iFrtrni tl|p Sjthrarg of ^tj\\xmtiith by i|tm to ti|^ ICtbrarg of Pnur^tott 3Il|?nlo9tral §?mtttary BR 145 .G47 E5 1868 v. 4 Gieseler, Johann Karl Ludwig, 1792-1854. A text-book of church A TEXT-BOOK CHURCH HISTORY. BY DR. JOHN C. L. GIESELER. EranslatcU antr ISliiteU BY HENRY B. SMITH, PEOFESSOB IN TIIE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YOKE. VOL. IV.— A.D. 1517-1G48. THE REFORMATIOX AND ITS RESULTS TO TIIE PEACE QF WESTPHALIA. NEW YORK: H A R r E It & BROTHERS, T U B L I S II E R S, F R A N K M N S Q U A R K. 18 6 8. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixtj-one, by HARPER & BROTHERS, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Only three sections of the present volume of G-ieseler's Church History have ever before been publishecl in an English transla- tion. These were contained in the Fifth Volume of the Edin- burgh edition, and are here given in a revised version, extending to page 122 of this volume. The history of the Reformation, in its general as well as in its religious bearings, was one of the fa- vorite objects of Dr. Grieseler's indefatigable researches. In no part of his great work is he more thorough ; in none is the value of his labors more generally recognized. Dr. Redepenning, the editor of the later volumes, says '• that the crown of his labors in church history is found in his exposition of the doctrinal develop- ment in the period of the Reformation to the Peace of West- phalia." Certainly in no part of his work does he add more to the desiderata of our English literature. Neander's history does not reach to the Reformation ; our popular histories of the Refor- mation do not introduce us to the sources. Though the account of the English and Scotch Reformation is comparatively meagre, yet this can easily be supplied from other accessible works. The present volume contains the whole history of the Reforma- tion to the Peace of Westphalia. The history of the Roman Cath- olid Church during the same period will be given in the Fifth Volume, which will also comprise the history of the whole Church from 1648 to the present times, as published by Redepenning from Dr. G-ieseler's notes. Apart from its precise and condensed statement of facts and re- sults, the chief value of this work to the student is perhaps to be 4# INTRODUCTORY NOTE. found in its accurate citations from the original autliorities. To retain this characteristic even in the translation seemed to be in- dispensable. But as many of the notes are in German, and as the bulk of the volume would be too much enlarged by giving both the Grerman and a translation, the plan has been adopted of inclosing in brackets a condensed statement of the main points, which may prove sufficient for the general reader. As to the value of this history, the verdict is unanimous among all German, English, and American scholars, of every ecclesias- tical denomination. It is an indispensable help and guide to all interested in such investigations. It is so thorough and exact, that it is itself an authority. It is so impartial, that even when we differ from its judgments it gives us the data by which we may fortify our dissent. And it fosters in every student the love of historic truth and the spirit of Christian charity. H. B. S. Union Theological Seminary, New York, February 25, 1861. CONTENTS OF VOL IV. FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PRESENT TIMES. FIRST DIVISION. A.D. 1517-1G48. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE REACE OF WESTPHALIA. PART FIRST OF FIRST DIVISION. EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. FIRST CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION. I'AOE SOUKCES AND LlTERATUHE 'J § 1. German Reformation to 1524 13 Martin Luther 16 John Tetzel 21 John Eck 27 Cardinal Cajetan 30 Philip Melancthon 32 The Elector of Saxonj- 34 Carlstadt and the Leipsic Disputation 36 Luther's Appeal to the Nobles 42 De Captivitate Bahylonica 47 Bull of Condemnation 51 Diet of Worms 56 Carlstadt and the False Prophets 61 Hadrian VI 66 Clement VII. and Cardinal Campeggio 70 Extent of German Reform 71 § 2. Reformation in Switzerland to 1525 75 Ulrich Zwingle 76 Bernhardin Samson at Zurich 81 Zurich Disputation (Faber) 88 Appenzell 96 Berne (Sebastian Meyer) '. 97 Basle (Capito and Iledio) 98 Oecolampadius and Farel 99 § 3. Controversies prejudicial to the Reformation Luther against George of Saxony and Henrj- VIII. of England 100 Luther vs. Erasmus 101 On the Lord's Supper (Carlstadt) 107 Anabaptists (Miinzer) 112 Peasants' War 114 ii CONTENTS. PAGE § 4. German Reformation to 1530 ' 123 Philip of Hesse 124 Diet of Spires 126 Eome taken 127 Synod of Homberg 127 Protestants 131 Conference of Marburg , I'SS Diet of Augsburg 135 § 5. Continuation, to the Peace of Nuremberg, July 23, 1532 137 The Emperor and the Elector 138 Augsburg Confession 139 Confessio Tetrapolitana 149 Smalcald Lejigue 153 Peace of Nuremberg 154 § G. Swiss Reformation to the Second Peace, Nov., 1531 155 Struggle in Basle (Oecolanipadius) 156 Burgher Eights 159 Battle of Cappel 162 § 7. German Reformation to the Recess of the Diet of Ratisbon, July 29, 1541 162 Landgrave Philip 163 Treaty of Cadan 164 Paul III • : 165 Smalcald Articles 168 The Holy League 169 Ratisbon Interim 173 § 8. Continuation, to the Close of the Smalcald War, 1547 .178 Diet of Spires, 1542 178 Hermann of Cologne 179 Council of Trent, summoned 182 Luther's Death 184 Duke Maurice 187 § 9. Continuation, to the Religious Peace of Augsburg, Sept. 25, 1555 191 Augsburg Interim 193 Formula Reformationis 194 Leipsic Interim 201 Council of Trent, assembling 205 Treaty of Passau 206 Peace of Augsburg 207 § 10. The Swiss Reformation to 1555 209 German Switzerland (Bullinger and Mj-conius) 209 The Catholic Cantons 211 French Switzerland (William Farel, at Geneva) 213 John Calvin 214 Italian Switzerland 217 § 11. Relations of the Two Religious Parties in Germany, to 1618 218 Ferdinand I .' 219 Maximilian II '. 221 Rudolph II 224 The Reformed Calendar 225 Colloquy at Ratisbon 226 Jiilich-Cleves 231 § 12. The Thirty Years' War 233 Frederick V 233 Treaty of Lubeck 234 Gustavus Adolphus '. 236 CONTENTS. ill ■ PAGK Peace of "Westphalia 237 § 13. Ecclesiastical Affairs in Switzerland, to 1648 240 Charles Borromeo 241 Francis of Sales 242 The Grisons 243 SECOND CHAPTER. THE REFORMATION IN OTHER LANDS. § 14. Bohemia and Moravia 243 Calixtines and Bohemian Brethren 244 Confession of Faith 24G Conipactata 248 Bohemia plundered 249 § 15. Poland, Prussia, and Livonia 250 Albert of Brandenburg 251 Sigismund August 252 Gotthard Kettler 253 S}"nod of Sendomir 254 Pax Dissidentium 255 Jesuits in Poland 25G Conference of Thorn 257 § It Hungarj' and Transj-lvania 257 Hungarians in Wittenberg 258 Matthias Devaj' 259 Isabella 2G0 Unitarians 261 Jesuits 263 Gabriel Bethlen 264 Treaty of Linz 265 § 17. Denmark, Norwaj', and Iceland 2G5 Christian II 26G Frederick 1 267 John Bugenliagen 268 Christian III. of Norway 269 § 18. Sweden 269 Olaf and Lawrence Peterson 270 Gustavus Vasa 271 Erich XIV., John III 273 § 19. Italy 27G Antonio Brucioli 277 Augustinianism 278 Ferrara, Venice, Naples 279 Ochino, Peter MartjT 280 Paleario's Del Beneficio di Christo , ' 28 1 Inquisition 284 Index Librorum Prohibitorum 286 § 20. Spain 288 Seville and Valladolid 289 De Valero, Cazalla 290 Franz Enzinas 291 Anto-da-fes 292 Bartholomew de Carranza 293 -iy . CONTENTS. PAGE § 21. France 293 Bishop Briqonnet 294 Francis 1 295 Jlargaret of Navarrs 295 Calvin's Preface 298 Confession of Faith, 1559 299 § 22. Continuation, to the Edict of Nantes 300 Catherine de' Medici 300 Huguenots 300 Charles IX 302 Night of St. Bartholomew 304 Henry IV 305 § 23. Continuation, to the Peace of Westphalia 306 Louis XIII 307 Dulie de Rohan '. 308 § 24. The Netherlands 309 The First Martyrs - 310 Maria, Stadtholder 312 Sect of Free Spirit 313 Bishop Granvella 314 The Beggars and Margaret 315 Union of Utrecht ' 317 William of Orange 317 § 25. Scotland 318 Patrick Hamilton 318 John Knox 319 Alary Stuart 320 James TI , 321 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. SoDncr.s and Litehatuke 321 ^ 2G. Under Henry YIII 323 Adsertio VII. Sacramentorum • 323 Tyndal's New Testament : 324 Cranmer 325 Head of the English Church 326 Thomas Cromwell 327 Excommunication 329 § 27. Under Edward VI. and Mary 330 Homilies, Liturgj', and Forty-two Articles 331 Reunion with Rome , 333 § 28. Under Elizabeth 334 Act of Uniformity 334 Archbishop Parker 335 Thirty-Nine Articles 336 Mary Stuart executed 337 Puritans 339 Robert Brown 340 § 29. Under James I. and Charles 1 341 Gunpowder Plot 343 Sunday Sports 345 CONTENTS. y PAGH Episcopacy in Scotland 34G Archbishop Laud 347 Oliver Cromwell 348 FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE MINOE RELIGIOUS PARTIES OF THE REFORjVIATION PERIOD. § 30. Anabaptists and Antitrinitarians 351 Denck, Hetzer, Servetus 351 Christus David 352 Melchior Hoffmann, Campanus 353 § 31. Unitarians 354 Italian Humanists 355 Servetus burned 357 Laelius Socinus 358 Valentinus Gentilis 360 Blandrata, Peter Statorius 3G1 Francis Stancaro 3G2 Polish Unitarians ; 363 Catechism of Cracow 364 Faustus Socinus • 365 Racovian Catechism 367 Unitarians in Transylvania 3G8 Francis Davidis 369 The Adorantes 369 Jesuits 370 § 32. The Mennonites 371 Menno Simons 372 Waterlanders, Flemings 375 S 33. Schwenckfeld 378 PART SECOND OF FIRST DIVISION. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. FIRST CHAPTER. FORMATION OF THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM IN THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. § 34. First Shaping of the System of Doctrineg in the Lutheran Church 385 Luther's Doctrinal Views 385 Predestination 387 Justification hy Faith 389 The Holy Scriptures , 391 Melancthon's Articles for the Saxon Visitors 396 Antinomian Controversy 397 Confession of Faith 399 § 35. First Shaping of the Doctrinal Sj-stem in the Swiss Church 400 Z wingle 400 The Lord's Supper 407 VI CONTENTS. PAOK Bucer 409 Basle Confession 410 First Helvetic Confession 411 John Calvin 412 Consensus Tigurinus 416 Bolsec 418 Theodore Beza 419 Calvin's Death 421 Heidelberg Catechism 421 Second Helvetic Confession 422 Confessio Belgica, Confessio Gallicana 423 § 36. Melancthou's Theological Relations to Luther 423 Loci Communes Theologici 424 Necessarianism 420 Lord's Supper 428 Nicholas von Amsdorf 429 Caspar Cruciger 430 Augsburg Variata 432 Cologne Project 433 Wittenberg Reformation Articles 434 § 37. Controversj- of the Philippists and Strict Lutherans, to the Death of Melanctbon 435 Matthias Flacius Ill3-ricus 430 Adiaphoristic Controversy 437 Majoristic Controversy 438 Calvinistic Controversy 440 Crypto-Calvinists 441 Sj'nergistic Controversy 444 Tilemann Hesshusius 447 Melancthou's Views 451 John Brenz 451 Communicatio Idiomatum 452 Melancthou's Death 453 § 38. Continuation, to the Fall of Crj-pto-Calvinism in the Electorate of Saxonj-, 1574 454 Ubiquity of Christ's Bodj- 454 Flacius on Original Sin 455 Bremen Controversies (Hardenberg) 456 Elector August and Caspar Peucer 457 Conference at Altenburg 458 Abjuration of Flacianism 460 John Saliger and Transubstantiation 462 Andreae for Peace 405 ' Consensus Dresdensis 406 Wittenberg on the Lord's Supper 468 § 39. Osiandric Controversy 469 Andreas Osiander ". 4/0 Justification (Staphylus) 472 John Funck 477 Francis Stancarus 480 § 40, Redaction of the Formula Concordiae 481 Andreae's Efforts 481 Suabian Confession, Maulbronn Formula 482 Torgau Book 483 Bergen Convention and Book 485 Formula subscribed 489 Formula not universally- accepted 490 CONTENTS. vii PAGE § 41. German Reformed Churches . . .^ 493 The Palatinate, Nassau 494 Bremen 495 Electoral Saxony, Anhalt 490 Hesse-Cassel 497 John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg 498 § 42. Final Statements of the Lutheran Doctrine 501 Samuel Iluber and Aegidius Huunins 502 Giessen and Tubingen : Kenotists and Ciyptists 503 § 43. Calvinism in the Netherlands : Armiuian Controversj- 505 James Arminius and Francis Gomarus 507 Simon Episcopius and John Uytenbogaert 508 Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants „ 509 Synod of Dort 510 § 44. Historj' of the Remonstrants, continued 512 The Collegiants (Rhynsburgers) 512 Remonstrant Peculiarities 513 § 45. The Doctrine of Predestination after the Synod of Dort 515 French Reformed Church 51G SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE EXTERNAL ORDER AND WORSHIP OF THE EVANGEL- ICAL CHURCHES. § 4G. Constitution and Government of the Evangelical Churches 518 Luther's Principles. Zwingle 518 Superintendents 525 Luther and the Jurists 527 Government by Princes 532 Denmark and Sweden 533 Swiss Cantons 533 Calvin and Geneva 536 The French Reformed Church 538 Netherlands 539 § 47. The Order of Public Worship 539 Luther and Zwingle 540 Luther's Writings on the Subject 541 Reformed Church of Zurich 547 Basle, Geneva 549 THIRD CHAPTER. THEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS CULTURE IN THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. § 48. History of Theologj- 55I The Scriptures. Aristotelian Philosoplij- 552 Ramus. Descartes 554 Lutheran Divines 555 Reformed Theologians 5*7 French Reformed Church 560 § 49. Religious Education of the People 561 Universities and Academies 561 viii CONTENTS. PAGE Catechetical Instruction 562 Polemics and Preaching 563 Church Discipline 565 Witchcraft 565 § 50. Counter-workings of Jlysticism and of Practical Christianitj- in the Lutheran' Church 56G Paracelsus. Wcigel 566 Jacob Bohme 567 Joh. Talent. Andreae. Eosicrucians 570 John Arnd. John Gerhard 573 § 51. Attempts at Union 575 Erasmus, Cassander 575 De Dominis 579 Lutherans and Reformed 579 John Dury 583 § 52. George Calistus 584 CHURCH HISTORY. FOURTH PERIOD. FIRST DIVISION. FROM THE EEFOKMATION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1517-16i8. FIRST CHAPTER. HISTOEY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION. I. Sources for the History of loth Countries : Jo. Sleidani (his family name was Phillipp- sou of Slcida in the connty of Manderscheid, Professor of Law at Strasburg, f 1556) De Statu Religionis et Reipublicae, Carolo V. Caesare, Commentarii. Libb. xxvi. Argentor. 1555. foL' ; best edition, multis annotationibus illustrata a Chr. Car. Am- Ende. Francof. ad M. 1785, P. iii. S ; in French, with notes by P. F. le Courayer, a la Have. 17G7. 3 voll. 4; in German with the notes of Courayer and others, original documents and a preface by J. S. Semler (by F. A. Stroth). Halle, 1771. 4 Bde. 8. [An English translation of this work, by Bohnn, was published at London, 1689.] Supplementary Works : khr. Sculteti (Professor at Heidelberg, afterward preacher at Em- den, f 1625) Annalium Evangelii, passim per Europam decimo sexto Salutis partae Seculo renovati, Decas I. et II. (from 1516 to 1536, the other decades were destroyed at the conquest of Prague). Heidelb. 1618. 8, reprinted in V. d. Hardt, Hist, liter. Ee- formationis. P. V. Dan. Gerdes (Professor at Groningen, f 1765) Introductio in Hist. Evangelii saec. xvi. passim per Europam renovati. Groning. 1744-52. Tomi iv. 4. To this is to be added his collection of tracts and original documents : Scrinium Anti- quarium, s. Miscellanea Groningana nova ad Hist. Eeformationis ecclesiasticam prae- cipue spectantia, ib. 1748-63. Tomi viii. 4. K. R. Hagenbach Vorlesungen fiber Wesen u. Gesch. d. Reform, in Deutschland u. d. Schweiz. 4 Th. Leipz. 1834-39. 8 ; new edition, 1852 sq. H. N. Clausen populare Vortrage iiber die Reformation. Leip- zig. 1837. 8. [J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, History of the Great Reformation in Germany, Switzerland, etc. ; 5. 8. New York, 1843 sq.] ' As to the first two editions see AmEnde, in Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhist. u. Literatur. Bd. 2. s. 414, 653. Against Sleidan ; Simeon Fontaine, His- toire Catholique de nostre Tems touchant I'etat de la Religion Chretienne, contre I'Hist. de J. Sleidan. Antverp. 1558. 8 : Roveri Pontani (Carmelite at Brussels) Vera Narratio Rerum, ab anno 1500 usque ad annum 1559, in Republ. Christiana memorabilium. Colon. 1559. fol. : Laur. Surii (Carthusian at Cologne, f 1578) Commentarius Brovis Eerum in Orbe Gestarum, ab ann. 1500 usque 1566. Colon. 1567. 8. VOL. IV. 1 IQ FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Eeformations-Almanacli herausgeg. v. Friedr. Kej'ser. 3. Jahrgg. Erfurt, 1817. 19. 21. in 12. II. Ujioii the History of the German Reformation. Sources : Ge. Spalatini (proper!}' Burckart, of Spelt, in the bishopric of Eichstiidt, court preacher of Saxony, afterward Superintendent at Altenburg, and historiographer of Saxonj-, f 1545^) Aunales Refor- mationis or Yearbooks of the Reformation of Luther, published from his Autograph by E. S. Cyprian. Leipsick, 1718. 8. (cf. Spalatini Anuales a mense Aug. 1513 usque ad finem fere 1526, in Menckenii Scriptt. Rerum Germ. t. ii. p. 589 ss., but not printed accurately, nor complete ; see Veesenmeyer in Vater's Archiv, 1825, s. 73 ; also, Spala- tini Vitae aliquot Electorum et Ducum Saxoniae, in Menckenii Scriptt. Rerum Ger- manic, t. ii. p. 1067, ss.). — Frid. Myconii (or Mekum, Superintendent at Gotha, f 1546^) Hist. Reformationis a.d. 1518-1542, from the author's autograph, and illustrated with a preface by E. S. Cyprian; a second impression, Leipsick, 1718. 8. — Phil. Melanch- thonis Hist. Vitae Mart. Lutheri, preface to Lutheri 0pp. Lat. Vitemberg, t. ii. 1546, often issued separatelj-, e. g. by Chr. A. Heumann, Gottingae, 1741., 4. hy J. Chr. G. Augusti,* translated b}' F. Th. Zimmerman, with notes by Villers, and a preface by Planck, second ed. GiJttingen, 1816. 8. — Jo. Mathesii (pastor in Joachimsthal, f 1568) Historien von D. Martin Luther's Anfang, Lehren, Leben, standhaft Bektintniss seines Glaubens und Sterben (in twenty-seven sermons), 1565. 4, often published e. g. Frank- fort and Leipsick, 1724. 8., in extracts hy L. A. v. Arnim. Berlin, 1817. 8. — Joach. Camerarii (Prof, in Leipsick, f 1574) De Phil. Melanchthonis Ortu, totius vitae cur- riculo et morte, iraplicata rerum memorabilium temporis illius hominumque mentione atque indicio, cum expositionis serie cohaerentium narratio diligens et accurata. Lips. 1566. 8 ; published several times ; recensuit, notas, documenta, bibliothecam librorum Melanchth. aliaque addidit G. Th. Strobel. Halae, 1777. 8. On the edition by Au- gusti, see note 4. Hostile to the Reformation : Jo. Cochlaei (Canon successively at Frankfort, IMay- ence, Vienna, Breslau, f 1552) Commentaria de Actis-et Scriptis Mart. Lutheri, chro- nographice ex ordine ab anno Dom. 1517 usque ad annum 1547 inclusive fideliter con- scripta. Mogunt. 1549. fol.,- also Paris, 1565, Colon. 1568. 8. Original Documents : Val. E. Loscher vollstiindige Reformations- Acta und Documenta. 3 tomi (for the years 1517-1519). Leipz. 1720-29. 4. — Documente zur Reformations- historie, in German, in Walch's edition of Luther's Works, Th. 15-17. The Works of the Reformers : Luther's works : the Wittenberg edition consists of 12 volumes in German (1539-59) and 7 in Latin (1545-58). The Jena edition is printed accurately after the autographs, with the exception of the first part of the German works, 8 volumes in German (1555-58) and 4 in Latin (1556-58), and two supple- mentarj' volumes by Aurifaber, Eisleben, 1564-65. The Altenburg edition contains only the German works, by John Christfried Saggitarius, 10 vols. 1661-64. A sup- plementary volume to all earlier editions, by J. G. Zeidler, Halle, 1702. The Leipsick edition, 22 voll. 1729-40. fol. The most complete edition is that of Halle, by J. G. Walch, 24 Thle. 1740-50. 4. In the last two editions the Latin works are found only in a German translation.^ [A new edition by Plochman v. Irmischer, 65 vols. 8. Er- langen, 1826-55.] Of special value is Dr. M. Luther's Briefe, Sendschreiben u. Be- denken, herausgeg. von Dr. W. M. L. de Wette. Berlin, 1825-56. 6 Th. 8. Phil. Melanchthonis Opera (theol. ed. Casp. Peucer) Witteb. 4 Partes, 1562-64. Consilia theologica ed. Christ. Pezelius. Neustadii, 1600. 8. Christliche Berathschla- gungen und Bedenken— in teutscher Sprach gestellet, zusammengebracht durch Christ. ^ Historia Vitae Ge. Spalatini exposita ab Chr. Schlegelio. Jenae, 1693. 4. ^ Narratio de Frid. Myconio primo dioeceseos Gothanae Superintendente, scrips. C. H. G. Lommatzsch. Annaebergae, 1825. 8. * Phil. Mel. de Vita Mart. Luth. Nan-atio, et Vita Phil. Mel. ab Joach. Camerario conscripta, ed. D. J. Chr. Gu. Augusti, Vratisl. 1819. 8. ^ Upon the editions of Luther's works, see Walch in the Halle edition. Th. 24. s. 582 ff. EISE OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND. H Pezelium, Reustadt a. d. Hardt, 1600. 8. The best edition is Ph. Mel. Epistolae, Prae- fationes, Consilia, Judicia, Schedae Academicae. voll. xxv. (151-1-57), or, Corpus Reformatorum ed. C. G. Bretschneider, post Bretschneiderum ed. H. E. Bindseil, vol. i.— xxv. Halis, 1834-57. 4. There are useful documents in illustration of the earlier historj' of the Reformation, contributed from the originals bj' E. S. Cyprian, at the end of W. E. Tentzel's Histor. Bericht vom Anfang und ersten Fortgang der Reform. Lutheri. Leipzig, 1718. 2 Th. 8. ^-J. E. Kapp kleine Nachlese einiger zur Erlauterung der Reformationsgeschichte niitzlicher Urkunden. Leipz., 1727 fF. 4 Th. 8. — Dr. Th. G. Neudecker's Urkunden aus der Eeformationszeit. Cassel, 1836. 8. Also his merkw. Aktenstiicke aus dem Zei- talter der Reformation. 2 Abtheil. Niirnberg, 1838. 8. Historical Works: Vit. Lud. a Seckendorf (privy councilor in Saxony, afterward in Brandenburg, f at Halle, 1692) Commentarius Historicus et Apologeticus de Luther- anismo. libb. iii. ed. 2. Lips., 1694. fol. (written against the Histoire de Lutheranisme of L. Maimbourg, the Jesuit, Paris, 1G80. 4). — Christ. Aug. Salig (Co-rector in Wolf- enbiittel) Vollstandige Historic der Augsb. Confession u. derselben Apologie (1517- 15G2). Halle, 1730-35. 3 Th. 4.— G. J. Planck Gesch. der Entstehung, der Verander- ungen u. der Bildung unsers protest. Lehrbegrifts bis zur Einfiihrung der Concordien- formel. Leipzig, 1781-1800. 6 Bde. 8 (a second edition of volumes 1-3. 1791-98). — C. L. Woltmann sets out from a political point of view in his Gesch. der Reform, in Deutschland. 3 Th. Altona, 1800-05. small 8.— Ch. W. Spieker Gesch. Dr. Mart. Lu- ther's u. der durch ihn bewirkten Kirchenverbesserung in Deutschland. Bd. 1 (to 1521). Berlin, 1818. 8. — K. A. Menzel Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen v. d. Reformation bis zur Bundesacte. Bd. 1-8. Breslau, 1826-39. 8. — Ph. Marheineke Gesch. der teutschen Ref- ormation, 4 Th. Berlin, 1816-34. 8 (a second edition of Parts 1 and 2, 1831). — L. Ranke deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, 5 Bde, Berlin, 1839-43. [Trans- lated by Sarah Austin. Lend. 1844. Phil. 1844.] Essai sur I'esprit et I'influence de la Reformation de Luther par Ch. Villers. Paris, 1804 ; translated into German by K. F. Kramer, with a Preface and several Treatises by Henke, 2 Abtheil (2te Aufl. Hamburg, 1828. 8). [Translated into English by S. Miller, 12. Phil. 1833.] III. Upon the Uistort/ of the Reformation in Switzerland. Accounts bj' contemporary' writ- ers : (1.) By Reformers : Bernh. Weiss (burgher of Zurich, perished at Cappel, 1531) Kurze Beschreibung der Glaubensanderung im Schweizerlande (in Fiissli's Bey triige iv. 32). Valerius Aushelm (phj'sician and historian of Bern) Berner Chronik bis 1526 (pub- lished by Stierlin and Wyss. Bern, 1825-33. 8. 6 Bde.) from volume 5, s. 368 on. Henry Bullinger (Antistes of the Church of Zurich, f 1575) Reformationsgeschichte (to 1532), published by J. J. Hottinger and H. H. Viigeli. 3 Bde. Frauenfeld, 1838-40. large 8. (2.) By Catholics : Joh.. Salat (clerk of the court at Lucerne) Beschreibung von Anfang u. Ursprung Luther, u. Zwiuglischer Secten v. 1516-1535 (extant in man- uscript, partisan throughout, and full of calumnies ; see Fiissli's Beytriige, ii. 81. Schu- ler's Huldreich Zwingli, Einleit. s. xix.). Valentin Tschudi (Pastor in Glarus, f 1555) Kurze Histor. Beschreibung der in Kriegs- u. Friedenszeiten verloffenen Sachen u. Handeln zu Glarus u. in einer Eidgenossenschaft, down to 1523, very impartial (in manuscript ; see Egedius Tschudi's Leben u. Schriften von lid. Fuchs. St. Gallen, 1805. Th. 2. s. 33 ; Schuler as above, s. xxiv. 46). Egidius Tschudi (magistrate at Glarus, f 1572) Chronik. The part which relates to this period, extant onh' in manuscript, is a rich collection of origuaal documents (see lid. Fuchs. u. s. Th. 2. s. 89). J. Oecolampadii et H. Zwinglii Epistolarum libb. iv. cum praef. Theod. Bibliandri et utriusque vita et obitu, S. Grj-naeo, W. Capitone et Osw. Myconio auctoribus. Basil, 1536. fol. The Vita Zwinglii hy Oswald Myconius (schoolmaster at Lucerne and Zu- rich, from 1531 preacher at Basle, f 1552), is printed separatel}' in Staudlins u. Tzschir- ner's Archiv. fiir Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. s. 1. Important supplementar}' facts are contained in that part of the Narratio verissima civilis Helvetiorum belli (Capellani) 12 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48. . per modum dialogi, ab Osvaldo Mj-conio congesta, which is printed in the above work, s. 38 sq. Original Documents: the works of the Reformers, Ulr. Zwinglii Opera. Turici, 1544. 