisi pro pauperibus, vel pro persona sua, seu servitorum, consanguineorum, vel affinium, aut familiarum suorum. — The ambassador of the Teutonic order writes to his Grand-master A. D. 1429 (see Raumer's hist. Taschenbuch for 1833, S. 73) : "They (the cardinals) do not venture to say any thing to the Pope which they know will displease him ; and are so oppressed by him that they gi-ow pale and red in his presence." Hence their enmity, ibid. p. 173. ^ Anionini Summa hist. Tit. XXII. Cap. 7, § 3 : Hie igitur Pontifex Marti- nus, antea nequaquam vir sagax asstimatus sed benignus, in pontifieatu tamen ita opinionem de se prius habitam redarguit, ut sagacitas quidem in eo summa, benig- nitas vero non superflua nee nimia reperiretur (copied from Leonardus Aretinus in Muratorius XIX. p. 930). — Hoc in eo communis fama redarguit, nimis cupide insistere cumulationi pecuni;e, ut nequaquam dicere valeret id primi Apostolici : argenhim et aurum non est mild (Act. iii. 6). Comp. Eberhard Windeck, a counsellor of Sigismund, in his life of the emperor, c. 55 (in Mencken Scriptt. Rer. Germ. I. p. 1117). ^' The favorable opinion of Platina (ed. 1645, p. 648 seq.) is Roman. Accord- ing to p. 669, Martin V. was buried comitante populo Romano, comitante Clero non aliter tiente, quam si Ecclesia Dei, si urbs Roma unico atque optimo parente orbata fuisset. ^- See GoheUnus Persona, note 25. 3a Mansi XXIX. p. 6. a* See the power which he granted to Cardinal Julian, to preside at the council as papal legate, dd. Kal. Febr. 1431, in Mansi XXIX. p. 11. ' See a catalogue of the Acts, which are extant in Paris, in 7 vols. Mss. of Navarrici, and an enumeration of the Codices appertaining to this council, which are preserved in the library at Basil, in J. JD. Schcejnflini Commentationes hist, et criticfE. Basil. 1741. 4to. p. 541 seq. A more exact account of the Basil Codices in Ochs Geschichte der Stadt u. Landschaft Basel, Bd. 3 (Basel. 1819. 8vo.), S. 573 tr. Though even Bellarmmus de Eccl. niilitante, c. 16, concedes that the Council of Basil was legitimate and cecumenical till the twentieth session or till its Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Eugenius IV. 185 arbitrary measures of Martin Y.~ was venting itself in the resolutions passed in the conclave held for the appointment of his successor,^ as well as in the course pursued by Eugenius IV. against the family removal to Ferrara, the Romans persist in objecting to many of its decrees, and in the Roman catalogue of the councils, published A. D. 1609, this council is entu-ely left out (according to Richerii hist. Concill. generall. lib. III. in fine by advice of Bellarmin). Since that, Lucas Hohtenius in a treatise included in Phil. Labbei Concil. T. XIII. Append, has denied its legitimacy ; and this view is so prevalent in Rome that Clement XIV. counted it amongst the eriors of Ulrich Mayer, that he allowed the Council of Basil to have been legitimate till the twenty-sixth session, see Walchs neueste Religionsgesch. Th. 5, S. 245. The moderate party in the French church allow the Council of Basil to the twenty-sixth session, c. s,. JVataUs Alex. hist. eccl. ssc. XV. et XVI. diss. VIII.; the more strict defend the whole council to its dispersion, e. g. Richerius hist, concill. lib. III. cap. 7. 2 See § 130, note 29, above. 3 Comp. the bull dd. 12 Mart. 14.31 (in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 5 seq.), by which Eugenius confirmed the Capitula which all the cardinals had sworn to observe in case of their elevation to the papal chair. In the introduction is plainly contained an indirect censure of the preceding administration. The Capitula are : quod (Papa) curiam Romanam in capite et membris reformabit, et incipiet quandocun- que et quotiescunque requiretur per dominos Cardinales (Martin V. had been willing to reform only in membris, see § 1.30, note 29):— nee dictam curiam educet de urbe Romana, neque transferet de loco ad locum, de provincia ad pro- vinciam, — sine consilio et consensu consimili (Cardinahum, as Martin V. had done, see Raumer's hist. Taschenbuch for 18.33, S. 74, 159). Item quod Con- cilium generale celebrabit — in loco et tempore, de quibus fuerit sibi consultuin per majorem partem Domm. Card., et in eo reformabit — universalem Ecclesiam circa fidem, vitam et mores. — Item quod non creabit Cardinales nisi juxta formam et ordinationem facfam in Concilio Constantiensi, quam servare tenebitur, nisi de consensu et consilio majoris partis Domm. Cardd. aliud fiendum videretur. Item ut Romano Pontifici a dominis Cardinalibus libera perveniant consilia : non apponet (pledge) — bona alicujus ex eis, nee aliquid in suo statu et provisione immu- tabit, — nisi de expresso consilio et consensu majoris partis Domm. Cardd. nee damnabit eum nisi convictum numero testium expresso in constitutione Syl- vestri Papas facta in Synodo generali, quae incipit : Prasul non damnetur. Item quod bona Domm. Cardd., Prfelatorumque, nee aliorum Cortesanorum in Curia decedentium nullo modo occupabit, — sed permittet — fieri executiones juxta vol- untatem decedentium. — Item quod feudatarios regnorum, et alios vicarios, capita- neos, — omnesque officiarios urbis Romans?, et aliarum terrarum EcclesiiE Roma- n£e obligabit sibi, et successoribus, ac coetui Domm. Card., — quod sede vacante ad raandatum Domm. Card, civitates, terras — tradant et expediant libere et sine contradictione quacunque. Item quod Dominis Cardinalibus permittet libere reci- pere, et assignari faciet medietatem omnium et singulorum censuum, jurium, — et emolumentorum quorumlibet Romana; Ecclesia? juxta concessionem Nicolai IV. — Nee dabit aliquam ex terris Ecclesia; Romana; in vicariatum, feudum, vel emphy- teosim sine consensu et consilio majoris partis Domm. Cardd. ; nee movebit guerram, nee confoederationes cum quocunque Rege, vel Principe temporali, aut Communi- tate faciet sine consilio et consensu consimili ; nee imponet gabellas novas sive exactiones alias in urbe Romana, nee in aliis terris Ecclesiae Romana; ; nee etiani concedet alicui Regi, Domino temporali, seu Communitati prseter vel contra liber- tatem ecclesiasticam exactionem super Clero vel Ecclesiis — sine causa rationabili, et tunc de simiU eorundem Domm. Cardd. consensu. Item nihil de juribus — Ec- clesiae Romanes alienabit, nee alienata de juribus quibuscunque Ecclesiarum alia- rum — vel Ordinum — confirmabit — sine eorundem Domm. Cardd., consilio et consensu consimili. Item quod super omnibus, — in quibus consilium Domm. Cardd. requiritur, promotionibus ad Prajjaturas dumtaxat exceptis, in litei-is suis — scribi faciet nomina Cardinalium consilium et consensum pra;bentium, — sicut fieri solebat ante Bonifacium VIII., ut excludatur abusus, qui longo tempore ser- vatus est. — In arduis vero requiritur subscriptio Papae et Cardinalium. VOL. III. 24 186 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517, and the memory of his predecessor .-^ the Council of Basil assembled so slowly, that at tirst it seemed likely to be as insignificant as the last one, at Siena. But the Hussite disturbances, by which Germany also was threatened, led the council to take a more independent position, which was first seen in the opening of negotiations with the Hussites. Alarmed at this, the Pope wished' to dismiss the council at once ;^ but this was resisted even by the president, the cardinal- legate Julianus Cesarini," and the zeal for reformation, which had * Of the war against the two Colonna, undertaken by Eugenius to compel them to give up the possessions and treasures of the church which they had received from Martin V., in which object he succeeded September 1431, by the help of the Venetians and Florentines, see the two contemporaries, Andrece Billii (an Augustine Monk in Milan, f 1435) hist. Mediolanensis, lib. IX. in Muratorii Scriptt. Rer. It. XIX. p. 143 seq., and the Vita Eugenii IV. in Baluzii Miscell. lib. VII. p. 506 seq. cf. Raynald, ann. 1431, no. 10 seq. How far Eugenius went in his hatred to his predecessor, see in Andr. Billius, p. 145 : Ipsum quoque Martini palatium (tantum processit ira) diruit: insignia familia;, aut Pontificatus, ubicumque per urbem cminebant, dejecit. * The letter of the Council to the Bohemians is dated October 15 (Raynald, 1431, no. 24). The Pope's letter to Cardinal Julianus, in which he commands him to dismiss the council and appoint another in a year and a half at Bologna, is dated November 12 (1. c. no. 21). ^ Julian's letter is given partly in Raynald, 1431 , no. 22, in full in the Fasci- culus rer. expetend. et fugiend. ed. Lond. p. 54 seq. The Cardinal, who had shortly before led an unsuccessful crusade against the Bohemians, first gives the motives which determined him, contrary to his inclination, to accept the office of presiding at the council. First on account of the state of affairs in Bohemia. Then : Incitavit etiam me hue venire deforniitas et dis^olutio Cleri Alemaniaj, ex qua laici supra modum irritantur adversus statum ecclesiasticum. Propter quod valde timeudum est, nisi se emendent, ne laici more Hussitarum in totum clerum irruant, ut pubjice dicunt. Et quidem hujusmodi deformatio magnam audaciam pra-bet Bohemis, multunique colorat errores eorum, quia praecipue invehunt contra turpitudinem Cleri. Qua de re, etiamsi hie non fuisset generale Concilium insti- futum, necessarium fuisset faceie unum provinciale — pro Clero refbrmando : quia revera tlmendum est, nisi iste Clerus se corrigat, quod etiam extincta haresi Bohe- miae suscitaretur alia. Then follow the grounds for refusing to dismiss the council. Quanta hie scandala scquantur, et quam prope sit evei-sio lidei auscultet patienter S. V. Pi-imo vocati sunt Bohemi ad istud Concilium : literas vocationis alias misi S. V. Hoc factum quilibet probat, tanquam salubre et necessarium, ut postquam armistotiens frustra cei-tatum est, alia via tentetur. — Si Concilium dissolvitur, quid dicent hasrctici .' Nonne insultabunt in nostros, et fient pi'oterviores .' Nonne Ecclesia fatcbitur se esse victam, cum non ansa fuerit expectare illos, quos voca- verat .' — Ecce exercitus armatorum to'icns fugit a facie eorum, et nunc similiter Ecclesia universalis fugit. Ecce nee armis, nee liteiis vinci possunt. Videbitur miraculum Dei evidenfer, denionstrans, illos vera sentire, et not falsa. — Quarto, quid dicet universus orbis, cum hoc sentiet ? Nonne judicabit, clerum esse incor- rigibilem, et velle semper in suis deformitatibus sordescere ? Celebrata tot sunt diebus nostris Concilia, ex quibus nulla scquuta est reformatio. Expectabant gentes, ut ex hoc sequeretur aliquis fi'uctus. Sed si sic dissolvatur, dicetur, quod nos irridemus Deum et homines. Et ciuu jam nulla spes supererit de nostra cor- rectione, irruent merito laici in nos more Hussitarum : et certe fama publica de hoc est. Animi hominum prasgnantes sunt, jam incipiunt evomere venenum, quo nos perimant: putabunt se sacrificium prsstare Deo, qui Clericos aut trucidabunt, aut spoliabunt : quoniam reputabuntur jam in profundum malorum venisse, fient odiosi Deo et mundo : et cum modica nunc ad eos sit devotio, tunc omnis peribit. Erat istud Concilium quoddain retinaculum sa'cularium ; sed cum viderint spem omnem deficere, laxabunt habenas publico prosequendo nos. Ah (juis honor erit Romanae Curia;, qua? Concilium congregatum pro reformatione turbavit .' Certe totum odium, tota culpa, et ignominia transferetur in illani, tanquam causam, Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Eugenius IV. 187 been so disappointed at Constance, was now kindled at Basil with auctricemque tot malonim. — Septimo, his diebus civitas metropolitana Magdebur- gensis expulit Archiepiscopuni et Clerum, et jam illi cives incedunt more Bohe- morum cum curribus, et dicitiir quod miserunt pro uno capitaneo Hussitarum. Et quod valde timendum est, habet civitas ista ligam cum multis civitatibus et com- munitatibus illarum partium. Item civitas Pataviensis, qua; est de dominio domini Episcopi, expulit Episcopum, et erexit machinas contra quoddam castrum Episcopi. Utraque istarum civitatum est finitima Bohemis, et si conjungant se cum illis (prout valde timendum est), multarum civitatum habebunt sequelani, Sciiptum est uti'ique rogando, ut supersedeant a guerra : et si qua controversia inter ipsos sit, offert se Concilium velle illam terudnare. — Item quia magna discordia est inter civitatem Bambergensem, et Episcopum et Capitulum, qu« est supra modum periculosa propter vicinitatem ha;reticorum : Concilium dat operam ad interponen- dum se pro Concordia. — Si modo dissolvatur Concilium, nonne populi Germanis videntes, se non solum destitutos ab Eccle?ia, sed deceptos, concordabunt cum hEEreticis, et fient nobis inimiciores quam illi ? Heu, heu, quanta ista erit confu- sio ! finis pro certo est. Jam, ut video, securis ad radicem posita est : inclinata est arbor, ut cadat, nee potest diutius persistere. Et certe cum per se stare posset, nos ipsam ad terram prascipitamus. — Et quanquani dicatur, quod talis prorogatio et loci ti-anslatio sit ad bonum finem, ut ibi prssente Sanctitate Vestra majora bona sequi possint, nemo hoc credit, quia dicunt : fuimns deliisi in Concilio Senensi, iteruni in isto. — Item, bcatissime Pater, per hujusmodi prorogationum non tol- luntur scandala qua; narrata sunt. Essent intei'rogandi ha?retici, si volunt expec- tare usque ad annum cum dimidio, ut non disseminent virus suum. Essent et interrogandi, qui scandalizantur de detormitate Cleri, an interim velint supersedere. Ecce quotidie puUulat ista ha-resis: illi quotidie seducunt Catliolicos, aut vi oppri- niunt, non perdunt minimum temporis momentum. Quotidie nova scandala ex detormitate Clericorum insurgunt, et nihilominus provisiones ex remedio procrasti- nantur .'' Fiat quod fieri potest nunc : reliquum servetur ad annum cum dimidio. Ego timeo, quod usque ad annum cum dimidio, nisi aliter provideatur, magna pars Cleri Alemania; erit desolata. Si per Germaniam ditTunderetur hsee vox, quod Concilium esset dissolutum, pro certo Clerus omnis daretur in prsdam. — Sed audio, quod nonnulli trepidant, quod in hoc Concilio debeat auferri temporalitas ab Ecclesia. Mira res ! Si hoc Concilium non fieret per viros ecclesiasticos, forsitan dubitandum foret : sed quis erit iste Ecclesiasticus, qui huic determinationi con- sentiat.' Non solum quia esset contra fidem, sed quia redundaret in detrimentum eorum. — Nee etiam umquam i'uit aliquod legitime congregatum Concilium, in quo Spiritus Sanctus permiserit aliquid contra fidem determinari. Cur timendum est contrarium in hoc .' Hoc est ditfidere de Spiritu Sancto. Sed vereor ne con- tingat nobis, sicut contigit Juda;is, qui dixernnt : si dimittimus hunc, venient Romani, et tollent locum nostrum et gentem (Jo. xi. 48). Ita et nos dicimus : si admittimiis fieri Concilium, venient Lnici, et tollent temporalitatem nostrum. Sed sicut justo Dei judicio factum fuit, quod Judasi perdiderunt locum suum, quia noluerunt dimittere Christum : ita et justo Dei judicio fiet, quod quia nolumus admittere Concilium fieri, perdemus temporalitatem nostram, et utinam non corpora et animas ! Quando Deus vult alicui populo aliquod infortunium immittere, primo disponit, ut pericula non intelligantur, neque cousiderentur. Ita videtur nunc contingere viris ecclesiasticis, quos sspe redarguo esse cascos, qui vident ignem, et nihilominus currunt versus ilium. — Nunquam fuisset celebratum aliquod Concili- um, si hujusmodi timor invasisset corda patrum nostrorum, sicut invadit nostra. Sed et si hunc rimorem habemus, cur non opponimus remedium .' Cur ad evi- tandum unum malum, volumus incurrere majus? Ecce remedium ad hoc : Mittat hue Sanctitas Vestra aliquos de reverendissimis Domm. Cardinalibus, et aliquos notabiliores Prslatos, qui reperiri possunt, et bene affectos sedi Apostolicae, et qui sint bene inclinati ad bonum universale ; det Sanctitas Vestra omnem favorem possibilem huic Concilio, promoveat ipsum quantum potest ; scribat ei literas be- nignas, exhortando ipsos, ad sancta opera, qua; proponunt, offerendo se, etc. — Quando isti talia videbunt et audient, in veritate puto, quod, etiamsi haberent malum animum, mutarent ilium : et non solum studebunt conservare auctoritatem sedis ApostolicK, sed augere. — Sed si videant contrarium, verbi gratia de dissolu- tione Concilii, tunc scandalizantur : et sequitur hoc, quod, nbi prius erant tepidi. 188 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. new ardor. Without regarding the interference of the Pope," the council was solemnly opened (Sess. I. on the 14th of Dec. 1431),8 the decrees passed at Constance concerning the dignity of General Councils renewedj'^^thePope and the cardinals summoned to appear,!" hujusniodi vox reddet ipsos magis acutos et ferventes. Then as to the pretext urged by the Pope for the immediate dissolution of the council. — Ad minus, bea- tissimc Pater, differat S. V. usque ad mensem Julii, quia tunc cessabunt ilia inconvenientia et scandala, qua modo obstant, videlicet de hsereticis vocatis ad Concilium, et militaribus ; quia infi'a illud tempus oiimia ista erunt completa. Poterunt etiam fieri aliqua? ordinationcs super I'oformatione Cleri Alemaniae et mitti per Germaniam, et sic videbitur aliquid factum, nee tunc poterit aliquid imputari S. V. Et hoc quidem nunc fieret cum scaudalo et sine effcctu ; tunc honestius fieri poterit. — Aviso Sanctitatem Vestram, quod me hinc recedente, vel dimittente pra;sidentiam, isti statim facient sibi unum pra;sidentem auctoritate Concilii. ^ On the ISth of December, 1431, the Pope issued the bull for the dismission of the council (see Mansi XXIX. p. 564 seq.). A chief ground for the measure is that Bologna is best suited for the purpose on account of the conference to be held with the Greeks. Et quia post transmissionem pra'fatarum nostrarum literarum ad notitiam nostram pervenit, ultra ea qua; superius continentur, pr;tfatos Bohemos ha^reticos in Constantiensi Concilio tam mature atque solemniter condemnatos — fuisse invitatos Basileam ad disputandum et contendendum super articulis — con- demnatis, — et alia diversa scandala et pericula imminere ; — exnunc — Concili- um, si quod — BasilesE coiigregatum videatur, — dissolvimus, — aliudque Conci- lium in anno cum dimidio — in praefata civitate Bononiensi — indicimus. Et nihi- lominus in decennio aliud simile Concilium, juxta statuta Constantiensis synodi, — in civitate Avinionensi similiter extunc indicimus. •* The order of business was regulated somewhat peculiarly in the Articuli de modo procedendi in S. Concilio conclusi in gen. Congregatione d. 26 Sept. 1430 (probably 1431), see Mansi XXIX. p. 377: Primo sint quatuor deputationes, sicuti sunt, inter quas omnes dc Concilio distribuantur fequaliter, quantum com- mode fieri poterit. Et sint in qualibet deputatione de quolibet statu scil. Domi- norum Cardinalium, Patriarcharum, Archiepiscoporum, Abbatum, Doctorum, Re- ligiosorum, exemptorum et non exemptorum, et aliorum. — Nihil autem ardui proponat Praesidens in congregatione generali ad deliberandum seu concluden- dum, nisi prius fuerit propositum in singulis deputationibus et agitatum ; nisi casus asset repentinus et talis, cujus mora esset nociva. — The names of the four deputations were : Pro Conimunibus, Reformatorii, Fidei, Pads. » Sess. II. on the 15th of February, 1432 (Mansi XXIX. p. 21) the two first resolutions of the Sess. V. Cone. Const, (see § 130, note 8) were renewed, accord- ing to which the council was set above the Pope, and he bound to obey its decrees. Further : Synodus Basiliensis decernit et declarat, quod ipsa pro hajre- sum extiipatione, ac niorum generali reformatione Ecclesia; in capite et in mera- bris, necnon pace inter Christianos procuranda in Spiritu Sancto legitime congre- gata per nullum, quavis auctoritate, etiamsi papali dignitate prasfulgeat, dissolvi, aut ad alium locum transferri, seu ad aliud tempus prorogari debuit aut potuit, debet aut potest, debebit aut poterit in futurum, absque ejusdem Synodi Basi- leensis deliberatione et consensu. Then: Item dilfinit, — quod nulla persona — in eadem Synodo actu existens aut fiitura — ad reccdendum ab eadem a quo- quam, quavis auctoritate etiamsi papali dignitate prsfulgeat, — sine — consensu ipsius sanctas Synodi requiri, — evocari ad alium locum — valeat, seu ne ad ean- dem saiictam Synodum veniat, possit aut debeat quomodolibet impediri. Si autem a quoquam, quavis auctoritate, etiamsi papali dignitate pra>fulgeat, in contrarium attentatum fuerit, seu attentaretur in futurum, aut processus pa-nales vel mandata, etiam censuras ecclesiastical — fuiminati fuerint — aut fulminarentur in futurum; totum sit irriturn et inane. Finally, quod Praelati et alii, qui trnentur huic sacro Concilio interesse, ab hoc loco ante finitum Concilium, nisi ex causa rationabili, per deputatos seu ab hoc sacro Concilio deputandos examinandi, non recedant. — Et tunc taliter recedens teneatur dimittere aliis in loco remanentibus suam pote- statem. Chap. I. Papacy. % 131. Eugenitis IV. 189 and in every respect the position taken of the highest ecclesiastical authority i^ The defenders of the council, however, amongst whom the most conspicuous was Nicolaus Cusanus, asserted principles, that threatened the very foundation of the papal power.i- Encouraged 10 Sess III. on the 29th of April, 1432 (1. c. p. 25) : Haec sancta Synodus in Spiritu Sancto le-itime congregata prsdictum beatissimum doniumui PaP^ni Eu- Sum cum omSi reverentia It instantia supplicat, et per v.scera mi.erieordia. JesTchS exorat, requirit, et obtestatur, ac.nonet, quatenus p.-a.tensa.a disso- luTonem sicut de facto' proces.it, de foc.o -voeet : - necnon in ra tnum m^^^^^^ sium spatium, quod ad hoc pro ternnno peremptorio prsfigit et as.ignat, s coipo raUs inC"di positio patiatur personaliter veniat : sin autem, personam vel perso- na Ketvfce sui destine! et transmittat cum plenaria potestate ad onmia et Sno-ula in h^Concilio peragcnda. - Alioquin si h^c Sanctitas Sua facere ne- SexerU quod de ChristiVicario non est aliquahter sperandum), sane a Synodus, fZt uSiuevit et Spiritus Sanctus dictaverit, necessitatibus Ecclesi^ provi- Sere^cirlit e pro edet secundum quod juris fuerit divini panter et hua.ani. Similite -dominos Cardinales - requirit, - quatenus infra spatium trium men- Sum ab intinSie pra^sentium- ad dictum sacrum Conciliun. generale vemant, etc. n Sess IV. on the 12tli of July, 1432, it was resolved (1. c. p. 32) quod in eventum vacationis Sedis Apostolical hoc sacro general! durante Concho eect.o summ Pontiticis in loco istius sacri Concilii tiat. - /iem- s tatuit et ordinat ip.a Svnodus quod de cetero in Uteris suis authenticis utatur bulla plumbea pendente cum chordula cannabis aut serici, prout varietates causarumet rerum super nuLs littera. ea^dem conficientur, postulabit, in uno missioms Spintus ^ancti m ?pec e columba., in alio vero lateribus horum verborum Sacrosancta gene^ahs Liodus Basileensis sculpturas continente, decernens eisdem plenam et omm- „o am tidem adhibendam fore, /^em- statuit,- quod durante hoc sacro Con- dUo Romanus Pontifex, a loco istius sacri Concilii absens personaliter, non debeat necpos taliquem-ins. Romana. Ecclesi^e Cardinalem assumere. - E s. secu attentatum fuerit, ex nunc in antea irritum sit et mane, nullmsque robons vel moment. The synod then commissioned the Cardinalis s. Eustachn with the gov- ernment of Avignon and Benaissin, cum ad ipsius sacra. Synodi noitiam-sit rductun° quod' civitas Avinionensis - certis urgentibus rationibus et causis ne- cessaris Vicarium per summum Pontificem ad ipsius regin.en destinatum se admi tere non debere pra^tendat, atque ad eundem summum Pontificem an.baxi- a?as dest'naverit pro utili et salubri gubernatione civitatis ejusdera ac conntatus Vena>^ini eidem adjacentis, suppliciter postulans, ut de alio utili eis providere- tur Vicario, quod hucusque obtinere nequivit, nee sperat posse obtinere : quni- mmo is qu m-o Vicario destinatus est, intendit et nititur suscipere gubernation.s officium invita civitate, congregare satagens multitudinem gentium armatarun.. 12 Nicolaus Chryfftz (or Crab), a native of Eues on the Mosel, bo™ 1^01' ^ 1464 (Berichtioungen u. Zusfige zu s. Lebensbeschreibungen in d Tubinger S^eol Quartalschrift. Jahrs. 1831. Heft 2, S. .386), who was present a the coun- dl S ■ Decanus of St. Florfnus in Coblentz, wrote now his libb. Ill de cathohea concorLtiaCinejusd.Opp. Paris. 1514. fol. T. Ill -d 'n ^.n ^^^-^'^Syn- tao-ma tractatuum de imperiali urisdictione. Argent. 1609. lol. p 285). Comp. e £ the following principles, lib. II. c. 34: Universale Concilium cathohea. Ecciesia. supremam habet potestatem in omnibus super ipsum Romanum Pontifi- cem -Licet secundum plura Sanctorum scripta potestas Romani Pontihcis a Deo sit et secundum alia ab homine et Conciliis umversalibus (comp. vol. I. § 92, notes 15 -^9 and 64) : tamen videtur in veritate medium concprdantu-e per scnptu- ras investf-abile ad hoc demum tendere, quod ipsius Pontificis Roniam potestas, quoad considerationem prseminentia. prioratus et principalus sit a D^o per me- dium hominis et Conciliorum, scilicet mediante consessu electivo. - Unde etsi Romanus Pontifex, avit ex loco et sede Petri, aut principatu civitatis inter csteros mundi Episcopos in primatu ut pra^cipuus - veneraretur : tamen nisi subjective ex Tnsensu concurreret electio per eos, qui aliorum ommum vices gerunt, non cre- derem, ipsum praesidem aliorum omnium et principem sive judicem esse. Quare 190 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. by the universal approbation its measures met with,^>^ the council next proceeded from admonitions to tlireats, and then to a formal trial of the Pope.^^ He, on his part, seemed bent on obstinate opposi- tion, but pressed by the Duke of Milan and the rebellious Romans, who made the defence of the council a ready pretext for their designs, ^^ and deserted by a great part of his cardinals, ^"^ he was nevertheless si per possibile Treverensis Archiepiscopus per Ecclesiam congregatam pro prse- side et capite eligeretiir, ille proprie plus successor s. Petri in principatu foret, quam Romanus Pontifex. Lib. III. c. 2: Sunt meo judicio ilia de Constantino (the Donatio Constantini) apocrypha, sicut fortassis etiam qua;dam alia longa et magna scripta, Sanctis Cleinenti et Anacleto Paps attributa, in quibus volentes Romanam sedem omni laude dignam plus, quani Ecclesice sanctae expedit et decet, exaltare, se penitus aut quasi fundant. '3 Thus the university of Paris wrote to the Council 9 Febr. 1432 (Bulcei hist. Univ. Paris. V. p. 412), that it had heard, plerosque tilios iniquitatis ad ipsum totis adspirare conatibus, ut sanctum ac salutare Concilium — prorogetur, aut transfera- tur, et verius, penitus irritetur atque dissipetur. — Non itaque, Venerandi Patres, torpescant corda vestra, non frangantur aniuii! — Si autem Romanus Pontifex illud propria auctoritate vellet dissolvere atque dissipare ante plenariam digestionem articulorum inccptorum, non eidem putamus in ea re, salva scdis auctoritate, esse obtemperandum, sed potius in facie, si opus esset, resistendum, sicut Paulus, qui signum tenet Doctoruni, Petro in facie restitit, figuram gei-enti Pontificum. Etsi enim summus Pontifex in Concilio praeemineat atque prasideat, non sueb tamen facultatis est ad arbitrium concludere, sed ad ampliorem numerum concordium sententiarum. >^ The Pope was defended on the 22d of Aug. 1432, before a Congregatio gen. by the archbishops of Colocz and Tarento, who had come to Basil at the head of a papal embassy. Tbcir speeches are in Mansi XXIX. p. 468 seq. To these the council returned a Responsio synodalis de auctoritate cujuslibet Concihi generalis supra Papam et quoslibet fideles, quodque sine ejus consensu non potuit dissolvere Concilium Basileense Dominus Eugenius Papa IV. (in Rlansi XXIX. p. 239 seq). In the Sess. VI. on the 6th of Sept. (1. c. p. 39) the Promotores Concilii proposed to declare the Pope and the absent cai-dinals contumaces : the council was not yet ready, however, for such a step, and once more called on the Pope, Sess. VIII. on the 18th oi Dec, to submit within 60 days. Sess. X. on the 19th of Febr. 1433, it was resolved on tlie motion of the Pi-omotores : haec s. Synodus judices hujus sacri Concilii deputat et ordinat ad videndum et ad examinandum processum factum contra eundeiii dominum Eugenium, et referant in Congregatione generali. Sess. XII. July 14. 1433 (1. c. p. 59) Synodus — amodo in dictum Dominum Eugenium acrioribus remediis, quandoquidem leniora non prosunt, proccdere decrevit. Et quamquam in tam notorie et incorrigibiliter scandalizantem Ecclesiam stalim posset tinaleni ferre sententiam, nesciens tamen materuK pietatis oblivisci, intuitu etiam pra;fati Serenissimi Imperatoris, qui per suas litteras super hoc nos exacte rogavit, adhuc ipsum Dominum Eugenium tertio monere, ac etiam tertiam ei indulgere dilationem proponit, ut in sua potestate sit, si velit, posnam evitare. He is allowed therefore a further term of 60 days, and thi-eatened after that with suspension, pro- cessura tandem ad ulteriora, usque ad sententiam tinalem inclusive, si opus fuerit, ipso Domino Eugenio amplius non citato, prout Spiritus Sanctus dictaverit : omnem autem ipsius Papatus administrationem in his omnibus, quae in spiiitualibus et temporalibus ad solum Papam, vel ad solam sedem Apostolicam de jure pertinere noscuntur, eadem sancta Synodus post dictum terminum ad seipsam decernit et declarat ipso facto esse devolutam. Sess. XIII. Sept. 11, 1433, a new term of 30 days was allowed him, and Sess. XIV. Nov. 7, 1433, another of 90 days. >5 Raynald. ann. 1433, no. 26; 1434, no. 6. ** Aiitonini summa hist. P. III. Tit. 22. Cap. 10. § 2: Et cu!n nee satis fama prospera Eugenii foret, praesertim quia Pontiticatum tianquillissimum a Martino susceptum ipse confestim magnis perturbationihus involvisset : Cardinales plures ab eo recesserunt, aliqui clam insalutato hospite, alii patenter occasione inventa alicujus bonae rei fiendae, et Basileam pergentes — simul cum multis aliis Episcopis Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Eugenius IV. 191 forced to yield.i" On this (Sess. XVII. April 26, 1434) the papal legates were at length admitted, but not till they had assented to the effective measures taken by the council to secure its indepen- dence.i^ et Prffilatis convenerunt. Some details are communicated by the ambassador of the Teutonic Order to his Grand-master, see Raumer's Taschcnbuch for 1833, § 75. According to his account only four cardinals remained with the Pope. '7 The emperor Sii^ismund exerted himself particularly to induce the Pope to yield but at first without effect, see Eugenii epist. ad Franc. Foscarem ducem Venetiarum in Rnynald. ann. 1433, no. 19. Primum — cum (Imperator) institisset nobiscum Uteris et nunciis, ut Concilio illi h»reremus omnino, hoc recusavimus : potius enim banc Apostolicam dignitatem et vitam insuper posuissemus, quam voluissemus esse causa et initium, ut pontificalis dignitas et sedis Apostohcae auctoritas submitteretur Concilio contra onines canonicas sanctiones, quod nunquam antea neque aliquis nostrorum pri'decessorum fecit, neque ab ullo extitit requisi- tum. Sfill he issued on the 1st of Aug. 1433, the bull Dudum (Mansi XXIX. p. 574) declaring: volumus et contentamur, prasfatum generale Basileense Concilium a tempore inchoationis sua; continuatum fuisse et esse, prosecutionemque semper habuisse et continuari, proseculionemque ad prffidicta habere debere, permde ac si nulla commutatio, translatio seu dissolutio facta fuisset: quinunmo pra^fatam com- mutationem, translationem, seu dissolutionem revocantes ipsum Concilium Basi- leense pure, simpliciter, cum effectu ac omni caritate amplect wwr : — ita. tamen quod prajsidentes nostri ad praefati Concilii prxsidcntiam admittantur cum effectu, ac oinnia singula contra personam, auctoritatein ac libertatem nostram et sedis ApostolicEE ac venn. fratrum nostrorum S. R. E. Cardinalium, et aliorum quorum- cunque nobis adha?rentium in dicto Concilio facta et gesta per dictum Concilium prius omnino tollantur. The council was not satisfied, however, with this bull, and on the Sess. XIV. Nov. 7, 1433 (Mansi XXIX. p. 72) proposed to the Pope various forms for the declaration they desired, from which to choose ; and on the 16th of Dec the Pope issued a new edition of the bull Dudum, altered according to those suggestions (Mansi, 1. c. p. 78). This reads : decernimus et declaramus, prffifatum generale Concilium Basileense a tempore prsdictas inchoatioms suae lesitime continuatum fuisse et esse, piosecutionemque semper habuisse, continuari ac prosecufionem habere debere ad prtedicta et pertinentia ad ea, perinde ac si nulla dis-olutio facta fuisset: quinimmo prajfatam dissolutionem irritam et inanem — dedarantes, ipsum sacrum generale Concilium Basileense pure, simpliciter et cum effectu ac omni devotione'et favore prosequimur. — Pvxterea — ne congregata —potestatem a Christo immediate habet, etc. — Item de- clarat, quodquicumque, cujuscumque status et dignitatis, etc. (see § 130. note 8). Item dare sanum et salubre consilium secundum Deum et conscientias suas, et nop revelare vota singulorum, inquantum ex hujusmodi revelatione vensimihter possit oriri aliquod odium vel scandalum, et non recedere a loco hujus Concilu sine licentia obtenta a deputatis ejusdem. They were then admitted to the council in the following manner, Sess. XVII. 26th of Apr. (Mansi XXIX. p. 90): Sacro- sancta gene rails Synodus Basileensis, in Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata um- versalem Ecclesiam reprssentans, dilectos Ecclesiae filios Nicolaum tit. s. Crucis 192 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. And now the council, by this time grown very numerous, proceeded to take up in earnest the measures of reform, so much agitated, but so imperfectly carried through at the Council of Constance.^'' As early as Sess. XII. July 13, 1433, most of the papal reservations were abolished ; -" Sess. XV. Nov. 26, 1433, regular diocesan and in Jerusalem presbyterum, Julianum s. Angeli diaconum, s. Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales, et venerabiles Joannein Archiepiscopum Tarentinuni et PeU-uin Epis- copuni Padiianum, ac dilectuiu Ecclesia; tilium Ludovicum Abbatem s. Justina; Paduanas tantum adinittit in Prssidentes in hoc sacio Concilio, nomine, vice et loco sanctissinii Domini Eugenii P. IV. cum infiascriptis conditionibus et clausulis, plenissimum robur et effectuin per omnia habituiis, videlicet, sine omni jurisdic- tionc coactiva, salvo etiam modo pioccdcndi in hoc sacio Concilio hactenus obser- vato, pr;tsertiin qui continetur in ordinationibus hiijus s. Concilii, qus incipiunt : Prima sint nuntuor dep^Uat tones (see above, note 8). — Item quod lectis in con- gregatione general! his qua; conclusa sunt per dcputationes primus inter Praesi- den^es ibidem pra;sentes — concludat juxta ordinationes sacri Concilii. Quod si nolit ipse aut alius de Pra;sidentibus — foccre, tunc proximior Pra?latus subsequens in ordine consideiidi concludat. — Et si forte nullus de Proesidentibus veniat ad congregationem, vel ad sessionem generalis Concilii, tunc primus Prslatus — pro illo die faciat officium PrKsidentis. Item quod omnia acta hujus sacri Concilii (sicut hactenus est observatum) fiant et expediantur sub nomine et bulla ipsius Concilii. 13 Propositions for such reform were sent to Cardinal Julian by Andreas de Escobar, Episc. Megarensis (his trUe name according to Nicol. Antonii biblioth. Hisp. and not as v. d. Hardt gives it, Episc. Magorensis), who had been very active at the council of Constance, in his Gubernaculum Conciliorum (in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. T. VI. p. 139 seq.) A. D. 1434 (not 1435, see p. 177 and 1S6). Remarkable the passage, p. 182: Et timendum est, quod ante diem judicii, et in brevi (Romana Ecclesia), nisi super earn fiat reformatio et reparatio, desoletur et foras mittatur et ab hominibus conculcetur. Quia penitus ab illis fundamentis Sanctorum et Apostolorum, Martyrum et Confessorum, et Jesu Christi ac patrum nostrorum et majorum doctrinis, et regulis conscientiK aliena, et omnibus vitiis et turpitudinibus defoedata. p. 186 : Si (generale Basileense Concilium) absque refor- matione dissolvatur, tunc certe speratur, quod sancta Romana Ecclesia et Apostolica — spoliabitur suis ornanientis et possessionibus temporalibus, et Clerus et Apostolica Ecclesia privabitur suis bonis et privilegiis, ac libertatibus, et erit sub servitute peccati ac tribute census et nummi, et turbabitur ac nimium fluctuabit Petri navi- cula, quae in se Judam et Simonem recepit, qui generalibus Conciliis contradicunt, et ea dissolvere satagunt, et ne fiant iniposterum, impediunt. 20 The Decretum do electionibus et confirmationibus Episcoporum et Praelato- rum (in Mansi XXIX. p. 61) abolishes the papal Reservations, reservationibus in corpore juris clausis, et his qua; in teriis Romanas Ecclesiaj ratione directi seu utilis dominii mediate vel immediate subjectis fieri contigerit, semper exceptis, and provides, quod per electiones et confirmationes canonicas, secundum juris com- munis disposilionem, prnedictis Metropolitanis, Cathedralibus, Monasteriis, et colle- giatis Ecclesiis ac dignitatibus electivis vacantibus debite provideatur. — Decer- nitque htec s. Synodus rationi fore consentaneum et reipublicas accommodum, ut contra hoc salutare decretum Romanus Pontifex nihil attcntet, nisi ex magna, rationabili ac evidenti causa, litteris Apostolicas nominatim exprimenda. Et ut eo firmius hoc salubre decretum custodiatur, vult eadem s. Synodus, ut inter alia, quae Romanus Pontifex in sua assumptione pi-ofitebitur, juret decretum hoc invio- labiliter observare. Then follow provisions concerning the choice of prelates. Nothing whatever is to be paid for their confirmation. Sumraum vero Pontificem hJEC s. Synodus exhortatur, ut, cum speculum et norma omnis sanctitatis et mun- ditiae esse debeat, pro confirmatione earum electionum, quas ad eum deferri conti- gerit, nihil penitus exigat aut recipiat : alioquin, si secus faciendo notorie et incorrigibiliter ex hoc Ecclesiam scandalizet, futuio Concilio deferatur. Pro one- ribus autem, quae ipsuni pro regimine universalis Ecclesia; subire oportet, proque sustentatione S. R. E. Cardinalium ct aliorumnecessariorum officialium hoc sacrum Concilium ante sui dissolutionem omnino debite ct congruenter provideat. Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 193 provincial synods were prescribed;-' Sess. XX. Jan. 22, 1435, resolutions were passed against tlie concubinage of the clergy ,^^ against the precipitate promulgation of interdicts,-^ and against un- grounded appeals to the Pope.-' Sess. XXI. June 9, Annates were abolished,'-^'^ and certain abuses which had crept into the mode of celebrating public worship, forbidden.-*^ Sess. XXIII. March 25, ^' Mansi XXIX. p. 74: — s. Synodus — praecipit, Synoduni Episcopalem in qualibet dicecesi post octavas dominicaj Resurrectionis, vel alia die secundum consuetudinem dioecesum, ad minus scniel in anno, ubi non est consuetudo bis annuatini, cclebraii per dicecesanuni piopria in persona. They must continue at least two or three days, and employ themselves with enforcing tiie decrees of the chiirch, examining the moi-als of the priests, correcting abuses, extirpating here- sies, &c. For these purposes testes synodales were to be called on oath. — Pro- vincial synods were to be held at least every three years. — The monastic orders also were to hold their Capitula regularly. ^2 Mansi XXIX. p. 101. Sess. XX. Deer. 1. Every priest, who should con- tinue two months after the publication of this oi-der to live in open concubinage, was to be ipso facto suspended a perceptione fructuum omnium suorum benelicio- rum for three months, and if on being warned he should not immediately put away his concubine, to be deposed. Quia vero in quibusdam regionibus nonnulli juris- dictionem ecclesiasticam habentes, pecuniarios quEestus a concubinariis percipere non erubescunt, patiendo eos in tali foeditate sordescere (see § 107, note 9) : sub poena maledictionis asternae prajcipit, ne deinceps sub pacto, compositione, aut spe alicujus quasstus, talia quovis modo tolerent aut dissimulent : alioquin ultra prse- missam negligentiiE pocnam duplum ejus, quod propterea acceperint, restituere ad pios usus omnino teneantur et compellantur. Ipsas autem concubinas — Praslati modis omnibus curent a suis subditis, etiam per brachii sajcularis auxilium, si opus fuerit, penitus arcere : qui etiam ex tali concubinatu procreatos filios apud patres sues cohabitare non permittant. ^ Deer. 3 : Quoniam ex indiscreta interdictorum promulgatione multa consue- verunt scandala evenire, statuit haec sancta Synodus, quod nulla civitas, oppidum, — aut locus ecclesiastico supponi possint interdicto, nisi ex causa seu culpa ipsorura locorum, aut domini seu rectorum vel officialium : propter culpam autem — alterius cujuscunque private persona; hujusmodi loca interdici nequaquam possint, — nisi — domini seu rectores — ipsorum locorum, auctoritate judicis requisiti, hujusmodi personam excommunicatam infra biduum inde — non ejecerint, aut ad satisfacien- dum compulerint. ^^ Deer. 4 : Ut lites citius terminentur, super eodem gravamine, aut super eadem interlocutoria vim diffinitivK non habentc nullatcnus liceat secundo appel- lare. Quodque ante difJinitivam frivole vel injuste appellans, ultra condemnatio- nem expensarum, damnorum, et interesse, in quindecira florenis auri de camera parti appellate per appellationis judicem condemnetur. ^ Mansi XXIX. p, 104. Sess. XXI. Deer. 1. de annatis : In nomine Spiritus Sancti paracleti statuit hsec sancta Synodus, quod tam in curia Romana quam alibi pro seu in confirmatione electionum, admissione postulationum, prEesentationum provisione, coUatione, dispositione, electione, postulatione, praesentatione, etiam a laicis facienda, institutione, installatione, et investitura, de Ecclesiis etiam cathe- dralibus et metropolitanis, Monasteriis, — officiisque ecclesiasticis quibuscumque, necnon ordinibus sacris et benedictione ac pallio, de cajtero nihil penitus ante vel post exigatur ratione literarum, bullas, sigilli, annatarum communium, et minuto- rum servitioruni, primorum fructuum, deportuum, aut sub quocumque alio titulo. — Huic autem sacro canoni si quis — contraire prssumpserit, pcenam incurrat adveisus simoniacos inflictam. — Et si (quod absit) Romanus Pontifex, qui prae cffiteris universalium Conciliorum exequi et custodire canones debet, adversus hanc sanctionem aliquid faciendo Ecclesiam scandalizet, genei'ali Concilio deferatur. Caeteri vero pro modo culpa juxta canonicas sanctiones per suos superiores digna ultione puniantur. ^ Namely, in suspending the horae canonicae and the masses. Deer. 9 forbids the abuse, quo nonnulli Ecclesiarum Canonici contrahentes debita, sic se creditori- voL. III. 25 194 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. 1436, regulations were made concerning the choice of the Pope, the oath to be taken by him, and the duties of his office,-''' also con- cerning the cardinals,-*^ and an unconditional j)rohibition of the papal Reservations, which had before been abolished.-^ Such decided bu3 obligant, ut nisi statute tempore satisfaciant, a divinis cessetur offieiis. Deer. 11 forbids the Fools Festival (see § 79) : Turpem etiain ilium abusum in quibusdam fre- quentatum Ecclesiis, quo certis anni cclebritatibus nonnulli cum niitra, baculo ac vestibus pontillcalibus more Episcoporum benedieunt, alii in reges ac duces induit, quod testum fatuorum, vel innocentum sen puei-orum in quibusdam regionibus nun- cupatur, alii larvales et theatrales jocos, alii choreas et tripudia marium ac mulierum facientes homines ad spectacula et cachinnaliones movent, alii commessaliones et convivia ibidem praparant : ha;c s. Synodus detestans, statuit et jubet tam Ordina- riis, quam Ecclesiarum Decanis et Kectoribus sub p(Bna suspensionis omnium proventuum ecclesiasticorum triuni niensium spatio, ne ha;c aut similia ludibria, neque etiam mercantias seu negotiationes nundinarum in Ecclesia, quaj domus orationis esse debet, ac etiam ccemeterio exerceri amplius permittant, transgresso- resque per censuram ecclesiasticam, aliaque juris remedia punire non negligant. " Mansi XXIX. p. 110. Sess. XXIII. Deer. 1. de electione summi Pontificis. C. 2. The Pope when elected must subscribe the proiessio which follows in the next chapter. This is the same prescribed at Constance (§ 130, note 15) with some additions. He promises first, to pi-ovide for purity of doctrine, observance of the usages of the church, and the extirpation of heresies, pro reformatione morum ac pace in populo Christiano. Then : juro etiam prosequi celebrationem Concilio- rum generalium et confirmationem electionum juxta decreta sacri Basileensis Concilii. At each anniversary of his election, this professio was to be i-ead to him by one of the cardinals during mass, with the following exhortations : Curet igitur Sanclitas Tua, pro honore Dei, et salute anima; Tua;, et utilitate universalis Eccle- sia? praedicta omnia pro viribus observare bona fide, sine dolo et fraude. Recogites etiam, cujus vicem geras in terris, etc. — Memineris quid b. Petrus aliique sibi succedentes Pontifices fecerunt, qui nihil aliud cogitabant, nisi honorem Dei, etc. — Noli Ti!)i aut tuis thesaurizare in terris, etc. — In distribuendis dignitatibus et beneficiis non carnem, non munera, non quid aliud temporale, sed solum Deum, et virtutes atque hominum merita Tibi proponas. In corrigendis excessibus eccle- siasticam exerce disciplinam. — Pauperes autem ac miserabiles personas defends, juva et sustenta. Ad omnes autem paternam habe caritatcm. Then follow full directions from the council for the government of the church and its territories. ^ Deer. 4. ds numero et qualitate Cardinalium. The provi'^ions of the Council of Constance are first repeated (§ 130, note 19). Then an oath is prescribed for the newly elected cardinals, and directions given to the cardinals, in what manner they were to support the Pope in the government of the church, and how they were themselves to live. E. g. Si quando Papani (quod absit) negligentem aut reniissum, seu agentem quaj statum illius non decent, ipsi Cardinales inspexerint, filiali reverentia et caritate tanquam patrem obsecrent, ut officio pastorali hono- rique ac debito suo satisfaciat. Et primo quidem aliquis vel aliqui de iis per se, deinde si se non corrigat, omnes collegialiter accersitis quibusdam notabilibus Pr*latis, pra^dicentes, quod si non abstinuerit proximo generali Concilio deferant : nee pro salute ipsius Sumni Pontificis et bono publico ejus odium vel quidquam aliud timeant, dum tamen reverenter et caritative id agant. 29 Deer. 6. de rcservationibus (see note 20, above). Et quia multiplices Eccle- siarum et Beneficiorum hactenus factEe per summos Pontifices reservationes non parum Ecclesiis onerosas extiterunt; ipsas omnes tam generales quam speciales sive particulares de quibuscumque Ecclesiis et Beneficiis, quibus tam per electio- nem, quam collationem, aut aliam dispositionem provider! solet, sive per Extrava- o-antes Jld regimen et Execrahilia, sive per regulas Cancellariae, aut alias Apos- tolicas constitutiones introductas, ha;c s. Sjaiodus abolet, statuens ut de cstero nequaquam fiant : rcservationibus in corpore juris expresse clausis, et his, quas in terris Komana; EcclesiEe ratione directi seu utilis dominii, mediate vel immediate subjectis fieri contigerit, duntaxat exceptis. This was just what the Germans had asked at the Council of Constance in their Avisamentis (see § 130, note 18) v. d. Chap. I. Papacy. § 131- Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 195 steps brought the council once more into collision with the Pope, each party complaining of the encroachments of the other.-^^ The Hardt I. XXII. p. 999), and been refused, see the Concordat with the Germans at Constance, cap. 2 (§ 130, note 19). ^° The Council strove long in vain to prevail on the Pope formally to acknowl- edge its decrees, especially the decree de electionibus (note 20), and to this end sent to him several embassies (the names of the ambassadors see in Mansi XXX. p. 1064). The speeches of the fourth embassy, which consisted of Jo. de Hun- garia Deer. Doctor, and Mag. Matthsus Mesnage, to which the Pope gave audience on the 14thof July, 1435, ai-e full of reproaches and threats (Mansi XXX. p. 939) : Si Sanctitas Vestra non servaret decretum de electionibus per sacrum Concilium promulgatum, timendum foret, quod infra decem aut quindecim annos s. catholica Ecclesia divisa reperiatur in tot partes quot sunt dioeceses. Wherefore they pray quatenus Sanctitas Vestra deinceps cum effectu servare et servari facere velit decreta edita et edenda per sacrum Concilium Basileense, et in con- trarium attenta revocare, alioquin P. B. dicta sacra Synodus multiplicibus jurgio- ruiu ac scandalorum crebris propulsata opprobriis, intendit dare operam etficacem, per quam decreta sua ab omnibus inviolabiliter observentur, etiam quacumque praifulgeant dignitate, prout ei possibile erit. — In omnibus autem Sanctitas Vestra velit sic agere, quod patres in sacro Concilio concipere valeant, Sanctitateni Vestram manutenere sacrum Concilium, et non per indirectum dissolvere. At the same time the embassy presented the decree de annatis (see note 25), admonished the Pope to observe it, and at the same time announced : Sacrum concilium omnino dispositum est, et jam laborat, per aliquem alium modum honestiorem Sanctitati Vestra et Dominis Cardinalibus talem facere provisionem, de qua Sanctitas Vestra et Domini Cardinales merito poterunt contentari : prssertim autem si sacrum Con- cilium informatum fuerit, realiter et cum effectu Sanctitateni vestram decreta sacri Concilii Basileensis servare ab aliisque observari facere, et in contrarium attentata revocare. The Pope then sent Oratores to Basle, to demand (Mansi XXX. p. 946), quod aut suspendatur decretum de annatis, aut debita sedi ApostolicK fiat provisio : the answer was (p. 950), that such provision would be made, si Summus Pontifex ipse ciica synodalium decretorum observanliam animuni, ut decet, incli- naverit. After this on the 20th of Jan. 14.36, a new embassy to the Pope was resolved on, which was commissioned to use still more decided language, and to declare in conclusion (see their instructions, 1. c. p. 1064), quod sacrum Concilium non valens amplius ista tolerare, niittit dictos oratores, per quos sacrum Concilium rogat ipsum dominum nostrum, — ac solemniter et peremtorie requirit et monet, ut — veUt a talibus penitus abstinere, ac efficaciter servare decreta istius sacri Concilii, et tenorem adha?sionis suEe ; et quod in testimonium huj us infra XXV. dies a die hujuscemodi monitionis publice ac solemniter in Consistorio publico debeat facere legi litteras more Curia; RomauEe bullatas infrascripti tenoris, mitten- das infra [alios] XXV. dies ad sacrum Concilium, in general! congregatione sen sessione legendas. Quod si — prtedicta non fecerit — ipsum sacrum Concilium protestatur coram Deo et hominibus, quod sine alia dilatione et citatione — proccdet contra ipsum juxta decretum Concilii Constantiensis. The accompanying form of the bull required from the Pope was this (p. 1065) : Omnes appellationes inter- positas vel interponendas ad nos a sententiis latis per sacrum Concilium, vel Com- missarios aut Judices ejusdem ipso durante, annullamus et irritamus, mandantes sub poena excommunicationis lats sententia; omnibus Judicibus et Comraissariis auctoritate nostra deputatis, ne super illis procedere audeant. Revocamus etiam omnia gravamina, et qnidquid factum est dicta auctoritate nostra contra tenorem nostra; adhassionis, ac contra decreta ipsius sacri Concilii Basileensis : ratificamus et approbamus omnia decreta ipsius sacri Concilii Basileensis, et prfesertim de electionibus et de annatis : pollicemur, quod sine dolo et fraude ilia manutenere et servare, etc. Then follows the Monitorium, to be delivered to the Pope, in which the complaints against him are detailed in full. Amongst them are the following (p. 1067) : quotidie nostra* a diversis personis ac pio variis causis aures pulsantur propter importabilia gravamina eis ilia in derogationeui per nos nostraque auctori- tate gestorum, potissime quod adversum sententias hie latas, qua; in rem transive- rint judicatam, adversum ipsam etiam cansaruin pendentiam in hoc sacro Concilio, 196 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. negotiations with the Greeks were once more made a pretext by the Pope for removing the seat of the council into Italy, wliere his influ- ence could be exerted to more effect. The fathers at Basil, however, rescripta concesserit quotidieve concedat, appellationes etiam a sententiis per banc Synodum seu ejusdem Commissarios latis in Curia et extra coiniiiisent et com- mittat, lites propter hoc faciendo immortales, et divisiones quam plurinias seminan- do, necnon varia supposita (suppdts) ab hoc sacro Concilio avocando, qui in agendo pro universali Ecclesia plurimum conferebant. Here we find already the charge, p. 1068: Intellexit a tide dignis pluriinis s. Synodus, eundeni Dominum Eugenium ad diversos reges et principes suos nuncios destinasse, ut in earundein annataruni perseverantia sibi adsisterent. A letter of instructions given by the Pope, soon after this, to his nuntios, sent to the various princes, (see Haynald. ann. 1436, no. 2 seq., contains a full defence against these charges, and a complaint of the whole proceedings of the Council. It is mentioned as an unheard of heresy, (no. 3), Concilia generalia non suscipere auctoritatem et tundamcntum a Christi \ icario, so that also Romanus Pontifex, ut Prailatus quilibet, obedire tenetur decretis — Concilii. — Quod nihil aliud est, quani pntestatem Summi Poiititicis Christique Vicarii in terris totaliter annihilare, et supremam potestatem ipsi a Christo datam in jnanibus multitudinis pone re : quod est non tain erroneum, quam etiam ab oinni doctrina ss. Patrum totaliter alienum, immo toto statu catholicorum Principum valde perniciosurn, quoniam pari niodo possent eorum populi, si congregarentur, supra eos prsetendei-e potestatem. The Decretum de annatis is (no. 4) in grave prEEJudicium et depressioncm Apostolica; sedis, cum a tanto tempore, de cu- jus contrario non est niemoria, et per multa retro sa^cula (see § 100, note 26 ; § 102, note 3) Summus Pontifex — in pacifica fuerit possessione de levandis annatis: — utpote quas nunquam fuerint per aliquod Concilium revocata^, immo potius in generali Viennensi ( ! ! ) et Constantiensi Concilio suscepts. — Cardinales etiam S. K. E. et caeteri Curiales RomauEe Curia; — in prssentia S. D. N. publico sunt protcstati, — affirmantes, quod si decretum hujusmodi tarn prscipitanter factum debebat observari, compellebantur relinquere sedem Apostolicani et ejus servitia. Furthermore the council had never seriously considered of any other provision for the Pope. There is some justice in the complaint (no. 6) that the council had interfered unjustifiably in the administration of the church : Illud summe adver- tendum est, et ad quos omnis Pi-incipum consideratio se convertere debet, quod ii, qui Basilea; sunt, omnia administi'ant et faciunt tam in spiritualibus quam in tem- poralibus quae spectant et pertinent ad exercitium supremi in Ecclesia Principis, quoniam minores causas agunt, de causis contirmationis cognoscunt, postulationes, quae soli gi-ati?p nituntur, et quos solus Papa consuevit admittere vel rejicere, non solum in Concilio lecipiunt, immo eas contra provisiones Apostolicas sedis admittunt, — de canonizationibus Sanctorum cognoscunt, beneficia et otRcia — dant, pensiones super beneficiisimponunt,confessionalia concedunt more Romanae CuriaE,ab omnibus peccalis absolvunt, — dant indulgentias, — faciunt Doctores in omni facultate nullo vel modico examine prffivio, cum illegitimis dispensant ad ordines, dignitates et haereditates, plerisque pallium conferunt, Episcopos consecrari prfecipiunt, — in gradibus a jure prohibitis dispensant ita faciliter, ut repertum sit, dispensatum esse per unum Pra;latum in secundo gradu consanguinitatis auctoi-itate, ut dicebatur, Concilii. — Quae omnia nullum umquam generalium Conciliorum — facere prae- sumpsit, etc. — The legates are thereibre directed to call on the princes to interfere (no. 14), unless the council should yield (sexto), ipsi Principes velintsuos oratores de Basilea revocare, necnon etiam Prwlatos eorum et subditos tam ecclesiasticos, quam ssculares. The close of these instructions is characteristic (no. 15), where the legates are directed what arguments to address to the emperor, and what to the king of France. Then: Similiter unicuique Regi et Priucipi.specialia quaedam dici poterunt pro majori parte, prout erit expediens, quae ipsimet nuntii pro eorum prudentia scient repei-ire. Non esset etiam malum, quod nuntii — liabeant aliquas particularitates etiam in foro conscientiae, ut possent gratificare Rcgibus et Princi- pibus. Utile pr*terea foret, si ii nuntii Apostolici secum portarent sub bulla aliquam Curiae rcformationem, quam Regibus et Principibus pr*sentarent. Hoc enim baculo adversarii nostri semper nos invadunt et percutiunt, quia dicunt multa in Romana Curia fieri, quae egent magna reparatione, nee ilia tamen corriguntur. Chap. I. Papacy. ^ 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 197 not blind to the danger, obstinately refused every such proposition ; -^^ and thus it soon came to an open rupture. On the 31.st of July, 1437, Sess. XXVI. the council summoned the Pope before its tri- bunal,^"- whilst Eugenius, on his part, transferred the council to Ferrara,"^'^ and actually opened there a new synod on the 8th of Jan. 1438. The council renewed the sentence of suspension against him, on the 24th of Jan. 1438, Sess. XXXI.^^ At this session, too, some Per hanc reformationem, etiam si usquequaque plena non foret, modo essent aliqua, eoruni ora obstruerentur, qui continue lacerant et carpunt Ronianaj Cui-iae famam, — redderenturque tunc Reges et Principes melius a;diticati, et luagis proni ad condescendendum petitionibus Domini nostri Papae, etc. ^^ After negotiations had already taken place between the Pope and the Greeks, there appeared, 1434, Greek ambassadors in Basil, who proposed to the council the following places of assembling (Sess. XIX. b. Mansi XXIX. p. 94), Calabria, Ancona, vel alia terra maritima, Bononia, Mediolanum, vel alia civitas in Italia: extra Italiam Buda in Hungaria, Vienna in Austria, et ad ultimum Sabaudia. The council resolved (p. 95) to send ambassadors to Constantinople, to influence the emperor, if possible, in favor of Basil, but otherwise to declare their I'eadiness to choose amongst the places proposed. The patriarch of Constantinople made answer (Raynald. 1435, no. 8), that it was necessary, ut statuatur beatissimum Dominum Papam in meditata cecumenica Synodo interesse personaliter, et non repraesenta- tive, electo et statuto loco congruente et conimodo pro quiete dicti beatissimi Domini Eugenii et nostra. On this Sess. XXV. March 7, 1437, duplo major pars of the synod voted in favor of Basil, Avignon, or Savoy, and in the following manner (Mansi XXIX. p. 134), quod apud Imperatorem — et alios GrKcos dili- gens et debita fieret instantia, — ut ex diversis bonis respectibus civitatem Basileen- sem acceptarent pro dicto oecumenico Concilio ibidem celebrando; quam si eos omnino recusare contingeret, extunc civitas Avinionensis locus esset — Concilii. — Si tamen illud in eadem celebrari non posset, extunc in Sabaudia Concilium cele- braretur antedictum. The minority, with the papal legates at theii- head, passed another decree on the same day, in the name of the synod (see Raynald, 1437, no. 7), ut videlicet civitas Florentina aut Utinum in patria Forijulii ponenda in manu Concilii, seu quicunque alius locus tutus in decreto (Sess. XIX. see above) comprehensus Summo Pontitici et Grscis accommodus pro oecumenico Concilio eligatur, which was at once confirmed by the Pope in a bull dated June 29 (see Raynald, 1437, no. 8). This stormy session is described in full by the eye-witness, iEneas Sylvius, in a letter first published by Mansi XXXI. p. 220. ^2 Mansi XXIX. p. 1.37 seq. No charge was here brought against him but disobedience to the decrees of the council : lUe, qui primus hsc exequi debuerat, quemque et Christi prajcepta et canones sacrorum Conciliorum prse ceteris servare oportuerat, immo et cajteros ad horum observantiam efficaciter inducere, nulla unquam monitione, nulla exhortatione induci jam longo tempore potuit, ut aliquam morum emendationem Christo placentem, aut notissimorum abusuum correctionem in Ecclesia sancta Dei efficere satageret. Quin potius conspicit universus orbis, sub ejus regimine majora semper scandala gravioraque exoriri. Heie follows a long catalogue of offences. Non autem solum in rerum spiritualium regimine hanc ipsam ruinara consideramus, sed et in gubernatione temporalium dominiorum s. Romans Ecclesiae notorios defectus attendimus. — Quantus enim terras ipse Dominus Eu- genius alienaverit, quantasque ejus incuria et insolerti regimine deperdita; et occu- patae sint, — notoria facta testari videntur. The Pope is therefore summoned to appear before the council withni 60 days, and the cardinals, ut infra eundem terminum in hac civitate Basileensi compareant, saluti s. matris Ecclesia; cum cffiteris in Synodo congregatis consulturi et opportune provisuri, prout Spiritus Sanctus dictaverit. 33 See Harduin IX. p. 698. 3** Sess. XXVIII. on the 1st of Oct. 1437, he was convicted of contumacy (Mansi XXIX. p. 147). Sess. XXIX. on the 12th of Oct. the transferring of the council to Ferrara was declared void, and all prelates commanded to appear at 198 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. last attempts were made at reform by restricting the liberty of appeal to Rome,-'-' and regulating the mode of appointment to vacant bene- fices-^"^ From this time forward the whole attention of the Synod was absorbed in the controversy with the Pope.-'^ It now became the interest of the temporal lords, to secure for their respective realms the advantages of the reform,-'^ and at the same time Basil. Sess. XXXI. followed the suspension (Mansi XXIX. p. 168) : s. Synodus prsedictuin Eugeniunl P. IV. manifestum contiimacem, et in aperta rebellione persistentem, ac notorie inconigibiliterque Ecclesiam Dei scandalizanteni — ab omni administratione Papatus in spiritualibu.^ et teiiiporalibus suspendit. — Omnem autem ipsius Papatus administrationem — eadem s. Sj'nodus ad seipsani decernit ac declarat esse devolutam. 35 Sess. XXXI. deer. 1. de causis (Mansi XXIX. p. 159) : Inoleverunt hacte- nus intolerabilium vexationum abusus permuUi, duin niniiuia frequenter a remo- tissimis etiain partibus ad Romanam Curiam, et interduni pro parvis et minutis rebus ac negotiis quaniphu-iini citari et evocari consuevei-unt, atque ita expensis et laboribus fatigari, ut nonnunquani comniodius arbitrarentur juri suo cedere, aut vexationeni suani gravi damno redimere, quam in tani longinqua regione litiuni subire dispendia. Sic facile extitit caluinniosis opprimere pauperes, sic beneticia ecclesiastica plerumque minus juste per litium anfractus obtenta sunt, duni justis possessoribus eorum, seu quibus ilia de jure couipetebant, neque opes neque facultates ad illos suinptus sufficere poterant, quos longinqua profectio ad Romanam Curiam et litis agitatio in eadem deposcebant. The Synod therefore decrees, quod in partibus ulti-a quatuor diaetas a Romana Curia distantibus omnes qu£E- cumque causa;, exceptis majoiibus in jure expresse enumeratis, et electionum Ecclesiarum cathedralium, et Monasteriorum, quas immediata subjectio ad sedem Apostolicam devolvit, apud illos judices in partilnis, qui dejure aut consuetudine praescripta vol privilegio cognitionem habent, terminentui- et tiniantnr. Et ne sub umbra appellationum, qua; nimium leviter, et nonnumquam frivole hactenus inter- poni visae sunt, atque etiam in eadem instantia ad prorogationem litium saepe multi- plicari, materia fovendis injustis vexationibus relinquatur ; statuit eadem s. Synodus, quod si quis offensus coram suo judice habere non possit justitia; complementum, ad immediatum superiorem per appellationeni recursum habeat: nee ad quem- cunque, etiam ad Papam, Oinisso medio, neque a gravamine in quacumque in- stantia ante diffinitivam sententiam quomodoJibet appelletur, nisi forsitan tale gravamen exstiterit, quod in diffinitiva sententia reparari nequiret : quo casu, non alias, ad immediatum superiorem licet appellare. Si vero quispiam a sedis Aposto- licas immediate subjecto ad ipsam sedem duxerit appellandum, causa per rescriptum usque ad finem litis inclusive in partibus committatur: nisi forte propter defectum justitias, aut justum metum, etiam in partibus convicinis, — apud ipsam sedem foret meiito retinenda. 36 Deer. 1. de collationibus beneficiorum. The Pope is forbidden to grant any more gratias exspectativas, as well as reservationes particulares. Deer. 3. Quali- ficationes et ordo in conferendis beneficiis per Oi-dinarios. Each cathedral church shall have a theologus, the third part of all prebends be filled with graduates; only such shall be appointed to be priests in the cities, aut ad minus qui per tres annos in theologia, vel in altero juriuni, seu magistri in artibus, qui in aliqua Universitate privilegiata studentes fuerint, et hujusmodi gradum adepti fuerint. 37 An account of this controversy, partial to the Pope, is given by Joannes de Polemar, in a work written 144.3 (see Mansi XXXI. p. 197 seq.) , another equally partial to the council, by A'icolaus de Tudesco, Archiepisc. Panormitanus (known as a writer on the Canons under the name of Abbas or Panormitanus) 1. c. p. 205 seq. 38 Notwithstanding the fears of Johannes Nider, a Dominican, who was very active at the council, that little was to be expected from it. In his Formicarius (or De visionibus ac revelationibus ed. v. d. Hardt Helmst. 1692. 8vo. written A. D. 1437. Lib. I. c. 7. p. 96, he makes Piger ask with reference to the Council of Constance and the praesens Basileense Concilium, quod pene in omnium bulla- Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV- 199 to prevent the threatened schism. Charles VI. of France, though not satisfied with the decrees of the council against the Pope, hasten- ed to avail himself of them in the Pragmatic Sanction, passed at Bourges, July 7, 1438,^'-* and rejected the Council of Ferrara. In Germany, the imperial throne being vacant, the electors exerted themselves to mediate between the two parties ; and to further this object, on the day before the choice of Albrecht II., March 17, 1438, they declared the German church neutral/^'^ At the same time, how- ever, they took care to secure all the advantages of the reform at Basil, by the Instrumentum acceptationis,'*! executed by the emperor and the realm on the 26th of March, 1439. The Council of Basil seems to have been led by this general approbation accorded to its measures, to over estimate its moral strength : every suggestion of the expediency of yielding in some measure was steadily repelled;'^- the rum suarum praeferebat exordio reformationis titulum, utrum de totali refor- matione Ecclesiae in membiis et capite aliquam spera habere possimus. The Theologius answers: Non oiiinino frustra celebrata fuerunt duo ista Concilia. — De totaU autem, quani depingis, reformatione Ecclesiae ad prsesens et ad propinqua futura teinpora nullam penitus spem habeo. Tuni quia voluntas bona in subditis deficit, turn quia illud Praslatorum malitia impedit, turn etiam, quia illud electis Dei, qui persecutionibus raalorum probantur, non expedit. 39 Pragmatique Sanction or la Pragmatique de Bourges ed. Pinson, Paris. 1666. fol., in the Ordonnances des Rois de France de la troisieine Race, vol. XIII. p. 267. and in M U n c h ' s Sammlung alter altern und neuern Konkordate. Th. 1. S. 207 ff. of. Histoire contenant I'origine de la Pragmatique Sanction, — comme elle a ete observee, et les moyens dont les Papes se sont servis pour I'abolir, in the Traitez des Droits et Libertez de I'Eglise Gallicane. T. I. 1731. fol. ^° See the protest inJoh.Joach. Mailer's des heil. rom. Reichs teutscher Nation Reichstagstheatrura wie selbiges unter Keyser Friedrlchs V. allerhochsten Regierung gestanden (Jena 1713. fol.) Th. 1. S. 30. ^^ This Instrumentum acceptationis which had long lain in obscurity, was brought to light, and published by the Counsellor of State, Horix, at Mayence, in the Concordata Nat. Germ. Integra. Francof. et Lips. 1763. 4to. with corrections in the Cone. Nat. Germ. Integra variis additamentis illustrata (Francof. et Lips. 1771. 3 Tomi, 8vo. T. I. p. 38 seq. The best edition trom the original in the Archives in Mayence, with the necessary explanations, is the Sanctio Pragmatica Germanorum illustrata ed. Christoph. Guil. Koch. Argentor. 1789. 4to. p. 93 seq. M u n c h ' s Sammlung alter altern u. neuern Konkordate. Th. 1. S. 42 ff. *'^ cf. MnecB Sylvii commentariorum de gestis Cone. Basileensis libb. II., written 1444, in favor of the council, comprehending the years 1438-1440: the accompany- ing Epist. ad Joanne m de Segovia de coronatione Felicis is often counted as lib. III. Both may be found in the Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum p. 1 seq., and have been published separately also, Basil. 1577. 8vo. Cattopolii 1667. 4to. According to .Mneas Sylvius the princes might have hindered the schism by working in concert, compare his remarkable letter to the imperial chan- cellor, Caspar Schlick, A. D. 1438, Ep. 54-: Vidi quid Reges scribunt ex copiis literarum, nee despero rem posse bene conduci, si aggredi velimus negotium. Omnibus enim, ut vides, displicet schisma, omnes abhorrent. Viam autem so- piendi hoc malum Carolus Rex Franciae nisi fallor et tutam et brevem ostendit, ut fiat conventus Principum vel eoruni oratorum in communi aliquo loco, ibique una recipiatur conclusio per omnes. — Htec via non posset impediri : nee Papa, nee Concilium reniti possent, tanquam hoc absque ipsis fieri nequiret. Licet enim Principibus sascularibus convenire invito Clero, et tamen illic unio fieri posset. Nam ille Papa indubitatus esset, cui omnes Principes obedirent. Non video Cleri- cos, qui velint pro ista vel ilia parte martyrium ferre. Omnes hanc fidem habe- mus, quam nostri principes : qui si colerent idola, et nos etiam coleremus. Et non 200 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. proceedings against Eugenius were continued, and at Sess. XXXIV. May 25, 1439, he was formally deposed,-^^ and on the 17th of Nov. the commission appointed for the purpose, chose Amadeus VIII., duke of Savoy, to succeed him, under the title of Felix V."*^ This rash measure,''^ by which a new schism was occasioned in the church so shortly after the old one had been, with such pains, reconciled, proved the ruin of the council. Felix V. was scarce any where recognised. The council lost daily more and more of its im- portance, and from the IGth of May, 1443, when it held its 45th and last session, existed only in name.'*'^ Eugenius would have bad little solum Papain sed Christum etiam negaremus SKCulari potestate urgente, quia refriguit caritas, et omnis interiit fides. Utcunque sit, pacein desideramus, quae sive per aliud Concilium, vel per conventum Principuiu detur, iiihili pendo. ••^ Mansi XXIX. p. 179 seq., s. Synodus pro tribunali sedens per banc suam sententiain diffinitivam — pronunciat, decernit et declarat, Gabrielem prius nomi- natum Eugenium P. IV. i'uisse et esse notoriuin et manifestum contumacem, inan- datis sou praeceptis Ecclesia; universalis inobedienteiu, et in aperta rebellione persistentem, violatoreni assiduum atque contemplorem sacrorum canonum syno- dalium, pacis et unitatis Ecclesiae Dei perturbatorcm notorium, universalis EcclesiEe scandalizatoreni notoiium, simoniacuni, perjuruni, incorrigibilem, schismaticum, a fide devium, pertinacem hKreticum, dilapidatorem jurium et bonorum Ecclesiae. — Queni propterea eadem s. Synodus a Papatu et Romano Pontificio ipso jure priva- tum esse declarat, etc. *^ cf. JEnecB Sylvii Commentar. (see note 42). *^ That the proceedings at Basil were rash, and that the state of things there was not exactly what it might have been wished, is evident already fi-om what is above narrated. Compare Jo. de PoJemar (see note 37), in Mansi XXXI. p. 202 : Nullibi pejus decreta Basileensium quam Basiles scrvata sunt. Formula ilia morum, in cibis, in vestibus, in familiaribus, in falleris (phale- ris) equorum, in modo vivendi et procedendi, in deputationibus, in congregatione generali fuitne unquam servata ? Qualiter supplicationes, et alia per deputationes expedita sint temere, immoderate, prout quilibet plus poterat aut clamores et impressiones, aut multitudinem votoi'um, non advertendo quid expediat, sed omnia passim concedendo, ea prajsertim quae sedes Apostolica repulerat, — pudet referre. Mittunt utique nuncios cum facultatibus, qua; nee legatis de latere per sedem Apostolicam tradi consueverunt. Si Diabolus a Basileensibus aliquid peteret et contra fas et jus ; dummodo illis vellet assentire, facillime impetraret. Offerunt et ipsi et Antipapa eorum Regibus, Principibus, et Prselatis privilegia, facultates, dignitates, ut illis adsistant, etc. ■*^ The position of the different nations is thus described by JEneas Sylvius descript. Germanise, c. 10: Gallia quidem, atque Hispania, Italia quoque, Ungaria et Anglia Eugenium sequebantur : Sabaudia, Suicenses, Basilienses, Argentinen- ses, ac ex Saxonia Caminenses, simulque de ducibus Bavariae Albertus Monaci Felici obediebant. Rex Aragonum et Siciliae Alphonsus, Polonique et Britones nee Eugenio nee Felici, sed Concilio Basileensium auscultabant. Reliqua Germa- nia neutralitatem quandam induit. The state of the council by Joannes de Pole- mar (see note 37), A. D. 1443 (in Mansi XXXI. p. 206): Nulli Primates, Archiepiscopi, et Episcopi orbis Antipapa; adhaeserunt, exceptis paucissimis illis de Pedemontium et Sabaudia;, quos non Veritas trahit, sed metus et subjectio com- pellit, ac illis tanti scelei-is patratoribus Basileae existentibus, quorum nomina opportunum est inserere, tit patent, qui et quales sint, qui Ecclesiam perturbant. Arelatensis Episcopus (Louis Allemand, archbishop of Aries and cardinal, pre- sident of the council), Gratianopolitanus Episcopus (of Grinoble), Basiliensis Ep., Ep. Aquensis, Marsiliensis sine possessione Episcopus, Lacusanensis sine possessione Ep. Argentinensis titulatus, Ep. Grossetanus titulatus. Fuerunt etiam duo Episcopi de Arragonia, quos D. Rex tenebat ibi, ut terreret S. D. N. ne esset sibi adversarius in regno Neapolitano. Fuerunt autem pauci Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 193 provincial synods were prescribed;-' Sess. XX. Jan. 22, 1435, resolutions were passed against the concubinage of the clergy,'^'-^ against the precipitate promulgation of inierdicts,^^ and atrainst un- grounded appeals to the Pope.-^ Sess. XXI. June 9, Annates were abolished,--^ and certain abuses which had crept into the mode of celebrating public worship, forbidden.^G Sess. XXIII. March 25, 2' Mansi XXIX. p. 74: — s. Synodus — pracipit, Synodum Episcopaleni in qualibet dioecesi post octavas dominica; Resurrectionis, vel alia die secundum consuetudinem diuecesum, ad minus seinel in anno, ubi non est consuetudo bis annuatim, celebrai-i per dioecesanum propria in persona. They must continue at least two or three days, and employ themselves with enforcing the decrees of the church, examining the morals of the priests, correcting abuses, extirpating here- sies, &c. For these purposes testes synodales were to be called on oath. — Pro- vincial synods were to be held at least every three years. — The monastic orders also were to hold their Capitula regularly. 22 Mansi XXIX. p. 101. Sess. XX. Deer. 1. Every priest, who should con- tinue two months after the publication of this order to live in open concubinage, was to be ipso facto suspended a perceptione fi-uctuum omnium suorum beneiicio- rum for three months, and if on being warned he should not immediately put away his concubine, to be deposed. Quia vero in quibusdam regionibus nonnuUi juris- dictionem ecclesiasticam habenles, pecuniarios qua;stus a concubinariis percipere non crubescunt, patiendo eos in tali foeditate sordescere (see § 107, note 9) : sub pcena maledictionis ajternae praecipit, ne deinceps sub pacto, compositione, aut spe alicujus quEEstus, talia quovis modo tolerent aut dissimulent : alioquin ultra prae- missam negligentiie poenam duplum ejus, quod propterea acceperint, restituere ad pios usus omnino teneantur et compellantur. Ipsas autem concubinas — Pra'lati modis omnibus curent a suis subditis, etiam per brachii saeculaiis auxilium, si opus fuerit, penitus arcere : qui etiam ex tali concubinatu procreates lilios apud patres suos cohabitare non permittant. ^ Deer. 3 : Quoniam ex indiscreta interdictorum promulgatione multa consue- verunt scandala evenire, statuit haec sancta Synodus, quod nulla civitas, oppidum, — aut locus ecclesiastico supponi possint interdicto, nisi ex causa sen culpa ipsorum locorum, aut domini seu rectorum vel otficialium : propter culpam autem — alterius cujuscunque privata^ personse hujusmodi loca interdici nequaquam possint, — nisi — domini seu rectores — ipsorum locorum, auctoritate judicis requisiti, hujusmodi personam excommunicatam infra biduum inde — non ejecerint, aut ad satisfacien- dum compulerint. ^^ Deer. 4 : Ut lites citius terminentur, super eodem gravamine, aut super eadem interlocutoria vim ditfinitivae non habente nullatenus liceat secundo appel- lare. Quodque ante diffinitivam frivole vel injuste appellans, ultra condemnatio- nem expensarum, damnorum, et interesse, in quindecim florenis auri de camera parti appellatae per appellationis judicem conderanetur. 2j Mansi XXIX. p, 104. Sess. XXI. Deer. 1. de annatis : In nomine Spiritus Sancti paracleti statuit ha;c sancta Synodus, quod tam in curia Romana quam aiibi pro seu in contirmatione electionum, admissione postulationum, prajsentationum provisione, collatione, dispositione, electione, postulatione, prasentatione, etiam a laicis facienda, institutione, installatione, et investitura, de Ecclesiis etiam cathe- dralibus et metropolitanis, Monasteriis, — otficiisque ecclesiasticis quibuscumque, necnon ordinibus sacris et benedictione ac pallio, de csetero nihil penitus ante vel post exigatur ratione literarum, bullte, sigilli, annatarum communium, et minuto- rum servitiorum, primorum fructuum, deportuum, aut sub quocumque alio titulo. — Huic autem sacro canoni si quis — contraire prajsumpserit, poenam incurrat adversus simoniacos inflictam. — ICt si (quod absit) Romanus Pontifex, qui prae CEBteris universalium Conciliorum exequi et custodire canones debet, adversus hanc sanctionera aliquid faciondo Ecclesiam scandalizet, general! Concilio deferatur. Casteri vero pro modo culpae juxta canonicas sanctiones per suos superiores digna ultione puniantur. ^ Namely, in suspending the horag canonicae and the masses. Deer. 9 forbids the abuse, quo nonnulli Ecclesiarum Canonici contrahentes debita, sic se creditori- VOL. III. 25 194 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. 1436, regulations were made concerning the choice of the Pope, the oath to be taken by him, and the duties of his office,^^ also con- cerning the cardinals,-^ and an unconditional prohibition of the papal Reservations, which had before been abolished.--^ Such decided bus oblif^ant, ut nisi statute tempore satisfaciant, a divinis cassetur officiis. Deer. 11 forbids the Fools Festival (see § 79) : Turpem etiain ilium abusum in quibusdain fre- quentatum Ecclesiis, quo ccrtis anni celebritatibus nonnulli cum uiitra, baculo ac vestibus pontiticalibus more Episcoporum benedicunt, alii in i-egcs ac duces induit, quod festum f'atuorum, vel innocentum seu pueroium in quibusdam regionibus nun- cupatur,alii larvales et theatralesjocos, alii choreas et tripudia n)arium ac mulierum facientes homines ad spectacula et cachinnationes movent, alii commessationes et convivia ibidem praparani : haec s. Synodus detestans, statuit et jubet tam Ordina- riis, quam Ecclesiarum Decanis et Kectoribus sub poena suspensionis omnium proventuum ecclesiasticorurn trium mensium spatio, ne hsec aut similia ludibria, neque etiam mercantias sen negotiationes nundinarum in Ecclesia, qua; domus orationis esse debet, ac etiam coemeterio exerceri anjplius permittant, transgresso- resque per censuram ecclesiasticam, aliaque juris remedia punire non negligant. 2^ Mansi XXIX. p. 110. Sess. XXIII. Deer. 1. de electione summi Pontificis. C. 2. The Pope when elected must subscribe the professio which follows in the next chapter. This is the same prescribed at Constance (§ 130, note 15) with some additions. He promises first, to provide for purity of doctrine, observance of the usages of the cliui-ch, and the extii-pation of heresies, pro reformatione morum ac pace in populo Christiano. Then : juro etiam prosequi celebrationem Concilio- rum generalium et confirmationem electionum juxt.i decrefa sacri Basileensis Conciiii. At each anniversary of his election, this professio was to be read to him by one of the cardinals during mass, with the following exhortations: Curet igitur Sanctitas Tua, pro honore Dei, et salute anima; Tuk, et utilitate universalis Eccle- siae praedicta omnia pro viribus observare bona fide, sine dolo et fraude. Recogites etiam, cujus vicem geras in terris, etc. — Memineris quid b. Petrus aliique sibi succedentes Pontifices fecerunt, qui nihil aliud cogitabant, nisi honorem Dei, etc. — Noli Tihi aut tuis thesaurizare in terris, etc. — In distribuendis dignitatibus et beneficiis non carnem, non munera, non quid aliud temporale, sed solum Deum, et virtutes atque hominum merita Tibi proponas. In coriigendis excessibus eccle- siasticam exerce disciplinam. — Pauperes autem ac miserabiles pei-sonas defende, juva et sustenta. Ad omnes autem paternam babe caritatem. Then follow full directions from the council for the government of the church and its territories. ^ Deer. 4. de numero et qualitate Cardinalium. The provisions of the Council of Constance are first repeated (§ 1.30, note 19). Then an oath is prescribed for the newly elected cardinals, and directions given to the cardinals, in what manner they were to support the Pope in the government of the church, and how they were themselves to live. E. g. Si quando Papam (quod absit) negligentem aut remissum, seu agentem qua; statum illius non decent, ip?i Cardinales inspexerint, filiali reverentia et caritate tanquam patrem obsecrent, ut officio pastorali hono- rique ac debito sue satisfaciat. Et primo quidem aliquis vel aliqui de iis per se, deinde si se non corrigat, omnes collegialiter accersitis quibusdam notabilibus Prslatis, prfedicentes, quod si non abstinueiit proximo general! Concilio deferant : nee pro salute ipsius Sumni Pontificis et bono publico ejus odium vel quidquam aliud timeant, dum tamen reverenter et caritative id agant. 28 Deer. 6. de reservationibus (see note 20, above). Et quia multiplices Eccle- siarum et Bencficiorum hactenus factae per summos Pontiiices reservationes non parum Ecclesiis onerosae extiterunt; ipsas omnes tam generales quam speciales sive particulares de quibuscumque Ecclesiis et Beneficiis, quibus tam per electio- nem, quam collationem, aut aliam dispositionem provideri solet, sive per Extrava- gantes ^d regimen et Execrabilis, sive per regulas Cancellaria;, aut alias Apos- tolicas constitutiones introductas, ha;c s. Synodus abolet, statuens ut de ca?tero nequaquam fiant : reservationibus in corpore juris expresse clausis, et his, quas in terris Romans Ecclesias ratione directi seu utilis dominii, mediate vel immediate subjectis fieri contigcrit, duntaxat exceptis. This was just what the Germans had asked at the Council of Constance in their Avisamentis (see § 130, note 18) v. d. Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 195 steps brought the council once more into collision with the Pope, each party complaining of the encroachments of the other.""^ The Hardt I. XXII. p. 999), and been refused, see the Concordat with the Germans at Constance, cap. 2 (§ 130, note 19). ^° The Council strove long in vain to prevail on the Pope formally to acknowl- edge its decrees, especially the decree de electionibus (note 20), and to this end sent to him several embassies (the names of the ambassadors see in Mansi XXX. p. 1064). The speeches of the fourth embassy, which consisted of Jo. de Hun- garia Deer. Doctor, and Mag. Mattha;us Mesnage, to which the Pope gave audience on the 14thof July, 1435, ai-e full of reproaches and threats (IMansi XXX. p. 939) : Si Sanctitas Vestia non servarct decretum de electionibus per sacrum Concilium promulgatum, timendum foret, quod infra decem aut quindecim annos s. catholica Ecclesia divisa reperiatur in tot partes quot sunt dioeceses. Wherefore they pray quatenus Sanctitas Vestra deinceps cum effectu servare et servari facere velit decreta edita et edenda per sacrum Concilium Basileense, et in con- trarium attenta revocare, alioquin P. B. dicta sacra Synodus multiplicibus jurgio- rum ac scandalorum crebris propulsata opprobriis, intendit dare operam etficacem, per quara decreta sua ab omnibus inviolabiliter observentur, etiam quacumque praefulgeant dignitate, prout ei possibile erit. — in omnibus autem Sanctitas Vestra velit sic agere, quod patres in sacro Concilio concipere valeant, Sanctitatem Vestram manutenere sacrum Concilium, et non per indirectum dissolvere. At the same time the embassy presented the decree de annatis (see note 25), admonished the Pope to observe it, and at the same time announced : Sacrum concilium omnino dispositum est, et jam hiboiat, per aliquem alium moduni honestiorem Sanctitati Vestrae et Dominis Cardinalibus taleiu facere provisionem, de qua Sanctitas Vestra et Domini Cardinales merito poterunt contentari : praisertim autem si sacrum Con- cilium informatum fuerit, realiter et cum etfectu Sanctitatem vestram decreta sacri Concilii Basileensis servaie ab aliisque observari facere, et in contrarium attentata revocare. The Pope then sent Oratores to Basle, to demand (.Mansi XXX. p. 946), quod aut suspendatur decretum de annatis, aut debita sedi Apostolicae fiat provisio: the answer was (p. 950), that such provision would be made, si Summus Pontifex ipse circa synodalium decretorum observautiam animum, ut decet, incli- naverit. After this on the 20th of Jan. 14.36, a new embassy to the Pope was resolved on, which was comnussioned to use still more decided language, and to declare in conclusion (see their instructions, 1. c. p. 1064), quod sacrum Concilium non valens amplius ista tolerare, mittit dictos oratores, per quos sacrum C mcilium rogat ipsum dominum nostrum, — ac solemniter et peremtorie requirit et monet, ut — velit a talibus penitus abstinere, ac efficaciter servare decreta istius sacri Concilii, et tenorem adha?sionis sute ; et quod in testimonium hujus infra XXV. dies a die hujuscemodi monitionis publice ac solemniter in Consistorio publico debeat facere legi litteras more Curia; Romanae bullatas infrascripti tenoris, mitten- das infra [alios] XXV. dies ad sacrum Concilium, in generaU congregatione seu sessione legendas. Quod si — prtedicta non fecerit — ipsum sacrum Concilium protestatur coram Deo et hominibus, quod sine alia dilatione et citatione — procedet contra ipsum juxta decretum Concilii Constantiensis. The accompanying foi-m of the bull required from the Pope was this (p. 1065) : Omnes appellationes inter- positas vel interponendas ad nos a sententiis latis per sacrum Concilium, vel Com- missarios aut Judices ejusdem ipso durante, annullamus et irritamus, mandantes sub poena excommunicationis lata; sententias omnibus Judicibus et Commissariis auctoritate nostra deputatis, ne super illis procedere audeant. Revocamus etiam omnia gravamina, et quidquid factum est dicta auctoritate nostra contra tenorem nostra; adhcesioni*, ac contra decreta ipsius sacri Concihi Basileensis : ratificamus et approbamus omnia decreta ipsius sacri Concilii Basileensis, et prsesertim de electionibus et de annatis : poUicemur, quod sine dolo et fraude ilia manutenere et servare, etc. Then follows the Monitorium, to be delivered to the Pope, in which the complaints against him are detailed in full. Amongst them are the following (p. 1067) : quotidie nostra; a diversis personis ac pro variis causis aures pulsantur propter importabilia gravamina eis ilia in derogationem per nos nostraque auctori- tate gestorum, potissime quod adversum sententias hie latas, quas in rem transive- rint judicatam, adversum ipsam etiam causarum pendentiam in hoc sacro Concilio, 196 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. negotiations with the Greeks were once more made a pretext by the Pope for removing tlie seat of the council into Italy, where his influ- ence could be exerted to more effect. The fathers at Basil, however, rescripta concesserit quotidieve concedat, appellationes etiam a sententiis per hanc Synodum seu ejusdem Commissarios latis in Curia et extra commiserit et com- mittat, lites propter hoc faciendo inimortales, et divisiones quam pluiimas seminan- do, necnon varia supposita (stippots) ab hoc sacro Concilio avocando, qui in agendo pro universah Ecclesia plurimum conferebant. Here wc tind already the charge, p. 1068: Intellexit a lide dignis pluriniis s. Synodus, eundeni Dominuni Eugenium ad diversos reges et principes suos nuncios destinasse, ut in earundem annatarum perseverantia sibi adsisterent. A letter of instructions given by the Pope, soon after this, to his nuntios, sent to the various princes, (see Raynald. ann. 1436, no. 2 seq., contains a full defence against these charges, and a complaint of the whole proceedings of the Council. It is mentioned as an unheard of heresy, (no. 3), Concilia generalia non suscipere auctoritatem et i'undainentuui a Christi Vicario, so that also Roiiianus Pontifex, ut Pralatus quilibet, obedirc tenetur decretis — Concilii. — Quod nihil aliud est, quam potestatem Sumnii Pontihcis Chrisrtque Vicarii in tenis totaliter annihilai-e, et supremam potestatem ipsi a Christo datam in manibus multitudinis ponere : quod est non tam erroneum, quam etiam ab omni doctrina ss. Patrum totaliter alienum, inimo toto statu catholicorum Pi-incipum valde perniciosum, quoniam pari mode possent eorum populi, si congregarentur, supra eos pra^tendere potestatem. The Decretum de annatis is (no. 4) in grave pra^judicium et depressionem Apostolica; sedis, cum a tanto tempore, de cu- jus contrario non est memoria, et per multa retro sa;cula (see § 100, note 26; § 102, note 3) Sununus Pontifex — in pacifica fuerit possessione de levandis annatis: — utpote qua? nunquani fuerint per aliquod Concilium revocata', immo potiusin generali Viennensi ( ! ! ) et Constantiensi Concilio suscepta;. — Caidinales etiam S. K. E. et cseteri Curiales Romanae Curiae — in prasentia S. D. N. publice sunt protestati, — atfirniantes, quod si decretum hujusmodi tam praecipitanter (actum debebat observari, compellebantur relinquere sedem Aposlolicam et ejus sei'vitia. Furthermore the council had never seiiously considered of any other provision for the Pope. There is some justice in the complaint (no. 6) that the council had interfered unjustifiably in the administration of the church : Illud summe adver- tenduni est, et ad quos oninis Principum consideralio se convertere debet, quod ii, qui Basilese sunt, omnia administrant et faciunt tam in spiritualibus quam in tem- poralibus quae spectant et pertinent ad exei-citium supremi in Ecclesia Principis, quoniam minores causas agunt, de causis confirmationis cognoscunt, postulationes, qucE soli gratis nituntur, et quos solus Papa consuevit admittere vel rejicere, non solum in Concilio recipiunt, immo eas contra pi'ovisiones Apostolicae sedis admittunt, — de canonizationibus Sanctorum cognoscunt, beneficia et otficia — dant, pensiones super beneficiis iniponunt, confessionalia concedunt more Romans; Curise, abomnibus peccatis absolvunt, — dant indulgentias, — faciunt Doctores in omni facultate nuUo vel modico examine prasvio, cum illegitimis dispensant ad ordines, dignitates et ha'reditates, pleiisque pallium conferunt, Episcopos consecrari praecipiunt, — in gradibus a jure prohibitis dispensant ita faciliter, ut repertum sit, dispensatum esse per unum Pi-adatum in secundo gradu consanguinitatis auctoritate, ut dicebatur, Concilii. — Quee omnia nullum umquam generalium Conciliorum — facere prae- sumpsit, etc. — The legates are thereibre directed to call on the princes to interfere (no. 14), unless the council should yield (sexto), ipsi Princijies velint suos oratores de Basilea revocare, necnon etiam Pra:latos eorum et subditos tam ecclesiasticos, quam sa;culares. The close of these instructions is characteristic (no. 15), where the legates are directed what arguments to address to the empero?, and what to the kino- of France. Then : Similiter unicuique Regi et Principi specialia qua>dam dici poterunt pro majori parte, prout erit expediens, quae ipsimet nuntii pro eorum prudentia scient reperire. Non esset etiam malum, quod nuntii — liabeant aliquas particularitates etiam in foro conscientia', ut possent gratificare Regibus et Princi- pibus. Utile praterea foret, si ii nuntii Apostolici secum portarent sub bulla aliquam Curire reformationem, quam Regibus et Principibus prajsentarent. Hoc enim baculo adversarii nostri semper nos invadunt et percutiunt, quia dicunt multa in Romana Curia fieri, quae egent magna reparatione, nee ilia tamen corriguntur. Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Evgenius IV. 197 not blind to the danger, obstinately refused every such proposition ; ^^ and thus it soon came to an open rupture. On the 31st of July, 1437, Sess. XXVI. the council summoned the Pope before its tri- bunal,^- whilst Eugenius, on his part, transferred the council to Ferrara,"'-^ and actually opened there a new synod on the 8th of Jan. 1438. The council renewed the sentence of suspension against him, on the 24th of Jan. 1438, Sess. XXXL^"* At this session, too, some Per hanc reformationem, etiam si usquequaque plena non foret, modo essent aliqua, eoruin ora obstruerentur, qui continue lacerant et carpunt Romans Curiae famam, — redderenturqiie tunc Reges et Principes melius ajdificati, et niagis proni ad condescendenduni petitionibus Domini nostri Paps, etc. ^^ After negotiations had already taken place between the Pope and the Greeks, there appeared, 1434, Greek ambassadors in Basil, who proposed to the council the following places of assembling (Sess. XIX. b. JNlansi XXIX. p. 94), Calabria, Ancona, vel alia terra maritiraa, Bononia, Mediolanum, vel alia civitas in Italia : extra Italiam Buda in Hungaria, Vienna in Austria, et ad ultimum Sabandia. The council resolved (p. 95) to send ambassadors to Constantinople, to influence the emperor, if possible, in favor of Basil, but otherwise to declare their leadiness to choose amongst the places proposed. The patriarch of Constantinople made answer (Raynald. 1435, no. 8), that it was necessary, ut statuatur beatissimuni Dominum Papam in meditata oecumenica Synodo interesse personaliter, et non repraesenta- tive, electo et statute loco congruente et commodo pro quiete dicti beatissimi Domini Eugenii et nostra. On this Sess. XXV. March 7, 1437, duplo major pars of the synod voted in favor of Ba^il, Avignon, or Savoy, and in the following manner (Mansi XXIX. p. 134), quod apud Imperatorem — et alios Grfecos dili- gens et debita fieret instantia, — utex diversis bonis respectibus civitatem Basileen- sem acceptarent pro dicto oecumenico Concilio ibidem celebrando; quam si eos omnino recusare contingeret, extunc civitas Avinionensis locus esset — Concilii. — Si tamen illud in eadeni celebrari non posset, extunc in Sabaudia Concilium cele- braretur antedictum. The minority, with the papal legates at their head, passed another decree on the same day, in the name of the synod (see Raynald, 1437, no. 7), ut videUcet civitas Florentina aut Utinum in patria Forijulii ponenda in manu Concilii, seu quicunque alius locus tutus in decreto (Sess. XIX. see above) comprehensus Sunmio Pontilici et Grsecis accommodus pro oecumenico Concilio eligatur, which was at once confirmed by the Pope in a bull dated June 29 (see Raynald, 1437, no. 8). This stormy session is described in full by the eye-witness, .^neas Sylvius, in a letter first published by Mansi XXXI. p. 220. 3- Mansi XXIX. p. 137 seq. No charge was here brought against him but disobedience to the decrees of the council : Ille, qui primus hcec exequi debuerat, quemque et Christi prtecepta et canones sacrorum Conciliorum pra; ca'teris servare oportuerat, immo et cateros ad horum observantiam efficaciter inducere, nulla unquam monitione, nulla exhortatione induci jam longo tempore potuit, ut aliquam morum emendationem Christo placentem, aut notissimoi-um abusuum correctionem in Ecclesia sancta Dei efficere satageret. Quin potius conspicit universus orbis, sub ejus regimine majora semper scandala gravioraque exoriri. Here follows a long catalogue of offences. Non autem solum in rerum spiritualium regimine hanc ipsam ruinam consideramus, sed et in gubernatione temporalium dominiorum s. Romanse Ecclesiae notorios defectus attendimus. — Quantus enim terras ipse Dominus Eu- genius alienaverit, quantsque ejus incuria et insolerti regimine deperditK et occu- patas sint, — notoria facta testari videntur. The Pope is therefore summoned to appear before the council within 60 days, and the cardinals, ut infra eundem terminum in hac civitate Basileensi compareant, saluti s. matris Ecclesise cum caeteris in Synodo congregatis consulturi et opportune provisuri, prout Spiritus Sanctus dictaverit. 33 See Harduin IX. p. 698. 3* Sess. XXVIII. on the 1st of Oct. 1437, he was convicted of contumacy (Mansi XXIX. p. 147). Sess. XXIX. on the 12th of Oct. the transferring of the council to Ferrara was declared void, and all prelates commanded to appear at 198 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. last attempts were made at reform by restricting the liberty of appeal to Rome,'^-' and regulating the mode of appointment to vacant bene- fices.-'^s From this time forward the whole attention of the Synod was absorbed in the controversy with the Pope. 3" It now became the interest of the temporal lords, to secure for their respective realms the advantages of the reform,^^ and at the same time Basil. Sess. XXXI. followed the suspension (Mansi XXIX. p. 168): s. Synodus praedictum Eugenium P. IV. manifestiim contumaceni, et in aperta rebellione persistentem, ac nolorie incorrigibiliterque Ecclesiaui Dei scandalizanteni — ab omni administratione Papatus in spiritiialibus et tcniporalibus suspendit. — Omneia autem ipsius Papatus administiationcm — eadein s. Synodus ad seipsam decernit ac declarat esse devolutam. 35 Sess. XXXI. deer. 1. de causis (Mansi XXIX. p. 159): Inoleverunt hacte- nus intolerabilium vexationuni abusus pernmlti, dum niniiuni frequenter a renio- tissiniis etiani partibus ad Romanam Curiam, et interduni pro parvis et minutis rebus ac neajotiis quampluriini citari et evocari consuevei-unt, atque ita expensis et laboribus fatigari, ut nonnunquani comniodius arbitrarentur juri suo cedere, aut vexationem suaui gravi damno redimere, quain in tain longinqua regione litium subire dispendia. Sic facile extitit caluinniosis opprimere pauperes, sic beneficia ecclesiastica plerumque minus juste per litium antractus obtenta sunt, duni justis possessoribus eorum, seu quibus ilia de jure competebant, neque opes neque facnltates ad illos sumptus sufKcere poterant, quos longinqua profectio ad Romanam Curiam et litis agitatio in eadem deposcebant. The Synod therefore decrees, quod in partibus ultra quatuor dijetas a Romana Curia distantibus omnes qua2- cumque causae, exceptis njajoribus in jure expresse enumeratis, et electionum Ecclesiarum cathedraliiim, et Monasteriorum, quas immediata subjectio ad sedem Apostolicam devolvit, apud illos judices in partibus, qui de jure aut consuetudine praiscripta vel privilegio cognitionem habent, termineatur et tiniantur. Et ne sub umbra appellationum, quaj nimium leviter, et nonnumquam frivole hactenus inter- poni visae sunt, atque etiam in eadem instantia ad prorogationem litium saepe niulti- plicari, materia fovendis injuslis vexationibusrelinquatur; statuit eadem s. Synodus, quod si quis ofTensus coram suo judice babeic non possit justitiae complementum, ad immediatum superiorem per appellationcm recursum habeat: nee ad quem- cunque, etiam ad Papain, omisso medio, neque a gravaniine in quacumque in- stantia ante diffinitivam sentenliam quomodolibet appelletur, nisi tbrsitan tale gravamen exsliterit, quod in diffinitiva sententia reparari nequiret : quo casu, non alias, ad immediatum superiorem licet appellare. Si vero quispiam a sedis Aposto- licEB immediate subjecto ad ipsam sedem duxerit appellandum, causa per rescriptum usque ad finem litis inclusive in partibus coinmittatur : nisi forte propter defectum justitiop, aut justum metum, etiam in partibus convicinis, — apud ipsam sedem foret merito retinenda. ^ Deer. 1. de collationibus beneficiorum. The Pope is forbidden to grant any more gralias exspectativas, as well as reservationes particulares. Deer. 3. Quali- ficationes et ordo in conferendis beneficiis per Ordinarios. Each cathedral church shall have a theologus, the third part of all prebends be filled with graduates; only such shall be appointed to be priests in the cities, aut ad minus qui per tres annos in theologia, vel in altero jurium, seu magistri in artibus, qui in aliqua Universitate privilegiata studentes fuerint, et hujusmodi gradum adepti fuerint. 3^ An account of this controversy, partial to the Pope, is given by Joannes de Polemar, in a work written 1443 (see Mansi XXXI. p. 197 seq.) , another equally partial to the council, by A'icolaus de Tudcsco, Archiepisc. Panormitamis (known as a writer on the Canons under the name of Abbas or Panormitanus) 1. c. p. 205 seq. 38 Notwithstanding the fears of Johannes Nider, a Dominican, who was very active at the council, that little was to be expected from it. In his Formicarius (or De visionibus ac revelationibus ed. v. d. Hardt Helmst. 1692. 8vo. written A. D. 1437. Lib. I. c. 7. p. 96, he makes Piger ask with reference to the Council of Constance and the praesens Basileense Concilium, quod pene in omnium bulla- Chap. I. Papacy, ^^i 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV- 199 to prevent the threatened schism. Charles VI. of France, though not satisfied with the decrees of the council against the Pope, hasten- ed to avail himself of them in the Pragmatic Sanction, passed at Bourges, July 7, 1438,3^ and rejected the Council of Ferrara. In Germany, the imperial throne being vacant, the electors exerted themselves to mediate between the two parties ; and to further this object, on the day before the choice of Albrecht II., March 17, 1438, they declared the German church neutral '^'^ At the same time, how- ever, they took care to secure all the advantages of the reform at Basil, by the Instrumentum acceptationis,"*! executed by the emperor and the realm on the 26th of March, 1439. The Council of Basil seems to have been led by this general approbation accorded to its measures, to over estimate its moral strength : every suggestion of the expediency of yielding in some measure was steadily repelled ; "•"- the rum suai'iim praeferebat exordio reformationis titulum, utrum de totali refor- matione Ecclesise in mcmbris et capite aliquam spem habere possimus. The Theolof^us answers: Non oiunino frustra celebrata I'uerunt duo ista Concilia. — De totali autem, quani depingis, reformatione Ecclesiaj ad prassens et ad piopinqua futiira tempora nuUain penitus spem habeo. Tuin quia voluntas bona in subdilis deficit, turn quia illud Prffilatorum malitia impedit, turn etiam, quia illud electis Dei, qui persecutionibus malorum probantur, non expedit. 39 Pragmatique Sanction or la Pragmatique de Bourges ed. Pinson, Paris. 1666. fob, in the Ordonnances des Rois de France de la troisicine Race, vol. XIII. p. 267. and in M il n c h ' s Saminlung aller ciltern und neuern Konkordate. Th. 1. S. 207 AT. of. Histoire contenant I'origine de la Pragmatique Sanction, — comme elle a ete observee, et les moyens dont les Papes se sont sei-vis pour I'abolir, in the Traitez des Droits et Libertez de TEglise Gallicane. T. I. 1731. fol. *° See the protest inJoh.Joach. Mailer's des heil. rcim. Reichs teutscher Nation Reichstagstheatrum wie selbiges unter Keyser Friedrichs V. allerhochsten Regierung gestanden (Jena 1713. tol.) Th. 1. S. 30. ^^ This Instrumentum acceptationis which had long lain in obscurity, was brought to light, and published by the Counsellor of State, Hoiix, at Mayence, in the Concordata Nat. Germ. Integra. Francof. et Lips. 1763. 4to. with corrections in the Cone. Nat. Germ, integra variis additamentis illustrata (Francof. et Lips. 1771. 3 Tomi, 8vo. T. I. p. 38 seq. The best edition from the oiiginal in the Archives in Mayence, with the necessary explanations, is the Sanctio Pragmatica Germanorum illustrata ed. Christoph. Guil. Koch. Argentor. 1789. 4to. p. 93 seq. M ii n c h ' s Sammlung aller altern u. neuern Konkordate. Th. 1. S. 42 (T. ''■^ cf. ..^necB Sylvii comnientariorum de gestis Cone. Basileensis libb. IL, written 1444, in favor of the council, comprehending the years 1438-1440: the accompany- ing Epist. ad Joannem de Segovia de coronatione Felicis is often counted as lib. III. Both may be found in the Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum p. 1 seq., and have been published separately also, Basil. 1577. 8vo. Cattopolii 1667. 4to. According to JEneas Sylvius the princes might have hindered the schism by working in concert, compare his remarkable letter to the imperial chan- cellor, Caspar Schlick, A. D. 1438, Ep. 54 : Vidi quid Reges scribunt ex copiis literarum, nee despero rem posse bene conduci, si aggredi velimus negotium. Omnibus enim, ut vides, displicet schisma, omnes abhorrent. Viam autem so- piendi hoc malum Carolus Rex Francis nisi fallor et tutam et brevem ostendit, ut liat conventus Principum vel eorum oratory m in communi aliquo loco, ibique una recipiatur conclusio per omnes. — Hasc via non posset impediri : nee Papa, nee Concilium reniti possent, tanquam hoc absque ipsis fieri nequiret. Licet enim Principibus saecularibus convenire invito Clero, et tamen illic unio fieri posset. Nam ille Papa indubitatus esset, cui omnes Principes obedirent. Non video Cleri- cos, qui velint pro ista vel ilia parte martyrium ferre. Omnes hanc fidem habe- mus, quam nostri principes : qui si colerent idola, et nos etiam coleremus. Et non 200 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. proceedings against Eugenius were continued, and at Sess. XXXIV. May 25, 1489, he was fornially deposed,-^^ and on the 17th of Nov. the commission appointed for the purpose, chose Amadeus VIII., duke of Savoy, to succeed him, under the title of Felix V.''^ Tliis rash measure,"'^ by which a new schism was occasioned iti the church so shortly after the old one had been, with such pains, reconciled, proved the ruin of the council. Felix V. was scarce any where recognised. The council lost daily more and more of its im- portance, and from the 16th of May, 1443, when it held its 45th and last session, existed only in name.'*'^ Eugenius would have had little solum Papam sed Christum etiam negaremus SKCulari potestate iirgente, quia refriguit caritas, et omnis interiit fides. Utcunque sit, pacem desideiamus, quae sive per aliud Concilium, vel per conventum Principum detur, nihili pendo. "■^ Mansi XXIX. p. 179 seq., s. Syiiodus pro tribunali sedens per banc suam sententiain diffinitivam — pronunciat, decernit et declarat, Gabrielem prius nomi- natum Kugenium P. IV. fuisse et esse notorium et manifestuin contumacem, man- datis seu praeceptis Ecclesias universalis inobedientem, et in aperta rebellione persistenteni, violatorein assiduum atque contemptorem sacroruin canonum syno- dalium, pacis et unitatis Ecclesia? Dei perturbatorcm notorium, universalis Ecclesiae scandalizatorem notorium, siinoniacum, perjurum, incorrigibilem, schismaticum, a fide devium, pertinaceni hasreticum, dilapidatorem juiium et bonorum Ecclesia?. — Quern propterea eadem s. Synodus a Papatu et Romano Pontificio ipso jure priva- tum esse declarat, etc. *^ of. JEne(B Sylvii Commentar. (see note 42). ■•^ That the proceedings at Basil were rash, and that the state of things there was not exactly what it might have been wished, is evident already from what is above narrated. Compare Jo. de Polcmar (see note 37), in Mansi XXXI. p. 202 : Nullibi pejus decreta Basileensium quam Basileas servata sunt. Formula ilia morum, in cibis, in vestibus, in familiaribus, in falleris (phale- ris) equorum, in modo vivendi et procedendi, in deputationibus, in congregatioae generali fuitne unquam servata 1 Qualiter supplicationes, et alia per deputationes expedita sint temere, immoderate, prout quilibet plus poterat aut clamores et impressiones, aut multitudinem votorum, non advertendo quid cxpediat, sed omnia passim concedendo, ea prsesertim quK sedes Apostolica repulerat, — pudet referre. Mittunt utique nuncios cum facultatibus, quae nee legatis de latere per sedem Aposlolicam Iradi consueverunt. Si Diabolus a Basileensibus aliquid peteret et contra fas et jus ; dummodo illis vellet assentire, facillime impetraret. Offerunt et ipsi et Antipapa eorum Regibus, Principibus, et Praclatis privilegia, facultates, dignitates, ut illis adsistant, etc. *^ The position of the different nations is thus described by JEneas Sylvius descript. Germanise, c. 10: Gallia quidem, atque Hispania, Italia quoque, Ungaria et Anglia Eugenium sequebantur : Sabaudia, Suicenses, Basilicnses, Argentinen- ses, ac ex Saxonia Caminenses, simulque de ducibus Bavariae Albertus Monaci Felici obediebant. Rex Aragonvmi et Sicilia; Alphonsus, Polonique et Britones nee Eugenio nee Felici, sed Concilio Basileensium auscultabant. Reliqua Germa- nia neutralitatem quandam induit. The state of the council by Joannes de Pole- mar (see note 37), A. D. 1443 (in Mansi XXXI. p. 206): NuUi Primates, Archiepiscopi, et Episcopi orbis Antipaps adhasserunt, exceptis paucissimis illis de Pedemontium et Sabaudia, quos non Veritas trahit, sed metus et subjectio com- pellit, ac illis tanti sceleris pati'atoribus Basileae existentibus, quorum nomina oppoitunum est inserere, ut patent, qui et quales sint, qui Ecclesiam perturbant. Arelatensis Episcopus (Louis Allemand, archbishop of Aries and cardinal, pre- .sident of the council), Gratianopolitanus Episcopus (of Grdnoble), Basiliensis Ep., Ep. Aquensis, Marsiliensis sine possessione Episcopus, Lacusanensis sine possessione Ep. Argentinensis titulatus, Ep. Grossetanus titulatus. Fuerunt etiam duo Episcopi de Arragonia, quos D. Rex tenebat ibi, ut terreret S. D. N. ne esset sibi adversarius in regno Neapolitano. Fuerunt autem pauci Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 201 trouble in pulling down his rival, if he had not at the same time persisted in making war on the decrees of the council, which had been already adopted by the two most powerful realms of Christendom. The most decided supporters of these decrees being amongst the spiritual lords, it became his aim to win over if he could the temporal princes. In France he was obliged to content himself with an ac- knowledgment of allegiance from Charles VII., whilst the Pragmatic Sanction was retained. ^^ In Germany, however, there was more to quidam Abbates de dioecesi Basiliensi, metii ibi inanere compulsi ; fuerunt qui- dam Monachi apostatcc et fugitivi, et nonnulli vel notarii vel copista;, et quidam alii vix in saciis constituti nullius aestimationis, qui quidem nee in dioecesanis nee in piovincialibus Coneiliis de jure vel consuetudine admitterentur, qui Ba- sileani ad hoc profecti fuerant, et ad hoc morabantur, ut effugerent superio- rum suorum correctionem, vel ut alios litibus vexarent, vel ut scandalum aliquod perpetrarent, etc. Ever since 1437 many of the most influential bishops had deserted the council, which had given the preponderance to the inferior clergy. This was protested against by Nicolaus Panormitanus (compare note 37), A. D. 1439, in pleading for delay in the proceedings against the Pope (see JEii. Syl. de Cone. Basil, lib. I. C'attop. 16G7. p. 36) : Si Episcopi et Abbates computarentur, nemini dubium esse, quin major pars differri pi-aesentem rem vellet. Cumque totius potestas Concilii in Episcopis resideret, baud ferendum e?.--e, ut eis spretis, quod majori parti inferiorum placeret, id concluderetur. But the Cardinalis Arela- tensis on the other hand referred to passages in Augustine and Jerome (1. c. p. 43) : si, prout Hieronymo placet, Episcopi sunt sola consuetudine pra;lati Presbyteris, utique fieri potest, ut consuetudinem contraria tollat consuetudo : at si Presbyteri debent Ecclesiam Dei cum Episcopis in commune regere, satis notum est, quod ad eos quoque decidere res spectat Ecclesiaj dubias. — Si soli Episcopi vocem habeant, id demum fiet, quod nationi placebit Italica;, qua; sola nationes alias in numero Episcopoi'um aut superat aut asquat. Utcunque est, opus Dei hac vice fuisse autumo, ut inferiores ad decidendum reciperentur; revelavil enim ea nunc Domi- nus parvulis, quse sapientibus abscondit. En horum inferiorum zelum, constan- tiam, rectiludinem, magnanimitatem videtis. Ubi nunc Concilium, si soli Episcopi, solique Cardinales vocem habuissent .' Ubi nunc Conciliorum auctoritas ? Ubi fides catholica .' ubi Decreta ? ubi reformatio .' Nempe omnia libidini Eugenii ac temeritati jam diu commissa i'uissent ; victorque neiandissimi propositi sui ille fuisset, nisi quos modo spernitis infeiiorcs sibi resti(issent. Hi sunt, qui privatio- nem ab Eugenio factam contenqjserunt : hi sunt, qui minas, qui spolia, qui perse- cutiones ipsius flocci fecerunt, etc. At a later period, A. D. 1452, JEneas Sylvius says in his Oi-atio adv. Austriales (in Maratorii Anecdotis, T. II. p. 162) : Inter Episcopos, cfEterosque Patres conscriptos vidimus in Basilea coquos et stabularios orbis negotia judicantes. Quis horum dicta vel facta judicaverit legis habere vigorem .' The composition of the council has always been one of the chief grounds with the Italians for denying its validity. *' Eugenius' opinion of the Pragmatic Sanction is expressed in a letter to the king, written on occasion of the choice of a bishop in Angers, according to the provisions of the Sanction, without regard to the Pope's claim to provide as here- tofore (Raynnld. ann. 1439, no. 37) : Quod vero scribitur, ordinafiones Bituris confectas (te) velle mauutenere, a certo tenemus scriptum esse te inscio et invito. Nam cum pro tua sapientia dttdum, cum ilia; ordinationes fierent, consuluisses viros nonnullos timentes Deum, et bonos viros ac doctos, quid de ilUs sentirent, atque ii tibi respondissent, eas esse contra Deum, contra a;quitatcm injustas, et contra salutem animas tua; ; mirandum essct — te velle eas ordinationes servare, qufe essent iniqua; et in anima' ture praejudicium factae. A new synod was held in Bourges, and from the council, A. D. 1440, ambassadors attended from Eugene, and the former demanded that the Pragmatic Sanction should b.'5 annulled. They received from the king, after he had consulted with his bishops and other nobility, the following answer (Preuves des libertez do Teglise Gallicane. chap. 20, no. 23) : quod Rex tenuerat Concilium Basileense pro Concilio, ad ipsum Ambassia- voL. III. 26 202 Third Period. Diu. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. hope from the weakness of the new emperor, Frederick III. (from 1440), and the intestine divisions of the country. Wiiat efforts he made to secure the powerful princes may he seen in the privileges he granted the duke of Cleves (1444) to the prejudice of the arch- bishop of Cologne and the bishop of Miinster, who were opposed to him.^^ Still, however, he overrated his influence in Germany when he ventured (A. D. 1445) to depose the archbishops of Triers and Cologne for their adherence to the Council of Basil ; "^^ for a conven- tores miserat ; niulta bona pro fide et moiibus constitueiat, quae Rex approbabat ; nee uncjuani congregatuin Ferraiiense pro Concilio habuerat aut habebat. Quoad depositioneni Eugenii, et electionem Felicis, iiuiiH|uain eas adprobaverat, aut approbat ; iiumo tenuerat Dominum Eugeniurn pio Papa, et adbuc tenebat, et volebat, quod sibi in suo Regno obediretur, nisi aliud in Concilio generaii, cele- brando juxta aniuiiii in aliquo loco Galliaruni, f'uisset ordinatum, et quod requirebat Papani, quatenus illuc iiiitterct dictum Concilium, et convocaret, et celebrari pro- curaret, et quod in eo personaliter interesset. — Quoad Pragmaticam Sanctionem, earn inviolalnliter volebat observari et custodiri. Et si aliqua videntur nimis rigida, in illo generaii Concilio Basileensi possent moderari. ^** See the remarkable bull directed to the bishop of Utrecht dd. 17 Kal. Febr. 1444, in Leibnitii Mantissa Codicis Juris Gentium diplomatici, P. II. p. 168 : Pastoralis officii desuper nobis divina pi-ovidentia conniiissi debitum postulat et requirit, ut conti'a nostrorum et Romaiiae Ecclesice rebellium temeritatem eorum, qui in nostra et sedis Apostolicoe obedienfias devotione et tide firmi et immobiles permanserunt, statui et quieti animarumque saluli saliibriter consulamus. Exhi- bita siquidem nobis pro parte dilectoruni filiorum, nobilium virorum, Adolphi Ducis Clyphensis, et Johannis ejus primogeniti, petitio continebat, (]uod cum tam saeculares quain ecclesiasticae personae, necnon collegia — et alia loca ecclesiastica in suis dominiis et terris in Coloniensi et Monasteriensi diocesi consistentia, pro eo quod Archiepiscopus Coloniensis nobis et Apostolicaj sedi inobediens et rebellis existit, et iniquitatis filiiis Henricus, qui se gerit pro Episcopo Monasteriensi, damnadonis filio Amedeo, olim Duci Sabaudias, qui se Felicem V. ausu sacrilege nominare pra'sumit, — adhaiTere pra;sumsit, pluiiina in spiritualibus et temporali- bus detrimenta sustineant : — pro parte dictorum Ducis et primogeniti nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum, ut eorum subditorum suorum statui et saluti providere misericorditer dignaremur. Nos igitur — omnia et singula, personas, collegia, capitula, nionasteria, Ecclesias et loca qua^libet ecclesiastica, dominia, terras et loca supradicta, donee aliud super hoc diixerimus disponcndiim, ab omni juris- dictione, potestate, et siiperioritate spirituali Coloniensis Arckiepiscopi et Epi- scopi Mo7iasteriensis eximentes et Jibcrantes, Fraternitati tucB unum Episco- puni, etiam titularem, — qui in dictis dominiis, — Clericos ordinare, — omnemque spiritualem jurisdictionem, qu.-E Archiepiscopi Colonienses et Episcopi Monasteri- enses pro tempore inibi habere et exercere consuevcrunt, — exercere valeat, necnon contra omncs et singulas personas, — quae schismatis labe infecta essent, aut praef'ato Amedeo quomodolibet adhrererent seu faverent, — inquirere et proce- dere — possit, — depxitandi, et ilhmi amovendi, aliumque sui loco ponendi, quotiens pro parte dictorum Ducis et primogeniti fueris requisitus, auctorilate praefata, tenore pra-senliuni, concedinius facultatem. Volentes similiter et tibi eisdem auctoritate et tenore concedentes, ut omnia et singula dignitates, persona- tus, — monasteria, — cajteraque fiene^cm ecclesiastica qua;cunque in dictis domi- nis — nunc vacantia et imposterum — vacatura, — qua' in turno sivc mense Ordi- nariorum vacare contigerit, dummodo non sint sedi Apostolica; rescrvafa, ^ersom's idoneis per ipsos Ducem et primogenitinn tibi noininandis — conferre et de illis providere — libere et licite valeas. Hence the proverb: Dux Clivia; est Papa in suis terris, see Wern. Teschenmacheri annates ClivicB, Julia, Montium et Marcm Westphalicm ed. J. Chr. Dithmar. Franc, et Lips. 1729. fol. p. 294. ^* See the Breve to the bishop of Utrecht dd. 9 Febr. 1446 (in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 1) : Nuper iniquitatis tilios Theodoricum de Moersem, olim Coloniensem, et Jacobum Sirik, olim Treverensem, Archiepiscopos, tamquani haereticos et schis- maticos, nostrosque et Romanae Ecclesiae rebelles ex justis et urgentibus causis Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugcnius IV. 203 tion of the electors was held at Frankfurt on the Maine (March 21, 144G), at which it was resolved to demand at once from the Pope what they deemed their rights.-'^'' The emperor, however, who viewed witli some jealousy such a combination amongst the electors, was able, by the arts of his private secretary, yEiieas Sylvius, to induce most of them to consent to considerable modihcations of their demands ;5^ omni dignitatc archiepiscopali — privavimus, — ac privates fore declarainus : et deinde ad provisionem earuindera Ecclesiaruui — paternis et solicitis studiis inten- dentcs, Coloniensi Ecclesiae de persona dilecti tilii Adolphi Clivensis duxiiiius providendum, ad Ecclesiam vero Treverensem ven. fratrem nostrum Joannem tunc Cameracensem Episcopum de fratruin consilio auctoritate Apostolica transtuliinus. ^^ The document of this union see in Milller's Reichstagstheatrum, Th. 1, S. 278, and from the original in Gudeni Codex diploniaticus Anecdotorum, T. IV. p. 290 seq. .HSnecB Sylvii hist. Friderici III. Imp. (in JI. F. Kullarii Analecta Monuinentorum omnis a;vi Vindoboneusia, T. II. p. 120 seq.) : Eugenius cum accepisset, Theodericuin Coloniensem, et Jacobum Treverensem Archiepiscopos et Electores Imperii Felicis fovere partes, nutrire neutralitatem, adversari Komanae sedi, ambos deposuit, et archiepiscopali dignitate privavit, quae res illi magno impediraento fuit. Nam bene nati prssules et amicis fulti, quamvis jure, non tamen facto Ecclesias dimittebant, et acrius Eugenii partes impugnabant. Horum igitur opera conventus apud Francfordiam inter Principes habitus est, in quo decretura est, nisi Eugenius depositionem Archiepiscoporum annullaret, decretum Constantiensis Concilii acceptaret atque protiteretur, Germanicae nationi oportune secureque et stabiliter provideretur ; omnis natio ab Eugenio deliceret, Felicem- que sequeretur. Hoc autem secrete inter se statuerunt, silentiumque jurejurando indixerunt, mittentesque ad Cssarem Legatos, ea lege aperire jusserunt mandata Cssari, ut non amplius quam sibi et sex consiliariis patefaceient. Erat autem mens eorum Legatos eosdem ad Eugenium mittere, qui hac peterent, orabantque Cffisarem, ut amplecteretur eoi-um viam, atque cum his mitteret. — Legatis Prin- cipum dixit CtFsar, non placere sibi depositionem Archiepiscoporum, neque sur- rogatos eis Galileos, bene facere Principes, qui eorum indemnitati et nationis utiiitati consulerent, velle se ad hajc concurrere et mittere ad Eugenium cum eis : illud autem indignum esse, quod se Papae judices constitueiint, cum dicerent, nisi sperata fecerit, ab eo se defecturos, quasi non Papam et Papam esse in eorum arbitrio resideret. The ambassadors of the Electors, of whom Gregory of Heimburg was the most important, set off directly for Rome, preceded by iEneas Sylvius as imperial ambassador. Ctesar vocato iEnea Senensi secretario suo, secreta Principum ei aperuit, jussitque Papam accedere, ac viam pacis ei suadere, pericula exponere et mentem Principum, orare, ut Electores suos restitueret : Cajsarem sibi in omni re auxilio futurum. ^neas, in a private audience, informed the Pope, in name of the emperor: Videri necessarium Ai-chiepiscopos restitui, non autem cassari privationem. Tum nationi opportune pi-ovideri. Deinde decretum Frequens Constantiensis Concilii (see § 130, note 15) recipiendum esse. Ea si Eugenius faceret, futurum, ut tota natio et neutralitatem deponeret, et ad Eugenii rediret obedientiam. Sin autem, quamvis Cssar nunquam Eugenium deserturus esset, tamen Electores mala esse mente multa machinaturos mala timendumque grande schisma. The Pope adopted these suggestions, and told the ambassadors of the Electors, quia mandatum non haberent tractandi et con- cludendi qua; oporteret, missurum Eugenium ad conventum Electorum, respon- surumque petitionibus eorum pro dignitate Romans sedis. This took place in Frankfurt. *' jEneas Sylvius, 1. c. p. 125 : Omnis Cassaris cura in cam diastani collata erat. Nam sex Electores obligati simul adversus Eugenium videbantur Caesarem spernere, itaque summum Cffisari studium erat, fcedus Electorum solvere, et aliquem ad se trahere, ut Eugenio et sibi consuleret. Contra enim onines Elec- tores nihil audebat agere, neque adversari Eugenio volebat. Itaque neque solus Eugenium sequi audebat, neque cum Electoribus illi adversari volebat. — Earn ob causam legatis suis (of whom ^neas was one) id mandati Cssar dederat, ut foedus Electorum omnino rumpere tentarent, et aliquos Electores ad se trahere 204 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. and an embassy was despatched to Rome commissioned to acknowl- edge the authority of Pope Eiigenius, on his acceding to these con- ditions.^- Even these demands were resisted by a part of the cardi- nals,^*^ and Eugenius, whilst he appeared to grant them in the four studerent : quod si duos ex eis habere possent, declarationem pro Eugenio facerent, sin autem, declarationem omitterent. At first the legates of the council seemed to have the advantage, the ambassadors of the electors gave an unfavorable account of their success at Rome. Exinde legati Ccesaris summo studio conati sunt Maguntinum Archiepiscopum ex foedere casterorum Electorum abducere, sic enim et Federi- cum, Marchionem Bi'andenburgensem, ab illis extraxisse putabant, qui fidem Archiepiscopi secutus fcedus intrai'at. Multa in cam rem praticata sunt. Johan- nes de Lisura fadei-is et auclor et defensor Maguntinum in sententla tenebat. Cumque res diu iuutililer tractaretur, ad pecuniam tandem recuirere oportet, cui raras obaudiunt aui-es. Ha'C Douiina curiarum est, haec aures omnium aperit, huic omnia serviunt. Haec quoque Maguntinum expugnavit. Non quod sibi quicquam promissum fuerit, sed inter quatuor ejus Consiliarios duo millia flore- norum rhenensium erogata sunt, qua; bono animo Ca?sar solvit, ne se spreto Electores ad partem Concilii Felicisve declinarent, quam summam Nicolaus postea per ^neam Federico remisit. Hi ergo Consiliarii non veritatis aniore sed auri dulcedine pellecti Archiepiscopum Maguntinum ad voluntatem Caesaris inclina- bant. Sed nolebat Pontifex ille juratum fuedus abrumpere sine causa justa, quas- rebatque modes honestiores. Cumque legati Cajsaris non possent menti ejus satisfacei-e, ^neas modum commentus est, qui receptis notulis, secundum quas se Principes obligaverant, nisi Eugenius illas admitteret, velle se eum deserere, omne venenum ex his ademit, novasque notulas composuit (this new agreement, or modification of the union mentioned in note 50, has been printed with the title Concordata Principum Francofordiensia, in Wiirdttvein Subsidia diplom. T. IX. p. 70), per quas et Archiepiscopi depo^^iti restituerenfur (though without ac- knowledging the validity of their deposition) efrnationi oportune provideretur (but with the condition prescribed by the Pope, that the nation should make up to the Pope what they deprived him of), et aucloritas conciliorum salvaretur (though at the same time condemning the Council of Basil, by making no provision for a settlement of the differences between it and the Pope) : illasque dixit sua opini- one Eugenium non negaturum. — Eas igitur Maguntino ostendei'unt, dicentes iniquum esse ab Eugenie discedcre, qui notulas illas concessurus esset honestatis et justitia; plenas. Tunc Maguntinus bona fide se dixit intrasse foedus, sibi dictum fuisse, nihil Electores ab Eugenie velle, quod non esset honestum ; at si jam his non contentarcntur, ab honestate recederent. Placere igitur sibi, ut notulcB in publico legcrentur, quasrei-enturque vota multitudinis. The Electors of Mayence and Brandenburg, the High-master of the Teutonic Order, Prussia, the archbishop of Magdeburg, and several other German princes subscribed this before the public consultation. Cumque ventum esset in concionem, majoi' pars notulas approbavit : Treverensis et Coloniensis et Dux Saxonia; adversi fuerunt, Palatinus dubius mansit. Sic territi tres Electores nihil concludere ausi sunt. At legati C.Tesaris cum Maguntino, Brandenburgensi et aliis novum fadus fecerunt, statu- eruntque in future nativitalis Dominican festo ad Eugenium mittere, atque ab eo petere, uti notulas approbaret : quod si faceret, mox nomine nationis obedientia sibi prEBSlai-etur ; sin autem, rursus in deliberationeni res adduceretur. ^" See the speech of ^neas to the emperor Frederick, in which he gives an account of this embassy, the death of Eugene, and the coronation of Nicolas V., in Baiuzii Miscellan. lib. VH. p. 525 seq. *^ JEnea Sylvii hist. Friderici HI. in Kollar II. p. 129 : Collegium Cardinalium divisum erat, videbaturque magna pars adversari his, qus Francfordiai conclusa erant, atque hi erant niaxime Theologi, qui omnia graviora faciunt : ob quam rem Ludovicus Aquilegiensis et Johannes Morinensis Cardinales suadent Eugenie, si velit Ecclesiae pacem habere, novos ut Cardinales assumat, qui resistere contradi- centibus possint. Sic suasus Eugenius quatuor Cardinales crcavit. The cardinals who objected said (see the Oratio JEnea just cited, Bahiz. VII. p. 533), vendi- tam esse Teutonicis Apostolicam sedem, seque quasi bubalos duci naribus. — Further, p, 535 : Grave videbatur Cardinalibus annatas remittere, collatione* Chap. I. Papacy. § 131. Council of Basil. Eugenius IV. 205 bulls which he enacted,^^ reserved to himself and his successors in a beneficiorum amittere, Concilium convocare, decreta recipere, privatos restituere : ajebantque, non solum in natione Germanica id esse nocivum, sed alias exinde nationes recessuras et Apostolicam sedem perditum iii, nee bene consultum esse csteiis Ecclesiis, quando Romana, qua; est caput omnium, langueret ; conducere Cliristianffi relioioni Romanum Pontiticem fore potentem, ut tueri alios Prslatos queat, inter Prlncipes pacem constituerc, intidelibus resistere, ha;reses extirpare : nunquain tot ha?reses in Christiana religione iuisse, quot fuerunt ante Sylvestrum, quia paupertas Romani Ponliticis neglectui I'uit. ^* These four bulls are given for the most part in Raynald, ad ann. 1447, no. 4 seq., complete in Mailer's Reichstagstheatrum, S. 347 ff., partly from the original in Koch Sanctio Pragm. p. 181 seq. Munch's Concordate, Th. 1, S. 77ff. — I. Ad ea ex dehito dd. 5 Febr. directed to the emperor, the electors of Mayence and Brandenburg, relating to the council which was desired propter Ecclesia; necessitates : Nos, etsi absque convocatione novi Concilii aha via rebus Ecclesia; melius consuli posse arbitremur, cupientes tamen vobis et nationi vestrae, quam singular! semper affectione Apostolica sedes prosecuta est, quantum cum Deo possumus, complacere, contentamur apud Reges et Principes Christianos curam et diligentiam adhibere tideliter, ut ad votum vestrum trahi valeant et conduci, ita quod in uno ex quinque locis consentiant generale Concilium convo- cari : quod infra decern (menses) a die dato prssentium computandos intendimus experiri, et si consensus hujusmodi haberi poterit, in tine dictorum X. mensiuni generale Concilium ad decimum octavum immediate sequentes initiandum in uno ex prsnominatis locis, in nomine Domini convocabimus. If the other kings should not consent to this place of meeting, the council should be summoned in alio loco rebus gerendis acconunodo. Concilium autem generale Constantiense, Decretum Frequens, ac alia ejus decreta, sicut catera alia Concilia, catholicam mili- tantem Ecclesiam reprcesentantia, ipsorum potestate?n, auctoritatem, hnnorem et eminentiatn, sicuti et cceteri antecessores nostri, a quorum vestigiis deviate neqitaquam intendimus, suscipimus, amplectimur et veneramur. — II. Ad tran- quillitatem dd. 5 Febr. After a reference to this confirmation of the decrees of the Council of Constance : Super aliis autem decretis Basileaj editis, et per claras memoria; quondam Albertum Romanorum Regem acceptatis, ex quorum obser- vantia natio ipsa Alamanica ex pUuibus gravaminibus dicitur relevari, content! sumus, volumus et decernimus, quod omnia et singula vigore decretoriim hujus- modi cum suis modificationibus acceptatorum — usque in pra;sentem diem quomo- doUbet gesta vel acta sunt, cum omnibus inde .secutis rata, firma et inviolabilia persistant. — Super observatione vero et modificatione decretorum eorundem cum nonnulli Pra-lati nationis pra?fat» ex eisdem decretis gravatos se fore, nobis con- questi sint, cumque in illis Apostolicae sedi, quas multum in suis juribus ex ipsis decretis gravata dinoscitur, recompensatio piomissa sit, decrevimus Legatum nos- trum cum sufficienti poteslate ad partes Germaniag transmittere, qui mediantibus Rege, Archiepiscopo et Marchione pra-fatis, ac aliis ejusdem nationis Principibus et Pra-latis, cum quibus fuerit opus, super observantia et modificatione decretorum hujusmodi, necnon super provisione Apostolicae sedi faciendis tractare valeat, et finaliter concordare. Permittcntes interim, — quod omnes et singuli — in pra;fata natione decretis hujusmodi — libere et licite uti possint, — donee per Legatum, ut praedictum est, concordatum fuerit, vel per Concilium — aliter fuerit ordinatum. — III. Ad ea quce ad reductionem dd. 5 Febr. At the request of the king of Rome, and other prelates and princes, and to do them a pleasure, promittimus, — quod, quando ipsi olim Treverensis et Coloniensis Archiepiscopi ad gremium nostrum et Ecclesise venientes — nobis plenam et debitam obedientiam prajbuerint, ac pro vero Jesu Christi vicario recognoverint, ipsos ad praedictas Ecclesias absque uUa exceptione aut oppositione reslituemus, ac in pristinum statum reponemus. IV. Inter cfftera desideria dd. 1 Fehr. omnes et singulas — electiones, — provisiones et dispositiones, necnon processus, — sententias aliaque acta judiciaria auctoritate ordinaria hujusmodi suspensionis et neutralitatis tempore factas seu facta — grata et rata habentes auctoritate Apostolica ex certa scientia confirmamus. — Ac illis, qui pallium dictorum, qui Basileffi post nostram translationem sub nomine generalis Concilii remanserunt, auctoritate receperunt, ut illo uti possint, praesentibus conce- dimus et indulgemus : illis autem, qui non habent, sine difficultate dabimus et 206 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. fifth, the power of recalling what they pleased.^^ Still the embassy took the oath of allegiance to him on his death-bed, Feb. 7, 1447,^^ and the neutrality of Germany was at end. «§> 132. NICOLAS V. (6 March, 1447 to 24 March, 1455), calixtus hi. (8 April, 1455 to Aug. 1458), pius ii. (19 Aug. 1458 to 15 Aug. 1464), PAUL II. (30 Aug. 1464 to 26 July, 1471). The well known cunning and perseverance of the court of Rome were now put in requisition to regain what had been lost by the Coun- cil of Basil. Nicolas V., immediately after his accession, expressed himself with great liberality to the German ambassadors,^ and con- etiam Hbere concedemus. — Praeterea omnia et singula, quas dictis suspensione et protestatione durantibus in pra'judicium, — vel Icesionem — MetiopoUtanorum, — necnon aliorum Episcoporum, Pra;latoruni, Collegioruin, personarum, sen rerum quarumcunque contra foedus protestationis et suspensionis hujusmodi quoniodocun- que vergentia, Apostolica vel alia quavis auctoiitate coucessa, — insuper ecclesi- asticas censiiras, niulctas et poenas — promulgatas — cassamus. — Nee non illis, qui contra ip?os inipctratis, concessis vel obtentis — quomodolibet niterentur, etiamsi eis — jus quajsitum foret ex certa scientia de potestalis plenitudine, perpe- tuum silentiuin iniponentes : insuper quascunque obligationes super annatis seu coniiiiunibus et minutis servitiis — usque in praesentem diem remittimus. — Insu- per omnes et singuias prafata; nationis — personas, — qui post dissolutioneni sive translationem praefati Concilii per nos lactam congregationi Basiliensium sub nomine generalis Concilii adhajserunt, — qui jam ad nostram obedientiam sunt reversi, vel infra sex menses post declarationem pro nobis lactam redierint, — ab omnibus et singulis juramentis, perjurii reatu, ac aliis censuris et poenis, si qui tenerentur, — absolvimus et libeiamus. — Ut autem pra^missa eo firmius observentur, pro nobis et successoribus nostiis Romanis Pontificibus de Venn, fratrum nostrorum S. K. E. Cardinalium consilio et assensu pollicemur omnia et singula supradicta inviolabili- ter obsei-vare, et contra ea — nullo uiiiquam tempore quicquam innovare : et quod nobis licere non patimur, eisdem successoribus indicamus, decernentes ex nunc irritum et inane, si secus super his a quoquam quavis, etiam Apostolica auctoritate — conligeiit attentari. 65 The bull Decet dd. 5 Febr. in RaynnUl, ann. 1447, no. 7, and Mtlller, S. 352: Cum carissimus in Cbristo filius Fiidericus Rex Romanorum illustris, ac ven. frater noster Archiepiscopus Maguntinus, et dil. filius Fridericus Marchio Brande- burgensis, S. 1. Electores, nonnullique alii nationis Germanics Pralati et Princi- pes quEedam petiverint a nobis tiuri, qua? necessitas ipsa et Ecclesise utilitas, ut eos ad nostram et s. Romans Fcclesice unitatem et obedientiam alliciamus, nos concedere quodammodo compellit : nos ad vitandum omne scandabim et pericu- lum, quod exinde sequi posset, nolentes aliquid dicere, aut confirmare vel conce- dere, quod esset contra ss. Patrum doctrinam, vel quod vergeret in pra-judicium hujus s. Apostolicas sedis, quoniam propter imminentem nobis segritudinem non valemus omnia per eos petita et per nos concessa cum ea integritate judicii et consilii examinare et ponderai-e, qua> rerum magnitude et gravitas requirit ; tenore prasentium protestamur, (juod per quffcumque a nobis dictis Regi, Archiepiscopo ac nation! responsa et respondenda, concessa et concedenda non intendinius in aliquo derogare doctrinae ss. Patrum, aut prafata; sedis privilegiis et auctoiitati, habentes pro non responsis et non concessis, quaecunque talia a nobis contigerit emanare. 56 See the account of ^neas Sylvius (note 52) in Baluz. VII. p. 537 seq. ' He said to them (see the speech of yEneas, cited in § 131, note 52, in Baluzii Misc. VII. p. 555) : Ego quae cum natione Germanica mens antecessor I'ecit non Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Council of Basil Nicolas V. 207 firmed the bulls of his predecessor,^ but he soon succeeded in the so called Concordat of Aschaffenburg, though really of Vienna (17th of February, 1448),^ introduced through the connivance of the emperor and the help of J^neas Sylvius, in reestablishing the so pernicious articles of the Concordat of Constance, under the pretext of securing the stipulated provision^ The more pow- erful princes were won over by favors,'' the others had to follow. solum approbare confirmareque volo, sed exequi et manutenere omnia. Nimis, ut inihi videtur, Romaiii Pontitices fimbrias suas extenderunt, qui nihil jurisdictionis CEeteris Episcopis reliquerunt. Nimis quoque Basilienses Apostolica; sedis manus abbreviaverunt. Sed ita evenit : qui facit indigna, ut injusta f'erat oportet. Arbo- rem, qua in unam partem pependit, qui volunt eiigere, in partem adversam tra- hunt. Nobis sententia est, in partem soUicitudinis qui vocati sunt Episcopos suo jure minime spoliare. Sic enim jurisdictionem nostram nos denique servaturos speramus, si non usurpaverimus aliena. 2 See the document in Koch Sanctio Pragm. p. 197 seq. ' See the history of these concordats in Koch, p. 36 seq. At the Diet of Aschaffenburg in July, 1447, it was resolved for the next Diet to be held at Nurembero-: Item concludetur ibi provisio Sanctissimo Domino nostro et sedi Apostolica;^ si tempore medio cum legato non fuerit concordatum. This provisio had been promised to the Pope by the Council of Basil, in consideration of what had been taken from him (see § 131, note 30), and had been stipulated for by Eugenius IV. in the bull Ad tranquillitatem (see § 131, note 54). In the mean time the emperor accepted the concordat at Vienna (see Koch, p. 211, note 3), through ^neas Sylvius, who negotiated the matter with the Cardinal Johannes de Carvajal. 4 Amongst the numerous editions the most important are those taken from originals, namely, from the archives of Mayence in Wurdtwein Subsid. dipl. IX. p. 78 seq., from the impeiial archives in Vienna, in Koch Sanct. Pragm. p. 201 seq., and from those of the Electors of Cologne, in Hedderich elementa juris canonici. P. IV. p. 145 seq. See Miinch's Concordate, Th. 1, S. 88 ff. The Vienna Concordat has only the two sections of the Concordat of Constance (see § 130, note 19). Cap. II. De provisione Ecclesiarum, and Cap. III. De Annatis, for the most part word for word. The most important change is that instead of alternating in the appointments to the inferior benefices, an alternatio mensium is substituted : De ceteris dignitatibus et beneficiis quibuscunque, sKcularibus et regularibus vaca- turis, ultra reservationes jam dictas, niajoribus dignitatibus post pontiticales in cathedralibus, et principalibus in collegiatis, exceptis, de qiiibus jure ordinario provideatur per illos inferiores, ad quos alias pertinet, idem sanctissimus Dominus noster per quamcunque aliam reservationem — non impediet, quo minus de illis, cum vacabunt de niensibus Februarii, Aprilis, Junii, Augusti, Octobris et Decem- bris, libere disponatur per illos, ad quos coUatio, — aut aha qua?vis dispositio perti- nebit. Quetiens vero aliquo vacante beneticio de mensibus Januarii, Martii, Maji, Julii, Septembris et Novembris, specialiter dispositioni Apostolicje sedis reservatis, non apparuerit infra tres menses a die notae vacationis in loco beneficii, quod alicui de illo Apostolica auctoritate fuerit pi-ovisum, ex tunc et non antea Ordinarius, vel alius, ad quem illius dispositio pertinebit, de illo libere disponat. In the bull of confirmation dd. 19 Mart, in which the whole concordat is word for word repeated, there is the remarkable variation that in the first of the above clauses, the words de quibus are left out. It therefore reads (Koch, p. 240) : De caeteris dignitatibus, — majoribus dignitatibus — exceptis, jure ordinario providea- tur, etc. On which is grounded the assertion made as early as 1457 in JEneas Sylvius epist. 383, ad Mart. Mayerum in the very face of the true text : Concor- data ipsa dignitates primas post pontiticales et in collegiatis Ecclesiis principales Apostolicae sedis dispositioni permittunt (so also in his Germania, c. 12 and c. 21) : and this explanation was admitted universally till the canonist Nelier of Triers, 1757, showed its incorrectness ; see the observations in Koch Sanct. Pragm. p. 223 and 240. Still this error has not yet ceased to exert an influence. * On the elector of Brandenburg was bestowed the right of appointing the bish- 208 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Thus were the most important fruits of the Council of Basil and the Acceptation of Mayence entirely lost.^ Felix V., and the feeble re- ops of Brandenburo;, Lebus, and Havelburg ; see the document dated September, 1447, in Gercken Cod. diplom. Brandeb. T. VII. p. 361. The ecclesiastical elec- tors received the Indultuiii of tilling all places that might fall vacant in the papal months (Koch, p. 42), so also the archbishop of Salzburg (see Nachrichlen von Juvavia, S. 280). The elector Dietrich of Cologne, was the only one who could not be gained over ; but it was not long after his death before the concordat was published in his diocese also, A. D. 1461 ; see Hedderich eleraenta juris canonici. P. IV. p. 145. ^ Jacobus de Paradiso (a Carthusian and doctor of tlieology in Erfurt) de sep- teni statibus Eccl. in Brown Appendix ad fasc. rerum expetend. et fugiendarum, p. Ill : Gaudet quidem nostris temporibus, scil. nunc de anno Domini 1449 Eccle- sia de unico et indubitato pastore, scil. Nicolao P. V. ; sed luget do conculcatione decretoruin in transactis Conciliis edictorum, et videt quomodo contraria decrelis practicantur. — At the close of the Concoidat of Vienna we read : In aliis autem, quK per felicis i-ecordaiionis Domiriuin Eugenium Papam quartum pro natione prtefata usque ad tcmpus futuri generalis Concilii permissa, concessa, indulta atque decreta, et per memoratum sanctissimum Dominum nostrum Papam Nicolaum confirmata fuere, in quantum ilia concordiae piaescnti non obviant, ista vice nihil extitit immutatum. According to this, those decrees of the Council of Basil which were accepted at Mayence (see § 131, note 41), and which had been con- firmed by Eugenius IV. (by the bull ^d tranquillitatem, § 131, note 54), and by Nicolas V. (see note 2), were to remain valid, except in so far as they might be replaced by others in this concordat. This too was the tenor of the bull cor- responding with the bull Ad tranquillitatem : according to which the concordats still to be issued were only to be concerning the modification of some of those decrees, and the reparation to be made the Pope. Gradually, however, the Accep- tation of Mayence was foi-gotten, and the Concordat of Vienna looked upon as the only result of the Council of Basil in Germany. In this light it seems to be viewed, 1457, by JEneas Sylvius epist. 383, ad Mart. Mayerum : Verum cum dicis, decreta Basiliensis Concilii non custodiri, idque putas injuriosum esse nationi, indignam dicimus esse querelam tuam. Propter decreta enim Basiliensis Concilii inter sedem Apostolicam et nationem vestram dissidium ccepit, cum vos ilia prorsus tenenda diceretis, Apostolica vero sedes omnia rejiceret. Itaque fuit denique compositio facta, in qua nos impei-atorio nomine interfuimus. Ea certam legem dedit, deinde inviolabiliter observandam, j)er quani aliqua ex decretis Concilii pra-dicti recepta videntur, aliqua rejecta. So too in his Germania, c. 11.: Po- stremo eo modo concoi-dia; locus fuit, ut scntentia quorundam decretorum Basili- ensis Concilii reciperetur, reliqua vero ejus statuta rejecta viderentur. It was shown, however, by Leibnitz Cod. jur. Gentium P. I. p. 396, anteriora concordata et concessa, qualia in decretis Constantiensis et Basileensis Concilii et Eugenii approbatione continentur, hie confirniari, adeoque rnal6 vulgo negligi. After the Acceptation of Mayence had been brought to light by Horix (see § 131, note 41), the true relation of these documents was established, and acknowledged by the canonist Neller in Triers, Endres and Gregel in Wilrzburg, Jung in Heidelberg, Roth in Mayence, and Hedderich in Bonn, especially during the controversies concerning the authority of the papal N unties, see especially Jo. Phil. Gregel diss, de juribus nationi Germanics ex acceptatione Decretorun) Basileeusium qusc- sitis, per Concordata Aschaffenburgensia modificatis aut stabilitis. Mogunt. 1787. 4to. (reprinted in P. A. Gratz Continuatio thesauri juris eccl. ab A. Schmidt adornati, vol. I. Mogunt. 1829. Svo. p. 41 seq.). On the other hand, Spittler (Gesch. der Fundamentalgesetze der deutschkathol. Kirche im Verhliltnisse zum rom. Stuhle, in d. Golting. histor. Magazin, Bd. 1, St. 2, S. 347, St. 3, S. 474, Bd. 4, St. 1, S. 151) attempted to show that the decrees of Basil were really abro- gated by the Concordat of Aschaflenburg. See, on the other hand, Koch Sanct. Prao-m. p. 47 seq. Ueber die Fundamentalgesetze der deutschkathol. Kirche im Verb, zum rom. Stuhle, ein Nachtrag zur Spittler'schen Geschichte. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1790 (in which Spittler's essays on the subject are given in full and an- swered). Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Council of Basil Nicolas V. 209 mains of the Council of Basil, removed in 1448 to Lausanne,''' had likewise to submit; the former resigning, the latter being finally di.-solved (1449).^ The hopes of the Pope of reviving the old order of things in Germany were raised still higlier by the weakness of the em- peror Frederick III., who, in his transport at the long desired corona- tion at Rome, 1452, proposed a new crusade to the Holy Land instead of the stipulated council.^ The fall of Constantinople soon after (May 29, 1453), seemed to call in earnest for a crusade, and the Pope proceeded at once to proclaim one, and imposed a tithe on the churches for its support. i'^ But the papal power had sunk too low in popular estimation to act upon public opinion as in former times, and by the excitement of religious enthusiasm get free at once from their political embarrassments. The preparations for a crusade went no farther than fruitless consultations and empty prom- ises, and the only advantage the popes derived therefrom was the revival under a plausible pretext, of many of the old modes of extort- ing money which had been abolished by the reform. For this very reason, however, the majority amongst the Germans, who felt them- selves deceived and cheated by the Pope and the emperor, looked on all these preparations for a crusade only as a new means of satisfying the rapacity of the pontiff; i' so that when Calixtus III., immediately ' After the imperial safe conduct had been announced to them, A. D. 1447, and the city of Basle compelled by three successive orders to remove the council from their precincts, see M il 1 1 e r ' s Gesch. schweizerischer Eidgenossen, Th. 4 (neue Aufl. Leipz. 182G), S. 262 ff. ** See the Acta in i?ai/n«/J, 1449, no. 3 seq. Mailer's Reichstagstheatrum, Th. 1, S. 366 ff. ^ See the speech of ^^neas, delivered in the presence and by authority of the emperor, in .Mnecp Sylvii hist. Frid. III. in KoUnrii Analecta Monum. T. II. p. 307, and especially the passage p. 317 : Alius fortasse vel generale Concilium, vel reformationis decreta petivisset. Sed quod majus haberi Concilium potest, quam Tuae Sanctitatis Tuique Sancti Senatus pra>sentia .' Frustra Concilium petit, qui Romani Pontiticis mandata non recipit. Ubi Tua- Sanctitas est, ibi Concilium, ibi Reges, ibi mores, ibi decreta, salubrisque reformatio. Cssari susccptis imperi- alibus infulis, Tuaque sacra manu coronato nihil hoc tempore visum est antiquius, quam de Passagio Tecum agere. The answer of the Pope shows that he knew his man : Ecclesiam numquam Imperio sacro tam gratam esse posse, quam debeat : expeditionem, de qua loquutus esset ^neas, laudandum opus, dignumque Casare, multam prae se ferre pietatem : — consulendos tamen esse casteros Christianse rcli- gionis Principes, eorumque auxilia in tantum opus qusrenda: quos si benivolentes invenerit, relaturum se Caesari, atque tam sanctum negotiurft summo conatu ag- gressurum. 1" The bull dated September 30, 1453, in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 9. e. g. Inprimis universos Principes Christianos — hortamur, requirimus et mandamus in vim professionis factas in sacri susceptione baptismatis, ac in vim juramenti praestiti, cum dignitatum suai-um infulas suscepcrunt, ut ad defensionem Christiana; religio- nis et tidei cum bonis et personis suis pro sua possibilitate verisimiliter et indesi- nenter assistant, ajterna pra;mia receptui-i ab illo, cujus causam egere, et in pr.T- senti vita pariter et in futura. Quod inpr*sentiarum credimus cuilibet esse de necessitate salutis, cum talis sit necessitatis articulis, a qua se null us legitime valeat excasare, etc. " Of these preparations and their influence on the Germans, see Pli II. Pont. Max. Commentarii rerum memorabilium, quae temporibus suis contigeruiit, libb. XII. a Joanne Gobellino (the private secretary of Pius II., properly speaking, by VOL. III. 27 210 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. after liis accession (1455) began to pursue this object with still greater zeal,i"~ the only consequence was to arouse the reform party in Ger- many to new efforts, in order to regain the liberty of which they the Pope himself, see Platina ed. 1645, p. 760) coinpositi. Francol'. 1614, fol. p. 22 seq. At the Diet of Ralisbonne, a general promise was given, which was to be more distinctly considered at the next Diet in Frankfurt (see M filler's Reichstagslheatrum. Th. 1. S. 450). But at this Diet (in Sept. 1454) mutafi erant Theutonum animi, nee cuiquam placebat, expedilionem in Turcas lieri : infecta; veUiti vencnis quibusdam aures neque Iniperatoris nomen, neque Romani Praesulis ferre poterant dicebantque, eos corrodeie aurum velle, non helium gerere : sed alium futuiuni Concilii exituni, quam sibi persuasissent : nee pecuniam collaturos Gei-mania- populos, nee in niilitiani daturos nomina : atque in eani sententiam per- suasi omnes Impcratori et Papa; maledicere, legates eorum contemnere, Burgundos irrideie, qui proni ad expedilionem videbanlur, Hungaiis durissima verba dare, qui, cum suum regnum tueri nequivissent, nunc Germaniam suis calamitatibus involvere vellent: nee ulla spes reliqua erat rei bene gerendae, cum decretum Ratisponense prorsus rejiceietur. At cum in concionem itum est, locuto iEnea (as imperial Comraissariiis) omnium reponte animi in ])riorem belli gerendi ardo- rem rediere. Oravit illc duabus fermc horis, ita intentis aniniis auditus, ut nemo unquam expuerit, nemo ah orantis vultu oculos suos avertei-it, etc. (The speech itself see in Mailer's Reichstagstheatrum. Th. 1. S. 474 IT). But .^Eneas' vanity exaggerates the effect of his eloquence. It was, to be sure, resolved to send a considerable army to the help of the Hungarians; but the particulars were left to be decided at the next Diet in Vienna. More impartial the account of the Franciscan, Johannes Capistranus, (the only person v.ho seemed still to have the power of the old preachers of crusades to stir up the people, see C h r. A. Pe- scheck in Illgen's Zeitschr. filr die hist. Theologie. Bd. 2. St. 2. S. 259 ff.), who was also present in Frankfurt, in his letter to the Pope, of Oct. 28, 1454, in Wadding Annales Minorum, ed. 2. T. XII. p. 203: cum aplid multos appareat in prffisenfi dieta magna fuisse conclusa, mihi vei-o aut nihil, aut parum boni con- clusum extitisse visum est. For as every thing was left to be decided at future councils, the Hungaiians might in the mean time be conquered by the Turks. He then gives the Pope notice of the state of the public mind, which continued unchanged by the diet : Omnes Principes, omnes Domini, fotus mundus gcneraliter dicit: Qaomodo vohmius contra Turcnm proprios sudores, propria nostra bona, panem filiornm nostrorum exponere, quandoqiiidem sunimus Pontifex in turri- biis, in grossis muris, in calce et lapidi[)u>< thisanrum s. Petri expendit, quern in defensionem sanctce fidei deberet expendere ^ During the Diet in Vienna, Nicho' las V. died, and the deliberations on this subject were again deferred. 12 Platina in vita Calixti III. ed. 1645. p. 727: helium Turcis statim indixit. Id se ante Pontificatum vovisse ostendens suo ehirographo, his verbis scripto, quod in libro quodam suo extabat: Ego Calistus Pontifex Deo omnipotenti voveo et sanctm individuce. Trinitati, me bello, maledictis, interdictis, execrationibus, et demuin quibuscunque rebus pater o, Turcos Christiani nominis hastes scevissimos persecnturttm. Admirati sunt omnes qui aderant, quod Pontificatus nomen sibi desumpsisset ante adeptam dignitatem, quodque homo senex ac fere decrepitus tantum animi habei'et, Ut autem quod promiserat re ipsa pra'stare posset, Pra;- dicatores per totam Europam statim misit, etc. (More particularly S. Antoninus in Summa, P. III. Tit. XXII. cap. 14. init. Constituit phires praedicatores diver- sarum regionum, qui discun-erent per civitates et castclla ad pra;dicandam crucem contra Turcam, qui hortarentur plebes ad contribuendum eleemosynas ad tarn sanctum, tam pium, tam necessarium omnibus opus pro conducendis armigeris, concedens indulgentiam plenariam peccatorum contritis et confessis semel in vita et semel in niorte cuicunque eleemosynam V. Ducatorura largienti, auctoritalem- que tribuens absolvendi et dispensandi in multis casibus). Ex his autem facultati- hus ad sedecim triremes Romse aedilicatas in hostem misit, Patriarcha Aquilejensi Praefecto, qui triennio maritima hostium Asianorum vexavit, insulas quasdam cepit, ac niagnas calamitates hostibus intulit. See a bull of Mfty 15, 1455, according to which a general crusade was to begin on the 1st of March, 1456, see Raynald, ann. 1455, no. 19. Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Cnlixtus III. 211 had been defrauded. As the emperor, under the influence of the crafty ^Erieas Sylvius, was wholly on the side of the Pope,^^ ^\^^ Reformers were obliged to content themselves for the present, with loud and bitter complaints against both pope and emperor, i'' on account of the infringement of the Concordats ; and the Pope ventured even to go so far as to maintain in a letter of reproof sent to them, that the ob- servance of the Concordats depended on the papal pleasure. ^^ But ^^ Gobellini comm. p. 25 : Haec cum audita essent in Austria (at the diet in Vienna), fuere non pauci, qui Cajsari suaserint, nunc teinpus esse coiircendi Apostolicam sedem, ne tantuin in Germania posset; conventiones, quae cum Euge- nio quarto facta; fuerant, diniinulas esse, nee prius obediendum Romano Pontil'ici, quam ea concederet, quaj natio Germanica optaret ; ancillain earn videri, libertatem aliquando mereri. Atque hoc ipsum Jacobus Treverensis Archiepiscopus obnixe requirebat, qui ex lite lucrum aliquod expectabat. Contra ^neas non esse e re Ca-saris ajebat, Romani Pontificis auctoritatem repiirriere, ut populi £,ratia iniretur, qua; sui natura inconstantissima est ; nee multitudini relinqueiidas habenas, quam nosset principatibus inimicam ; inter Principes aliquando ainicitiam inveniri, inter plebcm et regem odium inunortale ; Papam Imperatoris, et Imperatorem Papae auxilio indigere ; stultum esse illi nocere, cujus expectes opem ; cum Pontificatus novus initur, tunc Romani Praesulis gratiam beneficiis emerendam. Quodsi ab injuriis incipias, difficile in benevolentiam patere aditum ; mittendam more uiajo- rum obedientiam, foedusque cum novo Prsesule honestum ineundum, eoque pacto Germanos Imperatori obedituros. Vicit ^neae sententia, atque ipse missus est, qui ea perageret, quas suaserat, etc. The speech of ^neas before the Pope on this occasion is in the collection of his letters, Ep. 413. '^ At the Diet of Nuremberg, 1456, the electors had already thouglit of choosing a king of Rome even without the emperor's consent, see Mailer's Reichstags- theatruin. Th. 1. S. 555 ff. At a meeting of the electors of Mayence, Cologne, the Palatines, Saxony and Brandenburg, and the archbishops of Salzburg and Bremen, which took place in Frankfurt, 1457, a new assembly of the princes in Nuremberg was resolved upon for St. Martin's Day, 1457, at which it should be considered (see Neue Sammlung der Reichs-Abschiede. Frankf. a. M. 1747. fol. Th. 1. S. 190) : anne magis expediat pro honore Principum et nationis, quod decrcta Constantiensis et Basileensis Conciliorum, qua; ea gravamina contingunt, circa qua° magis necessarium fuerit providendum, absque modificatione et simpli- citer — repetantur et innovenfur: vel quod ordinationes intermedia", de quibus in dvisamentis supradictis cautum et actum est, proscquantur et continuentur, seu quod alia congrua et honesta via Alemannis consulatur. Also de modo et forma, quibus Romanus Imperator posset induci ad concurrcndum una cum Principibus Alemannias in re ista, et etiam ad providendum Nationi vel per pragmaticam sanctioneni vel alio remedio oportuno. So too, anne Dominus Apostolicus vel Uteris, vel oratoribus, et quibus modis et mediis interpellandus sit super hac re. The Avisamenta here referred to were to be communicated in the first place to the other princes. Perhaps they were the same with the Pragmatica Sanctio, mentioned by JEneas in his Germania, c. 78, seq. (see note 19, below). 15 CaHxti III. ep. ad Fridericum Imp. dd. 31 Aug. 1457 (partially contained in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 40; complete in JEn. Syh. Epist. 385) : — nuper — sicut nobis relatum est, nonnulli ex venerabilibus fratribus nostris ac dilectis tiliis, nobilibus viris, Romani Imperii Electoribus, et alii plerique Principes ac Pra;lati naticnis ejusdem, dieta quadam sive conventu inter se ceiebrata (in Frankfurt, see above, note 14), Oratores sues ad Te miserunt, qui de nobis, deque curia nostra non parvam querelam facientes, inter cajtera exposuisse feruntur, quod nos diversis modis nationem ipsam aggravantes, quae inter Te nomine nationis et antecessorem nostrum — concordata fuerunt, minime adimplere aut obscrvai'e curemus. — Audi- vimus rumorem esse, tanquam nos aurum ex natione tua, supia quam deceat, ex- torqueamus. Injuriantur profecto nobis, et a vero longe recedunt, qui taliadicunt: nihil unquam nostro nomine ab his extortum est, quibus beneticia contulimus, ut illi garriunt: nihil exactum, nihil pelitum pra;ter Annatam vetusto jure debitam : at si qui contra Turcos pecuniaria nobis subsidia obtulerunt, non recusavimus, nee 212 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the efforts to bring about a crusade were as ineffectual in Germany as elsewhere ; ^^' and the sums, not without dilhculty collected from the recusare quidem debenius pro tanta ChristiantB religionis necessitate. Pecunias auteni hujusinodi — non visurpaimis nobis, — non consiiinimus in deliciis, sad in defensionein tidei converlinms. — Innumerabiles sunt ct inlolerabiles nobis, quas indies subinuis, cxpensa' : nunc in Orientem Lejiato classis nosti-oe, nunc in Alba- nian! Scanderbecliio tbitissinio Christi athlets, indeiessoque bellatoii, nunc Legatis et Oi-atoribus in diversas mundi partes emissis, nunc istis, nunc illis perGrfficiam et Asiani laborantibus, ne destituti pciiclitarentur, pecunias mittimus : nee fuerunt inanes hujusmodi sumptus. Licet enim nobis in Domino gloriari, qui per ministros suos, torpcntibus ac pcne dorniientibus cunclis forme Cliristianis Principibus, nobis tantumniodo instantibns atque urgentibus Turcoi-um superbissima cornua et inso- lentissimas acies apud Ungariam contVegit (refei'ring to the victory of Johannes Hunyades near Belgrade, 1456), magnumque ilium et potentissimum exercitum prostravit, qui sibi non Ungariam niodo, sed Germaniam totani, Galliam atque Italiam proterere, legemque Christi funditus evertere prouiittebat. — Nunc quoque classis nostra Rhodum tuetur, Cyprum, Mitylenem, Chium, et omncs in Oriente Christian! nominis insulas: — quodque laudabilius est, — non tantum quas diximus insulas Legatus noster — tutatus est, sed alias plerasque Turcorum domino ser- vientes ad Apostolics sedis devotionem obedientiamque redegit. — Quae cum ita sint, audent tainen nonnulli parum quidem i-eligiosi, et ad commune bonum minus intenti nos redarguere, quod ab his pecunias recipimus, qui promoventur, quamvis sponte oblatas in classem contra Turcos emissam. Quod quam inique agunt, jam plane prospicis. Sed ajunt plerique, concordata, de quibus mentionem supra fecimiis, pernos mimine observari, atiirmantes, electiones Episcoporum aliorumque Pra;latoi-um nos parvi pendere, ac prorsus abjicere : quod pari modo neque vere, neque juste nobis objicitur. Neque enim electiones Prfflatorum in Germania factas quovis j)acto contemnimus, neque ex concoidatis onincs passim electiones contirmare tenemur, sed illas tantunniiodo, quEe canonica; experiuntur : quod quidem a nobis diligenter custoditum est. — Super resei-vationibus autem caeteris- que beneticioi'um provisionibus, de quibus similiter accepimus querelas coram Tua Serenitate fuisse propositas, non sunius memores, aliquid a nobis esse concessum contra concordata prsdicta. Quod si quid tale factum est, ut saepe in multitudine literarum ac negotiorum aliqua transeunt neque bene gesta, neque bene revisa ; non est intentionis nostra; aut Ordinariorum mensibus derogare, aut concordatis ipsis contravenire. Qidnimo quamvis Uberrima sit JlpostuliccR sedis auctoritas, nul- lisque debcat pactiuniim vinculis co^rceri ; ex mcra, tamen liberalitate nostra, ex zelo, quern gerimus ad pacem, ex caritate, qua te ttiainque iiationem prosequi- ■mur, concordatis ipsis locum esse volwnus, nee patiemur ea temere violari, dum Romanae sedis gubei-nacula retinebimus. Si quid pra?terea est, quod ipsi nationi molestum videatur ex his, qu'e prodeunt ex nostro solio, idque fortasse dignum emendatione censetur (possumus enim et nos, ut homines, aliquando labi atque errare, in his maxime, quK facti sunt) ; non decet Episcopos aut alios quosvis mortates super Apostolicam sedem auctoritateni sibi vendicare. — Et tu ergo, Serenissime Imperator, si quid arbitraris tuae nationis Pi'adatos habere, quod per nos emendari debeat, admone eos, hortare et urge, ut ad nos venientes suas nobis necessitates exponant, gravamina referant, desideria proferant, etc. The letter is marked : Dictata per ^^neam Cardinalem Senensem. ^^ Alphonso, king of Aragon and Sicily, took the cross (Raynald, 1455, no. 30), but used the troops and the money which wei-e raised for a war against the Turks, in his own wars with the Genoese (1. c. 1456, no. 11 seq.). Also Alphonso, king of Poi'tugal, promi.-ied to go against the Turks (1. c. 1456, no. 8), but tinally did nothing (1. c. 1457, no. 65). Charles VII. of France, forbad the preaching of the crusade in his dominions, lest they should be left exjjoscd to the English (1. c. 1456, no. 3 seq.) : afterwards he allowed the church tithes to be taken sans preju- dice des droicts, franchises, libertez et prerogatives de I'Eglise de France (see the edict in the Preuves des libertez de I'egl. Gallicane. Chap. XXII. no. 20), but still forbad the assembling of any troops (Raynald, 1456, no. 5) : even the tithes, however, were refused by many of the clergy, who, tbllowing the example of the University of Paris, appealed to a general council (Raynald, 1457, no. 54 seq.). Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Calixtus III. 213 various national churches, were quite inadequate to enable the Pope to undertake any thing himself against the Turks. yEneas Sylvius, who, for his good service rendered in Germany, had been invested successively with the bishopricks of Trieste and Siena by Nicholas V., and in Dec. 145G raised to the dignity of cardinal by Calixtus, now exerted himself to the utmost to appease the dissatisfaction felt in Germany. 1' In numerous letters he strove to win over the most considerable men amongst the disaffected.i^ and the main object of " This we learn particularly from the letter of the Chancellor of Mayence, Martin Meyer, to his friend .Eneas Sylvius, dd. 31 Aug. 1457 (prefixed to Mnece Sijlv. Germania, and printed often besides, e. g. in Freheri Scriptt Rer. Germ ed. Struve T. II. p. 686. Bicherii hist. Cone, gener. Lib. IV. P. I. cap. 1. J. i*. Georsii Nationis Germanica; gravamina ad. sedem Rom. p. 244 seq.) : Cognovi ex Uteris amicorum, Te Cardinalem esse creatum. Congratulor et Tibi, qui pro 1 ua virtute digna consecutus es pra;mia, et mihi, cujus amicus in ea dignitate constitu- tus est, in qua me meosque necessarios aliquando juvare potent, lllud mihi molestuin, quod in ea tempora incidisti, qu» sedem Apostolicam atflictura videntur. Nam domino meo Archiepiscopo frequentes atferuntur de Romano Pontihce que- rela qui neque Constantieusis neque Basileensis Concilii decreta custodit, neque se pactionibus antecessoris sui teneri arbitratur, nationemque nostram contemnere etprorsus exhaurire videtur. Constat enim, electiones Pra-latorum passim rejici, beneficia dignitatesque cujusvis qualilatis et Cardinalibus et Protonotarns reservan. Et tu quidem ad tres Provincias Teutonici nominis sub ea formula reservationem impetra^ti quae hacteuus insolita est et inaudita. Expectativae etiam gratias sine numero conceduntur : Annate sive medii frustus absque uUa dilatione tempons exio-untur, et plus etiam, quam debeatur, extorqueri palam est. Lcclesiarum res-fmina non magis merenti, sed plus offerenti comniittuntur : ad corradendas pecunias novse indulgentia; indies conceduntur. Decimarum exactiones inconsul- tis Pra'ialis nostris (contrary to Cone. Const. Sess. XLIII., see § 130, note 20, Deer 6) Turcorum causa fieri jubentur. Causa;, qua; tractandoe terminandsque in partibus fuerant, ad Apostolicum tribunal indistincte trahuntur (contrary to Cone Basil. Sess. XXXI., see § 131, note 34) : excogitantur mille modi, quibus Romana sedes aurum ex nobis, tamquam ex barbaris, subtili extrahat ingenio : ob quas res natio nostra quondam inclyta, qua; sua virtute suoque sanguine Romanum Imperiura coemit, fuitque mundi doniina ac regina, ad inopiam nunc redacta, anciUa et tributaria facta est, et in squalore jacens, suam fortunam, suam paupe- riem multos jam annos moeret. Nunc vero, quasi ex somno excitati optimates nostri quibus remediis huic calamitati obviam pergant, cogitare coeperunt, jugum- Que prorsus excutere, et se in pristinam vindicare libertatem decreverunt. h.it hffic non parva jactura Romans Curia;, si quod cogitant Romani Principes effece- rint Quantum itaque de tua nova dignitate la-tor, tantum commoveor et angor, tuo ' tempore hoc parari. Sed Dei forlassis alia est cogitatio, et illius profecto sententia obtinebit. Tu interim bonum habeto animum, et quibus repagulis flumi- nis impetus coerceri possit, pro tua sapientia cogitato, et vale optime. The dis- satisfaction with Rome went even further, see ^nea; Sylvu Ep. 301. ad Marti- num Mayer: Sunt nonnuUi nationis tua; homines, parum pensi habentes, quibus Romani Pontificis auctoritas neque necessaria esse videtur neque a Christo insti- tuta. The aim of the whole letter which is also contained in .^nea Germania, e. 89 and 90, is to refute this assertion. 18 MnecB Sylvii Ep. 348. ad Laurentium Rovarellam (legate in Hungary) : he was to impress it on the German princes, quod multo facilius filii Piincipuin pro- movebuntur per sedem Apostolicam, quam per Capitula vel Ordinanos. Et hoc bene cura in auribus Principum conculcare, quia Veritas est. i.p. 319, ad 1 heo- doricum Archiep. Colon, dd. 2 Dec. 1457. Si Romana; sedis auctoritas deprirne- retur credito quia nee tua nee aliorum Episcoporum salva manebit. Audito tamen, qua; consulis, ut hie quoque ea reformentur, qua; odium tuK nationis nariunt et ego si mea vox audietur, ad id operam dabo. Nam et hic aliqua com- mittuntur, qu£e non laudo omnia. Verum iUud salubre puto, ut super gravamini- 214 Third Period/ Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. his work, Descriptio de ritu, situ, moribus et conditione Germaniae, bus, quae vestri allegant, ad Romanum Pontificeni recursus habeatur, qui non negabit assensum justa petentibus. Ep. 334. ad Jobannem de Lisura (a Counsellor at Mayence, see § 131, note 51) : Per Wiganduin Secretarium Moguntini misimus tibi Alphabetum, et nunc dupHcanius, si forsitan illud non recepisti : poteiis scri- bere mentis tuffi conceptum, et consulere Ecclesia; necessitati. — Labore tuo nostroque quietem consccuta est Ecelesia nostris diebus apud Gennanos. Faxit Deus, ne lacerari videanius quod aliquando resarcivimus. Multa rumor affert, et Gennanos fieri Gallos imitatioue contendit. Nobis ilia via salubrior esse videtur, qua patres nostri ambulavere. — Nee facile sua in Dioecesi quisque Pontifex Papatum habebit : et sunt, qui qua;runt, et ejus rei causa nigrum in Candida vertunt. Ep. 383, ad Martinum Mayer, an answer to the letter in note 17. He here shows iirst, nee unquam regni ccelestis introire januam potuisse, qui Romano- rum Pontificum auctoritatcm conturaaciter contenipsere, nee hodie illis gloriandum esse, qui auctoritate propria leges sibi constituunt, quibus pro suo libito Romanae sedis jussiones spernei-e possint. Hos enim catholica Veritas, nisi j-esipuerint ante obitum, ignis jeterni mancipio sine intermissione deputat. Fateinur insuper ali- quando in Romana Curia, quam regunt homines, aliqua fieri, qua; digna essent emendatione, nee dubitamus ipsos Romans urbis Prassules etiam, in quantum homines, falli, errare, labi ac decipi posse. He thus answers the complaints, first, that the Concordats are not kept, and then that the i-igbt of choice is not observed. He then writes (the same JEneas Sylvius, who, Ep'. 66, ad Jo. Peregallum, had .said : Nihil est, quod absque argento Romana curia dedat. Nam ipsse manus impositiones et Spiritus Sancti dona venduntur, nee peccatorum venia nisi num- matis impenditur,) as follows: Quod delude subjungis extorqueri multum auri ab his, qui dignitates vel alia beneficia assequuntur, non est cur de hac sede conque- ratuini, sed potius de cupiditate et ambitione vestrorum hominum, qui currentes pro Episcopatibus, invenientes competitores, his quibus palatium patet certatim pecunias offerunt. Illi vero, qui alloqui Pontificem possunt, non sunt omnes .similes Angelis, sed quales in Alemania Galliaque multos reperias : recipiunt enim quod offertur, non extorquent. Romanus autem Prssul solus in thalamo suo nunc hos nunc illos audit, et illos promovere solet, qui magis commcndantur, nee scit, nee etiam arbitratur, pecuniae causa hos aut illos commendatione prEeferri. Nee sibi plus auri datur, quam concordata permiltant: nisi fortasse aliquando occasione expeditionis contra Turcos, aliquid super Annatas recepit (the text is heie corrected fiom the Germania, c. 25), quod sibi profecto non fuit in tanta necessitate negandum. Then again-t the complaints concerning the sale of abso- lutions and tithes. Such complaints of pecuniary wrong, he says, had always been very common. Germany was so far from being impoverished, that it was richer than ever. Its prosperity was a consequence of the Christian religion, and therefore to be attributed to the holy see by which the country had been converted. He then defends himself against the charge of having insolitas reservationes. The reservations made in his own favor were no infringement of the concordats. Sed arbitraris ibrtasse beneficia qu£e in Germania sunt Germanis potius committi debere quam extraneis, nee nos aliter senfimus. Sed cum nos jam annis supra XXIV, Gernianiam incoluerimus, non reputamus extraneos existimari debere: cumque Imperatori ipsique nationi longo tempore, summa fide, magnis laboribus servieri- mus, et nunc ad Cardinalatum recepti ea curcmus, qua; nationis ipsius honori atque ufilitafi conducant, et ita prorsus agamus, ut natione Germani potius quam Itali putemur; non judicavimus tribus illis provinciis Moguntina?, Coloniensi, Treve- rensi indignum videri, aut grave censeri, si annuo duo millia ducatorum in eis obtineremus ex illis beneficiis, quae sedes Apostolica conferre haberet. Putavis- semus efiam majora in eadem natione, cui semper servivimus, sponte offerri : sed non sumus nos insatiabiles, contentamur eo, quod pro debiti status conservatione sufficiat, nee plura circa hoc. Quod autem operas tuas ad id offers, ut gratiae nostra; fructum con^equamur, agimus lil.i gratias, qui partes amici non negligis, idque rogamus, ut interveniente casu opportuno prorsus efficias. — Si qua Prae- positura vacaverit, aut Ecelesia parochialis magni reditus, velis ita efficere, ut ad complementum gratiae nostrae (the reservation granted by the Pope) pervenire possimus. Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius 11. 215 was to answer the complaints of the Germans against the Holy See.^^ •9 It has been several times published separately, e. g. Argent. 1515. 4to. Roma;. 15S4, and in .3En. Sylv. 0pp. Basil. 1571. fol. p. 1034 seq. It is directed to the chancellor of the elector of Mayence, Martin Mayer, and contains answers to the gravamina communicated by him (note 17), the same with that in Ep. 383 (note 18), but fuller. Very remarkable what is said of the Pragmatic Sanction proposed in Germany (see above, note 14). Cap. 78 : Pugna nobis cum panels, qui cum sibi docti videantur, nee pro sua opinione dignis efferantur honoribus, niiscere onmia divina et humana jura conantur, ut inter rerum mutationes cailen- tium assequi cathedras valeant, etc. — Quid est quod pro libertate mohentur, quid parant in Apostolicam sedem, quo sibi modo consulere satagunt .' Non scribis tu hoc nobis : fortasse times deferri. Commendamus cautionem tuam : nam Cancel- lario nihil tam convenit quam pectus arcanorum tenax. Nontamen nos latet hoc: provisi sunt amici nostri, nulUs obligati Principibus, quod nobis omnium, quae apud vos aguntur, notitiam fecere, missis exemplaribus ejus Pragmalica;, quae ab aliquibus excogitata, in publicum deferri debuit. Cap. 79 : Cujus dus partes sunt. In prima referuntur omnia fere gravamina, quae superius enumeravimuS. Quibus ut obvietur, ponitur modus, qui servandus sit in natione vestra circa Pri- latorum electiones, beneficiorum coUationes, causarum auditiones, indulgentiarum concessiones, decimarum exactiones, et ca;tera istiusmodi. In secunda ponuntur appellationes, ad quas recurrendum sit, si forte Pragmatica; sanctioni Summus Pontifex obviam ierit. Inseritur et poena, qua plectendi sint Germani non obedi- entes, et foedus Principum pro custodia sanctionis. Fama quoque ad nos dclatura est, inter Pragmaticos sermonem habitum esse de mittendis hue oratoribus, qui ex Romano Ponlifice sanctionis suffi confirmationem expetant, quasi priniam sedem eo modo honoraturi, quod, si optatum responsum habuerint, gratias agant, si minus nihilominus natio Pragmaticse subjiciatur. Scimus nihil horum' placere divo Im- peratori, majorique parti Principum, — sed agimus, ut dictujn est, cum sediliosis quibusdam et perditis hominibus, etc. Cap. 80 : De Pragmatica igitur inpiimis dicamus. — Summam vim ejus respicimus, qua; hue tendit, ne Germanica natio jussionibus ApostolicJE sedis obedire cogatur, ne quid pecuniarum ad Romanam curiam deferatuj-. Nam hoc est, quod omnes sibi querela; volunt, hoc qua-iitur, dum causte in partibus retinenda; dicuntur, dum Pra;latorum electiones ad Metro- politas referuntur, dum beneficiorum collationes Ordinariis reservantur, dum anna- tarum exactiones prohibentui-. The view which yEneas takes of the dignity and power of the papal see is entirely ultramontane, but he supports it on political and strictly worldly grounds. Cap. 87 : Ecclesiarum ceterarum dignitates et cathedias, ut inquit Nicolaus, Papa Romanus instituit : Ecclesiam vero illam solus ipse Deus fundavit, et super petram fidei mox uascentis erexit. Qui b. Petro aeternae vitse clavigero terreni simul et ca;lestis Imperii jura conimisit. Cap. 94 : An pauperem tu Pontificem maximum esse volueris .' — At nos Pontificem maximum, quarnvis optimum, non putamus officio suo satisfacere posse, nisi facultatibus prajditus sit. — Convenit Romanum Pontificem, magnum sacerdotem, curare, ut evangelium Christi — omnibus sincere prtedicetur, ut onmes errores, omnis blasphemia — eradicetur, ut pellantur a finibus Chrisfianis impugnatores nostrae religionis, ut schismata removeantur, ut bella sopiantur, ut furta, rapins — de medio tollantur. — Postremo debet Romana sedes, veluti pati-ocinium orbis tcrrJe, tutusque portus afflictorum, — omnibus ad se currentibus non solum benignas aures adhibere, sed opem ultro afferre. — Et quis est, qui haec agere posse paupei-em et inopem Papam affirmet .' — Quomodo restituentur Episcopi exules, aut ha;retici, vel schismatici corrigentur? — Implorandum est brachium sesculare, clamabis. At nos ex te qua°rimus, an melius per se Romanus Pra;sul hasc agat viribus suis fretus, an per alium .' — Quid vero, si Principes ipsi aberrent, et, ut sape vidimus, hsreticis succumbant erroribus, quid agemus .' Quid si Rex coercendus, si arguendus Iniperator .' Numquid et Regem Franciae inulilem depositum a Romano Praesule legiinus? — Numquid Henrici Fridericique C^sares contra Ecclesiam debacchati sunt, et digni anathemate putati ? Quid ergo an brachium contra se Imperator prabebit, aut pauper eum corripiet Romanus Praesul ? — nos tenemus, potentiam, opes, viresque multo melius in Apostolica sede quam in alio quovis sKCulari throno existere. Nam sedes haec tutrix fidei est, quse nunquam erravit, aut erratura est, quia rogavit Dominus, ut non deficiat fides Petri. Imperatores vero, et Reges, et 216 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. At the same time all these writings showed so decidedly the old papal spirit, that it was easy to see what was to be expected of this former adherent of the Council of Basil when, under the name of Pius II., he ascended the papal chair (145S).~o Pius II. aimed at restoring- the Holy See to its former consequence by treading in the steps of the earlier popes ; but he was too entirely swayed by political con- siderations himself ever to kindle others to enthusiasm, and thus his energies were all wasted on the political intrigues of the time.~i It was in vain that he put in requisition all the means, which had been used with such wonderful effect in the time of the first cru- sades. He founded new military orders, but they soon came to an end.22 He summoned a general assembly of all the Christian alios Episcopos saepe in hceresim lapsos fuisse legimiis. Cap. 101 : Casterum neque illu(i, quod sequitur de appellationibiis, pi* aures ferre possunt. Nam si Princeps est Roinanus Prajsul, si Uominus, si Magister, quo pacto ab eo appellatur ? — Nam si leges civiles neque a Senatu, neque a Principe saculai'i appellationem adniittunt, quanto minus ab ecclesiastico Principe erit ? Nam si Papa simul et Iniperator conferantur, quantum inter solem et lunam interest, tantum eos dilferre dicenius> et Papam soli, Imperatorem lunfe assimulabimus. Praeterea cum appellalio ab inferiori ad supeiiorem def'eratur, Papa vero prior sit et major omnibus, liquet ab eo non esse provocandum. Sed audio, quod tecum loqui ])Otes : non quispiam singularis homo appeUahitur, sed Concilium, quod majus est et potentius Romano Prcesule. Nolumus banc modo quaestionem ingredi, quse longiorem tractatum requirit, et aliud ingenium quain nostrum est. At idem Gelasius sacros canones ait sanxisse,ne unquam ab ea sede appellaretur, neque Concilium excepit, et amplius de Romana sede, quod ilia etiam quos Synodus inique damnaverat ab- solvit. Quo dicto declarat a Synodo ad Papam appellatum fuisse, eoque modo majorem Synodo Papam extitisse. — Quocirca si quid est quod gravius ille agat, non est recalcitrandum, sed ferendum. Ridiculum profecto, nemo est tam parvae urbis dominus, qui a se appellari ferat, et nos Papam appellationi subjectum dice- mus ? — At si me, ais, Pontifex indigne preinit, quid agam? Rcdi ad eum supplex, ora onus levet. Jit si rogatus, inteipellatus nolit subvenire misero, quid agam 1 Quid ages, ubi tuus te Princeps sfecularis urget ? — Feram, dices, nam aliud nullum est remedium. Et hie ergo feras. — Cap. 102: Et majores igitur nostri, quamvis Romanum Pontiticem aliquando posse injurium esse non dubitarent, non tamen appellandum ab eo sanxerunt. Nam injuriam ab ilia sede rarissime venturam arbitrati sunt ; privatos vero homines, si provocare possent, non dubitaverunt ,toties appellaturos, quotiens in eos sententia promulgaretur : quoniam sicut litigare homines injuste audent, ita et provocare audebunt, ac per eum mo- dum nullus erit unquam finis litium. *" Of whom see especially Gobellini commentarii above, note 11. The most important source for his history are his owrn Epistola;, which are, however, rare, though there are more than 20 editions. The one here cited is that of Norimb. 1496. 4to. — H. Chr. C. E. Helwing de Pii II. Pont. Max. rebus gestis et moribus comm. Berol. 1825. 4to. *' Pius II. bestowed Naples on Ferdinand ( Raynald, 1458, no. 20 scq.) ; but the house of Anjou, supported by France, maintained its claim on that kingdom, and hence a war in Italy. — There was also a dispute between the emperor Frederick III. and king Matthias, for the possession of Hungary ; though the former gave up as early as A. U. 1459. In Germany itself, however, there con- tinued to be two opposing paities, the imperial, and that of the Palatine of Ba- varia. 22 On the 18th of Jan. 1459, he founded the Ordo hospitalis b. Maris Bethle- mitanae, on the model of the knights of St. John, for the defence of Lemnos (Raynald, ad. h. a. no. 2). In the same year was founded the Societas sub vocabulo Jesu nuncupata ad Dei honorcm ct infidelium oppugnationcm instituta (see Pii II. Ep. ad Carolum R. Galliae dd. 13 Oct. 1459, in Lcibnitii Cod. Juris Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius IT. 217 princes at Mantua,-^ but could only, and with great trouble, bring together a part of them (14-")9) ;-^ and this assembly, which was to unite the nations in a general crusade, served only to show the pre- vailing indifference and the impossibility of uniting the sovereigns in any common enterprise.'-^ At ihis council, too, he condemned all appeals from the Pope to general councils,-*^ which was immediately Gentium, P. I. p. 420), to which the Pope granted numerous privileges (Roynald, 1. c. no. 83). ^^ Gohellinus, Lib. II. p. 34. The letter of Summons is given in Raynuld, 1458, no 16 seq. ^ Pius II. opened the assembly on the 1st of June, 1.359, with these words ( GobeUinus,\'\b. 111. p. 60) : Speravimus, fratres ac tilii, banc urbem adeuntes, frequentes, qui pra^cessissent Regum legates invenire : pauci adeunt, ut vidimus, decepti sumus. Non est religionis cura apud Christianos, quantam credidimus, etc. ^ In the closing speech of the Pope, January, 1460, the following is given as the result of the convention (Gohellinus, lib. III. p. 92) : Hungari si adjuventur, summo conatu et universis viribus suis Turcas invadent. Germani exercitum poUicentur duorum et quadraginta millium bellatorum ; Burgundus sex niillium ; Itali, exceplis Venetis ac Genuensibus, Cleri decimas, populi tiigesimas annuorum redituum, ac vigesimas Judaicae substantias, ex quibus navales copias sustentari qucant. Idem facit Joannes Rex Aragonum. Ragussi duas triremes oflerunt, Rhodi quatuor. Ha;c tanquam certa solemni stipulatione per Principes ac Legates promissa sunt. Veiieti quamquam publice nihil promiserint, cum tamen expedi- tionem paratam vidcrint, haudquaquam deerunt, neque patientur, ut suis majoribus deteriores videri possint. Idem de Fi-ancis, de Castellanis, de Portugallensibus dicimus. Anglia civilibus agitata motibus spem nullam pollicetur, neque Scotia in intimo abscondita Oceano. Dacia quoque, Suecia ac Norvegia j-emotiores pro- vincia; sunt, quam milites possint mittere, nee solis contents piscibus pecuniam ministrare possunt. Poloni Turcis per JMuldaviam contermini suam causam dese- rere non audebunt. Bohemos mercede licebit conducere, suo a;re extra regnuni non militabunt. Sic res Christianas se habent. Classem pecunia Italica parabit, si non Venetiis, ac saltim Genus, aut in Aragonia : nee minor erit, quam res ipsa deposcat. Hungari viginti millia equitum armabunt, peditum baud minorem numerum, qui Germanis juncti ac Burgundis duodenonaginta millia militum in castris habebunt. Et quis non his copiis superatum iri Turcas arbitretur .' Hie accedet Georgius Scanderbechius, et Albanoruni fortissima nianus ; et multi per Grsciara ab hoste deficient ; et in Asia Charamannus et Armenorum populi Tur- cas a tergo ferient : non est cur desperemus, tantum Deus ipse coepta secundet ! 26 The bull dated 2.3 Jan. 1460, is in Gohellinus III. p. 91 (the date according to Raynald, 1460, no. 10, is X. Kal. Febr.) : Execrabilis et pristinis temporibus inau- ditus tempestate nostra inolevit abusus, ut a Romano Pontifice — nonnulli spiritu rebellionis imbuti, non sanioris cupiditate judicii, commissi evasione peccati ad futurum Concilium provocare prssumant: quod quantum sacris canonibus adver- setur, quantumque reipublica; Christians noxium sit, quisqiiis non ignarus jurium intelligere potest. Namque, ut alia prstereamus, quae huic corruptels manifestis- sime refragantur, quis non illud ridiculum judicaverit, quod ad id appellatur, quod nusquam est, neque scitur quod futurum sit? Pauperes a potentioribus multipli- citer opprimuntur, remanent impunita scelera, nutritur adversus primam sedem rebellio, libertas delinquendi coiiceditur, et omnis ecclesiastica disciplina, et hierar- chicus ordo confunditur. Volentes igitur hoc pestiferum virus a Christi Ecclesia procul pellere — hnjusmodi provocationis introductiones damr.amus, et tanquam erroneas ac detestabiles reprobamus, cassantes, et penitus annullantes, si quae hactenus taliter interpositae reperiantur ; — proecipientes deinceps, ut nemo audeat — ab ordinationibus, sententiis sive mandatis quibuscunque nostris ac successorum nostrorum talem appellatioiiem interponere, aut interposits per alitim adhsrere, seu eis quomodolibet uti. Si quis autcin contrafecerit a die publicationis prssen- tium iu Cancellaria Apostolica post duos menses, cujuscunque status, gradus, ordinis vel conditionis fuerit, etiamsi imperiali, regali, vel pontificali prajfulgeat VOL. III. 28 218 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. followed by a number of such appeals in succession. Cardinal Bes- sarion having been sent into Germany to bring about a crusade (14G0),-^ the only effect was a letter of complaint from the electors and an appeal.-*. Sigismund, Grand Duke of Austria, having been dignitate ; ipso facto sententiam exccrationis incuiiat, a qua nini per Romanum Pontiticem et in inoitis articulo absolvi non possit. Univei>itas vero, sive colle- gium ecclesiastico subjaceat iiiterdicto : et nihiloininus tani collegia et univer.sitates, quani praedictae — persoiias eas poenas ac censuras incurrant, quas rei inajestalis, et hffi-cticse praA'italis fautores incurrere dignoscuntur. Tabellioiies insuper ac testes, qui hiijusmodi actibus interfuerint, et generalitcr qui scienter consilium, auxilium dederint vel favorem talibus appellantibus, pari poena plectantur. ^ Of Bessarion's unsuccessl'ul attempts at the Diets of Nuremberg, Worms, and Vienna, to effect a peace amongst the German princes, and bring about a crusade against the Turks, sec PlntincB Panegyricus in Bessarionem Card, appended to his Vitae Pontiff. Rom. Lovan. 1572. fol. p. 71 seq. The documents on the subject are in H. Chr. Seckenherg Selecta juris et historiarum, T. IV. (Francof. ad M. 1738. 8vo.) p. 334 seq., and in Chr. J. Krem er's Gesch. des Kurf. Friedrichs I. v. d. Pfalz (Manheim 1766. 4to.) Urkunden S. 179 f. His efforts with the bishops with regai-d to the tenths were not much more successful, see Kxcerpta e Cod. Ms. Acta Imp. publiea contincnte in Senckenberg, 1. c. p. 315 : 1460. Convocatio F.lectorum Imperii et Episcopoium pei- Card. Gra'cum — in Nordlinga in Fi-anco- nia, postulando decimam generalem a Clero, et ibidem recepto responso dilatando, dedit in sua ira oratoribus benedictionem cum sinistra manu. ** The final reply of the legate at the Diet of Vienna (Senckenberg, 1. c. p. 357 seq.) had given offence to the electors, and they immediately after prepared an appeal (1. c. 369 seq.). They begin with a couiplaint that they had shown themselves ready to make war against the Turks, and had only asked of the emperor, quatenus — ad superiores partes Imperii mi in locum competentem se confei-re dignaretur ad follendum et amputandum schismata, divisiones, guerras, — quse proh dolor Rom. Imp. et nationi nostras increverunl, which request the em- peror had not thought proper to grant : verumtamen idem Apostolicfe sedis Legatus — cerimonia quadam contra dictos oratores nostros fretus est, nos parvifaciendo, et nostras oblationes sinceras et devotas rejiciendo, increpando et judicando, — nostras oblationes esse hominum renitentium et tergiversantium. — Sugillabantur (Prin- cipes Germanias) tanquam ludentes cum fide. — Succensebatur in illos, quasi promissa violantcs et sua irrita facientes. — Qua? si veritati subnixa forent, sicuti non vera sunt, essenius de sorte gentium incredulorum. They therefore repeat their promises. Porro cum in Concilio Constantiensi inter alia ordinatum fore dinoscitur, ne Sumuuis Pontifex decimam imponat, nisi hoc faciat cum consilio et consensu Pra'latorum, et majoris partis in regnis vel provinciis, ubi decima venit imponenda ; pronunciavitque sa?penumero Apostolicus Legatus prxfatus, se plena a Sanctissinio Domino nostro fiilcitum auctoritate et facultate decimam, vicesimam, atque tricesimam per plures annos in natione nostra imponendi, sicque pra;sumendi et formidandi, quod — idem Apostolicus Legatus aut Sanctissimus Dominus noster — irrequisito consilio et consensu tam nostrorum quam aliorum, quorum interest' — ad hujusniodi impositioncm processerint aut procedant : hinc est, si et in quantum — contra ordinationem Eccle'iaj sanctae Dei in prsefato Concilio Constantiensi — attemptatuu) foret attempteturve, — hoc esse gravamen edicere gravamur, cui nee nos, nee nostri utriusque status homines nunime parere aut satisfacere possemus. Attento potissimum, quod, cum per amplissimas et repetitas et variis respectibus concessas indulgentias, quibus piarum mentium a>raiia evacuata sunt, tum per excessivam solutionem annatarum, quarum gratia EcclesirB vel feneratoribus dis- pensiose dedita?, aut fei-mc funditus confectas jacent, tum variis aliis gravaminibus — adeo gravatus, adco exhaustus et exinanitus est uterque status, ut illi omnia ea gravamina et sarcinam hujusniodi acceplandi et ferendi omnino deest facultas atque potestas. Hac occasione ab his impositionibus et gravaminibus — provocamus et appellamus ad .S. D. N. Papam Pium, ad sanctam scdcm Apostolicam, aut ad ilium vel ad illos, ad quern vel ad (juos de jure fuerit appellandum, vel ad Romanum Pontificem,qui in Concilio generali seu oecumenico vel jam institute vel instituendo Chap. I. Papacy. % 132. Pius II. 219 punished by excommunication and interdict, for his violence to the cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, bishop of Brixen (14(30) ; the only con- sequence was again one of the annoymg appeals, and the equally annoying writings of Gregory of Heiraburg on the subject.-^ In in proximo prssidentiam habeat vel habiturus est, pra-sertim ad instituendum eun- dem Rom. Pontiticem de pia nostra intentione, supplici oblatione - plemus atque forsan hactenus instructus sit, etc. Tbe Pope on this domed, in a bull dated 4 Sept 1461 (in Mailer's Reichsta^stheatrum Th. 2. S. 29) that the legate whom he had sent to Germany, ad proesWendum in dietis tam apud Nonmbergam, quam apud curiam imperialem tunc tenendis, ever had the purpose, eos ad ipsius decimae solutionem compellere, and assures them, nostra intentionis semper fuisse et adhuc esse quod pra;dicta decima in eadem natione non exigeretur, nee exigatur, nisi de v'estro aliorumque Pralatorum et Principum consensu. 29 Compare Gerardi de Roo (about 1519) Annales Austrlaci lib VII. p. 222, 261 Jo Jac. Fugger's (about 1555) Spiegel der Ehren des Erzhauses Oesterreich. S. 663 tf.,^-39. The bishop having been appointed by the Pope agl t Sigismund's will, was always at variance with this last, and was at length Srhoned by him, for having laid claim to certain market-towns and salt-works. 5 thlthe Pope condemned the Grand Duke, dd. 1 Jun. \AQ^)(Raynad, 1460. no. SsT- .icut reus criminis laesa; majestatis perpetuo infamis, ditfidatus, bannitus, in- test^bilis omnique privilegio,honore, et dignitate exutus privatus, ac et.am majoris exconm inicationis sententia innodatus, gave notice to the Swiss, ne ad observan- dum pacis et concordia- foedera se adstrictos arbitrentur, and commissioned certain prelates ut Helvetios a.i fcedus armorum pro coeicendo Sig^ismundo concitent S ' smund, on his part, appealed through Gregory of Heimburg, to a general council, dd. 13 Aug. 1460 (the document is in Goldasti iMonarchia, T. II. p. lo/6 and in Brotni Appendix ad tascicul. rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum, p. 114) e? appellationes multarum civitatum Italia; et Alamania; Ecclesiarum valvis- affio-i fecit (Raynald, 1460, no 35). The Pope now passed sentence of excom- munication on Gregory (Raynald, 1. c), who in 1446 had been his feUow ambas- sador at Rome (see §"l31, note 50) ; he wrote to the magistrate in Nuremburg dd 18 Oct 1460 (in Brown, p. 125) : Quidam ex patre Diabolo mendaciorum artifice natus, Gregorius de Heymburg nomine, -a nostra solenmi declaratoria sententia qua - impium Sigismundum- juris scripti pcEnas declaravimus incur- ri.se a nobis ad futurum Concilium improbam, nefariam, temeranam, seditiosam denique appellationem dictavit. Et illius interpositionis per dictuin Sigismundum facts ipse dictator in origiuali instrumento Florenl.a. ad valvas Ecclesis affixo testis inscribitur. Quod quia loquax ille, pra^sumptuosus et pra,'ceps, mendax ataue turbulentus, teinerarius ob istud facinus excommunicatus existit, cnminaque et poenas incidit Issa; majestatis atque h^eresis, adeo ut ultra execrationem honore omnTet bonis jure sit privatus ; Devotiones vestras in Domino requirentes admone- mus huiusmodi pestiferum horainem pro tali excommunicato habeatis ; — ipsum- que non solum vitetis, sed procul ejiciati. ab oppido et dominio vestro ; et bona, Suaecunque habet apud vos, tam mobilia quam immobilia, hsco vestro applicetis , et alia omnia faciatis, qu« contra ha^reticos de jure canon.co fieri niandantur. Greeorv answered this bull by an appeal Jlppellatio ad Concilium futurmn {m Gol- dast p 1592. Brown, p. 126), in which he speaks most contemptuously oi the Pope- e g. voluit Papa ipse abuti potestate sua,- et sub velamento mihtans ex- peditionis in Turcam instauranda. facultates Germaniae -medullitus exhaurire.- Ipse aliquando audiet, quid gesserit, qualem vitam egerit, et quid apud Comas : sed reprimo me, etc. --1 Mihi satis est didicisse ciyi es sententias etc. -ipse in numero ^it illorum, qui putant ha^c omnia vi et artihcio rhetorum cont.neri. Ergo si Papa ob id facinus me excommunicatum dicit, quis erit ejectior ipso, qui pra?ter t^Sitatem nihil habet in se virtutis ? He, in especial, confutes the assertion of Ihe Pope, Concilium supra Papam non esse, and maintains the right ol appeal to general councils. To this appeal Theodorus Lc,Uus Episc. Feltrensis, Reierendanus ipoTolicus replied (see dlldast. ^.^o9o) ""dGregoiT rejoined in he A,,o^^^^^^ contra detrectationes et blasphemias Theod. L.Wu in Goldast. p. 1604). Fius 11. 5hen Lmmoned dd. 22 Jan. 1462, (Raynald, 1461, no. 1 1) the Grand Duke before h.s Sribunalas de damnatissima ha^resi, qua" est omnium ha^resum hsresi, non solum 220 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Aug. 14G1, Pius had arbitrarily deposed the archbishop Diether of Mayence ; -^'^ but the sentence, notwitlistandiug the emperor's support, suspectuin notorie, sed sensibiliter maculatuin, tanquam sacrae fidei non recijiientem articuhim : — Credo in unam Sanctam et JlpostoHcain Ecdesiam. Nam cum ipsius Ecclesiffi Romanus Pontif'ex caput sit, canonesque ct censura; sic sint Ecclesia?, quod quisque in Ecclesia positus et credens capiti, caiioiiilius ct ejus censuris teneatur obedire ; dictus quidem Sioismundus noii solum illis non obedit, sed prEedicat insuper, quod miniine obedire teneatur. Sigismund not appeaiino;, both he and Gregory were again excommunicated die ccente Domini ( Gobellinus, Vih. VIII. p. 203). Sigismund received absolution, A. ]). 146-t, compai-e Jacobi Picolominei Card. Papiensis Epist. 282 (appended to Gobellinus, p. 668): Sigismundus — divino tandem est humiliatus miraculo, atque co qiiidem usque humiliatus, ut Romanorum Imperator, — consanguinitate ilium attingens, cum sumina Sedis gloria ante genua Lcgati apostolici procidcns non ante surgendum putavciit, — quam poenitenti et satis pro injuriis facienti pcenarum abolitionem, lestitutionemque est consecutus. But Gregory persisted in liis ojjposition to the Pope, being first for a long time on the side of the ai-chbishop of Mayence, and then taking up the cause of Geoige Podiebrad, king of Bohemia, till at length, shortly before his death, 1472, he too asked for absolution, and received it at Dresden. See an account of these last events taken from the records by J. G. Horn in d. Nilssl. Sammlungen zu einer histor. Handbibliothek von Sachsen. Th. 4. (Leipsig, 1728. 4to.) S. 382 ff. ^^ Diether was chosen in Junfe, 1459, and confirmed by Pius II. after various negotiations in Mantua, 1460. The bull of deposition, 21 Aug. 1461 (see Raynald, 1461, no. 21, complete in Mailer's Reichstagstheatrum. Th. 2. S. SI) gives as the ground of the sentence, that Diether had gained a majority for his elec- tion by bribery. The Pope, to wliom this was unknown, had stipulated, when asked to confirm the choice, in consideration, quam conventui Mantuanensi — sua prEesentia admodum utilis esset, that Diether, sicut jura volunt, should appear for the purpose personally : he, however, had evaded the condition iriodo corporis infirmitatem, niodo pauperiem pi-a;tendens, so that the Pope at length gave the confii'mation to his procurators: procuratores Dietheri ejus nomine et in animain ejus ea nobis juraverunt, quas ca'teri Episcopi Romanis Pontificibus jurare consueverant, ct ultra hoc venturum ipsuin personaliter infra annum ad pra?sentiam nosti-am. However, he had disappointed all the hopes entei-tained of him : cum — expectaremus, hunc hominem — ea curare, quse pro tutela Christia- nae religionis in Mantucnsi conventu concluseramus, invitare homines sua nationis ad expeditionem contra Turcos obcundam, ad obcdiendum in ea re carissimo filio nostro, Fridcrico Romanorum Imperatori Augusto, ad quem idcirco legatuni de latere miseramus ad |)arandos exercitus, ad solvendas decinias, ac vigesimas et trigesimas contribuenclas, et alia pra-sidia prrestanda ; homo in reprobum sensum datus — mox cornua erexit in Apostolicam sedem, — Legatum nostrum calumnia- tus est, qui decimas conaretur exigere, quibus copiEe contra Turcos armaii possent, palamque dicere non est veritus, nos argentum nationis, non fidei defensionem qua-rere (this i-efcrs to the negotiations in Vienna, and the appeal of the electors, note 28). — Inter ha'c accidit, ut ad instantiam mercatorum, qui pecunias Aposto- lica» sedi debitas sibi niutuo concesserunt, cum jam satisfactipnis tempus prajteri- isset, Dietherus ipse excommunicaretur absque nostra conscientia : nam id per judices inferiores in forma Cameras fieri solet. Quod ubi ad ejus notitiam pervenit, — non recuriit ad nos, — sed — Apostolicam sedem blasphemans conficto quodam infamatorio libello ad futurum Concilium contra Mantuanam bullam appellavit, excommunicationem ipso facto, a qua nisi a nobis absolvi non potest, et alias pcenas contra reos majestalis et hajretica? pravitatis fautores a jure fulminatas incurrens. Nee animo irreverenti et infi-unifo satis fuit, primam sedem his modis contempsisse, nisi et divina quoque contemneret, illis se publico immiscens palam et notorie excommunicatus, et in irregularitatem incidens. The next charges were that he had not appeared before the Pope within the year according to his oath, and that he had summoned a convention of the princes at Frankfurt against the rules of the emperor. That the Pope had then sent legates to him, qui male vadentem retra- herent et in viam reducercnt: and that they went to the convention of the princes Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius 11. 221 was far from decisive, and the contest which ensued ended not in which had been transferred by Diether to Mayence ; at which, notwithstanding their remonstrances, he had admitted the excomiminicated Gregory of Heimburg as Sigismund's ambassador. His propositions against the Pope not meeting with acceptation, he had, privately to the ambassadors, abandoned his appeal; but very soon after he returned to his old course. On these accounts he was deposed. Another bull, dated the same day (see Muller, S. 35) appoints Adolphus, count of Nassau, to be his successor. The true state of the case, however, is evident enough even from the Pope's bull of excommunication ; but still more so from the writings of Diether, especially from the appeal mentioned in the bull (in Sencken- berg Selecta juris et histor. T. IV. p. 393), from the answer to the bull, dated Thursday after Michaelmas, 1461 (see Milller, S. 38), and fi-om a second work printed at Mayence, dated Tuesday after the Sunday Laetare, 1462 (in L e m a nn's Speyerscher Chronik Buch VII. Cap. 105. S. 859). The first charge of Simony he refutes by an account of the election, making it appear that he was chosen unanimously (Muller, S. 39). In Mantua the Pope had demanded of the ambas- sadors of the electors (see Appellatio in Senckenberg IV. p. 393), quatenus se nomine nostro obligarent, ne futuro Concilio daremus operam, neve Principes Ger- manica; nationis convocaremus. As they were unwilling to assent to this, they were dismissed without having concluded the business on which they came : some months after, however, a second embassy was sent to the Pope, to obtain a confir- mation of the election without the obnoxious conditions. Cum autem Oratores nostri, antequam ad Cameram Apostolicam pervenissent, litteras nostras atque etficacem obligationem facere cogebantur pro Annata ipsi Cameras persolvenda, qua prcestita et recepta illico eis nuncupata est qua?dam pecuniarum summa gra- vissima, scicilet XXM. VC. et I. floren. Rhenensium : obstupuerunt Oratores nostri, nee tamen aliter litteras extrahere potuerunt, nisi in ilia obligatione persi- sterent. Cumque de gravi taxa conquererentur, nihil aliud supererat, quam Came- rae ipsi Apostolicae de taxa expressata [satisfacere], subordinatis etiam numulariis, campsoribus vel mercatoribus appellatis, qui obligationem i-espectu Cameroe Apo- stolica; in se receperunt, et a nostris Oratoribus, nedum nostro verum etiam ipsorum propriis nominibus, obligationem sen cautionem acceperunt. Et ita Oratoies nostri una cum litteris contirmationis et cseteris, quEe ad consecrationem obtinendam requiruntur, a Romana Curia dimissi sunt. Nos vero admirati, cur tanta summa a nobis exigeretur, cum tamen a prEedecessoribus nostris longe minor fuerit persoluta, sciscitati sumus, quajnam vera taxa esset ab Ecclesia Magunt. Camerae Apostoli- cae debita. Cum vero in hujusmodi investigatione fluctuaremus ambigue nonnihil, certe suminam pecuniarum persolvimus, ut jam putarenius illi summs satis appro- pinquasse, quaj a praedecessore nostro tempore sus contirmationis fuit persoluta. Obtulimus ergo et nunc ofTerimus talem suminam, qualem predecessor noster exposuit, sen quse de jure vel antiqua consuetudine ipsi Camera; Apostolicje ab Ecclesia nostra debita esset. Papa vero, his non contentus, processus poenales contra nos et Oratores nostros supradictos dicitur instituisse, aut comminatur insti- tuere velle. Nobis vero alleg-antibus, quod ad solutionem promissio a nobis et a nostris extorta est, et error factus, qui nos merito excusat : — responsum est nobis, jam non agere contra nos Romanum Pont, et Collegium Cardinalium, sed merca- tores illos, qui se debitores pro nobis constituerunt, quibus et nos de sua cavimus indenmitate ; ideo, si Camera nos gravasset, nihilominus mercatoribus illis indem- nitatem promissam exsequi teneamur. Quod et nos profecto justum censeremus, nisi collusioexpressa sufficienter mercatoiibus ipsis obstaret, qui agentibus Camerae subordinati et submissi machinationis hujusmodi non erant inscii. Quod etiam ex hoc fonte clarius deprehenditur, quod, cum mercatores ipsi pecuniam constitutam Dominis Cardinalibus exsolverunt, ipsi sibi caverunt, quod si pecunia ilia ipsis mercatoribus per nos soluta non fuerit, mercatoribus ipsis a Dominis Cardinalibus persolveretur, prout ipsorum Card, litteris ad nos missis clare edoctl sumus. The papal legate at the Diet of Mayence, Rudolph of Worms, denies this charge con- cerning the Annates (see Gobellinus, lib. VI. p. 144) : mentiti omnes sunt, qui vel nuramum unum abs te flagitatum asserunt ultra summam in Camera praetaxa- tam : decern millia auri nummum principalis taxatio requirit, minutaque quae vocant servitia et litterarum expeditio, et oratorum sumptus circiter quatuor millia deposcunt — Ecclesia Treverensis, quae multo minor est, sub Calisto tertio triginta 222 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the victory of the Pope, hut a compromise sufficiently favorable to Diether (Oct. 1403).^^ In Germany, wiiere tiie liberal /Eneas Syl- vius was not yet forgotten, the very different course pursued by Pius II., excited a mingled feeling of disgust and doubt. This led him to address the Bulla retractionum to the University of Cologne (April 20, 1403), which served, however, rather to make the differ- ence more striking than to excuse it."^- In France his success was millia dedit. But all that is hereby proved is that the banker had a private under- standina; with the court fdr his own interest. Accordina; to the Concordat of Aschafi'enbiiro', which in this respect agrees entirely with that of Constance (§ 130, note 19), one half tlie Annates were to be paid in the first year, the other in tlie second. ^^ The war between Dietlier and his rival, Adolphus of Nassau, in which the former had the advantage through the assistance of Frederick I., Elector Pala- tine, was ended by the treaty of Zeilsbeirii on the 12th of October, 146.3 (see Serrarii Rer. Mo;;unt. ad Johannis, T. II. p. 192 seq.), which was confirmed at Frankfurt on the 2Cth of October, and approved also by the papal legate. By this treaty, Diether resigned the dignity of archbishop, but was invested for life with various privileges, and exempted from the jurisdiction of the archbishop ( Gude~ nus Codex diplom. T. IV. p. 368). The satisfaction of the Pope that the matter should end thus, is seen in his letter to Diether (see Gudenus IV. p. 371), in which he loads him with praises and promises. A full account of these negotia- tions, though partial to the Pope, in Gobcllinus, lib. III. p. 64 ; lib. VI. p. 143 seq.; lib. IX. p. 220 ; lib. XII. p. 34.5. Comp. especially Kremer's Gesch. des Kurf. Friedrichs I. v. d. Pfalz. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1763. 4to. S. 210 ff., 244 ff., 353 ff. Diether von Psenburg, Erzb..u. Kurf. v. Mainz. Erster Theil (reaches to 1462) Mainz. 1789. 8vo. '■^- This bull, with abbreviations, in Raynald, 1463, no. 114 seq. Complete in Harduini Concill. IX. Hartzheim Cone. Germ. V. p. 94-5 : In minoribus agentes, nondum sacris Ordinlbus iniliati, cum Basilea; inter eos versaremur, qui se gene- rale Concilium facere, et universalem Ecclesiam reprssentare ajebant, dialogorum quendam libellum (namely, his Pentalogus de rebus Ecclesia; et Imperii in Pezii thes. anecdotorum novissimo, T. IV. P. III. p. 639) ad vos scripsimus, in quo de auctoritate Concilii generalis, ac de gestis Basileensium, et Eugenii Papse contra- dictione ea probavimus vel damnavimus, quaj probanda vel dainnanda censuimus : quantum capiebamus, tantum defendimus aut oppugnavimus : nihil mentiti sumus, nihil ad giatiam, nihil ad odium retulimus. Existimavimus bene agere et recta incedei'e via, nee mentis nostra; aliud eiat objectum, quani publica utilitas et amor veri. Sed quis non crrat mortalis ? — Declinavimus et nos ab utero matris, erravi- mus in invio et non in via, ambulavimus in tenebris, et procul a vera luce recessi- mus : nee nobis tantum erravimus, alios quoque in pra-cipitium traximus, et csecis ducatum prsbentes casci cum illis in foveam recidimus. Forsitan et aliquos ex vobis scripta nostra decepere, et in devia deduxerunt, quorum sanguinem si de manibus nostris requisierit Dominus, non habemus quod respondere possimus, nisi nos ut homines peccavisse, qui arbitrantes rectum iter ostendcre obliquum monstra- vimus. In misericordia tantum Dei spes nostra sita est. — Utinam latuissent quae sunt cdita ! nam si futuro in sceculo manserint ; aut in malignas mentes inciderint, aut incautis fortasse scandalum parient : qui hcBC scripsit , inquicnt, in beati tan- dem Petri cathedra sedit, et Christi salvatoris vicariattim gessit : ita scripsit JEneas, qvi postea summum Pontificatum adeptus Pius II. appellatus est, nee invenitur muiasse propositum : qui eum elegerunt et in summo Apostolatus vertice collocarunt, ab iis scripta ejus approbata videntur. Verendum est, ne talia nostris allquando successoribus objiciantur, et quae fuerunt^nea; dicanturPii, atque ab ea sede auctoritatcm vendicent, adversus quam ignoranter latraverunt. Cogimur igitur, dilecti filii, b. Augustinum iinitari, qui cum aliqua in suis volumi- nibus erronea inseruisset, retractationes edidit. Idem' et nos faciemus : confitebi- mur ingenue ignorantias nostras, ne per ea, quae scripsimus juvenes, error irre- pat, qui possit in futurum Apostolicam sanctam sedem oppugnare : nam si quem decuit umquam Romani primique throni emineutiam et gloriam defendere ac extol- Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius II. 223 not much greater. In answer to his attacks on the Pragmatic Sanc- tion at Mantua,^^ Charles VII. appealed to a general couiicil ( 1400) ; ^'^ lere, nos illi sumiis, quos sine ullis mentis pins et misericors Dens sola dispensa- tione sua ad b. Petri solium, et dilectissiiiii filii sui, doniini nostri Jesu Chiisti, vicariatuHi evocavit. Quibus ex rebus dilectioiies vestras horlauiur, et in Domino commoneinus, ne piionbus illis scriptis inhareatis, aut tideni ullam prajstetis, quas supremain Apostolica; sedis auctoritatem quovis pacto elidunt, aut aliquid adstru- unt, quod sacrosancta Koinana noii aniplectitui Ecclesia : suadete omnibus ut id solum pra; caiteiis venert-ntur, in quo salvator Dominus suos vicarios collocavit. — Requirit auteni ordo, ut iiifeiiora a supeiioiibus gubernentur, et ad unum tandem perveniatur tanquam principem et moderatorem cunctorem, qua; infra se sunt. Sicut gi-ues unam sequuntur, et in apibus unus est rex, ita et in Ecclesia militante, qui instar triuniphantis se habet, unus est omnium moderator et arbiter, Jesu Christ! vicarius, a quo tamquam capite omnis in subjecta membra potestas et auctoritas derivatur, quK a Christo Domino Deo nostro sine medio in |psum influit. — Pctrus igitur et successores ejus Romani Pontifices primatum in Ecclesia tenu- erunt, et nos hodie, quamvis indigni, sola Domini voluntate digni, tenemus : et quicunque Romana; secundum canonicas sanctiones prKticitur Ecclesia", quam primum electus est in sacro collegio, supremam a Deo potestatem sine medio in ipsum influit. — Petrus igitur et'successores ejus Romani Pontitices primatum in Ecclesia tenuerunt, et nos hodie, quamvis indigni, sola Domini voluntate digni, tenemus; et quicunque Romanae secundum canonicas sanctiones pra'licitur Ec- clesia% quam primum electus est in sacro collegio, supremam a Deo potestatem sine medio consequitur, et per ordinem in omnem diffundit Ecclesiam : cujus peccata divino jndici punienda relinquuntur. Si quid adversus banc doctrinam inveneritis aut in dialogis, aut in epistolis nostris, qua; plures a nobis sunt editffi, aut in aliis opusculis nostris (multa enim scripsimus adhuc juyenes), respuite atque contemnite ; sequimini quas nunc dicimus, et seni magis quam jiiveni credite, nee privatum hoininem pluris facite quam Pontificem : JCneam rejicite, Pium recipite : illud gentile nomen parentes indidere nascenti, hoc christianum in Apostalatu susccpimus. Dicent fortasse aliqui, cum Pontiticatu banc nobis opinionem advenisse, et cum dignitate mutatam esse sententiam. Haud ita est, lono-e aliter actum. Audite, filii, conversationem nostram. He then goes on to relate how he came to Basil in 1431, as a young man, and was led by the pre- vailing feeling there and the authority of great names, to take part with the Council against the Pope ; that he was first startled by the behaviour of the empe- ror, and at his court came to the conviction of his error. He closes with remarks on the necessity of a monarchy in the church, and the claims of the Holy See. 33 See Pii, P. H. responsio ad orationem Oratorum Gallicorum in d'Achery Spicilegium HI. p. 811 seq., which begins with defending at length the course pursued by the Pope in supporling Ferdinand, king of Naples, against the pre- tensions of the house of Anjou, and then, p. 820, passes to the Pragmatic Sanc- tion : CsEterum quia Pragmatica; Sanctionis superius incidit mentio, cujus secreta magis pulsavimus quam aperuimus, urget nos conscientia, imo vero caritas, qua genti vestra; devincti sumus, priusquam dicendi finem facimus, de ea aliqua libare : ne taciturnitas nostra indulgentia reputetur, et quod sanabile vulnus est, fiat mortale, et nos a consortio vestro oporteat abstinere : quoniam sicut in veteri lege (Lev. xxi. 11) sancitum est, super omnem animam, quce mortua est, non ingredietur Pontifex : quod teste Hieronymo perinde accipiendum est ac si dicat, ubicumque peccatum est et in peccato mors, illuc Pontifex non accedat. Cupimus sanctam esse Francorum gentem, et omni carere macula : — at hoc fieri non potest, nisi hffic Sanctionis macula seu ruga deponatur, qua; quomodo introducta sit ipsi nostis. Certe non auctoritate generalis Synodi, nee Romanorum decreto Pontifi- cum recepta est, quamvis de causis ecclesiasUcis tractatus absque placito Romanas sedis stare non possit. Ferunt aliqui idcirco inifium ei datum, quia nimis onera- rent Romani Pontifices Regnum Francias, nimiasque pecunias inde corraderent. Mirum si hsec ratio Carolum movit, quem praedecessoris sui magni Caroli decebat imitatorem esse, cujus ha;c verba leguntur: In memoriam b. Petri Apostoli honor emus s. Romanam Ecclesiam.