4 voll. fol. The first complete edition of Zwingle's works is bj' M. Schuler and J. Schul- thess, 8 vols. 8. Zurich, 1828-42. 12 vols. [vols, i., ii., the German works, vols, iii.- viii., the original Latin works, and the German translated]. Jo. Calviui [Opera Theol. 12 fol. Genev. 155G] Opera Amstel. 1667 ss. 9 voll. fol. [Calvin's Works, translated and published in Edinburgh, 1842 sq. in 52 volumes.] Miscellanea Tigurina. 3 Theile. Ziirich, 1722-24. 8. J. Conr. Fiissli (treasurer of the Chapter at Winterthur, f 1775) Beytrage zur Erlauterung der Kirchen-Reformations- gesch. des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1741-53. 5 Th. 8. Ejusd. Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helveticae Reformatoribus vel ad eos Scriptae. Tiguri, 1742. 8. J. J. Simler (Censor of Zurich, f 1785) Samml. alter und neuer Urkuuden zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen- gesch. vornemlich des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1767. 2 Bde. 8 (this gives only a small part of what is contained in the great manuscript-collection of Simmler in the town-librarj' of Zurich ; see Lebensgesch. Oecolampads von S. Hess. Vorr. s. iii.). Historical Works : J. H. Hottingeri (Professor at Zurich, f 1667) Hist. Eccles. (P. ix. Hanoviae et Tiguri 1655, ss. 8.) P. v. sq. J. J. Hottinger (Prof, in Zurich, f 1735) Hel- vetische Kirchengeschichten (4 Th. Zurich, 1708 flf". 4.), Th. 3. Abrah. Ruchat (Preach- er and Professor at Lausanne), Hist, de la Reformation dela Suisse. Geneve, 1727 sq. 6 voll. 12. Ludw. Wirz. (pastor at Munchaltdorf near Ziirich, f 1816) Neuere Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, 2 volumes were published, Zurich, 1813. 1819. 8 (the second bj' Melch. Kirchhofer, pastor at Stein, on the Rhine, comes down to 1523). Sal. Hess, (pastor of St. Peter's in Zurich) Ursprung, Gang u. Folgen der durch Zwingli in Zu- rich bewirkten Glaubensverbesserung und Kirchenreform. Zurich, 1819. 4. J. v. Miil- lers u. Rob. Glutz Blotzheim's Geschichten Schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft, con- tinued by J. J. Hottinger. 6th vol. from page 237 sq. and 7th vol. (Zurich, 1825 u. 1829) reaches down to 1531. Lebensbescnreibung M. Ulrich Zwingli's von J. C Hess, from the French, with a literary and historical Appendix, by Leonh. Usteri, Professor at Zurich, 1811. 8 (Nach- trage bj' Usteri in Stiludlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv. fiir Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. u. Bd. 2. St. 3). Huldreich Zwingli, Geschichte seiner Bildung zum Reformator des Vaterlandes, von J. M. Schuler, Pfarrer zu Bozberg im Canton Aargau. 2te Ausg. Zu- rich u. Leipzig, 1819. 8. — Jac. Tichler Diss, de Indole Sacrorum Emendationis a Zwiu- glio institutae rite dijudicanda. Traj. ad Rhenum, 1827. 8. — Biographien beriihmter schweizer. Reformatoren. Bd. 1. Lebensgesch. D. Job. Oekolampads (l)j'Sal. Hess). Zurich, 1793. 8. — Lebensgeschichte M. Heinr. Bullingers, Antistes der Kirche Zurich, von Sal. Hess. Zurich. 1828, two volumes published, 8. — Bertold Haller, oder die Reformation von Bern, von M. Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1828. 8. — Das Leben Wilh. Farel's aus den Quellen bearbeitet. v. M. Kirchhofer. 2 Bde. Zurich, 1831. 33. 8.— Das Leben Joh. Calvin's des grossen Reformators, mit Benutzung der handschriftl. Urkunden, vornehmlich der Genfer und Zuricher Bibliothek, entworfen, nebst einem Anhang bisher ungedruckter Briefe u. anderer Belege von Paul Henry, Pred. zu Berlin, 3 Bde. Hamburg, 1835-44. 8. [Translated by II. Stebbing, excepting the Appendix, 2. 8. Lond. 1844.] \_Biographies of the Reformers. Vitae quatuor Reformatorum ; Lutheri a Melanchthone, Melanchthonis a Camerario, Z^vinglii a Myconio, Calvini a Theodoro Beza conscriptae, jimctim editae. Berol. 1841.- -D. Schenkel, Die Reformatoren und die Reformation, 8. 1856. Luther. See below. Melanchtlion. Als Praeceptor Germaniae, A. H. Niemeyer, Hal. 1817 ; Facius, 1832 ; Galle, Charakteristik Melanchthons, Halle, 2te Aufl. 1845 ; Matthes, Altenb. 1841 ; Melanchthon's Leben und Wirken, Altenb. 1841 ; C. F. Ledderhose, Life of Mel. from German, by G. F. Krotel, New York, 1854; Life by Dr. Cox, Lond. 1815, Bost. 1835. Calvin. Beza's Life of C, translated bj' Gibson, Phil. 1836; Life by Waterman, CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 13 Lond. 1813 ; hy T. Smj'tli, Phil. 1835. Bib. Sacra, vols. ii. iii., bj' Prof. Robbins ; Kitto's Journal, vols. iii. and vii. ; Presb. Quarterly, Dec. 1854 ; Princeton Rev. xx. ; North British, xiii. Calvin's Life, with Extracts from his Correspondence, by Thos. H. Dyer, Lond. and New York. Calvin's Correspondence, edited by Bonner, trans- lated, two vols, issued, Edinb. 1856-57. Deutscher Kirchenfreuud, Phil., Juli u. Aug. 1857. M. M. Haag, La France Protestante, article on Calvin. The Life of Calvin, by Audin, Par. 2. 8., transl. Louisville, is Roman Catholic and invidious. Zwingle. Life and Times, translated from the German of G. G. Hottinger, by Rev. T. C. Porter, Ilarrisb. 185G. Das Theol. System Z.'s, D. E. Zeller, Tubingen, 1853. G. W. Roder, d. Schweizer. Ref., Huldr. Zw., St. Gallen, 1855. C. Sigwart, D. Char- akter d. Theol. Syst. Zwingli's, mit Riicksichaft auf Picus Mirandula, 1855. Zeller, Charakter ds. Zwinglischcn Lehrbegriffs, Theol. Jahrb. 1857. Jager in Stud. u. Krit. 185G. T. Ticliler, H. Zwingli, de Kerkhervormer, Utrecht, 1857. Life, by Prof. Rob- bins, in Bib. Sacra, vols. viii. and ix. Iless's Life of Z., transl. by Lucj' Aiken, Lond. 1812. Beza. Leben Beza's, von Schlosser, 1809. Baum Thoodor Bcza nach handschriftl. Quellen, Bd. i. 1843 ; Bd. ii. 1852. Fard, by Schmidt, Strasb. 1834. Virct, by Jaquc- mont, Strasb. 183G. Under the superintendence of Prof. Ilagenbach there i.; now in the course of publica- tion a series of volumes on the Lives and Writmgs of the Founders of the Reformed Church : the first, on Zwingle, is by Christoftel ; the second, by Hagenbach, will be on Oecolampadius and M3-conius ; the others arc, Capito and Bucor, bj' Baum ; Calvin, by Stahelin ; BuUinger and Leo Jud, by Pestafozzi ; Beza. by Baum ; Peter Martyr, by Schmidt; Olevianus and Ursinus, by Siidhoff; Farel, Viret, etc., by other authors.] Additional Worlcs on the General History of the Reformation. Thuanus (De Thou) His- toriarum sui Temporis libri 138 (154G-1G47), Fcf 1625. 5 fol., 7 fob, cum Continuationc, Londini, 1733. Beausobre, Hist, de la Refonn. 4. 8. 1785. Robertson's History of the Emperor Charles V., numerous editions. Neudecker, Gcsch. d. Reformation, 1517-32, Lpz. 1843, and his Gesch. d. Protestantismus, 1844, 2 Bdc. Buchholz, Ferdinand I., Wien, 1832-38, 9 Bde. C. A. Menzel, Geschichte Deutschlands, 12 Bde. 1836 sq. J. Dollinger (Rom. Cath.), Die Reformation, etc., Ratisbon, 3. 8. 1846-18, 2d ed., 1851. Gaillard's Historj- of the Reformation, 8., New York. Guericke, Geschichte d. Ref. (from his General History), Berl. 1855. Frd. Blaul, D. Reformationswerk in der Pfalz, «., Speyer, 1846. K. T.Keim, D. Schwabrische Ref. Gesch. bis 1531. 8. 1855. E. F. Gelpke, Kirchengesch. d. Schweiz. 1 Theil., Bern, 1856. Gobel, Geschichte ds. Christ- lichen Lebens in d. Rheinischen Westphal. Kirche, 2. 8. 1853. F. W. Hassenkamp, Ilessiche Kirchengeschichte, 2 Bde. 8. 1852. H. Stebbing, History of Reformation, 2. 18. 183G. G. Waddington, History of Ref., 3, 8., Lond. 1841. Charles Hardwick, His- tory of tlie Church during the Reformation, 8., Cambr. 1856. H. Soames, Historj- of the Reformation, 4, 8. 1826.] § 1- HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TILL 1524. W. E. Tentzel's Hist. Bericht vom Anfang u. ersten Fortgang der Reform. Lutheri, mit- getheilt v. D. E. S. Cyprian, 3ter Druck. Leipz. 1718. 8. The corruption of the Church, and the necessity of a Reforma- tion, had been long felt and strongly urged, though understood and stated with very different degrees of precision. The people were made indignant by the immorality of the clergy, complained of ec- 14 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. clesiastical oppression, suspected many a pious deception, and felt the emptiness of what the Church offered them in the name of re- ligion. Princes and bishops saw that their rights were contemned by the Papacy, and that manifold disorders had crept into the Church ; and they desired an aboUtion of these evils by a Refor- mation in Head and Members. A few persons of deeper pene- tration saw that the real ground of the corruption was in the per- version of doctrine by means of human ordinances, and hence wished to have the doctrines brought back to their proper Biblical basis. The Papacy repelled all these various demands, for it feared that every concession would be a confession of past errors, and that its power would thus be undermined. After it had overcome the vio- lent pressure of the secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy, in the fifteenth century, for a reform in head and members, it was able so to turn against each other the different powers that were hos- tile to itself that they were mutually held in check. But its firm- est hold was still upon the common people ; for although popular enthusiasm for the Church had long since vanished, and though there was no lack of discontent on many points, yet the masses still quieted their religious needs by the mechanical system of the Church. The Pope was to them not only the centre of the Church, out of which there could be no salvation, but also the highest pos- sessor of all those ecclesiastical rewards and penalties which would be perpetuated in the world to come. Hence, a struggle against the papacy, carried to extremities, still threatened such an arous- ing of the masses as might well inspire terror even among the strongest. The time, however, could no longer be distant when the nations would be compelled to free themselves from the insnaring influence of Rome ; for the revival of thought and learning, begun with giant strides, must gradually penetrate the popular mind. But here a new danger threatened. Philosophical culture could not be direct- ly diffused among the people ; but only its most general and intel- ligible results. These results, however, without a knowledge of their grounds and reasons, could only generate a spirit disposed to deny every thing, and which would be likely to attack not merely eccle.siastical abuses, but even religious truth itself. In opposition to this negative spirit a fanatical enthusiasm would naturally be CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. I5 evoked.^ Only a well-timed and genuine reformation, overthrow- ing error by the quickening influence of truth in the hearts of the people, could at the same time break in pieces the traditional yoke of spiritual bondage and shield from the impending perils. Those elementary principles of morality and religion which are near to every heart, and the contrast between them and the existing eccle- siasticism, must be brought to distinct consciousness among the people ; and then enthusiasm for the newly-discovered truth would be kindled at the same time with hostility to the long-endured deception. From the nature of the case such intelligent and quick- ening influences could make their way to the heart only by de- grees. The whole truth, suddenly presented, would have blinded and not enlightened. Accordingly, no Reformation could hope for success which did not begin with opposition to those errors and abuses that could be directly demonstrated to all that have moral and religious feelings, and then advance step by step from truth to truth, so that the people might follow with conviction and en- thusiasm. Hence, it would be a great advantage if the Reformer himself had advanced only by slow degrees in his own perception of the truth, so that he might always be in a condition to proclaim all the truth known by himself, without weakening the effect of his enthusiastic influence upon the people, by calculating how much should be given to them. For only enthusiasm can rouse enthusiasm : without this no one could hope to succeed in opposi- tion to the formidable colossus of the Papacy. Only an enthusiast- > Luther's advice to the elector John during the diet at Spires in April, 1529 (Luther's Letters, bj- de Wette, iii. 439) : " Since such abuses were so insufferably man}' and great, and were not changed by those who ought in justice to have done it, thej' began to fall down of themselves every where in German lands, and the clergy to be despised on ac- count of them. But when, besides this, unskillful writers tried to defend and retain them, and j-et could not bring forward any thing righteous, the}- made the evil so much the worse tliat the clerg}' were ever}' where held to be unlearned, incapable, and even hurtful people, and their cause and defense derided. This falling down and perishing of abuses was already in full sweep in man}' parts before Luther's doctrine came ; for all the world was so tired of the abuses of the clerg}- and hostile to them, that it was to be feared that there would be a lamentable perdition in the German land if Luther's doc- trine did not come into it, so that the people might be instructed in the faith of Christ and obedience to the authorities. For they would not endure the abuses any longer, and would have a change right oft", if the clerg}- would not yield or stop, so that there should be no resistance. It would have been a disorderly, stormy, and perilous mutation or change (as the Munzer began it) if a steadfast doctrine had not come in between, and without doubt all religion would have fallen to pieces, and Christians become pure Epicureans." 16 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48. ic, world-despising piety could give adequate courage and strength to the man who was to enkindle such a movement ; but clear in- sight and thorough knowledge would he necessary to guard his enthusiasm from fanaticism, and to give internal steadfastness and permanence to his work. Martin Luther,^ born at Eisleben on the 10th of November, 1483, became, in consequence of peculiar providences, a monk in the monastery of the Augustine Eremites at Erfurt (1505). He was early led to Augustinism and the study of the Bible^ by a profound ' Des scl. Zeugeii Gottes D. M. Luther's merkwiirdige Le'uens-Umstiinde von F. S. Keil. 4 Th. Leipzig, 1764. 4. Luther's Leben mit einer kurzen Reformationsgeschiehte Deutschlands u. der LiterAtur v. G. H. A. Ukert. 2 Th. Gotha, 1817. 8. Martin Luther's Leben von Gustav Pfizer. Stuttgart, 183G. 8. [Biographies hy Stang, Stuttg. 1835-38 ; Ledderhose, Speier, 1836 ; H. Gelzer, 1848 ; K. Jurgens, Luther's Leben, 1483 to 1517, Lips. 1846 sq. 3. 8. M. Meurer, L.'s Leben, aus den Quellen, Dresd. 3. 8. 1843-52. Mar- tin Luther, illustrated Life, bj' G. Konig and H. Gelzer, Hamburg, 1851, translated, London and New York, sm. 4. 1857. Dollinger's Sketch, 1851, translated, Lond. 1851, is polemical and Roman Catholic. Audin's Life, 2. 8., Paris, translated, Phil. 1841, is a collection of all the calumnies against the Reformer. Biographies of Luther in English, by Bower ; J. E. Riddle, Lond. 1837 ; J. Scott, New York, 1833 ; Michelet's Life, trans- lated from the French, New York, 1846 ; Life bj^ Henry Worsley, 2. 8., Lond. 1856-57. Life of Luther by Dr. Sears, Phila. Archdeacon Hare's Defense of Luther against Sir AVm. Hamilton, in the Notes to his Mission of the Comforter, and separateh-, 1855.] ^ Melanchthon in Vita Lutheri ed. Heumann, p. 7 : Occasio autem ingrediendi illud vitae genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse convenientius, haec fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et ut multi norunt : saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis poenarum exemplis, subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut paene exani- maretur. — Etsi doctrinam in scholis usitatam quotidie discebat, et Sententiarios legebat, et in disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextricablies diserte multis admirantibus explicabat, tamen quia in eo vitae genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quae- rebat, haec studia tanquam parerga tractabat, et facile arripiebat illas scholasticas meth- odos. Interea fontes doctrinae coelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta Prophetica et Apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudiret, et firmis testimoniis aleret timo- rem et fidem. Hoc studium ut magis expeteret, illis suis doloribus et pavoribus move- batur. Et senis cujusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano collegio Erfordiae saepe se con- firmatum esse narrabat, cui cum consteruationes suas expojieret, audivit eum de fide multa disserentem,seque deductum ajebat ad sj'mbolum, in quo dicitur : credo remissio- nem jjeccatorum. Hunc articulum sic ille interpretatus erat, non solum in genere cre- deudum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et daemones credunt, Davidi aut Petro remitti, sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines nobis remitti peccata credamus. Et hanc inter- pretationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstratumque locum in concione de Annuntiatione, ubi haec sunt verba : sed adde—ut credas et hoc, qiiod per ipsum peccata tibi donantur. Hoc est testimonium, quod perhibet Spiritus sanctus in corde tuo, dicens : dimissa sunt tibi peccata tua. Sic enim arbitratur Apostolus, gratis justificari hominem per fidem. Hac sevoce non solum confirmatum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum esse de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc HAcivim.: fide justificamur. De quo cum multorum expositiones Icgisset, tunc et ex hujus sermonibus et e suae mentis con- soiatione animadvertisse interpretationum, quae tunc in manibus erant, vanitatem. Pau- latim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla in Prophetis et Apostolis recitata, et quotidi- ana invocatione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit. Tunc et Augustini libros legere CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 17 religious spirit, which could not he satisfied hy the mechanical system of the Church. Transferred in 1508 to the Augustine cloister at Wittenberg, he devoted himself, in the newly-founded University (1502), first as bachelor,* from 1512 as doctor, with special zeal to promote the study of the Bible.^ He met with > coepit, ubi et iu Psalmorum enarratione, et in libra de spiritu et litera multas perspicuas sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide doctrinam et consolationem, quae in ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nee tamen prorsus reliquit Sententiarios ; Gabrielem (Bid) et Cameracensem (Petrus de Alliaco) paene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu niultumque legit scripta Occam. Hujus acumen anteferebat Thomae et Scoto. Dili- gcnter et Gersonem legerat. Sed omnia Augustini monumenta et saepe legerat, et op- time meminerat. Hoc acerrimum studium inchoavit Erfordiae, in cujus urbis collegio Augustiniano commoratus est annos quatuor. * Melanchthon continues, p. 11 : Eo autem tempore quia reverendus vir Staupicius (John of Staupitz, Provincial of the Augustines, and Professor at Wittenberg), qui ex- ordia Academiae Wittebergensis adjuverat, studium theologicum in recenti Academia excitare cupiebat cum ingenium et eruditionem Lutheri considerasset, traducit eum Wittebergam anno MDVIII., cum jam ageret annum vicesimum sextum. Hie inter quotidiana exercitia scholae et concionum niagis etiam lucere ejus ingenium coepit. Cumque eum attente audierant viri sapientes, Doctor Martinus Mellerstadius et alii, saepe dixit Mellerstadius, tantam esse vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret, mutaturum eSse vulgare doctrinae genus, quod tunc in scholis unicum tradebatur. Hie primimi Dialecticen et Physicen Aristotelis enarravit : interea tamen suum illud studi- um legend! scripta theologica non omittens. On the 17th March, 1509, Luther wrote to John Braun at Eisenach ; see Luther's Letters, collected by de Wette, Th. 1. s. 6 : Sum itaque nunc jubente vel pcrmittente Deo Wittenbergae. Quod si statum meum nosse desideres, bene habeo Dei gratia, nisi quod violentum est studium maxime philosophiae, quam ego ab initio libentissime mutarim theologia, ea inquam theologia, quae nucleum nucis et medullam tritici et medullam ossium scrutatur. However, even then he gave himself up to theological studies. He is enrolled under tlie Rector Nicol. Viridimon- tanus, ann. 1508, thus : Fr. Martinus Luder de Mansfeld, admissus mox 1509 d. 9 Mart. Baccalaureus tanquam ad Biblia ; see Sennerti Athen. Vitemberg. p. 57. ^ Luther's oath on talking his Doctor's degree is in the Liber Decanorum Facult. theol. Acad. Vitebergensis, ed. C. E. Foerstemann. Lips. 1838. 8. p. 146. Luther's glosses on the alleged Imperial edict of 1531 (Walch's edition of his Works, Theil. xvi. s. 20G1) : "But I, Doctor Martin, am thereto called and forced, that I must become Doctor with- out mj' thanks from pure obedience : then I had to take the Doctor's office, and swear and vow hy mj' best beloved Holj- Scripture, to preach and teach it truly and purel}-. In such teaching the Papacj- fell in mj' way, and would keep me from it ; thereupon matters have gone with it as we all see, and shall go on worse and worse, and it shall not be able to resist me." Mathesius, s. 17 : " With this regular and public call, made to him bj- an established University, in the name and b3-the order of his High Imperial Majestj' and of the See of Rome, after the counsel and decree of his preceptors and legal clerical superiors, and by the gracious promotion and authorit}* of his elector and liege lord, and also hy his solemn oath which he made to God, to the Holy Scriptures, and to the University of Wittenberg, Luther did often comfort and support himself in great Straits and struggles, when the devil and the world would have made him anxious and fearful as to who had commanded him, and how he was to answer for it, that he had started such a commotion in the whole of Christendom. Then, I say, he would recall and comfort himself with his orderlj- doctorate and public calling and solemn oath, on account of which he had continued on unterrified in his (trulj- God's) cause in the name of Christ with honor and much acceptance, and with the help of God honestly' carried it forward." VOL. IV. 2 18 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. great success as a teacher. By him and like-minded fellow-lator- ers the theological studies of Wittenberg were turned from Aris- totle and the schoolmen to Avigustine and the Holy Scriptures. Rejecting the whole system of holiness by works, he made the doctrine that man's salvation is only through faith in Christ to be his living centre.^ Such a practical and scriptural tendency had ^ At Wittenberg an aversion to scholasticism was avowed from the very first. Thus Martin Polichiixs of Mellerstadt, who had been active in the foundation of the Univers- ity-, and then lectured there himself, declared the subtilties of the schoolmen to be un- profitable ; and, on the other hand, insisted on the importance of philology for theology ; on this point he got into a controversy with Wimpina at Leipsic, in 1505 : see Losch- er's Reformationsacta, i. 87. Melanchthon, in Vita Lutheri, p. 12 : Postea (after he was made Doctor) enarrare Epistolam ad Romanos coepit, deinde Psalmos. Haec scripta sic illustravit, ut post longam et obscuram noctem nova doctrinae lux oriri videretur omnium piorum et prudentum judicio. Hie monstravit legis et Evangelii discrimen : hie refutavit errorem, qui tunc in scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, niereri homines remissionera peccatorura propriis operibus, et homines coram Deo justos esse disciplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt. Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad fili- um Dei, et, ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nostra, ostendit gratis propter filium Dei remitti peccata, et quidem oportere id beneficium fide accipi. Illus- travit et caeteras partes doctrinae ecclesiasticae. Characteristic remains of Luther's writings in this period are extant ; in two letters to Spalatin, of 1510 and 1514 (de Wette Th. i. s. 7 and 13), he declares decidedly in favor of Reuchlin against the divines of Co- logne. There are also Letters to John Lange, prior of the Augustines at Erfurt, 8th Feb. 151G (de Wette, i. s. 15): Mitto has literas, mi Pater, ad eximium D. Jodocum Isena- censem, plonas — blasphemiarum et maledictionum contra Aristotelem, Porphj-rium, Sententiarios, perdita scilicet studia nostri saeculi. — Nihil ita ardet animus, quam ,his- trionem ilium, qui tam vere gracca larva Ecclesiam lusit, multis revclare, ignominiam- que ejus cunctis ostendere, si otium esset. Habeo in manibus commentariolos in primum Physicorum, quibus fabulam Aristaei denuo agere statui, in meum istum Protea, illuso- rom vaferrimum ingeniorum, ita ut nisi caro fuissct Aristoteles, vere diabolum eum fu- isse non puderet asserere. Pars crucis meae vel maxima est, quod videre cogor, fratrum »ptima ingenia bonis studiis nata in istis coenis vitam agere et operam perdere : nee ces- sant Universitates bonos libros cremare et damnare, rursum malos dictare, imo sorani- are. To George Spenlein, Augustinian at Memmingen, Vth Apr. 151G (ibid. s. 17) : Fer- vet nostra actate tentatio praesumtionis in multis, et iis praecipue, qui justi et boni esse -omnibus viribus student : ignorantes justitiara Dei, quae in Christo est nobis effu- sissime et gratis donata, quaerunt in se ipsis tam diu operari bene, donee habeant fidu- ciam standi coram Deo, veluti virtutibus et meritis ornati, quod est impossibile fieri. Fuisti tu apud nos in hac opinions, imo errore, fui et ego : sed et nunc quoque pugno contra Ipsum errorem, sed nondum expugnavi. Igitur, mi dulcis frater, disce Christum et hunc crucifixum, disce ei can tare et de te ipso desperans dicere ei : " tu, Domine Jesu, es justitia raea, ego autem sum peccatum tuum ; tu assumsisti meum, et dedisti mihi tuum : assumsisti quod non eras, et dedisti mihi quod non eram." Cave ne aliquando ad tantam puritatem aspires, ut peccator tibi videri nolis, imo esse. Christus enim non nisi in peccatoribus habitat. — Non nisi in illo, per fiducialem desperationem tui et ope- rum tuorum, pacem invenies. Compare the Sermon against the Opinion and Imagina- tion of the Holiness and Merit of Good Works, and another Sermon upon those Great Sins and Crimes which are the consequence of such an imaginarj' holiness, preached on the 10th and lllh Sundays after Trinity, 1516, in Walch's Ed. Th. 10, s. 1546 ff. Among the these? — De Viribus et Voluntate Hominis sine Gratia contra doctrinam Sophistarum, Avhich Bartliolom. Bernhardi maintained in 1516, Luther presiding at the disputation, CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 19 often before existed in the Churcli in silence and quietness. So (given best in Loscher's Reformationsacta, Th. 1. s. 325 ff.) are the following: Homo, Dei gratia exclusa, praecepta ejus servare nequaquam potest, neque se vel de congruo, vel de condigno ad gratiam Dei praeparare, sed necessario sub peccato manet. — Volun- tas hominis sine gratia non est libera, sed serva, licet non invita. — Homo, quando facit, quod in se est, peccat, cum nee velle, aut cogitare ex se ipso possit. — Cum justitia fidc- lium sit in Deo abscondita, peccatum vero eorum manifestum in se ipsis, verum est non- nisi justos damnari, atque meretrices et peccatores salvari (viz. as is shown bj- the ex- planations which follow, justos h. e. sibi nihil imputantes peccati, justos in malis suis damnari ; meretrices, vel sibi reputantes peccata, in oculis suis meretrices et peccatores, Deo tamen confitentes suam impietatem, atque pro hac remittenda tempore opportune orantes, in eundem, non se ipsos, sperantes, salvari). — Cum credenti omnia sunt possi- bilia auctore Christo, superstitiosum est, humano arbitrio aliis Sanctis alia deputari aux- ilia. With regard to these theses, Luther writes to John Lauge, 1516 (de Wette, i. 33), and relates, among other things : Ego sane gravius offendi omnes, quod negavi librum de vera et falsa poenitentia esse b. Augustini (compare vol. ii. p. 511, Note 4). Est enim insulsissimus et ineptissimus, et nihil ab Augustini eruditione et sensu remotius. Quod enim Gratianus et Magister sententiarum plurima ex illo ceperint, et conscientiaruni non medicinam, sed carnificinam conflaverint, sciebam. At illos implacabiliter offen- dit, praecipue Doctorem Carlstadium, quod haec sciens negare audeam. He assailed tlie schoolmen still more openly in the theses in defense of Augustinianism (of the 4th Sept. 1517 ; see Cyprian, in Tentzel's Bericht vom. Anf. und ersten Fortgange der Reform, s. 278) ; cf. the Jena edition of his Latin works, i. p. 9 ; Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. s. 539. E. g. I. Dicere, quod Augustiuus contra haereticos excessive loquatur, est dicerc, Augustinum fere ubique mentitum esse. Contra dictum commune (compare above vol. i. p. 327, Note 4). IV. Veritas itaque est, quod homo arbor mala factus, non potest nisi malum velle et facere. V. Falsitas est, quod appetitus liber potest in utrumque opposi- torum : imo nee liber sed captivus est. Contra communem. VI. Falsitas est, quod voluntas possit se conformare dictamini recto naturaliter. Contra Scotum et Gabrielem (Biel.). XXIX. Optima et infallibilis ad gratiam praeparatio et unica dispositio est aeterna Dei electio et praedestinatio. XXX. Ex parte autem hominis nihil nisi indis- positio, imo rebellio gratiae gratiam praecedit. XLI. Tota fere Aristotelis ethica pessi- ma gratiae inimica. Contra Scholasticos. XLIII. Error est dicere : sine Aristotele non lit theologus. Contra dictum commune. XLIV. Imo theologus non fit, nisi id fiat sine Aristotele. LI. Dubium est vehemens, an sententia Aristotelis sit apud Latinos. LXXVII. Omne opus legis sine gratia Dei foris apparet bonum, sed intus est peccatum. Contra Scholasticos. In conclusion : In his nihil dicere volumus, nee dixisse nos crc- dimus, quod sit non catholicae Ecclesiae, et catholicis doctoribus consentaneum. Thus Luther could not be altogether satisfied with Erasmus. He writes to Spalatin the 19th Oct. 151G (de Wette, i. 39) : Quae me in Erasmo, homine eruditissimo, movent, hacc sunt, quod in Apostolo interpretando justitiam operum, seu legis, sen propriam (ita enim appellat Apostolus) intelligit ceremoniales illas et figurales observantias : deinde de pec- cato originali (quod utique admittit) non plane velit Apostolum loqui cap. V. ad Roma- nos. — Ego sane in hoc dissentire ab Erasmo non dubito, quod Augustino in scripturis interpretandis tantum posthabeo Ilieronymum, quantum ipse Augustinum in omnibus Hieronj-mo posthabet. Non quod professionis meae studio ad b. Augustinum proban- dum trahar, qui apud me, antequam in libros ejus incidissem, ne tantillum quidem fa- voris habuit-: sed quod video b. Ilieronymum velut dedita opera ad historicos sensus incedere. To John Lange, 1st March, 1517 (de Wette, i. 62) : Erasmum nostrum lego, et indies decrescit mihi animus erga eum : placet quidem, quod tarn religiosos quam sacerdotes non minus constanter quam erudite arguit et damnat inveteratae hujus et veternosae inscitiae : sed timeo, ne Christum et gratiam Dei non satis promoveat, in qua multo est quam Stapulensis ignorantior : humana praevalent in eo plus quam divina. — Video, quod non ideo quispiam sit Christianus vere sapiens, quia Graecus sit et Hebrae- 20 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. long as it was not directly assailed in its inmost sanctuary, and could hold fast to an ideal church instead of the real, it also over- looked the defects of the latter, or excused them on the ground of human imperfection.'' Thus Luther also held fast to the Church, us, quando et b. Hieronj'mus quinque linguis monoglosson Augustinum non adaequavit, licet Erasmo aliter sit longe visum. Sed aliud est judicium ejus, qui arbitrio liominis nonnihil tribuit, aliud ejus, qui praeter gratiam nihil novit. In contrast with this, he turned to the Sfystics. In 1516 he edited the Deutsche Theologie^ and saj's in the preface (Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. 300) : " This noble little book, poor and unadorned as it is in words and human wisdom, is therefore all the more rich and beyond price in skill and divine wisdom. And, still to boast my old folly, I have not come across a book, next to the Scriptures and St. Austin, from which I have learned and shall learn more about God, Christ, man, and all things. And now I have just found out that it is true that certain very learned theologians among us Wittenbergians talk abusively about it, as though we had got hold of some new thing, just as if there had not been people before us and elsewhere. There have indeed been such, but God's anger on ac- count of our sins has not let us be worthy to see or hear them. For it is clear as day that such matters have not been treated of in the Universities for a long time, and so it has come to pass that God's Word has not only been put under the bench, but well-nigh perished from dust and moths." He held that this work was an extract from Tauler, and accordingly sent it to Spalatin, on the 11th Dec, 1516, with the words (de Wette, i. 46) : Si te delectat puram, solidam, antiquae simillimam theologiam legere, in german- ica lingua effusam : sermones Johannis Tauleri, praedicatoriae professionis, tibi com- parare potes, cujus totius velut epitomen ecce hie tibi mitto. Neque enim ego vel ia latina, vel in nostra lingua theologiam vidi salubriorem vel cum Evangelio consonan- tiorem. His colleague Carlstadt entirely agreed with him. He, too, brought forward, on the 18th of April, 1417, 152 theses in defense of Augustinianism (see his letter to Spalatin, in Loscher's Reformationsacten, i. 846), about which Luther wrote on the 6th May, 1517, to Christ. Scheurl, a jurist at Nuremberg (de Wette, i. 55) : Sunt, nisi fallor, haec jam non Ciceronis paradoxa, sed Carolstadii nostri, imo sancti Augustini, Cicero- nianis tanto mirabilioria et digniora, quanto Augustinus, imo Christus, Cicerone dignior est. Arguent autem ista paradoxa omnium eorum vel negligentiam, vel ignorantiam, quibuscunque fuerint visa magis paradoxa quam orthodoxa : ne dicam de lis, qui ea potius cacodoxa impudenti temeritate judicabunt, quoniam nee Augustinum, nee Paul- um legunt, aut ita legunt, ut non intelligant, seque et alios secum negligant. — Benedic- tus Deus, qui rursum jubet de tenebris splendescere lumen ! — Luther, too, could write to John Lange, 18th Maj-, 1517 (de Wette, i. 57) : Theologia nostra et s. Augustinus prospere procedunt et regnant in nostra Universitate Deo operante : Aristoteles descen- dit paulatim, inclinatus ad ruinam prope futuram sempiternam : mire fastidiuntur lec- tiones sententiariae, nee est, ut quis sibi auditores sperare possit, nisi theologiam banc, id est bibliam, aut s. Augustinum, aliumve ecclesiasticae auctoritatis doctorem velit profiteri. ' Luther's journey to Rome, which he made in 1510, on business relating to his order, is remarkable in this respect (see Bzovius, Ann. 1517, no. 7). Here he met, among the clergy, with the most undisguised infidelity, of which he relates remarkable instances in his work on the Winhelmesse (Walch, xix. 1509) ; in Mathesius, p. 15, Yet his con- fidence in the Church was not therebj' shaken ; see his Appendix to the Commentarj- on tlie 117th Psalm (Walch, v. 1646) : " I, too, at Rome, was like a dead saint, running through all the churches and crypts, believing all the lies that were told, with all their stench. I also offered one mass or ten of them at Rome, and was, besides, ver)' sorrj' that my father and mother were still living. For I should have been very glad to have released them from purgatory with my masses and other excellent works and prayers." Later, indeed, this experience was very important to him, and he often said at his ta- CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 21 without suspecting the fundamental difference between his point of view and the ecclesiastical f but at the same time his inward religious life and faith became as firm as a rock ; and thus he was prepared, counting all outward things as naught, to encounter ev- ery danger and every onset in the service of that gracious truth which he had come to know. At this time the Dominican, Jolin Tetzel,'' a sub-commissary of the elector Albert of Mayence, began to proclaim the Indulgence issued by the Pope to promote the building of the Church of St. Peter's.^*' This indulgence was prohibitedin the Saxon territory, lie : " he would not take a thousand florins instead of having seen Rome." See Mathe- sius, u. s. Compare the Narratio de Profectione M. Lutheri iu urbem Romam, in M. Dresseri Ilistoria Lutheri. Lips. 1598. 8. ^ Lutheri Praef. ad T. 1. Opp. written in 1545 (also before T. I. Jen. Lat.) : Sciat (lector), me fuisse aliquando Monachum et Papistam insanissimum, cum istam causam (the Reformation) aggressus sum, ita ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus Papae, ut paratissimus fuerim, omnes, si potuissem, occidere, aut occidentibus cooperari et con- sentire, qui Papae vel una sj-Uaba obedientiam detrectarent. — Non eram ita glacies et frigus ipsum in defendendo Papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui similes, qui mihi verius prop- ter suum ventrem Papam defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent. — Ego serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter timui et tamen salvus fieri ex in- timis medullis cupiebam. ^ About him see vol. ii. p. 402, Note 25 ; also, God. Hechtii Vita Jo. Tezellii, Quaes- toris Sacri. Vitembergae, 1717. 8. Jac. Vogel das Leben des piipstl. Gnadenpredigers Oder Ablasskramers Joh. Tetzels. Leipzig, 1717 ; 2te Aufl. 1727. 8. J. E. Kappen's Schauplatz des tetzelischen Ablasskrams und des darwider streitenden sel. D. M. Lu- theri. 2te Aufl. Leipz. 1720. 8. Also J. E. Kappen's Sammlung einiger zum piipstl. Ablass iiberhaupt, sonderlich aber zu der im Anfange der Reform, hievon gefiihrten Streitigkeit gehorigen Schriften. Leipz. 1721. 8. Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. 367 ff. Walch's Ausg. von Luther's Werken, xv. 313 ff. " The Instructio Summaria of the elector Albert to the sub-commiSsaries appointed for the traffic in this indulgence, printed in 4to, is reprinted in Kappen's Samml. einiger zum piipstl. Ablass gehoriger Schriften, s. 93, and in Gerdesii Introd. in Hist. Evang. Renovati. t. 1. Monim. p. 83. Here are first given — quatuor principales gratiae per bullam apostolicam coucessae, to wit, plenaria remissio omnium peccatorum ; confes- siouale plenum maximis et relevantissimis et prius inauditis facultatibus ; participatio omnium bonorum operum Ecclesiae universalis ; pro animabus in purgatorio existenti- bus plenaria omnium peccatorum remissio. Then follow seven facultafes, which, how- ever, must be purchased separatelj' : votorum omnium coramutatio ; dispensatio et com- positio cum simoniacis et irregularibus ; facultas componendi super male ablatis incertis, vel etiam certis in aliquibus casibus ; dispensandi cum eis, qui ante aetatem legitimam sine dispensatione ad ordines sacros sunt promoti ; dispensandi cum his qui in gradu prohibito consanguinitatis et affinitatis contr'axerunt ; componendi cum injuste occu- pantibus bona Ecclesiarum vel Monasteriorum ; apprehendendi et de jure assequendi ad usum fabricae Basilicae Principis Apostolorum in urbe omnia bona, res et pecunias, quae hactenus relicta sunt et durante octennio relinquentur pro male ablatorum restitu- tione in quacunque ultima voluntate quibuscunque incertis, Ecclesiis aut piis locis et personis — Similiter applicat Papa dictae fabricae omnia bona, quae per aliquos injuste detinentur. Sed illi, quibus ilia bona restituenda essent aliqua ratione, non possunt ilia repetere. Tetzel, too, issued an Instructio Summaria for the parochial clergj', how thej' 22 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517— 1G48. but Tetzel preached in the border lands, and offered it for sale with unheard-of exaggerations and incredible shamelessness in Jiiter- bock and Zerbst, near Wittenberg.^^ Luther soon detected, in the were to work in behalf of the indulgence ; fragments of this may be seen in Loscher's Reformationsacten, i. 414. The subjoined sermons, which he gave the parochial clergy as patterns, arc examples of his st3-le of preaching, e. g., p. 418 : Capiatis literas salvi conductus a vicario Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quibus mediantibus poteritis animam a manibus inimicorum liberare, et ad felicia regna, mediante contritione confessioneque, tutam et securam sine aliqua poena purgatorii perducere. Sciant, quod in his Uteris impressa et sculpta sunt omnia ministeria Christi passiouis ibi extenti. Animadvertant, quod pro quolibet peccato mortali oportet per septem annos post confessionem et contri- tionem poenitere, vel yi hac vita vel purgatorio : quot peccata mortalia committuntur in die, quot in hebdomada, quOt in mense, quot in anno, quot toto tempore vitae ? Fere infinita sunt, et infinitam poenam habent subire in ardentibus poenis purgatorii. Et cum his Uteris confessionalibus poteritis semel in vita, in omnibus casibus, quatuor ex- ceptis sedi apostolicae reservatis, habere plenariam omnium poenarum usque tunc debi- tarum ; deinde toto tempore vitae poteritis, quandocunque vultis confiteri, in casibus Papae non reservatis, etiam habere similem remissionem, et postea in articulo mortis plenariam omnium poenarum et peccatorum indulgentiam, et habere participationem omnium bonorum spiritualiuni, quae fiunt in militante Ecclesia et in memhris ejus. Nonne cognoscitis, quod si contiiigat aliquem ire Romam, vel ad alias periculosas par- tes, mittant pecunias suas in banco, et ille pro quolibet centum dat quinque aut sex aut decern, ut Romae vel alibi cum Uteris dicti banci securas rehabeat : et vos non vultis pro quarta parte floreni recipere has literas, quarum virtute non pecunias, sed animam divi- nam et immortalem tutam et securam ducere potestis ad patriam Paradisi ? '1 Luther speaks of this in the Praefatio quoted in note 8, more at length in his work against Hans Wurst, 1541 (Walch's Edition, xvii., 1703) : "It came to pass in the year ^vhen thejr wrote 17, that a preaching friar, John Tetzel by name, a boisterous fellow, whom Duke Frederick had formerly saved from being drowned in a sack at Innspruck, for Maximilian had condemned him to be drowned in the Inn (for his great virtue's salie, vou may well believe). And Duke Frederick let him be reminded of this when he began to plague us so at Wittenberg ; he, too, freely confessed it. This same Tetzel now carried the indulgence about, and sold grace for gold, as dear or cheap as he could, with all his might. At that time I was a preacher just here in the cloister, and a j-oung Doc- tor right from the forge, glowing and cheerful in the Holy Scriptures. When now much people ran out from Wittenberg to Jiiterbock and Zerbst, etc., and I (so true as my Lord Jesus has redeemed me) did not know what this indulgence was, nor did any body else ; then I began to preach gently, that they might do much better — that there was a more sure way of being saved than by the indulgence. I had already preached just so, here at the castle, against the indulgence, and so got poor favor with Duke Frederick ; for his charitable foundation here was verj' dear to him" (it possessed, in fact, a liberal indulgence). "Now, to come to the right causes of the Lutheran teaching, I let every thing go on as it went. In the mean while it came to me that this Tetzel had been preaching abominable and terrible articles, of which I will now mention some, viz. : That he had such grace and power from the Pope, that even if one were to deflower and impregnate the Holy Virgin Marj' herself, the mother of God, he could forgive it, if the same would but put in the chest what was meet (see Lutheri Theses, 75). Item ; that the red cross of indulgence, with the Pope's arms, set up in the church, was as powerful as the cross of Christ (Thes. 79). Item ; if St. Peter were now here he would not have greater grace or power than he himself had (Thes. 77). Item ; he would not change places in heaven with St. Peter ; for he had saved more souls with the indulgence than St. Peter with his sermons. Item ; when any body put gold into the chest for a soul in purgatory, as soon as the penny fell to the bottom and clinked the soul immediately CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1517. 23 confessional, the pernicipus results that ensued ; ho first preached against the indulgence ;^^ then on the 31st of Octoher, 1517, he affixed to the door of the castle church ninety-five theses against this traffic," and sent them to the neighboring bishops with a went up to heaven (Tlies. 27). Item ; the grace of the indtilgence was the very grace h}' which man is reconciled with God (Thcs. 33). Item ; it was not neccssarj' to have sor- row nor suffering nor penance for sin, if one bought the indulgence or the letters of in- dulgence (this is to be limited, according to Thcs. 35) ; and he also trafficked far future sins. He drove the whole thing at a horrible rate ; all was to be done by mone}'." In his Letter to the Jilector of Mayence, 31st Oct., 1517, Luther saj-s that the propositions which he opposes in Theses 33 and 35 are found, word for word, in Tetzel's printed In- structions (see De Wette, i. C9). '^ Earlier sermons by Luther on the subject, from manusci'ipts, see in Loscher, i. 729. " Disputatio D. Mart. Lutlieri theologi pro declaratione virtutis indulgentiarum, after the original in v. d. Ilardt, Hist. Liter. Reform. P. iv. p. IG. Loscher's Reformations- acten, i. 438. The most remarkable theses are: 1. Dominus et magister noster Jesus Christus dicendo : poenitentiam ajite, etc., omnem vitam fidelium poenitentiam esse vo- luit. 5. Papa non vult nee potest uUas poenas remittei'e praeter cas, quas arbitrio vol suo vel canonum imposuit. 6. Papa non potest remittere ullam culpam, nisi declarando et approbando remissam a Deo (as Petrus Lomb. taught, Vol. ii. § 83,»note 2, p. 510) : aut certe remittendo casus reservatos sibi, quibus eontemtis culpa prorsus remaneret. 8. Canones poenitentiales solum viventibus sunt impositi, nihilque morituris secundum cosdcm debet imponi (as Card. Ilostiensis maintained. Vol. ii. § 84, note 17, p. 522, and John Gerson, Vol. iii. § 147, note 14, p. 39G). 11. Zizania ilia de mutanda poena cano- nica in poenam purgatoril videntur certe dormientibus Episcopis seminata. 21. Errant itaque indulgentiarum commissarii, qui dicuut, per Papae indulgentias hominem ab omni poena solvi et salvari. 27. Hominem praedicant, qui statim, ut jactus nummus in cistam tinnierit, evolare dicunt animam. 32. Damnabuntur in aeteruum cum suis magistris, qui per literas veniarum secures sese credunt de sua salute. 33. Cavendi sunt nimis, qui dicuut, venias illas Papae donum esse illud Dei inaestimabile, quo re- conciliatur homo Deo. 35. Non Christiana praedicant, qui docent, quod redemturis ani- mos vel confessionalia non sit necessaria contritio.- 3G. Quilibet Christianus vere com- punctus habet remissionera pdenariam a poena et culpa, etiam sine Uteris veniarum sibi debitam. 38. Remissio tamen et participatio Papae nullo modo est contemnenda quia, ut dixi, est declaratio remissionis divinae. 39. DifKcillimum est etiam doctissimis theo- logis, simul extollere veniarum largitatem et contritiouis veritatem coram populo. 43. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod dans pauperi, aut mutuans egenti melius facit, quam si venias redimeret. 49. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod veniae Papae sunt utiles, si non in eas confidant : sed nocentissimae, si timorem Dei per eas amittant. 50. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod, si Papa nosset exactiones venialium Praedicatorum, mallet basilicam s. Petri in cineres ire, quam aediticari cute et ossibus ovium suarum. 56. Thesauri Ec- clesiae, nnde Papa dat indulgentias, neque satis nominati sunt, neque cogniti apud popu- lum Christi (as Durandus a S. Porciano in Sent. Lib. iv. Dist. 20, Qu. 3). 57. Tempo- rales certe non esse patet, quod non tam facile eos profundunt, sed tantummodo colli- guut multi concionatorum. 58. Nee sunt merita Christi et sanctorum, quia haec semper sine Papa operantur gratiam hominis interioris, ct crucem, mortem, infernumque exte- rioris. G2. Verus thesaurus Ecclesiae est sacrosanctum Evangelium gloriae et gratiae Dai. G9. Tenentur Episcopi et Curati veniarum apostolicarum commissarios cmii omni reverentia admittere. 70. Sed magis tenentur omnibus oculis intendere, omnibus auri- bus advertere, ne pro commissione Papae sua illi somnia praedicent. 71. Contra venia- rum apostolicarum veritatem qui loquitur, sit ille anathema et maledictus. 72. Qui vero contra libidinem ac licentiam verborum concionatoris veniarum curam agit, sit ille benedictus. 75, Opinari, venias papales tantas esse, ut solvere possint hominem. 24 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. petition for the abolition of the evil." Little acquainted with the worldly part of the church, he thought that to unmask and assail the imposture would be all that was necessary for its abolition.^^ etiamsi quis per impossibile Dei genitricem violasset, est insanire. 76. Dicimus contra, quod veniae papales nee minimum venialium peccatorum tollere possint, quoad culpam. 77. Quod dicitur, nee si s. Petrus modo Papa esset ; majores gratias donare posset, est blasphemia iu s. Petrum et Papara. 79. Dicere, crucem armis papalibus insigniter erectara cruci Christi aequivalere, blasphemia estf 80. Rationem reddent Episcopi, Curati et theologi, qui tales sermones in populum spargi sinunt. 81. Facit haec licen- tiosa veniarum praedicatio, ut nee reverentiam Papae facile sit, etiam doctis viris, redi- mere a calumniis aut certe argutis quaestionibus laicorum. 82. Scilicet, cur Papa non evacuat purgatorium propter sanctissimam caritatem, et summam animarum necessita- tem, ut causam omnium justissimam, si infinitas animas rediniit propter pecuniam fu- nestissimam ad structuram basilicae, ut causam levissimam .' (as Abelard held ; see Vol. ii. § 84, note 1, p. 515. Compare Summa Astesana. part iii. § 120, note 12, p. 107.) 