- — et licet vix ferendum ab ilia s. Sede imponatur jugnm, tamen feramus, et pia devotione toleremus (rather Cone. Tribur. ann. 895, c. 30, see § 25, note 4). Non est credibile Carolum, qui modo 224 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. and though the Sanction was annulled by Louis XL, 14G1, in the hope of gaining the Pope's support for the claims of the house of Anjou on Naples,35 yet when he found himself foiled in this, he regnat, suo sensu banc Pi-iigmaticam introduxisse. Deceptum putamus, et pise inenti suggesta fuisse non vera. Nam quo pacto religiosiis Priiiceps ea servari jussisset, quorum praitextu sumnia sedis Apostolica; auctoritas laeditur, religionis nostrce vires enervantur, unitasque Ecclesia; et libertas perimitur ? — Non ponder- amus causarum auditionein, non benehciorum coUationem, non alia inulta, quas curare putamur. Illud nos angit, quod aniuiaruni perditionem ruinanique cerni- mus, et nobilissimi Regis gloriain labefactari. Nam quo pacto tolei-andum est Clericorum judices laicos esse factos ? Pastorum causas oves cognoscere ? Siccine regale genus et sacerdotale sumus ? Non explicabimus bonoris causa, quantum diniinuta est in Galba sacerdotalis auctoritas. Episcopi norunt, qui pro nutu saecularis potestatis spiritualem gladium nunc exercent, nunc recludunt. Piassul vcro Romanus, cujus parochia orbis est, cujus provincia nee oceano clauditur, in regno Francia; tantum jurisdictionis liabet, quantum placet Parlamento. Non sacrilegum, non parricidam, non b;tre(icum punire peruiittitur, quamvis Ecclesi- asticum, nisi Parlanienti consensus adsit ; cujus lantam esse auctoritatem nonnulli existiiiiant, ut censuris etiam nostris praecluderc aditum possit. Sic judex judi- cum Romanus Pontifox judicio Parlamenti subjectus est. Si hoc admittimus, monstruosam Ecclcsiain facimus, et hydram niultorum capitum iutroducimus, et unitatem prorsus exstinguimus. Periculosa Iijec res esset, venerabiles fratres, qua; bierarchiam oninem confunderet. Nam cur Regibus, cur aJiis Prssulibus sui subditi pareront, cum ipsi superiori suo non pareant. Quam quisque legem in aliura statuit, earn sibi servandam putet. Vercndum est, ne pi-ope adsit, quod ad Tbessalonicenses (2 Tbess. ii. 3) significare videtur Apostolus, quia post discessionein revelahitur homo j)^ccaii. Adventum quippe Antichristi sollicitant, qui discessionem a Romana Ecclesia qu«runt, qualem prse se ferre videntur, qua» sub obtentu Pragmaticae Sanctionis tieii dicuntur. Sed credimus ba;c, ut ante diximus, Regi vestro incognita esse, cujus natura benigna est, et inimica mali. Docendus est et instruendus, ne pestem banc in suo regno debacchari amplius et animas interficere sinat= Vos Episcopi luceruK estis ardentes coram 60, et candelabra lucentia in dorno Domini : sic lucete, ut lux vestra tenebras omnes ac caligines Pragmatics Sanctionis ex nobili et christianissima Francorum gente depellat ; solunique lumen sobs, id est veritatis splendor et Veritas eluceat. Quod si Rex vester opera vestra fecerit, et vos mercedera Propbeta; recipietis a Domino, et ipse, par suis progenitoribus majorque, per omnes orbis Ecclesias, et in Romana potissimum, jure merito et erit et vocabilur Christianissimus. ^* M. Jo. Dauvet Procuratoris generalis protestatio nuUitatis et appcllatio ad f'uturum Concilium contra orationem Pii II. Pont, babitam in Conventu Mantuano, comminationes ejusdeui et censuras publicatas in Carolum VII. Regem Francorum dd. 10 Febr. 1460 (namely, more Gallicano, i. e. 1461) in the Preuves des libertez de I'co-lise Gallicane, chap. 13, no. 10, and in Richerii hist. Concill. generall. lib. IV. P. I. c. 1. The king admonishes the Pope, ut rem ipsam maturius atque brevius digei-at et consulat, — ut cum sacris generalibus Conciliis pacem ibveat. He then calls on him. Concilium plenarium orbis congregare in loco tuto ac libero. Quod etiam bic maxime necessarium esse videtur pro succurrere tidei oitho- doxEB : nam licet plura bine inde invocentur auxilia, et diverse pecuniarum summte variis modis hujus rei prastextu hactenus petitaj et collectaj sint, parvum tamen aut nullum efficax adversus invasores christians religionis — prtestatur, dura differtur nimium plenarii Concilii provisio. — Et jam tempus decem annorum etfluxuni dudum est, in quo secundum instituta magnfe Synodi Constantiensis ipsum Concilium debebat celebrari. Illis vero, quEe in prafato Concilio determi- nabuntur. Rex devoto et benigno animo acquiescere paratus erit. — Si sauctissimus Dominus noster celebrationem plenarii Concilii in loco libero — faccre recusaverit, aut nimium distulerit ; volens ipse Dominus noster Rex, quantum in eo erit, necessitati fidei ortbodoxas et universa; Ecclesia^ succurrere, intendit alios Princi- pes Christianos exhortari, ut omnes unanimitcr universalem Ecclesiam in plenario Concilio congregari laborent. 3* John Godefroy, bishop of Arras, was appointed by the Pope to persuade Louis to the step (Gobellinus, lib. VII. p. 183) : Pius then in a letter, dd. 26 Oct. 1461 Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius II. 225 showed no disposition to compel the Parliament to retract their re- sistance to the measure ; and the only consequence was that the French church was left in a fluctuating and uncertain state.-^*^ All (.Mnecs Sylvii Ep. 401, and in Raynald, 1461, no. 113, where, however, the bes;innin^ is wanting), urges the king to act at once, and as early as dd. 27 Nov. 1461, received tiie answer (1. c. Ep. 402, in Raynald, 1. c^no. 118) : Pragmalicain a regno nostro — per praiscntes peUinms, dejiciinus, stirpitusque abrogaiuus, et quam qiialeinve ante Pragmaticae ipsius editionem circa Ecclesiarum, beneticio- rum, aliariiniqiie reruni spiritualima dispositionein, censuram, nioderationcni in regno noslro — (ui prsedecessores Martinus V. et Eiigenius IV. Romani Pontiiices habebant et excrcebant, talem eandemque nostro adjutori beatissiino Petro, tibique successori ipsius reddinius, pra'stamus et restituiiiius cum sununo iinperio, cum judicio libero, cum potcstatc non coarctata. Tu eniin cum scias quid auctoritate divinitus tibi tradita possis, quas pro regni nostri et Ecclesiarum in eo tranquillitatc postulabimus, non negliges res necessarias, poterisque semper quod optimum f'uerit judicare. In gratitude for his services, the Pope made the bishop of Arras cardi- nal (Gobell. p. 1S4). He (tlie cardinal) began now to write concerning the niattei- of Sicily : he states that only by yielding the point, the Pope regis animum placari posse, et Pragmaticam Sanctionem certissime sublatura ii'i. Louis had said distinctly to the Episc. Interamnensis : ita demum Pragmaticae Sanctioni tinein imponei'e, si de regno Siciliae ei mos gereretur (1. c. p. 186). Soon after this, A. D. 1462, a French embassy appeared at the papal court to announce formally the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction, which occasioned great rejoicings. As to Sicily, however, the Pope was not to be moved (1. c. p. 187 seq.). Equally inef- fectual was an angry lettei- from Louis, and the threat that all the French would withdraw from Rome (Gobell. lib. VIII. p. 207). ^'^ See in general the bull Priinitiva of Leo X., below, § 134, note 18. The change in tlie king's feelings is evident from the following ordinances : dd. 17 Febr. 1463 (i. e. 1464) in the Preuves des libertez de I'cgl. Gall. chap. 22, no. 21 : Pius Papa modernus bona Prslatorum et virorum ecclesiasticorum decedentium, tam sfficularium quam regulaiiuiii, qua nonnulli spolia defunctorum appellant, necnon dimidiam partem tructuum tam beneficiorum incompatibiliuin, quse dicti viri ecclesiastici, et illorum, qua; in commendam obtinent, ac etiam certam portio- nem seu quotam bouorum et personarum sscularium, tam mobilium quam non mobilium, ejus Cameras Apostolicie per certas ejus constitutiones seu literas, a paucis diebus ut dicitur apud Romam editas, Apostolica esse statuit et decrevit. As the consequence of this must be oppi-ession, poverty, and suffering, and the rights of the crown were in dangei-, the king orders, ut subsidia et onera praemissa, ac alia similia, quae Collectores, Subcollectores, atque alii Otficiarii seu Commissarii Romanorum Pontificum — levare et exigere mitterentur, minime levabuntur, colligentur, aut exigentur. All magistrates were to take cai-e that every infringe- ment of this order should be punished, dd. 13 Aug. 1464, 1. c. no. 22 : As this order was not universally obeyed, however, and many of the clergy paid their taxes, as plusieurs s'efforcent par bulles et commissions Apostoliques, proceder par excommunimens, fulniinations, et censures ecclesiastiques, et privation de benefi- ces contre les gens d'Eglisc de nostre dit Royaume, qui refusent, ou different de payer les despoUilles des trespassez, et la moytie des benefices incompatibles, et ties coramandes ; the king commands, que ausdits Commissaires ou Executeurs ne soit obey : mais leur soil prohibe et defendu de faire lesdites exactions, snr peine de confiscation de corps et de biens, et de bannissement de nostre Royaume. So too he forbids his subjects to pay their demands under a penalty of exile and confiscation, dd. 10 Sept. 1464, 1. c. no. 23 : Although, according to the laws of the French church, no giaces expectatives were allowed to be granted, yet depuis I'obeyssance par nous faicte ii feu nostre sainct Pere le Pape puis dernierement et n'agueres trespasse they had been granted en si grand et excessif nombre et multitude et k toutes manieres de gens, tant estrangers et non lettrez, qu'autres personnes quelsconques, que la chose est venue k telle confusion, qu'a. peine y avoit homme d'Eglise en nosdits Royaume et Dauphine, qui ii cause d'icelles graces se peust dire seur en I'assecu ration d'aucun benefice, k I'occasion des Antiferri, et autres clauses et prerogatives, qui ont este mises en icelles graces VOL. III. 29 226 Third Period. Div.V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. these political embarrassments lamed tlie efforts of Pius against the Turks. His strange attempt (in which, however, he was still imitating the old popes) to convert the Sultan Mahmoud to Christianity in a long letter (14G1),'''' was of course unsuccesstul. At length he resolved to lead on the crusade himself; but even this announcement (1463),3'^ expectatives, diversitez de regies de Chancellerie Apostolique derogatoires k droict coiuinun, et autrenient. By this means nmch money had gone out of the country; the applicants became poor ; the lives of those who were in possession of the benefices were endangered ; and unknown strangers were often introduced into them. Tlie king, therefore, forbids his subjects, que d'oresenavant ils n'aillent, n'envoyent, soit par bulles (par billets), lettres de change n'autres moyens quelsconques, querir, potarchasser, ne obtenir en Cour de Rome graces expecta- tives ; further, qu'aucun d'eux voysent, ou envoycnt en ladite Cour de Rome pour avoir, n'obtenir quelcpies Eueschez, — ou autres benefices electifs, sans premiere- nient avoir nos vouloir et consentement de ce faire, le tout sur peine d'encourir nostre indignation, de perdre les deniers, dont leurs procureurs — seroyent trouvez saisis par bulles, lettres de change, ou autres pour porter et envoyer en ladite Cour de Rome a la cause dessusdite, et d'amende arbitraire envers nous. As to those who might already have received these gi-atias expectalivas, the authorities were chai-ged, qu'ils les contraignent k eux en desistcr et departir ; et k revoquer, faire casser et annuler a leurs despens tout ce qu'ils auroyent fait au contraire. That this did not prevent the evil complained of is seen from the representation df the parliament to the king, A. D. 1465 (not 1461, see § 17, laquelle loy — the Prag- matic Sanction — a este gardee jusques puis quatre ans, et par le terns de vingt- deux et vingt-trois ans a dure), given in a Latin translation by Franc Duarenus de sacris ministeriis et beneficiis. Paris. 1551. p. 332 seq., and thence by Flacius in the Catal. test, verit. no. 179, in the original French by Jean dii Tillet in the Memoire sur les libertez de I'Eglise Gallicane in his Recucil des Roys de France, a Paris. 1607. 4to. P. III. p. 339 : In the introduction they speak of the cassation, que Ton dit avoir este des decrets, constitutions et ordonnances appellees la Prag- matique Sanction, a proof enough that tliis was not acknowledged by the parlia- ment. § 72 : Et par experience, qu£e est rerum magistra, soit advise et considei-e a. I'evacuation, qui a este si excessive depuis la cassation de ladite Pragmalique, que par experience Ton cognoisse et appare, comment ce Royaume est presque tary (drained) d'or principalement : tellement qu'il n'est demoure que monnoye. In the following sections follows a calculation of the immense sums which have been cariied to Rome since the annulment of the Pragmatic Sanction, tempore Pii et de present for Aimates, gratias expectalivas, etc. ; and an account of the ruin brought on the churches by these proceedings. '^'' Which see in JEnece Sylv. Ep. 410, and in Raynald, 1461, no. 44 seq. ^« dd. 22 Oct. 1463, sec JEn. Sylv. Ep. 412, partly also in Raynald, 1463, no. 29 seq. e. g. Et quis erit Christianorum tam feri, tarn lapidei, tam ferrei pectoris, qui audicns, Romanum Pontificem b. Petri successorem, Domini nostri Jesu Christi vicai'ium, aUernse vita? clavigerum, patrem ac magistrum universorum fidelium cum sacro senatu Cardinalium Clerique muliitudine in helium pergere pro tuenda religione, libens domi remaneat .' JEt qua' poterit excusatio quemquam juvare : senex, debilis, aegrotus in expediiionem pcrgit, et tu juvenis sano ac robusto corpore domi delitesces .' Summus sacerdos, Cardinales, Episcopi praelium petunt, et tu Miles, tu Baro, tu Comes, tu Marchio, tu Dux, tu Rex, tu Impe- lator, in tedibus propiiis otiaberis .' Siccine perverti hoiiiinum officia patieris, ut quae sunt Regum sacerdotes agant, quae nobilitati convcniunt, subire Clerum oporteat ? Necessitas ire nos urget, quia non possumus alio pacto pro divina; legis defensione Christianorum aninios commovere. Utinam hoc modo commoveamus ! After announcing the full absolution accorded to all who shall accompany this crusade, or contribute to if, with the assurance : Non dubitantes, quin aniniiE illorum, quos ad hoc bellum proficisci bona mente contigerit, cum beatissimis ss. Patrum et Angelorum Dei spiritibus poit banc vitam in ca-lestibus sedibus collo- centur, et consortes imperpetuum Chiisti f.ictaj ;tterna felicitate fruantur ; he says : In tanto Christianas religionis discrimine, quantum a Turcis imprassentiarum cernitur imminere, nulli dubium esse debet, quin Christiani onmes, tam Reges et Chap. I. Papacy. § 132. Pius II. 227 which once would have arrayed all the sovereigns and nations of Christendom at his side, could now only bring together a useless rabble.^'J Pius determined to accompany the Venetian fleet, but died before he could embark at Ancona, Aug. 15, 1464. His successor, Paul 11.,''" began his career with the most fl;igrant desertion of the conditions pre^scribed before the choice.^i He continued to amass Principes, quam alii potentatus, et piivati homines ad deiensionem catholica; fidei et sanctse leo-is evangelical juxta possibilitateni suam cum bonis et corponbus suis de necessitate salutis viriliter assurgere et indesinenter assistere teneantur. Ea- propter fideles ipsos Jesu Christi cultores universes et singulos, ciijuscumque status et conditionis fuerint, sive pontificali, sive imperatoiia, vel regah prsfulge- ant di 133. SIXTUS IV. (9 Aug. 1471 to 12 Aug. 1484), innocent viii. (29 Aug, 1484 to 25 July, 1492), Alexander vi. (U Aug. 1492 to 18 Aug. 1503). See Stephanus Infessura (Senatus Populique Romani Scriba s. Cancellarhis about 1494) Diarium Romano: urbis from 1294 - 1494 in Eccardi Corpus, hist. med. cEvi, T. I. p. 1863, and in Muratorii Scrippt. Rer. Ital. Ill, II. p. 1109; in the last several passages are omitted which might have given offence. Johannes Burchardits (of Strassburg, ca?remoniarum Magister, from 150.3 bishop of Horta, f 1506) Diarium CuricB RomanoB from 1484 - 1506. Fragments of the work "-iven by Leibnitz in the Specimen hist, arcana s. anecdota: de vita Alex. VI. PapcB. Hannovera?. 1696. 4to. A fuller, but very inaccurate extract from the part relating to Alexander W.Eccard, corpus histor. medii avi T. II. p. 2017 seq. An account of the whole work in the J^Totices et Extraits des Mss. de la Bihl. du Roi. T. I. p. 68 seq. The best Ms. extract is that in Munich, see Paul us Sophrouizon. Bd. 6. Heft. 1. S. 1. Mittheilungen aus dem Carlsruher Ms. ebendas. S. 6 ff. Bd. 8. Heft 6. S. 96 ff. The state of morals amongst the cardinals may be judged of by the series of popes who now followed, and whose lives were marked by the most undisguised profligacy and wickedness. Sixtus IV. be- gan indeed with urging on the war against the Turks, as energetically as his predecessor had done, and with as little success.^ But his chief *» Platina in vita Pauli, p. 773. Jac. Card. Pap. comm. lib. IV. p. 393 seq. lib. V. p. 403 seq. ■•5 The Cardinal Jean Balue, who was sent to France on this mission, obtained the wished for edict from the king without difficulty ; but when he brought it to the parliament to be registered, it was openly opposed by Jean de sainct Remain, Pi-ocureur general du Roi : the parliament rejected the edict, and the university appealed to a general council ; comp. the Chronique scandaleuse in the Memoires de Phil, de Comines ed. par Lenglet du Fresnoy. T. II. p. 66. Preuves des libertez de I'eglise Gall. chap. 13, no. 11. Rulai hist. Univ. Paris. T. V. p. 684 seq. ' See the Vita Sixti IV. (probably by Platina) in Muratorii Scriptt. Rer. Ital. Ill, II. p. 1056 : Celebrata coronatione ad rem ecclesiasticani christianamque com- pon'endam animum adjicit. Concilio itaque tantam rem indigere arbitratus, ad Lateranum se id habiturum ostendit, quo helium Turcis indici commodius posset, quemadmodum Pius Pontifex instituerat, si ei vivere licuisset. At vero dum hac de re maturius consultaretur, Imperator rem Christianam in magno discrimine cernens, Pontificem rogat, ut Utinum habendi Concilium locum idoneuni deligat. Sed Pontifex, quum videret Mediolanensium Ducem, aliquotque populos et Itahae Principes id nequaquam approbaturos : quumque etiam proventus suos, belli nervos, absente Curia, imminui videret, non sine suspicione tumultus, si ab urbe 230 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409—1517. ambition was to exalt his low-born family, and to this end he allowed himself to be led on by his nephew Girolamo Riario,- to steps which made still worse the distracted state of Italy, whilst they stained his own name, and hindered every nndertaking against the Turks. He began with sanctioning the conspiracy of the Pazzi against the Medici at Florence, 1478;^ and on its failure, in revenge for the death of certain ecclesiastics who had been engaged in it, he bent all the force of his spiritual arms against Florence, and, in conjunction with Naples, of his temporal arms also.'* The universal feeling of discederet, Mantuain primo, mox Anronam proponit, quo Iniperatoi- venire coin- mode poterat. — Voriiin quuni hac dcliberatione rem in longuin proti-ahi viderct, Patruni consensu Lpoatos decernit, Ressaiioneni Nica'num in Galliain, Ilodericuin Borgiani Vicecancellariuin in Hispaniam, Marcuni Barbum in Germaniani Panno- niasque. — Oliveriuiu Carafiiin Neapolitanum Cardinalem classi inaritiiiia; in Tui--- cas pra'fecit maj;na cum impensa. All without effijct. The emperor, after many consultations, havino- desired a new one at the Diet in Augsburg, 1473, and re- quested that a papal legate might be appointed for the purpose, the Cardinalis Senensis said in the consistory (see Jacobi T^olaterrani Diarium Rom. in Mura- torii Scriptt. Rer. Ital. XXIIl. p. 94), nullius sibi usus eam missionem videri : conventus illorum esse inanes : decem inti-a non multos annos habitos, quorum non sit fructus perceptus : hoc autem incommodi nunquam deesse, quod populorum de nobis innovantur lamenta : etenim magnis appai'atibus Principes — ad illos acce- dere, eoi-umque sumtuum ferendorum causa tributa suis imponerc, atque identidein dicere, imperio Romani Pontilicis se proficisci, et adjuvari profeclioncm necessa- rium esse: ita miseras plebes non suorum Principuni, sed nostras injurias la- mentari. ^ According to A^'icol. Macchiavelli hist. Florent. lib. VII. the two brothers, Girolamo Riario, count of Imola, and Pietro R., Cardinal, were the Pope's sons. Of them both see Rajih. Volaterranus Anthrop. I. XXII. below. •^ An account of the whole matter in the Excusatio Florentinorum per D. Bar- thol. Scalain dd. 10 Aug. 1478, in Laurentii Medicis magnitici vita auct. Jlngelo Fahrnnio (Pisis 1784. 4to.) vol. II. p. 167, in which the confession of John. Bap- tista Montesecco, one of the papal Condotlieri who had had a part in the transaction, is given word for word. Raphael Vohtlerranus (-^ 1521) Commentariorum urba- norum Geographia, lib. V. On the 26th of Apr. 1478, Giuliano de Medici was murdered in the church duiing the celebration of mass ; Lorenzo escaped. The conspirators were put to death by tlie enraged populace, and the archbishop of Pisa hung at a window of the palace. Compare Laurentii Medicis magnifici vita auct. Angela Fahronio, vol. I. (Pisis 1784. 4to.) p. 58 seq. H. Leo's Gesch. b. ita- lienischen Staaten. Th. 4. S. 381 ff. [IV. Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo de Medici, I. 23 seq., 4th. ed. London. 1800. Tr.] " The bull of excommunication, dd. 1 Jun. 1478 (see Raynald, ad h. a. no. 5 seq.) begins with various charges against Lorenzo de Medici, especially the mur- der of ecclesiastics ; and then declares, quamvis — a pra;decessoribus nostris in magnos Principes ob minora fiicinora acriter sasvitum esse conspiciamus, — iniqui- tatis filios Laurenlium, Piiores, Vexilliferum, octo de Balia antedictos, and all who had assisted in the murder alleged, to be ci-iminis Icesae majestalis reos, sacrilegos, excommunicatos, anathematizatos, infames, difiidatos, intestabiles. Further it orders, eorundem ajdificia in ruinam dari debere, — nullum eis debita I'eddere, nullumve in judicio respondere teneri, nulli quoque filiorum aut nepotum pra>dic- torum — alicujus aperiri debere januam dignitatis aut honoris ecclesiastici vel mundani. — Quidquid in bonis tunc inveniebatur eorundem, fisci et Reipublicae dominio applicatum fore. The city and territory of Florence is put under the Interdict. — The Florentines on the other hand consulted all the most famous Canonists, who advised an appeal to a general council (see Fabronius I. p. 81. The opinion of Franc. Accoltus Aretinus in his Consilia s. Responsa. Venet. 1573, p. 174). A synod was then held of all the clergy of Florence, and an appeal Chap. I. Papacy. § 133. Sixtus IV. 231 indignation, however, which such injustice called forth, the threats made to a general council from the Pope (Machiavelli istoi-ia fiorent. lib. 8), whilst in a statement drawn up by the bishop oi' Aiczzo, July 23, 1478, it is proved by an accurate account of the afiiiir, and the confession of Giovan Battista Monte- secco, that the Pope was a party in the conspiracy, and thereupon his excommuni- cation and interdict declared null and void. This siatcnicnt was printed at the time, see Storia della Toscana di Lorenzo Pignotfi. T. IV. (Livorno, 1S20. 12rao.) p. 122 ; published again, though imperfect, under the title Synodus Florcntina contra Sixtum IV. 1770. 8vo. (the place not given, liut somewhere in Italy), and is found with some errors in K. Malchner's polit. Gesch. der i. J. 1478 zu Florenz gehaltenen grossen Kirchensynode u. des Zwistes dieser Republik niit. d. rom. Papste Sixt. IV. Rotweil. 1825. 8vo. S. 132 tf. Fahronius in Laurentii Medicis vita, vol. II. p. 136, has given it fiom the autograph. Vie read here, p. 139: Causam tam insolentis odii, et inexspectataj retributionis in familiam de Medicis, quas semper ei et sedi Apostolicaj servicrat, nullam invenimus, nisi quandam per- ditam carnis et sanguinis revelationem, qua ob comitem ilium suum Hieronymura, in cujus manibus nunc Ecclesia Dei est, delirat, furit, et insanit. Habet hie suus Imolam, s. Romans Ecclesia" urbem, quam cjecto Thaddeo Manfredo se fenere post mortem siii Pontificis posse diffidebat, nisi vicinum dominium Florentinum aliquo foedere amicitia; obligaret. Major autem obligalio inveniii posse non vide- hatur, quam si suo beneficio prsessent, qui in ea Republica primates essent : fieri autem id sine status mutatione non poterat, mutari autem status sine morte Lau- rentii, et Juliani de Medicis impossiljile videbatnr. — Hac igitur iinpellente rabie Comes oblitus omnis humani divinique juris, oblitus beneficiorum, oblitus condi- tionis suiB, qui cerdo fuerat, stirpem Cosmanam delere aggreditur, etc. p. 144 : Sic se res habuit, Christiani lectores, hac de causa, hoc ordine, his mediis tentata eversio Florentina est. Per hffic vestigia eum. qui venit, tit vitnm habeant et abundantius habeant, Sixtus secutus est. Sanguis optime de Christiana religione meritus per Principem religionis fusus, violata per Pontificem Ecclesia, polluta per summum sacerdotem sacra sunt. Et hasc ne quis ignoret aut excusare possit, con- firmat aperto bello, et promulgatis censuris coeptam conjuralionem sequitur. Earn mulierculam imitatur, qua» vento detectum calvitium ut posteriori veste rctegeret, nates detexit. In cubiculo suo, ut vidistis, tractata res est, suus Comes Pactios ad necem armavit, suus Cardinalis iamiliam ccedi, prassentiam sceleri prtestitit, suus exercitus fideles fines nosti'os pro Turcis ingressus est. Quis jam non videat, delirum senem his suis promulgatis censuris voluisse notam macula, hitum stercore lavare .' — Sed ad repellendam sententiam ejus — veniamus, etc. — Finally of the murder of the archbishop, p. 1,56: Suspensus leno, suspensus parricida, suspensus lusor, suspensus proditor, et id in ipsa enormitate criminis, dum fureret populus in proditores patriae, quorum hie erat caput, dum cives primarii de salute patiiae trepi- dabant. Archiepiscopus non erat, quem popularis ille furor, dum palalium suum defendit, suspendit : Archi'episcopi enira talia non faciunt. Armatus scuto et ense captus est, invasor curias retentus : ecquis hunc pro Archiepiscopo cognovisset, aut cognitum sacerdotaliter tractasset ? Noluissemus ipsum Sixtum sic inventum fuisse a Savonensibus suis. Quod si injiciens manum quocumque modo in Cleri- cnm excommunicandus sit, cur non hi, qui manus injecerunt, excommunicantur ! Quid miser Laurentius vulneratus et confectus dolore interempti fiatris, — de sua vita, de suo statu, de salute patriae anxiiis impetitur .•' Quid additur afflicto afflicfio, et pro medela illati vulnei-is vulnus adjungitur ? Estne haec ilia manifesta et ratio- nabilis causa, pro qua tantam ferri censuram sacri Canones statuei-unt .' Est hie gladius ille bis acutus ex ore sedentis in throno procedens, ut laudetur peccator in desideriis animEE sue, et iniquis benedicatur? Maledicitur innocens, qui pene occisus est : occisor, et proditor patriae bonas niemoriffi filius appcllatur ! Ha;ccine memoria, Sixte Pontifex, tuae bonitatis et justitise ? Parricidarumne patrem te Cardinales isti creaverunt ? — Perfidia fidem, noccntia innocentiam, scelus bonita- tem perdidit, et vis ad nomen censurarum benedictum maledictum existimemus ? — Cfeterum liheiiter hie intelligei-emus ab eo, qui tot tam constanter proponit, unde nunc maledicat, quod modo benedixit. Nonne ilia sua vox fuit, cum audivit suspensum fuisse ob proditionem Archiepiscopum et stipatores : bcnedicti vos a Domino, qui hominem suspendistis : nrniquam i^ohiisse?nns prtpfecisse eum illi EcclesicE ! Nonne etiam mentionem habuit de mittendo Florentiam Legato, qui 232 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. of Louis XL of France,^ taken in connexion with the peace con- afflictos consolarctur ? Et unde post tarn repens exorta in contrarium sentcntia, fam siibito mutata in crudelitatem commiseratio ? Nondum erat forsan captus Joannes Baptista (Montesecco), qui sua confessione Sixti occultam voluntatem in apertam necessitateni converteret : vel pendet ab alio, ct est Vicaiius alicujus iiostis nobis ignoti, et honiinis, utir.ain boni, non ejus, qui Ecclesiam suam super finiiain petraiii f'undavit. — p. Ifi2. Restat ut sententia nulla sit, quce nullam habuit judi- candi causani, i'alsuin sit judicium, quod mendacio nilitur, excoininunicatus sit, qui alios excomiiiunicare vuU violenter et injuste. Accepeiit Spirituin Sanctum, non simoniace sit creatus, qui voceni suam veri pastoris, non lia>retici hominis vult haberi. — p. 164. Ad altcrum igitur lumen, ipsum scilicet Caesarem semper Augustum conf'ugimus, id enim Doniinus, ut huic nocti pi-a;esset, creavit : Chris- tianissinuim Kegcm Francorum, in cujus tutela Christi Ecclesia est, — invocabi- mus : omnes Piincipes et populos Chiistianos imploialiimus,ut, quando jam vident, simoniace creatum Pontificem templa, Cardinales, Missas ad homicidia fideliuna exercere, Concilium, ad quod appellavimus, amplius non differant, sponsam illius, in cujus sanguine baptizati sunt, a tanta turpitudine liberent. — Abeat itaque leno, casta erit mater, angularem lapidem non premat petra scandali, etc. On the 21st of July, 1478, the magistrates of Florence sent a letter to the Pope (first published by Francis Henri/ E^erton : Lettre inedite de la Seigneurie de Florence au Pape Sixte IV. Paris. Alars, 1814. 4to., reprinted in Millin Magasin encyclopedique. April, 1814, see P(^/!o«t, T. IV. p. 117. Walchner, S. 159), in which they refute the charges against Lorenzo de Medici. E. g. Ejicere vis nos e civitate Lauren- tium de Medicis : hujus autem voluntatis Tuas duas in Uteris Tuis potissimum causis colligimus, et quod tyrannusTioster sit, et quod publico religionis christiance bono adversetnr. Quo ergo pacto, ut primam causam primum diluamus, nos liberi erimus Laurentio ejecto, si tuo jussu ei-it ejectus ? Contraria tuae literae loquuntur, quEe, dum liberlatem pollicentur, imperando auferunt : et, ut isto te labore libere- mus, ejicere nos malos cives Tyrannosque didicimus, et administrare rem nostram publicam sine monitoribus. Redi paulum ad te, beatissime pater, oramus : da locum affectibus, qui sacrof-anctam istam sedem, istam gravitatem et sanctitatem pontificalem adeo decorant. Laurentium de Medicis tyrannum clamitas : at nos populiisque iioster defensorem nostrae libertatis cum ceteris, quos tu arguis, civibus experimur, et una omnium voce appellamus; parati, in quemcunque rerum even- tum omnia ponere pro Laurentii de Medicis salute, ct civium reliquorum, in qua quidem publicam salutem et libertatem contineri nemo nostrum dubitat. Quod invehuntur in Laurentium illte liters liberius, nihil est quod contradicamus in praesentia : Veritas ipsa satis contradicet et tua conscientia : hoc tamen fatebimur, beatissime pater, movent lisum omnibus nobis, tam inaniter, ne dicamus maligne, conficta audientibus. — Movet te fortasse, et de ea re Laurentium succenses, quod e furentibus populi armis Raphaelem Cardinalem, tuuni nepotem, eripi curaverit, et salvum reddiderit! Movet, quod trucidato Juliano, fratre saucius ipse divina potius quam humana aliqua ope sceleratos gladios sacrilegosque parricidarum et mortem evitaverit ! Si csdi se passus sit ab missis a vobis efferatissimis satelliti- bus, si arcem libertatis nostra, publicum Palatium, captum dolis a proditoribus vestris, non recuperassemus, si trucidandos nosmet, ac magistratus nostros, et cives tradidissemus vobis ? nihil modo tecum contentionis haberemus. * See the credentials of the ambassador sent to the Pope, dated 20 Nov. 1478, in the Preuves des libertez de I'eglise Gall. Chap. 13, no. 12. The king complains that whilst they were all threatened by the Turks, the Pope and the king of Sicily were disturbing Italy with dissensions and wars.- That he had therelbre been induced to assemble the spiritual and temporal peers of his realms in Oileans, and that it had then been resolved, necessarium esse Concilium generale convocari, et sanctissimo Patri nostro Summo Pontifici fore supplicandum, ut — Concilium generale convocari et tenei'i facei-et, — quodque ipse Sununus Pontifex exemplo Christi vellct jjacem pradicare, et cum dicta illusti'issima Liga (Florence and its allies) pacis unionem inire. That therefore the king had sent this embassy, which was at the same time commissioned, casu quo ipse summus Pontifex prasmissa facere denegaverit, seu plus debito distulerit, vel aliqua in contrarium praemisso- runi, aut aliquid contra nos, regnum et regnicolas nostros fecerit, seu in futurum attentare pra;sumpserit, ad intimandum ct appellationem ab ipso interjectam in con- Chap. I. Papacy. § 133. Sixtus IV- 233 eluded with Florence by Ferdinand of Naples, 1480,'^ and the con- quest of Olranto by the Turks (Aug. 4, 1480), at length compelled him to yield/ Girolamo next coveted the possessions of the house of Este, which ruled in Ferrara. Sixtus forthwith formed an alliance with'Venice, war was declared in May, 1482, and Ferrara, though supported by Naples, seemed on the point of falling." But Girolamo was gained over by Naples,'-* and Sixtus immediately turned round and excommunicated Venice.^" But the arms of the Republic were gregatione prsdicta Aurelianis, et de novo si opus fuerit appellandum ab ipso sumino Pontitice male consulto ad eundem summum Pontificein bene consultum, seu pra-fatum proxinnim futuruni Concilium universalis Ecclesi*. The embassy was admitted to the consistory, Jan. 7, 1479, see Jacohi Volaterrani, a contera- poiary Secretarius Apostolicus, Diaiium Romanum in Muratorh Scriptt. Rer. Ital. XXIII. p. 97 seq., and threatened distinctly, that if the Pope did not yield, null* vacatioues, null* pecuniae sinerentur ad Apostolicani sedem ex regno illo venire ; or according to their declaration in writing, see Raynald, 1478, no. 19 : quod si non fecerit (Papa), eo ipso petit (Rex) congregari generate Concilium in aliqua civitate regni sui, et illico Pragmaticani indicit Sanctionem, quam servari jubet in re2;no suo integerrime. Postremo Prslatos, et quasvis ecclesiasticas per- sonas in Romana curia degentes, et in regno suo habentes beneficia ad ipsa bene- ficia revocat, et per subtractionem fructuum redire compellit. The Pope, it is true, did not yield to their representations (1. c. no. 20 seq.) : but the emperor and Matthias of Hungary also recommended peace, whilst the Venetians sought a truce with the Turks in order to help the Florentines (I. c. no. 30). « Raph. Volat err anus Geogr. lib. V. : Laurentius cumjam periculum imminere conspiceret, ultro decrevit ad Regis hostis misericordiam confugere. Itaque — itinere per mare Tyrhenum facto Neapolira celeriter adplicuit, ubi humaniter ex- ceptus supplex veniam petiit, ac cum Rege annul census pactione transegit, pau- cisque post diebus incolumis ad suos regressus est, ac helium dissolutum (peace was made March 6, 1480). Quod factum Pontifex quamquam graviter tulit, quod se neglectum praeteritumque viderit: auxiliis tamen destitutus pacem coactus est facere. ' The Pope was so much alarmed at the taking of Otranto, that he at first thought of flyino- to Avignon; he then began to exhort the Christian powers to peace amongs? themselves, especially the Italians, and to call on them for help, see Ray- nald°HSi), no. 17 seq. Of the reconciliation of the Florentines with the Pope, see Raph. Volaterranus, 1. c. : Quamobrem oratores XII. ad eum missi, qui veniam prajteritorum peterent ac populum Florentinum communi causa expiarent. Prffisul caput legationis orationem in senatu habuit, veniamque petiit prajterito- rum. Die deinde dominico prime Adventus (the 3 Dec.) anno 1480 omnes mane in porticum basilicaj Peti-i conveniunt, Pontificem atque Patres prKstolantes. Ibi Pontifex pro foribus templi procumbentes ad genua viritim de more virga conver- beratos terga expiavit. Ingressi deinde basilicani sacrificio interfuere, quo peracto domum reducti sunt omnium Patrum familiis comitantibus. Nam prius urbem nemine de more obviam procedente ingressi fuerant. This is more fully related by Jacobus Volaterranus Diar. Rom. {Muratori XXIII. p. 113 seq.). 8 Leo Gesch. b. ital. Staaten. Th. 3. S. 133 ff. 8 Amono-st the conditions of peace (see Jacob. Volaterr. in Muratori XXIII. p. 181) was a stipendium Hieronymo Comiti in annos tres XL. aureorum millia. 10 M. Antonhis Sabellicus (teacher of ancient literature in Venice, f 1506) hist, rerum Venetiarum Decadis IV. lib. 11. (in the Istorici delle cose Veneziane, i quali hanni scritto per publico Decreto. in Venezia, 1718. 4to. T. I. p. 842) : Per- cusso cum hostibus foedere, tentavit Pontifex per literas Venetos ab aimis revocare, atque eo suadendo hortandoque perducere, ut Ferrariensi belloomnino abstinerent, restituerentque Herculi ^Estensi, qufficunque ad eam diem armis illi ademissent. (This letter, dd. 11 Dec. 1482, in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 19). Patres ea denuncia- tione moti, etsi certi erant, semipartam victoriam nolle abjicere, censuerunt tamen, vol.. III. 30 234 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. so successful that their opponents were forced to make peace without any reference to the act of excommunication (Aug. 7, 1484) ; and the vexation at this hastened the death of the despised and hated Pope (August 12, 1484). 1' He was succeeded by Innocent VIII., Pontifici respondendum, ac pcrliteras non illi magis, quam toti Italiae, imo Europeis omnibus demonstrandum : — Venetos ne injuria quidein lacessitos anna priiis induere vuluisse, quam belli, quod postea Herculi illatuni esset, Pontijican non solum auctoreni, sed impulsarem etiam habuissent : nee turn quidem eos a pace multum abhorrere, quin vetcri civitalis instituto libenter earn complexuros fuisse, nisi alieno tempore proponeretur, tunc sane, quum jam prope debellatum esset, ac tain indi^nis conditionibus, ut nil aliud esset illam rccipere, quam Venetum, nomen omnibus gentibus iri'idendum exhibere. — Quod ad se attineret, slatutum esse, bellum, quod semel sumnio Pont'ifice auctore suscepissent, bona ipsius venia ad exitum perducere : quern tarn felicem sperarent, quam justa visa esset causa, propter quam illud suspicere debuissent. Ha-c et alia in banc sententiam Vene- tus. Pontifex autem, pristini foederis oblitus, ubi Venetum in sententia perstare vidit, interdicti spiculiim in eum detorsit. The bull dd. 23 Maj. 1483, in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 8 scq. The interdict was not, however, regarded in Venice. The Franciscans, wlio attempted it were sent into exile, see Marinus Sa7iutus ("f about 1535) in his lives of the Doges in Muratori Scriptt. rer. Ital. XXII. p. 1228. The Venetians went even further, see Sixti bulla dd. 15 Jul. 1483 (in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 19) : acccrsilis in eorum ducali Palatio nonnullis Praelatis ecclesiasticis tunc Venetiis commoranlibus, coram eis, ut honestis personis, a monitionibus et niandatis hujusmodi nostiis ad tribunal omnipotentis Dei, et ad id, quod de proximo celebrari debere temere affirmare non erubuerunt, futurum generale Concilium appellare, et ut appellatio ipsa per eosdein Pra;latos reciperetur, laudaretur et admittei-etur, ac tandem ad nostram deduceretur notiiiam piocurare, et Christifidelibus, Clero et populo — locorum eorum ditioni obtemperantium, quod pra^textu appellationis hujusmodi — niandatis nostris obtemperai-e non teneientur, — persuadere — non formidarunt. At the same time (Sabellicus, 1. c. p. 858) ad omnes Germaniae et Galliae Reges oratores miserant, qui illos ad publicum conventum ipsi Pontifici ac Christiano nomini indicendum impellerent, ubi fas esset de Pontificis injuria queri, fidemque Christianorum omnium adversus ilium iraploiare. '' The conditions of peace see in Sabellicus, 1. c. p. 863 seq. The effect pro- duced on the sick Pope, see Jacobi Volaterrani Diarium Rom. in Muratori XXIII. p. 198 seq. Stephani Infessurce Diarium urbis Romfe in Eccardi Corpus histor. medii a;vi, II. p. 1938 : Deinde undecima die (Augusti) accesserunt ad eum Ambasciatores Potentiarum,putantes forte afferre ei aliquod gaudium, etexposuerunt ei, qualiter conclusa esset pax per totam Italiam. — De quo ipse multum obstupuit, et miratus est, quare pax esset conclusa sine eo, attento, ut ipse dicebat, ipsum debuisse principaliter intervenire. Et cum hoc sspius interi-ogasset ab eis, et audivisset, quod dicta pax esset conclusa adeo, ut non posset amplius retractari, doluit valde. Et causa doloris communi omnium exislimatione haec fuit, quia semper in omnibus operibus suis animum ostendit suum in hunc tinem et proposi- tum, ut aliquem statum, potentiam sive dominium acquireret Comiti Hieronymo. — Putabat niodo in hac pacis conclusione, se posse aliquid dicto Comiti acquirere. Et ista de causa intravit in talem confcederationem, et pccuniam Ecclesire expendit. Sed postquam vidit, se esse illusuni, et cecidisse ab hac spc ; — doluit valde, ita ut tam ex prime dolore quam ex novissimo infirmatus sit febre. — et — XII. d. Aug. — mortuus sit Sixtus IV. In quo felicissimo die Deus ipse omnipotcns ostendit potentiam suam super terram, liberavitque populum suum Christianum de manu talis impiissimi et iniquissimi regis, cui nullus Dei tinioi', nullus regendi populi Christian! amor, nulla caritatis et dilcctionis affectio ; sed solum voluptas inhonesta, avaritia, pompa, sen vana gloria semper et continue pra-cipne viguit, et in con- sideratione fuit. Hie, ut fertur vulgo, et experienlia deiiionstravit, puerorum amator et Sodomita fuit. Nam quid fecerit pro pueris, qui serviebant ei in cubiculo, experientia docet, quibus non solum multorum millium ducatorum donavit reditus, verum Cardinalatum, et magnos Episcopatus largiri ausus est. Nam et non propter aliud, ut dicunt quidam, dilexit Comitem Hieronymum, et fiatrem Petrum, ejus germanum, ac post Cardinalem s. Sixti, nisi propter Sodomiam. — Hie avarissimus : Cha]). I. Papacij. § 133. Innocent VIII. 235 who, in the face of the capitulation which he had signed before the choice,^^ sought chiefly to enrich and exalt his seven illegitimate namque, ut notum est oiitnibus, nullum unquam contulit bcneficium ciijuscunque generis, nisi soluta pecunia. — Interduin etiain subliastabatur, ut nulla habita ratioiie peccati, bonus an malus, dignus vol indignus, litoratus an illiteratus esset, qui plus offerret, beneficium consequeretur. Cardinalatus quoque ct Episcopatus vendidit intinitissinios, de quibus liic nan-are non expedit. Hie pecuniai-um qua- rendarum causa, quas in bellis et pouipis consuinebat, multa et inexcogitata in Curia Romana olficia adinvenit, et vendidit his, qui Scytliarum vocabulo denoniina- bantur Stradioti, Jannizari, et JMaaialuchi. Hi otTiciales habebant varia exercitia in Curia, et ex bis luerabantur, et sine dubio ut ex illis pecunias, quas pro conse- quendis exposucrant, rehabere possent, citra moduni lucrum extorquebant. Hie officia multa in urbe, non citra avariti.-e causani, perpetua et venalia fecit. — Hie gabellam novam imposuit, ut fornarii sive pistores pro quolibet sacco grani, quod macinandum (to grind) mittebant, ultra consuetam solulionem ununi grossum papale solverent. Hie Datium (ddzio, tax) sub nomine decimae immoderatum tarn a Clericis, quam ab Otficialibus exigebat, et quidem sine aliqua miseiicordia. Figebat enim praeceptum in ostio Ecclesia;, ut intra certum brevissimum spatiura sub excominunicationis et pi'ivationis poena et ultra illam, alias centum, et alias quinquaginta Ducati solverentur: quod si ita, ut ponebatur, derepente non esset solutum, Ecclesia ipsa erat interdicta, et Canonici privabantur. Hie Roms dum vixit, panis penui-iam semper induxit pecuniarum quasrendarum causa. Nam emebat granum de messibus per omnes ecclesiasticas regiones uno Ducato: — deinde peuuria facta — quatuor vel quinque Ducatis revenilebat. Aliquando ex regno Regis Ferdinand! granum foetidum et putridum parvo pretio comparabat, illudque in loco quodani, qui Abundantia vocabatur, — non minori quain tribus Ducatis pro rubio distrahebat. Et quia si'pe contingebat, quod tanta grani multi- tudo ibi consumi non poterat, inter fornarios distribuebat, mandabatque illis, ut sub certa poena non possent aliud quam dictum suum granum consumere seu operari, pro pretio tamen XL. Carlinorum pro quolibet rubio, quod nisi solverent, statin) carcerabantur. Panis vero, qui ex dicto frumcnto iiebat, erat ater foelidus et abo- niinabiiis, et ex necessitate comedebatur, ex quo sa-penumero in civitate morbus viguit. Hie poenas omnes cujuscunque generis ad pecuniam reduxit, ita ut, si ignem quis meritus fuisset, soluta aliqua pecunia liberaretur. — Et tandem tantum vigebat in eo avaritise vitium, ut non puderet, nee erubesceret, si aliquando Camera esset debitrix alicujus, et ipse debitum promiserit, denegare, et in sua fide deticere. et aliquando, quod clarissimum erat, denegare. — Hie literatorum et bonos mores habentium inimicus, solum illi grati erant mali, etc. Raphael Volaterranus Comm. urban. Anthropologia, lib. XXH.: Suorum imprimis amantissimus ae indulgentissimus fuit, quorum causa pleraque prater fas jusque et agebat et con- cedebat. Petrum ante omnes ejusdem Ordinis (Franciscani) ac patrite, quem a puero una cum Hieronymo fratre sibi educaverat, ad Cardinalatum usque provexit, virum alioquin natum perdundse pecunia; : nam biennio, quo tantum postea vixit, ducenta aureorum millia in luxu victitando solum absumpsit, LX. millia a;ris alieni, argenteorum item CCC. pondo dimisit. Decessit tabidus voluptate annorum XXVIII., opificibus maxime desideratus, quorum officinas novis semper lucris et opibus replebat. Hieronymus vero frater, Forolivii Forocornelique princeps factus, post eum rem omnem Ecclesia; administravit, vir ingenio severiore ac voluptatibus prfEter unicam venationem minimum deditus. Xistus itaque post bos fratrum soro- rumque tilios extulit: neque enim alter propinquis foecundior fuit. Enumeration of these advancements, and of the wars, which he cariied on ad arma conversus, quibus magis quam religioni natus fuerat. Quum igitur tot tumultibus absumpta pecunia indigeret, nova Collegia primus excogitavit, qus liceretur. Account of them. Verum haec seu necessitati, seu verius proximis ac ministris tribuenda, nam eo Pontificum nullus nee animo munificentior, nee in dando hilarior, nee ia promovendis hominibus promptior repertus fuit. Manner in which he received foreign princes, and adorned Rome with new edifices. '2 Which see in Raynald, 1484, no. 28 seq. To prevent the Nepotism of the former Popes, no. 30 : ]3e parentela et consanguinitate sua non plures quam unum dumtaxat qualificatum (ad Cardinalatum) promovebit ; and no. 38 : quod arces S. 236 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. children. 13 With Ferdinand, king of Naples, he waged two wars till A. D. 1492, and set up Renatus, duke of Lorrain, as his rival for the crown. ^' Though he continued like his predecessors to urge both princes and subjects to arm against the Turks, ^'^ yet when the knights of Rhodes had given up to him Dschem (in the East called Zizim, or Zemes), the brother and rival of the Sultan Bajessid, A. D. 1489, he preferred, instead of sending him against the Turks at the head of an army, to keep him prisoner, and so ex- tort tribute from the Sultan. i*^ So, too, with Alexander VI., the most Angeli, civitatis vetulae, Tiburis, Spoleti et CaesenEe non concedet alicui de paren- tela sua, nee PrKlato, nee sseculari ; sed aliis Pra;latis et ecclesiasticis personis ; neque faeiet eundem Castellanuni et gubernatorem aliciijus civitatis, — nee Capila- neatum generalein Ecclcsiaj nepoti, ucc alieui consanguineo suo eoncedet. " Infessura (in Murat. Ill, II. p. 1189. Eccard. II. p. 1947) enumerates the endowments wbich Innocent was reported to bave promised in return, pro haben- dis vocibus, adding : Quare negari non potest, quin considerata quablate et vita Viri, qui juvenis et Januensis est, et ex pluribus mulieribus soptem filios inter mares et fceminas habet, — ac considerata qualitafe electionis, qux multo deterior fuit electione Xisti, quomodo longe pejora et deteriora non sequantur ? On the fourtb day after tlie election Cardinales animo insatiabili et quadam voracitate inter se omnia officia sacularia tam urbis quam extra urbem diviserunt. The promise, omnia officia et beneficia Romana concedere Romanis civibus, was not regarded. Et sic in ejus principio sequitur vestigia Xisti, etsi grave est unicui- que fidem fallere, sed magis Principi. Sed non est rnirum, si populum Roma- num decepit, quia Deum omnipotentem, cui in promotione caslitatem vovit et promisit, et tamen post septein filios habuit, turpiter fefellit atque decepit. Raph. Volaterranus Comment, urban Antbropologia, Hb. XXII. : Xisti deinde secutus exemplum quajstus gratia Secretariorum collegium instituit pristinum numerum augendo ; Pontiticum etiam primus, qui novum et ipse exemplum introduceret palam libcros notbos jactandi, ac soluta omni antiqua disciplina divitiis eos omnibus cumiilandi. In the contemporary epigram, Octo Nocens pueros genuit totidemque puellas, Hunc merito poterit dicere Roma patrem, the number 8 refers probably to Innocent, who was the eighth of that name. '"• Ferdinand wished to have the annual tribute remitted as it had been by Sixtus IV. The Pope formed an alliance with the discontented Neapolitan barons, and P\^rdinand with the Roman house of Ursini. The first war began 1485 (Raynald, h. a. no. 38, 1486, no. 1) : on the 12th of August, 14S6, a peace was concluded on terms favorable to the Pope (Raynald, h. a. no. 13), which, however, Ferdinand did not keep. Hostilities were soon recommenced (Raynald, 1487, no. 9 seq.), and in 1489 the Pope deposed the king from liis throne ( Rayn. h. a. no. 5 seq.) : the peace of 1492 was a renewal of the former one (Rayn. h. a. no. 10 seq.), comp. Leo's Gesch. d. ital. Staaten. Th. 4, S. 611 ff. S. 617 f. 15 Raynald, 1484, no. 60 seq. ; 1485, no. 1 seq. ; 1486, no. 60 seq. ; 14S8, no. 10 seq. '^ See Jos. V. Hammer's Gesch. des osmanischen Reiches. Bd. 2 (Pesth. 1828. 8vo.), S. 250 ff. Dschem had tied to Rhodes A. D. 1482, was kept prisoner in France by the knights, and in 1489 delivered over to the Pope, who, under the pretext of making use of him in an expedition against the Turks, had been very urgent to get possession of him. Thus he writes to the duke of Bourbon (Rayn- ald, 1485, no. 12) : Hortamur nobilitatem luam, ct quanto possumus studio per Redemptoris nostri sanctissimam passionem requii'imus, ut pio religione animi tui, et pro communi omnium salute, — [nolueris] pati, ut idem Turci frater ad alias quam nostras manus deveniat : nam si in nostra fuerit potestate, modum et viam adinveniemus, quibus illo tamquam instrumento ad res niagnas pro religione Chri- stiana et Dei laude gerendas uti possimus. Of Dschem's entry into Rome, March 13, 1489, and his appearance in the Consistory, sec Infessura in Murat. Ill, II. Chap. I. Papacy. ^ 133. Alexander VI. 237 profligate of all the popes (from Aug. 11, 1492), i''' the great object p. 1224 seq. The Sultan immediately entered into negotiations. The king of Hungary said openly to tlie papal legate, Angelus Pechinolius (see his account sent to the Pope, June, 1489, in Justus Fontaninus de antiquitatibus Horts Colo- nic Etruscorum. Rom. 1723. 4to. p. 488) : Orator Soldani, qui est Romas, siippli- cavit Domino sanctissimo pro jiai'te istius Turci, quod sua Sanctitas sit contenta recipere a Soldano ducenta millia Ducatorum, et quod euin det ad manus Soldani, et sua Sanctitas fuit contenta. Sic misit ununi hominem ad Rhodiim sub praetoxtu, quod pro aliquibus fratribus religiosissimis Rhodiensium vadat ad Rhodum : sed inde mutatis vestibus ibit ad Soldanum pro conipositione istius pecuniae et aliarum rerum. — Quantum aulem decent unum Papam ista facere, sua Sanctitas, quaa prudentissima est, potest melius considerare, et quid sint dicturi alii Christiani Pi-incipes, quando ista audierint. The legate could only reply that the Pope would not of coui'se give up Dschem lor 200,000 ducats, since the Sultan had already offered 600,000. The king, however, persisted : Doniine Legate, si non scit Paternitas vestra, scio ego : et forte, quod plus sunt : sed de ducentis millibus ego sum bene certus. The king had himself wished to get possession of Dschem to avail himself of his help in the wars with the Turks ; but as it now appeared that the Pope was about to send him with a Venetian tleet, the king was on the point of making a treaty with the Sultan, being convinced (p. 484) : Veneti non in bellum contra Turcum proticiscentur, sed privata aliqua conimoda et privatas eorum passioncs ulcisci intendunt ; and he said to the legate, without disguise (p. 482) : sua Sanctitas vult decimas habere ; vere non habebitis : — si portabitis ilium Turcum per mare, ego portabo fratrem suum, Turcoi-um Imperatoiem per terram in Italiam. In the mean time, however, the Sultan first made an attempt to poison both the Pope and Dschem, Infessuru, p. 1232 : and after this (Iiifess. p. 1234) an ambassador appeared at Rome in his name, November 30, 1490, with rich presents to the Pope (amongst them the lance, with which Christ's side was pierced, which the Pope received as genuine, notwithstanding it was represented to him that the same thing was already exhibited in Paris and in Nuremberg, see Burcard in the Notices et exlraits, T. I. p. 94), and the offer, quod, si retineret dictum Turcam, pro censu se daturum quadraginta millia Ducatorum pro quolibet anno, quousque ipsum relinuerit. Item obtulit pacem et perpetuam securitatem inter Christianos et Turcas, et quod Christiani de c*tero possent ire et redire in terras ejus libere et absque aliquo timore. He stipulated, however, to be admitted to audience with Dschem, declaring, se nolle solveie tributum praedictum, nisi eum oculata fide videret. Et ita dixit se habuisse in mandatis, ne forte dice- retur vivus, et mortuus esset. See concerning Dschem, the abbot Ludovicus Tuhero comm. de lemporibus suis (from 1490-1522), lib. VI. § 6 and 7, in Schwandtner Scriptt. rerum Hungaricarum. T. II. p. 214 seq. He relates, § 7, first, the unsuccessful attempts of the king of Hungary to get possession of the Saracen prince, sperans, si Gemium in potestate haberet, non solum facile conse- cuturum, ut Bajazethes intra fines suos sese- contineret, atque invalidior viribus fieret (certo enim sciebat, Gemium a populaiibus studio, ut fit, novarum rerum valde desiderari) ; verum etiam se bonam Imperii partem eo facto Turcis ademtu- rum : quippe arbitrabatur, Bajazethem fraterno metu nullam pacis conditionem ab se dictam recusaturum. Then he continues : Non ita multo post Innocentius VIII. Pontifex Romanus et sibi amplum fore putans, Regem Turcam tributarium habere, et tanto auro, cujus quidem sacerdotes hac tempestate maxime avidi sunt pofiri cupiens, oblata Rhodiorum Piincipi dignitate, qua Cardinales sacerdotes Romans EcclesiK insigniti sunt, agit cum illo, ut Turcam sibi traderet. Rhodius, non parvum fortune sufe additamentum existimans, in collegium Cardinalium cooptari, accepta conditione hominem suae tidei commissum hujuscemodi facile permutat magistratu. Itaque vidimus, si Deo placet, non pecunia modo, quod jam solemne est, sed etiam perfidia atque humano sanguine sacerdotia apud Chri- stianos parari, si Christiani appellandi sunt, qui nihil praeter nomen habent Christi- anorum. '7 Notwithstanding the urgent admonitions of Leonellus Episc. Concordiensis (see Raynald, 1492, no. 24 seq.) and the Bernardinus Carvajal Episc. Pacensis (in Martene thes. anecd. II. p. 1774 seq.), all the cardinals, except five, suffered 238 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. of his schemes was to heap honors and riches on his five illegitimate children, and especially on his favorite Ctcsar Borgia.!* Charles VIII. of France having undertaken to support the claims of the house of Anjou to the throne of Naples, Ferdinand, the reigning king, and after him (f 25th Jan. 1494) his son Alplionso II. gained over the Pope by favors conferred on his sons,i9 so that he threatened Charles with e.\communication,20 and even sent for aid to the Turks.^' But themselves to be bribed by Rodericus Borgia to give him their votes, and he now ascended the papal ibrone under the name of Alexander VI., see Infessura in Eccard II. p. 2003 seq. "* Thus on the 10th of June, 1493, be married liis daughter Lucretia to Alex- ander, loi'd of Pesaro, after scpaiating her iioiii her husband, wliom he contented with a large sum ; celebrating the nuptials with great festivities in the papal palace, and not, as it is said, with the greatest decorum ; see Infessura in Eccard II. p. 2011 seq. Infessura remarks : Alexander consuetudinem jam ctcptam per Innoccntitim de maritanda prole foeminina prosecutus est et ampliavit. Incumbit igitur Clerus omnis, et quidem cum diligentia circa sobolem procreandam, Itacjue a majori usque ad minimum concubinas in tigura matrimonii, et quidem publico attinent. Quod nisi a Deo provideatur, transibit ha'c coi-ruptio usque ad Mona- chos et Religiosos, quamvis Monasteria urbis quasi omnia jam facta sint lupanaria, nemine contradicentc. Raphael Volaterranus comm. ui-b. Anthropologia, lib. XXII. : Alexander deinde nihil prius habuit quam Innocentii exempio sues nothos honoribus, verum longe majoribus extollere, quando jam res haec honori et gjoi'iae coepit esse. Itaque Liicretiain filiam prius Jo. Sforti* Pisauriensi Pi-incipi locavit, deinde abdicatam (forsaken by her husband, see Machiavelli hist. Fragmente, translated by Leo, S. 114) Aloisio Aragoni Alfonsi Regis liJio notho, quo demum interfecto Alfonso Estensi Feriarias Duci, cum quo adhuc perseverat. Ex filiis vero alterum minoreni natu in regno Sicilia; Pi-incipem fecit (see note 19) alium CcBsarem Cardinalem (1493. Ludov. Tubero, lib. VIII. § 15: vix puberern Cardinalem designavit, ementitus, non ex se genitum esse, sed ex viro, cujus uxorem, quod satis constat, ipse adulteraverat), majorem quoque in Hispania ducem (John Borgia of Arragon, duke of Gandia, to whom he fui-thermore gave, 1497, the dukedom of Benevento, see Burchardus in Eccard II. p. 2081). '^ Leop. Ranke's Gescbichte der romanischen u. germanischen Volker from 1494 to 1.535, Bd. 1 (Leipz. and Berlin. 1824), S. 30. Leo's Gesch. v. Italien. Tli. 5, S. 71 ff. Thus Giuffredi Borgia mariied a natural daughter of king Alphonso, and received the principality of Squillace as her dower. ^° Of the Pope's attempts to prevent Charles fi-om interfering in the affairs of Italy, see Raynald, 1494, no. 15 seq. After Alexander had bestowed Naples on Alphonso, the French ambassador appealed in the Consistory to a general council ; the Pope, on the other hand, maintained his right to decide the matter, 1. c. no. 18, and threatened to follow the example of Pius II. in Mantua, who had punished a similar appeal with the anathema (1. c. no. 20). '^ In July, 1494, the Pope had a meeting with Alphonso, king of Naples, in Vicovarium, after which both of them sent embassies to the Sultan ( Burchardi Diarium in Eccard II. p. 2047, and Raynald, 1494, no. 21). The papal ambas- sador was taken, however, and the instructions found upon him. These, with five letters of the Sultan to the Pope, see in Burchardi Diarium in Eccard II. p. 2053 seq., and in the Memoires de Phil, de Comines, nouvelle edition par Messieurs Godefroy, augmentee par M. I'Abbe Lenglet du Fresnoy. T. IV. P. II. (Londres et Paris. 1747. 4to.) p. 47 seq. The five letters of the Sultan are also in the Fundgruben des Orients, Bd. 5 (Wien. 1816. fol.), S. 183 (all these editions from different Mss.). The papal instructions, dated June, 1494, encharge the Nuntio, George Bocciardo, Magnus Turca, to explain to the Sultan Bajazet, qualiter Rex Francia? properat cum maxima potentia terrestri et maritima — hue Romam veniens eripere e manihus nostris Gem Sultan, fratrem Celsitudinis suaj, et acquirere Regnum Neapolitanum, — sed etiam in Graciam transfretare, et patrias Celsitudinis suae debellare. — Et cum nobis opus sit resistere, — cogimur Chap. I. Papacy. % 133. Alexander VI. 239 on Charles' appearance at Rome (Dec. 31, 1494), the Pope at once deserted to him, delivering into his custody the prince Dschem, whom, however, he soon after provided for by poison, that he might ad subsidium praefati Sultan Bajazet recurrere, sperantes in amicitia bona, quam ad invicem habemus, quod in tali necessitate juvabit nos : quem rogabis, et nomine nosti-o exhortabcris, ac ex te persuadebis cum omni instantia, ut ()laceat sibi quam citius mittere nobis Ducatos quadrafjinta millia in auro Venetos pro annata anni prajsentis, quce tiniet ultimo die Novembris venturi (the annual sum paid for Dschem). As the help of the Venetians was very important, persuadebis et exbortaberis Majestateni suam, quam teneinur certioreni reddere ob veram et bonam amicitiam, quam habemus ad inviccin, ne patiatur aliquod interesse, ut statim mittat unum Oratorem ad Dominium Venetorum : — quos exhortetur et adstringat, quod pro quanto cari pendant amicitiam suam, dcbeant esse adjumento et defensioni nostrae et Regis Alfonsi terra marique. — Denotabis pariter magno Turco adventum Oratoris niagni Soldani (the Sultan of Egypt) ad nos cum litteris et muneribus, quK transmisit nobis, — et promissiones, quas nobis fecit de magno thesauro, ac de mullis aliis rebus (for the delivei'y, namely, of Dschem) : signi- ficabis Majestati sua intentionem nostram, in quantum sibi promisimus, firmiter tenebimus, et nunquam contraveniemus in aliqua i-e : imo nostra: intentionis est accrescere et meliorare nostram bonam amicitiam. Bene gratuni nobis esset, et de hoc multum precamur et hortanun- D. Serenissimum, quod pro aliquo tempoie non impediat Hungarum, neque in aliqua parte Christianitatis, et maxime in Croatia et civitatibus Ragusis et Leguiffi : quod faciendo et observando nos faciemus, quod Hungarus non inferat ei aliquod damnum, et in hoc Majestas sua habebit compas- sionem complacendi nobis, attento maxime motu Francorum, et aliorum Princi- pum. Quodsi in bellando perseveraret, habcat pro comperto sua Magnitude quod in ejus auxilio essent quam plures Pi-incipcs Christiani, et dolerct Majestatera suam non fecisse secundum consilium nostrum, quod damns sibi primo ex officio, quando simus pater et dominus omnium Chi'istianorum, postea dcsideramus quie- tein Majestalis suae ad bonam et mutuam amicitiam : quoniam si aliter Majestas sua statueret prosequi et molestare Christianos, cogeremur rebus consulere, cum aliter non possemus obviare maximis appaiatibus, qui fiunt contra Majestatem suam. In the answers of the Sultan, all dated September 15 and 18, 1494, the following remarkable things are found. In the fourth : Notum sit Tuo supremo Pontiticio, quemadmodum Rev. Dominus Nicolaus Cibo Archiepiscopus Arela- tensis est dignus et tidelis homo. — Hujus igitur rei causa justum est a vobis decerni, majori in ordine ipsum esse debei-e : unde et rogavimus dictum supremum Pontificem (Innocentium VIII.), ut facerct ilium Cardinalein, et assensus est nostrae petitioni. — Verum quia non erat tempus, id est Septembris mensis, non sedet in ordine suo. — Ea de causa scribimus et rogamus Tuam Magnitudinem, — • ut adimpleat ipsi Tuum Pontificium, videlicet ut faceret ipsam perfectum Cardi- nalem. In the fifth : Inter alia mibi retulit ( Georgius Bussardus), quomodo Rex Franciae animatus est habere Gem fratrem nostrum, qui est in manibus vestry Potentiae ; quod esset multum contra voluntatem nosti-am, et vestrae Magnitudini sequeretur maximum damnum, vosque et omnes Christiani paterentur detrimen- tum. Idcirco una cum prsedicto Georgio cogitare coepimus : pi'o quiete, utilifate et honore vestrae Potentias, et adhuc pro mea satisfactione bonum esset, quod dictum Gem meum fratrem, qui subjectus est morti et detinetur in manibus vestrae Magnitudinis, omnino mori faceretis, quod, si vita careret, esset et vestrae Potentiae utile, et quieti commodissimum, mihique gratissimum. Et si in hoc Magnitude vestra contentabit complacere nobis, prout in suaprudentia coniidimus facere velle, debet pro meliori Sua; Potential, et pro majori nostra satisfactione, quanto citius poterit, illo meliori modo, quo placebit Vestra? Magnitudini, dictum Gem levari facere de angustiis istius mundi, et transferri ejus animam in alteram sceculum, ubi meliorem habebit quietem. Et si hoc adimplere faciei Vestra Potentia, et mandabit nobis corpus suum in qualicumque loco citra mare nostrum ; promitti- mus Nos Sultan Bajazet suprascriptus in quocumque loco placuerit Vestra; Mag- nitudini Ducatorum trecenta millia ad emenda tiliis suis aliqua dominia, quae Ducatorum trecenta millia consignare faciemus illi cui ordinabit Vestra Magni- tudo, antequam sit nobis dictum corpus datum, et per vestros meis consignatum. Adhuc promitto Vestrae Potentiae, quod vita mea comite et quamdiu vixero, habe- 240 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. not forfeit the promised price of his death from the Sultan.^^ In March, 1495. tlie Pope again formed an alliance with the emperor and the king of Spain, in order to drive the French out of Italy.--' It was not long, however, before he qnarrelled with the new king of Naples, Frederick, the brother of Ali)honso II., on account of his refusal to coinj)ly with the insolent demands of Cajsar Borgia,^'* and once more made overtures to the king of France, Louis XII. Nothing was now impossible at Rome. The cardinal Cfcsar Borgia was re- leased from clerical vows,--^ and Louis XII. divorced from his queen.-^ bimus semper bonam et magnam smicitiam cum eadem Vestra Alagnitudine sine aliqua deceplione, et eideni faciemus omnia bencplacita et gratias nobiles. The Sultan promises also (o molest the Christians no further, and confirms all these promises by a solemn oath. -^ Burchardus in Eccard II. p. 2066, more correct in Raynald, 1495, no. 12 : Fei'ia quarta, vigcsima quinta Februarii Gem, frater Magni Turca", qui nuper Regi Francorum per sanctissimum Dominum nostrum ex pacto et conventione inlei' eos stipulatis fiierat consignatus, in civitate Neapolitana et castro Capuano ex esu sivc potu natur;i! suaj non convenienti vita est functus, cujus cadaver delude ad instantiam et preces magni Tuicae eidem magno Turcaj cum tota defuncti familia niissum est, qui propterea dicitur magnam pccuniarum summam persol- visse seu donasse, ot familiam ipsam in gratiam recepisse. Ludoviciis Tubero (see note 16), lib. VI. § 7, in Schwandtner II. p. 216 : Mortuo Innocentio Alex- ander, Ponliticatuin pecunia adeptus, Gemium in Caroli VIII. Francorum Regis, tunc Neapolitanum rcgnum petentis, coactus — permisit potestatem, dato ei prius veneno baud quidem prffisentaneo, sed quod ad occultandam facinoris invidiam aliquot diebus mortem proti'aheret. Ferunt autem, hunc Pontiticem adeo deplorata vita, atque ad extrcmum perditum fuisse, ut onuiia sacra pretio venderet. Quos- dam insuper Cardinales divitiis notos veneno sustulisse dicitur, quo eorum pecuniis Iiberoi-um suorum ex adulterio susceptorum Ibrtunam augeret. Quare ejus aetata per totum fere Christianum orbem hi versiculi passim decantabantur : Vendit Alexander claves, Altaria, Christum : Emerat ista prius, vendere jure potest. Undc omnibus persuasum est, ipsum Pontiticem, qui verius Carniiicis nomen obti- nere debuit, Venctis quoque non solum consciis, sed ctiam internuntiis, propter simultatem, quam cum Rege Carolo babebant, ingentis pecunias pactione ad hoc scelus a Bajazethe esse inductum, qui quidem in secui'itatem suam — fratrem e medio tolli magnopere optabat. Atque in hunc maxime modum Christiani, Turcis prEesertim linitimi, a quibus minime oportuit, pene proditi sunt. Nam Bajazethes, domestico mctu libcratus, statim animo consilia volutare cai-pit Chi'istianos aperte oppugnandi, atque opportunitatc rerum gei-endarum, quae ad illam diem haudqua- quam patuerat, uti. Comp. Hammer's Gesch. des osman. Reiches. Bd. 2, S. 277. ^^ L. Ranke's Gesch. der roman. u. german. Bolker v. 1494-1535, Bd. 1, S. 62 ff. Leo's Gesch. v. Italien. Th. 5, S. 96 ff'. ^ John Borgia was murdered four weeks after he had been made duke of Benevento (see note 18), as is expressly related by Lud. Tubero, lib. VIII. § 15, Machiavelli {•f 1527. Hist. Fragmente von Nicolo di Bernardo dci Machiavelli, translated by H. Leo, Hannover. 1828. 8vo. S. 115) and Guiccinrdini, lib. III., by order of his brother, Cassar Borgia, whose object it was, from this time forward, to free himself from the trammels of his ecclesiastical character, and to take his brother's place. Thus he demanded of king Fredei'ick his eldest daughter to wife, and the principality of Tarentum as her dowry ; see Machiavelli, 1. c. S. 159. Guicciardini, lib. IV. Ranke, S. 169 ff. ^ Burchardus in Eccard II. p. 2096 : Feria sexta, decima tertia Augusti (1498), in secreto Consistorio Doininus Cardinalis Valentinus proposuit, se ab ineunte wtate inclinatuni semper fuisse statui ssculari, sed .Sanctissimum Domi- num nostrum voluisse, ut se daret statui ecclesiastico, et ad Ordinem se promoveri Chap. I. Papaci/. § 133. Alexander VI. 241 In gratitude the latter created Caesar, duke of Valentinois (1498), and furnished a large army to enable him to subdue one by one the power- ful vassals of the territories of the church, and from their possessions to form for himself a principality.-' At the same time Naples was conquered Diaconatus, cnjus vohmtati se opponere visum non est. Cum auteni omnis ejus voluntas ct incliiiatio sit acihuc ad statum saecularem, supphcavit, S. D. IN. digna- retur cum singulari dementia proseciuendo sccuin dispensare, ut diimssis liabitu et dignitate ecclesiastica lieeat ei redire ad saculum, ac matnmomum contrahere. Et Reverendissimos Dominos Cardinales rojravit, quatenus hujusmodi dispensationi consenti.e vellent, et cum eo S. D. N. supplicare. -Cardinales omnes com.nu- niter concordi voto remiserunt dispensationem hujusmodi arbitno et voluntati ejusdem S D N Lud. Tubero, lib. VIII. § 15, in Schwandtner II. p. 282 : Hoc panicidio (the murder of liis brother, see above, note 24) admisso Caesar Cardmalatu quern a patre ultro oblatum non reli^ionis studio, sed spe, ut plerique laciunt opulentio- ris fortuna; acceperat, sese sponte abdicavit, palam professus, se a Pontihcc proge- nitum,etob id tanto nequaquam idoneum sacerdotio : sque ac majus flagiUum asset ille-itime natum summum sacerdotium obtinere, quam sacns Deoque dicatis pecuniis, ac in hospitalitatem absumendis abuti, atque his ipsis regna, pulsis justis Sus per nefas'^parare. Immediately after, A. D. 1500, the Pope appointed him Capitaneus Generalis et Confalonerius S. Romans Ecclesis, Burchard, p. 2115. 26 Louis, duke of Orleans, succeeded his cousin, Charles VIII., in April, 1498. Ludov. Tubero, lib. VII. § 14, in Schwandtner II. p. 254: Qui (Ludov.cus Aurelianensis) quidem una cum regno uxoiem etiam ipsius Regis in matrimonium accepit, prima conjuge novo inter Christianoi exemplo repudiata, apud quos sane coniigium non nisi morte alterius dirimitur. Ferunt autem, Aurelianensem hoc consilio tantum facinus Alexandre VI. Romano PonUfice annuente adnusisse, ne scilicet a Francorum regno Armoricag civitates, quas gentes nunc Britones vocant, ad imperium et jus Anna; uxoris Caroli spectantes, deficerent, si ilia ahum virum sibi matrimonio adjungeret. Hsc enim mulier, nulla in domo paterna virili sobole superstite, Britonum regionem hsereditario jure obtinebat. Nee mirum, si tales nuptire ab Alexandre VI. Romano Pontitice permissae sunt; cum et ipse Alexan- der filiam suam, ex quadam adultera susceptam, atque cum Principe Pisauriensium matrimonio conjunctam (see note 18), e viri thalamo adversus leges pontificias abripuerit, atque alii in matrimonium, sola fortunatioris conjugii spe, dedent. — The pretended grounds for the divorce, and other circumstances oi the transacUon, see in M a c h i a V e 11 i ' s hist. Fragmente, translated by Leo, S. 154. 27 Raph. Volaterrani comm. urb. Anthropologia. lib. XXII. : Post ejus (John Borsia) mortem Caesar Cardinalis spreto sacerdotio ejusque ordine, cupidus domi- nandi se ad Ludovicum Gallic Regem cum magna vi auri ac suppellectilis contu- lit, ejusque propinquam de Lebreto (Charlotte d' Albert, sister of the king of Navarre) in matrimonium una cum oppido Valentia accepit. Regis deinde auxilio perpetuoque foedere inultum in Italia sibi ditionis paravit, /Emiliam imprimis omnem propter Bononiam ejectis partimque necatis antiquis iamihai-um possesson- bus (from which the Pope formed for Cassar the dukedoin of Romagna, A. D. 1501) in Etruria Populinum, in Piceno Camerinum, Senogalliain, Lrbinum, quod ex omnibus per proditionem cepit. Nam cum ut hospes et amicus a Guidone Duce cum exercitu apud Callium exciperetur, extemplo dato signo urbem earn corripuit : inde propere Urbinum invadi mandat. Guido vero cum non saUs vinum improvisus ad resistendum haberet, ne in manus hoslis perveniret, statim rel.ctis omnibus nocte sequenti paucis comitibus ad sororium suum Mantuam aufugit. Pontifex interim Roma supplementa res agenti mittebat, una tantum cogitatione occupatus, quonam modo eum maximum Principum constitueret : eapropter in animum induxit proceres urbi finitimos alia atque alia de causa prorsus omnes extino-uere : cepitque a Cajetanis, vetusta famiha, qui nonnul la apud Volscos oppidapossidebant,JacobumProtonotarium ex ea gente HonoraU filium carcere inclusum necavit, adolescentemque unicum Cols hhum famiha; superslitem absen- tem trucidari iussit, Columnensium deinde Gallorum auxilio expulsorum imperium omne invasit. Quod reliquum erat cum ad Ursinos anhelaret, nee satis causae 31 VOL. III. 242 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. by tlie combined forces of France and Spain, with the connivance of the Pope (150 1),-'" but in 1507 fell to iSpain exclusively ^^ During all this Alexander's aim was, by the sale of benefices, and of absolu- tion, by the exercise of the right of spoil, and the tribute from the Turks, also by the murder of wealthy individuals and others who stood in his way, to get together as much as possible for the support of his luxurious court, and for his children.-"^ At last his career was haberet, occasionem est nactus, quam optanti hominum proinittere nemo potuisset, ipsa dies jam obtulit uhro. Contigit iicmpe, ut ipsiniet Ur^ini tantos Cffisaiis successus tantainque iiiiperandi cupidilali'in adspicientes sibi quainque amicis timerent, ne cunctis jam sublatis ip4 quoque delerentur. Itaque cum his, qui pari fbniiidine adfunebantur una conspiraiit. Kiant autem hi Joannes Bentivolius, Joannes Pauhis HaHo Perusinus, Vilellocius Tifernas, Libeioctus Firmanus, Pan- dulf'us Petrucius Seneinis, Baptista Cardinalis et Paulus Ursini. Qui omnes prope Pcru-^iam concilio facto contra Ca;sarem conjurant, e vestigioque iiruptione facta Urbinum recipiunt et Camerinum, cohortesque Ca;sarianas qua; ad succurrendum mittebantur in itinere adorti adfligunt, aliaque ^milice oppida tentare continue festinant. Pontifex hoc accepto nuntio magnopeie commotus omni studio placare sibi Ursinos imprimis con;ibatur, quod facile cunctos ipsorum sperabat auctoritatem secuturos. Itaque omni pollicitatione, humanitate, conditioneque delinitos in suam sententiam adduxit. llli conciliati jam capta restituunt, de novoque Senogalliam Cassaii acquirunt, ubi Paulus et Giavinas dux Ursini, Vitellocius et Liberoctus una convenerunt. Cajsar igitur, qui Forocornelii se continebat, opportunum tern- pus se vindicandi ratus, eo cum exercitu Vasconum de improviso proficiscitur , illi obviam inermes procedentes veniam petunt praeteritorum ; humaniter excepti sunt, ciistodisque interim clam adhibifs, ne fugere possent. Itaque jam deducendi officio functi cum discedere vellent, simulatione simul colloquendi restare jussi sunt. Cum in conclave venissent, extemplo clausa janua, et a militibus ad hoc ordinatis capti Vitellocius et Liberoctus eodem die strangulati, panels post diebus reliqui (Dec. 1502, Jan. 1-503). Nee mora, Perusia Tifernumque ejectis Vitelliis ac Balionibus Pontifici sese dediderunt. Pontifex interea RoniEe ubi per nuntium celerem noctu captos hos esse accepit, Cardinalem Ursinum, quern multa prius blanditia speque securum reddiderat, mane hortatur ad Palatium venire, fingitque Columnenses prope urbem adesse, pontesque cepisse. Ille ci-edulus ul)i obtempe- ravit, capitur et in molem Hadriani conjicitur cum Abbate Alviano Ursinarum parlium. Praesul vero Florentinus et Jacobus Sanctacrucius eadem hora capti in Palatio sunt custoditi. Sanctacrucius postera die dimissus vadibus datis, consenti- ente Cardinale, ad oppida Ursinorum Pontifici adsignanda : ipse vero Cardinalis paucis post diebus est elatus, causa mortis oumibus facile judicata ( Burchardus ia £ccar(Z II. p. 2150 : biberat, ut vulgo asstimabatur, calicem ordinatum, et jussu Papse sibi paratum. — Papa commisit socio nieo, ut haberet curam funeris defuncti. Ego nolui interesse : nolui enim sapere plusquam oportet). Comp. Guicciardini, lib. IV. Ranke's Gesch. der roman. und ijerman. Volker. Bd. 1, S. 173 ff. 201 ff. Leo's Gesch. v. Italien. Th. 5.. S. 133 ff. 147 ff. =w Ranke, S. 179. Leo, Th. 5. S. 141 ff. 29 Ranke, S. 195 ff. 207 ff. Leo, Th. 5. S. 157 ff. ^ In 1502 a letter was sent from Germany to Rome, addressed to Sylvius de Sabellis, who had been plundered by the Pope, which is given by Bur- chardus in Eccard. 11. p. 2144 seq. Sylvius is exhorted to make no more applications to the Pope. Hasc tibi in publicis Principum conventibus enar- randa, hsc committenda pluribus exemplis atque per omnium manus tradenda sunt et disseminanda : fiustra quei-i Christianam religionem de Mahometo anti- quo ejus hoste, — cum iste novus INIahometus omni criminum foeditafe ilium longe superaverit : — venisse tempora, quibus jam Antichristus — appareat, neque enim nllum omruno unquam nasci aut excogitari potuisse, qui apertior Dei hostis, Christi oppugnator, tidei et religionis subversor invenirefur. Jam beneticia et dignitates ecclesiasticas — publica venditione dissipari, et illis so- lummodo cedere, qui apcrta emptione plm peciiniarum quam caeteri largiuntur. — Omnia jam apud Pontificem esse venalia, dignitates, honores, matrimoniorura Chap. I. Papacy. § 133. Alexander VI. 243 worthily closed by poison which he had destined for a cardinal, on whose fortune he had designs (18 Aug. 1503).3' copulas, eorundem solutione-i, divortia et repudia uxoruni. — Nihil esse jam sce- leruin aut fldn;itiorum, quoi uoa Roinai puldice el in l'oii',iticis domo coiiuiiittatur : superatos esse Scytlias latrociiiiis, Poerias pei-tidia, iminaiiitate et sajvitia Nerones et Cajos : nam ca,'des, rapinas, stupra, et incestus refei-re, innumeri et intiniti prope operis foret. — Long urn esset prosequi, — qui vel interfecti, vel vulnerati, vel vivi in Tiberim dejecti, aut veneno consumpti sunt: quoruiii cum sit intinitus numerus, et in dies crescat pernicies ; — neiuo in urbe est etiam private fortuna;, qui sibi et suis jam non tinieat. Quia horrenda Hbidinuni monstra enarrare non formidet, quaj aperte jam in iliius domo et spi-eta Dei atque hominum reverentia committuntur ; quot stupra, quot incestus, quot filiorum et filiarum sordes, quot per Petri Palatium meretricum, quot lenonum greges atque concursus, prostibula atque lupanaria. Feria Novembris soleninibus omnium sanctorum cerimoniis dedicata quinquaginta meretrices ui'banae ad convivium in Palatium vocata; fisdis- simum et detestabilissimum spectaculuin pra-buere : et ut ad irritandum exempla non deessent, aclitata est sequentibus diebus in publicum spectacukim equa, qua; spectante cum filiis Ponlilice intromissos admissarios nimio Veneris ardore concita- tos in furorem et rabiem converteret (see an account of these enormities by Bur- chardus, p. 2134). Nihil esse jam auri, quod non ex omnibus populis Chriitianis ad filiorum luxum summa aviditate conquiratur. Propo-itum est in Turcas bellum publicare : ob earn speciem per omnes urbis basilicas preces indicia;, et venditae exteris civitatibus erratorum indulgentiae : ut scilicet ex hac conquisitione largos sumptus suppeditarent, ut esset, unde filia Pontificis gemmis atque auro onerata, pompam et Romans Ecclesia; tributa secum trahens, luxu inaiidito ad niaritum accedcret ; unde bellum antiquis civitatibus et veris Dominis inferretur. Pulsos esse sedibus vetei-es incolas, maximam urbis nobilitatem proscriptiono atque exilic ablegatam, antiquos Latii domiuos suis fortunis et possessionibus privates, ut ex eorum cladibus Ponlificis iidem filii et nepotcs, ex incestuoso partu adhuc in cunis vagientes, ad regna et opes promoverentur. '' Guicciardini, lib. VI. Ludov. Titbero, lib. VIII. § 1.5, in Schwandtner JI. p. 283. Petrus Bembus (cardinal, f 1547) hist. Venet. lib. VI. p. 218. Comp. Paul us im Sophronizon, Bd. 8. Hett. -5. S. 8 ff. Of Alexander's character, see Rapli. Volaterranus Anthropol. lib. XXII. : In Alexandi-o, ut de Annibale Livius scribit, Eequabant vitia virtutes. Inei-ant nanique ingenium, ratio, cogita- tio, memoria, diligentia, eloquentia vero qusdam naturalis, et ad persuadendum apta, ut nemo rem cautius propcneret, aut acrius defensitaret, seu quovis cuperet impelleret, sese ununi omnium aniinis adcomrnodando : cum jucundis de remissi- one, c\im severis de disciplina, cum patrihus de republica loquebatur. Suos adver sarios placabilitate ac patientia devinciebat : nam eorum, qui de numero Patrum exulabant, quosve suspectos habuerat, nihil de pristina dignitate detraxit ; Gallo- rum animos conturaacissimos ita sedavit, ut amicissimi discederent ; in tanta proce- rum Romanorum vastatione, quod sane incredibile, nullum in urbe tuniultum, nulla sensimus arma : omnia ipse obire, paruin in rebus arduis cuiquam fidere. — Idem in otio solutissimus, in metu constantissimus : nunquam negotia seu legatio- nes audiendas voluptate pranertit, res in multam noclem protrahebat, brevissimi somni cibique. Artes liberales, si non colebat, admirabatur, juris pra!sertim scien- tiam ubi esse contingcret. Salaria doctoribus, stipendia militibus, mercedem operariis nunquam est differre, nedum auferre, visus, cujus rci gratia exercitum, quern magnum sa»pe nutriebat ductore filio, fidelissimum habuit : brevique tem- pore ac negolio totara fere .^miliam, qu£E tributa non exsolverat, ei subegit. In annonse diiRcultate, quae bis contigit, advecta e Sicilia magna vi frumenti ita dili- genter urbi providerat, ut plebes nullum fere sentiret incommodum. Has igitur animi dotes magnis obruerat vitiis, quse narrare non atlinet : tantum referam, quse vulgus adspexit. Si quando rerum fasce non premeretur, omni se remissionis generi sine discrimine dedidit : quapropter conia;dias Plautinas, csteraque ludicra libenter spectavit, frequenterque in Hadriani molem ventitabat, ut palam persona- tos per eoi'um ferias, ac omnes dies festos si quid elegantius in hominum genere per viam pra;teriret, propius adspiceret. In nuptiis lilia;, quae ad virum Ferrariam profectura erat, equestres ludos et venationem in Vaticano extra ordinem dedit. In urbe gladiatorum nunquam licentia major, nunquam populo Romano libertaa 244 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. <§* 134. PIUS III. (22 Sept. to 18 Oct. 1503), julius ii. (31 Oct. 1503 to 21 Feb. 1513), leg x. (11 March, 1513 to 1 Dec. 1521). Paris de Grassis (from 1504 Magister cerenioniarum, from 1513 bishop of Pesaro, f 1528) Diarium curies RomancB from 1504-1522. (Excerpta therefrom in Raynald and Roscoe ; from 1517 in Mabillon Museum Ital. II. p. 587; from 1518-1522 in Hofmanni nova Scriptorum ac Monument, collectio. T. I. p. 395 seq. Desciiption of the whole in JK^otices et extraits des Mss. de la Bibl. du Roi. T. II. p. 546 seq. Perfect Mss. also in Wolfenbilttel and Mu- nich, see Sophronizon VI. 1. S. 3 ff.) The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, by William Roscoe. 4 vols. Liverpool. 1805. After Ale.Kander's death the newly formed principality of Caesar Borgia was at once dissolved ; the states of which it had been com- posed submitting again to their former masters, or acknowledging the rule of the Pope. At the same time the Venetians began to make incursions into the Romagna.i The warlike Julius II. resolved to restore the ancient papal sway in full. He first wrested Perugia and Bologna from those who held them (A. D. 1506). Finding it less easy to compel the powerful republic of Venice to give up its con- quests, he at length resolved, though unwillingly, to call in foreign aid, and joined himself to the League of Cambray concluded between France and the emperor,- assisting them both with spiritual and tern- minor. Delatorum magna frequentia, brevissimo maledicto poena mortis erat. Grassatorum insuper omnia plena ; nee noctu tutum per urbem iter, nee interdiu extra iirbern. Roma, gentium refugium, et arx popiilorum omnibus sa'culis, nobi- lis jam carnificina facta erat. Qua? quidem omnia suorum causa, quibus omnia indulserat, permittebat. Ipso quoque Ca?sar, dum hsec ei licuere, ea fuit indole, ut si ab initio in bono:; incidisset vitffi monstratores, perpetuam sibi reique Roma- na° gloiiam peperisset : nam et in ea adolescentia, quantum perspicere potuimus, nee deliberanti consilium, nee ductanti exercitum majorum disciplina, neque ser- monem habenfi facundia defuerc : eaque demum a natura liberalitate, ut patris avaritiam scepe palam detcstarctur : a justitia quoque, uti videbatur, niinime abhor- rens ; quin in Emilia jam adepta summa aequitate populos regebat, ac judicem gravissimum Antonium Montanum juri dicundo prffiposuit, tanta subditorum pro- batione, ut illi vel defuncto Alexandro, quod minime putabatur, in officio persiste- rent. Verum ut sterile solum et intemperies coeli bona frugum semina praecipi- tant, sic et hunc prava institutio, ac proximorum libido a recta virtutis semita delorserunt, ex quo seque ac omnem Italiam variis calaniitatibus involvit. ' Ranke's Gesch. der romanischen u. gei-m. Volker from 1494-1535. Bd. 1. S. 216, 221 ff. Leo's Gesch. d. ital. Staaten. Th. 5. S. 168 ff. 2 Ranke Bd. 1. S. 273 ff. ; 302 f. The Pope, the emperor, and the kings of France and Arragon, allied themselves here against the Venetians (Raynald, 1509, no. 4.) pro recuperatione sen reintegratione omnium deperditorum. — Nee prius a prasdicta invasione, sen guerra, aut armis per aliquem eorum desistetur, quam omnino et integre Apostolica sedes recuperaverit Ravennam, Cerviam, Favenliam, et Ariminum, — ac omnia alia, quw de statu et juribtis Ecclesias Romance dicti Veneti occupant et detinent; et — Imperator recuperaverit Roveretum, Veronam, Paduam, Vicentiam, Tarvisium, Forumjulium, — necnon Patriarchatum Aquilegiensem, — omniaque alia Iocs et dominia per ipsos Venetos in hoc ultimo hello capta et occn- Chap. I. Papacy. ^ 134. Pius III. 245 poral arms in the war against Venice.^ To divide where they could not hope to conquer, or even resist, the Venetians made the desired concessions to the Pope. Julius, already concerned at the progress of the French arms in Italy, readily listened to their overtures (Feb. 20, 1510),"* and immediately commenced hostilities against the French and their ally, the Duke of Ferrara. On the 3d of July, 1510, he deprived the king of France of Naples, bestowing it on Ferdinand, the Catholic,^ whilst against the duke of Ferrara he issued a sentence of condemnation on the 9th of August.^ It was in vain that Louis XI. attempted to intimidate him by a national council at Tours, Sept. 1510,^ and Germany by weighty gravamina, as well as the threat pata ex terris et dominiif? domus Austriae ; et pari modo ipse Christianissimus Fran- corum Rex reciiperaverit totaliter Brixiam, Bergomutn, — et generaliter omnia ea, qua; fuerunt antiquitns de ducatu et dominio Mediolani ; — et similiter ipse serenis- simus Rex Aragonum reciiperaverit ea omnia, qua; ipsi Veneti de regno Neapoli- tano — quovis niodo abstulerunt, — videlicet Tranuin, Brundusium, Otrantuiii et Gallipolii}!. An account of the attempt made by Julius, notwithstanding the treaty to eflect a reconciliation with Venice, see in Petrus Bembus (of Venice, Cardinal, •f 1547) hist. Veneta; lib. VII. in the Istorici delle cose Veneziane,i quali hanno scritto per publico Decreto. T. II. p. 260 : Confecto foedere Julius tametsi cupidi- tate ferebatur Ariinino Faventiaque potiundi, quia tamen et Gallorum Rcgem magna; per se potentia; multo majorem suo perniissu fieri nolebat, et cum illam nationem, turn Germanise populos in possessionem Italia; venire, optimseque ejus partis atque populosissima; dominos fieri, sibi reliquisque Italis detrimentosum exis- timabat futurum, ut ab illis Venetos opprimi sineret, adduci prope non poterat. ■* Bembus hist. Venet. lib. VII. p. 273: Julius — prsetcr quod exercitum in fines reipublicK introduxisset, ad illud etiam pertinaciter desceudit, ut Lauredano Principi, Senatuique omni Veneto, et civibus singulis aqua et igni interdiceret, ejusque rei literas omnibus hominibus vulgandas proponeret maledictorum et exe- crationum plenas, nisi die pra;stituta non Faventiam modo atque Ai-iminum, sad Ravennam quoque Cerviamque sibi tradiderint : qua? quidem oppida centum ferme annos in reipublicte imperio fuerant, neque ullus ea Pontifex Maximus in dubium revocaverat, quin jure a republica possiderentur. (The bull dated 27 Apr. 1509, in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 6, threatens, after 24 days' interval, not only the Analliema and Interdict, but further (which Raynald omits, but which we find in Guicciar- dini, lib. VIII. p. 737 seq.), that the possessions of the Venetians in all countries shall be seized, and they themselves sold for slaves.) Qua intellecta re ne plebs ejusmodi Uteris, plus quam tempoia et reipublics difficultates postularent, permo- veretur, Senatus cavit, ne reciperentur, neve, qui afTei-rent, admitterentur : appel- lavit etiam de eo futurum Concilium, missis Romam affixisque in templorum foribus publico expostulationis Uteris, missis etiam in Pannoniam ad Thomam Cardinalem Strigoniensem : nam ei propter Patriarchatum Constantinopolitanum, cui pra;erat, una cum tribus Episcopis Concilium cogendi jus potestasque antiquitus erat at- tributa. 4 Bembus, lib. VIII. p. 285, 291, 294; lib. IX. p. 350; lib. X. p. 358. Ranke Bd. 1. S. 322 ff. Leo Th. 5. S. 217 ff. * The document in Raynald, 1510, no. 25. « See Raynald, 1510, no. 15. ' Of which see the account of the imperial ambassador sent to Margaret of Austria, in the Lettres du Roy Louis XII. et du Cardinal George d'Jlinhoise (k Brusselle, 1712. 4 T. 12mo.) T. 2. p. 29. The chancellor was ordered to open the council (p. 32), narranttous les biens et grans plaisirs, que ledit Seigneur Roy avoit fait au Pape avant et aprcs sa Papalite et mesmement pour le faire eslire Pape, narrant aussi I'ingratitude et la mecongnoissance dudit Pape envers ledit Seigneur Roy, et comme sans cause ny raison il avoit rompue I'alliance faicte a Cambray entre si nobles Princes de Chrestiente, aussy I'emotion qu'il avoit fait des Suisses, et ce qu'il avoit voulu faire contra Gennes, et la ligue qu'il avoit faite avec les 246 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. of a Pragmatic Sanction 1510: ^ even a general council summoned Venitiens, et semblablement ce qu'il faisoit contre le Due de Ferrare son a lie: et leur a fait donner aucuns articles per escript, sur lesquels il demandoit leur advis et conseil. Of these articles, or questions, and the answers of tlie council, there are three texts, the first in the collections of the Acts of Councils (e. g. Harduin IX. p. 1555), the second in the French translation in JV"(C. Gilles Croniques et Annales de France (Paris, 1566. fol.) vol. II. fol. 133 b., the third in J. E. K appens Nachlese einiger zur Erlauterung der Reforiiiationsgesch. nOss- licheu Urkunden. Th. 4. S. 490, ail three given by Kapp S. 470 ff. The council decides that the king has a right in self-defence against the Pope as his known enemy, to invade the territoi-y of tiie church, and deny the authority of such a pontirt"; to the question, what shall be his course afterwards, the first text has : servaiuluni esse jus commune antiquum et pragmaticam sanctionem regni, ex decretis sacrosancti Conciiii Basileensis desumptam ; in the third : appellare in omnibus ad futurum Concilium. Finally to the question: si Pontifex injuste, ordine juris non servato, procedens de facto, et manii armata, pronunciet — aliquas censuras contra Principes sibi resistentes, — an ei parendum sit, et quod remedium adhibendum .' the tii-st text replies: conclusum est unanimiter per Concilium, talem sententiam nullam esse, nee de jure, vel alio quocumque modo ligare ; the third : non esse parendum, sed appellandum ad futurum Concilium. At the close follow in the third text certain Conclusiones (see Kapp, S. 493), the contents of which are given also in the account of the imperial ambassador (Lettres du Roy Louis XII. T. II. p. 47). They contain first complaints of the opi)ressiones et indebitas exactiones contra stilum in Komana Curia Ecclesia^ Gallicana? impositas, quibus nulla provisio adhibetur per S. D. N. nee per ejus officiales, et quod deterius est, nulii licet libere de hujusmodi gravaminibus quarelam facere in dicta Curia Romana ; — et quasi in cunctis ita oppressa est dicta Ecclesia Gallicana, ut nun- quam antea. Then the enmity of the Pope to the king is shown, and the conclu- sion drawn, Oratores instituendos ad ipsum S. D. N. Julium secundum — et Reverendissimos Cardinales, qui qua decet reverentia supplicent, — ut Sanctitas sua velit congregare Concilium Ecciesiae in loco tuto et convenienti ad determina- tionem ullimorum Conciliorum generalium, quatenus fieri poterit ; idemque pro- curet Christianissimus Rex apud Imperatorem et alios Principes Christianos, ut sibi adsint et opem ac auxilium ferant pro eodem Concilio generali congregando ad reformationem Ecciesiae universalis in capite et in membris : et supplicare etiam eidem S. D. N., — ut interim — duranlibus dissensionibus, quis nunc sunt inter S. D. N. et eundem Regem suosque subditos, det Poenitentiarum in regno Fi-an- ciae — cum potestate dispensandi et providendi in omnibus casibus, votis, absolutio- nibus ab excommunicationibus, irregularitatibus, et aliis censuris intervenientibus, et dispensationibus in gradibus consanguinitatis et alfinitatis, et universaliter cum plenaria potestate providendi in omnil)us casibus concernentibus forum poenitentias et salutem animarum: in casu quo S. D.N. recusaret Concilium generale vel nimis differret, — vol recusaret Poenitentiarium deputare, cum piotestatione ex- pressa nominibus Christianissinii Regis et Ecclesia; Gallicanae contra prfefatum D. N. Papam et sues Cardinales ad omnia juris remedia. * See the Acta in Orthuini Gratii fascic. rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum fol. 167 seq. ; and thence in Flacii catal. test, verit. no. 186 (ed. Francf. 1666. p. 467 seq.). Georgii imperatorum totiusque nationis germ, gravamina adv. sedem Romanam. Francof. et Lips. 1725. 4to. p. 279 seq. Munch's Concordate Th. 1. S. 96 ff., and in various other collections. From their agreement with Jac. Wim- phelingii Replica contra JEnea Sylvii tract, de Germania (see § 132, note 19) Tentsel (hist. Bericht vom Anfang u. ersten Foitgang der Reform. Lutheri S. 64 Anm.) justly concludes that they were drawn up by Wimpbeling. The Gravamina perhaps were written in the name of the States-general, but hardly the following Acta : in the Avisamentis it is the most distinctly seen that they must have been the work of an individual, and by him presented to the emperor. Tirst come X. Gravamina nationis Germanica> : I. Quod ad servandas bullas, pacta, privilegia et literas, ab antecessoribus absque omni derogatione concessas, succes- sores Pontifices teneri se non arbitrantur : imo per crebras dispensationes, suspen- siones, revocationes ad cujuscunque (etiam vilis) persons instantiam contraveniunt. Chap. I. Papacy. § 134. Julius II. 247 by both princes at Pisa, A. D. 1511, had no power to move II. Quod electiones Praelatorum quandoque rejiciuntiir. III. Quod electionibus Pra>po.siturarum, quas quarundam Ecclesiaruin Capitula multo a^re impetrarunt, contravenitur. — IV'. Quod beneticia et dignitates majores Cardinalibus et Protono- tariis reservantur. V. Quod expectativffi gratia; ab:m Babilonis nomen (see Le Blanc ti-aite hist, des monnoyes de France ad p. 263, N. 3, Tab. 46), which Harduin (Supple- ment du Journ. des S9avans Janv. 1707. p. 194) attempts to refer to Cairo: see Ch. S. Liebe Roma Babylon ex numis. Lips. 1714. 4to. Deyling observatt. sacr. P. III. p. 498 seq. 1^ During Julius' last sickness, 1511, the emperor seems to have conceived the idea of becoming his successor, cf. ejus epist. ad Baronem Paulum a Lichtenstein dd. 16 Sept. 1511 (in the Lettres du Roy Louis XII. T. III. p. 324 seq.): nihil nobis honorabilius, nihil gloriosius, nihil melius obtingere posse, quam si prsefa- tum Pontificatum, ad nos proprie pertinentem, Imperio nostro recuperaremus. He commissioned the bishop of Gurk to negotiate with the Pope to appoint him his coadjutor, and furnished him with money to bribe the cardinals; also to his daughter Margaret, queen of the Netherlands, he writes dd. 18 Sept. (probably 1511) (Lettres T. IV. p. 1 seq.), de avoir le Papat et devenir Prester et apres estre Saint, et que yl vous sera de necessite, que aprcs ma niort vous seres contraint de me adorer, dont je me trouverc bien gloryoes. See E. S. Cyprianus de Maximiliano I. Imper. Pontificatum maximum affectante in his Dissertationes varii argumenti. Coburg. 1755. Through the agency of Ferdinand the Catholic, he was drawn over to the League, April, 1512 (Ranke Gesch. der roman. u german. Bolker. Bd. 1, S. 371 f.) : at the third Session of the Councilof the Lateran, December 3, 1512, Matthew Lang, bishop of Gurk, appeared in the name of the emperor formally to join the council (Paris de Grassis in Raynald, 1512, no. 92 the document in Labbei et Cossartii Concil. T. XIV. p. 80 seq.). VOL. HI. 32 250 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. well as the Pragmatic Sanction, and France. i^ On the succession of Leo X., the relations with France became at once more pacific, and Louis XII. even sent deputies to the Council of the Lateran ; ^^ still the difficulties were not all settled, when the young king Francis I. advanced into Italy (1515).!'^ Leo, however, had the address to convert the threatened defeat into a victory by making peace at once with Francis,!^ and in a personal interview at Bologna (Dec. 1515) prevailing upon him, by the assistance of the chancellor of France, du Prat, to abolish the Pragmatic Sanction ; in place of which a concordat was agreed upon between them, placing the eccle- siastical affairs of France mostly on the old footing. ^^ The Council ** The council was opened on the 10th of May, 1512. Sess. II. on the 17th of September, the Council of Pisa was condemned, Couciliabuli Pisani (Labbeus et Cossart XIV. p. 63). Sess. III. December .3, (1. c. p. 82 seq.) a papal ordinance of August 13 was renewed, in which regnum Francis, et prassertim Lugdunum, ducatu Bi-itannis excepto, — ecclesiastico subjecimus interdicto, nundinasque Lugduni lieri solitas in Lugduno extunc de cetero fiei'i inhibuiinus, dictasque nundinas in civitate Gebennensi (Geneva) faciendas transtulimus. Sess. IV. De- cember 10 (1. c. p. 97 seq.) the attack upon the Pragmatic Sanction began, First the letter of Louis XI. was read, iu which he promises to annul it (see § 132, note 3.5), then a Monitoriuin contra Pragmaticara et ejus assertores : Dudum displicenter per nos pluries accepto, per multa temporum spatia per nonnullos Pra5latos Gallicae nationis, et nobiles laicos, — praesertim cujusdam sanc- tionis pr^textu, qiiam ipsi pragmaticam vocant, Apostolica; sedi, sanctaque Ro- niana; universalis Ecclesia; capiti, libertati et aucioritati enormiter detractum, canonibusque prajfatis deiogatum fuisse ; rem adeo perniciosam, in Dei offensam, et Ecclesiaj pra;fata? vilipendium et evidens detrimentum, amplius ferre neque- untes, cum sanctio ipsa ah omni ad id potestate carentibus — facta, sed quodam abusu tantum in illis partibus introducta et observata fuerit, — quam etiam claras memoriai Ludovicus undecimus Fi-ancorum Rex abrogavit : — Galileos Pra;latos, Capitula Ecclcsiaruin et Monasteriorum, Parlamenta, et laicos illis faventes, cujusrunque dignitatis, ctiamsi regalis existerent, sanctione praefala abutentes, seu illam approbantes — per edictum publicum — moneri et citari — ad compa- rendum coram nobis et Concilio pra^fato, causasque dicendas, quare sanctio prae- fata illiusque corruptela et abusio — nulla et invalida declarari, decerni et abrogari non deberet, — statuimus. >^ Sess. VIII. the 17th of December, 1513, see Labb. et Coss. Cone. XIV. p. 177 seq. '« Leo's Gesch. v. Italien. Th. 5, S. 274 ff. " In Viterbo the 13th of October, 1515. Leo, S. 286, '® The circumstances of this interview are very accurately described by Paris de Grassis in Raynnhl, 1515, no. 29 seq. ; but he says nothing of the negotia- tions. Its results were first made known by Leo X. at the 11th Session of the Council of the Lateran, December 19, 1516, by the bull Primitiva ilia ecclesia (Labbei et Cossartii Concill. XIV. p. 292 seq.) : Sane inter arcana nostra; mentis revolventes, quot tractatus inter pias memoria;. — Romanes Pontifices, praedeces- Bores nostros, et clarae memorife Reges Francia; Christianissimos super abroga- tione certce constitutionis in dicto legno Francis vigenfis, quEe Pragiiiatica voca- tur, habiti fuerunt ; et licet Pius II. pra»fatus, nuntiis ad cl. m. Ludovicum XI. Francia; Regem Christianissimum destinatis, tanfis eidem persuaserit rationibus, ut Rex ipse pragmaticam sanctionem hujusmodi, tanquam in seditione et schismatis tempore natam, suis patentibus liteiis abrogaverit ; tamen hujusmodi abrogatio, nee etiam literce apostolicae pi-a;fati Sixti super concordata, cum oratoribus prasfati Regis Ludovici ad praefiitum Sixtum prajdecessorem destinatis habita, expeditae per PraMatos et personam ccclesiasticas dicti regni recepta; fuerunt, nee ipsi Prae- lati et persona; ecclesiasticoe illis parere, nee nionitis Innocentii et Julii prasdic- torum aures prisbere, sed eidem pragmaticae constitutioni inhaerere voluerunt. Unde — Julius — in praesenti Concilio Lateranensi — abrogationis pragmaticae Chap. I. Papacy. § 134. Leo X. 251 of the Lateraii was now made to pass a formal sentence of condem- sanctionis hiijusmodi negotium — congregationibus — commisit, Gallicosque Prae- latos, etc. — citari — ad coniparendum coram eo — jussit. — Et cum super his in forma jui-is — procederettir, — nosque — ad sunimi Apostolatus npicem assumpti fuissemus, et contra Prajlatos, Capitula, conveiitus, ct personus hujusmodi ad non- nullos actus processisseinus : tandem considerantes, paccm esse vinculum caritatis, — matura deliberatione cognovimus, non per nuntios aut legates nostros, sed in praestatioue obedientia; filialis, quani carissimus in Christo filius noster Franciscus, Francorum Rex Christianissimus, personaliter nobis prxstitit, haec cum Majestate sua coiam discutere, eamque paternis hortari monitis, ut ad laudem Dei et sui honorem prompto animo libens ac volens dicta; pragniaticaj sanctioni abrcnuntiare, et secundum canones et constitutiones s. Roinanie Ecclesiae, quemadmodum CKteri Christiani, vivere, mandatis apostolicis et provisionibus, quae a sede apostolica pro tempore einanarent, parere et obedire vellet: et cum ex electionibus, qu« in Ecclesiis calhedralibus et metropolitanis ac Monasteriis dicti regni a multis annis citia tiebant, grandia animarum pericula provenii-ent, cum plersque per abusum sascularis potestatis, nonnullae vero prascedentibus illicitis et simoniacis pactionibus, alias particulari amore et sanguinis attectione et non sine perjurii reatu tierent, cum electores ipsi, etiamsi ante electionem per eos faciendam magis idoneum, et non euin, quern promissione aut datione alicujus rei temporalis, seu prece vel precibus per se vel alium interpositis electionem procurare didicissent, eligere sponte jurarent, juramentum hujusmodi non servarent, sed contra proprium hujus- modi juramentum in anima; sua; pra-judicium venii-ent, ut nobis notoiie constat ex crebris absolutiouibus et rehabilitationibus a nobis et pra^decessoribus nostris petitis et obtentis : idem Franciscus Rex nostris paternis monitis, tanquam verus obedi- entia; filius parere volens — in locum dicta pragmatics sanclionis — constitutiones infrascriptas — cum pra'fato Rege concordatas — acceptavit. — (1. De tlectione) : quod cathedralibus et metiopolitanis Ecclesiis in regno, Delphinatu, et comitatu Diensi ac Valentinensi, — etiamsi per cessionem in manibus nostris et successorum nostrorum — sponte lactam vacantibus, illarum Capitula et Canonici ad electionem seu postulationem inibi f'uturi Pra?lati procedere non possint : sed illarum occur- rente hujusmodi vacatione Rex Francis — unum gravem Magistrum seu Licenti- atum in theologia, aut in utroque seu in altero jurium Doctorem aut Licentia- tum in Universitate famosa, et rigore examinis, et in vigesimo septimo sua; astatis anno ad minus constitutum, et alias idoneum, infra sex menses a die vaca- tionis — nobis et successoribus nostris — nominare, et de ])ersona per Regem hujusmodi nominata per nos et successores nostros — provideri ; et si contingeret, prffifatum Regem personam taliter non qualificatam ad dictas Ecclesias sic vacan- tes nominare, per nos — de persona sic nominata eisdem Ecclesiis minime provi- deri debeat, sed teneatur idem Rex infra tres alios menses — alium — qualitica- tum nominare : alioquin — I^cclesia? tunc sic vacant! per nos et successores nostros — de persona, ut prsfertur, qualiticata, necnon Ecclesiis per obitum apud sedem prsdictam (apostolicam) vacantibus semper, nulla dicti Regis praecedente nomina- tione, libere provideri possit ; decernentes electiones contra prsmissa attentatas, ac provisiones per nos et successoi-es nostros — factas nullas et invalidas existere. Consanguineis tamen praefati Regis ac personis sublimibus ex causa rationabili et legitima, — necnon religiosis mendicantibus reformatis, eminentis scienlia; et ex- cellentis doctrinai, quijuxta sui Ordinis regularia instituta ad gradus hujusmodi assumi non possint, sub prohibitione pra;missa minime comprehensis. In like manner with the Monasteriis et Piioratibus conventualibus et vere electivis vacantibus. Per prfemissa tamen non intendimus in aliquo pra?judicare Ca- pitulis Ecclesiarum, et Conventibus Monasteriorura, et Prioratum, hujusmodi privilegia a sede apostolica proprium eligendi Prslatum obtinentium, quo minus ad electionem — juxla privilegia eis concessa libere procedere possint: — dum- modo de privilegiis sibi concessis hujusmodi per literas apostolicas seu alias authenticas scripturas docuerint, omni alia specie probationis eis in hoc adempta. (2. De reservationibus.) Volumus quoque ct ordinamus, quod in Regno, Delphi- natu et Comitatu prsdictis de cstero non dentur ali(|ua; gratis espectativs, ac speciales vel generales reservationes ad vacatura benehcia per nos et sedem praj- dictain non fiant : et si dc facto per importunitatem, ant alias, a nobis et succes- ^52 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. nation on the Pragmatic Sanction and the principles which it taught ; soribus nostris et sede prsedicta einanaverint, illas irritas et inanes esse decernimus. In cathedralibus tanien — et collcfjiatis Ecclesiis, in quarum statutis caveretur expresse, quod nulhis ibidem dignitatem — obtinere possit, ni-ii in illis acta Cano- nicus existat, Canonicos ad eflt-^ctum dumtaxat inibi obtinendi dio;nitatem — creare posse intendimus. (3. Be coUationibus.) In every cathedral cliurch at least one Canonicatus et prffibenda tbeolooalis shall be bestowed on a Magistro, seu Licen- tiate, aut Baccalaureo ibrmato in theologia, qui per decennium in Universitate studii generalis privilegiata studuerit, ac onus residential, Iccturte et pitedicationis acta subire voluerit. Furtheiniore every collator shall bestow the third part of the benefices viris literatis, graduatis et per Universitatis nominatis, namely, such as fall vacant in the 1st, 4th, 7th, and lOtb months. Also it is required of them to show that they have been in the university for a certain time, which, howevei', is for the nobility much sboi-ter. (4. De mandatis aj)ostolicis.) Statui- inus quoque et oi-dinamus, quod quilibet Romanus Pontifex semel dumtaxat tem- pore sui Ponliticatus literas in forma mandati, juxta formam inferius annotatam, et non ultra dare possit hoc modo ; videlicet unum collatorem habentem collationem decem beneticiorum in uno, liabentem autem collationem quinquaginta benefi- ciorum et ultra in duobus beneficiis gravare possit. — (5. De appellationibus.) Statuimus quoque et ordinamus, quod in Regno, Delphinatu et Comitatu pra-dictis omnes et singula; causa;, exceptis majoribus, in jure expresse denominatis, apud illos judices in partibus, qui — illarum cognitionem habcnt, terminari et iiniii debeant. Et ne sub umbra appellationum, qua; nimiuni et nonnunquam frivole interponi consueverunt atque etiam in eadem instantia ad prorogationem litium sa-pe multi- plicari, injustis vexationibus materia prifbeatur : volumus, quod si quis offensus coram suo judice justitite complementum habere non possit, ad immediatum superio- rem per appellationem recursum habeat, nee ad aliquem supei-iorem, etiam ad nos et successores nostros — omisso medio. Nee a gi-avanjine in quacunque instantia ante difiinitivam sententiam quomodolibet appelletur, nisi forsitan tale gravamen extiterit, quod in dillinitiva reparari nequiret, et eo casu non nisi ad immediatum superiorem liccat appellari. Si quis vero immediate subjectus sedi ApostoIica^ ad eandem sedem duxerit appellandum, causa committatur in partibus per resciiptum usque ad finem litis, videlicet usque ad tertiam sententiam conformem inclusive, si ab illis appellari contigerit ; nisi propter defectum denegata- justitias, aut justum metum ; et tunc committi debeat in partibus convicinis. — Processus autem contra praemissa attentates nuUos et irritos esse volumus. — Statuimus etiam et ordina- mus, quod judices causas, quae in partibus terminari debent, — infra biennium terminare debeant. (6. JDe j)odficis possessoribus) against disturbing unlawfully the holdei-s of benefices. (7. De publicis Cuncubinariis.) Such priests shall be suspended for three months a perceptione fructuum omnium beneficiorum, and in case of their pei-sisting, their benefices shall be taken from them. Quia vero in quibusdam i-egionibus nonnulli, jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam habentes, pecuniarios quaestus a Concubinariis percipere non erubescunt, patientes eos in tali fceditate sordescere ; sub poena maledictionis asternae prscipimus, ne deinceps sub pacto, compositione, aut spe alterius qusstus talia quovis modo tolerent aut dissimulent. (8. De exconimvnicaiis non vitandis.) Ad vitandum scandala et multa pericula, Bubveniendum quoque conscientiis timoratis it is ordered, that no one is to be shunned prEetextu — censurce ecclesiastica; — ab homine vel a jui-e generaliter promulgatse, but only when the sentence has been pronounced specially against an individual or a community. (9. De interdictis non leviter ponendis.) The interdict is to be passed on a place only culpa ipsorum locorum, aut Domini seu Rectoris, vel oflicialium ; and for the fault of a private person only, when the Magis- trates, after having been called upon by the ecclesiastical court, refuse to drive forth the excommunicated person. (10. De sublatione C'lementincB Utera.) — The resignation of benefices is only then to be considered regular, when it shall be proved per publica instrumenta vel documenta authentica. (11. De firma et irrevocabili Concordatorum stabilitate.) After having established this it was provided that this Concordat, if not ratified within six months, and accepted by the French prelates and parliament, shall not be valid. Et nibilominus pra'fato Fran- cisco — in virtute sancta' obedientisp mandamus, quatenus — pra^.sente8 literas — Chap. I. Papacy. § 134. Leo X. 253 asserting on the other hand the unlimited power of the Pope.