83. Item ; cur permanent exequiae et anniversaria defunctorum, et non reddit aut recipi permittit beneficia pro illis instituta, cum jam sit injuria pro redemptis orare ? 90. Haec scrupulosissima laicorum argumenta sola potestate compescere, nee reddita ratione dilu- cre, est Ecclesiam et Papam hostibus ridendos exponere, et infelices Christianos facere. 94. Exhortandi sunt Christiani, ut caput suum Christum per poenas, mortes, infernosque sequi studeant : 95. Ac sic magis per multas tribulationes intrare coelum, quam per se- curitatem pacis, confidant. His sermon on Indulgence and Grace was probably pub- lished immediately afterward (see Lutheri Praef. ad T. I. 0pp. ; edidi dispiitationis schedulam simul et germanicam concionem de indulgentiis ; Tetzel also mentions it at the end of his second disputation, printed in 1517 (see Loscher's Reformationsacten, i. 522), so that it can not, as has been often thought, belong to the j-ear 1518), in which still further progress maj- be recognized (in Loscher, i. 469). He here declares that the common division of repentance into contrition, confession, and satisfaction " can hard- ly, or rather not at all, be found to be grounded in the Holj- Scriptures, or in the old sacred Christian teachers;" "that it can not be proved by any Scripture, that divine justice desires or demands suffering or satisfaction from the sinner, but only his hearty and true repentance and conversion, with the purpose, henceforward, to bear the cross of Christ, and to practice the above-named works (imposed, too, by no one). — Though the Christian Church were to-day to determine and declare that indulgence takes awaj' more than the works of satisfaction, j-et it were a thousand times better that no Chris- tian man buy or desire the indulgence, but rather do the works and suffer the pain. — In- dulgence is permitted for the sake of imperfect and lazy Christians, who will not exer- cise themselves boldly in good works, or are unwilling to suffer. For indulgence does not demand of anj' bod}' to be better, but suffers or permits their imperfection. Hence men should not speak against indulgence ; but nobody should speak for it." 1* Luther against Hans Wurst, u. s. : "Then I wi'ote a letter with the Propositiones to the bishop of Magdeburg, warned and prayed that he would put a stop to Tetzel and keep such untoward things from being preached, since great disgust might come from them ; and that to do so was befitting him as an archbishop. This same letter I can now publish, but no reply was made to me. In like manner I also wrote to the bishop of Brandenburg, as my Ordinarus, in whom I had a very gracious bishop. Thereupon he answered me that I attacked the power of the church, and would make mj-self trouble ; he advised me to let the matter go. I can very well think that both of them thought that the Pope would be much too mighty for such a poor beggar as myself." The Letter to Albert, Archbishop of Mayence and Magdeburg, of Oct. 31, 1517, is in De Wette, i. 67. '^ Lutheri Praef. ad T. I. 0pp. ; in lis certus mihi videbar, me habiturum patronum Papam, cujus fiducia tum fortiter nitebar, qui in suis decretis clarissime damnat quaes- CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORIHATION. § 1. 1517. 25 Although in his theses he only attacked the Thomist doctrine of indulgences, which had indeed of late become almost universal, and did not go beyond the positions of many of the scholastics ; yet the theses at once excited the most marked attention, ^"^ and roused especially the opposition of the Dominicans ; for the spirit of this or- der had become peculiarly sensitive on account of some recent hu- miliations,^'' and they now felt themselves injured in the persons of torura (ita vocat indulgeiitiarios praedicatores) immodestiam. Compare above, Vol. ii. § 84, Note 14, p. 520. " Luther against Hans Wurst: "Thus ni}' Propositions against Tetzel went forth. — In fourteen days thej' ran straight through German}' ; for all the world was complain- ing of the indulgence, especially Tetzel's articles. And since all the bishops and doc- tors kept still and no one would bell the cats (for the heresj'-masters of the Preaching Order had driven all the world to terror by their fires, and Tetzel himself had also non- plussed some priests who had resisted his shameless preaching), then Luther began to he proclaimed as a doctor — that at last one had come who would lay hold of the matter. This fame I did not like, for (as I have said) I did not myself know what this indulgence was, and the song might get pitched too high for ni}' voice." " Particularly bj' the fate of Savonarola (Vol. iii. § 153, Note 5, p. 455-9), the events at Bern (ibid. § 145, Note 20, p. 389), and bj- the still-surviving controversy with Eeuch- lin (§ 154, Note 26 sq., p. 488). On account of the constant jealousy of the Mendicant Orders against each other, evil-minded or remote persons would be verj' likeh' to con- jecture that such jealousj' was the source of Luther's theses. Thus Jerome Emser, in the work, A Venatione Aegocerotis Assertio, Nov. 1519. 4., in Loscher's Eeformations- acten, iii. 707, saj-s: Quid si ipse quoque vatesjiam, incipiamque dlvinare, puerum hunc (the Theses)— alium habuisse patreni : quod nihil scilicet quaesti ex indulgentiis tibi aut tuis etiam accesserit, quod Tecellio ac suis potius, quam tuae farinae hominibus negoti- um datum sit ? Haec enim non vane imaginor, sed suspicionis istius tu mihi ansam praestitisti, qui mihi ubi in Cancellaria Principis Ecchium, Carolostadium ac te, semotis arbitris, obsecrassem, ut propter honorem Dei abstineretis a conviciis et parvulorum of- fensione, respondisti satis theologice, causam banc neque propter Deum esse coeptam, neque propter Deum finiri oportere. This expression of Luther's, often misused by the Catholics, evidentl}- refers to the Leipsic disputation, as Luther alwaj's said that that was occasioned bj' Eck's desire for fame. — Alphonsus Valdesius also suggests this jeal- ousj' of the Order in his letter to Peter Martyr, dd. Brussels, 31st Aug. 1520 (Petri Mar- tyris Epistolae. Amstelod., 1670. p. 380) : prosiliit monachus Augustinensis, cui nomcn Martinus Lutherus Saxo, et hujus tragoediae auctor, et Dominicaniyor^as^w invidia nio- tus, nonnullos articulos tj-pis excusos emisit, caet. The conjecture was soon repeated as a certaint_v bj' Luther's enemies ; see Job. Fabri, Christl. Unterrichtung ilber etliche Puncten der Visitation, Dresden, 1528. 4., Kap. 2, where, addressing Luther, he saj-s that he had issued his Theses " because thou -wast not made a commissioner of the in- dulgences." Cochl^us at last, in 1549, makes out of it the following story (Vita Lu- theri, ann. 1517). The Elector Albert had first wished to employ the Augustinian monks to preach the indulgence, nisi Jo. Tetzelius frater Ordinis Praedicatorum magis idoneus quibusdam visus fuisset. — Id vero quam aegerrime tulerunt fratres Augustini- ani, in primis Joannes Staupitius, — et Martinus Lutherus, — velut praecipui duo gregis sui arietes. — Principi (Frederick the Wise) familiarius insinuavit se Staupitius, instillans ejus pectori freqnentes indulgentiarum abusus, et quaestorum atque commissariorum scandala, quod illi per avaritiam veniarum et gratiarum pretextu expilarent Germani- am, et quaererent quae sua sunt, non quae Jesu Christi. Lutherus vero ardentioris na- turae, magisque injuriarum impatiens, arrepto calamo— scripsit, caet. This was after- 2G FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. St. Thomas and Tetzel both at once. Tetzel immediately assailed Luther with counter theses, for the defense of which he obtained the degree of doctor at Frankfort on the Oder.^^ Sylvester Prie- ward often repeated by manj- Catholic authors. On the other hand, Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trid. lib. i. c. 3, bears witness that it was not to the Augustines, but to the Minor- ites, that the vending of this indulgence was first intrusted ; and in harmonj- with this Fred. Mj-conius relates, in his Historj- of the lieformation, p. IG sq., that the Pope had first appointed the Archbishop of Mayenee and the guardian of the monaster^' of bare- footed friars at Mayenee, as chief commissaries of the indulgence: "but the guardian and the barefoot Order had no liking for the affair," parti}' because the indulgence was already held in contempt bj' the people in consequence of Tetzel's coarse proceed- ings, parti}' because the friars thought they had enough to do in begging their own bread. On this account a convention of Franciscans was held at Weimar, where My- conius was then parish priest, to consult upon measures for getting rid of the commis- sion, and the guardian contrived to manage so that the Archbishop of Ma3'ence under- took it alone. Hence it is evident that at that time the traffic in indulgences could not well be an object of rivalry for two monastic orders. At the same time with tliis false- hood sprung up another, of which Luther makes mention in his letter to Spalatin, 15th Febr., 1518 (de Wette, i. 92): Principis nostri illustrissimi esse totum, quod ego ago, tanquam inductus ab eo ad invidiam Archiepiscopi Magdeburgensis ; Duke Henrj', in his Rejoinder to the Elector of Saxonj-, ISiO, repeats this O^alch's edition of Luther's works, xvii. 1G23) ; see, in reply, Luther against Hans Wurst (ibid. 1701 ff".)- It is evi- dent that a vulgar feeling of hostility tried verj- early to hunt up low motives for Lu- ther's course : one conjectured this, another that ; and it was only after some time that the conjecture dared present itself as a certaintj-. On the other hand, one of Luther's most zealous foes, Laurentius Surius, Carthusian at Cologne, f 1578, testifies, in his Comm. Eerum suo Tempore in Orbe gestarum, ad ann. 1517 : In i^is hujus tragoediae initiis visus est Lutherus etiam plerisque viris gravibus ct eruditis non pessimo zelo mo- ven-i, planeque nihil spectare aliud, quam Ecclesiae reformationem, cujus quidam de- formes abusus non parum male habebant bonos omnes. '^ There are two Disputationes, one for the degree of licentiate, the other for that of doctor, both were printed as early as 1517, and in fact were composed bj' Conr. Wim- pina (see Loscher, ii. 8), in Loscher, i. 503 fi'. The theorj' of indulgence laid down in Disp. i. starts from the position that the Satisfactio is a necessarj' part of repentance. Thes. 5 : Haec satisfactio (cum Deus delictum absque ultione non patiatur) per poenam fit, vel aoquivalens in acceptione divina : G. quae vel a Presbj-teris imponitur, arbitrio vel canone, vel nonnumquam a justitia divina exigitur hie vel in purgatorio dissolvenda. 11. Hanc poenam ob peccata contrita et confessa impositam potest Papa per indulgen- tias penitus relaxare, 12. sive haec sit ab eo, vel sacerdotis arbitrio, vel canone imposita, vel etiam justitia divina exigenda; cui contradicere est errare. 13. Sed licet per indul- gentias omnis poena in dispositis remittatur, quae est pro peccatis debita, ut eorum est vindicativa : 14. errat tamen, qui ob id tolli putet poenam, quae est medicativa et prae- servativa, cum contra hanc Jubileus non ordinetur. The deep-rooted immorality of the system of penance at this period is unvailed in Thes. 30 : minima contritio, quae potest in fine vitae contingere, 31. suflicit ad peccatorum remissionem, ac poenae aeternae in temporalem mutationom. Here also Tetzel defends manj- of his obnoxious statements ; thus G4 : Non esse Christianum dogma, quod redempturi pro amicis confessionalia vol purgandis Jubileum, possint haec facere absque contritione, error : and, 99-101, even the sliameless assertion — si quis per impossibile Dei genitricem semper virginem violas- set. Disp. ii. On the power of the Pope, Thes. 3: Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa jurisdictionis auctoritate superior tota universali Ecclesia et Concilio, quodque statutis suis humiliter sit obedieudum. 4. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa ea, quae fidei sunt, solus habet determinare, quodque sacrae scripturae sensus ipse auctoritative, et CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION". § 1. 1518. 27 rias, magister sancti palatii at Rome, wrote against him with equal violence. ^^ Dr. John Eok, vice-chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt, united himself with them, and wrote Obelisci against Luther's Theses.^" The matter and the manner of these attacks could not discourage a iiuther ; they only enkindled in him a no- ble indignation against the hypocritical lies which were conjured up in defense of the soul-destroying imposture.-^ Just in propor- nullus alius, pro suo sonsu, interpretatur, et quod aliorum omnia dicta vel opera liabet vel approbare, aut reprobare. 5. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod judicium Papae in his, quae sunt fidei, et ad humanam salutem necessaria, errare potest minime. 12. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod claves Ecclesiae non universali Ecclesiae, — sod Petro et Papae, et in eis omnibus eorum successoribus et universis Praelatis futuris per derivationem eorum in ipsos, sunt collatae. 13. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod plenissimam indulgentiam non Concilium generale, nee Praolati alii Ecclesiae simul vel disjunctim dare possunt, sed solus Papa, qui est sponsus universalis Ecclesiae. 17. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Ecclesia multa tenet ut catholicas veritates, quae tamen sicut nee in canone bib- liae, ita nee a doctoribus antiquioribus ponuntur. Tetzcl also wrote a Refutation of Lu- ther's Sermon on Indulgence and Grace, in Loscher, i. 484. Walch, xviii. 538. " Dialogus in praesumptuosas M. Lutheri Conclusiones de Potestate Papae (it ap- peared in December, 1517), in Lutheri 0pp. Tom. Jenens. Lat. i. 15 ; in Loscher, ii. 12 ff. Characteristic of the work are the following positions, in Loscher, p. 14 : Ecclesia uni- versalis virtualiter est Ecclesia Romana — Ecclesia Romana — virtualiter est Pontifex summus. P. 31 : Veniae sive indulgentiae auctoritate Scripturae nobis non innotuere, sed auctoritate Ecclesiae Romanae, Romanorumque Pontificum, quae major est. P. 22 : Quan- tum ad indulgentias attinet. Papa habet clavem jurisdictionis secundum Sanctos etiam in Purgatorium applicative : animas tamen a debito sen reatu poenarum non absolvit, sed eis tribuit, unde poenam vel debitum solvant, applicans etadjiciens eis satisfactionem Christi vel aliorum. — Praedicator, animam, quae in Purgatorio detinetur, adstruens evo- lare in eo instanti, in quo plene factum est illud, gi-atia cujus plena venia datur, puta dejectus est aureus in pelvim, non homineni, sed meram et catholicam veritatem prae- dicat. Hence Erasmus, in his Responsio Nervosa ad Albertum Pium, could write with justice (in v. d. Hardt, Hist. Liter. Reform, i. p. 179) : scripsit Prierias : — sed ita, ut causam indulgentiarum fecerit deteriorem. ^^ According to Eclc's assertion, in a letter to Carlstadt of the 28th May, 1518 (in Losch- er, ii. 64), in Avhich he tries to pacify the Wittenbergians, he had only composed them for private use at the request of his diocesan, the bishop of Eichstiidt (in fact it was his duty, on becoming a canon, to give the bishop advice when required ; see the papal bull, in Mederi Annal. Ingolst. iv. 25), and thej- had been published against his will. Luther published them with his Asterisci, in August, 1518 ; and so thej- are found, Tom. Jen. Lat. i. p. 31, in Loscher, iii. 333. But before this, Carlstadt, in his Academic Disputations, from May to Julj', 1518, had alreadj' drawn up a sei'ies of Theses against the Obelisci; sec Loscher, ii. 62 ff. Against this work Eck published a Defcnsio, to which Carlstadt re- plied in August, 1518, with a Defensio adv. Jo. Eckii Monomachiam (in Loscher, ii. 108). '- Against Tetzel's refutation, he wrote in June, 1518 (see the letter to Lang in de Wette, i. 124) : Freyheit des Sermons papstl. Ablass u. Gnade belangend, in Loscher, i. 525, and Walch, xviii. 564; against Prierias in August, Responsio ad Sjlv. Prieria- tis Dialogum, in Tom. i. Lat. Jen. p. 44 ; in Loscher, ii. 390. His principal work, how- ever, at this time, was the Resolutiones Disputationum de Virtute Indulgentiarum, which had been alreadj' in Maj' sent in manuscript to the Bishop of Brandenburg and the Pope, and appeared in print at the beginning of August. Tom, i, Lat. Jen, p. 70 ; Loscher, ii. 183. 28 rOUETH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. tion as lie saw that his enemies could only bring against him an exclusive human authority, it also became clear to him that the real source of the corruption was in the intermingling of human opinions with divine truth ; and thus he was led to enforce the principle, that only the Holy Scripture^ offer a firm founda- tion to faith, and that the doctrine and state of the Church must be judged by them alone.^^ The Dominicans accused him in ^^ The Responsio ad Prieraf, in Loscher, ii. 390, first laj-s down the principles from which Luther started : Secundum est illud b. Augustini ad Hieronj-mum : ego solis eis libris, qui canonici appellantur, hunc honorem deferre didici, ut nullum scriptorem eorum errasse firmissime credam. Caeteros autem, quantalibet doctrina sanctitateque polleant, non ideo verum esse credo, quia illi sic senserunt. — Tu perpetuo pro verborum textu non nisi nuda verba ponis, aut solas opiniones d. Thomae mihi nunc demum dccantas ; qui aeque ut tu nudis verbis incedit, sine Scriptura, sine Patribus, sine canonibus, denique sine ullis rationibus. Ideoque meo jure, i. e. Christiana libertate, te et ilium simul ro- jicio et nego. P. 400 : Et ut animum meum scias, mihi videtur id in gravissimum Eccle- siae ludibrium vergere, si ea doceamus, de quibus nuUam prorsus rationem reddere pos- sumus. Nee satis ibi esse eredo etiam factum Ecclesiae, — quia tarn Papa quani Concili- um potest errare, ut habes Panormitanum egregie haec tractantem (see Vol. ii. § 136, Note 6, p. 322). Resolution, conclus. 26 (Loscher, ii. 248) : Me nihil movet, quid placeat vel displiceat summo Pontifici : homo est sicut et caeteri : multi fuerunt summi Pontili- ces, quibus non solum errores et vitia sed etiam portenta placuerunt. Responsio, p. 403 : Theologia ilia scholastica exulem nobis fecit veram et sinceram theologiam. Nam vides, quod pei'petuo hoc dialogo nihil ago, nisi quod resisto et redargue scholasticam theolo- giam, i. e. falsam Scripturae et Sacramentorum intelligentiam. Resolut. concl. 25, p. 236 : Deinde adversarios meos etiam rogo, ut ferant dolorem meum, quo crucior, dum audio ea praedicari in Ecclesia Christi, quae nunquam scnpia et statuta sunt, quando Sanctis olim Patribus legimus visum esse pcriculosissimum, aliquid ultra praescriptum caeleste doceri, ut inquit Ililarius. Concl. 58, p. 282 : Plus trecentis annis tot Universi- tates, tot in illis acutissima ingenia, tot ingeniorum pertinacissima studia in uno Aris- totele laborant, et tamen adhuc non solum Aristotelem non intelligunt, verum etiam er- rorem et fictam intelligentiam per universam pene Ecclesiam spargunt, quanquam si etiam intelligerent eum, nihil egregiae sapientiae adepti essent. Concl. 8, p. 203: Si canones poenitentiales manent mortuis, eadem ratione et caeteri omnes. Celebrent ergo, agant festa, et jejunia, et vigilias, dicant horas canonicas, non comedant ova, lac, car- nes certis diebus, sed tantum pisces, fructus, legumina, induant vestes pullas vel Candi- das pro differentia dierum, et alia onera gravissima quibus nunc premitur viisera ilia, olim. Uberrima, Ecclesia Christi (after Augustin. ad Januar. ; see Vol. i. § 106, Note 2, p. 455). Concl. 26, p. 238 : Cum nostro saeculo sint tarn zelosi haereticae pravitatis inquisitores, ut Christianissime catholicos vi conentur ad haeresim adigere, oportunum fuerit super singulis SA'llabis protestai'i. Nam quid aliud fecerint Johannes Picus Mira7idulanus, Laiirentius Valla, Petrus Ravennas, Johannes Vesalia, et novissime diebus istis Johannes Reuchlin atque Jacobus Stapulensis, ut inviti cogerentur et bene sentiendo male sentire, non facile viderim, nisi quod omiserint forte protestationem super singulis, ut dixi, syl- labis : fanta est hodie in Ecclesia puerorum et effoeminatorum tyrannis. With regard to indulgence Luther wrote as earlv as the 15th Febr. to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 92) : duo tamen dicam : primum tibi soli et amicis nostris, donee res publicetur: mihi in indul- gentiis hodie videri non esse nisi animarum illusionem, et nihil prorsus utiles esse, nisi stertentibus et pigris in via Christi. Etsi banc sententiam non tenet noster Carolstadi- us, certum est tamen mihi, quod eas nihil ducit. Thus also Concl. 46, p. 270 : Veniae 6unt de numero eorum, quae licent, non autem eorum, quae expediunt. Concl. 49. p. CHAP. I.— GEEMAN REFOEMATION. § 1. 1518. 29 272 : Quod autem dixi : sunt utiles, intelligo, noa omnibus, imo veteri homini et ster- tentibus operariis, eo quod melius sit, illis eas remitti poenas, quam ut ferrent invite. Concl. 50, 1. c. indulgentiae est vilissimum bonum omnium bonorum Ecclesiae, nee nisi vilissimis Ecclesiae donandum, deinde nee meritprium, nee utile, sed plerumque nocen- tissimum, si non siut timorati. Against the doctrine of the Thesaurus, Concl. 58, e. g. p. 27G : nullus Sanctorum in hac vita sufficienter implevit mandata Dei, ergo nihil pror- sus fecerunt superabundans, quai-e nee ad indulgentias aliquid distribuendum relique- runt. Concl. 26, p. 240 : Procedit ejus somnium ex laboriosa ilia et inutili arte coiifitendi, imo desperandi et perdendi animas, qua hucusque docti sumus arenam numerare, i. e. singula peccata discutere, coUigere, atque ponderare ad faciendam contritionem. Quod cum fecerimus, fit ut refricemus vel concupiscentias vel odia, praeteritorum memoria, et dum conterimur de praeteritis, nove peccemus ; aut certe si fiat optima contritio, sit tan- tummodo violenta, tristis, mereque factitia, de metu poenarum simulata duntaxat. Sic enim docemur peccata conteri, i. e. ad impossibile, vel ad pejus, conari. Cum vera con- tritio sit incipienda a benignitate et beneficiis Dei, praesertim a vulneribus Christi, ut homo ad sui ingratitudinem primo veniat ex intuitu divinae bonitatis, et ex ilia in odi- um sui ac amorem benignitatis Dei. Concl. 7, p. 199 : Theologi recentiores — Sacraraen- tum poenitentiae sic tractant et docent, ut populus discat, per suas contritiones et satis- factiones confidere, se peccata sua posse delere. Quae vanissima praesuniptio nihil aliud potest efiicere, quam ut cum haemorrhoissa Evangelica, consumpta in medicos tota sub- stantia, pejus et pejus habeant. Fides primo in Christum, gratuitum remissionis largi- torem, docenda erat, et desperatio propriae contritionis et satisfactionis persuadeuda, ut sic fiducia et gaudio cordis de misericordia Christi firmati, tandem hilariter odirent pec- catum, et contererentur, et satisfacerent. Concl. 42, p. 268 : Si populus doceatur propter poenarum evasionem contribuere (ad fiibricam Eccl. s. Petri), — tunc clarum est, quod non propter Deum contribuunt, et erit timor poenarum, seu poena idolum corum, cm sic sacrificant. Concl. 62, p. 288 : Satis incognita res est Evangelmm Dei in midta parte Ec- clesiae: ideo paulo latins de illo dicendum, nihil enim reliquit in mundo Christus praeter solum Evangelium. — Est autem Evangelium secundum Apostolum Rom. I. sermo de filio Dei incarnato, nobis sine mentis in salutem et pacem donato. Est verbum salutis, ver- bum gratiae, verbum solatii, verbum gaiulii, vox sponsi et sponsae, verbum bonum, verbum pacis. — Lex vero est verbum perditionis, verbum irae, verbum tristitiae, verbum doloris, vox judicis et rei, verbum inquietudinis, verbum maledicti. Nam secundum Apostolum lex est virtus peccati, et lex iram operatur. Est lex mortis. Ex lege enim nihil habemus, nisi malam conscientiam, inquietum cor, pavidum pectus a facie pecca- torum nostrorum, quae lex ostendit, nee tollit, nee nos tollere possumus. Sic itaque captis, ae tristibus, omninoque desperatis venit lux Evangelii et dicit : nolite timere : — ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi, ecce qui solus implet legem pro vobis. — Hoc suavissimum nuncium cum audierit conscientia peccatrix, reviviscit, — jam nee mortem — formidat, neque infernum. Ideo qui poenas adhuc timent, nondum audiverunt Christum, nee vocem Evangelii, sed vocem potius Mosis. Ex hoc itaque Evangelio nasci- tur vera gloria Dei, dum docemur, non nostris operibus, sed gratia niiserentis Dei in Christo impletam legem et impleri ; non operando sed credendo, non Deo aliquid ofiB- rendo sed ex Christo omnia accipiendo et participando. He denied the secular power as well as the infallibility of the Pope ; see Concl. 80, p. 297: Id ego vehementer admiror, quisnam illam glossam invenerit primus, quod duo gladii siguificent unum spiritualem (non ut Apostolus vocat, soil, gladiuni Spiritus, verbum Dei), alium materialem, ut sic Pontifieem utraque potestate armatum nobis non patrem amabilem, sed quasi tjTannum formidabilem faciant, dum nihil nisi potestatem undique in eo videmus. On the other hand, he still says, in Concl. 69, p. 290 : Auctoritati papali in omnibus cum reverentia credendum-est. Qui enim potestati resistit, resistit Dei ordinationi. He still believed in purgatorj' also, Concl. 