^^ publicari, et ea inviolabiliter observari facial, contradictores, cujuscunque dignitatis et prseminentiae fuerint, per censuras ecclesiasticas et pecuniarias poenas, aliaque juris et facti qusvis opportuna remedia (appellatioiie qualibet oinnino postposita) compescendo. Besides this Concordat some other matters were settled at Bologna, Coinp. Ce que le Pape octroya au Roy and Capita tractalus circa C'oncordata in Leibnitii Mantissa Cod. jur. gentium I. p. 158 seq. and M il n c h s Concordate, Th. 1. S. 219 ff. The Pope remitted a debt contracted by Louis XII. and bestowed various privileges and indulgences on the king, une decime and la croisade (Cap. tractatus, § 10. De Decima Papa concedit, ut, si qua; pars debeat dari Papae pro fabrica basilicas Principis Apostoloruni de urbe [catera sit'\ relicta libertati ipsius Regis. De Cruciata Papa est paratus concedei'e, dummodo pecunia; depo- nantur penes idoneos mercatores, convertendae pro sancta expeditione contra Tur- cas). The king on his part was obliged to approve the revival of the Annates, though this is passed over in silence in the Concordats (Cap. tractatus, § 6, quod Papa mittat unurn Legatum in Regnum Francias, qui una cum aliquibus Praslatis, deputandis per Regem Franciae, taxas Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum omnium moderetur augendo vel minuendo, etiam apud Monasteria, quae in libris Camerae apostolicfe taxata non reperiuntur : et interim servetur taxa libri dicta; Camerae hactenus servata). ^3 In this same 11th Session, in the bull confii'med by the council, Pastor ceter- nus (Labbeus et Cossart XIV. p. 309) : Pastor aeternus — migraturus ex mundo ad Patrem, in soliditate petra; Petrum ejusque successores vicarios suos instituit, quibus ex libri regum testimonio ita obedire necesse est, ut qui non obedient, niorte moriatur. Et ut alibi legitur, in Ecclesia esse non potest, qui Romani Pon- titicis cathedram deserit. — Sane felicis recordationis Julius Papa secundus — provide considerans cum eodem sacro Lateranensi Concilio Bituricensem regni Fi-ancia; corruptelam, quam illi pragmaticam sanctionem vocant, cum niaximo animarum periculo et scandalo,' ac dignitatis sedis Apostolica; detrimento et vili- pendio retroactis tcmporibus viguisse et adhuc vigere, — quamquam sanctio prae- fataex multis nullitati notorie subjaceret, — ex abundanti tamen cautela — Gallicos Praelatos, etc. — monuit et citavit, ut — coram eo et Concilio comparerent, causas- que dicerent, quare sanctio prafata — nulla et invalida declarari non deberet. Nos — ad summi Apostolatus apicem assumpti — terminum citationis — ad alium tunc expressum terminum jam diu effluxum in diversis sessionibus pluries proro- gavimus. Cum autem moniti et citati prsdicti — coram nobis et dicto Concilio non comparuerint, nee comparere curaverint, — possintque merito contumaces reputari : — nos mature attendentes, pragmaticam sanctionem, vel potius, ut dictum est, corruptelam, schismatis tempore a non habentibus potestatem editam, — et a clarae memoriaj Ludovico XI. Francoi-um Rege Christianissimo revocatam, cassa- tam, atque abolitam, auctoritatem, libertatem ac dignitatem dictae sedis violare ac diminuei-e, — ipsamque notorie nullitati subjacere, nulloque nisi alicujus temporis sen potius tolerantia; cujusdam adniiniculo fulciri ; — ab ejusdem impiobfe sanctio- nis extirpatione et totali annullatione, sine nostra et tantorum patrum in prtesenti Concilio congregatorum nota, ac nostra; et dictorum ilia utentium animarum peri- culo, abstinere sen desistere non posse, Augustine teste, judicamus atque cense- mus. — Nee illud nos movere debet, quod sanctio ipsa et in ea contenta in Basi- leensi Concilio edita, et ipso Concilio instante a Bituricensi congregatione receptata et acceptata fuerunt, cum ea omnia post translationem ejusdem Basileensis Concilii per fel. mem. Eugenium P. IV. — factam, a Basileensi conciliabulo facta exti- terint, ac propterea nullum robur habere potuerint : cum etiam solum Roraanum Pontificem pro tempore existentem, tanquam auctoritatem supra omnia Concilia habentem, tam Conciliorum indicendorum, ti-ansferendorum, ac dissolvendorum plenum jus et potestatem habere, nedum ex sacra; Scriptura; testimonio, dictis ss. Patrum ac aliorum Romanorum Pontificum, — sed propria etiam eorundem Conci- liorum confessione mauifeste constet. — Cupientes quoque hujusmodi negotium ad debitum finem perduci, — de apostolics potestatis plenitudine, eodem sacro appro- bante Concilio tenore pra;sentium prasfatam pragmaticam sanctionem seu corrupte- lam — nullius roboiis vel momenti fuisse et esse decernimus et declaramus. Necnon ad abundantiorem cautelam eandem Bituricensem sanctionem sive corrup- telam — revocamus, cassamus, — annullamus ac damnamus. — Et cum de necessi- 254 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Great as was the indignation excited by this in France, there seemed no chance of resisting successfully the alliance of the highest tempo- ral with the highest ecclesiastical power.-'^ Thus the papal power tate salutis existat, omnes Christi fuleles Romano Pontifici subesse, prout divinaj Scriptura; et ss. Patruni tesliinonio edoceimii-, ac conslitutione fel. nieiii. Bonifacii P. VIII. — qua; iiicipit Unam sanctam declaiatur : pro eoruiuleiii fideliuni ani- niarum salute, ac Roiiiaiii Pontiticis et hiijus saiicta' sedis suprema auctoritate, et Ecclesia; sponsa' suaj uiiitate et potestate constitutioneni ipsain sacro praesente Concilio approbante innovamus et approbamus, sine tainen prajudicio sanctae nieinoi'ia; Clcmcnti P. V., quae incipit Meruit (see § 95, note 2) : inhibentes in virtute sanctae obcdienlia, ac sub paniis et censuiis inlia dicendis omnibus et singulis Christi lidelibus — in pra-fato reono FranciK, Delpbinatu, et ubicunque pra;dicta prafrmatica — vigcret, quomodolibet existentibus, — ne de CKtero pi'Kf'ata pragmatica sanctione, seu polius corruptela, quomodolibet — uti — praesumant, — nee pra^fatam pragmaticam sanctionem, aut in ea contenta capitula seu decreta ultcrius in domibus suis, aut aliis locis publicis vel privatis teneant : quinimo illam ex quibusvis archivis, etiani regiis, seu capitularibus, et locis prajdictis infi-a sex menses a data praesentium computandos deleant seu deleri faciant, sub majoris excommunicationis lata; sententiiE, necnon quoad ecclesiasficas — personas — om- nium — dignitatum aut beneticiorum ccclesiasticorum saecularium, et quorumvis ordinum regulaiium privalionis, et inbabilitatis ad ilia in posterum obtinenda ; quo vero ad sa3culares praifalffi excommunicationis, necnon amissionis quorumcunque feudorum, tam a Romana quam alia Ecclesia — obtentorum, — inhabilitatisque ad omnes et singulos actus legitimos quomodolibet i'aciendos, inf'amesque ac cn- minis \xsk majestatis in jure expressis poenis eo ipso — incurrendis : a quibus — nisi a Romano Pontificc, — prsterquara in mortis articulo constituti, absolvi nequeant. ^^ Comp. Relation de ce qui se passa sur la publication et I'enregistrement dn Concordat au Parlcment de Paris (in Mtlnchs Sammlung aller Konkordate, Th. 1. S. 255, translated into Latin in Richerii hist. Coiicill. lib. IV. P. II. cap. 4, § 13). In February, 1517, the king convened a great assembly of the prelates, the parliament, and the learned men from the university, and laid before them, through his Chancellor, a history of the Concordat he had made with the Pope. He speaks first of the hostility of the Popes to the king and to the Pragmatic Sanction, and of the summons to the king and the Fi'ench church to appear before the Council of the Lateran. It was plain to all that an attempt to defend the Sanction in Rome would end in its being condemned, parceque I'assemblee de Latran n'etait comi)os6e que de courtisans de la cour de Rome, qui t\ cause de leur extreme avarice, et de leur ambition avaient la pragmatique en horreur, et efaient resolus de I'aneantir a droit ou a tort. 11 paiaissait done plus avantageux de se laisser condamner par defaut et sans que la parlie fut entendue. Mais comme je Roi savait que, s'il voulait s'opposer k I'abolition de la pragmatique, Leon X. avec son assemblee de Latran proccderait contre lui et centre son Royaume par des censures et par des intei-dits, et que si ces interdits et ces censures subsistaient une annee entiere, il s'en suiviait contre I'eglise gallicane une condamnation de schisme et d'heresie, et que le Pontife Romain, ayant recours a la ruse et aux ligues, k I'exemple de Jules II., livrerait en proie le Royaume de France. II voyait aussi, qu'il n'avait aucun moyen d'empccher I'abrogation de la pragmatique, et il n'igno- rait pas, que, s'il n'y consentait, la France sei-ait bientot livree au trouble et k la confusion, qui y regnaieut avant le Concile de Constance et de Basle a. cause des abus insupportables des reserves et des graces expectatives. Enfin, pour rem6- dier <\ tous ces inconvcniens, pour s'assurer ainsi qu'aux princes du Royaume et k toute son armee un retour facile et tranquille en France, pour dissiper les ligues faites contre lui, le Royaume de France, et ses principautes d'ltalie, Francois ler fut force de traiter avec le Pape Leon X. ; et malgr6 tous ses efforts il ne put le faire, qu'en consentant k I'abolition de la pragmatique et k I'institution des Concor- dats. In an edict of May 12, 1517 (in Leihiitii Mantissa cod. jur. gent. P. I. p. 161 seq., and in Milnch, Th. 1, S. 224), the king then published the concordat. In this he says again that as the Pragmatic Sanction could not he retained, he ■was obliged to take measures to prevent the recurrence of the disorders which prevailed before its introduction. This he had efTccted by means of the concordat, Chap. I. Papacy. § 134. Leo X. 255 seemed at length completely to have vanquished the hostile spirit which had appeared at the Councils of" Constance and Basil, and had found a refuge chiefly in France ; and yet at this very moment it was on the brink of its deepest fall. namely, so ut pleraque pragmaticas sanctionis capita firma nobis posthac rataque futura sint. — Quod vero ad eleclioncs pertinet, niinime quod optabamus obtinere potuiinus, causis in dictis conventis latissinie insci-tis. The parliament, however, refused to register and publish the concordat, and issued two successive remon- strances against it, addressed to the king (in Leibnitii Mantissa, P. II. p. 335 seq., and in Monch, Th. 1. S. 268 ff.). In these the revival of the Annates in partic- ular is protested against, which was likely evacuer en peu de temps ce Royaume d'or, d'argent et de linances, and which ne se pourroit practiquer sans commettre le peche de Simonie. In like manner against the provision, que les grandes causes, les causes des Cardinaux et officiers de Cour de Home ne seront traictees en ce Royaume, mais en la dicte Cour, the dangerous consequences of which are shown ; further against the provision that the Pope is to fill up those places, qui vacque- ront par mort en Cour de Rome ; that nothing was given up but the reservation of the beneticia vacatura, which could therefore be reserved post illorum vacationem. Then follow remonstrances against the abolition of the elections of bishops and abbots, a right which is affirmed to be moult ancien, et fonde en droict divin. Finally, the dangers are set forth which lie in the bull abolishing the Pragmatic Sanction. The two remonstrances close with the declaration, que les diets Con- cordats sont contre I'hormeur de Dieu, les libertes de I'Eglise, I'honneur du Roy et le bien public de son Royaume. Still the king persisted in his desire to have it confirmed, and became more and moi-e positive therein. The parliament appealed on the 19th of March, 1518 (see the Relation in Munch, Th. 1. S. 267) au Pape raieux conseille, et au premier concile general legiliment assemble, and the king nevertheless having caused the concordat to be published in parliament on the 22d of March, the appeal was repeated on tlje 24th (see the appendix to the Relation of this day, which in Munch is wanting, in the Latin translation in Richer.). The example was followed by the university of Paris on the 27th of March, 1518 (stylo gall. 1517), which also appealed a Domino nostro Papa non recte consulto, et jam dicti sacii Basileensis Concilii et ei adha;renlis pi-agmatica sanctionis sta- tutorum abrogatione, novorum statutoruni editione, consensus praistatione, et attentata illorum quadam publicatione, et omnibus inde sequutis et sequutuiis — ad futurum Concilium legitime ac in loco tufo [congregatum], et quod libere et cum securitate — adire poterimus, et ad ilium vel ad illos, ad quem seu ad quos de jure — vel alias nobis provocare et appellare licet. (The text of this appeal in Leibnitii Mantissa, T. II. p. 358 seq., and thence in Mtlnch, Th. 1, S. 307, is incorrect, and, in many passages, unintelligible : a purer text in Richerii hist. Concill. lib. IV. P. II. c. 4, § 14, and in the Preuves des Libertez de I'eglise gallicane. chap. XIII. no. 18). Both appeals were made ineffectual by the power of the king : still the feeling against the concordats continued long to exist. Thus Gilbertus Genebrardus (professor of the Hebrew language in Paris, from 1593, archbishop of Aix, 'f 1597) Chronographia, Paris. 1580. fol. ad ann. 1515, says of Leo X. : Pragmaticam sanctionem sustulit, Concordata qua? vocantur cum Rege Francisco agitans de nominatione Episcoporum et Abbatum, specioso prKtextu, ut Rex propter eleclionem abusus — nominare teneretur : revera autem ageretur niysterium illud iniquitatis, quo perditam Ecclesiam Gallicanam cernimus, and further on : Anno 1516 abrogata est in Galliis pragmatica sanctio, et Concordata, ut vocant, substituuntur, fremente universo clero, scholasticis, populo, bonis deni- que et doctis omnibus. He wrote also De sacrarum electionum jure et necessi- tate ad Ecclesia; Gallicanse redintegrationuin, which work, however, was con- demned to be burned. 256 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. <§> 135. GENERAL VIEW OF THE STATE OF PAPACY. From the lime of the Councils of Constance and Basil a new view of the papal power began to establish itself in the church, according to which it was regarded as a limited monarchy, checked and re- strained by an ecclesiastical aristocracy, instead of an absolute mon- archy, as it had hitherto been considered. ^ These two opposing I Of the various theories of the time, see Gerson de potest, ecclesiastica (written in Constance during the council) consid. Xll. (Opp. ed. du Pin, II. p. 246) : Po- testas ecclesiastica papalis non ita habent dominia et jura terreni siniul et coelestis imperii, quod possit ad liljituin suum de bonis Clericorum et multo minus laTcoruni disponere ; quamvis concedi debcat, quod habet in eis doniiniuiii quoddam regiti- vum, directivum, regulativum, ct ordinalivum. Declarationem hujus considera- tionis, quam discretio iiioderatiix atque mediatiix ponit inter errores oppositos, dum facere ineditarer, occurrere visa est prolinus in ipso mcditationis mea; secrete du- plex improba pestis. Nomen unius Detractio livida, nomen alterius Adulatio sub- dola : prima potestatem ecclesiasticam deprimens subjiciebat temporali ; altera sustollebat in immensum, velut ad similitudinem Altissimi, confundens jura cujus- libet alterius potestatis. ToUe, tolle, clamat Detractio, temporalitatem omnem, jus vel dominium ab Ecclesiasticis. Quare ? quia sic instituit Christus, cujus ista vox est: JS'^isi quis renuntinvcrit omnibus, qua possidet, non potest meus esse dtsci- pulus (Luc. xiv. 33). — Addit Detractio, quod Ecclesiastici nequaquam capaces sunt jurisdictionis temporalis, etiamsi Principes illis conferre voluerint. Inducit Apostolum, quia Nemo militans Deoimplicat se negot'iis saecularibus (2 Ti7n. ii. 2). Addit Detractio, nihil habere Ecclesiasticos, neque decimas neque oblationes, quantominus alias dotationes vel possessiones, nisi ex pura eleemosyna donantium : et quod ab Ecclesiasticis peccantibus, saltem habitualiter, possent per saecularem potestatem optimo jure tolli ; quia data est potestas hac sKcularis in vindictam malefactorum, neque sine causa gladium portat (Rom. xiii. 4). Addit quarto innitens Apostoli verbis : babcntcs alimenta et quibus tegamur, his content! simus (1 Tim. vi. 8), quia quicquid habent Ecclesiastici ultra simplicem victum et vestitum, totum illud est pauperum, cujus retentio nedum furtum vel rapina simplex est, sed sacri- legium. — Vult tandem Detractio Ecclesiasticos omnes ad illam Apostolorum et discipuloruiii primam paupcrtatem sine equis, sine thesauris, sine calceamentis, sine possessionibus de necessitate salutis redigere, execrans in Ecclesiasticis pom- pam omnem. — Consurgit ex adverso blandiens et subdola Adulatio, et ad aures Ecclesiasticoruni, pra;cipue summi Pontificis, insusurrans : o quanta est, quanta sublimitas ecclesiasticae potesfatis tuaj ! o sacer Clere, quam nihil est saecularis auctoritas tu.-p comparata ! Quoniam, sicut Chrislo collata est omnis potestas in coelo et in teri-a, sic eam Christus omnem Petro suisque successoribus dereliquit. Unde et nee Constantinus quidquam Sylvestro Papae contulit, quod non esset prius suum, sed reddidit iujuste detentum. Porro sicut non est potestas nisi a Deo (Mom. xiii. 1), sic nee aliqua temporalis vel ecclesiastica, impeiialis vel regalis, nisi a Papa, in cujus femore scripsit Christus : Rex Regum, Dominus Dominantium (1 Tim. vi. 15). De cujus potestate disputare instar sacrilegii est : cui neque quisquam dicere potest: cur ita facis ? si etiam temporalia omnia, si ecclesiastica bona atque dominia nnitaverit, diripuerit, distraxerit. Mentior, si non inveniuntur hsc scripta, ab illis etiam, qui sapientes sunt in oculis suis; si prasterea non inve- niuntur fuissc per alicjuos summos Pontilices htec credita. Notum est illud Saty- rici : Nihil est quod credere de se non possit cum laudatur diis squa potestas ; et ilhid Comici de adulatorc : hie profecto ex stultis insanos facit. Sentiens autem Adulatio quandoque nimis se cognosci, studet quasi modestiori sermone depressius uli, ul credibilior appareat. Concedit sajculari potestali possessiones et jurisdic- tiones proprias, quas tollere nequit pro libito Papa; recognoscit, Constantinum, vel alios Principes aliquid Ecclesias noviter contulisse : nihilominus tradit, quod sum- Chap. I. Papacy. § 135. General view of. 257 views gave rise to incessant controversies ; general councils against general councils, and writer against writer. On the one side were the Councils of Constance and Basil ; on the other, those of Florence and the fifth Lalcran Council.- The most remarkable controversy between writers is that between Thomas de Vio Cajeta- nus, and the doctor of the Sorbonne, James Almainus, at the close of this period.^ The leading principles of the new system were, that mus Pontifex suprcmus est Monarcha, nedum in spiritualibus, sed temporalibus, habens potestatejii banc immediate a Christo, sed alii Reges omnes et Principes suam lecipiunt doiiiiiialionem ab co, et solum mediate a Deo. Alioquin, ait, nion- struosus esset hie mundus, si haberet tot capita, qua; non sub unico regeientur, rediretque Manichsi deliramentum, ponentis duo principia, unum bonorum et spi- ritualium, aliud maloium et tempoialium. Unde et sicut corpus est propter ani- mam, et ab anima vi\ it et rcgitur ; sic potestas sascularis propter spiritualem, a qua recipit suuiii esse legitimum. Quam aucloritatem spiritualem qui negai.t vel im- pugnaut, sint intus, sint I'oris Ecclesiam, po^sunt gladio, vel spirituali excommuni- cationis, sicut Catholici, vel debellationis, sicut intideles, feriri, et eorum dominia vel bona in alios transferri. — Rursus animadvertens Adiilatio, durum esse multis hunc sermonem, et ideo minus credibilem, studet loqui restrictius, concedens, quod, sicut ante Petrum fuerunt apud intideles vera dominia, quemadmodum irrefragabilis auctoritas sacrse Scripturse et evangelica; narrationis testis est, sic non oportet nunc post Petrum, ut omnis potestas imperialis, regalis,vel altera sa?cularis sit immediate robur habens a summo Pontifice, sicut Rex Francorum Christianissinius superiorem hoc modo non habet, nee recognoscit in terris. Idcirco transfert verbum suum Adu- latio loqui de dignitalibus, officii?, et bonis Ecclesiasticorum, qua; omnia sic subjicit summo Ponlifici, ut quidquid circa ea placuerit disponere mutando, transferendo, appropriando, hoc possit, hoc teneat, et ratum sit, licet hoc sine causa, licet cum peccato suo peregerit : quamvis peccatum circa hoc vult Adulatio longe a Papa sic facere, ut eum simoniani posse neget commitfere, quoniam sua sunt omnia eccle- siastica bona, concedit insuper quod super jus est, potens ab altero jus suum tollere ; et quod nee ab eo appellari, neque eum judicialiter evocari, nee obedientiam ab eo subtrahi, praesertim extra casum hsresis, sit aliquatenus possibile. Hie solus symbolum fidei condere, hie solus causas ejusdem lidei, et majores csteras tractare potest; solus, ut jam tactum est, definitiones, regulas, leges et canones condit: alioquin quidquid per alios definitur, decernitur, conditur, statuitur, irritum est et inane ; nee aliquid ex eis quas statuerit potest, nisi per ipsuin, quomodolibet cassari vel infiingi : ipsum vero aliena qualiscumque constitutio ligat nulla. Fallor, si non ante celebrationem hujus sacrosanctfe Constantiensis Synodi sic occupaverat mentes plurimorum, literalium magis quam literatorum, ista traditio, ut oppositorum dog- matizator fuisset de hoeretica pravitate vel notatus, vel damnatus. Hujus rei'Sig- num accipe, quia post declarationem ex theologiae principiis luce clariorem, et quod urgentius est, post determinationem et practicationem ejusdem sanctse Synodi inve- niuntur, qui talia palam asserere non paveant: tarn radicatum, etut cancer serpens tam medullitus imbibitum fuit hoc prises adulationis virus letiferum. '^ In the Definitio s. oecumenicae Synodi Florentias (Lahbei et Consar^ii Concilia. T. XUI. p. 515) we read : Item diffinimus, — ipsum Pontificem Romanum succes- sorem esse b. Petri, principis Apostolorum, et verum Christi vicarium, totiusque Ecclesise caput, et omnium Christianorum patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi in b. Petro pascendi, regendi, ac gubernandi universalem Ecclesiam a domino nostro Jesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse. 3 In opposition to the Synod of Pisa Cajetan wrote his tract, de comparatione auctoritatis Papa? et Concilii (also in Rocaberti biblioth. max. Pontificia. T. XIX. p. 443), A. D. 1511, in which he defends the papal system in the most unscrupu- lous manner. The Synod of Pisa sent his work, 10 Jan. 1512 (see in Richerii hist, concill. lib. IV. P. I. c. 2. § 9), to the university of Paris, with a letter, calling upon the university to answer it. On this, Jac. Almainus wrote his tract, de auctoritate Ecclesiae et Conciliorum generalium (in Gersonii 0pp. ed. du Pin II. p. 976) in June, 1512. Cajetan wrote again de comparata auctoritate Papae et VOL. III. 33 258 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the temporal power was independent of the ecclesiastical,'' that the highest power in the church was that of the general councils,^ which Concilii Apologia Partes II. (in Rocaherti XIX. p. 493), and later still, A. D. 1521, (le Roniani Pontiticis institutione ct auctoiitate (1. c. p. 526). Alniainus was hindered from answering by death (A. D. 1513). Cajetan was answered also by the doctor of the Sorbonne, Johannes Major, a Scotchman, in various writings printed in Gersoni 0pp. ed. dii Pin II. p. 1121 seq. ■• See JMcolai Ctisani do concord, cathol. (sec § 131, note 12) lib. III. in Schardii Syntagma tractattuini, p. 356 seq. Joannes Major comm. in Sentent. lib. IV. dist. 24 (reprinted in Gerxunii 0pp. ed. du Pin II. p. 1121), and Scholia in Evang. jMatthwi, cap. 16, written A. D. 1518 (under the title : disp. de pote- state Papa; in rebus temporalibus. ibid. p. 1145). Jac. Almaini Expositio circa decisiones M. Guil. Occam super potestate sumini Pontiticis ( Gersonii 0pp. II. p. 1013). * Gerson. de potest, eccl. consid. XI. (Opp, II. p. 243) : Potestas ecclesiastica in sua plenitudine est in Ecclesia, sicut in iine, et sicut in regulante applicatio- nem et usum hujusniodi plenitudinis ecclesiasticae potestatis per se ipsam, vel per gencrale Concilium, ipsam sutTicienter et legitime repraesentans. Constat itaque, datam fuisse Petio plcnitudinem ecclesiastica; potestatis a Christo ad a-dificatio- nem Ecclesia; sua;, sicut conformiter ad Apgstolum ponit descriptio. Proptcrea loquitur Augustinus cum aliis quibusdam, quod claves EcclesicB dates sunt nan uni, sed unitati, et quod dates sunt EcclesicB. — Potest etiam dici in Ecclesia vel in Concilio h.x'C plenitudo ecclesiastica; potestatis ncdum in se formaliter, sed aliis duobus niodis, videlicet quoad applicationem ad banc vel illam personam, et quoad usum regulandum, si fortassis in abusum verii quereretur. — Cum igitur sununus Pontifex habens earn subjective sit peccabilis, et possit banc potestatem in destructionem Ecclesis velle convertere ; similiter sacrum Collegium, quod ei datum est et coassistit quasi communitas aristocratica, non est in gratia vel fide conhrmatum : superest, ut aliqua sit relicta inobliquabilis et indeviabilis regula ab Optimo legislators Chiisto, secundum quam possit abusus hujusmodi potestatis rcprimi, dirigi atque moderari. H*c autem regula est vel Ecclesia, vel generale Concilium. — Hie fundantur ea multa, qu* per hoc sacrum Concilium (Constan- tiense) et constituta et praclicata sunt: ut quod Papa judicari potest et deponi per Concilium, etc. J\'icolaus Cusanus de concord, cathol. lib. II. c. 34, in Schardius, p. 349 : Si universalis catholica Ecclesia infallibiliter per Christi assi- stentiam dirigitur ; tunc concurrente omnium Christianorum consensu ad quam- cunque conclusionem necessitalem salutis includentem, necessario sequitur, illam cliristianani, fideiem et S'l'ram. Universale vcro Concilium dictans talem con- clusionem consensu et legatione omnium fidelium, necessario ex Christi assistentia et Spiritu Sancto inspirante vcre et infallibiliter dictat eandem. — Omnes autem provinciales Synodos, ac etiam Romanos Pontitices hoc privilegium non attingit. p. 351: Nee fuit Pctrus ex illo primatu Ecclesiie major: quoniam ipse ab Ec- clesa et propter earn nonunatur secinidum Augustinum. — Quare ilia Petri majo- ritas non fuit njajoritas supi-a, sed infra Ecclesiam. Unde licet os sive caput esset Apostoloruiu ac Ecclesia;, — tamen nihiloiuinus tamquam membrum subfuit. — Unitas iidclium est ilia, ad cujus servitium et observantiam prajsidentia est super singulos. Hinc unitas fidelium, quam nos Ecclesiam dicimus, sive uni- versale Concilium catholica; Ecclesia: ipsam repraesentans est supra suum mini- strum ac singuloruin pra;sidem. Andreas Episc. Megarensis Gubernac. Concill. (see § 131, note 19) in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. VI, IV. p. 147 : base plenitudo potestatis papalis non fuit data Petro, ut Pctro, sed fuit data universali Ecclesiae. p. 162: quando Petrus claves accepit, has potius tota Ecclesia suppositaliter acce- pit in ipso Petro, sive per ipsum Petrum, et ipse Petrus claves accepit in typo, mystice ; et ministerialiter ab ipsa Ecclesia universaU. Claves enim, quas Eccle- sia non poterat per omnes excrccre universaliter, voluit quod exequerentur per Petrum et ejus successores particulariter. p. 15S : potestas universalis Ecclesiie seu Synodi generalis convocata' canonice est major, quam potestas Papas : — quia potestas Concilii est a Deo, Christo Jesu immediate, duntaxat ; et potestas Papae est a Christo et Conciliis. Alphonsus Tosiatus (teacher in Salamanca, then Episc. Abulensis and counsellor to the king, "f 1454) comm. in Numer. c. 15, quaest. Chap. I, Papacy. § 135. General view of . 259 for the most part were supposed to be infallible;*' that the Pope was 48 : Claves Ecclesise datae sunt a Christo toti Ecclesiae : quia tamen non poterat tota Ecclesia dispensare illas, cum non esset aliqua persona, tradidit eas Petro nomine Ecclesia;. Si tamen intelligeretur, claves tradilas esse Petro specialiter, non solum sequeretur inconveniens commune, quod alii Apostoli non habuissent aliquam auctoritatein clavium, quod fulsuin est, quia illis data est potestas remit- tendi peccata, ut patet Joannis 20, cap. scil. accipite Spiritum Sanctum, et quorum remiseritis peccata, remissa erunt, et quonun retinueritis, i-etentu erunt : ista tamen est sola potestas clavis : ergo alii Apostoli susceperunt claves. Sed aliud inconveniens majus erat, scil. quod defuncto Petro non mansissent claves, quod necesse erat, si soli Petro data; fuissent, et non solum si ipsi soli, sed etiam si omnibus Apostolis datae fuissent claves specialiter tanquam dcterminatis personis, defunctis illis non mansissent claves in Ecclesia, quia isti non habebant potestatem dandi aliis claves, facicndo eos successores suos, cum nemo posset Pra;latum suc- cessorem sibi facere. Et tamen omnes successores b. Petri et aliorum Episcopo- rum habent claves, sicut habuit Petrus et alii Apostoli : ergo non fuerunt datae claves illis tanquam determinatis personis, sed tanquam ministris Ecclesias, et tunc magis dabantur claves Ecclesis, cum Ecclesia, qua; habet ipsas radicaliter, nun- quam moriatur. QuKst. 49 : Ecclesia suscepit claves a Christo, et Apostoli tan- quam ministri Ecclesia; ; et nunc Ecclesia illas habet, et Praelati etiam, sed aliter Ecclesia quam Pra'lati : nam Ecclesia habet secundum originem et virlutem, Prffilati autem habent secundum usum earum. Dicitur Eccle.-ia habere secundum virtutem claves, quia potest illas conferre Prajlato per electionem : — Ecclesia autem a nuUo suscipit, postquani semel a Christo suscepit, ideo illas per originem et virtutem habet. Prtef. ad Evang. b. Matthcei in referring to the Council of the Apostles : Hoc factum est Spiritu S. dictante, ut recognosceretur per hoc auctoritas et potestas Concilii generalis, qua nulla est major super terram, et non potest errare in perlinentibus ad tidem, nee errat in pertinentibus ad mores. Qui- libet autem homo, quantumcunque sanctUs et quantscunque potestatis potest errare in fide et eflici haereticus. Sicut de multis summis Pontificibus legimus, ut de Liberio, de Joanne XXII., et aliis quibusdam. Diojiysius Carthusianus (properly de Leewis of Ryckel, a Carthusian in Rtn-emonde, "f 1471) de auctori- tate Paps et Concilii, lib. I. art. 31 : Concilium gcnerale nonnisi propter causas singulariter magnas et arduas, utputa qua; aliter congrue cxpediri non queunt, congregandum celebrandumque esse omnes fatentur. Porro ha; causfe sunt extir- patio ha;retica; pravitatis ac schismatis, declaratio fidei atque editio symboli ejus, universalis reformatio Ecclesia; in capite et in membris. Itaque in expeditione istorum major dicitur potestas Concilii generalis quam Papa;, quoniam Christus promisit Ecclesise seu Concilio ipsam repra^sentanti infallibilem directionem et glo- riosam assistentiam incessantem ; ita quod errare non potest in fide, neque in his, quse ad bonos pertinent mores, eo quod in talium determinatione rcgatur imme- diate a Spiritu Sancto. Unde et Papa in talibus tenetur stare determinationi Ecclesiae, seu statuto Concilii, tanquam ordinationi et sententijE Spiritus Sancti. Cumque Papa possit errare in fide et moribus et ca;teris, quae sunt de necessitate salutis ; ejus judicio non videtur ultimate et certitudinaliter standum in istis, cum non sit infallibilis regula, neque indeviabilc fundamentum. Jac. Ahnainus de auct. Eccl. et Concill. generall. c. 7 seq. (0pp. Gersonii II. p. 989 seq.). ^ The infallibility of general councils was presented to the Council of Con- stance only as a disputed opinion of the schools, and therefore was denied without offence by Petrus de AUiaco, see above, § 130, note 4. After that time the doc- trine was carried out more completely, see (Blau's) krit. Gesch. der kirchl. Unfehlbarkeit, Frankf. a. M. 1791. S. 240 ff., and maintained by John Gerson, Alphonso Tostatus, Dionysius Carthusianus, Nicolas Cusanus. Others again con- sidered the church infallible, but not particular councils, thus Joannes Breviscoxa (Doctor Paris, from 1420 bishop of Paris, from 1422 bishop of Geneva) tract, de fide, Ecclesia, Romano Pontifice et Concilio. Art. 3 in Gersoni 0pp. ed. du Pin I. p. 898; Thomas jYetterus Waldensis (Carmelite in England, 'f 1430) doctri- nale antiquitatum fidei cathol. adv. Wiclevitas et Hussitas. T. I. lib. II. c. 19, 27; JVicolaus de Tudesco, Archiep. Panormitanus (celebi-ated as a member of the Council of Basil, and as a writer on the canons under the name of Abbas or Panormitanus) comm. in Decretal, lib. I. Tit. 6, c. 4 ; .Antoninus Archiep. Flo- 260 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. inferior to these as only the caput ministeriale Ecclesiae, and having no power to make laws," and that appeals could be made from him to such a council ; '^ finally, that the episcopal powers do not flow from that of the Pope, but that both rested on the same foundation.'-* But rcntiniis Summa theol. P. III. Tit. 2.3, o. 2, § 6, see Blau, 1. c. S. 241 ff. By dejirees, however, the doctrine of tlie iiifallihility of gencial counciU as oj)posed to that of the infalHbiMty of the Pope, hecaine general amongst the more liberal theologians. See Jac. ./llmainKS de aiict. Eccl. et Cone. gen. c. 10 ( Gersonii opp. ll. p. 1001) : Papa potest errare erroi-e judiciaJi, de ei-rore personal! omnibus notum est. Probatur ista jjropo^ilio : duo sunniii Pontifices determinaverunt coji- traria, etiam in his, qua- (idem tangunt, ergo alter eorum ei-ravit errore jiidiciali. Antecedens patct de .Joanne XXII. et Nieolao, quorum unus deternjinavit judici- aliter, Christum et Aposiolos nihil ha])uisse in comiiiuni, nee in proprio ; alter oppositum, ut videre est in eorum extravagantibus. Secundo Innoccnlius HI. et Ca;lestinus determinaverunt contraria super ista propositione : uno conjuguin ad haeresim transeunte, alter qui remanet in fide potest ad secunda vota transire. Determinatio Innocentii III., quod non ])otcst, ponitur in cap. Quanta, De divor- tiis. Determinatio Cadestini, ut (licit (ilossa in eodem Cap. olim ponebatur in Decretalibus de conversioiie conju^atorum in fine. Tertio, aliqui statuerunt contra Evangelium, ut Pelagius, qui fecit constitutionem, quod omnes Subdiaconi Sicilia; a suis uxoribus abstinerent, quas in minoribus Ordinibus duxerant, aut ab otFicio cessarent : quam (quia erat iniqua et contr# Evangelium) retractavit Grego- rius I., ejus successor, ut patet 31 Dist. Can. Ante triennium, in textu et in glossa. — Ex his satis patet, quod summus Pontifex potest errare, scntentiando in materia fidei. — Sequitur secundo, quod ultima resolutio in his quaj fidei sunt, non spectat ad summuin Pontificem. — Concilium universale in his qua fidei sunt errare non potest, et sic ad ipsum ultima fidei decisio spectat. ■^ See note 5. Gerson. de modis uniendi ac reformandi Ecclesiam in Cone, univ. c. 2, see § 130, note 1. Responsio synodalis Cone. Basil, ann. 1432 (see § 131, note 14), in Mansi XXIX. p. 249: Etsi sit caput ministeriale Ecdesia, non tamen est major tota Ecclesia. The question how far the papal ordinances are binding, discussed in Gerson. de potest, eccl. consid. IV. (Opp. II. p. 232) : Ecclesia potest condere leges obligantes, et regulantes etiam ipsum Papam, tarn quoad personam, quam respectu usus potestatis. Non sic e contra potest Papa judicare totam Ecclesiam, vcl usum sua^ potestatis limitare : immo si Papa condat leges et canones, videtur observandum illud quod dicit Augustinus : le^es insti- tuuntur cum promul^antur, firmantur autem cum muribus utentium appro- bantur. Hoc enim dicitur ad reprimendam pra;sumptionem quorundam sumnio- rum Pontificum vel cis adulantium, etc. A''icoIaus Cusanus de concord, cath. lib. II. c. 9 : Ecclesiastici canones non possunt ni~i per ecclesiasticam congregatio- ncm, quae Synodus vel coetu.s dicitur, slatui. Et idco nisi, quicunque ille fuerit, aut Papa, aut Patriarcha, decreta secundum canones ecclesiasticos promulgaverit, non possunt ilia statuta, canones, sive ecclesiastica statuta vocari ; et nihil habent firmitatis, cujuscunque particularis statuta, nisi in quantum per acceptationem et usum seu consensum confirmentur, sen canonibus consentiant. Almainus de auct. Eccl. et Cone. gen. c. 12 (Gersonii opp. II. p. 1008): Summus Pontifex non solum deponi potest ab Ecclesia seu Concilio pro haeresi, verum etiam et pro alio crimine nolorio Ecclesiam scandalizante. * This was one of the points that was most loudly and most frequently discussed between the two parlies. Martin V. had condemned such appeals at Constance, which had called forth Gerson's work, see § 130, note 23. Pius II. condemned them anew, see § 132, note 26, but likewise was opposed, namely, by Gregory of Heimburg, see ibid, note 29. '■> Gerson de potest, eccl. Epilogi Conclus. 2 (Opp. II. p. 256) : Nee tamen plenitude potestatis papalis sic intelligenda est immediate super omnes Christianos, quod pro libito possit innnediate jurisdictionem in omnes per se vel alios extraordi- narios passim excrcere : sic enim pra-judicaret Ordinariis, qui jus habent immedia- tius, immo immediatissimum super plebes eis commissas, actus hierarchios exer- cendi. Extenditur igitur plenitudo potestatis Papae super omnes inferiores solum Chap. I. Papacy. § 135. General vieio of. 261 although the arguments for this view were drawn chiefly from such of the older church rules as had been retained in the usual collec- tions, and this circumstance might well have led to a more thorough historical investigation ; the defenders of the new theory rested their cause almost entirely on dogmatical grounds. Some individuals, it is true, went further on the true path ; the fraud of the Pseudo- Isidore, and of the investiture by Constantine, was acknowledged by many, and this last loudly proclaimed by Laurentius Valla : ^^ still these discoveries were confined to a few, and were made no use of by those few ; and thus the most powerful weapon that could be wielded against the popes, that of history, lay as yet untouched. Whilst this new system, which was carried furthest ni France, was considered the foundation of all true freedom in the church, the old papal system found defenders enough, who, attached to the Pope either by favors received or hoped for,ii and excited by opposition, dum subest necessitas ex defectu Ordinariorum inferiopum, vel dum apparet evi- dens utilitas EcclesiK. JKlcol. Ciisanus de concord, cath. lib. II. c. 13 : Pro investigando veritatem illius, an scilicet de jure positive omnes Pra;lati inferiores Papa derivative, scil. ab ipso Papa, jurisdictionem habeant; — oportet prinio, si hoc verum foret, Petrum aliquid a Christo singularitatis recepisse, et Papam in hoc successorem esse. Sed scimus, quod Petrus nihil plus potestatis a Christo recepit aliis Apostolis.— Nihil enim dictum est ad Petrum, quod etiam aliis dictum non sit. — Ideo recte dicimus, omnes Apostolos in potestate cum Petro a;quales. — Unde cum potestas ligandi et solvendi, in qua I'undatur omnis ecclesiastica juris- dictio, sit immediate a Christo; — et quia ab ilia potestate ligandi et solvendi est divine jurisdictionis potestas; patet, omnes Episcopos, et forte etiam Presbyteros aequalis potestatis esse quoad jurisdictionem, licet non exequutionis. Quod quidem exercitium exequutivum sub certis positivis terminis clauditur et restringitur propter melius et causam cum majori parte perducendi omnes homines ad finem suum, scil. Deum : ob quem finem finaliter omnis potestas, ct jurisdictio, et statuta huiTiana per media proportionata tempori et loco tendere debent. Unde cessante causa statuti illius, — puta vel ob negligentiam inferiorum, vel necessitatem, tunc cessant ilia positiva jura. — Quare dicimus, — quod omnes Episcopi unius sunt potestatis et dignitatis : quae supra sunt, scil. Archiepiscopalis, Patriarchalis, et Papalis sunt administrationes. — Quare hoc solum singularitatis in Petro invenie- mus, quod ipse fuit major in administratione, ad quam volentibus Apostolis a Christo est electus, quia senior. — Sicut principatus Petri a legatione Christi depen- debat, ita et omnium Episcoporum : — quare qui eos audit, Christum audit.— Apostolicum pra»ceptum habent omnes Episcopi regendi se et gregem. — Si dicis, Papam subditos Episcoporum absolvere et ligare, dico idem in aliis, quando con- sensus propriorum intervenit. Actus enim, aliter nullus, per consensum aut gra- tificationem proprii sacerdotis in hac materia validus eificitur. — Cum ergo usu communi sit hoc introductum, et ex usu consensus elicitur, patet quod etficacia hujus vigorem ex consensu recipit. — Igitur non legitur, antiques Romanos Ponti- fices se de his intromisisse, et talia confessionalia et alia consimilia concessisse, et forte non fuisset perniissum. Unde si Concilium Africanum, cui se subscripsit s. Augustinus, non admisit appellationem a Synodo ad Papam (see vol. I. § 92, note 53), — quomodo tunc admisissent ista, et ea qua; hodie exorbitanter fiunt .' Sed quia consensus ex usu longaevo hoc nunc introduxit, valida ilia sunt quoad anima- rum salutem, quam diu patiuntur : tolli autem possent per Concilium, et hoc refor- matio deposcit. — Et dum banc partem defendimus, quod Papa non est universalis Episcopus, sed super alios primus, et sacrorum Conciliorum non in Papa, sed in consensu omnium vigorem fundamus : tunc quia veritatem defendimus, et unicui- que suum honorem reservamus, recte Papam honoramus. '0 See Div. I. § 20, note 15. " Thomas de Corsellis says in an oration delivered at Basil (JEneas Sylvius de Cone. Basil, lib. I. ed. Cattopoli. 1667. p. 19) : Sunt aliqui, sive avidi gloriae, 262 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. were ready to go any lengths in its support, without shrinking from any consequences of their arguments, however revolting.^- They maintained that the papal power was above all powers on earth ; ^^ sive quod adulando praemia exspectant, qui peregrinas quasdara et omnino novas pra;dicare doctriiias coeperunt, ipsumque summum Pontificein ex jurisdictione sacri Concilii dcmere non vercntur. Excoecavit namque illos aiiibitio, a qua non solum hoc modenium, sed oiniiia usque in banc diem schismata suborta reperiun- tur. — Alius clamat, subditorum facta judicaii a Papa, Romanum vero Pontificem solius Dei reservari arbitiio. Alius die-it, quia priniam sedcm nemo judicabit. — Alius vero asserere non veretiir, Romanum Pontificem, quainvis animas caterva- tim secum ad inferos traliat, nullius reprebcnsioni tore subjcctum. Nee considerant miseri, quia qua; prasdicant laiitopere verba aut ipsorum sununorum Pontificum sunt, suas fimbrias extcndentium, aut illoruni, qui cis adulabantur. Jacobi de Paradiso (a Carthusian and Doctor of Theology at Erfurlh) collectum de septem statibus Ecclesia; in Apocalj'psi mystice descriptis (written 1449) in Walrhii monim. medii aevi, vol. II. fasc. 2, p. 43 seq., see below, note 31. Joannes Major (see note 2) comm. in Matth. c. 18, in Gerso7iii 0pp. II. p. 1144 : Quod vero plures Pontificem extollant quam Concilium, non mirabeiis. Concilium raro congregatur, nee dat dignitatcs ecclesiasticas. Papa dat eas : hinc homines ei blandiuntur, dicentes, quod solus potest onniia quadrare I'otunda, et rotundare quadrata, tam in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus. ^^ The most conspicuous of these writers, in the fifteenth century, is Joannes de Turrccremata, a Dominican, Magister s. Palatii, who was sent as papal ambassa- dor to the Council of Basil, was very active at the Council of Florence, from 1439 Cardinal, "f 1463. In opposition to the Council of Basil he wrote his Summa de Ecclesia et ejus auctoritate libb. IV. (Lugd. 1496. Venet. 1561), of which lib. II. de potestate Papali, and lib. III. de Conciliis are given in Rocaberti biblioth. max. pontificia, T. XIII. p. 281, where also we find, p. 57.5, ejusd. de summi Pontificis et generalis Concilii potestate, ad Basileensium Oratorem in Florentina Synodo responsio, viva voce exhibita. Of Cajetan, see above, note 3. " Jo. de Turrecremata, Lib. II. c. 52, gives the following view of the plenitude of the power of the Pope. Namely, primo ostenditur ex his, ex quibus excellentia papalis dignitatis sive principatus nobis figuraliter describitur. — Secundo ostendi- tur — in extensione principatus sui : extenditur enim in totum orbem terrarum, nullus enim fidelis in toto orbe christiano eximitur ab ejus principatu. — Tertio — ostenditur in potestate clavium in foro conscientia-. Extenditur enim potestas cla- vium in co ad omnia loca, ad omnes personas, ad omnes casus. — Quaito — osten- ditur in clavibus judiciaria- potcstalis in foro exteriori. Valet enim de onmibus personis orbis christiani, cujuscumque status aut conditionis existant, judicare : est enim judex totius Ecclesia-. — Cum enim Romanus Pontifex caput totius Christianae communitatis princeps existat ; ejus non tantum est promovere ea et ordinare, quae ad bonum i-eipublica;, et consecutioncm supernre beatitudinis, quae finis ultimus Christianorum est, conferunt, sed ea tollere et submovere pi-ohibcndo et corrigendo, quae ad niotionem ad talem finem fideles impediunt. — Quinto plenitudo potestatis Romani Pontificis ostenditur in depositione Episcoporum. — Sexto — in hoc, quod ejus potestas a nulla potestate humana exceditur, vel superatur ; sed ipsa omnem aliam excedit et supeiat. — 7. in hoc, quod non arctatur ejus potestas ad hoc, ut semper servato ordine inferiorum potestatum operetur, sed potest mediantibus illis, vel illis intermissis, immediate in quemcunque Christianum operari, ut immediatua ordinarius Pastor et Pra?latus, quando viderit expedire. — 8. in exemptione inferio- rum Praelatorum a superiori. — 9. in hoc, quod non ligatur legibus a se factis, aut etiam sacrorum Conciliorum canonibus, sed potest ex plenitudine potestatis super jus et leges positas facere, et in canonibus Conciliorum juxta temporum opportuni- tatem aut locoium, et personarum conditiones dispensare. — 10. in dispensalione actionum humanarum, puta volorum et juramcntorum. — 11. in administratione et dispensatione rerum ecclesiaslicarum. Alii autem Prffilati et Collegia habent potestatem coarctatam in adniinistrando et dispensando res suas, et transferendo dominium ipsarum ; obligando, et alienando, quia nonnisi ex certis causis et cum certis solemnitatibus jure possunt res Ecclesiae alienare. — Papa vero in istis solus sine consensu etiam cujuscumque, et sine solemnitatibus potest res quascumque Chap. I. Papacy. § 135. General view of. 263 that the Pope was not only lord of all princes/'* but likewise the cujuslibet EcclesiJe alienare, et alienando dominium transferre, dum tamen hoc facial ex jusia causa. — 12. in hoc, — quod quiedam sunt superiorum Ordinum, quae potest Papa committere inferioribus quibusdam : sicut Presbyteris concedit conferre minores Ordines, quod pertinet ad potestatem Episcopalem : — 13. in di- spensalione thesauri Ecclesiffi, quoniam ipse solus, utpote Christi principalis vicarius et dispensator, dat plenariam indulgentiam, et omni homini tideli de toto mundo. — 14. in hoc, quod dispositio totius ecclesiastici ordinis quoad dignitates ecclesiasticag, — et dispensatio beneficiorum, tanquam ad servum, quern constituit Dominus super familiam, ut det illis tritici mensuram, pertinent ad Romanum Pontificem. — 15. in canonizatione Sanctorum. Rodericus Sancius Episc. Zamorensis et Referenda- rius, P. Pauli 11., Speculum vit® humanaj (Roma 1468, many times published, e. g. Argent. 1507. fol.) lib. II. c. 1 : Summi Pontiticatus excellentiam, dignitatem et auctoritatem, — illiusque necessitatem et utilitatem ostendere, hodie munus suscepi, grande quidem negotium, sed parvum ingenium. Cujus tanta est sublimi- tas et eminentia, tanta immensitas, ut nullus mortalium nedum comprehendere, aut satis expriniere, sed nee cogitare posset. Obtundit enim omnem humanum intel- lectum illius sacratissimi et omnium emincntissimi status majestas et excellentia, quia scriptum est : scrutator majestatis opprimetur a gloria. Si — nihil in hoc ssculo excellentius — inveniri potest statu et dignitatc simplicium sacerdotum, — quid cogitandum est de eo summo Pontitice, qui vices veri Dei gerit in terris ? qui ad plenitudinem status, qui ad apostolicuin thronuni, qui ad culmen omnium digni- tatum assumitur, ex qua certe, ut rivuli a fonte, rami ab arbore procedunt. Qui non ad humanum tantum principatum, sed ad divinum ; non ad principandum solum mortalibus, nee modo hominibus, sed angelis ; non ad judicandum vivos, sed mor- tuos ; non in terra solum, sed in ca?lo ; non ad prssidendum solis fidelibus, sed intidelibus : et (ut paucis agam) qui ad earn ipsam dignitatem, ad eandem jui-isdic- tionem et coactionem, ac universalem toto orbe supremum principatum a summo Deo et ejus loco super cunctos mortales institutus et evcctus est. De quo per Job scriptum est, quod coram eo curvantur, qui portant orbem, et Reges seculi atque tyranni ridiculum sunt, qui solus omnem potestatem ambit. Et, sicut Scriptura commemorat, unus est, et secundum non habet. — Cujus, teste propheta, sua sunt justitiae, potestas et imperium. Quem iterum David signat inquiens : dedit ei potestatem et regnum, et omnes populi et linguaj servient ei, etc. ^■' On this point Jo. de Turrecremata is somewhat more moderate. He points out, II. c. 103, two extremes, the opinion quod Romanus Pontifex ratione sui prin- cipatus in solis spiritualibus consistat, ita quod nullo modo juie Papatus ad tempo- ralia se extendat, and quod R. P. jure sui Principatus, sive Vicariatus Christi habeat in toto orbe terrarum plenam jurisdiclionem, non solum in spiritualibus sed etiam in temporalibus, quod omnium Principum sscularium juiisdictionalis potestas a Papa in eos derivata sit. He maintains on the contrary, quod spirituali potestati potestas sscularis in Papa conjungitur, qui utriusque potestatis apicem tenet, but that he has jurisdictionem in temporalibus in toto orbe christiano only so fai- quan- tum necesse est pro bono spirituali conservando ipsius et aliorum, sive quantum Ecclesiae necessitas exigit, aut debitum pastoralis oflficii in correctione peccatorum exposcit. Hence the Pope is not orbis Dominus or Rex aut Imperator orbis ; so that it cannot be said, ut quemadmodum omnes dignitates ecclesiastics a sede Apostolica pendere dicuntur ab ea jurisdictionem sumentes, — ita principatus et jurisdictiones Regum et Principum sscularium dependent ab ea. Nor, quod de feudis Principum saecularium, aut de possessionibus directe se intromittere aut judicare valeat regulariter ; and quod a quocunque judice sa?culari passim et regu- lariter ad eum possit appellari. Further, Papa non habet potestatem, sive jurisdic- tionem in temporalibus, ut Reges in bonis temporalibus habent dominium, nee ita ut sit regulariter eorum dispensator : — non habet ita plenam jurisdictionem in temporalibus, sicut in spiritualibus, ita quod sicut deponere potest Praelatum eccle- siasticum, etiam sine culpa sua, ita possit deponere Principem sascularem, sive laicum. On the other hand, cap. 114 : potestatis spiritualis, et maxime Paps, qui est universalis dux et rector populi Christiani, est dirigere et regulare, prascipere atque leges dare potestati saeculari, quibus in administratione sui officii diiigatur in finem ultimum felicitatis aeternae, Et secundum hoc Romanus Pontifex se habet 2G4 TIdrd Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. source of all episcopal power ; ^^ that he was above all councils. ad Reges et Principes, tanquam architectonicus ad artifices : ille enim propter quid et regulas judicandi scit : isti autem, scil. artifices meclianici, tanquam experti in niultis ipsuin quia sciunt, propter quid autern ignorant : propter quod debet illis Papa leges dare, secundum quas debent jurisdictioneiu suam exequi, et populum regere in ordine ad beatiludinem supernaturaleni. — Ex cura ergo pastorali, quani Roinanus Pontifex habet super omnes fideles, cujuscumque status, dignitatis vel conditionis existant, statini datur inteliigi, quod apicem non tantum spiritualis pote- statis, scd etiani temporalis alitpio inodo habere dicendus sit. — Sine ulla dubitatione ad Prajlatos Ecclesiae, et maxime ad Prajlatum Pradatorum pertinet jure sibi a Deo collato recognoscere et judicare de peccato quocumque. — Non solum Principes saeculares circa usum sua» jurisdictionis delinciuentes potest per censuram ecclesia- sticamcoercere, verum ctiam eos notabiliter negligentes a dignitate deponere. This moderation of Torquemada, by which no one usurpation of the Pope was really made impossible, is to be attributed to the course of atfairs at the Council of Basil. At a later period the Pope's party spoke more plainly. Thus Dominicus Venetus (Episc. Torcellanus, afterwards Brixi^-nsis, about 1465) in Marci Antonii de Dominis de republ. eccles. lib. VI. c. 10. § .3) : Papa est verus Dominus mundi, et verus Monarcha, et apud ipsum est utraque monarchia. Papa potest tollere Imperium, pra-sertim si videatur sibi, quod aliter mundus melius gubernaretur : et quod nullus esset Monai-cha praeter ip-um, et quod Reges immediate ipsum recog- noscerent, et nullum alium superiorem. Papa temporalem jurisdictionem habet universaliter in omni loco, et potest eain exequi. Papa non solum potest deponere Imperatores et Reges, verum etiani Imperium et Regnum extinguere in laicis, etiam sine causa, et Principatus supprimere, et nova regna aut Principatus erigere. Rodericus Sancius, bishop of Zamorra (see note 11) in his work de origine et differentia Principatuum (inLe Bret's Magazin f. Staaten- u. Kichengesch. Th. 4. S. 520) : Est vero naturaliter, moraliter et divino jure cum recta fide tenen- dum, Principatum Romani Pontiticis e^se verum, unicum, immediatum Principa- tum totius orbis, nedum quoad spiritualia, sed quoad temporalia ; et principatum imperialcm esse ab ip>o dependentem et mediatum, ministerialem et instrumenta- lem, eidem subministrantem et deservientem, foreque al) eo ordinatum et institu- tum, et ad jussum Principatus papalis niobilem, revocabilem, corrigibilem et punibilem. Especially remarkable in this way the rebuke of an imperial ambassa- dor in the papal consistory, A. D. 147.3, see Jac. Volaterrani diarium Romanura in Muratur a Scriptt. rer. Ital. XXIII. p. 94: Thomas quidam, vir acris ingenii, quum Imperatoris Federici nomine assumi ad dignitatem Cardinalatus Dominicum Episcopum Bi-ixiensem contenderet, eamque ob causam postulate Senatu ac date fervidius loqueretur, saepe inter agendum Monarcham orbis Imperatorem appella- bat. Tum Cardinalis Rotomagensis, qui eliam causa; Dominici minus favebat, paulo commotior factus: male, inquit, agis, Tlioma ; non tuus Imperator, sed hie noster Pontifex Monarcha est orbis : pati non possum, Romance amplitudini detrahi. Tum ille: non omnium, inquit, Monarcham Imperatorem ajo ; tem- poralium tantum intelligo. Et Rotomagensis ; nee tempnralium quoque illi est Monarchia : jure divino et pontijicio tota Romani est Prcesulis. Idem qui ex Patribus jus didicere, uno judicio confirmarunt. '^ Jo. de Turrecremata summa de Ecclesia II. c. 32: solus Petrus inter Aposto- los immediate a Christo factus et ordinatus fuit Episcopus : — alii vero Apostoli a Petro mediate, vel immediate, solo, vel cum alio, vel cum aliis sunt Episcopi facti vel ordinati. c. 54 : dicimus cum s. Thoma, — quod tota jurisdictionis potestas aliorum Prslatorum de lege communi derivatur a Papa. — Apostoli alii — non susceperunt potestatem jurisdictionis immediate a Christo, sed mediante Petro. Ergo sequitur, quod etiam nunc Praelati, qui sunt in Ecclesia, jurisdictionis pote- statem suscipiant immediate a Papa, et non a Christo. c. C5 : Romanus Pontifex immediatus Pra;latus et judex est omnium Christianorum, potestque facere in toto orbe terrarum, quicquid inferiores Praelati agere possunt. — In quocumque ordine quando tota potestas inferiorum dependet et originatur a potestate superioiis, ad qusEcunque sc potest cxtendere potestas inferiorum, ad omnia ilia se potest exten- dere immediate potestas superioris : sed potestas jurisdictionis, de qua est sermo, omnium aliorum Prajlatoruin in Ecclesia a potestate Papae derivatur; ergo sequitur. Chap. I. Papacy. § 135. General view of . 265 which had their consequence only from him ; ^^ and that himself in- fallible, he could prescribe what was to be believed by others.^''' So quod sunimus Poiitifex potest in toto orbe omnia facere immediate, qna-cumque possunt alii Prselati. Thorn. Cajetnnus da auct. Papai et Cone. c. 3 ( Rocaberti XIX. p. 449) : In Pctro et a Pctro inchoat omnis Ecclesiaj potestas, et derivatur in totam Efclesiam via ordinaiia. '« Jo. de Turrecremata II. c. 80: Romanus Pontifex superior, ac major juris- dictionis auctoritate est tola ipsa residua universali Ecclesia. — Omnis pastor — superior est grege, cujus est pastor, sed Kom. Pont, est pastor Ecclesia; univer- salis, ergo ipse est — superior universali Ecclesia. Lib. 111. c. 28: universaliter Concilioruni auctoritas a Rom. Pont, pendet et emanat. c. 32 : ea, qua; in univer- salibus Conciliis statuuntur, sentenliantur, aut detiniuntur, aut interpretantur, auctoritate Romani Pontificis principaliter regulariter tiunt. c. 44 : Rom. Pontifex superior estjurisdictionis auctoritate universali Concilio. c. 47: appellare non licet a Romano Pontitice ad Concilium universale, sed magis e converso, puta a senten- tia Concilii, quam Apostolica sedes nondum approbavit, ad Papam licet appellare. c. 51 : Rom. Pontife.v nee ligatur, nee subjicitur necessitate quorumcunque Con- cilioruni,— nee universalium statulis, legibus, aut canonibus, qua; sub juris positivi genere conqirehenduntur. c. -55 : Rom. Pontifex non solum auctoritatem in cano- nibus sacrorum Conciliorum, etiam universalium, et decretis suorum pra;decesso- rum dispensandi liabet, verum etiam tollendi, aut revocandi, aut mutandi, prout temporum aut causarum neeessitas exposcit. c. 62 : Quemadmodum ad Romanura Pontificem, ut ad Ecclesia; Principem, pertinet, Concilia universalia, si bene pro- cesserint, approbatione et auctoritate sua confirmando honorare ; ita ipsius est, ea Concilia, qua; in perniciem fidei, aut totius Ecclesia; perturbationem celebrata reperta fuerint, corrigere, reprobare, ac cassare, ea, qua; minus juste, minusque bene acta sunt, retractando et condemnando. Thorn. Cajetanus de auctor. PapJE et Concilii, c. 7 scq. (Rocaberti XIX. p. 455) c. 20. p. 474, it is granted, quod Papa Cactus ha;retieus subest potestati ministeriali Ecclesia;, et non auctoritativae super Papam : on the other hand decidedly denied, c. 24. p. 482 seq., quod Papa propter incorrigibiUtatem in quocumque notorio crimine scandalizante Ecclesiam subjiciatur Concilii potestati, ita quod possit deponi : and the reason given c. 26. p. 487 is, because we read, Matth. 18, quod pes, manus, vel oculus, non tamea caput scandalizans amputaretur. Apologia;, P. I. c. 1. (1. c. p. 494) : Natura ecclesiastici regiminis ab ipsa sua nativitate est, non ut in communitate ad unum vel pliu-es derivetur, quemadmodum accidit in regiiiiine civili humano ; sed ut in uno certo Principe suapte natura sit. Et cum Princeps iste unus atque idem Dominus Jesus heri, hodie, et in sa;cula vivat et regnet ; sec\uulum naturalis juris consequentiam oportet, ut ad ipsuin Principem, non ad comuiunitatem Ecclesia spectet in sua absentia ordinarede Vicario, non communitatis Ecclesis, qua; utpote serva nata principandi jure caret, sed ipsius Principis, naturalis Domini communi- tatis Ecclesia;. Et hoc ipsum Salvator noster per semetipsum exequi dignatus est, dum Petrum Apostolum solum instituit suum Vicarium post resurrectionem, ante- quam coelos ascenderet, ut patet Joan. ult. " Jo. de Turrecremata, II. c. 107: Ad Romani Pontificis auctoritatem spectat, tanquam ad generalem totius orbis principalem magistrum et doctorem, determinare ea, quEE lidei sunt, et per consequens edere symholurn fidei, sacraK Scriptura; inter- pretari sensus, et doctorum singuloriun dicta ad fidem speetantia approbare vel repro- bare. c. 109: tanta soliditate veritatis apostolicum thronum elementia Divinitatis firmaverat, quod judicium ejus in his, qua; lidei sunt, errare a veritate non possit. Decebat sane ut sedes ilia, qua; superni dispositione Concilii magistra fidei, et cardo omnium instituebalur Ecclesiarum, in his, qua; fidei sunt, hominumque necessaria saluti, ab ipso omnium auctore Deo, — hoc singulari infallibilitatis munere donaretur. In cujus rei sacramentum prime illius sedis Pontifici — nomen firmitatis imponitur, scil. Petrus, quod Syra lingua rupes interpretatur. c. 112 : Ubi — bene adverten- dum, quod non dicitur, quod Papa errare non possit, aut male sentire aut judicare in his, qua- fidei sunt ; — sed dicitur, quod sententia, quam in judicio Rom. Pontilex profert in his, qua; fidei sunt, errare non possit, aut quod sedis Apostolic* judicium, quod idem est, errare non possit. — Sedis autem Apostolicie — sententia in judicio prolata a Rom. Pontifice intelligitur, non qua; occulte, malitiose, aut inconsulte per vol.. III. 34 266 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. far were they carried in their zeal, that some of them maintained that the donatio Constantini, levied by Laurentius Valla, was only a resti- tutio,"^ and made the Pope a God on earth. ^^ solum Rom. Pontificcm, aut etiam quae per ipsum cum paucis sibi faventibus, aliis in fraiidem conleiiiptis sive non vocatis, ad partem profertur ; sed qua; a Rom. Pontitice cum maturo ct gravi virorum sapicntum, et maxime dominoruin Cardina- lium primo Coucilio digesta et maturata sancitur et profertur. Lib. III. c. 58. on the question utriun universale Concilium in his, qua; lidei sunt, errare possit.' Ad quam quajstionem nobis vidctur sub distinctione respondendum. De Concilio uni- versali loqui possumus dupliciter : uno modo de Concilio universali plenario, plena- rium autem Concilium dicimus, in quo cum Ecclesia; patribus Romanus Pontifcx eorum caput — concurrit. — Secundo modo loqui possumus de Concilio, prout dicitur corpus tantum patrum, distinctum a capite suo Romano Pontitice. Si primo modo loquamur de Concilio, tit ista conclusio: Concilium universale in his, qua; ad fidem pertinent, errare non potest, qua; tam patrum Ecclesia^, quam Romani Pon- titicisunanimi consensu detinita sunt. — Apostolica; sedis judicium in his, quae tidei sunt, errare non potest ; ergo nee Concilium universale, in quo Apostolica; sedis inter'venit, sive concurrit auctoritas et consensus. — On the other hand, however, Concilium universale non interveniente consensu ct approbatione Apostolic* sedis errare potest in his, qua; tidei sunt. — Phantasia stulta eorum, qui omni Concilio non errandi gratiam quasi essentialiter inesse affirmant, cum tam ex Evangelio, quam ex actibus Apostolorum, et gestis antiquorum Conciliorum manifeste oppcsi- tum habeatur. Dominicus Venetus (see note 12) de Cardinalium legitima crea- tlone (appended to Marci Ant. de Dominis de Rcpubl. eccl. P. I.) Propos. VII : Universale Concilium legitime congregatum, et auctoritate Romani Pontiticis con- firmatum, in se et decretis suis universalem Ecclesiam repra:sentat : et id, quod facit aut determinat cum tali approbatione et consensu Maximi Pontiticis, tenendum est ratum et firmum, ac si universalis Ecclesia detern.inaret, qua; non permittitur a Deo errare in tide, nee in determinando ea, qua; ad bene vivendum pertinent. — Hffic autem inl'allibilis regula non est Concilium, etiam legitime congregatum. — Nam multa Concilia errasse leguntur; — Ephesina secunda universalis tuit, et legitime congregata, utpote auctoritate Leonis Max. Pont, et pro justa causa, utpote pro damnatione haeresis: qua; tamen errasse legitur. — In cujus correctio- nem Synodus Chalccd. convocata est ejusdem Leonis auctoritate; et hoc quia non requiritur solum auctoritas Rom. Pontiticis in congregando, sed etiam in detinita et sancita approbando. — Similiter etiam nee Papa solus est ilia regula inl'allibilis, quia aliqui errasse leguntur in tide, ut patet de Libcrio, et de Anastasio secundo, qui communicavit Acacio hsretico, ideo percussus est a Deo (plainly contbunding him with the emperor Anastasius) : ergo infallibilis regula ciit Papa, adhibito dcbito con-^ilio pcritorum ; a fortiori ergo si cum generali Concilio, quod pro arduis causis congregatur, quia difficilius errant plures, quam pauci. Tliom. C'ojetanus de aucFor. Paps et Conciliis, c. 9 (Rvcaboti XIX. p. 460) : Magis potest errare communitas Ecclesia; sine auctoritate Papas, quam Papa. Et ratio est, quia error PapEB in definitiva sententia fidei est error totius Ecclesia;, — quia ad ipsum spectat determinare iinaliter de tide quid tenendum, et quid i-epellendum. — Impossibile est autem universalem Ecclesiam eriare in tide, ergo impossibile est, Papam in judicio delinitivo auctoritative errare in fide. — Pupa in hujusmodi judicio est rectissimus propter assistentiam Spiritus Sancti. 1^ Antonini Summa historialis. Pars I. Tit. 8. c. 2. § 8 : Quaestio adhuc agitur inter Canonistas et Legistas, utrum ilia tenueiit donatio. Quod Canonist* onuiino firmant, et Theologi magis confirinant eo quia non fuit simplex donatio, sed potius restitutio Ecclesiae facta juris sui, cum omnia sint de Christi dominio, cujus Papa est vicarius in terris: ca'tera vero dimisit dominis temporalibus. Jo. Major (see note 2) comm. in Matth. c. 16. in Gerson'n Ojip. ed. du Pin, II. p. 11-53 : Qua;- ritur, an Constantinus contulcrit justum tituUim Pontitici in terris, quae nunc voeantur Ecclesia;. Est liic :iioilus tlicendi : alitpii volunt, quod nunquam ei dedil terras in Italia, nee Romanain urbem ; aliquibus placet, quod ncc dare poterat Italiam, sive istas terras qua; dicuntur Ecclesia- ; alii tenentes, Pontificem habere dominium tam in si)irilualibus, quam in temporalibus, dicunt, quod nihil dedit, sed solum detentum injuste restiluit. He maintains on the contrary : Ecclesia licite Chap. I. Papncj/. § 135. General view of. 267 Each of these systems condemned ihe other as heretical, but the fear of causing an incurable schism prevented their coming to ex- tremes. The popes were also eml)airassed by the circumstance that the lawfuhiess of their succession depended upon the acknowledg- ment of the Council of Constance, whilst in the decrees of that coun- cil was founded the system which tliey opposed. Hence they were glad as far as possible to pass over these decrees in silence;-" when forced to say something, they had recourse to evasion ; whilst many of tlieir adherents did not hesitate to deny the validity of the council altogether.-^ cepit, and Constantinus M. licite mvilta contulit Ecclesiis, therefore Rom. Pont, juste possidet. It is remarkable that the Cardinal Bernardinus Carvajal Card. S. Cruets, who was at the head of the Cardinals who forsook Julius 11., and sum- moned the Council of Pisa in 1511, had previously written in support of this notion of a restitutio: Jo. Boutzbachius (Prior in the convent of Laach near Andernach) says of him, A. D. 1511, in his Auctariuni in libruin Jo. Trithemii de sciiptoribus ecclesiasticis (Ms. in the library of the University of Bonn, fol. 143) : Scripsit quidem pra=clara opera, e quibus unum exstat, quod mihi dudum iunotuit contra Laurentinm Vallam et alios, qui vesana sua loquacitate audent latrare in sunmium Christi Vicarium et s. Roinanaiti Ecclesiam, quasi nou vera, sed falsa et conficta sit donatio Constantini Impei'atoris. In quo quidem praegrandi volumine omnem istorum assertionem ita subnervavit, ut non tantum veram, sed quod magis est, letfitimam et debitam restitutionem potius quam donationem fuisse probet. Omnem itaque bestialem Laurentii invectionem elidens scripsit contra eundem : De restitu- tione Constantini, lib. I. '^ Gersonii circa materiam excommunicationum resolutio, Consideratio XI. (0pp. II. p. 424) : Contemptus clavium — non incurritur, dum in pramissis casibus dicit aliquis — juxla conscientiam suam, quod hujusuiodi sententiiB non sunt timen- ds, et hoc prffisertim si observetur informatio seu cautela debita, ne sequatur scan- dalum pusillorum, qui aestimant Papaui esse unum Deum, qui habet poleslatem omnem in coelo et in terra. Compare the passage from Rodericus Sancius, above, note 11. Christophorus Marcellus, in an oration delivered before the Council of the Lateran in the 4th Session, Dec. 10, 1512, thus addiesses Julius II. (Labbei et Cossartii Concilia XIV. p. 109): Hiiic merito conqueri potest Ecclesia. — Hi3 lamentationibus et queriiuoniis ad tuos sanctissimos devoluta pedes in hunc modum opem humiliter inqjlorare videtur : — Tua sub ditione defensa sum. — Ad te igitur supplex tanquam ad verum principem, protectorem, Petrum et sponsum accedo. — Cura, pater beatissime, ut sponsaj tua; forma decorque redeat et pulcritudo. — Tu enim pastor, tu medicus, tu gubernator, tu cultor, tu denique alter Deus in terris. '^ Paul Sarpi in a letter to Leschasser (in Le Bret's Magazin fiir Staaten- u. Kirchengesch. Th. 2. S. 324) speaking in the person of the Koiaan Court, says : Concilium Constantiense neque piobari, neque emendari inter arcana habemus. *' It is in this manner that Jo. de Turrecremata Summa II. c. 99. ( Rocaherti XIII. p. 426) answers the proofs brought fiom the decrees of the Councils of Con- stance and Ba'iil for the assertion. Concilium generale potestatem a Christo habere immediate. With regard to the decree at Constance, Sess. V. (see § 130, note 8), in which this is distinctly asserted, he remarks first : Ecce manifeste, quod decre- tum illorum Patrum non loquitur universaliter de qualibet Synodo universaliter, sed de ilia sing>ilariter, pro cujus tempore non erat in Ecclesia unus pastor totius Ecclesice indubitatus. But apart from that the decree in question was not binding (non habet necessitatem) : for Decrela ilia, si ita sunt appellanda, facta sunt solum a Patribus aliquibusobedientiae Johannis XXIII. The Council of Constance was not a general Council, he argues, till all were united under one Pope. Besides pr»fatuin decretum Constantiense non niilitat, quoniam per Apo-tolicam sedem non fuit ap- probatum, immo videtur per Doininum Martinum rcprobatum, sive annullatum in condemnatione erroris Joaunis Viclefl' et Joannis Hus, inter quos — unus articulus condemnatus est : quod Petrus non i3st nee fuit caput Ecclesiae sanctae catholica:. 268 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. The consequence of this dispute in the hierarchy itself was that the secular power once more gained an influence in the affairs of the church, so as to decide in each country which system should prevail.'-^^ This depended, however, always on political considerations. Whilst in France the papal system, whenever it ventured to show itself, was immediately condemned by the parliament and the university of Paris,^ in other countries the opposite system met with the same fate ; ^'^ and whilst from France and Germany the most humiliating In like manner he shows, cap. 100, that the decrees of the Council of Basil on the subject are not binding. As to their having been confirmed by Eugene IV. (see § 131, note 17) he answers that objection by maintaining, quod prafats bulls mao-is extoit;f fuerunt minis, quani de nicntc Domini Eugenii emanaverint. But apart from that, nihil coiuui, qua; in pralatis bullis conlinentur, surtiagatur adver- sariis, quoniam Dominus Eugcnius numquam prabuit consensuui decretis Concilii Basileensis. Compare his Kesponsio de summi Pont, et gen. Concilii potestate, 1. c. p. 578. In like manner Cajetanus de auct. Papa; et Cone. c. 8 (Rocaberti XIX. p. 456) denies the validity of the decrees of the Council of Constance, a;>d tries to show in particular that the confirmation of Martin V. (see § 130, note 24) did not extend to the decrees of the 4th and 5th Sessions. Compare Apologiae, P. II. c. 11 (1. c. p. 508). "« See .^nem Sylvii Ep. 54, § 131, note 42, above. » It was chiefly the Mendicant monks, who, attached of course to the cause of the Pope by the connexion of their Orders with him, drew upon themselves such censures. Thus the Dominican Johannes Sarrazin, A. D. 1429, was obhged to retract the following assertions {cVArgcntri collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus I. II. p. 227) : Omnes potcstatcs jurisdictionis Ecclesia; — sunt ab ipso Papa quan- tum ad institutionem et collationem. Hujusmodi potestates non sunt de jure divino, nee immediate instituta; a Deo. — Quandocumque in aliquo Concilio aliqua instituuntur, tola auctoritas dans vigorem statutis in solo sumnio residet Pontilicio. — Summus Pontifex canonicam simoniam a jure positivo prohibitam non potest commiltere. The Augustine monk, JYicolaiis Qundrigarius, 1442, the assertion (1. c. p. 240) : sola Papa; potestas in tota Ecclesia immediate est a Christo. The Fran- ciscan, Joannes Jlngeli, in Feb. 1483, the following assertions (1. c. p. 30.5) : Papa posset totum jus canonicum destruere et novum construere. — Papa posset ab uno Ecclesiastico tollere medietatem redituum beneliciorum suorum et uni alteri dare, non exprimendo aliquam causam. Quicumque contradicit voluntati Papse, pagani- zat, et sententiam excommunicationis incuiiit ipso facto : et a nullo Papa repre- hendi potest, nisi in materia ha-resis. ^ Thus an assembly of Theologians and Canonists, which was summoned by the archbishop of Toledo, in Complutum, 1479, condemned, amongst other propositions advanced by Petrus de Osma, a French Doctor who taught in Salamanca, in a libellus confessionis the following (Barth. Caranza Summa Conciliorum, Duaci, 1659, 8vo. p. 660) : VII. quod Ecclesia urbis Roma; eri'are potest. VIII. quod Papa non potest dispensare in statutis universalis Ecclesiae (so also Gerson de modis uniendi ac relbrmandi Ecclesiam, c. 9. See above, § 130, note 1. Jac. Almaini expositio circa doctrinam M. Occami, c. 12. in Gersonii 0pp. ed. du Pin, II. p. 1055). In the bull confirming this sentence, by Sixtus IV. (see RaynaJd, 1479, no. 32, complete in de Jlguirre Concill. Hispania;, V. p. 355 seq.) the Prop. VII. is not found : we know, however, that it was considered heretical in Spain. The theological faculty in Vienna complained to Pope Innocent VIII. of one of their number, Johannes Kaltenmarkter, A. D. 1492, that he had taught: Concilium esse supra Papam ; Papain non posse revocare per Concilium generale conclusum ; Romanum Pontificem non posse dare licentiam Parochianis quibuscunque, ut alteri, quam proprio sacerdoli Curato libere confiteantur; Papam non posse dare genera- lem potestatem audiendi confessiones : Kaltenmarkter was summoned to Rome, where he had to do penance, and then in Vienna recall the objectionable proposi- tions : see the extracts from the Acta printed A. D. 1493, in (Dietrich) Auctarium catalog! testjum veritatis, p. 260. cf. Mitterdorfferi conspectus hist. Univ, Vien- Chuj). I. Papacy. ^ 135. General view of. *3G9 demands were made on the Pope, Spain and Portugal found it for their interest to receive from his hands their newly discovered terri- tories,--^ and thus concede to him his most arrogant j)retensions. In general, however, the Pope was powerful enoufrh^ as well through the influence he could still exercise over the minds of the people, as by his actual possessions in Italy, which country just at that time was the object of universal desire, to make his friendship important to all, so that even a king of France was led to sacrifice to that object the real good of the national church.-'^ These political relations were now the main support of the papal power ^ ^"^ and it was the aim of the nensis Sac. II. Viennae, 1724. 8vo. p. 54 seq. Hansizii Germ, sacra, T. I. p. 597. ^ See JVicolas V.'s letter to Alphonso, king of Portugal, A. D. 1452 (Raynald, ad. h. a. no. 11) : tibi Saracenos et Paganos, aliosque infideles et Christi inirnicos quoscumque, et ubicumque constitutos, regna, ducatus, — aliaque doininia, terras, — et quscumque alia — bona inobilia et iiamobilia — per eosdem — possessa^- invadendi — et subjugandi, illorum personas in peipetuam servitutem redigendi, regna quoque, — aliaque dominia — et bona hujusmodi tibi et successoribus tuis, Regibus Portugallia;, perpetuo applicandi — plenam et liberam auctoiitate aposto- lica tenore praesentiuin concedimus facultateni. Referring to tbis letter jSicolas invests the king, 1454, with the new discoveries on the west coast of Africa (Ray- nald, ad h. a. no. 9) : de apostolicai potestatis plenitiuline literas facultatis pra;fatas — ad Ceptensem ei prasdicta et quaecunque alia, etiani ante datum dictarum facul- tateni literarum acquisita, et ea quae in posteruni nomine — Alfonsi Regis suorum- que successorum in ipsis — et ulterioribu5 — partibus de intidelium — manibus acquiri poterunt, — sub ejusdem facultatis Uteris contineri prajlibatis, — ipsamque conquestam, quam a capitibus de Bonador et de Nam usque per totam Ghineam — extendi harum serie declaramus, etiaiu ad ipsos Alfonsum Regem, praedecessores suos ac infantem — spectasse — et in perpetuum spectare, — decernimus et decla- ramus : ac pro potioris juris et cautela; suffragio jam acquisita et quas in posterum acquiri contigerit provincias — praedictis Alfonso Regi ac successoribus — perpetuo donamus, concedimus, et appropriamus per prassentes. In the same form Alexan- der VI. dd. V. non. Maji, 1493 (see Raynald, h. a. no. 18) bestows the newly discovered regions in America on Ferdinand and Isabella, accompanying it with a letter to them, dated the same day, in which he adds a more particular description (1. c. no. 19) : de nostra mera liberalitate, et ex certa scientia ac de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine omnes insulas et terras firmas inventas et inveniendas, — fabricando et construendo unam lineam a polo arctico — ad polum antarcticum, — quEe linea distet a qualibet insularum, quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azoi-es y cabo Verde, centum leucis versus occidentem et meridiem, ita quod omnes insulae et terras firmae repertae et i-eperienda — a prasfata linea versus occidentem et meri- diem, quas per aJium Regem aut Pi-incipem Christianum non fuerint actuaJiter possessEe, — auctoritate omnipotentis Dei nobis in b. Petio concessa, ac vicariatus Jesu Christi, qua fungimur in terris, cum omnibus illarum dominiis, civitatibus, — juribusque et jurisdictionibus, ac pertinentiis universis vobis hsredibusque — vestris — in perpetuum tenore prssentium donamus, concedimus, assignamus. As early as 1494, however, Ferdinand agreed with the king of Portugal, that this line should be taken 360 leagues from the Azores, instead oif 100. 26 See § 134, notes 18 and 20. '^^ See especially the view taken by Franc. Guicciardini (•f 1540) of the origin of the Pope's temporal power in the fourth book of his Italian history, in the various editions of that work omitted, but printed in Goldasti Monarchia III. p. 17 seq., and in Conringii 0pp. I. p. 113. At the close we find : His igitur fundamentis et modis ad terrenam potentiam elati, ac sensim animarum salutis, divinorumque pra'ceptorum obliti, atque ad mundana imperia omni cogitatione conversi, nee divina auctoritate alio quam quasi telo et instrumento lerum fragilium abutentes, Principes potius gentium, quam rerum sacrarum Pontifices videri coepe- 270 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. pontifTs to secure for themselves the help of the temporal sovereigns against the inroads of the aristocracy of tlie chiircli. The devotion of the people at large to the Pope had now long depended merely on habit ; still it would have been little disturbed by all the theories of the time, had not the corruption of the papal court, and especially its avarice and injustice, shocked their moral sense, whilst it proved so seriously detrimental to their interests.'^ The runt. Horum curse ct negotia non jam vita» sanctimonia, non religionis incrementa, non erga Dcum et homines caritas, sed exercitiis, sed bella in Ciiristianos cogita- tione et nianibus sanguine rcspersis sacra tractantes : sed pecuniaj immensa cupi- do, nova: leges, nova' artes, nova; insi(]ia3 ad peciiniain undique cogendam. In hunc finein audacissime anna cceleslia vihiare, piofanaruni sacrarumque rerum nundinationciii iinpudcntissiine cxerccre : hinc opes in immcnsum adaucta;, et in totam ipsoruni aiilani cflusa', ex quibus fastus, luxus, mores turpissimi libidines, voliiptatesque nefandi* : nulla de successorihus cura, nulla majestatis perpetuK Pontiticatus soUioitudo ; sed horum loco cupido anxia et pestifera, filios, nepotes, item alios sibi coiijunclos ct ncccssarios non niodo ad opes immoderatas, veruine- tiam ad rcgna et imperia evchendi : non jam honoi-es et enioluiuenta in merentes et bonos conferendo, sed plerumque auctionando, ant in homines ambitione, ava- ritia, ct pudendis voluptalibiis pej-ditos cffundendo. His moribus effectum est, ut excussa penitus ex animis hoininum ilia vetere erga Pontifices reverentia, famcn ex parte eorura auctoritas religionis, qua nihil in terris ad homines vel impellendos vei retinendos potenlius invcnilui', nomine et inajestate, facultate qua pollent Principibus atqiie iis, qui apud illos maxime possunt, sacris beneliciis et honoribus conferendis gratilicandi adjiita sustentctur. Qui cum sciant magna se in admira- tione mortalium esse, ct qui adversus cos arma sumunt, eos gravis infamise notam, et sa-penumcro aliorum Piincipuin odia subire, ac quomodocunque res cadat, perexiguum emolumentum ad eos, a quibus oppugnantur, redundare, et victores ex suo arbitrio victoria usuros, victos quibus velint conditionibus pacem habituros ; ad ha?c suos propintjuos ex privata conditione ad Piincipatus attollendi cupidine inflammati, jam por multos annos bellorum auctores, novorumque incendiorum faces in Italia extilerunt. ^*^ Amongst the numerous contemporary testimonies, see the account given by the ambassador of the Teutonic Order in Rome, above, § 130, note 30 : Martini Meyeri epist. ad JE)),. Sylv. § 132, note 17 : Mnece Sylvii epist. 66, ad Jo. Pere- gallum, § 132, note 18. Fui-thcr, Gravamina nationis Germanicae adv. Curiam Romanam Joanni Card. S. Angeli Nicolai V. P. R. Legato exhibita (about 1451) in Walchii monimcntis medii aevi fasc. I. p. 101 seq. : — Dictus Dominus Cardi- nalis Legatus venit ad retbrmandum nationem Almaniram, tarn sKculares, quam spirituales personas. — Si reformatio debeat esse regularis et ordinaria, oportet ante omnia, quod noster Papa et sua Romana Cuiia pi'imo et piincipaliter reformetur, propter multos exccssus multasque exorbilantias, quae per eum et suos Cardinales per illam execi-abilcm et maledictam simoniam quotidie committuntur in vendcndo ecclesiastica beneHcia. — In taxationibus eliam literarum apostolicarum expedien- dai-um esset Dominus Papa reformandus. — Item Dominus Apostolicus omni die insatiabili desiderio cogilat cum suis, quomodo totam substantiam nationis Germani- cas sibi valeat acquirere. — Item Cuiia Romana in multis est refoi-manda. Nam Cardinales superbe, pompose, centum, sexaginta, vel septuaginta equis palatium ingrediuntur. — Quidam etiam de Cardinalibus habent tres Ecclesias metropolitanas et cathedrales in commendam, decem Abbatias, sex Prseposituras et Archidia- conatus, et privatas quatuor Ecclesias parochiales. Non curant, quot monachi in monasterio sint ; — totam substantiam monasterii tollunt. — Item in curia Romana sunt publici usurarii, bancarii et campdam .' (comp. Gersori's simulacra depicta, above, § 106, note 3.) Quid plus iliis restabat, quam baculus et mitra .' Numquid pastores sine ovibus dici poterant, cum nihil in subditos statuere possent ? Nenipe cum esset in Ecclesia primitiva Episcoporum summa potestas, hodie ad id venerunt, ut solo habitu et reditibus superarent Presbyteros. At nos eos in statu reposuimus pristino : nos beneticiorum collationem ad eos reduximus, nos eis confirmationem electionum restituimus, nos causas subditorum eisdem reddidimus audiendas, nos eos, qui jam non erant Episcopi, fecimus Episcopos. ^ See above, § 62, note 23 ; § 109, note 3, Gerson de potest, eccl. consid. 12 (0pp. II. p. 250), gives the tbllowing determinalio sacras I'acultatis thcologice Parisiensis nuper edita contra temcritatem extollentium privilegiatos super Cura- tos in pra;dicationibus et confessionibus, fi-om which both the occasion and the character of this view may be seen. Art. I. : Domini Curati sunt in Ecclesia minores Prslati et Hierarchje ex primaria institutione Christi, quibus competit ex statu jus pra3dicandi, jus confessiones audiendi, jus sacramenta ecclesiastica secundum exigentiam sui status et parochianorum minislrandi, jus sepulturas dandi, jus insuper decimas et alia jura parochialia recipiendi. Art. II. : Jus pras- dicandi et confessandi competit Praslatis et Curatis pi'incipaliter et essentialiter, et Mendicantibus de per accidens ex privilegio ; quoniam sunt introducti vel admissi ex concessione et beneplacito Dominorum Praelatoium. Comp. Gerson de statibus ecclesiasticis, namely, dc statu Curatorum 16 considcrationes (0pp. II. p. 534): e. g. Consid. I. : Status Curatorum succcdit statui LXXII. discipulorum Christi quoad legem novam, et figuratus est in antiqua lege per Levitas. Ac proinde status Curatorum est de institutione Chiisti et Apostolorum suorum. Cons. II. : Status Curatorum est de essentiali ac intrinseca Ecclesiae hierarchia, sicut status Praelatoi-um, quamvis inferior sit, et pro sua perfectione variabilior. Qua ratione Curati simplices non a?que proprie dicuntur sponsi, sicut Episcopi, liberiusque permittuntur cedere, vel renuntiare curis suis. Cons. VII. : Status Curatorum Ecclesias parochiales sibi deputatas habet in tali libertate, quod nulli alteri sacer- doti fas est, ipsis invitis, aut sine eorum licentia pra-dicare in eadem, praesertim dum pra=dicare voluerint ipsi, sed nee confessiones illic audire, nee sacramenta ministrare : salva semper auctoritate, vel rationabili ordinatione superiorum Pra?la- torum. Namely, De potest, eccl. Epilogus Concl. 2 (0pp. II. p. 256) : Extendi- tur plenitudo potestatis Papae super omnes inferiores solum dum subest necessitas ex defectu Ordinariorum inferiorum, vel dum apparet evidens utilitas Ecclesias : quemadraodum dici potest de Episcopis respectu Plebanorum, seu propriorum sacerdotum, quorum possuiit supplere defcctus. Therefore, Sermo contra bullam Mendicanlium (1. c. p. 437) : Ad curatos spectat ex statu eorum, jure, aut facul- tate concionari. — Sequitur, Papam aut aliuin quemvis jus hoc Curatis auferr.e, aut impedire non debere. Et ideo nuUus in Ecclesia eorum concionari debet absque Chap. II. National Churches. § 138. 31orals of the Clergy. 277 theory was not even common to all the liberal canonists,'^ and by the papal party was most decidedly rejected."* On the whole, the inferior clergy were not seldom much oppressed by their superiors.''^ «§, 138. MORAL CONDITION OF THE CLERGY. The reformation of the clergy was the main point in the reform eorum facultate. — Ad Curatos pertinet jus audiendi confessiones. — Sequitur Papam — non debere auferre istain potestatem aut jus ipsis Curatis absque eorum placito et voluntate, saltern expedieiis non est. Sequitur, nullum Privilegiatuni confessionem audire debere in loco parochialis Ecclesiaj absque consensu et facul- tate Curati. Almainus even maintains that the inferior clergy should have a vote at the Councils. Expositio circa decisiones M. Occam super potestate summi Pontif. Qu. I. c. 18, sect. 1 ( Gersoni opp. II. p. 1067): Secundo, dicitur Concili- um debere congregari ex oiniii statu hierarchico : nam sunt duo status hierarchici in Ecclesia, scil. status Pra-latorum superiorum et inferioi-uin : unde in tali Conci- lio debent interesse singuli Episcopi, similiter ex parte Cleri et Curatorum de singulis Episcopatibus aliquis debet interesse, et tales habent voces et auctorita- tem deliberandi in Concilio. All opposition to this theory was at once condemned by the Sorbonne, and those who expressed it forced to retract. Thus the Do- minican, Jo. Sarrazin (see § 135, note 23), 1429, had to retract the proposition (d'Argentri. I, II. p. 227) : Dicere, inferiorum Praelatorum potestatem jurisdicti- onis, sive sint Episcopi sive Curati, esse immediate a Deo, sicut potestatem Papae, veritati quodammodo repugnat, and acknowledge : evangelical et apostolicse conso- nat veritati. The Franciscan Joannes Bartholomei, A. D. 14.51, was refused the degree of licentiate because he had preached ((VArgentrl I, II. p. 251), quod Parochiani possunt libere se Mendicantibus per Ordinaries admissis contiteri absque Curatorum licentia. Amongst the fourteen propositions of (he Franciscan Joannes Angeli (see § 135, note 23), which were condemned 1482, one was (iVJlrgentri I, II. p. 305) : I. Fratres minores prsesentati Episcopo et admissi sunt proprii Sacerdotes et veri Curati, et melius quam Presbyteri parochiales, quia facuKatem suam habent a summo Pontiflce, et dicti Presbyteri ah ipso Episcopo dumtaxat, and others similar. 3 e. g. Alphonso Tostatus (see § 135, note 5), Quaest. 87, in Matth. 16 : Epi- scopus sub se nullos habet habentes ordinariam jurisdictionem, sed Curati omnes sunt Commissarii : et sic tota jurisdictio est Episcopi immediate. Et si nollet ponere Curatos, sed ipse administrai-et, licite faceret, si sufticeret ad hoc. '' See § 135, note 15. Comp. especially Joannes de Turrecremata (see § 135, note 12) essay against Joannes de Poliaco (see above, § 109, note 3) in his Summa de Ecclesia II. c. 59 seq. He says, c. 63, in the words of Petrus de Palude, quia Christus per se non fecit nisi unum Curatum, scilicet Petrum : — sed quia impossibile erat, quod per se solum (Petrus) perfecte totius gregis curam ageret, ideo per consequens CC%;/sf us J commisit illi facere alios Curatos, quotquot ipse pro adjutorio suo et populi salute opus esse cognosceret. Nee Christus per se instituit, nisi unam solaiu curam; — sed Petrus postmodum per se et per alios divisit provincias, et dioeceses, et parochias. The two last propositions, which Joh. Kaltenmarkter was forced to retract in Vienna, 1492 (see § 135, note 24), differ only in form from the theory of the French church (see Gersonii sermo contra bull. Mendicant, note 2, above. ^ Epistola de miseria Curatorum. Aug. Vind. 1489, extracted in the Auctarium catal. test, verit. p. 283. In this novem diaboli are enumerated, by whom the curate is tormented. Sextus diabolus est OfficiaHs, qui sine causa infamat Pleba- num, recipit pecuniam, et admittit ignominiam ; amat denarium, et tolerat forni- carium ; tollit munera, et destruit jura. Septimus diabolus est Episcopus, qui jam contributum, jam postulat subsidium, etc. 278 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. which was so loudly called for throiisfhout this whole period. But here, too, all measures failed, and the complaints of their rudeness and igno- rance, as well as their immoral and unclerical lives, continue to the end.^ Their chief offence, their incontinence, seemed to grow worse, the more there was done to restrain it.~ The severe lectures read them on the subject at the Councils of Constance and Basil had as little influence upon the conduct of most of the clergy there assembled,^ as the decrees passed at those councils had on the state of the church ' See Jo. Trithemii Abb. Spanbeimensis institutio vita sacerdotalis (wiitfen about 1485, in ejusd. 0pp. pia et spiritualia, ed. Jo. Busscbus. Mogunt. 160,'5. fbl. p. 765 seq.), c. 1 : Imlocti, ludes, jam sine discretione meiiti ad sacerdotium veniunt, qui iTioribus suis pessiinis Cliiisli ores iiifeliciter occid\irit. Nulla jam in ordinandis Clerifis vitje sanctitas reqviirilur, literaruni erudilio nulla postulatur, conscientiae puritas non attcnditur. Sullicit apud eos, si currcntem sortcu) possint construere, si cujus partis orationis sit Doininiis, icsponderc, si ita, ct non, intelligcre. Vae nosti-K tempestatis Episcopis, (]ui sa'culaiibus negotiis intenti ordinationcs clcrico- rum non considerant, sed curam examinandi inipcritis locant ! Quam districtam sunt subituri sententiam, qui se totius in Ecclesia mali exbibent causam ! Cap. 4 : Studium scripturarum sacerdotcs nostri abjiciunt, eruditionem negligunt, pro libris scripturarum aves et canes enutiiunt. — Nibil aliud quam mundanum sapiunt, nihil quam vanum diligunt, nibil nisi carnale intelligunt. — Sedent in insidiis cum potatori- bus in tabernis, hidis et comessationibus vacant, non est timor Dei ante oculos eorum. — Nibil pcnitus de sciipturis inlclligunt, discere contemnunt. Romana lingua scri- beie vel loqui nesciunt, vix in vulgari exponerc Evangelia didicerunt. Quantos cito- res, fabulas et bareses in Ecclesia prfedicando populis enuncient, quis nisi expertus credere posset ! Pro libris sibi liberos comparant, pro studio concubinas amant. Isti sunt ca'ci duces cajcorum, qui populum Dei ad juslitiam non erudiunt, sed potius seducunt. — Non possum non doleie, vidcns omne malum in Ecclesia ex ignorantia sacerdotum procedere. Quis enim non doleat, illos mandata ncscire, qui constituti sunt alios instruere ? — Sacerdotes nostri mundanis cupiditafibus effluunt, corrigere vitiosos non prassumunt, quia se deliquisse in majoribus agno- scunt. — Nee mirum, si minores vacent a studio scripturarum, cum inter Pra;- latos paucos invenias, qui veterum exemplis inba-reant. Eliguntur enim ut plurimum non doctiores, sed ad congregandas divilias perituras avidiores. Codices scripturarum aut nullos babent, aut paucos, quippe qui odio scientiam perse- quuntur. Et quia, sicut Dominus per prophelam (Malacb. 2) loquitur, sacerdotcs notitiam legis abjecerunt, propterea contemptibiles in populo facti sunt. Clamant quidem in tribulatione ad Dominum, sed non exaudit cos : quoniani qui avertit aures suas ne audiat legem, oratio ejus erit execrabilis. Non ergo mirentur sacerdotes, quod eos contemnunt Laici, quoniam ipsi spernunt mandata Christi. — Timeo autem vehementer, in brevi contra Clerum graviora futura. 2 See J. A. Theine r u. A. Theiner die Einfiibrung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den cbrisfl. Gcistlichen u. ihre Folgen. Bd. 2. Abth. 2. S. 642 ff. J. W. C a rove voilslfindige Sammluno- der Colibalgesetze far die katbol. Welt- geistlicben mit Anm. (oder Uber das Colibalgesetz des rom. kathol. Klerus 2te Abth.) Frankf. a. RI. 1833. 8vo. S. 342 ff. 3 See a catalogue of the addresses made at Constance, and published by Walch in Theiner, S. 647 ff'., at Basil, ibid. S. 692 ff. Coirip. the extract given by Scbel- horn in the prefoce to Raupachs evangel. Oesterreich, Th. 2. S. XVIII. from the address of Petrus de Pulka, professor in Vienna before the Council of Con- stance, A. D. 1416 : Attendite et videte, ecce Clerus Romana" Curia?, qua? a tem- pore schismatis ultra humanam malitiam depravata ffistimatur, similiter Clerus hujus dioeceseos, imo hujus civitatis et ipsiusmet synodi, quam obediens nobis existat. Con'^iderate qua;so, an reverendo banc sacram synodum, in cujus oculis versatur cottidie, saltern in minimo vitam dissolutam emendaverit. Pro certo dicuntur Clerici curiales adbuc suas tenere concubinas inverecunde palam omni- bus, adhuc justitiam venderc, ac veluti omni specie leprae ut prius sordescere, etc. Chap. II. National Churches. § 138. Morals of the Clergy. 279 at large in this respect.'^ In no century had there been so many de- crees passed against the concubinage of the clergy, as in the loth ;^ yet in none were complaints so common of their incontinence (which in Italy degenerated even into unnatural vices,) "^ as well as derision and lamentation over the inefficiency of all the means used to re- strain themJ The numbers of the offenders made it difficult, or * At Constance the matter was taken up very seriously, as may be seen from the Reforiiiatorium (conip. § 130, note 13), cap. 33 (see v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. X. p. 635), but no resolution was taken upon it, as, like all the other subjects of reform which were left fill alter the election, it ended in nothing. The decree passed at Basil, Sess. XX. see in § 131, note 22. ® See the works cited above, of Theiner and Carove. * Jo. Franc. Pici, Miranduls Domini, ad Leonem P. M. de reformandis morl- bus oratio, A. D. 1517 (in the Fasciculus rerum expetend. et i'ugiendarum, ed. E. Brown, p. 419): Ab illis (sacerdotibus) etiam (proh pudor!) foeiiiince abi- guntur ad eoruin libidines explendas, et meritorii pueri a parentibus comniodan- tur et condonantur his, qui ab oinni corporis etiani concessa voluptate sese im- maculatos custodire deberent ; hi postea ad sacerdotiorum gradus promoventur, astatis flore transacto jam exoleti. ' See especially the following writers : Laurenfius Jiistinianus, patriarch of Venice, 'f 1455 : De complanctu Christianae perfectionis (0pp. ed. Venetiis, 1751. fol. T. II. p. 6), De institutione et regimine Pra;laforuni. c. 20. — Alphonsus Tostatus, bishop of Avila, and high chancellor of Castile, -f* 1454: Contra Clericos concubinarios (0pp. ed. Venet. 172S. fol. T. XXV. p. 58). — Antoninus, arch- bishop of Florence, "f 1459 : Sumnia confessionalis P. III. de Clericis, Pra?]atis, Episcopis. c. 10-16. — Felix Hflmmerlin (Malleolus) chorister of Zurich, -f be- tween 1457 and 1464. Extracts from his works, which are for the most part in Ms. (there is, however, a collection entitled varia? oblectationis opuscula, Basil. 1479. fol.) see in Meister's beriihmte Zilricher. Basel. 1782. Th. 1. S. 34 ff. Mirz helvefische Kirchengeschichte, Th. 3. S. 201 fT. J. v. M il 1 1 e r' s Geschichte SchweizerischerEidgenossenschaft,neue Aufl. 1826. Th. 4. S. 225 seq. — Dionysius de Leeivis, from his native place commonly called a Byckel, a Carthusian in Rure- monde, "f 1471. De vita et regimine Prajsulum. Ait! IS. 27 seq. 37. De vita et regimine Archidiaconorum. Art. 19. seq. De vita Canonicorum. De vita Cura- torum. — Hermannus Ryd de Been (Prior in the convent of Neuwerk near Halle, afterwards a priest, -f 1476. See Leibnifii Scriptt. Brunsvic. II. p. 489) de vita et honestate Clericorum (written 1467. Magdeburgi; inBrownii Appendix ad fascicu- lum rerum expetend. et fugiend. p. 129 seq. — Bodericus Sancius Episc. Zamo- rensis et Referendarius Pauli P. ll. Speculum vitas humans (appeared Romaj 1468, afterwards often reprinted) lib. II. c. 19. — Lavacrum conscientiEe (anony- mous, probably first printed at Augsburg, 1489, afterwards Colon. 1499. 4to.) cap. 4,13,15, 17. — Baptista .Mantuanus, a Carmelite in Mantua, for three years General of his Order, ►f 1516, Alfonsus lib. III. De calamitatibus temporum lib, III. Joannes Trithemius, a Benedictine abbot in Spanheim, afterwards at St. James in Wiirzburg, *J- 1516, Institutio vitse sacerdotalis, especially cap. 2. (ejusd. 0pp. pia et spiritualia ed. Jo. Buscbus. Mogunt. 1605. fol. p. 768 seq.). — Jacobus Wimpheling, Professor in Heidelberg, -f 1528, Apologia pro republica Christiana. Libellus de integritate. Epistola ad sacerdotem, ut Concubinam dimittat in the Anctarium catal. test, verit. p. 275 seq. — Sebastian Brandt, chancellor at Strass- burg, "f 1520. Das nilw Schitf von Narragonia, 1494. To. Geiler von Kaisers- berg, Preacher in Strassburg, "f 1510, Navicula s. speculum fatuorum (sermons preached in 1498) 1511. Das Buch von der Omeissen. — Jac. Siberti, a monk in the convent of Laach. De calamitatibus hujus temporis, written 1509-1516 (published in Vater's kirchenhist. Archip, 1826. Heft 2. S. 109 ff.). — Salires on the incontinence of the clei-gy see in Poggii Florentini, chancellor of the Republic of Florence, 'f' 1459, Facetia?,and in Henr. Bebelii, Professor in Tilbingen, 'f 1516, triumpbus Veneris, lib. III-V. and Facetise. So too in Laurentii Mstemii, Librarian in Urbino, "f after 1516, fables, which are usually appended to the 280 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. impossible to carry into effect the more severe punishments, whilst the avarice of the bishops was easily gratified by substituting therefor pecuniary mulcts, which soon changed into a fixed annual tax.^ The commonness of the offence made it seem to the clergy themselves a light thing.9 Of course the laity could not be expected to view it in editions of ^sop's fables, in the 16th century. Extracts from most of these works in Theiner, 1. c. See the reflections in the Epist. de miseria Curaforum, Aug. Vind. 1489 (in the Append, ad catal. test, verit. p. 2S3) : Si fortitudo, sanctitas, sapientia Samsonem, David, Salomoneni aconcubitu mulieris prsservare non potuit, quis Curatores ab eodem veneno unquam liberavit ? Sicut impossibile est, cum pice communicari, et ab ea non coinquinari ; ita non suscipiendum est, cum inulierc habitare, et al) ea non niaculari. O, quam rarum est, si Curator, uxorem non habens, se non coinquinat! Ab hoc tempore, quo Clericos ab uxoribus sanctio Apostolica sequestravit, nulius unquam, quantumcunque sanctus et continens, sine suspicione fuit. Antea per sacerdotis prolcm tota nostra salus profluxit, nunc autem non nisi scandalum venit. Olim unusquisque sacerdotum in sua legitima contenta- batur: nunc vero saccrdos, qui propriam non habet, feminis indilTerenter utitur. De illis nemo quod malum est promebat : de istis, quomodo luxuriantur, etiam puer cantat ! ** This was, to be sure, expressly forbidden by the Cone. Paris, ann. 1429. c. 23. (Mansi XXVIII. p. 1107) ; Cone. Dertusanum (i. e. Tortosanum) ann. 1529. c. 2. (I. c. p. 1144) ; Cone. Basileense, Sess. XX. (see § 131, note 22) and those who were found guilty of concubinage condenmed to be suspended and deposed : still at a Synod in Breslau, 1447 and 1456, it was decreed by the bishop, Peter II. (Hartzheim Concil. Germ. V. p. 445), quatenus omnes Clerici — concubinas, sive focarias, aut alias mulieres quascunque de incontinentia suspectas — rcjiciant et desistant, — subpoena decern florenorum nobis ad Cameram nostram irremissibiliter persolvendorum. Hence continued complaints of this abuse, see Theobaldi publica conqueslio in Cone. Const, ann. 1417, in v. d. Hardt I. XIX. p, 909. Fel. Ham- merlin, see W i r z hclvet. Kirchengesch. Th. 3. S. 77. Dionysius Carthmianus de vita et regimine Archidiaconorum. Art. XIX. contra periculosam, vitiosam atque damnabilem consuetudinem visitandi, et pecuniam recipiendi a fornicariis. Hermannus Hyd de lieen de vita et honestafe Cleiicorum c. 1. in Broicnii App. p. 133. Jacobus Siberti de calamitatibus hujus temporis relates (Vater's Archiv, 1826. S. 181), that an archbishop of Cologne (Theoderich 1423) having ordered the clergy to put away their concubines under severe penalty, was soon obliged to give up the point, p. 184 : accepit nempe antistes a sacerdotibus pecunias, et dimisit illis concubinas: forte vel nesciebat alio remedio malitis temporum obviare, — vel multitudine territus proficere desperabat. John Busch, Provost of the convent of Neuwerk near Halle, about 1450, having ordered the inferior clergy under him to give up their concubines (see his own account of the matter in Leibnitii Scriptt. Brunsv. II. p. 819), quidam eorum potius elegerunt Ecclesias suas quam famulas suas dimittere. Ecclesias enim suas sine rectore relinquentes cum famulabus suis inde recesserunt. In this state of things complaint was made to the Provost: Populus illarum Ecclesiarum missas non habent, nee sermones, nee alia divina, sed vadunt quasi sine Deo sicut gentiles. Melius esset, quod permitteretis, ut Plebani suas retinerent concubinas, quam ut populus ille tanquam gentilis efficeretur : hoc enim esset minus rualum. 9 Stephani Episc. Brandenburgensis (1422 - 1459) comm. ad orat. domin. c. 17 (in Ph. W. Gercken's ausfiihrl. Stiftshistorie von Brandenburg. Braunsch- weig u. Wolfenbilttel, 1766. 4to. S. 226): Quid ergo dicemus de Clero nostro et sacerdotibus, inter quos etsi pauci sunt simoniaci, pauciores vero schismatici, pau- cissimi vel nulli, ut spcramus, extant ha;retici a quibus ut sic populus ad ipsorum perniciem ecclesiastica reciperet sacramenta ; sunt tamen, quod cum dolore et non sine magnis gemitibus dicere nos ventas compeliit, heu plurimi concubinarii et fornicatores etiam notorii, ex quorum vita plurimi scandalizantur, non solum vul- gares et plebeji, sed etiam Magnates et principes. Et adeo pestis ista et crimen hoc invaluit, ut talibus sacerdotibus frons meretricis facta sit, sic ut pro modico ducant, fornicationem et adulteria committere. — Nam etsi ex lapsu carnis impraeg- Chap. II. National Churches. § 138. 3Ior ah of the Clergy. 281 any other light, and in consequence the vice increased to a fearful degree,!'^ so^as at the end of the loth century to give birth to a new nantur ah eis, vel forte ab aliis, focariEe et nieretrices eonim, non inficiantur vel abne2;ant peccitum, scd pro suiniiio honore arbitrantur, se pareiites illoruin esse, qui de dainnabili coitu procreantur. Unde et gloiiando de inalitia sua coiivicinos presbyteros et alios laicos utriusque sexus convocant, et per se patrinos ad hliorum suoruin baptisma invitant, mao;namque festivitatem pro talium tiliorum generatione et solemnitatem et gaudium faciunt, de quo potius deberent luctuin suscipere, etc. See witli wbat frivolity yEneas Sylvius, after he had become a priest and was enoao-ed at the Council of Basle, announces to his father the birth of a son in Str'asburo-, Ep. 15 : Certe nee lapideum nee ferreuiu genuisti filiuia, cum esses tu carneus." Scis, qualis tu gallus fueris : at nee ego castratus sum, neque ex fngi- dorum nuniero. Nee sum hypocrita, ut videri bonus quam esse malim. Fateor ino-enue mcum erratum, quia nee sanctior sum David Rege, nee Salomone sapien- tior Antiquum et vetus est hoc delictum, nee scio, quis eo careat. Late patet h«c pestis (si pestis est, naturalibus uti), quamquam non video, cur tantopere damnari coitus debeat, cum natura, quae nihil perperam operatur, omnibus inge- nuerit animantibus hunc appetitum, ut genus continuaretur huraanum, etc. in the diocese of Speyer two successive bishops labored with great zeal against this abuse, namely, Louis of Helmstadt, 1478-1504 (see the Acta of the Synod in Pf^«r£^^!t'emsubsidiadiplom.XIL p. 196seq.),and Philip of Rosenberg, Io04-lol3 (Wiirdtu-em nova subsid. dipl. VHI. p. 294 seo,.). The only consequence was (see 150.5 nova subsid. dipl. VIIL p. 299), that the clergy complained inter convivas et scortorum consortia, in Episcopatu Spirensi solam luxunam esse peccatum, et pene nemiuem fuisse punitum, nisi solum illos aut eos irequentius, qui castitatis vitio laborabant, cKteros verolonge enormioribus gravioribusque irretitos cnminibus aut a poena fuisse immunes, aut saltern mediocriter in comparatione lascivorum mulctatos : cum tamen sancti Doctores et jura canonica alterant, incontinentiam inter peccata mortalia esse minimum. The bishop, however, perseveres in his deciees, rnoti ex hoc verbo Gregorii, quo dicit, fornicationem minoris quidem esse culpa", majoris autem diffimiia', cujus auctoritatis huic vitio dediti prima verba, no3 vero ultima attendimus, propter quod ipsi peccatum hoc suum in se parvi faciunt, nos difflimiam et scandalum magnifacimus. Pensamus hsc et multa aha innume- rabilia mala corporis, famse et amm«, qua; hajc cum mulieribus suspectis conversatio et cohabitatio secum afferunt, inprimis autem illud, quod raro tales vera et catholice peccata sua confitentur: emendandi propositum, quod habere se dicunt, regulariter aut fictum est aut falsum, et— legitime et coram Deo non absolvuntur. Hermannus Rml de Rcen de vita et honestate Clericorum, c. 1. in Brown App. ad fasciculum, p 133 ■ Antiquitus — mali Clerici et sacerdotes fuerunt hypocritae, — quibus valde erat infestus Salvator, — cum sajpe eos redarguit, contra eos prsdicavit. — Moderni autem Clerici pejores sunt illis hypocritis, qui, licet mali sunt et pessimi prffivari- catores pro majori parte, non tamen talia in occulfo homimbus nescientibus, ut hvpocrita; fecerunt. Utinam foret ita bonum, ut justi coram honunibus apparerent, ne homines in eis scandaUzarentur. Sed aliter est negotium : quoniain minus verecundantur laicis, gloriantes de inalitia eorum et male actis. Quot publicos fornicatus sive fornicarios videmus ! imo, quod pejus est, tales et hujusmodi sic vivere permittuntur publice ab eorum Pralatis, solum quod omni anno porngant certain quolam pecuniirum Oflicialibus eorum! 10 Complaint=i of the effect of this example Concilium Parisiense, ann. 1429. c. 23 CMansi XXVIIL p. 1107). Cum propter crimen concuhinatus, quo multi ecclesiastici et religiosi viri inficiuntur, habeantur Ecclesia Dei et totus Clerus in derisum, abominationem, et opprobrium cunctis gentibus ; et illud nefandissimum scelus in Ecclesia Dei adeo invaluit, ut jam non credant Christiani, simphcem fornicationem esse peccatum mortale (see Huss sermo syn. ann. 1405, below. S 149 note 5): nos volentes ad exstirpationem tanti iacinons — providere, etc. In the summons to the Synod on St. IVL^rtin's day, 1486, the bishop of Speyer romv\e^ms (Wnrdta-em stik^idia diplom. XIL p. 247) : l.cet -nos contra concu- binarios nostrarum civitatis et diocesis Spirensis processus nostros varios et quidem formidabiles et diras in se continentes pcenas pro hujusmodi vitio concuhinatus ex- tinguendo promulgaverimus ; nihilominus tamen validus et Irequens clamor ad nos VOL. III. '^^ 282 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. and disgusting disease. ^^ As early as the Council of Constance, it was openly said that nothing could remedy these evils but to allow the marriage of priests : 1- but such was the strength of prejudice that men in other respects liberal in their views, as for instance the chan- cellor Gerson, resisted every effort to change the existing laws of the church. 1^ There always continued to be intelligent men, who advo- cated the marriage of priests ; i"* but the interests of the hierarchy perduxit, quod nonnulli, immo ut asseiitur multi, per civitatem et diocesim nostras adeo patule et publico secuni tunueiint et teneant iiiuliere* suspectas et concubinas, tainque lepi-ehensibilem cum eis agant vitam, quod exinde Laici non tantuin scandalisaiUur, sed et ipsi corum exeiiiplo similiter peccandi suniaut occasionem, etc. Lavacrum conscientia, c. VJI. : Propter quod secundum b. Bernardum in districto Dei judicio judicantur non solum (juia in bis peccaverunt, sed etiam ideo quia suis nefandis exemplis rudibus et siiui)!icil)us occasionem peccandi dederunt. Propter quod etiam in bac vita corda eorum indurantur, quod raro aut nunquam pa'riitent, pnecipue bi, qui peste luxuria; aut avaritite infecti sunt, quia a nullo volunt corrigi nee alicujus informationcm accipere. Citius enim decem laici vel plures ab errore suo revocantur, quam unus Clericus vel literatus perverse vivens. Et ideo in sensum reprobum raulti talcs traduntur, et ca;citate justo Dei judicio percutiuntur, etc. '' Ph. G. Hensler's Gesch. der Lustseuche, die zu Ende des funfzehnten Jahrh. in Europa ausbrach. Altona, 1783. Thciner II. II. S. 803 ff. '^ Frnnciscus Zabardla (from 1411 Cardinalis Florentinus, 'f 1417) capita agendorum in Cone. Constant, de ret'ormatione Ecclesia-, c. 12 {y. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. IX. p. 524) : Circa concubinarios providealur cum effectu ; alias sic negligendo praestaret permittere conjugium Clericis. Et de hoc etiam disponetur. Especially Wilhclmi Sagineti (Saignet, a French knight) lanientatio ob coslibatum sacerdotum, seu dialogus Nica^nce constitutionis, et natui-a; ca de re conquerentis, Ms. in Basle cf. Oudini comm. de scriptoribus Eccles. antiquis. T. III. p. 2325. " Gerson answered Saignet in the dialogus sophiae et naturae super cslibatu Ecclesiasticorum (0pp. II. p. 617 seq.). In this he asknowledges the impossibility of checking the incontinence of the clergy, but still will not hear of the marriage of piiests, comforting himself with the i-etiection, p. 634, de duobus malis minus est incontinentes tolerare sacerdotes, quam nullos habere. His views on the subject, too, are lax to a degree in him surprising ; e. g. Sermo contra luxuriam Dom. II. Adv. (0pp. III. p. 917): Violatne persona votum suum, quando non servat casti- tatem suam, vel etiam Presbyter, aut rcligiosa persona .' Respondco, quod regu- lariter votum castitatis tit, quod nunquam vovens contrahere velit matrimonium, et pro hoc quis consequenter obligatus est ad castitatein. Ideo non violat votum suum is, qui non contrahit matiimonium, quamvis peccet gravissime. One of the means recommended to prevent such offences, Sermo contra luxur. Dom. IV. Adv. (1. c. p. 932) : Tertium remedium est elRcere, ut paucissima I'aciant peccata, et interdum multa bona tacere. Notate, quod sit in secreto, et extra festa et loca sancta, cum personis sine vinculo. '^ Sigismunds Reformation (first ed. by Joh. Bjlmler. Augsburg, 1476, and in Goldasti Constitt. imperial. I. p. 170 ; with some arbitrary changes in Basil 1521) was not, to be sure, presented to the Council of Basil, as the title-page of the ed. of 1476 represents, nor to the Council of Constance, as is represented by the title of the ed. of 1521 ; nor is it by Sigismund, but more probably (as is sup- posed hyv.d. Hardt, Cone. Const. I. XX VII. p. 1121) by the imperial counsellor, Frederick v. Land^kron, after Sigismund's death, but still it is an important docu- ment. In the Section Von Ordenung aller Pfarrkirchen it is stated that all the measures against concubinage had proved ineffectual. It is then proposed that each church shall have two married piiests ; that they shall serve on alternate weeks, and that each in his week shall refrain from intercourse with his wife. — JVicolaiis Paiiormitanus (see § 131, note 38, 'f 1445) Lectura super c. cum olim. De clericis conjugatus (i. e. ad Deer. Greg. Lib. III. Tit. III. c. 6.) ed. Taurin. 1577. fol. 361. proposes the question : Numquid hodie Ecclesia possit statuere, ut Chap. II. National Churches. § 138. 3Ior ah of the Clergy. 283 were too deeply involved in the question to expect them to yield. Clericus possit contrahere matrimonium, sicut Graeci ? and answers: Credo, quod sic, — et non solum credo, potestatem inesse Eeclesiaj hoc coiidendi, sed credo pro bono et salute aniinarum quod esset salubre statutuin, ut volentes coniinere et niagis mereii, relinquerentur voluntati eorum ; non volentes autem continere, possint contrahere : quia experientia docentc contrarius prorsus effectus sequitur ex ilia lege continentiae, quuni hodie non vivant spiritualiter, nee sint niundi, sed maculentur illicito coitu cum eorum gravissimo pcccato, ubi cum propria uxore esset castitas, ut dicitur Cap. J\'ica;na (Decretum Grat. P. 1. Dist. XXXI. c. 12). Unde deberet Ecclesia facere, sicut bonus medicus, ut si medicina, experientia docente, potius officit quam prosit, earn tollat. Et utinam idem esset in omnibus constitutionibus positivis, ut saltem obligarent quoad pcenam, et non quoad culpani. Nam ita creverunt statuta positiva, ut vix reperiantur aliqui, qui non corrupei-int viam suam. — JEneas Sylvius hut. Cone. Basil, lib. II. (ed. Catopoli, 1667. 4to. p. 86) : Ibrtasse non esset pejus, sacerdotes quainplures uxorari : quoniam multi salvarentur in sacerdotio conjugate, qui sterili in Presbyteratu danmantur. De auctoritate Cone. Basil, dialogus (in Kollar Analecta Vindobonensia II. p. 780) : olim conjugem nee habere, nee habuisse indecorum sacerdotibus fuit ; hodie vero solum habere interdicitur, qua; probibitio, ut ego existimo, utilius quoque hodie prohiberetur. When Cardinal he wrote to his fiiend Jo. Frunt (Ep. 307) : Credi- mus te uti non insulso consilio, si, quum nequeas continere, conjugium qusris, quamvis id prius cogitandum t'uerat, antequam iniliareris sacris ordinibus. Sed non sumus Dii onines, qui futura prospicere valeamus. Quando hue ventum est, ut legi carnis resistere nequeas, melius est nubeie, quam uri. Non tamen haec Pontilicis sententia, ut dispensandum ccnseat : stat in sua severitate. — Expectan- dus est ergo, ut tute agas, alterius Apo>tolatus, qui mitior sit. So too when Pope. One of his sayings was {Platina de vitis Pontilf. ed. 1645. p. 762) : Sacerdotibus magna rations sublatas nuptias, majori restitucndas videri. — Also the French Carmelite, Thomas de Rennes (Thomas Redonensis), who preached with great zeal in France and Italy against the corruption of the Roman church, and insisted upon a reformation (for which he was burned at the stake in Rome, ]4;?6), is sup- posed to have been an advocate for the marriage of the priests. The passage attributed to him in Flacii catalog, no. 365, is, however, that of Panormitanus, above cited. See Baleus. Centur. VII. c. 100. — Felix Hdmmerlin also, in his work de liberfate eccl., wished that the priests might be allowed to marry. See Mil Iter's Schweizer. Gesch. Th. 4. S. 261. Anm. 309. — ^Zam Chartier, secretary of the kings Charles VI. and VII., 'f 1458, in his work I'esperance ou consolation des trois vertus (Les oeuvres de Maistre Jllain Chartier, reveufis, corrigees par A. du Chesne. a Pai-is, 1617. 4to. p. 388. The passage given by Flacivs catal. test. no. 200, and Theiner II. II. 697, in Latin, but erroneously cited from the work le Curial citirt) : Or fut il pie(;a fait un nouvel statut en I'Eglise latine, qui desseura I'ordre du sainct mariage d'avec la dignite de Prestrise souz couleur de purtc et chastete sans souilleurc. IMaintenant court le statut de concubinage au contraire, qui les a attraits aux estats niondains, et aux deliz sensuels et corporels. Et qui plus est, se sont rendus a immoderee avarice, en pro- curant par symonie et par autres voyes illicites, litigieuses, et processives en corrup- tion, et autrement, benefices et prelatures espirituelles. Et avec ce se sont souillez et occupez es affaires citoyens, et es negoces et cures temporelles. Et ce premier statut departit pie(^,a I'Eglise grecque d'avec la latine. Et ores la desordonnanee avaricieuse des Presti-es a fait separcr les peuples de Behaigne (Bohmen) d'Eglise de Rome. Que dy-je de Behaigne .' mais de Chrestiente presque toute. Car les gens de I'Eglise ont si avilennc par leurs coulpes eux et leur estat, qu'ils sont ja des- daignez et des grands et des menus du monde : et les coeurs estrangez de I'obeis- sance de saincte Eglise par la dissolution de ses ministres. Car, comme dit est, ilz ont laisse les espousailles, mais ils ont reprins les illegitimes, vagues, et dissolues luxures. Je ne vueil plus avant eslargii- ma parolle. Car tant ont telles Constitu- tions de lieu, comme on y prent de plaisir. Que a apporte la Constitution de non marier les Prestres, si non tourner et eviter legitime generation en advoultrise, et honneste cohabitation d'une seule espouse en multiplication d'escande luxure .' Se je disoye tout ce que j'en pense, je diroye plainement, que la gresse des bien« temporels meslee du souffre d'envie, et la chaleur d'ambition et de luxure ont fait 284 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Thus the hatred of the laity towards a clergy, who added such im- leiir apprest pour mettre le feu en I'Eglise, etc. To. Anton de S. Georgia, Professor Juris in Pavia, Provost at Milan, at last Cardinal, "f 1509. In his Aurea etsingularis lectura super quarto Decretaliuin rum additionibus Benedicti de Vadis. Lugd. 1522. fol. we read ad Tit. VI. Qui Clerici vel voventes matrimonium con- trahere possunt, in the Rubrica, where the editor speaks : Tempore primitivai Ecclesias licebat Prcsbyteris, et sic constitutis in sacris, uxoj-eni habere, dumniodo die celebrationis ahstinerent a conjugibus. Postea in occidentali Ecclesia venit prohibitio, ut constituti in sacris deberent continei'c. Dicit hie Cardinalis (namely, Jo. Ant. a S. Georgio), quod dat materiam illaqucandi plures animas hoc prscep- tuni, et ideo credit, (piod, sicut Ecclesia incbixit hoc praceptum continentia-, quod quandoque revocabit ; et crit conveniens dicto Apostoli levocatio, qui dixit : de virginibus praeceptum non habeo, consilium autem do. Conrad Celtes, Professor in Ingolstadt and Wicn, f 1508, Amorum lib. II. Elegia 6 : Gregorius primi Eriderici tempore regni, / O quantum incauti pectoris egit opus! Ille sacris vetuit ca,'lebs connubia Icctis, Liberior vitiis ut sacra vita foret. Nullus enim pudor est teneras violarc puellas, Et nequc legitimas sollicitare faces. Quique uno quondam fuerat contentus amore, Ille modo plures rite foverc potest, etc. Baptista Mantuanus, Carmelite in Mantua, •f 1516, Fastorum lib. I. De s. Hila- rio (0pp. ed. Antverp. 1576. 8vo. T. II. fol. 252) : Non nocuit tibi progenies, non ohstitit uxor Legitimo conjuncta thoro, non horruit ilia Tempestate Deus thalamos, cunabula, ta;das ; Sola erat in pretio, quaj nunc incognita virtus Sordet, et attrito vivit cum plebe cucullo. Propterea leges, quae sunt connubia contra. Esse nialas quidam perhibent : prudentia patrum Non satis advertit, dicunt, quid ferrc recuset. Quid valeat natura pati : cervicibus, ajunt. Hoc insuave jugum nostris imponere Christus Noluit, istud onus, quod adhuc quam pluiima monstra Fecit, ah audaci, dicunt, pietate I'epertum. Tutius esse volunt, qua lex divina sinebat Isse via, vctcrumque sequi vestigia patrum. Quorum vita fuit melior cum conjuge, quam nunc Nostra sit, exclusis thalamis, et conjugis usu. Jo. Marius Bclga (le Maire, Historian of Louis XII.) de schismatum et Concilio- rum Ecclesia; universalis ditferentia, written in f'rencli, 1511, translated into Latin by Simon Schardius, and appended to his life of Theodoricus a Niem (Argentor. 1609. 8vo. p. 571 seq.). Pai'S I. c. 2 : Tiia prascipue Ecclesiae universal! magnum damnum atlulere, nimirum ambitio, avaritife mater, omissio seu neglectus Concilio- rum generalium, legitimi mati'imonii sacerdotum in Ecclesia latina prohibitio : de quibus singulis ample fuse([ue in toto hoc opere dicctur. On the last head he brings extracts fioin Chartier, P. III. c. 15, and then remarks, cap. 16: quan- tumvis diligenter investigarim, quo Papa auctore, vel cujus ConciUi decreto conju- gium sacerdotibus sit interdictum in Ecclesia latina, id tamen nusquam invenire potui. Alii siquidem id tempore Gregorii septimi, monachi Cluniacensis, factum esse tradunt : — alii id multo ante factum esse existimant in Concilio Nica^no, cujus tamen decreto Gra;ci subscribere noluerunt : in Belgico, seu inferiori Germania sentiunt, id auctore Papa Calixto factum, et ad hoc versiculos hosce, cum barbaros, turn ridiculos allegant : O bone Calixto, nunc omnis Clerus odit te : Olim Presbyteri poterant uxoribus uti : Hoc dcstruxisli, tu Papa quando fuisti : Ergo tuum festum nunquam ceiebratur honestum. Chap. II. National Churches. § 138. Morals of the Clergy . 385 morality to their presumption and avarice, was more and more em- bittered ; 1^ and seeing in the riches with which they were endowed the origin of their corruption, the feeling was constantly gaining ground that no reform could be hoped for till they should be deprived of their possessions. '"^ Polydorus Vergilius of Urbino, who was a long time in England, -f 1555, de rcrum inventoribus (appeared first in Bonon. 1499. 4to.) lib. V. c. 4 : llliid tamen dixe- rim, tantum abfuisse, ut ista coacta castitas illain conjugalem vicerit, ut ctiani nullius delicti crimen majus ordini dedecus, plus mali religioni, plus doloris omnibus bonis impresserit, inusserit, attulerit, quam sacerdotum libidinis labes. Proinde forsitan tam e rcpublica Christiana, quam ex ordinis usu esset, ut tandem aliquando jus publici matrimonii sacerdotibus restitueretur, quod illi sine infamia sancte potius colerent, quam se spurcissime ejuscemodi naturae vitio turpificarent. '* Lavacrum conscientia, cap. VI. : Quid est ergo, quod caetei'i homines cujus- cunque status nobis infesti sunt ? Certe non possumus dicere, quod ha?c sit causa, quod tilii hujus sKCuli persequuntur nos, tanquam filios lucis : — quia non sumus filii lucis sed tenebrarum. — Noc occurrit nobis alia causa, nisi quod transgressores legis sumus, nee eam in corde diligimus, nee eain in ore prKdicamus, nee ctiam eam opere adimplemus : et sic abutimur sacerdotii dignitate. — Ubi enim major £emulatio peccatorum nisi in sacerdotibus, qui non solum in se omni iniquitate sunt pleni, sed etiam aliis sunt occasio peccandi et ruinae eeterns damnationis. — Nam si Presbyter sit avarus, usurarius, gulosus, etc., solum non sit luxuriosus ; tunc ab omnibus hominibus habetur sanctus et honestus. Si vero de aliis vitiis est in- noxius, sed vacet solummodo luxuriaj, contemnitur ab omnibus hominibus tanquam presbyter vitiosus. Cap. VII. : Et propter heec et his similia multi laicorum ab elargitione eleemosynarum et a fundatione beneficiorum retrahuntur. Sicque viluit sacerdotium et quotidie vilescit, et multi erubescunt Clerici fieri, vel suos permittere clericari : et si Clerici etiiciuntur, tamen perversa intentione hoc fit. Nam divites lioc faciunt propter pinguiores prffibendas, pauperes vero ideo, quod leviori et meliori modo se nutrire possunt. Trithemius instit. vitce sacerdot. cap. 4. note 1, above. '® See Juliani Card, epist. ad Eugen. IV. § 131, note 6. Andreas Episc. Megarensis. § 131, note 19. Also the so-called Reformation of Frederick III. (Goldast's Reichssatzung, S. 280). — Gravamina Ord. Equestris in Bavaria Georgio diviti Duci Landshutensi, ann. 1499, exhibita in the Bibliotheca hist. Goettingensis. Th. 1. 1758. 4to. S. 289 : plura tributa et prasdia cum possident Ecclesiastici, quam Principes et Nobilitas sua, fere onmia suse subjiciunt avaritiae ; et licet, ut ait divus Hieronymus, temporalibus augmentis spiiitualia etiam in dies augmentari deberent, ea tamen magis atque magis diminuuntur, et onmino obli- viscuntur Ecclesiastici illi majorum nostrorum, qui eos ditarunt. — Religio pepeiit divitias, sed filia conspiravit in necem parentis ; crescit animus, crescunt atfectus. Jo. Marius Belga de schismat. et Concill. seeks to show, P. I. (see P. I. c. 1), quomodo opes EcclesiEe datEe, maxime a Constantino M. et successoribus ejus, Pipino, Carolo M., Ludovico Pio, et aliis, etsi primo sub specie sanctitatis, probi- tatis et castitatis sint part*, nihilominus tamen postea pessimos fructus produxerint, nimirum superbiam, arrogantiam, fastum, haeresin, principum contemptum, tyran- nidem in subditos, iuiprudentiam, aliaque ejus generis vitia complura. Compare Alain Chartier, note 14, above. 286 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. CHAPTER THIRD. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. «§> 139. ATTEMPTS TO REFORM THE OLDER ORDERS. The corruption of the convents ^ could not well escape notice in this period, in which so much was said of reform ; and we find, there- fore, constant complaints of their state as well as attempts to remedy the evil. The Council of Constance began these efforts by causing a Chapter of the German Benedictines, the first for many years, to be held under its superintendence in ]417.'-^ This example was followed in other countries,^ but without much success, till the Council of Basil, when the reformation of the Regular Canons of Germany was committed to the general chapter of the convent of Windesheim ; ^ * See § 108. The only exception was the Carthusian Order, see Jo. Buscius de reform, monasteriorum lib. III. c. 32. in Leibnitii Scriptt. Brunsv. II. p. 935: Carthusia a prima sui institutione semper in observantia regular! permansit propter tria, videlicet solitudinem, silentium et visitationem, ut patet in hoc versu : Per tria So. Si. Vi. Carthusia permanet in vi. ^ This was a Capitulum provinciate monachorum nigrorum Provinciac Mogun- tinensis et Dioeceseos Bambejgensis, see Trithemii Chion. Hirsaug. ad ann. 1417. T. II. p. 346 seq. The Acts of this Chapter see in Trithemii opp. pia ed. Busatus p. 1030 seq., more complete in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I. XXVI. p. 1086 seq. That very important reforms for the Monastic Orders were pi'oposed at Constance may be seen from the Reformatorium (see § 130, note 13) in v. d. Hardt I. X. p. 703 seq., but they never were carried into effect. ^ See the Capitulum provinciale nigrorum monachorum apud Westmonasterium ann. 1422. (in Mansi XXV'III. p. 1037). Concil. Parisiense, ann. 1429. c. 12 seq. (1. c. p. 1102). * The chief authority on this suhject is Jo. Buschii (of Zwolle, from 1419 a Canon in Windsheim, afterwards Prior in Sulta near Hildesheim, Abbot of the convent Neuvverk near Halle, and again Prior in Sulta, 'f 1479) de reformatione monasteriorum quorundam Saxoniae, libb. IV. in Leibnitii Scriptt. Brunsvic. II. p. 476 seq., and p. 806 seq. The convent of AVindsheim near Zwolle was the most important among those of the Regular Canons, who were connected with the fratres vitae communis, and the seat of the Capitulum generale, which assembled yearly from all the convents of these two orders. Although very strict in the observance of their rules, the Regular Canons were fiir removed from any thing like exagge- rated ascetic notions. Jo. Biisch, Chi'on. Windesemense (ed. Herib. Roswydus. Antverp. 1621. Svo.) lib. II. c. 5. p. 276, relates: duo fratres in Windesem propter hujusmodi rigidam abstinentiam et occultam alimenlorum sibi necessariorum sub- tractionem cerebrum et naturalia conturbantes, rationis facti sunt impotentes. — Perpendentcs igitur Patres nostri et seniores, hujusmodi rigidam abstinentiam pro animarum non esse salute, nee corporum sanitate, sed in personarum et Ordinis nostri perpetuam vergere destructionem, — plenam dederunt licentiam omnibus fratribus et familiaribus suis bene comedendi, et dc cibariis quae dantur in communi quantum poterant sine scrupulo et cum bona conscientia libere assumendi, immo etiamsi noluerunt, natura ne deficiat, ad sumendum compellendi. — Unde et mos apud DOS inolevit, ut, cum Clericus quis ad religionem se suscipi deprecatur, tria Chap. III. National Churches. § 139. History of Monachism. 287 in conjunction with which the reformation of the Benedictines was begun by the convent of Bursfeld.^ Soon after tliis (1450-1451) the Cardinal Nicliolas de Cusa appeared in Germany as papal legate to advance the cause of reform generally, so far as the necessity of reform was recognised by the court of Rome ; and he too engaged in the reformation of the convents.'^ primum puncta ab ipso interrogentur, videlicet an bene possit coraedere, an possit bene donnire, et an velit libenter obedire : quoniam in istis tribus punctis funda- mentum perseverantire in religione consisUt, et cum ex premissis unum defuerit, ad religionem aptus et idoneus non erit. The reputation of the convent induced the bishops to call on them to reform other convents of their Order in the Nether- lands, and on the Rhine ; in Saxony they were called on to assist in the reformation of a convent in Wittenburg, A. D. 1423 (Busch de reform, monast. 1. c. 11. p. 488). After this, A. D. 1435, the Priors of Windsheim and Wittenburg were com- missioned by the Council of Basil to conduct a reformation of all the convents of their Order, male and female, in Ducatu Brunsviccnsi, ac Hildeseniensi, Hal- berstadiensi, Verdensi dioecesi, and invested with full powers for the purpo>e (see the commission in Busch, p. 486). John Busch was appointed Subprior in Wittenburg, A. D. 1439, was commissioned tirst with the reformation of the con- vent of Sulta near Hildesheim (1. c. p. 491 seq.), and from that time forward was very active in the service. — At a later period Canons from Windsheim, with Jo. Mauburnus at their head, were called upon to undeitake the reformation of the Augustine and Benedictine convents in France, see Gallia christiana VII. p. 836. 1744. XII. p. 1770. See the correspondence between Mauburnus and Erasmus, Ibid. VII. Instrum. p. 230. * Concerning which see Busch I. c. 43 seq. in Leibnitius II. p. 841 seq. Tri- themii Chron. Hirsaug. II. p. 350 seq. ejusd. Chron. Spanhemiense in 0pp. hist, ed. Freheri P. II. p. 350 seq. J. G. Leuckfeld's antiquitates Bui-sfeldenses, od. histor. Beschi-eibung des ehemal. Klosters Bursfelde, und der daher rtllirenden Bursfeldischen Societiit Benedictinerordens. Leipzig u. Wolfenbtlttel, 1713. 4to. It was begun by John of Minden, who was at Constance at the Benedictine chapter as representative of the convent of Rheinhausen, and himself had been a zealous advocate of reform. Having been appointed Abbot of the convent Clus near Gandersheim by Otho, duke of Brunswick, 1430, he undertook and carried thi-ough a reform ; as also in the convent of Bursfeld, where he was ap- pointed Abbot, A. D. 1433. After this he connected himself with John Rode, Abbot of St. Matthews, near Triers, who was distinguished by like zeal in the cause, and the union of these two convents laid the foundation of the congrega- tion of Bursfeld. By the influence of these convents, namely, many of the Bene- dictines in Saxony and Westphalia, as also on the Rhine, having been reformed (see Symbols ad hist, monasterii Lacensis ex codd. Bonnensibus depromta^. Bon- nae, 1826. 4to. p. 8 seq.), an association was formed amongst them. In this reforma- tion also the Regular Canons were called on to assist, see Busch I. c. 46. p. 844 seq. He relates, I. c. 43. p. 841 : Praefati patres Johannes (v. Minden, whom he calls de Northem) et Rembertus (Prior in Wittenburg) a Concilio Basileensi buUas impetrarant, ut unusquisque eorum sui Ordinis monasteria sexus utriusque per Saxoniam et Ducatum Brunsvicensem assumto adjutorio cum invocatione brachii saecularis possent reformare : et cuncta ad id necessaria in bullis eorum sunt ex- pressa, videlicet ut per censuras ecclesiasticas eos ad se reformandum possent compellere cum invocatione brachii saecularis, cum absolutionibus a sententiis quibuscunque. He dates these bulls, however, before the i-efoi'ination of the convent Clus, at which time the Council of Basil had not yet met ; but probably both events took place in 1435, see note 4. The Council issued a new call for the reformation of the Benedictine convents, dd. X. Kal. Martii, 1439 (Trithemii opp. pia ed. Buscbus, p. 1016 seq.). ® He empowered John Busch, and Paul, provost of the Afaurice-convent in Halle, 1451, to reform all the convents of the Canonici regulares per provinciam Magdeburgensem et Moguntinam, Saxoniarn et Thuringiam ; see the document in Busch IV. c. 2, p. 956. The aim of the reform was given as follows : Volumus, 288 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. In spite of all these efforts, however, only a partial reformation could be effected.^ The custom which had been introduced into almost all the convents of sharing tlie revenues, and the independence which this secured them, had for the monks too great a charm.^ At Constance a Cistercensian monk even undertook formally to justify this practice ; ^ and afterwards the most frivolous pretexts were sought quod oinni cUlisjentia hujusinodi visitatores invigilent, ut tria substantialia omnis Religionis, scilicet 7>aH/)e>7as, casffYas et ohedientia, exactissiine observentur, et uniibmiitas habitus ac nioniiii in vestio Ordine ubique observetur ; ita quod nemo Caiionicoi-um regulaiimii Ordiuis veslri utiiusque sexus prot'essus — sine Koqueto (Ital. Roccetto) roiirano cum manicis deinceps incedere pia;sumat, onuiibus dispen- sationibus — non obstantibus. "> Jo. JViderus (a Dominican prior in Basil, "f 1438) de visionibus ac rcvelatio- nibus (or formicarius) I. c. 7, ed. v. d. Hardt. Helmst. 1692. 8vo. p. 97: De reformatione particulari in civitate Ecclesias possibili in multis sfatibus et religioni- bus non dubito. Quin easdem indies introduci videmus in quibusdam monasteriis et conventibus, sed cum quanta ditficultate, novit altissimus. Si enim praisente generali Concilio in Basilca annis sex nee unum quidem fragilis sexus nionasteriuni cooperante etiam sa-culaii consulatu rcfoi-mari potuit propter quorundam inhabi- tantium vitam malani et eisdem junctara sasvitiain : quid quaeso sperandum est de virorum nobiiium vel literatorum collegiis, qui ruinas et deformitates suas, in spiritualibus existentes domibus, non modo armis chalybeis, sed etiam quae deteiiora sunt verbalibns et ligneis possunt defendere ! The Augustine Eremite, Jo. Schi- phower de Meppis, says, 1504, in bis Chron. Oldenburgensium Archicomitum, in Meibomii Rerum Germ. T. II. p. 170, ad ann. 1426 : Circa ha=c tempera reforma- tio magna plurimorum monasteriorum in diversis mundi partibus fuit. Et nota, quod hujusmodi reformationes leguntur facta-, sed pene nulla remansit, quin solito moi'e per successum temporis ad pristinum relaberetur languorem post venerabili- um patrum mortem. * See the account given by Buschius I. c. 4, p. 480, of the condition of the convent Ludinkerka in Friesland, before the reform, A. D. 1428 : Ante reformati- onem pauci ihi fuerunt sacerdotes, et plures conversi ultra XXX. aut L., qui pactum fecerant cum conversis Conniani monasterii Ordinis Cisterciensis ad unum milliare inde distans, quod mutuo se juvare vellent cum centum viiis armatis : idcirco totam illam Frisia; partem sibi subjugaverant. Quidam autem Vasallus circa monasterium in castro babitans — retulit ad Episcopum Trajectensem de mala et pessima eorum vita, quorum nullus erat continens, et omnes proprietarii, habentes secum nioniales in monasteiio, quae aliquando imprajgnatas genuerunt. Cognovi ibi Abbatem, cujus pater conversus dictus fuerat, mater vero nionialis. — Episcopus autem Fridericus de Blankenheym, vir prudens et literatus misit illic Ambasiatores suos, — qui personas dicti monasterii visitantes, invenerunt omnes pene conversos sine regula et professione ibi intrasse, et usque tunc in prKsens ibidem per multos annos sic permansisse. Quaerentes, autem, quomodo ad liabi- tum conversorum assumenduni pervenissent, responderunt ; quam prinio hie intra- vimus. plures hie vidimus alba tunica et scapulari indutos, et tamcn in armis bellicis expeditos. Comparavimus igitur etiam nobis album pannum, undo tunicas albas, caputia alba, scapularia nobis fieri procuravimus, et per nos ipsos eas induimus. Interrogarunt, an aliquid audisseut de regula .' Responderunt: nun- quam, sed unusquisque nostrum aut monialem, aut conversam, aut aliam mulierem sibi assumpsit, cum qua sine copulatione matiimonii dormivit. It was not so bad in all the convents, but a division of property, incontinence, a worldly life, and neglect of the rules we find in all the unreformed convents. ' Anonymi Ordinis Cisterc. propositio affirmativa in Constant. Cone. ann. 1417, oblata et examinnta, (juod inouacbi Cistercienscs possint propria possidere bona (in ?). d. Hardt Cone. Const. III. p. 120 se(j.), c. 1. I.icitum et fas est interdum dispensare, quod monaclius sen religiosus de scitu Pra;lali sui habet res temporales ad usum bonum et nccessarium, quando cogit necessitas cxcusabilis, aut suadet utilitas notabiUs. c. 5 : To prevent discontent and murmuring, proficuum est, Chap. III. National Churches. § 139. History of Monachism. 289 out to ward off the impending reformation. i'* Not unfrequently the quod in retroactis teinporibus Abbates vel fecerunt convcntuum consensu tacite, vel espresse in rei veritate, vel saltern gratiose cum religiosis eis subditis, quod ipsi et eorum quilibet habeant et possideant aliqua pro victu et veslitu. — Non tanien sic possidentes de scientia, scitu et consensu Abbalis, tales sunt dicendi proprietarii. Quia solum possident ad usum et non ad piopriotatem, et possident nomine monasterii, et non nomine proprio. (Then c. 3 : lllud in Monacho est proprium, quod celatur Abbati. c. 5 : This follows iiom 12 qu. 1. JS^on dicatis. Nam ibi tcxtus dicit, quod nihil possidere possent sine Abbatis licentia. Ergo Abbalis licentia possunt.) Cap. 6" : Et sic quasi in omnibus monasteriis nostri Oidinis sive per statutum, sive per dispensationem, ut pra?dictum, consuetudo jnolevit, etiam dudum pacifice observata et pra;scripta, propriis Praelatis et etiam Dominis Visitatoribus scientibus et consentlentibus. Qua; consuetudo non debet leviter tolli, maxime ubi timetur verisimilitcr scandalum plurimorum. This work was answered, Magni Monachorum Visitatoris constitutio ncgativa, quod raonachi propria non debeant possidere bona (1. c. p. 130 seq.)- So too the Refbrmatorium condemns this work, and shows the evil consequences of a division of property amongst the monks (lib. III. Tit. X. c. 2, in v. d. Hardt I. X. p. 705) : Cum abdicatio proprietatis ita monastics profession! et regula; sit annexa, quod nee summus Pontifex contra eandem valeat dispensare ; nihilominus tamen quanq)lure3 regulares persona; utriiisque sexus, et quasi indiiTerenter omnes, paucis duntaxat exceptis, salutis suae immemores, interdum ante ingressum religionis et quandoque post, pecunia sibi industriose congregata vel recepta ab amicis et parentibus, necnon jura, possessiones, rcditus, pensiones, portiones, praebendas, animaha, et alia bona emerunt, seu emi fecerunt et procurarunt ; proprio et s»pe nomine alieno multos contractus tanquam negotiatores exercent; pecunias inde acquisitas, vel alias undecunqiie provenientes ad hbitum propriae voluntatis expendunt ; quamplures quoque hujusmodi pecuniam et alia pra-dicta contra scitum et voluntatem superio- rum suorum occulte vel illicite tenent in suarum pericula animarum. Quorum prsetextu et occasione ex tunc vestitum emunt, claustralia loca ad placitum dese- runt, mansiones sibi seorsim procurant, victum et potum singularem extra conven- tualem locum sibi disponunt, vel in mensa communi in pra;sentia pauperum fratrum aut sororum eadem scandalose consumunt, reliquis fratribus aut sororibus, similia non habentibus, magnam egestatem cum amaritudine animi patientibus. Ex quibus surgunt invidiae, detractiones, rancores, scandala, applausiones, comessationes, in- obedientia, incontinentia, aliseque infinitoe exorbitantiae regularis disciplina;. Alle- gantes, se posse hujusmodi abusus detestabiles de licentia et indultu suorum superiorum talibus consentientium, auttalia dissimulantium, licite exercere. 1" Jo. J^lderus (see above, n«te 7) de reformatione status cenobilici (ed. Ant- verp. 1611. 8vo., contents see in H. v. d. Hardt Autographa Lutheri et Coastaneo- rum. Helmst. 1693. Pra;f. p. 30 seq.) lib. I. c. 4 seq. answers in 15 chapters quindecim argumenta deformatorum Clericorum et religiosorum, quibus se tuentur, ne a forma sa;culi recedant. Namely, objiciunt complexionis debiUtatem ; receptam consuetudinem ; Pra;latorum peccata ; reformationem esse novitatem et singulari- tatem ; esse expectandum cum reformatione usque ad generalem reformationem Ecclesia; ; reformare esse Ordinem dividere, et notam personarum in eo ponere ; se jactant vivere ut proceres eorum ; objiciunt dispensationem eis datam ; dicunt, necessaria in victu se non habere ; objiciunt status nobilitatem vel dignitatem ; timent sequi in divino officio personarum paucitatem ; conqueruntur, reformationem sequi pacis turbationem ; arguunt, sequi lapsum graviorem et apostasiam vel hujus- modi ; ostendere nituntur, quod ex laxa vita majora sequantur bona quam ex reformatione; objiciunt, niodum procedendi in reformatione ineptum. Worthy of remark, lib. II. c. 9, on the question, unde proveniat, quod communiter omnes in Ecclesia clament reformationem debere fieri, et tamen fere nullus, quando refor- mari incipitur, id ferat. Of the difficulties experienced in reforming the Order of the Camaldulenses, sec Ambrosius, from 1431 General of the Order, (f 1439, Ho- doeporicon, ed. Florent. 1678. 4to.) description of his visits to the convents, and Epistolarum, lib. XX. in Martene et Durand vcterum Scriptorum amplissima collectio, T. III. p. 1 seq., compare Meincrs Lebensdeschrcibungcn berdhmter Manner aus den Zeitcn der Wiederherstellung der Wissench. Th. 2. S. 222 ff. : as regards the Regular Canons and the Benedictines, see Joh. Busch. VOL. 111. 37 290 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. reform was resisted by open force.ii In very few cases was it adopted " At the Reformation of the Benedictine convent of St. Godehard in HlMesheim, John Busch having expelled one of the monks, who vi^ould not submit to the measui-es proposed, the monk's brother sent him a challenge (Jo. Biisdi I. c. 50. in Leibnit. 11. p. 850 : fialer eji\s carnalis militaiis, in Diicatu habilans Biunswi- censi, lilerara diffidationis sigillatam mihi misit, ad me et fratres mcos captivandum, occidendiun, bona nostra dirii)ienda, et donios nostras comburendas), but was com- pelled by the bishop of Hiklesheim and the duke of Brunswick Ltlnebure; to rccal it. At the convent of St. Michael in Ltlneburg, 1470, the monks rung the alarm bell and summoned the cilizcns to their help, so that duke Otho, and the bishop of Verden, as well as the reforming abbots, had to seek their safety in llight (Busch I. c. 53. p. 852). At the convent of Laacli, James de Fredis, who had been sent there as Prior with some monks, to introduce a reform, found himself in constant danger of his life (see Jo. Boutzhach, froir» 1499 a monk in this convent, in Gieseler, Sf/mbola ad hist, monast. Laccnsis, p. 25 : in tantum sese irreformatis — opposuit, ut solus ipse, utpote pra; ca:teris constanlior, ipsis magis odiosus habitus fuerit et oiieri. Hinc sa-pe conclave illius effringentes, eumque ctfugantes, evaginatis gladiis de dormitorio per fenestras fugientem persequuti sunt), and after six months' stay was forced to flee with his friends to Triers (1. c. p. 24). The elector of Triers had to expel the monks by force, cum assumpto sibi exercitu (I. c p. 27). The nuns were even more troublesome. The Canonesses of Wennigsen told duke William of Brunswick, and the Reformers plainly {Busch II. c. l.'p. 858) : nos omnes pariter conclusimus et simul juraviinus, quod nolumus nos I'eformare, nee regulam nostram observare : rogamus, ut non facialis nos perjuras. They then began in concert a song of execration : exeuntibus nobis de chore circa dormitorium, moniales statim omnes extensis biachiis et pedibus in modum crucis ad pavimentum chori super ventres suos se posuerunt, et altissimis vocibus andphonam : Media vita in morte sumus, per totum exclamaverunt. Nos autem hujusmodi voces audientes putaba- mus, responsorium fuisse : revelabant cceli iniquitatem Judcp. Unde Dux territus totam suam terrain metuebat interire. The relatives of the nuns now interceded for them. This proving in vain, the nuns refused to admit the duke, so that it was necessary to force the doors. They were only induced to yield by the threat of being carried away in carriages already provided for the purpose : on the following day, however, they retracted their consent, and the duke, who had already departed, had to return with an armed retinue. One nun was now so much affected, that she statim corruens in terram, sensus suos amisit. This was construed as a miraculous punishment, and made the others more submissive. When getting together their effects, some of them were so infuriated, that they ollas suas tarn valide a se pro- jecei-unt, ut pedes earum ad pavimentum confringerent. Busch, on his journey hack, was twice attacked hy armed men, and narrowly escaped with his life. In the Cistercensian convent of Mariense (1. c. c. 3. p. 862 seq.) the nuns also set up a song of malediction : in chore incipientes antiphonam : Media vita super nos altissimis vocibus decantaverunt, et per Ecclesiam cum taU cantu nos prosequentes, etiam candelas de cera ardentes super nos et contra nos in terram projecerunt : et una juvencula, extra Ecclesiam super cimiterium nos secuta, cum cantarent : Sancte Deits, Sancte Jortis, sancte et inunortnlis, etc., trina vice cantando, geni- bus llexis etiam terram in signum nostra maledictionis ter momordit, et lapides ac terram post nos projecit. After this they took refuge in a gallery super testudinem chori et Ecclesia? satis ahe et late conscenderunt, and could only be induced to come down by the threat of being sent out of the country. The Prior of Sulta was commissioned to reform the neighbouring convent of Derneburg, but found great difficulty in the undertaking (1. c. c. 13 seq., p. 874 seq.). The nuns gave away their means of support (c. 14), ut diccre nobis possent, quod non haberent, undo in communi vivcrent, et ita earum reformatio propter paupertatem impedire- tur. Etiam per hoc efficere gestiebant, ut parentes et cognati earum, qui annuos eis reditus dare consueveriint, jure hsereditario aut alias apud se dispositos ante reformationem, quando in propriis vixerunt ; post assumtam communem vitam tales eis reditus dare denegarent, communitatem nutrire nolentes, qui proprias tilias sen nepotes de propriis bonis stiis iibenter enutrierant. Busch was attacked by a friend of the nuns with a long knife. In visiting the cells of the nuns, one of them let him go in first, and then shut and fastened the door upon him, so as to keep him Chop. III. National Churches. §139. History of Monachism. 291 by the monks voluntarily. For the most part it was forcibly carried through by the sovereigns, or the bishops, i- or was made unavoidable by the poverty into which the excesses of the monks had brought them.i"^ But though the most rigorous measures were sometimes adopted to subdue the obstinate monks/^ the reformation of the con- for a long time prisoner. De eastern nunquam in aliquo Monialium monasterio in aliquaiu clausuiain pra»ceclere vohii, ne niihi aliquid simile ibidem contingeret, praisertim unde leviter exire non potui. Sed quandodua; vel tres me prajcedebant, tunc eas bene sequebar. Una sola pra?cedens non mihi sufficiebat, ne cum una sola ad tempus ne recluderent, dicentes super me, quod non co Erasmus Adagiorum Chil. 2. Cent. 8. Adag. G^. : Malorum Mendicantium ubique maxima turba est. Hi sic sese per omne reipublica; corpus sparserunt, ut nihil usquam agatur sine illis. Regnant in concionibus, quod pcculiare munus Episcoporuiu ; tyrannidem occuparunt in scholis, quod huic proximum munus- per hos ministrantur ecclesiastica Sacramenfa, per hos sacerdotes sumus; hi plus quam censoria severitate pronunciant de fidei professione : hie Christianus est, hie Semichristianus, hie hareticus, hie sesquihcereticits ; in horum sinus populus effundit occullos vita» actus, et secretissimas aniini cogilationes. Nee his contenti sunt; nulla peraguntur Principum foedera, in quibus hi non agant partes. Sine his nullum contrahitur matrimonium ; in theatricis certaminibus, in publicis sorti- bus agonothetas agunt : adco nihil pudet. Denique nee mori licet absque istis. Nulla est aula Principum, ia quam non irrepserunt. Si quod impudens facinus destinarunt Principes, per hos exequuntur ; si quid raoliuntur Romani Pontilices, Chap. in. Monachism. §140. Influence of the Mendicants. 295 directed to the support of the papal power, from which they had received their unbounded privileges,- and the advancement of their several orders. The chief resistance they met with was from the uni- versity of Paris. Before they could be admitted to teach there, they were obliged to submit themselves to its authority,^ and every attempt to make themselves independent was met with the same decision,'* with which their exaggerated assertions in favor of the papal power and the Mendicant orders were rebuked and punished.'' In France the secular clergy were thus in some measure protected from the en- croachments of the Mendicant orders ; 6 but in other countries they quod paulo sit alienius ab apostolica ilia et prisca sanctimonia, horum potissimurn utiintur niinisteriis ; veluti si quod belluin, si quis tumultus, si qua exactio, si qua condonatio paruiii prudens, in liisce tabulis isti priiiias agunt. Interim siniplici popello specie sanctitatis iiiiponitur. Saceidotes ad hos collati, sacerdotes non sunt. Episcopi boruni tiducia in utramvis aurem dormiunt. Plebs destituta pro unicis pastoribus gemino luporum genere discerpitur, duni et Pra;sules exercent tyranni- dem ; nee hi tamen pastores sunt, sed alia ralione pra;dones. ^ To secure the privileges of the Dominicans and Franciscans, Sixtus IV. A. D. 1474, included them all in two Bulls, which were therefore called the Mare magnum of the Fianciscans and that of Dominicans. These he enlai-ged and com- pleted in the so-called Bulla aurea dd. 7. Kal. Aug. 1479. ^ See the instrumentum submissionis, which the Franciscan Petrus de Chcriaco had to sign in the assembly of the theological faculty, A. D. 1428, in iTJlr^en- tr6\,\l. 226. He was appointed by his order ad legendum Bibiiam: the Fac- ulty consented to receive dictum fratrem Petrum ad legendum Biblj^m pro anno pr^senti, mediante quod submitteret se reparare certas propositiones et arliculos aliquos in suis scrmonibus et alibi expositos et prffidicatos, et dicta: Facultati in uno rotulo per ipsum tradito contentos, ubi indigerent reparatione, toties quoties, et in quibuscumque locis placeret Facultati theologiae, nee non veniam petere super aliquibus verbis per ipsum minus bene de Facultate artium prolatis in proxima ipsius Facultatis congregatione. Qui quidem F. Petrus se submisit et juravit supra dicta facere toties quoties requireretur ex parte ejusdem Facultatis, et omnia supra- dicta adimplere. * The Theological Faculty insisted that the Mendicant monks, who should be appointed as theological lecturers by their supeiiors, should first have gone through a certain academical course. On the other hand, the lour Mendicant orders obtained from Eugenius IV. the Bull Ad jugem dd. 3. Kal. Apr. 1442 (in Bulai hist. Univ. Paris V. p. 524) which provided that the monks who should be appointed by their orders ad legendum Bibiiam or ad legendum Sententias, ac per Deputatos Facultatis theologica; ad hoc sufficientes et idonei reperti fuerint, should be admitted to do so solutis juribus ejusdem Facultatis. On this the Univer- sity at once resolved (1. c. p. 522), quod privarentur omnes tam graduati quam non graduati dictorum IV. Ordinum a consortio Universilatis, et — ab omnibus actibus scholasticis, donee et quousque dicti Mendicantes impetrassent aliam Bullam novam contrariam de verbo ad verbum isti Bullae per eos impetratae a summo Pon- titice. The Mendicants had to yield, and take an oath, 10 Dec. 1442, nunquam uti Bulla priedicta, and within a given time to procure its recal. At the same time it was determined by the faculty, quod studentes IV. Ordinum, qui mittentur ad legendum Sententias, stent Parisius ante dictam lecturam per III. annos, videlicet per annum ante lecturam Biblia", et per annum, in quo legent Bibiiam, et per ter- tium, in quo se disponent ad lecturam Scntentiarum, ut sententia ipsorum et mores comprobentur. '" Thus of the papal power, see § 135, note 23. Of their own privileges at the cost of the secular clergy, see § 137, note 2. * Compare the new controversy of the University with the Mendicants, which began 1456, see Bulaus V. p. 601 seq. The Mendicants, namely, came forward in 1456 with a Bull of Nicholas V., who had then been dead a year, similar to that 296 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. could offer no resistance to their usurpations ; and it was evident that the Mendicants, whilst it was easy for them to prove the corruption of their rivals," aimed at nothing less than to destroy their influence entirely.^ The undecided interference of the popes was wholly in- of Alexander V. (see § 109, note 3). The University pronounced this Bull scaudalosa, turbativa pads et concordia», subveisiva Ordinis hierarchici Ecclesia; ac subivptitia, and determined to appeal against it : the Mendicants were to be summoned to appear, visuri suas privationes, si dictae iiupetiationi renunciare no- luerint, et impetrare revocatoriam ipsius : — requirantur Pra^lati, quod non admit- tant Fratres Mendicanfes ad praidicandum in suis diojeesibus, donee renunciavcrint, et oblinuerint huJLismodi revocatoriam. The Mendicants having refused to give up the Bull, and procure its repeal, it was decreed, Idcirco ipsa Universitas ex tunc oiiines juratos de diclis Mcndicantium Ordinibus reputavit et declaravit per- juros ct privates a grcmio et consortio ipsius, non juratos autem rcsecavit a suscep- tione giaduuiu quorumcunque et acquisitione temporis Parisius in quacunque Facultate. The Parliament attempted to reconcile the difficulty, but in vain, till in Feb. 1457 (more gall. 1456), the copy of'a Bull came to Paris, in which Calixtus III. was said to have repealed the Bull of his predecessor (see Bulaiis V. p. 612). The Mendicants now submitted (p. 613), and were again admitted as members of the university on the 18th Feb., after they had sworn to the conditions (p. 616), quod aniplius non utantur Bulla existente in manibus Rev. D. Episcopi Parisiensis, neque similibus, et maneat dicta Bulla in manibus prsfati Episcopi sicut est; et quod unus pro onmibus juratus de Ordine Mendicantium pro sua redintegratione habeat supplicare, et habeant Mendicantes antedicti obedire Bullae revocatoria; et ratiticari [facere] per suos Generales infra annum. Item jurabunt, quod nun- quam impetrabunt similes Bullas, alioquin ex tunc, prout ex nunc, reincident in similes privationes et poenas. Soon afterwards it was found indeed that the sup- posed Bull had never been issued, for Calixtus III. called on the king in a letter of March 18 (p. 617), to protect the Mendicants, declared his predecessor's Bull genuine, and continued it: the Dominicans were forced by command of their General to go back from their promise, and were again excluded from the univer- sity : in Dec. 1457, however, they applied again for admittance, and submitted to the conditions (p. 620). ' See for instance the passage of the Augustine eremite Johannes Schiphowerus de Meppis in his Chron. Oldenburgensium Archicomitum (wi-itten 1505) in H. Me'ibomii Rerum german. Scriptt. T. II. p. 171 ad anu. 1440, where he is praising Count Dieterich as a patron of his order: Suis temporibus quidam ex pastoribus et capellanis conspirationem fecerunt contra Mendicantes, Hmitatores ibidem existen- tes, impugnantes privilegia apostolica, et prfesertim de confessionibus audiendis, io-n'ari et juris canonici imperii!, vix primis litcris imbuti, qui vix sine confusione, iTt ait Pastor in tractatu de Curatorum miseriis, requiem cantare sciunt, et tamen singulis doctis viris tamquam cornutEe bestia; rebellizant, et in sua asineitate per- sev'erantes super omncs se extollunt. Quomodo autem praedicabunt, qui literis operam non dcderunt .' aut quam in prsdicando indoctus sacerdos utilitatem audi- toribus suis afferre poterit, qui scripturas nescit .' verum temporibus nostris, in quibus est sicut popuius, ita et sacerdos, studium scriptui-arum miserrimi sacerdotes abjiciunt, pro libris scripturarum caUces exhauriunt, et cotidie se inebriant. Vide- rint Episcopi, qui tales idiotas et inscios ad sacerdotii dignitatem promovent, qui imperitis cui-am ovium Christi commendant ! Sedent in insidiis cum potatoribus in tabernis, ludis et comessationibus vacant, non est timor Dei ante oculos eorum. Nomine sacerdotes sunt, conversatione asini, nihil penitus de scripturis intelligunt, discere contemnunt, et latina lingua loqui vel scribere nesciunt, vix iu vuigari exijonere Evangelia didicerunt. Quantos errores, fabulas et hfei-eses in Ecclesiis pritdicando populis enuncient, quis nisi expertus credere posset ? Pro libris liberos sibi comparant, pro studio concubinas amant. Tales, quamvis inscii, quamvis indocti, quamvis ignari, adhuc contra privilegia apostolica contra viros doctos latrare non erubescunt. 8 Jacobus Carthusianus (see § 135, note 31) de arte curandi vitia (ex Ms. in v. d. Hardt Autographa Lutheri praef. p. 49) : Licet multi Fratres Mendicantes prsedL- Chap. III. Monachism. ^ 140. Influence of the Blendicants. 297 adequate to quiet such a dispute.^ The Mendicants were, it is true, more active in the affairs of the church than any otlicrs of the clergy; but their activity was only, too often, devoted to increase the prevail- ing superstition,^'^ and magnify the saint and the privileges of their cent, et mulfi multa (Meant ; cum tamen ab observanfia declinaverint, aliud opere et aliud verbis ostendunt. Et hi ut pluriinuin nimium audaces et idiota;. Inde eorum pr^dicalio contomtibilis redditur, et vertitur iiiasiiiie prof'anam in divina- tionem. Nain eoiuin piiinarii, ut manifeste cernitiu-, non abud vidcntur qua;rere, nisi favorcm populi, bbei-tateni viloe, qua^slmii bononitu cxle riorum. Qua; debite considerantes, omnia eorum lacta videntur liypocritica debnimenta. Nimirum parocbias destruuntur, Pra^lati contemnuntur, nulla disciplina contradiccnte. Sed cur non exercelur ipsa, nisi quia quilibet illorum quasi sibi conscius non audet illorum mala i'acfa punire.' The complaints of the secular clergy against the Mendicants were, see Keforniatorii Constant, deci-etales Tit. X. c. 12. in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. I, XII. p. 715: quod superiores dictorum Fiatrum non eo modo, sicut dcberent, sed in scripfis, imo interdum nomine non expresso, Ordinariis locorum suos terniinarios, ut pbuimum idiotas, et interdum minus quam pi'esbyteri curati scientes praesentant ; pra;sentati soli, absque socio, per apachias velut vagi trans- currunt, absolutiones suas, ultra Curatorum efiicaciores, tanquam apostolica aucto- litate concessas, prasdicant sa.'pius : quod in casibus eis non commissis absolvunt, pecuniaria etiam pactione piKcedente aut intervenicnte ; decedentibus et testari volentibus secretins ingerunt, sibi et non Curatis legari, et apud suos Conventus sepeliri. Quibus omni1)us secretius ingestis et practicatis canonicam ipsis Curatis non exhibent poi-tioneni (namely the quaita prescribed by Boniface VIII.,) in dictorum Cuiatoruin multiplex pra-judicium et gi-avamen. ^ Sixtus IV. was induced by the complaints of the German bishops, and espec- ially by the dispute between the secular clergy and the Mendicants in Esslingen, to appoint Commissioners to reconcile the paities , and a compromise having been been brought about, he sanctioned it by the Bull Vices illius (in the Exti'avag. Commun. lib. I. Tit. IX. c. 2.) to this effect: quod ipsi parochiani sacerdotes de C£etero non dicant, a Mendicantibus ha;reses processisse : cum in veritate fides nostra sit illuminata, ct Ecclesia exaltata per eosdem, et pra;sertim per Ordines PrKdicatorum et Minorum, ut jura testantur. Quodque Fratres Mendicantes non praedicent, populos parochianos non teneri audire missam in eorum parochiis diebus festivis et dominicis ; cum jure sit cautum, illis diebus parochianos teneri audire missam in eorum parochiali Ecclesia, nisi fbrsan ex honesta causa ab ijjsa Ecclesia se absentarent. Quodque etiani nee Fratres, nee Curati inducant aliquo modo laicos ad eligendum sepulturam apud eos, et bene caveant propter pcenas, quas imponunt canones, cum sit libera. Quod etiam ipsi Mendicantes desistant praedi- care, quod parochiani non sint obligati, saltern in Paschate proprio confiteri sacer- doti. Pej- hoc tamen ipsi Fratres Mendicantes non censeantur exclusi, quo minus secundum juris communis et privilegioruni eisdem concessorum dispositionem confessiones audire, et poenitentias injungere valeant. Quod etiam de csetero inter ipsos Fratres Mendicantes et Curatores, quoad effectum prsedicandi, boras caniandi, et carnpanas pulsandi, servetur consuetudo antiqua, quas temporibus antiquis ser- vata fuit in ipso oppido P^slingensi. Et casu, quo veniat aliqua occasio sive neces- sitas, non flat coiiimutatio temporis vel bora; in ipsis prasdicationibus fiendis, nisi de consensu partium. Quodque etiam ipsi Frati-es in sernionibus eorum non detrahant Praelatis et rectoribus parochialium Ecclesiarum, nee etiam populos a suarum Ecclesiarum parochialium frequentia et accessu abstrahant, sive retrahant quoquo modo. Et vice versa ipsi rectores et Pra?lati aliquo modo non detrahant Mendicantibus, sed ilium favorem, quern possunt, eis impendant, et in omnibus et per omnia pra-stent, ita ut vera unitas et perfccta caritas inter eos ostendatur. It is easy to see from this what were the causes of controversy ; but, of course, by such explanations and conditions, it could not be at once and for ever ended. '" As for instance in the case of the so-called brethren of the Rosari/, the first of which fraternities was founded by the Dominican Jac. Sprengerin Cologna 1475 (Echard Bibl. Pra-d. I. p. 881). The Dominicans themselves strove to piopagate the notion, which Leo X. adopts in his Bull of absolution to the Fraternity 1520 (see Eus. Amort de origine, piogressu, valore ac fructu indulgentiarum. 1. p. 171) VOL. III. 38 293 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. respective orders.^^ Nevertheless they were considered by the popes quod oliin, proiit in historiis legilur, a s. Doiriinico qiiadairi Confraternitas utriusque sexus tidelium, de Rosario b. M. V. miiicupata, ad honorem angelicae salutationis instituta, et in divei-.sis iiuindi partibiis prsdicata fuit sequentibus signis (coinp. § 69, note 10). Sed cum ipsa Confralernitas decursu teniporis fere neglecta fiiisset, et in oblivioncin transisset, ac anno 1475 civitas et dioecesis Coloniensis gravibus bellis prenierelur, eadeni Coniraternitas, ut civitas ab eis bellis libei-aretur, in Ecclesia doinus Pritdicatoruui Coloniensiuni innovata et de novo instituta I'uit. Against tbis notion of an carliei- origin see Acta SS. August. T. I. p. 428 seq. Sixtus IV. gave this Coniraternitas de Rosario b. M. V. 1478 the first absolution A. D. 1478, in Amort 1. c. p. 170), and designates it as ad honorem angelicae salutationis instituta, cujus confiati-es et consorores tiibus dicbus cujuslibet hebdo- madis orationem dominicaleiii qviindecics, et angelicain salutationem centum et quinquaginta vicibus ad honorem ejusdem b. i\Iari;e Virginis juxta ipsius Confra- ternitatis instituta diccre consueverunt, quas quidem orationes Rosarium appellant; adding extra civitatem Coloniensem in aliis civitatibus et locis sint quam plures utriusque sexus ejusdem Confiatei-nitatis confiatres. This fraternity extended itself so rapidly, that as early as A. D. 1481, a similar one was established in Schlesvvick, the statutes of which are given in (Roodt's) Beititigen zur Eriiluterung der Civil-, Kirchen- u. gelehrten historic der HerzogthOmer Schleswig u. Holstein, I3d. 2. (Hamb. 1752. 4to.) S. 31. Innocent VIII. bestowed on them, 1483, viva; vocis oraculo full absolution semel in vita, et semel in mortis articulo, which Leo X. 1520. confirmed, see Amort 1. c. p. 171. " The Council of Basil condemned as late as 1444 the following assertions qua; niaxime pra?dical)antur a Mendicantibus in Tauiinensi et Astensi Dioecesibus, {Patritii summa Concill. c. 138. in Hartzheim Concill. Germ. V. p. 865) : Paro- chianos non teneri de jure dominicis diebus et solep.inibus missas in propriis parochialilnis Ecclesiis audire, sed ubi pro eorum devotione malucrint, pi-a;terinissis suis parochiis : et banc libertatem non posse eis adimi a synodalibus constitulioni- bus : quodque Parochiani suis Curatis illis diebus non tenentur ad oblationem faciendam, sed in voluntate dantis sit, qui velit eam dare. — Obnoxium quavis causa taciendi missas celebrari pro vivis et defunctis, non satisfacere debito suo, si per curatum sacerdotem id fieri curet, quoniam I'atione cura; ad id sit obligatus. Decimarum solutioncm, etsi de prfficepto sit, non tamen de prae- cepto esse, cui sit solvenda ; liberum igitur esse omnibus cui velint eas solvere, vel in opera pietatis pro arbitrio impendere. Morientes in habitu et professione Ordinis Minorum ultia annum non passuros in poenis purgatorii, quoniam b. Fran- ciscus ex divino privilegio quotannis ad purgatorium descendat, pi-ofessoresque omnes sui Ordinis adducat secum ad ccelum (comp. § 109, note 7). Fratres Men- dicantes, etiam non prassentatos Ordinariis, omnium confessiones posse audire ; illosquc, qui apud eos sint confessi, non obligari, etiam semel in anno confiteri proprio sacerdoti, nee petere confitendi veniam. Episcopos dicecesanos etiam in suis Synodis non posse sibi reservare absolutiones aliquorum criminum prater casus in jure expresses. Thus the Synod of Nitra in Hungary, 1494, passed decrees against the impositions of the Mendicants, Constltutioties Syn. Nitriensis c. 30. (in C. Peterlfy Cone. Hungaii;e. P. I. p. 277) : Nam sicut ad nostrum per- venit auditum, non sine multa temei'itatis audacia, et deceptione multiplici animarum indulgentias populo motu propiio de facto concedunt; super votis di- spensant; a perjuriis, homicidiis et peccatis aliis sibi confitentes absolvunt; male ablata incerta, data sibi aliqua pecunia^ quantitate, remittunt ; tertiam et quartam partem de pcenitentiis injunctis relaxant; animas tres, vel plures parentum vel amicorum illorum, qui eleemosynas eis conferunt, de purgatoiio, ut asserunt mendaciter, extrahunt et ad gaudia Paradisi perducunt ; confratribus et benefac- toribus ipsorum remissionem plenariam peccatorum indulgent; et aliqui ex ipsis eos a poena et culpa, ut eorum verbis ufaniur, absolvunt. Joh. Busch (see § 139, note 4.) was present at the preaching of a Carmelite from Brabant, (see Busch de reform, monastei'iorum III. c. 16, in Leibnitii Script. Brunsv. II. p. 925), who, at the instigation of the unreformed Franciscans, directed his discourse against Busch as a Reformer, and at the same time maintained, amongst other things; (pioties missa per mundum celebratur, toties una anima de purgatoriolibe- ratur, and Mendicantes, Episcopis pra;senlati a suis superioribus, sunt supra Plebanos. Chap. III. MonacMsm. *5, 140. Ivjliumce of the Mendicants. 299 as their truest servants ;i^ and they were so, as long as the interests of their order was the same with his, but no further. i^ Busch compelled him publicly to retract both assertions. The honor in which the Franciscans held their founders is seen in the propositions advanced by Johannes Mercator in Besanc^on and condemned by the Sorl)onne, 1486 ((TJlrgentre collectio judicioruni de novis erroribus I, II. 318: I. Sedes Luciferi erat super choros angelonim et in decinio ordine, quas erat vacua et modo niirabiliter pra-parata atque adornata, reservata 1). Francisco soli, quia ab ea ejectus f'uerat Lucifer propter suam superbiam. Et in hoc seculo nullus fuit inventus habens tantani huniililatem, quantam habuit b. Franciscus. II. B. Franciscus assimilabitur Christo in quadra- ginta modis sen manieribus. Quodque ipse est secundus Christus et secundus filius Dei. III. B. Francisci conceptio iuit praenunciata ab Angelo. Natus in prssepio inter bovem et asinum. Quern parei-e aliter, sen alio loco non poterat mater sua. IV. B. Franciscus stigmata suscepit successive, duabus horis semper interpositis, et in susceptione cujuslibet cecidit in terram propter niiiiium dolorem, quern in suscipicndo suscipiebat, ita ut spii-itum emisissit, nisi Christus eum con- fortasset. V. B. Fi-anciscus in suscipiendo priEdicta stigmata (antos dolores sus- tinuit vel quasi, quantos habuit Christus in passione. VI. B. Franciscus incepit recipere pra?dicta stigmata a summo mane, et perseveravit in susceptione usque ad horam nonam, qua bora dominus noster Jesus expiravit. VII. B. Franciscus cum clavis retorlis ab intus et extra, in ipsis stigmatibus inclusis, dicta stigmata portavit per duos annos. VIII. Christus in propria persona percutiendo sua manu stigmata praedicta intixit. IX. B. Franciscus vulnus seu stigmata lateris sui suscepit, quando Christus latus suum vulneratum incruce lateri ipsius b. Francisci applicuit. X. In susceptione stiginatum piEedictorum petra scissa est, ut in passione Christi, in cujus petrae scissuia ipse Johannes, qui hoc pranlicat, brachium suum innnisit. XI. B. F^-anciscus obtinuit a Deo privilegium, quod anno quolibet descendit ad locum Purgatorii in die solemnitatis sua;, et animos quorumlibet Religiosorum et Religiosarum et omnium de habitu ipsius s. Francisci seu Fratruin Minorum in ipso Purgatoiio existentium extrahit, et secum educit in Paradisum, quemadmo- dum Christus seu ejus anima descendit ad inferna, et tertia die animas patrum secum eduxit. XII. B. Franciscus etiam obtinuit a Deo, quod Religiosi qui non bene servant regulam suam, non possent diu remanere in hoc mundo nee in prae- dicta Religione ; et quod murmurantes aut male loquentes de Religiosis et de Ordine pra'dicto graviter punirentur in hoc sajculo et in alio. Quod nulli in vita sua revelavit ipse b. Franciscus, nisi s. Leoni confessori suo, qui post ejusdem b. Francisci obitum revelavit. In their pretensions with regard to purgatory, the Franciscans were outdone by the Carmelites. These last had long maintained that whoever died in the Carmelite Scapula was saved (see Div. 11. § 69, note 11) : they now added to this, that on the next Saturday after their death they were always released by the Virgin Mary from purgatory. In contirmation of this they invented, in the course of the 13th century, a bull of John XXII., the so-called JBtilla Sabbafhina, which is first mentioned by Joannes Palasonydorus, a Carme- lite at Malines, about 1496, see Jo. Launoji dissertt. de Simonis Stockii viso in his 0pp. II. II. p. 406. According to this bull the holy Virgin had appeared to the Pope in the guise of a Carmelite nun, and told him (1. c. p. 404) : Fratres professi dicti Ordinis supplicio solvantur et culpa, et die, quo ipsi sseculo recedunt, ac pro- perato gradu accelerant Purgatorium, ego mater gratiosa descendam Sabbato post eorum obitum, et quot inveniam in Purgatorio libei-abo, et eos in montem sanctum vitae aeternae reducam. They jjretended also that this bull had been confirmed by Alexander V. 1409 (1. c. p. 423), and the imposture was so successful, that the Bulla Sabbathina was really confirmed by Clement VII. 1-530 (I. c. p. 440, 446), and Paul V. 1613. Amort hist, indulgentiarum I. p. 144 seq., supposes the Bulla Sabbathina and the confirmation of Alexander V. to be genuine. '* As a specimen of the praises which the Popes were accustomed to lavish on the Mendicants, see the beginning of the so called Bulla aiirea (see note 2) : Sacri Prsdicatorum et Minorum Fratnim Ordines, instar duorum primorum flumi- niuu a coilestium voluptatum et amoenitatum Paradise egredientium, sacrosanctse EcclesiEB terram, ne mundanarum cupiditatuni et vitiorum calore arescat, prasclarse doctrinae, virtuosorum operum, ac multiplicium meiitorum imbribus irrigantes. 300 Third Period. Div. F. A. D. 1409 — 1517. v5> 141. OF THE FREER SPIRITUAL SOCIETIES. In the beginning of this period the Beghards, and in particular the Fratres vitre communis (called also Fratres bonas voluntatis, Fratres collationarii, Clerici devoti, and in some places Fratres Hieronymiani, or Gregoriani), were violently assailed in the Netherlands by Matthew Grabo, Lector of a Dominican convent in Groningen, who declared the whole institution unlawful and heretical. The brethren being supported, however, by the reformed canons of the Windsheim Chap- ter, Grabo was accused before the bishop of Utrecht ; and on his appealing to the Pope, the matter came before the Council of Con- stance.i Here the most influential voices declared at once in favor of magis illam in dies fructuosam efficiunt. Hi sunt duo Seraphim, qui in sublimi conteinphitionis et seraphici amoris alis elevati, a terrenisque rebus abstracti, assi- duo divinarum lauduin clamore, et inimensorum benelicioruin huniano generi a sumiuo opifice Deo exhibitoi-uui declaratione, ferventissimis praidicationibus popu- los instiuendo, et ad cceleste iter dirigendo insistentes, inultiplicata talenta eis credita, Domino Deo mundaj segetis, aniniarum scilicet Redeiiiptoris nostri Jesu Christi pretiosi sanguinis efi'usione redemptarum, copiosos in horrea s. Ecclesiffi manipulos reterunt. Hi sunt duai tuba;, per quas Dominus pracipit ad pabulum sacri Evangelii universum populum assiduis praedicationibus advocaii, ut in omnera ten-am exiret sonus eorum, et redderent sibi populuui acceptabilem, et bonorum operum sectatorem. ^^ Erasmus wrote 1519 to Albert Elector of Mayence (Epist. 477. 0pp. ed. Lugd. Bat. T. HI. P. I. p. 515): Mundus oneratus est conslitutionibus huiiianis, oneratus est opinionibus et doginatibus scholasticis, fyrannide Fratrum Mendican- tium, qui cum sint satellites Sedis Romanae, tamen eo potenti;p ac multitudinis evadunt, ut ipsi Koniano Pontilici atque ipsis adeo Regibus sint formidabiles. His, cum pro ipsis facit Pontifex, plus quam Deus est: in his, qua; faciunt adversus eorum commoduni, non plus valet quam somnium. In proof of this may be cited the opposition of the Franciscans to John XXII. (see § 110, note 7 seq.), the opposition of the Dominicans to the doctrine of the immaculate conception of the Virgin, notwithstanding the papal decisions in its favor, see § 144, note 14 seq., and the neglect of the Decretals of Boniface VIII. (see § 69, note 3), see notes 8, 9, 10, above. ' Jo. Buschii (see § 139, note 4) Chronicon Canonicorum regularium Ord. S. Augustini Capiluli Wiudesemensis (Accedit Chron. Montis S. Agnetis auct. Thoina a Kempis, una cum vindiciis Kempensibus Heriherti liosweydi Soc. Jesu pro libro de iadtatione Christi. Antverp. 1621. 8vo.), written 1464. lib. II. c. 58. p. 547 : Quidam de Ordine PrKdicatorum Frater, Matthasus Grabo nomine, grande volumen ediderat contra devotos Preshyteros, Clericos et Beginas, pariter in com- muni sine regulae alicujus professione viventes. Quem Pastori in Daventria re- preesentans adhaesionem expetiit, et ut in ejus transiret sententiam publice contra eos sermocinando, rogavit. He, however, sent the book to the Rector of the con- vent of the fratres communis vitffi in Deventer, who sent it to the Prior of the Regular Canons in Nordhorn, by whom the complaint was brought before the bishop of Utrecht. On Giabo's appealing to the Pope, the bishop brought the matter before the Council, with the petition, ut iste audacter Frater Mattha;us Grabo digna feriretur animadversione, reprobis in exemplum, testifying at the same time, quod Tiihil unquam mali, dignum suspicione, contra morem Ecclcsis, in devotis hujus patria; sexus utriusque invenit delitescere, sed omnes et singuli vitani veram apostolicam Ecclesia; priraitiva;, ut veri Christiani, ad purum servarent. The contents of Grabo's work may be inferred from the letter sent to the Pope by Cliap. III. Monachism. § 1^1 . Fratres Vita; Communis. 301 the brethren,- and Grabo was condemned and called upon to retract the person who conducted his defence at the Council of Constance, in v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. III. p. 106: cum lector (M. Grabo) — videret, plures personas sexus utiiusque novte Rcligionis habituin assumentes, et convenlicula facientes, nullum habitum approbatum protitentes, statuentesque sibi ipsis Superiores pro libitu vo- luntatis, et sub simulata devotione populum attrahentes, et multa contra veritatem sacrte ScripturK ac sacros Canones attentantes, et de eleemosynis Christilidelium domos suniptuosas ad modum nionasteiiorum regularium sdificantes, et sc invicem in eis includentes cum observatione quorundam riluum minime per Ecclesiam approbatorum : cocpit super hoc apud semetipsum ardenter cogitare, et an hoc stantibus regulis tidei et sacris canonibus Ecclesia dissimulare deberet; revOl- vensque diligentius sacrae scripturae sanctorunique Doctorum libros et sacros Canones, quasdam conclusiones, reprobantes illorum modum vivendi, extraxit, et scripture commendavit. Quarum una principalis est, ex qua alia; deducuntur exceptis paucis : nuUus potest licite et meritorie, imo nee veraciter, obediential, paiqiertatis, et castitatis universalia consilia conjunctim, extra veras Reiigiones mancndo, adimplere. Namely, ad sa;culares pertinet tantum particularia vota offerre, ad regulares autem universalia prsdicta. Further, the conclusio undeci- ma: abdicare quemquam omnia propter Christum, extra prcedictas reiigiones manendo, sen nisi veram aliquam ReJigioncm ingrediatur, est sibi et suis, quorum cura sibi incumbit, vitam subtrahere : quod est, homicidium tot homi- num cominittere quot ejus cura; subduntur. Hkc est de mente s. Thomxe Secunda Secundce Qu. 33. Ex quibus sequitur, quod nullus potest abdicationem omnium propter Christum facere extra veram Religionem manendo sine peccato mortali : quia subtraheret sibi vitam. — Ex quibus sequitur, quod dicenspertinaciter, omnia esse meritorie abjicienda propter Christum in scscido manenti, hcereticus est dicendus. — Ex quibus sequitur, quod proprietas temporalium rerum est statui scpculari essentialiter annexa. Et per consequens Dominus Papa salva auctori- tate sua non potest dispensare eum sacularibus, ut omnibus in singulari careant, seu nihil in singxilari habeant. — Si enim Dominus Papa posset hoc aUcui concedere, — posset ei concedere propriae vita; subtractiones, etc. — Sequitur etiam, quod religiosus sine peccato mortali non potest abdicare voluntatem habendi commmiia (compare § 110, note 6 seq.) : — quia sine illis vivere non posset, cum per suam professionem renunciaverit omnibus et singulis propriis singularibus. Grabo's assertions are given still more in lull in the 25 Articles of the Council which follow. The last of which are : XXI. Excommunicati sunt omnes communem vitam ducentes extra Religionem approbatam. XXII. Quare similiter excommunicati sunt illi, qui vitam communem extra Religionem appro- batam ducentibus praebent eleemosynam. Et qui tales fovent consilio et auxilio vel defensione, similiter stant et sunt in statu perpetua; damnationis. Et nisi de hujusmodi eorum excessibus magna contritione poenituerint, ad vitam aeternam non possunt pervenire, neque salvi permanere. XXIII. Omnes vitam communem ducentes extra Religionem approbatam sunt illi, a quibus Salvator noster pra;cipit esse abstinendum, et tanquam a falsis Prophetis attendendum. XXIV. Quilibet faciens contra jura canonica peccat mortaliter. XXV. Nullus corpore validus absque communi utilitate et necessitate potest extra veras Reiigiones sine peccato eleemosynas Christitidehum tollere. 2 Namely, Petrus de Alliaco and Jo. Gerson in their opinions of Grabo's pro- positions, in V. d. Hardt III. p. 112 seq. The former remarks ad Act. 4, 32, 34, quod in ilia congregatione primitiva fuerunt multi uxorati et alii diversarum con- ditionum ssculares (all of whom, however, had every thing in common), qui scilicet non erant adstricti per votum ad tria consilia evangelica castitatis, obedien- tia;, et paupertalis, quemadmodum sunt professi Religionum per b. BasiUum, Bene- dictum et Augustinum ac similes introductarum. Quas isfe, ponens hujusmodi conclusiones, appellat veras Reiigiones, tanquam extra illas non sit vera Religio, quod falsum est, imo hajreticum, si sic per prajcisionem intelligatur: quoniam Christiana vera est Religio etiam apud sa;culares. He pronounces Grabo's tractatus hsreticalis et igni tradendus. To this opinion Gerson subscribed, and was especially vehement in condemning the abuse of the word Religio, see 1. c. p. 116 : Propositio III. Religio Christiana potest absque voto obligante ad consilia perfecte, imo 302 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. his errors.3 From this time forward the increase of the order in the Netherlands and in Germany ■* kept pace with that of the Congrega- peifectissime, observari. Patet de Christo, qui non legitur vovisse consilia, qui fuit tamen suae legis perfectissimus observator. Patct insuper de Apostolis et discipulis Chiistiaiiis in piiniitiva Ecclesia, quoiuin niulti erant uxoniti, niulti possessiones habuerunt, quidaiu in communi, quidain in proprio. — Prop. IV. Re- ligio Christiana non reqiiiiit ad perfectiorcni sui observationem tarn in prsceptis, quam in consiliis, quod superaddatur alia religio. Quales dicuntur observationcs institute per sanctos Basilium et Augustinum, etc., et quales Anshelmus vocat religiones factitias. Prop. V. Religiones hujusmodi factitia; satis improprie et abusive et Ibrsan arroganter diets sunt status peifectionis. Gerson comes to the conclusion, Corollariuni III., quod tota doctiina fratris istius innititur stultaj et insane fantasia-, imo et blaspheniia-. — Coroll. IV., quod fautores et defensores istius fratris sunt arcendi .sen rcpcllendi, et nisi desistere voluerint, graviter puni- endi ; ita tamen, quod non laxetur nimia licentia ad defensionem Begaidorum et Beguttarum, si leperiantur etfrenes, et discoli, et scandalosi in sacris observatio- nibus. 3 Jo. Buschii Chron. Windeshemense lib. II. c. 58. p. 549: The judges ap- pointed by the council to investigate the matter dictum fiatrem Grabonem miserunt in carcerem. YA nisi librum suum propter articulos erroneos in eo comprehensos ipse damnaret, et se plurimum errasse publico proclamaret, ceteraque sirnilia juxta sua demerita juste sibi injungcnda libenter perficeret, de carcere exire nisi ad ignem omnino non posset. Qui pelli suae pertimescens, saniori usus consilio, reum se coo-novit, cuncfa praemissa et multo majora in publica omnium audientia aperte confessus, librum suum damnavit, vitam et conversationem devotorum Presbytero- rum, Clericorum et Beginarum Daventrix', Zwollis et alibi in communi sine pro- fessione viventium valde recommendavit, et sic ignem mortemque evadens in pace fuit dimissus. Haec omnia seriatim Patres dictarum congregationum registrata conservant. The form of retractation see in v. d. Hardt III. p. 118 seq. On the whole subject see Mosheiin de Beghardis et Beguinabus, p. 461 seq. 4 Jo. Bvschii Chron. Windeshem. lib. II. c. 15. p. 316: Sicut magister Gerar- dus Magnus origo fuit et pater primus omnium hominum modernae devotionis hujus patris, ad quem Deo servire cupientes securum semper habuere recursum, et post sum pater venerabilis Dominus Florentius Radewini primus Rector congregationis Clericum in Daventria ; ita devotus paternoster, frater Joannes de Huesden, Prior in Windesein (from 1391 - 1424), eorum fidelis factus est successor in cura consulendi, auxiliandi, et defendendi. Ipse enim discreta sua providentia, cari- tateque latissiina omnium corda devotor\im benigne ad se trahens, unura ex ipsis se fuisse, et etiam semper mansisse, verbis, rebus, et moribus ubique demonstrayit. Qui totum mundum salvare cupiens, plurima servorum et ancillarum Dei habita- cula undiquc in patria niultiplicari procuravit: nam et fratres domus suas, Capitu- lique generalis ad hoc aptiores in loca diversa transmisit pro novis monasteriis Onlinis nostri erigendis, fundandis et consummandis, antiquisque reformandis et in regulari observantia debite instituendis : patres etiam Congregationum valde solli- cit^vit, ut Presbyteros, Clericos, et sorores sive Beginas ad hoc utiles vel idoneos ad diversas mundi partes, in civitates, oppida et villas, pro novis congregationibus inchoandis, ct in communi vita more suo instituendis, animo pio et volenti [7nittere] non tardarent. — Factum est autem, ut plurima Ordinis nostri Monasteria, multsque Clericorum et sororum devotarum Congregationes per totam istam patriam Zallan- diam, Westphaliam, Gelriam, Brabantiam, Hollandiam, Zelandiani, Drentheam, Twentheam, Frisiam, Trajectum, et circa patres Rheni in diebus nostris de novo sunt constructa, et etiam ex antiquis plurima reformata. Ex quihus patres, frat7ys et sorores de tertia regula s. Francisci 7iuncupati plus quam centum domos sive Congregationes devotas cxtraJientes, sub uno provinciali Capitulo regulariter vivere, et Deo fideliter deservire usque hodie comprobantur ; et ipsi patres Con- gregationum devotarum primi, iuxia. morem Ecclesis primitivas sub regula Christi caritate pariter in communi secundum Evangelium viventes, habent adhuc hodie domos sexus utriusque unitas numero pane quinquaginta, virorum videlicet psene viginti, et sororum triginta ; nosque jam habemus Monasteria Ordinis Canonicorum regularium sexus utriusque Capitulo gcnerali de Windesem Chap. III. Monachism. § 141. Fratres Vitcs Communis. 303 tion of Windsheim. Their numerous societies were equally distinguish- ed for their mysticism and their usefulness.'' Some of the brethren were engaged in instruction •,^ others employed themselves in various kinds of handicraft for their livelihood.^ One of their chief objects was always to advance the religious education of the common people,^ incorporata phis quam septuaginta, virorum viddicet sexaginta duo, et tredecim sanctimonialium. — Patres ergo devoti in diebus Domini Florentii Radewini pro sui status et devolionis conservatione in Daventria simul ad colloquium consueve- rant convenire ; post ejus transitum ad Congregationem Clericorum in Zwollis — ad colloquium annuale in Dei timore celebrandura omnes pariter couvenerunt in Dominica Misericordias Domini post Pascha, aut in feriis consequentibus, cum Ecclesia generale Capitulum in Windesem celebraret, propter loci convenientiam, et Capituli nostri generalis propinquitatem, et maxime propter Priorem nostrum in Windesem, ad quem finito colloquio cuncti Patres eorum principaliores accedere solebant, ut cuncta in ipsorum decreta colloquiis perpetue de ipsius consilio iinna- rentur. Simili modo Paties Congregationum Westphalia;, Saxonia, Colonia; Do- minica Jubilate in Monasteriense'm civitatem ad colloquium annuale pariter con- veniunt, Priore de Northorn, aut Priore de Bodike ibidem tunc prajsente. See particular accounts of the separate fraternities in VerhandeUng over de Bra3der- schap van G. Grate, en over den invloed der Fraterhuizen op den vvetenschappe- lijken en godsdieentigen Tosstand, voornamelijk van de Nederlanden, na de XiV. Eeuw, door G. H. M. Delprat. Utrecht, 1830. 8vo. p. 36 seq. ^ See Delprat, p. 193 seq. « Many of the fraternities opened schools themselves, e. g. in Delft, {Delprat, p. 92), in Herzogenbusch (p. 96), in Ghent (p. 106), in Utrecht (p. 127), in Liege (p. 142), and inCambray (p. 145). The instruction in these places seems some- times to have been very imperfect, see Eraami epist. ad Lamb. Grunnium, note 13, below. In other places the brethren contented themselves with improving the public schools, furnishing needy scholars with lodgings, board, and hooks, taking them under their supervision, and giving them opportunities to earn something for themselves. Thus the school in Zwoll, for instance, owed its success, which began under the Rector Joannes Cele {"f 1417, see Buschii Chron. Windesem. lib. IL c. 68. p. 601 seq.) in a great measure to the fraternity established in that place {Delprat, p. 63). So too with the schools in Gouda {Delprat, p. 109), Groningen (p. 116,) and Harderwyk (p. 119) : especially, however, the school in Deventcr, so that under the Rector Alexander Hegius (from 1465-1498 concerning whom, see Herm. Hamelmanni oratio de doctis Westphaliaj viris in his 0pp. genealog. ac hist. L p. 94 seq. Delprat, p. 295) it became famous almost over the world, many of the brethren assisting in the instruction {Delprat, p. 54 seq.). In Herford the brethren instructed in the schools of the Pusinnen, see Knefel's Gesch. des Friedrichsgymnasiums in Herford. Herford, 1817. S. 9. ' The Congregations or Fraternities consisted of Presbyteri, Clerici, and Laici, whose occupatioiis were of course different. The Presbyteri had the direction of the whole, conducted public worship and the instruction in the schools, the Clerici were young persons who were receiving instruction, for the most part as a prepa- ration for a clerical life, the Laici were the pious laity who pursued their various crafts. The brethren employed themselves especially with copying manuscripts {Delprat, p. 314), the fraternity in Hildesheim furnished the reformed convents in the neighbourhood with such books as they required {Busch de reform, monast. L 54, in Leibnitii Script. Brunsv. H. p. 855), in the fraternity at Gouda, a printing press was put up soon after the invention of the art, the first in the Netherlands {Delpr. p. Ill, 313) : in the fraternity in Herford, the parchment was prepared by the brethren, they brewed beer, made wafers, etc. Knefel's Gesch. des Friedrichsgymnasiums in Herford, S. 9. * An important means of doing which were their assemblies for public worship on Sundays and festival days, in which extracts from the Scriptures were read and practically explained in the dialect of the country, and sometimes questions addressed to those who were present. The brethren likewise circulated religious 304 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. and especially to raise up from them a pious clergy ; so that they soon became fruitful nurseries for monks.^ This activity and the respect tracts amongst the people {Delprat, p. 213, 261). Specimens of which see in JDelprat, p. 306 seq. Compare Jo. Busch Chron. Windesem. lib. I. c. 47. p. 214 : Quante in s.tculo sunt pcrsonas sexus utriusque, qua? ainicitia his (congregationi- bus) conjunct;e a sa-culi vanitatc per eas conversa?, et ad nicHora, sanctum videlicet proposituin, et honam vohintatem libenter Deo serviendi, ipsarum exemplo inducts et provocata?, quamvis ad omnia evangelica consilia stalim arripieiida propter multa impedientia nondum dare se valent, vitam attamen sanctam, a peccatis alienam, ad earum iniormationem student observare, quis enumerabit ? This activity was.least acceptable to the Mendicant monks, whence .such occurrences as the following, related by Jo. Jiusch de reform. Monaster. III. c. 17, in Liibnitii Scriptt. Brunsv. II. p. 92.5 seq. : Lector quidam Ordinis Fratrum Pra'dicatorum in Zutphania publice praidicavit, quod laici libros teutonicales habere non debcrent, et serraones ncn nisi ad populum in Eccle.sia fieri deberent. Ego autem simplex tunc frater in Winde- sem, in Zutphaniam missus cum fratre pro negotio, hoc audiens et sciens, plus quam centum congregaliones sororum et Beginarum in terra Trajectensi plures habere libros teutonicales, et eos quotidie legere singulariter et in refectorio, con- stanter contradixi. Busch applied to the Prior of the Dominicans. He at first re- plied : Laici quidam altos hal>ent in teutonico libros, videlicet Sentcntiarum et similes, quos quidam Ordinis nosiri transtulit in teutonicum ex latino, Valens Doctor ; alii Missale etiam cum Canone habent in teutonico : ergo non valet, quod laici libros legant in teutonico. To this Busch answered : Hoc non approbo, quod simplices laici, viri vel fa'mina>, tam alios et divinos libros habent teutonicales : imo et Canonem, in teutonico apud Moniales inventum, ego combussi. Veruntamen libros morales de viliis et virtutibus, de incarnatione, vita et passione Christi, de vita et sancta conversatione et martyrio ss. Apostolorum, Martyrum, Confessorum et Virginum ; homilias quoque et sermones Sanctorum, ad emendationem vitas, raorum disciplinam, inferni timorem, patriasque coelestis amorem provocantes, ha- bere et quotidie legere cunctis doctis et indoctis utilissimum est. Quod si istos admittere non vulti's, ego dicta doctorum s. Ecclesiaj, Augustini, Gregorii, Ambro- sii et Hieronymi, ca?terorumque orthodoxorum in scriptis vobis ostendam, quod hujusmodi habere libros omnino utile est et licitum. Finally, by threatening to carry the matter before the bishop of Utrecht, he compelled the Prior to call on the Lector to retract. 3 Jo. Buschii Chron. Windesemense II. c. 16. p. 321 : Licet nos Canonici regu- lares alliorern in Ecclesia miiitante gradum super patres et fratres Congregationum devotarum obtinere videamur, et in oculis hominum statum gerere digniorem ; tamcn Pater noster Joannes Huesden (see above, note 4) frequenter nobis valde eos commendavit, dicens, quod ipsi in veris virtutibus, vita sancta, conversatione et moribus in regno Dei nos sa^pe praecedent, quia vere vitam ducunt apostolicam, in Ecclesia primitiva sub s. Spiritus regimine ab omnibus Christianis observatam, a mundo jam tunc despectam et parurn reputatam. — Conunendavit autem eos non solum ex eo quod vitam sanctam et communem, simplicem obedientiam, cordis et corporis castitatem, sub simplici habitu et humili statu, Deo noli, hominibus de- specti, sumina devolione gestiunt custodire ; verum etiam et maxime quia cunctis Ordinibus reformatis, imo toti Ecclesiaj Dei de bonis religioni ac regimini aptis Clericis et per.sonis quotidie satagunt providere. Frequentantes enim Clericos,- et laicos servientes sKpissime ad se accersientes, ad mundi contemptum, emendatioris vitK propositum, religionis desiderium, morum disciplinam, Dei timorem, gehennse horrorem, patria;que ca;lestis amorem suis Sanctis exhortationibus miris modis solent inducere : quos consequenter ad arnica familiariaque colloquia invitare, de vitiis exstirpandis, virtutibusque acquirendis ac tentationibus resistendis infonnare, et ad meliora provocare, in Dei timore conservare, humilem habitum facere por- tare, in confessionibus expedire, et si forent pauperes, hospitia et bona habitacula diligenter procurare, atque continuo ad monasteria transmittendos componere solent et pra;parare. Cumque in scienliis usque ad sacerdotiuni, et in Sanctis moribus usque ad vitam regularem viderunt eos profecisse, tunc ad loca confugii, ubi animas suas poterunt salvare, videlicet ad monasteria Ordinum diversorum juxta desiderium omnium et singulorum per literas testinioniales eos solent dirigere. Chap. III. Monachism. § 141, Fratres Vita; Communis. 305 in which the brethren were held by the people, excited powerfully the envy of the Mendicants, who availed themselves of the name Beghards, which the brethren owned in common with so many others, to persecute them.^" Eugenius IV. took them under his protection, ^^ but still not a few of their number were induced, as the only means of peace, to join themselves to the Tertiaries of the Franciscans.^^ aut propriis in personis ipsis conventibus ad hahitandum prffisentare. Tali namque modo cunctii Ordinis nostri monasteria jam annis plus quam septuaginta per Patres pra;iatos in debita observantia noscuntur conservata. — Queiiiadinodum ifitur Patres jam pr.Tdicti nostra monasteria per idonearum Deum tinientium personarum subministrationem in sancta religione proljantur conservare ; ita nos vicissim sanctam conversationem eoiinii et vitam Deo placenteni ab hoininuin iniquorum, maxime .Mendicantiuin non reformatorum perniciosa infestatione omnino defendamus : — qui omnes ex uno Ibute initium nostrum primordiale aguoscimur habuisse. ^'' See notes 8, 9. Jo. Busch de reform. Monaster. III. c. 15, in Leibnit. Scriptt. Brunsv. II. p. 923: Praedicator Ordinis F"ratrum Minorum, Dominus German, — Lector et Guardianus in Hanover, pubJice in ambone pra;dicavit in Hanover, onincs Begina.s ibre condemnandas, quae sine tertia regula s. Francisci pariter habitai-cnt, sive in communi sive in propiiis viventes. The Beguines in Hanover had recourse to Busch, at that lime Piovost in Sulfa ; he at once adopted their cause; the Guardian appealed to the constitutions of Clement V. (see § 112, note 1), and was disposed to complain, but was soon compelled to retract. " In the bull addressed to all bishops in Germany, Brabant, and Flanders, Piis votis tidelium dd. IV. Idus Maji 1431 (see Mosheim de Beghardis et Beguinabus, p. 668 seq.), in which the bull of Gregory XI. (see § 112, note 5) is first adopted and confirmed ; and then amongst other things : Et quanquam praedicti pauperes (before they are called dihcti Jilii de cellis, seu voluntarice paupertatis pauperes), viri de per se scilicet, et mulieres seoisum, in suis dislinctis domibus absque mutua eorum conversatione commorantes, in paupertate et continentia, in humilitatis spiritu Ecclesias devote fiequentent; et Romanae Ecclesiag ac eorum Ordinariis — in omnibus reverenter obediant ; nullisque erroribus seu ritibus, qui salutaribus prse- ceptis et fidei orthodox* repugnent, se involvant ; sed liberaliter — miserabiles ac alias honestas personas, ad eorum loca declinantes, gratia hospitalitatis recipiunt, ac requisiti infirmorum curam gerunt, decedentiurn fidelium corpora, etiam tem- pore furoris pcstilentialis in terris, quas habitant, ad sepulturam ecclesiasticam deferendo, ac alia pietatis et caritatis opera exercendo ; etiam de his, quse manibus propriis et mendicatis acquirunt suffiagiis, egenis erogando, viventes in communi; adeoque Christifideles populi zelo sinceritatis, favoris et dilectionis ipsos plurimum complectuntur : — verunitamen iidem pauperes, ut fidei digna relatione percepi- mus, a quibusdam ha^reticas pravitatis inquisitoribus, ac diversis maxime Religiosis Ordinum mendicantium, ac aliis eorum aemulis in ipsorum bono proposito indebite et injuste inquietantur et pcrturbantur ; ac prstextu prajmissorum, captatis exinde quibusdam occasionibus et fictis coloribus, eis diversa gravamina inferuntur pariter etjacturae in animarum molestantium periculum, et pauperum hujusmodi Ia;sionem et scandalum. Permission is then given to these societies to live as they had hitherto done ; it is forbidden to disturb or molest them; and the Inquisitors and Mendicants are forbidden to exercise any authority over them: ita quod inquisi- tores fratres et quivis alii nullam inquisitionis, visitationis, jurisdictionis, superiori- tatis potestatem vel officium in eosdem, eorumque dornos valeant exercere, nee in ipsos excommunicationis seu alias sententias vel pcenas promulgare. These regu- lations apply, however, only to the Regular Fraternities : the wandering Beghards are not to be tolerated. The fraternities are empowered to use all the censures of the church against those who shall disturb them. Finally, the bull is not to be understood as confirming statum pra;dictorum, ut ordinem religionis approbatse. Another Bull of Eugenius IV. in favor of these fraternities, dd. 15 Dec. 1431, see in Mevius Daveniria illustris, p. 68 seq. '^ According to Jo. Busch, and also Chron. Windesem. II. 15, see note 4, this was the case with more than 100 Congregations. Others, however, were more VOL. HI. 39 30G Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Afterwards the Mendicants became more favorably disposed to this new institution, as they found tlieir own numbers increase through the hibors of the Fratres communis vita? for the instruction of the people. In the North of Germany and in Swit/erhind, this new fraternity gained no entrance, and here therefore the associations of the Beg- hards continued to devote themselves to begging, and to be as fruitful as ever in heresies. ^ 142. NEW ORDEUS. The most remarkable of the new orders established in this period is that of the Minimorum.^ Their founder, Francis of Paula,- a small town in Calabria, after having lived for a short time in an unreformed Franciscan convent, established himself as a hermit in the neighbour- hood of his native city, and from 1457 gathered round him a society of those who shared his views.^ The fanie of his miraculous power soon extended his society, which was confirmed by Sixtus IV. 1474, under the name of the Eremits; s. Francisci,"* first in Italy, and after- wards in France, where the superstitious Louis XI. had summoned the founder of the order to his aid in his last extremity (1482),^ at a later period in Spain. The order, distinguished always from the rest of the Franciscans by the observance of the vita quadragesimalis, received afterwards a rule from its founder,^ and to distinguish them- selves from the fratres minores, and to go one step beyond them, attached to their freedom. Thus the brethren in Deventer refused the offer of Cardinal Nicholas to change them to Canons, see Dumbar Analecta, T. I. p. 173. Delprat, p. 191. ' Helyot hist, des ordres religieux, T. VII. p. 426 seq. Pragmatische Ge- schichte der vornehmsten Monchsorden. Bd. 9. S. 7 ff. * His life see in Acta Sanctorum Apr. T. I. p. 103 seq. ad d. 2 Apr. The oldest and most credible account by a pupil of the saint in 1502, ibid. p. 106 seq. 3 Even his tirst biographer relates many wonders of him. But still they are not very extraordinary, and the narrator allows himself, that the saint was not always successful in his attempts; see § 57, Acta SS. 1. c. p. 119: Hie vero posset interrogare aliquis, cur non ii omnes exaudili sunt, qui ejus opem imploi-averunt ? In proraptu autem responsio est, multos languere corporaliter, ut spiritualiter vivant, etc. * By the bull Sedes Apostolica, dd. 23 Maji, 1474. * See the account of the eye-witness Philipp de Comities Memoires, 1. VI. c. 8. « The first rule was confirmed by Alexander VI. 1492. Afterwards Francis made some changes, so that there were four different rules ; the second confirmed by Alexander VI. 1501; the third, 1502; and the fourth and last by Julius II. dd. V. Kal. Aug. 1506. This last is distinguished into the I^egula fra- trum, Regula sororum, and Reg. Terfiariorum. In the second and third rules the three vows of monks were accompanied by the votum vitK quadragesimalis : in the fourth this is proscribed, cap. 6, as follows : ut singuli hujus Ordinis fratres a cibis carnalibus omnino abstineant, et dignos poenitentia; fructus in cibo quadra- gesimali taliter agant, quod ipsi carnes ac onmia senientinam originem a carnibus ipsis trahenfia penitus vitent. Carnes igitur et pinguedo, ova, butyrum, caseus, et quaevis lacticinia ex eisdem congesta et producta, intus et extra, omnibus et singu- lis, fratribus ipsis et oblatis, sint omnino et irrefragabiliter interdicta. Chap. IV. Internal History. § 143. Scholastic Philosophy. 307 assumed the name of Ordo minimorum fratrum Eremitarum Fratris Francbci de Paula. Their founder was sainted soon after his death (t 1507 in Plessis les Tours);' and they began, as had been done in the case of St. Francis, to find out likenesses in him to Christ,^ and after his canonization (1519),^ these absurdities were carried still further by his followers.^" CHAPTER FOURTH. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. ^ 143. HISTORY OF SCHOLASTIC PHILOSOPHY. The scholastic philosophy had long ceased to create, the various schools contenting themselves with repeating and defending what their founders had taught, and their highest ambition being to sur- pass each other in the arts of disputation. The Nominalists still maintained the advantage they had gained, notwithstanding that some suspicion of their orthodoxy always rested upon them. In 1473 their doctrines were forbidden by Louis XL,' but as early as 7 The Bulla beatificationis by Leo X. dd. Non. Jul. 151.3, in the Act. SS. 1. c. p. Ifio. 8 Thus it is stated in the processes instituted to procure his canonization, that having been refused a passage to Sicily, he passed over the straits on foot, see Act. SS 1 c p 168 • disces^t ab eis usque ad balistae ictum, et oraUonem fecit et mare benedixit.' Et in illo instanti aspexerunt b. Franciscum solum super undas eun- tem • et sic per illam partem transfretavit in Siciliam. True, the whole rests on the testimony: (testis) apud inaritimam terra Roys audivit did : afterwards, however, the account became more and more particular. Then, p. 173, it is related how the saint distributed a few apples amongst a great number of people, cum unusquisque malum unum cepisset, nihilominus cistula evacuata non luit, sed plena remansit ; so too p 186 how he fed a multitude with a little bread, et non videbatur deficere necdiminui, sed potius crescere ; p. 182, how he stilled the raging sea and so saved a ship : viso navigio coepit clamare : Jesu, Jesu, signum crucis laciendo. Unde immediate mare tranquillum factum est, et tempestas fugata est et cessavit. 9 See Acta SS. 1. c. p. 217. 10 Thus the fiction, that at the birth of the saint hymnodiam personnisse angeli- cam, sicut Christo nato, first found in a work of J\lcolaus Rovillardus, Romae 1623, see Act. SS. 1. c. p. 198. 1 See the royal edict of March 1, 1473, in Bulmi hist. Univ. Paris. V. p. 706 sea see p 708 : Et ulterius statuimus et edicimus, quod pradicta Anstotelis doc- trina ejusque commentatoris Averrois, Albert! M., s. Thoinaede Aquino, ^gidu de Roma Alexandride Hales, Scoti, Bonaventura? aliorumque Realium Doctorum quorum doclrina, ut dictum est, retroactis temporibus sana securaque compertaest. tarn in sacra theologia quam in artium Facultatibus in prsd.cta Univers.tate Pans, deinceps more solito legatur, doceatur, dogmatizetur, discatur et intimetur. Alte- ram autem prsdictorum Nominalium-in eadem civitate aut alibi quoquoversum 308 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. 1481, he found himself obliged again to permit them,- and thus their triumph was decided. The Nominalists maintained always, it is true, a certain freedom of opinion, as may be seen in the writings of the last distinguished man amongst them, Gabriel Bid of Tubingen (t 1495 );3 but for the most part they were bound down to a barren logic. Amongst the moralists of the time, the most distin- in regno nostro deinceps ])alam nee occulte quovi?modo nullatenus esse legendam, docendani et doginatizandam, aut aliquatenus sustineiidaiii ex|)re.sse deceinimus. All the teachers at the univer-ity must hind themselves hy oath to observe this edict. The contemporary Robtrtus Gagiiiiivs, Kp. 25, tells a hiend in Rome (1. c. p. 711) : Res uuteni eo deducta est, ut Nominalibus veluti Elephanti* pruritu pestilentibus edictum sit cxilium. Quorum celebriores libri, quos et bibliothecis Pontiticum interdicto distrahi nefas erat, ferro et clavis tanquam compedibus, ne introspectentur, vinctos esse jussit Rex Ludovicus. Putares misellos codices arreptitia quadnm phrencsi et daMiionico furoie, ne viscntes impetant, esse ligatos. Sic indomitos leones et helluas vinclis cohibemus et carcere. A work written in defence of (he Nominalists, gives the following account of the oi-igin of this pei-se- cution {(TAriientri collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus I. 11. p. 287) : Cujus potissimum tres causae reperiuntur. Prima est laus et gloria eorum, qui huic doc- trine insudant. Secunda causa est, quia qui dicuntur Nominales, ita aliquos et maxinie Thomistas superant disputando, ut nuUo modo cis resistere possint, et ob hoc COS penitus exterminare nituntur. Tertia causa est ex quadam ha;resi conficta in Universitate Lovanii. Quidam enim Lovaniensis Regens ( Petrus de Rivo, see the history of this controversy, 1. c. p. 258) tractatum composuit in quo negabat certitudinem et praesentiam divinam de contingentibus, asserens propositiones de futuro contingenti, etiam contentas in Biblia et a Christo prolatas, non esse veras. Quern tractatum his haeresibus plenum appiobavit Lovaniensis Universitas, promo- toremque suum Pai-isius misit soUicitare Facultatem theologife, quatenus dictum tractatum approbaret. Cui cum multi dicta? Facultatis Doctores, et illi maxime, qui doctrinffi Nominalium exterminationem procurant, faverent ; se viriliter obje- cerunt et opposuerunt illi qui dicuntur Nominales. nullum periciilum pro defen- sione fidei formidantes, impedieruntque, ne theologias Facultas dictum tractatum approbaret. Quod molestissime illi, qui dicuntur Reales, tulerunt, et usque ad XXIV. se dicto tractatui subscripserunt et ilium approbaverunt. ' BulcEUs V. p. 7.39. d'Jlrgentrd I. II. p. 302. The Provost of Paris writes to the rector of the university : Le Roi ni'a charge faire decloner et defermer tous les livres des Nominaux, — et que je vous fisse S(;avoir que chacun y estudiast qui voudroit. The Gei-mans and Picards looked upon this order as a victory of the truth. The Germans proclaimed, quod veritatis et doctrina et via, qus diu latere non potest, publicaretur ; — et clausi in compedibus seu catenis libri, ut lubet, aperirentur, a Studiosis visitentur, et a Doctoribus dogmatizentur, quicum- que etiam Magistri doctrinam, quam lubet, libere doceant. ^ His most remarkable works are an unfinished Collectorium ex Occamo in libb. IV. .Sententiarum (ed. TuhingcB, 2 voll. fol. 1502, and often : sometimes also cited as a Comm. in libb. IV. Sent, whence these titles are sometimes supposed to belong to two different works) and Expositio Canonis Missa; (ed. Tubing. 1499, and often). The freedom of his views is seen in his maintaining the supremacy of the church over the Pope, Expos. Can. Lect. XXIII. fol. .30. col. I. ; in his defending the decrees of the Council of Basil (Coll. Lib. III. Dist. III. Qu. 1. Art. 2 : Sunt im- pudentes, qui dicere ausi sunt, Basileense Concilium non fuisse legitime congrega- tum, et ideo constitutiones suas nullas i'ore, conti-a acceptationem eorum in concor- datis Principum) ; in his questioning the possibility of changing the character by the operation of ceitain sacraments (Coll. lib. IV. Dist. VI. qu. 2. art. 1. concl. 1. Characterem esse ponendum, nee ratio necessaria, nee evidens auctoritas probat : See the whole Quasst.) ; in his declaring absolution non judicialis (Coll. lib. II. Dist. XXV 11. : Non unquam sacerdos absolvit eum, qui non ])rius a Deo, sunimo sacerdote, absolutus est. Unde sacerdos absolvendo confitentem pronunciat eum absolutiim, non remittit peccatum). Compare H. W. Biel diss, theol. de Gabriele Biel celeberrimo Papista Antipapista. Vitemb. 1719. 4to. Chap. IV. Internal History. § 143. Scholastic Philosophy. 309 guished is St. Antoninus,'* but here too, unfortunately, the fondness for dialectic subtilties quite overbalanced the love of moral truth.^ In the course of this period, the scholastic philosophy sank in public estimation, just in proportion as the newly-awakened zeal for the study of antiquity increased.*^ The contest between the two became more and more unequal, all the most distinguished men turning their attention to this last, till the gloomy halls of the scholastic philosophy became the resort chiefly of the narrow-minded, the ignorant, and the rude, who not only made themselves ridiculous by their ignorance, but despicable by their frivolous and often impious trifling on useless questions of their own suggestion,''^ as is well, though with some ■* Concerning whom see the authorities prefixed to this Division. Sunima theo- losiica in 4 Partt. Extract therefrom in de W e 1 1 e ' s Gesch. d. christl. Sitten- le'hre. Zweite Halfte. S. 179 ff. * Thus the writer of the preface to Petri de Alliaco de emendatione Ecclesiae liber (s. loco et anno, though probably 1511) perhaps Ulrich v. Huttensays: Theo- logia ista scholastica, quae est ingeniosa cum ad conscientias in nugis aggravandas, turn rursus ad inveniendas excusationes in peccatis multo solertissima. « Their ignorance of the Scriptures and the Church Fathers was the most striking, cf. Erasmus de ratione veras theologian, p. 87 : Quale spectaculum est, theologum octogenarium nihil aliud sapere quam mera sophismata, et ad extremum usque vitas nihil aliud quam argutari ? Nam hujusmodi non paucos vidimus olim LutetiK, quibus si quid depromendum fuisset ex Paulo, videbantur sibi prorsus in aUum mundura translati. Ejusd. epist. apologetica ad Mart. Dorpium (0pp. ed. Lugdun. T. IX.) : Possem tibi producere, qui annum egressi octogesimum tantum aetatis in scholasticis tricis perdiderint, nee unquam contextum evangelicuni evol- verint, id quod a me compertum ipsi quoque demum confessi sunt. BiUhnldi Pirckheymeri epist. apologetica pro Reuchlino. Nurenbergas 1517 (in v. d. Hardt hist, literaria reformationis. P. II. p. 135) : Non parum multos invenies, qui absque depravata ilia concertatione, ac argutiarum fuligine sancti^simam theologian! consis- tere minime posse existimant. Hinc est quod vetus testamentum a similibus negligitur, novum quasi idiotis sciiptum vilipenditur, Apostolorum doctrina vix lectione digna putatur. Hinc quod divus Hieronymus tamquam grammaticus contemnitur, b. Augustinus etiamnum ignorantias damnatur, quern dicaculi illi nee argumenta sua, si in vitam reverteret, intellecturum somniant, non propter rudera illam et insignem barbariem, sed quia instantiarum, relationum, ami)]iationum, restrictionum, formalitatum, hsecceitatum, quidihtatum, et reliqua id genus porten- tosa vocabula ignoraret. Quicquid enim syllogismorura spinositate non intorque- tur, id penitus a theologica eruditione alienum putant. Robertiis Stephaniis in the praef. to the Responsio ad censuras theologorum Parisiensium, quibus biblia a se excusa calumniose notarunt, 1532 : Ante paucos annos quidam ex Sorbona sic loquebatur : niiror quid isti juvenes nobis semper allegent novum testamentum. Per Deum ego plus habebam quam quinquaginta annos, quod nesciebam, quod esset novum testamentum. 7 cf. Jacobus Carthusianus (or de Paradiso, see § 135, note 31) de arte curandi vitia (ex Ms. in v. d. Hardt Autographa Lutheri praf. p. 48) : Quid theologi nostro tempore student, nisi de potestate Dei, de providentia, de communicafione idiomatum, de natura Angelorum .' Et de hujusmodi altis et raris et dubiis dispu- tant in altis cathedris, magnis quKstionibus et libris se ostentantes. De practica autem emendationis vitae, et de modo agendi pcEnitentiam, de practica caritatis Dei et proximi, de humilitate servanda, ac de zelo aniinarum, de abusionibus deponendis et confutandis, quae sunt in Ecclesia Dei adeo niagnas et mults, ut vix verus ordo Vivendi secundum Christianam Religionem possit apparere. Erasini annot. in 1 Tim. i. 6, says in reference to the useless questions of the Scholastics : Haec si vel animi laxandi gratia, vel citra contentionem agitarentur, ferri poterant. Nunc quibusdam tota aetas in hujusmodi quKstionibus consumitur, et res usque ad clamo- rem, usque ad vera dissidia, usque ad convitia, nonnumquam usque ad pugnos 310 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. exaggeration, described in the Epistolis obscnrorum virorum. Thus even before the Reformation, the scholastic philosophy had ceased to have any true life ; from that time forward its mere skeleton only was preserved, chiefly in the convents, so that it need no longer engage our attention. procedit. — Quid autem nunc loquar de quaestiunculis, non solum supervacaneis, sed pene dixerim inipiis, quas niovemus de potcstate Dei, de potestate Romani Pontificis ? An Deus possit (luodvis malum, etiam odium sui prajcipere, et omne bonum prohibere, etiam amoiem et cultum sui ; an possit actu infinitum secundum omnem dimensionem pioducere ; an potuorit bunc luundum etiam ab aeterno melio- rem facere quam fecit; an possit pioducere boininem, qui peccare nullo modo queat; an revclare possit alicui suum futurum pcccatum, aut damnationem ; num possit aliqua distincte intelligcre, si ad ilia non babeat distinctas relationes rationis ; an possit respectum pioducere sine fundamento et termino ; an possit naturam universalem pioducere et conservare sine singularibus; an possit aliquo pra;dica- mento contineri ; an potestatem creandi possit communicare creatura; ; an possit ex facto focerc infectum, ac per boc ex meretrice facere virginem ; an quoelibet per- sona divina possit quamlibet naturam assumere, quomodo Verbum humanam assumpsit; — an baec propositio : Deus est scarabeus, aut cucurbita, tam possibilis sit, quam hsBC : Deus est homo ; an Deus assumpserit individuum humaiium, an speciem ; an polius convcniat Deo, non posse facere iinpossibile, an impossibile non posse fieri a Deo, etc. — Jam vero de Romani Pontificis potestate pene negotiosius disputatur quam de potestate Dei, dum qua^rimus de duplici illius potestate, et an possit abrogare quod scriptis Apostolicis decretum est; an possit aliquid statuere quod pugnet cum doctrina evangelica ; an possit novum articulum condere in fidei symbolo; utrum majorem babeat potestatem quam Petrus, an parem ; an possit prajcipere Angelis; an possit universum purgatoiium quod vocant tollere ; utrum simplex homo sit, an quasi Deus; an participL't utramque naturam cum Christo ; an clementior sit, quam fuerit Christus, cum is non legatur qiienquam a purgatoriis poenis revocasse ; an solus omnium non possit errare. Sexcenta id genus dispu- tantur magnis editis voluminibus, idque a magnis theologis, prssertim professione religionis insignibus. — Et tamen hujusmodi qusstiunculis serio occupantur quo- ruiiulam theologorum scholae. His ajtas rerum onmium fugacissima conteritur, cum pleraque sint ejus generis, ut doctius nesciantur quam sciantur, ut ridicule quffirantur, temere dcfiniantur. Breve tempus est, et arduum est negotium agere vere Christianum. Quin igitur oiiiissis rebus supervacaneis ea potissimum specte- mus, quae Christus nos scire voluit, quae prodiderunt Apostoli, quae proprie ad charitatem faciunt,. de corde puro, et conscientia bona, et fide non ficta, quam unam Paulus appellat fincm et perfectionem totius legis. Tot jam annis cavillamur in scholis, quibus verbis sit loquendum de Christo. An ha?c propositio sit vera: Christus fuit ab Eeterno, an recte dicalur compositus ex utraque natura, an constare, an contlatus, an commixtus, an conglutinatus, an coagmentatus, an ferruminatus, an copulatus. Nihil horum placet, tantum placet unitus, etc. — Si ha;c essent collo(]uia pomeridiana Christianorum, probarem hujusmodi sermonibus excludi fabulas ineptas. Nunc ha;c videntur fidei nostrae praesidia. Quaerimus ea, quae nee scire possumus, nee scire jubemur. Ilia negligimus, quae sola fuerant medi- tanda. Sunt autem qua^dam hoc ipsa perniciosa, quod obscuritate sua remorantur ac fatigant ingenium, melioribus aliotpii rebus occupandum. — Et in hac theologia tam non simplici vitam oninem consumunt, qui simpliceni et apostolicam profiten- tur. Kt qui ipso etiam cognomine summain modestiam profitentur, hujusmodi philosophia; professione tollunt cristas. — Novi quemdam theologum, qui negabat annos novem sufficere ad intelligenda quae Scotus scripsit tantum in pra?fationem Petri Lombard!. Aiidivi i-ursus alium, qui pra^dirahat fieri non posse, vit quis intclligert-t unam propositioncm in toto Scoto, nisi melaphysicam ipsius universam tcncret memoria. Hujusmodi labyrinthis Basilides, Valentinus et Marcion capta- bant animos simplicium. Denique fingamus ha'c esse fi-ugil'era, quanta liic occur- rit opinionum pugna ? Fingamus rursus omnia convenire, quam multa frustra quaeruntur, quam multa temere definiuntur .' Et praetexunt, has argutias ad revin- cendos Ethnicos et hEereticos esse necessarias: quum ilia nusquam sint usui, nisi Chap. IV. Internal History. § 144. Worship. 