15, p. 215 : Quae ideo dico, ne Pighardus haereticus (the Bohe- mian brethren) in me sibi videatur obtinuisse, purgatorium non esse, quia locum ejus ignotura esse confiteor. — Mihi certissimum est, purgatorium esse. Loscher, p. 304, is wrong in thinking that as he >vrote he advanced in knowledge, and that in Concl, 18, p. 30 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. Rome.^^ Leo X., who regarded the whole matter as a mere quar- rel of monks,^* did indeed permit Luther to be summoned to re- spond ;^^ but, out of consideration for Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, whom he wished to gain over to his views in the ap- proaching election of a King of Rome, he was easily induced to commission his cardinal legate Cajetan, at Augsburg, to bring the new heretic to submission.-^ However, this legate, before whom Luther made his appearance at Augsburg, in October, 1518, was not able to subdue the humble monk either by kindness or by threats.^" 225, he denies purgatory ; he onh' saj's, that the reasons alleged by its adversaries for the statement, purgatorium non esse merendi locum, disproved all purgatorj-. — Concl. 89, p. 301 : Ecclesia indiget i-eformatione, quod non est unius hominis Pontificis, ncc mul- torum Cardiualium officium, sicut probavit utrumque novissimum Concilium, sed totius orbis, imo solius Dei. Tempus autem Iiujus reformationis novit solus ille, qui condidit tompora. •^ Ilochstraten, in his Apologia ad Sanctiss. Leonem Papam X. ae D. Maxlmilianum Imp. Colon, 1518. 4. made mention of Luther also in his -way (see Lutheri Scheda con- tra Ilochstratanum, Jul. 1518), T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 116. Loscher, ii. 323 : sanguinaria sua lingua ad caedem et fraternam perniciem anhelans, monet optimum Pontificera Leonem X., ut non agnino et Christiano, sed leonino et furiali animo exurgat. '* According to the account of the contemporarj' Matteo Bandello, Bishop of Agen (Xovelle. Lucca, 1554 ff. Th. 3, in the preface to the 25th Novelle), Leo at first replied to those who instigated him to more earnest proceedings against Luther, che Fra Martino fosse un bellissimo ingegno, e che coteste erano invidie fratesche. On the other hand, so earl}' as Non. Febr., 1518, he wrote to Gabriel Venetus, when he appointed him to be Promagister Ord. Augustinianorum Eremit. (see P. Bembi Epistolae Nomine Leonis X. scriptae lib. xvi. no. 18, p. 379) : Volo te eam curam suscipere, ut Martinum Lu- therum, tuae societatis sacerdotem, quem scire te cxistimo in Germania novas res mo- liri, nova dogmata uostris populis tradere, quibus utantur, ab incoepto, si potes, revoces auctoritate ea, quam tibi prafectura dat. — Id si celeriter feceris, non erit puto difficile modo natam flammam extinguere. Parva enim omnia atque surgentia paulum raagnos vehementesque impetus non sustinent. Sin differes, et malum vires sumpserit, vereor ne, cum velimus adhibere incendio remedia, non possimus. " Loscher, ii. 309 fF., 372 ff. ^'^ The papal brief to Cajetan of the 27th Aug. T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 181, Loscher, ii. 437. The commission ran : Mandamus, ut — dictum Lutherum haereticum — ad personaliter coram te comparendum, invocato ad hoc tam cai-issimi in Christo filii uostri Maximili- ani Rom. Imp. electi, quam reliquorum Germaniae Principum — brachio cogas atque compellas, et co in potestate tua redacto, eum sub fideli custodia retineas, donee a nobis aliud habucris in mandatis, ut coram nobis et Sede apostolica sistatur. Ac quodsi coram te sponte ad petendum do hujusmodi tcmeritate veniam venerit, et ad cor reversus poc- nitentiae sigua ostenderit, tibi eum ad unitatem sanctae matris Ecclesiae — benigne reci- piendi concedimus facultatem. -' Reports of the proceedings at Augsburg may be found: 1. In Luther's letters writ- ten from Augsburg to Spalatin and Carlstadt, in de Wette, i. 142 ff. 2. More in detail in his letter to the Elector Frederick 19. Nov. ibid. 174. 3. His Acta apud Dom. Lega- tum Apostolicum Thom. Cajetanum Augustae, ann. 1518, in Octobri, usually called Acta Augustana, published in 1518 (as to three different editions of these, see Riederer's Ali- handlung, 3tes Stuck, s. 362), in T. i. Lat. Jen. fol. 185. 4. There is a longer report of the proceedings of Dr. Martin Luther with Thomas Cajetan (by Spalatin) in the first CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 31 Instead thereof, the monk appealed a Papa non bene informato ad melius informandum r^ and afterward, when the whole doctrine of indulgence, as it had heen developed up to the present time, was confirmed by a hull from Rome,^^ he issued an appeal from the Pope to a general council (at Wittenberg, 28th Nov., 1518).^" Sympathy with the bold champion had for a long time manifested itself only in tones of fear and warning :^^ gradually some approv- ing voices now dared to speak with boldness, especially among the humanists,^^ and his colleagues and fellow - citizens at Witten- part of the Jena edition of Luther's German works, fol. 108, b. ff. There is a collection of all the reports and acts in Luther's works bj' Walch, xv. 636 ff. ^^ The appeal of the 16th Oct. T. i. Jen. p. 193 ; in Loscher, ii. 484. " Of the 9th Nov. T. i. Jen. f. 203, b. ; in Loscher, ii. 493. On the other hand, in Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. T. iii. p. 180, it bears the date Cal. Jan., 1518. Luther is not mentioned in it; it is only directed against the errors which had been spread aljroad, nonnulUs Rdigiosis, in Germanj' about the indulgence ; that no one ma^' be able in future to pretend — ignorantiam doctrinae Rom. Ecclesiae circa hujusmodi indulgen- tias — it takes the ground — Romanum Pontificem — potestate clavium, quarum est aperire tollendo illius in Cliristifidelibus impedimenta, culpam scil. et poenam pro actualibus peccatis debitam, culpam quidem mediante sacramento poenitentiae, poenam vero tem- poralem pro actualibus peccatis secundum divinam justitiam debitam mediante ecclesi- astica indulgentia, posse pro rationalibus causis concedere eisdem Christifidelibus, — sivc in hac vita sint, sive in Purgatorio, indulgentias ex siiperabundantia meritorum Jesu Christi et Sanctorum, ac tam pro vivis quam pro defunctis — thesaurum meritorum Jcsu Christi et Sanctorum dispensare, per modum absolutionis indulgentiam ipsam conferre, vel per modum suffragii illam transferre consuevisse. Ac propterea omnes tam vivos quam defunctos, qui veraciter omnes indulgentias hujusmodi consecuti fuerint, a tanta tempora'.i poena secundum divinam justitiam pro peccatis suis actualibus debita lib^rari, quanta concessae et acquisitae indulgentiae aequivalet. ^"^ T. i. Jen. p. 205, b. ; Loscher, ii. 505. ^1 Luther relates, in his commentarj' on Psalm cxviii. 9 (in Walch, v. 1713) : "When I first assailed the indulgence, and all the world opened their ej'es and began to imag- ine that it was done with too high a hand, my prior and sub-prior came to me, alarmed at the loud outcrj-, and were sore afraid, and prayed me not to bring shame on the Order ; for the other Orders, especially the Preachers, were alreadj- leaping for joy, that thej' were not alone in disgrace, but. that the Augustines also must now burn and bear reproach. Then I answered, dear Fathers, if this matter is not begun in God's name, it will quicklj- fall to the ground ; but if it is begun in His name, leave it in His hands," Staupitz wrote from Salzburg to Luther, 14th Sept. 1518, when he was summoned to Augsburg (Loscher, ii. 445) : quid hodie praeter crucem te maneat non video quicquani. In foribus, ni fallor, est sententia, ne quis inconsulto Pontifice scrutetur Scripturas, ad inveniendum se quod utique Christus ut fieret jussit. Paucos habes patronos, et utinam non sint occulti propter metum adversariorum. Placet mihi, ut Vittembergam ad tem- pus deseras, meque accedas, ut simul vivamus moriamurque. ^^ That the humanists were the natural allies of Luther, appears from the epistle of Erasmus to Luther, dd. 30 Maji, 1519, which also illustrates his own peculiar attitude toward the Reformation (Erasmi Epistt. T. i. Ep. 427) : Nullo sermone consequi queam, quas tragoedias hie excitarint tui libelli : ne adliuc quidem ex animis istorum revelli potest falsissima suspicio, qua putant tuas lucubrationes meis auxiliis esse scriptas, me- que hujus factionis, ut vocant, vexilliferum esse. Existimabant quidam sibi datam an- 32 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. berg.^^ In the young Melancthon, who was gained for Witten- sam, qua ct bonas literas opprimerent, quas capitaliter oderunt, velut offecturas majes- tati theologicae, quam multi pluris faciunt quam Cliristum. — Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis scriptis optime sentiant, et sunt hi niaximi. Sunt et hie, quorum est eximius qui- dani, qui tuis favent. Ego me quod licet integrum servo, quo inagis prosim bonis Uteris refloresccntibus. Et niihi videtur, plus profici civili modestia, quam impetu. Sic Chris- tus orbem in suam ditionem perduxit ; sic Paul us judaicam legem abrogavlt, omnia tra- hens ad allegoriam. Magis expedit clamare in cos, qui Pontilicum auctoritate abutun- tur, quam in ipsos Pontifices : idem de Regibus faciundum censeo. Scholae non tarn aspernandae sunt, quam ad studia magis sobria revocandae. De rebus receptioribus, quam ut subito possint ex animis revelli, disputandum est argumentis densis et efficaci- bus potius quam assevcrandum. Quorundam virulentas contentiones magis conducit contemnere quam refellere. Ubique cavendum, ne quid arroganter auf^factiose loqua- mur, faciamusve : sic arbitror gratum esse spiritui Christi. Interea servandus animus, ne vel ira, vel odio, vel gloria corrumpatur ; nam haec in medio pietatis studio solet insidiari. Haec non admoneo ut facias, sed ut quod facis perpetuo facias. In a letter of the 14th April, 1519, in which he dedicates his Vitae Caesarum to the elector Freder- ick the Wise, Erasmus also favors Luther in the interests of the humanists ; see this let- ter in full, T. i. Jen. f. 211 : Huic tam odioso negotio, praesertim apud mulierculas et indoctam plebeculam, miscuerunt homines callidi trium linguarum, eloquentiae, politi- orisque literaturae raentionem, quasi aut Lutherus his praesidiis fideret, aut ex hisce fontibus haereses uascerentur. — Lutherus mihi tam ignotus est, quam cui ignotissimus, ut suspectus esse non queam, quasi faveam amico. But still, he saj-s, the question em- braces theological opinions which had not yet been refuted, and for which he ought not to be pronounced a heretic and persecuted. Si quidquid in Scliolis receptum est, oracu- lum haberi volunt, cur inter se Scholastici dissentiunt ? — Ad haec non raro deprehcn- duntur damnare in recentium libris, quod in Augustino aut Gersone non damuant : quasi Veritas cum auctore mutetur. Eos, quibus favent, sic legunt, ut omnia torquentes, ni- hilnon excusent : quibus infensi sunt, sic legunt, ut nibilnon calumnientur. — Caeterum, ut tuae Celsitudinis est, Christianam religionem pietate tua protegere, ita prudentiae est, non committere, ut quisquam innocens, te justitiae praeside sub praetextu pietatis aliquorum impietati dedatur. Vult idem Leo Pontifex, cui nihil magis est cordi, quam ut tuta sit innocentia. — Certe hie video libros illius ab optimis quibusque cupidissime legi, quamquam mihi nondum vacavit evolvere. Fredericlc the Wise replied to this on the 1-ith of Maj- (l. c. f. 212) : Non danmari ab eruditis causam Lutheranam, et Doctoris Martini lucubrationes ab optimis quibusque istic cupidissime legi laetamur. Eoque ma- gis, quod plerique bonorum et emditorum in nostris quoque regionibus et Principatibus, nedum externis, hominis tam vitam et mores, quam eruditionem niiro consensu laudant. Quod onim hactenus in Saxonibus nostris degit, non tam homini, quam causae dedimus. Nihil minus unquam conati, quam ut dignos praemiis poena premeret. Neque Deo om- nipotente juvante committemus, ut nostra culpa innocens quispiam sua quaerentium impietati dedatur. " Carlstadt was the first to come forward in behalf of Luther ; see Note 20. Luther wrote to Jodocus, professor at Erfurt, on thelOtli May, 1518, in de Wette, i. 108: Scis ingenia eorum, qui apud nos sunt, puta Carlstadii, Amsdorfii, D. Hieronymi (Schurf), D. Wolfgang! (Stehlen), utriusque Feldkirchen, denique D. Petri Lupiui (Radhemius). At ii omnes constanter mecum sentiunt, imo tota Universitas, excepto uno ferme Licen- tiato Sebastiano. Sed et Princeps, et Episcopus ordinarius noster, delude multi alii Praelati : et quotquot sunt ingeniosi cives, jam uno ore dicunt, sese prius non novisse nee audivisse Christum et Evangelium. The university also interceded for him on the 25th Sept., 1518, on account of his summons to Rome, in two letters, to the Pope and to the Pope's Chamberlain, Charles of Miltitz. T. i. Jen. f. 183; in Loscher, ii. 384 ff. CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 33 berg in 1518,^* he found his truest helper in the great work,^^ to which he was destined, without as yet himself suspecting it. By his luminous and edifying works he made the subject of contro- versy intelligible to a larger circle ; by his moral and religious ap- peals, in the spirit of the Augustinian system, he was able to quicken the sense of inward piety,^'' in opposition to the. deadening doctrine of holiness by works ; and thus he was constantly gaining the heart of the German people. Indignation against Roman im- posture increased ; universal attention and sympathy were direct- ed toward the bold champion of the truth.^'' =* He entered upon his office on the 29th of August with an oration ; see Loscher, ii. 387. 25 Lutlier writes about him, Praef. in T. i. 0pp. 1545 : Eodem anno jam M. Phil. Me- lancthon a Principe Friderico vocatus hue fiierat ad doceudas litteras graecas, haud du- bie, ut haberem socium laboris in theologia. Nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum, non in Uteris tantum, sed in theologia, satis testantur ejus opera, etiamsi iras- catur Satan et omnes squamae ejus. '5 His Sermon on the Sacrament of Penance is especiallj- remarkable (Nov., 1518) ; in Walch, X. 1461 ; in Loscher, ii. 512 ; Fortschritte, s. 515. " All is at once given in faith, which alone makes the sacraments effect what thej- signifj', and every thing to be true which the priest says ; for as thou believest so it is done to thee. Without this faith all absolution, all sacraments are vain; yea, thej^ do more hurt than good." — S. 517: "Ninthly ; it follows, besides, that in the sacrament of penance and the forgiveness of sins, a Pope, a bishop, does no more than the humblest priest; yea, where there is no priest, every Christian maj- do as much, though a woman or a child. For if an)' Chris- tian can say to thee, God forgive thee thj' sins in the name of Christ, etc., and if thou canst but seize the word with a firm faith, as though God spake it to thee, thou art in this faith certainh' absolved." — S. 521 : " In the sixteenth place ; that no one maj- again accuse me of forbidding good works, I sa}', with all earnestness, that men should be penitent and sorrowful, should confess and do good works. But this I defend as much as I can, that we hold the faith to be the chief good in the sacrament, and the inherit- ance wherebj' we obtain God's grace ; and, accordinglj-, that we are to do much good onlj' for the glorj' of God and the welfare of our neighbors, and not because we rely upon it as sufficient to pay the debt of sin ; for God gives his grace freely and gratis, and so we ought, in return, to serve him freelj' and gratis." — S. 524: " Accordingl}' there belong to auricular confession no sins but those which are publicly accounted mortal sins, and which weigh down and alarm the conscience at the time ; for if we are to confess all sins we must confess at every instant, because we are never without sin in this life, even our good works are not pure and without sin." — "And even if one does not go to confession at all, it might still be useful for him often to hear of absolution and the work of God, for the sake of the same faith, that he ma}- thus form a habit of believing in the forgiveness of sin." — S. 521 : " The priest has enough signs and reasons for absolving, when he sees that absolution is earnestlj- desired from him." -' Alphonsus Valdesius writes upon this period, from Brussels, 31st Aug., 1520, to Peter Martyr (Petri Martyris Epistt., Amstelod. 1670, p. 380) : Intumuerunt dudum Germanorum animi, videntes Eomanensium mores plus quam profanos, coeperautque de excutiendo Rom. Pontificis jugo clam per cuniculos agere. Quo factum est, ut, quum primum Lutheri scripta in vulgum prodiere, mirum quanto applausu ab omnibus sus- cepta sint. Ibi Germani gestire, et convicia in Romanenses jactare, petereque ut gene- ralis Christianorum omnium conventus indiceretur, in quo excussis his, quae Lutherus scribebat, alius ordo in rebus Ecclesiae statueretur. Quod utinam factum fuisset ! Ve- rumtamen dum Pontifex jus suum mordicus tuetur, dum timet Christianorum conven- VOL. IV. 3 34 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. The Elector of Saxony was just now of too great importance to the Pope, in a pohtical point of view, to be alienated from him for the sake of an insignificant monk. Leo X. sent to him his cham- berlain, Charles of Miltitz, with the golden rose,^^ to win him to his views in the election of the King of Rome, and to come to an understanding on the affair of Luther. Miltitz, upon his arrival in G-ermany (Dec, 1518), soon saw that nothing could here be ef- fected by force f^ still less when, after the death of Maximilian I., the 12th Jan., 1519, the Elector of vSaxony became Regent of the empire in Northern Germany. He accordingly tried to flatter Lu- ther by kindness, and thus actually obtained, not indeed the de- sired recantation, but a promise to be silent if his opponents were silent, and an open declaration of obedience to the See of Rome.^° turn, dum (ut libere loquar) plus apud cum valet privatum commodum in generali sj'- nodo forte periclitaturum, quam Christiani populi salus, dum cupit Lutherana scripta nondum discussa e medio tollere ; Legatum a latere (Cajetan) ad Caesarem Maximilia- num mittit, caet. Wolfg. Fabritius Capito wrote to Luther, 18th Feb., 1519 (in Sculteti Annal. Reform, ad h. a.) : Helvetia et Rhenana regio ad Oceanum usque solidos amices fovet Lutherio, eosque potentissimos, neque omnino alienos a bonis studiis. Cardinalis Sedunensis, Comes de Gerolseck, Episcopus quidam eruditus ac primae honestatis, alii- que ex nostris non pauci cum nuper audierant te periclitari, non tantum sumtum, sed etiam tuta loca pollieebantur, quibus aut latere, aut aperte degere posses. Cum peregre constitutum fama praedicaret et summa rerum difficultate laborare, fuerunt, qui per me submittere nitebantur sumtum, et submisissent utique. On the 14th Feb., 1519, Froben, the bookseller at Basle, wrote to Luther (T. i. Jen. fol. 367. b.), that he had sent numer- ous copies of his works to France, Spain, Italj-, Brabant, and England : venduntur Pa- risiis, leguntur etiam a Sorbonicis et probantur, quemadmodum amici nostri certiores nos reddiderunt. Dixerunt illic doctissimi quidam, se jam pridem talem libertatem de- siderasse in his, qui sacras liter as tractant. — Hie (in Basle) ut quisque est optimus, ita tui maxime est studiosus. Episcopus noster imprimis tibi favet, ejus item Suffraganeus Tripolitanus Episcopus. The Cardinal of Sitten said, after reading Luther's works : " Luther tu vere es luther" Qauter, i. e., clear) ; and, " Disputet Eccius quantum velit, Lutherus veritatem scribit." ^^ Upon Miltitz's proceedings, see Loscher, ii. 552 ; iii. 6, 92 ; Walch, xv. 808. " Lutherus ad Jo. Sylvium, dd. 2. Febr., 1519 (de Wette, i. 216): Carolus de Miltitz missus ad Principem nostrum armatus plus70apostolicis Brevibus, in hoc scilicet datis, ut me vivum ac vinctum perduceret in Hierusalem homicidam illam Romam : sed per viam a Domino prostratus, i. e. multitudine mihi faventium territus, juxta quod curio- sissime ubique de mei opinione exploraverat, mutavit violentiam in benevolentiam fal- lacissime simulatam, agens mecum multis sane verbis, ut pro honore Ecclesiae Romanae revocarem mea dicta. In the Praef. ad 0pp. T. i. 1545, he states, that Miltitz had him- self said to him : " Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me Ro- mam perduci. Exploravi enim per totum iter animos hominum, quid de te sentirent : ecce ubi unum pro Papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra Papam stabant." *" At a personal interview at Altenburg in the first daj-s of January, 1519, Miltitz and Luther came to an agreement, as the latter reports to the Elector (de Wette, i. 209) : "In the first place, that there be a general inhibition laid upon both parties, and that they be both forbidden to preach, write, or act about these matters an}- further. Sec- ondly, that the said Charles [of Miltitz] will shortly take occasion to write to the boh- CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 35 Under existing circumstances Miltitz thought he might well be satisfied with such a result in this vexatious matter. At Leipsic he so sternly rebuked John Tetzel, the real author of the difficulty, for his shameless proceedings, that he died of chagrin.*^ Luther made the promised declarations,^^ and the whole matter seemed to be at an end. Dr. Eck started it again. To close in triumph a controversy Father, the Pope, about all matters, as he has found them ; and then see to it that his papal holiness commission some learned bishop, perhaps, to look into the matter and point out the articles which are en-oneous, and which I should revoke. And then, when I am taught the error, I should and will recant it willingly, and not weaken the honor and power of the holy Roman Church." Besides this, Luther had proposed, in a some- what earlier letter to the Elector (de Wette, i. s. 208) : " la the next place, I would write to his holiness the Pope, submit in all humility, confess how I have been too hot and too sharp, yet did not mean to come too near to the holy Roman Church, but to show the reason why I, as a true child of the Church, had opposed the scandalous preaching from which had gi-own such great scorn, reports, dishonor, and offense among the people against the Roman Church. In the third place, I was willing to publish a paper to warn every one to follow the Roman Church, to be obedient and reverential, and to un- derstand my writings not to the disgrace but to the honor of the holy Roman Church ; and also confess that I had brought the truth out with too great zeal, and perhaps un- seasonablj'." He writes to Christopher Scheurl on the 13th January, at the same time informing him of this agreement (Ibid. s. 212) : Ego, quantum in me est, nee timeo nee cupio protelari causam. Sunt adhuc multa, quae Romanam lernam movere possunt, quae libens premam (not promam), si permittant. Sin Deus non volet, ut permittant, fiet voluntas Domini. Miltitz in general demeaned himself rather as a German than as a Roman, and thus gained the confidence of Luther. The Romans afterward complained of him (see Instructio Nuntio data ann. 1536, in Ranke Fiirsten u. Volker v. Sud-Europa. iv. 290) : id tantum fructus reportavit, quod saepe, perturbatus vino, ea effutire de Pon- tifice et Roraana curia a Saxonibus inducebatur, non modo quae facta erant, sed quae ipsi e malae in nos mentis aftectu imaginabantur et optabant ; et ea omnia scriptis ex- cipientes postea in conventu Vormatiensi nobis publico coram tota Germania exproba- bant. *' Miltitz had, at the verj"- first, summoned Tetzel to him at Altenburg ; but he ex- cused himself in a letter, 31st Dec, 1518 (published by Cj'prian in Tentzel's Bericht v. Anf. d. Reform, i. 374, in Loscher, ii. 567) : "Nu solt mich solcher Arbeit und Reiss nicht verdriessen, Ew. Erwird zu willfahren, wenn ich mich one meins Lebens Nach- theil durfft aus Leipzick begeben. Wann MartiAus Luther, Augustiner, hat die Mach- tigen nicht allein schier in alien teutschen Landen, soadern audi in den Konigreichen zu Behem, Ungarn und Polen also wider mich erregt und bewegt, dass ich nirgent sicher bin." Miltitz heard more particulars of Tetzel's impostures and other disgraceful pro- ceedings, and in Januar}', 1519, called him to a sti-ict account for them. (See Miltitz Schreiben an Pfeffinger, in Cj-prian, ibid. s. 380 ; Loscher, iii. 20.) Lutherus, Praef. ad T. i. 0pp. 1545 : Vocaverat (Miltitius) autem ad se Johannem Tetzelium, — et verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus terribilem cunctis, et imperterritum clamatorem, ut inde contabesceret, et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur. Quem ego, ubi hoc rescivi, ante obitum Uteris benigniter scriptis consolatus sum, ac jussi ani- mo bono esse, nee mei memoriam metueret. Sed conscientia et indignatione Papae forte occubuit. *^ He published in February : Unterricht auf. etliche Artikel, so ihm von seinen Ab- gonnern aufgelegt und zugemessen worden (in Loscher, iii. 84; Walch, xv. 842). His letter to the Pope is dated the 3d of March, in de Wette, i. 233. 36 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. raised by his Obelisks,'^^ this renowned disputant** challenged Lu- ther's colleague, Andreas Bodenstein, from his birth-place surnamed Carlstadt, to a disputation at Leipsic,*^ and also contrived to en- tangle Luther in it.**^ In this disputation, which lasted from the *^ See above, Note 20. ** Upon his former disputations held at Bologna and Vienna, see Riederer's Nach- richten, Bd. 3. s. 47, 178, 283. ** This Disputation between Eck and Luther had been already concerted at Augs- burg, and Luther informs him, 15th Nov., 1518 (de Wette, i. 171), that Carlstadt agreed to it. *^ By 13 Theses, which Eck published in Januarj^, 1519 (in Loscher, iii. 210), to which Luther replied in 13 others. Ibid. 212. Compare, Luther to Spalatin, 7th Febr. (de Wette, i. 222) : Eccius noster — gloriae edidit schedulam, disputaturus contra Carlstadi- um Lipsiae post Pascha. Et homo iusulsa obliquitate, suae jam diu in me conceptae invidiae satisfacturus, in me et mea ruit scripta, alium nominans concertatorem, alium autem invadens tractatorem. On the 13th of March he apologized to the Elector, say- ing, that under these circumstances he could not consider his promise to Miltitz to keep silence as binding (de Wette, i. 237). In his 13th Thesis Eck broached an entirelj" new subject : Eomam Ecclesiam non fuisse superiorem aliis Ecclesiis ante tempora Sylves- tri, negamus. Sed eum, qui sedem beatissimi Petri habuit et fidem, successorem Petri et Vicarium Christi generalem semper agnovimus. Luther opposed to this the counter- thesis (as he writes to Spalatin in Maj', de Wette, i. 261 : haec xiii. propositio mihi est extorta per Ecciuni : xiii., as in the following letter, should here be read instead of xii.) : Eomanam Ecclesiam esse omnibus aliis superiorem, probatur ex frigidissimis Rom. Pontiticum decretis, intra quadringentos annos natis, contra quae sunt historiae approbatae mille et centum annorum, textus scripturae divinae, et decretum Nicaeni Concilii omnium sacratissimi. There are some remarkable declarations of Luther at this period. He writes to Scheurl, 20th Febr. (de Wette, i. 230) : Eccius noster, hucusque insaniam suam in me pulchre dissimulans, tandem manifestavit. Vide, quid sit homo. Sed Deus in medio Deorum : ipse novit, quid ex ea tragoedia deducere voluerit. Nee Eccius sibi, nee ego mihi in hac quicquam serviemus. Dei consilium agi mihi videtur. Saepius dixi, hucusque lusum esse a me ; nunc tandem seria in Romanum Pontificem et arrogantiam Romanam agentur. To Lange in the same strain, 7th Febr. (ibid. 217). To Spalatin, 5th March (ibid. 236) : Nunquam fuit in animo, ut ab Apostolica sede Ro- mana voluerim desciscere: denique sum contentus, ut omnium vocetur aut etiam sit Dominus. Quid hoc ad me ! qui sciam etiam Turcam honorandum et ferendum potes- tatis gratia. Quia certus sum, non nisi volente Deo (ut Petrus ait) ullam potestatem consistere : sed hoc ago pro fide mea in Christum, ut verbum ejus non pro libito trahant atque contamiuent. Dimittant mihi decreta Romana Evangelium sincerum, et omnia alia rapiant : prorsus pilum non movebo. To the same, 13th March (ibid. 239) : Verso et decreta Pontificum, pro mea dlsputatione, et (in aurem tibi loquor) uescio, an Papa sit Antichristus ipse vel apostolus ejus : adeo misere corrumpitur et crucifigitur Christus, i. e. Veritas, ab eo in decretis. Discrucior mirum in modum, sic illudi populum Christi, specie legum et Christian! nominis. Aliquando tibi copiam faciam annotationum mea- rum in decreta, ut et tu videas, quid sit leges condere postposita Scriptura ex affectu ambitae tjTannidis: ut taceam, quae alia Romana curia Antjchristi opera simillima exundat. Nascitur mihi indies magis ac magis subsidium et praesidium pro sacris Ute- ris. One result of these studies was the Resolutio super Propositione xiii. de Potestate Papae, which Luther had already prepared in May, though probably he did not have it printed till after the disputation at Leipsic, in T. i. Jen. fol. 295 b. (in Loscher, iii. 123). In May he wrote to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 260) : Multa ego premo, et causa Principis et Universitatis nostrae cohibeo, quae, si alibi essem, evomerem in vastatricem Scripturae et Ecclesiae Romam, melius Babylonera. Non potest Scripturae et Ecclesiae Veritas CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 37 27th June to the 16th July, 1519,*^ Carlstadt maintained against Eck the Augustinian doctrine of free-will. Luther was forced into a dispute upon the primacy of the Pope ; and, in this connec- tion, Eck having charged him with holding Hussite opinions, he was led to make the declaration, which excited great surprise, that several of Huss's doctrines had been unjustly condemned.'*^ Eck was superior to his opponents in controversial skill, and thus seem- ed to those present to have got the victory.''^ But the correspond- ence, in which this disputation was continued for some time lon- ger,^" turned the public judgment again to the side of the "Witten- tractari, mi Spalatine, nisi haec belua offendatur. Nou ergo speres me quietum ac sal- vum futurum, nisi velis et me penitus theologiam interraittere. Sine ergo amicos putare me insanire. Res ista finem non accipiet (si ex Deo est), nisi sicut Christum discipuli et noti sui, ita et me derelinquant omnes amici mei, et sola sit Veritas, quae salvet so dextera sua, non niea, non tua, non ullius hominis ; et hanc horam ab initio spectavi. *' There are contemporary accounts of this in letters from Melancthon to Oecolampa- dius, Eck to Hochstraten, Job. Cellarius to Capito, all written in July ; from Luther to Spalatin, from Amsdorf to the same, both in August ; from Peter Mosellanus to Julius Pflug, in December. From August there is the account of John Rubeus, favorable to Eck. All these are in Loscher, iii. 215 fF. The Latin minutes, written down during the disputation, form the principal authorit}- ; best given in Loscher, iii. 292 ff. *'* Acta Disp., hor. 2. d. 5 Jul., in Loscher, iii. 360: Certum est, inter articulos Jo- hannis IIuss vel Bohemorum multos esse plane Christianissimos et evangelicos, quos non possit universalis Ecclesia damnare, velut est ille et similis, quod tatitum est una Ecclesia universalis. Haec enim ageutibus impiissimis adulatoribus inique est damnata. — Deinde ille : non est de necessitate salutis credere Horn. Ecclesiam esse aliis superiorem. *' Luther to Spalatin on the 20th July (de Wette, i. 287 ; Loscher, iii. 236) : Et ita nihil ferme in ista disputatione tractatum est saltem digue praeter propositionem meam decimara tertiam. Interim tamen ille (Eccius) placet, triumphat et regnat, sed donee ediderimus nos nostra. Nam quia male disputatum est, edam resolutiones denuo. ^^ In Julj^ Eck published in reply to Melancthon's report, which was addressed to Oecolampadius, his — Excusatio Eckii ad ea, quaejalso sibi Ph. Melanchthon Grammaticus Wittenh. super Theologica Disputatione Lipsica adscripsit (in Loscher, iii. 591), where- upon Melancthon immediately followed with a Defensio (Ibid. 596). Luther issued in August his Resolutiones super Propositionibus suis Lipsiae disputatis (T. i. Jen. fol. 279 ; in Loscher, iii. 733). Against these Eck drew up an Expurgatio in October, to which Lu- ther replied in November, with an Epistola super Expurgations Ecciana (T. i. Jen. fol. 358, b. ; in Loscher, iii. 805 ; de Wette, i. 354). The Franciscans at Jiiterbock had al- ready' drawn 14 propositions from Luther's works as heretical in April, and denounced them to the bishop of Brandenburg (in Loscher, iii. 115). Eck published these in Au- gust with notes ; in replj-, appeared, in September, Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium super aliquot Articulis a Fratribus quibusdam ei impositis M. Lutheri Defensio (T. i. Jen. fol. 214, b. ; in Loscher, iii. 856). Luther met with great favor among the Bohemians. Two of the utraquist clergj' at Prague — Rosdialowin and Paduschka — wrote to him in July letters of congratulation and encouragement (T. i. Jen. fol. 366 ; in Loscher, iii. 649), which he received in October (see Luther's letter to Staupitz, 3d Oct., de Wette, i. 341). Rosdialowin writes e. g. quod olim Johannes Huss in Bohemia fuerat, hoc tu Martine es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus ! Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab hominibus. Neque animo concidas, si te haereticum, si excoramunicatum audies, me- mor subinde, quid Christus passus, quid Apostoli, quid omnes hodie patiantur, qui pie volent vivcre in Christo. It was probably to the bearer of these letters that Luther gave 38 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. bergers, although Eck aheady pronounced them heretics under the name of Lutherans. This disputation was the real training school of the Reformer. To prepare himself for it, and to continue it in writing, Luther was obliged to make investigations, into which, with his practical religious tendencies, he would probably not have been led under other circumstances :^^ here, too, Melancthon now faithfully aid- ed him with his extensive learning and clear penetration.^" In his writings to be carried to Bohemia (Luther to Spalatin, 15th Oct., de Wette, i. 350). In the mean time Jerome Emser, in a letter, printed in August, to Joh. Zack, adminis- trator of the diocese of Prague, De disputatioue Lipsicensi quantum ad Boemos obiter deflesa est (T. i. Jen. fol. 348 ; in Loscher, iii. 660), had tried to rob the Bohemians of their joy, by maintaining that Luther, although he agreed with them in several points, would still have nothing to do with them as schismatics. Luther answered him in Sept., in his Ad Aegocerotem Emserianum (referring to Emser's armorial bearings, which were printed on the title-page of his book, the forepart of a Capricorn) M. Lutheri Eesponsio (T. i. Jen. fol. 350 ; Loscher, iii. 668). Emser wrote a reply in November : A venatione Luteriana Aegocerotis Assertio, in Loscher, iii. 691. ^' Lutherus de Captivitate Babj'lonica Ecclesiae (Oct., 1520), in the letter of dedica- tion (T. ii. Jen. fol. 259) : Velim, nolim, cogor indies eruditior fieri, tot tantisque magis- tris certatim me urgentibus et exercentibus. De indulgentiis ante duos annos scripsi, sed sic, ut me nunc miruni in modum poeniteat editi libelli. Haerebam enim id tempo- ris magna quadam superstitione Romanae tj-rannidis : unde et indulgentias non penitus rejiciendas esse censebam, quas tanto hominum consensu cernebam comprobari. Nee mirum, quia solus tum volvebam hoc saxum. At postea beneficio Sylvestri et Fratrum adjutus, qui strenue illas tutati sunt, intellexi, eas aliud non esse, quam meras adula- torum Romanorum imposturas, quibus et fidem Dei et pecunias hominum perderent. Atque utinam a bibliopolis queam impetrare, et omnibus, qui legerunt, persuadere, ut universes libellos meos de indulgentiis exurant, et pro omnibus, quae de eis scripsi, banc propositionem apprehendant : Indulgentiae sunt adulatorum Romanorum nequitiae. Post haec Eccius et Emserus cum conjuratis suis de primatu Papae me erudire coeperunt. Atque hie etiam, ne hominibus tam doctis ingratus sim, confiteor, me valde proraovisse eorum opera. Nempe cum Papatum negassem divini, admisi esse humani juris. Sed ut audivi et legi subtilissimas subtilitates istorum Trossulorum, quibus suum idolum fabre statuunt (est enim mihi ingenium in his rebus non usquequaque indocile) : scio nunc et certus sum, PapaUmi esse regnum Bahylonis et jjotentinm Nimrod rohusti venatoris. Pro- inde et hie, ut amicis meis omnia prosperrime cedant, oro librarios, oro lectores, ut iis, quae super hac re edidi, exustis, hanc propositionem teneant : Papains est rohusta vena- tio Romani Ejjiscopi. '^ Melancthonis contra J. Eckium Defensio (Aug., 1519). 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 113 : Puto non temore fieri, sicubi sententiis S. Patres variant, quemadmodum solet, ut judice Scriptura recipiantur; non ipsorum, nempe variantibus judiciis, Scriptura vim patiatur. Quandoquidem unus aliquis et simplex Scripturae sensus est, ut et coelestis Veritas simplicissima est, quem collatis Scripturis e filo ductuque orationis licet assequi. In hoc enim jubemur philosophari in Scripturis divinis, ut hominum sententias decreta- que ad ipsas ceu ad Lydium lapidem exigamus. Soon after he drew up these Theses among others (see his letter to Hess of Febr. 1520, 1. c. p. 138) : Quod Catholicum prae- ter articulos, quos Scriptura probat, non sit necesse alios credere. Delude concilioruni auctoritatem Scripturae auctoritate vinci. E quibus fit, citra haeresis crimen non credi Transsubstantiationem aut Characterem aut similia. And in his letter to Hess he adds : Neque ad Transsubstantiationem tantum aut Characterem, sed ad omnia ejus generis, quibus vulgo divini juris titulus praetexitur, pertinebat axioma. — Videbam, — passim CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1519. 39 this way Luther gained so thorough an insight into the errors and corruption of the Roman Church^^ that he gradually began to see humanis decretis auctoritati sacrarum litcrarum derogari, nequo conferri modo, sed et antcferri humana divinis : articulos fidei dici jam non modo, quae SS. Patrum conciliis decreta sunt, aut Poutifices sanxerunt, sed et quidquid Thomas, quidquid Scotus argu- tantur, et in iis non modo incerta multa pro certis defendi, sed et male Christiana pro piis tradi. ^^ Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium Lutheri Defensio (iu Sept., 1519) IV. (in Loscher, iii. 877) : Dictum est, canones hodie et reservationes casuum prorsus nihil esse, nisi laqueos auaritiae, nou suo vitio, sed Eomanensium tj-rannorum. Impudentissima enim avaritia est Romanae Curiae : si dederis pecuniam, canones et omnia venalia ha- bes. V. et VI. (p. 879) : Consilia evangelica non sunt supra, sed infra jjraecepla, h. 0. con- silia sunt quaedam viae et compendia facilius et felicius implendi mandata Dei. — Faci- lius enim continet, qui viduus aut virgo est, separatus a sexu, quam copulatus cum sexu, qui concupiscentiae aliquid cedit. VII. (p. 880) : Confessi.o ilia, quae nunc agitur occulte in aurem, nullo potest jure divino probari, nee ita fiebat primitus, sed publica ilia, quam Christus Matth. 18 docet. — Non tamen damno istam occultam, nisi quod do- leo, ipsam esse in carnificinam quandam redactam, ut cogantur homines confitcri, et scrupulos facere de iis, in quibus nullum est peccatum, aut veniale tantum. — Non est in Ecclesia negotium, quod aeque lit istud confessionis et poenitentiae indigeat reforma- tione. Nam hie omnes leges, quaestus, vis, tyrannis, error, pcricula, et infinita mala omnium animarum et totius Ecclesiae grassantur pleno impetu, quod Pontilices parum curant, et sophistis animarum tortoribus relinquunt. VIII. (p. 881) : Neque enim Ro- mana Curia alia re magis nocuit Ecclesiae Christi, quam multitudine et varietaie legum suarum, quae mihi videntur esse novissima et omnium maxima pcrsecutio, ut in qua irretitae conscientiae pereant irrecuperabiliter, ut turpissimum quaestum sileam, qui legibus istis alitur. XV. (p. 887) : Valde vellcm scire, ex quo loco Scripturae tradita sit potestas Papae Sanctos canonisandi? Deindc, quae necessitas Sanctos canonisandi .' Tandem, quae utilitas Sanctos canonisandi? Sermon 07i the Venerable Sacrament of the holy and true Body of Christ, printed at the end of November; in Loscher, iii. 902; Walch, xix. 522 : " But it seems to mc to be good, tliat the Church should again ordain, in a general council, that [the sacrament of the Lord's Supper] be given to all men in both forms, as it is to the priests. Not because one form is not enough, if so be there is enough desire for it in the waj- of faith alone ; but because it is fitting and seeml}' that the shape and form or sign of the sacrament be not cut up into pieces, but given whol- l}- ; just as I have said about baptism, that it is more suitable to dip into the water than to pour it on, on account of the wholeness and completeness of the sign. Besides, this sacrament signifies a whole purification, an undivided fellowship of the saints (as we shall hear), which is illy and inaptlj^ signified \>j a piece or part of the sacrament. And then, too, there is not so great danger about the cup, as is thought, because the people seldom go to this sacrament, and specially because Christ, who well knew all future dangers, did j-et institute both forms for the use of all his Christians." On account of this passage Duke George complained to the Elector about Luther, that he taught just like a Hussite, and had fellowship with the Hussites ; dd. 27th Dec, 1519 ; in Loscher, iii. 920. The bishop of Misnia, b}' a prescript of the 24th Jan., 1520, prohibited this Ser- mon, and charged his clergj' to defend the usage of the Church (T. i. Jen. fol. 460 b.). Against this Luther wrote, in February, Antwort auf den Zeddel, so unter des Officials zu Stolpen Siegel ausgegangen (Walch, xix. 564), and toward the end of the j-ear 1520 pub- lished an enlarged Latin edition : Ad Schedulam Inhibitionis sub Nomine Episcopi Mis- nensis editam super Sermone de Sacramento Eucharistiae D. Mart. Lutheri Responsio (T. i. Jen. fol. 460). Meanwhile Luther was going astraj' about Purgatory, also ; see his letter to Spalatin of the 7th Nov., 1519 (de Wette, i. 367) : Breviter, quanquam ego scio, purgatorium esse apud nos, nescio tamen, si apud omnes Christianos sit. Hoc certum est, neminem esse haereticum, qui non credit esse purgatorium, nee est articulus 40 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. the necessity of separating himself from it.^* He felt himself call- ed as a soldier of God to fight against the wiles and deceit of the devil, by which the Church was corrupted.^^ With this position, which he intrepidly maintained, he gained that unconquerahle courage, that rock-like trust, and that joyful confidence, with which, henceforth, he steadfastly pursued his aim through ev- ery danger. After Charles V. had been elected Emperor by the influence of Frederick the Wise, contrary to the Pope's wish (28th June, 1519), the Curia had nothing to restrain it from proceeding in Luther's case. Accordingly, when Eck went to Rome in 1520, to act there with the help of the Dominicans, Luther might with certainty ex- pect a bull of excommunication. Yet Frederick the Wise, sup- ported also by the opinion of Erasmus,^^ was still determined to fidei, cum Graeci illud non credentes nunquam sint habiti ob hoc pro haereticis, nisi apud novissimos haereticantissimos haereticantes. He had also given up the doctrine of seven sacraments: he wrote to Spalatin on the 18th Dec, 1519 (de Wette, i. 378); De aliis sacramentis non est, quod tu vel uUus hominum ex me speret aut expectet ullum sermonem, donee docear, ex quo loco queam ilia probare. Non enim ullum mihi reli- quum est sacramentum, quod sacramentum sit, nisi ubi expressa detur promissio divina, quae fidem exerceat, cum sine verbo promittentis et fide suscipientis nihil possit nobis esse cum Deo negotii. Quae autem de sacramentis illis septem fabulati illi sunt, alio tempore audies. ** At first he deceived himself on this point, bj^ making a distinction between the Roman Church and the Roman Curia ; compare his Letter of Dedication to Radhemius and Carlstadt, prefixed to the Comm. in Ep. ad Galafas, Sept., 1519 (T. i. Jen. 369, in de Wette, i. 333) : Quare et ego horum theologorum laicorum (Principum Germaniae) exemplo pulcherrimo longissime, latissime, profundissime, distinguo inter Romanam Ecclesiam et Romanam Curiam. lUam scio purissimum esse thalamum Christi, ma- trem Ecclesiarum, dominam mundi, sed spiritu, i. e. vitiorum, non rerum mundi, spon- sam Christi, filiam Dei, terrorem inferni. — Haec vero ex fructibus suis cognoscitur. Non quod magni faciendum sit, res nostras et jura diripi, cum fixum sit in coelo, Chris- tianos in hac vita pressuram, Nimbrotos et robustos venatores pati : — sed quod omnibus lachrymis sit miseria major, haec a fratribus et patribus in fratres et filios fieri, — quae a Turca vix fierent. — Nullo moclo ergo Romanae Ecclesiae resistere licet : at Romanae Curiae huge majore jjietate resisterent Reges, Principes et qiiicunque possent, quam ijysis Turcis. " Luther to the Christian Nobles of the German nation, 1520 (Walch, x. 298) : " We must be sure that in this matter we are not dealing with men but with the princes of hell, who may indeed fill the world with war and bloodshed, but who can not in this way be overcome. We must lay hold of the matter, renouncing phj'sical force, with humble trust in God, and with earnest praj-er seek help of God, and keep before our eyes nothing but the calamities and needs of suffering Christendom. — Wherever men have not acted in the fear of God, and with humility, the Popes and Romans have been able, with the devil's help, to entangle kings with each other ; and this they may now do again, if we go on without God's help in our own strength and skill." , '^ Compare note 32, above. Erasmus wrote from Louvain, 1st Nov., 1519, to Albert, Elector of Ma}'ence, a letter, ubi, as Luther expresses himself to John Lange, 16th Jan., 1520 (de Wette, i. 390), egregie me tutatur, ita tamen ut nihil minus quam me tutari videatur, sicut solet pro dexteritate sua. This letter was soon after published, much to CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFOEMATION. § 1. 1520. 41 protect the most honored teacher of his new university^''' against the chagrin of Erasmus, undoubtedl}' by Ulrich of Hutten, who then lived at the court of Maj-ence ; it is in the Lej'den edition of the Opera Erasmi, T. iii. T. i. p. 515. He describes in strong features the corruptions of the Church, and then proceeds : Haec, opinor, moverunt animum Lutheri, ut primuni auderet se quotundara intolerabili inipu- dentiae opponere. Quid enim aliud suspicer de eo, qui nee honores ambit, nee pecuni- am cupit? Do articulis, quos objiciunt Luthero, in praesentia non disputo, tantum de niodo et occasione disputo. Ausus est Lutherus de indulgentiis dubitare, sed de quibus alii prius nimis impudenter asseveraverant : — ausus est immoderatius loqui de potestate Eomani Pontificis, sed de qua isti nimis immoderate prius scripserant : — ausus est Tho- mae decreta contemnere, sed quae Dominicanl pene praeferunt Evangeliis : ausus est in materia coufessionis scrupulos aliquos discutere, sed in qua monachi sine fine illaqueant hominum conscientias ; ausus est ex parte negligere scholastica decreta, sed quibus illi nimium tribuunt, et in quibus ipsi nihilominus inter se dissentiunt, postremo quae sub- inde mutant, pro veteribus rescissis inducentes nova. Discruciabat hoc pias mentes, cum audirent in scholis fere nullum sermonem de doctrina evangelica ; sacros illos ab Ecclesia jam olim probates auctores haberi pro antiquatis ; inimo in sacris concionibus minimum audiri de Christo ; de potestate Pontificis, de opiuiouibus recentium fere om- nia ; totam orationem jam palani quaestum, adulationem, ambitionem, ac fucum prae so ferre. His imputandum opinor, etiamsi quae intemperantius scripsit Lutherus. He then speaks earnestly against the propensity of theologians to denounce right off as heresj' whatever is peculiar. '' Compare the Chronicon Citicense of the contemporary Paulus Langus, Benedictine in the monastery of Bosau, in Pistorii Scriptt. Eerum Germanic, i. 188 : Witebergae anno quo haec scribo dominicae incarnationis 1520 ob florentissimum ac famatissimum theologiae et omnigenae sapientiae studium feruntur mille quingentique studentes ex- istere, fama eruditissimorum virorum Martini Lutheri Augustinensis, et Andreae Caro- lostadii Archidiaconi, — necnon Philippi Melanchthonis rhetoris, sacraeque theosophiae Baccalaurei, graece et latine peritissimi, allecti et adunati. Et memorati quidem inte- gerrimi, doctissiraique duo illi hierophantes, Martinus ut luminare majus, Andreas ut luminare minus hujus Academiae, theologiae studium et divini verbi triticum absque omni palearum i. e. secularis philosophiae syllogismorumve mixtura purissime tractant, et edocent sacram scripturam, et potissimum Christi Evangelium, Paulum Apostolum habentes pro archet3-po et fundamento, cum ipso literarum studio timorem Dei, et cunc- tarum virtutum seraina verbo, exemplo et calamo in discipulorum pectora spargentes. Neque enim in hac almiflua sapientiae palaestra fatuus ille Peripateticorum princeps Aristoteles, vel impius Porphyrins, aut certe ille blasphemus Averroes, et similes ortho- doxae fidei spretores et irrisores cathedram ullam habent vel audientiam. Frederick the Wise replied to Valentine v. Teutleben at Eome, who had written to him of the un- favorable opinion there prevailing about him, on the 1st of April, 1520 (T. ii. Jen. fol. 256), that he would not decide about the truth of the Lutheran doctrines, but that Lu- ther had offered to give account of himself, and to receive instruction. Adfirmant mul- ti, D. Mart. Lutherum — invitum ad has controversias de Papatu descendisse, videlicet eo pertractum a D. Eckio. — Et cum nunc Germania floreat ingeniis, et multis doctrina et sapientia praestantibus viris, — cumque etiam nunc vulgo Laici sapere incipiant, et studio cognoscendae Scripturae teneantur: multi judicant valde metuendum esse, si neglectis aequissimis conditionibus a D. Luthero oblatis, sine legitima cognitione, tan- tum ecclesiasticis censuris feriatur, ne hae contentiones et certamina multo magis exas- perentur, ut postea non ita facile ad otium et compositiones res deduci posset. Nam Lutheri doctrina ita jam passitn in plurimorum animis in Germania et alibi infixa radices egit, ut si non veris ac firmis argumentis et perspicuis testimoniis Scriptui-ae revincatur, sed solo ecelesiasticae potestatis terrore ad eum opprimendum procedatur, non videatur res sic abitura, quin in Germania acerrimas offensiones et horribiles ac exitiales tumul- tus excitatura sit, unde nee ad sanctissimum dominum Pontificem, nee aliis quidquam utilitatis redire poterit. 