311 ^ 144. HISTORY OF WORSHIP. As in every part of the history of the church in this period, so in the history of its public worship, we find the most shameless abuses and impositions accompanied by bold though ineffectual attempts to bring about a reform. ^ Thus, though constant objection was made to the excessive practice of canonization,- the impositions of the priests in pretended miracles and relics exposed,-* and the legends of the saints subjected to a rigorous criticism,'* yet the number of saints, of inter ejusdem scholae sodales. In a letter from Paris, A. D. 1499, ad Thomam Grejuiu in Edit. Lugd. Epist. 85. T. III. P. I. p. 77 seq., Erasmus bitterly derides noBtrce tempestatis tlieologastros, amongst whom he lives, quorum cerebellis nihil putidius, lingua nihil barbarius, ingenio nihil stupidius, doctrina nihil spinosius, moribus nihil asperius, vita nihil fucatius, oratione nihil virulentius, pectorc nihil nigrius. ' Jacobus Carthusia7ms (or de Paradiso, see § 135, note 31) de arte curandi vitia (ex Ms. in v. d. Hardt Autogiapha Lutheri prsef. p. 48) : Tot sunt super- stidones, tot mala;, imo pessimal et scandalosE consuetudines in Ecclesiis tarn sa'cu- larium quam religiosoruin ; ita ut tota fere I'eligio Christiana videatur sufibcata, velut zizania quaedam inimicus homo superseminavit tritico. Ita ut iterum merito Christus posset nostris temporibus replicare, ut olim Juda^is fecit : jyropter tradi- tiones vestras prcevaricati estis mandata Dei. De his omnibus et plurimis aliis nemo Prslatorum ant theologorum moderno tempore facit mentionem debitam : et si contingat aliquando fieri, hoc tamen tit adeo superficialiter, cum tot excusationi- bus, ut nullus eis, nee aliis inde sequatur fructus emendationis. ^ Gerson de probatione spiiituum Consid. VIII. 0pp. I. p. 40. Clarae memorise Magister Henricus de Hassia (see § 103, note 1) comprimendain esse tot homiiuim canonizationem scripsit. Jo. Bodinus (the King's procurator in Laon, "^ 1596) methodus historica, c. 4 : Bessarion (Cardinal, 'f 1472) quum inter dives inepta quadam uro^iuiru Romje quam plurimos referri videret, quorum vitam improbarat, se valde dubitare dixit, utruni vera essent, qua; ab antiquis prodita fuerunt. ^ Jae. Carthusianus (see § 135, note 31) de septem Ecclesis statibus (in Walchii monim. niedii aevi II. II. p. 60) includes in the reformation which he thinks necessary, ut cum severitate debita coei-ceantur divinatores, incantatores, arioli, ai'uspices, somnia observantes, cai-minibus illicitis insistentcs, et benedictioni- bus superstitiosis, necromanticis artibus operam impendentes : altaria aut Eccle- sias in couventiculis locorum sub specie miraculorum aut sanctorum erigentes propter turpem qucestum. An example in Wittii hist. ant. Saxonia;, see § 139, note 13. — A Bernhardine monk preached in Vienna about 1509 (Conspectus hist. Univers. Viennensis Saec. II. p. 73), quod sacerdotes in Ecclesia non ostendant veras reliquias, sed reliquiarum loca imponant ossa equorum, et sic decipiant homines. •» Thus Gobelinus Persona (see works cited before, Div. IV.) Cosmodromium .^tas VI. c. 15, in Meibomii Rerum Germ. I. p. 201 seq., shows very strikingly that the legend of a St. Catharine, who suffered martyrdom in Alexandria, under Maxentius, must be false. Nicolaus de Cusa, and especially Laurentius Valla, show that the investiture by Constantine was a fiction (see § 20, note 21). Jac. Wimpheling involved himself in a dispute with the Augustines by asserting (lib. de integritate, 1505) that Augustine was not a monk, at least was not such an one as they : the Pope, however, put an end to the controversy by enjoining silence on both parties, see Auctarium catalogi test, veritatis ed. Cattopoli, 1667. p. 272 seq. Er hard's Gesch. des Wiederaufbliihens wissenschaftlicher Bildung. Bd. 1. S. 448 fr. 312 Third Period. Div.V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. shrines,^ of holy frauds, and absurd fables increased daily. In par- ticular, the miracle of bloodi/ hosts, the purpose of which was to justify the decree of the Council of Constance, prohibiting the com- munion of the cup to the laity ,'^ * was very common, and not unfre- quently the work of the most manifest imposture. In the case of the * Polydorus Ver^Uius (see § 138, note 14) de rerum inventoribus, lib. VI. c. 13, writes, A. D. 1499 : Ca;teruni illud aque adeo desideiari posset, ut sacerdotes frcquentius popiihim docerent, quonam pacto deberct et venerari ejusmodi imagines, et apiid eas sua ofTerre donaria : quod quia illi tacent, et vulgo ex sue usu tacere putantur, idcirco eo insania; devcntum est, ut lia'C pietatis pars paruiii differat ab iinpietate. Sunt eniiii bene luulti rudiores, stupidioresque, qui Saxeas vel ligiieas, inannoreas, aeneas, seu in paiictibus pictas, variisque coloribus litas imagines colant, non ut Hguras, sed pei'inde quasi ipsa; sensuin aliquem habeant, et iis niagis lidaiit, quam Christo, vel aliis divis, quibus dicata; sint. Quo fit, ut stultitiam stultitia cumulantes, illis offerant aurum, argentum, annulos gemmatos, oninifa- riasque gemiiias ibidem senio perituras, et ut ad id faciendum plures inescentur illi, qui talem segetem metunt, nummos perforent, filoque pendentes in collo aut nianibus ipsarum iiiiaginum suspendant, donaria in locis conspicuis egregie collo- cent, titulosque apponant, quo nomina offerentiuin et diis et hominibus notiora fiant. Sic bona pars liominum per ha;c niagis delirare inducitur, ac insuper longa aliquoties itinera conficcre, ut unam imagunculam adcat, ibique donaria sua relin- quat, prajtermisso cuncto alio aut pietatis aut charilatis officio, rata se omnino sat largitionis fecisse, sat posnituisse, si inter itionem lautius victitando aurum obtulis- set, in cujusvis thecam nununariam inde iturum. * See § 77, notes 10-12. Decretum Constantiensis Consilii contra communio- nem sub utraque, et contra Jacobum de Misa in the Sessio XIII. d. 15 June, 141.5, in V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. III. p. 646, and IV. p. 333 : Cum in nonnullis partibus quidam temerarie asserere prai'sumanf, populuni Christianum debere Eucharistias sacramentum sub utraque panis et vini specie suscipere, et non solum sub specie panis, sed etiam sub specie vini populum laicum passim communicent ; etiani post coenam, vel alias non jejunum communicandum esse pertinaciter asserant, contra laudabilem Ecclesife consuetudinem rationabiliter approbatam, quam tanquam sacrilegam damnabiliter reprobare conantur : hinc est, quod sacrum Constantiense Concilium adversus hunc erroreni saluti fideliuni providere satagens, matura plu- rium Doctorum tam divini quam humani juris deliberatione prahabita, declarat, decernit et definit, quod, licet Christus post coenam instituerit et suis Apostolis niinistraverit sub utraque specie panis et vini hoc vcncrabile sacramentum, tamen hoc non obstante sacrorum canonum auctoritas, laudabilis et approbata consiietudo Ecclesiae servavit et servat, quod hujusmodi sacramentum non debet confici post ccenam, neque a fidelibus recipi non jejunis, nisi in casu infirmitatis aut alterius necessitatis, a jure et ab Ecclesia concesso et admisso. Et sicut haec consuetudo' ad evitandum pei-icula aliqua et scandala rationabiliter introducta est, sic potuit simili vel majori ratione introduci et rationabiliter observari, quod, licet in primitiva Ecclesia i-eciperetur hoc sacramentum a fidelibus sub utraque specie, tamen postea a conficientibus sub utraque specie, et a laicis tantumniodo sub specie panis susci- piatur: cum firmissiine credendum sit, et nullatenus dubitandum, integrum corpus Christi etsanguinem tam sub specie panis quam sub specie vini veraciter contineri. Unde cum hujusmodi consuetudoab Ecclesia et Sanctis Patribus rationabiliter intro- ducta, et diutissime observata sit, habenda est pro lege, quam non licet reprobare, aut sine Ecclesiae auctoritate pro libito immutare. Quapropter dicere, quod hanc consuetudinem aut legem observare sit sacrilegum aut illicitum, censeri debet erroneuni : et pertinaciter asserentes oppositum prfemissarum tanquam hasretici arcendi sunt, et graviter puniendi per dicjccesanos locorum seu officiales eorum, aut inquisitores ha>reticn; pravitatis in regnis seu provinciis, in quibus contra hoc decretum aliquid forsan fuerit attentatum aut prajsumtum, juxta canonicas et legiti- mas sanctiones, in favorcm catholicae fidei contra hcereticos et eorum fautores salubriter adinventas. * [Probably because the visible appearance of the blood in the consecrated bread was supposed to prove that it was not necessary to take it separately. Tr.] Chap. IV. Internal History. ^ 144. Worsliip. 313 holy blood in Wdsnacli, the imposture was openly acknowledged and censured, both by a synod in Magdeburg, 1412,'^ and afterwards by individuals;** Cardinal Nicholas de Cusa, as papal legate in 1451, forbad all such miracles ; '-^ but still in general the popes not only "> Comp. § 116, note 14. John Huss first pointed out the imposture in this case, in his work De omni sanguine Cliristi glorificato (0pp. I. p. 198 seq.), which led to the ArticHili Ottoni Havelbeigensi l'2piscopo in Magdeburgensi Conciiio ann. 1412, propo-lbrmatarum hostiarum fieri permittant, sed istas translormatas hostias potius per sacerdotem celebrantem sumi in communione pra;cipiant, quam sacraiissimam Euchaiistiam in spiritualem refec- tionem nobis divino muncre datam per specierum corruptionem desinere permittant. Omnem autem locum, in quo post monitionem ab ostensione hosliae transformatas cessatum non fuerit eo ipso quod ter ipsa prohibita ostensio continuatur, ex nunc prout ex tunc, et ex tunc prout ex nunc strictissimo supponimus interdicto, quousque Archiepiscopus provincias loci illius, ubi inhibita ostensio pra^sumta fuerit, habita certitudine de obediendo luiic nostra; ordinationi hujusmodi interdic- tum duxerit amovendum. Volentes, quod ostensores ipsi post nostram eis insinua- tam ordinationem ab omni oificio, quousque ab Archiepiscopo absoluti fuerint, suspensi existant. Pariformiter et sub eadem interdicti lata; sententiaj poena statui- mus et mandamus, omnes tales imagines et picturas ab oculis simplicis vulgi amoveri, ad quas propter figuram visibilem in suis adorationibus vulgus ipsum specialius recurrit, et per publicum concursum in figura ipsa se salutem qua;rere, verbo aut signo ostendit. Still it may be seen how little this prohibition was heeded in Wilsnack by the summons of the archbishop Friedrich of Magdeburg (see Lentzen, S. (55), to the clergy of Wilsnack to answer for their conduct at a later date, shows how little this prohibition was regarded. Equally ineffectual was the preaching of John Caiiistranus, and the Augustine monk, Joh. Dorsten in Erfurth, see Consultatio de concursu ad Wilsnack (1472- 1475). '" Thus Eugenius IV. bestowed many years' absolution on the pilgrims to Wilsnack, dd. VI. Non. Jan. 1446, see Raynald. ann. 1447, no. 9, and ordered for the preservation of the bloody hosts that a consecrated host should be laid between them (ibid. no. 10) : and Nicolas V.dd. IV. Id. Sept. 1447, repeated these decrees (Ludewig Reliquiae Manuscriptorum VIII. p. 366). As late as A. D. 1500, four Cardinals granted absolution for this pilgrimage. n See especially Bernardinus de Bustis, an Italian Franciscan, >f after 1500, Mariale (Mediolani 1494. 4to. and often) a seiies of discourses in honor of the Virgin. As a specimen we cite Part. XII. Sermo II. P. I. : A tempore quo virgo Maria concepit in utcro verbum Dei, quandam ut sic dicam jurisdictionem seu auctoritatem obtinuit in omni Spiritus Sancti processione tempoi-ali, ita ut nulla creatura aliquam a Deo obtineat gratiam vol virtutem, nisi secundum ipsius pice matris dispensationem. '- The first writer who notices this Sanctuary is Flavins Blondus, secretary of Eugenius IV., and the following Popes till Pius 11. 'f 1463, in his Italia illustrata. Chap. IV. Tntrrnal History. § 144. Worship. 315 The Ave Maria became the favorite prayer. i^ The doctrine of the immaculate conception of the Virgin, wliich had always been main- tained by the Franciscans, was more and more triumphant, i' whilst in Piceno, p. 339 : Recanatum inter et Adiiaticum mare, pauhiluin a Musionc recedit celebemmuin totius Italia;, ut in aperto iinmunitoque vico, sacclluni ^lorio- sa; Virginis Maria; in Laureto appellatuni. Quo loco pieces svipplicaiitiuin a Deo genitricis sua; intercessionc exaudiri, illud maximum certissimumque est argu- mentum, quod eoruni, qui votis emissis exauditi fuerunt, ex auio, aigeuto, cera, pannis, veste linea laneaque appensa donaiia, magno lucnda pretio, basilicamque omnem pcne complentia, Episcopus in Dei Viiginisque gloiiam iutacta conservat. From this we may infer that the wondeiful removal was either wholly unknown, or only known as a popular tradition. The first writer who mentions the account of this wondei-ful removal, which is now found at the sanctuary itself, is Baptista Mantuanus (see § 138, note 7) Redemptoris mundi Matris Ecclesias Lauretanse histoiia (in ejusd. 0pp. onui. Antverp. 1576. Svo. T. IV. p. 216 seq.). According to this account, which is the oldest authority, this liouse was removed by angels to Tersato in Dalmatia, in A. D. 1291, and in 1294 was moved again to the neigh- bourhood of Recanati, and there its position twice changed. Teremannus, who gives this account, refers to the authority of two citizens of Recanati, one of whom affirmed, quod avus avi ejus vidit, quando Angeli pra:dictan\ Ecclesiam per mare, etc. The account was undoubtedly written between 1450 and 1480, and was the means of spreading the story. It was first attacked by Petr. Paul. Vergerius de idolo Lauretano, ital. scripsit, Ludovicus ejus nepos vertit ann. 1556, in the Primus tomus operum Vergcrii adv. Papatam, Tubing. 1563. 4to. p. 301. It was defended by the Jesuits Petr. Turrianus, Petr. Canisius, and Horat. Tursellinus, especially by the last in the Lauretana historia, Mogunt. 1599. Svo. Baronius also, ann. 9, no. 1, undertakes to defend it, and is rebuked therefor by Is. Casaii- bonus Exercit. VII., and about the same time Matthias Berntiggerus, Professor in Strasburg, Hypobolinia;a diva; Maria; deipara; caniei-a, s. Idolum Lauretanum. Argentor. 1619. 4to., refuted triumphantly all defenders of the fiction. '^ The Vesper prayer for which absolution had before been granted (see § 117, note 3) was now made of still more importance as a means of resisting the Turks, A. D. 1456 (Antonini Summa hist. P. III. Tit. 22. c. 14. init.) : ubique terrarum fidelium singulis diebus inter Nonas et Vesperas pulsari in omnibus Ecclesiis ad Ave Maria ter, in qua pulsatione quicunque dicerct genibus ffexis ler Ave Maria et Pater noster, consequeretur indulgentiam trium annorum et trium quadragena- rum. The importance of tlie Ave Maria was magnified chiefly by the Domini- cans and their fraternities of the Rosary (see § 140, note 10) : Sixtus IV. 1479, granted a new indulgence for the Psalterium b. M. V. (see Amort de indulgenfiis I. p. 170) : Nobis fuit propositum, quod in ducatu Britannije et pluribus aliis locis ab aliquo tempore certus modus sive ritus orandi pius et devotus, qui etiam anti- quis temporibus in diversis mundi partibus observabatur, videlicet quod quilibet dicit qualibet die ad honorem b. V. et contra imminentia mundi pericula toties angelicam salutationem, quot sunt Psalmi : et iste ritus Psalterium b. V. vulgariter nuncupatur. Nos hujusmodi modum orandi approbamus, et universis prwfato modo orare volentibus pro qualibet vice, qui sicut praemittitur oraverint, pro qualibet quinquagena prajfati Psalterii quinque annos et totidem quadragenas indulgentias relaxamus. After the example of the celebrated Dominican, Vincentius Ferre- rius ('J" 1419, see § 120, note 10) the salutation of the angels was made the begin- ning of Sermons, see Dom. Marci hierolexicon (Romse 1677. fbl.) v. Salutatio angelica. '■* A general view of the disturbances on this subject in Wadding legatio Philippi III. et IV. ad Paulum P. V. et Gregorium XV. de definienda controversia immaculatEe conceptionis b. V. M. Lovan. 1624. fol. p. 377 seq. The most distin- guished opponent of the doctrine is the Dominican Vincentius Bandellus, Prof, of Theology in Bologna, >f 1506, in the works lib. de veiitate conceptionis gloriosfe Virginis Maria;, 1475, and tract, de singulari puritate et pi-a*rogativa conceptionis ealvatoris nostri J. Chr. 1481, see the extracts in Wadding, p. 133 seq. Amongst its defenders Bernardinus de Bustis (see note 10) stands first: The first part of his 310 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the Dominicans on their part strove to show their reverence for Mary by their numerous fraternities of the Rosari/J-' True, the decree of the Council ol Basil in favor of the immaculate conception could not afterwards be made the law of the church, ^^ and even the Franciscan Pope, Sixtus IV., did not venture openly to oppose the powerful Do- minicans on this point ; ^^ but the doctrine was decidedly upheld by the Mariale consists of 8 Sennones de conceptioiic Mariae, then follows the Officium immaculatas conceptionis gloiiosai V. M., wliich was contirnied by Sixtus IV. '* See above, § 140, note 10. 16 Cone. Basil. Sess. XXXVI. d. XV. Kal. Oct. 1439, therefore during the Controversy of tlie Council with the Pope (see Mansi XXIX. p. 183): Hactenus difficilis quaestio in diversis partibus et coram hac sancta Syiiodo super conceplione ipsius gloriosoe virginis Maria; niatris Dei, et exonlio sanctiHcationis ejus facta est: quibusdam dicentibus, ipsam virginem et ejus aniniam per aliquod teiiipus aut instans teniporis subjacuisse aclualiter oiiginali culpa; ; aliis auteiii e converso dicentibus, a principio creationis sua; Deuni ipsain diligendo gratiam eidem contu- lisse, pei- quani a macula originali illam beatissimam personam liberans et pra;ser- vans, sublimioii sanctiticationis genei'e i-edemit, cum fundaiet cam altissimus ipse, et ipsam fabricaret Filius Dei Patris, ut esset mater ejus in terris. Nos vero, diligenter inspectis auctoritatibus et rationibus, qua; jam a pluribus annis in publicis ralationibus, ex parte utriusque doctrina; coram hac sancta Synodo allegata; sunt, aliisque etiam plurimis super hac re visis, et matura consideratione pensatis, doc- trinam illam disserentem, gloriosam virginem Dei genitiicem Mai-iam prajveniente et operante divini numiiiis gi-atia singulari niunquam actualiter subjacuisse originali peccato, sed immunem semper fuisse ab onmi originali et actuali culpa, sanctamque et innnaculatam, tanquain piam et consonam cultui eccle- siastico, fidei catholicae, recta; rationi, et sacra Scriptui-ae ab omnibus catho- licis approbandam lore, tenendam et ainplectendam ditfinimus et declaramus, nullique de cetcro licitum esse i\\ conti'aruim pra;dicare seu docere. Renovantes prjEterea institutionem de celebi-anda sancta ejus Conceptione, qua; tam per Roma- nam, quam per alias Ecclesias sexto Idus Decembris antiqua et laudabili con- suetudine celebratur, statuimus et ordinamus eandem celebritatem pra?fata die in omnibus Ecclesiis, Monasteriis, et conventibus Christians religionis, sub nomine Conceptionis fcstivis laudibus colendam esse, cunctisque fidelibus vere pocnitentibus et coni'essis, ea die Missarum solcmniis centum, primis autem vel sccundis vesperis totidem, scrmoni vei-o vcrbi divini de ea festivitate interessentibus centum quin- quaginta dies, concessione perpetuis temporibus duratura, de injunctis sibi poeni- tentiis haec sancta Sj'nodus elargitur. " In a Bull A. D. 1477 {Extravag. Comm. lib. III. tit. XII. c. 1.) he recom- mends the festival of the Conceptio immaculatae virginis (which he does not how- ever venture to call Conceplio inunaculata virginis), by bestowing on all who shall take part in it, tlie absolution of Corpus-Christi day. The second Bull A. D. 1483 (1. c. c. 2) is dii-ected lirsl against the diversorum ordinum prKdicatores (evateritiini cou- cessas ab obitu Greoorii XI. citra perpetuas, item quas dicuntur de poena et culpa, sive de plena remi.ssione, concessas locis, ilein omnes coneessas ad instar altcrius induli;entiffi, rcvocat ct annullat. ^ The Council of Basil bestowed itself many indulgences, compare the papal instructions in Raynald, 1436, no. 6, sec a])ove, § 131, note 30, and Jo. Polemar, § 131, note 4.5. This increase was justified, too, by the Scliolastics, sec Gabriel Biel expos. Missa; Lcct. 57 : ante tempera b. Gregorii modicus vel nullus I'uit iisus indulgentiarum : nunc autcm crebrescit earum usus. Quod sine dubio Ecclesia habens Spiritum Christi, et ideo non crrans, singula, prout ex])cdit, temporibus .suis distribuit, mota et illuminata a Spiritu Dei, qui novit tenipora, quas Pater in sua posuit potcstate, quorum niysteria indagare non sutticimus. Possunnis tanieu conjicerc aliquas causas, cur magis modo, quam olim usus indulgentiarum crebre- scit. Qooniam, ut timor transgressionis mandatorum Dei iuduceretur in converses fideles, gi-aves poenitentia; injungebantur et poena;. Item, nunc tcpescente chari- tate, nee satisfactiones condignaj injungunt'.u-, nee modice injunctaj periiciuntur ; ideo valde nccessarius est copiosus indulgentiarum usus. ^ The years 1425 and 1450 were celebrated as years of jubilee, and in 1451 the jubilee-absolution of the diocese of Augsburg was pui'chascd in Poland, Spain, Hungary, and various places in Gei-many ; see Eus. Amort de origine, progressu, valore ac fructu indulgentiarum. Aug. Vind. 1735. fol. P. I. p. S7 seq. « The bull dd. 13 Kal. Maji 1470, see in Raynald, 1470, no. 55. in Afiiort I. p. 91, gives as the ground of this change: Nos — attendentes humanaj conditionis statum fiagilem, ad peccandum proclivcm, et ad dcclinationem usque adeo celeri cursu — propcrare, brcvissimum quoque vitte spatium, et pcccatis nostris exigenti- bus crebras pcstilcntias, varies morbos letiferos, gravissimas quoque Turcarum et infidelium adversus fideles persecutiones assiduas, atque universam Christianitatera retroactis temporibus quassatam adhuc variis non quidem minoribus injuriis laces- siri, et calamitosis casibus et dispendiis subjacere, aliasqne plurimas arumnas in Christi populo adeo invalescere, ut eis atque aliis sinistris casibus plerumque cau- santibus admodum pauci remissionum et indulgentiarum hujusmodi participes fieri mereantur, etc. * 1411 against Ladislaus, king of Naples, 1420 and 1421 against the Hussites, 1453 (see § 132, note 10), 1455 (see § 132, note 12) and 1463 against the Turks, 1457 against the Moors, see Amort 1. p. 74. Also 1502 jubilee-indulgence was granted to support the war against the Turks, Amort I. p. 101, Cruciata for K. Emanuel, king of Portugal, against the Moors, 1505, see Raynald, ad h. a. no. 5 seq. The Bulla Cruciata, whicli is still sold in Spain, was first issued by Julius H. 1509, to get funds for the war against the Turks; in 1519, Leo X. bestowed the profits of it on the king of Spain, who .still receives them, see Amort I. p. 79. '' Especially for the contributing money to build churches. The most celebrated indulgence of this kind is that of Julius H. for the building of St. Peter's, first issued in 1506, and often afterwards (e. g. 1510, sec the bull in Amort I. p. 205), which eventually proved the cause of the reformation. ' e. g. the Confraternitas pra!])utii dominici in Antwerp, from Eugenius IV. 1446 (Amort I. p. 201), the Confraternitas s. Rosarii from Sixtus IV. 1478 (sec § 140, note 10), several instances given in Amort I. p. 169 seq. 324 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. ample indulgences for their own members, but likewise with others to enable them to carry on a traffic with the laity.^ The numerous shrines, too, were endowed with rich indulgences,^*^ and finally there were indulgences for certain festivals, ^^ ibr certain prayers, i"~ and even to honor eminent personages.^-* It had long been maintained by some theologians that the papal indulgence extended also to purga- tory, though by others it had been disputed -A'^ the prevailing doctrine now was that the Pope had such power per modum suffragii}^ which 8 See Amort I. p. 132 seq. Sixtus IV. decreed 1480, that the Portiuncula- indulgence (sec § 69, note 8 ; § 109, note 7) could be obtained by any member of the order of Fianciscans in any of their churches on the 1st August, Wadding Annales jNIinoruni ann. 1480, no. 41 ; 14S1, no. 38. " Indulgences for those who frequented the churches of the Mendicants, for their benefactors, etc., see Amort I. p. 141 seq. '° e. g. the holy blood in Wilsnack, § 144, note 9. The shrines were innumer- able. The most noted were Rome, Loretto, St. Jago di Compostella, Einsiedeln, Aix, Triers. The tunica Domini inconsutilis in Trier was endowed by Leo X. 1512, with a general absolution, and other pjivilcges, see Wittii hist. Westphaliae, p. 639 seq., and in that same year drew a crowd of pilgrims, with whom a lucra- tive trade was carried on in i-clics, see Schcckmami Chron. S. Maximini in M U n c h' 8 Franz v. Sickingens Thaten, &c. Bd. 3. S. 116 if. '• Martinus V. decreed an indulgence of 100 days to the festo corporis Christi, Amort I. p. 201, which was doubled by Eugenius IV., see 1. c. p. 204, Sixtus IV. 1472 to the festival of St. Francis an indulgence of 50 weeks, 1475 to the feslo conceptionis b. M. V., one of 700 days, 1. c. p. 203. 1^ Especially for the Ave Maria, see § 144, note 12. " Thus in 1481 Sixtus IV. bestowed a rich indulgence on those, qui seren. Principem Venetiarum ad divina comitantur officia, et rempublicam consilio et opera gubernant et adjuvant, see Amort I. p. 203. " First maintained by Alex. Halesius and Thomas Aquin. see § 82, notes 17 and 18. Compare Amort II. p. 59 seq. — Gersoii sermo II. pro defunctis opposes the notion, indulgentias acquiri posse pro mortuis. Jo. JViderus Summa Confesso- rum lib. III. qu. 191 (see Amort II. p. 92) maintains the contrary : non enim est aliqua ratio, quare Ecclesia merita communia possit transferre in vivos, et non in mortuos. •^ Such is the view of a contemporary writer on indulgences, JVicolaus JVeigel or Wigelius, professor in Leipsic, and deputy of that university at the Council of Basil (see Walch monimenta medii ajvi, vol. II. fasc. I. Praf. p. XXV., and the Leipsic Easter-program of 1786 : De legato Academic Lipsiensis ad Cone. Basi- leense), from whose work against the Hussites, Opus de indulgentiis, written 1441, Amort II. p. 94, gives an extract. Cap. 59, p. Ill, on the question, an possint indulgenticB dari Us, qui sunt in purgatorio, the exti-act says : Doctores varie respondent. Quod possint dari, potest probari 1. Levit. 25. frater fratrem redimit: ergo idem potest Ecclesia. 2. Petrus habet claves regni. 3. Deus omnibus pro- vidit, ut juvari possint ab alio, ergo et animabus. 4. Animaj ilia; non pertinent ad Ecclesiam triumphantem, ergo ad militantem. 5. Suffragia piorum juvant animas, ergo et indulgentis. 6. Thesaurus sutficit etiam pro purgatorio. 7. Papa sa;pe facit prasdicare crucem, ut aliquis habeat pro se, et tribus vel quatuor suis caris in purgatorio detentis. 8. Papa ligat et solvit post mortem 24. qu. 2. 9. Papa con- stitutus est judex vivorum et mortuorum. Sed ad illam partem, quod non, sunt multae rationes et satis fortes. 1. Animae non sunt de foro Papa;. 2. Non possunt aliquid operari in bonum Ecclesia. 3. Non possunt a Papa ligari. 4. Si Papa potest eos absolvere, esset crudelis, si non quotidic eos absolveret. Pro concor- dantia auctor ex Richardo de Media- Villa dicit, quod prosint/jcr modum stiffragii, secundario ac indirecte. Chap. IV. Internal History. ^ 14G. Ecdesiast. Indulgences. 325 was formally confirmed by Sixtus IV. 1477.1'' From this time for- ward, however, the popes were in the habit of making provisions in their bulls for the souls in purgatory, without regard to this limitation, and as if they had the absolute disposition of them, i^ as the keepers of '^ See his Declaratio in Amoi't II. p. 292 : Cum superioiibus mensibus nobis relatum esset, in publicatione indulgentia?, per nos alias Ecclesiae Xanctonensi (Sainctes) concessa?, pluia scandala et disciiuiina fuisse exorta, pra;dicantesque in hujusmodi publicatione multos aljusus commisisse, niultosque eirores pra?dicasse, ac inter alia occasione dictffi indulgentia;, quam aninuibus in purgatoiio existentibus per modum suftragii concessimus, nonnuUus scripta nostra male interpretantes publice asseruisse atque asserere, non esse ultra opus pro animabus ipsis orare, aut pia suffragia facere : — nos scaudalis et erroribus hujusmodi ex pastorali officio obviare volentes per Brevia nostra ad diversos illarum partium Prslatos scripsimus, ut Cluistifidelibus declarent, ipsam plenam indulgentiam pro animabus existentibus in purgatorio per modum suffiagii per nos fuisse concessam, non ut per indulgen- tiam pra'dictam Christilideles ipsi a piis et bonis operibus revocarentur, sed ut ilia in modum suffragii animarum saluti prodesset, perindeque ea indulgentia proficeret, ac si devotaj orationes, piceque eleeniosynae pro earundem animarum salute diceren- tur et oflerentur. This explanation, however, was likewise misunderstood by the evil-minded, for its meaning was by no means, indulgentiam non plus proticere aut valere, quam eleemosynas et orationes. But rather : earn perinde valere diximus, i. e. per eum modum, per, acsi, i. e. per quern orationes et elee- mosyna; valent. Et quoniam orationes et eleemosynas valent tanquam suffra- gia animabus impensa ; nos, quibus plenitudo potestatis ex alto est attributa, de thesauro universalis Ecclesiaj, qui ex Christi Sanctorumque ejus meritis constat, nobis commisso, auxilium et suffragium animabus purgatorii aflerre cupientes supradictam concessimus indulgentiam, ita tamen, ut tidelcs ipsi pro cisdem ani- mabus sufTragium darent, quod ipsa; defunctoi'um anima; per so nequeant adim- plere. Gabriel Biel in his Expositio Missa; Lect. 56, is still very doubtful as to the question, utrum indulgentia; prosint defunctis ; but in Lect. 57, he had fallen upon the Declaratio Sixti P. : this he of course at once adopted, but strove at the same time to get a more distinct view of the subject: Et quod frequenter repetitum est^er modum suffragii, non est intelligendum, quasi modus suffragii tollat effica- ciam indulgentiarum, ita quod opus illud, pro quo dantur indulgentise, non plus valeat animabus, quam si idem opus factum esset pro eis, nullis indulgentiis ad- junctis, sicut quidam intelligere voluerunt : sic enim frusti-a daretur indulgentia pro animabus. Sed quod additur jier modum suffragii, excludit modum judiciaria potestatis, qua; dicit judicialem absolutionem. Cum enim defuncti implere non possint opus, pro quo dantur indulgentiae, dum illud pro eis fit ab alio, jam opus alterius suffragatur eis, ut possint consequi indulgentias, non minus quam si ipsi per se opus illud implevissent: et ita indulgentiae proficiunt eis per modum suffra- gii, 1. e. propter aliquod opus ab alio factum, et eis per modum suffragii appli- catum. " Till the year 1490, absolution for the dead was very rare : in that year, however, Innocent X. adopted the following means of procuring money for the war against the Turks ( Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. II. p. 535) : misit in universam Germaniam plenarias indulgentias Jubilaji non solum pro vivis, sed etiam pro de- functis, qua; sicuti eatenus fuerunt rars, ita etiam plurimorum disputation! expo- sitoe. Summa disputationis haec erat, quod Papa de plenitudine potestatis non solum viventibus contritis et confessis pcenam possit remittere peccatis alioquin debitam, sed etiam omnium in Purgatorio existentium animarum ita remittere poenas, ut ipsum Purgatorium si velit penitus evacuare possit. Habuit ha;c asser- tio nova impugnantes, habuit et assertores, qui varia in utramque partem ut move- bantur synthemata scripserunt : cautius tamen quam liberius ne forte proscribe- rentur et ipsi. The Popes retained the formula per modum suffiagii, but at the same time speak as if this suffragium must be of course effectual. Thus in Alexandri P. VI. declaratio Jubila;i ann. 1500, h\ Amort I. p. 96, and in Julius IJ. bull of indulgence for the church of St. Peter, A. D. 1510, 1. c. p. 209 : Et ut animarum salus eo potius procuretur, quo magis aliorum egent suffragiis, et quo minus sibi ipsis proficere valent, auctoritate Apostolica de thesauro s. Matris Eccle- 326 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. sine animahus in purgatorio cxistentilius, qu:i; per cliarUatcm ab hac luce Chrislo unita; decesseruiit, ct qua; (liiiii vivercnt, silti ut Imjiisinodi iudulgentia siirtiagare- tur, ineruerunt, paterno affcctu, quantum cum Deo j)()ssumus, succurrere cui)ientes, dc divina misericordia ac potestatis Apostolica; plenitudine volumus ct concedimus, ut si qui parentes, amici, ac coeteri Christilidelcs i)ietate commoti pro ipsis animabus purgatorio igni pro expiatione poenarum eisdem secundum divinam justitiam debi- tarum expositis dicto anno Jubila-i durante pro rc])aratione dicta; Basilicas s. Petri aliquam eleemosynam juxta dictorum poenitentiariorum — ordinationem, dictas Basilicas at Ecclesias niodo pra'misso devote visitando, in capsa in eadem Ecclcsia seu Basilica s. Petri deputata posuerint, ipsa plenissima indulgentia per modum suffragii ipsis animabus in purgatorio existentibus, pro quibus dictam eleemosynam pie erogaverint, pro plenaria paunarum rclaxatione. sufiragetur. How rajjidly the privileged altars were multi|)lied may be seen fiom the testimony of the papal legate, Rayniundus, A. D. 1500, which Joh. de Paltz, Provost of the cloister of INeuen Werkc near Halle, liad from him, and relates in his Coclifodina (ed. 1510) Append, qu. 9 ad 3. According to this account (see Amort H. p. 283), five churches in Rome were endowed with such indulgences. Namely, 1. A chapel in the church s. Potentiana;, in which there was an inscription : ha>c est ilia sacratissima Capella, in qua Princeps Apostolorura, scil. s. Petrus, suam pi-imam celebravit, habetque cadem Capella gratiam banc, ut quicunque celebraverit, vel celebrari fecerit unam Missam in ilia Capella, liberat unam animam a poena pur- gatorii, ut patet in Bulla. 2. J^ccL s. Praxedis, in qua quicunque celebraverit vel celebrari fecerit quinque Missas, liberat unam de Purgatorio. 3. Kcd. s. Laurentii extra muros, quam Ecclesiam si quis visitaverit in omnibus diebus Mercurii per totum annum, habet a Deo et Sanctis Laurentio et Stephano istam gratiam extrahendi unam animam de purgatorio. 4. Ecclesia s. Sebastiani etiam extra muros, in qua est scriptum apud Altare, sub quo est recondittim corpus s. Sebastiani sic: Sub hoc Altari reconditum est corpus s. Sebastiani Martyris, et in omni Missa, qua» celebratur super eodem, liberatur una anima de purgatorio. 5. Capella, vocata Scala cceli, ubi decollatus fuit s. Paulus Apostolus, in cpia Capella sic est scriptum : Hxc est secunda Capella, qu£E fuitfundata in toto munf 1514), qui, cum in theologia Licentiatus esset, et hi quajstuarii sibi offerrent pecuniain pro suo Docto- ratu ea lege, ut cum eis proficisceretur de parochia in parochiam concionando ; quamvis pauper esset, id tanquam se indignum recusavit. Quales coufessores admittantur in his locis publicis, Deus novit, et quam celeriter finem imponant, ut lanam ab ovibus colligant ! Nam ubi solent esse casus conscientiae intricatissimi, quibus in promptu vix posset respondere consummatus theologus, asellus quispiara aegre capiens significationem propositi casus omnia ocyssime expediet. A monk, Thomas, who lived before Luther's time, gives the following description of this traffic in indulgences (in Florimundl Rcemundi de oitu et progressu haeresium hb. I. c. 8. ed. Colon. 1614. p. 63 seq.) : utque tanto melius ac facilius deglubere eos (populos) possint, cum Parochis rem et consilia conferunt, dicentes : Domine Paroche, apportamus indulgentias plenarias. Quod si vestro mandalo populus convenerit, et processiones factse fuerint, nos tertiam ejus, quod inde collegerimus, vobis dabimus, et de bonorum hominum fortunis una laeti convivabimur. Ibi Paro- chus concubinarius, indoctus, mercenarius et non pastor, quo ventrem suum replere et scortum alere possit, cum istis Bullarum portatoribus transigit. Qui pecunia per VOL. III. 42 330 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. universally considered as a mere matter of tratBc,'-'^ and it was con- fas et nefas collecta convivantur, saKant, genioque indulgent, cf. Mich. Menot, below, note 30. See also Jounnis Episc. C'hemensis (see § 1.35, note 29) onus Ecclesi;e c. 15. Franc. Belcarius (Beaucnire) bishop of Metz ("f 1591) com- inentaiii lerum Gallicaruni lib. XVI. no. 15, of tlie indulgence traffic under Leo X.: Tanta pontificiorum niinistrorum iiiipudentia erat, ut liarum (indulgentiarum) obeundaruni munus palani nundinarentur inter se, et nonnunquain parum sobrii, praeseilini in Geiniania, in divcrsoriis aut alias, aut alio ludi genere ad alios trans- ferrent. Of the noted Dominican, John Tetzel, who hawked about the papal indulgences in Germany, lirst as commissioner of Arcindioldus, and then of the Elector Albrecht of Mayence, the following account is given by Frederick Mecuni or Myconius, then a Franciscan in Annaberg, in his history of the reformation (ed. by E. S. Cyprian, 2te Ausg. Leipzig, 1718. 8vo. S. 14) : " Incredible is it how far this ignorant and shameless monk dared to go. He said that if a man had slept with his own mother, he could buy of the Pope absolution therefor, and that if the Pope forgave him, God also must forgive him. Also that if they made haste to give in their money, and bought grace and absolution enough, all the mountains about Annaberg would become clear silver. Also, that as soon as the ring of the money was heard in his bason, the soul for which it was put in would ascend out of purgatory. — Such was the reverence in which the indulgence was held, that when Tetzel came into a city, the bull was carried before him on a velvet or a golden cloth, and all the priests, monks, the Council, schoolmasters, scholars, the men, women, and children went in a procession with flags and torches, to meet him. Then all the bells were rung, all the organs played, he was escorted into the churches, a i-ed cross erected in the midst, on which the Pope's banner was hung, &c. — Ad 1517, when Tetzel offered indulgences for sale in the countries border- ing on Saxony, for the building of St. Peter's, Myconius relates, p. 20 : His im- pudence now passed all bounds. He gave letters of indulgence for sins, which men intended to commit. He said that the Pope had more power than all the apostles, all the angels and saints, and even than the Virgin Mother herself. For these were all inferior to Christ, but the Pope equal to him. Nay, that since the ascension Christ would exercise no more authority in the church till the day of judgment, but had committed all power to the Pope as his vicar. Similar accounts of Tetzel's proceeding by Luther, in his book against Hansworst, 1541, from which Sleidamis, Vih. Xlll. ed. am Ende, H. p. 208, gives extracts: the passage : Is inter alia docebat, se tantam habere potestatem a Pontifice, ut etiam si quis virgi- nein matrem vitiasset ac gravidam fecisset, condonare crimen ipse posset interventu pecuni;e : deinde non modo jam commissa, verum etiam futura peccata condonabat, has led to much controversy whether it should not read virginem aut matrem. The character of these hawkei-s is seen from what is said by the papal legate, Cardinal Raymund, who wrote to the German princes, 1503 (see Bernardi Wittii, a Benedictine in Liesborn, hist. Westphalia;, written 1517, ed. Monast. 1778. 4to. p. 610) : Quanto nos magis istis pecuniis pepercimus, tanto inhonestius quidam ex nostris Commissariis cas disperserunt : in pluribus enim dioecesibus, ubi non fuimus in propria, nihil penitus de tertia parte remansit propter eorum excessivas expensas atque inmioderatos usus. Sunt enim plures, quorum avaritiaa nee hodie possit satisfieri, etc. ^® Thus Bernardus JVitte, 1. c. p. 587 ad ann. 1490 : Eodem anno et sequenti maxima;, imnio inauditae pra;terilis sajculis indulgentias pro terra; sancta; recupera- tione per Raymundum, tunc Romana; Curiae Protonotariura et Apostolicum Lega- tum, universum pene nostrum perorbem perlatae sunt, infinitaque pecunia collecta. Verum in eum usum, ubi hactenus translatus fuei'at, et hie thesaurus collocatus est. O auri sacra fames, quantum te Domina inundi cruciat! p. 605, ad ann. 1503 : Raymundus — Apostolica; sedis ad Germaniam Datiamque, etc. Legatus missus, ut Christifideles ad recuperationem terra; sanctse ac in Tui-cos Christi inimicos in pugnam animaret, promissa peccatorum indulgentia cunctis, qui contra Turcum militare vellent, parum quidem profecit, a;s autem inopis et simplicis vulgi Romanse Ecclesiae gazis inipendit. — Surdcnt profecto opulentum aures Evangclio, nee divinus sermo Principibus auditus est: contenti pra;senti rerum statu potentes futurum Christi regnum nonnisi niorientes inquirunt. Credula paupertas facile praedicatoribus obedit. P. 653, ad ann. 1516 : of the absolution, which Arcimboldus Chap. IV. Internal History. § 146, Ecchsiast. Indulgences. *331 stantly occurring that wliat was offered as the Iiighest spiritual gift, was altogether rejected by the teinpornl ]irinces,'-^' or regarded with suspicion,-^ or bitterly complained of.-'' There were some also who opposed the whole system of indulgences as injurious to all true religion and morals,-^*' though, for the most part, they only made themselves the objects of persecution. was commissioned by Leo X. to offer for sale, the proceeds being destined to the building of St. Peter's church at Rome. Hujus rei gratia et quia in superioribus annis sub Alexandro et Julio summis Ponlificibus similes quasi indulgentia; emissa; fuerunt, provincia nostra satis extenuata est sed utinain vel Romana Curia semel satiata ! sed perpetuam quis saturabit esuriem ? Trithemii Chron. llirsaugiense ad ann. 1490. T. II. p. 536, of the sale of indulgences by Raymund : Multa certe florenorum millia ex ea gratiarum largitione per Germaniam fuere collecta, quorum tamen nescio si vel unus denarius in prsdicatum Cruciate opus contra Turcos fuerit expositus. Guicciardini historia d'ltalia, 1. XIII. : Leone aveva sparso per tutto il mondo senza distinzione di tempi e di luoghi indulgcnze aniplissime, non solo per peter giovare con esse a quegli, che ancora sono nella vita presente, ma con faculta di potere, oltre a questo, liberare le anime dei defuncti dalle pene del pui-gatorio ; le quali cose non avendo in se ne verisimilitudine, ne autorita alcuna, perche era nolorio, che si conccdevano solamente per estorquere danari dagli uomini, che abbondano piu di semplicita, che di prudenza, ed essendo esercitate impudentamente dai commissari diputati a questa esazione, la piu parte dci quali comperava dalla corte la faccultk di esercitarla, aveva concitato in nuilti luoghi indegnazione e scandalo assai, e specialmenle nella Germania. How far tiie pro- ceeds of these sales were from being uniformly applied to the purpose for which they were professedly intended, see Guicciardini ed. Venet. 1592, p. 395 b. il Pontifice (Leone), il quale per facilitk della nafura sua essercitava in molte cose non poca maesta I'ufficio ponteficale, dono a Maddalena sua sorella I'emolumento e I'essatione delle indulgenze di molte parti di Germania. Leonis X. cpist. ad Albertum Eleclorem Mogunt. dd. 26 Nov. 1517 (in H. Schmidt's Einleitung zur Brandenb. Kirchen u. Reformations-Historic. Berlin, 1718. 4to. S. 244 : Fra- ternitati Tuas committimus et mandamus, ut postqnam acceperit dictum librum Titi Livii (namely, the 23 de bello Macedonico), ipsi Johanni solvat seu solvi faciat CXLVII Ducatos auri de Camera ex pecuniis indulgentiarujn concessarum per illas provincias in favorem fabi-icae Basilicae Principis Apostolorum de Urbe. ^ For the year of Jubilee, 1450, the Teutonic Order forbad all their dependr.nts to make the pilgrimage to Rome, see V o i g t in Raumer's hist. Taschenbuche f 1833. S. 138. For the Post-Jubilee-ycar, 1451, the sale of the indulgences was committed to the four bishops of Prussia, but a part of the proceeds were to be paid into the papal treasury, and the bull commissioning them was to cost 1,000 ducats. The ambassador of the Order at Rome writes to the Grand-Master, p. 142 : " All which being taken into consideration, my Lord, 5-ou will readily see that this absolution is quite too dear; and if I might offer my poor advice, it would be rather to beg to be excused from it than to introduce it into the country, since its chief effect will be to carry away from us our money." The Order agreed in this view of the subject, and did not allow the indulgence to be exposed for sale. ^'* When about to put up for sale a Jubilee-indulgence for the year 1466, the German Diet stipulated that the money should be delivered neither to the Pope, nor the Emperor, but to them. See Mailer's Reichtagstheatrum, Th. 2. S. 216 seq. Cardinal Raymund was not allowed to proclaim the Jubilee-year 1500, in Germany, till the commissioners of the Diet in Nuremberg had bound him by a contract to deposit the amount destined to carry on the war against the Turks under four locks {Raynald, 1500. no. 20. Sammlung der Reichsabschiede, Bd. 2. S. 96 ff.). ^ See M. Meyeri epist. ad .^neam Sylv. see § 132, note 17. Gravamen Nat. Germ, VIII. A. D. 1510. see § 134, note 8. ■'" Nicholas V. 1448, had (o take measures (see the bull in Raynald, ad h. a. HO. 9), because in nonnullis Burgundiap partibus plerique sa»ct']ares Presbyteri,— 332 Tkird Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. For the hierarchy measured their favor by the degree of blind sub- mission which they found to their commands. For the submissive they knew how to reconcile the demands of Christianity with the entire gratification of their desires, wl)ilst the refractory they perse- cuted without mercy, even tiiough tiicy might be animated by the purest zeal for religion and morals. The catalogue of the sins of disobedience was yearly lengthened, and on the Thursday before Good Friday, the most solemn anathemas were affixed to them.^i etiam nonnunquaiii in sermonibus publicis ad populum — habitis, aliqua piarum aurium offensiva, — et prtEsertim indulgentiarum et remissionum peccaminum, necnon clavium Ecclesias, et sacramenti poenitentia; materias concernentia affirma- runt, — unde ibi ^-ravia scandala succesiserunt. — Amongst the errors of the Franciscan, John Yitrarius, in Paris, condemned by the Sorbonne in 1498, were the following (d'Jlrgentri I. II. p. 341) : VIII. On ne doit point donner d'argent aux Eglises pour Its pardons (which the Sorbonne designates as: scandalosa, devotionis fidelium diminutiva, falsa, reparanda). IX. Les pardons ne sent point donnis pour les BonrdeaulT (Est indiscrete popnlo praedicata, scandalosa in reli- giosos domos, quibiis coUatas sunt indulgentias). X. Les pardons viennent d'enfer (Est piarum aurium offensiva, scandalosa, in Ecclesiam et claves Ecclesiae blasphe- ma, haeretica, reparanda, si fuerit praedicata). In 1517, on the other hand, Michael Menot could preach with impunity (see § 14.5, note 10) (Sermones quadragesi- males. Paris. 1526. 8vo. fol. 147. b.) : Vultis, quod ego dicam vobis unumverbum? Numquam theologi fecerunt nienfionem, nee posuerunt manum in istis indulgen- tiis : aut si fecerunt, raro et modicum. Videatis Joannem Andres, Panormitanum, et omnes Canonistas, qui dicunt de indulgentiis parum. Scotus parum. — Sed soli caffardi eas praedicaverunt cum infinitis mendaciis, ut populum decipiant: qui saspe sunt parvi diaboli, quando sunt in taberna : quibus non est quaestio, nisi de luxuria, de ludo, etc. Die si vis : quid ergo est ? oportet ire ad magnam indulgen- tiam, qus est contritio. Et si hoc facias, promitto fibi, quod Magdalenae promissum est. Vade ad lachrymas cordis : effunde abundanter. Deus non dixit ei, quod poneret quinque solidos in trunco, sed dixit ei : fides tua te salvam fecit (Luc. vii. 50). — Philippus Turrianus, domus s. Spiritus commendator 1509, preached against indulgences, see Conspectus hist. Univers. Viennensis Saec. II. (Viennae, 1724. 8vo.) p. 73 : diversas contra indulgentias cum populi otfendiculo propositiones palam effutivisse ferebatur, and was punished by a line, lllrich Krafft, a preacher in Ulm ("f 1516. see Veesenmeyer comm. de vicissitudinibus doctiinae de s. coena in Eccl. Ulmensi. Norimb. 1789. 4to. p. 8) said publicly of Tetzel : " Here is a decoy bird coming, who wants to talk your money out of your purses. Believe him not, dear friends, Christ alone is our absolution and our sacrifice, who has already done and paid for us enough." See V o g e 1 ' s Leben des pabstl. Gnaden- predigers, oder Ablasscramers J. Tezels (Leipz. 2te Aufl. 1727. 8vo.). Besides these. Wolf, in his Lectiones memorabiles, mentions the following persons, as opponents of the sale of indulgences in the beginning of the 16th century (ex- tracted in Flacii catalogus test, verit.) : Sebastianus, D. theol. and canon in Erfurt (see Flacius ed. Francof. 1666. p. 827), Ludolph Castrick, Pastor of St. Michael's Church in Magdeburg (Flacius, p. 833), Job. Pfennig, preacher in Nuremburg, afterwards in Annaberg, who, when about to flee into Bohemia to escape from persecution, was seized and kept in prison by the bishop of Meissen (Flacius, p. 841. G. Fabricii Annal. urbis Misn. p. 78), Tilemann, a monk in Groningen (Flacius. p 842). 31 Compare § 117, note 17. See the JBulla ccencB, which Paul II. pub- lished 1468, and which was especially directed against George Podiebrad, Gregory of Heimburg and others, in Cypriani tabularium Ecclesiae Komanse. Francof. et Lips. 1743. 4to. p. 38 seq. Leo X's Bulla ccencB, A. D. 1515, see in Wittii hist. Westphalias, p. 647, and Hartzheim Concill. Germ. T. VI. p. 144 : Consueverunt Romani Pontifices, praedecessores nostri, ad retinendum puritatera religionis Christianse — arma justitias per ministerium Apostolatus in praeseuti cele- britate exercere. Nos igitur vetustum et solemnem hunc morem sequentes, ex- commucicamus et anathematizamus ex parte Dei omnipotentis, Patris, et Filii, et Chap. IV. Internal History. § 14G, Ecclesiast. Indulgences. 333 Even the Synods confessed that ban and interdict were often unjustly Spiritus Sancti, auctoiitate quoque beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli ac nostra, omnes haereticos, Gazaros, Patarenos, Pauperes de Lugduno, Arnoldistas, Spero- nistas, Passagerios, AViclevistas seu Hussitas, Fratricellos, de opinione nuncupatos, et quoslibet alios haereticos, ac omnes lautores — eorundem. Item excommunica- mus et anathematizamus omnes violatores et perturbatores libertatis ecclesiasticae, — et eos prffisertim, qui — Ecclesiis et ecclesiasticis personis sine licentia speciali Romani Pontificis — onera — imponunt. — Item — omnes piratas, cursarios, — prsBcipue qui mare nostrum a monte argentario usque ad Terracinam discurrere, et navigantes in illo depraedari — hactenus prasumpserunt, ac omnes receptatores eorundem. — Item — omnes, qui in terris suis nova pedagia imponunt vel prohibita exigunt. Item — omnes falsarios Bullarum seu literarum Apostolicarum. — Item — omnes illos, qui equos, arma, ferrura, ligamina, et alia prohibita del'erunt Sara- cenis, Turcis et aliis Christi nominis inimicis, quibus Christianos impugnant. Item — omnes impedientes seu invadentes victualia, seu aUa, ad usum Romans Curiae necessaria, adducentes : — cujuscunque luerint ordinis, pra^eniinenfiK, conditionis et status, etiamsi Pontificali, Regali, Reginali, aut alia quavis ecclesiastica, vel mundana pra;iulgeant dignitate. Item — omnes illos, qui ad Sedem Apostolicam venientes, et recedentes ab eadem — spoliant, — mutilare vel interficere praesu- ixiunt. — Item — omnes temere mutilantes, — interficientes, capientes — Patriar- chas, Archiepiscopos, eorumque mandatores. Item — omnes illos, qui — personas — ad Romanam Curiam super eorum causis et negotiis recurrentes, — aut — Pro- curatores ipsorum, vel etiam Auditores seu Judices super dictis causis — deputatos occasione causarum — ejusmodi verberant, — vel occidunt, seu bonis spoliant (see § 136, note 4) — : ac illos, qui, ne Uteris et mandatis et Apostolica; Sedis, et Legatorum — ejusdem — non habito primo eorum beneplacito et assensu pareatur, — sub gravissimis poenis probibere (see § 136, note 5), — quive in animarum eorundem periculum se a nostra, et Romani Pontificis pro tempore obedientia per- tinaciter subtrahere — prssumunt : quive jurisdictionem seu fructus ad ecclesiasti- cas personas pertinentes usurpant vel arripiunt (§ 136, notes 2, 3) : — cujuscunque praeeminentiffi — fuerint, etiamsi Pontificali, Regali, Reginali, vel quavis alia prae- lulgeant dignitate. Item — omnes mufilantes, vulnerantes, interficientes, seu capientes et detinentes, seu depraedantes Romipetas. — Item — qui — occupant, detinent, vel hostiliter destruunt, seu invadunt — almam urbem, regna SiciUae vel Trinacriae, insulas Sardiniae et Corsicas, terras citra Pharum, patrimonium b. Petri in Tuscia, Ducatum Spoletanum, Comitatum Venaysinura, Sabinensem, Marchiae Anconitans, Masste, Trebarije, Romandiolae, Campaniae, et Maritime provincias, et terras specialis commissiones Arnolphorum, Bononiensium, Ferrariensium, Bene- ventanorum, Perusii, Avinionensis civitatis, Castelli, Tuderti, et alias civitates, terras, et loca vel jura ad ipsam Romanam Ecclesiam spectantia. — Non obstantibus quibuscunque privilegiis — eis — concessis, quod excommunicari vel anathemati- zarinon possint per literas Apostohcas non facientes plenam et expressara — de — nominibus omnibus propriis — mentionem : nee non consuetudinibus — contrariis. — Et a quibus quidem sententiis nullus per alium, quam per Romanum Pontificem, nisi duntaxat in mortis articulo constitutus, absolvi possit : nee etiam tunc, nisi de stando s. Romanae Ecclesiag mandatis, satisfactione vel suflBcienti cautione prsestitis. Illos autem, qui contra tenorem praesentium talibus — absolutionis beneficium impendunt de facto, excommunicationis et anathematizationis sententia innodamus : — et declarantes, — nos gravius contra eos spiritualiter et temporaliter — proces- suros : et nihiloniinus quidquid egerint absolvendo vel alias, nullius sit roboris ac momenti. Ut autem hujusmodi nostri processus ad communem omnium notitiam deducantur, chartas sive membranas processus continentes eosdem in valvis Basili- carum Principis Apostolorum, sanctique Johannis Lateranensis de urbe affigi, seu appendi faciemus, quEe processus ipsos suo quasi sonoro prajconio et patulo indicio publicabunt, ut hi, quos processus hujusmodi contingunt, quod ad ipsos non per- venerint, aut quod ipsos ignoraverint, nullam possint excusationem prEetendere, seu ignorantiain prsetendere, cum non sit verisimile, quoad ipsos remanere in- cognitum, quod tam patenter omnibus publicatur. (Concerning this mode of pub- lication see § 59, note 33 ; § 96, note 6 ; § 100, note 9.) Verum ut prajsentes literae, ac omnia in eis contenta, eo fiant notiora, quo in plerisque civitatibus et locis fuerint publicata, Venn, fratribus nostris Patriarchis, Primatibus, Archiepis- 334 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409—1517. imposed, and rebuked the Popes for their haste.^-^ And it is not to be wondered at that as the respect for the hierarchy sank lower and lower, till their censures were often as little regarded by men -^-^ as by the reptiles and insects, against which they were not unfrequently directed.-^^ «^ 147. INQUISITION. During the papal schism and the period of the reforming councils, the power of the Inquisition seemed to be broken with that of the hierarchy ; ^ but with the revival of this last the Inquisition also re- vived, and commenced in Spain and Germany a course more deeply marked than ever by cruelty and bloodshed. In Spain- the occasion for this cruelty was afforded by the Jews, who, from A. D. 1391, had been forced in appearance to embrace Christianity, but in private had continued to worship according to the religion of their fathers.^ The Inquisition established to inquire into, andi bring to judgment this heresy, assumed a character hitherto unknown, however, from the circumstance, that the king and queen, Ferdinand and Isabella, were empowered by the Pope to appoint the Inquisitors (1478), and to confiscate for the royal use the estates of copis, Episcopis, et locorum Ordinariis ubilibet constitutis per hasc scripta cora- mittimus, et in viitute sanctas obedientic-e districte praecipiendo mandamus, qua- tenus per se, vel alium, seu alios, prtesentes literas, postquam eas receperint, seu earum habuerint notitiam, saltern semel in anno, aut pluries, prout expedire videiint, in Ecclesiis suis, dum major in eis populi multitudo ad divina convenerit, solemniter publicent, et ad Christitidelium mentes deducant et declarent. 32 See Cone. Basil, above, § 131, note 23. 33 See § 135, note 29. 34 Compare Mailer's Schweizergeschichte, neue Aufl. Leipzig, 1826. Th. 4. S. 24() ft. One case is related by Valerius Anshelm Berner Chronik. Bd. 1. S. 206 seq. A. D. 1479. 1 Thus Jacobus Carthusiamis (see § 135, note 31) de arte curandi vitia (in V. d. Hardt Autograplia Lutheri praef. p. 47) could say openly : Utinam moderni theologi ac Prselati ordine procederent in correctionibus : non esset opus tot homi- nes it^ne cremari. Sperandum melius esset de pluribus, si viderent vestigia Christi in Prselatis et theologis, qui per mansuetudinem sua^ doctrinae, et per pietatem •omnes vicit, et trahendos ad se traxit. Moderni autem non ^ic. Sed qui nititur informari rationibus, exposcens rationem de lide, non sunt parati reddere rationem, ut tanien docet fieri b. Petrus. Sed statim fremunt dentibus, acclamantes : hareti- ^us est, cojnburatur. Sicque attrahendos exasperant, et exasperatos repellunt, et, si possunt, ihmnix bonorum et corporis illis procurant. Qua: omnia Christus non •docuit, sed omnia prohibuit. Inde accidit, quod moderni nil proficiant, sed polius Ecclesiam Dei diminuant. Et cunctos, etiam timoratos, scandalisant. - Lud. a Paramo de origine et progressu officii sancts Inquisitionis. Matriti, 1598. fbl. S p i 1 1 1 e r ' s Entwurf der Gesch. der span. Inquisition, vor der Samm- luno- der Insti-uctionem des span. Inquisitionsgerichtes, abers. von J. D. Keuss. Hannover, 1788. 8vo. Histoire critique de Tinquisition d'Espagne par D. Jean Ant. Llorente. Tomes IV. k Paris. 1817, 1818. 8vo. - Llorente, I. p. 141 seq. Chap. IV. Internal History. § 147. Inquisition. 33S the condemned. Two inquisitors were first appointed (1480), but though they showed themselves, as it might have seemed, sufficiently active in their bloody work,'* they were soon displaced, and Thomas de Torquemada appointed Inquisitor General (1488).^ By him a regular system was introduced. Intjuisitors were stationed in every place of any note, and provided with the most particular instructions.'^ These again surrounded themselves with assistants (f'amiliares Sancti Offi- cii). All resistance even of the civil authorities was put down by the most fearful means.^ The burning piles of the victims were altars on which at once reason was sacrificed to fanaticism, and civil liberty to royal despotism.^ The bishops, instead of assisting in the judg- ment, were obliged to submit to the new Inquisition,'-* and even the popes were not able to restrain this monster of their own creation. i** ■• Llorente, I. p. 145 seq. Compare Sixti IV. epist. ad Ferdinandum et Isabel- lam, dd. 29 Jan. 1482, in Llorente IV. p. 347 : Quo factum est, ut multiplices querelas ct lamentationes factae fueiint, tam contra nos de illarum (literaruni) expe- ditione hujusmodi, quam contra Majestates vestras et contra dilectos filios Michaelem de Morillo Magistrum, et Joannem de s. Martino Baccalaureum in theologia, Ordinis Prasdicatorum professores, quos dictarum litterarum praetextu inquisitores in vestra civitate Hispalensi nominastis, pro eo quod (ut asseritur) inconsulte, et nullo juris ordinc servato procedentes, multos injuste carceraverint, diris tormentis subjecerint, et hfereticos injuste declaraverint, ac bonis spoUaverint, qui ultimo supplicio affecti fuere : adeo ut quam plures alii justo timore perterriti in fugam se convertentes hinc inde dispersi sint, plurimique ex eis — ad sedem Romanam, oppressorum ubique tutissimum ret'ugium, conl'ugerint. * Llorente, I. p. 172 seq. ® The earliest dates 29 Sept. (according to Llorente, 29 Oct.) 1484, may be seen in the Sammlung der Instructionem des span. Inquisitionsgerichtes, Ubers. v. J. D. Reuss, S. 1 if., extracted in Llorente, I. p. 175 seq. '' See the efTorts of the Cortes of Arragon at Rome, against the new Inquisition, especially against the system of confiscation, Llorente, I. p. 187 ; murder of an Inquisitor in Saragossa, 1485, p. 189 ; disturbances at the same time in all Arragon, p. 211 ; renewed resistance of the Cortes of Arragon, 1510, p. 371 ; united efforts of the Cortes of Castile, Arragon, and Catalonia, against the Inquisition at the accession of Charles V., 1518, p. 376 seq. * Ranke's Fursten u. Volker von Sudeuropa im sechszehnten u. siebzehnten Jahrh., vornehmlich aus ungedruckten Gesandtschaftsberichten. Bd. 1. (Hamburg, 1827. 8vo.) S. 241. In what regard the new Inquisition was at first held in Spain may be seen from Sixti IV. epist. ad Isabellam, dd. 23 Febr. 14S3, in Llorente, IV. p. 354 : Quod autem dubitare videris, nos forsan existimare, cum in pertidos illos, qui Christianum nomen ementiti Christum blasphemant, et judaica perfidia crucifigunt, quando ad unitatem redigi nequeant, tam severe animadvertere cures, ambitione potius et bonorum temporalium cupiditate [te agi], quam zelo fidei et catholicas veritatis, vel Dei timore ; certo scias, ne ullam quidem apud nos ejus rei fuisse suspicionem. Quod si non defuerint qui ad protegendum eorum scelera multa susurrarint, nihil tamen sinistri de tua vel — consortis tui illustris devotione persuaderi nobis potuit. ® The first ' archbishop of Granada, Ferdinand de Talvera, having sought to counteract the influence of the Inquisition, in his capacity as confessor to the queen, was brought to trial, and only saved by the influence of the Pope, Llorente, I. p. 341. ^° The Popes at first tried to draw some advantage from the new Institution, by selling absolution for the crime of apostacy, but this met with so much opposition both from the Inquisition and the royal power, that Alexander VI. had at length to annul all that had been granted, 23 Aug. 1497, Llorente, I. p. 239 seq. In like manner they at first sold privileges, by which individuals were taken from the 336 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. In 1492, by Torquemada's advice, all Jews who refused to embrace Christianity, were expelled from the kingdom, and in 1502 a like fate was decreed for the Moors in Granada, notwithstanding the assurances to the contrary made at the peace of 1492. But still for centuries the Inquisition found no lack of victims for its bloody work.i^ Fear and mistrust mingled in the nearest and holiest relations of life; whilst cruelty, revenge, treachery and hypocrisy becanie more and more deeply marked in the character of the unhappy people who groaned under this fearful yoke.i- jurisdiction of the Inquisition; but on the 15th May, 1502, Alexander decreed that in future the Grand-Inquisitor sliould be the judge of all such cases of exemption, Lforente, I. p. 247 seq. " According to Llorente, IV. p. 252, up to 149S, when Torquemada resigned his office, there had been 8,800 burned alive, 6,500 in effigy, 90,004 punished in various ways : under his successor, the Dominican, Diego Deza, from 1499- 1506, 1664 were burned alive, 832 in effigy, 32,456 perished by penance: under the third general Inquisitor, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Toledo, Francis Ximenez de Cisneros, from 1507-1517, 2536 were burned alive, 1368 in effigy, 47,263 reconciled to the church. '- The orthodox view of this scourge may be seen from the account of the origin of the Inquisition in Jo. Mariana hist, de rebus Hispaniae (Toledo, 1592) lib. XXIV. c. 17 : Mcliori Hispanix fato, quod eatenus factum non erat, quaestion- ibus habendis adversus i-eligionis desertores atqiie hajreticos, aliisque in veram pietatem criminibus vindicandis certi judices designati in Castella sunt, discreti ab Episcopis (quorum ere partes ab antique erant), Romani Pontificis auctoritate, et favore Principum armati, Inquisitorum ab officio nomine. Morem in aliis provin- ciis frequentem Italia, Gallia, Germania, ipsaque Aragonia, hoc demum tempore Castella est imitata : neque in studio impios conatus vindicandi se ab ulla gcnte vinci passa est. Auctor consilii Hispaniae Cardinalis (i. e. Petrus Gonzalez a Mendoza, Archiepiscopus Hispalensis). Licentia superiorum temporum multa in ea provincia erant depravata, JNIauris Judasisque cum piis promiscue versantibus nuUo non commercii genere. Prava consuetudine usuque non paucos e piorum numero infici necesse fuit : plures sacra christiana, qu« susceperant patria super- stitione abdicata, fide inconstanti, nullo vetante deserebant : labes Hispali maxime est grassata : in ea urbe primum qusstionibus arcano habitis de sentibus gravissi- rriis posnis vindicatuni est. Nam majori commisso delicto, igne post diuturnum carcerem et tormento necabantur ; leviori de causa ignominia inurebatur familias perpetua ; non pauci bonis publicatis aeternis tenebris vinculisque mandati. Rubra crux obliquis radiis ac decussatim in crocea veste, quam S. Benedicti (San-Benito) vocant, plerisque data insignis, a caeterisque discreta, ut essent documento, et magnitudine supplicii terrerent alios. Quod usu salutare extitit, grave initio pro- vincialibus visum est. Ilia maxime : parentum scelera filiorura poenis lui ; occulto accusatore reos fieri ; neque cum indice compositos damnari ; contra quam olim factum erat, peccata in religionem vindicari morte. Illud gravissimum, adimi per inquisitiones loquendi libere, audiendique commerciura, dispersis per urbes et oppida et agros observatoribus, quod extremum in servitute credebant. Ita discre- pantibus judiciis, nonnulli mortis poenam removebant, caeterum suppliciorum acer- bitates omnes complectebantur : in hoc numero Fernandus Pulgarius arguto atque eleganti ingenio, cujus extat de Ferdinandi Regis rebus gestis historia : alii, quo- rum melior sententia fuit, qui foedare religionem, et sanctissimas caeremonias mutare conati essent, eos frui vita et communi spiritu non putabant oportere, bonis et igno- minia multandos videri, nulla filiorum cura. Pra-clare id legibus comparatum, ut caritas liberorum cautiores parentes reddat. Occulto judicio tergiversationes vitari : neque nisi de convictis aperte, aut confessis poenas sumi. In niultis sajpe aniiquos Ecclesiae mores, prout res et tempera exigunt, mutari : et majoiem licentiam majori severitate cogrcendam videri. Successus opinionem superavit. — Ab hoc initio res in banc auctoritatem crevit atque potestatem, qua nulla pravis hominibus toto orbe christiano formidabilior est, reipublicse universe majori comniodo; preesens renie- Chap. IV. Internal History. ^ 147. Inquisition. 337 In Germamj the Inquisition was revived in a different manner, though with the same characteristics of cruelty and bloodsiied. The heretics in that country had long been suspected of secret connexion willi the evil one ; and this suspicion made them more the objects of hatred than even their heresy, since no one was supposed to be safe from their arts.^"^ Innocent VIII. took advantage of this to proclaim to the Germans, 1484, that they were in constant danger from sor- cerers and witches,!^ and commissioned the two Inquisitors, Heinrich dium adversus impendentia mala, quibus alia; provincise exagitantur, cajlo datum : nam humano consilio adversus tanta pericula satis caveri non potuit. " Compare E. D. Hauber's bibliotheca, acta et scripta magica, grOndliche Nachrichten und Urthcile von solchen Biichern und Handlungen, welche die Macht des Teufels in leibl. Diiigen betreffen. 36. Stilck. Lemgo 1739-1745. 8vo. G. C. Horst's Daraononiagie, od. Geschichte des Glaubens an Zauberei u. dilmonische Wunder, niit besonderer Berilcksichtigung des Herenprocesses seit den Zeiten Innocentius VIII. 2. Th. Frankf. a. M. 1818. Ibid. Zauberbibliothek. 6 Theile. Mainz, 1821 - 1826. 8vo. i"* In the bull Suinmis desiderantes affectibus, dd. Non. Dec. 1484, incomplete in the Lib. Septimus Decretall. Lib. V. Tit. 12. c. 4, complete in Hauber's bib), mag. St. 1. S. 1 ff Horst's Diimonomagie. Th. 2. S. 17 ff. : Nuper ad nostruni — pervenit auditum, quod in nonnuUis partibus Alemanniae superioris, necnon in Moguntinensi, Coloniensi Trevirensi, Salzburgensi et Bi'emensi provin- ciis — coniplures utriusque sexus personam, proprias saUitis immemores, et a fide eatholica deviantes, cum daemonibus, incubis et succubis, abuti, ac suis iucanta- tionibus, carminibus et conjurationibus — mulierum partus, aniiiialium foetus, terrae fruges, vinearum uvas, et arborum fructus, necnon homines, mulieres, pecora, pecudes, et alia diversorum generum animalia, vineas quoque, pomaria, prata, pascua, blada, frumenta, et alia terra? legumina perire, suffocari et extingui facere et procurare, ipsosque homines, — et animalia diris tarn intrinsecis quani extrinsecis doloribus et tormentis afficere et excruciare, ac eosdem homines, ne gignere, et mulieres, ne concipere, virosque, ne uxoribus, et mulieres, ne viris actus conju- gales reddere valeant, impedii-e : fidem praterea ipsam, quam in sacri susceptione baptismi susceperunt, ore sacrilege abnegare, aliaque quam plurima nefanda, — instigante humani generis inimico, committere et perpetrare non verentur. — Quodque licet dilecti filii, Henricus Institoris in prsedictis partibus Alemannise superioris, — necnon Jacobus Sprenger per certas partes lineEe Rheni, Ordinis Praidicatorum, et theologian pi-ofessores, hajreticaj pravitatis inquisitores per literas Apostolicas deputati fuerunt: tamen nonnulli Clerici et laici illarum partium, quEerentes plura sapere quam oporteat, pro eo quod in literis deputationis hujusmodi provinciae, — ac excessus hujusmodi nominatim et specifice expressa non fuerunt, — prajfatis inquisitoribus in provinciis — pra;ilictis hujusmodi inquisitionis olficiuni exequi non licere, — pertinaciter asserere non erubescunt. — Nos igitur, — ne contingat, provincias — et loca pra?dicta — debito inquisitionis officio carere, eisdem inquisitoribus in illis oflicium inquisitionis hujusmodi exequi licere — tenore prae- sentium statuimus. Proque potiori cautela literas et deputationem pi-a;dictas ad provincias — et crimina hujusmodi extendentes, prtefatis inquisitoribus, quod ipsi — in provinciis — prsdictis contra quascunque personas — hujusmodi inquisitionis officium exequi, ipsasque personas, quas in pranmissis culpabiles repererint, juxta earum demerita corrigere, incarcerare, punire, et mulctare ; necnon in singulis provinciarum hujusmodi parochialibus Ecclesiis verbum Dei fideli populo, quoties expedient ac eis visum fuerit, proponere et prjedicare, omniaque alia et singula in prajmissis et circa ea necessaria et opportuna facei-e, et similiter exequi libere et licite valeant, plenam ac libcram eadem auctoritate de novo concedimus facultatem. Et nihilominus ven. fratri nostro Episcopo Argcntinensi per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus — non permittat, eos quoscunque super hoc — molestari, seu alias quomodolibet impediri ; molestatores et inipedientes et contradictores quoslibet, et rebelles, cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus, prseeminentiae, nobilitatis, et excellentise aut conditionis fuerint, et quocunque exemtionis privilegio sint muniti, VOL. III. 43 338 Tliird Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Kramer and Jacob Sprenger to purge the land of them. To convince the incredulous, and bring their new business into regular train, these men published the Hexenhammer (Malleus maleticarum. Colon. 1489. 4to.).^'^ A few only of the more clear-sighted ventured to declare against this delusion, but their opposition was both dangerous to themselves and ineffectual. ^'^ Many who were entirely innocent per excommunicationis, suspensionis et interdict!, ac alias etiam formidabiliores, de quibus sibi videbitur, sententias, censuras et pu?nas, oiiini appellations postposita, compescendo : et etiam legitiniis super his per euni servandis processibus senten- tias ipsas, quoties opus fuerit, aggravare et reaggravare auctoritate nostra procuret, invocato ad hoc, si opus fuerit, auxilio brachii sacularis. '^ Concerning the various editions of this work see Hauber, St. 1. S. 39 seq. ; II. S. 90 seq. ; V. S. 311 seq. It consists of three parts. P. I. treats super tria, quEe ad maleticialem effectuin concununt, ut sunt D*mon, maleficus et divina per- missio; P. II. super reinedia prajservativa and super remedia maleficia amoventia; P. III. super remedia ultima contra personas maleficarum. '^ In Evreux as early as 1453, Wilhelminus Edelinus, Doctor of Theology, and Prior of St. Germain en Laye, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment for secret dealings with the evil one, see Chroniques d'Enguerran de Monstrelet (a Piuis, 1572), vol. III. fol. 63. The particular charge against him may he seen from the work of a contemporary, the Dominican JKlcholai Jaquerii {'^ in Ghent, 1471), flagellum hasreticorum fascinariorum (ed. Francof. 15S1. 8vo.), cap. 5. The schedula, in which the unhappy man had written out the offences put upon him, continebat inter cetera, quod, quando ipse fuit introductus ad dictam sectam, Diabolus asserebat, quod ipse Magister Guilhelmus bene posset, si vellet, augmen- tare ejusdem Daemonis dominium, pracipiendo cidein Magistro Guilhelmo prasdi- care, quod hujusmodi secta non erat nisi illusio, et quod hoc pra?dicaret ad conten- tanduni populum patriae, ubi tunc morabatur ipse Magister Guilhelmus. Compare Hauber, St. 15. S. 152 ff. — Malleus malefic. P. I. Qu. 1. answers the question : utrum asserere maleficos esse sit a Deo catholicum, quod ejus oppositum perti- naciter defendere omnino sit ha?reticum. It seems that there were many, who pubhce pra?dicant, maleficas non esse, aut quod nullo modo valeant hominibus nocere. Hence P. I. Qu. 18. modus prcedicandi contra quinque argiwienta Laicontni, quibus pr oh are videntur sparsim, quod Dens non permittat tantam potestatem Diabolo et malejicis circa hujusmodi maleficia inferenda. These aro-uments were : Primum sumitur ex parte Dei : Deus punire potest hominem propter peccata et punit giadio, fame et mortalitate, item diversis aliis infirniitatibus variis et innumeris, quibus humana conditio subjacet : unde quia opus ei non est adjungere alias punitioncs, ideo non permittit. II. ex parte Diaboli : Si vera essent qua; pra'dicantur, quod videlicet (Dasmones) vim generativam impedire possunt, ut videlicet mulier non concipiat ; vel, si concipiat, quod aborsum faciat ; vel si non aborsum, quod etiam post partum natos interiiciunt : utique sic perimere possent totum mundum. Et iterum posset dici, quod opera Diaboli essent fortiora operibus Dei, scihcet sacramento matrimonii, quod est opus Dei. III. ex parte hominis : Videmus, si maleficium debet esse aliquid in nuindo, tunc aliqui homines plus aliis maleficiantur. De quo si quEeritur, utique (Mcitur hoc esse propter puni- tionem peccatorum : sed hoc est falsum ; ergo et illud, quod maleficia sint in niundo. Falsitas autem probatur ex eo, quia tunc majores peccatores amplius punirentur: hoc autem est falsum, cum minus puniantur, quani alii interdum justi. Quod etiam cernitur in pueris innocentibus, qui asseruntur maleficiari. Quarto potest addi et aliud argumentum ex parte Dei, hoc : Quod quis impedire posset, et non iinpedit, sed fieri permittit, utique judicatur ex sua voluntate pro- cessisse. Sed Deus cum sit summe bonus, non potest velle malum: ergo non potest permittere, ut fiat malum, quod ipse impedire potest. Ite7n ex parte morbi: Defectus et infirmifatcs, qui dicuntur maleficiales, similes etiam sunt defectibus et infirniitatibus naturalibus, i. e. qui ex defcctu naturje procedunt. Quod enim aliquis claudicat, cxcoecatur vel rationem pcrdit, vel etiam moritur, ex defectu naturEB conlingere possunt : unde non possunt secure malelicis adscribi. Ultimo ex parte judicum et prcedicatorum, qui, cum talia adversus maleficas praedicant Chap. IV. Internal Ilhtory. §147. Inquisition. 339 were its victims, whilst it proved a ready mode of bringing suspected heretics to justice to accuse them of sorcery,'" the civil authorities vying with the Inquisitors in the persecution.''^ et practicant, utique propter ingens odium a nialeficis conti'a eos conceptum nun- quarn essent securi. They who opposed the behef in witches, fbiinded their arguments chiefly on the Decret. Gratiani Causa XXVI. Qu. 5. c. 12, ex Cone. Anquirensi, where the nightly excur.-ions of witches, and their power of changing their siiapes is condemned as a lieathcn supei'stition, and tlie priests called upon to preach against it. Hence Malleus nialef. P. II. cap. 3. attempts to show that such opponents in cortice canonis laborarent, and that there are ceitainly sucii instances. After mentioning several, he proceeds: Tantummodo hasc sufficiant adversus illos, qui hujusmodi corporales transvectiones aut omnino negant, aut quod solummodo imaginarie et fantastice fiant, alfirmare conantur. Qui utique in suo errore si relinquerentui-, parumesset, imo nee advertendum, dunnnodo in fidei contumeliam ipsoruni ei'ror non vergeret. Attento auteni quod illo errore non contenti eliam alios inserere, et publicare in nialeficarum augmentationem et fidei detrimentum nou verentur, dum asserunt, quod omnia maleficia, quae eis juste tanquam instru- mentis Da;monum vere et realiter imputantur, eis tantummodo imaginarie et illu- sorie, tanquam innoxiis, esse imputanda, sicuti et ipsa transvectio fantastica, unde et pluries inipune in magnam creatoris contumeliam et gi-avissimum jam ipsorum augmentum remanserunt, etc. Compare P. II. cap. 8. There are two remarkable dialogues in this period, in which the grounds for and against this belief in witches are set forth. Ulricus Molitoris, Decretorum Doctor, a memlier of the episcopal Council in Constance, wrote one: De lamiis et pythonicis mulieribus. Colon. 1498. at the request of the archduke Sigismund of Austria. The grounds against the belief are showed with great power, but at the same time very cautiously, and the decision put into the mouth of the archduke, compare Hauber, St. 2. S. 103 seq. In the dialogue of the Franciscan Thomas Murner : De pythonico contractu, Freyburgii, 1499, it is difficult to see what was the real opinion of the author, see Hauber, St. 2. S. 116 seq. Both dialogues are appended to the edition of the Maleficarum. Francof. 1580. 8vo. '^ An instance of this occurred in Arras, A. D. 1459, where a large number of persons, who were supposed to be Waldenses, were accused of sorcery, and burned alive, see Enguerrand de Monstrelet Chioniques. vol. III. fol. 84. The great jurist. Franc. Baldiiinus, who was himself a native of Arras, says of this event, Comm. in Institutt. lib. IV. Tit. IS. p. 774: Quo gravius et ab hominis Ingenio magis alienum est hoc malum (of sorcery), eo major adhibenda est cautio, ne quis ejus prfetextu ab adversariis temere obruatur. Facile enim hie quidvis confingere potest ingeniosa simultas, ut et multitudinem statim commoveat, et attonitos judices irritet adversus eum, quem cum Dajmonibus rem habere mentietur. Ante annos sexaginta sensit infelix nostra patiia magno suo malo hujusce generis calumnias. Magna erat Va[densium mentio, quos adversarii jactabant nescio quid commercii habere cum immundis spiritibus. Hujus criminis prstextu optimi quique statim opprimebantur. Sed tandem Senatus Parisiensis causa cognita vidit meras esse sycophantias, infelices reos liberavit, improbos sycophantas cum iniquis judicibus damnavit. Extatque adhuc ejus memorabile hac de re Arestum, editum XX. die mensis Maji, anno 1491. Compare Hauber, St. 2. S. 64 ff. The Malleus malefi- carum tries to show that sorcery is the worst heresy (P. I. Qu. 14.). ''^ The Malleus maleficarum shows, P. III. in the introduction, that, since crimen maleficarum non est mere ecclesiasticum, imo potius civile propter damna, quas inferunturtemporalia, therefore judex scecularis cognoscere etjudicare potest usque ad sententiam diffinitivam ad poenitentiam, quam ab Ordinariis recipiet : secus super sanguinem, quam per se ferre potest. Hence also P. HI. is intended for the in- struction of the civil courts on the subject. v 340 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 140' See Jo. Huss. de libris hasreticorum legendis (Hist, ct Monum. I. p. 127), in which he brings authorities for the position : libri hsreticorum sunt legendi non comburendi, dum in ipsis Veritas continetur. Ejusd. actus pro dcfensione hbri Jo. Wicleff de trinitate sancta publice celebratus ann. 1410, Uom. post fest. S. Jacobi (1. c. p. 131) e. g. p. 132 : Malum dico combustionem librorum, quae com- bustio nullum peccatum de cordibus hominum sustulit, sed veritates multas, et sententias pulchras et subtiles in scripto destruxit, et in populo disturbia, invidias, dilfamationes, odia multiplicavit et homicidia, et Christianissimum Regem Bohemiae in suspicionem malam religionibus aliis stulte et improvide deputavit. Et super hsc omnia concausans pariter contra Trinitatis testimonium verbum predication^ evangelica; voluit alligare. Ejusd. Replica, contra Anglicum Jo. Stokes, Wiclefti calumniatorem, celebrata Dom. post Nativ. Maria;, 1411 (p. 13.5). Detensio quo- rundam Articuloruin Jo. Wicleff, ann. 1412 (p. 139). First, a defence of the articles : Illi, qui dimittunt prsdicare, sive verbum Dei audire propter excommu- nicationem hominum, sunt exconununicati, et in die judicii traditores Christi habe- buntur. Then of the other (p. 146) : Domini temporales possuntad arbitrium suum auferre bona temporalia ab Ecclesiasticis habituaUter delinquentibus. Then of the third (p. 156) : Decima; sunt pura- eleemosyna;. Jo. Hussii Replica, contra occultum adversarium ann. 1411 (p. 168). 12 How much excited the common people also were against the Archbishop, see in Sfephani Prioris Dolanensis Antihussus (written 1412) c. 16. in Pezii thes. anecd. T. IV. P. II. p. 418 : Reverendus Pater, Dominus Archiepiscopus ohm Sbinko, sancto insistens labori pro illorum malorum et principaliter pro illius vene- nati capitis malorum Wikleff et ejusdem sacrilegarum doctrinarum exterminio, factus fuit ex inobedicntia et rebellione illius Magistri Huss velut confemptibilis et pene fabula in populo, ita ut plerique insolentes vulgares ac iionicas de eodem viro Dei confino-erent et decantarent cantiones {Sbynyek Knyhy spalyl, etc., more complete in'^Pelzel, II. S. 568 : the Archbishop Sbynko, a dunce, who burnt books without knowing what was in them) publice perplateas contra justissimam — com- bustionem librorum hominis istius haM-eticffi pravitatis. Both parties, Huss and the Archbishop, agreed in July, 1411, to submit to the decision of judges to be nominated by the king (Pelzel, II. S. 585 seq.) These judges decided amongst other things, that the Archbishop should inform the Pope that in Bohemia there were no heresies. Huss cleared himself from all suspicion by a confession of faith, which he subscribed on the 1st Sept. (see Pelzel, II. Urkundenbuch, S. 144 ff.). In this he says, e. g. tidcntcr, veraciter ct ronstanter assero, quod a veritatis amulis sinistre sedi ApostoUca; sum delatus: false siquidem detulerunt et deferunt, quod docuerim populum, quod in sacramento altaris remanet substantia panis raate- voL. III. 44 346 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. But the papal displeasure was soon awakened anew. A crusade- bull having been issued against king Ladislaus (141i2),i3 Huss and his friend Jerome of Prague were excited to greater zeal than ever in their resistance to these abuses, i'* and succeeded in arousing the rialis. False, quod quando clevatur hostia, tunc est corpus Christi, et quando ponitur, tunc non est. False, quod sacerdos in peccato nioitali non conficit. False, quod Domini a Clero auferant temporalia, quod decimas non solvant. False, quod indulgcntis nihil sunt. False, quod ijladio maleriali suaseiim Clerum percutere. False, quod prffidicaverim vel tenueriin aliquos vel aliqueni errores vel errorem, vel aliquam haeresim, vel quod seduxcrim a via veritatis populuni quoquo niodo. False, quod causa extiteiiui, quod quidain Magistii Teutonici expulsi de Piaga fuerint, cum ipsi nolentes alms Universitatis studii Pragensis tencre I'undationis privilegium, ncc sercnissiiui Principis — Wcnccslai — Regis volentes parere man- datis Ileitis, putantes, quod absque eorum prajseiilia non valeret Pragensis Univer- sitas subsistere, nullo pellonte ad propria vel quo ipsis placuit recesserunt. Fateor autcm me a reverendissimi in Christo Pafris Domini Sbinkonis sententia ad sedem appcllasse Apostolicam, deinum a processibus, qui ex informatione sinistra a s. sede Apostolica emanarunt. Sinistre etenim veritatis cenuili, honoris sui et salutis immemoi-es sedi Apostolica; suggesserunt, quod in regno Boemia; in civitate Pra- gensi et Marchionatu Moravia; errores pullulassent et haereses, et multorum corda infecissent adeo, quod necessai'ium foret correctionis remedium adhibere. False denique suggesserunt, quod Capella Bethleem Ibret locus privatus, cum ipsa sit ab ordinario Episcopo locus in beneficium ecclesiasticum confu-matus, cujus destructio honorem Dei aliquantulum in populo tolleret, animarum profectum minueret, causaret scandalum,et populum contra destructores non inodice provocaret. Citatus autem personaliter ad Romanam Curiam, optabam comparere humiliter: sed quia mortis insidiae tarn in regno quam extra regnum, preseitim a Teutonicis sunt mihi posita;, ideo multorum fretus consilio judicavi, quod foret Deum tentare vitam niorti tradere profectu Ecclesia? non urgente. Igitur non parui personaliter, sed advoca- tes et procuratores constitui, volens sanctae sedi Apostolicfe obedire. Quapropter, sumrae Christi Vicarie, humiliter vestra; Sanctitatis imploro clementiam, quatenus me a comparitione personali — benigniter absolvere dignetur, quia per Serenissi- mum — Wenceslaum — Rcgem, necnon per Reverendissimos Patres — Wence- slaum Patriarcham Antiochenum, Dominum Conradum Olomucensem Episcopum, Illustrem Principem Dom. Rudolfum Ducem Saxonise s. Imperii Electorem, etc. — cum prffifato reverendissimo in Christo Patre Domino Sbinkone sum totaliter concordatus: nam offerebam me ad respondendum omnibus et singulis objiciendis, etiam referens me ad totum auditorium, quod, si quod contra me deduceretur, vellem etiam ignis incendio nisi cederem emendaii, etc. Sbynko wrote a letter to the Pope, which was approved by the king, in which he says (Hist, et Monum. I. p. 11 1) : EiTores ha»reticos in Regno Bohemia;, in civitate Pragensi, et Marchionatu Moravia; nescio, nee aliquis super hac re convictus est, pro qua foret aut fuisset ecclesiastice puniendus. Ego etiam et Magister Joannes Huss, necnon csteri Universitatis Studii Pragensis Doctores et Magistri super singulis dissensionibus atque rixis inter nos utruraque subortis — sumus plenarie concordat!. Quapi-opter, beatissime Pater, famam pra;dicti Regni laudabilem ex pastorali officio conservare desiderans, ad Vestra; Sanctitatis clementiam conf'ugio, supplicando, quatenus super Christianissimo regno S. V. piis dignetur moveri visceribus, exconununica- tionem et censuras exinde ortas cessare et annuUare. This letter, however, was never sent, as Sbynko died on the 28 Sept. 1411. >« See § 129, note 13. See in Hist, et Monum. I. p. 212 seq. third bull, and another, in which commissaries are appointed to preach such a crusade. '■* Quaestio Mag. Jo. Huss, disputata ab eo ann. 1412 (Hist, et Monum. I. p. 215), a discussion of the question : Utrum secundum legem Jesu Christi licet et expedit pro honore Dei, et salute populi, ac pro commodo regni bullas Papfe de erectione crucis contra Ladislaum Regcm Apulia; et sues complices Christiiidelibus approbare ? He treats of these points in the Bulla de erectione crucis, indulgen- tiam omnium jieccatorum, subsidia bellorum, et circa utraque ista modum. Of the lirst, p. 216: est indulgere gratis conccdere, — sive reniittere vindictam, quam Chap. V. Rfformers. § 149. Htiss. 347 reus deberet pro excessu sustinere. — Sic auteni indulgere peccatoribus est Deo pi-oprium. — Saccrdotes Cbristi habent potestatciii verc pocnitcntes absolvere a pu'iia et a culpa. — Sacci-dos potest saciaiiicntalitcr osteiidcre, sibi conlitentem taliter absolutuui, qui ad tautuin conteritur, quod statiin decedens sine pana pur- gatorii ad patriaiii perveniret, et hoc est sacerdotuin absolvere. — p. 217 : Unde sapientes Christi saccrdotes noii asserunt simpliciter, quod contitens sit a peccatis solutus, sed sub conditione ista : si dolet, et uolit pcccare aiiiplius, et contidit de Dei misericordia, et vult iiiiposteruin inandata Dei observare. — Nullius Papa; vel Episcopi prodest in indulgentia honiini, nisi de quanto prius se disposuerit apud Deum. 01' the second : Licet sajculari bracbio pugnarc, et sibi subsidia ad bellan- dum prrestare, habitis conditionibus caritatis. — Non licet Romano Pontitici, nee expedit sibi, vel cuicunque Episcopo vel Clerico pro dominatione sa.'culaii, vel mundi divitiis pugnare. He refers to the example of Christ, Lite. xxii. 51. — p. 218 : Quomodo ergo Romanus Pontifex non timet in multorum hominum mortem per crucis erectionem et procurationem stipendii consentirc, immo prajstare remissio- nem omnium peccatorum ex eo, quod quis Christianos quam plurimos trucidaret? Revera non cepit exemplum illud a Christo Jesu, qui invasus ab hostibus cum suo grege pusillo, valens omnes uno verbo interimere, dixit patientissime, Jo. xviii. 8 t si me qucEritis, sinite hos abire. p. 219: Litteris Papa; de crucis erectione contra Christicolas quidam obediunt ex ignorantia, ut Laici simplices, et onines illi, qui in nullo putant resistendum jussioni Papae, male accipientes illud, Deut. xvii. 10-12. Ubi capiunt, quod omnis sententia Papae est tenenda, quod, inquit Doctor de Lyra, est manifeste falsum, quia sententia, inquit, nullius houiinis, cujus- cunque auctoritatis, tenenda est, si contineat manifestam falsitatem sive errorem. p. 220 : Videamus, si Salvator noster in casu simili ita fecit, et patebit in lege sua contrarium. Nam Luc. ix. -51 seq. dicitur: Ipse Jesus faciem suamfirmavit, ut iret in Hierusalem, et misit nuncios ante conspectum suum, et euntes intrave- runt civitatem Samaritanorum, ut prcepararent ilU, et non receperunt eum, quia fades ejus erat euntis in Hierusalem. Jacobus et Joannes dixerunt : Domine, vis, dicimus, ut ignis descendat de ccbIo, et consutnat illos, sicut Helias fecit. Et conversus increpavit eos dicens : nescitis, cujus spiTitus cstis. Filius enim hominis non venit animas hominum perdere, sed salvare. Videat ergo Papa, cur personas utriusque scxus in exterminium, non dico Samaritanorum, sed Christiano- rum concitat sub obtentu remissionis peccatorum omnium : et non datur per eum alia causa, nisi nonsolutio pecuni« vasallatus Ladislai, et nonsusceptio ejus pro patre sanctissimo, ac rebellio et hostilis impugnatio sicut sui nuncii et bullK protes- tantur. P. 221, in the Modus donationis indulgentiarum he censures 1, the anathe- mas invoked on those who should help to give Ladislaus and his family a Christian burial, 2, the call on all believers to join in exterminating Ladislaus and his rebel followers, 3, the promise of absolution for contributions in money. P. 228 : Res corporalis quantumcunque parvi pretii non debet emi, nisi cum ista prudentia, quod emptor de vendito probabiliter sit securus. Sed Papa non potest assecurare ali- quem, quod post mortem vel ante tantam indulgentiam habebit. Ideo probabiliter est tale commercium dimittendum. Papa enim subducta revelatione nescit de aliquo, nee de se ipso, si sit praedestinatus a Domino : quod si praescitus fuerit, non proderunt sibi tales indulgentiae ad beatitudinem contra ordinationem Domini feter- naliter ordinantis. Ideo cum Papa non potest generaliter procurare tales indulgen- tias sibi ipsi, est multis evidens, quod tales indulgentiae sunt suspectte : non enim obstat fidei, quod multi Papae, qui concesserunt verbaliter amplas indulgentias, sunt damnati : quomodo igitur possunt defendere suas indulgentias coram Deo ? P. 229 : Positis indulgentiis papalibus a poena et a culpa, ut praemittitur, videtur, quod potest Papa purgatorium destruere. Probatur. Quia potest Papa quemlibet in agone contritum et confessum a poena et a culpa absolvere, et cuilibet potest dare illam gratiam post se in futurum, et non obstat aliquid, nisi forte invidia vel negligentia. Det ergo cuilibet in futurum, et dato illo nullus veniet ad purgato- rium, quo dato omnes vigiliae, missa; defunctorum, oblagia, lai-gce eleeniosyn£e, anniversaria, omnia alia suffragia, ut cominemorationes perpetnae, dotationes Capel- lanorum, extructiones claustrorum et altariuin, pro hujusmodi hominibus forent frustra. — Sed istud consequens Clerum non modice conturbaret. Unde vel oportet eos negare habere pofestatem hujusmodi ad dandura sic indulgentias, vel incidere in consequens jam indictum. Si autem dicitur, quod licet habet potestatem dare 348 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. indignation of the whole nation. ^^ The wrath of the Pope was now no longer to be stayed. At a synod held in Rome, AVicliffe's writings were condemned.ic Huss excommunicated, and the place where he resided laid under interdict (141:3). Huss appealed from the Pope to Christ himself,*" and having written in his own defence the Tractatus de Ecclesia,i8 his chief work, betook himself from Papa sic indulg;entias, non tamen debet, nisi ex causa rationabili, scilicet quando impugnatur, vel indiget pecuniis: revera orandum erit fidelibus, ut impugnetur, et indigeat pecuniis, quia tunc thesauruni Ecclesi;L' fidelibus aperict ad salutem. P. 232. He applies the passage, Jer. vi. 13, and viii. 10: a minimo usque ad maximum omnes avaritite student, et a Propheta usque ad sacerdotem cuncti faciunt dolum. Omncs cnim datorcs indulgentiaruin, quKstores de voto, et prae- dicatores erectionis cnicis student mirabiliter avaritiK, omnem sollicitudinem Dia- boli cautelosain apponentes, nunc pra-dicando, quod summa venit populis gratia, nunc quod caduni est eis apertum, nunc quod progenitores possunt per illas indul- genlias rediincre, nunc quod qui negligit tantani gratiani, perdit vitam ajternam, nunc literas absolutionis care vendendo, nunc peiegrinationem debitam ex voto pecuniis et alia vota compensando. Huss wrote also Contra Bullam Papse Jo. XXIII. Replica. 1. c. p. 235, contradicting it in ten points. E. g. Pra;dicandum est ergo populo, ut promulgatione indulgentiarum non seducantur, quia indulgentiae nihil valent, sicut nee aliud bonum opus ad consequendain beatitudinem, nisi homo relinquat peccatum, dolens de praeterito, et cavens finaliter, diligenter et continue de futuro. Si enim de omnibus peccatis poenitentiam egerit, et niandata Dei custo- dierit, omnium peccatorum remissionem et poenre jeternce obtinebit. ■ — Item praedi- candum est ipsi populo, ut caveat, ne per reliquias spolietur: quia sanctorum reliquiffi non sunt pro exquirendis pecuniis exponenda;. — Item praedicandum est populo, ne in confessionibus permittat se simoniace spoliare per taxam, vel per injuctionem offercndi, vel niissas coniparandi, vel alio modo illicito. — Item praedi- candum est ilkid Augustini lib. 2, ad Julianum : non tollit peccata, nisi solus Christus. — Ex isto docendus est populus, ut credat, quod solus Deus habet mun- dare animam ab interiori macula, et quod nullus homo potest dimittere cuiqiiam peccata, nisi Deus prius dimiserit. — Et iterum docendus est populus, quod ad remissionem peccatorum requiritur pcenitentia interior. — Also Opusculum de sex eri'oribus (1. c. |). 237), qui Clerum et magnam partem populi infecerunt. These are, 1. quod quilibet sacerdos missando creat corpus Christi, et efficitur pater et creator sui creatoris (because non creatur, sed in manibus saccrdotum conticitur. Creator is God alone) ; 2. quod credendum est in b. Virginem, vel in Papam, vel in Sanctos, cum tamen solum in Deum veraciter est credendum (difference be- tween credere homini and in hominem) ; 3. quod sacerdotes, cui volunt, possunt remittere peccata, et absolvere a poena et a culpa ; 4. quod subditi debent suis superioribus in omnibus praeceptis. Ileitis sive illicitis, obedire; 5. quod omnis ex- communicatio, sive justa sive injusta, ligat excommunicatum, et nocet sibi, et separat eum a communione Cbristifidelium, et privat eum Ecclesis sacramentis; 6. error simoniaca; hsresis, qua Clerus est pro majori parte, proh dolor, maculatus. '* Theobald's Hussitenkrieg, S. 25. P e 1 z e 1' s Lebensgesch. des Konigs Wenzel. Th. 2. S. 60S seq. Jerome surpassed Huss in bis zeal. He caused the bull to be carried through the city by a prostitute and then burned. Several of Huss' followers contradicted the priests in the churches, when they proclaimed the absolution. Three of them having been executed for such disturbances, the com- motion increased (see Stephani Pi'ioris Dolanensis Antihussus, c. 5, in Fez. IV. II. p. 380). King Wenzel also was much excited on the subject, and complained in a letter to the Pope (which see in P e 1 z e 1' s Lebensgesch. des Kgs Wence- slaus. Th. 2. Urkundenbuch, S. 151) of the impudence of the promises, and the avarice of the indulgence-sellers. 18 Mansi XXVII. p. 505. 1^ Which see Hist, et Monum. I. p. 22. 18 Tractatus de Ecclesia (Hist, et Monum. I. p. 243). Cap. 1 : Ecclesia sancta catholica i. e. universalis est omnium praedestinatorum universitas, quae est omnes Chap. V. Reformers. § 149. IIuss. 349 Prague to Hussinecz, where he continually employed himself in pra;de.stinati prrRscntes, praeteriti et futuii. Cap. 2 : tripartitur, scil. in Ecclesiam triuiiiphantem, niilitantem et dormientem. Ecclesia niilitans est nunierus prae- destiiiatoruin, duin hie viat ad patriain. — Ecclesia doriiiieiis est nunierus prsdesti- natoi-um in purgatorio patiens. — Ecclesia triuniphans est beati in patria quiesccntes, qui adversus Satanara, uiilitiani Christi tenentes, finaliter tiiumphaiunt. Una autem magna Ecclesia erit ex omnibus illis in die judicii. Cap. 3 : Sicut aliquid est in huniano corpore, quod non est pars ipsius corporis, ut sputum, phlegma, stercus, apostema vel urina, et illud non est de corpore, cum non sit pars corporis; aliud vero est in humano corpore tanquam pars ejus, ut omne mcmbrum ejus : sic aliquid est in coi-pore Christi mystico, quod est Ecclesia, et tamen non est de Ecclesia, cum non sit pars ejus, quomodo est omnis Christianus prascitus, de ipso corpore tanquam stercus finaliter egerendus. Et sic aliud est esse de Ecclesia, aliud esse in Ecclesia. — Quadruplex est habitudo viatorum ad sanctam matrem Ecclesiam. Quidam enim sunt in Ecclesia nomine et re, ut pra-destinati obedientes Christo catholici. Quidam nee re, nee nomine, ut prasciti pagani. Quidam nomine tantum, ut prsesciti hypocrite. Et quidam re, licet videantur nomine esse foris, ut prsdestinati Christiani, quos Antichristi Satrapje videntur in facie Ecclesiae condemnare. — Dupliciter homines possunt esse de s. matre Ecclesia, vel secun- dum prfedestinationem ad vitam Eeternam, quomodo omnes finaliter sancli sunt de s. matre Ecclesia, vel secundum praedestinationem solum ad praesentem justitiam, ut omnes, qui aliquando accipiunt gratiam remissionis peccatorum, sed finaliter non perseverant. — Sicut Paulus fuit simul blasphemus secundum praesentem injusti- tiam, et de s. matre Ecclesia, — atque in gratia secundum prsdestinationem vitae aaternas ; sic Scarioth fuit simul in gratia secundum praesentem justitiam, et nun- quam de s. matre Ecclesia secundum prKdestinationem vitse feterna;. Cap. 4 : solus Christus est caput universalis Ecclesia?. Cap. 6 : Ecclesia malignantium est corpus Diaboli, cujus ipse est caput. Cap. 7. quod Romanus Pontifex cian Car- dinalibus non sit totum corpus universalis Ecclesia, sed pars, nee Papa sit caput, sed Christus. Matth. xvi. 18, is thus explained: tit es Petriis, i. e. con- lessor Petrae verae, qui est Christus, et sujier hanc petram, quam confessus es, i. e. super me cedijicaho ecclesiam meam. — Romana Ecclesia est totalis Ecclesia mili- tans, quam Deus plus diligit, quam aliquam ejus partem. Cap. 8 : credere, quod homini est ad beatitudinem necessarium, est veritati tanquam a Deo dictae sine liKsitatione adhaerere firmiter. Pi-o qua veritate ratione certitudinis debet homo mortis periculo exponere vitam suam. Et isto modo tenetur quilibet Christianus credere explicite vel implicite oinnem veritatem, quam s. Spii-ilus posuit in Scrip- tura. Et isto modo non tenetur homo dictis sanctorum prater Scripturam, nee Bullis papalibus credere, nisi quod dixerint ex Scriptura, vel quod fundaretur simpliciter in Scriptura. Sed potest opinative homo credere Bullis, quia tam Papa quam sua Curia potest falli propter ignorantiam veritatis. De ilia enim verificatur, quod fallit et fallitur: fallit Papam lucrum, et fallitur propter ignorantiam. Cap. 9: Ex his patet, quomodo Christus est fundamentum Ecclesia?, et quomodo Apo- stoli sunt fundamenta. Christus antonomastice, quia ab ipso incipit, et in ipso finitur, et per ipsum finitur constitutio Ecclesia. Prophetae vero et Apostoli sunt fundamenta, quia ipsorum auctoritas portat infirmitatem nostram. — Solum Christus est caput, — Petrus non fuit nee est caput sanctae Ecclesiae catholica?, — fuit capi- taneus inter Apostolos, et fuit fundamentum Ecclesiarum, ut in proximo dictum est de Apostolis. — Quare autem Christus Petrum post se capitaneum et pastorem constituit, fuit prseeminentia virtutum ad regendam Ecclesiam. — Tres autem erant virtutes, in quibus Petrus pra?cellebat, fides, humilitas et caiitas. — Si jam dictis virtutum viis incedit vocatus Petri vicarius, credimus, quod sit verus ejus Vicarius, et prEecipuus Pontifex Ecclesise, quam regit. Si vero vadit viis contra- riis, tunc est Antichristi nuncius, contrarius Petro, et Domino Jesu Christo. Cap. 10 : Cum Christus dicit Petro : tihi dabo claves regni cailorum, i. e. potestatera ligandi solvendique peccata, in persona Petri dixit toti Ecclesia? militanti, non quod qufflibet persona illius EcclesiK indifferenter habeat illas claves, sed quod tota ilia Ecclesia secundum singulas ejus partes ad hoc habiles habeat illas claves — Non potest homo solvi a peccato, nee remissionem peccatorum recipere, nisi Deus ipsum solverit, vel ei remissionem dederit. — Unde vesane insaniunt Pi-esbyteri, qui putant vel dicunt, se ad suum votum solvere vel ligare sine absolutione vel liga- 350 Third Period. Div.V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. tione prima Christi Jesu. — Cavere ergo debet Christi discipulus a fallacia Anti- christ!, diiin sic arguitur : quodciinque Vicaiius Cluisti ligaverit super terrain, crit ligatuii) et in ccelis, sed hunc lideleni Laicuni, nolenteni sibi dare pro absolutione pecuniam, ligat supra terrarn, ergo ligaturin coelis : — sed hunc incontrituin volen- tem dare pecuniam solvit supra terrain, ergo est solutus et in coelo. — Nam qui- cunque homo rite poenitens solutus fuerit super terrain a Christi vicario in terra, etiam solvitur in coelo. — Quilibet sacerdos Christi rite ordinatus habet potestatem sutficientem quaelibet sacrainenta sitii pertinentia conferendi, et per consequens vera contritum a peccato absolvendi. — Quomodo autem ista potestas fuit par in Apostolis, habetur Dist. 21. in Can. In novo. — Unde stultum tbret credere, quod Apostoli nullum donum spiiituale a Christo receperant, nisi quod fuerat a Petro ad ipsos simpliciter derivatum. Nam omnibus dixit Mutth. xviii. 18: qiuecunque solverit is super terrain, etc — Cap. 11. MultiSacerdotcs emungunt ex illo Matth. xviii. 18, et ex illo Christi dicto Matth. xxiii. 2, 3. — quod debet eis quilibet sub- ditus in omnibus obcdire, et sic ipsi sacerdotes quicquid sonat eis ad libitum ia Christi Evangelio, sine corrcspondente caritativo iiiinisterio, pro sua gloria clamo- rose sibi adsciibunt. Sed quod sonat in laborem, in abjectionem mundialein, et in sequelam Jesu Christi, illud aspernantur, tanquam sibi contrarium, vel fingunt se id tenere, et non tenent. — Quia contra Cleri pestiferi crimina sacerdotes Christi prredicarunt, ideo oi-ta est dissensio, ex eo quod Clerus pestem scandali inferens populo, nolens pati pi.tdicationem suie pesti contrariam, contra Evangelium pra!di- cantes et pestem eorum sanare volentes per verbuin Domini malitiose volens prfe- dicationem extingucre consurrexit. — Cap. 12. Huss now turns to a work pub- lished against him by eight Doctors of Theology in Prague, with Stephanus Paletz at their head. They had appealed to the passage in the bull Unani sanctam : Subesse Romano Pontitici, omni humanse creaturas est de necessitate salutis. To this he replies : Jesus Christus est Romanus Pontifex, sicut est caput universalis ac cujuslibet particulars Ecclesias. Hence the Apostles did not call themselves Papas sanctissimos, capita universalis Ecclesise, vel universalis Pontifices, and Gregory the Great had strenuously opposed the application of this last title to him- self (see Vol. I. § 115, note 31). Non sic heu quasrunt moderni Pontifices, qui sine virtutum moiibus, in nudo nomine gloriantur, tingentes, quod ratione officii vel dignitatis ecclesiastics; ip'^is nomen competit sanctitatis. Sed si hoc haberet ratione'm, tunc Judas debuisset vocari sanctus Apostolus. Cap. 13. In this and the following chapters he answers six assertions of his opponents: I. Papa e.st caput s. Romanaj Ecclesia;. II. Collegium Cardinalium est corpus s. Romanas Ecclesiffi. III. Papa est manifestus et verus successor Principis Apostolorum Petri. IV. Cardinales sunt manifesti et veri successores collegii aliorum Aposto- lorum Christi. V. Pro regimine Ecclesiae per universum mundum oportet semper manere hujusmodi manifestos veros successores in tali officio Principis Apostolo- rum Petri, et aliorum Apostolorum Christi. VI. Non possunt inveniri vel dari supra terrain alii tales successores, quam Papa existens caput et collegium Cardi- nalium existens corpus Ecclesia; Romanae. He says first in general : Oinnis Veritas in religione Christi scquenda, et solum ipsa vel est Veritas a sensu corporco coo-nita, vel ah intelligentia infallibili inventa, vel per revelationem cognita, vel in divina posita Sciiptura. But this applies to no one of those six points : igitur nullus sex punctorum est Veritas in religione Christi sequenda. The answers to I. and II. all amount to this, that Christ alone is the head of the church, caput Ecclesise catholica>, that the Pope and Cardinals are not even always prasdestinati and members of the church. Cap. 15. answer to Punct. V. : Ecclesia potest feque bene regi a Sanctis sacerdotibus, demptis illis duodecim cardinibus, sicut regebatur per trecentos annos et amplius post ascensionem Christi. Answer to Punct. VI.: Christus est caput sufficientissimum. — Si non potest Deus dare alios veros successores (Apostolorum), quam sunt Papa et Cardinales; sequitur quod potentia Csesaris, — instituendo Papain et Cardinales, potentiain Dei limitaret. — Nam Csesar Constantinus post annos trecentos Papain instituit. Romanus enim Pontifex fuit consocius aliis Pontiticibus usque ad donationem Cssaris, cujus auctoritate coepit capitaliter dominari. — Oportet considerare sectam Cleri du- plicem, scil. Clerum Christi et Clerura Antichristi. Clerus Christi quieta- tur in suo capite Christo ac suis legibus. Clerus vero Antichristi vel totaliter vel praponderanter innititur legibus humanis et legibus Antichristi, ct tamen palliatur esse Clerus Christi atque Ecclesiae, ut populus simulatius seducatur. — Chap. V. Reformers. § 149. Huss. 351 preachintr in the open air,i9 and in the production of several new works, all in the same spirit by which he had ever been distin- guished.