42 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-16i8. unjust violence. But Luther had already found very decided friends in other parts of his German fatherland f^ several knights offered him refuge, and protection against persecution.^^ Thus he was put in possession of external facilities for publishing his present convictions about the state of the Church, and its relation to Christian truth. This he did, fearless of consequences, in the work An den Christlichen Adel dcutscher Nation von des Christ- lichen Standes Besserung (June, 1520),''° with particular refer- *^ Jo. Botzhemus Abstemius, doctor and canon at Constance, wrote to Luther, 3d March, 1520 (Joh. v. Botzheim und s. Freunde, von K. Walchner. Schafhausen, 183G, s. 107) : Postquam orbi, aut saltern potior! orbis parti, h. e. bonis et vere Christianis amicus factus es, meus quoque amicus eris, velis, nolis. Quae scribis, ita raihi proban- tur, ut nulla proinde re gaudeam, ac fate nieo propitio, quo factum, ut hoc tempore vi- verem, quo non humanae solum literae, sed et diviuae pristinum nitorem recuperant, caet. Caspar Hedio, preacher at Basle, 23d June, 1520 (Kappen's Nachlese, ii. 433) : Video, doctrinam tuam ex Deo esse, carissime vir, dissolvi non potest, in dies efficacior, quotidie multos lucrifacit Christo, abducit a vitiisi^ asserit verae pietati. — Libellis ver- naculis plurimum prodes, hisce enim vulgi judicium formatur, quod certe sequax est et tractabile, agnoscit fucum, cupit admoneri, intelligit beneficium, quae est gratitudinis pars. Cessandum ergo non est, Jj awTtp, sed totis viribus conandum, ut jugum Christi facile et comJnodum nobis redeat. Tu dux esto, nos indivulsi milites erimus, si modo nostra opera quippiam possit prodesse, sive in concionibus publicis, quibus praesum jam, enarrans Evangelium Matthaei, sive in privatis colloquiis civium Basiliensium, denique in Uteris amicorum. In June, 1520, Hutten, too, broke off his feudal depend- ence upon the elector Albert, bj- -which he had been hitherto debarred from declaring himself openlj' for Luther. He now urged him on with fiery letters (the first letter of the 4th June, 1520, in Hutten's Werke, von Milnch, iii. 575), issued several works in defense of Luther, and to make Rome odious, and began from this time forth to publish German works in this spirit, to work upon the people ; these were in part trairslations of his own Latin works (these last are collected in Mtinch's edition, Th. 5). Ranke's deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. i. 415. However, Hutten's violent views did not suit Luther. He wrote to Spalatin, sending at tlie same time Hutten's letters and works, 16th Jan., 1521 (de Wette, i. 543) : Quid Iluttenus petat, vides. Nollem vi et caede pro Evangelio certari : ita scripsi ad hominem. Verbo victus est mundus, verbo servata est Ecclesia, etiam verbo reparabitur. ^' As earlj- as January, 1520, Franz von Sickingen invited Luther to go to him ; see Hutten's Letter to Melancthon, 20th Jan. (in Kappen's Naclilese, ii. 425; Mimch, iii. 337) : At nunc scribere Luthero ipse heros jubet, si quid in causa sua patiatiir adversi, nee melius aliunde remedium sit, ad se ut veniat, effecturum pro eo quod possit. — Lu- therum amat Franciscus, primum quia bonus sibi ut ceteris videtur, et ob id invisus illis, deinde quia eum ex Comitibus de Solmis quidani commendavit Uteris. Afterward Sickingen repeated this invitation in a letter of his own to Luther, 3d Nov., 1520 (in Walch, XV. 1948). The Franconian knight, Sylvester von Schaumburg, offered Luther protection in a letter, 11th June, 1520 (Walch, xv. 1942), and exhorted him not to take refuge with the Bohemians: "For I, and a hundred nobles besides, whom I will call upon (so God please), will honorabl}- hold to j'ou, and protect you from danger against your opponents, so long as j'our good intentions shall remain uncondemned and unre- futed bj- a general Christian council and assemblage, or by unsuspected and intelligent judges, or till you shall be better instructed." F. von Sickingen's Thaten, Plane, Freunde und Ausgang, durch E. Miineh (Stuttg. u. Tiibingen. 3 Bde. 1827-29. 8.), i. IGC. Von Bucholtz Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinand I., Bde. ii. (Wien., 1831), s. 77. ^^ Walch, X. 296. Introduction, " Grace and strength from God be -with you. Most CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 43 ence to the external constitution of the Church. In October, serene and most gracious dear Lords ! It is not from mere forwardness and presump- tion that such a poor man as myself undertakes to address j-our high dignities ; the dis- tress and oppression that weigh upon all classes of Christendom, especiallj' Germany, have moved not onlj' me, but every man, ofttimes to cry aloud and implore help, and now also force me to crj' out and call, if so be God will give to any one the spirit to reach out his hand to the sufl'ering nation. B3' Councils some remedy has often been attempted ; but these have been dexterously thwarted by the craft of certain men, and have been growing worse and worse, which knavery and wickedness I now mean, God helping me, to bring to light, so that, being known, there can no longer be such hin- drance and scandal. God has now given to us a ruler of yoimg and noble blood, so that many hearts are aroused to great and good hopes. Therewith it is seemly that we do our part also, and wisely use the time and grace." Then, after a warning to begin the work, not in reliance upon our own power or reason, but only with humble trust in God, he proceeds: "The Romanists, with gi-eat dexterity, have drawn around them three walls, with which thej' have hitherto protected themselves so that no one could possiblj' reform them, and thus the whole of Christendom is grievously prostrate. First, when pressed with the secular power, they have taken the position and declared that the secular authority has no right over them, but that, on the contrary, the spiritual is above the secular. Secondly^ when any one would rebuke them with the Holy Scrip- ture, they have replied that it belongs to nobody but the Pope to interpret the Scripture. Thirdly, if threatened with a Council, they have feigned that no one but the Pope can call a Council." Against the First Wall : the distinction between the spiritual and sec- ular order is naught: "for all Christians are truly of the spiritual order, and there is among them no difference but that of office alone, as Paul says, 1 Cor. xii., that we are all together one bodj', jet everj' member has his own work, so that he may serve the others. — By baptism we are all together consecrated to be priests, as St. Peter, 1 Pet. ii., says. — Hence the bishop's consecration is nothing more than this, that out of a num- ber, who all have like power, he takes one in the place and person of the whole com- munitj', and commands him to administer tliis power for the rest. — In like manner, those who are now called spiritual have no further nor worthier distinction from other Chris- tians, excepting that thej- have to do with the Word of God and the Sacrament, that is their work and office. So, too, the secular authority has the sword and the rod in its hand, to punish the evil and to defend the righteous. It ought to carrj' out its office, free and unhindered, through the whole bodj' of Christendom, without regard to any one, let it strike Pope, bishops, priests, monks, nuns, or whatever they be." Against the Second Wall: "Christ says, John vi., that all Christians shall be taught of God. Thus it maj' come to pass that the Poije and his followers are evil, and not true Chris- tians, and not tauglit of God so as to have right understanding ; on the other hand, some humble man may have the right understanding ; why should he not then be fol- lowed ? Has not the Pope often erred ? Who can help Christendom when the Pope eiTs, if we maj' not believe in one who has the Scripture on his side more than in him ?" — "The Third Wall will fall down of itself when these first two fall. For where the Pope acts against Scripture we are bound to stand by the Scripture, to punish and com- pel him, after the word of Christ, Matth. xviii. : if th}' brother sin against thee, tell it to the Church. — If I ought, then, to accuse him before the Church, I must bring the Churcli together. — Even that most famous Council of Nice was neither called nor con- firmed bj- the Bishop of Rome, but bj- the Emperor Constantine ; and after him many other emperors have done the ver)' same thing, and j'et these have been most Christian Councils. — Therefore, when necessity demands it, and the Pope is offensive to Christen- dom, whoever can first do it is bound, as a true member of the whole bod}', to see to it, that tliere be a truly free Council ; and nobod}' can do this so well as the secular sword. — What is to be discussed in the Councils. — In the first place, it is detestable and terrible to see, how the highest personage in Christendom, who boasts that he is Christ's Vicar and St. Peter's successor, lives in such worldly pomp that no king, no emperor, can ia I 44 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1618. this come up with him and be like him. — la the second place, of ■what use to Christen- dom are those folks who are called cardinals ? This I will say to thee, Italj- and Ger- manj' have many rich cloisters, foundations, fiefs, and parishes ; these could not have been brought under Rome without making cardinals, and giving to them bishoprics, cloisters, and prelacies ; and thus the service of God has been prostrated. — But I advise that fewer cardinals be made, or that the Pope support them from his own possessions ; twelve would be more than enough, and each one of them should have an annual in- come of a thousand guilders. — In the third place, if the one-hundredth part of the Pope's' court were allowed to remain, and ninetj'-nine parts were abolished, it would still be large enough to give answer in matters of the faith." After a picture of the manifold oppressions of the Church by the Pope there follows advice for the reformation of the state Christianitj-. " 1. That ever\' prince, noble, and city, forbid anew their own subjects to pay annates to Rome, and even abolish them. 2. Since the Pope, with his Roman practices, commendams, adjutoria, reservations, gra- tiae expectativae, pope's monej-, incorporation, union, pensions, palls, chancerj--rules, and such devices, draws to himself all German foundations without authoritj- or right, and grants or sells them to strangers at Rome, who do nothing for them in Germany, and thus robs the ordinaries of their due, and makes the bishops ciphers and puppets ; therefore the Christian nobles ought to resist him, as the common enemj' and destroj-er of Christendom, and restore to the ordinaries their rights and office. — 3. That an impe- rial decree be issued, that no bishop's pall, or confirmation of any other dignity- be brought from Rome ; but that the order of the most holy and most famous Council of Nice be again established, in which it is determined that a bishop shall be instituted bj' the two bishops nearest to him, or by the archbishop. Still, that the Pope may not complain that he is robbed of his supremacy, it should be decreed, that where the primates or archbishops can not settle a matter, or where a quarrel arises between them, it should then be brought before the Pope. — i. That it be decreed that no secular cause be carried to Rome, but that all such be left to the secular power. — For the Pope's office ought to be this, that he be the most learned of all in Hoi}- Scripture, and in truth, not in name onlj-, the most pious, and regulate all matters which concern the faith and hoh^ living of Christians. Besides, the shameful extortion of officials in all benefices must be forbid- den ; so that thej' maj' concern themselves only about matters of faith and good morals : and leave to the secular judges all that relates to monej', goods, the bodj-, or honor. — 5. That no more reservations be valid, and no fiefs be held at Rome. — 6. That the Casus Reservati be also abolished. — 7. That the Roman See should abolish the Officia, and lessen the swarm of vermin at Rome, to the end that the Pope's people may be supported from the Pope's own possessions. — 8. That the oppressive and hateful oaths which bishops are forced to take to the Pope should be done awaj- with. — 9. That the Pope should have no power over the Emperor, except to anoint and crown him at the altar, as a bishop crowns a king : and that the devilish etiquette be no longer allowed, that the Emperor should kiss the Pope's feet, or sit at his feet, or, as is said, hold his stirrup, or the rein of his palfn,-, when he mounts on horseback : much less swear allegiance and true homage to the Pope, as the Popes have had the efl^ronterj^ to demand, as though they had right to do so. — It was the devil who invented such arrogant, haughtj-, wanton demands of the Pope, that in due time he might bring in Antichrist, and exalt the Pope above God, as man}' already do and have done. — 10. That the Pope be content to withdraw his hand from the dish, and not assume the title to the kingdom of Naples and the Sicilies. — 11. That there be no more kissing of the Pope's foot. It is an unchristian, yea, an anti- christian act, for a poor sinful man to let his foot be kissed \>y one who is a hundred- fold better than himself. — It is also an odious piece of the same scandalous pride for the Pope to allow himself to be borne aloft b}- men, like an idol, with unheard-of pomp. ^ — ^\Tiat Christian heart can or should behold with pleasure, how the Pope, when he wishes to communicate, sits still as a gracious lord, and has the sacrament reached to him with a golden reed bj- a kneeling, bending cardinal (see Vol. 2, Part 2, § 61, Note 6), as though the Holj- Sacrament were not worthy that a Pope, a poor, stinking sinner, ehould rise up and do honor to his God. — 12. That pilgrimages to Rome be abolished, or CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1, 1520. 45 that no one, of bis ovra notion or devotion, be allowed to go on the pilgrimage, with- out first having a sufficient aftd honest cause, recognized bj' bis pastor, his citj'-rulers, or his liege-lord. I do not say this because pilgrimages are wicked, but they .are not ad- visable at this time. For at Rome will be seen no good example, but only vain hin- drances.— And if this reason be not enough there is one still more excellent, viz., that simple men are thus led into false imaginations. For thej' think that such a pilgrimage is a good work of great price, which is not the truth. — 13. Next, we come to the gi'eat multitudes who promise much and perform little. Be not angrj-, dear masters, I mean it well in truth, it is the bitter and sweet truth — and it is this, that no more JMendicant monasteries be allowed to be built. God help us, there are by far too many of thera even now : would to God thej' were all abolished or collected into ttvo or three places. It has done no good, and never can do good, for men to run vagabond about the coun- tiy. So it is mj' advice, that ten of them, or as many as are wanted, should be thrown together and made into one, which being sufficiently provided, would have no occasion to beg. And that their preaching and confessing be dispensed with, except they be re- quested and desired by bishops and parish-priests, a church or rulers. From such preach- ing and confessing nothing has grown but mere hatred and en\y between priests and friars, and great trouble and hindrances to the common people. Besides this, the great number of sects and divisions in each order must be done away with. The Pope, too, must be forbidden to institute or confirm any more such orders ; yea, even commanded to do awaj- with some, and reduce their nimiber. It is, in my opinion, needful, that foundations and religious houses be reconstituted as they were at first bj- the apostles, and a long time afterward, when thej- were all free for every one to remain there as long as he pleased. 14. We see also how the priesthood have fallen. Manj' a poor priest is burdened with wife and children, and a heav}' conscience, and no one attempts to help him, if such help be possible. Let Pope and bishop proceed as they please, destroy- as they will, I will deliver my conscience, and open ni}' mouth freely, though Pope or bishop or any one else take offense. I let alone Pope, bishops, foundations, priests, and monks, whom God has not instituted. If they have laid burdens on themselves, let them bear them. I will speak of the office of Pastor, which God has instituted, to rule a communit}- with preaching and sacraments. Liberty should be granted to pastors by a Christian council to marrj' and avoid peril of sin. For as God himself has not bound them, man may not and ought not to do so. There is manj- a pious pastor on vrliom no man can laj' any other reproach than t'hat he is living scandalously with a woman. Both of them, however, have fixed in their mind that they will always abide with each other in true wedded troth. If they can do this with a safe conscience, although per- haps in public they will have to bear scandal, in the sight of God they are certainlj- married. And here I say that if they are thus minded, and so live as quite to deliver their consciences, let him take her as his wedded wife, keep her, and live honorably with her as a husband, without regarding whether the Pope approve or disapprove, whether it be against spiritual or carnal law. The salvation of thj- soul is of more value than t3-rannical, arbitrary, wanton laws, which are not necessary for holiness, nor com- manded bj' God." 15. This is against reservations of the heads of many cloisters, as a result of which thefr subordinates could receive of them absolution only in cases of mor- tal sin. In consequence thej- often did not make confession at all. 16. "It would also be necessary to abolish anniversaries, celebrations, and masses for souls, or at least diminish them, for we see plainly that nothing but ridicule results from them, and that thej- are onlj- kept for money, eating, and drinking. 17. Certain penalties and punish- ments of ecclesiastical law must also be abolished, especially the interdict, which, with- out doubt, was invented by the evil spirit. Excommunication must only be used where Scripture appoints it to be used, that is, against those who do not hold the true faith, or Uve in open sin, not for temporal possessions. The other pains and penalties, suspen- sion, irregularitj', aggravation, re-aggravation, deposition, lightnings, thunder, cursing, damning, and Avhat more of such inventions there may be, should all be buried ten ells deep in the ground, that even the name and recollection of them may no longer be upon the earth. 18. That all festivals be abolished, and only Sunday retained. But if it is 46 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. desired to keep the festivals of our ladj' and the great saints, they should all be trans- ferred to Sunday, or only observed in the morning at mass, so that afterward the whole daj' may be a work daj-. The reason is, that as the abuse is now kept up with drinking, playing, idleness, and all kinds of sin, we anger God more upon the holj' daj's than on the others. And first of all, the consecration of the churches should be wholly given up, since they are nothing else but pot-house daj'S, fairs, and play-days. ID. That the degree of relationship within which marriage is forbidden should be altei'ed, as in the case of sponsorship, to the third and fourth degree : so that, where the Pope of Rome can dispense for monej- and sell his dispensations scandalously-, every priest may dis- pense gratis and for the good of souls. Yea, would to God, that all which must be bought at Rome, tlie same might be done and granted by anj' priest without paj'ment, as, for instance, indulgence, indulgence-brief, butter-brief, mass-brief; with the confes- sionalia and whatever more of trickery there be at Rome. Likewise, that fasts should be free to every man's choice, and food of all kinds allowed, as the Gospel prescribes. 20. That the outlying chapels and field churches should be leveled to the ground, since it is to them that the new pilgrimages go. 21. It is one of the greatest needs tiiat all mendicancy be abolished in Christendom ; every town can support its own poor. 22. It should also be considered, that the number of masses in cathedral and monastic foun- dations are not onlj- of little use, but arouse God's great anger ; so it were profitable to found no more of them, but to discontinue many of those already instituted. Neither must it anj- more be tlie case that one person possess more than one preferment or ben- efice. 23. The fraternities, also indulgences, indulgence-briefs, butter-briefs, mass-briefs, dispensations, and whatever there be of this kind, should all be droMnied and abolished. My friend, thou hast entered at thy baptism upon a brotherhood with Christ, all the an- gels, saints, and Christian men on earth ; hold this fast, and carrj' it out, and yon will have enough of fraternities. Espcciallj' all papal embassies, with their faculties which they s'ell to us for great sums, shall be chased out of German land, for they are manifest trickeiy. As they are here, they take money and make unrigliteous gains right, dissolve oaths, vows, and compacts, break, and teach men to break, troth and faith pledged be- tween man and man, and saj- that the Pope has power to do this. If there were no other wicked device to prove that tlie Pope is the real antichrist, this alone would be enough to prove it. 21. It is high time that, once for all, with zeal and sincerity, we take up the cause of the Bohemians, and unite ourselves with them, and them with us. In the first place, we must honestly confess the truth, that John Huss and Jerome of Prague were burned to death at Constance in defiance of the Papal, Christian, Imperial safe- conduct and word of honor, and so it was done against tlie commandment of God. I will not here judge John Huss's articles, nor fight about his errors, though my under- standing has never j-et found anj- thing erroneous in him. I will only say this, that were he a heretic, as wiclced as ever he could be, he was still burned unrighteously and against the law of God, and the Bohemians should not be compelled to approve such a deed. Heretics should be conquered with Scripture, as the ancient fathers used to do, not with fire. If the art of convincing heretics bj' fire were the right one, then the ex- ecutioners would be the most learned doctors upon earth." Pious §nd prudent bishops and learned men should be sent to Bohemia, to inform themselves as to the belief of the- people, and attempt a union of all sects. The Bohemians should then at once elect an Archbishop of Prague, who should see to it tliat thej' walk uprightly' in the faith and word of God, -n-ithout wishing to impose upon them all Roman doctrines and usages. " If I knew that the Picards held no error in the sacrament of the altar, except that they believed bread and wine were truly and naturally present, and yet under tliese the true body and blood of Christ, I would not refuse tliem, but suffer them to come under the Bishop of Prague. For it is not an article of faith, that bread and wine are not essen- tiallj' and naturally present in the sacrament ; this is a fanc}- of St. Thomas and the Pope ; but it is an article of the faith, that in the natural bread and wine the body and blood of Christ are truly present. Thus the opinions of botli sides should be tolerated until they agree ; meanwhile there is no danger in j'our believing that bread either is 01' is not present. For we must tolerate many customs and ordinances which are not CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 47 1520, he issued his Praeludium De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae, upon the Catholic doctrine of the sacraments.^^ injurious to the faith. But if they think otherwise, I would rather have them stay out till thej- subscribe the truth. The temporal possessions which belonged to the Church should not be demanded again witli overmuch strictness. 25. The universities also re- quire a right strict reform. What are the universities, except gymnasia ephehorum et tjraecae fjloriae^ where a free life is led, a little holy writ and Christian faith taught, where the blind, heathenish master, Aristotle, alone holds swaj-, more even than Christ.' For this miserable man teaclies in his best book, De Anima, that the soul is mortal with the bod}-, though manj' persons have tried with vain words to rescue him from this re- proach. In like manner his Ethics is more directly opposed to the grace of God and Christian virtue than any other book, but still it is reckoned as one of the best. I could well endure that Aristotle's books on Logic, Rhetoric, and Poetry be retained, or that abridgments of them be used with advantage to exercise j'oung men in speaking and preaching well. But the comments and divisions must be done away ; and as Cicero's Rhetorica is without comment and divisions, so should Aristotle's Logic be read uniform!