-° -J In the mean time the Council of Coi:stance was opened. Huss having furnished himself with testimonials of his orthodoxy from all quarters, and even from the papal Inquisitor in Bohemia,-^ did not hesitate 'to comply with the summons of the emperor Sigismund, to present himself, and arrived in Constance with a letter of safe conduct from the emperor,"^'^ on the 3d Nov. 1414.2^ But the hostile feelincr already entertained against him as a Realist, and the cause of the°expulsion of the Germans from Prague, was stdl more inflamed by the intelligence which came with him, that James von Misa, a priestMn Prag°ue, was defending the restoration of the cup to the laity ; which iunov°ation was understood to be countenanced by Huss.24 Clerus Antichristi instat attentius pro traditionibus humanis, et pro pnvilegiis, quae fastuiii vel lucrum sKculi capiunt, defendendis, vultque gloiiose, voluptuose et Christo di*pariter vivere, postergans peuitus imitationem in nioiibus Domini Jesu Chiisti Sed Clerus Chiisti laborat assidue pro legibus Christi et ejus privilegiis, quibus bonum spirituale acquiritur ostendendum, fugitque fastum et voluptatem sfficuli quffirit conformiler Christo vivere, attendens diligentissime sequelam Do- mini Jesu Christi. Cap. 17 : Nee dubium, quin Papaj et Cardinalibus est obedien- dum, dum docuerint veiitatera juxta legem Dei : — si autem Rabbi, i. e. Magistri vel magni, ut dicit Lyra, seu Papae vel Cardinales, pra;cepennt vel docuerint aliquid prfeter veritatem, etiam cum tota Curia Romana, non est fideli parendum, dum coo-noverit veritatem. Cap. IS. Justification of his resistance to the Pope. Cap. 19"- 21. When the prelates are to be obeyed. Cap. 22 and 23. Of the injustice of the censures passed on him. 19 P e 1 z e r s Lebensgesch. des Konigs Wenceslaus. Th. 2. S. 61S f. 20 Which see in Hist, et Monum. I. p. 117 seq. The work De sacerdotum et monachorum abhorrenda abominatione, is not Huss', as is shown in § 122, note 7. 21 In several public letters and notices, Huss challenged any one in Prague or all Bohemia to convict him of a single heresy (see Hist, et Mon. I. p. 2). The papal inquisitor, JVicolaus Episc. J\^azarethanus, gave him a written testimonial, that no one accused him, and declared before a notary (1. c. p. 3) : Ego multis et pluribus vicibus Magistro Joanni Hus conversatus sum, secum comedendo et bibendo, et sermonibu" suis sa-pe interfui, ac collationes plures de diversis sacraj Scriptura; materiis faciendo, nunquam aHquem in ipso inveni errorem vel hsresim, sed in omnibus verbis et operibus suis ipsum semper verum et catholicum hominem reperi. 22 Which see. Hist, et Monum. I. p. 2. The emperor says : honorabilem Magistrum Johannem Hus — in nostram et sacri Imperii protectionem recepimus et tutelam, and orders all the authorities: ipsum — omni prorsus impedimento remoto transire, stare, morari et redire libere permittatis, sibique et suis, cum opus fuerit, de securo et salvo velitis et debeatis providere conductu, ad honorem et reverentiam nostrae Majestatis. ^ V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. IV. p. 11. 2-1 At the instance of his fiiends in Prague, Huss examined the subject by the light of the Scriptures and the authority of the church fathers. See Hist, et Monum. I. p. 52 seq. The result to which he came was: videtur quod licet et expedit Laicis fidelibus sumere sanguinem Christi sub specie vini. Nam licet corpus et sanguis Christi sit sub utraque forma sacramentali : tamen Christus non sine ratione, nee graiis instituit utrumque niodura sacramentalem suis fidelibus, sed ad magnum profectum. Nam modus manducandi sacramentalis sub forma panis est specialis modus figurandi et excitandi efficaciter ad manducationem spiri- tualem. Et modus sacramentalis bibendi sub forma vini est specialis modus 352 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. The more zealously the council labored to bring about a reformation in the government of the church, the more strongly they seemed to feel the necessity of opposing all innovations in doctrine, that the. spirit of reform might not become a spirit of overturn and destruction. On the 28 Nov. 1411, IIuss was imprisoned and accused as a heretic. In spite of all the intercessions of his friends in Bohemia,-'^ he was treated with increasing severity. Without giving him an opportunity of defending himself, he was required unconditionally to retract;-^ figiirandi et excitandi mentein ex institutione Christi ad giistandum suaviter effu- sionem Christi sanguinis, quern effudit. — Ex quo patet, quod sicut sacerdos digne suiaens sub utraque specie non sine causa sumit: sic ct devotus Laicus potest licite suniere, cum eadem sit ratio quoad sumptionem corporis et sanguinis utrobi- que. Both here and afterwards he was much more moderate in his expressions than James von Misa. His friends in ]5ohemia sent liim a letter in his piison in Gottleben, by the hand of the knight John von Chhinij on the .31st May, 1415 {v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. IV. p. 291) : Kogamus intinic, quod niotivain et finalem intentionem vestram de communione caHcis, si videbitur, prssenti charts inferatis, amicis tempore suo monstrandam. Quia fratrum adhuc aliquaHs est scissio, et propter ilhid muUi turbantur, ad vos et aibitrium vestrum juxta scripta quaedam se referentes. Huss rephed : De sacramento calicis hal)etis sci'iptum, quod scripsi in Constantia, in quo sunt motive. Et nescio aliquid dicere, nisi quod Evangeliuna et epistola Pauli sonant directe, et tentum fuit in primitiva Ecclesia. Si potest fieri, attentetis, ut saUem permittatur per bullam ilHs dari, qui ex devotione postu- laverint, circumstantiis adhibitis. But after the Council had condemned the Com- nuinio sub utraque for the laity on the 15 June, 1415 (see § 144, note 6), Huss wrote moi-e decidedly to a Dominus Haulikon on the 21 June, 1405 (Hist, et Monum. I. p. 80): Noli resisteie sacramento calicis Domini, quern Christus perse et per suum Apostolum instituit, quia nulla scriptura est in oppositum, sed sola consuetudo, qufe, ut asstimo, ex negligentia inolevit. Jam non debemus consuetu- dinem sequi, sed Christi exemplum et vcritatem. Modo Concilium allegans con- suetudinem damnavit communionem calicis quoad Laicos, ut errorem, et qui practicaverit, nisi resipiscat, tanquam ha^reticus puniatur. Ecce malitia Christi institutionem jam ut errorem damnat. Rogo propter Deum, ut non impugnes Magistrum Jacobellum, ne tiat scissio inter tideles, de qua gaudct Diabolus. Etiam, carissimc, praspara te ad passionem in manducatione et communione calicis, et sta fortiter in veritate Christi, timore illicito postposito, etc. ^5 See two letters of the Bohemian barons to the emperor in Jan. 1415, in Hist, et Monum. I. p. 96. v. d. Hardt Cone. Const. IV. p. .32; a third in May, Hist, et Monum. I. p. 97. Three letters of the Bohemian nation to the Council, Hist, et Mon. I. p. 9 seq. v. d. Hardt IV. p. 188, 212, 288. The Bohemians appeal to the emperor's safe conduct, and complain that Bohemia is represented at the Council as a heretic country, especially (Hist, et Mon. I. p. 10. v. d. Hardt IV. p. 189) of the stories circulated at Constance, quoniam sacramentum preliosissimi sanguinis Domini per Bohemiam jam in vasculis non consecratis (v. d. Hardt in flasconibus) deportarent, quodque sutores jam confessiones audirent, et sacrosanc- tum corpus Dominicum aliis ministrarent. The Episc. Luthom. assured the Council, however, in reply, that he could bi-ing proof that all this was essentially true (Hist, et Mon. I. p. 10. v. d. Hardt IV. p. 210). 26 In the first place a Bohemian priest, Michael de Caussis, presented a series of charges against Huss (see Hist, et Monum. I. p. 7). Then John Gerson produced 19 Articles from the work de Ecclesia, which he pronounced ha;retici et ut tales judicialiter condemnandi (1. c. p. 29 seq.). Huss appeared before the Synod on the 5th June, 1415, but could not make himself heard in the uproar (v. d. Hardt IV. p. 306 seq.). On the 7th June he was examined by the Council in presence of the emperor, on several of the charges brought against him by Michael de Caussis (1. c. p. 308 seq. Hist, et Mon. I. p. 15 seq.). In the first place it was supposed to be proved that he had taught, quod post consecrationem ct pionuncia- tionem verborum in coena Domini manet panis materiaiis, notwithstanding his Chap. V. Reformers. § 149. Huss. 353 and on his refusal to do this, was burned at the stake on the 6th July, 1415.-" To justify the emperor for the infringement of his safe con- solemn denial. On the next point, fined pertinacitcr articulos erroneos Wicleff docuisset in Bohemia et defendisset, he replied, that he could not consider all tiiose articles in Wicliffe's writings heretical which had been condemned by the Roman synod. Namely, quod Sylvester Papa et Constantinus erraveiint, Ecclesiaj illas donationes confeiendo; quod Papa vel Sacerdos existens in peccato mortali neque consecret neque baptizet (which he had qualified, however, quod indigne consecret et baptizet) ; quod decima; sunt puraj eleemosyna;. He was then asked, habueritne absolutionem a Pontitice Romano, and liceretne ad Christum provocare, and whether he had said, se optare, ut anima sua in eodem loco, ubi anima V/icletf, esset. The lirst question he answered in the negative ; the two last in the affirma- tive, amidst shouts of laughter. Another point in the accusation was, that he had counselled the people, ut iis, qui adversarentur sua; docfrina?, gladio resisteret exemplo Mosis. Huss said, se monuisse populum, cum prasdicaret dictum Apostoli de galea salutis et gladio, ut illo se accingerent omnes, et defenderent evangelicam veritatem ; seque diserte dixisse propter calumnias, non gladio materiali, sed eo, qui est veibum Dei. Further, it was brought against him, quod ex doctrina Hus multa scandala exorta sunt. Primum seminavit discordias inter ecclesiasticum et politicum statum, unde persecutio Cleii et Episcoporum, eorumque spoliatio con- secuta est. Deinde quod scholam quoque Pragensern per discordias dissolvit. Huss denied both these accusations. He was then called to account for having said, nisi sua sponte Constantiam venire voluisset, neque Bohemia; Rex neque Imperator se cogere ad id potuissent, which he explained as referring to the power of the nobles who were attached to his cause. On the Sth June 39 articles were laid before him from his own writings, concerning which he was called upon to decide {v. d. Hardt, IV. p. 314. Hist, et Mon. I. p. 19 seq.). 26 were from his work de Ecclesia, 7 from his liber contra Stephanum Paletz, 6 from the lib. contra Stanislaum de Snoima. Most of them related to the doctrine, that only those who were predestined to salvation were members of the church, and therefore that it was possible for a Pope to be not of the church. Others referred to the treatment of heretics, the power of the clergy, the power of excommunication, and the possibility of the church being governed without a Pope. Very frequently illegiti- mate consequences were drawn fiom what he had said. These he protested against, but would not take back any of his assertions. It was in vain that the Council and the emperor called on him to retract {v. d. Hardt, IV. p. 32.5) : even a more moderate foi-m of recantation proposed by the Cardinal-bishop of Ostia he declined (1. c. p. 329). His letters written at this time express uniformly the most unshaken determination. Hist, et IVIon. I. p. 84 seq. -^ How judgment was passed and executed, see Hist, et Mon. I. p. 33 seq. V. d. Hardt, IV. p. 389 seq. cf Narratio historica de condemnatione et supplicio Jo. Hus, by a contemporary. Hist, et Mon. II. p. 51.5 seq. Amongst the heresies attributed to him, it was not only repeated, notwithstanding his protestations, quod post consecrationem in sacramento altaris remaneat panis materialis, but further, quod ille sanctissimae Triadi quartam adjecisset personam (v. d. Hardt, IV. p. 392 seq.). In the secret Archives at Konigsberg there is a contemporary history of the Council of Constance in Ms., in which there is a very accurate account of the proceedings against John Huss, see Jahrbilcher Joh. Lindenblatt; von Voigt and Schubert. S. 299. — The supposed prophecy of Huss : hodie anserem uritis, sed ex meis cineribus nascetur cygnus, quem non assare poteritis, seems to have originated in the time of Luther. It occurs 0pp. Lutheri, T. V. Altenb. p. 599 ; VIII. p. 864 ; IX. p. 1562, and appears to have originated partly in a passage of a letter which Huss sent from Constance to Prague (Hist, et Mon. I. p. 121) : Prius laqueos, citationes et anathemata anseri (Huss is Bohemian for Goose) para- verunt, et jam nonnullis ex vobis insidiantur. Sed quia anser, animal cicur, avis domestica, suprema volatu suo non pertingens, eorum laqueos [71071] rupit, nihi- lominus aliae aves, quae verbo Dei et vita volatu suo alta petunt, eorum insidias conterent; partly in Jerome's words at his execution, see Narratio de Mag. Hieron. 1. c. II. p. 531 : Vobis certum est me inique et maligne condemnare, nulla noxa etiamnum inventa. Ego vero post fata mea vestris conscientiis stimu- voL. III. 45 354 Tliird Fcriud. Diu. V. A. D. 14U9 — 1517. duct, the Council passed the shameful decree, that no faith need be held with a heretic.-*^ Jerome of Prague had already left Constance to escape the threat- ened danger, but was arrested at Herschau, in the Upper Palatinate, and brought back to Constance. After a long and rigorous imprison- ment, he was induced, in Sept. 1415, to retract; but new accusations beincr brought against him by his enemies, he took back his recanta- tion, and was burned at the stake on the 30th May, 1416.-9 lum infigo et morsuin, ac appello ad celsissiirium simul et aiquissimum judicem Deuin oiiinipoteiitem, %it coram eo centum annis revolutis respondeatis mihi. cf. Manso an vere de M. Lutliero vaticinatus sit Jo. Huss, in his vermischten Ab- handlungcn vuid Auf'satzen. Bicslaii, 1S21. S. 157 ff. 2^3 At first Sioismund was disposed to insist on tlie observance of his safe-conduct (v. d. Hardt, IV. p. 26), bat allowed himself to be persuaded that it was inter- fering with the rights of the Council (1. c. p. 32). Ferdinand of Aragon urged it too upon the emperor, that he had no right to save a heretic from punishment on such a plea, quoniam non est fiangere fidem in eo, qui Deo lidem frangit (see the letter, dd. 18 Apr. 1415, in S c h e 1 h o r n ' s Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhi- storie u. Literatur. Bd. 1. S. 217 ff.). The Council decreed, dd. Sess. gen. XIX. d. 23 Sept. 1415 (u. d. Hardt, IV. p. 521): Praisens sancta Synodus ex quovis salvo conductu, per Impcratorem, Reges et alios sajculi Principes hcereticis, yel de hffiresi diffamatis, putantes eosdem sic'a suis erroribus revocare, quocunque vinculo se astrinxerint, concesso, nullum fidei catholics, vel jurisdictionis ecclesiasticaj prsjudicium generari, vel impedimentum prajstari posse seu debere, declarat, quominus salvo dicto conductu non obstante liceat judici competenti ecclesiastico de hujusmodi personarum erroribus inquirere, et alias contra eas debite procedere, easdemque punire, quantum justitia suadebit, si suos pertinaciter recusaverint revocare errores, etiamsi de salvo conductu confisi ad locum venerint judicii, alias non venturi. A special decree also was passed de salvo conductu Hussonis, first published in v. d. Hardt, I.e.: Quia nonnulli nimis intelligentes, aut sinistra; intentionis, vel forsan solentes plus sapere, quam oportet, nedum Regia; Majestati, sed etiam sacro, ut fertur, Concilio Unguis maledictis detrahunt, publice et occulta dicentes vel innuentes, quod salvus conductus, per invictissimum Principeni Dominum Sigismundum Romanorum et Ungaris, etc. Regem quondam Johanni Huss hsresiarchae damnataj memori* datus, fuit contra justitiam aut honestatem indebite violatus : cum tamen dictus Johannes Huss lidem orthodoxam pertinaciter impugnans, se ab omni conductu et privilegio reddiderit alienum, nee aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali, divino vel humano fuerit in prsjudicium catholics fidei observanda : idcirco dicta sancta Synodus prtesentium tenore decla- rat, dictum invictissimum Principem circa pra>dictum quondam Johannem Huss Don obstante memorato salvo conductu ex juris debito fecisse quod licuit, et quod decuit Regiam Majestatem : statuens et ordinans omnibus et singulis Christifideli- tus^ quod nulliis deinceps sacro Concilio aut Regi» Majestati de gestis circa prsdictum quondam Johannem Huss detrahat, sive quomodolibet obloquatur. Qui vero contrarium fecerit, tanquam fautor haereticae pravitatis et reus criminis laesae Majestatis irremissibiliter puniatur. 29 See Narratio de Mag. Hieronymo Pragensi pro Christi nomine Constantiae exusto in Hist, et Mon. II. p. 522 seq. Alia de eodem narratio, 1. c. p. 528 seq. His death is described by an eye-witness, Poggius Florentimis, in Ep. ad Leo- nardum Aretinum, 1. c. p. 532 seq., and in v. d. Hardt, III. p. 64 seq. : Jucunda fronte et alacri vultu ad exitum suum accessit : non ignem expavit, non tormenti genus, non mortis. Nullus unquam Stoicorum fuit tam constanti animo, tamque forti mortem perpessus, quam iste appetiisse videtur. Chap. V. Reformers. § 150. Hussites to 1436, 355 <§, 150. HISTORY OF THE HUSSITES TO THE CONFIRMATION OF THE COM- PACTS IN IGLAU (A. D. 1436). James von Misa,i commonly called Jacobellus, pastor of the St. Michael church in Prague, had been led, through Peter of Dresden,^ towards the close of tlie year 1414, to give the cup again to the laity, as necessary to their salvation. This innovation met with high approbation, and after having been sanctioned by Huss in a letter from Constance,"^ became so popular with his followers, that from that time forward it became one of the most important peculiarities of the sect."* ^ So called from Misa, a small town in Bohemia, and not as has been often thought, from Meissen, see Pelzel in den Abhandlungen eiuer Privatgesell- schaft in Bohmen. Bd. 6. (Piag, 1784. 8vo.) S. 299. J. Chr. Martini diss, de Jacobo de Misa. Altdorfii. 1753. 4to. 2 /. Chr. Schreiber diss, de Petro Dresdensi. Lips. 1678. 4to. 3 See § 149, note 24. * Mneas Sylvius hist. Bohem. c. 35, says of this innovation : Nondum error de Sacramento altaris irrepserat (at the time when Huss was in Hussinecz). Sed attulit novam pestem Petrus Dresdensis (id oppidum Misns supersitum), qui cum aliis Teutonibus pauIo ante Bohemiam reliquerat. Cognitur inter suos, quia Val- densi lepra infectus esset, patria pulsus, velut h^reticorum asylum Pragam repctiit, puerorumque docendorum curam accepit. Apud Ecclesiain s. Michaelis per id temporis populum praedicando instruebat Jacobellus Misnensis, literarum doctrina, et morum prasstantia juxta clarus. Petrushunc aggressus, mirari se ait, doctum et sanctum virum, qui divina eloquia plebibus exponeret, errorem ilium non ani- madvertisse communionis Eucharistia;, qui jam pridem Ecclesiam pessundassct. In qua sub una tantum specie dominicum corpus populo ministraretur, cum apud Joannem Evangehstam et Apostolum Christo dilectissimum sub duplici specie panis vinique suioi jubeatur, dicente apud eum Salvatore, nisi manducaveritis carnem filii hominis et hiheritis ejus sanguinem, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Commotus his Jacobellus, cum perquisitis vetustis sanctorum Doclorum codicibus, Dionysii prajsertim et Cypriani, communionem et calicis laudatam invenisset, pro- hibitus apud sacellum Ai-changeli Michaelis prsdicare, in tenipio majore s. Martini cathedram sortitus, publice commonere populum coepit, ne deinceps communionem calicis, sine qua salvari nemo posset, quoquo pacto negligerent. Huic omnes haeretici consenserunt, baud modica gestientes leetitia, quod articulum invenissent in evangelica lege fundatum, per quern Romanae sedis vel ignorantia vel nequilia argui posset. Odioso quamvis ha;c animo Rex intelligeret, desidia tamen corrup- tus, et inertia terpens, impune debacchari sinebat htereticos. The z-easoning here is evidently taken out of Jacobellus' writings, the rest ^neas may have had fi-om credible sources. The Calixtine Laurentius Bi'zezyna (erroneously written Byzy- nius) Chancellor of the Neustadt in Prague, relates in his diarium belli Hussitici ab anno 1414 ad 1423, in J. P. de Ludewig Reliquia; Manuscriptorum, T. VI. p. 124 (now complete in Ms. see D o b r o w s k y in d. Abhandl. dei bohm. Gesellsch. d. Wissenschaften auf d. J. 1788. S. 303 seq.) : Anno iucarnationis dominicte 1414 venerabilis ac divinissima communio Euchaiistia; sub utraque specie, panis scilicet et vini, populo communi fideli ministranda, per veneranduni ac egregium virum Magistrum Jacobellum de Miza, saci-£E theologia baccalaureum formatum, et alios sibi tunc in hac materia assistentes sacerdotes est inchoata in urbe inclyta et mao-- nifica Pragensi. Primum quidem in Ecclesiis s. Adalberti in nova civitate, s. Martini in Muro, et s. Michaelis, ac capella Bethleein nuncupata in civitate anti- qua Pragensi. Qua; certe communio sanctissima successu temporis, quo pluribus diversis minarum ac incarcerationum terroribus per Romannm ac Boemias Regem 356 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. In the correspondence which the subject called forth, Jacobellus had manifestly the advantage. •'• The Council of Constance confirmed the Venceslaum, — et pi-aicipuc Conrado Arcliiepiscopo Pragensi, Praelatisque aliis ac Religiosis, et Magistris universitatis studii Pi-agensis ac Doctoribus, totis viribus suggercntibus ct desudantibus suffocatioiiein, iiiipugnabatur : tanto amplius inva- lescebat et augmentabatur in populo fideli ac devoto sexus utriusque ad tantura, quod infra duos anno.s non solum in duabus aut tiibus Ecclesiis Presbytei-i Magistro Johanni Hus [adhccrentes^, pro tunc }Vis,h'JistcB per partem sibi adversam, quae J\Iachomeflca appcllabatur, nuncupati, Hbcrlatcm praedicandi, et sic ut pra^mittitur, populum coinmunicandi habebant ; sed fere omnibus parocbialibus in Pi'aga Eccle- siis, inio et Monaslei'iis ceitis, Archiepiscopo et Pra»lalis ipsos excommunicantibus, et interdictum per totam Pragam ponentibus, occupatis populum magnum ad se attraxerunt. Ita (juod non solum in Praga, sed ctiain regni Boemi^, et Marchiona- tus Moravite civitatibus, castris, oppidis et villis populus communis catervatiin cum magna devotione ac reverentia ad sacratissimam utriusque speciei cominunionem frequentabat. P. 130: Non solum usum rationis habentes, sed et parvuli seu infantes post baptismum, propter baptismi ipsius confirmationem, temporis successu Sacramento divinissima; Eucharistife sub utraque specie communicabantur, Mag. Jacobello — banc cum sibi aliquibus adbajrentibus Magistris et sacerdotibus pro- mulgante et practisare inchoante communionem. Propter quani quidem infantium communionem scliisnia grave inter Magistros ct sacerdotes, veritati Dei et Mag. Johanni Hus adha'rentes, in Pi-aga et in regno Boemia; exortum. Nam quidam ex eis infantium communionem fore erroneain ct ad baptismi confirmationem non necessariam asserebant : alii e contrario propter dictum b. Dionysii ac aliorum primitive Ecclesiaj doctorum banc sententiam et communionem ipsam catholicam et salutiferam adstruebant. — Nihilominus praefata sacri corporis et sanguinis Do- mini sub utraque specie — communio tam ad adultos quam ad pai-vulos et infantes, adversariis ipsius ac amulis cam ratione et modis diversis suffocare et annuUare satagentibus, non tamen prasvalentibus, de die in diem magis ac magis crescebat et augmentabatur ct invalescebat, impugnantibus per temporum successus notabiliter divina virtute coram ipsa ruentibus, et succumbentibus veritati, et damna inexpli- cabilia rerum et corporum luentibus. * Jacobellus wrote first the Demonstratio per testimonia Scripturas, Patrum atque Doctorum, communicationem calicis in plebe Christiana esse necessariam (in V. d. Hardt Cone. Const. III. p. 805). Answered by Mauritius de Praga (Professor of Theology in Prague, at the time in Constance) responsio ad demon- strationem, etc. (1. c. p. S26). Also Anonymi tboologi, in Cone. Const. pra3sentis, epist. elenchtica ad Jac. de Misa contra communionem plebis sub utraque specie (1. c. p. 338). AndrecB Brodce (Professor of Theology in Prague) disp. acad. contra communicationem plebis sub utraque specie (1. c. p. 392). Jacobellus replied in the Vindicia^ contra Andr. Brodam pro communione plebis sub utraque specie (1. c. p. 416). He maintains, p. 428: fideles de communitate Christiano- rum, — dum commodose, tempore et loco opportunis possunt habere, hoc divinissi- mum sacranientum utriusque speciei debent suscipere ad sahitem. — Dum vero — non possunt habere a sacerdotibus, — et aliunde essent boni et justi, — non co ipso, quod non possunt, nee docentur sumere hoc divinissimum sacramentum utriusque speciei, sunt de damnandis. The position taken by some of his opponents may be seen from Anonymi theologi tract, contra Jac. de Misa (1. c. p. 6.58), where we find, p. 693 : Primitiva Ecclesia est ritus, consuetudo, observatio Ecclesiae fidelium circa tidcm tempore Apostolorum, et aliorum LXXH. discipuloi-um, et sequacium ipsorum usque ad Sylvcstrum Papam. Sed Ecclesia moderna dicitur ritus, con- suetudo et observatio Ecclesise circa fidcm, incipicns a Silvestro Papa usque ad hodiernum diem: capiendo autem modernum magis propinque, tunc est quod duravit per ducentos. Per centum autem annos dicitur Ecclesia moderna, salfim referendo tale tempus ad observationem fidelium circa fidem. Pro quo sciendum, quod omnia ficbant simpliciori modo et grossiori in pri?nitiva Ecclesia, quam fiunt in moderna Ecclesia. Quia baptismus fiebat simplici aqua, nunc autem fit in benedicta. Sic etiam divina officia et multa alia ficbant simpliciori modo: sed in moderna Ecclesia omnia digniori modo fiunt. Sic etiam in primitiva communi- catio apud Corinthios fiebat sub duplice specie : in moderna omnia sunt reducta ad Chap. V. Reformers. § 150. Hussites to 1436, 357 established doctrine on the loth June, 1415, and condemned the oppo- site doctrine as heresy.'^ This decree, liowever, together with the execu- tion of Huss which followed immediately, and the contempt expressed by the Council for the heretical Bohemian, brought that country into the most violent ferment. Jacobellus continued to defend the Communio sub utraque J Huss was honored as a martyr,*^ and a letter full of the most bitter reproaches addressed to the Council/^ by an assembly of meliorem formain, ad unam speciem. Quia multa Apostoli et alii sequaces omise- runt, qu£e moderna Ecclesia iniplevit: quia dicitur in Actis Jlpostolorum ; cre- scente Ecclesia crescit et Sprritus Sancti operatio. El in Decretalibus c. Cum MarthcB (Deer. Greg. III. 41, 6), dicitur; Multa servat Ecclesia, quce per Apostolosfuerunt omissa, etc. 6 See § 144, note 6. '' Jac. de Misa apologia pro communione plebis sub utraque specie contra Constant. Cone, dccretum condemnatorium, in v. d. Hardt, III. p. 591. ** A yearly festival in honor of Huss and Jerome, on the 6th July, is mentioned by Mneas Sylv. hist. Bohem. c. 36. Theobald, Th. 1. Cap. 27. S. 133. ^ The letter of the Council to the clergy of Prague, announcing the execution of Huss, and calling on them to extirpate heresy, in v. d. Hardt, IV. p. 485 seq. In the letter of the 54 nobles assembled at Prague, to the Council, dd. 2 Sept. 1415. 1. c. p. 495. Hist, et Men. I. p. 98, we read, e. g. : Nos — pro carissimo proximo nostro, — Johanne Huss, — praedicatore evangelico, quem nuper in Con- cilio Constantiensi, nescimus quo spiritu ducti, non confessum, nee legitime, ut decebat, convictum, — sed ad sinistras, falsas et importunas duntaxat suorum et regni nostri — capitalium inimicorum et proditorum accusationes, — tanquam hK- reticum pertinacem condemnastis, et condemnatum dira et turpissima morte affeci- stis, in nostri regni Bohemiae christianissimi et Marchionatus Moravia; clarissimi, ac omnium nostrum perpetuam infamiam et notam : quemadmodum serenissimo Principi et Domino, Domino Sigismundo — scripta ad Constantiam transmissimus, qu£B etiam in congregationibus vestris lecta sunt et publicata, — et ea, ut refertur, in nostrum dedecus et contemptum ignis voragini tradidistis : ita et nunc pro dicto M. Jo. Hus literas nostras patentes prajsentibus duximus destinandas, publice corde et ore profitentes et protestantes, quod ipse M. J. Hus fuit vir utique bonus, Justus et catholicus, a multis annis in regno nostro vita et moribus ac fama laudabiliter conversatus et comprobatus; legem etiam evangelicam — nos et subditos nostros catholice docuit, — omnes errores et haereses constantissime detestando. — Nee prasmissa omnia in confusionem nostram, et regni nostri et Marchionatus prafato- rum perpetrata vobis sutfecerunt ; quin potius honoi'andum M. Hieronymum de Praga — non confessum, nee convictum, sed ad solam suorum et nostrorum prodi- torum delationem sinistram — comprehensum incarcerastis : trucidastis etiam forte, sicut et M. Johannem Hus crudelissima morte interemistis. Prsterea ad nostram — pervenit noiitiam, — quomodo quidam detractores — coram vobis — nos gra- vissime et nequissime detulerint, asserentes, licet false, — quod in prsefatis regno Bohemia; et IVIarcbionatu Moraviae diversi errores pullularint, et corda nostra infecerint. — Equidem has atroces et perniciosissimas injui-ias — nobis et pra?fatis regno et Marchionatui, licet false et mendose, impositas quomodo sustinere possu- mus ? Cum per gratiam Dei — regnum nostrum Bohemia; christianissimum, et clarissimus Marchionatus Moravias a tempore, quo fidem catholicam — suscepe- runt, — s. Romanae Ecclesia; semper constanter et indesinenter adha;serunt. — Ut autem juxta sententiam Apostoli provideamus bona non solum coram Deo, sed etiam coram hominibus ; — ideo — certam orthodoxamque fidem tenore prffisentium V. P. et universis Chi-istifidelibus innotescimus, — profitentes, quod quicunque hominum, — qui — dicit vel asserit, quod in prsfatis regno Bohemicc et Marchio- natu Moraviae errores et hasreses pullulassent, et nos — infecissent, — recte menti- tur in caput suum, tanquam nequam, pessimus traditor et proditor prredietorum regni et Marchionatus, et solus utique hcereticus perniciossimus : — nihilominus tamen praemissas injurias Domino — nunc committentes, apud futurum Apostoli- cum, — unicum et dubitatum pastorem, illas amplius et latius prosequemur. 358 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Bohemian and Moravian nobles, who had associated themselves together for six years for the defence of the true doctrine. ^'^ It was in vain that they were summoned to appear in Constance : ^^ the national excitement was still further heightened by the execution of Jerome, and finally, after the decision of the university in favor of the Communio sub utraque,^- this view was adopted almost universally amongst the people.'-' Still, however, the Council thought best to resort to severe measures, and began with issuing regulations in 24 articles, for putting down by force the Bohemian heretics,'^ and the Pope sent legates thither for the purpose.'"' The king, Wenzel, was entirely indifferent to the dispute,"^ but at the same time too weak and undecided to be able to preserve order. The Hussites, assisted by the violent catholics, especially the clergy, were driven to resist- ance. Having assembled themselves under the command of two Prsemissis enim non obstantibus legem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ipsiusque devo- tos, humiles et coiistuntes prcedicatores usque ad effusionem sanguinis, onmi timore et statutis humanis in contrarium editis postergatis, defendere volumus et tuen. 1" See the Syngrapha dd. Victorini (5 Sept.) 1415, in the Hist, et Mon. I. p. 98. They bound themselves in particular ut in omnibus nostris ditionibus quisque pro se curaret verbum Dei libere — in templis et monasteriis doceri et audiri ; itaque nullum sacerdotem areendum — esse, qui — pctat sibi concedi, ut doceat verbum Dei juxta s. Scripturae veritatem. Quodsi sacerdos alicujus erroris insimulatus fuerit, ut is ad Episcopum suaj ditionis citetur: a quo si dcprehensus fuerit alienum aliquid a verbo Dei in vulgus spargere, manit'este puniri debet, convictum vero nos prohibebimus, ne intra nostros fines amplius concionetur. Sin quispiam ex Episco- pis odio veras et evangelica; doctrinas sacerdotum aliquem nuUo in errore deprehen- sum privata cupiditate inordinate et clam poena aliqua afficere voluerit, decrevimus apud nos, ut nullum postea sacerdotem ad talem Episcopum citari pateremur, sed ut hsc res ad celeberrims Academia; Pragensis Kectorem, Doctores sacrarum literarum et Magistros referatur, et per eosdem de toto negotio secundum sacrK Scriptura; veritatem cognitio fiat. Deinde hoc quoque communi sententia decrevi- mus, ut omnibus sacerdotibus, quicunque sub nostro imperio vivunt, mandaremus, nuUas ut a quoquam excommunicationes accipercnt, pra^terquam ab Episcopis nostrs ditionis. Nam excommunicationes legitimas retinere eisque libenter parere volumus. Si qui vero ex eisdem Episcopis nostras ditionis voluerint iniquis excom- municationibus, aut vi aliqua injusta nobis aut nostris Ecclesiis molesti esse propter verbum Dei, et sanctum ejus testamentum, aut propter aliud quiddam, de quo non fuerit facta cognitio legitima, illis ipsis decrevimus non modo non obtemperare, sed etiam resistere, si ita necessitas postulabit. — Hfec omnia ut rata inter nos ac firma sini, nos mutuis inter nos auxiliis operam dabimus. Quod si quis nostrum recusa- verit, is et nominis sui et omnium bonorum jacturam patietur. " The letter dated 24 Febr. 1416, in Raynald, h. a. no. 8. Balhini Miscell. hist, regni Bohem. Lib. VI. p. 144, 156. •2 The document, dated March 10, 1417, in Cochlcei hist. Hussit. p. 159. Hist. et Mon. n. p. 539. >•' See Pelzel's Lebensgesch. des Konigs Wenceslaus. Th. 2. S. 656. '* Which see in Cochlceus, p. 165. « Theobald, Th. 1. cap. 29, in Anf. S. 138. '8 He wrote to his brother Sigismund, as we gather from Siglsmund's answer to Wenzel's ambassadors (sec Pelzel, Th. 2. Urkundcnbuch, S. 169), ((ualiter nesciat in regno suo aliquos erroneos homines. Ho granted the followers of Huss, 25th Febr. 1419, three churches in Prague for their worship, under the condition that they would keep the peace. Pelzel, Th. 2. S. 680. Urkundcnbuch, S. 171. Chap. V. Reformers. % 150. Hussites to 1436. 359 noblemen, Nicholas of Hussinecz, and John Ziska, at Mount Tabor,^''' "' Brzezyna gives an account of this in two passages, Ludewig Reliq. VI. p. 142, and more at large, p. 186. In the last: Factum est anno Dom. 1419, quod Presbyteri cum eoiuiu vicariis propre castrum Bcchinense durius sic (sub utraque specie) communicantibus insultabant, eosdem armata manu de Ecclesiis eorum expellentes, tanquam crroneos et ha;reticos. Qua de re Presbyteri cum sibi juncto populo montem magnum magna planicie exornatum ascendunt, et in ejus summi- tate tentorium de lineis pannis ad modum capellae expandunt. In quo agentes divina, populum ibidem contiuentem, sine ullius communionis impediniento, vene- rabilis Eucliaristia; sacramento devotissime reficiunt. Qua peracta et depositis lineis pannis ad propria redeunt, et monti nomen Tabor imponunt (Tabor is Bohe- mian i'or tent : there was, however, no doubt, a reference also to the mount of the transfiguration), ad quern venientes Taborita; sunt nuncupati. Hkc cum ad aures adjacentium civitatuin, oppidorum et villarum devenirent, fratres Presbyteri cir- cunicirca vicini, condicta certse festivitatis die, populum eisjunctum cum venera- bili corporis Christi sacramento ad Tabor sonoris vocibus deducunt pro veritatis ibidem, ut dicebant, confirmatione, ac fratrum sororumque ibidem existentium conlirmatione ac consolatione. Quibus taliter venientibus occurrunt de Tabor cum venerabili altaris sacramento fratres ac sorores pro alacri venientium susceptione. Venientes ilia itaque in montem totam diem non in lasciviis, sed in his qua; salu- tem animarum concernunt expendebant. Presbyteri nempe eorum tei-no functi sunt ibidem officio : doctiores nanique ac eloquentiores a summo mane populo per normas diviso, seorsum viris, ac seorsum mulieiibus et pueris verbum Dei, et prsesertim, quaj superbiam, avaritiam fastumque Cleri concernebant, sine omni formidine populo alternadm prsdicabant, aliis pro tunc continue ad auricularem confessioneni considentibus : et tertii peractis divinis populum a diescente usque ad meridiem utraque specie, corporis scilicit et sanguinis Domini Christi, commu- nicabant. Ita quod in die Marise Magdalenoe (22 July) XLII. millia cum aliquot et XX., virorum, muliei-ura et parvulorum taliter communicantium fuerunt a Presbyteris computati. Quibus omnibus taliter, ut prsemittitur, expeditis vadunt pro corporis refectione ad loca ibidem in monte multipliciter prajparata, et simul in caiitate fraterna convivantes, non ad libidinem aut ebrietatem, non ad levitatem et dissolutionem, sed ad majorem et fortiorem Dei servitutem. Ibique omnes sese fratres et soi'ores appellantes, ditior cum paupere victualia, quaj erant prsparata, dividebant. Ita nihil, quo inebriari potest, permissum fuerat propinari. Ibi etiam nulla chorea, nullus taxillorum et globorum, aut alterius levitatis Indus, non dico seniorum, sed et parvulorum, habebat indulgentise locum. Ibi denique nullaj con- tentiones, nulla furta, nullas sonantium tistulae, aut cythararum melodise, prout hactenus in Ecclesiarum dedicationibus fieri solebat, potuit reperiri : sed omnium, more Apostolorum, fuit unum cor et una voluntas, nihil aliud tractantes, nisi quae forent de animarum salute ac de Clei'i ad pristinum, primitivse scil. Ecclesise, statum reductione. Peracta itaque, ut dictum est, modica corporis refectione, surgunt cum populo Presbyteri ad agendum Deo gratiarum actiones, cum venera- bili Eucharistia Tabor montem processionabiliter circumeunt, virginibus sacramen- tum praecedentibus, et viris ac mulieribus in suis turmis sequentibus, vociferantes et psallentes in canticis, prout videbatur expedire. Hac processione finita, vale sibi mutuo facientes cum suis Presbyteris — veniunt unde exiverunt. Factum est autem, cum supra dicta in longiores partes vulgarentur, coepit numerus venientium de die in diem notabiliter augmentari. Nam non solum jam de Pyska, etc. — , sed de Praga, etc. — , necnon de multis locis Moravia? pedestres et equestres in Tabor confluebant. — Quapropter — Rex Wenceslauscum quibusdam inimicis veritatis coe- perunt graviter ferre, timentes ne tanfa populi multitudo Regem et Archiepiscopum, prout famabatur, pro defensa legis Dei eligerent, et eorum bona velut adversario- rum per potentiam, cui resistere non valerent, invaderent ac depopularent (compare p. 143 : Quamobrem Rex Boemiaj Venceslaus multum est turbatus, se de regali solio dejici timens et expavescens, Nicolaumque de Hus in locum sui substitui suspicando). Quidam ea de causa ex nobilibus districtius subditis sui sub poena colli et bonorum perditione pra^cipiunt, no per amplius ad montem Tabor audeant concurrere. Sed hujusmodi mandatum rustic! cum suis mulieribus modicum aut nihil advcrtentes, potius dimissis omnibus, quae possederant, ad Tabor montem in certis festivitatibus venire nullatenus negligebant, allecti et attracti, prout ferrum attrahit magnes. 3G0 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. they celebrated there their communion, and founded a town bear- ing the same name. With the feeling of their strength grew also the wildness of their fanaticism. Led on by Ziska, a band of Tabor- ites advanced to Prague, and took signal vengeance on the Council of the Neustadt (on the 30th July, 1419) for the insults which had been offered their communion cup in the city.^^ At this juncture Wenzel died (Aug. 16), and in the general unwillingness to submit to the hated Sigismund, his death was followed by complete anar- chy, which was made still worse by the difference of doctrine which sprung up between the Hussites in Prague, and the Taborites. The Hussites in Prague (Calixtines, Utraquists) adhered to the doctrines of Huss and Jacobellus, which in 1421 they set forth in 4 articles. 1^ In the mean time, however, since its estrangement from the church, Bohemia had become the resort of the persecuted Beg- hards, there pronounced Picards, of whom there had been a small congregation in Prague ever since A. D. 1418.-" These soon joined " Brzezyna in Ludewlg, VI. p. 143. .SEnea; Sylvii liist. Bohera. c. 37. init. Pelzel, Th. 2. S. 684 f. •^ Brzezyna, p. 176 seq. Magistri civium, consules et scabini totaque commu- nitas civitatis Pi-agensis proclaimed in the document, which was written in Latin, Bohemian and German : Notum sit omnibus Christitidelibus quod fideles in regno Bohemia; instant, et Domino juvante instare proponunt sive per mortem, sive per vitam, quantum est eis possibile, pi'O articulis infra scriptis: Primo, quod verbum Dei regnum Bohemiae hbere et sine impedimento ordinate a sacerdotibus Domini praedicetur. — II. quod Sacramentum divinissiniEe Euchaiistiae sub utraque specie, panis scil. et vini, omnibus Christifidelibus nullo peccato mortah indispositis libere ministretur juxta scntentiam et institutionem Salvatoiis. III. quod dominium sKculare super divitiis et bonis temporalibus, quod contra prsceptum Christi Clerus occupat in prajjudicium sui officii et damnum brachii saecularis, ab ipso auferatur et tollatur, et ipse Clerus ad regulam ev^angclicam et vitam apostolicam, qua Christus vixit cum suis Apostolis, reducatur. — IV. quod omnia peccata mor- talia, et speciatim publica, aliajque deordinationes legi Dei contrarias in quolibet statu rite et rationabiliter per eos, ad quos spectat, prohibeantur et destruantur. QuEB qui agunt, digni sunt morte, non solum qui ea faciunt, sed qui consentiunt facientibus, ut sunt in populo fornicationes, comessationes, etc. — In Clero autem sunt siinoniacae ha;reses et exactiones ])ccuniarum a baptismo, etc. — moresque impii et injusti, ut sunt imi)udici concubinatus, — irce, rixae, contentiones, frivolas citationes, et hominum simplicium pro lubitu vexationes et spoliationes, etc. — Quod si aliquis ultra banc piam nostram et sanctam intentionem aliqua nobis adscribat impudica et enormia, tanquam falsus et iniquus testis a Christifidelibus habeatur, etc. ^ See Dobrowsky in d. Abhandlungen der bohm. Gesellschaft d. Wissen- schaf'ten f. 178S. S. 309 seq., and the fi-agment given there from a Ms. of Brzezy- na : Origo autem et radix hujus maledicta" hteresis pervenit ad Boemia; regnum a quibusdam Piccardis, qui anno 1418 Pragam cum uxoribus (et liberis venerunt). They must, however, have come as early as 1417, for on the 2.5 Jan. 1417 (i. e. 1416), the university condemned them (Pelzel, Th. 2. Urkundenbuch, S. 163) : Sane, quod nimis dolenter referimus, ad audientiam nostri crebris relatibus et clamoribus iteratis est deductum, quomodo nonnulli diversarum communitatum ex erronea et diabolica doctrina in destructionem lidei ac religionis Christianae temerc tenent et adstrucre conantur, non esse purgatorium, et consequenter quod non sit orandum vel cleemosynandum pro defunctis. Quodque non sint tenendae in Dei Ecclcsia imagines, immo asseverant, quamvis false, quod habei-e Christi et Sancto- rum imagines legi Domini repugnaret. Insupcr quod benedictiones salis et aquae fontis baptisterii — cum aliis Ecclesias bcnedictionibus — errorcm saperent. — Et hinc illas cum aliis laudabilibus Ecclesiarum ceremoniis funditus evellere et Chap. V. Reformers. § 150. Hussites to 1436. 361 themselves to the Taborites, as the most determined opponents of the ruling power in the church, -^ and spread their doctrines amongst them with great success. The Taborites now rejected scrupulously every doctrine or usage not founded in Scripture, they abhorred all worldly pleasures, even the sciences,-- whilst their fanaticism, sur- destruere nituntur. — Supplicamus, ut si ad vos dogmatisatores quicunque praedic- toruru eiTorum cum suis falsis seutentiis pervenerint, — tamdiu illis liberam dene- getis audientiam, quamdiu coram nobis suam docerent sententiam lore justam. -^ Thorn. Ebendoi-ffer de Haselbach, D. theol. at the university of Vienna (•f 1460), Chron. Austriacum in Ptzii Scriptt. rerum austr. II. p. 846 : Ibi quoque sumta occasione Waldenses, qui usque latuerunt, suas cervices erexerunl, primum latenter suos inducentes errores, postea vero armata manu defensare et alios ad eosdem nisi sunt compellere. -- The CaHxtine Brzezyna continues, after the passage cited in p. 190, thus : Cum haec talia, ut praemittitur, agerentur, et plurimi tam nobilium quam vulgariura sexus utriusque, dimissis vanitatibus, legi Dei operam darent : Diabolus saluti generis humani inimicus per aliquos falsos fratres Presbyteros mundo legis Dei tritico varias errorum et hasresium superseminavit zizanias. — Nam cum eo tem- pore non esset Rex et Princeps in Israel, ad quem subditi haberent respectum, faciebat unusquisque quod sibi rectum videbatur. Et plurimi Taboritarum Pres- byteri, magnam habentes populi confiuentiam et adhaerentiam, dimissis ss. docto- rum Ambrosii, Hieronymi, Augustini, Gregorii et cfeterorum ab Ecclesia approba- torum sententiis, suis de propriis ingeniis elaboratis glossis antiquum et novum interpretati sunt Testamentum, niulta falsa et erronea veris immiscentes, per quae facilius corda simplicium poterant ad eorum sententias inclinari. Fundamentum autem omnium malorum sequentium fuit erroneus Scripturarum intellectus. Di- cebant namque eorum directores et doctores, quod non oportet doctorum, qui fuerunt puri homines, uti scholarum sententiis, cum Christus Deus et homo suifi- cienter in novo Testamento expressit omnia, qua; cuilibet homini viventi sunt necessaria ad salutem, et quomodo vetus novum, et vice vei-sa novum vetus exponit Testamentum. In 1420 they published their doctrines in 14 articles : I. Nulla scripta aut dicta quorumcunque doctorum a fidelibus sunt tenenda, — nisi quK in canone Biblias explicite continentur, quia omnes libri talium sunt astutiae Antichristi et adjiciendi, destruendi aut comburendi. II. Omnis homo in eo, quod studet in artibus liberalibus, aut gradus in eisdem accipit, est vanus et gentilis, et peccat contra Evangelium D. N. J. C. III. Nulla decrcta ss. Patrum aut seniorum instituta, nullus aliquis ritus, aut ti-aditio humanitus inventa sunt tenenda : sed omnia talia sunt abolenda et destruenda, velut Antichristi traditiones, cum Christus et ejus Apostoli ea fieri nullibi in novo Testamento expresserunt. IV. Ex praedictis concludebant sequentia, quod nullum chrisma, aut sacrum oleum, aut aqua baptismalis sunt consecranda vel sanctiticanda. Similiter calix nullus, corporale, ornatus et de aliis rebus in Ecclesia fieri consuetis sunt exorcissanda, benedicenda aut sanctiticanda. Similiter nullfe horse canonica; sunt dicends. Nee ritus Missae in ornatu et signis ac ordine dudum ab Ecclesia constituto, nee cantus ecclesiastici sunt tenendi, sed potius tanquam humane traditiones et legis Dei impe- ditiva ahjicienda et destruenda. V. Infantes non debent cum exorcismis et solitis in baptismate compatribus in aqua ad hoc benedicta et consecrata baptisari. Sed possunt in quacunque unda recenti, et ubi libuerit, baptisari. VI. Omnes libri missales aut cantuales, similiter et viatici et libri hynmorum, et omnis ornatus seu vestes missales, aut alia spiritualia pro peragendis divinis indumenta, monstrantias et calices, aut cinguli argentei vel aurei, et omnis vestis polymita, et conspersa, aut quovis modo depicta : haec omnia sunt destruenda vel comburenda, magisque licet rusticis in dictis sacris vestibus incedere, et cappas et manicas ex eis facere, quam Presbyteris in eis peragere divina. VII. Confessiones auriculares non sunt cu- randae aut observandK, nee ad eas peccatores etiam criminales obligantur, sed soli Deo sufficit mente tenus confiteri. VIII. Jejunia quadragesimalia, quatuor tem- porum, in vigiliis, caeteraque humanitus aut consuetudine introducta non sunt a fidelibus observanda, sed pro velle sui beneplaciti unusquisque his diebus comedat, quicquid habet, aut quod sibi apparabit. IX. Dominico die excepto nulla alia VOL. III. 46 362 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. rounded as they were by dangers, very naturally showed itself in various superstitious expectations and notions.-*^ On the other hand, festivitas est ex aliquo debito celebranda a fidelibus. X. Omnis Presbyter cum platta et in ornatu vel superpellicio divina peragens, aut Missam ritu consueto celebrans, est sicut ilia nieretrix, dc qua scribitur in Apocalypsi, a tidelibus con- temnenda. Sed Missa est ad instar Christi et Apostolorum cum barbis et sine platta in comnuini veste et sine altai-i, in quocunquc loco contigerit, celebranda. Et sacraincntum Eucharistlffi alta voce propter adstantes est conticiendum, et ipsum non est elevandum, nee in crastinum est conservandum. XI. Sacerdotes evan- gelici demos eis ratione eleeniosyna» pro perpetuo a Laicis concessas aut dep\itata9 non possunt licite inbabitare, nee possunt habere bona temporalia, jure civili ab eisdem subtracto penitus et ablato, nee a taliter habenlibus accipienda sunt sacra- menta, quamvis jus sic habendi eis esse illieitum notoric recognoscant. XII. Post mortem corporalem animarum tidelium non est crcdendus locus purgationis aut tenendus, stultumque ct inane est pro lidelibus dcf'unctis exorare, aut alia pietatis opera exercere. XIII. Invocationes aut postulationes nostra;, tam mentales, quam vocalcs, ad sanetos, qui sunt in ca;lcsti patria, pro aliquibus sufifragiis sapiunt hEeresin aut idololatiiam. XIV. Nulla imago nee aliqua similitudo eorum, quae sunt in cojlo et terra, sub poena idololatria; est habenda, sed qua;libet talis est tan- quamidolum destruenda et comburenda. Quia scriptum est ExodiXX : noil fades tibi sculptile, nee omnem similitudinem. Brzezyna adds further, that they founded the rejection of all usages not found in the bible, on Apoc. xxii. 18: si suis appo- suerit ad hcec, apponet Deus super ilium plagas scriptas in libra isto : and on the words of Christ to the Scribes and Pharisees, Matth. xv. 6: irritum fecistis 7nandatum Dei propter traditiones vestras. After the Hussites in Prague had published their 4 articles (see note 19), the Taboritarum et omnis advenarum com- munitas, sent to them 12 articles as the only conditions of further intercourse, Brzezyna, \). 185: II. quod aiticuli, ad quos Capitanei, consules et communitas consenserunt (those hei-eby made known), quia jam dudum sunt per pra^dicatores proclamati, teneantur et observentur sub pcenis promulgatis. III. quod manifesti peccatores — non tolerentur absque poena. IV. quod potationes tabernales — non fiant. V. quod vestes superbas non portent. VI. quod in artificiis et foro provi- deatur, ne fiant illusiones, spolia, usurjp, juramcnta, inufilitates et vanitates, doli, etc. VII. quod jura paganica et teutonica, quEe non concordant lege Dei, tollan- tur, et jure divino ut regatur, judicetur, et totum disponatur. VIII. quod sacer- dotes ex parte servent se secundum ordinem divinum et imitationem propheticam et apostolicam. IX. ut magistri subjiciantur regulariter juri divino, sicut et alii lideles Christiani, et suas proscriptiones ut ad voluntatem Dei regulent et in prae- torio reponant, ut examinentur juxta legem Dei. X. ut omnes census sacerdotum ad bonum commune convertant, et usurarios destruant. XI. ut adversaries veri- tatis Dei ex se ejiciant, et profugos et bannitos ne suscipiant. XII. ut Monasteria haeretica destruant et corrumpant, Ecclesias non necessarias, et altaria, imagines patenter et occulte servatas, ornatus superbos, et calices aureos et argenteos, et omnem antichristianam plantationem idololatricam, et simoniacam pravitatem, quae ex Deo, patre ccelesti, non est. ^ Brzezyna, p. 155, A. D. 1420: Item hisce temporibus sacerdotes quidam Taborienses novum Christi adventum prsedicabant populo. In quo adventu omnes raali et veritatis asmuli perire debeant et exterminari, et boni duntaxat in quinque eonservari civitatibus. — Harum ha>c sunt nomina Pilzna, quas per ipsos civitas soils est appellata, Zatecz, Luna, Slana ot Laatowia. — Quorum sententiis frivolis, tanquam veridicis, multi simplicium zelum habentes secundum Apostolum, sed non secundum scientiam, acquiescentes, bona sua pro levi etiam pretio vendendo, ad ipsos de diversis regni ISohemiai et Marchionatus Moraviaj districtibus cum uxoribus et pueris confluebant, et pecunias ad pedes ipsorum sacerdotum projicie- bant. Their doctrines are given at large, p. 203 seq. Prime, quod in praesentis saeculi consummatione adveniet Christus occulte, sicut fur, novo adventu ad reg- num suum reparandum, pro quo oramus : adveniat regnum tuum : et in hoc adventu non erit tenipus gratia;, sed ultionis et retributionis in igne et gladio. Ita quod omnes legis Christi adversarii debent perire septem plagis novissimis, ad quarum executionem sunt fideles provocandi. — Item in lioc tempore ultionis Chap. V. Reformers. § ]50. Hussites to 1436. 363 few of them could be gained over to the view, that the bread and wine in the Communion were only signs, and these icw were sti* See Jo. Lasitii (a Polish nobleman who joined the brethren about A. D. 1580) de origine et rebus gestis fratrum Bohemorum libb. VIII. Lib. VIII. is printed, qui est de moribus et institutis eorum. Adduntur tamen reliquorum VII. librorum argumenta et particularia qua;dam excerpta. ed. Jo. Amos, Comenius, 1649. 8vo., new edition, Anist. 1660. 8vo. The work is still extant in Ms.; one copy was in Baumgarten's possession, see his Nachrichten von merkw. Bilchern Bd. 6. S. 139. Joach. Cameraril historica narratio de fratrum orthoiloxorum Ecclesiisin Bohemia, Moravia, et Polonia (written about 1570), nunc primuin ed. Ludovicus Canieiarius, Heidelberg. (1605). 8vo. Systema historico-chronologicum Ecclesiaruni Slavoni- carum per provincias varias - distinctarum libb. IV. opera Adriani Regenvolscii (i. e. Andres Wengerscii). Traj. ad Rhen. 1652 and 1679. 4to. Jo. Amos Comenii (Bishop of the IJrethren in Poland, »f 1671 in Amsterdam) hist, fratrum Bohemo- rum, eorum ordo et disciplina ecclesiastica. Amsfelod. 1660. 8vo. cum praef. Jo. F. Buddei. Halce, 1702. 4to. D. Joh. Gottlob Carpzous, Superintendant in Lubeck, Religionsuntersuchung der bohm. u. muhrichen Brtider, von Anbeginn ihrer Gemeinen bis auf gegenwiirtige Zeiten. Leipzig 1472. 8vo. G. ^V . K. Lochner's Entstehung und erste Schicksale der BrQdergemeinde in Bohmen und Wahren, und Leben des Georg Israel, ersten Aeltesten der Brudergemeinde in Grosspolen. NUrnberg, 1832. 8vo. ^ They were in fact set on by him at the time of his quarrel with the Pope, and his nephew Gregory was one of their first leaders {Co7nenius ed. Budd. p. 14), see Prima epist. Fratrum ad Jo. Rokyzanum in Camerarius, p. 61 : Gratissimae nobis, valdeque jucundas tuK fuerunt condones. Primum enim sedulo nos horta- baris ad vitandum et fugiendum horribiles errores Antichristi, his jam postremis temporibus retecti. — Pra-terea testabaris, Diabolum omnium Sacramentorum abu- sum introduxisse, miserum vulgus falsam sahitis spem in iis reposuisse. Monstrabas denique, quomodo pii et veri Christiani sacramenta — percipere debeant. — Et breviter tristissimum esse dicebas et miserum religionis statum, praesertim eo anno, cum Rex adolescens rerum potiretur (Ladislaus, 1453). Nos vero his auditis magno afficiebamur dolorc. — Insuper cum videremus multa et varia dogmata spargi, — perturbati erant animi nostri, — ita ut nesciremus, utrum his vel illis assentiri deberemus. — Comrnendabas nobis Petrum Chelezitium, quicum nos tan- dem collocuti sumus, ipsiusque scripta legimus, ac plurima demum turn inter populum, male et extra ordinem fieri, facile perspeximus ; ita ut eliam de te spem minime bonam conceperimus, cum videremus, te sequi ea, qua tua ipsius cou- scientia vitanda et fugienda esse judicarat. Cumque de his tecum colloqueremur, tu hffic ad nos, Scio, inquisti, vos vera sentire: sed si mihi suscipienda est causa vestri, eadem perferam convitia, in idem incurram dedecus, parique ignominia afficiar necesse est. — Coacti sumus edere confessionem fidei nostra2 : ubi exposui- mus, quid sentiremus de sacramento coenae Domini (nam de hoc potissimum capita sententiam nostram sciscitabaris). — Nihil erat, cujus nos argueres, praeter quod ritus quosdam seu ceremonias ecclesiasticas permutaverimus. 374 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409— 1517. many of the Taborites,-^ and having made much progress also in Moravia,--^ they at length separated themselves entirely from the church (1457) under the name of '■'Brethren of the law of Christ, Brethren, United Bretliren."~^> After George Podiebrad's accession to the throne, when he, in conjunction with Rokyczana as Arch- bishop, was using every eifort to obtain from the Pope the recognition of his claims, they thought it necessary to show their orthodoxy, by persecuting the Brethren. At first llokyczana prevailed on the king to give them for their residence tlie remote district of Lilicz near Leutomischl, in the Giant mountains (1461) ; but the new sect con- tinuing to spread, instead of falling into obscurity, a severe persecu- tion was commenced, which compelled them to conceal themselves in deserts and caves through the remainder of the reign.-^ In the midst of these persecutions, however, they completed their forms of govern- ment, choosing their first elders at a solemn assembly in Lhota, A. D. 1467.-^ Under Wladislaus' administration they enjoyed more quiet, ^ Esrom Rildio;er, Jo. Camerarius' son-in-law, Professor in Wittenberg, who afterwards joined the brethren, and became a teachei'in the Gymnasium at Evanzig in Moravia, says in his Nari-atiuncula de fratrum orthodoxorum in Bohemia et Moravia EcclesioHs, written 157,9 ; see Camerarius, p. 159 : Hoc tantum monebi- mus, Taboritarum seu Taborensium nequaquam pudere nostros debere (quod aU- quibus tamen accidisse jam oUm, et nunc etiam accidere videtur), quosin majoribus sui habeant atque i-ecenseaat. — Hoi-um stirps sunt nostra; Ecclesia;, quicquid dicant aut comminiscantur aliqui. — Et qui postea Fratres, et turn Taborita; nomi- nati sunt, — in iis sine dubio Taboritarum superstitum fuit aliquid, et niultum quidem : qui tamen Fratres non doctrinal, sed studii certi professione a Taboritis se discriminare voluerunt. Territi enim clade et pene internecione Taboritarum, et nomen hoc aversati sunt, et armis pro se et suis propugnare amplius noluerunt (quod tamen etiam tum non potuisse videntur), neque cum adversariis Pontiticiis et Calixtinis disputamlo aut scribendo contlictari ipsis hbuit, sed tantum veritatem ad suos docere et sectari, et expectare atque ferre extrema etiam omnia. ^ The beginning of this community in this country was in Cremza, or Cromer- zig. They were compelled by persecution to flee into Bohemia, see Lochner, S. 25. ^* Prima Epist. Fratrum ad Rokyzanam, in Camerarius, p. 64 : Ne existimes, quod propter ceremonias aliquas, vel ritus ab hominibus institutos sejunxerimus nos a vobis, sed propter malam et corruptam doctrinam. Si enim potuissemus veram illam fidem in J. Chr. dominum nostrum apud vos conservare, nunquam profecto secessionem banc fecissemus. Sed cum videremus, tum vos ministros, tum populum his flagitiis et sceleribus contaminari, neque puram a vobis et inte- gram usurpari religionem ; coacti sumus salutis nostra; causa a ccetu vestro dis- cedere, ne vel tanta scelera et facinora vobiscum perpetrantes, vel saltern in iis conniventes, asternas tandem puenas una vobiscum sustineremus. — Nos sine inter- missione his temporibus turpissime a sacriticulis infamamur, qui negant nos habere veram fidem de sacramento corporis Christi, et hac ratione magnum acorbumque imperitae multitudinis odium in nos concitant. Sed scias tu, et universi, nos ita credere, quemadinodum Chiistus dixit, Apostoli scripserunt, et prirnitiva Ecclesia docuit. Quod vero contrarium excogitatum, aut additum, aut ad alium usum, quam Christus voluit, accommodatum est, hoc ex animo aversamur. *' Historia persequutionum Ecclesiae bohemica; (the place and the author not given, probably by Joh. Amos Comenius) 1648. 12mo. 28 Camerarius, \).Q2. Hist, persequutionum, cap. 20. § 2-6, and Comenius ed. Budd. p. 18. The Hist, persequut. and Comenius relate further that Michael von Szamberg was then sent to the Waldensian bishop, Stephen, who had been driven from France, and had established himself in Austria, to be consecrated as Chap. V. Reformers. § 152. John Wescl. 375 although the Calixtines made several attempts to gain them over.^^ They were joined by several of the nobles, under whose protection they erected houses of prayer. Their doctrines are stated in the Confession of Faith presented to king Wladislaus in A. D. 1504.2*^ «^ 152. INDIVIDUAL ATTEMPTS AT REFORM. The Councils of Constance and Basil had done much to spread abroad the knowledge of the corruptions of the church, though the view taken of its state differed widely with different individuals. The most fertile subject of complaint was the incapacity and the moral corruption of the clergy. The Popes were ready enough to remedy this, so far as consisted in renewing the old rules of discipline, but whenever any reform was proposed for the court of Rome itself, their resistance was most obstinate and bitter. Revolted at the growing evil, there appeared from time to time individuals of powerful minds, who, like the prophets of old, boldly rebuked the vices of the time, and, like them, only too often fell victims to their zeal. In Flanders bishop. Concerning the pretended Apostolic decree of those bishops, see § 87. It is very remarkable, however, that Camerarius should have taken ra notice of this circumstance, notwithstanding his mention of Stephen, p. 116. '^ Lochner, S. 38. 3" In three letters to the king, A. D. 1504, 1507, and 1508, in the Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fiigiendaium ed. Edw. Brown, p. 162 seq., and in Balth. Lydii Waldensia (T. I. Roterod. 1616. II. Dordraci, 1617. 8vo.) T. II. p. 1 seq. They dwell more on the points of agreement between them and the Catholic church, than on those of difference : of these last they speak most openly in the third lettei', Excusatio contra binas literas D. Augustini datas ad Regem. With regard to the communion they repeatedly explain their doctrine thus : quando Presbyter rite ordinatus verba testimonii Christi expresserit, continue panis est corpus Christi verum, naturale, ex castissima virgine sumptum, similiter vinum sanguis est naturalis corporis ejus. Nevertheless they deny (Excusatio in the Fascic. p. 182 seq.) the doctrine of transubstantiation, and the worship of the Eucharist. Tliey maintain that the body of Christ est in Sacramento per aliam existentiam quam in dextris Dei. p. 184. cum suo substantiali assumpto corpore, quocum sedet nunc ad dexterain Dei, non potest multiplicari : — et non potest corporaliter sumi a fidelibus animabus, sed solum spiritualiter. — Quamvis Christus non est hie cum corpore naturali : — est tauien spiritualiter, potenter, benedicte, in veritate. In like manner they deny, p. 171 and 177, the worship of saints, and p. 177, the doctrine of purgatory : the true purgatory they maintain is in this world, in quo se purgant ad imniortalia corpora. Of the doing away of certain usages they say, p. 180 : Ideo multas constitutiones et consuetudines, ordinationes et inventiones non continemus, quia in errorem sunt et eversionem tidei et ^quitatis, — et quoniam ha; constitutiones sunt causa; idololatriae, et spei erronea^, et vanae superstitionis, et occultationem morfalis peccati. Mali? autem sacerdotibus sunt causa ad eorum indignitatem et ad seductionem a justitia, et ad avaritiam et sacra- rum rerum qusstum : populo autem sunt ad latrocinia onusque, ut plura irapendant in vestes, asditicia et splendorem, — quod in pauperes et egenos expendere debent. Ideo non observamus in multis rebus, quia multa impedimenta faciunt verbo justi- tia;, oralioni, rebus Sanctis circa legis Dei sensum, propter qua; lex Dei venit in contemptum : et ita humanas constitutiones, ordinationesque tam diligenter custo- diunt, sicut mandatum Dei vel et diligentius. 376 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. the Carmelite, Thomas Conecte, began to preach with great success against the vices of the tirne,i but wris burned at the stake in Rome, A. D. 1432.2 Andreas, a Dominican, Arclibishop of Carniola,^ and Cardinal, undeceived in his notions of the holiness of the Pope by a visit to Rome, whither he went as imperial ambassador, ventured in the simplicity of his heart to admonish Sixtus IV. of his duty, and became in consequence an object of bitter persecution. He proposed to call a new Council in Basil, to redress the outrageous wrongs of the church, 1482, but died in prison in that city, 1484.-* Still more * See a description in Enguerrand de MonstreUt (Prevot in Cambray, itivi insiitutor, in quantum ad aidihcationem Ecclesia; i'acit, non ad destruclionem. Quod puenae per hominem vel jus pontivum indictae pro peccato respondeant Dei indictioni poena}, ita quod ilia soluta satisf.ictum sit Deo, non est certuni, nee creditum, nisi cui Deus revelavit. Opinioni doctorum de thesauro Ecclesia;, congrei^alo ex merito C'hristi et operibus supererogalionis Sanctoi-um, cominisso siimino Pontiiici ad distribuen- dum, quamquain sit valde pia, salubres tatnen sunt dehiles objectioncs. — Opera Sanctorum in via existentium secundum esse suum transitoria sunt, et dum cessant Sancti operaii, ip-sa nullum esse habent secundum se : Dei autem misericordia, addila operantibus iis gi'atia gratumfaciente, aut est mei-itum, aut causat ineritum. Sunt ergo opera non aliter, quam secundum (i!;ratiam) meritum. (Hence he acknowledged on bis trial that he had said to certain monks, XXII. : Reli^io non salvat vo.s,sed gratia Dei ; and yet believed, religioncin viam esse ad salutetn). — Distribuere autem ilia merita nemo potest, nisi Deus principaliter. Si autem homo ministerialiter ha;c potueiit distribuere, hoc non erit, nisi per divinum pactum. — Tale autem pactum esse factum cum ministris per Jesum, in evangelicis scripturis non habetur. Quare non est habitum. Of the forgiveness of sins, p. 126. Re- missio peccatorum est gratias, gratum facientis hominem Deo, donatio sive infusio. — Solus Deus donat gratiam et infundit — absque praecedente merito — his, qui quantum in eis est se parant ad recipiendum earn. P. 128 : Poenitentia est dolor de commissis peccatis. Et base est dispositio congrua ad remissionem peccatorum. P. 131 : Est ex superius dictis notuni, nullos sacerdotes facere remissionem pecca- torum principaliter et effective, nisi per divinam assistentiam, quae est gratia donata. Quare remissio Sacerdotum est quoddam ministerium sacramentale, exhibitura peccatori poenitenti. Et non est aliud, quam datio sacramenti posnitentise, cujus effectus est remissio peccatorum. He maintained, esse divini honoris, ut ipse solus creet et donet gratiam ex sua mera liberalitate, and therefore wished to substitute for the definition of a sacrament : est invisibilis gratias visibilis forma, sic quod ipsius imaginem gerat et causa exsistat Augustine's definition : est invisibilis gratise visibilis forma. P. 143 seq., in the passages Matth. xvi. 19; xviii. 18. qiwdcun- que ligaveritis, etc. the church was not invested with the claves jurisdictionis, but only with the power of excluding impenitent sinners: p. 146: jurisdictio, quae est in Ecclesia, secundum quam piincipes dominantur siibditis, et leges indicant eis, est a gentiiitate sumpta et Christi verbo vetita (.Matth. xx. 26). Jui'isdictio itaque, quaj nunc est in Ecclesia, est ab hominibus insfituta, ut sentit b. Hieronymus in epistola ad Evandrum et in expositione epistolae ad Titum (see vol. I. § 29, note 1). Ex his sequitur, quod pueriliter sentiunt,qui dicunt, indulgentias dari ex vi clavium jurisdictionis. P. 152: tales remissiones, vocats indulgentiae, sunt piae fraudes fidelium, ut dixerunt multi presbyteri, etsignanter quideni Cantor Parisiensis ; fraudes, quia fideles peregrinantur ad sancta loca, afferunt eleemosynas ad pias causas — opinione, quod liberentur per ea ab omnibus poenis, — et in hac opinione decipiuntur. — Et quia contingit, fideles talia facere opera in caritate Dei, erunt ip-a opera meritoria vits aeternas et augmentatoria gradus gloriae, ideoque sunt pis et utiles. Then p. 153 seq. of the infallibility of the church. Quia in Ecclesia universal! continetur Ecclesia Christi fundata super petram, — et haec Ecclesia Christi est sancta et immaculata, — ideoque in ea non est error ; — hasc erit vera locutio : Ecclesia universalis non errat. At the same time it is true: Ecclesia universalis errat. — Sic et hodie vere dicitur: Ecclesia est peccatrix, est adultera. To infer the holiness of the whole church from that of any particular church was not allowable, quia ex particularibus procedit. — From all this it is plain that John did not attribute to the hierarchy divine authority : their duties and their rights he discusses at large in his Tract, de potestate ecclesiastica in Walchii moniin. medii aevi II. II. p. 118. It is important for the understanding of many apparent paradoxes which occur in his accusation to bear in mind the proposition with which he begins this work, ferendara esse quorumcunque magna- tum tyrannidem, et imperils temere non esse reclamandum, quatenus ratio Evan- gelii per tolerantiam atflictionum non periclitetur. Thus we may explain his assertion in the Paradoxis : Qui potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistit ; sic scilicet, quod velit potestatem non esse. Thus, on the one hand, he denies, in Chap. V. Reformers. § 152. John Wesel. 385 Examen XIV. quod Apostoli habiierunt auctorilatcm a Christo condendi oanones, aut instituendi aliquas \e^p,s (cf. De potest, ecel. in Walch II. II. p. 133: Qua nunc audacia — Apostoloruin succcssores — niandaiit obscrvanduin, noii quod Chri- stus in Uteris sacris, sed quod ipsi ex sese vel qua;stu.s gi-atia liuc iiupulsi, aut imperifaiuli libidine aflecti, pra,'cipiunt : Si ne ipsis quideiii Apostolis licuit extra pra^cepta Dei quicquam docere, cum dicat Doniinus : doccntes eos servare, qucB- cunqxie prcEcepi. vobis!) and in accordance therewith says, XXIV. nullum esse peccatum niortale, nisi quod Canon Bihiia' dicit esse mortale. So too XXVIII. Si vicarius signiticat aliqueni, qui in al)sentia principalis habct facerc opera pi-inci- palis, tunc Christus non habct vicai-ium in teiris. And yet he admits the proposi- tions XI. Ronianam Ecclesiam esse caput omnium aliarum Ecclesiarum, XII. quod Romanus Pontifex sit Chiisti vicarius, et necessarium esse unum caput Ecclesia;, XVI. dilferentiam esse inter Episcopum et sacerdotem, and XV. that the laws of the Hierarchs were binding, namely, quod transgredientes legem humanam sic assumptam, peccent mortaliter. XXi. also he answers to the ques- tions concerning the necessity of the continence of the clergy, and the septein horfE canonical : quod, quia susceperunt, etiam ad niandatum Ecclesiae teneantur. Still, of course, he considered all these to be mere human institutions, and so preached (see Pai'adoxa) : Christus nunquam instituit aliquod jejunium, nee pro- hibuit quemcunque cibum quocunque die, sicut cai-nes. Chiistus nullum festum praecepit celebrare. Item nullam oralionem docuit, nisi dominicam, neque man- davit saceidotibus canere vel legere septem boras canonicas. Si quis confiteatur, injungitur illi ardua poenitentia, ut peregrinetur Komam, vel ad alia remotiora loca, strictuiu jejunium, quod dicat multas orationes. Quod Christus non fecit, sed solum dixit: vade, noli aiiqjlius peccare. Sic gravata est Christianitas per humanas leges et constitutiones. He objected, however, to open disobedience, De potest, eccl. in Walch II. II. p. 144 : Si offensio pioxinu tinieatur per banc inobedientiam, profecto quatenus obtemperare licebit imperantibus non |)ericlitante veritate, nefas fuei-it non obedii-e : non quia hoc prpaceptuni ab homine proticiscitur, sed quia expostulat caritas. His views of the efficacy of the usages in the church may readily be inferred: see Examen die Mariis : Interrogatus, quid sentiat de conse- cratione et benedictione altarium, calicis, ornamenfoi-um, cereorum, palmarum, herbarum, aquae benedictas, et aliarum rerum inanimatarum, etc., credit, quod nihil virtutis spiritualis et efficaci* habeant ad effugandum da?mones, et pro remis- sione venialium peccatorum. Credit etiam, quod aqua benedicta non habeat majoreni efficaciarn, quam alia aqua non benedicta, etc. His notions of i\ee grace were peculiar. Essentially they were the same with those of Augustine : in the Paradoxis we have the following propositions : Deus ab aeterno condidit librum, in quern scripsit omnes suos electos : quicunque autem in eo non est scriptus, nun- quam inscribetur in ipsuni in sternum, et qui in eo scriptus est, nunquam ex eo delebitur. — Sola Dei gratia salvantur electi. Et quem Deus vult salvai-e, donando sibi gratiam, si omnes sacerdotes vellent ilium damnare, aut excommunicare, adhuc salvaretur ille. Et quem Deus vult damnare, si omnes — vellent hunc salvare, adhuc iste damnaretur. And in accordance with this he said in the Examen die Martis, quod Deus potest conferre gratiam habenti usum rationis absque omni motu liberi arbitrii. Opinatur, quod b. Paulus in sua conversione nihil fecit suo libero arbitrio pro sua conversione. — Sola Dei gratia salvantur electi. When therefore on Monday he acknowledged it to be his opinion, nullum esse peccatum originale in parvulis jam conceptis in utero materno; it was probably on the ground that only those who were capable of reason, are capable of sin. Other remarkable views of his are Examen die Luna; VII. quod sacra scriptura non dicat, quod Spiritus Sanctus procedat a filio, aut ab utroque. VIII. falsum esse in symbolo Athanasiano hunc versum : nam sicut anima rationalis et caro unus est homo, ita Deus et homo unus est Christus. XIX. quod corpus Christi possit esse sub specie panis, manente substantia panis. John Wessel's opinion of John of Wesel in his Epist. ad Ludolphum de Veno (0pp. ed. Groning. 1614. p. 920 seq.) : Audisti periculum venerabilis illius viri, Mag. Jo. de Wesalia, cujus tametsi, ut crebro ex me audisti, exorbitantes ills et populo scandalosse absurditates displiceant, eruditio tamen et peracre ingenium ejusmodi est, ut virum ilium nequeam non amare, aut casibus ejus non condolcre. O quantum profuisset illi, nostro niore, ut sspe inter nos Parisiis recensui, ante tum Realium turn Formalium exercitatum studia transegisse, et ita demum non incautum, non inopinum, sed velut ex arce et VOL. III. 49 386 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. in prison, A. D. 1482. On the other hand, John Gorh,^^ Prior of a nunnery in Mechlin {f 1475), who taught essentially the same thing, in dwelling constantly on the importance of perfect freedom as the vital principle of all true virtue, i'' was left undisturbed, whilst the specula futuros insultus providisse. — Saepe ego veritus in eo inconsideratam at teinerariain ejus locutionein, qure licet scliola.stica; subtilitalis, et forlassis nonnun- quam aliquiil cntholicae veritatis habei'et, et taiiieu in vulgus indoctum, et non capacem plebeni pioferri cuin gravi sinipliciuni scandalo prorsus odiosum. The things in his pi-eacliing, at which offence was taken, were sucii as these : e. g. in the Paiadoxis: Si s. Petrus instituisset jcjuniuiii, forte idco fbcisset, ut eo melius pisces suos vendidisset. Sacrum oleum est sicut aliud oleum, (juod comedis domi in otfa. Ich verachtc den Bapst, die Kirche und Concilia, und lobe Christum. At his trial he was accused, no. XX., of having pi-eached in Wisbaden, quod videns venerabile sacramentinn Kucharistice videat Diabolum, though he denied it. The proceedings against hiiri were the more cruel, inasmuch as he was already an infirm old man (Examen die Luna; XX. : prae senio et debilitate vix cerebrare poterat), and had long been ill. Worthy of remai-k is what is said by the reporter of the ti-ial at the close of this statement: JNIagister Jo. de Wesalia longo tempore gravi morbo labo- ravit, nihilominus iuqiiirebatur ab eo satis fervide. Quajdam negavit se dixisse, quasdain et pra; a;tate et languore potuit conabatur interpretari, et ipse per sese etiam allegabat suam diuturnam infii-mitatem. Dempto solo articulo de pi'ocessione Spiritus Sancti, in aliis videtur non ita gravi censura fuisse castigandus, si induciae datae fuissent, si consultores ei fuissent adhibiti, si non omnes uno solo dempto fuissent de via Rcalium. Et nisi forsitan impetus quidain irrepsisset in Religiosos triumphandi de Sa'culari, et prEesertim de eo, qui illorum Thomam peculiariter non coluerat, forsitan poterat cum eo mitius — benigniusque actum — fuisse. Deum testor, qui onuiia novit, hunc processum, qui cum eo scrvatus fuit usque ad revoca- tionem et librorum suorum exustionem, vehementissime displicuisse Mag. Engelino de Brunsvico, maximo Theologo, et Mag. Johanni Keisersbergio, duobus utique viris (then both preaching in Sti-asburg) cum doctis, tum integris. Pracipue Mag. Engelino visum fuit nimis pra;cipitanter cum tanto viro actum esse. Immo non verebatur asserere, nuiltos articulos ejus et majorem partem posse sustineri. Nee obticuit de simultate Thomistarum contra Modernos, et de gaudio triumphandi Religiosorum contra Sa-culares. Quis nisi ipse Diabolus seminavit illam zizaniam inter philosophos et inter theologos, ut fanta sit dissensio — inter eos, qui Thoinam, qui Scotum, qui Marsilium imitantur, adeo ut, si universalia quisquam realia negaverit, existimetur in Spiritum Sanctum pcccavisse .' — Unde ha'c cscitas mentis, nisi a Diabolo .' qui, ne utiliora, ne honestiora, no moribus, virtutibus et saluti animarum conducentia discamus, phantasias nostras illudit, et trahit ad res minus salutarcs, et ad gclidas harum intentionum speculationes, quibus neque ad Deum devoti reddimui', neque ad proximi dilectioneiu inflammamur. fit ideo minus fedificamus in Ecclesia Dei, neque fervor Christianorum videtur augeri, sed indies diminui. '* Johann. Pupper. Of whom see Walchii monim. medii tevi fasc. IV. Praef. p. XIII. seq., and vol. II. fasc. 1. Pieef. p. II. seq. 16 Works: De libertate Christiana (ed. Cornel. Grapheus. Antverp. 1521. 4to. The editor was taken by the Inquisition and forced to I'elract, see Gerdesii scri- nium antiquarium. T. VI. p. 496 seq.). De quatuor erroribus circa legem evan- gelicam exortis, et dc votis et religionibus facticiis dialogus (in Walch fasc. IV. p. 73 seq.). Epist. apologeticaadv. quendam Pra-dicalorii Oidinis super doctiina doc- torum scholasticorum et quibusdam aliis (ed Corn. Grapheus. AiUvevp. 1521. Re- printed in Walch, vol. II. fasc. I. p. 1 seq.). Of the true soui'ce of all doctrine Epist. apologet. in Walch II., I. p. 10: Sola scriptura canonica tidem indubiani et ine- fragabilem hahet auctoritatem. Antiquoium Patrum scripta tantum habent aucto- ritatis, quantum canotuc;ii veritati sunt conformia. Hasc tideli sunt amplectenda, quia canonica veritale student appi'obare qua: dicunt. Modei-norum vero doctorum, maxime Ordinum Mendicantium, scripta, pro opinionibus innixa, nee fundarnen- tum habent solidum, nee veritate illustrant inteliectum, sed variis argumentorum implicationibus ipsam nudam et simplicem veritatem obnubilantia, vanitati magis Chap. V. Reformers. ^ 153. John GocL 387 ^-rr Sr'^-r^^^^ia^ t^^.J!:"Z "^0.1,^^ 1^ S^^e^ l^^ua^ Chnst,!^'1l L,uacibn. ..b .nojici. P-epti.et panels uSur'qufpeHeci^n cl^i^Si vit. ita in .ola fide constituerunt, et opera fidei b'i necS aria noa crediden.nt, ita ut credentes in Cbnsto et bonum fide Kbentes omnia sibi alia licere arbiirati sint. P. 91 : Tertium genus er.oru.n e. UottquiTumque actum tan. inte.ions voli.ioni. quam -t^o- o^^^^^^^ !,d rbri^tiance vits perfectionem necessanum credunt : sed, quod naturales vires fihP, rbit Hi live naturalis facultas humans natu.a. absque auxilio d.v.n^ grat.ae hbeii '^'^''•'''l' '/\^ "i, "l, „,„tisare non erubescunt. Hsc fuit hsies.s Pelagiana, ad hoc ''"^^"^t 7'. dogn atis e non^ _ quorundan. tamen cordibus qusdam qua^, quamvis ab '^^'^'f ^ ^ *' .^"^'^^^^^ p' 99 . phnc in exte.ioribus observantiis et LZ^o^eia egifevan'eic^ facienda libertatem spiritus secundum intenorem fectioiaopeia »egi> evan , ^ , , obligationem voti necessario ,notum fi^>" "P" ,^"^^;;;/„re be"c,nt ; i a ut libertaten. evangelican. in ser- ''?";■■'' '■'ZlintoSrm^Si<^rterrpharisa'ica superstitione non multum d.stare ^»'"*^:"' °^''^mc e% ero^^ temporis, qui cum Pelagiana ha^res, m mu Itis repenantui. Hic est euor o_^ .mentions St. Thomas as the author of this convemre cognosc.tu. P. 11- he '"J" I^JJ ,,^j ^^l^,„t,, ^o.-entis non firmatur heresy, P^^^^''^J'-,^-^:^S:, pZnt a bono virtu.is deficere, et facinoro- StrL^D^ut^qrrao ':rirr^Deo.'-S;d pe^ Ubertatem divin. voluntatis^ exit placitum, quffi eii leguia Y mip^itinn Ouare erfo Ecc esia votum '^"l Fcclei^ £"0 nat^^ eorum, procul dubio materno affectu circa Ecclesiae h"oy™nd^ P ,eli„„„ noterant, ut per extenorera institutione christians '"^'^S'" w/ i^^^ertatU v v^e assue cerent, qSi absque obli- obligationem sub jugo evangehcs l^'^^.ta . vnere JJ''^^^'; j^.'^^^ant ^alde est a r»irpe,J«iL,.''i;Ss evangelic^ ob,e«adone., e> non indlge, nova .n- 388 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. still more thorough reformer, John Wessel,'''' (Lux mundi, Magister coiitradiclioiuun) after a long course of constant activity in Cologne, Louvain, Paris and Heidelberg, was allowed to end his days quietly in his native city of Groningen {f 1489), notwithstanding that Lu- ther acknowledged the doctrines he taught to be altogether the same as his own.^'^ stitutione vel ordinatione. Et ideo positivas constitutiones Ecclesia;, ordinationi divinae siiperaddita", non sunt, nisi qua?dain exteriores honest^ observantije, ordi- natae vel propter inajorem reverentiaiii in siiscipiendis vel tractaiidis sacramentis, ut jejiino stoiiiacho sacranientiim eucliaristias peicipere, — et siiiiilia, (jua; nihil faciunt ad saeranienti veritalein, sed ad honoreni ct dionitaleni. P. 180 : Quod ilia necessitas coactionis sit per se causa boni produetiva, vel quod sit per se bonum mei-itorium, quemadniodum ThoiTiistaj alfirinant, oniiuno neganuis, iinmo fajsum esse, et ha>resi Peiaiiianfe vicinuin esse diciuius. — Positiva conslitutio Ecclesiffi — non potest se extendei-e ad interiorem niotum voluntatis, in quo est print'ipiuni merendi, sed solum ad substantiarn actus exterioiis, qui potest fieri absque auxilio gratiaj secundum facultatem voluntatis. Dicere ergo, quod votuin sit causa produetiva iiieriti, — non est aliud dicei-e, quam quod exteriore acta voluntatis absque auxilio gratis potest a;ternas beatitudo mereri. — Heec fuit insa- nia Pelagii ha-retici, etc. — P. 199: Vita sacerdotalis, secundum eminentiam status sacerdotalis et dignitatem Ordinis regulata, est vere et simpliciter apostolica, et summa perfectio religionis cliristiana'. P. 207 : Ex sacrauientorum priuiaria in- stitutione, et ex divina ordinatione licet omnibus saceidotibus omnia sacramenta dispensare. — Quod ei-go nunc temporis Episco|)is licet conferre aliqua, qufe non licent sacerdotibus, — boc est vel pi-opter Ecclesia? consuetudinem vel con- stitutionem. JMulta enini Ordini sacerdotali per consuetudinem vel constitutionem Ecclesiffi sunt ablata, quae divina constitutione ei sunt coUata. ''' Called also Gansfort, probably from his native village. Two accounts of his life by Albr Hardenberg and Gei-hard Gcldenhauer, prefixed to the 0pp. Wesseli. Comp. Effigies et Vita; Professorum AcademiEe Groninga; et Onilandi*. Groning. 1654. fol. p. 12 seq. Guil. Jhiurlitig de Wesseli Gansfortii cum vita, turn meri- tis in praparanda saciorum emendalione in Belgio septentrionali. Pais prior (con- taining the life). Ti-aj. ad Rhen. 1831. 8vo. Job an n Wesseli, ein Vorgiinger Luthers. Zur Characteiislik der cbi-istl. Kircbe nnd Theologie in ihrem Ueber- gang aus dem Mittelalter in die Reformationszeit. By D. C. Ullniann. Hamburg. 1834. 8vo. '** Many of his writings ai-e lost (Hardenberg in vita Wess. p. 13 : qua; in scriniis ipsius repericbantur ejus manuscripta omnia co mortno opera Mendican- tium monacboruni et quorundam aliorum furore exusta erant). Several of bis treatises were sent to Luther from Holland, at first under the title Farrago Wesseli (piob. Witteb. 1.521.), 4to., after A. 1). 1.522 several times published in Wittenberg. Basil, and Marburg under the title Farrago rerutn theologicarum uberrima doctiss. Viro Wesselo Groningensi auctore (comp. Ullinann S. 461 ff.). Luther says, in his preface prefixed to the later editions: Prodiit en Wesselus (quem Basilium dicunt) Phrisius Groningen. vir admirabilis ingenii, rari et magni spiritus, quem et ipsum apparet esse vere Theodidactum, quales prophetavit foi-e Christianos Jesaias, neqne eniu) ex houiinibus accepisse judicari potest, sicut nee ego. Hie si mihi antea fuisset lectus, potcrat hostibus meis vidcri Lutherus omnia ex Wesselo hausisse, adeo spiritus utriusque concordat. The entire ed. of M. Wesseli Gansfortii Opera, quas inveniri potuerunt omnia (ed. Petrus Pappus a Tratzberg) Groning. 1614. 4to. contains besides the fai-rago five treatises and a collection of letters. AVessel's Theologie, see Ullmann S. 187 ff. His doctrine of justification : De magnifudine passionis c. 4-5 (0pp. p. 550) : .Mrbitramur hominem justijicari jier fideni Jesu Christi absque operibus {Rom. iii. 28), et fides sine operibus emortua est (Jac. ii. 27) : divei-sum dicunt Apostolus Paulas et Jacobus, veruni non adversum. Communis nti'ique scntentia est, justum ex fide vivere, fide, inquam, per dilectioncm operante. Cap. 46, p. 553: Qui per opera sua justificari putat, non novit, quid sit Justus. Justus est, qui unicuique quod suum est ti-ibuit. Sed quis homo unquam absolvit, ut Deo esset qualis esse debet, omni homini sit qualis esse debet ? Nescit quod sit suum debitum, nescit Chap. V. Reformers. § 152. John Wessel 389 From all this it is evident, that however the views taken of the etiam quanta sit futurorum bonorum exspectatio, quam nullis operibus asquare potest: neque solum hac ignorantia enat, sed et sacrilegii (reus est), gloriam justificationis non Deo, sed sibi tiibuens. Qui vero Evangcliuin audiens credit, desiderat, sperat, confidit ut Iwta nuntia, pra-terea aiiiat evangelisatuin justifican- tem et beatiticantem, quantalil)ct pro consequendo faciat et patiatur ; non sua opera, non se operantem extoUit, sed cxtenlus totus et propensus in euni quein amat, a quo credit, cupit, spei-at, confidit, justificatur, nihil sibi ipsi tribuit, qui scit nihil habere ex se. Cap. 47, p. 5-54: Prajcepit igitur lex perfectionein, sed nihil adduxit ad perfectum. Sed quid ? Nuni Evangelium duxit ad perfectum .' Ulique. Quern igitur? Oninem credenteiii, quoiiiaui omni credenti Christus finis legis est ad justitiam, et fructus, quoniam ipse est, qui dat potestateui filios Dei fieri his qui credunt in nomine ejus. Credendo verbo adherent Verbo. Verbum Deus est. Credendo igitur Deo adhaerent : et adhajrere Deo bonum est, quia qui adhaeret Deo, unns cum eo spiiitus fit, cum justo Justus, cum sancto sanctus. — Qu(e sit vera communio Saiictnrum? 0pp. p. 809: Vera essentiali imitate communicant Sancti onmes, quotquot una fide, una spe, una charitate Chrisio cohaM'ent, sub (juibuscunque Proelatis, quantumlibet ambitiose contendenti- bus, aut dissentientibus, aut errantibus, etiam h^i-eticis Frslatis degant. — Et hsc est ilia sanctorum communio, de qua in Symbolo: credo Sanctorum coinmunio- nem. — Constat, quod valde possibile, Gra?cum vera pietate adfectum omnia credere in Constantinopoli sub suo Patriarclia schismatico qus Latinus Roms credit : quid illi nocet suorum ha^retica piavitas .' Unitas ergo Ecclesis sub uno Papa tantum accidentalis est, adeo ut non sit necessaria, licet confercns multum in Sanctorum communione. Of the power of the chui'ch and its i-elalion to the Scriptures, De potestate Ecclesiastica, 0pp. p. 753 : Pastor gregem Domini pasceie positus est. Verum quia grex pascendus rationis et liberi ai-bitrii est, non prorsus in potestate pastoris traditus est, ut nihil ab eo i^xigatur, nisi pastori ohedire. Debet enim ovis ipse dinosse quibns pascatur, qnibus inficiatur, et quoinodocunque, oblatam etiam a pastore ipso, vitare pestii'cram infectionem. Et in hoc si scquatur pastorem, non excusatur. Debet ergo populus pastores ad pascua sequi. Quando vero non pascit, pastor non est: neque tunc, velut inofficio^o, grex ei parere tenetui-. P. 769 : Nemo magis Ecclesiam destruit, quam corruptus Clei'us. Destruentibus Ecclesiam omnes Chiistiani tenentur resistei-e, usque etiam ad ullimos, puta rusticos juxta illud, 2 Thess. iii. 6. Sancta quippe rusticitas quantum Ecclesiam Dei a-difi- cat vitffi merito, tantum nocet, si desti'uentibus eam non resistit. P. 759: Propter Deum Evangelio credimus, et propter Evangeliuin Ecclesiae et Papae, non Evan- gelic propter Ecclesiam. Unde quod Jliigustinun (conii-a. Epist. Manichaji, c. 6 : ego vero Evangelio non crederem, nisi me catholiccB Ecclesice commoveret aiic- toritas) de Evangelio et Ecclesia dicit, originis de credendo vei-bum est, non comparationis aut prsferentia;. Dixit enim Apostolis Dominus Jesus : Prcedicaie omni creaturcE, docentes eus servare qucecunque prwcepi vobis (Mattb. xxviii. 19, 20). Non igitur audiendi, nisi quantum missi : non missi, nisi cum Evangelio : non evangelisantes, nisi secundum Evangelium. Sed quia verisimilius est, unum aliquem penes Evangeliuin toti mullitudini contradicentem errare, quam totam doctorura virorum Ecclesiam, ideo debet, quicunque ille fuerit, semper suspectum se habere, et formidare de errore. Verum quia scit, non impossibile, multos Doctoi-es errare, debet semper adparentem Evangelii veritatem piimo amplecti. Debet igitur sedulo diligenter inquirere veritatem et intelligentiam Evangelii. Debet tertio rationes contradicentium diligenter attendere, et illi p;irti, quam viciniorem Evangelio invenerit, firmiter adhasrere. Ex illo verbo Domini Jesu : super cathedram Mosis sederunt scribes et Phariscpi: omnia ergo, qua dixerint vobis servare, servate et facite (Matth. xxiii. 2, 3), multi Prselatorum Ecclesia2 trahunt erroneam et falsam intelligentiam. Putant enim ex hoc verbo datam eis authenticam potcstatem, ut obligare possint auditoj-em ad servandum et faciendum quae dicunt. — Oportet tarn Pr*latorum quam Doctorum pra-ccpta sic servare et facere, quemadmodura Paulus (1 Thess. v. 21 ; see p. 756) monuit, hoc est, quam diu in cathedra Mosis sedenles secundum Mosen dicunt. Et si quid extra vel contra, non magnopere ligat fideles contra legem perfeclas libertatis. Dei enim servi sumus, non Papse : cui utique serviremus, si ad omnia ejus qualiacunque obligaremur. Dictum est autem : Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et illi soli 390 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. abuses in the church may have differed, the feeling of the necessity servics {Matth. iv. 10). P. 748 : Pupa tenetnr credere et obligatur cum omnibus ohlifitatLs tidelibus. Ill quando credit sicut obligatur, tunc fidcles obligantur credere quod ipse credit: non quia ipse credit, sed quia credit quod credere debet. Et si alius melius eo crediderit quod credere debet, ipse Papa debet cum illo credere quocuuquc, etiam laico et muliere. — Unde concluditur, quod licet verisimiliter pra;sumendum sit, summuui Pontiticem et Pr;elatos tanto rectius ad veritatem Evangelii incedere, quanto ceteris aliis altius in sublime dijrnitatis cvecti sunt, et ifa, ceteris paribus, polius illis, quam alicui subditorum credendum : non tamen simpliciter subditos oblij^atos ad credendum illis. Hoc nempe adeo irrationabile est et blaspbemia; plenum, ut etiam quacunque lutresi pestilenlius inveniatur. Potest nempe I-'i-a.'latus eiiare. — Summorum eiiim Pontiticuin pleriquc pestilenter erra- verunt, ut novissiiuis diebus no-ilris in Constantia, celebri Concilio claruit, Bene- dictus, Bonifacius, et Jobannes XXIIl. quam giaviter (idem lacerarint. Et nostris postremis diebus Pius II. et Sixtus IV., quorum alter patentibus bullis regna terrarum sibi vcndicavit, alter turpissimas dispcnsationes, non solum de praestito in causa civili juramento, sed etiam de prscstando — emisit in abusu potestatis Apo- stolica^ ; quicquid F. Petrus vel Comes Hieronymus in?olenter aut avare gesse- runt, ipse postea cum resciret ratiticavit, eliam bullis plumbatis. De sacramento poenitentia% p. 779: Contra communeiii opiuiouem de monarchia Romani Pontilici, est, quod impossibile homini est tines orbis terra? nosse, qui nuilo unquam cosmo- grapho omnes comprehensi sunt. Quomodo igitur judicabit, quos nosse non potcrit? Quomodo judicabit fidem, quorum linguam ignorat? Unitatem igitur Ecclesise sibi Spii'itus Sanctus fovendam, vivificandam, conservandam retinuit et augendam, non Romano Pontilici, sa»pe non curanti, reliquit. Of tbe supper: De sacram. Eucharistia;, c. 24. p. 69fi seq. Ubicunque nomen ejus benedictum, — vei-e illic ipse est non solum divinitate praisens et benevolentia, sed etiam corpoialiter prae- sens. — Non hie dico, datum cuilibet homini Christiano, ut possit, cum velit, sacra- nientaliter per Eucharisliam habere pr.nesentem : hoc enim solis datum est sacerdo- tibus. Sec hoc dico, vcre pra;sentein commemoranti nomen ejus, vere praesentem Dominuni Jesum non sola deitate sua, sed et carne sua et sanguine, et humanitate tota. Quis enim dubital)it, corporaliter ssepe praesentem Dominum Jesum suis lidelibus in eorum agonibus, non propter hoc dimisso in calestibus consessu ad dexteram Patris .' Quis dubitabit, ita posse hoc simul tempore fieri exti-a Eucha- ristiam, sicut in Eucharistia ? Cap. 28. p. 703 : Sic paiticipare corpori et sanguini, hoc manducare est magis, quam si dccies millies Eucliaristiain ad altare de manu sacerdotis aiido corde, iiigida voluntate, licet etiam in statu salutis, capiamus. Cap. 8. p. 763 : Corpus autem et sanguis Doiuini Jesu quantumlibet sancta sint, corpora tamen sunt, non spiritus. Unde si corpoi'aliter tantum sumantur, non solum non spiritualiter reficient manducantem, sed Occident. — Unde Dominus {Jo. vi. 63) : Spiritus est, qui vivificat, caro non prodest quidquam, h. e. parum est de carne q«iantumlibet sancta, sed operis magnitudo, et ineflfabilis dilectio, et charitas otTeren- tis pcrSpiritum Sanctum, ilia est quaa viviticat. Cap. 10. p. 678 : Valde notandum verbum Domini {Jo. vi. 53) : nisi manducaveritis, non habebitis vitain in vobis. Habent autem vitam veram, qui credunt in e\im. Ergo qui credunt in eum, hi sunt, qui manducant carnem ejus. — Manducabat ergo Paulus pi-imus Eremita etiam temporibus illis, quibus mortalem nullum, ne dicam sacerdotem communi- cantem, videbat. Sed manducabat, quia credebat ; et quod credebat, crebro commemorabat, etc. Of penance : De Sacram. poenitentis, p. 789 : Dicunt com- muniter, ad integritatem Sacramenti poenitenlife tria concurrere, contritionem, confessionem, satisfactionem. Sed hi, si intelligerent vim verbi in Psalmo (li. 18): Cor contritum et humilialum Deus non despicies, non tam importune instarent. Quid enim est cor contritum, nisi cor ad minima comniinutas et confracts duritiei obdiu'atas mentis humiliatum cor .■' — Si ergo, qui cor durum conterit et abjicit, cor pium et spontaneuin Deo non despiciendum otfert, profecto jam humiliato corde Justus, et jam Deo satisfactum in remissionem peccatorum. Non ergo prima con- trilio, neque postrema salisfactio ad Sacramcntum pagnitentis' vivificantis et justifi- cantis ex morte ad vitam necessariaj sunt, licet sine vera contritione, etc. sicut nee 8ine vera humilitate vita Spiritus vel redit, vel conservatur. Participatio sacra- mentorum est opus gratiaj, non justitia?. — Pcenilentia, si sacramentum est, contri- tione non eget, quia contritio justitiae opus est, et ita contritus ante sacramentum Chap. V. Reformers. § 152. John Wessel 391 Justus. — Infusae jam gratis opus est contiitio, detestatio videlicet peccati, opus nieraj justitia? : non ergo pars sacrainenti pocnitentia;, quia sacraiiicntuin poenitenliae ppKcedit, et operatur justilicationeni. P. 791 : Neque dolor, ne(|ue tiistHia, neque oontritio in oculis Dei accepta sunt inagis, quani amor, ex cjuo jjrocedunt. P. 777: Nullus contitetur, nisi nienior. Nullus nienior, nisi justilicatus ad vitam. — Patet ers;o, quod antequaui quis confiteatur peccatum suum, jam a reatu sua prjevarica- tionis, quo ajterna si!)i supplicia debebantur, per gratiam intci-na^ coiiipunctionis absolvitur. P. 795 : Cont'essio sacramentalis ex forma sua non est judicialis, ita ut, si non adsit judicium — confessoris, non sit actus contitcntis el absolventis vere verum sacramentum. Sufficit eniui ad veritatem efficacis sacrainenti, ut confitens vere et tideliter dicat, confessor post acceptam illius confessioneni absque judicial! discussione absolvat. Quia sicut pcenitentis confessione levat pccnitentem Deus, et non peccator; ita sacerdotis absolutione dimittit Deus, et non confessor. Hi niini- sterium exhibent, sed mysterium operatur Deus. — De confitente et confessione solum judicat Deus, nihil de confessis peccatis. Quomodo enim judicare creditur confessa, qui contitenti promisit omnia retroacta per solam confessionem condonare ? Stulte ergo faciunt, qui post confessionem non solum judicant, sed etiam post absolutionem terrores liunt, flagris feriunt, virgis percutiunt. P. 796 : Valde irationabiliter de Sacianiento confessionis loquuntur, qui adjunctam satisfactionem adserunt essentialeni partem poenitentia;. Piimo, quia detracfant sacramentali sufficientia?, qui non putant, Principis donalionem sufficere ad remissionem. Se- cundo, falsiticant verbum absolutionis, quia, cum dicunt absolvo, postea ligant, et innodatum dimittunt. iSed quod onminm gravius est, universum sacramentum periclitant, quia protrahunt usque in peiactam totaliter poenitenliam injunctam. Unde si fragilis ille iterum tempore medio labatur durante sacramento propter obicem positum in parte sacramenli, totum sacramentum facit nullum fuisso. Qua; enim essentialiter unum constituunt, unius nullitate omnia tiunt nulla. Of indul- gences : Epist. ad Jac. Hoech de indulgenliis, p. 778: A puero ridiculum et indignum semper mihi visum credere, aliquem liominem suo decreto posse facere, quo bonum in oculis Dei ut quatuor, fieret bonum ut octo. — Num tibi leves aut fufiles causa; videntur, quibus ab hac nova indulgentiarum adscrtione Patres ante Albertum ac Thomam, ut ipsi scripto testantur, discesserunt, asserentes, nihil esse nisi piam fraudem, ac dolum non malum, quo plebs officioso errore trahatur ad pieta- tem ? De Sacram. poenitentiae, p. 773: Pari passu auctorita'.is seu po1e;fa'is clavium ambulant indulgentite et excoinmunicatio, neque plus potest Papa in reconciliandis Deo animabus, quam possit alienandis. Sed in exconununicandis nihil potest, nisi perforum ecclesiasticum foris ad oculum separarc, et deslitucre etiam corpora mor- tuorum ecclesiastica sepultura : similiter in indulgentiis a vinculo Canonum et censuris liberare. Deo autem prseter simplicem usum aut abusum fidei, spei et charitatis nihil est quod conciliare posset. Non enim rcconciliatus Deo per gratiam saci-amentalem et caritatem plus ei reconciliatur arbitrio aut a;stimatione Papae, aut excommunicatione Paps magis alicnatur a Deo. Non enim liceret excommunicare, si magis alienaret a Deo. Non enim licet ei facere magis pecca- tores, etc. Fidelis et prudens in domo Domini sui servus nihil facit prster et extra voluntatem Domini sui : et quidquid facit in domo Domini sui, Dominus ratum et firmum habet. — Nee ad hoc eum Oidinis dignitas authenticat, sed charitas per Spiritum Sanctum diffusa in corde. — Immo nee sexus femineus obstat, quin si fidelis et prudens charitatem babeat difl'usam in corde suo, possit et ipse conformiter sentire, judicare, favere, diffinire divino judicio. Of purgatory : De purgatorio, p. 829: Purgatorium ignis est, qui interioiis hominis sordes etiam carne soluti comi- tantes purgat potius, quam torquet. — Has maculas intcllectualis discipline ignis secundum Apostolum (1 Cor. iii. 11 seq.) probat, — et lignum, foenum, stipulam exurit, donee super unicum, verum, solum et solidum fundamentum, Jesum Christum, nihil remanet supera;dificatum, nisi argentum, aurum, lapides pretiosi. P. 834: Sunt igitur (defuncti) in tali statu, quern si sciremus gauderemus. In statu igitur non misero, non sub virga lictoris, aut in igne pra;parato Diabolo et angelis ejus, sed sub disciplina Patris instituentis, et eorum quotidiano profectu gaudentis. P. 846. Thesis 33 : Quod Christi Evangelium est solum, verum, prascipuum pur- gatorium, licet etiam alia minus principaliter possint rationabiliter tolerari. 34. Quod idem ergo verum purgatorium est paradisus, sed amanti tanto amarior, quanfo magis ipse purgalior divino amore flagrant. 35. Hunc flagrantis animae ardorem et amaritudinem ego puto verum, postremum et perfectissimum purgatorium. 392 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. of a reform was very general.!^ It is not surprising that the wish should often have ripened into a hope, and this into confident expec- tation, and this again have expressed itself in prophecy .-« '3 See § 135, notes 27 and 28. Guiliebnus Badaus de asse et partihus ejus. (Paris. 1514. fol.) inveiirhs, fol. 146 seq., most bittei-l> against the corruption ot the clergy and the Pope. fol. 150 b. : Quid vinea Domini, nonne ita degeneravit in labruscas, ut prinio quoque tempore repastinanda videatui-, et ex situ et carie negligentia; pastino quodam rcstituenda censure .' Cerle nianuin poscit et flagitat solertis et industiii vinitoris, qui palniites fructuarios et niunilices a panipinariis internoscat, etc. Fol. 152 : Status civitatis orthodoxte e sede severitatis et disci- plinae convulsus manum quandam Patoniain poscit, ut apte et placide in earn reponatur, et luxata Ecclesias membra in artus suos redeant. Sic fiet, ut principes EcclesifE non auro obryzo, non argentea supellectili, non opimis obventionibus et numeiosis titulis ()])uni suarum niagnitudinem metiantur, qu;e gazas Kegum pro- vocare, non divitias priscoruui antislitum »mulari videntur: sed bonis intei-nis, sed copia doctriniE, sed iis anima; Christo desponsae dotibus, qua,' in cordis scriniolis tanquam in gazophylaciis mystici fani conduntur. -" Melancthon in Apologia Conf. Aug. XIII. de votis Monasticis (ed. Rechen- berg, p. 276) : Apud nos in oppido Thuringiaj Isenaco Franciscanus quidam fuit ante annos tiiginta, Johannes Hilten, qui a suo sodalitio conjectus est in carcerem propterea, quod quosdam notissinios abusus reprehenderat. Vidimus enim ejus scripta, ex quibus satis intelligi potest, quale fuerit ipsius doctrine genus. — Is multa pi-asdixit, quoe partim evenerunt hactenus, partim jam videntur impendere. (His work Comm. in Apocalypsin et textum Uanielis, quantum concordat cum Apocalyp-ii, vel earn supplet, from which there are some extracts in AJelch. Adami vitaj Theologorum, p. 2 seq., showing at once what direction he took. He reckoned the end of the world in A. D. 1651). — Sed postrenio, cum vel propter astatem, vel propter squalorem carceiis in niorbum iucidisset, accersivit ad se Guardianum, ut suam valctudinem illi indicaret, cumque Guardianus accensus odio Pharisaico duriter objurgare hominem propter doctrinte genus, quod videbatur olficere culinse, coepisset, tum iste omissa jam mentioue valetudinis ingemiscens iinjuit, se has injurias tequo animo pi'opter Christum toierare, cum quidein nihil scripsisset aut docuisset, quod labefaclare statum Monachorum posset, tantum notos quosdam abusus reprehendisset. Sed alius quidem, inquit, veniet anno Dom. MDXVI., qui destruet vos, nee poteritis ei resistere. Hanc ipsam sententiam de inclina- tione regni Monachoi'um, et hunc annorum numerum postea etiam repererunt ejus amici per'scripfum a!) ipso in commentariis suis inter annotaliones, quas reliquerat in certos locos Danielis. It was related of Andreas Pi-oles, Piiorof the convent Himmel-^pforte near VVernigerode, and Provincial of the Augustines ('f 1503), by an old monk in the convent, in a conversation with Flacius (see Catal. test, verit. ed. Francof. 1666. p. 849): Ab ipso sa-pe audivi inter praelegendum hfee verba: Jluditis, //aires, testimonium scripturas sancice, quod gratia suimis quicquid sumus, et gratia habemus quicquid hahemus. Unde igitur tanttB tenebrcB, et horrendcB superstitiones? O fratres, res Christiana opus habet forti et magna reformatione, quam quidem jam prope instare video. Qua;rentibus fratribus, quare ipse non inciperet reformalioneu), ac erroribus sese opponeret, respondebat : Videtis, fratres, me esse oRtate grandcevum, corpore et viribus debilem, et agnosco, me non esse prceditum tanta doctrin.a,industria et eloquentia, quantam hcec res postulat. Sed excitabit Dominus heroem cetate, viribus, indusiria, doc- trina, ingenio et eloquentia prcBslantem., qui reformationem incipiet, erroribus- que sese opponet : ei Deus aiiimum dabit, ut Mngnatibus contradicere ausit ; et ipsius ininisterium salutare Dei beneficio comperietis. Solitus est etiam saepe dicere inter pra;legendum : Regnum PapcB magnam minatur ruinam, quia nimis alte et nimis cito crevit. Luther also relates of Proles in the work " Von den neuen Eckischen Bullen und Lilgen," Tom. I. Jenens. f. 359, that seeing a portr'ait of D. John Zachai-ia, in which he was decorated with a rose in token of his services in bringing about the condemnation of Huss, he said, " Ah ! I should not wish to carry a rose that had such thorns." Compare the Leben des Andreas Proles, eines Zeugen der Wahrheit vor Luthero, besclirieben von M. Gottfr. S c h a t z e . Leipzig, 1744. 8vo. Chap. V. Reformers. § 153. Humanists. 393 <§> 153. EFFECTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LETTERS. The reviving study of ancient literature now furnished means for the due investigation of the state of the church, which the Scho- lastics had been wholly without. ^ As early as the 14th century the attention of literary men had been directed to the works of the old Roman poets by Dante and Petrarch, and Boccacio had recommended the study of the Greeks ; but these studies were first established on a permanent basis by the labors of John of Ravenna, teacher of Latin in Padua and Florence (t before 1420), and Emanuel Chryso- loras, teacher of Greek at Florence and Pavia (f 1415). The fall of Constantinople and the extinction of the Greek empire compelled many of the learned men of that nation to seek a refuge in Italy (from 1420-1430: George of Trapezuntum f 14S4, John Argyro- pulus t 1486, Theodorus of Gaza t 1478: during the Council of Florence 1438: Bessarion -f 1472, George Gemistius Pletho, who in 1441 returned to Greece: after the fall of Constantinople 1453: Emanuel Moschopulus, Constantine Laskaris, Demetrius Chalkondy- las). Their partiality to the literature of their native land aroused the emulation of the Italians, and there appeared about this time a number of learned men in Italy, distinguished by their knowledge both of Latin and Greek literature: Gaspar t 1431, John Aurispa t 1459, Guarinus t 1400, Leonardus Brunus Aretinus *t 1444, Pog- gius t 1459, Francis Philadelphus f 1481, Laurentius Valla t 1456, Nicholas Perottus "f 1480, Christopher Landinus t 1504, Philip Beroaldus the older t 1504, Hermolaus Barbarus t 1493, Angelus Politianus t 1494. Many of the Italian princes made it their pride to patronize the liberal arts, especially the Medici at Florence, (Cosmo from 1429-1464, and Lorenzo from 1469-1492), Al- phonso V. king of Arragon and Naples from 1442- 1458, and Pope Nicholas V. from 1447-14.55, and thus in the course of the 15th century these studies were held in high repute, and had been carried very far. The great benefit supposed to be derived from the study of the ancients was the cultivation of the taste, and in pursuing this it was not heeded how great must be the influence of this often extravagant love of the ancients in weakening men's attachment to the church ; nor, on the other hand, what means as well as excitement were thus furnished to perilous investigations of the prevailing doctrines and ^ E. Meiners Lebensbeschreibungen berQhmter Manner aiis den Zeiten der Wiederherstellung der Wissenschaften. 3 Bilnde. Ziliich 1795-97. 8vo. A. H. L. Heeren Gesch. der classischcn Literatur im Mittelalter. 2 Theile (new ed. in his liistorical works, Th. 4 u. 5. Gottinjien, 1822). Th. 1. S. 316 ff. D. H. A. Erhard Gesch. des Wiedei-autbliihens wisscnscliaftl. Bildung, vor- nehmlich in Teulschland bis zuni Anfange der Reform. 3 Bde. Magdeburg, 1827-32. 8vo. VOL. III. 50 394 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409—1517. views. The Italian Humanists* avoided carefully the appearance of any bearing of the studies in which they were encraged on Theology, except in the case of Laureritius Vallu,'^ who (f 1450) showed by seveTul examples the dangerous influence which these antiquarian investigations might have on the received opinions. The New-Platonists, formed in the school which Cosmo de Medici had founded in Florence A. D. 1440, under the guidance of Gemistius Pletho,^ adopted a kind of Syncretism, in which was mingled the most various superstitions, though for the most part adhering to the system of the church ; ^ on which, however, by its independence, and its internal life, it could not fail to exert some influence.^ Opposed to them, on the other [Those who founded all progress on the study of the ancient languages were called Humanists. See Conversations Lexicon. Tr.] 2 Of whom see Tiraboschi storia della letteratura italiani VI. II. p. 301 seq. Heeren Th. 2. S. 243 ff. He relates himself how he was denounced by the clergy on account of certain philosophical writings, in which he had defended the doctrines of Epicurus, and said some things that were deemed objectionable con- cerning the freedom of the will. He then shows that the supposed correspond- ence between Christ and Abgarus was not genuine ; and that the usual account of the origin of the Apostles' Creed was not true. His most important work is De ementita Constantini donatione declaniatio ad Papam. — Opera. Basil. 1543. fol. 3 K. Sieveking Gesch. d. platon. Academie zu Florenz. Gottingen, 1812. Hee ren Th. 2. S. 41. ^ T e n n e m a n n ' s Gesch. der Philosophic, Bd. 9. S. 138 ff. The most dis- tinguished was Marsilius Ficinus, teacher of the academy in Florence (f 1499, see J. G. Schelhorn de vita, moribus et scriptis Mars. Fie. in his Amoenitatt. liter. I. p. 37), and John Picus, count of Mirandula {■f 1494, see his life by his nephew Jo. Franc. Picus, prefixed to their 0pp. Basil, 1573 and 1601. 2 Bde. fol. M e i - ners Lebensbeschreibungen. Bd. 2. S. 3 ff.). Jo. Picus at first included the Jewish Cabbala in this Syncretism ; he says of those writings Apologia 0pp. I. p. 82: Hos ego libros non mediocri impensa mihi cum comparassem summa diligen- tia, indefessis laboribus cum perlegisscm, vidi in illis (testis est Deus) religionem non tam Mosaicarn, quam Christianam ; ibi Trinitatis mysterium, ibi verbi incarna- tio, ibi MessiK divinitas, ibi de peccato originali, de illius per Christum expiatione, de coelesti Hierusalem, de casu Da^monum, de ordinibus Angelorum, de purgato- riis, de inferorum poenis eadem legi, qua apud Paulum et Dionysium, apud Hieronymum et Augustinum quotidie legimus. In his vero, quae spectant ad philosophiam, Pythagoram prorsus audias et Platonem, quorum deci-eta ita sunt tidei Christianae affinia, ut Augustinus noster immensas Deo gratias agat, quod ad ejus manus pervenerint libri Platonicorum. * This was seen especially in the 900 Theses, which Joh7i Picus, then only 24 years old, sent every where in A. D. 1486, that they might be publicly dis- cussed at Rome. The impression produced in Rome by this measure he himself describes in his Apologia 0pp. I. p. 76 : Aliqui philosophiam et literas omnino carpere, illud etiam (ut viderentur scioli) quandoque addentes, ejectum Adam de Paradiso, quod per scientiam boni et mali tcqualem se Diis facere voluit: extermi- nandos pari exemplo de Christi curia, qui volunt sapere plus quam oportet. — Ex his autem, qui sapientiam, i. e. theologia; studium, protitebantur, quidam fuere, qui conviciis forte levioribus non contenti, non jam audacem me, non temerarium, non gloriosum, sed magum, sed iir.pium, sed novum in Christi Ecclesia ha?resiai'cham prasdicarent. The following 13 Theses were rejected, 0pp. I. p. 42: I. Christus non veraciter, et quantum ad realem prssentiain descendit ad inferos, ut ponit Thomas et communis via, sed solum quoad effectum. II. Peccato mortali finiti temporis non debetur poena infinita secundum teiiipus, sed finita fantum. III. Nee crux Christi, nee ulla imago adoranda est adoralione latri;i?, etiam eo modo, quo ponit Thomas. IV. Non assentior communi sententi;E theologorum dicentium, posse Deum quamlibet naturam suppositare, sed de rationali tantum hoc concede. Chap. V. Reformers. § 153. Humanists. 395 hand, were those wlio adopted the system of Aristotle/' and who were thereby led to a dangerous spirit of skepticism^ This spirit, fed by a partial and imperfect criticism, and a contempt for every thing but philology, soon spread to many of the Italian Humanists, lead- ing them in some instances to question the most universally acknow- ledged truths,'^ though they at the time kept up scrupulously their V. Nulla est scientia, quse nos magls cerllficet de divinitate Chiisti, quam Magia et Cabala. VI. Si teneatur communis via de possibilitate suppositatioriis in re- spectu ad quamcunque cj-eaturam, dico, quod sine conversione panis in corpus Christi, vel paueictatis ainiiliilalione potest fieri, ut in altaii sit corpus Christ! secundum veritatem sacramenii Eucharistiae : quod sit dictum loquendo de possi- bili, non de sic esse. VII. Rationabiiius est credere Originem esse salvum, quam credere ipsum esse damnatum. VIII. Dico probabiliter, et nisi esset communis modus dicendi theologorum in oppositum, firmiter asserem : assero tamen hoc dictum in se esse probabile, et est quod, sicut nullus opinatur aliquid ita esse praecise, quia vult sic opinari, ita nullus credit aliquid esse verum praecise, quia vult credere id esse verum. IX. Qui dixerit, accidens existere non posse, nisi inexistat, Eucharistia; poterit sacramentum tenere, etiam tenendo, panis substan- tiam non remanere, ut tenet communis via. X. Ilia verba, " Hoc est corpus," etc., qu« in consecratione dicuntur, materialiter tenentur, non significative. XI. Mira- cula Christi non ratione rei facta;, sed ratione modi faciendi, sueb divinitatis argu- mentum certissimum sunt. XII. Magis improprie dicitur de Deo, quod sit intel- lectus vel intelligens, quam de anima ralionali, quod sit Angelas. XIII. Nihil intelligit actu et distiucte anima, nisi se ipsam. ^ See the controversy on the comparative excellence of Plato and Anstotle in Tennemann, Bd. 9. S. 54 flf. ; S. 63 AT. ' Which may be seen in the example of Petrus Pomponatius, teacher of philosophy in Padua and Bologna, >f 1526. In his works De immortaUlate animae, De fato, libero arbitrio, prajdestinatione et providentia, he calls the immortality of the soul, the eternity of the world, and of Piovidence, philosophical problems; always taking care to add, however, that he submits to the creed of the church. See Tennemann, Bd. 9. S. 64 If. ** MarsiUus Facinus in pra;f. ad Plotinura : Nos ergo in theologis superioribus apud Platonein et Plotinum traducendis et explanandis elaboravimus, ut hac theo- legia in lucem prodeunte et poetas desinant gesta mysteriaque pietatis impie fabulis suis annumerare, et Peripatetic! quam plurimi, id est philosophi pene omnes, ammoneantur, non esse de religione saltem communi tanquam de anilibus fabulis sentiendum. Totus enim ferme terrarum orbis a Peripateticis occupatus in duas plurimum sectas divisus est, Alexandrinam et Averroicam. 111! quidem, intellec- tum nostrum esse mortalem existimant, hi vero unicum esse contendunt. Utrique religionem omnem funditus aeque tollunt, prajsertim quia divinam circa homines providentiam negare videntur, et ulrobique a suo etiam Aristotele defecisse, cujus mentem hodie pauci — ea pietate, qua Theophrastus olim et Themistius — interpretantur. Si quis autem putet, tam divulgatam impietatem, tamque acribus munitam ingeniis, sola quadam simplici praedicatione fide! apud homines posse deleri, is a vero longius aberrare palam re ipsa procul dubio convincetur. Majore admodum hie opus est potestate, id autem est vel divinis miraculis ubique patenti- bus, vel saltem philosophica quadam religione, philosophis eam libentius audituris quandoque persuasura. These two errors were so general that the Council of the Lateran, A. D. 1513, considered it expedient expressly to declare against them, see Sess. VIII. (Cone. ed. Lubbei et Cossartii XIV. p. 1S7) : Cum diebus nostris, quod dolentcr referimus, zizania; seininator, antiquus human! generis hostis, non- nullos perniciosissimos errores a fidelibus semper explosos in agro Domini super- seminare et augere sit ausus, de natura pra-sertim anima; rationalis, quod videlicet mortalis sit, aut unica in cunctis hominibus ; et nonnulli temere philosophantes, secundum saltem philosophiani verum id esse, asseverent : contra hujusmodi pestem opportuna remedia adhibere cupientes, hoc sacro approbante Concilio dam- namus et reprobamus omnes asserentes animam intellectivam raortalem esse, aut 396 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. external adherence to the church. They ventured no farther than to attack the scholastic piiilosophy, wliich was in fact the chief prop of the church, ridiculing its barbarous epithets,'-^ and its mistaken rever- unicam in cunctis hominibas, et h^c in dubium vertentes. — Cumque veruiii vero minime contradlcat, oinneni assertionem veritati illuminatffi fidci contrariani ornnino falsam essedetiniinus, et ut aliter dogmalizare non liceat, districtius inhibemus; om- nesque hujusniodi eiroiis assertionibus inhsrentes — iit dctestabiles et abominabiles ha;reticos et ititideles vitandos et puniendos fore deceriiimus. Insuper omnibus et singulis philosopbis in univeisitatibus studiorum generaliuni — distiicte praecipiendo mandamus, ut cum philosopiiorum principia aut conelusiones, in quibus a recta fide deviare noscuntur, auditoribus suis legetint seu explanaverint, quale hoc est de aniniffi mortalitate aut unitate, et mundi a-ternitale, ac alia liujusmodi, teneantur eisdem veritatem religionis Christiana- omni conatu inanifestam facere, et persua- dendo pro posse docere, ac omni studio hujusniodi philosophorum argumenta, cum omnia solubilia existant, pro viribus excludere atquc resolvcre. See too wliat was said in Italy of the Popes, in Jo. Fr. Pici de lide et oi-dine credendi theorema IV. 0pp. II. p. 177 : alium meminimus Pontilicem creditum et ordinatum, quem tamen ppiestantes viri putarent, nee Pontilicem eum esse, nee esse posse, utpote qui nullum Deum credens omnem inlidelitatis culmen excederet ; pessimaque ejus opera in coemendo Pontificatu, in omnigenis sceleribus exercendis id ipsura tesla- bantur, sed et pessima quoque dicta contirmabant. Namque fassuin eum nffirma- batur domeslicis quibusdam, nullum se Deum aliquando, etiam duni pontiliciam sedem teneret, credidisse : et alium audivi Pontilicem summum, qui vivens fami- liari cuidam aperuerat, apud se animarum immortalitatem. minime creditam, mor- luus vero eidem per vigiliam apparuit divino judicio manifestans, se, quam mortalem crediderat animam, iminortalem tum maxirno cum damno et perpeluis cum ignibus experiri. So too in his vita Savonarolee in Batesius, p. 112. see § 152, note 5. What Leo X. is reported to have said to his private secretary, Peter Benjbo, would not therefore be without precedent (MorncEi liist. Papains. Salmur. 1611. p. 820) : Quantum nobis nostrisque ea de Christo fabula profuerit, satis est onmibus sjeculis notum. Erasmi responsio nervosa ad Albertuni Pium, Piincipem Carpen- sem, in v. d. Hardt hist. lit. Reform. I. p. 173 : Qui divina derideant, flicilius invenies in Italia apud tui ordinis homines, atque adeo in ilia laudatissima Roma, quam apud nos. Idem. lib. XXVI. ep. 34. ad Augustinum Eugubinum (0pp. ed. Cleric. III. II. p. 1382) : At ego Romie his auribus audivi quosdam abominan- dis blasphemiis debacchantes in Christum, et in illius Apoitolos, idquc multis raecum audientibus, et quidem impune. Ibidem multos !iovi, qui commemorabant, .se dicta horrenda audisse a quibusdam sacerdotibus auls Pontihcia? ministris, idque in ipsa Missa, tarn clare, ut ea vox ad mulforum aures pervenerit. Id. ad Guolf- gangnm Fabricium Capitonem (1. c. III. I. p. 1S9) : Omnia niihi pollicentur, rem (bonarum literarum) fidicissime successuram : unus adhuc scrupulus habet animuni meum, ne sub obtentu priscae lileratura; renascentis caput eiigere conetur Paganis- mus, ut sunt et inter Chrislianos, qui titulo pene duntaxat Christum agnoscunt, caeterum intus gentilitatem spirant: aut ne renascentibus Hebraeorum Uteris Ju- daismus meditetur per occasionem reviviscere, qua peste nihil adversius, nihilque infensius inveniri potest doctrinse Christi. Sic enim fert natura rerum humanarum, ut nullius unquam boni tanta fuerit felicitas, quin hujus prajtextu mali quippiam simul conaretur irrepere. Compare Henke in Villers Versuch ilber den Geist und den Einfluss der Reformat. Lutliers fibers, v. Cramer. 2tc Autl. Hamb. 1828. Abthl. 2. S. 60 ff. ^ Harmolaus Barbarns Ep. ad Jo. Picum Mirandulae (in Angeli Politiani Epistt. lib. IX. Ep. 3) expresses the common notion of the Humanists on the subject: Neque enim inter auctores latinas lingua? numero Gei-manos istos et Teutonas (i. e. barbarians), qui ne viventes quidem vivebant, nediim ut exstincli vivant, aut si vivunt, vivunt in poenam et contumeliam. Appellantur enim vulgo sordidi, rudes, inculti, barbaii. Quis malit sic esse, quam piorsus non esse ? Atenim utile aliquid dixerunt, valuere ingenio, doctrina, bonarum rerum copia : non nego penitus, quod et possum negare : sed sermo nitidus et elegans, saltern purus et castus, qualis vel in auctoribus christianis graecis latinisque perspicitur, laudem et memoriam sem- piternam scriptoribus oonciliat, nisi quis pictorem, et excusorem, et statuarium, et Chap. V. Reformers. ^ 153. Humanists. 397 ence of Aristotle. Paulus Cortesius, a secretary of the Pope, was the first who attempted to present the Catholic system of faith in a classic dress, i*^ but succeeded only in showing that the servile imita- tion of the ancients might lead as easily to offences against good taste, as to skepticism in doctrine. ^"^ In Germany the study of the ancients led to widely different results as regarded its effect on Theology. These studies were first intro- duced in the schools of the Brethren of the Common Life.^- In these schools every thing was valued according to its influence on religion, in which light therefore this new source r)f knowledge was chiefly regarded ; and this view, so well suited to the earnest religious cha- racter of the nation, continued to be held by most of the German cseteros opifices laudari posse .judicet lioc solo, quod niagni constet et preciosa sit materia, circa quam versentur. Picus attempts in his answer to defend the Scho- lastics (1. c. Ep. 4) : Perdiderim, ego inquam, apud Thomam, Joannem Scotum, apud Albertum, apud Aveiroem meliores anno.-!, tantas vigilias, quibus potuerim in bonis literis Ibrtasse nonnihil esse ? He seeks to show non defuisse illis sapientiam, si defuit eloquentia, quam cum sapientia non conjunxisse, tantuni ibitasse abest culpa, ut conjunxisse sit nefas. Hermolaus replies (1. c. Ep. 5) : Illud sane plurimum nie delectat, quod sub specie defensionis exitialiter jugulas quos defendis: prinium quod hostes eloquentia; tueri se nisi per eloqucntes viros non possunt; quasi man- cipia, quasi bruta, deinde quod, si te patrono, te vindice, te advocato non elabun- tur, neque colluctari, neque tergiveisari prasterea poterunt. Proinde ab amicis, quos habeo Patavii, certior factus sum, apologiam tuam, quae Scytharum et Teu- tonum est inscribi coepta, — molestissimam accidisse majori eorum parti quos defendis, aliis aliter factum tuum interpretanlibus. — Ad qus si qui sunt ex illis paulo minus asini, volehani dicere a^«i;a-o/, auriculas tantum movent : casteri diffu- giunt, i-espuunt, detestantur. Quorum e numero unus aliquis a Gymnasio Patavino (nihil contingo. Pice, ridicuiam omnino, sed veram historian! denarro) audaculus et insolens, cujusmodi fere sunt, qui literas humaniores et odio et ludibrio habent, Picus, inquit iste quisquis est, grammaticus opinor, par\(J ])edi calceos magnos circumdedit. — Ecquis est, inquit, tain stolidus, — qui patronum hunc egregium cum altero, quisquis est, nefario grammatista colludere non intelligat .' etc. '" Paulus Cortesius in Sententias. Qui in hoc opera eloquentiara cum theo- logia conjunxit. Roms, 1512. fol. " Erasmus Ep. ad Jo. Vergaram, 1527 (0pp. III. I. p. 1015), says on this sub- ject: Prffiterea fervet illic (Homa?) Paganismus quorundam, quibus nihil placet nisi Ciceronianuin : ac non Ciceronianum appellari multo probrosius esse ducunt quam appellari haereticum. Hos dictu mirum quam infensos habeam, quod non exprimam Ciceronem, quern baud scio an quisquam eorum exprimat. Ego certe nee affecto, et si affectarem tractans rem christianam, ridiculus essem. '^ Herm. Hnmehnann (Superintendent in Oldenburg) relatio hist, quomodo hominibus Westphalis potissimum debeatur, quod lingua latina et politiores artes per Germaniam sint restitute priori nitori. Lemgov. 15S0 (in his 0pp. genealogico- historica. Lemgov. 1711. 4to. p. 321) relates: cum Thomas a Kempis — suscepisset curam scholae Daventriensis, ecce in ea erant discipuli Rodulphus Agricola, Mauritius Comes Spiegelbergicas, Rodolpluis Langius, Antouius Liber Susa- tensis, Ludovicus Driugenhergius Padertornensis, Alexander Hegius et similes, lllos prasceptor, postquam audiret reflorescere studia in Italia, — plerosque horta- tur, ut se in Italiam recipei-ent, imo fuit suasor ditioribus tiibus, ut Comiti Mauritio et utrique Rodolpho. He then states tliat the study of the languages was thus introduced into Germany. — It is tiue that this account places Thomas a Kempis in a position which he never occupied (Delprat over de Broederschap van G. Groote, p. 280), still there is little doubt of the general correctness of the tradition. Compare Meiners Bd. 2. S. 308 ff. 398 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Humanists.i3 Not led, like the Italians, to indifference by their new insight into the corruptions of the church, as set forth by the earliest of their teachers, Rudolph Agricola of Heidelberg, t 1485, i-* they preferred to speak out honestly and boldly their more correct notions, in order, if possible, to bring about a reformation. In this, as well as in advancing the progress of the sciences generally, the newly invented art of printing (Mayence, A. D. 1440) ^^ was a most opportune assistance. One of the earliest to distinguish himself was John Reurhlin, from 150-2 Judge of the Suabian circle, 1520 Pro- fessor in Ingolstadt, t 1521, i^ who, though misled in part by his philosophic notions, ^^ yet was of use in showing how little the Scrip- tures were studied as they should be, and pointing out the means of improvement,!" as well as showing the defects of the usual mode of " This is evident also from the censures which Trithemius de laudibuss. Annee, c. 3, passed on them: Cointnoneo vos, o viri erudilione et scienfi.i literarum in- signes, devotionem simplicium non spernere, cultum sanctissims matris Anns quasi novum reprehendere, sod potius pro posse imitari. — Sunt namque inter vos, quod pace bonorum dixerim, qui typho superbiai intlati omnia devolionis simpli- cium exercitia despiciunt, Sanctorum miracula et exempla velut deliramenta contemnunt, nihilque sanctum admittendum existimant, quod Philosophorum argumentis non probant, revelationes omnes a Deo devotis hominihus ostensas mendacia vel somnia mulierum reputant, legendas Sanctorum fabulas appellant, et dum eruditionem suam teraere prasdicant, magna Dei opera impudenter oppug- nant. Tractatus quoque sanctorum patrum et devotorum hominum, qui Tullianam prae se non ferunt eloquentiam, tanquam erudilione carentes abjiciunt, et cffilestis eruditionis verba propter eruditionem simplicium contemnunt. — Rara est in eruditis devotio, quia, dum in profunditate suai conquisitffi doctrina; confidunt, a simplici devotione longius recedunt. — Temeraria igitin- ora obstruite, male disertas linguas cohibete, et nolite contra Dominum loqui mendacium, devotionem nolite lacerare simplicium, ne vobis grave reputetur in scandalum. '•• Jo. Saxo Holsat. orat. de vita Rud. Agricola; (in Melanchthonis Declara. T. I. p. 602) gives various passages from the letters of Gosvvin von Halen, a servant of Joh. Wessel (see § 152, note 17), showing his intimacy with Rudolph Agricola; e. g. he relates: Se familiaribus item et apertis eorum sermonibus sa'pius interfuisse, in quibus deplorarent Ecclesia; tenebras, reprehenderent pro- fanationem in Missis, et coelibatum ; etiam de justitia fidei disputarent, quid sit, quod Paulus toties inculcat, homines fide justos esse, non operibus ; illos aperte rejecisse Monachorum opinionem, quse contrarium fingeret ; item sensisse de humanis traditionibus, errare eos, qui affingunt illis opinionem cultus, et non posse violari judicant. '5 See especially C. A. S ch aab's Gesch. der Erfindung der Buchdrucker- kunst durch Joh. Gensfleisch gen. Guttenberg zu Mainz, pragmatisch aus den Quellen gearbeitet. 3 Bde. Mainz, 1830-31. 8vo. 18 Ph. Melanchthonis Oratio continens historiam Jo. Capnionis Phorcensis (in ej. Declamat. T. 111.). Vita Jo. Reuchlini descripta a J. H. Majo. Franco!', et Spirae 1687. 8vo. C. F. Schnurrer's Nachrichten von ehemal. Lehrern der hebr. Literatur in Tobingen. Ulm. 1792. 8vo. S. 6 ff. M e in e rs Bd. 1. S. 44 if. Erhard Bd. 2. S. 147 ff. Joh. Neuchlin u. s. Zeit von D. E. Th. Mayerhoff. Berlin 1830. 8vo. (comp. Fo r s t e m an n's Rec. in d. Berliner Jahrb. f. wissen- schaftl. Kritik 1832 Juni S. 923 ff.). "■ Comp. his works De verbo mirifico and De arte cabbalistica, see Erhard Bd. 2. S. 242 ff. Mayerhoff. S. 96 ff. 18 By his work De rudimentis hebraicis libb. III. Phorcs 1506. fol. (containing a dictionary and grammar) he laid the foundation for the study of the Hebrew lan- guage amongst Christians. Concerning his departure from received expositions, he says Prajf. in lib. III. p. 548: At gravius insurgent, credo, invidi contra dictionarium nostrum, in quo multorum frequenter interpretationes taxantur. Proh Chap. V. Reformers. § 153. Desiderius Erasmus. 399 preaching.i9 But it was Desiderius Erasmus, from A. D. 1516 in Basil, t 1536,"'^ wlio had the deepest insight into the corruptions of the church, both in government and doctrine, and was most success- ful by his able and attractive writings, such as the Enchiridion militis christiani (1503), and Moriaj encomium (1508), in spreading his views amongst the already large circle of his learned contempo- raries ; ~i whilst in his theological works he sought to lay a foundation scelus, exclamabunt, nihil indignius patrum memoria, nihil admissum cnidelius, cum ille homo audacissimus tot et tani sanctos viros divino spiritu afflatos labeiac- tare contendat. llieionymi beatissimi scriptuni Gelasio Papa teste recepta est in Ecclesia : venerabiUs pater Nicolaus de Lyra ordiiiari\is expositor BibHa? omnibus christifidehbus vir integerrimiis probatur. Jamjam exortus est abquis famulus qui plurimus in locis illos imperite ti-anstulisse notat. Quorum imminentibus ciamoiibus haec pauca respondeo, mihi licere quod eisdera illustrissimis luminibus licuit. Hieronymus, vir sanctus, LXX. carpit interpretes non semel, bis, terye, sed ssepissime numero : — quos tamen PtoleiiiKus Alexandria; Rex divina credidit virtute transtulisse. — Nicolaus item de Lyra divum Hieronymum in translations sua ostendit reprehensibilem : — ipsemet vero Nicolaus, ut a;qualein niensuram pateretur, simile a rev. Burgensi Episcopo frequentibus cum notis, invito etiam nescio quo I'ratre Doringo ferre coactus est. Sed quid pluribus erit opus .' Ille idem divus Hieronymus in translalione sua seipsum errasse fatetur in commentariis super Isaiam cap. XIX. — Cur igitur in iis, quse ad interpretandi modum artemque grammaticam et ad veritatem idiomatis spectant, me quociue non deceret in lucem producere, quid cum doctissimis Hebrajorum sentirem, quippe ad quos etiam eodem Hieronymo teste confugiendum est, quoties in vetei-e Testamento controvei-sia movetur. Quanquam enim Hieronymum sanctum veneror ut Angelum, et Lyram colo ut magistrum ; tamen adoro vei-itatem ut Deum. *^ Liber congestorum de arte prsdicandi. PhorciE, 1504. 4to. ^^ See the Compendium vitfe Erasmi, written by himself, and sent to Conr. Goclenius, and Erasmi vita by Beatus Rhenanus, in the dedication of Erasn)us' works to the emperor Charles V., both prefixed to Erasmi opp. ed. Cleiic. T. I. and in Batesii vita? selectorum virorum. p. 1S7 seq. — Vie d'Ei-asme par Burigny. 2 voll. ii Paris 1757. 8vo. Erasmus v. Rotterdam nach s. Leben und Schriften von S. Hess. Zwei Halften, Zilrich 1790. A. Mailer's Leben des Erasmus v. Rotterdam, Hamburg 1828. 8vo. PLrhard Bd. 2. S. 461 ff. Erasmi opp. ed. B. Rhenanus. Basil. 1540. IX voll. fol. ed. (Jo. Clericus). Lugd. Bat. 1703 seq. XI voll. fol. 21 The Colloquia familiaria date from a period later than the beginning of the reformation, and bear marks of the influence exerted on Erasmus by that event. The purjjose of the Enchiridion he thus himself describes, Ep. ad Jo. Coletum (Opp. HI., I. p. 95): Enchiridion non ad ostentationem ingenii aut eloquentias conscripsi, varum ad hoc solum, ut mederer errori vulgo religionem constituentium in ceremoniis, et observationibus pene plusquam Judaicis rerum corporalium ; ea quse ad pietatem pertinent mire negligentiuni. How he accomplished this the following may serve for an example. The fourth canon for a Christian life, which he gives in the Enchiridion is (Opp. T. V. p. 25) : ut toties vits tua; Christum velut unicum scopum pra-figas, ad quern unum omnia studia, omnes conatus, omne otium ac negotium conferas. Christum veio esse puta non vocem inanem, sed nihil aliud, quam caritatem, simplicitatem, pafientiam, puritatem, breviter quid- quid ille docuit. Diabolum nihil aliud intellige, quam quidquid ab illis avocat. Under this head he observes e. g. : Sunt qui cerfos Divos certis quibusdam colunt cei'emoniis. Alius Christophorum singulis salutat diebus, sed non nisi conspecta ejus imagine : quo tandem spectans .' Ncn)pe hue, quod sibi persuaserit, sese eo die a mala morte tutum fore. Alius Rochum quendam adorat : sed cur.' Quod ilium credat pestem a corpore depellei-e. Alius Barbara?, ant Georgio cei-tas pre- culas admurinurat, ne in manus hostium veniat. Hie jejunal Apollonifc, no doleant denies. Ille visit divi Job simulacra, ul scabie careal. Nonnulli de lucro certam portionem pauperibus nuncupant, ne merces naufragio intercidant. Hieroni 400 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. cereolus accenditur, ut res qua; periit recipiatnr. In summa, ad hunc modum, quot res sunt quas vel timemus vel cupinms, tolidem iis Divos pra;fecirnus, qui et ipsi diversis nationibus diversi sunt, ut id apud Gallos valeat Paulus, quod apud nostrates Hieron, neque passim id valeat Jacobus aut Joannes, quod illo atque illo loco. Qua; quidem pietas, nisi a respectu coinniodoruni atque incom- modoium corporaliuni ad Christum referatur, a Deo Christiana non est, ut non ita multuiu absit a superstitione eorum, qui quondam Herculi decimam bono- rum partem vovebant, ut ditescerent, aut ^sculapio gallum, ut a morbo revales- cerent, aut qui Neptuno taurum caidebant, ut feliciter navigarent. Nomina quidem commutata sunt, sed titiis utrisque communis. In the Encomium Moriae he says e. %. (Ojip. T. IV. p. 443): Illud hominuin genus baud dubie totum est nostra; farinae, (jui miraculis ac prodigiosis gaudcnt mendaciis, vel audiendis vel narrandis. — Atque ha;c quidem non modo ad levandum horarum taedium mire couducunt, vcrum etiam ad quasstum pertinent, i)r;ecipue Sacriticis et Conciona- toribus. His rursum adiines sunt ii, qui sibi stullam quidem, sed tamen jucundam persuasioneui induerunt, futurum,ut, si ligneum aut pictum aliquem Polyphemum Christophorum adspexcrint, eo die non sint perituri. — Nam quid dicam de iis, qui sibi fictis scelerum condonationibus suavisjv xafia^imv »h xtH7>, nee hanc anagyrim tangere, utpote Chap. V. Rfformcrs. § 153. Desiderius Erasmus. 401 genus homimim mire superciliosuin atqiie irritabile, ne forte (urmatiin sexcentis con- clusionibus adoiiantur, el ad palinoiliam adisant, quod si recusem, protinus hcereticatn clainitent. Nam illico sclent hoc terrere I'ulmine, si cui sunt parum propitii. Sane quamqiiam non alii sunt, qui minus libentcr agnoscant meam in so beneficentiam, tamen lii quoque non mediocribus nominibus obstricti sunt, dnni fclices sua pbilau- tia, peiinde quasi ipsi teitium incolant cuelum, ita reliquos mortaieis onineis ut hunii reptantes pccudes e sublimi despiciunt, ac piope commiserantur, duni tanto ma°;istralium definitionuni, conclusionum, corollariorum, piopositionum explicita- runi et iraplicitarum agmine septi sunt, tot exuberant x^rKrfuyiTms, ut nee Vulcanus vinculis sic possint irretiri, quin elabantur distiuctionibus, quibus nodos omneis adeo facile secant, ut non Tenedia bipennis melius : tot nuper excogitatis yocabulis, ac prodigiosis vocibus scatent. — In quibus omnibus tantum est eruditionis, tantum dirticultatis, ut existimem ipsis Apostolis alio spiritu opus fore, si cogantur hisce de rebus cum hoc novo Theologorum genere conserere manus. Pauhis fidem prae- stare potuit : at idem cum ait: fides est substantia rerum sperandarwn, argu- mentum non apparentiuin, parum magistraliter definivit. Item ut cantatem optima pra-stitit, ita parum dialectice vel dividit, vel finit in priore ad Cor. epistola, c. xiii, etc. Of the useless questions of the Scholastics compare his Annot. in 1 Tim. I. 6. See above, § 143, note 7. P. 481: Principum quidem institutuin summi Pontilices, Cardinales, et Episcopi jam pridein gnaviter a;mulantur, ac pro|)e superant. Porro si quis perpendat, quid linea vestis admoneat, niveo candore insignis, nempe vitam undiquaque inculpatam ; quid sibi velit niitra bicornis, puta Novi pariter et Vcteris Instrumenti absolutam scientiam ; — haec, inquam, atque id genus multa si quis perpendat, nonne tristem ac solllcitam vitam egeiit? Atnunc'belle faciunt, cum sese pascunt, ca^erum ovium curam aut ipsi Christo mandant, aut in Fratres, quos vocant, ac vicarios rejiciunt. Neque vel nominis sui recordantur, quid sonet Episcopi vocabulum, nempe laborem, curam, sollicitu- dinem. Verum in irretiendis pecuniis plane Episcopos agunt, oil' aXaoirxiivin. Jam summi Pontilices, qui Christi vices gerunt, si concntur ejusdem vitam ttmu- lari, nempe paupertatem, labores, doctrinam, crucein, vita; contemptum, si vel Papa;, i. e. patris nomen, vel Sanctissimi cognomen cogitent : quid erit in terris afflictius .' aut quis eum locum omnibus emat facultalibus ; emptum gladi6, veneno omnique vi tueatur ? Quantum his abstulerit commoditatum, si scmel incessiverit sapientia .' Sapientia dixi .' imo vel mica salis illius, cujus meminit Christus. — At nunc fere, si quid laboris est, id Petro et Paulo retinquitur, quibus abunde satis est otii. Porro si quid splendoris aut voluptalis, id sibi sumunt. Atque ita tit raea quidem opera, ut nullum pa?ne hominum genus vivat mollius, minusque sollicitum, ut qui abunde Christo satisfactum existiment, si mystico ac panie scenico ornatu, cerimoniis, Beatitudinum, Reverentiarum, Sanctitatum titulis, et benedictionibus ac maledictionibus Episcopos agant. Priscum et obsoletum, nee horum omnino temporum, miracula edere : docere populum, laboriosum : sacras interpretari litteras, scholasticum : orare, otiosum : lacrymas fundere, miserum ac muliebre: egere, sordidum : vinci, turpe parumque dignum eo, qui vix Reges etiam summos ad pedum beatorum admittit oscula : denique inori, inamabile : tolli in crucem, infame. Restant sola ha;c arma ac benedictiones dulces, quarum meminit Paulus (Rom. xvi. 18), atque harum quidem sunt sane quam benigni, interdictiones, suspensiones, aggravationes, anathematizationes, ultrices picturs, ac fulmen illud territicum, quo solo nutu mortalium animas vel ultra tartara mittunt. Quod ipsum tamen sanctissimi in Christo patres, et Christi vicarii in nullos torquent acrius, quam in eos, qui instigante Diabolo patrimonia Petri minuere atque arrodere conantur. Cujus cum ha;c vox sit in Evangelio : reliquimus omnia, et sequuti sumus te, tamen hujus patrimonium appellant agros, oppida, vecligalia, portitoria, ditiones. Pro quibus dum zelo Christi accensi, ferro ignique dimicant, non absque plurimo Christiani sanguinis dispendio, tum demum Ecclesiam Cliristi sponsara sese credunt apostolice defendere, fortiter profligatis, ut vocant, hostibus. Quasi vero ulli sint hostes Ecclesia; perniciosiores, quam impii Pontilices, qui et silentio Christum sinunt abolescere, ct quajstuariis legibus alligant, et coactis interpreta- tionibus adulterant, et pesiilente vita jugulant. — P. 485 : Jam vero vulgus Sacer- dotum, nefas esse ducens, a Prssulum suorum sanctimonia degenerare, euge, quam militariter pro jure decimarum ensibus, jaculis, saxis, omnique armoruni vi bellio-erantur: quam hie oculati, si quid ex veterum litteris possint elicere, quo plebeculam territent, et plus quam decimas deberi convincant. At interim non VOL. III. 51 402 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. for a thorough reformation.22 Not less important were the hints venit in mcntein, qiiani niulta passim legantur de officio, quod ilii vicissim prae- stare populo debeant. Nee saltciii adinonet eos vertex rasus, Sacerdotein omnibus hujiis mundi eupiditatibus libeium esse oportcrc, neque quidquam nisi coelestia meditari. Sed homines suaves se suo officio probe peitunctos ajunt, si preculas illas suas iitcumque permurmurarint, quas n»e Heicule demiror si qiiis Deus vel audiat, vel intelligat, cum ipsi fere nee audiant, nee intelligant, tuni cum eas ore perstrepunt. " Here are to be reckoned his hibors on the New yestament, his editions of Cyprian and Jerome, and iiis translations of the works of Origen, Athanasius, and Cln-ysostom, and especially, Ratio vera' theologiw, Ecclcsiastes s. de ratione concio- nandi, and a Commentary on some Psalms, all contained in his 0pp. ed. Clerici, T. V. As a specimen of the progress he had made in theological knowledge, see tii-st his just remark on the manner in which the various dogmas and usages grew up in the Christian church, Annot. on Matth. xi. 30, juguni meum suave : Que- madmodum apud Judfeos legem per se molestam aggravabant hominum constitu- tiones, ita cavendum est etiam atque etiam, ne Christi legem, per se blandam ac levem, gravem et asperam reddant humanarum constitutionum ac dogmatum acces- siones. Queb sic primum obrepunt, ut vel tanquam pusilla negligantur, vel pietatis specie commendata libenter amplectantur etiam homines probi magis quani providi. Seniel recepta paulalim gliscunt augescuntque, donee in immensum aucta jam nolentes premant et obruant, seu consuetudinis, cujus violcnta tyrannis est, pre- sidio, seu Principum auctoritate, quod temere receptum est in suum emolumentum abutentium, mordicustpje retinentium. Quam pura, quam simplex fides a Christo nobis tradita, quam luiic simile symbolum, sive ab Apostolis ipsis, sive a viris apostohcis prodituni ! Huic delude multum adjunxit Ecclcsia. dissidiis Hsretico- rum dissecta vexataque : quorum etsi qusdam sunt, qua; citra fidei dispendium poterant omitti, tamcn pleraque videbantur etiamnum ad rem pertinere. Tot jam erant symbola, quot homines, nihilo melius bona; fidei signum, quam cum in con- tractibus res multis ac verbosis syngraphis agitur, qua; cum ad excludendas cap- tiones adhibeantur, quo circumspectius scripts sunt, hoc plus captionum solent fere gignere. Postremo res eo paulatim deducta est, ut Scholasticorum aliquot placita, quos articulos vocant, aut homunculorum quorundam nova quxnlam ad fastum comminiscentium vel opiniones, vel souuiia propcmodum asquentur articulis fidei apostolicas. Atque in his nee scholae diversfe, nee ejusdem schola; niystae inter se consentiunt : neque apud ipsos perpetua sunt, sed pro tempore mutantur. Et tamen ita primum irrepserunt, ut in scholis tantuni haberentur probabiles opiniones. Mox scholas parietes egresss in libros, ct in publicas adeo consciones eruperunt. Ac sa;penumero fit, ut quod semel utcunquo prodidit definiendi temeritas, con- firmet et augeat tuendi pertinacia. Sunt autem pleraque hujus generis, ut im- pium sit homini de his definire. Qualia fere sunt, quae de ratione essentia; divinas, deque distinctionc Personarum phllosophamur. — His proxima sunt, quse de ratione inysterioruu}, velut e coelo petita, pronunciamus : cum magis ad pietatem facial ex his excerpere, qua; ad vita; sanctimoniam conducant. Verum ha;c pro- nunciandi temeritas a Veteribus orta nunc longius progressa est, quam ut ferri possit. He then passes to the onus humanaium constitutionum, the multitude of hierarchs, qui reUgionis imagine personati, ventris agunt negotium, the innumer- able regulations concerning dress, fasts, festivals, vows, marriage, confession, serving only to oppress the people and enrich the clergy. In templis vix vacat Evangeliumintcrpretari. Concionis bona pars ad Commissariorum (the indulgence merchants) arbitrium consuuienda est. Nonnunquam ct sacrosancta Christi doc- trina aut supprimenda, aut ad illorum rem detorquenda. Ad ha;c qui modeste pii sunt, taciti secum ingemiscunt. Qui populi mails aluntur, et quorum interest Christi gregem — quam maxime servum esse et obnoxium, adeo non reclamant, ut modis omnibus exaggerent. Accedunt lis, qui vel ambiunt pra;mium aliquod obsequii, vel timent pv9-^riirKou;) vocant, quod veibum latine Relisiosos licet interpretari. Sacerdotes babent exunia sanctitate, eoque adniodum paucos. — Unus reliquis pr*ficitur. Eliguntur a populo, idque Cffiterorum ritu magistratuum, occultis, ad studia vitanda, sufTragiis : electi a sue coUegio consecrantur. Hi rebus divinis prassunt, religiones curant, ac morum veluti censores sunt. — Caeterum ut hortari atque admonere illorum est, ita coCr- cere atque in facinorosos animadvertere Principis atque aliorum est magistratuum, nisi quod sacris interdicunt quos improbe nialos comperiunt. Nee ullum fere supplicium est quod horreant magis : nam et summa percelluntur infamia, et occulto religionis metu lacerantur, ne corporibus quidem diu futuris in tutor quippe ni pioperara poenitentiam sacerdotibus approbcnt, comprehensi impietatis poenam senatui persolvunt. Pueritia juventusque ab illis eruditur, nee prior litte- rarum cura, quam morum ac virtutis habetur. — Sacerdotibus (ni Ibemins sint : nam neque ille sexus excluditur, sed rarius, et non nisi vidua natuque grandis eligifur) uxores sunt popularium sclectissima;. Neque enim ulli apiui Utopienses magistratui major habetur honos; usque adeo, ut, si quid etiam flagitii admiserint, nuUi publicojudicio subsint. Deo tantum ac sibi relinquuntur. — Religio quoniam non est ibi apud omnes eadem, ut universa; tamen ejus formJE, quanquam variae ac multiplices, in divina? natures cultum, velut in unijm tinem diversa via corn- migrant ; idcirco nibil in templis visitur auditurve, quod non quadrare ad cunctas in commune videatur. Si quod proprium sit cujusquam secta; sacrum, id intra domesticosquisque parietes curat. Publica tali peragunt ordlne, qui nulli prorsus ex privatis deroget: itaque nulla Decrum effigies in templo conspicitur, quo libe- rum cuique sit, qua forma Deum velit e sua religione concipere : nullum pecu- liare Dei nomen invocant, sed Mithrae duntaxat, quo vocabulo cuncti in unam divinfe majestatis naturam, qua;cunque sit ilia, con«pirant : nulla; concipiuntur preces, quas non pronunciare quivis inoffensa sua secta possit. All tbis cannot well be mere sport, as is supposed by Rudbardt, S. 156. The Utopians are not described as perfect men, but their customs are supposed to be such as are possi- ble amongst men as they are. That the author was in earnest is plain from the whole book, and equally so the application to the existing state of things: the Utopia closes thus : facile confiteor permulta esse in Utopiensium republica, quae in nostris civitatibus optarim verius quam sperarim. ^ Compare what is related by Reucblin of his appearance in Basil, 1478, in his Dedicat. libri de ace. et orth. ad Adrianum Card. (Vita Beuchlini descripta a J. H. Majo. p. 161) : Extra ordinem utriusque generis auctores publice docui. Atque id primum studio, magis ut grammatici quam elegantes habereniur. Quid enim requireres amplius ab hominibus, qui annos jam supra trecentos aliud nihil molie- bantur, quam ut barbari essent.' Unde cum loquendi vitio amor etiam et voluptas quffidam balbutiendi insederat. Sed prospere cessit. Magnae rei non frustra ad- moliti manum sumus, tametsi strenue refragarentur initio istius generis niagistri, quos hodie scilicet hostes patimur, quibus corruptissimo judicio et admirabili (tiXauria, tumentibus nihil prater fa;ces suas recte probatur. Jam usu res ex- splende'scebat, fiebatque, ut purius et scriberet et diceret juventus Germanica, idque me auspice. Dein le accessit Gra^carum literarum studium, sine quibus nemo sat politus censeri potest. Hisce ad philosophiam revocabamur Aristoteli- cam, quae nonnisi a Grscis hominibus proprie ac rite tradi solet. Hue aspirabant. 406 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. Pfefferkorn and the Dominicans in Cologne, on the question, whether the writings of the Jews ought to be burned, gave the signal for a general contest between the Scholastics and Humanists in Germany.^^ si qui bonis ingeniis, non corrupta ista et peituibata disciplina infecti erant. Sensim pueriles scholaruin nu^as deserebantur. Ihi vero supercilia tollentes veternosi Sophists, miium, ut lidiculi ajebant, literarum genus a nobis traclari, alienum a Romana pietate ; Gra;cos schismaticos esse ; interdictas eoruni disciplinas contra Ecclesiae decreto nobis magistris prodi. Viden', — quid passus a Sophistis effece- rim, ut resipisceret Germania vel tandem ? Sero enini Phryges sapiunt. Erasmus relates in reference to his etJilion of tlie New Testament, Ep. ad Capitonera ann. 1516 (0pp. III. I. p. 188) : Nuper hie (Antverpia;) quidam apud plebem, in sacra scilicet concione, lachi-ymabili voce deploravit, actum esse de divinis Uteris ac theologis, qui hactenus tideni christianam suis humeris fulsissent, posteaquam extitissent, qui sacrosanctum Evangelium, atque adeo ipsam precationem domini- cam emendarent : perinde quasi ego Maltliajum aut Lucain i-eprehendam, ac non cos potius, (juorum inscitia incuriave depravatum est, quod illi recta scripserunt. So too when at work on the edition of Jerome's works, see Ji!pist. apotogetica ad Mart. Dorpium (0pp. T. IX. v. d. Hiirdt hist, refoi-m. liter. I. p. 22) : Cum opus esset institutum, et fama jam percrebuisset, accurrere quidem graves ut haben- tur viri, et insignes ut sibi videntur theologi, per omnia sacra typographum ob- testantes, ne quid Groecitatis aut Hebraismi pateretur admisceri : ingens in eis Uteris esse periculum, nee quicquam esse fructus : ad solam curiositatem esse paratas. Of the reception of his edition of the New Testament, he says, Ep. ad Leonem X. ann. 1519 (1. c. p. 490) : Ilanc mire cousentientibus calculis approbant omnes, exceptis perpaucis, quorum alii slupidioi-cs sunt, quam ut possint rectis rationibus coargui, alii superbiores, quam ut velint meliora discere, — quidam ambitiosiores, quam ut sustineant videri nescisse quicquam antehac, sed omnes ejusmodi, ut non referat talium ambisse suffragium. — Metuebant tyrannidi suae, quidam etiam quajstui, si mundus resipisceret. Quid sibi persuaserint nescio, certe rudibus et indoctis persuadere conantur, linguarum cognitionem, bonasque, quas vocant, literas advei'saii theologia:: stuilio, cum nullis disciplinis ea magis vel ornetur, vel adjuvetur. Hi (ut sunt omnibus Musis et Gratiis iratis nati) sine fine belligerantur adversus studia, sese nostris temporibus ad meliorem frugem erigen- tia. Summa vero victorias spes in meris sycophantiis illis est sita. Si libris agant, nihil aliud quam suam traducunt stultitiam, simul atque inscitiam. Si rationibus conflictantur, nimirum superat manifesta Veritas: tantum apud imperitam plebe- culam stultasque mulicrculas vociferantur, quibus imponere facillimum est, prse- scrtim religionis prKtextu, cujus simulandaj miri sunt artifices. Pi-aetexunt horrenda nomina, hsreses, antichristos : jactitant periclitari, nutareque religionem chi-istianam, quam ipsi scilicet suis humeris sustinent, atque his tam odiosis ad- miscent mentionem linguarum, ac politioris literaturce. Hasc, inquiunt, horrenda dictu nascuntur ex poetica, nam hoc vocabulo traducunt quicquid est elegantioris doctrinas, hoc est quicquid ipsi non didicerunt. Hujusmodi ntenias non pudet etiam in sacris concionibus deblaterare, qui se pi-a;cones evangelica; doctrinee haheri postulant. Abutuntur et Romani Pontificis et Romana sedis nomine, vide- licet apud nullos, ut par est, non sacrosancto. His technis, his cuniculis adoriri parant etHorescentes opiimas literas, ac puriorem illam theologiam, suos fontes resipientem. Nihil non tentatum est, nullum calumnia; genus non excogitatum in eos, quorum opera vident ha;c studia gliscere : inter quos me quoque numerant, etc. How the more learned monks were treated in the convents may be seen from the account given by John Butzbach, Prior of the convent of Laach, A. D. 1509, see Gieseler Symbolae ad hist, monasterii Lacensis ex codd. Bonnensibus depromtae. Bonnae, 1826. 8vo. p. 37 seq., and p. 38: Si quispiam auctorem aliquem legere coepit saecularem, si carmen vel simile aliquod edere tentaverit, quasi jam religionem abnegaverit, continuo exclamnnt : quid iste fantasticus fantisat ^ quid delirus hie insanit .' Num et ipse vult esse poCta .' Crimen est apud tales nunc legere poetam ; carmen recitavisse, scelus; sacrilegium, novisse Mantuanum. Compare Hottingeri Analecta diss. I. p. 5 seq. Hottinger's Helvct. Kirch- engesch. Th. 3. S. 125. 285 f. '^^ The history of which see in v. d. Hardt. hist, liter. Reformat. P. II. Vita Jo. Reuchlini descr. a J. H. Majo, p. 250 seq. Meiners Lebensbeschr. Chap. V. Reformers. § 153. Scholastics and Humanists. 407 James Hochstraten, Prior of a Dominican convent in Cologne, came to Mayence, to condemn Reuchlin in his capacity of Inquisitor (1513).-'^ The bishop of Speyer, as papal commissary, decided in favor of Reuchlin (1514) ;-'' but the Dominicans appealed from his decision, and put forth all their influence in Rome to have it re- versed.-s Leo X. would not venture to decide against these formid- able servants of the papal power.-^ Nor, on the other hand, was he willing to abandon the followers of the learning he so much cherished, beruhiiiter Manner Bd. 1. S. 97 ff. Erhaid's Gesch. des Wiederaufbluhens wissenschaftl. Bildiing Bd. 2. S. 292 ff. W a y e r h o f f ' s Reuchlin S. 114 ff. John Plefferkorn, converted from Judaism to Christianity in 1506, and a protege of the Dominicans in Cologne, after many ineffectual attempts to convert the Jews by his writings, at length called on the people to petition the government to expel all Jews from the country, burn all their writings excepting the Scriptures, and educate their children as Christians. With the help of the Dominicans, he soon obtained an imperial rescript for the destruction of all the Jewish writings against Christianity. The emperor furthermore commissioned the Elector of Mayence, A. D. 1510, to consult the learned men, amongst others Reuchlin, as to the pro- priety of causing all their books excepting the Scriptures to be burned (see the emperor's letter in the Augenspigel in v. d. Hardt II. p. 17.). Reuchlin gave it as his opinion (printed in the Augenspiegel 1. c. p. 20 ff.), that only their writings against Christianity deserved to be destroyed. Against this opinion Pfefferkorn is'sued an abusive work entitled Handspiegel, A. D. 1511, to which Reuchlin re- turned a bitter reply, Augenspiegel (reprinted 1. c. p. 16 seq.). In this work the Dominicans, who then constituted the theological faculty at Cologne, detected heresies. Reuchlin at first tried to appease them (Epistolce Reuchlini lib. II. p. 115. seq. in Mains, p. 318 seq.), though instead of suppressing the Augenspiegel, and retracting various positions therein, he published a German translation of it. The Dominicans immediately published, Articuli sive propositiones de judaico favore nimis suspects, ex libello theutonico Domini Jo. Reuchlin, Legum Doctoris (cui Speculi ocularis titulus inscriptus est) extractae, cum annotationibus et im- probationilius venerabilis ac zelosi viri, Magistri nostri Arnoldi de Tungeri, Artium et sacrse Theologis Professoris profundissimi. Extracts from it in Majus, p. .345 seq.). Reuchlin defended himself with much asperity in the Defensio contra calumniatores snos Colonienses, addressed to the Emperor Tubingae, 1513 (reprinted in v. d. Hardt II. p. 53 seq.). At the same time he called on his numerous friends and patrons to support him, and thus a large party was formed of the Humanists and their protectors against the Dominicans, see Meiner's a. a. O. S. 143 ff. These last now resorted to the usual remedies of the Inquisition. ■-'^ Concerning this process at Mayence see Reuchlins Schreiben an Wimpheling dd. Stuttgard, d. s. Andrese, 1513, first printed in Majus, p. 390 seq. The Acta in V. d. Hardt II. p. 94 seq. 27 See t'. d. Hardt II. 114. ^8 They made most impression by inducing the theological faculties of Paris, Mayence, Erfurt, and Louvain, to sanction the condemnation of the Augenspiegel by the faculty in Cologne, Meiners, S. 187. 23 How resolved the Dominicans in Cologne were, see Buschii ep. ad Reuchlin (in his Epistt. lib. II. p. 168 seq.) : Prseterea audent aperte jactare perversissimi homines, nisi secundum se pronuntiatum fuerit in uibe, ab Ecclesia et summo ejus Pontifice se defecturos, et schisma novum suscitaturos. Alii ad futurum Concilium provocaturos se minantur. Alii dicunt, quicquid contra se statuerit Papa nullius momenti esse, neque pro Papa habendum eum, qui ab se suaque sententia dissentiat. Tam c«ca, tam praeceps est arrogantia eorun), ut non pudeat etiam postulare obnoxium sibi summum Pontificem esse : se palam omnibus Eccle- siam esse dictitant, sine in rebus fidei Papam nihil decernere nee posse, nee debere conclamant. Nihil hercle secius aut honoriticentius de summo Pontifice loquun- tur, quam de puero sub ferula adhuc vivente, cui nihil nisi ad peedagogi sui nutum integrum sit aut liberum loqui. 408 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. so that the matter was left undecided.^o This inspired the Humanists with new courage. They poured forth a stream of biting satires, of which the Epistokc obscurorum virorum was one of the most remark- able, ^^ upon tlieir opponents, who were wholly unable to stand against them in such a warfare. Tiie chivalrous Ulrich von Hutten,-'- indig- nant at the treatment the Germans received at the hands of the Pope, ventured to extend his reproaches even to Rome.-^-^ Soon after, how- ■""* The Acta see in v. d. Hanlt II. p. 117 seq. •^' The first book appeared under the title Epistolre obscurorum virorum ad venerabilem virum Magistrum Ortuinum Gratium Daventriensem, Coloiiia; Agrip- pins bonas literas docenteiii, vai-iis et locis et temporibus niissae (Wolfg. Angst. Hagenau 1516). 4to. The second: Epist. obsc. vir. ad Mag. Ort. Grat. non ilia; quidem veteres et priiis viss, sed et novaj et illis prioribus elegantia, argutiis, lepore ac venustate longe superiores (Basel, Froben. 1517). 4to. The third work was added much latrT. Latest editions by D. E. Miinch, Leipzig, 1827, and recognita et piEctatione a Dno. H. W. Rotenimndo aucta, Hannoverce, 1827. 8vo. These letters are addressed to Ortuinus, because he was sup|)osed to be the real author of Pfefferkorn's wiitings. It was allowed even by the other party (Milncli's ed. S. 194) : Pf'efferkorn quidem composuit materiam, sed Mag. Ortui- nus postea latinisavit. Erasmus and Reuchlin, though suspicion soon fell on them, are acquitted of any share in their authorship The obscurity which hangs over them will probably never be quite cleared up. The latest investigations of any consequence are those of C. G. Miiller, Rector of the Fiirstenschule in Meissen, in a lat. Schulprograiunie, 1801, Mohnicke in Ersch und Gruber's Encyclo- piidie, Th. 4. S. 105 Art. VVolfg. Angst, and E. Mtinch in the introduction to his edition, S. 28 ff. It is probable that Crotus Rubianus and Uliich von Hutten had a chief hand in it. But which of them originated the idea, or whether it came from the learned piintcr Angst, and whethei- Hutten had any share in the first part, on these points there is great variety of opinion. The second part appears to be the work of a number of Humanists who were together at the Ebernburg, see E. M il nch's Franz v. Sickingens Thaten Bd. 1. S. 348. How well the manner of the priests must have been imitated is seen from Erasmi epist. ad Mart. Lipsium dd. 5 Sept. 1528 (Oj)p. HI. II. p. 1110) : Ubi primum exissent Epistol* obscuro- rum Virorum, miro Monachoi'um applausu excepts; sunt apud Britannos a Fran- ciscanis ac Dominicanis, qui sibi persuadebant, eas in Reuchlini contumeliam et Monachorum favoreni serio proditas: quumque quidam egregie doctus, sed nasu- tissimus, fingeret se nonnihil offendi stylo, consolali sunt hominem. Ne spectaris, inquiunt, o bone, orationis cutem, sed sententiarum vim. Nee hodie deprehendis- sent, ni quidam addita epistola lectorem admonuisset, rem non esse seriam. Post in Biabantia Prior quidam Dominicanus et Magister noster, volens innotescere patiibus, coiimit acervum corum libellorum, ut dono mitteret Ordinis proceribus, nihil dubitans, quia in Ordinis honorem fuissent scriptae. Quis fungus possit esse stupidior ? At isti sunt, ut sibi videntur, Atlantes Ecclesise nutantis, ex his designantur cognitores de dogmatibus ecclesiasticis, etc. ^2 See M e i n e r s Lebensbeschreibungen berilhmter Manner aus den Zeiten der Wiederherstellung der Wissensch. Bd. 3. Ulrich von Hutten, nach s. Leben, s. Character u. s. Schriften geschilbert von C. J. Wagenseil, NUrnberg, 1823. 8vo. Ulrici ab Hutten opera quas exstant omnia herausgeg. von E. J. H. MUnch 5 Theile, Berlin, 1821 - 25. 8vo. 33 >^gg especially his Prasf. to his edition of Laur. Valla de false credita et ementita Constantini donatione 1517 (in the Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugien- darum ed. Brown, p. 128, iii M U n c h ' s Ausgabe, Th. 2. S. 401 ff".). Undoubt- edly many of the anonymous satires that appeared about this time were fi-om his pen : of tho-e directed again-it the papal power, piobably Julius exclusus, dialogus (reprinted in M ti nch's Ausg. der Kpistola; oI)<;cur. virorum, p. 417 seq.) Oratio ad Chrif about 1525) opus cpistolarum Conipluti, 15.30, better ed. Anistelod. 1670. Lib. V. Ep. 92; XIII. Ep. 215. Histoire du Cardinal Ximcncs, par Esprit Flechier (seconde edit, a Paris, 1694. 12rao.) T. I. p. 136 seq. Appendix. Greek and Latin Churches. §155. 411 who were forced at once to submit to slavery and Christianity. Millions of lives were sacrificed, however, before the exertions of Bartholomew de las Casas were successful in obtaining from Charles V. the freedom of the native inhabitants of South America, counter- balanced, alas! by the fatal license of the slave trade.** APPENDIX. ATTEMPTS TO UNITE THE GREEK CHURCH WITH THE LATIN. ^ 155. Deep-rooted as was the antipathy of the Greeks to the Latins,' the impending ruin from the power of the Turks yet drove the emperor, John VI. Palseologus, from the year 1430, to use every effort by a union of the two churches, to secure their help. The matter was delayed by the disputes between the Pope and the Council of Basil, till at length the emperor threw himself into the arms of the former, coming in person with a great attendance of clergy to Italy. At the Synod which was now held first in Ferrara, but in Feb. 1449, re- moved to Florence,- there seemed for a long time no hope of agree- ment; but necessity made the Greeks more ready to submit than could otiieruise have been expected, and on the 6th July, 1439, they signed the form of union prescribed by the Pope.-^ But they carried * BartholomcBUs de las Casas brevissima relacion de la destruicion de las Indias, 1552. 4to. (lutein. Oppenheini 1614. Heidelberg, 1664. 4to.) Will. Robertson's Hist, of America, vol. I. ' A new opponent of the Latins (see § 126, note 7) was Simeon, archbishop of Thessalonica (■^ 1430, see concerning him Allacius de Simennibus, lib. IL c. 18. no. 1.3. Fubricii bibl. o-raeca, vol. X. p. .326 seq.) in his works xecra ai^ii; tuv Xj/ffT/aviJv 7if/.ut viirrius, ruvrt hguv riXirav xcci fiUTTtipiaiv Tris ixtiXtiirias hakoyos (printed in Jassy in der Moldau, 1683. Ibl. Extiacls in Rich. Siniun Ciiliijiie de la Eibliotheque de Jlr. Du-Pin, T. I. p. 403 seq.), the 19th chapter of which takes up the dispute with the Latins. - Concerning which see two sets of Acta; one in Greek and one in Latin, the latter by Horatius Juslinianus, in the collections of Acts of Councils, in that of Labbeus et Cossart, T. XIII., of Harduin, T. VIII The Vera historia unionis non vers inter Grrecos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini exactissima iiarratio graece scripta per Sylvestrum Sguropuhim (for Syropulum), magnum Ecclesiar- cham, qui Concilio interfuit, transtulit in sermonem latinum Rob. Creyghton. Haga; Com. 1660. fol. is partial to the Greeks. The work Leonis Alatii in Rob. Creyghtoni Apparatuni, Versionem et Notas ad hist. Cone. Florentini, scriptam a Sylv. Syropulo Exercitationnn) Pars prior. Roma?, 1665. 4to. (no pars posterior has ever been published) is full of abuse of the author and publisher, but has some good remarks on particular points, especially on the incorrectness of the Latin translation. •■' This form written in Latin by Ambro-iius Camaldulensis (see § 139, note 10), and put info Greek by Kessarion, so that both have the character of originals, was 412 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. division and dissension witli them liome. Many of the bisliops were induced by the general excitement to retract. Ahnost ail that part of the nation, which was already subdued by the Turks, declared in the form of a papal bull, and subscribed by every member of the Council. It is contained in Greek and Latin, Cone. Labbei et Cossarlii Xlll. p. .510 seq., Lalin only in the collection of Hoiatius Justinianus, ibid. p. 1165 seq. — Gia;ci quidem asseruerunt, (piod id, {|uod dicunt Spiiitinn Sanctum ex Patre procedere, non hac mente proferunt, ut excludaiit Filiuni, scd quia eis videbatui-, ut ajunt, Latinos asserere, Spiritum Sanctum ex Patre ct Filio procedere taiiiqnam ex duobus principiis et duabus spirationibus, ideo ahstinnerinit a dicendo, quod Spiritus Sanctus ex Patre procedatet Filio. Latini vero affirmarunt, non se hac mente (licere, Spiritum Sanctum ex Palre Filioque pr'ocedere, ut excludant Palrem, quin sit ions ac principium totius deitatis, Filii scilicet ac Spiritus Sancli ; aut quod id, quod Spiritus Sanctus procedit ex Filio, Filius a Patre non habeat; sive quod duo ponant esse principia, sen duas si)irationes : sed unum tantum asserant esse principium, unicanique spirationem Spiritus Sancti, prout hactenus asseruei'unt. Et cum ex his omnibus unus et idem eliciatur veritatis sensus, tandem infra scriptam sanctam et Deo amabilem eodem sensu eademquc mente unionem unanimiter concordarunt et consenserunt. In nomine ioitur s. Trinitatis, Pairis, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, hoc sacro uni- versali approbante Florentino Concilio diffiniujus, ut ha^c fidci Veritas ab omnibus Christianis credatur etsuscipiatur, sicque omncs profiteantur, quod Spiritus Sanctus ex Patre et Filio aeternaliter est, et essentiam suam, suumque esse subsistens habet ex Patre siniul et Filio, et ex utroque aternaliter tamquam ab uno principio et unica .«piralione procedit; declarantes, quod id, quod sancti doctores et patres dicunt, ex Patre per Filium procedere Spiritum Sanctum, ad banc intelligentiam tendit ; ut per hoc sionificelui-, Filium quoque eise secundum Gi'scos quidem causam, secundum Latinos vero principium subsistentia; Spiritus Sancti, sicut et Patrem. Et quoniani omnia, qua; Pairis sunt, Paler ipse unijicnito Filio suo gig- nendo dedit, preeter esse Patrem, hoc ipsum quod Spiritus Sanctus procedit ex Filio, ipse Filius a Patre asternaliter habet, a quo etiam aeternaliter genitus est. DilHnimus insuper, explicationem verborum illorum Filioque veritatis declarandas gratia, et imminente tunc necessitate, licite ac ralionabiliter symbolo fui~se apposi- tam. Item, in azymo sive fermentato pane triticeo corpus Chiisti veraciter contici ; sacerdotesque in altero ipsum Domini corpus conticere debere, nnuniquemque scilicet juxta sune Ecclesia;, sive occidentalis, sive orientalis, consuetudinem. item, si vere poenitentes in Dei caritate decesserint, antequam dignis poenitentiffi fructi- bus de commissis satisfecerint et omissis, eorum animas puenis purgatoriis post mortem purgari; et ut a poenis hujusmodi releventur, prodesse eis fidclium vivo- rum sutTragia, missarum scilicet saci-ificia, oi'ationes, et eleemosynas, et alia pietatis ofFicia, quae a tidelibus pro aliis fidelibus fieii consueverunt secundum Ecclesiae instituta: illorumque animas, qui post baptisma susceptum nullam onniino peccati maculam incurrerunt, illas etiam, quse post contractam peccati maculam vel in suis corporibus, vel eisdem exutee corporibus, prout superius dictum est, sunt pui-gata;, in CEelum mox recipi, et intueri clare ipsum Deum trinum et unum, sicuti est, pro meritorum tamen diversitate alium alio perfectius : illorum autern animas, qui in actuali mortali peccato, vel solo original! decednnt, mox in infernum dcscendere, posnis tamen disparibus punicndas. Item ditHnimus, sanctam Apostolicam sedem, et Romanum Pontilicen» in universum orbem tenere primatum, et ip^^um Pontifi- cem Romanum successorem esse b. Pe^ri principi? Aposlolorum, et verum Christi vicarium, toliusque Ecclesiaj caput et omnium Christianorum patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi inb. Petro pascendi, regendi ac gubcrnandi universalem Eccle^iam a Domino nostro Jesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse, quemadmodnin et in geslis cecumenicorum Concilinrum et in sacris Canonihus conlinctur (xaS' ov aiir/i avKpavn Vo^a.. 5;i) ko.) ito-x^i^ '''»«■ t-aTiyf^Yi ikkti^ov f^iocs 7->iv S«^av, Hv KanT^e f^ixZ' '"'^ """j "■<" u'raj;^ii/^£v ^cai hvMf^ivoi. i Uus every thing was to remain ilie same in the Greek cUurch, only that a union was acknowledged. —Five original copies of the Decrelum unionis were made out and signed': there have since been ten exhibited in varioi-is places, of which nine are undoubtedly only copies, see Memoire sur les exemplaires originaux du dccret d'union de I'cgiise Grecque avec I'cglise latine in the Menioires de I'Academie des inscriptions, J. 43. p. 287 seq. ^ The Patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes, having attempted to introduce bishops favorable to the union into the churches of Asia Minor, the three Patri- archs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, issued a letter 1443 (see Allatius de Ecclesiie occid. et orient, perpetua consensione, p. 939 seq.), in which they set themselves very decidedly against the iruvaB^ciirBiTirav iv '^ktn^ivrla /ma^av avyohoi, as well as the M>]T^o(piivi>s (instead of Mnr^oipavris) Uttr^ia^x*'!, (Jeposing ail clergy who favor the union, and excommunicadii-; all who shall oppose the decree. They likewise commission the Metropolitan of Ca'sarea Cappadocia, ila^^^tv VMni a»«- raXSj, to carry this decree into effect in his diocese. At the same iiiue they sent a letter of admonition to the emperor, 1. c. p. 942 seq., in wliich thev say of the synod of Floi-ence, JV; %■» ^Xapivria irvvo^os oIk lyinro Kara ras trv//.[itilida..c Ta^a Kavivas iK^drtjtrav. ro ^iT^ov Sj f/.aXXov xa) ucrifii;, on fitra tuv uXXmv xai tjjv iv ru xoivM tTi; rtaTiuis iruftfioXu -T^txr^yixnu ou 'Trapanriaa^n, aXXa xai iyy^atpus Va^iOMxav, flu, Ta^a ■jTaaiv o/LtoXoyiTirBai. 't'lu-y tlieu proce.d, -r^os Tti" (rhv fiatriXilav yvcu^iZo//,t>i TaSi ■ oti ll fjCii T^oa-'i'^paf/.'.v, as rou rifjiiA^ou y'ivov; •TavriXu; l^yirBlvytxDros, xic\ iia TovTo Karavayxat^ofiivos vatToioT^oyrus, ovois X-/i\}^'/i (ioriBiiav, xai riva lonv aXXnv olxova- fi'iav vivotixas, i'i'ti tyis xa) ergo; to, twv Aarncov iv'ivi^as, xa) rh" '^^ocrS^tixriv idi^iu xara, uvayxtiv ' iiB-' o'urus a'Tcr^i-^ufttvos vyv ra. txiivuv ri^aToXi>ynf/.ara ) xai ri/^its »w (/.ovov ro Tr^oafiXis //.■tnfJioffvMot rris P>atriXiias tTinXuv '{■;^ofji.ii, kXXa, xa) S/»vs«)5 xa) aUaev ixiiriav t^os Biov Ix'TrXn^nuv ftiXXi>f/,f» rou aov x^arsus ivtxa, xa) tfTTip -^u^YiS fxaXicrra, ?/ uv i^iXiouf/.ivoi xa&' Ixdcrri^v ro ^siov crvyy.oivcunai ri ffoi, xa) Ta a/i'^Xax'^fz,ara iv ysiunni xa) ayvoia T^a^S-'ara. Ovru fnv ouv larai irot 'iXios ray xXniJ,f/.iXyii/.druv, ovrus oi apiiris ruiy ay\ioyif/,ar!av, ii filv ra; 9cias oux a^iriis vra^aoi- Oli;, E/ 2t rriPifi'lviis, xa) aA^n ra ruit Iri^ooo^av, oiavi^ aXXor^ia ovra ■TTa.irns xavovi- xris tapa^offias xa) ffuvoOixriS) ou ftovov ixxoi^of^tv ro rou ffov x^arovs f/.vrifiO(Tvvov, aXXa ra, rou Pixoous 'TpoirS-i^irof/.iv tTTirifiia, 'tva //■/! r^ rou Xj/a-ray ixxXniria o;aip£^>) » Xvfiti rou aXXerpldu xa) jiXafii^ov ^iyfiaroj. — "Av It rZ ru^avvixu r^orrai -ra^ayofias (itd^v xa) niS-avoXoyiis Tm- 't>-tu^i^ov xa) a^ouXarov 'K^ierrou ixx^nflav, yiyuiffxi ovreos, on — oiix avi^o/^ti^a, ffiurray iifi^ns, aXXa, xara t»i» ivroXhv uipofias iXiy^ai xai i'Tirif/.tiirai fiiXXofmi Tourov. 414 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517. The union with the Greek church was followed by the show of a renewed union with the Armenians at Florence, A. D. 1440, the futility of which was easy to be foreseen. ^ After this ambassadors appeared at the Council, which had been transferred to the Lateran, A. D. 1442, from all tiie other churches of the East, praying to be united by a papal decree with the church of Rome-t^ The object of this was no doubt by the appearance of the union of all Christendom under the Pope, to give him new power, and overawe the obstinate adherents of the Council of Basil. * Compare § 128. Acta in Labbei et Cossart Cone. XIII. p. 1197 seq. * Decretuni pro Jacobinis dd. Florent. 4 Febr. 1441, 1. c. p. 1204 seq., sanction- ing tbe union of the Egyptian Jacobites, whicb, liowever, Renmidot hist. Patri- archaruin Alexandi'inonuii Jacobitaruni, p. 611, does not ventui'e to mention. Decretuni pro Syris dd. Laterani, 30 Sept. 1444, 1. c. p. 1222 seq. Decretum pro Chaldaeis et Maronitis, dd. 3 Aug. 1445, 1. c. p. 1225 seq. END OF VOLUME III. OF TRANSLATION. GENERAL INDEX. INDEX. Abdas, i. 311. Abdias, i. 46, note 1 . Abelard, ii. 313, 327. Abgarus, supposed correspondence with Christ, i 44. Manu, i. 88, note 2. Abraxas, i. 84. Absolution, universal right of, claimed by the popes, ii. 258 Acacius, Arian, i. 198; patriarch of Con- stantinople, 318. Academy, middle and new, i. 21. Acephali, i. 319. Acta, martyrum, i. 8, note 2 ; concilio- rum, 9, note 4 ; Pilati, 44. Adalbert, archbishop of Mayence, ii. 181. Adamites, iii. 130, 363. Adamnan, i. 380. , Adelbert, ii. 78. Adelwald, i. 376. Adolphus, of Nassau, emperor of Gei-- niany, ii. 237 ; count of Schaumberg- Holstein, 406. Adoptian controversy, ii. 42. Adrumetum, monks of, i. 226, note 33. ^neas Sylvius, iii. 199, note 42 ; 200, note 46; 203, note 51; 281, note 9 ; 28 J, note 14. See Pius II. Aerius, presbyter of Sebaste, i. 309. African chui'ch, i. 267. AgapcB, i. 59, note 7 ; 104, note 11 ; dis- continued, 296, note 13. Agatho, Pope, i. 369. Agnoefce, i. 321. Agobard, archb. of Lyons, ii. 32 ; op- poses picture-worship, 40. Agonistici, i. 217. Agricola, Rudolph, iii. 398. Agrippa II. i. 26. Aistidph, king of the Lombards, ii. 15. Akesius, Novatian bishop, i. 164, note 8. Akoemetce, axoliinoi, i. 275, 319, 323, note 4. Aktistatce, ay.rtmijTa'i, i. 321. Alarms, of Lille, ii. 381. VOL. III. 53 Albanenses, ii. 398, note 17. Alberich, Marozia's son, patricius and senator at Rome, ii. 78. Albericus, de Rosate, iii. 6, note 8; 14, note 9. Albertus Magnus, ii, 324; bishop of Halberstadt, iii. 107, note 10; Argen- tinensis, 27, note 1. Albicius, liarthol. iii. 96, note 16. Albigenses, in 13th century, ii. 385, note 7; iii. 127. Alboiii, baptized, ii. 28. Albornoz, cai-dinal, iii. 40. Albrecht 1., king of Germany, ii. 241, 242, 247 ; bishop of Livonia, 310, 407 ; the Bear, founds the bishoprics of Havelburg and Brandenburg, 406 ; II. emperor, in. 199, 368 ; of Austria, 291, note 12. Alcibiades, martyr, i. 106, note 27. Alcuin, invited to the court of Charle- magne, ii. 30 ; opposes Adoptianism, 44.' Alexander, Severus, i. 115; bishop of Alexandria, 194 ; II. Pope, ii. 89; III. 191, 267, 372, 408; IV. 226, 301, note 9 ; Hales, 324, 358 ; V. iii. 190, note 3; 162; VI. 237 seq. Alexandria, a Jewish colony founded there, i. 30; influence of philosophy, 31 ; Christian philosophy, 137 ; Cate- chetical school, 134 ; council of, 201; Easter Sunday tixed by the patriarch, 292. Alexiani, iii. 99. Alexiopolis, ii. 414. Alexius, Greek prince, ii. 209 ; Com- nenus, 411, 414. Alfred, the Great, ii. 102. Allemand, Lewis, archb. of Aries, iii. 201, note 46. Allemanni, their conversion, i. 354. Alliaco, Peter de, iii. 67, note 1 ; 117, note 8; 162,171, note 4; 301, note 2. Almainus, Jac. iii. 257, note 3. Almsgiving, i. 296, note 2. 418 Alogi, i. 91 ; opposed by Hippolytus, 146, note 8. Jlphonso IX., kins; of Leon, ii. 206; the Wise, kinii of Casiile, 227 ; resists the papal ursmpalions, iii. 54 ; duke of Ferrara, 245; king of Anigon, 212, note 16 ; king of Castile, "54, note 20. Mvanis, Pelagins, iii. 18. Amalarich, son of Simon de Montfort, ii. 3S7. Amalric, of Bena, ii. 322. Ambrose, bishop of Milan,!, 208; his opinion concerning the taxes of the clero y> 242, note 2 ; recommends the worship of angels, 288; introduces singing in responses into the Western church, 294 ; general of the order of Camaldulenses, iii. 289, note 10. Ainmon, founded a convent on the Nit- rian mountains, i. 270. Ammonius, Saccas, i. 111. America, bestowed by the Pope on the discoverers, iii. 369 ; converted to Christianity, 410. Amiliiis, de Buren, iii. 101. Anacletiis II. ii. 183. Anastasius, emperor, i. 320, 353 ; II. 372; bishop of Rome, 214; patriarch of Antioch, 327; Bibliothecarius, 373; patriarch of Constantinople, ii. 2 ; IV. pope, 182. Anathema, distinguished from Excom- munication in the 9th century, ii. 63. Anatolius, his cycle for determining Easter, i. 292, note 10. Anaxilaus, a Pythagorean, i. 25. Ancharano, de, see Peter. Anchorites, i. 271. Ancient literature, iii. 393. Ancyra, synod of, 1. 199. AndrecB, Jo. iii. 44, note 1. Andreas, Ep. Megarensis, iii. 192, note 19. Andrew, king of Naples, ni. 34; archb. 376. Andronicus HI. Palaologus, iii. 152. Angeli, Jo. iii. 268, note 23. Angels, worship of, i. 288. Ano-elus, de Cingulo, iii. 95, note 14. An'glo- Saxons, converted, i. 355, 361, 379. Anicetus, bishop of Rome, i. 107. Annates, iii. 54, note 25 ; 62, note 3. Anomoioi, i. 198, Anschar, ii, 29. Ansegisus, archb. of Sens, ii. 76. Anselm, bishop of Lucca, ii. 96, 114; archb. of Canterbury, 175, 311 ; bish- op of Havelburg, 410. Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople, i. 323. Anthropomorphites, i. 214; especially monks, 275 ; in Vicenza, ii. 99. Aritidnkomarianites, i. 237. Antioch, lirnus,\. \G'i- . J'e/i.r, bishop of Aptnnsa, i- ^"^ "' ^'• Pope, 319 ; V. iii. 200 seq. ; 208. Fer(i/«a«i/, of Naples, iii. 229 seq.; ol Spain, 410. Ferrandus, Ferrand, i. 326. Festivals, m first Period, ilf; of'^'t cond Period, 291 ; nniUiphed, 3ol ; ot the triumph of the worship ot pictures, ii. 6; still farther nniltiphed, o8, U7, 346. See Mary, new festivals, iii. Uo, 118. . .. Festiim corporis Christi, ii. 3o8. Ficinns, Mar., iii. 394, note 4. Filioque, controversy concerning, u. 41, 139, note ; 344, note. Fins, ii. 407. ■ iqr FinniUati, a friend of Origen, i. 13b, 16o. .. nan Flagellants, iii. 131 seq., 340 ; ii. ^bu Flas:e!lation, ii. 117. Flavian, bishop ofConstantinople, i. 2.iS , a monk, said to have introduced sing- ing in responses, 293, note. Florentius, in. 101, note. Florinns, i. 126, note 12. Fontevraml, order of, ii. 2S0. Fools-feast, ii. 346. Fonnosus, Pope, ii. 77. Fortunatus, i. 163. Francis, St., ii. 288 ; of Paula, in. 306 ; 1 king of France, 250. ^ „ • ! Franciscans, at the university ot 1 aris, ii 294 seq. ; internal history ol, 297 seq.; iii. 91,293. ,. , < • Frankfurt, synod of, ii. 36; died at, in third Period, iii. 29 ; convention ot the electors at, 202, 211, note 14. Franks, converted, i. 354; state of their church, 376. Fratres, (observantes) in. 92 seq. ; V ita; Communis, 100; assailed by Grabo, 300 seq. ; their schools, 303 ; coUati- ones, 303. Fratricelli, iii. 92. Frederic I. (Barbarossa) ii. 187, 188, 190, 191 198 ; II. 205 ; king ot Sicily, 247 ; III' iii. 202, 209,211; Von Lands- kron, 282, note 14; of Austria, 10. Friesland, converted, i. 381. Fronto, opposes Christianity, i. 77. Frumentius, introduced Christianity into Ethiopia in second Period, i. 312. Fulco, a distinguished preacher in 13th century, ii- 348. Fulgenthis, bishop of Raspe,i. 329; con- cerning the sacrament, 352, note. G. Galeriits, i. 117. Gallienus, i. 117. 001110'$ treatment of Paul, 1. 51. Gallus, emperor, i. 117. Gambacorti, Petr., iii. 98, note 3. Gaston, ii. 281. Ganl, i. 123. .. Gcgnasius, a Pauhcian, ii. 8. Geiler, see Kaisersberg. Geisa, ii. 135. Gelasivs, Pope, maintains the suprema- cy of the papal see, i. 338, note ; acknowledges the authority of the synods, 340, note; Cyzicenus, 194, note; II. Pope, ii. ISO Gennadius, presbyter at Massilia,i. 328, 653. .. Gentiliacum, synod of, u. 3o. George, Von Podiebrad, 111. 220, note 29 ; 308 seq. .. „, Gerbert, archbishop of Rheims, u. 81 seq. Gereon, martyr, i. 116, note. Germano, St., treaty of, ii. 211. Germany, tirst traces of Christianity there, "i. 123; conversion 01, 3o4, dSi; hierarchy, 355 ; conversion by Boni- face, ii. 9 ; first council, 11 ; first con- vents, 11 ; reforntation of, 122. Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, ii. 2, 4, 12. Gerlach, of Nassau, 111. 36. Gerson, John, iii. 108 seq. ; 162 seq. ; 282, 321, note. Ghibelines, see Hohenstaufen. Ghost, Holy, created by the Son, 1. 140; controversies concerning, 203. Glaucias, i. 85, note 4. Glossa, ordinaria, ii. 32, note 10 ; inter- linearis, 329. Gnosis, of the church, i. 137 seq. ; con- founded with .-riarig, 191. Gnostics, i. 82 seq. Goch, De, iii. 386. Gorello, John de, iii. 89, note. Gospel, harmonies, German, in ninth century, i. 34. Goths, Christianity introduced amongst them,i. 123,312. Gottschalk, controversies of, 11. 50, l.i4. Government of the churches, 1. 56, 156 seq. Grabo, Matthew, iii. 300. Grace, controversy concerning, see Pe- lagius and Semipelagianism. Grammont, order of, ii. 280. Grassis, Paris de, iii. 244. Gratian, emperor, i. 186 ; favors the bishop of Rome, 257 ; iii. 254. Greek, language universally spoken, 1. VOL. III. 54 426 INDEX. 16; almost exclusively the language of the church, 93 ; church, ii 6, 136; internal lehilions, 148; in twelfth cen- tury, 410 ; in thiitt'cnih, iii. 152. Greenland, converted, ii. ]2S. Gregoras, see Ivicephorus. Gregory, Thaiiniaturgus, i. 143 ; illumi- nator, 311 ; of Naziiinzuni, 201 ; on in- fant baptism, 294 ; of Nyssa, 201 seq. ; the Great, despises the li!)eralists, 232 ; his submission to the emperor, 335, note 2 ; his letter to tulogius, 339, note 18; protects the convents, 349; his influence on public worship, 350; his library, 351 ; Popes, 11. ii. 10; HI. 11; IV. 13, note 1; 18; V.83; VI. 84; VII. 91, 157 seq.; VIII. 197; IX. 211, 252, 388 ;X. 233; XI. iii. 39 seq.; XII. 162; Abulpharagius, ii. 418; of Heimburg, iii. 203, note; 219 seq.; Palamas, 154. Grimoahl, king of the Ostrogoths, i. 376. Groot, Gerhard, iii. 100 seq. Guelphs, ii. 182. Guibert, ii. 167. Gxiy, duke of Spoleto, ii. 77; archbishop of Milan, 97, note 10 ; Berne, iii. 2, note. Gidiehnun, archbishop of Vienne, 180 ; Peraldus, ii. 328 ; de Sancto Amore, 294. Gunthar, archbishop of Cologne, ii. 71 ; of Schvvarzburg, iii. 38. H. Hadrian, his persecution of the Jews, i. 72 ; of the Christians, 78 ; abbot, 380 ; Popes I. ii. 16; II. 73; IV. 138; V.232. Hager, Fiancis, iii. 136, note 2. Hall, sect there in thirteenth century, ii. 402. Hanno, ii. 90. Hangenor, Ulrich, iii. 15, note. Harold, Klak, a Jutland prince, ii. 29. Hatto, archbishop of Mayence, ii. 95, note. Havelberg, bishopric of, ii. 134. Hegius, Alexander, iii. 303, note 6. Helvidius, i. 287. Hemmerlin, Felix, iii. 271, note. Henry, I. king of Germany, ii. 127 seq. ; III. emperor,84 ; IV. 163 seq. ; V. 176 ; II. of England, difficulties with Beck- et, 192; abbot of Clairvaux and legate, 373 ; Dandolo, 209 ; Raspe, 222 ; foun- der of the Henricians, 366; VII. em- peror of Germany, iii. 5, note 5, 8; archbishop of Canterbury, 183, note 28 ; Suso, 109 ; of Virnelmrg, 29 ; Os- tiensis, 14, note ; Wintoniensis, 183, note. Henotikon, i. 319. Heraclas, i. 134. Heraclius, i. 334, 364. Heresy, deiinition of, i. 2, note 3; Ori- gen's abboi-rence of, 173 ; treatment of, 303. Heretics, ha])lism of, i. 165 ; iii. 127, 340. Herman, ii. 169. Januensis, iii. 14, note. Hernias, shepherd of, spurious work, i. 99. Hermias, i. 95. Herod, Agrippa, i. 50. Hesychhts, i. 146. Hexenhiimmer, iii. 338. Hierarchy, i. 152, 242; dependent on the slate, 247, 255; under Justinian, 334 ; in the German church, 354. Hierax, a follower of t)rigen,i. 144. Hierocles, against Christianity, i. 114. Hilarion, i. 271. Hilarius, bishop of Pictarium, i. 198, 208 ; Antepelagian, 227 ; bishop of Arelate, 266. Hildebrand, see Gregory VII. Hildebert, of Sevardino, ii. 312. Hilten, John, iii. 392, note. Hincmar, archljishop of Rheims, ii. 51. Hippnlytus, i. 146 ; Monophysites, 353. Hocsemius, John, iii. 99, note 3. Holstenius, Lucas, iii. 185, note. Hoogstraten, James, iii. 407. Hohenstaufen, ii. 182. ' Honierites, i. 30. Honionsiastni, i. 198. Honorius, i. 221 ; Pope, 367; II. anti- pope, h. 90, 182; III. 210; IV. 232. Hospitallers, knights of St. John, ii. 308 ; iii. 6, note 7. Hugh Capet, ii. 80; de Payens, 307; of St. Victor, 319. Humanists, iii. 406 seq. Humbert, ii. 107, note. Hunerich, king of the Vandals, Arian, i. 313. Hungary, converted, ii. 135. Hunyades, John, iii. 212, note. Huss, John, iii. 313, note ; 341 seq. Hussites, iii. 355 seq. Hutten, see Uhich. HymencBus, i. 61. Hypatia, i. 189. Hypsistarii, i. 183. Hyrcanus, i. 26. Hystaspes, books of, i. 99. I. Ibas, bishop of Edessa, i. 237, 238, note 4 ; 324. Iceland, converted, ii. 128. Idacius, i. 216. Ignatius, martyr, i. 64; his letters, 68. INDEX. 427 lllyria. East, added to the Patriarchate of Rome, i. 264. Incense, used in churches, i. 293. Indulgences, ofigin oi, in 11th century, ii. 116 seq., 356 seq. ; iii. 117 seq., 322 seq. Infessura, Steph., iii. 229. Innocent, bishop of Rome, allows pagan sacrifices, i. 190, note 8 ; condemns the Pelagians, 220; 11. ii. 182; III. 220 seq. ; IV. 220 seq. Inquisition, ii. 388 seq. Institoris, Henry, iii. 377 note. Instrumentnm acceptationis, by which the reforms of the council of Basil were accepted at Mayence, 26th March, 1489, iii. 199. Intercession of the bishops in criminal cases, i. 244, 249, note 10. Interdict, viYien^vsi used, ii. 117; how regarded from the time of Gregory VII. 362. Interpretation, biblical in 9th century, ii. 32, 827; iii. 114. Investiture of (he bishops by the kings, ii. 92 ; resigned by the emperors, 177. Ireland, church in, i. 361. IrencBus, bisliop of Lyons, opposes Gnosticism, i. 96; opposed to all phi- losophy, 101 ; bishop of Tyre, 228 ; deposed, 238, note 4. Irene, empress, ii. 6. Isaac Angelus, Greek emperor, ii. 209. Isabella ot Spain, iii. 411. Isidore, abbot of Pelusium, i. 234; His- palensis, 330 ; his collection of decre- tals, 333. Ithacius, i. 216. Izates, i. 30. .1. Jacobites, i. 327; ii. 418, 419; iii. 160, 414, note 6. Jacobus, see James. Jacobellus, see James von Misa. Jagello, iii. 1.50. Jaldabaoth, i. 86. Jamblicus, i. 112. James, the brother of Jesus, i. 47 ; the elder put to death at Jerusalem, 50 ; the younger, 53; head of the church in Jerusalem, 58, note 2 ; 263 ; Bara- dai, or Zangalus, 327 ; James of Sicily, ii. 236 ; de Voragine, ii. 78 ; von Misa, iii. 351 ; of Erfurth, 381. Jerome, his translations of Origen, i. 136, 213; his translation of the Bible, 214; against Pelagius, 219; of Prague, iii. 342 seq. Jeromites, iii. 97, 300. Jerusalem, church there the model for others, i. 56 ; flight of, to Pella, 61 ; temple rebuilt, 185 ; Patriarch of, 254 ; his claims to superior dignity, 263 ; taken by (he Arabs, 364; by the cru- saders, ii. 174 ; by Saladin, 198. Jesuates, iii. 97. Jesus, life of, i. 36 ; ministry, 41 ; sup- posed contempt; notices of, 43 ; in the Koran, 39, note ; likenesses of, 45, note 4. Jews, in Palestine, i. 26 ; sects amongst them, 27 ; fables concerning them, 29 ; out of Palestine, 30 seq. ; taxed, 63 ; insurrections under Hadrian, 72 ; Constantino forbids their making con- verts, 122, note 31 ; Constantius^ 181, note 15; favored by Julian, 185; their reception of Christianity, 55, seq. ; Jewish Christians, 81 ; how legarded by the Heathen, 28, seq. ; later his- tory, 303 ; iii. 151,336, 410. Joachim abbot of Flore, ii. 300. Joanna, of Naples, iii. 34. John, (he Baptist, i. 39; Johannites, 40, note ; the apostle, 65 ; bishop ol An- tioch, 233 ; bishop of Jerusalem, 213 ; Scholasticus, 333; Jejunator, 333; John VIII. Pope, ii. 75, 141; IX. 77, note 1 ; X. XI. 78, note 6; XII. 79; XIII. 80, no(el5; XIV. 80, note 6; XV. 81; XVII. XVIII. XIX. 82, note 24; XXI. 232; of England, 206; Damascenus, 7; Gualbert,'^ 122; bishop of Izani, 143 ; Izimisces, 150 ; Scotus, 53, 325 ; Piince of Bulgaria, 206 ; Zonaras, 411 ; bishop of Orleans, 39; Emperor John, V. Palueol. iii. 154 ; XXII. Pope, 10 seq.; XXIII. 161 seq ; see also Cossa of Bohemia, 9 ; Goch, iii. 386; of Hungary, 195, note 30 ; of Jandun, 15 ; major, 258, no(e 3 ; of Minden, 287, note 5; Monachus, 2, note 2 ; Ostiensis, 178, note 17 ; of Ravenna, 393 ; of Rupescissa, 96 ; Segoria, 184; de Valihus, 95, note 14; Wesel, 382, note 9 ; 383 ; Wcssel, 388. Jonas, bishop of Oi-leans; see John. Josephus, his testimony concerning Jesus, i. 43; concerning John the Baptist, 40, note 3. Jovian, empei-or, i. 185. Jovinian, a monk at Rome, i. 309. Jubilee, year, instituted, ii. 357 ; iii. 121 seq., .323. Julia, Mamm, i. 115, note 5. Julian, emperor, i. 184; bishop of Ecla- num, 221 ; bishop of Halicarnassus, 320; Cesarini; cardinal, 184, note 34 ; 364. Julin, bishopric of, ii. 406. Julius, Africanus, i. 145 ; bishop of Rome, 259; II. iii. 244. Junterburg, Jac. iii. 272, note 31. 428 INDEX. Justificatio, Augustine's doctrine, i. 224, note 25. Jus regaliae, spolii, ii. 267. Justinger, Coni-aii, iii. 165, note. Justin Martyr, i. 79 ; his apologies, 94, 96; I. emperor, 320. Justinian I. einpeioi-, abolishes Pagan- ism, i. 314 ; attempts to reconcile the controversies in the church, 322 seq.; his treatment of the various patriarchs, 341. Jusiinianus Laurentius, iii. 279, note 7. K. Kaisersherg v. (Jo. Geiler,) iii. 279, note 7 ; 320. Kaiserswerth, convent of, i. 382. Kaltenmarkter, Jo., iii. 26:^, note 24 ; 277, note 4. Kempis, Thomas k, iii. 100, note 6 ; 320. Kerling, Walter, iii. 130, note 10. Kesra, (Chosroes,) II. i. 364. Kiew, convent of, founded by Antony, ii. 150. Kilian, an Irish monk, i. 381. Knyghton, Henry de, iii. 141, Koran, i. 365. Krafft, Ulrich, iii. 332, note 30. Kramer, Henry, inquisitor, iii. 338. Kranz, Albrecht, iii. 161. Kiichner, Herman, iii. 136, note 2. L. Lactantius, i. 148. Ladislaus, king of Bohemia, iii. 369 ; king of Naples, 166. Lalius, Theod., iii. 19. Laillier, John, iii. 381. Laity, see clergy; instruct publicly in the church, i. 159 ; their interference in the affairs of the church forbidden, 336 ; lay abbots, ii. 22 ; no more known after the 10th century, 121. Lambert, emperor, ii. 77. Lanfranc, ii. 102. Lang, Matthew, bishop of Gurk, iii. 248, note 9. Langenstein, Henry de, iii. 67, note i. Laplanders, conversion of, iii. 151. Lapsi, i. 116. Lateran, first synod of, i. 368 ; first cecum, council, ii. 131; second, 184; third, 195; fourth, .388. Latin empire, founded 1204, under Bald- win, ii. 209; ended A. D. 1261, 232. League of Cambray, iii. 244. Learning, decline of, in 10th century, ii. 98 ; revival of, in 11th century, 101. Legends, ii. 125, 341 ; see Saints. Legio, Melitina (fulminatrix,) i. 80 ; Thebeas, 117, note 15. Legnano, battle of, ii. 191. Legislation, iiiHuence of the church on, i. 307; in favor of tiit church, 334. Lentulus, description of Christ, i, 46. Leo, bishop of Rome, his epistle to Flavi- an, i. 239 ; the great, 268 ; Greek empire, 317; III. Isauricus, ii. 2; IV. Chazarus. 4; V. Armenus, 5 ; pljilos- ophus, 148; III. Pope, 17; IV. 20; VIII. 79; IX. 144; X. iii. 244. Leonardus de Utino, iii. 320. LeonistcB, (pauperes de Lugduna,) ii. 377. Leontius, bishop of Tripoli, his arro- gance, i. 247, note 19 ; of Byzantium, 330. Leopold V. Bebenburg, iii. 30. Leporius, i. 229. Levi, Matthew, i. 47 ; compare 53, note 4. Libanius^ appeal in behalf of the tem- ples, i. 187. Liberatus Diaconus at Carthage, i, 326. Liberius, bishop of Rome, i. 198, 199, note 4. Libraries, how neglected in the 14th century, iii. 86, note 2. Libri pa'iiitentiales ; see Penance. Licinius, emperor, i. 119. Lignano, Joh. de., iii. 59. Lithuania, conversion of, iii. 150. Liturgies, i. 8; Damascene, 33, note 3; of Basil and Chrysostom, 295, note 12; of Gregory, 350. Livonia converted, ii. 407. Lollhards, iii. 99, seq. 128. Logos, i. 101 ; doctrine of the Monar- chians, 127 ; of the Alexandrians, 139 ; of Arnobius, 148, note 8 ; of Lactantius, 149; of Tertullian, 150, note 13. Lombards, Arians, i. 355; threaten Rome, ii. 15; struggle of the Lombard states for independence, 183; league of Lombards, 191 ; Gregory's treaty with them, 215. Lombers, council of, ii. 372. Lord's Supper, institution, i. 43 ; mode of celebration, 103; chiklien ad- mitted, 159 ; views of, in 4th cen- tury, 294 ; in 6th century, 352 ; Gregory's Sacramentarium, 351 ; doctrines concei-ning it, ii. 46 ; Beren- garius' controversy, 103, 330. Lorenzi de Medici, iii. 230, note 3. Loretto, shrine of, iii. 314. Lothaire I. empeior, ii. 18; II. king, 70; II. emperor, 182. Louis, the Debonnaire, ii. 18, 29; II. emperor, 73; king of Provence, 77; VII. king, 185 ; IX. St. 225, seq. ; INDEX. 429 pragmatic sanction, 265 ; VIII. 387 ; XI of France, iii. 224,232, 245; XII. 240; of Anjou, 60; of Bavaria, 10; Margrave of Brandenburg, 32; ol Helmstadt, 281, note; of Branden- burg, 38, note 40 ; of Hungary, 34. Lucian, of Samosata, i. 77; martyr, 118, note 19; 145. Lucidus, a follower of Augustine, i. 328. Lucifer, bishop of Calaris, i. 198 ; in the Arian controversy, 202. Luciferiani, iii. 131. Lucius II. Pope, ii. 182; iii. 195, 378. Ludovicus, Card. Arelatensis, iii. 276. Luitprand, ii. 14. Luire, lii-ihop of Tuy, ii. 395. Luna, Petnis de, iii. 67, note 3. Lupus, Olivetus, iii. 98, note 3. Luticians, or Wiltzians, ii. 406. Luxueil, i. 362. Lyons, council at, ii. 233, 414. Lyra, de. See Nicholas. M. Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, i. 202 seq. ; Nestorian, 320, note 11. Magdeburg, archbishopric of, founded, ii. 134. Magic, iii. 337. Magister Parisiensis. See Matth. v. Ja- now. Magorensis Episc. See Andreas. Magusceans, a Persian sect, i. 131. Maillard, Olivier, iii. 321. Maire, le, iii. 385, note. Majorinus, a Donatian bishop, i. 167. Malleus maleficarum. See Hexenham- mer. 'Mamelukes, persecute the Christians, iii- 160- . o-i Mamertus, bishop of Vienna, i. Sol. Manasseh, gives the law to the Samari- tans, i. 32'. Manes, i. 131. Manfred, n. 22A seq. ManichcBans, i. 131 ; in the \\est, 215; ii. 151 ; iii. 340. See Cathari. Mantua, assembly of princes at, iii. 217. Manuel, Caleca, iii. 155, note 8. Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, i. 194; Sabellian, 197; Christophe, iii. 267, note. Marcia, the concubine of Commodus, i. 80, note. Marcianus, a follower of Novatian, i. 156, note. Marcion, i. 88, 172, note 10. Marius, Mercator, i. 225 ; Jo. See Le Maire. Mark, the Evangelist, i. 54 ; Aurelius, emp., 79; a follower of Valentinian, 86. Marriage, Paul's opinion of, i. 60 ; Cle- ment of Alexaiidri.i, 170; in the early church, 106; second marriages forbid- den by the Montaiiists, f)0 ; reckoned as a crime, 297; imperial laws con- cerning, 308. Marsilius, of Padua, iii. 15. Maro, Maronites, i. 173. Maronites, ii. 419. Martial, i. 156 ; St., supposed Apostle, ii. 126. Martin, bishop of Tours, i. 278; IV. Pope, ii. 235, 414; V. iii. 167. Martyrs, histories of, i. 8, note 2; 14; constancy of, 76; held in high esteem, 108 seq.; 173, 109 seq. ; 282; intlu- ence of their intercessions with the church, 109, 162 ; with God, 163, note 13 ; 283 ; in Spain, ii. 54 ; in Prussia, 135. Mary, traditions concerning, i. 39, note 1 ; portrait of, by St. Luke, 45, note; ■diuToyog, 229, note 5; /ninTuruaog, 232, note 1 ; monkish legends concern- ing her, 273, note ; an object of wor- sh?p, 207; festivals in her honor, 351 ; controversy concerning her delivery, ii. 40; immaculate conception, 343; iii. 115 seq.; 315; worshipped, 126; festivals in her honor, of her birth, 58 ; her ascension, 59 ; presentation, visi- tation, 115. Mass, i 294. See Lord's Supper. Pri- vate masses, ii. 58 ; multiplied, iii. 118. Massalians, i. 182, 275. Massiliensis, a sect in second Period, i. 182. Maternus, supposed apostolic father, ii. 126, note 9. Matthew de Cracovia, iii. 66, note 8. Matthias von Janow, iii. 137 seq. ; king of Hungary, 371. Matilda, countess of Tuscany, ii. 169. Muuburnus, Jo., iii. 287, note 4. MauUasch, Margaret, iii. 32. Mauritius, martyr, i. 117, note 15. Maxentius, emperor, i. 118. ' Maxim ilia, a Montanist prophetess, i. 90, 91, note. Maximilian, emperor, iii. 249, note 13. Maximinian, emperor, supposed perse- cution under, i. 117, 118. Maximinus, the Thracian, i. 115; Cse- sar, 118. Maximus, of Tyre, i. 72 ; rejected bish- op of Constantinople, 259 ; opponent of the Monotheletics, 367 ; Planudes, iii. 155, note. Mayence, synod of, ii. 161, 167. Mazdak, i. 87, note 15. Mecklenburg, bishopric of, ii. 406. 430 INDEX. Medici, conspiracy against, iii. 230, Mediolaaum (Milan) synod of, i. 198 ; bishop of, 264 ; Cathari tliere in third Period, ii. 379; church of, 96; married clergy there in lOlh century, 113. Meffreth, iii. 320. Meinhard, ii. 407. Melchisedecians, i. 128, note 4. Melchites, i. 373. Meletius, bishop of Lycopolis, i. 166; of Antioch, 201, 205, note. Melito, apologist, i. 94 ; defends the Asiatic celebration of Easter, 107. Memnon, i. 235. Menander, founder of a sect, i. 34. Mendicant orders, their origin, ii. 287; influence, 291 ; iii. 46, 87, 268, note 23 ; reformation of, 293. Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople, i. 324. Menot, Michael, iii. 320. Merseburg, bishopric of, ii. 134, Messiah, expectations of the Jews con- cerning hill), i. 27 seq. ; prove an ob- stacle to the progress of Christianity, 55 ; no ions of, among the eaily Chris- tians, 47 secj. Methodius, an opponent of Origen, i. 144 ; missionary to the Moravians, ii. 129. Metropolitans, i. 153 ; .see Patriarchs, ii. 94; oath of obedience to the Pope in 9th century, 73 ; after Gregory Vll. 255. Meyer, Martin, iii. 213, note 17. Michael Rhangabc, emperor, ii. 5; II. Balbus, 6; 111. 136; Cerularius, bishop of Constantinople, 142 ; Pa- Iffologus, 232, 413 ; Psellus, the Younger, 410; Anchialus, 411; Dc Caussis, iii. 352, note 26 ; Michael de Cesena, 24, note 28. Micislaus, duke of Poland, ii. 135. Miesrob, i. 311. Miliez, John, iii. 1.36. Mile, papal legate, ii. 385. Minifnorvm, iii. 306. Minucius, Felix, i. 95, note 8. Mistewoi, prince of the Wends, ii. 134. Miracles. See Relics. Moguls, ii. 219, 409; iii. 151. Malay, James de, grand master of the Templars, iii. 3, note 4. Molitoris, Ulrich, iii. 339, note. Monachism, in 9th and 10th centuries, ii. 120 seq.; from the 11th, 280; iii. 87 seq ; 286 seq. Monarchians, i. 127. Monks, origin of, i. 172; zeal in the destruction of the heathen temples, 87 ; side with Athana.sius, 201 ; op- posed to learning, 212 ; Monachism in the East, 270 ; in the West, 276 ; re- lations of the monks to the clergy, 278 ; influence on morals, 304 ; con- tinualion, 345 ; monastic orders, 347. Moneta, ii. 395. Mono'physites, i. 315 seq. Muntanus, i. 90 seq. ; Montanists in the West, 124, 148. Monte Cassino, convent of, i. 346. Monte Granelli, Charles de, iii. 98, note 3. Monte Lauduno, William de, iii. 44, note 4. Montesa-, order of, iii. 6, note 7. Montesono, John de, condemned by the university of Paris for rejecting the doctrine of the immaculate concep- tion, iii. 116. Montesecco, John Bapt., iii. 230, note 3. Montpellier, council of, ii. 3S6. Moors, driven from Spain, iii. 336. Morals, pernicious influence of pagan- ism upon, i. 16; Christian morals in first Period, 173; superintendence of, intrusted to the clergy, 244 ; in second Period, 296 seq. ; amongst the Scholas- tics, ii. 327 ; science of, neglected in 14th century, iii. 111. Moravia converted, ii. 130 seq. More, Sir Thomas, his Utopia, iii. 403. Morung, Dietrich, iii. 327, note 19. Moses ben Maen^.on, ii. 328. Moulins, Gujars de, translated the S. S., iii. 321. Mozarabes, ii. 123. Muhamined, i. 365. Munsinger, John, iii. 136, note 1. Murner, Thom., iii. 339, note. Mvssattis, Albeit, iii. 1. Mysteries, i. 18; in the church, 71; cairied to peifeclion, 294. Mystics, ii. 315; iii. 109 seq. ; 135. N. A''aples, whether belonging to the Patri- monium St. Petri, i. 342, note 27. A'^aso, William, ii. 14, note 9. JVazarcBuns, i. 62. JVepos, an Egyptian bishop, i. 142. JVero, his persecution of the Christians, i. 56. A'^estor, i. 2.30 seq.; his liturgy, 286, note 16 ; spread of his followers, 353 ; Russian annalist, ii. 150; Nestorians in the East, ii. 408, 419. JVctterus, Thomas, ii. 259, note 6. JYew Platonism, i. 111. JSTice, council of, i. 127, note 15 ; 194, 250, 279 seq. ; 292. JVicephoi-us, Greek emperor, ii. 5 ; Gre- goras, iii. 156, note 4. INDEX. 431 J\,''icetas, Pectoratus, ii. 144 ; Aconiina- tus, 410. Alcholas I., Pope, ii. 70, 136 ; II. III. 233 seq.; IV. 232; V. iii, 207 seq. • Ep. Botrontinensis, iii. 2, SS; note 15. de ClaiTicn2:e, iii. lOS. Cusanus iii. 189,219,237,313. of Hu.s*inecz, iii. 359. de Lyra, iii. 114. ■ See Panorniitanus. Alcolaifes, i. 69. JVV(Zerws, Jo., iii. 176, note 11. A^iem, Theod. de, iii. 1. J\''ilus, Cahasilas, iii. 155, note 7 ; Da- niyhi, 155. JS^imbus, borrowed from the heatiien, i 290, note 41. JMobes, Stephen, i. 321. JVoetus, i. 128. JSTogaret, iii. 3, note 3. A''otmnalists, ii. 312. J\'omocanon, of John Scholasticus, i. 333. JVorbert, founder of the Premonstraten- sians, ii. 281. JVorway, converted, ii. 128. JVotker, Labeo, abbot of St. Gollen, ii. 101. JVovatian de Trinitate, i. 148; his fol- lowers, 163 ; reject the worship of martyrs, 308, note 1. JVubians, Monophysites, i. 354. J\^unneries for noble ladies, ii. 306. J\uns, i. 276. JWiremberg, diet of, 1456, iii. 211, note 14 ; 218,' note 27. O. Oaths, the clere;y excused from them, i. 296; oath of allegiance required of them, 218 seq.; ii. 92, 266. Obotrites, converted, ii. 406. Occam, Wm., iii. 24, note 28 ; 30, note 12; 104. Occamists, iii. 105. Odilo, abbot of Clugny, ii. 121. (Ecumenius, bishop of Tricca, ii. 149. Officiales, ii. 273. OJficium S. Maria;, ii. 126. Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, iii. 149, note 19. Oldenburg, bishopric of, ii. 406. Olivetans, iii. 97. Olivetits ; see Lupus. Onias, his temple at Leontopolis, i. 30. Ononochytes, i. 75, note 10. Ophites,\. 86. Ordeal, i. 360; ii. 118. Ordination, i. 156. Orders, reformation of, ii. 121, 280; military, 307. Oresmius, Nicholas, iii. 81, note 5. Oriental churches, ii. 418. Original sin, i. 218 seq. Origen, i. 134 seq., 207 seq.; contro- vei-sy concerning him, 323. Orosius, iii. 190. Ortuin, iii. 408, note 31. Otho I. crowned emperor at Rome, ii. 79; converts the Wends, 134; Ii. iii. 80 ; duke of Saxony, 202 ; of Wiltels- back,2l)4; lY. emperor, 204; bishop of Bamberg, 405 ; the one-eyed duke of Brunswick-Lunenburg, 291, note 12 ; duke of Austria, 25, note 34. Osma, Petrus de, iii 368, note 24. Oswin, king of Northumberland, i. 379. I Ostrogoths, see Goths; destruction of their kingdont, i. 355. I Otfried, his harmony of the gospels, ii. 34. Otranto, taken by the Turks, iii. 233. Otta de Colonna, iii. 178. Oxford, scholastic theology there in 13th century, ii. 313. Pachomius, i. 270 ; founds the first nun- neries, 276, note 33. Paganism in first century, i. 24 ; in second century, 71 ; in third century, 111; pagan virtue, what ; laws against it in second Period, what ; final extinc- tion of, in Roman empire, 314; amongst the Franks, 359. Pagans, i. 180, 189 seq. Palceologus John, emperor, iii. 411. Palamas, see Gregory. Palestine, pilgrimages thither, i. 289 ; papal vicar there in 7th centui-y, 374. Pallium, bestowed by the popes, i. 344 ; conditions annexed to the investiture with, ii. 73 ; importance attached to it, 94. Palmachius, a monk; praises of, by Jerome, i. 277, note 1. Pahnaris, synod of, i. 338. Paltz, John de, iii. 326, note. Paludanus, Petrus, iii. 46, note 2. Pamphilus, martyr, i. 118, note 19 ; friend of Origen, 144.' Panodorus, his date of the birth of Christ, i. 37, note 3. Panorniitanus, iii. 198, note 37; 259, note 6. Pantcsnus i. 135. Paolucci of Foliani, iii. 96, note 14. Papact/, history of, ii. 13, 64 seq.; pro- gress of the political power of, 156 seq. ; Ecclesiastical, 253. 432 INDEX. Papal court, licentiousness of, iii. 47, 64 seq ; 270, 47 seq. Paphntitius, oppo-ed to the celibacy' of the clergy, i. 279. Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, i. 68. Papisciis, i. 95. Parabolani, i. 245. Paraclete, abbey of, ii. 315. Pa;a<<->i, 260, note 18; sub- ject to no earthly tribunal, 339; influ- ence of the Ostrogoth kings in choice of, 340 ; claims denied in the British church, 362 ; their consequence in the West, 370; synods at, ii. 137, 139, 110, 160. Roniualdus, see Camalducenses. Ronkal, fields of, diet at, ii. 190. Rosary, ii. 295 ; brethren of the, iii. 297, note 10. Roscellinus, ii. 312. Rudolph, duke of Suabia, ii. 166 seq. ; of Hapsburg, 234; of Worms, iii. 221, note 30. Rufinus, translator of Origcn, i. 1-36, note 4 ; history, 209 seq. ; controversy with Jerome, 214. Rugen, island of. Christianized, ii. 406. Rules of the monastic orders, i. 9. Rupert, abbot of Duytz, ii. 329. Ruprecht, eaiperoi', iii. 162. Rus, iNicii., iii. 382, note 9. Russians, convei-ted, ii. 149. Rusticus, Diaconus at Rome, i. 326. Ruysbrceck, John, iii. 109. Ryd de Reen, Herman, iii. 279, note 7. Sabatati, ii. 377, Sabbath, i. 107. Sabcllicus, M. A., iii. 233, note 10. Sabellius, i. 129. Saccas, Anuuonius, i. 111. Sachsenspiegel, ii. 214. Sacra, Peregiina, forbidden, i. 19 ; ten- dency to, 55. Sacraments, history of, ii. 330. Sacrifices, human, i. 17; offerings of the Christians at the Lord's Supper, 104 ; at the graves of the martyrs, 109 ; heathen forbidden, 180, 186 seq. Sadducees, i. 28 ; averse to Christianity, 48. Saints, worship of, i. 283; see Martyrs, 350 ; ii. 57, 124, 340 ; legends of, 341 ; iii. 118. Samaritans, i. 32 seq. ; Christians free from the prejudice against them, 48 ; confounded with them, 55. Samogitco, iii. 151, note 2. Samosatenes, see Paul. Sanij)sa;ans, i. 62. Sancho, first king of Portugal, ii. 206. Sancius, Roderick, iii. 263. Sanction, see Pragmatic Sanction. Surabaites, i. 275. Saracens, iii. 8, note 8. Sardica, council of, i. 96; sanctions ap- peals to the bishop of Rome, 256. Sarmatio, a monk, i. 310. Sarrazin, John, iii. 268, note 23. Saturninus, i. 88. Savonarola, Jerome, iii. 377. Saxons, converted, ii. 28. Sbynko, archbishop of Prague, iii. 345. Scara, Colonua, ii. 241, 249. Schistn, definition of, i. 2; papal iii. 58. Scholastic theology, ii. 31 1 ; iii. 104, 307. Scholastics, their ethics, ii. 327. Schools, theological, want of, in second Period, i. 331 ; founded by Charle- magne, ii. 30 ; triviura quadrivium, 31 ; for the people, 34 ; of the Arabs, 101. Sclavonians, converted, ii. 128. Sclavonian, translation of the Bible, 130 ; opposition to their ritual, 132 ; permit- ted, 133, note 17. INDEI. 435 Sr.otists, ii. 326. Scythianus, i. 133, note 11. Sebastian, canon in Erfurt, iii. 332, note 30. Secunda Secimdcc, of Thomas Aquinas, ii. 328. Secundus, an Arian bishop, i. 194. Seldschucks, ii. 171. Semgallen, ii. 407. Semiarians, i. 198. Semipehtgiatiism, i. 227 ; controversy renewed, 328. Sena, Jac. de, iii. 59, note 5. Sens, synod of, ii. 315. Sarapis, worship of, i. 186, note 3 seq. Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople, i. 366 ; pope, 371 ; Paulician, ii. 8 ; pope II. 19; III. 78. Sermons, ii. 348 ; iii. 318. Severus, bishop of Anlioch, i. 320 ; Sep- timius, 114; Alexander, 115. Sextus, Einpiricus, i. 72. Shetland- Islands, Christianity introduc- ed there, ii. 128. Shrines, iii. 324. Sibylline Siberti, Jac, iii. 279. Sicilian code of laws, iii, 214 ; vespers, 235. Sickingen, Franz von, iii. 409. Siegfried, archbishop of Mayence, ii. 161. Siegmund, grand duke of Austria, iii. 218. Sigismund, emperor, iii. 178 seq. Simeon, the Styhte, i. 276, 290, note 41 ; bishop of Jerusalem, 61 ; Metaphras- tes, ii. 149 ; archbishop of Thessaloni- ca, iii. 411, note 1. Simon Magus, i. 34 ; bishop of Seleucia, 311; of Tournay, ii. 322; De Mont- fort, 386 ; Constantinople, iii. 155, note 8. Simony, in Rome, in third Period, ii. 261, note 15. Sitis, see Penance ; forgiveness of, ii. 355. Siricius, bishop of Rome, i. 279. Sirmium, first council of, i. 197; second, 198 ; third, 199. Sisters of the Free Spirit, ii. 403. Sixtus IV., iii. 229 seq. Slaves, amongst the heathen, i. 17 ; amongst the Christians, 307. Sodalitia, i. 20, note 4. Soissons, synod of, ii. 312, 314. Sophroniiis, a monk of Palestine, i. 367. Soreth, John, iii. 294, note. Sorores, (subintroducta?,) i. 172. Soul, notions concerning its condition after death, in the second century, i. 100 ; Origen's views of, 141 ; Tertul- lian's,^149, note^lO ; purgatory, 352. Spain, persecution of the Christians there, ii. 55. Speculum, Aureum, by whom written, iii. 66, note 8. Spirituales, iii. 91. Spoliarum, see Jus. Spread of Christianity, see Progress. Sprenger, Jac, iii. 297, note 10. Spurious writings, i. 99. j Stotiones, i. 107, note 28. Stedinger, ii. 390. Stephen, first martyr, i. 48; bishop of Koine, 165; king of England, ii. 192; Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, 206; V. pope, 77; VI. 78; king of Hungary, 135 ; of Thiers, founder of the order of Grammont, 280 ; De Bor- bone, 395. Stiekna, iii. 136. Stoics, i. 21. Strenceshalh, synod of, (synodus pharen- sis,) i. 379. Studius, i. 275. Stylites, i. 345. Suburbicarian, provinces, i. 256. Sudarium, Christi, i. 45, note 4. Suevi, i. 312, 355. Suffragans, ii. 274. Suidbert, i. 382. Suidger, afterwards Clement, ii. 84. Sumnia, Astesana, iii. Ill ; Bartholina, ibid. Sunday, i. 59, 107, 121 ; bow observed amongst the Manichaeans, 133. Suso, iii. 109. Sutri, synod of, ii. 84. Swedes, converted, ii. 29, 128. Swiss, resist the papal encroachments, iii. 76. Sword, knights of the, ii. 310, 407. Sybilline oiacles, i. 99. Sylvester, pope, ii. 82 ; iii. 84. Sylvius, see .^neas. Symbolum, (apostle's creed,) i. 52, 98 ; Athanaisan, ii. 42. See Filioque. Symmachus, Q. A., i. 186. Synagogues, i. 27 ; allowed in Rome, 30 ; taken by the Christians as the models of their churches, 47. Synesius,i. 212; excommunicates a pre- fect, 244, note 6. Synods, i. 102, 152 ; fficumenical, 192, 241 ; first at Nice, 194 seq. ; second at Constantinople, 205 seq. ; third at Ephesus, 234 ; fourth at Chalcedon, 240 ; fifth at Constantinople, 325 seq. ; sixth at Constantinople, 368 ; provin- cial synods, 250 ; popes subject to their authority, 340 ; in the German church, 436 356 ; in Constantinople, ii. 4 ; at Frankfort, 36, 44; Aix, 42, 70; at Mayence, 50; Chiersy, 51 ; Valence, 51 ; at Metz, 71; at Soissons, 72; at Duziacum, 74 ; general council at Lyons, 220 ; episcopal inquisitorial, iii. 126. Syrian theological school, i. 145, note 1 ; 209, 228. Tabenna, seat of the first convent, i. 270. Taborites, iii. 359 seq. Tacke, Henry, iii. 313. Tanchelm, ii. 364. Tarasius, patriarch of Constantinople, ii. 4. Tatian, a Syrian Gnostic,'^!. 88 ; his apo- logy for Christianity, 95. Tauter, John, iii. 109. Taxes, paid by the church in fourth cen- tui-y, i. 242 ; to the pope in fburieeuth century, iii. 54. Templars, ii. 307 seq. ; persecuted by Philip the Fair, iii. 3. Temples, heathen, destroyed, i. 187; used for churches in Britain, 360, note 6. Tertiaries, of the Franciscans, ii. 290. Tertullian, i. 124 seq. ; on the mode of the being of God, 149, note 10; 150, note 13'. Tetzel, Jo., iii. 330, note. Theodemir, ii. 3S. Theoderich, king of the Ostrogoths, i. 336. Theodora, empress, i. 321. Theodora, Greek empress, ii. 7. Theodoretus, bishop of Cyrus, i. 234, 324. Theodorus, bishop of Heraclea, i. 209 ; bishop of Mopsuestia, 210 ; his confes- sion of faith, 228, note 2 ; his writings condemned, 324 ; Ascidas, 320; Lec- tor, 330 ; archbishop of Canterbury, 379 ; his liber pcenitentialis, 381 ; stu- dita, ii. 6; Balsamon, 411. TTieodosius L, i. 186 seq. ; 204 seq. ; compelled to do penance, 244, note 6. Theodotus, a Monarchian, i. 128. Theognis, bishop of Nice, an Arian, i. 194. Theognostus, a follower of Oiigen, i. 143. T^eo^og-icaZ sciences, i. 191, 207,330; in the British church, 380 ; ii. 311 ; iii 105, 307. Theonas, a follower of Arian, i. 194. Theopaschites, a sect in the East, i. 322 Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, his apol- ogy for Christianity, i. 95. Theophylactus, archbishop of Bulgaria, ii. 410. Therapenfa, i, 32; brought forward as Christians, 273, note 13. Thesaurus, supererogationis perfecto- rum, ii. 358. Thietgaiid, archbishop of Triei-s, ii. 71. Thomas, the Apostle, amongst the Par- thians, i. 55; in India, 353, note 3; Thomas Christians, 237 ; of Aquino, ii. 294, 324 ; his opusc. cont. Gra-c. 413; see a Kenqiis ; De Rennes, iii. 283, note ; De Torquenada, 335 ; Walden- sis, 149. Tho7nists, ii. 326. Tiberianus, his Relatio ad Traj. i. 61, note 2. Timothy, Paul's companion, i. 50 ; iElu- rus, 317 ; aa/.o(fuyui?.og ; 318. Tiridates, king of Armenia, i. 311. Tithes, iii. 55 ; see Clergy. Tolerance, religious, of the Romans, i. 19 seq. ; towards the Jews, 30 seq. ; not extended to the Christians, 35 ; Gallie- nus' toleration laws, 117, note 14 ; uni- versal under Constant, and Licinius, 119. Tolomei, Jo., founder of the Olivetans, iii. 97. Torquemada, see Thomas and Turre- cremata. Tostatus, Alphonso, iii. 258. Toulouse, council of, ii. 388. Tours, council of, iii. 245. Tradition, rejected by Tertullian, i. 147, note 3 ; traditional theologians, 212. Traditores, i. 118. Tradux peccati, i. 218. Treuga Dei, (truce of God,) i. 118. Triers, disputed choice of bishop of, ii. 196 seq. Trinity, i. 323, note 2 ; 329. See Anus. Trishagion, i. 318. Trithemius, iii. 161. Triumphus, Augustinus, iii. 18. Troyes, synod of, ii. 307. TruUus, council of the, i. 370. Tschinggischan, (Gengis Khan,) ii. 408. Turrecremata, iii. 262, note 13. Turrianus, Philip, iii. 332, note 30. Turlupines, iii. 131. Tuscany, league of, ii. 202. Twinger, Jac, iii. 1. Typiis, of Constaus, 11., i. 369. U. Ubertinus, de Casali, ii. 305; iii. 15, note 13. Ulfitas, bishop of the Visigoths, i. 312. Ulrich, von Hutten, iii. 408; of Wur- temberg, 294, note 19 ; Episc. Verden- sis, 162, note 3. INDEX. 437 Unam sanctam, bull, ii. 246. Unction, previous to baptism, i. 294. Universal history, i. 6 ; of the Christian church, 4. Universities, first, ii. 313 ; their import- ance, iii. 71 ; resistance to the mendi- cant orders, 88. Urban, popes, II., Ii. 170 seq. ; 411 ; III. 193; IV. 226. Utraquists, iii. 360. V. Vacant places filled by the popes, iii. 180. Valens, emperor, i. 105; opposed to Monachism, 272. Vahntinian I. i. 184; II. 186; III. declares the bishop of Rome the head of the Western church, 269. Valerian, i. 116. Valla, Laurentiiis, iii. 261. Vallombrosa, order of, ii. 122. Vandals, Arians, i. 312. Vargas, Martin de, iii. 202, note 16. Vercilla, synod of, ii. 103. Verdun, treaty of, ii. 19. Vergilius, Polydorus, iii. 385, note 14. Verona, league of, ii. 191. Veronica, i. 45, note 4. Vespers, iii. 315. Vicelin, ii. 406. Victor, bishop of Rome, in controversy concerning the celebration of Easter, i. 126 ; bishop of Tunnuna, 326 ; II. 88; III. 170; IV. 195; St. Hugo, Richard, and Walter, ii. 319 seq. Vienna, diet of, iii. 218, note 27. Vigilantius, presbyter of Barcelona, i. 310. Vigilius, bishop of Rome, i. 323. Vilani, Giovanni, Matteo, and Filippo, iii. 1. Vincentius, Lirinensis, Semi-Pelagian, i. 227. Vindelicia, Christianized in first Period, i. 123. Virtue, a different kind required of the clergy and of the laity, i. 298, 305. Viscsnte, iii. 40 seq. Visigoths, Christianized, i. 312. Vitoduranus, iii. 1. Vivarium, convent of, i. 347. Vrie, Theodoric, iii. 167. W. Wadstena, convent of, iii. 98. Waldenses, ii. 376 seq. ; in thirteenth century, 398 seq. ; iii. 127. Wazon, bishop of Liege, ii. 154. Wenceslaus, St., ii. 132. Wends, converted, ii. 134, 405. Wesel, John de, iii. 383. Wessel, John, iii. 388. Western church, ii. 9,64; controversy with the Greek church, 136 ; final se- paration, 147. T\^ite brethren, iii. 134. Wiching, bishop of Neitra, ii. 131. Wicliffe, John, iii. 141 seq. Wigelius, (Weigel,) iii. 324, note 15. Wigornia, (Worcester,) great synod at, i. 362. Willebrord, bishop of Utrecht, i. 381. William, abbot of Hirschau, ii. 122 ; de Nogaret, 249 ; de Champeaux, 313. Wilsnack, miracle of the holy blood there, iii. 313. Winchester, synod of, ii. 169. Winfried, see Boniface. Wiriterthur, John de, iii. 1. Wirth, Wigard, iii. 318, note 20. Witiza, king of the Visiijoths, i. 378. Wittekind, baptized, ii. 28. Wladimir, converted, ii. 149. Wladislaus, iii. 371. Worship, o{ the early Christians, i. 59, 167; nightly, 103; in the second Period, 281 ; vigils, 293 ; history of, continued, 349; ii. 57, 124, 330; iii. 115, 311; of saints, i. 282 seq.; see Martyrs, 350 ; ii. 57, 124, 340 ; sing- ing in the churches, i. 58 ; sermons, ii. .348 ; iii. 318. Worms, synods at, ii. 163; Concord, Wormet, 181; iii. 218. Wunschelberg, John, iii. 313, note 8. Xenajas, or Philoxenus, bishop of Ma- bag, i. 320. Yvonetus, against the Waldenses, ii. 395. Z. Zacharias, Rhetor., i. 330. Zeilsheim, treaty of, iii. 222, note 31. Zeitz, bishopric of, ii. 134. Zeno, Isauricus, emperor, i. 318. Ziska, John, iii. 359 seq. Zizi7n, iii. 236. Zosimus, bishop of Rome, i. 176, note 2; in the Pelagian controversy, 220. Zwestriones, iii. 100, note 5. ERRATA. VOL . I. Page 234, line 6, for Isidora read Isidore. " 312, « 26, 11 ?ueci " Suevi. « 333, « 20, (t HierapoHs " Hispolis. " 379, " 10, « Oswys " Oswyn. . > \AJ M i -Wr--