}- without such large comments. But now neither speaking nor preaching is taught from it, and notliing comes from it but disputations and weariness. I would let the physicians reform tlieir own faculties ; the jurists and theologians I take into mj- own hands, and I say to the former, it were good if ecclesiastical law, from the first letter to the last, were thoroughlj^ razed to the ground, especiallj' the decretals. As to the secular law, God help us, what a wilderness it has become ! although it is much better and more in- genious and more honest than ecclesiastical law, still, far too much has been made of it. — My friends, the theologians, have kept out of toil and labor, let the Bible alone, and read the Sententiae. I think the Sententiae should be the beginning for young di- vines, and the Bible remain for the doctors : but the order is inverted, the Bible is the first book introduced with the bachelor's degree, and the Sententiae the last, which abide with the doctorate for ever. — The number of books must be diminished, and the best read. For manj- books do not make a man learned, nor much reading; but good ones, and often read, however little they be, make a man learned in Scripture and f)ious withal. ^Before all things else, in the higher and lower schools, the chiefest and com- monest reading should bo the Holy Scriptures, and for j'oung boj-s the Gospel. And would to God everj- town had, besides, a girls' school, in which the maidens might hear the Gospel one hour in ever}' day." 2G. The Pope has unjustly deprived the Greek em- peror of the Roman Empire, and granted it to the Germans, but only to bring them un- der his yoke. " So let the Pope give up Rome, and all he has of the Empire, leave our country free from his intolerable treasure-seeking and extortion, give us back our free- dorii, power, goods, honor, body and soul, and let there be an Empire, such as an Em- pire should be, to the end that he may make good his words and professions." 27. On secular transgressions ; against too costly clothing, excess in foreign, spices, usury, glut- tony and drunkenness, common brothels. — Conclusion: "I sec very well that I have sung in a higli strain, proposed much that will seem impossible, assailed many things too sharply ; but what should I do ? I am bound to speali ; if I had the power I would act thus. I had rather the world were angry with me than God : man can never do more than take away my life. Until now I had offered peace to my enemies ; but, as I see, God has compelled me through them to open my mouth wider and wider. — Although I also know, as my cause is just, that it must be condemned on earth, and only justified by Christ in heaven. — Therefore let it be zealousl}- gone into, be they pope, bishops, priests, monks, or learned men : they are the right people to persecute the truth as they always have done. God grant us all a Christian understanding, and especially to the Christian nobles of the German nation, a true spiritual courage to do the best for the poor churches. Amen." *' T. ii. Jen. fol. 259 ss. Fol. 2G0, b. Principio neganda, mihi sunt septem Sacramenta, et tantum iria pro tempore ponenda, baptismus, poenitentia, panis, et haec omnia esse 48 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. per Romanam Curiam nobis in miserabilera captivitatem ducta, Ecclesiamque sua tota libertate spoliatam. Quamquam, si usu scripturae loqui velim, non nisi unum sacra- mentum habeani, et tria signa sacramentalia. Fol. 262, b. Concludo itaque, negare utramque speciem laicis, esse impium et tj-rannicum, nee in manu ullius Angeli, nedum . Papae et Concilii cujuscunqiic. — Prima ergo captivitas hujus Sacramenti est quoad ejus substantiam sou integritatem, quam nobis abstulit Romana tj'rannis. Non quod pec- cent in Christum, qui una specie utuntur : — sed quod illi peccant, qui hoc arbitrio volen- tibus iiti prohibent utramque dari : culpa non est in laicis sed sacerdotibus. — Itaque non " hoc ago, ut vi rapiatur utraque species, quasi necessitate praecepti ad earn cogamur, sed conscientiam instruo, ut patiatur quisque tyrannidem Romanam, sciens sibi raptum per vim jus suum in Sacramento propter peccatum suum. Tantum hoc volo, ne quis Roma- nam tj-rannidem justificet, quasi recte fecerit, unam speciem laicis prohibens, sed detes- temur earn, nee consentiamus ei. Tamen feramus earn non aliter, ac si apud Turcam essemus captivi, ubi neutra specie liceret uti. — Altera captivitas ejusdem Saci-amenti mitior est, quod ad conscientiam spectat, sed quam multo omnium periculosissimum sit tangere, neduni damnare. Hie Viglephista, et sexcentis nominibus haereticus ero. Quid turn ? Postquam Romanus Episcopus Episcopus esse desiit, et tyrannus factus est, non formido ejus universa decreta, cujus scio non esse potestatem, articulos novos fidei condendi, nee Concilii quidem generalis. Dedit mihi quondam, cum theologiam scho- lasticam haurirem, occasionem cogitandi D. Cardinalis Cameracensis libro Sententiarum IV. acutissime disputans, multo probabilius esse, et minus superfluorum miraculorum poni, si in altari verus panis verumque vinum, non autem sola accidentia esse adstrue- rentur, nisi Ecclesia determinasset contrarium. Postea videns, quae esset Ecclesia, quae hoc determinasset, nempe Thomistica h. e. Aristotelica, audacior factus sum, et qui inter saxum et sacrum haerebam, tandem stabilivi conscientiam meam sententia priore, esse videlicet verum panem verumque vinum, in quibus Christi vera caro verusque sanguis non aliter nee minus sit, quam illi sub accidentibus suis ponunt. Quod feci, quia vidi Thomistarum opiniones, sive probentur a Papa, sivo a Concilio, manere opiniones, nee fieri articulos fidei, etiamsi Angelus de coelo aliud statueret. Nam quod sine Scripturis asseritur, aut revelatione probata, opinari licet, credi non est necesse. — Permitto itaque, qui volet, utramque opinioneni tenere ; hoe solum nimc ago, ut scrupulos conscientia- rum de medio tollam, ne quis se reum haereseos metuat, si in altari verum panem ve- rumque vinum esse crediderit. Sed liberurn esse sibi sciat, citra periculum salutis alter- utrum imaginari, opinari et credere, cum sit hie nulla necessitas fidei. Ego tamen meam nunc prosequor sententiam. — Est autem meae sententiae ratio magna imprimis ilia, quod verbis divinis non est ulla facienda vis, — sed quantum fieri potest, in simplissima significatione servanda sunt, et nisi manifesta circumstantia cogat, extra grammaticam et propriam accipienda non sunt, ne detur adversariis occasio, iniiversam Scripturam eludendi. — Fol. 264, b. Tcrtia captivitas ejusdem Sacramenti est longe impiissimus ille abusus, quo factum est, ut fere nihil sit hodie in Ecclesia receptius ac magis persuasum, quam Missam esse opus bonum et sacrijiciuni. Qui abusus delude inundavit intinitos alios abusus, donee fide sacramenti penitus extincta meras uundinas, cauponationes et quaes- tuarios quosdam contractus e divino Sacramento fecerint. Ilinc participatioues, frater- nitates, suffragia, merita, anniversaria, memoriae, et id genus ncgotiorum in Ecclesia venduntur, emuntur, paciscuntur, componuntur ; pendetque in his universa alimonia sacerdotum et monachorum. — Fol. 265, b. Est itaque Missa secundum substantiam suam proprie nihil aliud, quam verba Christi praedicta: Accipite et 7nanducate, etc., ac si dicat : ecce o homo peccator et damnatus, ex mera gratuitaque charitate, qua diligo te, sic volente misericordiarum Patre, his verbis promitto tibi, ante omne meritum et votum tuum, remissionem omnium peecatorum tuorum, et vitam aeternam. Et ut cer- tissimus de hac mea promissione irrevocabili sis, corpus meum tradam, et sanguinem fund.im, morte ipsa banc promissionem confirmaturus, et utrumque tibi in signum et memorials ejusdem promissionis relicturus. Quod cum frequentaveris, mei memor sis, banc meam in te eharitatem et largitatem praedices et laudes, et gratias agas. Ex qui- bus vides, ad Missam digne habendam aliud non requiri, qnam fulem, quae huic promis- sioiii fideliter nitatur, Christum in his suis verbis veracem credat, et sibi haec immensa CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 49 bona esse donata non dubitet. Ad banc fidem mox sequetur sua sponte dulcissimus afFectus cordis, quo dilatatur et iiMpinguatur spiritus bominis (haec est charitas, per Spiritum sanctum in fide Cbristi donata), ut in Christum, tarn largum et benignum tes- tatorem, rapiatur, fiatque penitus alius et novus homo. — Quin quod deploramus, in hac captivitate omni studio cavetur bodie, ne verba ilia Cbristi ullus laicus audiat, quasi sacratiora, quam ut vulgo tradi debeant. — Neque enim Deus aliter cum hominibus un- quam egit, aut agit, quam verbo promissionis. Rursus nee nos cum Deo unquam agere aliter possumus (\\iixxa jide in verhum promissionis ejus. Opera ille nihil curat, nee eis indiget. — Fol. 268. Unde manifestus et impius error est, Missam pro peccatis, pro satis- factionibus, pro defunctis, aut quibuscunque necessitatibus suis aut aliorum offerre seu ap- plicare. Quod facillime intelligis esse evidentissime,verum, si firmiter teneas, Missam esse promissionem divinam, quae nulli prodesse, nulli applicari, nuUi suffragari, nulli communicari potest, nisi ipsi credenti soli propria fide. — Fol. 270, b. De Sacramento baptismi. Ubi virtutem baptism! in parvulis not potuit Satan extinguere, praevaluit tamen, ut in omnibus adultis extingueret, ut jam fere nemo sit, qui sese baptisatum re- cordetur, nedum glorietur, tot repertis aliis viis remittendorum peccatorum et in coelum veniendi. Praebuit his opinionibus occasionem verbum illud periculosum divi Hiero- nj-mi, sive male positum, sive male intellectum, quo poenitentiam appellat secundam post naufragium tabulam, quasi baptismus non sit poenitentia. Ilinc enim, ubi in pcc- catum lapsi fuerint, de prima tabula seu nave desperantes velut amissa, secundae tan- tum incipiunt niti et fidere tabulae i. e. poeuitentiae. Hinc nata sunt votorum, religio- num, operum, satisfactionum, peregrinationum, indulgentiarum, sectarum infinita ilia onera, et de iis maria ilia librorum, quaestionum, opinionum, traditionum humanarum, quos totus mundus jam non capit, ut incomparabiliter pejus habeat Ecclesiam Dei ea tjTannis, quam unquam habuit Synagogam aut ullam nationem sub coelo. — Fol. 272, b. Baptismus neminem justificat, nee uUi prodest, sed fides in verbum promissionis, cui additur baptismus. — Fol. 273, b. Nunquam fit baptismus irritus, donee desperans redire ad salutem nolueris : aberrare quidem poteris ad tempus a signo, sed non ideo irritum est signum. Ita semel es baptisatus sacramentaliter, sed semper baptisandus fide ; sem- per moriendum, semperque vivendum. Baptismus totum corpus absorbuit, et rursus edidit : ita res baptismi totam vitam tuam cum corpore et anima absorbere debet, et reddere in novissimo die indutam stola claritatis et immortalitatis. — Hanc gloriam liber- tatis nostrae, et hanc scientiam baptismi esse hodie captivani, cui possumus referre ac- ceptum, quam uni tj-rannidi Romani Pontificis ! — Ipse solum id agit, ut suis decretis et juribus opprimat, et in potestatis suae tj'rannidem captives illaqueet. Obsecro, quo jure — Papa super nos constituit leges ? Quis dedit ei potestatem captivandae hujus nostrae libertatis per baptismum nobis donatae ? Unum, ut dixi, nobis in tota A'ita agendum est propositura, ut baptisemur i. e. mortificemur et vivamus per fidem Cbristi, quam et unice doctam oportuit, maxime a summo Pastore. At nunc, tacita fide, infini- tis legibus operum et ceremoniarum extincta est Ecclesia, ablata virtus et scientia bap- tismi, impedita fides Cbristi. Dico itaque : neque Papa, neque Episcopus, neque ullus hominum habet jus unius syllabae constituendae super Christianum hominem, nisi id fiat ejus- dem consensu: quidquid aliter fit, tjTannico spiritu fit. Ideo orationes, jejunia, donati- ones, et quaecunque tandem Papa in universis suis decretis, tam multis quam iniquis, statuit et exigit, prorsus nullo jure exigit et statuit, peccatque in libertatem Ecclesiae toties, quoties aliquid horum attentaverit. — Fol. 274, b. Unum hie addo, quod utinam cunctis queam persuadere, i. e., ut vota prorsus omnia tollerentur aut vitarentur, sive sint religionum, sive peregi'inationum, sive quorumcunque operum, maneremusque iu libertate religiosissima et operosissima baptismi. Dici non potest, quantum detrahat baptismo, et obscuret scientiam libertatis Christianae opinio ilia votorum plus nimio Celebris. Ut interim taceam infanda etiam eaque infinita pericula animarura, quae vo- vendi ista libido, inconsultaque temeritas quotidie auget. — Fol. 275. Ego sane non pro- hibuerim nee repugnaverim, si quis privatim arbitrio suo quippiam velit vovere, ne vota penitus contemnam aut damneni, sed publicum vitae genus hinc statui et confirmari, omnino dissuaserim. Fol. 275, b. Quare consulo primum magnatibus Ecclesiarum, ut omnia ista vota seu vitas votariorum toUant, vel non probent et extollant. — Nulli sua- VOL. IV. 4 50 FOURTH PERIOD,— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. deo, irao omnibus dissuadeo ingressum cujuscunque religionis aut sacerdotii, nisi sit ea scientia praemunitus, ut intelligat, opera quantumlibet sacra et ardua religiosorum et sacerdotum in oculis Dei prorsus nihil distare ab operibus rustic! in agro laborantis, aut mulieris in domo sua curantis ; sed sola fide omnia apud eum mensurari. — Ex his duos insignes errores Eomani Pontificis cognoscimus. Prior, quod dispensat in votis, facit- que id, quasi solus prae omnibus Christianis habeat auctoritatem. — Si enim votum dis- pensari potest, quilibet frater cum proximo, et ipse secum dispensare potest. — Posterior, quod rursus decernit, matrimonium dirimi, si alter altero etiam invito monasterium in- grediatur nondum consummato matrimonio. Fol. 276, b. De Sacramento poenitentiae : Primum hujus Sacramenti et capitale malum est, quod Sacramentum ipsum in totum aboleverunt, ne vestigio quidem ejus relicto. Xam cum et ipsum, sicut et alia duo, constet verbo promissionis divinae et fide nostra, utrumque subverterunt. Xam verbum promissionis, ubi Christus dicit Matth. xvi., Qaodcunque ligaveris, etc., — quibus provo- catur fides poenitentium pro remissione peccatorum impetranda, suae tyrannidi apta- verunt. Universis enim suis libris, studiis, sermonibus non hoc egerunt, ut docerent, quid Christianis in his verbis promissum esset, quid credere deberent, et quantum con- solationis haberent, sed quam late, longe, profunde ipsi potentia et violentia tj-rannisa- rent. — Xon hoc contenta Babylonia nostra fidem quoque adeo extinxit, ut impudenti fronte earn negaret necessariam esse in Sacramento isto, imo antichristica impietate de- finiret, haeresim esse, si fidem necessariam quis esse assereret. — Obliteratis itaque ac subversis, promissione et fide, videamus, quid substituerint in locum earum. Tres par- tes dederunt poenitentiae, contritionem, confessionem, satisfactionem, sed sic, ut in sin- gulis si quid boni inesset toUerent, et in eisdem quoque suam libidinem et tyrannidem constituerent. He repeats here what he had already taught in the Sermon on Indulgence and Grace (see Note 13, above), in the Resolutiones Disput. Concl. 26. 7 (Note 22), and the Sermon on the Sacrament of Penance (Note 36). Then he treats, one after another, of the other Sacraments, and shows that they are not founded on the Word of God, but are inventions of men. With regard to marriage he inveighs, fol. 280, against arbitrarj- impediments to marriage, and, fol. 281, against separation without dissolution of the marriage. Fol. 284, de Sacramento Extremae Unctionis. With regard to the principal passage in support of it, James v. 14 : Ego autem dico, si uspiam deliratum est, hoc loco praecipue deliratum est. Omitto enim, quod hanc epistolam non esse Apostoli Jacobi, nee apostolico spiritu dignam, multi valde probabiliter asserant, licet consuetudine auc- toritatem, cujuscunque sit, obtinuerit. Tamen si etiam esset Apostoli Jacobi, dicerem, non licere Apostolum sua auctoritate sacramentum instituere, i. e., divinam promissio- nem cum adjuncto signo dare. Hoc enim ad Christum solum pertinebat. — Nusquam autem legitur in Evangelio unctionis istius extremae sacramentum. Sed missa facia- mus, et ista Apostoli, sive quisque fuerit epistolae auctor, ipsa videamus verba, et simul ■\-idebimus, quam nihil ea observaverint, qui sacramenta auxerunt. — Cur faciunt ipsi extremam et singularem unctionem ex ea, quam Apostolus voluit esse generalem ? — Ab- solute dicit: si quis infirmatur, non dicit: si quis moritur. — Apostolus in hoc ungi et orari praecipit, ut iufirmus sanetur et allevietur : — illi contra dicunt, non esse dandam unctionem, nisi discessuris h. e. ut non sanentur et allevientur. — TJlterius si unctio ista sacramentum est, debet sine dubio esse, ut dicunt, eflicax signum ejus, quod signat et promittit. At sanitatem et restitutionem infirmi promittit : — quis autem non videt, hanc promissionera in paucis, imo nullis impleri ? — Quare hanc imctiouem eandem ego esse arbitror, quae Marci vi de Apostolis scribitur ; et ungebant oleo multos aegrotos, et sana- bant : ritum scilicet quendam primitivae Ecclesiae, quo miracula faciebant super infir- rais, qui jamdudum deficit. — Jacobus — promissionem sanitatis et remissionis peccatorum non tribuit unctioni, sed orationi fidei. — Prorsus non est dubium, si hodie quoque talis oratio fieret super infirmum, i. e. a senioribus, gravioribus et Sanctis viris, plena fide, sanari quotquot vellemus. Fides enim quid non posset ? — Fol. 285, b. Sunt praeterea nonuulla alia, quae inter sacramenta %ideantur censeri posse, nempe omnia Ula, quibus facta est promissio divina, qualia stmt oratio, verbum, crux. — Proprie tamen ea sacra- menta vocari visum est, quae annexis signis promissa sunt. Caetera, quia signis alligata non sunt, nuda promissa sunt. Quo fit, ut, si rigide loqui volumus, tantum duo sint in Ec CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 51 The bull of condemnation^^ against Luther, prepared in Rome, clesia Dei sacramenta, Baptismus et Panis, cum in liis solis et institutum divinitus signuni etpromissiouemreraissionispeccatorumvidearaus. Nampoeiiitentiaesacramentum, quod ego his duobus accensui, sigao visibili et divinitus instituto caret, et aliud non esse dixi, quam viam ac reditum ad baptismum. Conclusion, Fol. 286 : Auditum audio, paratas esse denuo in me bullas et diras papisticas, quibus ad revocationem urgear, aut haereticus declarer. Quae si vera sunt, liunc libellum volo partem esse revocatiouis meae futurae, ne suam tjTannidem frustra inflatam querantiu". Reliquam partem propediem editurus sum talem Christo propitio, qualeni hactenus non viderit nee audierit Romana sedes, obedi- entiam meam abunde testaturus in nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Amen. ^- Tlie bull Exurge, Domine, in Raynaldus Ami. 1520, no. 51, and elsewhere. At the end of this j'ear Hutten published it with some biting comments : thej' may be found, with the bull, in Vol. i. Jen. fol. 474 ; and in Hutten's Werke, edited by Miinch, iv. 1. Luther's works, from which 41 articles were condemned as heretical, were to be burned ; Luther and his adherents were to recant within 60 days, or else suffer according to the existing laws against heretics. Compare the letter of a Roman, of Jan., 1521, in Riede- rer's Nachrichten zur Kirchen- Gelehrten- u. Buchergeschichte, i. 179 : Scias, neminem Romae esse, si saltern sapiat, qui non certo certius sciat, et cognoscat, Martinum in plu- rimis veritatem dicere : verum boni ob tyrannidis metum dissimulant, mali vero, quia veritatem audire coguntur, insaniunt. Inde illorum oritur indignatio pariter et metus, valde enim timent, ne res latius serpat. Haec causa fuit, cur Bulla tam atrox emana- verit, multis bonis et prudentibus viris reclamantibus, qui suadebant, maturius consu- lendum, et Martino potius modestia et rationibus, quam detestationibus occiu-rendum esse. — Sed \-icit indignatio et metus: asserebant enim factionis ejusce principes, non decere Rom. Pont, unicuique vilissimo homunculo rationem reddere debere, sed potius contra pertinaces vi utendum esse, ne ceteri quoque similia auderent. Adducebant Jo. Hus et discipulum ejus Hieronymum, quorum poenam multos a simili hucusque temeri- tate deterruisse ajebant. Nisi igitur Martinus eadem via cocirceretur, procul dubio mul- tos similia ausuros. Fuere autem consilii hujus principaliores Cardinalis Cajetanus, parum Germanis favens, quia, ut ipse putabat, non tam honorifice, ut decebat, ab lis susceptus et muueratus fuisset. — Compertum igitur se habere dicebat, nisi igae et gladio Germani compescerentur, omnino jugum Rom. Ecclesiae excussuros. Accedebat Syl- vester ille Prierias, et tota Praedicatorum factio, praecipue Capnionis inimici, qui nimi- am Pontiiicis bonitatem incusabant, asserentes, si pridem Capnionis ausibus via regali obviasset, nunquam Martinum talia fuisse ausuriim, hacque occasione sententiam con- tra libellum Capnionis extorserunt, quamvis paulo ante Pontifex quosdam exhortatus fuisset, ut Talmut imprimerent, ac ideo privilegiis exornasset. — Colonienses quoque ac Lovanienses, nee non plerique alii theologi Germani clanculum quotidie causam sollici- tabant, omnimodam victoriam promittentes, uti tantum Romana signa (h, e. bullae plumbatae tenubiles) fulsissent, sed et Principes quosdam Germanos talia quoque pro- curasse dicunt. — Super omnia vero mercator ille Fuckerus, qui plurimum ob pecunias Romae potest, utpote quern numorum regem vocare sclent, Pontificem et suae factionis homines exacerbavit, non tantum invidia ductus, sed etiam de quaestu suo ac benefici- orum mercatura soUicitus, plurimorura Principum favorem Pontifici promittens, ulii vim contra Martinum intentaret, ac ejusce rei causa Eckium ilium suum Romani misit, non ineptum Curiae Rom. instrumentum, si temuleutia abesset : nam temeritate, auda- cia, mendaciis, simulatione, adulatione et caeteris vitiis Curiae aptis egregie pollet. Yeruni sola obstabat ebrietas, Italis, ut nosti, perquam odiosa, sed et banc favor et po- tentia Fucktri conciliavit, et in virtutem convertit, nee defuere, qui illi applauderent, nil magis Germanos temulentos, quam temuleutum decere legatum, asserentes, temeri- tatemque temeritate retundendam esse dicentes. Cumque coUega sibi quaereretur simi- lis, ad Aleandrum tandem deventum est, egregium profecto Oratorum par, et causae perquam conveniens, impudentiaque, temeritate et vitae flagitiis simile. Nemo enim bonus, imo nemo sanae mentis Germanae nationis tale onus suscepisset, et si qui erant, qui forsitan libenter suscepissent, timore tamen et periculi magnitudine deteiTebantur. 52 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. 15th June, 1520, appeared more like an instrument of personal hatred, since Dr. Eck was intrusted with its publication,^^ and arbitrarily extended its application to several friends of Luther mentioned by name.^* In Germany the bull was received with almost universal antipathy, in some places with open resistance.?^ Fuit impedimento sub initium Aleandro genus judaicum, sed et illud cum ebrietate Eckii compensatum fuit. — Omnes igitur nervos Pontifex cum suis intendet, ut Luthe- rum perdat, ac ejus doctrinam, tanquam Rom. Curiae, non Christianis, perniciosam ex- tinguat, et, ni fallor, in regio isto vestro conventu (Diet of Worms) nil potius, quara de Luthero, tractabitur, qui nobis plus obesse videtur, quam Turcus. Sollicitabitur igitur aetas Caesaris minis, precibus, blanditiisque fictis. Sollicitabuntur Germani laudibus majorum, muneribus et promissis. — Quod si minus haec succedent, Caesarem depone- mus, populos a subjectione debita liberabimus : alium, qui nobis placet, in locum suum eligemus, seditionem inter Germanos, quemadmodum nunc inter Hispanos, concitabi- mus ; Galium, Anglum et omnes terrae Reges ad arma convocabimus, ac nihil praeter- mittemus, quod antecessores nostri contra Caesares et Reges non infeliciter facere con- sueverunt : tantum ut voti compotes evadere valeamus, nihil pensi apud nos erit, non Christus, neque fides, pietas, honestas, probitas, dummodo tj-rannis nostra sit salva. *^ See Walch, xv., 1675. J. B. Riederer's Bej'trag zu den Reformationisurkunden betr. die Handel, welche D. Eck bej- Publication der piipstl. Bulle wider den sel. D. Luther i. J. 1520 erreget hat, aus grosstentheils ungedruckten Nachrichten berausgege- ben. Altdorf, 1762. 4 (under the new title Geschichte der durch Publ. d. papstl. Bulle wider D. M. L. i. J. 1520 erregten Unruhen. Altdorf u. Niirnberg, 1776. 4). Supple- mentary matter may be found in Riederer's Nachrichten, i. 167, 318, 438, ii., 54, 179, 321. On the haughtiness of Eck's demeanor see — Erasmi Responsio Nervosa ad Albert- um Pium, ann. 1529, in v. d. Hardt, Hist. Lit. Reform, i. 169 : Plus invidiae conflavit pontificio nomini Cajetani libellus, nimis officiose scriptus, quam Lutheri convicia. Nee parum offecit ejus opinion! 6nrX(afxaTo